Class ___ ^^ 
 Book__ 
 
il 
 
 i 
 
PORTRAIT OF COLUMBUS. 
 (Presented to City of Genoa by City of Venice in 1867.) 
 
AMERICA, 
 
 From Discovery in 1492 
 
 TO 
 
 The Present Time. 
 
 A COMPREHENSIVE VIEW 
 
 Unveiling of the Continent ; Taking of Titles ; Granting of 
 
 CiiAKTERS ; Founding of Colonies ; Extension of Terki- 
 
 TOKY ; National Independence ; Constitutional 
 
 Existence ; Admission of States ; 
 
 Plan of Federal Government; 
 
 Executive, Legislative and Judicial Departments ; Bureaus, 
 
 Branches and Functions ; Growth and Extent of 
 
 Navy, Commerce, Manufacture, Agriculture, 
 
 Mechanics, Science, Art, Education, 
 
 Eeligion and Population ; 
 
 The National Administrations; 
 
 Electoral Votes ; Cabinets ; Party Platforms ; Wars 
 
 AND Conquests ; Home and Foreign Polictes ; 
 
 Congresses and Leading Measures ; Political 
 
 AND Industrial Situations. 
 
 BY JAMES P. BOYD, A. M., 
 
 Author op " Military and Civil Life of General Grant," -'Wonders of the 
 
 Heavens, Earth and Ocean," " Life of General Sherman," "Life 
 
 OF General Sheridan," '■ Recent Indian Wars," 
 
 "Story of the Crusades," etc. 
 
 ESTILL & CO., 
 
 MANSFIELD, OHIO. 
 
40349 
 
 Copyrighted, 1894, 
 by 
 % Jas. p. Boyd, A. M. 
 
 
INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 HERE a theme is so tempting as the unveihng of a con- 
 tinent, the planting of a mighty nation and the perma- 
 nent estabhshment of free institutions, it is difficult to 
 write a histor)' without tedious details. The plan of the 
 present volume embraces a sacrifice of non-essential 
 details to essential facts, and a grouping of those facts so as to 
 afford a pleasing and comprehensive view of the finding of 
 America, the peopling of the land, and that marvelous march 
 of civilization which culminated in our own national extent, 
 strength, wealth, freedom and grandeur. 
 
 If, as has been wisely said, " History is philosophy teaching 
 by example," then this nation is the source and scene of a phi- 
 losophy more variegated and profound than any ever before 
 taught or learaed, for no history is at once so rapidly eventful 
 and vividly im[:)ressive. Its teeming examples stand out in bold 
 and startling contrast with those furnished by any other nation,, 
 or, indeed, by all other nations. No single mind, no score of 
 volumes, can grasp and contain them all; and yet, in the con- 
 ception and preparation of this work, we have dared to indulge 
 the full belief that satisfaction could be rendered to both student 
 and general reader by following the historic lines as laid down 
 in the book, and by judiciously using those facts and events 
 which constitute our highest examples, set forth in most faithful 
 relief our material, political and moral achievements, and enter 
 most fully as corner-stones, strengthening beams and supporting 
 pillars into the majestic architecture of our American institutions. 
 After the Crusades there was a turn in the thought, religion 
 and ambition of Europe, and a thrill all along her business 
 nerves, which impelled to ocean enterprise and made discovery 
 desirable and possible. These led to that drama of adventure 
 whose hero was Columbus, whose revelation was a new Conti- 
 nent. Our work outlines this stupendous drama, lifts the veil 
 from an unknown world, and introduces us to that even more 
 
 (iii) 
 
iv INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 wonderful and thrilling story of American adventure, ambitious 
 struggles for conquest and possession, jealous divisions of ter- 
 ritory among rival nations, colonial occupancy by means of royal 
 grants and charters, and then that mighty westward surge of 
 pioneers, conquerors and settlers which stamped the image of 
 Europe on the shores of the trans-Atlantic West. 
 
 Now order and strength spring out of chaos and weakness. 
 Colonies take firm root and begin to throw out stalwart branches 
 and exuberant foliage. Soil, climate, opportunity, awaken 
 industry, induce thrift, breed a broad spirit of independence. 
 The helpless adventurer of Plymouth, Jamestown and Raleigh is 
 transformed, in less than a hundred years, into a sturdy, self- 
 reliant citizen of a community aglow with the thought of free- 
 dom, imbued with modern notions of political rights, pervaded 
 by a new confidence in the sovereignty of humanity. 
 
 Then opens the most vivid and inspiring act of the magnificent 
 drama. The effete old became jealous of the vigorous and con- 
 fident new. Age envied youth, royalty revolted at democracy, 
 tyranny gnashed its teeth at freedom. The crushing process 
 began by kingly edict and parliamentary enactment. But 
 oppression proved to be as a fan to embers. The entire coasts 
 of the Atlantic burst forth spontaneously into liberty's bon-fire, 
 and amid the light of its blaze that grand and inspiring march 
 was made toward the Declaration of Independence, the glorious 
 triumphs of the American Revolution, and the bold experiment 
 of organic Confederation. 
 
 The reader is now prepared for those other acts, ever rising 
 in majesty and increasing in interest, which introduce the steps 
 toward, and the events which culminated in, a National Consti- 
 tution, a Union of full-fledged States, a Government of, by and 
 for the people, woven by law, pledged by patriotism, strong for 
 self-protection and conquest, replete with the possibilities of 
 sustained progress and elevated civilization. 
 
 Then the proud " Empire of the West" lengthens its arms till 
 they embrace the shores of near and further ocean, upper lake 
 and lower gulf. The fabric within expands by added States. 
 There are large purchases of domain and wars for conquest. 
 Grave questions of State admissions rise and lower. The din of 
 parties and the jar of measures are heard and felt in all the 
 borders. All these make graphic reading and delightful study. 
 But neither the reading nor study would be complete without 
 the great primitive charters of national faith, which are given — 
 The Declaration, The Articles of Confederation, The Constitu- 
 tion, Washington's Farewell ; nor yet without that full mapping 
 
INTRODUCTORY. V 
 
 of the Federal plan of Government found in the volume, wherein 
 is shown and explained those vast primary divisions — Executive, 
 Legislative and Judicial — and all their varied Departments, 
 Bureaus and subdivisions, with their organization, officers and 
 functions. 
 
 With fidelity to plan, the drama introduces the material side 
 of our national history, and narrates in brief a growth and 
 development unparalleled among the peoples of earth. Here all 
 is marvel and surprise. No national reckoning begins to com- 
 pare with it in rapidity of progress and splendor of results. 
 Yesterday nothing, to-day a crowded nation ; yesterday chaos, 
 to-day majestic government; yesterday poor, to-day opulent 
 beyond every economic dream. What story more invigorating 
 and sublime than that which tells of our pleasant lines of home 
 life, our goodly climate, gracious soil, wealth of vegetation, 
 pouring rivers, majestic population, variety of callings, mineral 
 riches, singing mills, groaning ships, lightning railroads, speak- 
 ing telegraphs and telephones, numberless schools, diffusive 
 libraries and saving churches ! 
 
 Passing to the public men and important measures that have 
 shaped nationality, assured stability and invigorated progress, 
 the plan of the book embraces a succinct history of the policy, 
 achievements and results of every National Administration from 
 Washington to the present. We cannot truly know what we 
 were and are without these striking chapters on political growth, 
 containing, as they do, the essential steps toward that perfec- 
 tion of institution enjoyed to-day by the Great Republic. 
 
 With the hope that the plan of the book may be found accept- 
 able and its elaboration in the writing of the work faithful, and 
 with thanks to the publishers for the very expensive and highly 
 artistic way they have illustrated, printed and bound the volume, 
 it is now offered to the reading public by the 
 
 Author. 
 
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 {From I\ [urine Alitseian^ J^Iadr'n/.^ 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 COLUMBUS AND DISCOVERY. 
 
 Pointers toward the West— Story of the Polos— Henry the Navigator— Isles oi 
 the Atlantic— Search for the East— Earth shapes— Superstitions of the day 
 —Trying to round Cape of Good Hope— Birth of Columbus— The weaver's 
 career— The quays of Genoa— A round, round world— Columbus in Portu- 
 gal—Asking favor of Spain— Battles before the court— The first voyage- 
 Mutinies and adventures— Land ahead— Hispaniola and triumph— A sec- 
 ond vuyao-e— More islands— Natives and gold-Cuba coasted— Troubles 
 at Hispaniola— A third voyage— Pearls and a continent— Rebellious col- 
 onists—Columbus in chains— A fourth voyage— Skirting Central America- 
 Hurricanes and mutinies— The eclipse and canoe voyage— Battles with 
 rebels— Return to Spain— Sickness and death— Burial-place of the great 
 navigator — Character and works — Results to civilization ^7-°3 
 
 CHARTERS AND COLONIES. 
 
 ScizintT the new continent— European titles— England's ambition— First royal 
 patent— French and Spanish claims— Rivalry and greed of the old nations- 
 Raleigh and the Huguenots— The first Colonial Charter— English foothold 
 at Janlestown— Tiie Virginia settlers and government — Tobacco, cotton and 
 slaves— Lord Baltimore and Maryland— Council of Plymouth -First Puri- 
 tan, or Pilgrim, advent— Second Puritan advent— Massachusetts on the 
 map— Ro"e^ Williams and Rhode Island— Birth of Connecticut— Ctmfed- 
 eracy of New England— Freaks of King Charles II.— Surge of immigration 
 
 Great colonial growth — Dawn of North Carolina— South Carolina and 
 
 Locke's famous Constitution— The realm of the Dutch— Swedish advent on 
 the Delaware— Georgia the asylum of Oglethorpe— How the English revo- 
 lution of 1688 affected the American colonies— Outlines of the old thirteen 
 States— French empire in Canada— France west of the Alleghenies— Eng- 
 land wins the Mississippi— Struggle for the great valley— French advan- 
 tages—England's poverty 65-124 
 
 THE MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 Greed and tyranny of Great 15iitain— Desperate policy of Parliament— Odious 
 taxation of colonies— Great colonial protest— A Congress of colonists — The 
 First American party— The English Tea Act— Another protest and Con- 
 gress—Colonial union and further Congresses— Sentiment of resistance — 
 The Declaration of Independence— War of tl e Revolution— Battles from 
 beginning to close— Victory at Yorktown— Peace of 1783— Congresses 
 during the Revolution — Government of the Revolution — Union under the 
 Confederation— Starting-point of a new era 124-169 
 
 ACQUIRING THE PUBLIC DOMAIN. 
 
 Fixing State boundaries— Gifts by the States— Cessions to the Government— 
 Outhning new territories— Buying Louisiana— Wonderful stride toward the 
 Pacific— Value of the purchase— Control of the Mississippi— Spain yields 
 
 (7) 
 
8 CONTENTS. • 
 
 Florida — The Gulf boundaries — Boundary in the Northwest — England's 
 stubborn attitude — The Oregon trouble and treaty — The Republic of Texas 
 — Battle for independence — Under the wing of American Union — Mexican 
 protest — War with Mexico — Treaty of Hidalgo Guadaloupe and Mexican 
 cession of territory — The Gadsden purchase — Acquisition of Alaska — A 
 solid stretch — Lake to gulf, ocean to ocean — Summary of cessions, pur- 
 chases and acquisitions — Entire areas 169-175 
 
 INDEPENDENCE TO PERFECT UNION. 
 
 The passing of the Colonies — The budding States — Tumults of the Revolution 
 — Congresses and legislation of the war — How the Confederation came — The 
 crude articles — Their merits and defects — The great seal of the Union — A 
 nationil flag and its origin — Dawn of a Constitution — Its framing and adop- 
 tion — Organization of a new government — The wheels in motion — Brave 
 sentiments of the fathers — The old Thirteen States — State adjustments of 
 lines and territory — Cessions and concessions — Ready for the new States — 
 Reasons for their admission — Order of admission — Territorial history of each 
 — Enabling acts and dates of admission of each — Secession of States — Re- 
 admission and restoration — Organization of the Territories — Tlie completed 
 political structure — Union one and indivisible — Seals of the States 177-213 
 
 CHARTER PAPERS OF THE REPUBLIC. 
 
 Declaration of Independence — Full text of the ducument — Fac-simile auto- 
 graphs of all tlie signers. 
 
 Articles of Confederation — Full text of the Articles — Resolution of the Con- 
 tinental Congress respecting them. 
 
 Constitution of the United States — Full text of the instrument — All the 
 amendments — Dates when proposed and adopted— Resolution of the conven- 
 tion — Washington's address to the Congress. 
 
 Washington's Farewell Address — Full text of the immortal production — 
 Eloquent dying exhortations to the people 215-249 
 
 PLAN OF AMERICAN GOVERNMENT — THE GREAT 
 BRANCHES AND DEPARTMENTS— DESCRIPTION OF EN- 
 TIRE GOVERNMENT MACHINERY. 
 
 The three great branches of government — Legislative Branch — Congress, its 
 divisions, and how formed — The Senate, its nature, powers and duties — 
 Election of Senators — Senate machinery — House of Representatives — Elec- 
 tion of member* of Congress — Their number and manner of apportionment 
 — Organizatioh of the House — Territorial delegates— House machinery — The 
 way laws are made — Congressional library — Public printing-ofifices 251-265 
 
 Executive Department — President-making — Presidential electors — The Elec- 
 toral College — Choosing of electors — President's duties and powers — His 
 Cabinet — How chosen, with a history of its growth — The Vice-President, 
 his powers and duties 265-272 
 
 Department of State — Its history, nature and duties — Machinery of the De- 
 partment — The diplomatic service — Ministers plenipotentiary — Ministers 
 resident — Charge d' Affaires and Secretaries of Legation — Consular service — 
 All the Secretaries of State, with date of their appointment 272-279 
 
 Treasury Department — Creative acts — Secretary of Treasury, his powers and 
 duties — Machinery of the department — All the divisions and bureaus — 
 Officers of each and their duties — The Customs Service — Internal Revenue 
 Service — National banks — National debt and bonds — The national credit — 
 Losses of the Treasury Department under the respective administrations — 
 All the Secretaries of the Treasury, with the dates of their appointment.. 279-28^ 
 
CONTENTS. 9 
 
 The War Department — History of the Department— Powers and duties of 
 the Secretary — Machinery of the Department, its sub-departments, bureaus 
 and divisions— Signal-office and Weather Bureau— All the Secretaries of 
 War, with dates of their appointment — The United States Army, its organi- 
 zation, size and discipline— Military Academy, its studies, officers and 
 students 289-296 
 
 The Navy Department — History of its organization — Powers and duties of 
 the Secretary of Navy — The Bureaus and sub-divisions of the Department — 
 The Naval Academy, its studies, officers and students — United States Navy, 
 organization and discipline — The new Navy — Number and classification of 
 ships— Draught, size, and armor — Rank of new navy — Illustrations of Battle- 
 ships — Marine Corps — All the Secretaries of Navy, with dates of appoint- 
 ment 293-327 
 
 Interior Department — History of its organization — Powers and duties of the 
 Secretary of Interior — The Land Office and public land system — Pension 
 Office, with history of pension system — Indian Affairs, and our dealings with 
 the natives— The Patent Office— Census Office, with method of taking censuses 
 — Bureau of Education— All the Secretaries of the Interior, with dates of 
 their appointment 2i'^l~Z37 
 
 Post-office Department — History of its organization, and of the various 
 postal systems— Powers and duties of Postmaster-General— Machinery of the 
 Department— Modern features of our postal system— All the Postmasters- 
 General, with dates of appointment 337-340 
 
 Department of Justice— History of the Department — Powers and duties of 
 the Attorneys-General — All the Attorneys-General, with dates of appoint- 
 ment 340-341 
 
 Department of Agriculture — Creative act — Powers and duties of Secretary 
 of Agriculture 341-342 
 
 Judicial Department— The third co-ordinate branch of government ; its im- 
 portance in the political system — Uses and powers of the Judiciary— Its 
 machinery and methods of' working — The Supreme Court of the United 
 States — How officered and worked— All the Judges, with dates of iappoint- 
 ment and terms of service— The Circuit Courts — Their officers and the 
 Circuit Districts— The District Courts, their organization, powers and duties 
 — National Court of Claims— District Attorneys, Marshals and Juries- 
 Admiralty and Maritime Courts 342-35^ 
 
 Government of the Territories — How Federal power passes into them — 
 Government of the District of Colimibia 351-354 
 
 TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 
 Boundless Energy of Americans — From poverty to wealth — Comparison 
 with other countries — Magnitude of resources — Causes of development — 
 Free institutions — Origin of the people — Mingling of races— Advantage of 
 topography— Effect of mountain systems — Rivers for power and commerce 
 — Lake and gulf waterways — Advantages of soil, climate and vegetation — 
 Intellectual development — Libraries, schools, colleges and universities — 
 Moral devel.)pment — Churches and denominations — Wealth of precious 
 metals— Exhiustless store of useful metals — Marvellous growth of mining 
 industries — Resources of forest— Position as a manufacturing nation — The 
 different manufactures — Wonderful outcrop'of genius and skill — Unparalleled 
 advance in mechanic arts — Commercial career — A nation of carriers — Ease 
 and comfort of transit — Railroad facilities and comforts — Annihilation of 
 distances — Telegraphs and Telephones — Applications of Electricity — Start- 
 ling inventions — American architecture — Ideal homes — Agricultural develop- 
 ment — A teeming land — Varieties of soil products — Yields and values — 
 The workman's table— Food for foreigners— Triumphs of industry, institution 
 and manhood privileges 355~3''2 
 
10 CONTENTS. • 
 
 SOVEREIGNTY AND CITIZENSHIP. 
 
 Various forms of government — Nature of Democracy — What a Republic 
 is — What a Commonwealth — History of popular sovereignty — The stamp of 
 citizenship — Duty of the American citizen — Wliat the State asks — How to 
 qualify for citizenship — School-house of the political campaign — Higher 
 school of history and politics — Highest school of true qualification 383~395 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Parties in General — Uses of Parties — First Parties — Parties of the Revolution 
 — Of the Confederation — Of the Constitution — Parties of the new govern- 
 ment — Federal and Anti-Federal 397-403 
 
 Washington's First Administration — The vote, the Cabinet, and tlie Con- 
 gresses — The Constitutional Amendments — Commerce and the Tariff — 
 Hamilton's policy — The First National Bank — The Whisky Rebellion — 
 Political conditions — Second Presidential election — Rise of the Republican 
 party 403-412 
 
 Second Administration — The vote, Cabinet and Congresses — Policy of the 
 new Administration — Trouble with France — Antagonism of England — The 
 first foreign policy — Fierce party contests in Congress — Eleventh Ameniiment 
 to the Constitution — Amended Tariff Act — Republican attack on the Adminis- 
 tration — Conflict between the House and President over Jay's treaty — Wash- 
 ington's farewell address — Election of 1796 412-422 
 
 Adams' Administration — The vote, Cabinet and Congresses — Policy of the 
 Administration — Armed neutrality — Envoys to France — Alien and Sedition 
 laws — Naturalization law — Federal and Republican policies — Kentucky and 
 Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and 1799 — Election of 1800 — First political 
 platform — Disputed election — Transfer of the Capitol to Washington. . .422-432 
 
 Jefferson's Administrations — Votes, Cabinets and the Congresses — The great 
 political revolution — Nature of the new power — Removals from office — Pur- 
 chase of Louisiana — First articles of impeachment — Election of 1804 — The 
 political situation — Burr's trial — Internal improvements — Party measures — 
 Embargo act — Election of 1808 — Character of the campaign 432-446 
 
 Madison's Administrations — Votes, Cabinets, and the Congresses — The 
 Political Situation — P'ailure to re-charter a National Bank — Declaration of 
 War — Tariff of 1812 — Election of 1812 — The Clinton platform — Altitude of 
 States and Parties — The war and the treaty of Ghent — Events of the war of 
 1812 — Bnttles by sea and land — Political results — Hartford Convention — 
 Death of the Federal party — A new National Bank — Election of 1816.. 446-467 
 
 Monroe's Administrations — The votes, the Cabinets, the Congresses — The 
 inaugural — Era of good feeling — Policy of the President — Jackson's invasion 
 of Florida — Purchase of Florida — Beginning of the slavery agitation — Mis- 
 souri Compromise — Election of 1820 — The Monroe Doctrine — Clay's "Amer- 
 ican System" — Financial distress — Tariff of 1824 — Disputed election of 
 1824 — Disruption of the Republican party 468-481 
 
 John Q. Adams' Administration — The vote. Cabinet and Congresses — The 
 National Republican (Whig) party — Democratic party — First Convention of 
 Protectionists — Restatement of the " Monroe doctrine " — Tariff act of 1828 
 —Election of 1828 481-487 
 
 Jackson's Administrations — The Votes, Cabinets and Congresses — Jackson's 
 policy — Victor and spoils — Anti-Masonic party — The pocket veto — Webster's 
 and Hayne's debate — Tariff of 1832-33 — Election of 1832 — Party platforms 
 — Nullification — Death of the National Bank — Surplus revenue — Panic of 
 1837 — First nominating conventions — Election of 1836 — Anti-slavery 
 party 487-508 
 
CONTENTS. 11 
 
 Van Buren's Administration — Vote, Cabinet and Congresses — The Presi- 
 dent's policy — Independent Treasury act — Slavery agitation — Election of 
 1840 and Whig success — Party platforms 508-513 
 
 Harrison's and Tyler's Administration — Vote, Cabinet and Congresses — 
 Harrison's death — Tyler deserts the Whigs — Clay's retirement — Tariff of 
 1842 — Texas and the Slavery question — Election of 1844 — 54° 40^ or fight 
 — The platforms and issues 514-522 
 
 Polk's Administration — Vote, Cabinet and Congresses — The message — Mexi- 
 can War — Events of the war — Taylor's victories — Scott's march to Mexico 
 — Battles on the way — Conquest of Mexico^First nppeaiance of the Ameri- 
 can party — ^Wilmot Proviso — Ort-gon Boundary — Tariff of 1846 — Treaty of 
 Guadaloupe- Hidalgo — Calhoun threatens secession — The Oregon bill — 
 Election of 184S — Platforms and nominees — Free Soil Democrats 523-537 
 
 Taylor's Administration — Vote, Cabinet and Congicsses — Calhoun's new 
 doctrine — Compromise of 1850 — Taylor's death — The political situation — 
 Popular sovereignty — Election of 1852 — The parties and platforms — Nebraska 
 bill 537-544 
 
 Pierce's Administration — Vote, Cabinet and Congresses — Political situation 
 — Kansas and Nebraska bill — Native American Party — Line of 36° 30'— 
 Kansas trouble — Election of i8^6 — Rise of the Republican party — Tariff of 
 1857— Panic of 1857 ■ 545-555 
 
 Buchanan's Administration — Voie, Cabinet and Congresses — Political situa- 
 tion — Dred Scott Decision — Squatter sovereignty and slavery — John Brown 
 raid — The Lecompton Constitution — Covode inquiry — Election of i860 — 
 Conventions and platforms — Division in the Democratic party — Efforts at 
 Compromise — The secession movement 555~567 
 
 Linocln's Administrations — Political situation — Secession and War — War 
 legislation in the Congresses — Tariff of 1S61 — The attitude of parties — The 
 Greenback system — Abolition of Slavery — Election of 1864 — Parlies and 
 platforms — Events of the Civil War — Campaigns and battles — Victories and 
 defeats — P'inal surrender — Peace and Assassination — Reconstruction under 
 Johnson — Opposition to his policy, and impeachment — Election of 1868 — 
 Parties and platforms 567-632 
 
 Grant's Administrations— Vote, Cabinet and Congresses — Difficult recon- 
 struction — The political situation — Legal tenders— Election of 1872 — Liberal 
 Republican party — Conventions and platforms — Tariff of 1874 — Ivesumplion 
 act — Dawn of civil service reform — Civil rights bill — Election of 1876 — 
 The parties and their platforms — The disputed result 632-654 
 
 Hayes' Administration — Political situation — Silver coinage — Civil service 
 reform — Chinese bill — Election of 18S0 — Parties and platforms 655-666 
 
 Garfield's and Arthur's Administration — Vote, Cabinet and Congresses — 
 Garfield's assassination — Arthur's Cabinet — Tariff of 1883 — New postal law 
 — Reduction of internal revenue — Civil service reform bill — The civil service 
 commission — Message to 48th Congress — Measures of 4Sth Congress — " Hor- 
 izontal reduction " of tariff — The Blair educational bill — Party conventions 
 — Party candidates — Platforms of all parties — The campaign — Election of 
 1884 — The political revolution — Retiracy of President Arthur 666-681 
 
 Cleveland's First Administration — The electoral count — Popular vote — Offi- 
 cers of the Cabinet — President's inaugural — The political situation — Death of 
 Vice-President Hendricks — First session of 49th Congress — I'he President's 
 Message — The protection element in the Democratic party — Strength of 
 parties in the Congress — Election of Mr. Carlisle as Speaker — Controversy 
 between the President and Senate — The Morrison tariff bill — End of the 
 session — 49th Congress, 2d session — The President's message — The political 
 outlook — A short and confused session — Revenue reduction — Enmity toward 
 
12 CONTENTS: 
 
 the tariff — The anti-polygamy bill — Inter-state commerce — Trade Dollars — 
 Pensions to Mexican soldiers — End of the Congress — 50th Congress, 1st 
 session — The President's short and special message — Its free trade views — 
 The Treasury surplus — Joy of the President's friends — Criticism of the Pro- 
 tectionists — A square issue — The amended Cabinet — The Fishery Question — 
 The amount of Treasury surplus— The political outlook 682-708 
 
 Harrison's Administration — The electoral count— Popular vote — The new 
 cabinet— Political situation — President's inaugural — First Session 51st Con- 
 gress — President's message — Strength of parties — The " Working Congress " 
 — Election of Speaker — Passage of McKinley Tariff Act — Reciprocity — 
 Sherman Silver Bill — Number of national measures — End of session — 
 Elections of 1890 — Political revolution — 51st Congress, 2d session — Presi- 
 dent's message — View of Legislation — Large appropriations — The " Billion 
 Dollar" Congress — End of 51st Congress — The Samoan trouble — Compli- 
 cations with Italy — The Behiing Sea Question — Threatened war with Chili — 
 52d Congress, 1st session — President's message — Status of parties — Election 
 of Speaker — Questions involved — Opposition to tariff — Plan of opposition — 
 " Pop-gun " repealing bills — Dominant party defeats itself on free silver 
 question — General character of legislation — Appropriations in excess of the 
 " Billion Dollar" Congress — Campaign of 1892 — Conventions and platforms 
 — Nominations and character of campaign — Results of the election — 52d 
 Congress, 2d session — The President's message 710-737 
 
 Cleveland's Second Administration — Congresses and sessions — The elec- 
 toral count — Popular vote — The Cabinet — Review of the political situation 
 — President's inaugural — ^Extra session of Senate — The Columbian Exposi- 
 tion — Crisis of 1893 — ^'^^ extra session of 53d Congress — President's mes- 
 sage — Repeal of Sherman law — Elections of 1893 — First regular session of 
 53d Congress — President's message — Wilson tariff bill — Repeal of election 
 laws — The income tax — Coining the Seigniorage — Treasury deficit — The 
 Hawaiian policy — Issue of bonds — Difficulty with appointments 737~7S*' 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 THE 
 
 [IS 
 
 CHAINS REMOVED EXCEPT BY 
 
 PORTRAIT OF COLUMBUS {^froiit Genoa) 
 
 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS [from Madrid) 
 
 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS \from an old painting) 
 
 SPANISH SUPERSTITION REGARDING THE END OF 
 
 COLUMBUS AS A BOY 
 
 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS [an ideal conception) 
 
 ARMOR OF COLUMBUS 
 
 COLUMBUS AND THE EGG .... 
 
 THE QUEEN MOVED TO TEARS BY THE RECITAL OF 
 
 SPANISH CARAVEL OF TIME OF COLUMBUS . 
 
 DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS FROM PALOS 
 
 COLUMBUS NOTICES VARIATION OF NEEDLE 
 
 FIRST SIGHT OF LAND 
 
 LANDING OF COLUMBUS 
 
 FLE ki D'OR ON BOARD THE SANTA MARIA 
 
 COLUilBjS QUELLING THE MUTINY 
 
 COLUMBUS STRIKES THE JEW 
 
 COLUMBUS REFUSES TO HAVE H 
 
 THE KI?!G 
 DEATH OF COLUMBUS . 
 HOUSE WHERE COLUMBUS DIED 
 PIONEER DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS 
 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE IN CENTRAL AMERICA 
 SIR WALTER RALEIGH AND GEN. OGLETHORPE 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH . . . .' 
 
 BUILDING FIRST HOUSE AT JAMESTOWN 
 POCAHONTAS RESCUING CAPT. SMITH . 
 CHARLES I. OF ENGLAND 
 PLYMOUTH ROCK .... 
 
 JOHN WINTHROP AND JOHN ENDICOTT 
 OLIVER CROMWELL .... 
 
 GUSTAVUS I. OF SWEDEN 
 PENN'S TREATY WITH THE INDIANS . 
 FIRST SETTLEMENT OF NEW YORK 
 PETER STUYVESANT .... 
 
 EXPLORERS AND FIRST SETTLERS 
 SAMUEL ADAMS AND ALEXANDER HAMILTON 
 PATKICK HENRY AND GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE 
 COLONISTS MEETING UNDER LIBERTY TREE 
 DESTRUCTION OF TEA IN BOSTON HARBOR 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON AND BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 
 carpenter's hall AND HOUSE IN WHICH TH 
 
 PENDENCE WAS WRITTEN 
 
 INDEPENDENCE HALL 
 
 ISRAEL PUTNAM AND FRANCIS MARION 
 WASHINGTON CROSSING THE DELAWARE 
 ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN THE SERAPIS AND BONHOMME 
 BENEDICT ARNOLD AND MAJOR ANDRE 
 MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE AND NATHANIEL GREENE 
 ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY IN THE UNITED STATES 
 WASHINGTON'S RECEPTION AT TRENTON 
 
 THE WRONGS OF 
 
 Frontispiece. 
 
 DECLARATION 
 
 ORDER OF 
 
 PAGB 
 
 6 
 i6 
 
 19 
 21 
 
 23 
 26 
 27 
 29 
 31 
 33 
 35 
 37 
 39 
 41 
 45 
 49 
 
 55 
 59 
 61 
 
 64 
 70 
 73 
 75 
 77 
 81 
 
 85 
 91 
 93 
 99 
 
 105 
 107 
 109 
 III 
 
 "3 
 127 
 129 
 135 
 137 
 141 
 
 143 
 '47 
 153 
 •55 
 159 
 161 
 
 163 
 
 •73 
 176 
 
 (13) 
 
14 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 COATS OF ARMS FOR EVERY STATE IN THE UNION .... 20y-2I3 
 
 SIGNING DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 214 
 
 CAPITOL AT WASHINGTON 25O 
 
 COLUMBUS DOOR IN THE CAPITOL 252 
 
 THE U. S. SENATE CHAMBER 255 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 259 
 
 WASHINGTON DOOR IN THE CAPITOL 263 
 
 WHITE HOUSE — NORTHERN VIEW 267 
 
 STATE, NAVY AND WAR DEPARTMENT 273 
 
 THE U. S. TREASURY 279 
 
 VIEWS AT MILITARY ACADEMY, WEST POINT 297 
 
 U. S. CRUISER BOSTON 305 
 
 U. S. CRUISER ATLANTA 307 
 
 U. S. DESPATCH BOAT DOLPHIN, AND U. S. MONITOR MIANTONOMOH . . 309 
 
 U. S. CRUISER PHILADELPHIA 3I3 
 
 U. S. GUNBOAT PETREL . . -315 
 
 U. S. PACIFIC CRUISER VESUVIUS, AND U. S. TORPEDO BOAT CUSHING , 317 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR AND PENSION OFFICE . , . . 329. 
 
 THE PATENT OFFICE 335 
 
 JOHN MARSHALL AND ROGER B. TANEY . 345 
 
 JUDGE JOSEPH STORY IN JUDICIAL ROBE 349' 
 
 THE WASHINGTON MONUMENT 353 
 
 AMERICAN PRODUCTS AND INDUSTRIES 361 
 
 A HARVEST 50 YEARS AGO 367 
 
 COTTON INDUSTRIES OF THE U. S 369 
 
 ROBERT FULTON AND SAMUEL F. B. MORSE 373 
 
 CENTRAL PACIFIC RAILROAD IN THE SIERRA NEVADAS .... 375 
 
 POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY — A CAMPAIGN SPEECH 382 
 
 WASHINGTON'S INAUGURATION 396 
 
 PRESIDENTS FROM I789 TO 1817 4O5 
 
 RESIDENCE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON AT MT. VERNON .... 413 
 
 JOHN ADAMS AND THOMAS JEFFERSON 43 1 
 
 MONTICELLO, THE HOME OF JEFFERSON 439 
 
 DUEL BETWEEN BURR AND HAMILTON 443 
 
 CAPTURE OF THE GUERRIERE BY THE CONSTITUTION .... 455 
 
 THE WASP BOARDING THE FROLIC 457 
 
 MCDONOUGH'S VICTORY ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN 459 
 
 CAPTURE OF CYANE AND LEVANT BY THE CONSTITUTION .... 461 
 
 PERRY'S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE 463 
 
 PRESIDENTS FROM 1817 TO 184I 469 
 
 HENRY CLAY ADDRESSING THE U. S. SENATE 475 
 
 JOHN C. CALHOUN AND ANDREW JACKSON 489 
 
 WEBSTER REPLYING TO HAYNE 497 
 
 HENRY CLAY AND DANIEL WEBSTER 5OI 
 
 THE U. S. STATES BANK AT PHILADELPHIA 505 
 
 CUSHING, FRELINGHUYSEN, GARRISON AND BENTON 521 
 
 PRESIDENTS FROM 184I TO 1 853 525 
 
 GENERALS WINFIELD SCOTT AND ZACHARY TAYLOR 529 
 
 CASS, STEVENS, ADAMS AND PHILLIPS . . 535 
 
 HALE, FREMONT, MARCY AND WALKER 553 
 
 PRESIDENTS FROM 1 853 TO 1 869 569 
 
 CHARLES SUMNER AND SALMON P. CHASE 571 
 
 HOME OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN AT SPRINGFIELD 573 
 
 HAMLIN, CR'TTENDEN, CAMERON AND DOUGLAS 375 
 
 ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS AND JEFFERSON DAVIS 577 
 
 STONEWALL JACKSON AND ROBERT E. LEE 579 
 
 GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN AND ADMIRAL D. G. FARRAGUT . . . 581 
 
 COMMODORE FOOTE AND MAJOR ANDERSON 583 
 
 IRONCLAD RIVER GUNBOAT 585 
 
 GRANT COMMISSIONED AS LIEUTENANT-aENERAL 587 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 15 
 
 MERRIMAC, IN 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN AND WM. H. SEWARD 
 
 CAVALRY COLUMN ON THE MARCH 
 
 A CAVALRY BIVOUAC .... 
 
 A NIGHT ATTACK . . . . ' 
 
 ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN THE MONITOR AND 
 
 BATTLE OF SHILOH . . . . " . 
 
 NEW ORLEANS — FLEET PASSING FORTS JACKSON 
 
 ON TO RICHMOND 
 
 FLAG OF TRUCE AT FORT DONELSON . ' . 
 
 BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG .... 
 
 BATTLE OF MISSIONARY RIDGE . 
 
 GRANT AND SIIEKMAN .... 
 
 GRANT AND MEADE AT THE WILDERNESS . 
 
 BATTLE OF LOOKOUT MOUNTAIN 
 
 SINKING OF THE ALABAMA BY THE KEARSARGE, 
 
 SHERIDAN'S RIDE. 
 
 CAVALRY CHARGE AT BOONEVILLE : 
 
 EARLY'S SURPRISE OF GENERAL CROOK AT CEDAR CREEK 
 
 lee's SURRENDER ..... 
 
 HOUSE IN WHICH GENERAL LEE SURRENDERED 
 
 STANTON, EVERETT, COLFAX AND BOUTWELL 
 
 WILSON, SCHURZ, FISH AND WASHBURNE 
 
 TILDEN, DAVIS, HENDRICKS AND MORTON . 
 
 PRESIDENTS FROM 1869 TO 1 884 
 
 JOHN SHERMAN 
 
 HAWLEY, EVARTS, PENDLETON AND VOORHEES 
 HANCOCK, MORRISON AND CONKLING . 
 BLAINE, LOGAN, LINCOLN AND COX 
 SICKNESS OF GARFIELD .... 
 
 F. T. FRELINGHUYSEN AND CHARLES J. FOLGER 
 
 GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 BAYARD, LAMAR, GARLAND AND VILAS 
 EDMUNDS, RANDALL, CARLISLE AND INGALLS 
 WAITE, FULLER, MCDONALD AND DICKINSON 
 GORMAN, WHITNEY, FAIRCHILD AND ENDICOTT 
 KELLEY, MORRILL, REED AND MILLS . 
 DAVID B. HILL AND ALLEN G. THURMAN 
 GENERAL PHILIP H. SHERIDAN 
 WM. B. ALLISON AND WALTER Q. GRESHAM 
 BENJAMIN HARRISON AND LEVI P. MORTON 
 CHARLES FOSTER, WINDOM, TRACY AND MILLER 
 J. W. FOSTER, RUSK, ELKINS AND WANAMAKER 
 WHITELAW REID AND ADLAI E. STEVENSON 
 DANIEL S. LAMONT AND WILSON S. BISSELL 
 SMITH, HERBERT, OLNEY AND MORTON 
 MACHINERY HALL AND LAGOON 
 ADMINISTRATION BUILDING 
 
 CHERBOURG, FRANCE 
 
 PAGE 
 
 593 
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 605 
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 615 
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 62s 
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 635 
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CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 [From an Old Painting.) 
 
COLUMBUS 
 
 AND 
 
 THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 'ARTH SHAPES.— Plato dreamed of an Atlantis sunk 
 beneath western waves. Seneca prophesied that the 
 girdle of Oceanus would, one day, be unloosed, reveal- 
 ^^ ing new lands to mortal eyes. The geographer, Strabo, 
 taught the possibility of inhabited lands in the Atlantic, 
 on the parallel of Athens. Pulci said, " At the antipodes are 
 cities and states and thronged empires, ne'er divined of yore." 
 These, and other, dreams of the ancients, pointed to a belief in 
 the rotundity of the Earth. But notwithstanding these, the 
 belief that the earth was flat was the prevailing one, because it 
 was the religious one, at the time of the discovery of America. 
 
 FORMER DISCOVERIES.— T\\Q Chinese tell of the dis- 
 covery of Fusang, a. d. 458, and many books have been 
 written to prove that Fusang and America are identical. It is 
 beyond historic question that the Norsemen discovered Green- 
 land, and that it was a colony of Norway for 400 years. It may 
 be accepted as true that they discovered Labrador in a. d. 986, 
 and that one of their navigators, Leif, son of Red Eric, pushed 
 his way as far south as Cape Cod. The Welsh have a tradition 
 that their Prince Madog sailed away and discovered America in 
 1 170. The Arabs claim that certain of their sailors found inhab- 
 ited islands in the western Indies in the twelfth century. But 
 none of these traditions or facts serve to diminish the glory 
 of that discovery which belongs to Columbus, for the simple 
 reason that the conditions did not exist by means of which 
 2 (17) 
 
18 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 previous discoveries could be turned to practical and permanent 
 account. 
 
 LOOKING EASTWARD.— \Mh2Lt will ever appear remark- 
 able about the discovery of a Western world is the fact that it 
 came about with eyes and ambitions set upon an Eastern world. 
 Europe, plunged into midnight by the fall of the Roman Em- 
 pire, revived her contact with the East through that four hundred 
 years of stupendous fanatical endeavor, known as the Crusades. 
 Baffled as to every direct object, and even inviting to her very 
 doors the dangers she sought to visit upon the Infidel, she never- 
 theless profited indirectly and most surprisingly. She gained a 
 knowledge of Eastern peoples, traffic, and riches, which neither 
 the oriental conquests of Alexander nor of the Roman Empire 
 had imparted. We read of the Crusades as an armed Christian 
 surge upon the East, but we must not forget that they called 
 into play the commercial spirit of the little Republics which 
 lined the Mediterranean coasts, enlarged their inquiry and 
 energy, put them in shape to resist the westward surge of the 
 Mohammedan church militant after the Christian church mili- 
 tant was defeated, and finally prepared them for that splendid 
 outburst of fresh energy which was to reveal new lands and 
 girdle the globe. 
 
 MARCO POLO. — Two hundred years before Columbus, the 
 father and uncle of Marco Polo (born 1254) sailed from the Re- 
 public of Venice, with a rich cargo, for Constantinople. Hun- 
 dreds of ships and thousands of sailors had done the same before, 
 but they were no ordinary traders. To trade for the spices, the 
 silks and the treasures of the East in the ports of the Mediter- 
 ranean was one thing ; to tap the same in the homes of their 
 production was quite another. The routes from the East to the 
 West were many both by water and by caravans across the 
 deserts. These traders exchanged their cargo for jewels and 
 pushed their way toward the orient. They journeyed to China, 
 or Cathay, and were received with favor by Kublai Khan. After 
 nineteen years, they returned to Venice, to find the son, Marco 
 Polo, grown up. In two years they started for Chin^ ^gain, 
 taking Marco along. The yoving man became a favorite of the 
 
yi'ANLSH spPEIl^TtTION l>EGAHL>iNQ THB KNp O*-' THE WOHUJ. 
 
 40 
 
20 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 Khan and was taken into his service. Tiuis twenty-four years 
 passed, and the Polos returned to Europe, rich in oriental treas- 
 ures, and fully acquainted with the lands that lent their riches to 
 Europe. Marco Polo came to be known as " Marco Million," 
 on account of his wealth. He wrote a book of his travels in 
 ihe East, which was largely read and excited a great desire 
 among Europeans to know more of the East and to come into 
 conimerical contact with it. 
 
 HENRY OF PORTUGAL.~0\-\^ hundred years after Marco 
 Polo, Henry of Portugal (born 1394) came into possession of 
 his story and maps. He applied the magnetic needle, then 
 newly discovered, to navigation, imagined that the Continent of 
 Africa could be rounded, and pushed Atlantic adventure till 
 he brought to light the Madeira Islands. Encouraged by this, 
 he drove discovery as far. down the West coast of Africa as 
 Cape Verd, and exploded many of the existing superstitions re- 
 specting ''Ultima TJnile" or the ends of the world, among 
 which may be mentioned that of Spain, to the effect that the 
 Atlantic Ocean poured like a Niagara into an unfathomable 
 abyss, at whose bottom was the nether region. 
 
 CHRISTOFORO COLOMBO.— <Z\W\^1o^\\qx Columbus was 
 born in Genoa, Ital}', about 1446. His parents were weavers of 
 wool and silk, and there is reason to believe that young Co4um- 
 bus was reared to the same trade. Some opportunity for a 
 primary education came to him through the little schools estab- 
 lished by the weavers of Genoa for their children. There is no 
 evidence that he ever received other school education, and, there- 
 fore, must have educated himself for that career which Was to 
 make him famous. Genoa, like other Italian cities that have 
 enriched themselves by sending out and receiving ships, offered 
 a fine field for that teaching which comes from obseivation, and 
 no doubt Columbus spent much of his leisure time, when young, 
 about the wharves of Genoa, watching the coming and going 
 of vessels, and gathering from the seamen their stories of ad- 
 venture. It may be that in this way he first became acquainted 
 with the exploits of Marco Polo, the riches of the East, the 
 discoveries of Prince Henry of Portugal in the Atlantic Ocean, 
 
COLUMBUS AS A BOY. 
 
 21 
 
22 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 and the then ahiiost universal desire among conitnercial nations 
 and ocean navigators to reach India by a water way around Africa. 
 Certain it is that he had a lively imagination and a great deal of 
 ambition, and he may have pictured to hiniielf, while yet a 
 youth, adventures stranger than those of Polo and discoveries 
 far more momentous than those of Prince Henry. 
 
 COLUMBUS THE TRADER.— Y ox the young men of the 
 Italian commercial cities the sea opened almost the only path 
 to fame and fortune, and we read of many enterprising sailors 
 who flocked westward to Portugal to swell her marine and join 
 in her spirit of ocean discovery. In 1470 Columbus entered 
 upon a short trading voyage, on his own responsibility. He 
 was then only twenty-four years old. More than likely this was 
 not a successful venture, for the next year we find him with his 
 father, who had moved to Savona. Here Columbus remained, 
 working at his trade, till 1473, or until he was twenty-seven years 
 old. At about this date he gave up his trade and took to the sea. 
 In a year or two more we find him in Portugal, where he 
 married a Portuguese lady, and made many trading vo}^ages, 
 presumably through the Mediterranean, northward to Iceland, 
 and along the African coasts, for these embraced the then known 
 navigable waters of the world. 
 
 PERSONAL APPEARANCE.— Cohimhu^ is pictured as a 
 tall, strong, long-visaged man, with brilliant blue eyes, aquiline 
 nose, red hair, and rudd\', freckled complexion. His manners 
 were rough and abstracted, his temper w^as quick, and he dressed 
 plainly and shabbily. 
 
 EVIDENCES OF GENIUS. -As Columbus enlarged his 
 acquaintance with the sea, his genius began to expand. He 
 made maps and globes, from whose sale he derived part of his 
 living, and began the study of geography, adopting many new 
 theories respecting the earth and the possibility of further ocean 
 discoveries, most of which he lived to prove false. Taking 
 Marco Polo as authority, he guessed that already two-thirds of 
 the earth was known, and that it would be an easy thing to 
 reach India by traversing the other third. If either the true 
 shape or full extent of the globe had been known in that day, 
 
COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 23 
 
 Columbus might not have had the honor of discovering 
 America. 
 
 LOOKING WESTWARD. ~Ks already seen, the commercial 
 countries of the Mediterranean, and indeed all navigators of the 
 day, strove to reach the riches of the East by sailing around 
 Africa, that is, eastward. But the thought dawned upon Columbus 
 that Asia could be reached by sailing directly west, instead of 
 going around Africa. He did not couple with this thought the 
 
 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 i^Aii Iife.al Conception.") 
 
 idea of discovering a new continent. It is not known whether 
 the thought was original with Columbus or not. Quite likely it 
 was not, for we are told that one Toscanelli, an astronomer of 
 Florence, had sent maps to the King of Portugal, accompanied 
 by letters suggesting a short route to the East by sailing -to the 
 West. Columbus wrote to Toscanelli about the matter, and 
 received from him valuable maps and a full explanation of his 
 theory. These maps are still in existence, and they serve to 
 
24 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 show the crude geographic notions of the times by bringing the 
 further coasts of China and the East quite close up to the 
 Western coasts of Europe, while the small intermediate space is 
 dotted with the islands of the Azores, Canaries, Japan, and others 
 then known to exist, besides many which existed only in the 
 imagination, such as the fabled island called Brazil, the fabled 
 islands seen to the west by the dwellers on the Madeiras, and 
 the wonderful island of Cipango, five hundred leagues east of 
 China, where, according to Marco Polo, were abundance of 
 precious stones and palaces plated with gold. But those maps 
 and theories, such as they were, served to confirm the belief of 
 Columbus that he could reach Asia by sailing directly west^ and 
 that the voyage need not be longer than 2500 miles. 
 
 KING JOHN //.—The Kings of Portugal had followed up 
 the discoveries of Prince Henry, and had come to know a great 
 deal about ocean navigation. They united the religious spirit 
 with enterprise, and looked upon foreign discovery and acquisi- 
 tion, for the sake of Christianizing the heathen, with as much 
 favor as they did the accumulation of wealth and power. King 
 John II. (1480) was no exception to the rule. His court became 
 a literary centre, toward which all the learning of the day gravi- 
 tated. From it emanated that patronage and favor which set 
 great projects on foot, and secured their results. Columbus was 
 one with him in Christian zeal. It remained for him to secure 
 that material aid and that royal sanction without which endeavor 
 would prove profitless. To this end Columbus visited King 
 John, and laid his project of finding a shorter way to India 
 before him. The King heard, but delayed answer for a long 
 time, and finally refused the proposals of Columbus. He felt 
 that the seamen of Portugal were now sufficiently hardy and 
 experienced to carry on the work of ocean exploration. Besides, 
 Columbus, being poor and very sanguine of success, demanded 
 the vice-royalty of all the lands he should discover, the title of 
 Admiral, and the tenth of all profits. The King regarded these 
 demands as too exorbitant. But in dismissing the projects of 
 Columbus, King John resolved to test them with his own sea- 
 men, and he fitted out an exploring expedition to try the 
 
COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 25 
 
 unknown waters of the western ocean. It returned without 
 success. On hearing of this, Columbus grew very angry, and 
 felt that he had been cheated. This broke off his negotiations 
 with the Portuguese King. 
 
 COLUMBUS IN SPAIN.— i:\\ov\^\\ disappointed in Por- 
 tugal, Columbus persisted in his plans. About the year 1485 
 he went to Spain, then ruled by Ferdinand and Isabella. At 
 the same time he sent his brother, Bartholomew, to present his 
 project to the Kings of England and France. Ferdinand and 
 Isabella had united in their marriage the thrones of Aragon and 
 Castile, had solidified the petty states of Spain, and were 
 engaged in the herculean task of driving out the Moors. Spain 
 had, as yet, given little or no attention to ocean discovery, and 
 the fact that she was taxed with her wars, and that her court 
 was but a military and moving camp, made the solicitation of 
 Columbus difficult and unpromising. But after much patient 
 waiting the King and Queen agreed to call a council of their 
 wisest men at Salamanca, to hear what Columbus had to say. 
 The council met during the winter of 1486-87, heard the 
 projects of Columbus, and decided that they were impossible of 
 execution. Columbus did not accept this as final, but followed 
 the royal court to Cordova, and kept urging his plans on the 
 King and Queen. During this period he was a beggar of royal 
 favor even for the means of subsistence ; for it is on record that. 
 May 5, 1487, he received a gratuity of seventy-five dollars, 
 kindly charged to account of " service done their Highnesses." 
 Others say he earned his living while in Spain by sale of maps, 
 which were now printed instead of being drawn by hand. 
 
 STILL A BEGGAR.— ZoXmwhn?, followed up the moving 
 Court of Spain, in vain quest, for a long time. Sometimes he 
 was favored by certain of the nobility with a temporary home, 
 and at others received help from the King and Queen. During 
 this time his wife and all his children, except his son Diego, 
 died in Portugal. Spain was now, more than ever, interested 
 in her finalwars with the Moors, and her treasury was bankrupt. 
 Utterly disappointed and heart-broken, Columbus resolved to 
 give up his suit and go to France or England. But just then 
 
26 
 
 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 rli 
 
 he met the wealthy Duke of Medina-Celi, who owned vessels 
 and seaports, and was much interested in navigation. The 
 Duke took Columbus into his own home, kept him for two 
 years, and became so impressed with his projects that he fitted 
 out an expedition of three or four vessels at his own expense. " 
 
 But the Queen refused to 
 permit the expedition to 
 sail. Columbus then made 
 another appeal directly to 
 the Queen, but the final 
 siege of Granada was on, 
 and he begged in vain. 
 Discouraged more than 
 ever, he began his journey 
 to England and France, 
 where his brother, Bar- 
 tholomew, had received 
 some encouragement. 
 
 A FRIEND L Y MONK. 
 — In 1491 Columbus started 
 from Spain with his son, 
 Diego. The father stopped 
 at the monastery of La 
 Rabida, near Huelva, to beg 
 a little bread and water for 
 his boy. The prior, Juan 
 Perez, noticed his broken 
 Spanish accent, and asked 
 who lie was. Columbus 
 told of his projects for dis- 
 covering new lands, and 
 how he had plead in vain for help from the Spanish Court. The 
 prior became interested, invited him into the monastery, listened 
 to his plans, and finally sent for the learned Dr. Garcia Her- 
 nandez, who lived at Palos. The Doctor was astronomer and 
 geographer, as things went in those days. The thi»ee had many 
 talks together, with the result that Columbus converted his 
 
 ARMOR OF COLUMBUS. 
 
COLUMBUS AND THE EGG. 
 
28 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 friends to his views. The prior had once been father confessor 
 to Queen Isabella, and he wrote to her, begging her not to let 
 Columbus leave Spain through her discouragement. This was 
 the turning point in the career of Columbus. He had now a 
 friend at Court, and a clerical friend at that. Word came back 
 that Perez should visit Isabella at the Court at Santa Fe for a 
 talk. The result of the visit was a request by the Queen for 
 Perez to bring Columbus to Santa Fe, and a present from her of 
 seventy-two dollars with which to buy a presentable suit of 
 clothes. 
 
 COLUMBUS AND THE EGG.—W\^\\ the lightest heart 
 he had known for years, Columbus journeyed, with Perez, to 
 Santa Fe, where Isabella called a council of learned men to 
 decide on the schemes to be presented by the navigator. There 
 were many and long discussions in that council. The clergy 
 broached all the old learning against the plans of Columbus — 
 the earth was flat, there could be no beings on the opposite side 
 of it ; sphericity was impossible, for how could men walk with 
 their heads down ? trees could not grow, everything would faU 
 off; it was impious to doubt what Scripture and the ages had 
 taught. There was another class of disputants who denied the 
 Uieories of Columbus, but favored a trial on his part just to see 
 what would come of it. A third class was composed of tKose 
 who had kept pace with the discoveries of the Portuguese, and 
 who had accepted the growing idea that the world was round. 
 This was by far the most learned and influential class, and it 
 embraced the Cardinal Mendoza and Geraldini, who taught the 
 royal children. The latter fully accepted the rotundity of the 
 earth, and cited the fact that the Portuguese had sailed out of 
 sight of the North Polar Star and into sight of a South Polar 
 Star, and had never yet discovered a country that was not peo- 
 pled. Of course, Columbus was called upon to explain minutely 
 all his theories and to combat all opposition. This he must 
 have done in a masterly manner, for it is related, as an evidence 
 of his readiness, that when questioned as to how he could hope 
 to do all he claimed while another could not, he took an q^^ 
 and, by a trick familiar in the old books of legerdemain, broke 
 
THE OUKEN MOVED TO TEAKh LIV IHE WRONGi? VV COLUiMBUS. 
 
 29 
 
30 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 the yolk by holding it in his hand, while he struck his fist on 
 the table, and then easily balanced it on end, while others failed 
 who tried eggs whose yolks were unbroken. The result of the 
 conference was that Cardinal Mendoza favored the project of 
 Columbus, as did a majority of the assembly. About this time 
 Granada surrendered, and Spain's wars with the Moors ended. 
 Ferdinand and Isabella came to the front as the greatest of 
 Christian sovereigns ; yet they were not prepared for that added 
 o-lory which was to come through the Genoese weaver, who had 
 sought their favor through poverty and despondency for so 
 many long years, 
 
 GETTING READY.— It was now 1492. Columbus had 
 begged in Spain for seven years. Isabella accepted the decision 
 of the council, and agreed to send Columbus in search of India. 
 But Columbus was stubborn as to terms. He wanted too much 
 honor, power and profit. The negotiations were declared off, 
 and Columbus started in disgust for France. King Ferdinand, 
 who did not believe in the scheme of Columbus, but who saw in 
 it a grand national opportunity if it should succeed, remonstrated 
 with the Queen. Isabella thereupon sent a courier after Colum- 
 bus, who came back to court once more, touched by the change 
 of sentiment on the part of the Queen, yet indignant at the 
 injustice she had done him. He naturally felt that he occupied 
 stronger ground than before, and, it is said, he made bold to 
 complain directly to the Queen of her treatment of him. It is 
 further said that the Queen felt so self-condemned*at his eloquent 
 complaint that she could not restrain her tears. Isabella's only 
 hesitation now was occasioned by her poverty, but Luis de 
 Santangel came to her aid with cash. The papers were signed 
 creating Columbus an admiral, giving him the title of viceroy 
 over discovered lands, assuring him tlie tenth of all profits, or 
 an eighth if he bore an eighth of the expense, and conferring on 
 his family the title of Don or Lord. Isabella's share of the 
 expense was ;$6o,000, which provided two of the three ships for 
 the expedition. Columbus provided the third, but where he got 
 the money is not known, since he was very poor. Palos was 
 ordered to fit out the ships, but tl]e thought that they were to 
 
COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 31 
 
 visit the " Sea of Darkness " occasioned great resentment, and 
 Isabella was forced to press the ships into service. Two of the 
 ships were mere caravels, or open-decked vessels, with cabins on 
 bow and stern. The third was a closed-deck vessel. None had 
 a o-reater tonnage than an ordinary river schooner of to-day. 
 All were badly calked and illy fitted, as it was next to impossible 
 
 SPANISH CARAVEL OF TIME OF COLUMBUS. 
 
 to get carpenters or sailors to have anything to do with them. 
 But by August, 1492, Columbus was ready to sail. He occu- 
 pied the largest ship, the Santa Maria, or Marigalante, belonging 
 to Juan de la Cosa, who commanded her. The second ship, the 
 best sailer, was the Pinta, commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon 
 and owned by two men of Palos, who sailed in her. The small^ 
 
32 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 est ship was the Nina, commanded by another member of the 
 Pinzon family. The sailors were a mixed lot, embracing differ- 
 ent nationalities, and many of them released prisoners, of des- 
 perate character, and willing to risk the dangers of ocean rather 
 than remain in a dungeon. The crew of the three vessels com- 
 prised about ninety men. All took the sacrament before starting. 
 Letters were sent overland to the Emperor of China, whom 
 Columbus expected to meet by his water voyage. An inter- 
 preter was taken along, skilled in all the languages of the East. 
 Good-byes were given, and on August 3, 1492, the three little 
 ships quitted the Spanish Port of Palos for the great unknown. 
 
 THE FIRST VOYAGE. — Columbus was forced to stop at 
 the Canary islands in order to repair the broken rudder of the 
 Pinta. Starting thence, he was becalmed near Teneriffe, whose 
 volcano the sailors looked upon with awe. On September 8 a 
 breeze caught his fleet and it plunged into unknown waters. 
 The sailors sighed and grew mutinous at thought of distance 
 fron). home. Columbus resorted to all sorts of stratagems to 
 keep them in subjection. He kept a short and long reckoning 
 of the distance sailed, the former for the sailors, the latter for his 
 private use. On the third day after leaving the Canaries a 
 broken mast was picked up. This frightened the sailors, who 
 saw only wreck ahead. On the sixth day even Columbus him- 
 self was amazed to find that the compass showed material varia- 
 tion. His pilots stood aghast at this now well-known phenom- 
 enon, and Columbus was compelled to invent an ingenious theory 
 to explain it. Soon the ships entered the course of the trade 
 winds, and were blown gently along on smooth seas and amid a 
 balmy atmosphere. By-and-by, birds began to appear of a kind 
 that did not fly far away from land. Then patches of seaweed 
 floated by, indicative of neighboring islands or reefs. Soon it 
 was noticed that the seaweed bore crabs, and that the fishes ran 
 in schools. Of course everything was observed closely — the 
 westward flight of birds, the indications of land, the winds and 
 currents; and everything affected the sailors, who were hopeful 
 or despondent according to their superstitions. At length 
 Columbus found his most hopeful signs of land in a change of 
 
DEPARTURE OF COLUxMBUS FROM PALOS. 
 8 33 
 
34 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 wind, a shower of rain and a visit from land birds who parted 
 from his ships at nightfall. All were hopeful, for in their des- 
 perate strait the men depended on Columbus for their courage, 
 though they frequently grew tired of his signs. On comparing 
 distances and the maps, Columbus and his pilots agreed that they 
 must now be near the coasts of Japan, for they had sailed over 
 1 200 miles. Many times cries of Land! Land! had been ut- 
 tered, for a pension had been offered him who should first descry 
 it. But in each case the discoverer had been deceived by sunset 
 clouds. Despite these false alarms the birds grew thicker, and 
 their nightward course was toward the southwest. Columbus 
 changed his course, and held to it for many days. On October 
 12, 1492, land odors were observed, the seaweed grew fresher, 
 the fishes were such as swarmed near rocks. Branches, reeds 
 and canes were picked up. Even a board was found. Colum- 
 bus ordered prayers, harangued his men, and encouraged them 
 to keep a sharp lookout during the night. 
 
 LAND! LAND! LAND !— At two o'clock on the morning 
 of October 12, 1492, a sailor on board the Pinta saw land, and a 
 signal gun was fired. The sails of the entire fleet were furled, 
 and all rejoiced till morning, Columbus being the happiest of all. 
 At daylight every eye was turned toward the coveted spot, which 
 was a low, verdure-covered island. Never was sight more wel- 
 come to men, for they had been thirty-three days in mid ocean. 
 Never was sight more welcome to navigator, for he had found 
 land by sailing westward, whether that land were Japan, China, 
 or something unsuspected and unknown. The scene on board 
 the vessels was impressive. Solemn ceremonies were held, and 
 thanks were rendered for the great discovery and deliverance, 
 for it was as much the latter as the former to desperate men. 
 The scene on board the Santa Maria exceeded all in solemnity. 
 The name of the land first seen is disputed. But whether it was 
 Watling's Island, Grand Turk Lsland, Cat Island, Samana Island, 
 or what, the morning revealed the fact that it was peopled. But, 
 alas ! the people were naked, and none of the magnificent cities 
 of Japan appeared. Columbus dressed himself in admiral's uni- 
 form, put off to land with a fleet of boats, and took possessioi] 
 
COLUMBUS DISCOVERS VARIATION OF NEEDLE. 
 
 85 
 
36 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 in the name of the King and Queen and of San Salvador, or 
 Saviour. It was all very formal, audacious beyond precedent, 
 and awfully ostentatious, especially when lie was greeted by his 
 men as viceroy of a new world, and when, like a potentate, he 
 extended pardon to each cringing mortal for the offences com- 
 mitted during the voyage. Never had mortal such an audience. 
 Innocent natives gazed at th-e ceremonies in solemn awe, and 
 even participated in the ceremonies, little dreaming that they 
 were compromising their most precious possessions. They 
 looked on the ships and men as a visitation from some super- 
 stitious source, and were wonderfully delighted with the trinkets 
 and baubles Columbus dispensed for their favor and lands. 
 They proved to be an innocent people, highly pleased and easily 
 beguiled by the offerings of the white men. In this they began 
 the story which has been repeated by every subsequent discovery. 
 Columbus explored the island coasts as best he could with his 
 boats, always receiving the same kindly recognition from the 
 natives, and always practicing the same impositions on them. 
 He then, in the plenitude of his courage and knowledge, re- 
 solved to push further on for the coasts of China and Japan, 
 amid whose outlying islands he thought himself already. The 
 golden ornaments of the natives, their pointing to the southwest 
 as a source of riches and power, seemed to imply that thither 
 lay the coveted East with all its regal splendors. 
 
 EXPLORING ISLANDS.— \t seemed that Columbus called 
 his first island San Salvador. He visited another contiguous 
 island, which he called Santa Maria. The natives being the 
 same, and gold being scarce — it is wonderful what an induce- 
 ment gold was — ^^lie sailed for other islands. He struck a larger 
 island, which he named Fernandina, where he found rich vege- 
 tation. May weather, and a kindly people, as susceptible to his 
 trinkets as any thus far met. He then found an island he named 
 Isabella, whose foliage and spices convinced him that he was in 
 the Orient. To all inquiries as to where gold was to be found, 
 the innocent natives pointed in the direction of Cuba, which 
 Columbus did not doubt was the Cinpango of the Chinese, or 
 perhaps Japan itself. He took formal possession of all the 
 
38 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 islands he visited, and confidently felt that he would soon be in 
 direct intercourse with the great Khan of China, to whom his 
 letters had been directed. 
 
 CUBA APPEARS. — Sight of Cuba inspired Columbus and 
 all his followers. With its mountains and evidences of a higher 
 civilization, it was the threshold of China, sure. But his inter- 
 preters proved to be useless, for no oriental speech was found. 
 He did, however, find a superior native race, and first became 
 acquainted with the potato, tobacco, Indian corn, and cassava^ 
 But he had gold in his vision and sailed away for Hayti, which 
 he named Hispaniola. Here he found timid natives, but a 
 beautiful country. He met a personage who passed as king, and 
 went through the ceremony of a treaty with the now historic 
 wamipum belt. While in the waters of Hayti, his ship, the 
 Santa Maria, was wrecked, and the crew were received and 
 kindly treated by the islanders. Here Columbus built a fort, and 
 left it in possession of thirty-nine of his crew, who, being crimi- 
 nals at home, were thus glad to find escape from crime. This 
 was the fort of La Navidad, or Nativity. 
 
 HOMEWARD BOUND.— While Columbus was at Hayti 
 the Pinta, in command of Pinzon, had gone off on an exploring 
 expedition of her own. She now returned, with rich stores of 
 gold aboard, and many natives, whom the thrifty Pinzon had 
 captured, intending to sell them in Spain as slaves. Among 
 these were two Indian girls. Though Columbus himself had 
 brought on board many natives, both to interpret for him and, with 
 the intention of carrying them back to Spain, and though among 
 them was the beautiful maiden named F/ei^r de Or, or " Flower 
 of Gold," he ordered Pinzon to put his captives ashore, lest the 
 natives should harbor resentment against the Spaniards. After 
 repairs at Samana, and the taking of food and water, the Pinta 
 and Nina started for Spain. All went well till February 12, 
 1493, when a violent storm separated the ships, and both were in 
 danger of foundering. During the storm, which was of long 
 duration, Columbus wrote a detailed account of his discoveries, 
 and sealing it in a barrel threw it into the sea, determined 
 that the results of his labors should see the light, in case he 
 
40 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 perished. On February 15 land was signalled. It proved to be 
 the Azores, belonging to Portugal. The jealous officials here 
 arrested a part of the crew of Columbus, and put him to 
 great trouble to have them set free. The storm still raged, but 
 Columbus resolved to brave it. On March 3 his ships started 
 for Spain, but were driven into the port of Lisbon, Portugal. 
 Wonder at the escape of such frail barks from so terrific a storm 
 came to their rescue. Columbus was received with open arms, 
 and was invited into the presence of King John, to tell of his 
 wonderful voyage and discoveries. Jealous as the King of 
 Portugal was, he could not help admiring the fortitude of the 
 great discoverer. On March 13 Columbus sailed for Spain, and 
 in two days entered the port of Palos, whence he had started. It 
 must be remembered that Columbus made the journey from the 
 Azores to Palos in the Nina, and separate from the Pinta, 
 which was supposed to be lost. Pinzon, on board the Pinta, 
 supposed the Nina was lost. Therefore, when the Pinta reached 
 Galicia, Pinzon sent an account of the discovery to Ferdinand 
 and Isabella, as though Columbus were no more. But Colum- 
 bus had taken the precaution to do the same, while at Lisbon. 
 The motive of Pinzon thus became plain to the King and Queen, 
 and he was refused an audience. He died soon after of a broken 
 heart, it is said. 
 
 COLUMBUS AT COURT.— ¥tvd\v\2ind and Isabella received 
 Columbus with great honors at the Court, then at Barcelona. 
 There was a grand procession, in which thousands participated, 
 and the windows and housetops were crowded to catch sight of 
 the great navigator and the wild men — six in number — of the 
 New World. The King and Queen received Columbus, seated 
 on their throne, but when he bowed to kiss their hands they 
 caused him to sit in their presence. The monarchs then heard 
 his story, and examined his trophies, such as parrots, plants, 
 ornaments, and the Indians themselves. Then the King and 
 Queen thanked God for the great discovery. Thenceforth, 
 Columbus was the recipient of the highest royal favors. News 
 of the wonderful revelation spread to all the courts of Europe, 
 and it was regarded as " more divine than human." All be- 
 
FLEUR D'OR ON BOARD THE SANTA MARIA. 
 
 41 
 
42 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 lieved that the Eastern part of Asia had been brought to hght, 
 and the country was called the Indies. Not for some time did 
 it come to be known as the West Indies, and the islands of the 
 Caribbean as the Antilles, after the Antilla, supposed to be lost 
 in the Atlantic Ocean. As the Pope was supposed to have 
 universal temporal sovereignty, he was informed of the discovery 
 and asked to confirm the title in Spain. He did so, and, in order 
 to appease the jealousy of Portugal, drew an imaginary line 
 north and south in the Atlantic Ocean, westward of which all 
 discovery should enure to the benefit of Spain. 
 
 A SECOND VOYAGE.— ^\\^t a difference between the 
 first and second voyage of Columbus! Then all was doubt, 
 solicitude, poverty. Now royalty made all haste to fit out a 
 second expedition to confirm titles. Fame was in store for ad- 
 venturers, and thousands of volunteers offered. The magic 
 word " gold " had been spoken, and swarms clamored for the 
 privilege of voyage to the new lands. No less than seventeen 
 ships were made ready, and the port of departure was to be 
 Cadiz. The royal treasury gave freely of its stores. The 
 furore was like that which had preceded a Crusade, and this in 
 more ways than one. The heathen Indian of the West was 
 classed with the Infidel of the East, and the duty to convert 
 him justified his conquest, theft of his lands and possessions, 
 murder of himself, wife and children. Moreover, in order to 
 provide means for this great work of Christian discovery, con- 
 quest and propagandism, it was deemed right to persecute and rob 
 the Jews of Spain, as before each of the Crusades. This nefarious 
 business was participated in, or encouraged, by even Columbus 
 himself, who, it is said, took occasion more than once to mani- 
 fest his Christian superiority, and religious detestation of the Jew- 
 ish race, by the visitation of blows upon their heads. The fleet 
 carried away nearly 1500 adventurers; among whom were many 
 of the most distinguished citizens. That they went with the 
 intention of making the most of the situation is plain from the 
 fact that they took along cattle, seeds, sugar-cane and plants 
 of various. kinds, and it is equally plain that they had about the 
 same idea of the fancy or cupidity of the Indian as we have to- 
 
COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 43 
 
 day of the African of the Congo, from the fact that they took 
 along immense amounts of beads, bells, looking-glasses, and gew- 
 gaws for the purposes of trade. It was not until Sept. 25, 1493, 
 that tlie bustle of preparation was over and the ships were off. 
 The ships sailed for the Canaries, where they completed their 
 stores, and where Columbus distributed sealed orders to each 
 of his captains how to reach Hispaniola, or Hayti, in case they 
 became detached from the fleet. They left the Canaries on 
 October 13th, and with favoring winds sped across the ocean 
 and struck land in twenty days. Their course had been south 
 of the former one, and the first land greeted was one of the 
 Caribbee Islands. It was Sunday, and Columbus, therefore, 
 named the land Dominica. The land was clothed in the rich 
 green of the tropics, but, there being no visible harbor, Colum- 
 bus sailed for the next island in sight which he named Mariga- 
 lante, after his own ship. After possession was tak'cn in due 
 form he sailed for the prominent island, which he named 
 Guadalupe, in honor of the Convent of Guadalupe. The natives 
 fled the presence of the Spaniards, but much was learned of 
 their habits by the cabins, weapons and utensils left behind. Some 
 of the women were captured, who informed Columbus that there 
 were many islands to the south, and that off in the west was a 
 main land. Columbus was intent on reaching his colony on 
 Hispaniola, and on his voyage thither he discovered so many 
 little islands that he grouped them under the high-sounding but 
 convenient title of the Eleven Thousand Virgins. He took cap- 
 tive many of the natives, who gave him much valuable information. 
 On reaching Hispaniola he found his fort deserted, and every 
 colonist dead either through disease or the enmity of the natives, 
 which last they had no doubt provoked. Notwithstanding this 
 fatality Columbus resolved to effect a permanent settlement on 
 Hispaniola, and he laid out a town which he called Isabella. 
 Soon, malaria swept off scores, and death continued till they 
 learned the native laws of food and habit. While learning these 
 the natives were hardly less shrewd as to the Spaniards, whose 
 power they had to acknowledge, and whose morals they para- 
 
44 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 phrased in the sentence, " Behold the Christian's God ! " — point- 
 ing to their bits of gold. 
 
 HUNTING GOLD.— The site for the city of Isabella had 
 been chosen because it was supposed to be near the gold-bear- 
 ing mountains. Expeditions were fitted out, led by native 
 guides, some of which returned with specimens of gold. Colum- 
 bus wrote a glowing letter to Spain in which he prophesied that 
 the King and Queen would soon be the richest sovereigns in 
 the world. Twelve of his ships were dispatched homeward 
 bearing specimens of everything strange to the old country 
 and incident to the new. But the very strangest thing 
 they bore, and the least creditable to the great discoverer, was 
 his proposition to capture the natives of the Caribbean Islands 
 and trade them as slaves in Spain for cattle and such things as 
 his colony on Hispaniola would quickly need. The failure of 
 the adventurers to find gold, or any of the riches and advan- 
 tages they had come for, made them homesick and discontented. 
 A violent mutiny broke out on board the ships, and a plot was 
 formed to seize them and return home without the Admiral. 
 Columbus resorted to extreme measures to quell the mutiny, 
 and landed the leaders in prison. All arms and ammunition were 
 placed aboard of one vessel, which was placed in command of his 
 brother Diego. Columbus now headed a grand expedition of 400 
 men, richly dressed, preceded by drums and banners, accom- 
 panied by a large body of natives from about Isabella, the object 
 being to find the gold fields of Cibao, and to impress the natives 
 with his power. They climbed the mountains of Monte Christo, 
 crossed the beautiful valley of Vega Real, ascended the rugged 
 slopes of Cibao, and laid out a fort, called St. Thomas, because 
 of the doubt which had been expressed about finding gold. The 
 natives received him kindly, offering food and grains of gold in 
 exchange for Spanish gew-gaws. Leaving fifty-six men to build 
 the fort, Columbus returned to Isabella on March 29, 1494. 
 He found that the wheat, sugar-cane, cucumbers, and other seeds 
 which had been planted about Isabella, had grown, and he was 
 greatly pleased with the fertility of the soil. But the climate 
 proved deadly to the colonists, and they grew more and more 
 
^wMillilfllil 
 
 COLUMBUS QUELLING THE MUTINY. 
 
 45 
 
46 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 discontented. Many of them were of noble blood and unused 
 to work, and they rebelled at the rules laid down by Columbus, 
 whom they looked upon as a foreigner and plebeian. He did 
 his best to keep them employed, that being his safeguard 
 against open mutiny. As a means to this end he ordered some 
 to build mills, sent forth another expedition to Fort St. Thomas, 
 and prepared for another voyage of discovery, having by this 
 time concluded that the firm land of Asia lay not far to the 
 west of Hispaniola. 
 
 LOOKING FOR ASIA.— On April 24, 1494, Columbus sailed 
 westward for the Continent of Asia, in three small ships. He 
 was most anxious to discover and claim all the new lands in the 
 name of Spain, before the Portuguese should reach them by 
 sailing around Cape of Good Hope in the opposite direction. 
 From this we may infer that Columbus had accepted the theory 
 of the rotundity of the earth. He struck the island of Cuba 
 and skirted its southern coasts, finding the natives friendly, and 
 always propitiating them with presents. He then discovered 
 Jamaica, which he named Santiago. Here he met with slight 
 opposition from the natives, who were soon dispersed by the 
 superior weapons of the Spaniards. He did not remain long in 
 Jamaica but sailed again for Cuba, determined to find out whether 
 it was main-land or an island. He learned from the natives that 
 Cuba was an island, and that there was a great country called 
 Mangon beyond, about which the natives had many fables lo 
 relate. Both the name of the country and the character of the 
 fables sounded so much like those mentioned by Marco Polo in 
 respect to Asia, that Columbus, was encouraged to push ahead 
 in search of a land where men wore clothing. But with all his 
 sailing, in leaky ships, through island-dotted and treacherous 
 waters, with a low stock of rations, and with discontented crews, 
 he could not find the western bounds of Cuba. So by June 13 
 it was concluded that Cuba was the Continent of Asia. Every 
 officer was sworn to this, so as to prevent the possibility of con- 
 tradictory statements, and then Columbus returned to Hispaniola, 
 discovering, on his way, the island of Pines. 
 
 AT fiJSPANIQLA—CoXumh^s ^id not get back to Hispan- 
 
COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD, 47 
 
 iola (Hayti) till the middle of September. He then fell sick 
 with malarial fever and lay a long time unconscious and at the 
 point of death. He came back to health to find that his brother 
 Bartholomew had arrived from Spain with ships and stores for 
 the colony. This rejoiced him very much, but he was sad over 
 the condition of affiiirs on the island. His expedition to St. 
 Thomas had quartered among the Indians of the Vega Real 
 valley, and the troops had driven them to hostility by their 
 excesses. The garrison at St. Thomas had also estranged the 
 natives by their tyranny and cruelty. Isabella was in danger of 
 attack. Sickness and want prevailed. In the midst of a people 
 naturally kindly, amid a climate and soil that promised abun- 
 dance, Hispaniola was simply a first chapter in American coloniza- 
 tion, to be repeated a thousand times, the gist of the verses 
 being ' cruel, rapacious adventures ; a sense of superiority and 
 tyranny ; indolence that refused support even where soil was kind ; 
 starvation except as help came from home ; disappointment and 
 failure of honest enterprise ; contempt for compact with the 
 natives; hostility and extermination.' To outwit, deceive, 
 kidnap, enslave, kill, a native, became an adventurer's ambition, 
 a warrior's glory and a Christian's right. Columbus found 
 Hispaniola at virtual war with the natives. Sickness and 
 tlireatened famine added to the confusion. Fortunately four 
 more ships came out from Spain, loaded with provisions. Colum- 
 bus sent them back with five hundred Indians aboard to be sold 
 as slaves in Spain. The excuse was need of money, and the 
 hope that they would become Christian converts. The hostility 
 of the natives, which the Spaniards themselves had provoked 
 by their cruelties, disappointment at not finding gold, the 
 instability of food supplies, had made the Spaniards hate the 
 Indians, and furnished justification for any and every outrage 
 upon them. The Indians sent to Spain escaped a prolongation 
 of their fate by speedily dying in a climate and under conditions 
 they were not born to. At length war broke out on the island, 
 and Columbus was forced to fight the combined forces of the 
 five chiefs. He was victorious, and placed them all under 
 tribute of a, certain amount of gold dust each year. This 
 
48 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 assured peace, but it proved so exacting to the Indians as to 
 reduce them to poverty and helpless subordination. 
 
 BACK IN SPAIN. — The malcontents who had returned to 
 Spain had told the King and Queen terrible stories of affairs in 
 Hispaniola, and blamed the situation on Columbus. They depu- 
 tized one Aguado to visit Hispaniola and report on the condition 
 of affairs. He proved to be an officious intermeddler and an 
 enemy of Columbus. When he returned home Columbus 
 prudently resolved to go with him. But a storm destroyed 
 all the vessels except the Nina, and Columbus, not wishing to 
 sail in the same vessel with Aguado, had to wait till he could 
 build another vessel. Meanwhile Miguel Diaz, who had killed 
 a man in a fight, ran away to escape punishment and arrived at 
 a native village where San Domingo now stands. Here he met 
 and married an Indian queen named Catalina, who revealed to 
 him the existence of gold mmes near by. Diaz hastened back' to 
 Isabella confident that such good news would secure him immu- 
 nity from punishment. Columbus was pleased with his story, and 
 sent his brother, Bartholomew, to investigate, wishing to confirm 
 so important a discovery, that he might bear the news to Spain, 
 Bartholomew confirmed the story. Diaz and his queen became 
 very important personages. Columbus, imagining himself to be 
 in the far East, thought he had struck upon the ancient Ophir 
 whence King Solomon drew his treasures of gold for the temple. 
 
 Columbus sailed for Spain in March, 1496, taking along 225 
 sick and discontented colonists and thirty Indians, among whom 
 was a captured chief, Caonabo, whom he promised to return. 
 After a most tedious voyage on short rations, Columbus landed 
 his starved, sick and bilious-looking crew in Spain. Many of 
 the Indians had died, among them Caonabo. When the people 
 of Spain saw the poverty-stricken and sallow, crowd, they 
 declared that all the gold they had brought with them was in 
 their faces. 
 
 COLUMBUS AT COURT.— Co\nmh\x^ was invited to Court 
 by the King and Queen. Knowing that the impression was abroad 
 that there were no riches in the West Indies, that naked savages, 
 imaginary spices, and undug gold, did not compensate for the 
 
COLUMBUS STRIKES THE JEW. 
 
 49 
 
50 COLUMBUS AND THE^NEW WORLD. 
 
 expenses of his expeditions, and that his abihty to colonize and 
 govern wisely was in question, he travelled towards the Court 
 with his Indians decorated with feathers, trinkets, and chains of 
 gold, and with a full display of the ornaments, images, fabrics 
 and woods he had gathered abroad. He was well received at 
 Court, exposed his curiosities with great effect, told very plaus- 
 ibly how he had coasted along Asia (Cuba), and wound 
 up with the request for eight more ships to continue his 
 discoveries. The ships were promised, but the money for them 
 was not immediately forthcoming. Columbus had a long wait, 
 and was chagrined to find that other discoverers were actually 
 receiving tlie favor he asked, and were sent off on expeditions 
 calculated to rob him of his hard-earned honors. After waiting 
 patiently for two years, during which time the Queen remained 
 his pronounced friend, six ships were equipped and placed at 
 his disposal. All the old titles were conferred on him and made 
 hereditary, as his ambition was to found a family. Two mis- 
 fortunes now fell upon him. One was that the sentiment in 
 Spain was so much against seeking a permanent home in the 
 Indies as to make it next to impossible to secure colonists out- 
 side of the criminal classes. The other was that he got into a 
 dispute with one Ximeno, a man of great wealth, high standing 
 at Court, and of Jewish extraction, whom he knocked down. 
 This freak of anger is said to have done him more harm at 
 Court than all the disparaging reports from Hispaniola. 
 
 THE THIRD VOYAGE.— Qo\v\mh\ys .sailed on his third 
 voyage May 30, 1498. He steered farther to the south than be- 
 fore, believing that the main-land of Asia lay farther south, and 
 that the most precious metals and stones were to be found in the 
 hottest regions. At the Canaries he divided his fleet, sending 
 three ships directly to Hispaniola with food for the colonists. 
 With the other three he sailed for Cape de Verde Island, and 
 thence westwaiti nearly on a line with the Equator. Calms and 
 intense heat forced him to change his course more to the north. 
 On July 31 three mountain peaks rose into view. They were 
 named Trinidad (Trinity), and the land proved to be an island 
 whose southern coast he skirted. While at anchor on the south 
 
COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 51 
 
 side of Trinidad, land was descried to the southwest. The 
 waters were very rough and torn by conflicting currents. Colum- 
 bus made it out that he was in a Strait which he named 
 Mouth of the Serpent. He feared to try his vessels on such 
 tumultuous waters. Little did he dream that the land beyond 
 the Strait was a main-land. After being nearly swamped by 
 an immense tidal wave occasioned by the swift volume of the 
 Orinoco river, as it empties into the ocean, he sailed across the 
 Strait, and was surprised to find fresh water well out to sea. 
 Turning northward, with a continent on one side and Trinidad 
 on the other, he saw a settlement on the main-land. The natives 
 came off to him in boats. They called their country Paria, and 
 said it extended indefinitely westward and southward. The fact 
 that Columbus had found fresh water where it should have been 
 salt, helped him to believe that Paria was indeed a main-land, 
 for how could there be fresh water and such tidal agitation so 
 far out to sea, except upon the theory that some mighty river 
 was finding an outlet? He found the natives friendly and 
 dressed lavishly in ornaments of pearl which they obtained 
 from their pearl fisheries. The existence of pearls was a valu- 
 able discovery, and Columbus profited by it. His provisions be- 
 gan to run short, and he was forced to sail for Hispaniola, dis- 
 covering, on the way, the Cubagua group of Islands. On his 
 arrival at San Domingo, the port of Hispaniola at which he had 
 left his brother Bartholomew, he made known his supposed dis- 
 covery of a new continent, and indulged the theory that the 
 earth was pear-shaped, that in its centre lay the Garden of Eden, 
 and that thence flowed down in great volumes the sweet waters 
 he had found off the coast of Paria. 
 
 AGAIN IN HISPANIOLA.— Bd.rW\o\omQ\v Columbus had 
 been left in charge of Hispaniola during the absence of Christo- 
 pher in Spain. He had proven to be a severe, indiscreet, but 
 industrious governor, and had transferred the seat of trade and 
 power from Isabella to San Domingo. He had warred with the 
 natives and generally lost their favor. The idle and dissolute 
 colonists, whom he made work, detested him and had broken 
 into rebellion under the lead of one Roldan. The priests had 
 
52 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 made very little headway in converting the Indians. Ships had 
 arrived from Spain in 1496 and 1498, which had brought sup- 
 plies of food, much to the delight of the indolent and discon- 
 tented colonists. Now that Columbus had come again, he 
 found the situation anything but promising. The rebellion of 
 Roldan was fully on. It was August, 1498. Columbus had 
 been much disheartened while in Spain, He was sick with gout, 
 and nearly blind. He had had dangerous sailing in the Strait 
 of Paria, and had been carried fifty miles westward of San Do- 
 mingo by the gulf stream. He was afraid of the rebels, who 
 outnumbered his own forces. His own forces could not be 
 trusted, for they too had felt the severity of Bartholomew. So 
 he entered into compromises with them, offering them immunity 
 from punishment and passage back to Spain, thinking thus to 
 get rid of them. They refused to go, but grew more exacting. 
 They demanded grants of lands and Indian slaves. Columbus 
 was forced to gratify them by giving 'them large tracts of land, 
 and, as he himself set the example of slavery by shipping natives 
 to Spain, he permitted them to enslave the Indians to their 
 heart's content. 
 
 Nor was this all that Columbus had to contend with. One of 
 his former officers, Alonzo de Ojeda, had gone back to Spain, 
 secured favor at court and started on an exploring expedition of 
 his own. Having secured the maps of the third voyage of 
 Columbus, he followed his route, visited the pearl fisheries of 
 Paria, and had stopped on the west end of Hispaniola to lay in 
 a cargo of dye-wood and slaves. On the ships of Ojeda were 
 two other of Columbus's old pilots, and the famous Amerigo 
 Vespucci, who afterwards got into print so effectually as to give 
 his name to the N-ew World. Columbus sent Roldan to find out 
 why Ojeda had landed without asking permission. Ojeda prom- 
 ised to sail to San Domingo and explain, but instead he sailed 
 to another port, placed himself at the head of the former follow- 
 ers of Roldan, and marched toward San Domingo. Roldan was 
 loyal enough to Columbus to help check this second rebellion. 
 Ojeda was driven back to his ships and forced to go elsewhere 
 for his cargo of slaves. Columbus ordered the execution of all 
 
'COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 53 
 
 the leaders of these rebelHon who were captured, and thus re-es- 
 tabhshed his authority. 
 
 But reports of the doings were continually reaching Spain and 
 discrediting Columbus. Moreover, his imagination had been so 
 vivid, and such his pictures and promises of riches and power, 
 that royalty was suffering disappointment and disgust at their 
 failure to materialize. Those who envied Columbus harped on 
 the fact that he was not a Spaniard and was meanly born. As 
 such they looked upon him as a dangerous person to be entrusted 
 with so nmch present and prospective power. That he was a 
 very weak and unpopular governor was manifest to royalty, from 
 the fact that he was continually referring to it the petty disputes 
 which an heroic official would have settled forthwith, even if he 
 had permitted them to arise. He had lost his best friend — 
 Queen Isabella — because he kept sending the Indians to Spain 
 as slaves. 
 
 COLUMBUS IN CHAINS.— The Spanish Court deputed 
 Francisco de Bobadilla to go to Hispaniola to investigate matters, 
 and to take the government away from Columbus, if he found it 
 in a bad state. The Queen sent along with him many of the 
 slaves which had been sold in Spain. Bobadilla arrived in 
 August, 1500, to find Columbus in great disrepute and every- 
 thing in confusion. All the malcontents poured their tales of 
 hardship and cruelty into Bobadilla's ears. Being a needy man, 
 ambitious and a Spaniard, he quickly decided that Columbus w^s 
 a cruel, incompetent ruler and must be deposed. He headed a 
 mob, captured the fort at San Do'mingo, took possession of 
 Columbus's house, books, maps, and accumulated gold, and 
 made himself popular by paying the overdue salaries with what 
 he had stolen. Columbus was at Fort Concepcion, in the 
 interior, when Bobadilla landed and seized San Domingo. There 
 he received word that he must surrender the fort and his author- 
 ity. He refused at first, but when he learned that Bobadilla 
 bore a commission from the Spanish sovereigns, he started for 
 San Domingo. Immediately on his arrival he was put in irons 
 and held a prisoner. The same fate befell his brothers, Diego 
 ' and Bartholomew. After lying in prison for two months in the 
 
64 COLUMBUS AND TH^ NEW WORLD. 
 
 tower of San Domingo, which stands to-day, he was ordered, 
 with his brothers, on board ship for transport to Spain. One 
 Villejo had them in charge. Being of gentlemanly turn, he 
 offered to take the chains off Columbus, after they were well 
 out to sea. " No," answered Columbus, " their majesties com- 
 manded me to submit to whatever Bobadilla should order in 
 their name. I will wear these chains until they shall order them 
 to be taken off, and I will keep them afterwards as memorials of 
 the reward of my services." When Columbus arrived a prisoner 
 in Spain, he felt that he could not approach the King and Queen 
 directly, so he wrote a letter to Donna Juana de la Torre, their 
 favorite, in which he made plain the whole situation in His- 
 paniola. This letter was so full and frank, so full of weakness 
 and strength, as to damn Columbus in the eyes of some and 
 excuse him in the eyes of others. Whatever his boldness on 
 one hand, or his baseness on the other, it proved that he was 
 sincere. The King and Queen heard of his imprisonment with 
 horror. They ordered the release of his brothers, and invited 
 him to the Court, where he was received with tears, and with 
 promises of comfort. 
 
 But his reputation had suffered a severe shock not only with 
 royalty but with the populace. He was as much a beggar for 
 favor as when he first set his foot on the soil of Spain. All his 
 honors were withheld, and his prospects for future advancement 
 were cut off The Portuguese had stolen all his ideas of the 
 Orient by rounding the Cape of Good Hope. Vasco da Gama 
 had arrived in Calcutta and found the real land of spices, with 
 more gold, pearls and substantial treasures than Columbus ever 
 dreamed of Portugal had received Vasco da Gama with open 
 arms, and had fitted out a fleet of thirteen vessels, which were 
 blown westward to the coast of Brazil, and thus made the 
 accidental discovery of the main-land of South America, before 
 Columbus was sure of what he had done. Cabot had proved 
 that there was a North American Continent. Thus the genius 
 and daring of Columbus were placed at a discount, and Spain 
 became anxious lest other powers should run away with the new 
 lands which were coming to sight. She fitted out many expedi- 
 
COLUMBUS REFUSES TO HAVE HIS CHAINS REMOVED EXCEPT BY ORDER 
 
 OF THE KING. 
 
 55 
 
56 COLUMBUS AND THE 5lEW WORLD. 
 
 tions, under the old captains of Columbus, and one of them had 
 come back loaded with pearls and gold. The opinion grew that • 
 Columbus was neither a good discoverer or governor, in com- 
 parison with others, and that the privileges which had been 
 granted him were entirely too vast. , 
 
 But a ray appeared in his favor in the fact that Bobadilla had 
 proved a worse governor than he. His favoritism led to disor- 
 ders, slavery became more than ever a confirmed institution, and 
 the worthless colonists lolled in their hammocks at the expense of 
 the natives whose lands they had stolen and whose liberty they 
 had sacrificed. So crying became the situation in Hispaniola that 
 Bobadilla was deposed and Nicholas de Ovando made governor. 
 Under Ovando came the magnificent Christian reforms which 
 limited slavery of Indians to those who worked for the Crown 
 for pay, and which substituted for the system which Columbus 
 had adopted, the enslavement of negroes, stolen from Africa. 
 Thus the heroic native race, which could not brook slavery, 
 was eliminated by the imported race, for which slavery seemed 
 to have no terrors, except those of capture and separation from 
 parents and friends. 
 
 Ovando was sent to Hispaniola with a fleet of thirty-three 
 vessels, and with a blazonry that became a direct representative 
 of royalty. Columbus was naturally chagrined at this diver- 
 sion of favors from himself Whether honestly or not, is neither 
 here nor there, but he sought the favor of the King and Queen 
 by means of a letter in which he undertook to prove that the 
 best means of instituting a new and successful Crusade and 
 recovering the Holy Sepulchre would be to push through to 
 the East by means of such straits as he might discover in the 
 West. This substitution of a holy for a scientific motive induced 
 royalty to give him the control of four little ships, on condition 
 that he was not to visit Hispaniola, but should find out what 
 was yet undiscovered of the New World. 
 
 The wonder is that the terribly independent, confident, daring 
 and successful Columbus, of whom we have read, should ever 
 accept such humiliating terms. The wonder is equal, that the 
 
COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 57 
 
 royalty which clouded all his past efforts with suspicion should 
 commission him for further honors. 
 
 THE FOURTH FOF^ 6^^-.— Columbus sailed on his fourth 
 voyage, May 9, 1502, taking along his brother, Bartholomew, 
 and son Ferdinand. He made quick passage, and after passing 
 many islands, was forced to touch at Hispaniola, though forbid- 
 den. Here he met the fleet of Ovando about to return to Spain, 
 loaded with gold and culprits. This fleet went to the bottom in 
 a storm which Columbus predicted, and which he himself 
 avoided by hugging the shores. He then visited Jamaica and 
 Cuba. Thence he sailed westward and finally reached Hondu- 
 ras, where the natives were more civilized than any he had seen. 
 In expectation of a strait which would lead him to India, he 
 turned southeast, and skirted what is now known as the Mos- 
 quito Coast, also the coast of Costa Rica, landing occasionally 
 to barter with the natives and inquire for gold. Through tra- 
 ditions he learned of a populous country in the interior, inhab- 
 ited by a superior race, rich in gold and cattle, wjth houses and 
 cultivated lands. Though this description doubtless referred to 
 the Aztecs or Montezumas, Columbus saw in it the Eastern 
 country which haunted his imagination, and sailed confidently 
 along the coasts expecting to find a strait through which he could 
 pass to his destination. He thus skirted the coast of Veragua, 
 trading trinkets for gold, and finding everywhere a civilization 
 superior to that of the Caribbean Islands. 
 
 Columbus next touched at Puerto Bello on the Isthmus of 
 Panama, where he found the ground cleared and under cultiva- 
 tion. After sailing somewhat further eastward, he was fgrced to 
 give up hope of finding a water-way through to the East or to 
 the Pacific, though he knew nothing at all of the Pacific, nor 
 that he was within forty miles of it when at Puerto Bello. He 
 therefore put backward along the coasts he had skirted, expect- 
 ing to gather more gold and make further acquaintance with the 
 natives. In the Veragua country he met a native chief, named 
 Quibian, who showed Columbus a gold-producing section, but 
 took good care to locate it in the country of his most powerful 
 enemy. The great navigator was delighted with the prospect 
 
58 
 
 COLUMBUS AND THE N^W WORLD. 
 
 of riches, and felt that he was indeed within reach of King Solo- 
 mon's mines. He therefore determined to found a colony in 
 Veragua, and to this end sent his brother Bartholomew inland 
 with a force of eighty men to select a site and erect houses. 
 They found it a veritable land of*plenty, abounding in corn, 
 yams, potatoes, bananas, pine-apples, cocoa-nuts, etc. But 
 Quibian resented the permanent settlement of the Spaniards and 
 the theft of his lands. His hostility forced Columbus to aban- 
 don his settlement, and he started homeward with his two re- 
 maining ships, and these worm-eaten and leaky. On his way he 
 was driven by winds and currents to Cuba, and thence to 
 Jamaica, where his ships were stranded, and their two hundred 
 occupants were rendered dependent on the natives for support. 
 A MUTINY. — There was no hope for the adventurers except 
 the desperate one of reaching Hispaniola by means of a small 
 boat and bringing thence a ship of rescue. This undertaking 
 was entrusted to one Mendez, who started in a large canoe 
 manned by native rowers. His absence ran into weeks and 
 months. Columbus was confined to his cabin with gout. His 
 companions grew desperate and threatened the life of Columbus 
 unless he immediately consented to lead them back to Spain. 
 Columbus showed that no way was open except by marching to 
 the further end of the island and taking canoes for Hispaniola, 
 but he declined to desert his stranded ships till Mendez had 
 been heard from. He gave the mutineers full liberty to try the 
 risky experiment for themselves. They did so, but many of 
 them perished in the attempt. Their absence was a relief to 
 Columbys, for he was enabled to get along better with the 
 natives, whom he caused to be called into council on the day 
 preceding an eclipse of the moon, telling them that the white 
 man's God, who dwelt in the heavens, would darken the moon 
 in anger that very night if more and better provisions were not 
 furnished to his companions, and if they did not cease all con- 
 spiracies to harm him. They laughed at his story, but when 
 the eclipse came on the moon, they ran to his cabin begging for 
 his intercession, and promising him provisions and protection. 
 Columbus withdrew to his cabin and shut himself up till the 
 
DEATH OF COLUMBUS. 
 
 59 
 
60 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 minute the eclipse began to recede. Then he appeared and told 
 them that through his intercession he had appeased God's anger, 
 and that if they would prove faithful to'their contracts he would 
 withdraw the eclipse. They were delighted to see the darkness 
 pass away, and thenceforth had the highest respect for the great 
 navigator. 
 
 THE RESCUE. — The situation of Columbus on Jamaica 
 grew more and more desperate. Mutiny broke out a second 
 time, which was only quelled after a hot battle in which several 
 were killed. Mendez had succeeded, after a perilous trip, in 
 reaching Hispaniola, but he found the Governor, Ovando, indif- 
 ferent to the fate of Columbus, whose presence he feared, since 
 Ovando's administration of affairs had been far worse than that 
 of his predecessor. But after an interval of eight months some 
 ships came out from Spain. Mendez bought one of these and 
 sent it, well laden with supplies, to Columbus. Great was the 
 joy of Columbus and his companions when this ship arrived at 
 Jamaica. They had liv^ed nearly a year in the cabins of their 
 stranded vessels, and had suffered appallingly from famine, ex- 
 posure, sickness and feuds. In another month Columbus 
 reached the harbor of San Domingo. 
 
 DEATH OF COLUMBUS.— M^QX spending a month on 
 Hispaniola, Columbus fitted up two ships for his return to Spain. 
 One vessel was forced by storms to put back to Hispaniola. He 
 arrived on the other in Spain after a long and tempestuous voy- 
 age, and was carried to Seville, to recover his broken health. 
 He soon had to regret the death of his best friend. Queen Isa- 
 bella, which proved to be a great loss, for King Ferdinand was 
 much more selfish and calculating than his Queen. The best 
 Columbus could do under the circumstances was to keep his son, 
 Diego, and his faithful Mendez at the court to petition for a ful- 
 filment of the royal contracts with him. But Ferdinand looked 
 indifferently on the claims of Columbus. He thought Colum- 
 bus far too tenacious of his rights, had found more profit in the 
 corrupt governorship of Ovando, and did not wish to be limited 
 in his selections of future governors of Hispaniola from the 
 family of Columbus. 
 
COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 61 
 
 As winter passed Columbus resolved to journey to the Court, 
 then at Segovia, and afterwards at Salamanca and Valladolid. 
 This was the winter of 1504-05. All the next summer Colum- 
 bus was a petitioner for his rights at the Court of Ferdinand. 
 In despair of living to enjoy his rights, even if he regained them, 
 he pleaded with the King to confer the government of Hispaniola 
 on his son Diego, and in consideration of this offered to lay 
 down h'is title as admiral, and all other advantages to "himself 
 
 HOUSE WHERE COLUMBUS DIED. 
 
 and family. The King promised, but delayed, hoping that 
 Columbus would be finally tired out, and would be content 
 with the title of a Spanish nobleman. 
 
 As the sovereignty of Castile passed, in reality, to the heirs 
 of Isabella, Columbus transferred his suit to them, but it was 
 not heard amid the excitement of their accession to the throne. 
 He grew gradually worse at Valladolid, and amid worriment 
 of mind and pain of body made his will, giving to his son 
 Diego all his rights and revenues, after him to his descendants, 
 and after them to King Ferdinand. Thus prepared, he died at 
 Valladolid, May 21, 1506. His death passed almost unnoticed, 
 except by a few of his closest friends, owing to the excitement 
 occasioned by the arrival of the new King and Queen of Castile. 
 
62 COLUMBUS AND THE KEW WORLD. 
 
 There has been no end of disputes over the final resting-place 
 of Columbus's remains. They were probably buried in Valla- 
 dolid, and after some years removed to Seville. Later, they 
 were exhumed, and together with those of his brother, Bar- 
 tholomew, and son, Diego, carried to San Domingo, where they 
 were interred in the cathedral. In 1795, when San Domingo 
 became a French possession, the Duke of Veragua, a descendant 
 of Columbus, removed what he supposed to be the remains of 
 his illustrious ancestor to Havana, Cuba. This last removal is 
 doubted, and as there is no official record of their interment in 
 Havana, the claim that they still remain in the cathedral at San 
 Domingo is strongest. 
 
 Diego was forced to go to law to sustain his rights, and finally 
 won his suit. He married a Spanish lady, a near relative of 
 Ferdinand, and soon after received a commission as governor 
 of Hispaniola. He sailed thither in 1509, with his wife, two 
 uncles, Bartholomew and Diego, and a splendid retinue of ladies 
 and gentlemen, and soon had a mansion and court that surpassed 
 in beauty and luxury those of Spain. But he found his subjects 
 turbulent, and himself in the midst of endless lawsuits to collect 
 his revenues. Like his father he became the victim of complaints 
 at the Spanish Court, and like him he crossed the ocean several 
 times, a petitioner of royalty for his rights. He died in Spain, 
 in 1526, leaving his affairs so unsettled that his wife and son 
 were forced into a compromise with the Crown, by which the 
 descendants of Columbus were to accept a pension and the title 
 of Duke of Veragua. 
 
 Christopher Columbus passed away with only the knowledge 
 that he had made a great discovery and had earned distinguished 
 honor. He died maintaining the idea that his discoveries were the 
 insular approaches to Asia, and that somewhere existed a water 
 thoroughfare, like the Mediterranean, by means of which Asia 
 could be reached. We all know now how erroneous his geog- 
 raphy was. We know equally well that the halo of heroism and 
 saintship which early historians threw around him is a false one. 
 He was a clever, a notable product of his time, a genius of vivid 
 imagination, a persistent, hardy, daring man, with all the ambi- 
 
COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 63 
 
 tion for power, vanity for glory and greed for gold of his age. 
 In all his long experience and with all his vast opportunities, he 
 cherished the scientific errors he started with. As a governor, 
 he was a failure, having all the elements of tyranny in his bosom, 
 none of the arts of civil discipline, and lacking that appreciation 
 of mine and thine which would have made Indian slavery 
 impossible. But as against these there stands to his credit a 
 great and novel purpose, carried out with sublime fortitude. 
 Hardship lent pathos to his career, and misfortune crowned it 
 with majesty. Measured by results to civilization, no man's 
 achievements are more conspicuous than those of Columbus. 
 The New World will ever stand as his monument, and its 
 triumphs will ever excuse his shortcomings of character. * 
 
PIONEER DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS. 
 
 64 
 
BIRTH AND GROWTH OF THE COLONIES. 
 MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. 
 ACQUIRING OUR PUBLIC DOMAIN. ' 
 
 HE FIRST OWNERS.— When America was discov- 
 ered the title to the soil was in the Indian. He was 
 sovereign proprietor. He acknowledged no obedience, 
 allegiance, nor subordination to any foreign nation. He 
 has never to this day yielded a jot or tittle of his original 
 right of dominion, except when he sold out voluntarily, or was 
 forced by arms into a treaty. His claim was precisely like that 
 of all civilized nations, a claim based on exclusive possession 
 and use for his purposes, for hunting, for trading, for subsistence. 
 If he had no fields, no fixed towns, few of the things which 
 fasten other folks to one spot, it was nobody's business. That 
 did not invalidate his claim in the least. 
 
 THE EUROPEAN TITLE.— The discovery of America in 
 1492 brought across the ocean the doctrine that general title to 
 all the new lands and the right to govern them rested on the fact of 
 discovery. Perhaps it would be better to say, the discovery of 
 America was the date of the invention of this doctrine. The 
 legal doctrine of discovery was, that title to the soil was in the 
 discoverer provided the territory discovered were unoccupied, 
 uninhabited. Why was this doctrine twisted out of all legal 
 shape, or so greatly enlarged ? Because the Indian was a 
 heathen. The Christian thought of the time did not draw a line 
 between political and spiritual sovereignty. The right to con- 
 vert a heathen carried everything with it — right to govern him, 
 right to own his soil. In a word, he was, if unconverted, an 
 encumbrance, and it became a Christian duty and glory to con 
 & (65) 
 
66 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 quer him and possess his domains.* This is what made the 
 broad claim of title by discovery defensible, or rather, it is what 
 reconciled it to the European mind, for no lawyer would ever 
 agree, without fee in advance, to establish the righteousness of a 
 title by discovery to an unknown inhabited land, be the inhabitants 
 heathen or not. Imagine the King of the Cannibal Isles sailing 
 out and striking the, to him, unknown coast of America at San 
 Francisco, and, landing and planting his banners in the soil, tak- 
 ing possession and declaring the whole country his by right of 
 first discovery. How many of us would quake at the thought 
 that we, heathen to the great king, would have to give up our 
 titles and pass under a new dynasty ?t How many of us would 
 acquiesce in his bold claim, or do other than the Indian has 
 done — deny his right to soil and dominion, and fight to the death 
 against it ? 
 
 ARE OUR TITLES GOOD .?— In law, time is a great cura- 
 tive. We can at least plead that we ought not to be disturbed, 
 because lapse of time has come in to cure the defects of our 
 title by discovery. However indefensible in law or morals the 
 European title to our soil was, the then civilized nations stood 
 committed to it, and we are entitled to the excuse which this 
 general commitment furnishes. It was a policy erroneous and 
 despotic. But even such policy may lead to results which, after 
 a long time, ought not to be questioned or disturbed. Besides, 
 
 * It might be curious to inquire how far we are away from this doctrine now. Is 
 not the red man still in the road? Has not our national policy toward him always 
 savored too much of the policy of the pioneer, that because he is in the way and 
 his land is good, therefore it is right to drive him away and take it ? 
 
 f " The truth is, the European nations paid not the slightest regard to the rights 
 of the native tribes. They treated them as mere barbarians and heathens, whom if 
 they were not at liberty to exterminate, they were entitled to deem as mere tempor- 
 ary occupants of the soil. They might convert them to Christianity, and, if they re- 
 fused conversion, they might drive them from the soil as unworthy to inhabit it. 
 They affected to be governed by the desire to promote the cause of Christianity, and 
 were aided in this ostensible object by the whole influence of the papal power. 
 But their real object was to extend their own power, and increase their own wealth 
 by acquiring the treasures as well as the territory of the New World. Avarice and am- 
 bition were at the bottom of all their original enterprises. "^Ji'^f^rv on the ConstitH- 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 67 
 
 the Indians were much dealt with outside of this policy. In 
 some instances it was modified by the sovereigns themselves in 
 granting charters ; in others by the proprietaries in acquiring 
 their lands; in others still by the actual settlers. These, in 
 a more becoming spirit of humanity and with a view to having 
 their titles peaceable and perfect at the start, actually bought the 
 soil of the Indian, and left him free to enjoy his tribal form of 
 government. It need not be assumed that any very clearly or 
 elegantly worded contracts were made, nor that deeds contain- 
 ing exact descriptions of the lands were given, nor even that 
 anything like fair prices were paid, according to our notions of 
 value, yet the fact that the Indian, accustomed to roam a con- 
 tinent, with no attachment to locality, and therefore with no idea 
 of an acre or its equivalent in cash, assented to the terms, gives 
 the transaction validity in law. 
 
 FIRST ENGLISH PATENT.— V^h^-t a grand rush there 
 was for discovery and possession as soon as land was known to 
 exist amid the waters which supposably stretched from West- 
 ern Europe to Eastern Asia! In this rush, and so far as we are 
 concerned, England got the lead. The Cabots, father and sons, 
 Bristol merchants in long commerce with the fishermen of Iceland 
 who may have told of Greenland, first discovered the continent 
 of America.* With a boldness second only to that of Colum- 
 bus, and a confidence which almost compels us to think they 
 were familiar with Icelandic traditions, they went into the midst 
 of the unknown waters, bearing a patent from the politic Henry 
 VII., one clause of which read: "Empowering them to search 
 for islands, countries, provinces, or regions, hitherto unseen by 
 Christian people ; to affix the banners of England on any city, 
 island or continent they might find, and, as vassals f of the Eng- 
 lish crown, possess and occupy the territories that might be 
 discovered." 
 
 * We readily accept the Icelandic history — it is certainly more than tradition — that 
 their people were in communication with the fishing-grounds of Newfoundland and 
 the eastern coast of America centuries before Columbus sailed. But, so far as 
 national or political results followed, we must speak of Cabot's discovery as the first. 
 
 f Observe the feudal word vassal. " The first maxim of feudal tenure (title) was 
 
68 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 ENGLAND GETS A CONTINENT.— This clause is in- 
 teresting as part of the most ancient American state paper in 
 England,- and, further, it gave to England an entire continent. 
 Its date is March 5, 1496. The Cabots struck the continent 
 in N. lat. 56°, Labrador, in June, 1497, fourteen months before 
 Columbus, on his third voyage, came in sight of the mainland 
 off the mouth of the Orinoco. You ask why England didn't 
 hold the continent if she claimed by right of discovery. The 
 answer is she did not know she had one to hold. Again, when 
 she learned that it was really a continent, and was anxious for a 
 title as against some other discoverer or occupant, she always 
 made bold to set up the one founded on this discovery. It 
 always served her when she was the stronger party and nothing 
 was wanting but a pretext to title. And just here it is well to 
 note that this whole matter of title by discovery underwent many 
 changes. Several nations set up claims to the continent because 
 each thought it had discovered it. Ignorant of its geography 
 and of the discoveries of others, each nation had to modify its 
 claims under certain circumstances. 
 
 TRENCH CLAIMS.— ^ot knowing what they had struck, 
 the planting of the English banners on Labrador did not deter 
 other nations from joining in the hunt for possession. Nor did 
 a second voyage (1498), by Sebastian Cabot, which resulted in a 
 profile of the coast from Newfoundland to Albemarle Sound. 
 The French came skirting up the coast * from North Carolina, 
 stopping at New York, at Newport, thence on to Nova Scotia, 
 striking the grand fishing-grounds, a field they never quit till 
 driven off two hundred and forty years afterwards (1763) by the 
 English. t Though ten to twenty years later than the Cabots % 
 
 that all lands were originally granted by the sovei-eign and therefore held of the 
 crown. The grantee, who had only a use, according to the terms of the grant, was 
 called the feudatory or vassal (tenant)." — Blackstone, vol. ii., p. 53. 
 
 * The voyage of John Verrazzani, an Italian in the employ of Francis I., of 
 France, in the "Dolphin" (1524), reads like a novel. 
 
 ■f- We use the modern names of these places for convenience. The French names, 
 as St. John, St. Lawrence, Cape Breton, are all early. 
 
 \ Within seven years of the discovery of the continent, the fisheries of New- 
 foundland were known to the hardy mariners of Brittany and Normandy.— 
 Saner oft. 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. §9 
 
 In asserting title, the French took a decided lead in discovery 
 and settlement in their St. Lawrence region, New France. 
 Champlain was anxious to found a state, and he backed up De 
 Monts, who had gotten a patent for the sovereignty of Acadia, 
 extending from Philadelphia to beyond Montreal (1603). It was 
 to be a Huguenot country, but the Jesuits came also. Though 
 they wrangled much, Champlain managed to hold the line of the 
 St. Lawrence for France, and the settlements there became the 
 source of that wonderful Jesuit movement beyond Niagara, out 
 the chain of the great lakes and down the Mississippi to the 
 gulf* 
 
 SPANISH CLAIMS. — For years after 1492, Spain had been 
 working her way through the Caribbean Islands, and in 15 12 
 struck Florida. Ponce de Leon first saw this land on Easter 
 Sunday {Pascua Florida). This meant a continent for Spain, as 
 much as the discovery of Labrador by the Cabots meant one 
 for England, though De Leon supposed it only an island. He 
 was to have its government on the condition that he colonized 
 it. Spain did not trust to mere discovery so much as to actual 
 settlement. The natives fought the Spanish off, and wounded 
 De Leon unto death. Thirty years after along came De Soto, 
 an old friend of Pizarro, who desired to rival him in wealth and 
 Cortes in glory. He began his wonderful /reebooting march to 
 the Mississippi, beneath whose waters he founci a grave.f What 
 was Florida ? In Spanish imagination it was everything from 
 the Gulf of Mexico to Newfoundland, and as far west as the 
 " River of Palms " (Mississippi) or as land extended. Canada 
 was in the Spaniard's Florida ; so was Louisiana ; and so every 
 intermediate mountain chain and waving prairie. The Missis- 
 sippi rose in Florida and emptied in Florida. Not a nation dis- 
 puted her claims so far as they embraced the Gulf coast. 
 
 * Cartier's voyages (1527 to 1542) planted the French standard in all that in- 
 definite country of Norimbega. He built a fort at Quebec in 1541. 
 
 •}• Narvaez previously made a similar march to the " River of Palms " and on to 
 the Pacific. The story of his exploits is too wild for belief. The Spanish under 
 Gomez had also skirted the coast to New England, calling the country The Land 
 of Gomez. 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 7^ 
 
 THE RIVAL CLAIMANTS.— Here then were three rivals, 
 all claiming the same lands as discoverers. England claimed a 
 continent, or would have done so had she known it was a conti- 
 nent. France in mapping her New France claimed from Dela- 
 ware bay northward. Spain claimed for her Florida, or New 
 Spain, everything from the Gulf of Mexico to Newfoundland. 
 What a chance for future troubles ! But as yet these claims 
 were so misty and vague as not to be worth fighting about. In- 
 deed they did not serve even as a bar to other claims on the 
 ground of discovery by these same nations or by others, espe- 
 cially when a permanent settlement followed. Thus when Coligny 
 wanted (1562) to establish a Huguenot colony and found a 
 Protestant French empire in America* he selected Florida as the 
 site, and calling it Carolina, after Charles IX. of France, gave it 
 a limit extending from St. Augustine to Port Royal entrance. 
 His first colony failed (1563). In 1565 he tried another which 
 brought a storm about French ears. Maddened at this audacious 
 attempt to set up a Protestant empire within her Catholic 
 domains, Spain drove the French colonists out and proclaiming 
 Philip II. monarch of all North America hastened to found St. 
 Augustine (1565), the oldest town in the United States by forty 
 years. The fighting period had now arrived, and home jealousies 
 and wars had as much to do with colonial disturbances as any- 
 thing else. England had broken away from Catholicism : why 
 shouldn't she be jealous of Spanish ascendency in the New World? 
 The century, or thereabouts, since the discovery of America, had 
 fired European rulers with a mania for the enlargement of their 
 empires by discovery. The idea grew more and more popular 
 that titles by discovery, in order to be substantial, should be 
 backed by actual settlement. It was found that no mean trade 
 could be driven with the natives in the shape of furs, etc., and 
 that our coasts furnished favorable fishing-grounds. The thrill- 
 ing stories of Spanish adventure, conquest and enrichment ir 
 Peru and Mexico had gotten abroad and were filling men of 
 every nationality with dreams of El Dorados in all parts of the 
 
 * A disastrous attempt, under the special co-operation of Calvin himself, had 
 been made to found a similar empire at Rio Janeiro in Brazil. — Sozdhey s Biazil, 
 
72 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 New World. Religious enthusiasm built imaginary abiding- 
 places in the wilderness for the faithful, away from persecution, 
 competition and all state interference. Humanitarians, philan- 
 thropists, political theorists, saw golden opportunity in the 
 American wilds for great reformed and reforming empires. 
 Bankrupt nobility pictured to itself a renewal of estates and 
 titles amid our splendid virgin areas on a far larger and grander 
 scale than their fathers had ever heard of 
 
 RALEIGH'S SCHEME.— K^\e\g\x had been a pupil of 
 Coligny. He dreamed of an empire for England on the very 
 spot whence the Protestants of France had been expelled. He 
 therefore took up Coligny's failure. Armed with a patent from 
 Queen Elizabeth (1584) he tried his experiment a little farther 
 north and under more favorable auspices. But failure awaited 
 him also. His abandoned " City of Raleigh " on the barren 
 island of Roanoke (1587) was two centuries later (1792), and by 
 solemn act of the legislature of North Carolina, revived in its 
 capital " The City of Raleigh." As Coligny's scheme gave to 
 the Carolinas (the New France of the South) a name, so Raleigh's 
 gave to the indefinite territory of his patent the name of Virginia, 
 after the virgin queen.* 
 
 FIRST COLONIAL CHARTER.— Trnning the century 
 (1600) England was better prepared than any other country for 
 adventure, or say permanent settlement, in North America. The 
 
 * This attempt of Raleigh to found a Huguenot colony under English auspices 
 as a set-off to Spanish Catholic influence on the South did more to spread a correct 
 idea of the soil, climate, inhabitants and resources of the new land than any other 
 thus far. Its historian, Harlot, was a keen observer. He observed the culture of 
 tobacco and accustomed himself to its use, after the Indian fashion. He studied 
 the maize crop and noted its productiveness. He also tried the potato with the 
 natives and found it very good food. The natives were treated as men, and the 
 chief, Manteo, was given a peerage, the first in Anglo-American annals. It ought 
 not to escape attention that Raleigh took possession of this Virginia country, so signal 
 a part of Spanish Florida, and at so late a date, by reason of discovery. He of 
 course knew of Coligny's claim to the same for France. But France and England 
 could afford to pull together in the scheme of a Huguenot (Protestant) colony or 
 empire right down upon and overshadowing Catholic Florida. It was a long-headed, 
 deeply concocted scheme on the part of Raleigh and Elizabeth, and one that Eng- 
 land, or rather Protestantism, could afford to take much stock in. 
 
74 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 timid policy of King James I. (1603-1625) in throwing out of 
 employment the gallant seamen who had served under Elizabeth 
 left them no option but to engage in the quarrels of strangers or 
 seek employment, wealth and fame in the new world. The 
 vague uncertain title of the first discoverer could now be backed 
 up by actual settlement. That possession which was then as 
 much as even ten points of law could be brought into play, A 
 true colonial scheme could be developed and practised which 
 would not only reduce the wilderness to an inchoate govern- 
 ment, but anchor it safely at the foot of the throne. 
 
 Now see the hold this spirit of colonization had gotten in 
 England. The influential assigns of Raleigh's patent, the 
 wealthy Gorges, governor of Plymouth (Eng.), the experienced 
 Gosnold who first set English foot on Cape Cod (1602), the 
 enthusiastic Captain Smith, the persevering Hakluyt, historian 
 of all the early voyages, and towering above all, the Lord Chief 
 Justice himself, Sir John Popham — these formed a coterie whose 
 plea " to deduce a colony into Virginia " James I. could not 
 resist. He granted them the first colonial charter under which 
 the English were planted in America, April 10, 1606. Do not 
 forget the date : it is an important one, the beginning of many 
 real things in connection with our government. Do not forget 
 the coterie. They were tenacious men, representative of Eng- 
 land's wealth and influence at home and her adventure abroad, 
 and they or their assigns come up continually from this time on 
 to disturb future titles and worry future colonists. Do not fail 
 either to look a little into the charter itself, for its bearings on 
 our history and institutions are direct, and it shows in what 
 shape English monarchy first fastened itself on our soil. 
 
 The charter gave twelve degrees, reaching from Cape Fear, 
 N. C, to Halifax, Nova Scotia (34° to 45° N. lat.), to two rival 
 companies, one of London, the other of towns in the west of 
 England.* The London Company (Southern Colony), which 
 
 *The first goes, popularly, by the name of the London Company. As its portion 
 of the above grant was th>i southern part of Virginia and its settlement on the James 
 river, it is known to our history as the Southern Colony. The second company, 
 whose residents were njostly at Plymouth, is called, popularly, the Western Company 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH, 
 
 76 
 
76 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 alone succeeded, had right to occupy from 34° to 38° ; that is, 
 from Cape Fear to the southern limit of Maryland. The Western 
 or Plymouth Company (Northern Colony) had right to occupy 
 from 41° to 45° ; that is, from say New York to Halifax. From 
 38° to 41° was open to both, with right to the soil fifty miles 
 north or south of any actual settlement they might make therein.* 
 The government was a Council in England appointed by the 
 king. A Local Council had charge of local affairs in the re- 
 spective colonies. The king reserved the right of supreme leg- 
 islative authority and supervision. The emigrant and his 
 children should continue to be Englishmen. The original 
 grantees or patentees were to hold the lands and other rights by 
 the tenure of free and common socage, and not in capite.^ The 
 patentees could of course regrant their lands to actual col- 
 onists according to the tenures they held. The hard, impractic- 
 able features of the charter were that the emigrant had no elec- 
 tive franchise, no right of self-government. The power was first 
 
 or the Plymouth Company, and as their part of the grant was in the north of Vir- 
 ginia, i. e., from New York to Halifax, it is known in our history as the Northern 
 Colony, but chiefly by its failures. 
 
 * " The name of ' Virginia ' was generally confined to the Southern Colony, and 
 the name of ' Plymouth Company ' was assumed by the Northern Colony. From 
 the former the States south of the Potomac may be said to have had their origin, and 
 from the latter the States of New England," — Siory on ike Constitution. 
 
 f This is very important as marking a point of decided departure from the feudal 
 tenures based on military service, or tenures in capite. However rapidly the process 
 of undermining feudal institutions may have been going on, it must have been a 
 very bitter pill for a sovereign like King James to give such a signal recognition of 
 iheir decadence, for be it known his signature to this charter not only broke in on all 
 precedent for military (capite) tenure to land in America, but established the most 
 democratic tenure then known in England, tenure by " free and common socage." 
 This tenure existed only in Kent (Eng.) under the title gavelkind, "given to all 
 the males alike." Says Blackstone, " It is probable the socage (plow service) 
 • tenures were the relics of Saxon liberty, retained by such persons as had neither 
 forfeited them to the king nor been obliged to exchange their tenure for the more 
 honorable though more burdensome tenure of knight service. This is peculiarly re- 
 markable in the tenure which prevails in Kent, called gavelkind, which is ac- 
 knowledged to be a species of socage tenure, the preservation whereof inviolate 
 from the innovations of the Norman conqueror is a fact universally known, and 
 those who have thus preserved their liberties are said to hold in free and common 
 ioca^e." 
 
BUILDING THE FIRST HOUSE AT JAMESTOWN. 
 
 77 
 
78 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 in a trading company composed of a select few, of which the 
 actual settler was not one ; then in a Local Council, in which he 
 had no voice ; then in a Supreme Council at home, which could 
 never know him and could never have sympathy with his 
 rights ; lastly in the -king himself, who not only created and dis- 
 missed the Supreme Council at pleasure, but held the power of 
 making or revising their legislation. It was a truly wonderful 
 scheme, and one, in most respects, well calculated to tickle the 
 vanity of a weak prince. What wonder that, under it, the Local 
 Council got to be a pure aristocracy entirely independent of the 
 settlers, the people ! What wonder that no element of popular 
 liberty found its way into the government of the colony when 
 its code of laws was completed and received kingly sanction ! 
 And what wonder the parliament of England speedily raised the 
 question — a question which would not down until the American 
 revolution — of how far the king was a usurper of their powers 
 in assuming legislative authority abroad ! Even the religion of 
 the colonist was, under this memorable instrument, to be that 
 of the Church of England. 
 
 One may well say all this was a long way off from what kings 
 were afterwards taught to grant, and from that spirit of free 
 thought and action which now pervades our institutions. Under 
 such a charter and code permanent colonization at a distance 
 from home, and in a spot where everything invited to freedom, 
 was impossible. Every effort to plant under it, or to make it 
 work for the good of emigrants, showed its imperfections in glar- 
 ing colors. The weeding and paring process began early. 
 
 ENGLAND'S PERMANENT EOOTH OLD.— Under this 
 charter the London Company founded Jamestown, Va., May. 
 1607, one hundred and nine years after Cabot's discovery of the 
 Continent, and forty-one after Spain had settled Florida. As the 
 Puritan, destined for the Hudson, was blown upon Cape Cod, so 
 the three ships with the Virginia Colony were blown past 
 Raleigh's old settlement at Roanoke, and into the waters of the 
 Chesapeake. One year would have settled the fate of James- 
 town, but for Captain Smith, who had fought for freedom in 
 Holland, roamed France for pleasure, visited Egypt for study, 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH, 79 
 
 plunged into Mohammedan warfare for glory, escaped from Con- 
 stantinople to Russia for safety, and now entered as hero on a 
 drama the most exciting and thrilling of all. Even his ingenuity 
 in handling hostile natives, and his unbending will, stronger than 
 that of cowardly governor (Wingfield and Ratcliffe) or famished, 
 rebellious emigrant, could not have saved the colony, but for an 
 amendment to the charter government which robbed the king of 
 the supreme legislative powers he had reserved and turned them 
 over to the company and its governors. This gave to Smith's 
 genius a fuller rein. He made the gentlemen colonists work, 
 saying, " He who would not work might not eat." He entreated 
 the company to send " more suitable persons for Virginia." " I 
 entreat you," he writes, " rather send but thirty carpenters, hus- 
 bandmen, gardeners, fishermen, blacksmiths, masons and diggers 
 up of trees' roots, well provided, than a thousand of such as we 
 have." Hopeless as his task seemed he held his control of the 
 unruly colonists till disabled by an accidental explosion of gun- 
 powder he was forced to go to England for treatment, without 
 reward of any kind but the applause of conscience and the 
 world. He was the true father of Virginia, and, vastly more, the 
 pioneer who secured to the Saxon race its first permanent foot- 
 hold within the borders of the United States. Virginia was a 
 fact, but as yet a limitless fact. And this it proved, and con- 
 tinued to prove, that just as the king was shorn of his charter 
 powers, and just as the Home Council and the governors were 
 deprived of their arbitrary control, and the same passed over to 
 and began to be exercised by the people under the forms 
 of law, in that proportion the colony throve. America was 
 no place for restricted individual rights nor absolute foreign 
 authority. 
 
 TOBACCO, COTTON AND SLAVES.— The Jamestown 
 colonist got to be an industrious man. It was a clear question of 
 the " survival of the fittest." He grew tobacco and the cereals, and 
 found both profitable. The former became a staple and a cur- 
 rency. He was not satisfied with his farm title. It was amended 
 so as to make him secure. He clamored for representation. 
 This too he got, The first colonial assembly met at Jamestown. 
 
30 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 June, 1619. This was the dawn of legislative liberty in America, 
 They who had been dependent on the fickle will of a governor 
 demanded a code of laws based on those of England. Such a 
 code came over in 1621. It was a form of government away 
 outside of the harsh and narrow provisions of the charter. 
 Under it the colony got a parliament, very like that of England. 
 Thenceforth Virginia was the Virginia of the colonists. It was 
 their country, and their country reached from North Carolina to 
 Halifax, and as far west as imagination chose to go. The king 
 was still king, and of a new empire, but of a people who had 
 gradually acquired rights they would never voluntarily part with. 
 He had a rival though. In 162 1 the first cotton-seed was planted 
 with success. The infant thus cradled grew into " King Cot- 
 ton." Strange to say, only one year before, August, 1620, four- 
 teen months after the first Virginia Assembly, four months be- 
 fore the pilgrims landed at Plymouth rock, more than a hundred 
 years after slavery had disappeared from England, six years after 
 the abolition of serfdom in France, a Dutch man-of-war entered 
 the James river and landed twenty negroes for sa^le. Unfortu- 
 nately the constitution and code of laws which were received by 
 the colony the next year had been prepared without knowledge 
 of this event, or they might have contained some clause prohibit- 
 ing this kind of commerce. As it was, the commerce grew and 
 the slave system got hold, in spite of a strong sentiment among 
 the better class of colonists against it, and in spite of a few feeble 
 colonial laws passed with a design to discourage it. By one of 
 those strange contradictions in human affairs, the colony which 
 had in fourteen years converted a despotic charter into a repre- 
 sentative form of government, and had actually become an 
 asylum of liberty,* became also the abode of hereditary bonds- 
 men. f 
 
 * The Virginia Colony had not as yet paid much attention to its religious codw, 
 and even the heady Puritan could find an asylum there. His presence was not inter- 
 dicted till the democratic revolution in England under Cromwell gave political im- 
 portance to religious sects. Then to tolerate a Puritan was to favor a member of a 
 republican party. 
 
 f Negro slavery was certainly an offence against the better instincts of all the 
 polonies. Though alj the earlier ones tolerated it, there was no lack of dii'courag- 
 
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH. 
 
 POCAHONTAS RESCUING CAPTAIN SMITH. 
 6 ' ^ 81 
 
82 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 A ROYAL PROVINCE.— Kmg James got jealous of the 
 London Company. On the plea of mismanagement its charter 
 was cancelled. Virginia was free from a control which, while it 
 made a colony possible, had ever been an interference. Charles 
 I. (1625-1649), in accordance with his father's intentions, would 
 regard it as a Royal Province, to be governed by himself, but 
 fortunately more with a view to securing a revenue from its 
 tobacco and other staples, than with a design to interfere seriously 
 with the political rights of the colonists. But up came the 
 question of boundary. Virginia had ^no limits but those in the 
 charter, and it was gone. There was, therefore, no Virginia for 
 the map. Only the settlement called Virginia remained, and 
 the best it could do was to claim the old charter limits, whether 
 the charter existed or not. It therefore crossed swords with 
 the Mary lander who had come with his grant right into the 
 midst of the Virginia territory. But the flurry soon passed 
 over. The fate of Charles I. was sealed. Virginia thought to 
 fight Cromwell, but by capitulating got terms which were almost 
 equivalent to independence. Cromwell never bothered himself 
 about governors nor anything else outside of the mere question 
 of allegiance. So the colonists elected their own governors, and 
 the custom once established, it ever after prevailed. A grand 
 step toward popular independent government in the new world ! 
 
 MARYLAND CHARTER.— The mind of the Virginian was 
 not clear as to his country. Under the charter of 1606 his 
 domain was practically boundless to the north. Under an 
 amended charter he could claim to 41° (200 miles north of Old 
 Point Comfort), which was vaguely supposed to be the southern 
 limit of New England, or the southern boundary of the New 
 Netherlands. At any rate he would, now that he was pros- 
 perous and had ambitions, push his enterprises north of the 
 
 ing laws and regulations. The force of sentiment outside of themselves, especially 
 that sentiment born of traffic and cupidity, was stronger than the true and just col- 
 onial instinct, and hence ordinances discouraging slavery became dead letters. But 
 time would have corrected the errors of cupidity, all along the colonial line, had 
 it not happened that as long as the slave traffic was active, the climate, staples and 
 commercial tastes of the Southern colonies permitted the introduction of the slave 
 element to such an extent that heroic action against the system became impolitic. 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 83 
 
 Potomac and Susquehannah. But, alack ! he was suddenly cut 
 off Sir George Calvert had tried a Catholic settlement at 
 Avalon on the coasts of Newfoundland, but cold, a barren soil, 
 and French fishermen, had driven him away. He would try 
 again in a more favorable clime. His influence with the king 
 (James I.) was great, and the canceling of the Virginia patents 
 had restored to the monarch his authority over the soil. The 
 French, the Dutch, the Swedes, were preparing to come. Why 
 shouldn't Calvert have a slice of kindly soil for his experiment? 
 He got it, and evidently wrote his own charter.* It gave him a 
 clean slice of what was Virginia. Its bounds were the ocean, 
 the 40th parallel, the meridian through the fountain of the 
 Potomac, that river to its mouth, and a line from Watkin's 
 Point to the ocean — almost the Maryland of to-day. Calvert's 
 (Lord Baltimore's) province was a creation with a definite 
 boundary, the first, it may be said, thus far,t and it was Mary- 
 land, after Maria, wife of Charles I. Lord Baltimore was a 
 Proprietary, that is, the country was his estate. He was 
 governor, subject to the provisions of the charter, which were 
 very liberal indeed, securing to the colonists representative 
 government from the start, and therein contrasting strongly with 
 the Virginia charter, granted to mere trading companies. 
 Christianity was by the charter made the law, but no preference 
 was given to any sect, and equality in religious rights not less 
 than in civil freedom, was assured. Sir George Calvert died 
 April 15, 1632, but the charter was confirmed to. his son, 
 Cecil, June -20, 1632. As has been noted, Virginia was 
 
 * " The nature of ihe document itself, and concurrent opinion, leave no room to 
 doubt that it was penned by the first Lord Baltimore himself, although it was finally 
 issued to his son." — Bancroft, vol. i., 241. 
 
 f Ignorance of the geography of the interior left many of the early grants with- 
 out western limits. Some had the clause inserted " and extending through to the 
 Pacific," or " extending from ocean to ocean." But in general they were vague, 
 and the source of much future difficulty, as were those north and south boundaries 
 which so overlapped each other. The failure of the successive monarchs to under- 
 stand what their predecessors had done, the lapsing of so many grants by time or 
 Dy non-user, the desire of each monarch to gratify his friends or to map a new 
 Colonial policy of his own, all these contributed to ths confusion of charter bound- 
 aries. 
 
S4 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 furious over this robbery of her domain. She at first warred a 
 Httle about it, then carried her case to England, but the king's 
 privy council told her to go home and cultivate amicable rela- 
 tions with her neighbor. Her wrath had time to cool while the 
 boundary between her and Maryland was being adjusted. Cal- 
 vert knew quite well the folly of attempting a Catholic experi- 
 ment, no matter how liberal its provisions, so near the Virginia 
 settlement, and within its claimed limits, without first securing 
 for it carefully determined boundaries. Virginia's church was 
 the established church, which, liberal at first, was nearly ripe for 
 that uncharitable statute which banished all non-conformists 
 and made their return a felony. 
 
 SETTLEMENT OF MARYLANn. — Msirch 27, 1634, 
 Calvert founded his village of St. Mary's, and his state. The 
 Ark and Dove bore his colony. He treated with the Indians 
 and bought their soil. Thus his possession was peaceable, ex- 
 cept that Clayborne of Virginia wanted to drive him away by 
 force.* The colonists stuck from the start, and, unlike those of 
 Virginia, went to work. In six months St. Mary's was ahead 
 of Jamestown in its sixth year, f In one year the people, not 
 liking Calvert's Code, passed one of their own which, though it 
 did not go into effect, resulted in such modifications of Calvert's 
 as they wished. The " religious freedom " of the charter took 
 as wide shape in the statutes as was then possible. It embraced 
 all Christians, but with the awful proviso that, " Whatever per- 
 son shall blaspheme God or shall deny or reproach the Holy 
 Trinity, or any of the three persons thereof, shall be punished 
 with death." Nowhere in the United States is religious opinion 
 now regarded as a proper subject for such a penalty or for any 
 penal enactment at all. We have seen how Virginia profited by 
 the neglect of Cromwell, under the English Commonwealth. 
 
 * The native tribe had been punished by the Susquehannahs on the north, and 
 was just about to quit its seats on the Potomac, when Calvert came. He therefore 
 was able to drive a good bargain with them, and to quiet his title with a few pres- 
 ents of clothes, axes, hoes, knives, etc. 
 
 f " Within six months it (the Mai-yland colony) had advanced more than Virginia 
 kad done in as many years." — Bancroft, vol. i., p. 247. 
 
CHARLES I. OF ENGLAND. 
 
 85 
 
36 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 New England did the same. But Maryland went through the 
 fires of angry disputation. With the king gone, where was the 
 Proprietary who held from and under him ? " Gone too," said 
 Virginia. " Gone too," said Cromwell, though he was going to 
 trust to Calvert's good sense to manage things. But Virginia, 
 through the ambitious Clayborne, got over into Maryland, and 
 under cover of a commission actually ran away with the 
 government. Maryland had invited Puritans. They were 
 strong in Anne Arundel, and were Cromwellian republicans. 
 Calvert was shrewd enough to save his charter, but when he 
 went to reduce the Puritans he was whipped and his agent. 
 Stone, was imprisoned. Clayborne could reduce neither Catho- 
 lics nor Puritans. Thus matters stood for years, till the people 
 voted themselves a lawful assembly, without dependence on 
 other power in the province, and enacted compromise laws, 
 which Virginia ultimately assented to, and which both Puritan 
 and Catholic could respect. Thus Maryland like Virginia 
 was, at the restoration of Charles II. (1660), in full possession 
 of liberty based on the sovereignty of the people, and like 
 Virginia it had so nearly completed its political institutions 
 that not much further progress was made toward freedom and 
 independence till the period of final separation from England 
 (1776). 
 
 THE PLYMOUTH COUNCH.—\N& must now go back a 
 little in time and look northward. The Virginia charter of 1606 
 incorporated two monstrous companies, the London Company 
 (Southern colony), and Western or Plymouth Company (North- 
 ern colony). We have seen how the London Company suc- 
 ceeded at Jamestown, and how it was shorn of its rights in Vir- 
 ginia. What did the Western or Plymouth Company do with 
 its splendid grant of lands (in Virginia remember) between New 
 York and Labrador, 41° to 45°, and its magnificent privileges? 
 Under Popham himself it settled at St. George on the. Kennebec 
 (1607). But Popham died and the colony failed.* Inspired 
 
 * The Maine historians make much of this settlement, not only as ante-dating all 
 others in Northern Virginia or New England, but as going to show the directness 
 of the Maine title from the Virginia charter of 1606, and therefore the wrongfulness 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 87 
 
 anew by Smith, the Virginia hero, who had (1614) scoured the 
 coast from the Penobscot to Cape Cod and named the country 
 New England, another trial was made, but the colony never 
 landed. Still Smith's enthusiasm was all pervading. A new 
 and independent charter was sought for the company. This set 
 the Londoners and Westerlings to fighting. But clashing in- 
 terests could not stay results. Out of the conflicting claims 
 came a charter to forty of the king's favorites, many of them 
 members of both the old competing companies, and the best 
 men in them. It was one of the most sweeping papers which 
 ever bore royal signature. Its date was Nov. 3d, 1620, and it 
 incorporated "The council established at Plymouth (England) 
 for the planting, ruling, ordering and governing of New Eng- 
 land, in America." 
 
 NATURE OF THIS CHARTER.— ^ote first the size of the 
 territory it covered, and how it wiped out the entire field given 
 to both the London and Western Companies in the charter of 
 1606, also how it silenced forever the legal claim of Virginia (not 
 the popular claim) to her domain north of 40°. It extended in 
 breadth from 40° to 48° north latitude, and from the Atlantic to 
 the Pacific; that is, it embraced nearly all the inhabitable British 
 possessions of to-day,* all New England, New York, more than 
 half of New Jersey, nearly all Pennsylvania, and the mighty 
 sweep westward of all these States. So grand an empire had 
 never been given away by a single stroke of the pen. But more, 
 and worse, the charter gave to forty men the soil, the sole power 
 of legislation, the selection of all officers, the formation of a gov- 
 ernment, and powers over commerce as arbitrary as those con- 
 
 of the claim which Massachusetts subsequently made good. Had the Kennebec 
 colony stuck, they would have much better ground for their position; or had not the 
 character of titles shifted. Even at this early date the principle was abroad that a 
 title confirmed by actual settlement was better than one with no such substantial 
 backing. 
 
 * It paid no attention to the French possession of New France, which was 
 already permanently occupied at Port Royal, Quebec, and many other places 
 along the St. Lawrence. The thought evidently was to rely on the old Cabot 
 title by discovery, claim the continent, and drive off settlers of other nationalities if 
 necessary. 
 
88 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 veyed to the Cabots by Henry VII., in " that oldest American 
 State paper in England." No regard was shown for the liberty 
 of a single colonist. Everything was left to the council at Ply- 
 mouth. It was too big a monopoly to be of any use. Parlia- 
 ment rose in angry question of the king's right to thus fritter 
 away the public domain. France laughed at the thought of thus 
 appropriating her lands, in which settlements had existed for a 
 score of years. The patentees fell to furious wrangling about 
 their respective privileges, and while the confusion was at its 
 height something far-reaching and wonderful took place. 
 
 FIRST PURITAN ADVENT.— ThQ Reformation had made 
 possible the Puritan and Pilgrim, the man who wanted, and was 
 bound to have — for himself — religious and political liberty, at 
 whatever cost. When he imbibed Genevan Calvinism he drank 
 in at the same time the spirit of the Genevan republic. This 
 was the ferment which was working in feudal England when 
 Henry VIII. cut off the political horns of the pope, and which 
 came to the surface when Edward VI. permitted the Protestant 
 sects to show their heads without danger from the block. One 
 of these sects, Cranmer's, wanted mild reforms. This one be- 
 came the Church of England. The other would have no cere- 
 mony not enjoined by, the word of God, no divine right of 
 bishops, no inequality of clergy, no fixed rule of worship or in- 
 terpretation appointed by parliament, hierarchy or king. This 
 was Puritanism, pure and undefiled, and it had the sanction of 
 Martyr, Calvin, Hooper and Rogers. Under Mary, the Puritan, 
 as well as the Episcopalian, had to leave England, if he would 
 talk and act his convictions. He went to Amsterdam, Leyden, 
 Frankfort, Geneva, to every asylum on the continent, and he 
 learned much. When he came back under Elizabeth he was no 
 longer a monarchist, but wanted a state of his own, one in which 
 he had a personal voice; therefore he was a politician,* and now 
 doubly dangerous and doubly to be despised. The hard meas- 
 ure of Elizabeth to exile or hang all who should be absent from 
 
 * Even the English church charged them with seeking a popular state ; and 
 Elizabeth declared they were more perilous than the Romanists. The Romanists 
 were for monarchy, and Elizabeth did not despise them on that account. 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 89 
 
 the English service for a month sent the Puritan abroad again, 
 and especially the stiffer-necked branch called Independent or 
 Separatist. The more politic remained to make Elizabeth 
 ashamed of her hanging of Barrow and Greenwood, and to teach 
 her that the spirit of liberty was sufficiently abroad to endanger 
 the chances of her successor to the throne if- she carried on in 
 too high-handed a manner.* 
 
 Elizabeth, " dead and forgotten in four days," was succeeded 
 by James I., a most cowardly sprig of royalty, who was a Puritan 
 in Scotland, but who was no sooner - over the border than 
 he couldn't distinguish between the interests of the English 
 church and his own political prerogatives. " No bishop, no 
 king" was his inspiration, and the Puritan was more a "viper" 
 than ever, even if the king was a Protestant. He would " harry 
 them all out of the kingdom, or, better, hang them, if they did not 
 conform," and then when the Pilgrim wanted to go he had to 
 escape. Wherever he went in Holland or on the continent this 
 was true of him : he was industrious, nearly always a farmer or 
 tradesman, frugal, patient, pious, shrewd, liberty-loving, and 
 though a Pilgrim, attached to his nationality. He was not con- 
 tent in Holland, but, like others, began to dream of a colony in 
 the wilderness which should augment the king's realm, give him 
 the government of his native land without its hardships, and thus 
 secure him the liberty he wanted. Whom should he consult? 
 It was 1617, and the London Company which had given life to 
 Virginia was yet in existence and claiming everything north of 
 North Carolina. It therefore was consulted, and would have 
 responded favorably but for bickerings. The king was petitioned 
 for a charter. He promised nothing, but gave out the impres- 
 sion that if the Puritan would only betake himself to America 
 and there behave himself he would be let alone. That was 
 something ; perhaps all he had a right to expect. Then he went 
 back to the London Company, which granted a patent, but being 
 made in the Mame of one who failed to accompany the Pilgrim 
 expedition ft was of no use. There was nothing left but the 
 
 * " The precious spark of liberty had been kindled and preserved by the Puritans 
 alone." — Carte's England, iii., 707. 
 
90 
 
 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 king's promise of neglect. With this for a charter the " Speed- 
 well " (60 tons) and " Mayflower " (120 tons) were equipped for 
 the voyage. A solemn fast (the original of the American thanks- 
 giving), and the Leyden Pilgrims sailed for Southampton. 
 There the English faithful came aboard, and the two ships dared 
 the ocean voyage. But the " Speedwell " gave out, and the two 
 ships put back to Plymouth, where the rotten one was dismissed. 
 A hundred souls, men, women and children,* crowded into the 
 '* Mayflower," and on the 6th of September, 1620, the ship was 
 off again, off for the Hudson. Bad navigation or storms brought 
 the Pilgrim boat to the bleak coast of Cape Cod, Nov. 9, 1620, 
 thirteen years after the founding of Jamestown, and less than 
 two months after the signing of the wonderful charter of the 
 Plymouth Council, above mentioned. After a period of pro- 
 specting, on Monday, Dec. ii (say Dec. 22 new style), 1620, a 
 landing was effected at Plymouth rock, and actual New Eng- 
 land had a beginning. The colony was that of Plymouth, 
 whence they had sailed. 
 
 The government of the Pilgrim,t framed in the cabin of the 
 " Mayflower," provided for a " proper democracy " in the Colony 
 of Northern Virginia, based on religious and political rights. It 
 promised loyalty to the Crown, which was its bid to be let alone. 
 The Pilgrim weathered two years of cold, barrenness, and adver- 
 sity which would have broken up any colony but a Pilgrim 
 colony. His tenacity, industry, thrift, morals, family, organizing 
 power, memory of wrongs, and intense love of freedom, gave him 
 a foothold in spite of cheerless climate and unproductive soil. 
 He placated the Indians by treaty, raised corn, drove a brisk 
 trade, started his " little democracy," worshipped as he wished, 
 partitioned his lands. Were his titles good ? The Indians had 
 
 * The pilgrim brought his family along. The Virginian came without wife or 
 child. Smith's prayer was for farmers, mechanics, and men with families. Till 
 such came colonization was mere adventure. 
 
 + " Puritan " and " Pilgrim " are fairly interchangeable. The latter was the former 
 ' in exile, before he crossed the Atlantic. Not all Puritans were Separatists and In- 
 dependents. In general the Puritans were more diplomatic than the Pilgrims. 
 Puritanism covers both very well. 
 
PLYMOUTK ROCK. 
 
 91 
 
92 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 said, " Come; " that was as good as a purchase. The principles 
 of English law, and natural justice, said they were good. So the 
 Pilgrim was secure. He struck deep in his own barren soil and 
 branched out to the Connecticut, to Cape Ann, and to the Ken- 
 nebec. 
 
 PLYMOUTH COUNCIL.— The shrewd Pilgrim heard of the 
 wonderful grant to the Plymouth Council and knew it embraced 
 his Plymouth. He worked into the good graces of the Council 
 through the influence of Gorges and got a sub-patent. This 
 attempt of the great Council to portion its powers and lands 
 again brought up the grave question in parliament of how far 
 the king had made a fool of himself in parting with so much 
 territory and power without parliamentary sanction. The Coun- 
 cil, monopolists as they were called, and the king were pitted 
 against the parliament and such level-headed lawyers as Sir 
 Edward Coke, who wanted the power of the Council broken and 
 a free opportunity given to colonize the rest of New England. 
 The Council, forced partly to the wall, determined to make the 
 best of a bad bargain by breaking up its immense domain. There 
 was a scramble for corporation patents. Mason got a patent for 
 the lands between the Salem river and the farthest head of the 
 Merrimac (1621). Gorges and Mason took a patent for Laconia, 
 the whole country between the sea, the St. Lawrence, the Mer- 
 rimac and Kennebec, and the plantations on the Piscataqua, as 
 well as the towns of Portsmouth and Dover came into being, 
 say 1623. Mason got a second patent (1629) for the country 
 between the Merrimac and Piscataqua, which was afterwards 
 known as the New Hampshire patent, and so the business ran 
 into interminable confusion and endless law-suits. The omnip- 
 otent Council of Plymouth was fast frittering away its lands, 
 influence and prerogatives. 
 
 SECOND PURITAN ADVENT— The Puritan at home 
 chafed under the constraints of English law and the severities 
 of -the English church. Minister White, of Dorchester, though 
 not a Separatist, would lead a colony of the faithful across the 
 waters. Despite his puritanism, he formed a company, which 
 bought of the expiring Plymouth Council a belt of land extend- 
 
94 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 ing from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and from three miles south 
 of the river Charles and Massachusetts bay to three miles north 
 of every part of the river Merrimac. This was a strong com- 
 pany in men, for it included such as Sir Henry Roswell, Sir 
 John Young, Thomas Southcoat, John Humphrey, John Endicot, 
 Simon Whetcomb, and afterwards Winthrop, Dudley, Johnson, 
 Pynchon, Eaton, Saltonstall, and Bellingham, all names well 
 known in colonial history. Endicot, the sternest kind of a Pur- 
 itan, was selected to begin the work of establishing a plantation 
 of " the best of their countrymen " on the shores of New Eng- 
 land and in safe seclusion, where the corruptions of human 
 superstition might never invade. Not trusting to this patent 
 from the Council, for it was in contravention of half a dozen 
 others, it was confirmed by a charter from Charles I., and " The 
 Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New Eng- 
 land " was on its feet. Its date is March 4, 1629. The king 
 was evidently mad when he signed it. He had made up his 
 mind to govern his foreign territory, or have it governed, as he 
 pleased and without the aid of parliament. So, the provisions 
 of the charter were not unlike those of Virginia, not a whit more 
 liberal as to the rights of the emigrant, equally as hard and close 
 as to the powers of the corporation, which had even the right to 
 elect its own governors. As in Virginia, " the blessed boon of 
 freedom " for the colonist, the right to local self-government, 
 was to come about over the wreck of corporation codes and 
 amid the ruin of original charter claims. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS COLONY.— \5nd.Qx the auspices of 
 this Company of Massachusetts Bay, the Puritans struck Salem, 
 but Charlestown got a few of the new-comers, and so did the vil- 
 lage of Boston, soon to become the capital. These Puritans 
 came full of notions of a church wherein they might worship 
 after their liking, and with no, or very narrow, notions of a po- 
 liticaLstate. But they were shrewd and business-like. The 
 thought of being under a company whose members resided at a 
 distance was not pleasant. An original idea struck them. Why 
 not pick the whole company up and carry it across the waters ? 
 It could execute the provisions of the charter better on the spot 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 95 
 
 than 3,000 miles away. That is just what was done,^and in a 
 twinkhng it changed a commercial corporation into an inde- 
 pendent provincial government. Governors, deputy governors, 
 members of the company, and all interested became colonists — 
 a happy Puritan band intent on their religion and church, but 
 wide awake as to their political freedom and all local and ma- 
 terial interests. They held in their own hands the key to their 
 religious asylum, and unceremoniously locked the doors against 
 all enemies to its harmony and safety. Winthrop, the aristo- 
 cratic, pious, conforming, discreet Winthrop, came over as 
 governor. The hard trials and disappointments of colonists, 
 especially on a shore so bleak, passed, the community settled 
 down to an " assembly of all the freemen of the colony," at 
 Boston. Their first effort was a sort of elective aristocracy. 
 Their second, the next year, 1631, was a sort of commonwealth 
 of the chosen people in covenant with God — a theocracy, if you 
 please. No man was admitted to the freedom of the body politic 
 unless he was a member of some of the Puritan churches. But 
 in all things their government was representative. That was a 
 great point. The colony was politic. It encouraged peaceful 
 barter with the Indians. It sent messengers of peace to the 
 Pilgrims, and to all former colonists. It traded with the Dutch 
 on the Hudson. It invited and got large accessions of colonists 
 from England, the very best men there, such as Cotton, and 
 Hooker, teachers and thinkers at home, the fittest material for 
 preachers, governors, and long-headed diplomatists abroad. 
 When the ministers would hold too hard to the theocratic idea, 
 the freemen inquired more deeply into their liberties and privi- 
 leges, demanded annual elections, introduced the ballot-box, 
 instead of the old-fashioned show of hands, got to be as noisy 
 and self-assertive as the modern politician. With the exception 
 of a limited suffrage, the democracy of Massachusetts was as 
 perfect then as now. Unfortunately the suffrage was limited 
 only to the faithful. Hence the split with Roger Williams and 
 his expulsion as an heretical fellow who taught that " The civil 
 magistrate should restrain crime, but never control opinion ; 
 should punish guilt, but never violate the freedom of the soul." 
 
96 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 This doctrine would blot out the felony if non-conformity, 
 would repeal every law compelling attendance on public worship, 
 would give protection to every form of religious faith, would 
 make every freeman a voter whether Puritan or not, would, in a 
 word, smash the whole Puritan fabric. And then he had com- 
 mitted other offense by writing an article in which he argued 
 that an English patent could not invalidate the rights of the 
 Indian to the soil. This was very like treason against the charter 
 of the colony. The very wise Bradford thought Williams crazy. 
 All in all, he had to go, this first person in Christendom to assert 
 fully the doctrine of freedom of conscience, the equality of opin- 
 ions before the law, and this defender of them even in advance 
 of the immortal John Milton and Jeremy Taylor. And his going 
 meant what ? 
 
 THE BIRTH OF RHODE /5Z^iVZ>.— Williams stopped 
 at Seekonk, but that was within the Plymouth patent. He 
 pushed on to a spot where patents would not interfere, and hav- 
 ing found it he called it Providence (1636). A deed from 
 Miantonomoh quieted his title as to the Indians. His govern- 
 ment was a pure democracy. Williams gave all power and lands 
 to the people, and they decided everything in their conventions. 
 A magistracy, executive officers, governors, were things of an 
 after time. 
 
 CONNECTICUT TAKES SHAPE.— ThQ shrewd Puritan 
 would head off the Dutch who were creeping toward the valley 
 of the Connecticut. The soil was in the Earl of Warwick, as 
 proprietary, under a grant from the Council of New England, or 
 rather, in Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brooke and John Hampden, 
 as his assigns. But before they could colonize it the people of 
 New Plymouth had built a trading-house at Windsor, and soon 
 had settlements at Hartford, Windsor and Wethersfield. To the 
 Puritans the valley of the Connecticut was indeed a new Hesperia. 
 Thither they marched in no limited numbers under the lead of 
 such as Hooker and others — emigrants from the most valued 
 citizens, the earliest settlers, and oldest churches of Massachu- 
 setts Bay. The bloodthirsty Pequods could not intimidate them 
 nor stay their westward march, but went down before it even to 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 97 
 
 the last of their tribe. The Puritan was a soldier as well as 
 preacher. At New Haven, too, an independent Puritan colony- 
 sprang up with Davenport as pastor and Theophilus Eaton as 
 governor, for twenty years (1638), with no statute-book but the 
 Bible, and no freemen but the elect. 
 
 UNITED COLONIES.— ^Sissing the long legal fight be- 
 tween the old Plymouth Council and the Company of Massa- 
 chusetts Bay, which brought Puritanism under the suspicion of 
 aiming more at a distinct political sovereignty than at simply a 
 church of its own, the time had come for closer co-operation 
 among the New England colonists. At least this was the Mas- 
 sachusetts thought, though it was doubtless suggested as much 
 by her desire to extend her power and influence as anything else. 
 The first move was on New Hampshire, which we have seen 
 had existence under the Mason grants. She readily accepted 
 the jurisdiction of the stronger colony, not doubting that a strict 
 construction of her charter gave Massachusetts a valid claim on 
 her territory, and wishing to avoid the disputes which were sure 
 to follow refusal. The Pequod wars, and fears of the Dutch on 
 the south, made it the policy of the Connecticut and New Haven 
 governments to seek terms of union. 
 
 The Indian tribes of Narragansett wanted the protection of 
 ]\Iassachusetts, so they granted to her their Rhode Island. But 
 Williams, who had gone to England to get a charter, returned 
 with it (1644) in time to save his little state from absorption. 
 Down in Maine, Rigby, purchaser of the Lygonia patent, and 
 the assigns of Gorges, were in bitter legal warfare about their 
 right to own and govern. They agreed to refer their disputes to 
 Massachusetts as umpire. The shrewd umpire decided that 
 neither party was right, and told them to go home and live at 
 peace. This was impossible, and the umpire knew it, but it knew 
 also that the plum, not yet ripe enough for the plucking, would 
 be as soon as the disputes had impoverished both parties. An 
 appeal was had to England, but she took no stock in the contro- 
 versy. Then Massachusetts offered mediation. The role of 
 King Stork was repeated. Unfolding her own charter and point- 
 ing to its date, which was prior to that in the patents of either 
 7 
 
98 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 of the disputants, and pointing again to her boundary h'ne, three 
 miles north of any point on the Merrimac, she pohtely informed 
 the Maine folks that they had all along been shearing goats, and 
 that the territory was hers at any rate, which claim she made 
 good. Thus did Massachusetts extend her territory to Casco 
 Bay, and there was such a thing as the " United Colonies of 
 New England."* 
 
 A GENERAL ADVANCE.— AW this colonial growth and 
 consolidation made free local legislation more desirable, and the 
 interference of parliament more intolerable. The principle was 
 echoed from Virginia to the Kennebec, that the colonies were 
 entitled to their own parliaments and legislatures. Royalty was 
 pitiably situated, for kings did not wish to go back on their 
 grants and their claim to give their soil to whom they pleased, to 
 be governed as they prescribed. This was the three-sided fight, 
 now fully on, and not to be determined till the American Revo- 
 lution settled it. During the time of Cromwell (1648-1659) the 
 northern colonies, being republican in spirit, gained a more solid 
 footing, and made great progress. As the issue of Puritanism 
 was popular sovereignty, Cromwell was pleased with the New 
 England situation. " He that prays best will fight best," was his 
 judgment, and he did not doubt the ability of the Puritan to 
 take care of himself, without a king at the helm in England. 
 
 FREAKS OF CHARLES //.—The restoration of royalty 
 in England (1660) was a period of apprehension in Colonial 
 America. King Charles 11. (1660-1685) had no respect for ac- 
 quired rights on this side the Atlantic, and none for the acts of 
 his royal predecessors. He would be original or nothing, would 
 tear everything to pieces in order to enjoy confusion or the 
 pleasure of reconstruction. His freaks in upsetting old colonial 
 lines and titles astonished the world. Fortunately their very 
 
 * " The first conception of an American union entertained by the founders of New 
 England was to join in political bonds only those colonies in which the people 
 were of a similar way of thinking in theology, when, in the spirit of a theocracy, 
 they aimed to form a Christian state in the bosom of the church. This was em- 
 bodied in the New England Confederacy (1643-1684). Its basis was not broad 
 enough to embrace the whole of this territory, or sufficiently just to include all iU 
 population." — Frothingham'' s Rise of the Republics 
 

 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 99 
 
100 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 wildness defeated their aim in many instances, and averted the 
 confusion whicK would otherwise have attended the king's folly. 
 In other instances, some of the colonies got what they had never 
 been able to get. 
 
 Winthrop got a splendid charter — in utter disregard of all for- 
 mer grants — for Connecticut (1662), which embraced both the 
 Hartford and New Haven colonies, and extended from the Nar- 
 ragansett River to the Pacific Ocean, and the beauty of it was, it 
 gave to the colonists unqualified power to govern themselves. 
 Unwittingly, the king and Clarendon had set up a democracy 
 where they only intended to create a close corporation. 
 
 Rhode Island was favored with a new charter (1663) almost as 
 liberal as the old. The little State could now defy Massachu- 
 setts, who had denied her right to separate existence. 
 
 For Maryland the restoration meant the restoration of its pro- 
 prietary to all his charter rights and privileges. 
 
 Virginia, through the faithless Sir William Berkley, was dis- 
 membered by lavish grants to the king's courtiers. 
 
 New Hampshire and Maine were metamorphosed, by reviving 
 old proprietary rights therein, with a view of selling them to the 
 Duke of Monmouth. 
 
 The country from Connecticut River to Delaware Bay was 
 (1664), in spite of the Dutch possessions and the charter just 
 given to Winthrop, granted to the Duke of York ; so was part 
 of Maine. Acadia was given back to France. 
 
 Thus there was disturbance all along the coast-line, and the 
 ingenuity of the young governments was taxed to the uttermost 
 to bring order out of confusion, and save their identities, where 
 it was at all possible. 
 
 Massachusetts wanted her charter confirmed by the new king. 
 A new one was granted which was not satisfactory, and the 
 Puritans got so stiff about it as to throw them open to the sus- 
 picion of wishing to set up an independent nation. Had Claren- 
 don, the king's prime minister, lived, there is no telling what the 
 hostility of the throne to the attitude the Puritan was forced to 
 assume would have led to. There must have been war, disas- 
 trous to the colonists, for they never talked bolder, though their 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH, 101 
 
 strength was not equal to independence as yet. Clarendon gone, 
 the king and parliament had enough on their hands for a time 
 with home affairs, and during this happy neglect the colonists 
 had opportunity to test their coherence and fighting qualities by 
 defending themselves against that grand old Indian chieftain 
 King Philip (1676). 
 
 SMASHING AND PATCHING. — When Charles was 
 about to turn his theft of Maine and New Hampshire over to 
 the worthless Duke of Monmouth, Massachusetts got possession 
 of the Gorges claims, paying ^6,000 therefor, and thus threw 
 another obstacle in the king's way. After this, Maine was given 
 a separate government and ruled as a province of Massachu- 
 setts (1680).* New Hampshire was not so easily quieted. The 
 Mason claim proved worthless. Therefore Massachusetts lost 
 her hold, and New Hampshire was organized into a royal 
 province, July 24, 1679, the first ever established in New Eng- 
 land. It was a terrible experiment. The king's governor, 
 Cranfield, would rule in accordance with English law and cus- 
 tom, and the colonists would have their local legislature. The 
 contention went on till Cranfield withdrew in despair from those 
 " unreasonable people " (1684). 
 
 Meanwhile the stiff-necked Puritans of Massachusetts had re- 
 newed their battle for sovereignty. The king attacked their 
 charter. It must go, and go it did June 18, 1684. There was 
 now no bar between the colony and the will of the English 
 sovereign. Was property secure ? Was religion in danger ? The 
 outlook was gloomy in the extreme. 
 
 DAIVN OF NORTH CAROLINA.— Turn from the cold, 
 sterile North to the sunny, fertile South, and to that part of it 
 over which De Soto roamed at will, in which Coligny failed to 
 plant his Huguenots, and Raleigh to carry out his designs. 
 Here the freakish King Charles II. had enriched courtiers, like 
 Clarendon, Monk, Lord Craven, Lord Ashley Cooper, Lord 
 John Berkley, his brother. Sir William Berkley, Governor of 
 
 * There were three titles in Maine at this time. (l) French, from the St. Croix 
 to the Penobscot. (2) The Duke of York's, between the Penobscot and the Kenne- 
 bec. (3) Massachusetts', between the Kennebec and Piscataqua. 
 
102 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 Virginia, and Sir George Cartaret, by giving them, as proprie- 
 taries, the CaroHna country. It was not now (1660) entirely 
 unpeopled. There were Puritans all around Cape Fear and Vir- 
 ginians in Southern Virginia at Albemarle Sound, that is to say, 
 in North Carolina ; and it was to these Albemarle folks that 
 Berkley (of Virginia) sent William Drummond, a Scotch Pres- 
 byterian, as governor, with authority to institute a government 
 which should include " an Assembly of the people and guarantee 
 liberty of conscience." This foothold was not enough for 
 Clarendon and his associates, who dreamed of greater wealth 
 and power in this goodly country. A new charter was obtained 
 which, in defiance of both Spain and Virginia, granted all the 
 land between the Atlantic and Pacific, and between 29° and 36^ 
 30' N. lat. ; that is, all North and South Carolina, Georgia, Ten- 
 nessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, much of 
 Florida and Missouri, nearly all of Texas and a portion of Mex- 
 ico. In this boundless domain — an empire was evidently in- 
 tended — every favor was extended to the proprietaries. To 
 Ashley Cooper, Earl of Shaftsbury, was entrusted the work of 
 framing a constitution. He was an aristocrat, a skeptic and a 
 scholar, and he and Locke, the philosopher, put their heads 
 together. The result was that stupendous Carolina constitution 
 which has ever since been a wonder to theorists and an object 
 of praise or derision by statesmen. It created a nobility, be- 
 friended the slave system, limited the elective franchise to free- 
 holders of fifty acres, partitioned the land into counties, one-fifth 
 for the proprietaries, one-fifth for the nobility, three-fifths for the 
 people, beyond whose reach lay the executive, the judicial and 
 even the legislative power. The Church of England was to be 
 the national religion, though other religions were not proscribed. 
 This constitution was signed March, 1670, and was heralded as 
 " without compare." A splendid scheme for landgraves and 
 lords of manors, for courts of heraldry and admiralty, but lu- 
 dicrously inflated and inappropriate for a few planters and traders 
 in Carolina cabins ! The fact is, the Virginia planter, the Puritan 
 trader, the Quaker exile, went about their own legislation and 
 governing, very much as if they had never heard of the proprie- 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH, • IQ;] 
 
 taries and their magnificent scheme of empire, and the foundations 
 of free local institutions were so deeply laid among them by the 
 time (1681-1688) Sothel came over to administer the govern- 
 ment of the proprietaries that, after a squabble of five or six 
 years, they condemned him to a twelvemonth exile, and went 
 peacefully on with their own affairs. Thus North Carolina came, 
 not rapidly, to be sure, for there was no fixed minister till 1703, 
 no church till 1705, no printing press till 1754, but modestly' and 
 quietly, as well she might, for her people were mostly the colon- 
 ists of other colonies, who, tired of restraints, sought serene, 
 unanxious life amid the granges of a southern clime. 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA.— So loudly had the coming of the 
 Model Carolina Constitution (Shaftsbury's and Locke's) been 
 proclaimed, and so much the soil and climate of Carolina been 
 praised as the " beauty and envy of Nortli America," that even 
 before the former was signed, Joseph West, as agent and gover- 
 nor for the proprietaries, and William Sayle, as clerical leader, 
 started with a number of emigrants (1670) for the spot (Beau- 
 fort) where the early Huguenots had engraved the lilies of France 
 and erected the first Carolina fortress. But sailing into Ashley 
 River, they stopped at the " first high land,"* and there started the 
 government of South Carolina, the people electing their own 
 legislature and claiming the privileges of full sovereignty. It 
 wasn't in accordance with the " Model Constitution," but it was 
 popular, and when the " Model " came, it was resisted (1672). 
 Still the proprietaries sent over colonists, dissenters as well as 
 churchmen. Already (1671) Sir John Yeamans had arrived 
 from Barbadoes with African slaves.f Dutch emigrants came 
 from New York. An Irish colony came under Ferguson. Even 
 Scotchmen settled at Port Royal, only to be assaulted and scat- 
 tered by the Spanish. But the most remarkable thing in the 
 history of colonial South Carolina is the fact that what Provi- 
 
 * This spot is now a jilantation. Not having any commeicial advantages, it was 
 soon overshadowed by Charleston and finally abandoned. 
 
 f Thus slavery in South Carolina was coeval with the first plantations on Ashley 
 River. It was the only one of the original thirteen States that from its cradle was 
 essentially a planting State with slave labor. 
 
104 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 dence postponed for Coligny and Raleigh was, a hundred years 
 later, to come about, and that through a persecution * which 
 added greatly to the intelligence, moral worth and ultimate free- 
 dom of the American colonies, and for Europe hastened the 
 revolution in the institutions of the age. Escaping from a 
 land where their religion was a crime, their estates liable to be 
 confiscated, their children hardly their own, and their lives never 
 safe, Huguenot fugitives from Languedoc, Rochelle, Bordeaux, 
 Poictiers, and the beautiful valley of Tours, men of Puritan 
 hardihood and zeal, but without superstition or fanaticism, came 
 to Charleston and to the Santee. Out of such material did 
 South Carolina spring. It was a pretty southern picture of 
 unity in variety, for all were agreed to rule themselves, and re- 
 sistance to the proprietaries and their visionary code continued 
 till the English revolution of 1688, when a meeting of the repre- 
 sentatives of South Carolina disfranchised Collton, the proprie- 
 tary governor, and banished him from the province. 
 
 THE DUTCH REALM.— ThQ Dutch, splendid sailors, fond 
 of trade, loving land and settlement, were abroad in the West 
 Atlantic waters as soon as any nation. Henry Hudson's voyage 
 (1606- 1 609) to Newfoundland, to Cape Cod, to the Chesapeake, 
 to the Delaware, thence up the Hudson, his trading-post at 
 Manhattan (New York), his claim, by right of discovery, to all 
 the country from Cape Cod to the mouth of the Delaware, with 
 no westward limit, as " The New Netherlands," make a story 
 full of spirit and novelty. Had not his love of trade been so 
 much greater than his love of acres and his tread not been more 
 firm on the decks of his ships than on dry land, the Dutchman 
 might have pushed his magnificent frontage of four hundred 
 miles clear through to the Pacific. He was industrious, plod- 
 ding, moral, brave, liberty-loving, in fact an excellent colonist, 
 yet his early settlements were only trading-posts. Such was 
 New York in 1623, and Lewistown, on the Delaware, in 163 1. 
 In his attempt to push into the valley of the Connecticut he was 
 absorbed by the Puritan. Then, in Delaware Bay, he was forced 
 
 * The revocation of the edict of Nantes, October 22, 1685, and the slaughter of 
 the Huguenots in France. 
 
GUSTAVUS I. OF SWEDEN. 
 
 105 
 
106 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 to meet the Swede, who came alon^ with his Hberal Christian 
 scheme, prepared under the auspices of Gustavus Adolphus 
 himself, who was backed by all Germany. 
 
 SWEDISH ADVENT.— W\i\\o\xt charter, or patent, or grant 
 
 ' of any kind, but relying on such title as purchase from the In- 
 dian might give when backed by actual settlement, the Swede 
 sailed into the Delaware (1638), built a fort at Christiana Creek, 
 and colonized Delaware anew. Then pushing to Upland, Tini- 
 .cum, and even to the Falls of the Delaware (Trenton), he claimed 
 
 'by. actual settlement parts of the three States of Delaware, New 
 Jersey and Pennsylvania as New Sweden. The Swede's peace- 
 ful Indian policy, his quiet religious zeal, the beauty and balmi- 
 ness of his new possessions, the feeling of protection that the 
 fame of his arms in Europe engendered, made New Sweden a 
 desirable home for colonists. But his presence was a bold break 
 into the New Netherland country. The Dutch remonstrated, but 
 feared, for Gustavus was a famous fighter. Still they could not 
 bear the loss of their trade which occupancy of both banks of 
 so important a stream as the Delaware, by the Swedes, threatened. 
 Resorting to a shrewd trick, they built a fort at Newcastle, below 
 the Swedish settlement, and thus hemmed the interloping Scan- 
 dinavian in. In a thoughtless hour the Swedish governor at- 
 tacked this fort and drove the Dutch out. Stuyvesant, the 
 Dutch governor, sent around a fleet from Manhattan (New 
 York), which swept the Delaware of every Swedish stronghold 
 (1635). But if his New Sweden was thus summarily wiped out, 
 the Swede himself stayed ; his impress is still visible in all the 
 land he possessed ; it was his Indian policy that Penn adopted ; 
 his history is loved and honored ; he was entirely too good a man 
 to drive away, and so became a factor, direct or indirect, in 
 whatever appertained to after Delaware settlement. 
 
 NEW JERSEY TAKES EORM.—ThQ Dutch were prouder 
 than ever of their great realm, the restored New Netherlands. 
 But there was a sad day ahead. Cromwell would strike Hol- 
 land through her most prosperous colony. His plan of humil- 
 iation was never fully carried out, but it was remembered by 
 Charles II. This monarch gave the country from the Connecti- 
 
108 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 cut to the Delaware to the Duke of York, and then proceeded 
 to expel the Dutch from a domain he contemptuously called his 
 own. Stuyvesant yielded in the face of superior force (September, 
 1664). In October, 1664, the Dutch and Swedes on the Dela- 
 ware capitulated, and for the first time the whole Atlantic coast 
 of the old thirteen States was in possession of P2ngland. The 
 New Netherlands were speedily dismembered. Two months be- 
 fore their fall, and in anticipation of that event, the Duke of 
 York assigned to Berkley and Sir George Cartaret, both pro- 
 prietaries of Carolina, the land between the Hudson and the 
 Delaware (June 23, 1664). This became New Jersey, already 
 peopled by Puritans, Quakers, Swedes and Scotch dissenters. 
 Cartaret became governor, and he gave the colony a liberal form 
 of government. 
 
 THE QUAKER COMES.— A\\ sects were finding an asylum 
 rn America, why should not the peaceful, pious, liberty-loving 
 Quaker? His experiment was now ripe for trial. The son of a 
 Leicestershire weaver and the apprentice of a Nottingham shoe- 
 maker, George Fox, had questioned his life, till the revelation 
 came that truth is only to be sought by listening to the voice of 
 God in the soul. Creeds and superstitions and idle forms of 
 men were vanities. The Spirit was the true monitor. This was 
 freedom in the abstract. Monarchy, hierarchy, code, every 
 outward, hampering, trammelling thing, must go down before it. 
 The Quaker rise was remarkable and memorable. It was intel- 
 lectual freedom bursting out amid the masses, the old philos- 
 ophy of the Portico playing its part among the people. Quaker- 
 ism, as developed by Barclay and Penn, became intellectual free- 
 dom, the supremacy of mind, universal enfranchisement. Its 
 reality was the Inner Light. As old as humanity, it embraced 
 humanity. The first distinctive Quaker settlement was in West 
 New Jersey at Salem, 1675, on a moiety of his province bought 
 of Berkley. In this purchase Penn became interested. But 
 the Quaker wanted more. Even the purchase of East New 
 Jersey of the heirs of Cartaret was not enough. A grant must 
 be had west of the Delaware. For this Penn became a suitor in 
 1680. England owed his father i^ 16,000 for signal service ia 
 
FIRST SETTLEMENT OF NEW YORK. 
 
 109 
 
110 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 naval warfare against the Dutch. Grant of a province was an 
 easy way to cancel the debt. In favor with the Duke of York, 
 he obtained from Charles II., Pennsylvania, which was included 
 within three degrees of latitude and five of longitude, west of the 
 Delaware. The Duke of York retained the three lower counties ; 
 that is, the State of Delaware, as an appendage to his New York 
 possessions. Penn launched his experiment in 1682, at Phila- 
 delphia. His form of government was liberal. No colonist 
 complained of power withheld or right endangered. His scheme 
 is thus epitomized in his own language : " It is the great end of 
 government to support power in reverence with the people, and 
 to secure the people from the abuse of power ; for liberty with- 
 out obedience is confusion, and obedience without liberty is 
 slavery." His policy with the Indian was that of the Swede, 
 who had preceded him. The native was dealt with as a man. 
 His lands were bought, not stolen. Respect for native titles 
 secured firmness for the titles of the colonists.* The experi- 
 ment was a success from the start. The Quaker asylum on the 
 Delaware was thronged by Welsh, and Irish and Scotch, as well 
 as English. The Low Countries and all Germany sent their grand 
 contingent of inoffensive, religious, land-getting, forest-reducing 
 yeomanry. No American colony moved off under such auspices 
 nor with so firm a tread. The Pennsylvania which was in Vir- 
 ginia, in the New Netherlands, in the new Sweden, in the grant to 
 the Duke of York, and as Lord Baltimore claimed partly in Mary- 
 land (hence the dispute which ended in the celebrated Mason and 
 Dixon line) took a title which remained unmolested by royalty, 
 and a territorial shape which corresponds with that of to-day, ex- 
 cept the small triangle on Lake Erie, which was afterwards added. 
 BA WN OF NEW YORK.—^qw York, like New Jersey, 
 Delaware and Pennsylvania, came into existence by the partition 
 of the New Netherlands. When the Dutch authority passed to 
 England (1664), the soil of the New Netherlands passed to the 
 
 * We are sorry, for the sake of sentiment, not to be able tp draw the usual picture 
 of Penn's treaty with the Indians. It is not historic, but a pretty piece of imagina- 
 tion, due perhaps to West's painting of Perin, the Indians and the treaty tree, 
 Fenn's treaty was simply Fenn's policy. 
 
PETER STUYVESANT. 
 
 Ill 
 
112 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 Duke of York. We have seen how he disposed of New Jersey, 
 how he withdrew his right in order to let Penn have a clear 
 title to Pennsylvania, how he reserved Delaware, and now his 
 claim to New York remained. It was not the New York of to- 
 day, but Vermont also, and a vague boundary to the west of the 
 Massachusetts Colony. Nor had the Duke of York to plant 
 a colony. It was already planted — a hardy Dutch colony, 
 wealthy, populous, prosperous. He had but to frame a new 
 government in a concessory spirit, and rule, through governors, 
 an empire of strangers. But do his best, things went crooked. 
 The republican spirit was abroad there as well as elsewhere. 
 The local assembly became as clamorous for popular rights as 
 that of any other colony. To deny a colonial parliament and 
 the freeman's voice was to deprive the colonists of the rights of 
 Englishmen. At last, October, 1683, seventy years after Man- 
 hattan was first occupied, nineteen years after the territory passed 
 to the English, the representatives of the people met in assembly, 
 and their self-established " Charter of Liberties " gave New York 
 a place in the colonial brotherhood of the Atlantic. Dutchman 
 and Englishman agreed to a bond of government whose gist was 
 " supreme legislation in governor, council and people, in general 
 assembly met, franchise in freemen without qualification, trial by 
 jury of peers, taxation only by consent of assembly, no martial 
 law, free religion." A vast advance on Puritanism and on the 
 State Churchism of Virginia. A last desperate effort was made 
 by the Duke of York to hold defiant control of his domains and 
 exercise arbitrary power, by a scheme to consolidate the colonies 
 of the northeast into an empire. This attempt led to a general 
 upsetting of boundaries and great uncertainty of titles, but the 
 colonists were so securely nestled in their seats that few if any 
 settlements lost their jurisdiction or identity, 
 
 INDEPENDENT DELAWARE.— The three lower coun- 
 ties which the Duke of York reserved as an appendage to his 
 New York domain, when the charter of Pennsylvania was given 
 to Pcnn, never became a part of New York, in fact. They were 
 permitted to be ruled by the same council that was elected to 
 rule Pennsylvania, all the people voting. But the Pennsylvania 
 
WILLIAM PENN 
 
 '■'liiP^ 
 
 ^^YJiUO 
 
 ^^^^^'^' 
 
 EXPLORERS AND FIRST SETTLERS. 
 
 113 
 
114. COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 strength largely preponderated in this council and its control 
 grew irksome. So the lower counties withdrew, with the con- 
 sent of Penn, and were incorporated into a separate government 
 under Governor Markam. Thus did Delaware secure a sepa- 
 rate existence (169 1). It was the act of her own citizens. But 
 one thing must be observed. The Stuart dynasty had fallen in 
 England, and the revolution of 1688 had been completed by the 
 induction of Protestant William and Mary. There was a new 
 order of things beyond the water ; there was to be here. Dis- 
 tinctive Delaware was not a Stuart creation, as were all the 
 colonies before it. It therefore had no great change to contem- 
 plate, no radical innovation to fear. It would go on smoothly, 
 toward that destiny which awaited all the colonies, when the 
 hour of Independence came. 
 
 COLONY OF GEORGIA.— Like Delaware, Georgia was 
 not to be a colony of the Stuarts. Every colony thus far had 
 its motive for existence, moral, commercial or otherwise — 
 Carolina for the Huguenot, Virginia for the Cavalier, Maryland 
 for the Catholic, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware for 
 the Quaker, New York and Connecticut for the commercial 
 Dutchman and Puritan, Rhode Island for the Independent, 
 Massachusetts and the Northeast for the Puritan. Georgia was 
 to be dedicated to the cause of oppressed poverty in the old 
 world. England and Spain had long been clashing about the 
 Florida and Carolina boundary. England determined to settle 
 the proud claim of Spain to a limitless Florida ; in other words 
 she determined to push her Carolina border as far down as she 
 Could, and thus open the magnificent area of the Savannah. 
 Oglethorpe, the Penn of the South, a member of parliament, 
 knew of it. He had long been impressed with the hardships of 
 the British debtor laws ; had seen thousands of really good but 
 unfortunate men thrown into prison, lose their all, and their 
 caste too, by means of them ; had devised a plan of giving them 
 a home in the new world, far from the scenes of their misery 
 and disgrace, and where industry and freedom would enable 
 them to recover manhood and fortune. To further this end 
 George II. granted him a charter (June 9, 1732) for the country 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 115 
 
 between the Savannah and Altamaha, and from the head springs 
 of those rivers west to the Pacific. It was the province of 
 Georgia (after the donor) and was placed for twenty-one years 
 under the guardianship of a corporation " in trust for the poor." 
 With 1 20 emigrants, Oglethorpe planted his ensign on the 
 "high bluff" where Savannah now stands. His enterprise had 
 been undertaken with the best wishes of benevolent England. 
 It was welcomed by the natives of every neighboring tribe. 
 Under the happiest auspices Oglethorpe began the Common- 
 wealth of Georgia, " a place of refuge for the distressed people 
 of Britain and the persecuted Protestants of Europe." And it 
 was truly a refuge (but not for Catholics), for there came num- 
 bers from England, from other colonies, and many Moravians 
 from the continent of Europe. Augusta was laid out, 1734. 
 Oglethorpe's government was somewhat crude, but it proved 
 yielding and the colonists soon enlarged it to suit themselves. 
 While it proscribed Catholics, it prohibited slavery. The fame 
 of this youngest colony was much spread by Oglethorpe, who 
 returned to England after a residence here of fifteen months. 
 Scotch mountaineers came and pitched at New Inverness. 
 Oglethorpe himself returned with large Moravian reinforce- 
 ments. The enthusiasm of religion was abroad in the new 
 country, and the colonists did not fear death. They were 
 therefore brave to shove the Spanish back and make for Eng- 
 land a southern border. Pushing to the St. John's and claiming 
 it as the line, they planted Fort St. George, as the defence of the 
 British frontier. At this Spain rallied. Negotiations ensued, 
 and St. Mary's became the southern boundary of Oglethorpe's 
 colony. But war soon followed, for England was not satisfied 
 with the Spanish presence in Florida at all, neither was Spain 
 satisfied with the Protestant menace which now hugged so 
 closely her northern border. Oglethorpe valiantly defended his 
 colony, drove off the Spaniards, and the " pious experiment " 
 was on a substantial footing. The transition of power from the 
 corporation of Georgia, at the expiration of its twenty-one 
 years, to the people was easy, and sovereignty was as free and 
 fully representative as in any colony. 
 
116 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 REVOLUTION OF 1688.— One thing at least is clear in this 
 sketch of colonial creations. The king ever denied the right of 
 the English parliament to interfere with his power to grant lands 
 and to ordain governments for them. The Stuarts clung to this 
 principle with Spartan tenacity. 
 
 Another thing is equally clear. The colonies, accepting the 
 Stuart doctrine, always claimed exemption from the laws of the 
 British parliament. But in doing so they did not thereby fall 
 back entirely under the legislation prescribed by the king. 
 Colonists claimed the rights of Englishmen. Among those 
 rights was that to a parliament or assembly. Local legislation 
 was theirs by their birthright as Englishmen. Sovereignty 
 meant the same thing here as at home. This at first, and after- 
 wards vastly more, for the colonists had come here because their 
 voice was not large enough at home, nor their rights as freemen 
 broad enough. Here the word freeman meant vastly more 
 than at home. The American assembly was therefore more 
 clearly representative, more popular, more directly responsible. 
 All freemen were in general eligible to it. There were no 
 titles, no estates, nothing to hamper full, free representation. 
 The republican or democratic spirit which had been under- 
 mining the Stuart dynasty at home and shaking monarchical 
 institutions to their centres, here found that expression denied 
 it at home. It here won a victory which the king withheld 
 from his own parliament. But the time had come in England 
 when Englishmen must speak more firmly through their parlia- 
 ment. It too must be made stronger against royal claims ; in 
 other words must become more truly representative of the 
 wishes of the people. The Stuart who would further defy 
 public opinion, who would blindly arrogate legislative power, 
 who would refuse to move with the age and in obedience to 
 overwhelming sentiment, must abdicate. This was the revolu- 
 tion of 1688. For the glory of England they passed from the 
 throne, leaving as their monuments in America a tier of Atlantic 
 colonies which owed their titles and limits to royal charters, but 
 which in liberty and enlightenment were an hundred years in 
 advance of the last representative of the line. 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 117 
 
 They were gone. The tide of Hberty had rolled so high, 
 even in England, as to engulf them. The people had assumed 
 to sit in judgment on divinely appointed royalty. The old idea 
 of a Christian monarchy resting on the law of God was exploded, 
 and political power was to seek its origin in compact. Nothing 
 was to bind freemen to obey government save their own solemn 
 agreement. Power for the Stuart was a right. Power hence- 
 forth was to be a trust, whose violation dissolved the obligation 
 to allegiance. Supreme power vi^as to be in the legislature, 
 which was the true embodiment of the sovereignty of the peo- 
 ple. In 1688 England had gotten as far on as Massachusetts in 
 1620, or, for that matter, as any of the colonies at the date of 
 their foundation. Yet not so far, for the parliament that arose 
 to the full height of English sentiment in expelling the Stuarts 
 and assuming to act as the guardian of power for the people, 
 too boldly stood in the king's shoes. It was well enough at 
 home, but when it claimed the right to legislate for the colonies, 
 it was doing far more than smiting a dead Stuart ; it was doing, 
 now that there was no Stuart to interpose his despotic veto, 
 that which would arouse in America a sentiment of opposition 
 full of remonstrance at first, full of revolution at last. The 
 parliament's fight was always with the king ; now it would be 
 direct with the colonies. Thus, by a strange conjuncture of 
 affairs, the very dynasty which had all along stood in the way 
 of English progress and reform, had been not only the protec- 
 tion of the colonies, but the chief contributor to the triumph of 
 the republican spirit within them and to their ultimate inde- 
 pendence. 
 
 But as yet the consequences of the change in dynasty could 
 not be foreseen. Even if some prophetic soul could have taken 
 'in the next century as far down as to 1776 or 1783, and proclaimed 
 what it saw in tones sufificiently loud to have been heard by 
 every colonist, the rejoicing over the accession of William III. 
 and Mary would not have been less spontaneous and emphatic. 
 Charters which existed had been overlapped and confused be- 
 yond comprehension. Charters which covered heady and oppos- 
 ing colonies had been unceremoniously and ruthlessly cancelled. 
 
118 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 Many colonies had fought the battles of the new American 
 institution and civilization against the king's claim of legislative 
 interference, to the very verge of despair and surrender. But 
 above all the new dynasty was confirmedly Protestant, and in 
 that respect representative of a great majority sentiment at home 
 and in the colonies. A source of fresh colonial inspiration, it 
 began by rejecting the old order of things. Cancelled charters 
 were restored. New governors were commissioned. There 
 was jostling here and shaking up there, but in general the liber- 
 ties of the people became more securely imbedded in well-under- 
 stood forms of law. Prosperity was not retarded, nor faith in 
 colonial experiment weakened. The grand result was a rebound 
 of strength and confidence, and a new departure in colonial 
 spirit and enterprise. Only on one side was the sky dark, and 
 there hovered the cloud of the rejuvenated English parliament. 
 The seeds of the American revolution had ever been in its claim 
 of a right to legislate for the colonies. Now the seeds were 
 bursting through the ground, for parliament was already legis- 
 lating on American commerce ; they would grow and bear 
 bloody fruit when the avowal came that the right existed to 
 legislate for them in all cases whatsoever. 
 
 STATE OUTLINES. — We have now taken a hasty view of 
 English titles to the territory on the Atlantic coast. We have 
 followed the divisions of that territory among the colonies, and 
 seen how each colony got metes and bounds. Further, we have 
 endeavored to give a reason for the existence of each colony, its 
 underlying and actuating motive for colonization, the class of 
 mind that took part in the work of pioneering, the shape their 
 new institutions took almost from the start ; and especially have 
 we tried to impress on the reader a knowledge of the active 
 political spirit, the love of freedom, the desire for unfettered per- 
 sonal sovereignty, the rapid growth of the democratic idea and 
 republican institutions, in the new land, all in spite of firm attach- 
 ment to monarchy, and because the men, the time, the country, 
 made other results impossible. 
 
 One can already see in these beginnings the dawn of the full 
 state institution. The spirit which permeated each colony at 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. jlf) 
 
 the time of the EngHsh revolution of 1688 did not change, ex- 
 cept as it grew larger, freer, bolder, till the colonial yoke was 
 broken.* And so one can see in the confused and overlapping 
 boundaries of these colonies the dim territorial outlines of the 
 thirteen original States. Indeed some, as Delaware, Maryland, 
 Rhode Island, never afterwards shifted their colonial limits. 
 With others, time brought about many geographic changes, and 
 settled grave questions of boundary which arose chiefly from 
 the fact that their charters and grants were either open at the 
 western end, or extended clear through to the Pacific. The 
 names of the colonies became the names of the respective 
 States both under the articles of confederation and the present 
 federal constitution. 
 
 . FRENCH EMPIRE.— T\\o\xg\\ the Dutch, the Swedes, and the 
 French had passed from the Atlantic front of the present United 
 States, the latter were still the proud claimants of vast and fertile 
 areas North, West, and South. French adventure in America 
 was a strange admixture of commercial and religious zeal. A 
 single person was often priest, trader, and colonist. As already 
 seen, the French advent was early. Years before the Pilgrims 
 anchored at Cape Cod, French missionaries had planted a 
 Roman Church in eastern Maine (161 5), and Le Caron, sub- 
 sisting by alms from the natives, had, on foot and in canoe, 
 pushed his way to the rivers of Lake Huron (1616). The grant 
 of New France to Richelieu, Champlain, Razilly and the hundred 
 associates, by Louis XIII. (1627), embraced the St. Lawrence 
 basin, and that of all rivers running into the sea (hence the 
 French claim to Maine and New York), and also all the country 
 
 * " Even if the colonists disclaimed any present passion for independence, they 
 were, in the inherent opposition between their principles and the English system, 
 as ripe for governing themselves in 1689 as in 1776." — Bancroft, vol. iii., 109. 
 
 "The independency the colonies thirst after is notorious." — Biitish Lords oj 
 Trade, in 1 701. 
 
 " Commonwealth notions improve daily, and if it be not checked in time the 
 rights and privileges of English subjects will be thought too narrow." — Quarry, 
 writing in 1703. 
 
 " The colonists will in time cast off their allegiance and set up a government of 
 their own." — Print, of 1705. 
 
120 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 south of Virginia and north of Spanish Florida (perhaps even 
 all Florida).* To the West all was open, and to the Jesuit was 
 entrusted the work of enlarging the French Dominion. Cham- 
 plain held and peopled the line of the St. Lawrence. Brebeuf 
 and Daniel pierced the Huron possessions, chanting their Te 
 Deums among the pines and bringing the tawny natives to sea 
 the light. Quebec and Montreal got to be important towns, and 
 the great lake water-ways became familiar. Frenchmen stood 
 looking into the land of the Sioux, the great valley of the Mis- 
 sissippi, five years before Eliot addressed the Indian in the 
 vicinity of Boston. Marquette established the Mission of St. 
 Mary, at the outlet of Lake Superior, in 1668. It was the oldest 
 settlement by Europeans within the present State of Michigan, 
 but was not permanent. He projected the discovery of the true 
 Mississippi, and designed to plant the banners of France on the 
 Pacific or by the side of Spain, on the Gulf of Mexico. With 
 Joliet for a companion, they ascend the Fox River, cross to the 
 Wisconsin, and in two birch-bark canoes " happily float down the 
 great river " between the wide plains of Illinois and Iowa, to 
 Des Moines, then past the great Missouri, the Ohio (then called 
 Wabash), and on to the Akansea (Arkansas). There they found 
 that the Father of Rivers went, not into the ocean east of Florida, 
 nor yet into the Gulf of California. Returning, they ascended 
 the Illinois, passed up through Chicago to Lake Michigan (Lake 
 of the Illinois), and on to the Green Bay Settlement (1673). 
 
 La Salle took up the wondrous tale and added one of its most 
 brilliant chapters. His towns mark his trail. Leaving Niagara 
 in 1679, he was at the site of Detroit,! Mackinaw, up the St. 
 
 *This New France of the South was the portion Coligny designed to settle with 
 Huguenots, and after him Raleigh. It passed naturally from France to England, 
 because both countries were anxious to see Raleigh redeem Coligny's failure, and to 
 have a Protestant barrier set up against Spain's Catholic Florida. 
 
 f Detroit was permanently settled by De la Motte Cadillac, with one hundred 
 Frenchmen, in June, 170 1. It is the oldest permanent settlement in Michigan. 
 Michigan, therefore, has a history back of Georgia, and is the oldest of the Western 
 States with, perhaps, the exception of Illinois. We sa.y perhaps, because the claim 
 is made that Kaskaskia (111.) was the oldest permanent European settlement in the 
 Yalley of the Mississippi. It was founded by Father Gravier, as a Jesuit Mission, 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 121 
 
 Joseph, and over at Kankakee. While Hennepin took in the 
 upper Mississippi, perhaps to its source, La Salle studied the 
 valleys of the Ohio, Illinois and Tennessee, and in 1682 descended 
 the Mississippi to its mouth, realizing Marquette's dream of plant- 
 ing the arms of France on the Gulf It was named Louisiana, in 
 honor of Louis XIV., and " the terrestrial paradise of America," 
 " the delight of the New World." By 1685 a colony came for Lou- 
 isiana, but striking Matagorda Bay, it stopped there, and made 
 Texas a part of the French Empire in America. By no treaty 
 or document did France ever relinquish her hold on Texas ex- 
 cept by the general cessions of Louisiana. 
 
 For years France clung tenaciously to her magnificent Amer- 
 ican possessions, the richest, best watered, most boundless, 
 owned by any foreign nation. Though an active and indefati- 
 gable colonist, her institutions were too far behind the age, too 
 much infused with Romanism, too feudal in character, to find 
 high or permanent development in the new soil. By 1706 her 
 title to the New France of the South, between Virginia (really 
 the Carolinas) and Florida, had been wholly merged in that of 
 England. In 17 13, Acadia (Nova Scotia and part of Maine) was 
 ceded to the English. It " was the most important part" of the 
 New France of the North. There was a general withdrawal of 
 all French claims to the line of Lake Champlain, and to the set- 
 tlements in New York. But by 1721 they were back at Niagara, 
 and stout claimants for, as well as actual occupants of, their St. 
 Lawrence possessions. 
 
 Their Louisiana, which had not been affected by the peace of 
 Utrecht (17 13), was a wonderful country. Blending with New 
 France on the line of the lakes, and cut off nowhere in the north 
 except by the possessions of the Hudson Bay Company in the 
 extreme northwest, it ran to the gulf at Mobile, swept the gulf 
 line to the mouth of the Rio Grande, then up to the Red River 
 ridges, then west to the Gulf of California. These were ideal 
 
 but the date is not known exactly. He was in Illinois in 1693, and probably his 
 mission was then founded. The fact that Kaskaskia got to be an important mis- 
 sionary centre may have helped to give it rank as the oldest permanent settlement 
 of the West. 
 
122 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 
 
 bounds, but such as France was willing to maintain against both 
 England and Spain. Not a fountain flowed west of the sources 
 of the Allegheny, Monongahela, Kanawha or Tennessee which 
 did not rise in French soil. What a menace to the British 
 colonies ! What a barrier to westward advancement ! Such 
 could not long be. By the tripartite treaty of February i6, 
 1763, between England, France and Spain, France ceded to Eng- 
 land all Canada and all of her Louisiana east of the Mississippi 
 and as far south as the Iberville River, thence eastward to the sea. 
 This left her only a small strip along the gulf, east of the Mis- 
 sissippi, and her immense domains west of that river. But only 
 for a moment. On the same day all that was left of Louisiana 
 on the continent was ceded to Spain. France was virtually out 
 of the country. It had been a war (the Seven Years' War) for 
 new territorial adjustment, both in Europe and America, and 
 even in view of the results on this continent alone, well may 
 George III. have said : " England never signed such a peace 
 before, nor, I believe, any other power in Europe." 
 
 RESULTS OF FRENCH Z(955.— Moreover, it had been 
 a war largely fought on American soil. Never before had the 
 forests of the New World reverberated the steady tramp of so 
 many armed and disciplined men. At Lake George alone there 
 assembled an army of 15,000 from New York, New Jersey and 
 New England for the grand assault on Canada. To the south 
 the forces of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania fell into line 
 to move on Fort Duquesne, and embalm the name of Pitt in the 
 border town (Pittsburg), which was to stand as the gateway of 
 the west so long as the Allegheny and Monongahela shall flow 
 to form the Ohio, or the English tongue shall continue to be the 
 language of freedom in the boundless areas traversed by their 
 waters. And still farther to the south arose the clangor of camp 
 and din of war. France would strike the rear of Virginia and 
 the Carolinas by means of the Indians in the fastnesses of Ten- 
 nessee, fed and spurred on by food and counsel from the line of 
 the Mississippi. The rangers of the Carolinas did their best to 
 puncture the eastward moving centre of the mighty Cherokees. 
 If they failed, failure was not disastrous, for peace covered dis- 
 
COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 123 
 
 comfiture with the bloom of new auspices, and a knowledge of 
 the Tennessee and Cumberland valleys had been gained which 
 would soon be turned to good account. 
 
 THE AMERICAN OUTLOOK.— \{ the English king and 
 Protestant Europe could justly fall into raptures over the im- 
 mense results of the war in America alone, much more could 
 the colonies pride themselves on such results. They had opened 
 an empire for themselves beyond the Alleghenies, across the 
 prairies, even to the father of waters. The acquisition repre- 
 sented their money, valor and blood. Even the plan of striking 
 France through her New France and Louisiana was American, 
 and due to the sagacity of our own Franklin. Then its result here 
 was not a mere riddance of a powerful neighbor, not a mere 
 acquisition of limitless, fertile acres. It was proof that the 
 colonies could stand together in the face of a common danger, 
 evidence that thus compacted they had all the elements of a 
 nation, and especially that of strength to defend themselves 
 against old world aggression, however skilfully armed and boldly 
 pushed. With confidence, therefore, they peered from the peaks 
 of the Alleghenies into their western valleys, and with a fervor, 
 too, equal to that of Marquette, who, seventy years before, stand- 
 ing on the margin of the lakes, cast his prophetic eye to the 
 gulf and saw the French lily bloom perennially amid the wild 
 flowers of the prairies. Thus contemplating a political mastery 
 which ranged from the gulf to the poles, whose forms of institu- 
 tion, law and literature were to spread the English tongue more 
 widely than any that had ever given expression to human 
 thought, the gazers from their mountain tops might well have 
 chanted in chorus Bancroft's sublime apostrophe : 
 
 " Go forth, then, language of Milton and Hampden, language 
 of my country, take possession of the North American conti- 
 nent ! Gladden the waste places with every tone that has been 
 rightly struck on the English lyre, with every English word that 
 has been spoken well for liberty and for man ! Give an echo to 
 the now silent and solitary mountains ; gush out with the foun- 
 tains that as yet sing their anthems all day long without response; 
 fill the valleys with the voices of love in its purity, the pledges 
 
124 MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 of friendship in its faithfulness, and as the morning sun drinks 
 the dewdrop from the flowers all the way from the dreary At- 
 lantic to the Peaceful ocean, meet him with the joyous hum of the 
 early industry of freemen ! Utter boldly and spread widely 
 through the world the thoughts of the coming apostles of the 
 people's liberty, till the sound that cheers the desert shall thrill 
 through the heart of humanity, and the lips of the messenger of 
 the people's power, as he stands in beauty upon the mountains, 
 shall proclaim the renovating tidings of equal freedom for the 
 race ! " 
 
 DRIFT TOWARD INDEPENDENCE.— ThQ plans of 
 kings, as well as those of ordinary mortals, go oft awry. The 
 wisdom of statesmen however shrewd may become a torment to 
 nations. When England drove out the Stuarts, and enthroned 
 Protestantism in the person of William III. and Mary, she un- 
 wittingly strengthened the hands of aristocracy, and organized 
 a parliament which in support of its own claims to authority 
 could never consistently surrender its control of the American 
 colonies. Here was the beginning of independence and revolu- 
 tion. Now, by the Treaty of Paris (1763), and the cession of her 
 American possessions to England and Spain, France had very 
 deftly shifted the whole colonial policy of Europe. Her states- 
 men saw that for France to attempt to maintain colonies in New 
 France and Louisiana, was to incur constant wars and expend- 
 itures, if not to attempt impossibilities. They saw that her 
 monarchical forms simply shut off from her American colonies 
 even her own philosophy, economy, industrial genius, legal 
 skill, and ideas of Protestant freedom, and that without these, or 
 even better than these, no American colony could be made to 
 live permanently and prosper vigorously. They saw that the 
 exhausted polity of the middle ages, the castes of feudal Europe, 
 the despotism of infallible churchism, the titles of nobility, 
 the leases of land to vassals, and vassalage itself, could not 
 be perpetuated, where men who held the plough were the 
 bone and sinew of the land, and the only hope of colonial 
 success. 
 
 And seeing these things — the power of England and Spain 
 
MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. 125 
 
 had opened their eyes to them — they were not afraid to make 
 confession of them by that surrender which left France without 
 a patch of American ground. 
 
 And they saw other things too. They saw that as England 
 held the Atlantic front, her future colonial policy would be 
 largely commercial. If France should add to this front a do- 
 main extending to the Mississippi, to the gulf, and to the pole, 
 it would make England's policy both political and commercial. 
 It would sharpen the desire of her parliament to rule it from 
 home, and would make anxious and determined that authority, 
 which nothing but revolution could shake. In a word, it would 
 fully commit England to a dominion in America, in accordance 
 with her own forms of law. And thus committed, France saw 
 that the British situation would be full of dangers. Far ad- 
 vanced as England was, it would still be like an attempt to fit a 
 dead carcass to a living soul, for English-America had English 
 liberties in greater purity, and with far more of the power of the 
 people than in England. The colonial inhabitants were self- 
 organized bodies of freeholders, natural forest-levelers, industrious 
 soil-winners, bold pioneers, pushing their way farther and farther 
 each year, and scorning to take any step backward. They had 
 schools, printing presses, books, newspapers, lawyers, doctors, 
 ministers of their own choosing. They were self-helpful in 
 private affairs, and confident of their ability to care for them- 
 selves politically through their local legislatures and municipal 
 corporations. They were proud of their dwelling-place, and 
 had unbounded faith in its future, under their own management. 
 They were strong numerically and physically, and had just 
 showed that they were capable of union both for defending the 
 flag of England, and driving off the French foe that hovered all 
 along their northern and western border. That menace removed, 
 the need of reliance on England for protection against France 
 no longer felt, left alone to confront only the attempt of England 
 to fasten on them her obnoxious laws, what wouldn't they do ? 
 France saw what they would do, and knew what they were 
 capable of doing. Her surrender of Canada and Louisiana was 
 therefore a blow at England. She would turn the force to which 
 
j^26 MARCH TO INDI^PEXDENCE. 
 
 she had to succumb into a weapon with which England might 
 cut her own colonial throat.* 
 
 BAD FIX OF ENGLAND.— The Treaty of Paris (1763) 
 left England with a debt of ^700,000,000, half of which was due 
 to The Seven Years' War. She got nothing in Europe to com- 
 pensate her. But she got, in America, Canada and the Ohio 
 Valley. With her rule of the former we have nothing to do. 
 The latter came directly to her Atlantic colonies. As they pro- 
 fited, therefore should England profit. Here began that scheme 
 of parliamentary control which was designed to make the col- 
 onies pay as much of the English war debt as possible, which 
 took exclusive jurisdiction of their commerce, which imposed 
 burdensome taxes, which denied representation in the British 
 parliament, and which culminated in the claim of a right to ex- 
 clusive legislative jurisdiction. The colonial charters should all 
 fall and one uniform system of government be substituted in 
 their stead. To make sure of order and strict enforcement of 
 law, a part of the standing army was to find quarters in the col- 
 onies and be supported at their expense. The father of the 
 
 *This policy of France, even if a compulsory one, was far-sighted and clung to 
 with the greatest tenacity. She had studied it long and well, and its merits were 
 recognized by shrewd observers, long before the game was exposed by the surrender 
 of her American territory. As early as 1748 it was reasoned in New York that the 
 conquest of Canada by relieving the northern colonies from danger would hasten 
 their emancipation. A Swedish traveller, in that year, published the same in 
 Europe as his impression. It was an early dream of John Adams that the " re- 
 moval of the turbulent Gallics," would be a prelude to the approaching greatness 
 of the country. The French minister of foreign affairs warned the English envoy 
 that the cession of Canada would lead to the independence of North America. 
 When New France surrendered, Choiseul, a Frenchman, exclaimed, " We have 
 caught them (the English) at last." Vergennes said, " England will ere long re- 
 pent of having removed the only check that could keep her colonies in awe. She 
 will call on them to contribute toward supporting the burdens they helped to bring 
 on her, and they will answer by striking off all dependence." Lord Mansfield de- 
 clared, " Ever since the Treaty of Paris I always thought the Northern Colonies 
 were meditating a state of independency on Great Britain. France backed the 
 policy thus begun by aiding the colonies when they did strike for independence. 
 And so Napoleon, to further aid the commercial supremacy of the United States 
 and cripple that of England, got possession of Spanish Louisiana, only to turn ii 
 OTCr to this country." 
 
128 MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. . 
 
 scheme was the celebrated Charles Townsend, English First 
 Lord of Trade, with the administration of the colonies, who was 
 supposed to know more about American affairs than any other 
 man. It struck parliament March 9, 1763, in the shape of an 
 American tax-bill, and almost immediately the colonies, espe- 
 "cially those of the north, began to thunder back their resentment. 
 The horns of parliament and the colonies were locked in that 
 dread encounter which in thirteen years would result in inde- 
 pendence. 
 
 FIRST COLONIAL CONGRESS.— Tov^n&end's Tax scheme 
 was known to be the forerunner of the Stamp Act, Sugar Act, 
 and Tea Act, which, when they came, would crown the power 
 of parliament to get into the homes and pockets of the American 
 colonists. The sentiment of protest therefore became as lively 
 as if these acts were already a fact. The stream of resistance 
 ran rapidly and angrily, and bore along inevitably toward the 
 final plunge into revolution. The eloquent voices of Samuel 
 Adams and James Otis were heard in Massachusetts, and a 
 Boston town-meeting, protesting loyalty to the crown, pleaded 
 for the rights of " the free-born subjects of Great Britain in 
 America." * 
 
 A response was heard from the Rhode Island assembly, where 
 Stephen Hopkins was governor (1764). New York, which had 
 moved in 1759, now seconded her first motion. North Carolina 
 expressed her concurrence with the views of Massachusetts in 
 the same year. And soon Connecticut, Pennsylvania, South 
 Carolina, and Virginia joined their voices of remonstrance to 
 the chorus, which was now heard high above the din of waves 
 
 * Otis argued that the original possessors of power were the whole people ; that 
 the colonies enjoyed the right of governing and taxing themselves through their local 
 legislatures; that there was no proscription old enough to supersede the law of 
 nature and the grant of God Almighty, who had given all men a right to be free; 
 that nothing but life and liberty were hereditable ; that in solving the grand political 
 problem the first principle must be the equality and power of the whole. And these 
 became the prevailing Whig (anti-Tory) views of the day and the colonial cause. 
 The party names were Whigs, Patriots, Sons of Liberty, these for the colonists 
 opposed to taxation ; and Loyalists, Tories and I'Viends of Goveriunent, these fur 
 the parliament and crown. 
 
130 MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 on the whole Atlantic front. Plea followed plea, for justice; 
 petition after petition was sent over for parliament to stay its 
 hard, heavy hand. Argument after argument was advanced in 
 favor of free colonial existence, subject always to that depend- 
 ence which had existed from the start. Parliament persisted. 
 Townsend closed his mightiest effort in favor of the Stamp Act 
 (1765) with "These children of our planting (the colonists), 
 nourished by our indulgence until they are grown to a good 
 degree of strength and opulence, and protected by our arms, 
 will they grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from the 
 heavy load of national expense which we lie under ? " 
 
 To which Colonel Barre, with eye darting fire and voice full 
 of emotion, replied : " Children planted by your care ? No ! 
 your oppression planted them in America. They fled from your 
 tyranny into a then uninhabited land where they were exposed 
 to almost all the hardships to which human nature is liable, and 
 among others to the savage cruelty of the enemy of the country 
 — a people the most subtle and terrible of any that ever in- 
 habited any part of God's earth ; yet, actuated by principles of 
 true English liberty, they met these hardships with pleasure, 
 compared with those they suffered in their own country from 
 the hands of those that should have been their friends, 
 
 "They nourished by your indulgence? They grew by your 
 neglect of them. As soon as you began to care for them, that 
 care was exercised in sending persons to rule over them in one 
 department and another, who were perhaps the deputies of some 
 deputy of members of this house, sent to spy out their liberty, to 
 misrepresent their actions, and to prey upon them — men whose 
 behavior on many occasions has caused the blood of those Sons 
 of Liberty to recoil within them — men promoted to the highest 
 seats of justice; some, to my knowledge, were glad by going 
 to foreign countries to escape being brought to a bar of justice 
 in their own. 
 
 " They protected by your arms ? They have nobly taken up 
 arms in your defence, have exerted their valor amidst their con- 
 stant and laborious industry for the defence of a country whose 
 frontiers, while drenched in blood, its interior parts have yielded 
 
MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. 131 
 
 all its little savings to your enlargement ; and believe me — re- 
 member I this day told y oil so — that the same spirit which actuated 
 that people at first will continue with them still. But prudence 
 forbids me to explain myself further. God knows I do not at 
 this time speak from motives of party heat. What I deliver are 
 the genuine sentiments of my heart; however superior to me in 
 general knowledge and experience the respectable body of this 
 House (of Commons) may be, yet I claim to know more of 
 America than most of you, having seen and been conversant in 
 that country. The people there are as truly loyal, I believe, as 
 any subjects the king has ; but a people jealous of their liberties, 
 and who will vindicate them, if they should be violated. But 
 the subject is too delicate. I will say no more." 
 
 Imagine the effect upon the colonists of a speech like this 
 fired right into the midst of a Tory parliament! Otis suggested 
 to the Massachusetts assembly a meeting of committees from all 
 the assemblies of the colonies and a circular was sent out to 
 such assemblies, to secure joint action in opposing the English 
 policy. Now, England trusted her entire policy of taxation to 
 the assumed fact that union among the colonies was impossible. 
 As the response to the Massachusetts circular was slow, it began 
 to seem as if the English idea were, for the time being, correct, 
 but Virginia sprang into the tront, and her Patrick Henry, 
 against the opposition of such as Bland, Pendleton, Randolph, 
 and Wythe, startled her House of Burgesses with his warning 
 flash of history : " Tarquin and Caesar had each a Brutus ; 
 Charles the First his Cromwell ; and George the Third [cries of 
 treason ! treason !] may profit by their example ! " The result 
 (1765) was a series of resolutions whose gis^. was no obedience 
 to a law imposing a tax not sanctioned by the general assembly. 
 Rhode Island agreed to act in concert with Massachusetts. 
 South Carolina, through the influence of Gadsden, selected com- 
 missioners. Pennsylvania and Connecticut acted similarly. All 
 the thirteen colonies either expressed sympathy or chose dele- 
 gates. " Join or die " became a favorite motto. The " Sons 
 of Liberty " were organized, who meant opposition of the 
 most determined character. " Liberty, property, and no 
 
132 MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 stamps " was the greeting prepared for the English stamp dis- 
 tributors.* 
 
 The congress met in the City Hall, New York, Oct. 7, 1765. 
 It consisted of twenty-eight delegates from nine colonies, four, 
 though sympathizing with the movement, not choosing repre- 
 sentatives. For the first time the patriots of America were 
 together on the question of entire colonial union. It published 
 a declaration of rights and grievances, expressing loyalty to the 
 king, respect for parliament where it had a right to legislate, 
 claiming the rights of English-born subjects, affirming the injus- 
 tice of taxation without representation, setting forth the adequacy 
 of their own local legislatures to attend to all their local con- 
 cerns.f An address to the king was prepared in the same spirit. 
 The congress adjourned on the 25th of October. 
 
 There was something now to give coherency to debate and 
 resolution in the respective colonies. The Whig and Tory 
 parties in each could talk to a point, and they did with a direct- 
 ness and vehemence which made the forest assemblies ring. 
 
 * The Stamp Act passed the House of Commons Feb. 27, 1765, and the House 
 of Lords March 8, 1765. It introduced direct taxation into the Enghsh policy. 
 But for the fact that it was carrying that policy to the uttermost, it should not have 
 been as objectionable as the previous navigation acts which virtually limited Ameri- 
 can trade to England alone. Americans could get no commodity of use to them, 
 from any nation, other than England, without collecting a heavy duty on it for 
 England's benefit. And now, under tlie Stamp Act, stamps were to be paid for and 
 affixed to all legal and commercial transactions of moment. 
 
 f The colonies represented were : 
 
 Massachusetts, by James Otis, Oliver Partridge, Timothy Ruggles. 
 
 South Carolina, by Thomas Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, John Rutledge. 
 
 Pennsylvania, by John Dickinson, John Morton, George Bryan. 
 
 Rhode Island, by Metcalf Bowler, Henry Ward. 
 
 Conr^ecticu'c, by Eliphalet Dyer, David Rowland, William S. Johnson. 
 
 Delaware, by Thomas McKean, Ccesar Rodney. 
 
 ivlaryiand, by William Murdock, Edward Tilghman, Thomas Ringgold. 
 
 New Jersey, by Robert Ogden, Hendrick Fisher, Joseph Bordon. 
 
 New York, by Robert Livingston, John Cruger, Philip Livingstone, William 
 Bayard, Leonard Lespinward. 
 
 Virginia, New Hampshire, Georgia and North Carolina did not send delegates. 
 
 Delegates present from only six of the colonies signed the proceedings of the con- 
 gress ; New York, Connecticut and South Carolina delegates not being authorized 
 to sign. 
 
MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. 133 
 
 The turmoil grew thicker and louder, and the voice of remon- 
 strance turned to angry, desperate threat of everlasting resist- 
 ance, when the odious Grenville ministry fell and the Rocking- 
 ham Cabinet took its place. It had an ear for colonial plaint, 
 and Franklin * was there to fill it with his wisely weighed 
 
 * G?-envil/e. " Do you think it right that America should be protected by this 
 country and pay no part of the expense ? " 
 
 Franklin. " That is not the case : the colonies raised, clothed and paid during the 
 last war (with France for Canada and Louisiana) 25,000 men and spent many mil- 
 lions of pounds." 
 
 Grenville. " Were you not reimbursed by parliament ? " 
 
 Franklin. " Only what, in your opinion, we had advanced beyond our propor- 
 tion, and it was a very small part of what we spent. Pennsylvania spent ^500,000 
 and got back ^,^60,000." 
 
 Grenville. " Do you think the people of America would submit to pay a stamp 
 duty, if it were moderated?" 
 
 Franklin. " No ; never. They will never submit to it." 
 
 Grenville. " May not a military force carry the Stamp Act into execution ? " 
 
 Franklin. " Suppose one were sent to America ; they will find nobody in arms, 
 what can they do ? They cannot force a man to take stamps who chooses to do 
 without them. They will not find rebellion ; they may, indeed, make one." 
 
 Grenville. " How would the Americans receive a future tax, imposed on the same 
 principle with that of the Stamp Act ? " 
 
 Franklin. " Just as they do tliis ; they will not pay it." 
 
 Grenville. " What will be the opinion of the Americans on the resolution of 
 parliament asserting the right to tax them? " 
 
 Franklin. " They will think it unconstitutional and unjust." 
 
 Grenville. " How would they receive an internal regulation connected with the tax ? " 
 
 Franklin. " It would be objected to. When aids to the crown are wanted they 
 are, according to the old established usage, to be asked of the assemblies, who will, 
 as they always have done, grant them freely! They think it extremely hard that a 
 body in which they have no representation should make a merit of giving what is 
 not its own, but theirs." 
 
 Townsend. " Is not the post-office which they have long received a tax as well as 
 regulation?" 
 
 Franklin. " No ; the money paid for postage of letters is a remuneration for 
 service done." 
 
 Townsend. " If a small tax were levied, would they submit? " 
 
 Franklin. " They will oppose it to the last. The people will pay no internal tax 
 imposed by parliament." 
 
 Grenville. " But suppose the internal tax to be laid on the necessaries of life? " 
 
 Franklin. " I do not know a single article imported into the northern colonies 
 but what thay can do without or make themselves. The people will work and spin 
 for themselves in their own nouses. In three years there may be wool and manu- 
 factures enough." — Condensed from Bancroft, vol. v., 430-433. 
 
;134 MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 words of remonstrance and counsel. The Stamp Act was re- 
 pealed March i8, 1766, and a thrill of joy was felt throughout 
 colonial America. Liberty Tree in Boston was lighted with 
 lanterns : South Carolina voted Pitt, the Whig leader in the 
 House of Commons, a statue ; Virginia an obelisk to the king. 
 The resolutions and address of the first American Congress, 
 which had called a halt in parliament, were thus being rever- 
 berated through the colonies. 
 
 AN AMERICAN PARTY.— ^\xt joy was soon turned to 
 sorrow. Pitt left the Commons and went into the House of 
 Lords, as Earl of Chatham. This brought the odious Charles 
 Townsend to the front again in the Commons, and he was at his 
 old scheme of American taxation, this time in a form even more 
 objectionable than the Stamp Act. An export tax was to be 
 collected on all goods sent to America. Any American assem- 
 bly which dared to discuss the measure or appoint delegates to 
 a convention or congress whose object was to remonstrate 
 against it or to take further steps toward colonial union, was to 
 be regarded as seditious, and if need be dispersed. Again the 
 colonies were in a ferment. This time the sentiment of union 
 and independence was deeper and bolder. Every colony agreed 
 to resist to the uttermost the claim of the parliament. The 
 result was a partial repeal of the obnoxious act, but the danger 
 was not wholly removed. What had been all along a patriotic 
 public opinion was now becoming an anti-English or American 
 party. The demand became specific for a Union and a Con- 
 gress, and it was urged that such a union, firm and perpetual, 
 would be a sure foundation for freedom and the great basis 
 of every public blessing. All the colonies were enjoined to 
 prepare to act as joint members of the Grand American Com- 
 monwealth. 
 
 TEA ACT AND A CONGRESS.— The Tea Act of 1773 
 was an effort to tax the colonists for the benefit of a mere 
 trading company. The mighty surge of passion now plainly 
 meant resistance. The demand was for a " Congress of Ameri- 
 can States to frame a bill of rights or form an Independent 
 State, an American Commonwealth." Thus thundered the Press 
 
136 
 
 MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 tliroughout the colonies. " Union, Union, was the first, the last 
 hope for America." The contents of the Boston tea-ships were 
 emptied in the harbor. Those for Philadelphia put back with- 
 out unloading. Those for Charleston landed their contents to 
 have them perish in the cellars. The ministry had chosen the 
 least effective way of governing, and the most effective way of 
 uniting the colonies. Louder than ever cried the Press; "No 
 time is to be lost ; a Congress or meeting of the American 
 States is indispensable, and what the people wills shall be 
 effected " (1773). The predicament of parliament was getting 
 more desperate every day. It must recede, or coerce the defiant 
 colonists. The Boston Port Act (1774) was coercive. Now, 
 said Samuel Adams, " Not only common danger, bondage and 
 disgrace, but national truth and honor, conspire to make the 
 colonists resolve to stand or fall together." On the flag floating 
 over the popular assemblies which gathered everywhere was the 
 legend " Union and Liberty." Wrote Ezra Stiles, " If oppres- 
 sion proceeds despotism may force an annual congress ; and a 
 public spirit of enterprise may originate an American Magna 
 Charta and a Bill of Rights, supported by such intrepid and 
 persevering importunity as even sovereignty may hereafter 
 judge it not wise to withstand. There will be a Runnymede in 
 America." * A population of two and a half million colonists 
 were in action, moving steadily forward, marching together 
 toward an end which Providence had marked out for them. 
 
 Plans for a Congress were well under way. Delegates were 
 being selected and instructed, and the talk of Independence, 
 Union and force was universal. The calm Washington said in 
 the Virginia Convention, " I will raise one thousand men, subsist 
 them and equip them at my own expense, and march myself at 
 their head for the relief of Boston." f At ten o'clock, Sept. 
 5, 1774, delegates from twelve colonies (Georgia did not elect) 
 met at Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia, and began the Sessions of 
 
 * Holetue's Life of Stiles. The time of the writing was July i, 1774. 
 f August, 1774, Works John Adams, ii., 360. Lynch of South Carolina said to 
 John Adams this was the most eloquent speech that ever was made. 
 
138 CONGRESS AND UNION. 
 
 the First Continental Congress.* They came well instructed 
 and full of the work in hand, literally forced together by a 
 common grievance. The spectacle was one calculated to im- 
 press any beholder. Differing in religion, commercial interests, 
 in everything dependent on climate and labor, in usages and 
 manners, and swayed by prejudices, even quarreling about 
 boundaries, the colonies found themselves in one representative 
 body, and the exponent of a power that was to be felt throughout 
 the civilized world.f 
 
 CONGRESS AND UNION.—" To petition for redress, to 
 restore harmony between Great Britain and America." On this 
 basis the Congress started, with Peyton Randolph as president. 
 " Each colony should have one vote ; " this after animated de- 
 bate. The Congress sat with closed doors. Word came that 
 Gage was firing on Boston. This nerved the members. Gallo- 
 way's Tory plan for governing the colonies as dependencies of 
 Great Britain was rejected, and the vote showed that the Whigs 
 had control of the Congress. A resolution of sympathy with, 
 and approval of, the conduct of the Massachusetts people was 
 
 * The colonial Congress of 1765 at New York was properly speaking a conven- 
 tion. So of that at Albany in 1754. 
 
 f The delegates were, in the order of their choosing by the colonies : 
 
 Rhode Island, Stephen Hopkins, Samuel Ward. 
 
 Massachusetts, Thomas Cashing, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat 
 Paine. 
 
 Maryland, Matthew Tilghman, Thomas Johnson, Robert Goldsborough, William 
 Paca, Samuel Chase. 
 
 Connecticut, Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sherman, Silas Deane. 
 
 New Hampshire, John Sullivan, Nathaniel Folsom. 
 
 Pennsylvania, Joseph Galloway, Samuel Rhoades, Thomas Mifflin, Charles 
 Humphries, John Morton, George Ross, Edward Riddle. 
 
 New Jersey, James Kinsey, William Livingstone, John Dehart, Stephen Crane, 
 Richard Smith. 
 
 Delaware, Cresar Rodney, Thomas McKean, George Reed. 
 
 South Carolina, Henry Middleton, John Rutledge, Thomas Lynch, Christopher 
 Gadsden, Edward Rutledge. 
 
 Virginia, Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick 
 Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pendleton. 
 
 North Carolina, William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, Richard Caswell. 
 
 New York, James Duane, John Jay, Philip Livingston, Isaac Low, William 
 Floyd, Henry Wisner, John Alsop, John Herring, Simon Boerum. 
 
CONGRESS AND UNl^N. 139 
 
 passed and ordered to be sent to Gage. On October 14, 1774, 
 the celebrated Bill of Rights was agreed upon. With the excep- 
 tion of two articles it was adopted unanimously. It was passed 
 with the hope that it would lead to a permanent colonial union, 
 self-supporting, self-governing, yet a union unbroken in its con- 
 nection with England, The next step was coercive. The Con- 
 gress agreed to a great American association (October 20) to 
 regulate commercial intercourse with Great Britain. It consisted 
 of fourteen articles, and the covenant was in these words : " We 
 do for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several colonies, 
 whom we represent, firmly agree and associate under the sacred 
 ties of virtue, honor and love of country." It looked to non- 
 importation, non-exportation and non-consumption of English 
 merchandise as a means of compelling the restoration of Amer- 
 ican rights. It struck directly at the slave trade. It agreed on 
 non-intercourse with any colony that violated the articles of the 
 association, holding it as " unworthy the rights of freemen and 
 as inimical to the liberties of their country." This compact for 
 the preservation of American rights, this " league of the conti- 
 nent which first expressed the sovereign will of a free nation in 
 America," may be justly regarded as the commencement of the 
 American Union.* Its members had no hope that their actions 
 would prove acceptable to England. They therefore adjourned, 
 privately advising one another to prepare for the worst and to be 
 looking after sinews of war and methods of defence. Fixing 
 the loth of May, 1775, as the time for a second Congress, it dis- 
 solved on October 26, 1774. Its work was ratified in the entire 
 twelve colonies with a heartiness and unanimity which showed 
 
 * " The signature of the association by the members of the Congress maybe 
 considered as the commencement of the American Union." — Hildreth, iii., p. 46. 
 
 "Among all the original associates in the memorable league of the continent in 
 1774, which first expressed the sovereign will of a free nation in America, he 
 (Washington) was the only one remaining in the general government." — President 
 John Adams, December 22, 1799. 
 
 " It was an embodiment of the sentiment of Union and of the will of the people 
 on the subject of their commercial relations — the first enactment, substantially, of a 
 general law for America. For nearly two years the instrument was termed " The 
 Association of the United Colonies." — f^^'othingkani' s Rise of the Republic, p. 374, 
 
140 CONGRESS AND UNION. 
 
 how deeply the sentiment of union was laid and how all-pervad- 
 ing it was. The States of Greece, after centuries of existence, 
 never reached the dignity thus attained by the American col- 
 onies, to wit, that of a federal council habitually directing and to 
 be habitually obeyed. The Whigs saw in the union a sentiment 
 crystallized into law and power. The Tories saw in it only an 
 ebullition, a rope of sand. It was at least such a thing, said 
 Richard Stockton, " as would repel force by force if the British 
 government should attempt to execute its acts by force." The 
 doings of the Congress were rejected by the king and parlia- 
 ment, and force was agreed upon. 
 
 SECOND CONGRESS. — Nearly the same members as com- 
 posed the first Congress a.ssembled in Independence Hall, May lo, 
 1775. All its acts looked to a closer colonial union. But up came 
 the question of sovereignty. What is its source, what its limit? 
 Whence does it come, where does it stop ? The answer would in- 
 volve the real principle of government. The provincial assembly 
 had been a great training school. It was, tacitly at least, agreed that 
 the people were the source of sovereignty, that it was theirs to 
 command, to institute organic law, to establish public authority, 
 to compel obedience. On this foundation rose the American 
 superstructure of permanent, federal government. It was not a 
 shock to the architects, but in fitting the principle to practical 
 union much difficulty would be experienced, many surrenders 
 would have to be made, for, be it known, the colonies had as yet 
 few elements of union in themselves. The impelling thing was a 
 common danger. The vigor, power, beauty, advantage, pride of 
 union were things to be unknown to them, or only guessed at, 
 till the panoply of union had been over them for a little time. 
 
 The second great question was defence. Boston was besieged, 
 Washington was made commander-in-chief of all armies raised 
 or to be raised for the defence of America by unanimous ballot 
 on June 15, 1775. Thus began an American army. Franklin 
 submitted a plan of confederation and perpetual union under the 
 name of " United Colonies of North America."* Lord North 
 
 *This plan was submitted July 21, 1775. It was not acted on at this session, but 
 was largely incorporated in the Articles of Confederation. 
 
142 .CONGRESS AND UNION. 
 
 had weakened a little and submitted a plan by which he thought 
 peace might be brought about. It was submitted to Franklin, 
 Jefferson, John Adams and Richard Henry Lee. Their report, 
 repudiating it, was adopted by the Congress July 31. The col- 
 onies deliberately chose the hazards of war rather than surrender 
 their ancient right of self-government. North hoped to deal 
 with them as separate units. They resolved to be dealt with only 
 as a bundle of units — a nation. Postal communication was estab- 
 lished from New Hampshire to Georgia ; two persons were ap- 
 pointed to act as joint treasurers of the colonies ; other defensive 
 measures followed. Then Congress adjourned (August i) till 
 September 5. The nearer war came, the more they shrank from 
 it, at least the more cautious they became. Tory sentiment was 
 active. Every step taken must be a sure one. The adjourn- 
 ment would give time to hear from the colonists, and especially 
 to hear from the last memorial to the king. By the 13th of 
 September the Congress was in full session again, with Georgia 
 represented. From this time on the union was called " The 
 Thirteen United Colonies." The king's reply to the memorial 
 •came back in the shape of a proclamation for suppressing rebel- 
 lion and sedition, for, said he, " It would be better to totally 
 abandon the colonies than to admit a single shadow of their 
 doctrines." The wheels of Providence were now in swiftest 
 motion. Lexington and Concord had been fought in April, 
 Ticonderoga in May, Bunker Hill in June. South Carolina had 
 been warned to resist all attempts to occupy Charleston, and 
 Virginia encouraged to defy Lord Dunmore to the uttermost. 
 A naval code was created (November 17). Every measure was 
 now for offensive war, not defensive. The press took up the 
 idea of independence. The thought of union, as a dependency 
 of Britain, was gone. "A Grand Republic of the American 
 United Colonies, which will, by the blessing of heaven, soon 
 work out our salvation and perpetuate the liberties, increase the 
 wealth, the power and the glory of this western world ; " this 
 was the popular thought. Ten years had worked the idea of 
 union into an actual " Continental Association." Would it take 
 the idea of independence as long to work into actual independ- 
 
CO 
 
144 THE DECLARATION. 
 
 ence ? The Tories were numerous in the local assemblies, and 
 active. They could retard action, if not prevent it. 
 
 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.— The Congress 
 was proceeding in matters of peace and war as though " The 
 United Colonies " were one political power. To the encourage- 
 ment of powerful sentiment had been added the confidence of 
 victory in armed conflict. New Hampshire, South Carolina and 
 Virginia were recommended by Congress to form local govern- 
 ments. This was a step which looked directly to independence. 
 On New Year Day, 1776, Washington unfurled the " Flag of Thir- 
 teen Stripes," as the flag of the United Colonies, and arrayed it 
 as the symbol of national power against the far-famed banner of 
 St. George. From this time till June the Congress was busy 
 with questions of war and finance. Its acts were those of a de- 
 termined and active revolutionary government. But it was all 
 the while being petitioned to cut the chain which bound the col- 
 onies to England, and which was hampering their individual and 
 concerted action. It therefore recommended to all the colonies 
 to form local governments, independent of charters, royal gov- 
 ernors, and every English restriction. On June 7, 1776, Rich- 
 ard Henry Lee moved for Independence, a Foreign Alliance, and 
 a Confederation. John Adams seconded the motion. A com- 
 mittee was formed on Independence, composed of Thomas Jef- 
 ferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and 
 Robert R. Livingston, and they were given till July to report. 
 A committee of one from each colony was also formed on Articles 
 of Confederation. By the last of June it could be said that op- 
 position to Independence, in every colony except New York, 
 had ceased ; at least twelve colonies had instructed their delegates 
 in Congress to vote for a declaration. And these delegates were 
 present in the Congress on July i, when it took up the resolution 
 on Independence, or rather the report of the Committee on Inde- 
 pendence. Four days of debate and amendment brought forth 
 the Declaration of Independence as agreed upon by the delegates 
 from twelve States (July 4, 1776) — New York delegates not vot- 
 ing under her instructions. It was ordered to be authenticated 
 by the signatures of John Hancock, President, and Charles 
 
THE DECLARATION. 145 
 
 Thomson, Secretary, sent out to the State assemblies, and read 
 at the head of the army. On July 9, the convention of New 
 York resolved to support it. By August 2, it was engrossed 
 and ready for the signatures of the members.* The high honor 
 of having been its author is due to Jefferson, for the changes 
 made in his draft, though numerous, did not alter its tone nor 
 general character. The equally high honor of having been its 
 strongest champion in the Congress belongs to John Adams. 
 Said Jefferson to Daniel Webster, " John Adams was our Colos- 
 sus on the floor. He was not graceful, nor elegant, nor remark- 
 ably fluent, but he came out occasionally with a power of thought 
 and expression that moved us from our seats." f And now that 
 " the greatest question has been decided which ever was debated 
 in America, and a greater perhaps never was or will be decided 
 among men," The United Colonies were decreed a political 
 unit of the United States of America. The Declaration was 
 proclaimed everywhere among the people as the inestimable 
 title-deed of their liberties, and they received it with speech, 
 salute, bon-fire and general rejoicing. It seemed as if a decree 
 promulgated from heaven. See Declaration, page 151. 
 
 WHAT IT DID. — Before the Declaration was submitted to a 
 vote, a test resolution was laid before the Congress (July 2, 1776) 
 as follows : " That these United Colonies are and of right ought 
 to be free and independent States ; that they are absolved from all 
 allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection 
 between them and the State of Great Britain is and ought to be 
 totally dissolved." Twelve colonies united in adopting it. This 
 assured the passage of the Declaration. It was its preamble, as 
 it were. Observe that in it the word " Colonies " is dropped, 
 
 * There is much unceilainty about the signing of the Declaration. The engrossed 
 copy, signed on August 2, still exists in the office of the Secretary of State. Jeffer- 
 son has'given the impression that it was generally signed on July 4, but this copy of 
 it is not known to exist. John Adams wrote on the 9th of July, " As soon as an 
 American seal is prepared I conjecture the Declaration will be superscribed by all 
 the members.'* Now, a committee composed, of Franklin, John Adams and Jeffer- 
 son, was appointed by Congress to prepare a device for the Seal of " The United 
 States of America," after the Declaration had passed, probably on the 5th of July. 
 
 t Curtis' Life of Webster, vol. i., 589. 
 10 
 
146 THE DECLARATION.' 
 
 never to be taken up again, and the word " States " * substituted. 
 So the Declaration was " The Declaration by the Representatives 
 of the United States of America in Congress Assembled," and 
 the conclusion is : " Therefore we the Representatives of the 
 United States of America in Congress Assembled," etc. The steps 
 toward national birth were the -ripening of public sentiment into 
 a conviction that a common country was necessary, a delegation 
 of power by the colonies for that purpose, a preliminary resolu- 
 tion declaring the colonies independent States, a declaration to 
 that effect, a ratification of that declaration by the States Thus 
 the United Colonies by their joint act passed into " The United 
 States." The Declaration has been called the fundamental act 
 of Union.f It was the embodiment of the public will as a source 
 of authority, when it was the will of the people composing one 
 nation. I It established Union as a fundamental law. The old 
 law was the law of diversity. It transformed the sentiment of 
 nationality into a fact — the new birth was that of a nation, a 
 country. As colonies, each had a State of its own, and could 
 have had, in one way or another. But only by creating a law 
 high over all, only by ordaining and establishing something out 
 of that supremacy which resided in all the people, could a union, 
 a nation, a country, come. The Declaration announced to all 
 nations that a new political sovereignty had arisen, whose work- 
 ings internally were all right, whose external workings sought 
 recognition. The colonist was true to his colony, yet he 
 never hesitated in his allegiance to the king. He ever claimed 
 and was ever proud of the rights of a British subject. Now 
 he was equally true to his Colony (the State), but the 
 
 * The title of "The United States of America" was formally assumed in the 
 Articles of the Confederation, when they came to be adopted. But it was in use 
 without formal enactment from the date and adoption of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence. On the 9th of September, 1776, it was ordered that all continental com- 
 missions and all other instruments, where the words " United Colonies " had been 
 used, the style should be altered to the " United States." — Journals, ii., 349. 
 
 •}• Writings of Madison, iii., 482. 
 
 ^"In our complex system of polity the public will, as a source of authoriiy, 
 may be the will of the people as composing one nation." — Madison's Wriiings, iii., 
 479- 
 
INDEPENDENCE HALL. 
 
 147 
 
148 THE DECLARATION. 
 
 allegiance which was to the king or to Great Britain was trans- 
 ferred to the new political unit, the United States. For hundreds 
 of years the contention had been for the doctrine of the equality 
 of the human race. The Declaration clothed this abstract truth 
 with vitalizing power. " We hold these truths to be self-evident, 
 that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their 
 Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are 
 life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these 
 rights governments are instituted among men deriving their 
 just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever 
 any form of government becomes destructive of these ends it is 
 the right of the people to alter or abolish it and institute new 
 government, laying its foundation on such principles and organ- 
 izing its powers in such form as shall to them seem most likely 
 to effect their safety and happiness." This is the American 
 theory expressed as Buckle says : " In words the memory of which 
 can never die." To maintain it the battles of the revolution were 
 fought, and to build on it a worthy superstructure of government 
 and law was the work of the fathers of the constitution. 
 
 NATURE OF THE CONGRESS.— Tht Continental Con- 
 gress, for by this name it got to be known, continued to be the 
 National Government in fact, and conducted National affairs till 
 the adoption of the Articles of Confederation, March, 1781, near 
 the close of the Revolutionary war. There was no change in its 
 construction, except that the delegates to it were appointed by 
 the State legislatures, as soon as the States had organized State 
 governments, which they made haste to do, under the recom- 
 mendations of the Congress of 1776.* The powers of the Con- 
 
 * New Jersey adopted a State Constitution July 2, 1776, which went into full 
 operation, and the government thus formed lasted for sixty-eight years. 
 
 Delaware adopted a Constitution and form of government (Sept. 20, 1776) which 
 lasted for sixteen years. 
 
 Maryland agreed on a Declaration of Rights, Nov. 3, 1776, and on the 8tli, upon 
 a Constitution, which was not changed for seventy-five years. 
 
 Pennsylvania framed a Constitution Sept. 28, 1776, which terminated its charter. 
 But it was not generally received. Owing to division, the State officers were sup- 
 ported in their authority by a Committee of Congress, till the amended Constitu- 
 tion of 179a 
 
THE CONFEDERATION. 149 
 
 tinental Congress were nowhere defined or limited. They in- 
 cluded power to declare war and make peace.^to raise armies 
 and equip navies, to form treaties and alliances with foreign 
 nations, to contract debts, and do all other acts of a sovereign 
 government which wer-e essential to the safety of the United 
 States. No Colony, or State, disputed the powers thus assumed 
 and exercised. They originated from necessity and were only 
 limited by events. Revolutionary though they were, the Con- 
 gress in their exercise was supported by the people, and there 
 was no other authority to question its acts. It was evident that 
 when the dangers of war had passed, when the public liberties and 
 independence of all the States had been assured, and when peace 
 had dawned, these extraordinary powers of the Congress would 
 have to give way to something more certain and better under- 
 stood. And right here arose a momentous question. In relax- 
 ing the control of Congress, there was danger that the Union 
 which existed by reason of the Congress would be dissolved, and 
 that the States would drift back into independent communities, 
 without a central head, with no common system, with discordant 
 local interests, with rivalries and jealousies as to boundaries, com- 
 merce, manufactures, and institutions. Hard as had been the 
 trial of the Revolution, here was something calculated to stir 
 deeper apprehension, and tax more severely the genius of states- 
 men. 
 
 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION.— As ihese Articles, 
 finally adopted by all the States, March, 1781, were the begin- 
 ning of a government more specific than that of the Congress 
 which had carried on the Revolution thus far, yet not so specific 
 as that formed by the Constitution of 1787, they can be best ex- 
 plained in connection with the latter. As the Congress led to 
 
 North Carolina adopted a Constitution, Oct. 18, 1776, which lasted for sixty-nine 
 years. 
 
 Georgia adopted a Constitution Feb. 5, 1777, lasting eight years. 
 
 New York adopted a Constitution, April 20, 1777. 
 
 Of the six States which adopted constitutions and forms of government before 
 the Declaration of Independence, South Carolina amended hers in 1778, Virginia 
 in 1829, Rhode Island and Connecticut did not displace their charters for many 
 years, New Hampshire in 1784, Massachusetts in 1780 and 1821. 
 
150 THE CONFEDERATION. 
 
 the Articles of Confederation, so the Articles of Confederation 
 led to the Constitution. " States " got to be a definitive, well- 
 understood term under the Articles. They were "Articles of 
 Confederation and Perpetual Union between the States " (men- 
 tioning them all). " The style of this Confederacy shall be The 
 United States of America," Art. i. For this reason, also, we 
 prefer to treat of the Articles in our next chapter, which con- 
 cerns the finer pieces of our fabric — the States. But as the war 
 came to an end under the government of the Articles of Con- 
 federation, it must be understood that " The United States of 
 America," which solemnized the peace of 1783, and accepted of 
 the cessions of British territory, was the only power then existing 
 which could do these National acts, and bind all the States by its 
 authority. 
 
 EVENTS OF THE REVOLUTION.— The first overt attempt 
 of England to assert her right to tax her American colonies was 
 met in the courts of Boston, in February, 1761, by James Otis, 
 who appeared as Advocate-General for the Colonies. Notwith- 
 standing this resistance, Parliament passed the odious Stamp Act 
 of 1765, which drew resolutions of censure from most of the 
 colonies. Sentiment against it took the bold form expressed in 
 the speeches of Otis and Patrick Henry, which meant war. New 
 York sent forth her " Declaration of Rights," October 7, 1765. 
 On November i, 1765, the date the Stamp Act was to go into 
 operation, English-America went into mourning. Business was 
 suspended ; bells were tolled ; flags were hung at half-mast. The 
 protest was sullen and awful. The universal resolve went forth 
 to import no more English goods. This brought about a repeal 
 of tlie Stamp Act, under the eloquence of Pitt and Burke. But 
 they could not succeed in their effort at repeal except by 
 coupling with it the equally odious " Declaratory Act," which 
 asserted England's right to bind her colonies as she pleased. 
 The doors were therefore still open for oppression and intimi- 
 dation. In June, 1766, English troops were landed in the col- 
 onies, and the colonists were required to feed and shelter them 
 under the penalties of the " Mutiny Act." In June, 1767, a tax 
 was levied on imports to the colonics, commissioners of customs 
 
THE CONFEDERATION. 15l 
 
 were appointed to act independently of them, and the decrees of 
 their legislatures were annulled, where they refused to sustain 
 the troops quartered in their midst. Before the close of the year 
 1768 every colonial assembly had resolved that the Imperial 
 Parliament had no right to legislate for the colonies, and that the 
 action of Massachusetts, which had taken the lead in opposition, 
 must be upheld. 
 
 TROOPS IN BOSTON.— In May, 1768, the British Com- 
 missioners of Customs seized a sloop belonging to John Hancock, 
 because of her refusal to pay the tax imposed on her cargo. 
 Instantly the commissioners were set upon by a mob and driven 
 into Castle William. At the call of the Royal Governor, General 
 Gage entered Boston with 700 British troops. The insurrec- 
 tionary leaders were ordered to be arrested and sent to England 
 for trial. The citizens and troops soon came into collision, for 
 the indignation of the colonists was fast breaking all bounds. 
 Violent riots ensued, in which fell many of America's first mar- 
 tyrs. The insurrectionary spirit took the form of a mob in 
 Rhode Island, which burned a British vessel ; of the organized 
 band known as " Regulators " in North Carolina. The arrival 
 of several cargoes of tea in Boston, in December, 1773, led to 
 the celebrated Faneuil Hall protest, and to the dumping of the 
 cargoes in the harbor by angry colonists, disguised as Indians. 
 This led to the closing of Boston Harbor by the Port Bill, to the 
 subversion of the Massachusetts charter, and to other intimidat- 
 ing and destructive measures. General Gage became Governor, 
 and attempted to enforce the obnoxious measures with his 
 army. 
 
 CARPENTER'S HALL.— In their strife to unite, a Congress 
 of Colonies met in Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia, September 5, 
 1774, agreed upon a " Declaration of Rights," and recommended 
 non-intercourse with England. " Minute Men " were organized 
 in New England, and made ready for armed resistance. General 
 Gage began to fortify strategic positions about Boston. The 
 colony of Massachusetts called a Provincial Congress, under the 
 lead of John Hancock, and enacted measures looking to the 
 raising of an army. 
 
152 THE CONFEDERATION. 
 
 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.— By April, 1775, England 
 had 3000 troops in Boston. On April 18, 800 of these were 
 sent out to Concord, thirteen miles from Boston, to destroy the 
 ammunition collected there by the colonists. The vigilance of 
 Dr. Joseph Warren and the celebrated ride of Paul Revere pre- 
 vented the surprise of the colonists, eighty of whom marched 
 forward six miles to Lexington to meet the British. A collision 
 took place, and the " Minute Men " were dispersed, with eight 
 killed and many wounded. This was the first battle and first 
 blood of the Revolutionary War. The British army pursued the 
 " Minute Men " to Concord, where another collision took place, 
 in which several more of their number were killed. After 
 destroying the amnmnition at Concord, the King's troops beat a 
 retreat to Boston, enfiladed on every side by indignant colonists, 
 who picked them off from behind trees and fences. On their 
 arrival at Boston it was found they had lost 273 men, while the 
 colonists had lost 103. Lexington and Concord set Colonial 
 America aflame. By the close of April a patriot army of 20,000 
 men surrounded Gage in Boston, and before the summer of 1775 
 closed, the power of every royal governor, from Massachusetts 
 to Georgia, was at an end. 
 
 BUNKER'S HILL. — Hostilities were now on in earnest. In 
 May, Col. Ethan Allen's New Hampshire Militia captured Fort 
 Ticonderoga ; and in the same month Col. Benedict Arnold's 
 Connecticut Militia captured Crown Point. These captures gave 
 the Americans forty pieces of artillery, secured control of Lake 
 Champlain, and opened the way to Canada. In June, 1775, 
 General Ward ordered Bunker's Hill to be fortified. By mistake 
 Breed's Hill was fortified and held by 1500 Americans. Generals 
 Howe and Pigot attacked them (June 17) with 3000 British 
 troops. After suffering two disastrous repulses, they at length 
 captured the Hill, driving the Americans to Prospect Hill. The 
 British burned Charlestown and fortified Bunker's Hill. The 
 Americans lost 450 killed and wounded, and the British 1054. 
 
 THE SECOND CONGRESS.— W\rgm\2i forced Governor 
 Dunmore from her soil. North Carolina passed the famous 
 Mecklenburg declaration of independence. A Second Colonial 
 
154 THE CONFEDERATION. 
 
 Congress met in Philadelphia, May lo, 1775, voted to raise an 
 army of 20,000 men, and elected George Washington, of Virginia, 
 Commander-in-chief He took command of an army of 14,000 
 men on July 3, 1775, and besieged Boston, then occupied by the 
 British forces under General Howe. 
 
 INVASION OF CANADA.— Camidsi was invaded by a small 
 American army, led by General Montgomery, and St. Johns was 
 captured, November 3, 1775. Col. Ethan Allen attacked Mon- 
 treal, but was captured and sent to England, Montgomery 
 followed up, and captured Montreal, November 13. He was 
 joined by 750 Americans under Benedict Arnold, and the com- 
 bined forces laid siege to Quebec. On December 31, 1775, they 
 attempted an assault, but were repulsed with great loss, 
 Montgomery being killed and Arnold wounded. By June of 
 the following year the Americans were driven entirely out of 
 Canada. 
 
 Meanwhile, Governor Dunmore struck a blow at Hampton, 
 Va., but was defeated by the Virginia militia. In revenge he 
 burned Norfolk. He was finally driven away, and went to 
 England. 
 
 EVENTS OF 1776. — Washington forced the siege of Boston, 
 and compelled Howe to evacuate the city, on March 17, 1776. 
 He .sailed to Nova Scotia with his army, and some 1500 Tory 
 families. Part of Howe's fleet, under Sir Henry Clinton, 
 threatened New York. Washington set General Charles Lee to 
 defend the city, while he fortified the line of the Hudson river. 
 Clinton did not attack New York, but sailed to capture Charleston, 
 S. C. Lee was sent to defend it. He centred his troops at Fort 
 Moultrie, which was attacked by land and water on June 28. 
 The British were repulsed, and Clinton sailed away to join his 
 forces with those of Howe, who, meanwhile, had now come to 
 New York, and was threatening the city. On July 4 the 
 Declaration of Independence was adopted by the Continental Con- 
 gress, in session at Philadelphia. The British army had been 
 augmented by 17,000 hired Hessian soldiers, and on Aug. 27th 
 the bloody battle of Long Island was fought, the British being 
 commanded by Generals Grant, Cornwallis, Clinton and De Hies- 
 
l^Q THE CONFEDERATION. 
 
 ter, and the Americans by General Putnam. The Americans were 
 defeated, and forced to retreat to Nev/ York city ; New York 
 could not be held against the British fleet and army combined, 
 and Washington gave it up, retreating to the line of the Hudson, 
 Sept. 15. The British pursued and forced an engagement at 
 Harlem Plains, where the Americans gained a costly victory, and 
 continued their retreat. Howe pursued, and on October 28 the 
 battle of White Plains was fought. It proved disastrous to the 
 Americans, and Washington was forced farther northward. 
 Seeing that the British would now march to Philadelphia, where 
 the Continental Congress was in session, Washington determined 
 to protect it. He crossed his army over the Hudson into New 
 Jersey, having lost Fort Washington, Nov. 16, and began the 
 famous retreat across New Jersey. His army had been shattered 
 to pieces, and numbered scarcely 3000 men. He was closely 
 pursued by the British, under Cornwallis, but on Dec. 8th 
 succeeded in reaching and crossing the ice-swollen Delaware into 
 Pennsylvania. He was reinforced, secretly recrossed the Dela- 
 ware on Christmas night, fought the battle of Trenton, and cap- 
 tured 1000 Hessians. 
 
 EVENTS OF 1777.- — Success at Trenton inspired the Ameri- 
 can army. Cornwallis was reinforced and surrounded Washing- 
 ton, who escaped to Princeton, where he defeated the British 
 advance, Jan. 3, 1777. Washington then withdrew to a winter 
 camp at Morristown, whence, by a system of guerrilla attacks, 
 he drove the British out of New Jersey. 
 
 In April, 1777, 2000 British, under Gov. Tryon, invaded and 
 devastated Connecticut. They were met at Ridgefield, April 27, 
 and defeated, by an American army led by Generals Wooster, 
 Silliman and Arnold. Wooster was killed. 
 
 During the year the two Frenchmen, Marquis de Lafayette 
 and the Baron de Kalb, also the two Poles, Count Pulaski and 
 Thaddeus Kosciuszko, arrived in America to join their fortunes 
 with the struggling Americans. The skilful drill officer and 
 Prussian, Baron de Steuben, arrived the next year. 
 
 In June, Howe conveyed his fleet and army to the mouth of 
 the Chesapeake Bay, and sailed to its head, where he disenv 
 
THE CONFEDERATION. 157 
 
 barked, intending to move eastward on Philadelphia. Wash- 
 ington crossed into Pennsylvania, and met Howe at the Brandy- 
 wine, Sept. II, where a bloody battle was fought, in which the 
 Americans were defeated with a loss of 1200 men, the British 
 loss being 800. 
 
 Washington fell back toward Philadelphia. On Sept. 20 his 
 right wing, composed of 1500 men, under General Wayne, was 
 attacked at Paoli, and beaten. This was the " Massacre of 
 Paoli." Seeing that it was useless to further defend Philadel- 
 phia, Washington swung to northwest in the direction of Valley 
 Forge. The Congress moved to Lancaster and then to York. 
 Howe took possession of Philadelphia, Sept. 25. Washington 
 aimed a blow at him, on October 4, when was fought the battle 
 of Germantown, in which the Americans were defeated with a 
 loss of 1200 men. This ended the campaign for the year. 
 Howe remained in Philadelphia with his army, while Washing- 
 ton went into winter quarters, first at Whitemarsh, and after- 
 wards at Valley Forge. Howe was soon reinforced by his fleet, 
 which sailed up the Delaware, and, though worsted at Forts 
 Mifflin and Mercer, succeeded in rendering them untenable. 
 
 While the Americans were meeting these disasters in Pennsyl- 
 vania, Burgoyne, with 10,000 British soldiers, invaded New 
 York from Canada, captured Ticonderoga, and drove the Ameri- 
 can army, under General Schuyler, back to the Mohawk river. 
 The brilliant victories of the " Green Mountain Boys " under 
 Stark, at Bennington, Aug. 16, and under Seth Warner, did not 
 compensate for the larger misfortunes of the main army. The 
 Mohawk Valley was invaded by Canadians, Tories and Indians, 
 and Fort Schuyler was threatened. The battle of Oriskaney 
 was lost to the Americans, when General Arnold came upon the 
 scene with a relief party, and dispersed the besiegers of the fort. 
 
 General Gates succeeded Schuyler, received large reinforce- 
 ments, and confronted Burgoyne's army at Saratoga, where an 
 indecisive battle was fought, Sept. 19, followed by another, far 
 more sanguinary and decisive, on Oct. 7. This forced the sur- 
 render of Burgoyne and his entire army of 6000 men, on Oct. 
 17. This victory filled the American heart with joy, and fell 
 
158 THE CONFEDERATION. 
 
 like a bombshell on England. Clinton was marching up the 
 Hudson with a strong force to co-operate with Burgoyne, but 
 when he heard of his surrender he beat a hasty retreat to New 
 York. 
 
 In November the American Congress passed the "Articles of 
 Confederation," which remained the Colonial bond of union till 
 superseded by the present Constitution in 1789. 
 
 EVENTS OF 1788.— At this point the Americans formed 
 an alliance with France, and the British asked for reconciliation 
 with their rebellious colonies. The latter was refused except 
 upon terms of absolute independence. Clinton succeeded Howe, 
 as General of the British forces. A French fleet under Count 
 D'Estaing was approaching the Delaware. Clinton evacuated 
 Philadelphia, June 18, and fled across New Jersey toward New 
 York. Washington pursued, with 12,000 men, and forced the 
 indecisive battle of Monmouth, June 28. Clinton managed to 
 reach New York, and Washington crossed the Hudson above 
 the city and encamped at White Plains. As winter approached he 
 recrossed and went into quarters at Middlebrook, on the Raritan. 
 
 The French fleet, not now needed in the Delaware, sailed for 
 Rhode Island to co-operate with the forces of General Sullivan. 
 But it failed to furnish effectual assistance. During this year 
 the Schoharie, Mohawk, and Cherry Valleys, in New York, and 
 the Wyoming Valley, in Pennsylvania, became the scene of ter- 
 rible massacres by combined forces of Canadians, Tories and 
 Indians. 
 
 In November Clinton sent 2000 troops under Campbell to 
 invade Georgia. They entered Savannah, which they held till 
 near the close of the war. 
 
 EVENTS OF 1789. — The British forces were successful in 
 several minor battles with the Georgia militia, notably that of 
 Brier Creek, and they invaded South Carolina, under General 
 Prevost, intending to capture Charleston. But they were forced 
 to beat a retreat by the militia under Lincoln, and the severe but 
 indecisive battle of Stono Ferry w^s fought. 
 
 In April Governor Tryon made a destructive raid into Con- 
 necticut with 1500 Hessians, and defeated the Americans under 
 
IQQ THE CONFEDERATION. 
 
 Putnam, at Greenwich. But Putnam succeeded in forcing them 
 to retreat, with the -loss of most of their booty. In May a 
 British squadron and land force ravaged the country around 
 Norfolk, Va. On May 3 1 the battle of Stony Point, on the 
 Hudson, was fought, and the place was captured by the British. 
 In July Governor Tryon repeated his raid into Connecticut, 
 burning East Haven, Fairfield and Norwalk. 
 
 On July 16 General Wayne recaptured Stony Point with its 
 garrison, and soon after General Lee captured Paulus Hook, now 
 Jersey City, thus hemming the British in New York on the East 
 and North. 
 
 Meanwhile, the British army, composed of Indians, was meet- 
 ing with reverses in the West, and had been forced out of Kas- 
 kaskia and Vincennes. The Indians of New York were severely 
 punished by an army under Sullivan for their massacres in the 
 valleys of the Mohawk and the Wyoming. 
 
 The French fleet went to Georgia to co-operate with the 
 Americans under Lincoln. Savannah was besieged by sea and 
 land, but the combined forces were repulsed September 23. 
 Lincoln retreated toward Charleston, and Count D'Estaing sailed 
 for the West Indies. On the same date the American Commo- 
 dore, John Paul Jones, in the BonJioinme Richard, gained his 
 celebrated naval victory off the coast of England by capturing 
 the British man-of-war Scrapis. 
 
 EVENTS OF 1790. — On April 9 Clinton, with his army and 
 fleet, laid siege to Charleston, held by the American forces under 
 Lincoln. After a month of bombardment and man,oeuvring 
 Lincoln surrendered the city with his army of 6000 men and a 
 great number of cannon. Leaving Cornwallis to hold the city, 
 Clinton sailed back to New York. Cornwallis invaded South 
 Carolina, but met with stout resistance at the hands of such lead- 
 ers as Sumter, Marion, Pickens and Clarke. In August the 
 American army under Gates entered South Carolina from the 
 North. He fought the bloody battle of Sander's Creek with 
 Cornwallis and Rawdon, August 16, and was badly beaten, 
 losing 1000 men, among whom was the brave DeKalb. Two 
 days afterwards Sumter's forces were defeated and broken up by 
 
11 
 
IQ2 THE CONFEDERATION. 
 
 Tarleton's British cavalry at Fishing Creek. Thus South Caro- 
 hna passed virtually into the hands of the enemy, as Georgia 
 had done. But as Cornwallis pushed northward to invade 
 North Carolina the patriot spirit revived in South Carolina. 
 The British were beaten with great loss at King's Mountain. 
 Sumter, Marion, Clarke and Pickens, and others, were carrying 
 on such activities as to alarm Cornwallis and cause him to return 
 to South Carolina. 
 
 In June the British army and fleet invaded New Jersey, but 
 the landing force was defeated at Springfield by General Greene, 
 and forced to withdraw. Near the close of the year a French 
 fleet under 'Admiral de Ternay, bearing an army of 6000 men 
 under Count de Rochambeau, landed at Newport, R. I. In Sep- 
 tember General Benedict Arnold, in command at West Point, 
 agreed to surrender that strong place to the British for ^50,000 
 and a commission in their army. Major Andre, who negotiated 
 the treason, was caught and hanged, an'd Arnold escaped to the 
 British lines. 
 
 EVENTS OF 1 78 1. — On January i, 1781, Pennsylvania and 
 New Jersey troops mutinied at Morristown, and marched toward 
 Philadelphia to compel the Congress to vote them their pay. 
 The Congress met them at Princeton, and having given them 
 promises of favorable action, the mutineers returned to the ranks. 
 
 In January, Arnold, the traitor, invaded Virginia with 1500 
 British and Tories, and ascended the James river. He was op- 
 posed by Lafayette with 1200 Americans, but being reinforced 
 by 2000 men he continued his marauding expedition, doing 
 much damage at Richmond and throughout his course. 
 
 The successes of the British in the South turned the tide of 
 war there in 1 78 1. General Greene was given command of the 
 American forces. Part of his army, under Morgan, defeated 
 Tarleton in the celebrated battle of the Cowpens, January 17. 
 Morgan retreated toward Virginia with 500 prisoners, pursued 
 by Cornwallis. Morgan was reinforced by Greene, and together 
 they safely crossed the Dan into Virginia. The bafiled Corn- 
 wallis posted himself at Hillsborough, N. C. Greene returned 
 to North Carolina and fought the bloody battle of Guilford 
 
J64 THE CONFEDERATION. 
 
 Court House, in which he was worsted, but so crippled Corn- 
 wallis that he retired to Wilmington. Greene advanced to Hob- 
 kirk Hill, S. C, where he fought a winning battle with Rawdon's 
 forces. Thus four important posts in South Carolina fell into 
 the hands of the Americans. Greene now laid ineffectual siege ' 
 to Fort Ninety-Six in Georgia, but the militia of the State 
 under Marion, Pickens and others forced the surrender of 
 Augusta. On September 8 Greene fought the disastrous battle 
 of Eutavv Springs, but the British army retreated, and before the 
 end of the year it only held Charleston and Savannah south of 
 New York. 
 
 On April 25 Cornwallis left Wilmington and invaded Virginia. 
 His raid was disastrous far beyond Richmond, and till he met 
 the Americans in full force, under Wayne, Lafayette and Steuben. 
 He then retreated to Yorktown, which he fortified. 
 
 In July, Washington, reinforced by Rochambeau's French 
 forces, tried to drive the British out of New York, but failing in 
 this, and seeing that Virginia was to be the final battle ground, 
 he started thither with his main army. His departure was fol- 
 lowed by a raid led by Benedict Arnold, into Connecticut, which 
 was characterized by massacres and the burning of New Lon- 
 don. Washington did not turn back, but appeared before York- 
 town, September 28, with the combined American and French 
 armies. Simultaneously, the Count de Grasse arrived from the 
 West Indies with a powerful French fleet, and blockaded the 
 York river. Washington laid siege to Yorktown, and pushed it 
 so vigorously, that Cornwallis was forced to surrender the place 
 and his entire force of 7000 men on October 19, 1 78 1. His 
 shipping was surrendered to Count de Grasse. Three days 
 afterwards Sir Henry Clinton appeared with a fleet and 7000 
 British troops in the Chesapeake to assist Cornwalh's, but when 
 he heard of his surrender he put back to New York. The 
 French troops remained during the winter in Virginia, but 
 Washington marched back to the Hudson. 
 
 The English Parliament was amazed at these defeats. Lord 
 North and his cabinet were compelled to resign. The impossi- 
 bihty of conquering the American Colonies was manifest. A 
 
THE CONFEDERATION. 165 
 
 new ministry in favor of peace came into power. Hostilities 
 were ordered off. A Commission was created to treat with the 
 Colonies. It met an American Conmiission in Paris, and agreed 
 on a preliminary treaty, November 30, 1782. A definitive 
 treaty was concluded September 3, 1783, and the two countries 
 were at peace, with American Independence an established 
 fact. 
 
 On the same date, Sept. 3, 1783, treaties of peace were signed 
 between England, France, Spain and- Holland, in all of which the 
 United States was acknowledged as a power among the nations of 
 earth. The British evacuated Savannah, July 11, 1782, Charles- 
 ton, Dec. 14, and New York, Nov. 25, 1783. On Nov. 3, 1783, 
 ihe American army was disbanded. Washington resigned his 
 commission Dec. 23, 1783, and retired to Mount Vernon. 
 
 FURTHER BUILDING.— The war of the American Revo- 
 lution resulted in the treaty of Sept. 3, 1783, signed at Paris. By 
 it Great Britain relinquished all her " claims to the government, 
 proprietary and territorial rights " of the United States (naming 
 the thirteen), and acknowledged them " to be free, sovereign and 
 independent States." It further ceded all the territory south of 
 the Great Lake line, northward (in general) of 31° N. lat., and 
 westward to the Mississippi, to the United States. Those pre- 
 tentious charters and grants from the Crown, which ran through 
 from the Atlantic to the Pacific, had now for their western limit 
 the " Father of Waters." The territory of the United States lay 
 between the Atlantic and Mississippi. The right of Spain (for- 
 merly France) to all beyond, was recognized. 
 
 STATE OWNERSHIP.— Bniihrough this territory, before 
 it was ceded, ran the titles of the Colonies or States. Their 
 claims became a source of trouble long before the date of the 
 treaty. Thus Connecticut, whose charter possessions extended 
 indefinitely to the west, had colonized in the Wyoming Valley, 
 Pa., and was exercising a disputed jurisdiction as early as 1769; 
 so also in the Northwest, in what became the " Western Reserve 
 of Connecticut." Virginia and New York had clashed, for a 
 similar reason, both their boundaries being limitless to the west. 
 So New York and Massachusetts had had trouble, and several 
 
[66 THE CONFEDERATION. 
 
 other States. This whole matter of State ownership and juris- 
 diction westward came up in a conspicuous and dangerous form 
 when the Articles of Confederation were before the States for 
 ratification. Some of the States refused to ratify till the question 
 of western lands was disposed of Lord North made much of 
 this delay, and pretended to see in this land subject a perpetual 
 source of disagreement aijd a final refusal to establish a Union 
 under the Articles. It was not a new subject, for the conserva- 
 tive Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, had introduced it into the Con- 
 gress and insisted upon its being settled satisfactorily before that 
 body passed the Declaration of Independence. As to their own 
 boundaries, there was no controversy with Pennsylvania, Dela- 
 ware, New Jersey, Maryland, New Hampshire, and Rhode Isl- 
 and, but the remaining seven States were deeply concerned, for 
 theirs were the charters running to the Mississippi or the Pacific. 
 The former States took the ground that any unoccupied, unde- 
 fined territory wrested from a common enemy by the blood and 
 treasure of the thirteen United Colonies, ought to be considered 
 as common property, subject to be parcelled out by Congress 
 into free, convenient, and independent governments. On these 
 grounds Maryland refused to ratify the Articles of Confederation 
 until an Article was added, securing the Western domain for the 
 common benefit. Virginia entered into furious defence of her 
 magnificent territory, embracing Kentucky and parts of Ohio, 
 Indiana and Illinois. There must be concession somewhere or 
 no Articles of Confederation. The question must be put out of 
 the way before a closer Union could be assured. To be sure, the 
 land was not yet conquered from Great Britain, but should it be, 
 it were well to have the matter settled. New York was the first 
 to move. By resolution of Feb. 19, 1780, she agreed to relin- 
 quish her right to unoccupied territory for the common benefit. 
 Congress, mindful of the importance of Union, and "to their 
 very existence as a free, sovereign, and independent people," 
 advised (Sept. 6, 1780) similar surrenders by the other States, 
 and on Oct. 10 resolved that out of the lands thus ceded should 
 be formed States with the same rights of sovereignty, freedom, 
 and independence as those possessed by the original States. 
 
THE CONFEDERATION. 167 
 
 Through the influence oi' Madison, Virginia agreed to surrender 
 her western domain, and so of the others. Thus the leading 
 obstacle to the ratification of the Articles of Confederation was 
 removed. When the land became theirs by the terms of the 
 treaty of 1783, would these States keep their pledges ? 
 
 ADyUSTMENT. — New York was prompt to keep hers. 
 Choosing the meridian of 79° 55' as the limit of westward occu- 
 pancy, she formally ceded all her domain west of that to the 
 United States for the common benefit, on March i, 1784. This 
 was but a small patch of 316 square miles which afterwards 
 went to Pennsylvania. Her cession was worthless without the 
 consent ot Massachusetts, who claimed clear through. (See 
 Massachusetts, below.) But New York still disputed with New 
 Hampshire the prize of the territory which afterwards became 
 Vermont. This prize, after much contention, and some blood- 
 shed, she relinquished in 1790, and took her present limits and 
 titles. 
 
 Virginia followed New York March i, 1784. Her cession 
 was of that part of the great Territory, afterwards known as the 
 " Territory of the Northwest," * lying between 41° north latitude 
 and the southern border of Kentucky. That part of her cession 
 north of the Ohio, according to its terms, entered into and 
 formed a part of the States of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. The 
 part south of the Ohio afterwards became Kentucky. 
 
 Massachusetts curtailed her indefinite claims April 19, 1785, by 
 relinquishing her right to the small bit of ground just west of 
 the New York boundary, which was then, Jan. 3, 1792, given 
 to Pennsylvania. She held her Maine possessions till 1820, 
 
 * The " Territory of the Northwest " was organized under the ordinance of Con- 
 tinental Congress of July 13, 1 787, which ordinance is regarded as a model, both as 
 to its text and display of the principles of civil, religious and political liberty. It is 
 popularly ascribed to Jefferson, but was written by Nathan Dane, of Beverly, Mass. 
 Article VI. of this ordinance reads: "There shall be neither slavery nor involun- 
 tary servitude in said Territory otherwise than in punishment of crimes whereof the 
 party shall have been duly convicted." This clause afterwards became noteworthy 
 as showing wherein the Congress of the Confederation had exercised the right to ex- 
 clude slavery from the Territories. Its language was copied in the Missouri Com- 
 promise affair, 1819-20; in the Wilmot Proviso, 1846, and in the XIII. amendment 
 to the constitution, 1865. 
 
168 THE CONFEDERATtON. 
 
 when they were surrendered in order that Maine might become 
 a State in the Union. In 1855 the district known as the " Bos- 
 ton Corner" was ceded to New York, and in 1861, by ex- 
 changes with Rhode Island, both these States got their present 
 limits. 
 
 Connecticut under her ostentatious claims' to western do- 
 mains had sent out strong colonies into Pennsylvania and the 
 northwest. Her claim to Pennsylvania soil was a matter for 
 judicial determination. In order to quiet titles in the northwest, 
 she, Sept. 14, 1786, relinquished her claim to everything west of 
 a line drawn due north and south, 120 miles west of the Penn- 
 sylvania line. This left her a "reserve" 120 miles wide. On 
 May 30, 1800, she yielded all territory and jurisdiction west of 
 her present limits, reserving whatever right of soil she may have 
 had as a protection to those who held title from her. 
 
 South Carolina ceded her claim to a strip of territory only 
 twelve miles wide, lying south of 35° north latitude, and extend- 
 ing along the southern borders of North Carolina and Tennessee, 
 to the Mississippi, on Aug. 9, 1787. 
 
 North Carolina adjusted her western border, Feb. 25, 179O, 
 by ceding the territory which afterwards became Tennessee. 
 
 Georgia made a most important cession of the territory west 
 of her present western boundary, June 16, 1802. 
 
 These cessions of their lands, and surrenders of their claims to 
 lands, by the original States, fulfilled their pledges to thus dis- 
 pose of them for the common benefit, made before the Articles 
 of Confederation were adopted, and in order that they might be 
 adopted. They quieted the title of the United States to all the 
 territory, outside of the limits of the States, ceded by Great 
 Britain in 1783. They put this part of the fruits of the war at 
 the disposal of all the people. The United States could now 
 begin to enjoy the full fruitions of that treaty. The States would 
 cease their" clamors and jealousies about old charter boundaries, 
 and the general government could go on with its great work of 
 State building and the acquisition of new territory. The old 
 States had done nobly in making these surrenders. They proved 
 by them the depth of their interest in the new experiment of 
 
ArOUIRINC OUR TERRITORY. 169 
 
 self-constituted federal government, and the extent of their de- 
 sire not to let selfish love of acres and limitless boundaries stand 
 in the way of permanent national union, peace and progress. 
 As States they could not contribute further to the geographic 
 framework of the nation, nor to matters of title. The govern- 
 ment as a whole must now buy or conquer its own rough stones 
 and timbers. 
 
 THE LOUISIANA PUR CHASE —And it went about the 
 work right speedily. The English cession of 1783 left intact 
 the Spanish claim to Florida and Louisiana, east of the Missis- 
 sippi, and beyond that river the United States owned nothing, 
 the boundary being the middle of the stream. We have seen 
 how France ceded her Louisiana to Spain in 1763, and what it 
 meant. Foreign pos.session of the mouth of the Mississippi was 
 not tolerable. Nor was similar possession of its western shores, 
 and to its middle, any more tolerable. Both were an annoyance 
 and a menace, as had been abundantly proved time and again, 
 and as would continue to be proved, if not removed. In 1795 a 
 treaty had been made with Spain which gave the United States 
 commercial rights at New Orleans. In 1802 Spain gave notice 
 that these rights had ceased. Alarm spread all along the line 
 of the river. It was looked upon as a Spanish trick, instigated 
 by France. But what was the consternation when it was discov- 
 ered that two years before Spain had parted with Louisiana to 
 France, though the distinctive act of cession had not yet taken 
 place. Tlie treaty of cession had been a secret one, carried out 
 in the interest of Napoleon. Though we doubt not it was a 
 shrewd move on the part of France to further cripple England 
 by first getting back possession of thi^ immense domain and 
 then turning an honest penny by selling to the United States, 
 thus helping the creation of a great commercial rival to England 
 on this continent, in accordance with the French theory of 1763, 
 yet Jefferson, then President, chose to look upon it as an attempt 
 of France to rival England directly. He therefore sent Monroe 
 to the aid of Livingston, minister to France, first to protest that 
 if France took possession the United States would be forced into 
 an alliance with England against her, and, second^ to sound 
 
170 ACQUIRING OUR TERRITORY. 
 
 France as to the probability of a purchase. Probably the latter 
 was what France wanted. She was needy, was about to war 
 with England, and was in no position to be hampered with such 
 a possession. Driving the best bargain she could, going up in 
 her price from ;^ 13,000,000 to $15,000,000, a sale was consum- 
 mated by treaty of April 30, 1803, ratified by the Senate Oct. 20, 
 1803, and by a resolution of the House to carry it into effect.* 
 
 Of the $15,000,000, to be paid, $3,750,000 were withheld to be 
 disbursed, under the French Spoliation bill, to pay the losses 
 Americans had suffered in their commerce at the hands of the 
 French. By this magnificent purchase the United States got a 
 gulf frontage east of the Mississippi extending from that river to 
 Florida, though all this Spain disputed. Leaping the Missis- 
 sippi the country shot clear to the Pacific, for the ceded territory 
 embraced Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Nebraska, 
 Oregon, Minnesota west of the Mississippi, part of Kansas, the 
 Territories of Dakota, Montana, Idaho, Washington, the Indian 
 country, and portions of Colorado and Wyoming,f an added 
 empire of 900,000 1 square miles, or one larger than the entire 
 area of the country before. 
 
 SPAIN CEDES FLORIDA.— IhQ next cession of foreign 
 ^oil was by Spain, Feb. 22, 18 19. This was a transaction almost 
 wholly in the interest of Spain, judged by the extent of territory 
 which passed. She claimed that her Florida ran to the Missis- 
 sippi, also that she had never recognized France's claim to that 
 part of Louisiana west of the Sabine River (Texas). The United 
 
 * Owing to the opposition of the Federalists to this purchase, which they regarded 
 unwarranted by the constitution ahd as tending to increase the preponderance of the 
 South in national legislation, Jefferson called the Eighth Congress together earlier 
 than usual for the express purpose of having it ratify the treaty of purchase and 
 vindicate his procedure. He admitted that the constitution gave no power to pur- 
 chase foreign territory and make it a part of the Union, but claimed that when once 
 the deed was done, it could be validated by the nation's ratification. 
 
 f For the French boundaries of their Louisiana, much wider than those here 
 enumerated, see page 66. And this is important, for Texas was clearly in the 
 Louisiana of France, as the United States acknowledged when Spain came to cede 
 Florida. 
 
 X Not counting what was afterwards confirmed by the Oregon treaty of 1846, 
 amounting to 300,000 square miles. 
 
ACQUIRINC OUR TERRITORY. ;|7| 
 
 States claimed that Louisiana ran eastward to the present 
 boundary of Flprida. To quiet everything, Spain ceded her 
 Florida clear to the Mississippi, for the sum of ^5,000,000, and 
 the additional consideration that the United States should 
 abandon all claim to that part of French Louisiana which lay 
 west of the Sabine. Thus a territory equal to six Floridas, 
 which had already been bought and paid for by the United 
 States, was surrendered to Spain, and was soon to become a part 
 of the Republic of Mexico. In twenty-six (1845) years it 
 drifted back to the United States again, as we shall see when 
 the cession of Texas is reached. 
 
 THE OREGON TREATY.— AwTvy up in the Northwest the 
 boundary of Louisiana could not be made to fit to that claimed 
 by Great Britain for her possessions. The United States claimed 
 54° 40' N. lat. as the boundary. England claimed that it was 
 the Columbia River. F"rom 1827, the disputed territory had 
 been held by both claimants. The Democratic party made it an 
 issue in their platform of 1844 to claim to 54° 40', with or without 
 war with England. The watchword all along the line was " 54° 
 40' or fight." In the Congress of 1845-46, Calhoun, to the 
 great embarrassment of President Polk and the Democratic 
 party, proposed 49° as a compromise line. After much party 
 backing and filling, and long negotiation, a treaty was agreed 
 upon, June 15, 1846, which was ratified by the Senate, the 
 Whigs coming to the rescue of the President, saving him from 
 his party friends and the country from war. .The treaty fixed 
 49° N, lat. as the boundary, as originally proposed by Calhoun. 
 This necessitated an immense cession of land — all between the 
 southern limit claimed by Great Britain and the 49° — to the 
 United States. It amounted to 308,052 square miles, and the 
 cession was called "The Cession by the Oregon Treaty of 1846." 
 Thus were cured the defects of the treaty of purchase of 1803, 
 with France, and the Ashburton treaty of 1842, with Great 
 Britain. 
 
 ANNEXATION OF TEXAS*— Texas had been a State of 
 
 * As Texas came directly into the Union as a Stale, see further about her history 
 in connection with the S^a^e of Texas, next article. 
 
'~l 
 
 !■-_'_ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 -1- '-A-- 
 
 Uiiited State 
 
 AREA 
 
 ACQUISITION AND TRANSFER 
 
 OF 
 
 TERRITORY 
 
 1780to1870 
 
 36 "WIBST FROM lAVAaHCIGTOW ^fe 2|6~ 
 
 172 
 
173 
 
]74 ACQUIRING OUR TERRITORY. 
 
 the Republic of Mexico, but had seceded, had set up for herself 
 an independent republic, and was, in 1845, ^^ war with Mexico, 
 though an armistice was then pending, with a view to peace. It 
 was deemed an opportune moment to secure her vast domain 
 for the United States. Under the lead of Calhoun, a treaty of 
 annexation, pure and simple, was proposed, but rejected. This 
 was followed by another proposing her admission into the 
 Union, which was coupled with one for negotiation and treaty. 
 In this shape it passed, and Texas was admitted as a State Dec. 
 29, 1845. Her debt, amounting to ;^7,5oo,ooo, was assumed by 
 the United States. Besides incorporating her wonderful territory 
 of 318,000 square miles, with our own, she relinquished all her 
 claims, by virtue of her having been a member of the Mexican 
 Republic, to the lands west of the 27th meridian, and now in the 
 territory embraced by Colorado and New Mexico. Her status 
 being that of war with Mexico, it was assumed by the United 
 States, Thus the country was plunged into the Mexican war, 
 which made the Texas experiment a very costly one in the end. 
 By that war, however, other vast and valuable areas were ac- 
 quired. 
 
 MEXICAN CESSION.— T\\^ Mexican war (1846-48) which 
 had been going on for two years was brought to a close by the 
 treaty of Feb. 2, 1848. By its terms Mexico ceded all the 
 territory now covered by the States of California and Nevada, 
 also her claims to Texas, Utah, Arizona and New Mexico, and 
 parts of Wyoming, Colorado and the Indian country, holding, 
 however, to a part of New Mexico and Arizona south of the 
 Gila River. The lower Rio Grande from its mouth to El Paso 
 was taken for the boundary of Texas. The United States paid 
 Mexico, for this land, $15,000,000, in five annual instalments, 
 and in addition assumed the claims of American citizens against 
 Mexico, to an amount not exceeding $3,250,000. 
 
 GADSDEN PURCHASE.— ThQ lands, above mentioned, as 
 reserved by Mexico south of the Gila river, were purchased by 
 the United States, Dec. 30, 1853, for ;^ 1 0,000,000. The transac- 
 tion became known as the " Gadsden Purchase." This purchase 
 gave the United States a better southern boundary, and compact 
 
ACQUIRING OUR TERRITORY. 175 
 
 areas between the two oceans. " Westward the course of em- 
 pire " had taken its way, and the Pacific front took a range of 
 1,343 miles, as against the Atlantic's 2,163 miles. 
 
 ALASKA C-ESS/OJV. — The last accession of national terri- 
 tory was May 28, 1867, when Russia ceded all her territory in 
 North America to the United States for the sum of $7,200,000. 
 This gave us Alaska, which is not coterminous territory, being 
 cut off by intervening British possessions. The policy of this 
 purchase was, at first, regarded as unwise. But time has changed 
 sentiment respecting it. If the question were up as to the pro- 
 priety of its sale at the price paid for it there would be a nega- 
 tive response. It is, to say the least, a good pivotal and strategic 
 point, barren as it may be of other importance. 
 
 TERRITORIAL Si^MMARY.— How look our national areas 
 when thrown into figures ? Using estimates and round numbers 
 the showing- is as follows: 
 
 Sq. miles. 
 
 Gadsden Purchase.. . 1853 30,000 
 
 Alaska Purchase .... 1867 500,000 
 
 Grand Total 3,466,166 
 
 Est' d Lake & Water Surface 396,116 
 
 Sq. miles 3,862,282 
 
 Sq. miles. 
 
 Estimated Area 1783 820,680 
 
 Louisiana Purchase .... 1803 899,579 
 
 Florida Purchase 1819 66,900 
 
 Oregon Treaty Lands. .1846 308,052 
 
 Texas Annexation 1846 318,000 
 
 Mexican Cession 1848 522,955 
 
 Acres 2,471,860,480 
 
 To all these acres the United States has undisputed title. 
 They are the acquisition of one hundred years of national sover- 
 eignty, and are exceeded by the figures of only three other em 
 pires in the world — Great Britain with all her detached de- 
 pendencies, the Chinese Empire and Russian Empire. And 
 now, having seen whence our national titles sprang, having 
 built our country territorially, and having studied the beginnings 
 of our institutions amid colonial life, let us turn to that part of 
 the fabric in which States comprise the artistic subdivisions and 
 comprise the sublime whole. 
 
 Note. — Roman Empire, in time of Augustus, estimated by Gibbon at 1,600,000 
 square miles. 
 
m-u- , 
 
DAWN OF THE STATES. 
 
 THE CONFEDERATION AND FfS DEFECTS. 
 
 GOVERNMENT UNDER THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 ADMITTING THE STATES. 
 
 ROM COLONY TO STATE.— Having taken a view 
 of the country in the rough, seen its titles and begin- 
 nings as they arose Hke dry land out of a multitude of 
 waters, caught something of that free, republican spirit 
 which ripened in the colonies and urged perpetually 
 toward independence and union, and witnessed our majestic 
 territorial strides from Atlantic to Pacific, buying where the 
 market was open, conquering where it was closed, let us turn to 
 finer parts of the national fabric. 
 
 The resolution of the Continental Congress, passed May lo, 
 1776, suppressing royal authority in the colonies, made neces- 
 sary the formation of local governments, capable of answering 
 the ends of political society and of continuing without interrup- 
 tion the protection of law over property, life and public order. 
 These newly formed local governments, or these reformed col- 
 onial governments, for fortunately the political situation in many 
 of the colonies required but little departure from their previous 
 local institutions, were the true beginnings of the States. They 
 were spoken of as " States " in the Declaration of Independence, 
 and they made a near approach to States as they now are, under 
 the Articles of Confederation. But, though States of a Union, 
 they were not our States of the Union. How were they trans- 
 formed ? 
 
 THE FIRST STEP. — As has been seen, the Continental 
 
 Congress was the only government during the Revolution and 
 
 up until the adoption of the Articles of Confederation in 178 1, 
 
 It was simply a revolutionary government, with power for any- 
 
 12 177 
 
178 A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 
 
 thing or nothing, just as its acts were sanctioned or condemned 
 by the popular voice. It was the result of a Union on account 
 of public danger and not of a Union as the result of a charter 
 or constitution. When the danger had passed, the function of 
 the Congress would cease, and the Union would melt into its 
 original components. There was more danger in this than in 
 the presence of an armed foe. Statesmen were busy at work to 
 prevent such a catastrophe. Before the Declaration Franklin 
 had proposed a scheme of Confederation. The Continental Con- 
 gress of 1775 (the Congress of the Declaration as it was called) 
 had raised a committee in whose hands measures for a more 
 permanent Union were placed. The newspapers teemed with 
 plans for a permanent republican government. On the 12th of 
 July, 1776, the committee of Congress reported Articles, drawn by 
 John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania. They did not meet the 
 approval of the Congress, but rather plunged it into debate over 
 questions of commerce, public lands, taxation, and the relative 
 positions of the larger and smaller States. For sixteen months 
 the Articles were delayed. At last, November 15, 1777, an 
 agreement was had, and a draft of Articles, as agreed upon by 
 the Congress, was sent out to the States for ratification, together 
 with a letter commending them as a plan " for securing the free- 
 dom, sovereignty and independence of the United States," as the 
 best that could be adapted to the circumstances of all, as " essen- 
 tial to their very existence as a free people, " and without which 
 they might" soon be constrained to bid adieu to independence, 
 liberty and safety. " 
 
 Nine of the States promptly ordered their delegates in Con- 
 gress to ratify the Articles, which was done July, 1778. But 
 they were not to be binding unless ratified by all the States. 
 Political languor seemed to have taken the place of that blaze 
 of freedom which had hitherto burned so brightly in the inchoate 
 States. The burdens of war pressed heavily. Congress issued 
 an appeal to the remaining States " to conclude the glorious 
 compact." Henry Laurens, the President of Congress, wrote 
 despairingly to Washington : " Where is virtue, where is patriot- 
 ism noWj when almost every man has turned his attention to 
 
A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 179 
 
 gain and pleasure, practising every artifice of Change-alley or 
 Jonathan's ? " * 
 
 The capture of Burgoyne, October i6, 1777, and word of a 
 French alliance, February 6, 1778, served to stir enthusiasm 
 again and revive the hope of Union under fully ratified Articles. 
 A (ew other States gave their assent, but Maryland held out. 
 She would not consent till the great question of public domain 
 was disposed of, nor did she consent till the States to whom the 
 valley of the Mississippi would have fallen by virtue of their 
 charter limits patriotically agreed to surrender all lands which 
 England might cede by any treaty of peace to the United States. 
 All conquered, or to be conquered, lands thus made common 
 property, Maryland ratified February 2, 1781, and signed March 
 I, 1 78 1. The revolutionary government by a Congress was at an 
 end. The step taken made union firmer under the forms of the 
 first American constitution. 6*^^ Articles of Confederation, p. 155. 
 
 WHAT THE ARTICLES BW.f—They renewed the 
 
 * Jonathan's was a London coffee-house, the resort of speculators. Precisely why 
 the English applied the term to Americans is not clear. But, as thus applied, it 
 appears in a printed ballad on the expedition to Rhode Island, 1778, "Jonathan 
 felt bold, sir." The British account of the burning of Fairfield, 1 779, uses the 
 word thus : " The troops faced about and drove Jonathan." In the form of " Brother 
 Jonathan," the term hardly appeared till after peace had softened the asperities of war. 
 
 f The great seal of the American Union was adopted June 20, 1 782. It was 
 the American Eagle, holding in his right talon an olive branch, in his left a bundle 
 of thirteen arrows, in his beak a scroll inscribed with "£ Pluribus Unum " (one 
 composed of many), and over his head an azure field with thirteen stars. On the 
 reverse was an unfinished pyramid with an eye, having over it '■'Aitnuit Coeptis'''' (a 
 beginning permitted, or approved), at the base MDCCLXXVL, and underneath 
 " Novus Ordo Secloriun " (a new order of ages). 
 
 Previously, June 14, 1777, Congress voted "That the flag of the United States be 
 thirteen stripes, alternately red and white; that the Union be thirteen stars, white, 
 in a blue field, representing a new constellation. This flag continued till Ver- 
 mont (1791) and Kentucky (1792) were admitted, when it was changed (Act of 
 January 13, 1794) to fifteen stripes and fifteen stars. It became apparent that the 
 increase of stripes, as new States were admitted, would throw the flag out of pro- 
 portion. Therefore the following was passed, April 4, 1818: " That from and after 
 the 4th of July next the flag of the United States be thirteen horizontal stripes, 
 alternate red and white ; that the Union be twenty stars (the then number of 
 States), white, in a blue field : tlint, on the admission of every new State, one 
 star be added to the union of the flag, such addition to be made on the 4th of July 
 next succeeding such admission." 
 
180 A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 
 
 pledge of the States to Union, or rather made public and official 
 record of such pledge. They made inter-state citizenship free. 
 They created a Congress and defined its powers, but endowed it 
 with no executive function. They gave the States something to 
 conform to. They created a tribunal to settle disputes between 
 the States, But the best thing they did was to confer a great 
 educational service through their weaknesses and defects. 
 
 WHAT THEY DID NOT DO.— In saying that the Ar- 
 ticles soon proved themselves full of glaring defects, it must not 
 be forgotten that the States, while colonies, had been subject to 
 a foreign rule whose restrictions had been severely felt and whose 
 assumptions had been a source of constant jealousy and alarm. 
 They had, naturally, nourished a spirit of resistance to all author- 
 ity outside of themselves, and, having no experience of the con- 
 venience or necessity of a general government to care for their 
 common interests, they deemed the least possible delegation of 
 their power quite sufficient for national purposes. Therefore the 
 Articles created a confederation which had few powers for peace. 
 It could make treaties, but could not execute them; appoint am- 
 bassadors, but not pay their expenses ; borrow money, but not 
 pay a dollar ; make coin, but not import an ounce of bullion ; 
 declare war and order the number of troops, but not raise a single 
 soldier; in short, declare anything and do nothing. It was 
 truly a feeble thread on which to string thirteen States and hold 
 them in bonds of union. Its unfitness as a frame of government 
 for a free, enterprising and industrious people, so manifest at the 
 start, grew more and more so, till it finally lost all vigor and re- 
 spect and tottered to its fall. Should it be left to silent dissolu- 
 tion, or should an attempt be made to form something more 
 commanding and vigorous before the great interests of the Union 
 were crushed and buried beneath its ruins? 
 
 DAWN OF A CONSTITUTION.— Hamilton saw the de- 
 fects of the Articles of Confederation and (1780) proposed a con- 
 vention to reform them even before they were ratified by the 
 States. Similar propositions were made by Pelatiah Webster in 
 1 78 1, the New York Legislature in 1782, Hamilton in Con- 
 gress 1783, Richard Henry Lee in 1784, Governor Bowdoin in 
 
A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 181 
 
 1785. But it required more than cold propositions and dignified 
 discussion to overcome the indifference of the States. It re- 
 quired the flat refusal of New Jersey to comply with an act of 
 Congress. It required the open offense of Massachusetts in 
 raising troops to crush Shay's rebellion. It required the quarrel 
 between Virginia and Maryland as to the right to navigate the 
 waters of the Chesapeake and Potomac. This last brought a 
 convention to Annapolis, September 11, 1786. Only five States 
 were represented. They did nothing respecting the point in dis- 
 pute; they could do nothing. But Hamilton was there, and 
 Madison, and Dickinson, and they saw but one way out of such 
 difficulties — that was by creating a stronger central government 
 and endowing it with ample powers on all such delicate subjects. 
 Their report suggested a call of delegates from all the States to 
 meet in Philadelphia, May (second Monday), 1787. 
 
 A CONS T/TC/T/ON.— Congress adopted this report, Febru- 
 ary 21, 1787, and ordered a Convention. All the States sent 
 delegates except Rhode Island. On May 14, they met in Inde- 
 pendence Hall, but a majority of the States not being represented 
 they adjourned from day to day till the 25th. Then organiz- 
 ing by the election of George Washington as President, they 
 proceeded to business. It was a memorable body. The veterans 
 of the revolution were there, and the wise statesmen of the times 
 which gave birth to the Bill of Rights, the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, and the Articles of the Confederation. They were 
 there to remedy the defects of the past and propose a new de- 
 parture for the future. Franklin was there, at eighty-one. John- 
 son of Connecticut, Rutledge of South Carolina, and Dickinson, 
 had been members of the Stamp Act Congress. Seven of them 
 had been in the Congress of 1774. Eight of them had signed the 
 ' Declaration of Independence. Their deliberations ran through 
 four months, and they were carried on amid great diversity of 
 opinion.* The antagonisms of American society, errors of 
 
 * The sessions were held with dosed doors, and the utmost secrecy was enjoined, 
 no member being even allowed to copy from the Convention's Journal, which was 
 entrusted to Washington, and by him deposited in the State Department. It was 
 printed by direction of Congress in 1818. 
 
^32 A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 
 
 opinion and deep-rooted prejudices, local interests, State jealousies 
 and ambitions, and especially the matter of slavery, these all 
 trooped into the convention to make it a scene of furious storms, 
 and to threaten its disruption time and again. Even the calm 
 and hopeful Washington said he almost despaired of seeing a 
 favorable issue to the proceedings, and more than once repented 
 of having had any agency in the business. But an era of com- 
 promise was reached, and the work was completed on September 
 17, 1787. All the members present signed The Constitution of 
 the United States of America, except Edmund Randolph and 
 George Mason of Virginia, and Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts. 
 It was then sent to the States to be ratified by Conventions, 
 specially called for the purpose, and was to become operative 
 when so ratified by nine of the States. All the States called 
 Conventions and ratified, except Rhode Island and North 
 Carolina.* See Constitution, page i6i. 
 
 NEW GOVERNMENT.— On July 2, 1788, the President of 
 Congress laid before that body the ratification of the requisite 
 nine States. By September 13, "a plan for putting the Con- 
 stitution in operation " was completed. The first Wednesday in 
 January was fixed for the appointment of electors ; the first 
 Wednesday in February for their meeting to vote for a President ; 
 and the first Wednesday in March as the time, and New York 
 as the place, for commencing proceedings under the new Con- 
 stitution. The necessary elections of Senators and Representa- 
 tives having been held, the first Congress assembled at New 
 York, Wednesday, March 4, 1789, to adjourn for want of a 
 quorum till April 6, when the votes of the electors being counted 
 it was found that George Washington had been unanimously 
 elected President and John Adams Vice-President. On April 
 
 * North Carolina afterwards in a new convention held No\'ember, 1789, adopted 
 the Constitution, and Rhode Island by a convention held May, 1790. The debates 
 in the respective State Conventions over the question of ratifying took the widest 
 range and showed great diversity of sentiment. In only three States was the Con- 
 stitution adopted unanimously, New Jersey, Delaware and Georgia. In Connecticut, 
 Pennsylvania, Maryland and South Carolina it had large majorities. In Massa- 
 chusetts, New York and Virginia it had a bare majority, and in the remaining States 
 a small majority. 
 
A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 183 
 
 30, Washington was sworn into office, and our present form of 
 government was a fact.* 
 
 SENTIMENT. — In his inaugural Washington said, "In the 
 important revolution just accomplished in the system of their 
 united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary con- 
 sent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has 
 resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most 
 governments have been established, without some return of pious 
 gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future bless- 
 ings which the past seems to presage." 
 
 " The strongest government on earth " and " the only one 
 where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the stand- 
 ard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as 
 his own personal concern." — jfcfferson's Inaugural. 
 
 " America has emerged from her struggle into tranquillity and 
 freedom, into affluence and credit ; and the authors of her Con- 
 stitution have constructed a great permanent experimental an- 
 swer to the sophisms and declarations of the detractors of 
 liberty." — Sir James Macki7itosh. 
 
 " To those great men who framed the Constitution and secured 
 the adoption of it, we owe a debt of gratitude which can scarcely 
 be repaid. It was not then, as it is now, looked upon, from 
 the blessings which, under the guidance of Divine Providence, it 
 has bestowed, with general favor and affection. On the contraiy, 
 many of those pure and disinterested patriots, who stood forth 
 the firm advocates of its principles, did so at the expense of 
 existing popularity. They felt that they had a higher duty to 
 perform than to flatter the prejudices of the people, or subserve 
 selfish, sectional or local interests. Many of them went to their 
 graves without the soothing consolation that their services and 
 sacrifices were appreciated. Scorning every attempt to rise to 
 power and influence by the common arts of the demagogue, 
 they were content to trust their characters and conduct to the 
 deliberate judgment of posterity." — S^orj^ on the Constitution. 
 
 * Chancellor Livingston administered the oath of office. The President deliverea 
 his inaugural address in the presence of both Houses of Congress, a custom which 
 was adhered to till Jefferson changed it. 
 
184 A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 
 
 " It animated freemen all over the world to resist oppression. 
 It gave an example of a great people not only emancipating 
 themselves, but governing themselves without even a monarch 
 to control or an aristocracy to restrain them ; and it demonstrated 
 for the first time in the history of the world, contrary to all the 
 predictions of statesmen and the theories of speculative inquirers, 
 that a great nation, when duly prepared for the task, is capable 
 of self-government ; or in other words, that a purely republican 
 form of government can be formed and maintained in a country 
 of vast extent, peopled by millions of inhabitants." — Brougham' s 
 Political Philosophy. 
 
 " The republican government was a success because in its 
 operation it met the needs of the two fundamental conditions of 
 American political life, diversity and union, as correlative forces 
 — on the one hand, the development of the Commonwealth or 
 State ; on the other, of the union or nation." — FrothingJiam s 
 Rise of the Republic. 
 
 " It actually secured, for what is really a long period of time, 
 a greater amount of combined peace and freedom than was ever 
 before enjoyed by so large a portion of the earth's surface. 
 There have been, and still are, vaster despotic empires ; but never 
 before has so large an inhabited territory remained for more than 
 seventy years in the enjoyment of internal freedom and of ex- 
 emption from the scourge of internal war." — Freeman s Hist, of 
 Federal Gov. 
 
 Even as Freeman wrote (i86i), the Republic was passing 
 through its severest ordeal — that of civil war ; and the verdict 
 rendered in this supreme court of armed force was in favor of the 
 Constitution. All the above are wonderfully pleasing and in- 
 spiring pictures of potency and adaptation, yet they were not 
 undreamt of among the early patriot seers. 
 
 " The celestial light of the gospel was directed here by the 
 finger of God ; it will doubtless finally drive the long, long night 
 of heathenish darkness from America. So arts and sciences will 
 change the face of nature in their tour from hence over the Appa- 
 lachian chain to the Western ocean ; and as they march through 
 the vast desert, the residence of wild beasts will be broken up 
 
THE OLD STATES. 186 
 
 and their obscure howl cease forever. Instead of which, the 
 stones and trees will dance together at the music of Orpheus, 
 the rocks will disclose their hidden gems, and the inestimable 
 treasures of gold and silver be broken up. Huge mountains of 
 iron-ore are already discovered, and vast stores are reserved for 
 future generations. This metal, more useful than gold and 
 silver, will employ millions of hands, not only to form the mar- 
 tial sword and peaceful share, alternately, but an infinity of 
 utensils improved in the exercise of art and handicraft amongst 
 men. Nature through all her works has stamped authority on 
 this law, namely, that all fit matter shall be improved to its best 
 purposes. Shall not, then, those vast quarries that teem with 
 mechanic stone, those for structure be piled into great cities, and 
 those for sculpture to perpetuate the honor of renowned heroes, 
 even those who shall now save their country ? O ye unborn 
 inhabitants of America ! should this page escape the destined 
 conflagration at the year's end, and these alphabetical letters 
 remain legible, when your eyes behold the sun after he has 
 rolled the season round for two or three centuries more, you will 
 know that in Anno Domini 1758, we dreamed of your times." * 
 THE OLD THIRTEEN STATES.— T\\t^Q States had first 
 colonial existence, then independent revolutionary existence 
 under the Congress, then united existence under the pledge of 
 the Confederation, and now they come to have cemented exist- 
 ence under the Constitution and constitutional form of govern- 
 ment. Their membership in the Republic dates from their rati- 
 fication of the Constitution by conventions chosen for the pur- 
 pose. These dates are: Delaware, Dec. 7, 1787; Pennsylvania, 
 Dec. 12, 1787; New Jersey, Dec. 18, 1787 ; Georgia, Jan. 2, 1788; 
 Connecticut, Jan. 9, 1788; Massachusetts, Feb. 6, 1788; Mary- 
 land, April 28, 1788; South Carolina, May 23, 1788; New 
 Hampshire, June 21, 1788; Virginia, June 25, 1788; New York, 
 July 26, 1788; North Carolina, Nov. 21, 1789; Rhode Island, 
 May 29, 1790. 
 
 * Written by Nathaniel Ames, father of Fisher Ames, in Ames' Almanac for 1 758. 
 and one of the most remarkable prophecies relating to America. 
 
186 EARLY TERRITORIES. 
 
 THE EARLIEST TERRITORIES.— ^hWc yet the country 
 was limping along under the Confederation, it entered upon the 
 work of disposing of its lands acquired by the treaty of 1783. 
 Its first action was by the celebrated ordinance of July 13, 1787, 
 already alluded to, which created " The Territory Northwest of 
 the Ohio river " out of the Virginia cession up to 41°, and out 
 of all north of that parallel, ceded by Great Britain. Out of this 
 territory, according to the provisions of the ordinance, not less 
 than three States were to be formed fronting on the Ohio river. 
 Out of all that was left, lying north of an east and west line 
 drawn through the southern extremity of Lake Michigan, one 
 or two other States were to be formed. The provisions of this 
 ordinance were afterwards carried out in the formation of Ohio, 
 Indiana, and Illinois, and so, of the remaining portion of the ter- 
 ritory, were formed Michigan, Wisconsin, and that part of Min- 
 nesota east of the Mississippi. 
 
 The next disposition of public domain was made by the 
 present government on May 26, 1790. It then erected the " Ter- 
 ritory south of the Ohio river," out of cessions by Virginia and 
 North Carolina, and gave it a government similar to that or- 
 dained for the Territory northwest of the Ohio. Out of this 
 Territory, in due time, sprang the States of Kentucky and Ten- 
 nessee, though to the latter was added the strip of twelve miles 
 wide, ceded by South Carolina. 
 
 DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.— K\\ this was simply pushing 
 the jurisdiction of the government in a Territorial way. The 
 real work of State carving and building, outside of original 
 limits, was, however, soon to begin in earnest. But we must 
 first notice that important grant which had the effect of fixing 
 the location of the National Capital. Article i, Sec. 8, of the 
 Constitution empowered Congress " to exercise exclusive legis- 
 lation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding 
 ten miles square) as may by cession of particular States, and 
 the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of 
 the United States." By act of her legislature, Dec. 23, 1788, 
 Maryland made a cession of territory ten miles square for the 
 above purpose. Nearly a year afterwards, Dec. 3, 1789, Vir- 
 
ADMISSION OF STATES. 187 
 
 ginia ceded a like, or less, quantity of laiul for a similar purpose. 
 Thus the government was in possession of more than it needed 
 for a capital. However, it accepted both grants, July i6, 1790, 
 and ordained that the same should become the permanent seat 
 of government of the United States. In the same act the Presi- 
 dent was authorized to fix the boundaries of the cessions so as 
 to bring their limits within the constitutional provision of ten 
 miles square. This he did by proclamation, March 30, 1791. 
 The territory retained embraced sixty-four square miles of that 
 part ceded by Maryland and thirty-six of that ceded by Virginia. 
 Over this the government assumed control by Act of Feb. 27, 
 1 80 1. But it was cut in twain by the Potomac. Therefore, by 
 act of July 9, 1846, the Virginia portion was retroceded to that 
 State, leaving the District of Columbia and the permanent seat 
 of government to occupy only the Maryland cession of about 
 sixty-four square miles. 
 
 VERMONT FIRST.—ThQ introduction of new States makes 
 a curious and instructive history. Some ripened as Territories 
 and drifted naturally into their places as States of the Union. 
 Others were forced into position ere they were ready, in obedi- 
 ence to a balancing principle which, at an early day, was resorted 
 to for the gratification of sectional feelings and interests. Still 
 others were admitted for protective border or commercial rea- 
 sons. But, let it be hoped, that all were admitted for their own 
 advantage and that of the national government, and that now 
 no one would wish to lose its place in the federal arch. 
 
 The first to link her' fortunes with the "old thirteen " was 
 Vermont. She, above all others, had had an unfortunate terri- 
 torial existence, and her admission was a happy escape from 
 troubles which otherwise seemed unending. Claimed by Massa- 
 chusetts under the wonderful Plymouth charter, by New Hamp- 
 shire whose western limit was practically unascertained, by New 
 York because "the New Netherlands," afterwards the possession 
 of the Duke of York, ran indefinitely northeastward, and by 
 France because it lay along a water way into the St. Lawrence, 
 and peopled more or less by all these claimants, New Hamp- 
 shire had been from the earliest times a common raiding-ground 
 
Igg ADMISSION OF STATES. 
 
 and seat of contention. The fight between New York and Mew 
 Hampshire waxed so bitter that a decision was invoked from the 
 crown. New York won, and her Hne was adjudged to extend 
 to the Connecticut river. The folly of New York in deciding 
 the New Hampshire grants of lands in Vermont illegal stirred 
 up the landholders to armed resistance. There is no telling 
 how far the war would have been carried, for the Vermonters 
 were very determined, had not the revolution turned attention 
 in another direction. Even during the war with Great Britain 
 the Vermonters, January, 1777, established for their territory an 
 independent jurisdiction under the name of " New Connecticut or 
 Vermont." Thus equipped they petitioned the Continental Con- 
 gress for admission into the Union, a request which was entitled 
 to respect, for Vermont was playing a brave and important role, 
 and was really as much of an independent colony as any other. 
 But she was headed off by New York and New Hampshire, 
 neither of whom were yet ready to relinquish their hold upon 
 her. To make matters worse Massachusetts revived her sleep- 
 ing claim to the soil. The plight was pitiable. No redress was 
 to be had of the indecisive government of the Confederation, for 
 it was really no government at all. The farmers again flew to 
 arms under the lead of the intrepid Ethan Allen, and were now 
 more than ever determined to resist the attempt of New York 
 to push her authority into their midst. The British, knowing 
 the tardiness and negligence of the Congress of the Confederation, 
 and hoping that the Vermonters would soon be driven to seek 
 the protection of a stronger government, actually opened negotia- 
 tions to have them cast their lot in with theirs. But these 
 spirited Green Mountain men were not disloyal enough for that. 
 They clung closely together, kept up a government of their own, 
 fought bravely through the war of the revolution, and at the 
 peace of 1783 constituted a State, so far as machinery went, as 
 perfect as any of the original thirteen. 
 
 After the adoption of the constitution of 1787, and the forma- 
 tion of the new government under it, she again petitioned for 
 admission. New York opposed her as before. But this time the 
 power of the central government was stronger. It could hear 
 
ADMISSION OF STATES. 189 
 
 and decide, and was willing to do so. A commission was created 
 to investigate and decide the conflict. New York was paid 
 ^30,000 with which to quiet the titles of her citizens holding 
 lands in Vermont. Thereupon she withdrew all claims to juris- 
 diction, and by act of Feb. 18, 1791, to take effect March 4, 
 1 79 1, Vermont was admitted into the Union, with all the rights 
 and privileges of a State. As intimated her independent State 
 existence became necessary as a cure for the evils which had 
 come upon her through conflicting claims of ownership and 
 their foolish assertion, and not for any very pressing geographic 
 or commercial reason. The United States now embraced four- 
 teen States. 
 
 KENTUCKY'S ADMISSION.— KcnixxcVy very properly 
 came into the Union at an early date. She had been a dissatis- 
 fied and dangerous territory for a long time. Her region had 
 been a hunting-ground and battle-field remote from her mother 
 Virginia, whose protection was quite too feeble to be of any 
 account. The wild, brave spirits who had found a home in the 
 midst of " the dark and bloody grounds " had more than once 
 declared that inasmuch as Virginia could give them no pro- 
 tection, they ought to set up a government of their own. But 
 they never completely severed their relations with the mother 
 colony or State, for the reason that they regarded the govern- 
 ment of the Confederation as of no more consequence to them, 
 in the matter of protection, than Virginia. So they drifted amid 
 years and years of conventions, debates and resolutions, on the 
 propriety of doing something toward protective organization. 
 At one time it looked as if the entire territory might be lost to 
 the Union, and a war to recover it be the consequence. Spain, 
 understanding the situation, secretly proposed rare commercial 
 favors if the territory would declare independence and start out 
 on a career of its own. Knowledge of this proposition stirred pub- 
 lic sentiment to the very bottom. Two conventions * were held in 
 quick succession, at Danville, looking toward a territorial govern- 
 ment, and as a greater measure of safety toward admission into the 
 Union. In these the debates ran high, and disputes were often 
 
 * They were the sixth and seventh which had been held. 
 
190 ADMISSION OF STATES. 
 
 long and angry. At length out of the turmoil came a proposi- 
 tion to recommend separate territorial existence. Congress 
 acted promptly and erected " The Territory South of the Ohio 
 River," including Kentucky and Tennessee, May 26, 1790. This 
 action was followed Feb. 4, 1 791, to take effect June i, 1792, by 
 another act admitting Kentucky into the Union as a State. Thus 
 was used the old territory of Virginia south of the Ohio. 
 
 TENNESSEE ADMITTED.— Tennessee was that part of 
 the national domain ceded by North Carolina, to which was 
 added, on the south, the strip of twelve miles wide ceded by 
 South Carolina. It was also all that was left of " the Territory 
 South of the Ohio," after Kentucky was admitted. It too was a 
 dangerous Territory, bordering as it did on partly foreign waters 
 (the Mississippi), and subject to the same inducements to drift 
 away from the Atlantic influence, as was Kentucky. Like Ken- 
 tucky, also, the Tennessee region had early become the scene of 
 white settlement and bloody Indian encounter. It too was " a 
 dark and bloody ground " for many years, extending from, say 
 1754 to the close of the American revolution. Indeed, during 
 the revolution Great Britain attempted to work in the rear of 
 the American situation by arming the Cherokees and pushing 
 them through the settlements of the Cumberland and on to the 
 colonists of Virginia and the Carolinas. Only by the most 
 heroic efforts of the Carolina and Virginia militia was the terri' 
 tory held against Indian foe and English'promise to the inhabi-. 
 tants of special favors if they too would take up arms against the 
 Atlantic colonists. 
 
 As long as the territory belonged to North Carolina it was 
 known as the " District of Washington." After the peace of 
 1783, and the founding of Nashville, the people felt that the 
 Mother Colony was no longer protective, yet like those of Ken- 
 tucky, they had no faith in the government of the Confederation, 
 and deemed it a feeble power to tie to. They were, therefore, at 
 sea as to a proper allegiance, till after the adoption of the Con- 
 stitution of 1787. Then, with a stronger central government in 
 view, one which could afford the much needed protection, and 
 which was worthy of confidence and support, their political 
 
ADMISSION OF STATES. 191 
 
 future became plain. North Carolina relinquished all control in 
 1790, and in the same year Tennessee became a part of "The 
 Territory South of the Ohio." Two years after the adm.ission 
 of Kentucky, the people formed a State Constitution and pre- 
 sented it to Congress. It was approved June i, 1796, and Ten- 
 nessee became a State of the American Union, her territory 
 having been that of North Carolina and part of South Carolina. 
 The admission of Kentucky and Tennessee was a commercial 
 necessity. They gave to the Union a Mississippi frontage, 
 headed off further Spanish scheming in the upper valley, and 
 presented the hand of our dynasty in such a way as to be taken 
 hold of in friendly commercial clasp across the " Father of 
 Waters," or with iron grip for supremacy from Lake Itaska to 
 the Delta. The stars on the American flag numbered sixteen. 
 
 OHIO GETS READY.— Turnmg the century the govern- 
 ment was busy with its " Territory Northwest of the Ohio." By 
 act of May 7, 1800, to take effect July i, 1800, it was divided 
 into two parts. This was getting ready for the State of Ohio, 
 for one part was very like the present Ohio. The other part was 
 incorporated into the " Territory of Indiana." And a word about 
 this " Territory of Indiana." It of course comprised all that 
 was left of " The Territory Northwest of the Ohio," after Ohio 
 was taken away. But it had a greater fame before it. After 
 France made her cession of Louisiana it was, by act of October 
 I, 1804, erected into "The District of Louisiana," and placed 
 under the jurisdiction of the officers appointed to govern the 
 Territory of Indiana. Thus, for purposes of government, the 
 Territory of Indiana was a vast empire, the largest by far ever 
 organized by the government within its territory. Territorial 
 Indiana reached to the Pacific and the gulf. 
 
 The part cut off, and which was to become Ohio, embraced all 
 of present Ohio up to a line drawn east and west through the 
 southern point of Lake Michigan, and this was Ohio as ad- 
 mitted into the Union by act of April 30, 1802, to take effect 
 November 29, 1802. But the Ohio of to-day contains some 
 600 square miles more territory. Her northern boundary was 
 adjusted by act of June 15, 1836, called the " Enabling act for 
 the State of Michigan," and by act of June 23, 1836. 
 
192 ADMISSION or STATi!JS. 
 
 France and England, both original claimants of Ohio, began 
 to clash about, and on, the soil as early as 1750. It had been a 
 stamping ground for French traders long before this. At that 
 time Virginians and Englishmen, having obtained a grant of 
 600,000 acres, came as settlers and traders. Frequent collisions 
 with the French ended in war. To drive out the French was 
 the object of Braddock's disastrous march on Fort Du Quesne. 
 Not until the loss of Canada and the Mississippi valley by 
 France in 1763, did Ohio become undisputed English soil. On 
 account of these rival claims and bloody disputes, permanent 
 settlement was tardy in a land so inviting and so contiguous to 
 the old States. Even after the organization of " The Territory of 
 the Northwest," Ohio was by no means a pleasant place to goto, 
 for the Indians were very tenacious of their titles to the land, 
 and were kept in a state of ferment and opposition by the 
 British on the north. The entire region was in a state of war 
 from 1790 to 1794, when the Miamies were humiliated by 
 General Wayne. After this migration and settlement were 
 phenomenally rapid. 
 
 LOUISIANA COMES.— The mention of Louisiana intro- 
 duces us to a strange people. The Latin race was in the ascend- 
 ant there and not the Saxon. It was the key to the mouth of 
 the Mississippi, and was desirable to any nation with commercial 
 ambitions. When Spain held it she was very jealous of it, and 
 her ownership was a bar to free commerce through either gulf 
 or Mississippi channels. She saw that her occupancy was a 
 standing threat on the United States, and that the commercial 
 drift of all the country east of the river, whose drainage was 
 into it, must be toward her. Hence, her schemes of an empire 
 which should embrace both sides of the river. Hence, also, 
 those other schemes, of which Aaron Burr's was one, for a great 
 southwestern country whose strong point should be control of 
 the " Father of Waters " — at this date let it be charitably sup- 
 posed, in favor of the United States. 
 
 After the purchase of Louisiana from France in 1803, no time 
 was lost in getting it under control. That part of the immense 
 territory now in the State of Louisiana (nearly all) was erected 
 
ADMISSION OF STATES. 193 
 
 into the "Territory of Orleans," by act of March 26, 1804. 
 Claiborne, who was sent as governor, found our form of govern- 
 ment unsuitable for a people who spoke little English and whose 
 institutions rested on laws and customs foreign to our own. So 
 by act of Congress (1805) they were given a government similar 
 to that established for the Territory of Mississippi, which also 
 contained a mixed Spanish and French population. Out of this 
 act sprang a system of local laws, embracing many features of 
 the Code Napoleon, to which the people were reconciled. All* 
 the rest of the Louisiana purchase went into the District of 
 Louisiana, which, as we have seen, became a part of the Terri- 
 tory of Indiana. 
 
 Spain would not relinquish her right to the territory of 
 Louisiana lying east of the Mississippi, claiming that her ces- 
 sion to France did not cover it, and that she still owned it as a 
 part of her Florida. Therefore, in 18 10, the United States 
 seized the port of Baton Rouge, and adjudged the Spanish 
 territory to be a part of Louisiana. An act of Congress passed 
 Feb. 20, 18 II, enabled the Territory of Orleans to become a 
 State. By act of April 8, 1812, to take effect April 30, the same 
 was admitted as a State, under the name of Louisiana. Thus 
 finally ended what had for a long time been a quiet struggle 
 between Spain and the United States for permanent sovereignty 
 of a section which, had the result been otherwise, must have 
 for a long time retarded our western growth. The admission 
 was a matter of clear and decisive policy, in a commercial 
 sense, however much it may have been objected to by certain 
 parties at the time. It created a sovereign State right where the 
 greatest inducement existed to protect it, and right where one 
 of firm attachment to the Union was most needed. It projected 
 the national authority to the gulf lines and set up an everlasting 
 barrier to interference with internal commerce along ten thou- 
 sand miles of water way. 
 
 INDIANA ADMITTED.— ThQ vast Territory of Indiana, 
 
 created in 1800 out of that northwest of the Ohio and extended 
 
 indefinitely by adding, in 1804, the District of Louisiana, now 
 
 gave a .State to the Union and its name to that State. It was 
 
 13 
 
194 ADMISSION OF STATES. 
 
 carved out of the southeastern part of that Territory by the en- 
 abling act of April 19, 18 16, and the resolution approving of its 
 constitution and admitting it into the Union, as the State of In- 
 diana, was passed Dec. ii, 1816. The State was not without a 
 remote territorial history. France had dotted it with trading 
 and missionary posts, some of which, as Vincennes, became 
 permanent settlements. After the loss of the French territory, 
 in 1763, to England, Indiana, like Ohio, was not an inviting 
 field for settlement. The Indians were tenacious of their lands. 
 Their liking for the old French influence, and the ease with 
 which the British stirred them up to resent pioneering, kept back 
 our civilization. After the treaty of 1783, when the whole ter- 
 ritory passed from Great Britain to the United States of the 
 Confederation, the Indians became bitterly hostile. In 1788, one 
 year after the framing of the constitution, an Indian war broke 
 out, which involved the whole Northwest. It only ceased when 
 their powerful and dangerous confederacy was broken by the 
 victories of General Wayne. Even then the brave Shawnee 
 leader Tecumseh would not submit but held on, a source of 
 terror to every infant settlement, till his defeat by General Har- 
 rison in the celebrated battle of Tippecanoe, Nov. ii, 1811. 
 
 MISSISSIPPI ADMITTED.— ThQ twentieth State to enter 
 the Union was Mississippi. It was carved out of the Territory 
 of Mississippi, by act of March i, 18 17, which was also the date 
 of the enabling act. Her constitution and form of government 
 having been submitted to Congress and approved, she was ad' 
 mitted into the Union by joint resolution of Dec. lo, 18 17. 
 Out of the balance of Mississippi Territory, the State of 
 Alabama was created. 
 
 ILLINOIS A STATE.— We must turn to the north for the 
 next State of the Union. Not less than three States were to be 
 formed out of the territory northwest of the Ohio. Two have ap- 
 peared, Ohio and Indiana. The third takes shape as Illinois. 
 It became the Territory of Illinois by act of March i, 1809, 
 though it extended clear to the British possessions. By the 
 enabling act of April 18, 1818, the present limits of the State 
 were fixed, and by joint resolution of Dec. 3, 1818, the State was 
 
ADMISSION OF STATES. 195 
 
 admitted into the Union. Though the twenty-first State, Illinois 
 had a history extending back into the seventeenth century. Her 
 towns of Kaskaskia, Cahokia and others were French settle- 
 ments and distributing centres as early as 1673. But the 
 French occupancy was a lonely one, and Illinois presents the 
 historic spectacle of a Christian civilization gradually falling 
 back and merging with that of its Indian surroundings. Like 
 Ohio and Indiana, Illinois became deeply involved in the French 
 and English wars for the possession of the Northwest, and like 
 them it passed into British hands by the treaty of 1763, and into 
 the possession of the United States by the treaty of 1783. 
 
 ALABAMA ENTERS.— Y^o^n that we have had a Northern 
 State there must be a Southern one. By this time it was 
 regarded as the proper thing to create alternate free and slave 
 States. Indeed, few States had hitherto been admitted without 
 discussion of the question of slavery, and few were to be ad- 
 mitted without similar discussion. The matter had been some- 
 what bitterly mooted when the question of the Louisiana 
 purchase was up, and likewise when Kentucky was a candi- 
 date for admission. Well, the new State was to be Alabama, 
 the remnant of Mississippi Territory. Two days after the State 
 of Mississippi was cut out of this Territory, the Territory of 
 Alabama was formed, March 3, 18 17. Two years afterwards an 
 act enabling Alabama to become a State was passed, March 2, 
 1819. By joint resolution of Dec. 14, 1819, she was admitted 
 as a State in the Union, the twenty-second on the list 
 
 MAINE APPEARS.— There was a race between the North 
 and South for the next State, the twenty-third. Maine and 
 Missouri were the competitors, with Maine in the lead. Lapse 
 of time had fixed the claim of Massachusetts to the soil of 
 Maine, and to the right to govern her. There were many of her 
 people, however, who never acknowledged this claim, and 
 various attempts were made, notably in 1785 and 1802, to effect 
 a separation. At length, in 18 19, the Territorial legislature* 
 ordered an election of delegates " to express the true will of the 
 people." The convention thus created, operating with the con- 
 * Not a Territory of the United States, but a Territory of Massachusetts. 
 
196 ADMISSION OF STATES. 
 
 sent of the Legislature of Massachusetts, adopted a constitution 
 and separate form of government, which received the approba- 
 tion of the people. Massachusetts made formal cession of all 
 her claims to the Territory. By act of Congress, March 3, 1820, 
 to take effect March 15, 1820, Maine was admitted into the 
 Union as a State. 
 
 MISSOURI ENTERS AMID STORM.— At least a year 
 before Maine was admitted, a bill to enable the Territory of Mis- 
 souri (a part of the Louisiana purchase) to become a State was 
 introduced in Congress. In the House an amendment was 
 offered, in the words of the ordinance (1787) for the government 
 of the Territory Northwest of the Ohio, " prohibiting slavery or 
 involuntary servitude in Missouri, except as a punishment for 
 crime." Though the Republicans (Democrats) were in an over- 
 whelming majority in both branches, party lines were dropped 
 in the House, and the amendment was carried, but was rejected 
 in the Senate.* 
 
 This brought the slavery question into a shape it had never 
 assumed before. It came suddenly. Ex-President Jefferson 
 said, " it startled him like a fire-bell in the night." It came, as a 
 question, from the house of its supposed friends. Before this the 
 Ohio River had been a convenient line upon which to determine 
 these questions of slave and free State admissions. But there 
 was no Ohio beyond the Mississippi. Hence a new line became 
 necessary, or rather no line, for the best anti-slavery minds con- 
 tended that slavery in the Territories was a question absolutely 
 within the purview of Congress. It was not a question of 
 parties. The Federal party was practically dead, and the Re- 
 publican (Democratic) party held the entire political line north 
 and south. It therefore became a question of sections, and bit- 
 terly the battle was fought over Missouri. The next year (1820; 
 the defeated Missouri bill came up again in the House, as did 
 
 * This astounding measure and vote in the House, together with the popularity 
 of Clay's plans for American Protection and Internal Improvement, showed that 
 there was then the nucleus of a new party within the Republican ranks, which wa> 
 soon (1825) to assume shape as the National Republican, afterwards the Whi§ 
 party. 
 
ADMISSION OF STATES. 197 
 
 the bill to admit Maine. Both passed, and both prohibited 
 slavery. The Senate passed the Maine bill, and united it with a 
 bill for Missouri, permitting slavery.* This was done to throw 
 the responsibility of rejection on the House, a responsibility 
 which the House did not hesitate to assume, for it speedily de- 
 feated the Senate bill. Henry Clay then came forward with the 
 celebrated compromise measure, known as " The Missouri Com- 
 promise of 1820," by which both sections agreed to pass the 
 respective bills, one admitting Maine as a free State, the other 
 admitting Missouri as a slave State, and forever prohibiting 
 slavery in all territory north of the line of 36° 30'. 
 
 This memorable controversy ended, the Missouri enabling act 
 was passed March 6, 1820. By joint resolution of March 2, 
 182 1, the admission of the State was further provided for, and 
 by proclamation of August 10, the State was declared to be a 
 member of the Union. It had a population in excess of the 
 60,000 then required to enable a Territory to become a State, 
 and its chief town, St. Louis, with a population of 5,000, was the 
 commercial emporium of the upper Mississippi. Missouri was 
 the first State formed wholly out of the territory west of the 
 Mississippi. Though but a small part of that land of Louisiana 
 which stretched away to the Pacific and up to the British line, it 
 was felt that whatever policy, as to slavery, prevailed in her ad- 
 mission would be likely to prevail in all the States carved out 
 of the same lands. This was why the fight over her admission 
 was so bitter, and \yhy it was deemed proper, then and there, to 
 fix the policy which should control the admission of future trans- 
 Mississippi States, by the compromise line of 36° 30'. By act 
 of June 7, 1836, the northwest boundary of the State was ex- 
 tended to the Missouri River, the triangular piece thus added 
 containing about 3,168 square miles. 
 
 ARKANSAS ADMITTED.— There was a period of rest from 
 the work of State building, which lasted for sixteen years, dur- 
 ing which time the outlying territories were ripening. The 
 
 * The Senate only partially divided into sections. Enough Northern Senators 
 voted with those from the South, to defeat the action of the House. 
 
198 ADMISSION OF STATES. 
 
 " Territory of Arkansaw " * had been carved out of the Territory 
 of Missouri, by act of March 19, 1819. It had limits coincident 
 with those of the present State. By act of June 15, 1836, the 
 same was admitted as the State of Arkansas. It had not a full 
 quota of inhabitants when admitted, and but little previous 
 history except what belonged to the period of French and 
 Spanish occupancy. The French claimed Arkansas Post as 
 among the oldest settlements of the country. 
 
 MICHIGAN A CANDIDATE.— hxv important State was 
 now ready in the Northwest. The Territory of Michigan had 
 been formed as early as June 30, 1805, from the Territory of In- 
 diana. It then included but little more than the Michigan penin- 
 sula, between Lakes Huron and Erie and Lake Michigan. On 
 June 28, 1834, the Territory of Michigan was made to extend to 
 the Missouri and White Earth Rivers. Out of this large area 
 was carved the present State of Michigan, by the enabling act 
 of June 15, 1836. Her constitution and form of government 
 having met with the approval of Congress, she was admitted as 
 a State by act of Jan. 26, 1837, The trail of the French trader 
 and missionary is plainer in Michigan than in any other State of 
 the Northwest. Detroit was a French town as early as 170 1. 
 River, lake, bay, and town bear frequent witness to the French 
 occupancy. It cannot be said that the American influence was 
 felt in Michigan before 1796. During the war of 18 12, Detroit 
 was held by the British, and became the starting-point of those 
 Anglo-Indian campaigns which wrapped the Northwest in gloom 
 and drenched it with blood. At the time of her admission, 
 Michigan had far more than her quota of population, and nearly 
 four times as many as Arkansas, admitted the year before. 
 
 FLORIDA A MEMBER.— It was now the turn of the 
 " Flowery realm." Though thinly populated, and with but little 
 more than half a quota, it was deemed politic to make Florida 
 the twenty-seventh State. The " East Florida," which Spain 
 ceded Feb. 22, 18 19, was erected into the Territory of Florida 
 March 30, 1822. By act of March 3, 1845, it was admitted as a 
 
 * The Territory was that oi Arkansaw, which spelling has recently been decided 
 by the State authorities to control the pronunciation of Arkansas. 
 
ADMISSION OF STATES. 199 
 
 State. It had had a long and eventful history both as a Spanish 
 and Enghsh possession. From its climate, situation, and prom- 
 ises, it was always a coveted country, yet ever an expensive one 
 to take and hold. 
 
 JO IVA ADMITTED.— ThQ day that gave birth to Florida 
 saw also a new State in the Northwest. Iowa Territory had been 
 cut out of Wisconsin Territory, June 12, 1838. This Territory 
 was not identical with the present State of Iowa, but embraced 
 all north of Missouri and between the Missouri and Mississippi 
 Rivers. Out of this was carved a State of Iowa, which was ad- 
 mitted into the Union March 3, 1845. But the boundaries were 
 not satisfactory. By act of Aug. 4, 1846, the northern boundary 
 was lowered from the parallel running through the mouth of the 
 Mankato or Blue Earth River to where it now is, and the western 
 boundary was pushed from meridian of 17° 30' to where it now 
 is. After this adjustment of boundaries the State was readmitted 
 Dec. 28, 1846. As part of the French domain, Iowa had a 
 history as early as 1686, when Dubuque was a fort and trading- 
 post. 
 
 TEXAS ANNEXATION.— Tht twenty-ninth State, Texas, 
 was the most imposing piece of territory that had, as yet, applied 
 for admission into the Union. It was not carved out of our own 
 territory as other States had been, nor was it prepared for mem- 
 bership by any process of ripening under a Territorial govern- 
 ment. A member of the Mexican Republic, it had seceded and 
 set up for itself Its admission into the American Union would 
 be a surrender of its independence to again try the experiment 
 of membership in a Republic to which it had all along been for- 
 eign.* Discussion of the question of Texas Annexation occu- 
 pied most of the time of the second session of the»Thirty-eighth 
 Congress, 1844-45. ^ proposition to prohibit slavery within its 
 borders was voted down.f With full knowledge of the fact that 
 
 * Quite a number of Saxon settlers had drifted into Texas who had done much 
 to foster the spirit of annexation. 
 
 f Mexico had abolished slavery twenty years before, and therefore by the law of 
 the Mexican Republic Texas was free territory. But Texas, when independent 
 had re-established slavery. 
 
200 ADMISSION OF STATES. 
 
 its status was one of war with Mexico, and that annexation 
 would be an assumption of that status, the Congress voted for 
 it. The joint resolution of annexation prohibited slavery in any- 
 State formed of Texas territory north of 36° 30', but left the 
 question to the people of the States to be formed of said terri- 
 tory south of that line. We have already seen the steps by 
 which her territory passed to the United States and the conse- 
 quences.* The date of her admission was Dec. 29, 1845. 
 
 WISCONSIN ADMITTED.— ThQ thirtieth State was Wis- 
 consin. The Territory of Wisconsin was erected by act of April 
 20, 1836. It was cut out of the Territory of Michigan, and that 
 part east of the Mississippi had previously been in the Territories 
 of Illinois, Indiana and the northwest of the Ohio. The Terri- 
 tory of Wisconsin embraced the States of Wisconsin, Iowa and 
 part of Minnesota. The Territory of Iowa was severed by act of 
 June 12, 1838. By the enabling act of August 6, 1846, Wiscon- 
 sin took its present shape, and by act of May 29, 1848, was ad- 
 mitted as a State. Like the rest of the northwest territory 
 Wisconsin shows in its names of places the trail of its early 
 French occupants and owners. 
 
 CALIFORNIA COMES.— Iht Mexican war ended by the 
 peace of February 2, 1848, called the treaty of Guadaloupe- 
 Hidalgo. This brought that immense cession of territory men- 
 tioned on page no, and out of which the Territory of California 
 was organized. This cession threw the country into another 
 ferment over the slavery question. By the laws of Mexico all 
 this territory was free. But the proslavery wing of the Demo- 
 cratic party joined issue with the friends of the Wilmot Proviso 
 and forced another compromise (that of 1850), which, so far as 
 California was concerned, had the effect of making her a free 
 State.f She applied for admission Feb. 13, 1850, and was ad- 
 mitted Sept. 9, 1850. The discovery of gold in her soil, the 
 rapid population of the State by the adventurous and not too 
 peaceful " forty-niners," and various apparent commercial rea- 
 sons, not to say a pardonable national pride, made a State on 
 
 * See ante, p. 107 and page 388, post. 
 
 f For fuller details of this compromise see page 401. 
 
ADMISSION OF STATES. 201 
 
 the Pacific coast most desirable. The arch of the Union now 
 spanned the continent. From 1787 to 1850 had been just sixty- 
 three years. 
 
 MINNESOTA ADMITTED.— W\m\tso\.2. Territoiy had been 
 formed March 3, 1849, out of the parts of Territories of Iowa 
 and Wisconsin not included in those two States. Out of this 
 Territory was carved the present State of Minnesota by the 
 enabling act of Feb. 26, 1857. On May 11, 1858, the State of 
 Minnesota was admitted into the Union. The balance of Minne- 
 sota Territory went to Territory of Dakota. 
 
 OREGON HEARD FROM.— The Pacific Coast presents 
 another candidate. The immense Territory of Oregon was 
 created out of all the northwestern portion of the Louisiana 
 purchase, on Aug. 14, 1848. It extended from the fortieth 
 parallel to the British possessions, and from the Pacific to the 
 Rocky Mountains, with an area of nearly 300,000 square miles. 
 Out of this domain was carved the State of Oregon, which by 
 act of Feb. 14, 1859, ^^^^ admitted into the Union. The rest of 
 her Territory became the Territory of Washington. 
 
 KANSAS, AND TROUBLE.— The thirty-fourth State, Kan- 
 sas, had a stormy birth. The throes she engendered shook the 
 Union to its very centre. The celebrated Kansas-Nebraska bill 
 was introduced into the House Jan. 23, 1854. It was designed 
 to establish the fact that the compromise of 1820 had been re- 
 pealed by that of 1850, and further to establish the principle that 
 slavery, north or south of "^6° 30', was a matter for the people 
 of each Territory to decide for themselves. The bill passed in 
 March, 1854, and both North and South encouraged colonization 
 within the limits of Kansas, which the bill created into a Terri- 
 tory immediately west of Missouri and between ^y^ and 40°, 
 as well as Nebraska, lying north of Kansas and between 40® and 
 43°. Under the circumstances the condition of Kansas was that 
 of constant petty war. It became a " bleeding Kansas " indeed, 
 and as to bloodless party passion the rest of the country was no 
 better off.* For seven years this warfare went on, and only ended 
 
 * For fuller details of Kansas- Nebraska question see Administrations and Con- 
 gresses, pages 413 and 429. 
 
202 ADMISSION OF STATES. 
 
 after the work of seceding from the Union began. Then the 
 government which had been set up under the Lecompton con- 
 stitution was repudiated, and that formed under the Wyandot 
 Free State Constitution was adopted by a RepubUcan Congress 
 Jan. 29, 1 86 1, and Kansas became a State in the Union. The 
 Territory of Kansas formed under the bill of Jan. 23, 1854, 
 adopted May 30, 1854, had for its western boundary the Rocky 
 Mountains, which were the eastern boundary of Utah. The act 
 which admitted her as a State fixed the 25th meridian as her 
 western boundary. All the rest of the Territory of Kansas went 
 to the Territory of Colorado. 
 
 WEST VIRGIN/A CREATED.— The destructive work of 
 secession introduced a new feature in State building. Virginia 
 seceded from the Union and cast her lot with the Southern Con- 
 federacy, April 17, 1861. Some thirty-nine of the western coun- 
 ties refused to be bound by her action. Representatives from 
 these met at Wheeling to protest against secession. A second 
 convention met in August which framed a separate State con- 
 stitution and form of government. This was submitted to the 
 people in May, 1862, and ratified. It was then submitted to 
 Congress, and after some slight amendments was accepted. The 
 President was authorized to proclaim that it should take effect 
 June 19, 1863, on which date West Virginia became a State in 
 the Union. In 1872 the counties of Jefferson and Berkley, parts 
 of Old Virginia, were added to West Virginia, the thirty-fifth 
 State. 
 
 NEVADA ADMITTED.— ^Qvada Territory was erected 
 March 2, 1861, out of a strip from California, and that part of 
 Utah Territory lying west of 38th meridian, though California 
 has not yet made formal cession of the portion taken from her. 
 The enabling act for the Territory was passed March 21, 1864, 
 and on October 31, 1864, Nevada was admitted as a State. Her 
 boundaries were much enlarged by act of May 5, 1866, which 
 added some 18,326 square miles from Utah, and 12,225 square 
 miles from Arizona, Territories. 
 
 NEBRASKA ACCEPTED.— The original Territory of Ne- 
 braska was erected May 30, 1854, out of that part of the public 
 
ADMISSION OF STATES. 203 
 
 domain lying between Minnesota and the Rocky Mountains and 
 between 40° N. lat., and the British possessions. But as part of 
 this Territory shared with Kansas the vicissitudes of the slavery 
 excitement, the paring process, which ran through half a dozen 
 acts of Congress, did not end till April 19, 1864, when an 
 enabling act was passed for the present limits of Nebraska. On 
 February 9, 1867, she was admitted as a State, the act to take 
 effect March i, 1867. 
 
 THE CENTENNIAL STATE.— The Territory of Colorado 
 was created by act of February 28, 186 1, It was one of a set 
 then erected,* about which no mention of slavery was made 
 in obedience to the terms of the Dred Scott decision. But there 
 was then no need of such mention, for the South had given up 
 its efforts to populate the debatable Territories and vote therein 
 for slavery, and had entered upon secession as a remedy for evils 
 it deemed otherwise incurable. Owing to mining, Colorado had 
 a fluctuating population for many years. A State Constitution 
 was framed in convention 1875-76, and accepted by the 
 people July i, 1876. The date of final admission was August 
 I, 1876. 
 
 TEARING DOWN. — The sentiment of the country respect- 
 ing slavery had grown more divergent ever since the adoption 
 of the Constitution. It was not at first sectional, but as time 
 passed it took that shape. Then it got to be political as well. 
 The Kansas affair (see Kansas), the division of the Democratic 
 party in its convention of i860, the evidence of a solidified and 
 overwhelming anti-slavery sentiment supplied by the election of 
 Mr. Lincoln, determined the slave States to no longer fight a 
 losing battle for the maintenance and spread of their institution 
 in the Union, but to secede and set up a central government of 
 their own. Not doubting the wisdom of the step nor their ability 
 to maintain it against the armed remonstrance they knew it was 
 sure to provoke, they began the work of dismemberment in i860. 
 The war which followed, and its results, must be the historic test 
 of both the wisdom and strength of their undertaking, as well as 
 of the ability of the Union to maintain itself against this kind 
 
 * Including Nevada and Dakota. 
 
204 SECESSION AND RE ADMISSION. 
 
 of attack, and to adapt itself to the prevalent vital thought of 
 each succeeding age. 
 
 The first open and direct step of dismemberment was taken by 
 South Carolina in a convention called for the purpose. It was 
 an ordinance of secession entitled "An Ordinance to dissolve the 
 Union between the State of South Carolina and other States united 
 with her in the compact entitled the Constitution of the United 
 States of America," and was to take effect Dec. 20, i860. Before 
 the end of January, 1861, similar ordinances had been passed by 
 Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas. 
 Delegates from these States met at Montgomery, Alabama, in 
 February, 1 861, and formed a government called the " Confederate 
 States of America," whose constitution closely resembled that 
 which they had repudiated, save that it recognized slavery and 
 prohibited protective tariffs. This Confederacy attracted other 
 slave-holding States to it, to wit, Virginia, Tennessee, Arkansas 
 and North Carolina. Thus eleven States were lost to the 
 American Union and were in open war with it. It was the 
 hardest and most direct blow ever administered to the Republic, 
 because it came not from strangers but friends, not from without 
 but within. The shock was fearful. For four years the grand 
 monument of the fathers trembled to its base. For four years 
 Republican institutions existed amid cloud and darkness, doubt- 
 ful of clearing sky or auspicious sunrise. Those years ended, 
 the result was failure of the Confederacy to maintain itself, the 
 loss of slavery to its States, surrender of the attempt to wrench 
 by force what reason could not win. 
 
 REBUILDING. — This was a delicate and somewhat tedious 
 task. There was no standard by which to determine the relation 
 of these seceded States to the National Union, now that they 
 ! had failed to validate by force their ordinances of separation. 
 But the Supreme Court furnished one in 1869, in the case of 
 Texas vs. White. It was held that " the ordinances of secession 
 were absolutely null," that the seceding States had no right to 
 secede, had never been out of the Union, could not get out ex- 
 cept through successful rebellion. That the utmost they had 
 done was to put off their old State governments, and take on 
 
SECESSION AND RE-ADMISSION, 206 
 
 Others which fitted them for membership in their Confederacy, 
 but unfitted them for the place a State must hold in the Union, 
 under the amended Constitution. That, therefore, the Congress 
 had the right to re-establish the relation of these seceded 
 States to the Union. The terms fixed were the establishment 
 of State Constitutions and forms of government in accord with 
 the amended National Constitution, and full ratification of its 
 provisions. Waiving the above questions, Tennessee had sought 
 and secured readmission, July 24, 1866; Arkansas, June 22, 
 1868; North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia and 
 Florida under act of June 25, 1868, but with the proviso that 
 they must further subscribe to the act of 1867 regarding free 
 citizenship. All did this promptly except Georgia. Virginia 
 was readmitted Jan. 25, 1870; Mississippi, Feb. 23, 1870; Texas, 
 March 30, 1870. Georgia held out for the right to exclude 
 negroes from ofiice, but finally opened, her offices to all citizens, 
 and was readmitted July 15, 1870. The Union was restored to 
 its full strength and majesty — let it be said to a fuller strength 
 and majesty than before. 
 
 NORTH DAKOTA.— Dakota was erected into a Territory 
 out of the Territory of Nebraska by Act of March 2, 1861. It 
 contained 310,867 sq. miles, but by losing Idaho, by Act of 
 July 25, 1868, its area was reduced to 147,700 sq. miles. This 
 splendid territory became ripe for statehood by 1880, but every 
 attempt to admit it was met by partisan opposition, till the second 
 session of the 50th Congress (Feb. 22, 1889), when a bill became 
 a law admitting North and South Dakota, Montana and Wash- 
 ington as States. The official date of the admission of North 
 Dakota was Nov. 2, 1889, the date of the President's proclama- 
 tion. The area of the State is 71,190 sq. miles, and the popula- 
 tion in 1890 was 182,719. 
 
 SOUTH DAKOTA.— South Dakota was, by Act of Feb. 22, 
 1889, declared entitled to admission into the Union as a State, 
 and was admitted Nov. 2, 1889, with an area of 79,742 sq. miles, 
 being the balance of the Territory of Dakota, and a population 
 in 1890 of 328,808. 
 
 MONTANA. — Montana was erected into a Territory from 
 
206 THE NEW STATES. 
 
 Northern Idaho, by Act of May 26, 1864. Her entire area, then 
 145,310 sq. miles, was part of the Louisiana Purchase. She was 
 declared entitled to admission as a State by Act of Congress, 
 Feb. 22, 1889, and was admitted Nov. 8, 1889, with an area of 
 143,776 sq. miles, and a population in 1890 of 132,159. 
 
 WASHINGTON. — Six years before Oregon was admitted as 
 a State her immense territory was severed by Act of March 2, 
 1853, and the northern portion was erected into Washington 
 Territory. By afterwards losing the Territory of Idaho and part 
 of Nebraska it was reduced to the dimensions it afterwards 
 assumed as a State. Washington was declared entitled to 
 admission as a State by Act of Congress, Feb. 22, 1889, and was 
 admitted by President's proclamation, Nov. 11, 1889, with an 
 area of 69,994 sq. miles, and a population in 1890 of 349,390. 
 
 IDAHO. — The Territory of Idaho was formed from that of 
 Washington by Act of Maixh 3, 1863. Her area was then 
 118,439 square miles, which was afterwards increased by various 
 acquisitions to 326,373 square miles, and then reduced by losses 
 to Montana, Dakota and Wyoming, to 84,290 square miles. 
 The Act of Congress entitling her to admission as a State was 
 passed July 3, 1 890, and she was admitted as a State on July 3, 
 1890, \vith an area of 86,294 square miles, and a population, in 
 1890, of 84,385. 
 
 WYOMING. — Wyoming was formed into a Territory, by 
 Act of July 25, 1868, with an area of 97,575 square miles. It 
 embraced the remnants of several other Territories, being parts 
 of the French and Mexican cessions, and of Oregon, Nebraska, 
 Idaho, Dakota, Washington and Utah. It was declared entitled 
 to admission as a State by Act of Congress, July 10, 1890, and 
 was admitted July 10, 1890, with an area of 97,883 square miles, 
 and a population in 1890 of 60,705. 
 
 TERRITORY OF UTAH.—Oi the vast outiying areas not 
 yet admitted to Statehood, that part embraced by Utah Territory 
 was given organization and government by Act of Sept. 9, 1850, 
 with an area of 2 20,000 square miles, which was afterwards reduced 
 by losses to Colorado, Nebraska, Nevada and Wyoming to 84,476 
 square miles. The Territory has been a persistent applicant for 
 
ADMISSION OF NEW STATES. 207 
 
 admission as a State, and her population in 1890, of 207,905, 
 would warrant it, but being the seat of Mormonism her appli- 
 cations have never been free from moral and religious complica- 
 tions. 
 
 NEW MEXICO. — New Mexico was erected into a Territory 
 by Act of Sept. 9, 1850, out of lands ceded by Mexico and part 
 of those embraced in the Gadsden purchase. By losing part of 
 her territory to Colorado and Arizona, she got her present area 
 of 121,201 square miles. She had a population in 1890 of 153,- 
 593, and is an applicant for Statehood. 
 
 THE INDIAN' COUNTR K— The idea of setting apart a por- 
 tion of our domain for the exclusive use of Indians was not 
 more humanitarian than the result of a need for protection. 
 Remains of brave tribes, many of them despairing, most of them 
 at enmity with the whites, were scattered about in the States and 
 Territories. To get rid of them by putting them on soil they 
 could call their own, where they would not be in the white man's 
 way and where they might, perchance, lift themselves a little 
 toward the civilization which had surrounded them and driven 
 them thither, was the object of an Indian Country. It was laid 
 off geographically, but was not organized as a Territory, June 
 30, 1834. It was to embrace "all that part of the United States 
 west of the Mississippi, and not within the States of Missouri, 
 Louisiana and the Territory of Arkansas." The extent of this 
 country and the fact that no organization was provided for 
 showed that the legislation which set it apart was not serious. 
 Almost immediately the land began to be needed for other pur- 
 poses, and there was nothing in the act setting it apart for Indian 
 uses to raise even so much as a question about the impropriety 
 or wrongfulness of dividing it up and appropriating it to other 
 uses. So by various Acts of Congress this "Indian Country" 
 was pared down to its present size and shape. The last act, that 
 of May 30, 1854, organizing the Territory of Kansas, limited it 
 to 63,253 square miles, with Missouri and Arkansas on its east, 
 Kansas on its north, the Red River on its south and the looth 
 meridian on its west. 
 
 The "Indian Country" is a monument of national honor and 
 
208 THE NEW STATES. 
 
 disgrace ; honor, because it is the first distinct recognition, on 
 the part of our government, of a poHcy that savored of human- 
 ity; disgrace, because, until lately, it was the only formal- an- 
 nouncement of such a policy, and because through lack of 
 candor, through bad management, through failure to engraft on 
 it any working system, it has never produced a satisfactory 
 fruitage. It seems amazing that the Saxon, even when highly 
 civilized and in the enjoyment of strong, reducing and redeem- 
 ing institutions, should always have regarded the Indian problem 
 as a difficult one. It never was difficult. The French mission- 
 ary and trader did not find it so. But then he chose to regard 
 the Indian as a man, as endowed with feeling akin to his own, as 
 owner of the soil, as susceptible to civilizing influences. Failure 
 to so regard him is the secret of our neglect of the Indian, or 
 rather of our ungenerous treatment of him. The idea of his 
 extermination got an early hold on the colonist, and we seem 
 never to have been able to outgrow this primitive and absurd no- 
 tion. Modern humanitarians are more awake to the thought of 
 making the Indian a part of our people. They feel the disgrace 
 the nation has brought on itself, and the age, by its unwillingness 
 or inability to devise a plan by which the Indian can be turned 
 from his ways and made a factor in industry, art, science, govern- 
 ment and morals. With a plan of government which will secure 
 him schools, right to own separate farms, ownership of the pro- 
 ceeds thereof, immunity from disturbance by whites when he 
 appears to be in the way, the franchise, privileges of citizenship, 
 there is no doubt of his future peacefulness and usefulness. 
 
 ARIZONA. — Arizona was made a Territory by Act of Feb. 
 24, 1863, out of lands ceded by Mexico, and'taken from Territory 
 of New Mexico. By Act of May 5, 1866, she lost part of her 
 area to Nevada. Present area 113,916 square miles, and popu- 
 lation 59,620. 
 
 ALASKA ACQUISITION.— This immense territory, embrac- 
 ing 577,390 square miles, was acquired from Russia by purchase, 
 May 28, 1 867, and organized as a Territory of the United States, 
 July 27, 1868. 
 
 OKLAHOMA. — Oklahoma was created a Territory by Act 
 
ADMISSION OF NEW STATES. 
 
 209 
 
 of Congress, May 2, 1890. The lands were those which had 
 ^everted to the Government by cession of or purchase from the 
 Indians, or which could be no longer reserved for their purposes. 
 As soon as these lands were thrown open to the public, they were 
 taken up very rapidly, and within a year the population rose to 
 over 60,000. 
 
 ALL HARMONLOUS.—T\\\s brings all the territory of the 
 United States into definite sub-divisions and gives to each a form 
 of government in harmony with the government of the whole. 
 The States have constitutions, codes and forms of government 
 enacted by their people and in accord with the federal constitu- 
 tion. The Territories have only statutory existence and definite 
 metes and bounds. Their governments do not exist so much 
 by voice of their people as by Act of Congress, and they, there- 
 fore, are provisional and temporary, lasting till the people are 
 sufficiently numerous and unanimous to form acceptable State 
 governments. 
 
 COAT OF ARMS 
 
 Each State in the American Union. 
 
 ALABAMA. 
 
 ARKANSAS. 
 
 14 
 
 CALIFORNIA. 
 
 COLORADO. 
 
COATS OF ARMS. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 
 IDAHO. 
 
 ILLINOIS. 
 
 INDIANA. 
 
 IOWA. 
 
 KANSAS. 
 
 210 
 
 ke:niuckv. 
 
COATS OF ARMS. 
 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 
 MAINE. 
 
 MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 MISSOURI. 
 
COATS OF ARMS. 
 
 NEW JERSEY. 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA, 
 
 NORTH DAKOTA. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 RHODE ISLANO, 
 
 'm 
 
COATS OF ARMS. 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA 
 
 SOUTH DAKOTA. 
 
 WASHINGTON. 
 
 WEST VIRGINIA. 
 
 WISCONSIN. 
 
 Wi'OMING. 
 
 218 
 
214 
 
 SIGNING DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 
 
THE 
 
 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 A DECLARATION BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED 
 STATES OF AMERICA, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED 
 
 When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to 
 dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to as- 
 sume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the 
 laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of 
 mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the 
 separation. 
 
 We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal ; that they 
 are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights ; that among these are 
 life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments 
 are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
 erned ; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it 
 is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, 
 laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as 
 to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, in- 
 deed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light 
 and transient causes; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown, that mankind 
 are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by 
 abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But, when a long train of 
 abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to re- 
 duce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off 
 such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has 
 
 (215) 
 
216 THE DECLARATION 
 
 been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which 
 constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the 
 present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all 
 having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. 
 To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world : 
 
 He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public 
 good. 
 
 He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing impor- 
 tance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained ; and, 
 when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. 
 
 He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of 
 people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legis- 
 lature ; a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only. 
 
 He has called together legislative bodies ot places unusual, uncomfortable, and 
 distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing 
 them into compliance with his measures. 
 
 He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firm- 
 ness his invasions on the rights of the people. 
 
 He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; 
 whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the 
 people at large for their exercise ; the State remaining, in the meantime, exposed to 
 all the danger of invasion from without and convulsions within. 
 
 He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose, 
 obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to 
 encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations 
 of lands. 
 
 He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for 
 establishing judiciary powers. 
 
 He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices 
 and the amount and payment of their salaries. 
 
 He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to 
 harass our people and eat out their substance. 
 
 He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of 
 our legislature. 
 
 He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil 
 power. 
 
 He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our con- 
 stitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pre- 
 tended legislation : 
 
 For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us; 
 
 For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which 
 they should commit on the inhabitants of these States ; 
 
 For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world; 
 
 For imposing taxes on us without our consent ; 
 
 For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury; 
 
OF INDEPENDENCE. 217 
 
 For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences; 
 
 For abolishnig the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, estab- 
 lishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render 
 it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule mto 
 these colonies; 
 
 For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering, 
 fundamentally, the powers of our governments; 
 
 For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with 
 power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. 
 
 He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and 
 waging war against us. 
 
 He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed 
 the lives of our people. 
 
 He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete 
 the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of 
 cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally un- 
 worthy the head of a civilized nation. 
 
 He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear 
 arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, 
 or to fall themselves by their hands. 
 
 He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring 
 on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule 
 of warfare is an undistinguished destruction, of all ages, sexes and conditions. 
 
 In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress, in the most 
 humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. 
 A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is 
 unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 
 
 Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. 
 
 We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts made by their legislature 
 to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the 
 circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their 
 native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our com- 
 mon kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our 
 connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of ju'itice 
 and consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces 
 our separation, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in 
 peace, friends. 
 
 We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in gen- 
 eral CONGRESS assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the 
 rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good people 
 of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare. That these United Colonies are, 
 and of right ought to be, free and independent States ; that they are absolved from 
 all allegiance to the British crown, and that ail political connection between them 
 and the state of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and tnat, as 
 FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace. 
 
218 
 
 THE DECLARATION 
 
 coniiact alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which 
 INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do. And, for the support of this declaration, 
 with a firm reliance on the protection of DIVINE PROVIDENCE, we mutually 
 pledge to each other, our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. 
 
 ^'^«:. 
 
 
 ^fl^r-yt-^o''*^ 
 
 
AETICLES OF CONFEDERATION 
 
 And perpetual union between the states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, 
 Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, 
 Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and 
 Georgia. 
 
 Article I. The style of this Confederacy shall be, "The United States of 
 America." 
 
 Article II. Each state retains iis sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and 
 every power, juri-.diction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly 
 delegated to the United States in Congress assembled. 
 
 Article III. The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of friend- 
 ship with e.ich other, for their common defence, the security of their liberties, and 
 their mutual and general welfare; binding themselves to assist each other against 
 all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account 
 of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever. 
 
 Ariici.e IV. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and inter- 
 course among the people of the different states in this Union, the free inhabitants of 
 each of these states, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted, shall 
 be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several states; and 
 the people of each stale shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other 
 state; and shal] enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to 
 the same duties, impositions, and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively ; 
 proTided, that such restriction shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of 
 property imported into any state to any other state, of which the owner is an inhab- 
 itant ; provided also, that no imposition, duties, or restriction shall be laid by any 
 state on the property of the United States, or either of them. 
 
 If any person guilty of, or charged with treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor, 
 in any state, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the United States, he 
 shall, upon demand of the governor or executive power of the state from which 
 he fled, be delivered up and removed to the state having jurisdiction of his offence. 
 
 Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these states to the records, acts, and 
 judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other state. 
 
 Article V. For the more convenient management of the general interests of 
 the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the leg- 
 islature of each state shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first Monday 
 in November, in every year, with a power reserved to each state to recall its dele- 
 gates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and send others in their stead for 
 the remainder of the vear. 
 
 (219) 
 
220 THE ARTICLES 
 
 No state shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by more than seven 
 members ;• and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three 
 years in any term of six years; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable 
 of holding any office under the United States, for which he, or another for his bene- 
 fit, receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind. 
 
 Each state shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the states, and while 
 they act as members of the committee of the states. 
 
 In determining questions in the United States in Congress assembled, each state 
 shall have one vote. 
 
 Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned 
 in any court or place out of Congress ; and the members of Congress shall be pro- 
 tected in their persons from arrests and imprisonment during the time of their going 
 to, and from, and attending on Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the 
 peace. 
 
 Article VI. No state, without the consent of the United States in Congress 
 assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any 
 conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty with any king, prince, or state; nor shall 
 any person, holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of 
 them, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever from 
 any king, prince, or foreign state ; nor shall the United States in Congress assembled, 
 or any of them, grant any title of nobility. 
 
 No two or more states shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance what- 
 ever between them, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, 
 specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how 
 long it shall continue. 
 
 No state shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any stipulations 
 in treaties entered into by the United States in Congress assembled, with any king, 
 prince, or state, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by Congress to the 
 Courts of France and Spain. 
 
 No vessels of war shall be kept up, in time of peace, by any state, except such 
 number only as shall be deemed necessary, by the United States in Congress assem- 
 bled, for the defence of such state, or its trade ; nor shall any body of forces be kept 
 up by any state, in time of peace, except such number only as, in the judgment of 
 the United States in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the 
 forts necessary for the defence of such state : but every state shall always keep up a 
 well-regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred ; and shall 
 provide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores, a due number 
 of field-pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp 
 equipage. 
 
 No state shall engage in any war, without the consent of the United States in 
 Congress assembled, unless such state be actually invaded by enemies, or shall have 
 received certain advice of a resolution being formed by some nation of Indians to 
 invade such state, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay till the 
 United States in Congress assembled can be consulted ; nor shall any state grant 
 commissions to any ship or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except 
 
OF CONFEDERATION. 221 
 
 it be after a declaration of war by the United States in Congress -assembled ; and 
 then only against the kingdom or state, and the subjects thereof, against which war 
 has been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be established by tlie 
 United States in Congress assembled, unless such state be infested by pirates, in which 
 case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the dan- 
 ger shall continue, or until the United States in Congress assembled shall determine 
 otherwise. 
 
 Article VII. When land forces are raised by any state for the common defence, 
 all officers of or under the rank of colonel shall be appointed by the legislature of 
 each state respectively, by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as 
 such state shall direct; and all vacancies shall be filled up by the state which first 
 made the appointment. 
 
 Article VIII. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred 
 for the common defence or general welfare, and allowed by the United States in 
 Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury which shall be sup- 
 plied by the several states in proportion to the value of all land within each state, 
 granted to or surveyed for any person as such land and the buildings and improve- 
 ments thereon shall be estimated, according to such mode as the United States in 
 Congress assembled shall, from tipie to time, direct and appoint. The taxes for 
 paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the 
 legislatures of the several states, within the tim« agreed upon by the United States 
 in Congress assembled. 
 
 Article IX. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have the sole and 
 exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in the cases 
 mentioned in the sixth Article : Of sending and receiving ambassadors : Entering 
 into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall be made 
 whereby the legislative power of the respective states shall be restrained from im- 
 posing such imposts and duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected to, 
 or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or com- 
 modities whatever : Of establishing rules for deciding, in all cases, what captures 
 on land or water shall be legal ; and in what manner prizes, taken by land or naval 
 forces in the service of the United States, shall be divided or appropriated : Of grant- 
 ing letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace : Appointing courts for the trial 
 of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas; and establishing courts for re- 
 ceiving and determining, finally, appeals in all cases of captures; provided that no 
 member of Congress shall be appointed a judge of any of the said courts. 
 
 The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also be the last resort, on appeal, 
 in all disputes and differences now subsisting, or that hereafter may arise between 
 two or more states concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause whate\er; 
 which authority shall always be exercised in the manner following : Whenever tlie 
 legislative or executive authority, or lawful agent of any state, in controversy v\ ith 
 another, shall present a petition to Congress, stating the matter in question, and 
 praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given, by order of Congress, to <he 
 legislative or executive authority of the other state in controversy ; and a day as- 
 signed for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be 
 
222 THE ARTICLES 
 
 directed to appoint, by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a court 
 for hearing and determining the matter in question, but if ihey cannot agree, Con- 
 gress shall name three persons out of each of the United States; and from the list 
 of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the petitioners beginning, 
 until the number shall be reduced to thirteen ; and from that number not less than 
 seven nor more than nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the presence of 
 Congress, be drawn out by lot; and the persons whose names shall be so drawn, or 
 any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges to hear and finally determine the 
 controversy, so always as a major part of the judges, who shall hear the cause, shall 
 agree in the determination. And if either party shall neglect to attend at the day 
 appointed, without showing reasons which Congress shall judge sufficient, or being 
 present shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three persons 
 out of each state, and the Secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party 
 absent or refusing ; and the judgment and sentence of the court, to be appointed in 
 the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive. And if any of the par- 
 ties shall refuse to suljmit to the authority of such court, or to appear, or defend 
 their claim or cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence or 
 judgment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive ; the judgment or sen- 
 tence and other proceedings being, in either case, transmitted to Congress and lodged 
 among the Acts of Congress for the security of the parties concerned : Provided that 
 every commissioner, before he sits in judgment, shall take an oath, to be adminis- 
 tered by one of the judges of the supreme or superior court of the state where the 
 cause shall be tried, " Well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, 
 according to the best of his judgment, without favor, affection, or hope of reward: " 
 Provided also, that no state shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the 
 United States. 
 
 All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under different 
 grants of two or more states, whose jurisdictions, as ihey may respect such lands and 
 the states which passed such grants, are adjusted, the said grants, or either of them, 
 being at the same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement 
 of jurisdiction, shall, on the petition of either party to the Congress of the 
 United States, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the same manner as is 
 before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between 
 different states. 
 
 The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also have the sole and exclusive 
 right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own 
 authority, or by that of the respective states: Fixing the standard of weights and 
 measures throughout the United States : Regulating the trade and managing all 
 affairs with the Inilians, not members of any of the states ; provided that the legis- 
 Litive right of any stale within its own limits be not infringed or violated: Estab- 
 lishing and regulating post-offices, from one state to another, throughout all the 
 United States, and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same as 
 maybe requisite to defray the expenses of the said office: Appointing all officers of 
 |the land forces in the service of the United States, excepting regimental officers : 
 Appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers what- 
 
OF CONFEDERATION. 223 
 
 ever in the iervice of the United States : Making rules for the government and regu- 
 lation of the land and naval forces, and directing their operations. 
 
 The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have autliority to appoint a com- 
 mittee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denominated A committee of the 
 STATES, and to consist of one delegate from each state, and to appoint such other 
 committees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs 
 of the United States under their direction : To ap])oint one of their number to pre- 
 side ; provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more 
 than one year in any term of three years : To ascertain the necessary sums of money 
 to be raised for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the 
 same for defraying the public expenses ; To borrow money or emit bills on the credit 
 of the United States, transmitting every half year to the respective states an account 
 of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted : To build and equip a navy : To agree 
 upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each state for its 
 quota, in proportion to the number of while inhabitants in such state, which requisi- 
 tion shall be binding; and thereupon the legislature of each state shall appoint the 
 regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them, in a soldier- 
 like manner, at the expense of the United States; and the officers and men so 
 clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the 
 time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled : but if the United States, 
 in Congress assembled, shall, on consideration of circumstances, judge proper that 
 any state should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota, and 
 that any other state should raise a greater number of men than its quota thereof, 
 such extra number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and equipped in the 
 same manner as the quota of such state; unless the legislature of such state shall 
 judge that such extra number cannot be safely spared out of the same ; in which 
 case they shall raise, officer, clothe, arm, and equip as many of such extra number 
 as they judge can be safely spared : and the officers and men so clothed, armed, and 
 equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the 
 United States in Congress assembled. 
 
 The United States, in Congress assembled, shall never engage in a war ; nor grant 
 letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace ; nor enter into any treaties or alli- 
 ances; nor coin money; nor regulate the value thereof; nor ascertain the sums and 
 expenses necessary for the defence and welfare of the United States, or any of them ; 
 nor emit bills ; nor borrow money on the credit of the United States ; nor appro- 
 priate money ; nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built or purchased, 
 or the number of land or sea forces to be raised ; nor appoint a Commander-in-Chief 
 of the army or navy ; unless nine states assent to the same ; nor shall a question on 
 any other point, except for adjourning from day to day, be determined, unless by 
 the votes of a majority of the United States in Congress assembled. 
 
 The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any time 
 within the year, and to any place within the United States, so that no period of ad- 
 journment be for a longer duration than the space of six months; and shall publish 
 the Journal of their proceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to 
 treaties, alliances, or military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy; and 
 
224 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 the yeas and nays of the delegates of each state on any question shall be entered on 
 the Journal, when it is desired by any delegate ; and the delegates of a state, or any 
 of them, at his or their request, shall be furnished with a transcript of the said 
 Journal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures of 
 the several states. 
 
 Article X. The committee of the states, or any nine of them, shall be author- 
 ized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congiess as the 
 United States in Congress assembled, by the consent of nine states, shall f-'om time 
 to time think expedient to vest them with ; provided that no power be delegated to 
 the said committee, for the exercise of which, by the Articles of Confederation, 
 the voice of nine states in the Congress of the United States assembled is requisite. 
 
 Article XL Canada, acceding to this Confederation, and joining in the measures 
 of the United States, shall be admitted into, and entitled to all the advantages of 
 this Union; but no other colony shall be admitted into the same, unless such ad- 
 mission be agreed to by nine states. 
 
 Article XII. All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts contracted 
 by, or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling of the United Slates, 
 in pursuance of the present Confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a 
 charge against the United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said 
 United States, and the public faith, are hereby solemnly pledged. 
 
 Article XIII. Every state shall abide by the determinations of the United States 
 in Congress assembled, on all questions which by this Confederation are submitted 
 to them. And the Articles of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by 
 every state ; and the Union shall be perpetual. Nor shall any alteration at any 
 time hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a 
 Congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of 
 every state. 
 
 And whereas, it hath pleased the Great Governor of the world to incline the 
 hearts of the legislatures we respectively represent in Congress, to approve of, and 
 to authorize us to ratify the said Articles of Confederation and i)erpetual Union : 
 Know ye that we the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and authority 
 to us given for that purpose, do by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our 
 respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and every of the 
 said Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union, and all and singular the matters 
 and things therein contained. And we do further solemnly plight and engage the 
 faith of our respective constituents, that they shall abide by the determinations of 
 the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions, which by the said Con- 
 federation are submitted to them ; and that the articles thereof shall be inviolably 
 observed by the states we respectively represent ; and that the Union shall be per- 
 petual. In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands in Congress. Done at 
 Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania, the 9th day of July, in the year of our 
 Lord 1778, and in the 3d year of the Independence of America. 
 
CONSTITUTION 
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 
 
 We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect 
 Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common 
 defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to 
 ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the 
 United States of America. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 Section i. — i. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Con- 
 gress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Represent- 
 atives. 
 
 Section 2. — i. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members 
 chosen every second year by the people of the several states, and the electors in each 
 state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch 
 of the state legislature. 
 
 2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of 
 twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall 
 not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state in which he shall be chosen. 
 
 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states 
 which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, 
 which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including 
 those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three- 
 fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years 
 after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subse- 
 quent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number 
 of Reinesentatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each state shall 
 hare at least one Representative; and, until such enumeration shall be made, the 
 state of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, 
 
 15 (225) » 
 
226 THE CONSTITUTION OF 
 
 Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New 
 Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North 
 Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 
 
 4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any state, the executive 
 authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 
 
 5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers; 
 and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 
 
 Section 3. — i. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Sena- 
 tors from each state, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years ; and each Sen- 
 ator shall have one vote. 
 
 2. Immediately aXter they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, 
 they shall be divided, as equally as may be, into three classes. The seats of the 
 Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year; of 
 the second class, at the expiration of the fourth year ; and of the third class, at the 
 expiration of the sixth year; so that one-third may be chosen every second year; 
 and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the legis- 
 lature of any state, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the 
 next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 
 
 3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty 
 years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when 
 elected, be an inhabitant of that state for which he shall be chosen. 
 
 4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but 
 shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 
 
 5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro tempore, 
 in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President 
 of the United States. 
 
 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting 
 for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the 
 United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside ; and no person shall be convicted 
 without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 
 
 7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal 
 from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit, 
 under the United States; but the party convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable and 
 subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law. 
 
 Section 4. — i. The times, places, and manner, of holding elections for Senators 
 and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof : but 
 the Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to 
 the places of choosing Senators. 
 
 2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting 
 shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a dif- 
 ferent day. 
 
 Section 5. — i. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and 
 qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum 
 to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be 
 authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under 
 guch penalties, as each House may provide. 
 
THE UNITED STATES. 227 
 
 2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its mem- 
 bers for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a 
 member. 
 
 3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and, from time to time, 
 publish the same, excepting such parts as may, in their judgment, require secrecy ; 
 and the yeas and nays of the members of either House, on any question, shall, at the 
 desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 
 
 4. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of 
 the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which 
 the two Houses shall be sitting. 
 
 Section 6. — l. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation 
 for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United 
 States. They shall, in ail cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be 
 privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective 
 Houses, and in going to, and returning from, the same ; and for any speech or de- 
 bate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place. 
 
 2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, 
 be appointed to any civil office under the authority of t^e United States, which shall 
 have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during 
 such time; and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a mem- 
 ber of either House during his continuance in office. 
 
 Section 7. — i. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Rep- 
 resentatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other 
 bills. 
 
 2. Every bill, which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Sen- 
 ate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States; 
 if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to 
 that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large 
 on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two- 
 thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the 
 objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if 
 approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases 
 the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of 
 the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each 
 House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten 
 days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be 
 a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress, by their adjourn- 
 ment, prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. 
 
 3. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate and 
 House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment), 
 shall be presented to the President of the United States ; and before the same shall 
 take effect, shall be approved by him, or, being disapproved by him, shall be repassed 
 by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules 
 and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. 
 
 Section 8. — The Congress shall have power 
 
228 THE CONSTITUTION OF 
 
 1 . To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and 
 provide for the common defence and general welfare, of the United States ; but all 
 duties, imposts, and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States: 
 
 2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States : 
 
 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and 
 with the Indian tribes : 
 
 4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject 
 of bankruptcies, throughout the United States : 
 
 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the 
 standard of weights and measures : 
 
 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current 
 coin of the United States : 
 
 7. To establish post-offices and post-roads : 
 
 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing, for limited 
 times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and 
 discoveries : 
 
 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court : 
 
 10. To define and punish piracies and felonies, committed on the high seas, and 
 offences against the law of nations : 
 
 11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules con- 
 cerning captures on land and water : 
 
 12. To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that use shall 
 be for a longer term than two years : 
 
 13. To provide and maintain a navy : 
 
 14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval 
 forces : 
 
 15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, sup- 
 press insurrections, and repel invasions : 
 
 16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for gov- 
 erning such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, 
 reserving to the states respectively the appointment of the officers, and the authority 
 of training the militia, according to the discipline prescribed by Congress: 
 
 17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district 
 (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the 
 acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the govevnment of the United States, 
 and to exercise like authority over all places, purchased by the consent of the legis- 
 lature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, 
 arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings : — And 
 
 18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into exe- 
 cution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the 
 Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. 
 
 Section 9. — i. The migration or importation of such persons, as any of the 
 states, now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the 
 Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight ; but a tax or 
 duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each 
 person. 
 
THE UNITED STATES. 220 
 
 2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, 
 in ca^es of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. 
 
 3. No bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be passed. 
 
 4. No capitation, or other direct tax, shall be laid, unless in proportion to the 
 census or enumeration hereinfore directed to be taken. 
 
 5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. No preference 
 shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state 
 over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one state, be obliged to 
 enter, clear, or pay duties, in another. 
 
 6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropria- 
 tions made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expen- 
 ditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 
 
 7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States; and no person, 
 holding any office of profit or trust under them, sliall, without the consent of the 
 Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, 
 from any king, prince, or foreign state. 
 
 Section 10. — l. No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; 
 grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make any- 
 thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attain- 
 der, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title 
 of nobility. 
 
 2. No state shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties 
 on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its 
 inspection laws ; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any state on 
 imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States ; and all 
 such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. No state 
 shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or 
 ships of war, in time oi peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another 
 state, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such 
 imminent danger as will not admit of delay. 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 Section i. — i. The Executive power shall be vested in a President of the United 
 States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and to- 
 gether with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows : 
 
 2. Each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, 
 a number of Electors, equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives, 
 
 I to which the state may be entitled in the Congress ; but no Senator or Representa- 
 tive, or person holding an office of trust or profit, under the United States, shall be 
 appointed an Elector. 
 
 3. The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for two 
 persons, of whom one, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with 
 themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the 
 number of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, 
 to the scat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the 
 
230 THE CONSTITUTION OF 
 
 Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House 
 of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. 
 The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such num- 
 ber be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed ; and if there be more 
 than one, who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the 
 House of Representatives shall immediately choose, by ballot, one of them for 
 President ; and if no person have a majority, then, from the five highest on the list, 
 the said House shall, in like manner, choose the President. But in choosing the 
 President, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state hav- 
 ing one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from 
 two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. 
 In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest num- 
 ber of votes of the Electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain 
 two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them, by ballot, the 
 Vice-President. 
 
 4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the Electors, and the day 
 on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall be the same throughout the 
 United States. 
 
 5. No person, except a natural-bom citizen, or a citizen of the United States at 
 the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the ofiice of Presi- 
 dent : neither shall any person be eligible to that office, who shall not have attained 
 to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United 
 States. 
 
 6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, 
 or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall de- 
 volve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law provide for the case of 
 removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President, 
 declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act accord- 
 ingly, until the disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. 
 
 7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a compensation, 
 which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he 
 shall have been elected, and he shall not receive, within that period, any other 
 emolument from the United States, or any of them. 
 
 8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath 
 or affirmation : 
 
 9. " I do solemnly swear (or affirm), that I will faithfully execute the office of 
 President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, 
 and defend the Constitution of the United States." 
 
 Section 2. — i. The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the army and 
 navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states, when called into 
 the actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion, in writing, of 
 the principal officer in each of the executive departments upon any subject relating 
 to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves 
 and pardons for ofTences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. 
 
 2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
 
THE UNITED STATES. 231 
 
 to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur; and lie shall 
 nominate, and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint 
 ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, judges of the Supreme Couit, and 
 all other officers of the United States whose appointments are not herein otherwise 
 provided for, and wliich shall be established by law : but the Congress may by law 
 vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the President 
 alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 
 
 3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during 
 the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of 
 their next session. 
 
 Section 3. — l. He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of 
 the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he 
 shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene 
 both Houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with 
 respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall 
 think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take 
 care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the 
 United States. 
 
 Section 4. — i. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the 
 United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, 
 treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 Section i. — i. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one 
 Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may, from time to time, 
 ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall 
 hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their 
 services a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in 
 office. 
 
 Section 2. — i. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, 
 arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or 
 which shall be made, under their authority ; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other 
 public ministers, and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to 
 controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; to controversies between 
 two or more states, betwen a state and citizens of another state, between citizens of 
 different states, between citizens of the same state claiming lands under grants of 
 different states, and between a state or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, 
 citizens, or subjects. 
 
 2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and 
 those in which a state shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall have original 
 jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have 
 appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such 
 regulations as the Congress shall make. 
 
 3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and 
 such trial shall be held in the state where the said crimes shall have been committed; 
 
232 THE CONSTITUTION ©F 
 
 but when not committed within any state the trial shall be at such place or places as 
 the Congress may by law have directed. 
 
 Section 3. — i. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying 
 war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. 
 No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to 
 the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 
 
 2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but 
 no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture, except dur- 
 ing the life of the person attainted. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 
 Section i. — l. Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public 
 acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state. And the Congress may, 
 hy general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings 
 shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 
 
 Section 2. — i. The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and 
 immunities of citizens in the several states. 
 
 2. A person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall 
 flee from justice, and be found in another state, shall, on demand of the executive 
 authority of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the 
 state having jurisdiction of the crime. 
 
 3. No person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escap- 
 ing into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be dis- 
 charged from such service or labor, but .shall be delivered up on claim of the party 
 to whom such service or labor may be due. 
 
 Section 3. — l. New states may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; 
 but no new state shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other 
 state; nor any state be formed by the junction of two or more states, or parts of 
 states, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned as well as of 
 the Congress. 
 
 2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and 
 regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States; 
 and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of 
 the United States, or of any particular state. 
 
 Section 4. — i. The United States shall guarantee to every state in this Union a 
 republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; 
 and on application of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature 
 cannot be convened), against domestic violence. 
 
 * ARTICLE V. 
 
 I. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, 
 shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the legisla- 
 tures of two-thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amende 
 ments, which, in either case, shall be valid, to all intents and puiposes, as part of 
 this Constitution, M'hen ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several 
 
THE UNITED STATES. 233 
 
 «tntes, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of 
 ratification may be proposed by the Congress : provided that no amendment which 
 may be made prior to the year one tliousand eight hundred and eight shall, in any 
 manner, afiect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first Article; 
 and that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the 
 Senate. 
 
 ARTICLE VI. 
 
 1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this 
 Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution as 
 under the Confederation. 
 
 2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in 
 pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the author- 
 ity of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in 
 every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any state 
 to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the 
 several state legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United 
 States and of the several states, shall be bound, by oath or affirmation, to support 
 this Constitution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to 
 any office or public trust under the United States. 
 
 ARTICLE VII. 
 
 I . The ratification of the conventions of nine states shall be sufficient for (lie estab- 
 lishment of this Constitution between the states so ratifying the same. 
 
 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibit- 
 ing the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or 
 the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a 
 redress of grievances. 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right 
 of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent 
 of the owner ; nor, in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 
 
234 THE CONSTITUTION OF 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 
 The right of the people to be secure in theif persons, houses, papers, and effects, 
 against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated ; and no warrants 
 shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly 
 describing the place to be searched, and the person or things to be seized. 
 
 ARTICLE V. 
 
 No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous, crime, un- 
 less on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the 
 land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public 
 danger; nor shall any person be subject, for the same offence, to be twice put in 
 jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a wit- 
 ness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due pro- 
 cess of law ; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just com- 
 pensation. 
 
 ARTICLE VI. 
 
 In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and 
 public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall 
 have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law; 
 and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with 
 the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in 
 his favor ; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence. 
 
 ARTICLE VII. 
 
 In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dol- 
 lars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact, tried by a jury, shall 
 be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States than according to the 
 rules of the common law. 
 
 ARTICLE VIII. 
 
 Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and 
 unusual punishments inflicted. 
 
 ARTICLE IX. 
 
 The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to 
 deny or disparage others retained by the people. 
 
 ARTICLE X.* 
 
 The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited 
 by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. 
 
 ARTICLE Xl.f 
 
 The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any 
 
 * The first ten Amendments were proposed by Congress, September 25,1789, and declared in 
 force December 15, 1791. 
 ■\ Proposed by Congress March 5, 1794, declared in force January 8, 1798. 
 
THE UNITED STATES. 235 
 
 suit in law or equity commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by 
 citizens of another state, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state. 
 
 ARTICLE XII.* 
 
 I. The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for Presi- 
 dent and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the 
 same state with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as 
 President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President ; and they 
 shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons 
 voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they 
 shall sign, and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the Government of the 
 United States, directed to the President of the Senate ; the President of the Senate 
 shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the 
 certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having the greatest 
 number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority 
 of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person have such a majority, 
 then, from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list 
 of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose imme- 
 diately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be 
 taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for 
 this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and 
 a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Rep- 
 resentatives shall not choose a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve 
 upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President 
 shall act as President, as in case of the death, or other constitutional disability, of 
 the President. 
 
 2. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall be the 
 Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors ap- 
 pointed ; and if no person have a majority, then, from the two highest numbers on 
 the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President ; a quorum for the purpose shall 
 consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators ; a majority of the whole num- 
 ber shall be necessary to a choice. 
 
 3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be 
 eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. 
 
 ARTICLE Xlll.f 
 
 Section i. — Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment 
 for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the 
 United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 
 
 Section 2. — Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate 
 legislation. 
 
 Proposed by Congress December 12, 1803, declared in force September 25, 1804. 
 t Proposed by Congress February i, 1865, declared in force December 18, 1865. 
 
236 THE CONSTITUTION OF 
 
 ARTICLE XIV.* 
 
 Section i. — All persons born or naturalized in the Un'ted States, and subject to 
 the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein 
 they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privi- 
 leges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; nor shall any state deprive any 
 person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any per- 
 son within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. 
 
 Section 2. — Representatives shall be apportioned among the several states ac- 
 cording to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each 
 state, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for 
 the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, Repre- 
 sentatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a state, or the members 
 of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such state, 
 being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way ab- 
 ridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representa- 
 tion therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male 
 citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in 
 such state. 
 
 Section 3. — No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or 
 elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under 
 the United Slates, or under any state, who, having previously taken an oath, as a 
 member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any 
 state legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any state, to support the 
 Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion 
 against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, 
 by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. 
 
 Section 4. — The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by 
 law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in 
 suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the 
 United States nor any state shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in 
 aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss 
 or efnancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be 
 held illegal and void. 
 
 Section 5. — The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legisla- 
 tion, the provisions of this article. 
 
 ARTICLE XV.f 
 
 Section i. — The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied 
 or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of race, color, or pre- 
 vious condition of servitude. 
 
 Section 2. — The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate 
 legislation. 
 
 * Proposed by Congress June i6, 1866, declared in force July 28, 1868. 
 
 t Proposed by Congress February 26, 1869, declared in force March 30, 1870. 
 
THE UNITED STATES. 237 
 
 , Action of the Convention after Agreeing on a 
 Constitution. 
 
 In the Constitutional Convention, Monday, September 17, 1787. 
 Present : The States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Mr. Hamilton 
 from New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North 
 Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. 
 
 Resolved, That the preceding Constitution be laid before the United States in Con- 
 gress assembled, and that it is the opinion of this convention that it should after- 
 wards be submitted to a Convention of delegates, chosen in each state by the people 
 thereof, under the recommendation of its legislature, for their assent and ratification; 
 and that each convention, assenting to and ratifying the same, should give notice 
 thereof to the United States in Congress assembled. 
 
 Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Convention, that as soon as the conventions 
 of nine states shall have ratified this Constitution, the United States in Congress 
 assembled should fix a day on which electors should be appointed by the states 
 which shall have ratified the same, and a day on which the electors should assemble 
 to vote for the President, and the time and place for commencing proceedings un- 
 der this Constitution. That after such publication the electors should be appointed, 
 and the Senators and Representatives elected ; that the electors should meet on the 
 day fixed for the election of the President, and should transmit their votes certified, 
 signed, sealed, and directed as the Constitution requires, to the Secretary of the 
 United States in Congress assembled ; and that the Senators and Representatives 
 should convene at the time and place assigned ; that the Senators should appoint a 
 president of the Senate, for the sole purpose of receiving, opening, and counting the 
 votes for President ; and that, after he shall be chosen, the Congress, together with 
 the President, should, without delay, proceed to execute this Constitution. 
 
 By the unanimous order of the Convention. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, Presutent. 
 
 William Jackson, Secretary. 
 
 Washington Submits the Constitution to Congress. 
 
 In the Constitutional Convention, September 17, 1787. 
 
 Sir : We have now the honor to submit to the consideration of the United States 
 in Congress assembled that Constitution which has appeared to us the most ad- 
 visable. 
 
 The friends of our country have long seen and desired that the power of making 
 war, peace, and treaties, that of levying money and regulating commerce, and the 
 correspondent executive and judicial authorities should be fully and effectually 
 vested in the General Government of the Union ; but the impropriety of delegating 
 such extensive trust to one body of men is evident : hence results the necessity of a 
 different organization. 
 
238 THE CONSTITUTION OF 
 
 It is obviously impracticable, in the Federal Government of these States, to secure 
 all rights of independent sovereignty to each, and yet provide for the interest and 
 safety of all. Individuals entering into society must give up a share of liberty to 
 preserve the rest. The magnitude of the sacrifice must depend as well on situation 
 and circumstance as on the object to be obtained. It is at all times difficult to draw 
 with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered and those 
 which may be reserved ; and on the present occasion this difficulty was increased 
 by a difference among the several states as to their situation, extent, habits, and par- 
 ticular interests. 
 
 In all our deliberations on this subject, we kept steadily in our view that which 
 appears to us the greatest interest of every true American — the consolidation of oui 
 Union — in which is involved our prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps our nationa\ 
 existence. This important consideration, seriously and deeply impressed on our 
 minds, led each state in the Convention to be less rigid on points of inferior magni- 
 tude than might have been otherwise expected ; and thus the Constitution which we 
 now present is the result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutual deference and con- 
 cession which the peculiarity of our political situation rendered indispensable. 
 
 That it will meet the full and entire approbation of every state is not, perhaps, to 
 be expected ; but each will doubtless consider that, had her interest been alone con- 
 sulted, the consequences might have been particularly disagreeable or injurious to 
 others; that it is liable to as few exceptions as -^ould reasonably have been expected, 
 we hope and believe ; that it may promote the lasting welfare of that country so dear 
 to us all, and secure her freedom and happiness, is our most ardent wish. 
 
 With great respect, we have the honor to be, sir, your excellency's most obedient, 
 humble servants. 
 
 By unanimous order of the Convention. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, PrcsuienL 
 
 His Excellency the Prksident of Congress. 
 
FARKWKLL ADDRBSS 
 
 OF 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT, 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, September 17^ 1 796. 
 
 Friends and Fellow- citizens : 
 
 The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the Executive Govern- 
 ment of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when 
 your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed witk 
 that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more 
 distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolu- 
 tion I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of 
 whom a choice is to be made. 
 
 I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution 
 has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to 
 the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country ; and that, in withdrawing 
 the tender of service, which silence, in my situation, might imply, I am influenced 
 by no diminution of zeal for your future interest ; no deficiency of grateful respeci 
 for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is com- 
 patible with both. 
 
 The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suftiagei 
 have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of 
 duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped 
 that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which 
 I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been 
 reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last 
 election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but ma- 
 ture reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign 
 nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled 
 me to abandon the idea. 
 
 I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longe^ 
 renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propri- 
 ety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in 
 the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determinatioft 
 to retire. 
 
 (239) 
 
240 
 
 WASHINGTON'S 
 
 The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained on 
 the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with 
 good intentions contributed towards the organization and administration of the Gov- 
 ernment the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not 
 unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience, in my 
 own eyes — perhaps still more in the eyes of others — has strengthened the motives to 
 diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me, 
 more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be wel- 
 come. Satisfied, that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, 
 they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and pru- 
 dence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. 
 
 In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my 
 public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of 
 that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has 
 conferred upon me ; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has sup- 
 ported me ; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my 
 inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness 
 unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let 
 it always be remembered to your praise and as an instructive example in our annals, 
 that, under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were 
 liable to mislead ; amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune 
 often discouraging ; in situations in which, not unfrequently, want of success has 
 countenanced the spirit of criticism, — the constancy of your support was the essen- 
 tial prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected. 
 Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong 
 incitement to unceasing vows, that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens 
 of its beneficence ; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual ; that 
 the free Constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained ; 
 that its administration, in every department, may be stamped with wisdom and vir- 
 tue ; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of 
 liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of 
 this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, 
 the affection, and the adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. 
 
 Here, perhaps, I ought to stop ; but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot 
 end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge 
 me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and 
 to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of 
 much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-im- 
 portant to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be afforded to 
 you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of 
 a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel ; nor 
 can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments 
 on a former and not dissimilar occasion. 
 
 Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recom- 
 mendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 241 
 
 The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to 
 you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence 
 — the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your 
 prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to fore- 
 see that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, 
 many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth, as this 
 is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and ex- 
 ternal enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidi- 
 ously) directed — it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense 
 value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you 
 should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it, accustoming your- 
 selves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and pros- 
 perity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing whatever 
 may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned ; and indignantly 
 frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our 
 country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the 
 various parts. 
 
 For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth 
 or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affec- 
 tions. The name oi American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must 
 always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local 
 discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, man- 
 ners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and 
 triumphed together ; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint 
 counsels and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. 
 
 But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sen- 
 sibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your 
 interest ; here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for 
 carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. 
 
 The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal 
 laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional 
 resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manu- 
 facturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of 
 the North, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. Turning partly into 
 its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigo- 
 rated ; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the gen- 
 eral mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime 
 strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in like intercourse with the 
 West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communication, by 
 laiul and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which 
 it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East 
 supplies requisite to its growth and comfort ; and what is perhaps of still greater con- 
 sequence, it must, of necessity, owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets 
 for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength 
 of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest 
 10 
 
242 
 
 WASHINGTON'S 
 
 as one nation Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advan- 
 tage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and un- 
 natural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. 
 
 While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular in- 
 terest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find, in the united mass of 
 means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security 
 from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations ; 
 and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from 
 those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring 
 countries, not tied together by the same government ; which their own rivalships 
 alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attach- 
 ments, and intrigues, would stimulate and imbitter. Hence, likewise, they will 
 avoid the necessity of those over-grown military establishments, which, under any 
 form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as 
 particularly hostile to republican liberty ; in this sense it is that your union ought to 
 be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to 
 endear to you the preservation of the other. 
 
 These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous 
 mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic de- 
 sire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a 
 sphere ? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation, in such a case, 
 were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, 
 with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford 
 a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With 
 such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, 
 while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always 
 be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who, in any quarter, may endeavor to 
 weaken its bands. 
 
 In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs, as a matter 
 of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing 
 parties by geographical discriminations — Northern and Southern — Atlantic and 
 Western : whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real 
 difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire 
 influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other 
 diBtricts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart- 
 burnings which spring from these misrepresentations ; they tend to render alien to 
 each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The in- 
 habitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head ; they 
 have seen in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by 
 the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event 
 throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions 
 propagated among them, of a policy in the General Government, and in the Atlantic 
 States, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi : they have been wit- 
 nesses to the formation of two treaties — that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, 
 which secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our foreign rela- 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 243 
 
 tions, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for 
 the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? 
 Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would 
 sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens ? 
 
 To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is 
 indispensable. No alliance, however strict between the parts, can be an adequate 
 substitute ; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which 
 all alliances, in all time, have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you 
 have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Govern- 
 ment better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious 
 management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our 
 own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature 
 deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, unit- 
 ing security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amend- 
 ment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, 
 compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the 
 fundamental maxims of true liberty. The bases of our political systems, is the right 
 of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of Government : but the Con- 
 stitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of 
 the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power, and 
 the right of the people to establish Government, pre-supposes the duty of every in- 
 dividual to obey the established Government. 
 
 All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, 
 under whatever plausible' character, with the real design to direct, control, counter- 
 act, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are 
 destructive to this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to or- 
 ganize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force, to put in the place of 
 the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and 
 enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs 
 of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted 
 and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and whole- 
 some plans, digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests. 
 
 However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then 
 answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become 
 potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men, will be enabled 
 to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of Govern- 
 ment; destroying, afterwards, the very engines which had lifted them to unjust 
 dominion. 
 
 Towards the preservation of your Government, and the permanency of your pres- 
 ent happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular 
 oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit 
 of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of 
 assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will im- 
 pair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly over- 
 thrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and 
 
244 WASHINGTON'S 
 
 habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other 
 human institutions ; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real 
 tendency of the existing constitution of a country ; that facility in changes, upon the 
 credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the end- 
 less variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and remember, especially, that for the effi- 
 cient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a 
 Government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is 
 indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a Government, with powers properly 
 distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, 
 where the Government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to con- 
 fine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to 
 maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and 
 property. 
 
 I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular 
 reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now 
 take a more comprehensive view, and warn you, in the most solemn manner, against 
 the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. 
 
 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the 
 strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes, in all Gov- 
 ernments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popular 
 form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. 
 
 The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of 
 revenge, natural to party dissension, which, in different ages and countries, has per- 
 petrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads, 
 at length, to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries 
 which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the 
 absolute power of an individual ; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing 
 faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to 
 the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty. 
 
 Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which, nevertheless, ought 
 not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit 
 of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage 
 and restrain it. 
 
 It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public adminis- 
 tration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; 
 kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments, occasionally, riot and 
 insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a 
 facilitated access to the Government itself, through the channels of party passions. 
 Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will 
 of another. 
 
 There is an opinion that parties, in free countries, are useful checks upon the 
 administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. 
 This, within certain limits, is probably true ; and in Governments of a monarchical 
 cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. 
 But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a sjiirii 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 245 
 
 not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always 
 he enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger 
 of excess, the effort ought lo be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage 
 • it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting 
 into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. 
 
 It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should in- 
 spire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within 
 their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of 
 one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to 
 consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever 
 the form of Government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, 
 and proneness to abuse it which jjredominates in the human heart, is sufficient to 
 satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the 
 exercise of ]'>olitical power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, 
 and constituting each the guardian of the public weal, against invasions by the others, 
 has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern ; some of them in our own 
 country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to in- 
 stitute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the 
 constitutional powers be, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amend- 
 ment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by 
 usurpation ; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the 
 customary weapon by which free Govenrments are destroyed. The precedent must 
 always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any jiartial or transient benefit which 
 the use can, at any time, yield. 
 
 Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and 
 morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of 
 patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, 
 these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally 
 with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not 
 trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, 
 where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious 
 oblig.ation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of 
 justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be 
 maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of 
 refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both for- 
 bid us to expect that natural morality can prevail in exclusion of religious prin- 
 ciples. 
 
 It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular 
 ' Government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of 
 free Government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference 
 upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ? 
 
 Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general 
 diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a Government gives force 
 to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. 
 
 As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One 
 
246 WASHINGTON'S 
 
 method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible ; avoiding occasions of 
 expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to 
 prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it ; avoid- 
 ing, likewise, the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, 
 but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable 
 wars may have occasioned ; not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden 
 which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your 
 representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facili- 
 tate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically 
 bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue ; that to have 
 revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or 
 less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from 
 the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to 
 be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the Government in 
 making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, 
 which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. 
 
 Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony 
 with all ; religion and morality enjoin this conduct ; and can it be that good policy 
 does not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no dis- 
 tant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel ex- 
 ample of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can 
 doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly 
 repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? 
 Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with 
 its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which 
 ennobles human nature. Alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices ? 
 
 In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent 
 inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for 
 others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings 
 towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an 
 habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is, in some degree, a slave. It is a slave 
 to its animosity or to its affection ; either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from 
 its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each 
 more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and 
 to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. 
 Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, 
 prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, 
 contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates 
 in the national propensity, and adopts, through passion, what reason would reject; 
 at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, 
 instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The 
 peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim. 
 
 So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation to another produces a variety 
 of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary 
 common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into 
 
i^AREWELL ADDRESS. 247 
 
 one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels 
 and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also 
 to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt 
 doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with 
 what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposi- 
 tion to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld ; and it 
 gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the 
 favorite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interest of their own country, with- 
 out odium; sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearance of a vir- 
 tuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable 
 zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or 
 infatuation. 
 
 As avenues to foreigi influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are par- 
 ticularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many 
 opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the art of 
 seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils ! Such 
 an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the 
 former to be the satellite of the latter. 
 
 Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, 
 fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake ; since 
 history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes 
 of republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial ; else 
 it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence 
 against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for 
 another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve 
 to veil, and even second, the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may 
 resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious ; while 
 its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender 
 their interests. 
 
 The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our 
 commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So 
 far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good 
 faith. Here let us stop. 
 
 Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote 
 relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which 
 are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us 
 to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, 
 or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. 
 
 Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different 
 course. If we remain one people, under an efficient Government, the period is not 
 far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance ; when we may take 
 such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be 
 scrupulously respected ; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making 
 acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may 
 choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. 
 
248 WASHINGTON'S 
 
 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit nur own to 
 stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our desUny with tiial ul any 
 part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, 
 rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice ? 
 
 It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the 
 foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be 
 understood as capable of patronising infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the 
 maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always 
 the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their 
 genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to ex- 
 tend them. 
 
 Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable 
 defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary 
 emergencies. 
 
 Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, 
 humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and 
 impartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences ; con- 
 sulting the natural course of things ; diffusing and diversifying, by gentle means, the 
 streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in 
 order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to en- 
 able the Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best 
 that present circumstances and mutual opinions will permit, but temporary, and 
 liable to be, from time to time, abandoned or varied, as experience and circum- 
 stances shall dictate ; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look 
 for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay, with a portion of its inde- 
 pendence, for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance 
 it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, 
 and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be 
 no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon, real favors from nation to na- 
 tion. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to 
 discard. 
 
 In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate 
 friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could 
 wish ; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation 
 from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations; but if I 
 may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some 
 occasional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party 
 spirit, to warn against the, mischiefs of foreign intrigues, to guard against the impos- 
 tures of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude 
 for your welfare by which they have been dictated. 
 
 How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the prin- 
 ciples which have been delineated, the public records, and other evidences of my 
 conduct, must witness to you and the world. To myself, the assurance of my own 
 conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. 
 
 In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 249 
 
 April, 1793, is tlie inrlex to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and 
 by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that meas- 
 ure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me 
 from it. 
 
 After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, 1 
 wfis well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a 
 right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Hav- 
 ing taken it I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with 
 moderation, perseverance, and firmness. 
 
 The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not neces- 
 sary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my under- 
 standing of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent 
 powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 
 
 The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, 
 from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in 
 which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards 
 other nations. 
 
 The inducements of interest, for observing that conduct, will best be referred to 
 your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to 
 endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, 
 and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency 
 which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. 
 
 Tliough in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of in- 
 tentional error; I am, nevertheless, too sensible of my defects not to think it prob- 
 able that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently 
 beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall 
 also carry with me the hope, that my country will never cease to view them with 
 indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with 
 an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as 
 myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. 
 
 Relying on its kindness in this, as in other things, and actuated by that fervent 
 love towards it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of him- 
 self and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate, with pleasing expecta- 
 tion, that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet en- 
 joyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of 
 good laws under a free Government — the ever favorite object of my heart — and the 
 happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 United States, 17/// September, \'j()(>. 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT; 
 
 THE THREE GREAT BRANCHES; FULL DESCRIPTION 
 OF EACH BRANCH; ALL THE DEPARTMENTS AT 
 WASHINGTON; ENTIRE GOVERNMENT MACHINERY. 
 
 HE THREE GREAT BRANCHES.— Our government 
 is divided by the Constitution into three distinct branches 
 or departments, the Legislative, the Executive, and the 
 Judicial. The existence of these departments is neces- 
 sary for the energy and stability of the government. 
 Their separation is necessary for the preservation of public lib- 
 erty and private rights. When they are all united in one person 
 or one body of men, that government is a despotism. The first 
 resolution adopted by the Convention which framed the Con- 
 -stitution was that " a national government ought to be established 
 consisting of a sjipreme legislative , judiciary and executive!' 
 
 THE LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT. 
 This department consists of the Senate and the House of 
 Representatives, and these two are called the Congress. The 
 Senate is sometimes called the Upper House, and the House of 
 Representatives the Lower House. The latter is also known as 
 "the House," in contrast to "the Senate." In the Constitution 
 they are spoken of as " each House," the " two Houses," "both 
 Houses." The Constitution gives to the Congress the power to 
 make all laws, and withholds that power from the other depart- 
 ments. It is a representative body, and is supposed to do what the 
 people would do if they were assembled in deliberative meeting to 
 
 (251) 
 
The Bronze Door in the Capitol Commemorating the events in the 
 Life of Christopher Columbus. 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 253 
 
 enact laws for their government. The Congress meets in regular 
 session, according to the Constitution, on the first Monday in 
 December, each year ; but the President may call extra sessions 
 when necessary. The two Houses not only meet on the same 
 day, but neither can adjourn without the consent of the other for 
 more than three days at a time, nor to any other place than that 
 of regular meeting, now the capitol at Washington. The Presi- 
 dent may however change the place of meeting to avoid plague 
 or other danger. Congresses themselves run by odd years, like 
 the administrations. The 50th Congress met in first regular 
 session Dec. (ist Monday), 1887. This first session of any Con- 
 gress is called " the long session." It may end at any time dur- 
 ing the next year, prior to December. The " long session " 
 usually runs to July or August of an even year. The second 
 session of a Congress is called the " short session." It meets in 
 December of an even year and ends by limitation on March 3d 
 of an odd year. Thus elections for President and for Congress- 
 men occur in even years. Administrations and Congresses 
 begin and end in odd years. 
 
 THE SENATE. — This branch or House of Congress is com- 
 posed of two Senators from eacii State. There are now forty- 
 four States. Multiply 44 by 2 and )'ou have the number of 
 United States Senators. It seems somewhat unfair that a large 
 and populous State like New York should have no greater 
 representation in the National Senate than small States like 
 Delaware and Rhode Island. But this result was one of the 
 necessary compromises of the Constitution. The Senate is built 
 on the theory of State representation, the House of Representa- 
 tives on the theory of popular or people representation. Senators 
 are elected for six years. No man can be a Senator who is not 
 thirty years old, who has not been a citizen of the United States 
 for nine years, and who is not an inhabitant of the State for 
 which he is chosen. 
 
 The Senate is regarded as a more dignified and honorable 
 body than the House of Representatives. Its very name (from 
 se/ia/i(s, which is from sc7iex, old) presumes an older and graver 
 membership. It is further removed from the populace. It does 
 
254 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 not need to represent the fickle will of the masses, but the higher 
 and more deliberative wish of the States, which are its constit- 
 uency. As a law-making branch of the Congress it is equal 
 with the House, except that it cannot originate bills* for raising 
 revenue. Revenue bills must, according to the Constitution, 
 originate in the House of Representatives. f No bill can become 
 a law till it has received the approval of a majority in both 
 Houses, and been approved by the President. 
 
 The Senate has powers beyond those which are purely legisla- 
 tive, and is therefore stronger in this respect than the lower 
 House. It is a part of the Executive branch for the purpose of 
 making appointments to office. All executive nominations for 
 office must be approved by the Senate before they are final. 
 The Senate may reject such nominations and compel the Presi- 
 dent to send in other names. When the Senate is sitting to de- 
 liberate on the President's nominations it is said to be in Execu- 
 tive session. So the Senate in connection with the President 
 constitutes the Treaty-making power of the government. When 
 the Senate is sitting to deliberate on Treaties or other delicate 
 matters it is said to be in " secret session." Further the Senate 
 is the court before which impeachment cases are heard and by 
 which they are determined. The Vice-President of the United 
 States is the presiding officer of the Senate, but has no vote ex- 
 cept when there is a tie. This presiding ofificer is called the 
 President of the Senate. If the Vice-President should die or 
 his seat be vacant for any cause, the Senate elects a President 
 from its own members. As a matter of fact the Senate is never 
 
 * An act when first presented to either House and up until the time of its passage 
 is called a " bill." After its passage it is an "act" or "law." Acts which are 
 merely declarative of the intent of cither House and binding on it, but which do not 
 bear directly on the people at large, are called " Resolutions; " if passed by both 
 Houses and binding on both they are called "Joint Resolutions." 
 
 f The jurisdiction of the two Houses over this point gives rise to frequent contro- 
 versies. During the 2d session of 47th Congress the Senate originated, debated and 
 passed a Tariff bill on its own account. This proceeding was objected to by the 
 House, but as the final bill (the act of March 3, 1S83) was the result of a confer- 
 fiice of both Houses, much time was saved by the Senate action and no harm was 
 done. 
 
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256 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 without a President pro tan., that officer being important as a 
 possible President of the United States, in case of the death, resig- 
 nation, removal or disability of both President and Vice-President. 
 A two-third vote of all the Senators present is required to ratify 
 a treaty or convict a person impeached. 
 
 ELECTION OF SENATORS.— The place at which United 
 States Senators shall be chosen must be determined by the 
 States. This place, usually the State Capitol, cannot be changed 
 by the Congress. But the Congress may fix the time and manner 
 of electing Senators. It has done so. When a vacancy is about 
 to exist by reason of expiration of a senatorial term, the State 
 Legislature chosen next preceding such vacancy must, on the 
 second Tuesday after its meeting, proceed to elect a Senator in 
 Congress. 
 
 Each branch of the Legislature selects, by a majority of all 
 the viva voce votes cast, a candidate for Senator. The next day 
 after the above-named second Tuesday at I2 m., both Houses 
 meet in joint assembly. If it is found they have both nominated 
 the same candidate, he shall be declared the Senator. If they 
 have not, then the two Houses shall sit in joint assembly, meet- 
 ing each day at 12 m., and casting at least one vote daily, till a 
 Senator is chosen by a majority of the votes of said joint 
 assembly, cast viva voce, a majority of both Houses being 
 present. 
 
 Vacancies by death or resignation are filled in the same 
 way by the first Legislature which meets, finding such vacancy. 
 
 The Governor of the State certifies such election, under the 
 seal of the State and signed by his Secretary of State, to the 
 President of the Senate of the United States. Both the Senate and 
 House of Representatives are the final judges of the qualifications 
 of their own members. In the first Senate one-third of the mem- 
 bers were selected by lot for two years, another third for four, an- 
 other third for six. This was to give effect to the clause in the 
 Constitution making one-third of the Senate elective every two 
 years. 
 
 SENATE MACHINERY.— ThQ Senate employs for its com- 
 fortable working a Secretary of the Senate at a salary of ^6,396 ; 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 257 
 
 a Chief Clerk, ;^3,ooo; a Librarian; and a corps of regular 
 clerks, committee clerks, pages, pasters and folders, numbering 
 quite one hundred. 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.— Knov^n also as " The 
 Lower House " and as the " House." It is equal and co-ordi- 
 nate with the Senate as a branch of Congress, but has the sole 
 power to originate revenue bills, and to move in cases of im- 
 peachment. Its bill of impeachment is like the bill of indict- 
 ment found by a grand jury, and is tried before the Senate sit- 
 ting as a court. Bills and resolutions pass in the House, as 
 in the Senate, by a majority. Though the Senate and House 
 make the Congress, a custom has grown up of designating the 
 members of the House as M. C.'s (Members of Congress) and 
 members of the Senate as Senators. 
 
 ELECTION OF M. C.'S.— A member of the House must 
 be twenty-five years of age, a citizen of the United States for 
 seven years, and an inhabitant of the State in which he is chosen. 
 He is elected for two years, and by the qualified electors in each 
 State. His salary like that of Senator is ;^5,ooo per year.* 
 
 The Congress fixes the number of members of the House 
 after each decennial census, as required by the Constitution. 
 Its act to this effect generally goes into operation on the third 
 of March of the third year after the census. Thus the act for 
 this purpose after the census of 1890 went into effect on and 
 after March 3, 1893. The Congress enacted, Feb. 25, 1891, that, 
 until another act after another census, the number of members 
 of the House should be 356. This number was then divided 
 among the States in proportion to their population. It was 
 
 *The salary of a Congressman was ^8 per day up to 1856. From that time to 
 1866 it was $3,000 per year. It remained at this figure till act of March 3, 1873, 
 increased it to ;^7,5oo pter year. This act increased the President's salary from ^25,- 
 000 to $50,000, and made a general increase of salaries among Department 
 officers. It was very unpopular and was followed by the act of Jan. 20, 1874, re- 
 ducing the salary of Congressmen to $5,000. It made material reductions in all 
 the raised salaries. The President's salary remained at $50,000. In addition to 
 $5,000 per year members of Congress (Senators and M. C.'s) are entitled to mile- 
 age. This has always remained at forty cents a mile, on the principle, be it charit 
 ably supposed, that they all go to the capitol by stage-coach as of yore. 
 17 
 
258 
 
 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 found that each State was entitled to the following number of 
 members : 
 
 MEMBERS OF HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 As Apportioned {after March 3, 1893) Under Census of 1890. 
 Alabama 9 
 
 Arkansas 6 
 
 California 7 
 
 Colorado 2 
 
 Connecticut 4 
 
 Delaware i 
 
 Florida 2 
 
 Georgia II 
 
 Idaho I 
 
 Illinois 22 
 
 Indiana 13 
 
 Iowa II 
 
 Kansas 8 
 
 Kentucky II 
 
 Louisiana 6 
 
 Maine 4 
 
 Maryland 6 
 
 Massachusetts 13 
 
 Michigan 12 
 
 Minnesota 7 
 
 Mississippi 7 
 
 Missouri 15 
 
 Montana i 
 
 Nebraska 6 
 
 Nevada i 
 
 New Hampshire 2 
 
 New Jersey 8 
 
 New York 34 
 
 North Carolina 9 
 
 North Dakota i 
 
 Ohio 21 
 
 Oregon 2 
 
 Pennsylvania 30 
 
 Rhode Island 2 
 
 South Carolina 7 
 
 South Dakota 2 
 
 Tennessee 10 
 
 Texas 13 
 
 Vermont 2 
 
 Virginia 10 
 
 Washington 2 
 
 West Virginia 4 
 
 Wisconsin 10 
 
 Wyoming I 
 
 Total ..356 
 
 Quota for a Representative 174,463 
 
 This act is called the apportionment act,* though the final 
 work of apportionment is left to the States, each of which is 
 required to divide itself into as many Congressional districts of 
 contiguous territory, and containing as nearly as may be the 
 number of inhabitants ascertained to be a quota or ratio, as the 
 Congress has assigned to each. Thus by the above table New 
 York has thirty-four members of Congress between the years 
 1893 and 1903, under the census of 1890. Her Legislature must 
 
 * The first apportionment was made by the Convention which framed the Consti- 
 tution. It gave to N. H. 3 ; Mass. 8; R. I. I ; Conn. 5; N. Y. 6; N. J. 4; Pa. 8; 
 Del. I ; Md. 6 ; Va. 10 ; N. C. 5 ; S. C. 5 ; Ga. 3, or 65 in all. The ratio of represen, 
 tation was 30,000. After the census of 1 790, the act of 1792 fixed the ratio at t^t,,- 
 000; the act of 1803 left it at 33,000; the act of 1811 at 35,000; the act of 1822 at 
 40,000; the act of 1832 at 47,700; the act of 1842 at 70,680. Up to this time the 
 apportionment acts only fixed a ratio of representation. The number of members 
 was ascertained by dividing this ratio into the total population. But the act of 1852 
 fixed instead the number of members of the House at 233, leaving the ratio to be 
 ascertained by dividing 233 into the population of 1 850. This made the ratio 
 
 93,423, And so the ratio after i860 was 127,381 ; after 1870, 131,425 ; after 1880, 
 
 151,912, and after 1890, as above. 
 
260 ^UR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 divide the State into thirty-four Congressional districts, each of 
 which is to contain as nearly as may be 174,463 inhabitants. 
 To get at the electoral vote of each State yqu must add the two 
 Senators to the number of Representatives in the House. If a 
 Congressional election takes place in a State before it has made 
 its apportionment, and said State shall be entitled to one or more 
 members of Congress than it had under the previous apportion- 
 ment, the additional member or members may, for the time 
 being, be elected on the general State ticket as " Members of 
 Congress at Large." 
 
 The States formerly voted for Congressmen at their annual 
 State elections, no matter when they came off Now, under an 
 act of Congress (March 3, 1875) prescribing a "uniform time 
 for holding Congressional elections," they are all required to 
 hold them on the " Tuesday next after the first Monday in No- 
 vember," of every second year, and all will do so as soon as they 
 can amend their Constitutions to that effect. 
 
 ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE.— ThQ chief officer 
 of the House is called the Speaker. He is elected by the mem- 
 bers, at the beginning of each Congress. His election is a 
 necessary part of organization. His compensation is ^8,000, 
 because his duties are more arduous than those of the average 
 member, and his knowledge of parliamentary law and usages 
 supposed to be greater. He may become President, for should 
 there be no President, nor Vice-President, nor President of the 
 Senate pro tern., the Speaker of the House becomes Acting Pres- 
 ident. 
 
 The most important officer of the House, after the Speaker, is 
 the Clerk of the House, salary ;^5,ooo. Indeed, it would not be 
 amiss to call him the most important officer of the House, for 
 upon him devolves the duty of preparing a list of the members 
 elected to each Congress, and only the members on this list are 
 entitled to participate in the work of organization. If names are 
 wrongfully omitted, the matter must be settled by regular hearing 
 before the House, or a Committee on Elections, under the rule 
 that each House is the judge of the qualification of its own 
 members. 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 261 
 
 TERRITORIAL DELEGATES.— Y.3.ch. organized Territory 
 is entitled to a representative in Congress (two, if the population 
 warrants, though generally Territories become States by that 
 time), elected by the qualified electors thereof, the same as 
 Members of Congress. This Territorial representative is called 
 a Delegate. He is entitled to join in debate but cannot vote. 
 His pay is ;^5,ooo per year and mileage. 
 
 HOUSE MACHINERY.— ThQ House machinery is more 
 elaborate than that of the Senate. The Clerk of the House has 
 a large corps of assistants, as has the Sergeant-at-Arms. The 
 reading clerks, committee clerks, post-office clerks, library em- 
 ployes, door-keepers, messengers, pasters and folders, etc., num- 
 ber from 250 to 300. 
 
 MAKING LAWS.— Boih. Houses rely largely on their Com- 
 mittees to prepare bills and resolutions, before they are presented 
 for discussion and final passage. These Committees are very 
 numerous, and are organized presumably with reference to their 
 fitness for the subjects referred to them. After the Speaker of 
 the House is elected, his first important business is to appoint 
 the Standing Committees of the House. The President of the 
 Senate does the same for the Senate, at the opening of each new 
 Congress. When a bill is introduced, it is read for the informa- 
 tion of the members. If it is not opposed or rejected, it is said 
 to be passed to a second reading, which may be the next or some 
 subsequent day. On that second reading the question comes up 
 shall it be committed to one of the above Standing Committees, 
 the subject of the bill suggesting the proper Committee. Some- 
 times the nature of the bill is such as to require its reference to 
 a special or select Committee. When bills of great moment are 
 under discussion, the House resolves itself into a Committee of 
 the Whole, on account of the greater freedom of debate then 
 allowed. After the Committee to which a bill has been referred 
 are done deliberating on it, it is reported back to the House 
 either adversely or favorably, and with or without amendments. 
 Then the question is on its engrossment (copying in a fair hand) 
 for third reading. After being engrossed (if it has been so 
 ordered), it is read a third time and the question is on its pas- 
 
262 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 sage. If passed, it is signed by the presiding officer and sent to 
 the other House, where it goes through the same routine. 
 Sometimes amendments are added on its passage. If so, it is 
 sent back to the House where it originated. If these are agreed 
 to, it is repassed there. If not, and the bill is important, the dis- 
 agreement between the two Houses is settled, if possible, in what 
 is called a Committee of Conference ; that is, a Committee com- 
 posed of members from both Houses. This Committee reports 
 to both Houses the results of its deliberations, and if in the 
 shape of a bill, it is again on its final passage in both Houses as 
 before. When passed by both Houses, it is sent to the Presi- 
 dent. If he approves it, he signs it, and then it is law. If he 
 does not approve it, he sends it back to the House in which it 
 originated, with his veto message, where the question is, " Shall 
 it pass notwithstanding the President's veto?" Unless it is sus- 
 tained by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses it cannot become 
 a law over the veto. If so sustained it becomes law in spite of 
 the veto. The President has ten days in which to consider a 
 bill before he signs or vetoes it. Many bills are crowded on the 
 President within ten days of the adjournment of Congress. 
 Those he favors he returns with his approval in time, and so 
 with those he does not favor, if he wishes his reasons for a 
 veto to become public. But sometimes he does not return the 
 bill at all in time for adjournment, and thus kills it. This is 
 called the " pocket veto," the bill being in the President's pocket, 
 as it were. It is not regarded as a very manly way of exercising 
 the veto power, but must be excused sometimes to rush of busi- 
 ness during the closing days of a session. Resolutions and 
 Joint Resolutions follow the routine of Bills. 
 
 CONGRESSIONAL LIBRARY.— An act of April 24, 1800, 
 appropriated ^5,000 to buy necessary books for Members of the 
 Congress. Act of Jan. 26, 1802, organized The Library of 
 Congress, located it in a room previously occupied by the 
 House of Representatives, created the office of Librarian, made 
 him appointive by the President, and limited the use of books to 
 Members of Congress and the Departments. Up to 18 14 there 
 were only 3,000 volumes in the library. It was burned Aug. 25, 
 
Bronze Doof in the National Capitol Commemorating the Events of the 
 
 Life of George Washington. 
 
 263 
 
264 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 1 8 14, with the capitol, by the British. In September, 1 8 14, Jef- 
 ferson offered his library of 6,700 volumes, as the nucleus of a 
 new library of Congress, at cost. It was accepted, and the sum 
 of $2T),g$0 paid for it. In 18 18 the annual appropriation to the 
 Library was raised to ;^2,ooo a year, and in 1824 to ^^ 5, 000 a 
 year. This year it was moved to the central capitol. In 185 1 
 it had 55,000 volumes, and again met with a loss by fire of 
 35,000 volumes. Starting anew, Congress rebuilt a fire-proof 
 hall for ^75,000, and appropriated ^75,000 to buy books. By 
 i860 it contained 75,000 volumes, on an annual appropriation of 
 ;^7,ooo. This was increased to ;^ 10,000 in 186 1. In 1866 it re- 
 ceived the 40,000 volumes of the Smithsonian Institute. In 
 1867 the Force library was purchased at a cost of ;^ 100,000. It 
 contained 60,000 books and articles. 
 
 The Law Department of the Library was constituted by act 
 of July 14, 1832. Under an annual appropriation of ;^2,ooo a 
 year it has grown from 2,01 1 volumes to 35,000. 
 
 By act of July 8, 1870, the granting of copyrights was centered 
 in the office of the Librarian of Congress, where two copies of 
 each publication entered for copyright must be deposited. This 
 has brought an annual addition of 25,000 books, maps, and other 
 articles, in duplicate. In January, 1880, the library contained 
 365,000 volumes and 120,000 pamphlets, and in 1892, 625,000 
 volumes and 200,000 pamphlets. The catalogue alone fills four 
 royal octavo volumes. Measures are now being taken to erect 
 a new building, which is much needed, the capacity of the 
 present one being wholly inadequate. Expenditure for the 
 Library is under control of a joint committee of both Houses 
 of Congress. The same committee have control of the Botanical 
 Garden, which supplies plants, seeds and flowers to Members of 
 Congress for public distribution and personal use. 
 
 PUBLIC PRINTING OFFICE.— \3Ki\:x\ i860 the govern- 
 ment hired men to do its printing, and each House employed a 
 printer. The expense got to be so enormous that Congress 
 authorized a Government Printing Office, and appropriated 
 $150,000 to start it. ft was placed under the management of a 
 Superintendent of Public Printing, or the Public Printer, whose 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 265 
 
 •alary is ;^4,500. This officer is selected by Congress. He has 
 power to purchase all necessary material and employ ample 
 help. He must report to Congress each session the work done, 
 the expense incurred, the number of hands employed, the full 
 ^and exact condition of the establishment. The office is now the 
 largest and best appointed in the world. It prints and binds all 
 public books and papers, except where otherwise ordered. The 
 number of these is simply enormous, and many of them of very 
 little use. The force employed consists of six clerks, and some 
 1,500 hands. The cost of work done in the office must not ex- 
 ceed that of private printing offices in Washington. 
 
 THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT. 
 
 The language of the Constitution is, Art. II. Sec. i : " The 
 executive power shall be vested in a President of the United 
 States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of 
 four years, and, together with the Vice-President, chosen for the 
 same term, be elected as follows." 
 
 Before showing how he is elected let it be said that he is 
 sometimes called " The Executive," and " The Chief Magistrate 
 of the Nation." The Congress (Legislative Branch) legislates, 
 that is, makes the laws ; the President (Executive Branch) exe- 
 cutes or enforces the laws ; the Supreme, Circuit and District 
 Courts (Judicial Branch) adjudge, expound, interpret, pronounce, 
 aad, with the civic machinery at their command, also execute 
 the laws. 
 
 PRESIDENT-MAKING.— The people do not vote directly 
 for the President and Vice-President but for Presidential electors, 
 whose number in each State is equal to the number of the 
 representatives (Senators and M. C.'s) in the Congress from that 
 State.* The President must be thirty-five years of age and a 
 native of the United States. At first the political parties desig- 
 
 * At first the Legislatures of the respective States generally made choice of the 
 electors. This was gradually abandoned, and by 1824 most of the States used the 
 popular vote. In 1828 the popular vote of the States became an element of com- 
 putation. South Carolina retained the method of electing electors by her Legisla- 
 ture till 1868. This word elector is misleading. Any qualified voter is an eleotor. 
 Bwt it is in the Constitution und besides has the sanction of long custom. 
 
266 <^UR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 nated their candidates for President in Congressional Caucus. 
 This method began to give way to the modern system of Na- 
 tional Nominating Conventions with a platform of principles 
 about 1832-36. The first four Presidential elections were con- 
 ducted under Art. II., Sec. i, Clause 3, of the Constitution, which 
 did not require a separate nomination for Vice-President, but 
 that each elector should vote for two persons, not from the same 
 State, the one having the highest number of votes to be Presi- 
 dent, the one having the next highest to be Vice-President. In 
 the election of 1800, Jefferson and Burr had each Jt, votes, and 
 the contest had to be settled in the House. At the previous 
 election of 1796, John Adams, Federal, had 71 votes, Thomas 
 Jefferson, Republican, 68 votes. Here was a President of one 
 party, and a Vice-President of another. It was evident that 
 the clause was defective, and it was amended in 1804 by the 
 adoption of the 12th Amendment. 
 
 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS.—" Each State shall appoint, 
 in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number 
 of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators and Repre- 
 sentatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; 
 but no Senator, or Representative, or person holding an office 
 of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an 
 elector," Cons. Art. II., Sec. i, Clause 2. 
 
 THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE.— [JndQx the above article, 
 and the apportionment in accordance with the Census of 1890, the 
 Electoral Colleges of the respective States contain electors, as 
 follows : 
 
 Alabama Ill Maryland 8 
 
 Arkansas 8 ] Massachusetts 15 
 
 California 9 ' Michigan 14 
 
 Colorado , 4 
 
 Connecticut 6 
 
 Delaware 3 
 
 Florida 4 
 
 Georgia 13 
 
 Idaho 3 
 
 Illinois 24 
 
 Indiana 15 
 
 Iowa 13 
 
 Kansas lo 
 
 Kentucky 1 3 
 
 Louisiana « 
 
 Maine 6 
 
 Minnesota 9 
 
 Mississippi 9 
 
 Missouri 17 
 
 Montana 3 
 
 Nebraska 8 
 
 Nevada 3 
 
 New Hampshire 4 
 
 New Jersey 10 
 
 New York 36 
 
 North Carolina 1 1 
 
 North Dakota 3 
 
 Ohio 23 
 
 0reg«n 4 
 
268 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Pennsylvania 32 i Vermont 4 
 
 Rhode Island 4 I Virginia 12 
 
 South Carolina 9 j Washington 4 
 
 South Dakota 4 | West Virginia 6 
 
 Tennessee 12 | Wisconsin 12 
 
 Texas 1 5 I Wyoming 3 
 
 Total 444 
 
 Requiring, as between two candidates, 223 to elect. 
 
 CHOOSING OF ELECTORS.— YAQctors of President and 
 Vice-President are chosen in each State on the Tuesday next 
 after the first Monday in November, in every fourth year suc- 
 ceeding every election of a President or Vice-President. This 
 is the Presidential election. 
 
 The number of electors must equal the whole number of 
 Representatives and Senators to which the several States are by 
 law entitled at the time when the President and Vice-President 
 to be chosen come into office. But where no apportionment of 
 Representatives has been made after a Census, at the time of 
 choosing electors, the number of electors must be according 
 to the then existing apportionment of Senators and Representa- 
 tives. 
 
 Each State may by law provide for filling any vacancies in 
 its electoral college, when such college meets to give its elec- 
 toral vote. 
 
 When any State has held an election for electors and has 
 failed to make a choice on the day fixed by law, electors may be 
 appointed on a subsequent day in such manner as the Legislature 
 may prescribe. 
 
 ELECTORAL COLLEGE.— Electors for each State meet 
 and give their votes the first Wednesday in December in the 
 year in which they are chosen, at such place in each State as its 
 Legislature directs. 
 
 On the day of meeting, or before, the Governor of each State 
 delivers to the electors three certified lists of the names of 
 electors of such State. 
 
 The electors vote for President and Vice-President, as the 
 Constitution directs in Art. XII. of the Amendments. They then 
 make and sign three certificates of the votes given by them, each 
 of which contains two distinct lists, one of the votes for Presi- 
 dent, the other of votes for Vice-President, and annex to each 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 269 
 
 of the certificates one of the lists of electors furnished them by 
 the Governor. They seal these certificates, and certify on each 
 that it contains the lists of all the votes of such State for Presi- 
 dent and Vice-President. One of them must be placed in the 
 hands of a person appointed by them, to be delivered by him to 
 the President of the Senate, in Washington, before the first 
 Wednesday of the ensuing January. The second they forward 
 by mail to the President of the Senate. The third they forth- 
 with deliver to the judge of the district in which the electors 
 assemble. 
 
 If the certificates of any State have not arrived in Washington 
 by the first Wednesday in January, the Secretary of State sends 
 a messenger for the list deposited with the district judge. 
 
 Congress shall be in session on the second Wednesday in 
 February after each meeting of electors, and the certificates, or 
 as many as have been received, shall be opened, the votes 
 counted, and the persons to fill the offices of President and Vice- 
 President ascertained and declared agreeably to the Constitu- 
 tion. See Art. XIII., Amendments. 
 
 If there is no President of the Senate at Washington when 
 the person to whom the certificates have been entrusted arrives, 
 he deposits them with the Secretary of State, to be turned over 
 to the President of the Senate as soon as may be. 
 
 The four years term of President and Vice-President begins on 
 the fourth of March next succeeding the day on which the votes 
 of the electors have been given. As we have seen, this is always 
 an odd year, and the election is always on an even year. 
 
 PRESIDENTS DUTIES.— Uq is sworn into office, together 
 with the Vice-President, on March 4th after his election, and 
 usually delivers an inaugural address foreshadowing his policy. 
 He communicates annually with the Congress by means of a 
 formal, written message. Before Jefferson's time the Presidents 
 delivered their annual mes.sages in person. Jefferson established 
 the custom of communicating by written messages, as in better 
 accord with Republican simplicity. The President also com- 
 municates with Congress by message at any time during the 
 session if he has anything important to say. 
 
270 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 He received, up to 1873, ^^25,000 salary; since then his salary- 
 has been ^50,000, with the use of the White House and its fur- 
 niture. He is not allowed to receive any other emolument, not 
 even a gift, and his salary cannot be raised or lowered during his 
 term of office. He is Commander-in-Chief of the Army and 
 Navy, may grant pardons except in cases of impeachment, call 
 extra sessions of Congress, and change the meeting-place of 
 Congress in time of danger or great emergency. 
 
 He has, jointly with the Senate, the treaty-making power and 
 the appointing power. He may be impeached and removed 
 from office. In case of death, absence or disability the Vice- 
 President becomes President. Around him and in the Execu- 
 tive office proper are his Private Secretary, Assistant Secretary, 
 and a corps of stenographers and clerks, doorkeepers, watch- 
 men and ushers. 
 
 But the President's chief body of assistants and advisers is 
 made up of the members of his Cabinet, 
 
 PRESIDENT'S CABINET.— Cabinet means a small room 
 in which select or secret councils are held by an executive or 
 chief officer of state. The President's Cabinet is not a creation 
 of law but of custom. The law merely creates the departments 
 or bureaus and authorizes for each a chief, who is appointed by 
 the President, by and with the consent of the Senate. These 
 departments being important, and a direct means by which the 
 President executes the laws, their heads or chiefs are supposed 
 to act in concert with the President. To maintain this concert 
 they must be frequently called into council or cabinet meeting. 
 The chiefs of departments who are now recognized as officers 
 of the Cabinet are the Secretary of State, Secretary of War, 
 Sec. of Treasury, Sec. of Navy, Sec. of Interior, Sec. of Agriculture, 
 Attorney-General, and Postmaster-General, eight in all. Of the 
 function of each of these, as heads of their respective depart- 
 ments, we shall speak in the proper place. We now speak of 
 them only as members of the Cabinet, or President's advisers. 
 Their pay, not as Cabinet members, but as heads of their 
 departments, is ;^8,ooo a year. As ex officio members of the 
 Cabinet they arc called into " Cabinet meeting " by the Presi- 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 271 
 
 dent whenever he needs their advice in shaping a policy, or in- 
 formation from them respecting the running of their depart- 
 ments, though this latter is usually laid before the Congress 
 and country in the annual reports of the heads of depart- 
 ments. Whenever a head of department, who ranks as a Cabinet 
 officer, cannot agree with the President in his policy, and is 
 tenacious of his views, he resigns on the principle that he is no 
 longer a proper adviser. The Senate rarely fails to confirm the 
 nominations of the President to those department places which 
 rank as Cabinet offices, for the reason that he is entitled to the 
 privilege of surrounding himself with advisers who are in har- 
 mony with his executive views. 
 
 From what we have now learned of the Cabinet, it will be 
 understood that it has been a growth. Under Washington's 
 administration there were but three department officers who 
 ranked as Cabinet members, viz. : Secretary of State, Secretary 
 of Treasury and Secretary of War. Naval affairs were then 
 under the control of the Secretary of War. The separate Navy 
 Department was not organized till April 30, 1798, Adams' ad- 
 ministration, when the Cabinet was augmented by the Secretary 
 of Navy. The Postmaster-General was a subordinate of the 
 Treasury Department till 1829. Though the office of Attorney- 
 General was created by act of September 24, 1789, he did not 
 rank as a full Cabinet officer till 1841-45, Tyler's administration. 
 The Department of Interior was created March 3, 1849, last day 
 of Polk's administration, and the Secretary of the Interior be- 
 came a Cabinet officer. The Department of Agriculture was 
 raised to the grade of a cabinet office by the 50th Congress. 
 
 VICE-PRESIDENT.— The Constitution says all executive 
 power shall be in the President. But when it comes to speaking 
 of his qualification and election, it mentions a Vice-President. 
 " No person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President 
 shall be eligible to the office of Vice-President." 12th Amend- 
 ment, clause 3. The Vice-President is not endowed with much 
 power. His salary is $8,000. He is presiding officer of the 
 Senate, but without a vote, except in case of a tie. In all else 
 he is like an alternate, merely an official provision against the 
 
272 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 possibility of being without a President. The Vice-President be- 
 comes President in case of the death, resignation, impeachment, 
 or disability of the latter. This has happened four times in the 
 history of our government, when Harrison and Taylor died and 
 Lincoln and Garfield were assassinated. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE. 
 
 CREATIVE ACTS. — There is no mention in the Constitution 
 of this department nor any other belonging to the Executive 
 branch of the government. They are all creations of Congress, 
 which was endowed with power to pass all laws necessary to 
 give effect to the Constitution. At the starting of the govern- 
 ment, foreign relations were intricate and momentous. There- 
 fore the act of July 27, 1789 (ist Congress, extra session), 
 created a Department of Foreign Affairs, whose Secretary should 
 attend to correspondence and negotiations with foreign ministers, 
 and to such other foreign affairs as the President might order 
 and direct. By act of September 15, 1789 (same session), the 
 name of this department was changed to Department of State, 
 and the chief to Secretary of State, and he was, in addition to 
 the above duties, charged with the receipt and publication of the 
 laws of Congress, made custodian of the great Seal, and author- 
 ized to use it on civil commissions. In 1853 the office of Assist- 
 ant Secretary of State was created. 
 
 NATURE AND DUTIES.— Tht Department of State usu- 
 ally heads the list of the Executive Departments. The Secretary 
 of State is regarded as the nearest officer to the President, and 
 is usually selected on account of the great confidence reposed in 
 him as a lawyer, diplomatist and safe political adviser. He is 
 sometimes called the President's Pnnnier, or Prime Minister, 
 after the English fashion, because he ranks as first of his coun- 
 sellors. In monarchies the class of officers we call Secretaries 
 are called Ministers. 
 
 The Secretary of State conducts all correspondence with and 
 issues all instructions to United States consuls and ministers ; 
 negotiates with foreign ministers and representatives on all mat- 
 ters they submit, under the direction of the President; fixes the 
 
274 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 great seal to all executive commissions ; receives and preserves 
 the originals of all bills, orders and resolutions of House or 
 Senate; promulgates and publishes the laws, amendments to the 
 Constitution, and all consular and diplomatic information ; lays 
 before Congress annually a report of commercial systems 
 among nations, treaties, diplomacy and all information touching 
 our relations with foreign governments ; grants passports. His 
 is indeed an arduous and responsible office. As a cabinet officer 
 the President relies on him more than on any other, because of 
 the delicacy, often intricacy, of the subjects which come under 
 his consideration. Foreign relations are seldom free from 
 serious complications, and negligence or blunder might at any 
 moment lead to war. 
 
 MACHINERY. — The machinery for working this important 
 department is ample and intricate. It consists of a number of 
 bureaus, branches and divisions, each of which is designed 
 to attend to one of the many duties of the department. 
 Thus there is a Diplomatic Bureau, Consular Bureau, Bureau 
 of Indexes and Archives, Bureau of Accounts, Librarian, 
 Division of Statistics, Bureau of Law, Division of Translations, 
 Division of Pardons, Passport Division. 
 
 DIPLOMATIC SERVICE.— IhQ Diplomatic Bureau of the 
 Department of State is the centre of the Diplomatic Service of 
 the United States. This service embraces Envoys Extraordinary 
 and Ministers Plenipotentiary. These high-sounding titles 
 designate our most important ministers to foreign countries. 
 They, like all our foreign ministers of whatever grade, are ap- 
 pointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of 
 the Senate. They do not, however, represent the President but 
 the entire government. It is to be regretted that a service dedi- 
 cated to diplomacy, which is supposably exact and exacting, 
 should be so loose in its use of terms. The word Embassador 
 has with us none but the most general meaning. It might very 
 properly include all that is meant by the above lengthy titles. 
 The persons sent abroad to represent the government and who 
 are called Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary 
 are not only authorized to reside in the country they go to, but 
 
OUR PLAN OP^ GOVERNMENT. 275 
 
 are fully commissioned to act for our government there. They 
 are offices of great dignity and responsibility, and are usually 
 filled with men of prudence and knowledge of foreign affairs. 
 By the Law of Nations Embassadors, Envoys, Ministers and 
 duly accredited representatives of any kind are exempt from 
 arrest, imprisonment and prosecution. Violation of the person, 
 property or rights of an P^mbassador in any civilized country 
 would be a cause for war on the part of the country offended. 
 
 We have now (1892) forty Embassadors abroad who take 
 rank and receive salary according to the importance of the 
 country they are sent to. The first rank is " Envoy Extraordi- 
 nary and Minister Plenipotentiary." Ministers of this rank are 
 usually accompanied by one, or more, " Secretary of Legation," 
 who acts as their Secretary and Interpreter. Sometimes special 
 interpreters are provided. In the absence of their principals, 
 these Secretaries are quite often the only representatives of the 
 United States in the countries to which they are credited. 
 
 A distinction must here be drawn between a Minister, or 
 Envoy, Extraordinary and Minister Resident. By this word 
 " Resident " is not meant permanent residence, but only until 
 their commissions expire. They do not go on a special mission, 
 to return when it is ended, but are clothed with an authority 
 and given instructions like ministers of higher rank, the only 
 practical difference being that the countries to which they are 
 credited are of less importance, and their salaries are conse- 
 quently smaller. 
 
 There is another class of foreign officials called " Charge 
 D'Affaires." These are endowed with a function nearly equiva- 
 lent to that of Minister Resident, only instead of being accredited 
 to the sovereigns of the countries they go to, they are accredited 
 to their Ministers of Foreign Affairs. Generally speaking, they 
 go to countries without intricate diplomacy. 
 
 Ministers to France, Germany, Great Britain and Russia 
 receive ;$ 17,500 per year and are entitled to secretaries. Min- 
 isters to Austria, Brazil, China, Italy, Japan, Mexico and Spain, 
 receive ;^ 12,000. Ministers to Chili, Costa Rica, Guatemala, 
 Honduras, Nicaragua, Peru and Salvador receive ^10,000. 
 
276 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Ministers to Argentine, Belgium, Corea, Hawaii, Netherlands, 
 Norway and Sweden, Turkey, Colombia, Uruguay, Paraguay 
 and Venezuela receive ^7,500. Ministers to other countries, as 
 Greece, Servia, Roumania, Denmark, Portugal, Switzerland, etc., 
 are generally also Consuls General, with salaries ranging from 
 ^5,000 to ;^6,500. The salaries of Secretaries of Legation range 
 from ^1,500 to $2,62^, according to their importance. Inter- 
 preters, especially in oriental countries, are handsomely paid. 
 
 Where the foreign states are small, contiguous, and with 
 identical interests, one American Minister is sometimes ac- 
 credited to two or more such states. Thus, our Minister to 
 Roumania is also Minister to Greece and Servia; and our Minis- 
 ter to Paraguay is also Minister to Uruguay. 
 
 CONSULAR SER VICE.— The second Bureau in the State 
 Department is the Consular Bureau. It is a large and 
 important Bureau, and through its consuls the government 
 finds a representation in every important city and country 
 in the world. Like Ministers, Envoys and Secretaries of 
 Legation, they are appointed by the President and Senate. 
 They hear all complaints of American captains, masters, crews 
 and passengers, and adjudicate their cases; hear protests of 
 American merchants, also of foreigners respecting American 
 citizens ; certify to the correctness of all invoices of goods 
 shipped to this country ; gather commercial information of the 
 country and send it to the Consular Bureau ; take charge of 
 deceased Americans, their effects and estates, and properly dis- 
 pose of the same. They have no representative or diplomatic 
 status, but are nevertheless protected under the Law of Nations, 
 the raised flag of the country being their safeguard. They may 
 determine all matter of wages for seamen on board American 
 ships, receive ships' papers and see that they are correct, provide 
 for sick or destitute seamen and send them home, dismiss crews 
 if mutinous or disobedient, settle questions of wreck and salvage, 
 assist in defence of American criminals on trial in their jurisdic- 
 tion ; and in some countries aid in adjudicating civil disputes. 
 There is a full code of laws and instructions for their government. 
 
 They are of three grades. No. i embraces Consuls-General 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 277 
 
 and Consuls with fixed salaries, who are not allowed to transact 
 any other business. No. 2 includes those with fixed salaries 
 (lower than the first), who are allowed to transact other business. 
 No. 3 embraces all who are paid by fees, and allowed to transact 
 other business. Some of the third-class find a large profit from 
 fees, some find nearly nothing. Besides those in these classes 
 there are Commercial Agents and Consular Clerks with similar 
 duties and powers. It will be readily seen the Consular Service 
 embraces many hundred persons. They are appointed usually 
 at the instance of Senators and Representatives, but many 
 through the influence of commercial men, and for their knowl- 
 edge of foreign languages and business usages. 
 
 SECRETARIES OF STATE. 
 
 Name. Appointed. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson, Va. . . .Sept. 26, 1789 
 Edmund Randolph, Va. .Jan. 2, 1794 
 Timothy Pickering, Pa. . .Dec. 10, 1795 
 
 John Marshall, Va May 13, 1800 
 
 James Madison, Va Mar. 5, 1801 
 
 Robert Smith, Md Mar. 6, 1809 
 
 James Monroe, Va April 2, 1811 
 
 John Quincy Adams, Mass. Mar. 5, 181 7 
 
 Henry Clay, Ky Mar. 7, 1825 
 
 Martin Van Buren, N. Y..Mar. 6, 1829 
 Edward Livingston, La. . .May 24, 1831 
 
 Louis McLane, Del May 29, 1833 
 
 John Forsyth, Ga June 27, 1834 
 
 Daniel Webster, Mass. . . .Mar. 5, 1841 
 
 Hugh S. Legar6, S. C May 9, 1843 
 
 Abel P. Upshur, Va July 24, 1843 
 
 John Nelson, Md Feb. 29, 1844 
 
 Name. 
 John C. Calhoun, S. C. . . 
 James Buchanan, Pa. . . . 
 John M. Clayton, Del. . . 
 Daniel Webster, Mass. . . 
 Edward Everett, Mass... , 
 William L. Marcy, N. Y. 
 
 Lewis Cass, Mich 
 
 Jeremiah S. Black, Pa. . . 
 William H. Seward, N. Y 
 
 E. W. Washburne, 111. . . 
 Hamilton Fish, N. Y.. . . 
 William M. Evaits, N. Y 
 James G. Blaine, Me 
 
 F. T. Frelinghuysen, N. J. 
 Thomas F. Bayard, Del. 
 James G. Blaine, Me. . . 
 John W. Foster, Ind.... 
 
 Appointed, 
 .Mar. 6, 1844 
 .Mar. 6, 1845 
 .Mar. 7, 1849 
 .July 22, 1850 
 .Nov. 6, 1852 
 .Mar. 7, 1853 
 Mar. 6, 1857 
 .Dec. 17, i860 
 .Mar. 5, 1861 
 .Mar. 5, 1869 
 . Mar. II, 1869 
 .Mar. 12, 1877 
 Mar. 5, 1881 
 Dec. 12, 1881 
 .Mar. 6, 1885 
 .Mar. 5, 1889 
 .June 29, 1892 
 
 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. 
 
 CREATIVE ACTS.— The Treasury of the Continental Con- 
 gress was conducted under the auspices of a Committee of Con- 
 gress. Under the Confederation the office of " Secretary of the 
 Treasury" was created by act of Feb. 1 1, 1779. By act of June 
 30, 1779, ^t w^s resolved into a Board of Commissioners. By 
 act of Feb. 7, 1781, the Board of Commissioners gave way to a 
 Superintendent of Finance, who was given (Sept. ii, 1781) the 
 assistance of a Comptroller, Register, Treasurer and Auditors. 
 By act of May 28, 1784, the old Board of Commissioners was 
 reinvested with control. This was very changeable legislation 
 
278 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 respecting an office so important as that of the Treasury, but it 
 was characteristic of the Confederation. 
 
 During the first session of Congress, Sept. 2, 1789, our present 
 Treasury Department was established with a Secretary of the 
 Treasury, Comptroller, Auditor, Treasurer, Register and Assistant 
 Secretary. Around this nucleus has been built by repeated acts 
 of Congress the present stupendous fabric, whose officials are 
 more numerous than those of any other department, whose re- 
 sponsibilities are greater, whose existence is inseparable from 
 that of the government, whose transactions amount to hundreds 
 of millions of dollars a year. 
 
 POWERS AND DUTIES.— K\\ accounts of the United 
 States are settled in the Treasury Department, and there all 
 moneys due are received, and owing, paid. 
 
 The transactions of this department date from July i of each 
 year. This is called the Fiscal (money) year. No officer or 
 clerk in this department is permitted to accept any compensa- 
 tion over and above his salary for transacting any business in 
 the department, nor can any employe trade in the funds of or 
 debts of the United States, 
 
 The chief officer is the Secretary of the Treasury, salary 
 $8,000. He is a member of the Cabinet, and is appointed, like 
 all department officers, by the President, by and with the con- 
 sent of the Senate. He has two Assistant Secretaries at a salary 
 of 114,500 each. The Secretary must manage the collection of 
 all revenue and lay plans for supporting the public credit ; order 
 and keep all public accounts ; grant warrants for moneys appro- 
 priated by Congress ; audit accounts of receipts and disburse- 
 ments ; collect all commercial statistics ; report annually to Con- 
 gress, or whenever called upon, his methods of management, 
 results and recommendations. 
 
 For his assistance in the discharge of these multifarious and 
 responsible duties he has a corps of officers, clerks and assistants 
 which number over 3,000. These are all at work in the follow- 
 ing subdepartments, bureaus or divisions : 
 
 FIRST ASSISTANT. — This officer supervises all the work 
 relating to Appointments ; Public Moneys ; Revenue Marine ; 
 
2,% OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Stationery, Printing and Blanks ; Loans and Currency; Bureau 
 of Engraving and Printing; Bureau of the Mint. 
 
 SECOND ASSISTANT supervises all the work belonging 
 to the Division of Customs ; Special Agents ; Navigation ; In- 
 ternal Revenue ; Appropriations, Warrants and Estimates ; Super- 
 vising Architect ; Marine Hospital Supervision ; Bureau of 
 Statistics ; Inspector-General of Steam-vessels. 
 
 CHIEF CLERK'S OFFICE has supervision of all the 
 Treasury buildings, their furniture, repairs, mails, horses, wagons, 
 forking property. 
 
 APPOINTMENTS. — This division supervises all appoint- 
 ments and removals in the department, the Customs Service, In- 
 ternal Revenue, and other branches of the Treasury Department; 
 prepares the Treasury Register (Blue Book) ; and attends to 
 matters of estimates, pay-rolls, etc. 
 
 WARRANTS. — The Division of Warrants, Estimates and 
 Appropriations issues Warrants for the payment of Public 
 Moneys ; keeps Sinking Fund, Public Debt and Pacific R. R. 
 accounts; account of Appropriations and Estimates therefor; 
 states annual expenditures and monthly statement of debt; 
 keeps Financial Statistics. 
 
 PUBLIC MONEYS. — This division supervises the sub- 
 Treasuries and National Banks, and enforces the laws and regu- 
 lations respecting them. 
 
 CUSTOMS. — The Division of Customs hears and determines 
 all questions of tariff laws and regulations arising in the Customs 
 Districts or Consular service. The Commissioner of Customs 
 makes final revision of the accounts of Customs officers from all 
 the ports of the country. 
 
 INTERNAL REVENUE.— This division, uniting with it 
 that of Navigation, has charge of all questions arising in the 
 Marine service and relating to, or growing out of, the collection 
 of Internal Revenue. The actual work of collection belongs to 
 the Bureau of Internal Revenue. 
 
 LOANS AND CURRENCY is a division which supervises 
 the National loans, the redemption of bonds ; preparations for 
 printing bonds ; delivery and redemption of bonds and their can- 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 281 
 
 ccllation and destruction. In its records a U. S. bond can be 
 traced from the paper-mill to the furnace. 
 
 REVENUE MARINE SERVICE is an adjunct of the Cus- 
 toms service. It consists of 37 fast revenue cutters for the use 
 . of Customs officers, that they may board vessels, make searches, 
 collect duties, and enforce the laws against smuggling. 
 
 STATIONERY, PRINTING AND BLANKS.— -TW^s divi- 
 sion purchases, prints, binds and distributes books and blanks for 
 use in the subdivisions of the Treasury Department. 
 
 SPECIAL AGENTS. — This division supervises the work of 
 the thirty odd special agents of the Treasury who go, armed 
 with full authority, into the Customs Districts to note the man- 
 ner of doing work, correct wrong methods, and secure uniform 
 enforcement of the laws. 
 
 SECRET SERVICE. — This division superintends the work 
 of detecting and punishing counterfeiters of the National bonds, 
 coin and currency. It is supported by annual appropriations 
 devoted to this secret, detective work. 
 
 CAPTURED PROPERTY.— i:h\s division has in charge all 
 the records, archives and property captured or abandoned during 
 the Rebellion. It furnishes all information to claimants or for 
 historical and legal purposes which is sought through it. 
 
 ENGRAVING AND PRIA^TING— The engraving and 
 printing of government bonds, United States notes, securities, 
 stamps, and whatever represents value, is in charge of this Bu- 
 reau. It embraces many subdivisions, and is regarded as the 
 completest establishment of its kind in the world. 
 
 BUREAU OF THE MINT supervises the work of all the 
 United States Mints and Assay offices. Its chief officer is the 
 Director of the Mint, salary ;^4,5oo. The United States Mints 
 are located at Philadelphia, Pa.; San Francisco, Cal.; New Or- 
 leans, La.; Carson, Nevada. The Assay offices are located at 
 Denver, Col.; New York City; Helena, Montana; Boise City, 
 Idaho ; and Charlotte, N. C. The Assay offices do not coin 
 money, but reduce gold and silver to ingots or bars, and stamp 
 the fineness or quality on each bar. In addition to overseeing 
 the workings of the respective Mints and Assay offices, the 
 
2^2 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Director of the Mint must certify to the Secretary of Treasury 
 each year the actual value of the coins of every nation. The 
 officers directly in charge of the different Mints are called 
 Superintendents of Mints. 
 
 SUPERVISING ARCHITECT.— T\i\5 office was created in 
 1853, to obviate the difficulty of erecting the large and numerous 
 public buildings through irresponsible and unskilled commis- 
 sions. Before the creation of the office there was no uniformity 
 in public buildings, but little taste, and poor adaptation to the 
 purposes intended. The duties of the office are to select proper 
 sites, submit plans and estimates, and carry on the work of con- 
 struction. The Supervising Architect is assisted by an able corps 
 of clerks and draughtsmen numbering nearly lOO. 
 
 STEAM- VESSEL INSPECTION.— The head of this ser- 
 vice is the Supervising Inspector-General of Steam- Vessels. 
 His duty is to enforce all the laws relating to the inspection of 
 steam-vessels. There are local inspectors and officers in all the 
 commercial cities of the country. 
 
 LIFE-SA VI NG SER VICE.— The Superintendent of this ser- 
 vice has charge of all the life-saving stations on our coasts. 
 This service in its present form dates from 1878. It is a growing 
 and important service, and is at present conducted at an annual 
 expense of ^500,000, with a force of some 1,400 men, mostly 
 hardy surfmen, who lead an exposed and dangerous life at points 
 on our coast where wrecks are most likely to occur. 
 
 STATISTICS. — The Chief of this Bureau receives, arranges 
 and publishes the statistics of finance, coinage, immigration, 
 population, railroads, minerals, agriculture, manufacture, and 
 domestic and foreign commerce of the United States, sent from 
 tvery authorized source. 
 
 LIGHT-HOUSES. — The Secretary of the Treasury is Presi- 
 dent of the Light-House Board. This Board is composed of 
 nine men, chosen for their scientific knowledge. They have in 
 charge the work of lighting the coasts of oceans and rivers. It 
 was organized in 1852. Their labors involve the proper lighting 
 of 5,000 miles of Atlantic coast, 1,500 of Pacific coast, 3,000 miles 
 of lake coast, and 5,500 miles of river coast. Thus far about 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 283 
 
 12,000 light-houses or stations have been erected; 3,000 buoys, 
 420 day beacons, 54 fog signals, and 25 light-ships have been 
 placed in position. 
 
 MARINE HOSPITALS. — This service is under a Supervis- 
 ing Surgeon-General. It was established July 16, 1798, and re- 
 organized in 1870 and 1875. It is designed to afford protection 
 to sick and disabled seamen, with a view to encouraging fit per- 
 sons to become sailors. The terms of enlistment require a pay- 
 ment of forty cents a month from seamen's wages. This goes 
 to the government. As a consideration for this the government 
 cares for them when sick or disabled at one of its Marine Hos- 
 pitals, or, where none exist, at any designated hospital. It is an 
 important service, and has charge of as many as 20,000 invalid 
 seamen annually. 
 
 FIRST COMPTROLLERS Office has charge of all civil 
 accounts except those relating to the Customs and Postal Ser- 
 vice. The office was established September 2, 1789. The First 
 Comptroller checks the work of the First and Fifth Auditor and 
 the Commissioner of the Land Office. 
 
 SECOND COMPTROLLERS Office, established March 
 3, 1 817, revises and checks all the accounts of the Second, Third 
 and Fourth Auditors. 
 
 BUREAU OF .COMPTROLLER.— i:\\Q Comptroller of the 
 Currency has the responsible duty of enforcing all laws relating 
 to the issue and regulation of the National Currency. He is 
 custodian of the plates from which notes are printed, supervises 
 the naming and starting of National banks, attends to their clos- 
 ing operations when they fail, reports to Congress annually con- 
 cerning the entire workings of the National banking system. The 
 office was established in February, 1863, and was rendered 
 necessary by the National Currency system which came into 
 existence at that time. 
 
 AUDITORS. — The accounts of the Treasury Department of 
 whatever kind must reach final settlement under the hands of 
 Auditors. There are six of these, and each is the head of a 
 separate office. The numerous accounts are subdivided accord- 
 ing to nature or subject, and each Auditor receives those which 
 by law or custom fall under his jurisdiction. 
 
234 OUR FLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 TREASURER.— ThQ office of United States Treasurer was 
 established by act of September 2, 1789. The Treasurer re- 
 ceives and accounts for all public moneys arising from customs, 
 internal revenue, sale of lands, or whatever source. The United 
 States Treasury is not only the Treasury at Washington, but the 
 sub-Treasuries located for convenience at New York, Boston, 
 Philadelphia, Baltimore, Chicago, Cincinnati, New Orleans, San 
 Francisco and St. Louis. It comprises also certain banks which 
 are designated as depositaries of public moneys, though these 
 last cannot receive any moneys arising from customs. The 
 sub-Treasuries are officered by Treasurers, who give bond and 
 are responsible outside of the United States Treasurer at Wash- 
 ington. This is why they are called Independent Treasuries. 
 
 REGISTER OF TREASURY.— SNhWc the United States 
 Treasurer is the officer who actually handles the money and is 
 responsible for its safe-keeping, the accounts of receipts and dis- 
 bursements are under the supervision of the Register. This 
 office was created by the same act as the Treasurer. 
 
 INTERNAL REVENUE BUREAU— Th^ establishment 
 of a system of Internal Revenue, made necessary by the civil 
 war, gave rise to a Bureau devoted to the supervision of the sys- 
 tem. Its chief is Commissioner of Internal Revenue. The 
 Bureau was established by act of July i, 1862. In it centre 
 the accounts of the Collectors of Internal Revenue, who are 
 the officers appointed to make actual collections in the Revenue 
 Districts into which the entire country has been divided. The 
 Bureau consists of several sub-divisions devoted to Law, Ac- 
 counts, Agents, Stamps, Tobacco and Distilled Spirits. 
 
 COAST 5£/7eF£K— Instituted Feb. 10, 1807, for mapping 
 the coasts, rivers, and harbors of the United States, locating 
 rocks, shoals, and shallows, and making charts of the soundings. 
 The work is under the supervision of the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, but is actively prosecuted by a Superintendent of 
 Coast Survey. 
 
 BOARD OF HEALTH.— i:h\s body was created by act of 
 March 3, 1879. It is composed of seven members. Their duty 
 is to co-operate with similar Boards in the States, and to act in- 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 285 
 
 dependently, for the purpose of finding out how epidemics origi- 
 nate, and what will prevent them. 
 
 CUSTOMS SERVICE. — Custom Houses are of course only 
 found at the points where goods from foreign ports are landed. 
 These are called Ports of Entry. They are officered, in ports 
 of first rank, by a Collector of the Port, who is responsible for 
 the execution of the tariff laws and all moneys collected as 
 duties on imported goods. He is also the custodian of the gov- 
 ernment buildings and property at the respective ports. His 
 work is supervised and checked by a Naval Officer of the Port. 
 He is assisted by an Appraiser of the Port, whose duty it is to 
 ascertain the nature and true value of all goods imported. He 
 is further assisted by Weighers who weigh goods paying a 
 specific rate of duty, and by Gaugers who gauge all liquids on 
 which there is a duty. The Inspectors are the officers who 
 police the wharves and ships and see that no goods are landed 
 except those for which the Collector has issued a permit. The 
 Surveyor of the Port has immediate charge of the Inspectors 
 and assigns them to duty, though he does not appoint them. 
 The heads of the Customs Service are appointed by the Presi- 
 dent, the Deputies and Clerks by the Secretary of the Treasury. 
 Moneys arising from customs in the respective Districts are de- 
 posited in the sub-treasuries, and thence find their way into the 
 central treasury. All customs accounts, statistics, etc., are re- 
 ported to the Secretary of the Treasury. 
 
 Of late years the Customs Service has been extended from 
 sea-coast ports to inland cities. Thus Cincinnati, St. Louis, and 
 other inland cities are Ports of Entry. Goods intended for 
 Inland Ports are unloaded directly from the ship into sealed cars 
 and carried to the Inland Port as if the ocean voyage were con- 
 tinued. There they are entered, appraised, and assessed with 
 duty. 
 
 INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE.— Uke that of Cus- 
 toms, the active work of this service is done in the Internal 
 Revenue Districts. The entire country was divided into some 
 120 Districts, to each of which was assigned a Collector, depu- 
 ties, and a corps of store-keepers, gaugers, etc. This was when 
 
28(3 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 (l 862-1 882) the Internal Revenue laws were in full vigor. Since 
 the revenue taxes have been lowered, and the number of taxable 
 articles reduced, many of these Districts have been consolidated, 
 and ere long the whole system will pass away. 
 
 Customs duties and Internal Revenue taxes are the chief 
 sources of government income. But it also receives a large 
 income from the sale of public lands. These sales were con- 
 ducted under the auspices of the Treasury Department till 1849, 
 when they were transferred to the Department of the Interior, 
 where we will speak of them and of the homestead law. 
 
 NATIONAL BANKS.—SNhQn the government first started, 
 a National bank was deemed necessary to act as its financial 
 agent. One was chartered in 1791 for twenty years. Attempts 
 to revive the charter in 181 1 failed, owing to the opposition of 
 those who construed the Constitution narrowly. In 18 16, after 
 the war of 1812, when the country was heavily in debt and in 
 need of a steady finance, another National bank was chartered 
 for twenty years. This was the bank which President Jackson 
 fought so determinedly and finally drove out of existence. All 
 subsequent attempts to establish a similar bank or to secure a 
 uniform currency failed till 1863, when the exigency of civil 
 war eventuated in, first, an issue of notes (greenbacks) directly 
 by the government ; and, second, the establishment of the 
 National banking system. The government had to use its 
 own credit in order to exist. Could it so use it as to provide a 
 uniform currency and at the same time relieve itself of the 
 trouble and expense of acting ^s banker for the entire people ? 
 This was the problem which the National banking system was 
 to solve. The National Banking Act is an elaborate one, but by 
 its provisions any number of persons not less than five may start 
 a National Bank by (i) certifying to the Comptroller of the Cur- 
 rency, a name ; (2) a place ; (3) the amount of capital stock 
 (which cannot be less than ;^50,ooo) and number of shares ; (4) 
 names and residences of the shareholders, and number of shares 
 held by each ; (5) that they seek the benefits of the National 
 Banking Act ; (6) the time when they intend to begin banking. 
 
 These being approved, the Comptroller grants a certificate of 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 287 
 
 incorporation, with the right to use a seal, and to engage in 
 legitimate banking business for twenty years from the passage 
 of the act. Every shareholder is personally liable for the debts 
 of the bank to the amount of his stock. But as yet the bank 
 has no bills or notes. In order to obtain these it must buy 
 interest-bearing United States bonds to an amount not less than 
 one-third of the paid-up stock of the bank, but the amount need 
 not be in excess of ^50,000. These are deposited in the United 
 States Treasury. Circulating notes, engraved and printed in the 
 Treasury Department, are then issued to the bank, to the value 
 of the bonds deposited, less ten per cent. If ;^50,ooo in bonds 
 have been deposited, ^45,000 in circulating notes are issued in 
 different denominations.* Should the bank fail the deposited 
 bonds are sold, and with the proceeds the notes are redeemed. 
 The fact that there is a margin of ten per cent, between the 
 notes and the security for them, and the additional fact that that 
 margin is increased by the bonds being above par, has given rise 
 to the expression that the notes of a broken national bank are 
 better than those of a sound one. 
 
 No National bank can loan money directly on real estate 
 security. This is to keep them on a strictly commercial basis. 
 The notes formerly issued were ones, twos, fives, tens, twenties, 
 fifties, one hundreds, five hundreds, and one thousands ; but 
 since the resumption of specie payments (1879) the ones and 
 twos have been discontinued, in order to give circulation to the 
 silver dollars. 
 
 These banks now number 3,364 and they arc situated in all 
 parts of the country. They have almost entirely taken the place 
 of the old State banks, and they secure to the people a uniform 
 system of currency and banking. The note of a bank in Maine 
 is as good in California as at home. The holder is secure, 
 because the note is backed up by security in bonds greater by 
 at least ten per cent, than the note itself The notes are harder 
 to counterfeit. The plates are beyond the control of the bank. 
 The people have never had so uniform, stable, safe, and conve- 
 nient a paper currency. 
 
 DEBT AND BONDS.— The highest indebtedness of llic 
 
288 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Government was in 1866, when it reached $2,'j']Z,2i(i,\'ji. 
 Much of this bore interest as high as six per cent. This debt 
 was mostly represented by bonds, which have been called in 
 from time to time, and either paid off and cancelled or re-issued 
 at a lower rate of interest. By 1 890 the bonded indebtedness 
 of the Government had been reduced to ;^79 1,75 2,427, and the 
 policy of rapid extinction still prevailed, though lately its wis- 
 dom has been questioned by financiers who teach that the bur- 
 den of payment ought to be distributed over the generations that 
 follow us. The rapid payment of the national debt, and the 
 frequent reductions of interest by the process of refunding, con- 
 stitute one of the most brilliant chapters in finance, and nothing 
 has contributed more to our stability and glory. 
 
 A concluding remark must be made about the management 
 of the Treasury Department during this period of immense 
 receipts, expenditures and great responsibility. It has been 
 such as to show less loss to the government than any former 
 period. Considering the great influx of new force, the rush 
 of b'usiness during war times, the newness and experimen- 
 tal character of much of its work, this is agreeably surpris- 
 ing, yet it may go to prove that a financial department, like a 
 financial man, is capable of rising with an emergency, and meet- 
 ing with honor the severest tests of ability and honesty. In 
 answer to a request from the Senate the Treasury Department 
 submitted the following table, showing the per cent, of losses in 
 its transactions since the beginning of the government and up to 
 June 30, 1879: 
 
 Administrations. 
 
 Washington 8 Yrs. 
 
 Adams, John 4 
 
 Jefferson 8 
 
 Madison 8 
 
 Monroe 8 
 
 Adams, John Q 4 
 
 Jackson 8 
 
 Van Buren 4 
 
 Harrison and Tyler 4 
 
 Polk 4 
 
 Taylor and Fillmore 4 
 
 Pierce 4 
 
 Buchanan 4 
 
 Received and 
 
 
 Loss on 
 
 Expended. 
 
 Total loss. 
 
 $1,000. 
 
 $112,560,504 
 
 $250,970 
 
 $2.22 
 
 90,733,612 
 
 235.412 
 
 2.59 
 
 219,072,736 
 
 603,468 
 
 2.75 
 
 526,764,050 
 
 2,191,660 
 
 4.16 
 
 376,328,275 
 
 3.229,787 
 
 8.58 
 
 201,488,077 
 
 885,374 
 
 4-39 
 
 500,081,748 
 
 3,761,112 
 
 7-52 
 
 285,327,949 
 
 3,343.792 
 
 11.71 
 
 244,590,156 
 
 1,565,903 
 
 6.40 
 
 423,913,687 
 
 1,732,851 
 
 4.08 
 
 432,861,677 
 
 1,814,409 
 
 4.19 
 
 608,257,816 
 
 2,167,982 
 
 3.56 
 
 697,500,871 
 
 2,659,108 
 
 3.iii 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 289 
 
 Administrations. 
 
 Lincoln 4 Yrs. 
 
 Johnson 4 
 
 Grant 8 
 
 Hayes 2 
 
 Received and 
 
 Expended. 
 ^9,386,697,144 
 
 8,014,908,984 
 10,842,922,583 
 
 3.353-629,856 
 
 Total loss. 
 
 ^7,200,984 
 
 4,619,600 
 
 2,622,479 
 
 2,677 
 
 Loss on 
 ^1,000. 
 ;SSo.76 
 
 •57 
 
 .24 
 
 .008 
 
 SECRETARIES OF THE TREASURY. 
 
 Names. Appointed. 
 
 Alex. IL-imilton, N. Y Sept. 11, 1789 
 
 Oliver Wolcott, Conn .... Feb. 2, 1795 
 
 Samuel Dexter, Mass Jan. i, 1801 
 
 Albert Gallatin, Pa May 14, 1801 
 
 Geo. W. Campbell, Tenn..Feb. 9, 1814 
 
 Alex. J. Dallas, Pa Oct. 6, 1814 
 
 Wm. H. Crawford, Ga.... Oct. 22, 1816 
 
 Richard Rush, Pa Mar. 7, 1825 
 
 Samuel D. Ingham, Pa... Mar. 6, 1829 
 
 Louis McLane, Del Aug. 2, 183 1 
 
 Wm. J. Duane, Pa May 29, 1S33 
 
 Roger B. Taney, Md Sept. 23, 1S33 
 
 Levi Woodbury, N. II... .June 27, 1S34 
 
 Thomas Ewing, Ohio Mar. 5, 1841 
 
 Walter Forward, Pa Sept. 13, 1841 
 
 John C. Spencer, N. Y... .Mar. 3, 1843 
 
 Geo. M. Bibb, Ky June 15, 1844 
 
 Robert J. Walker, Miss... Mar. 6, 1845 
 Wm. M. Meredith, Pa. . . .Mar. 8, 1849 
 Thomas Corwin, Ohio. .. .July 23, 1850 
 
 Appointed. 
 
 Names. 
 
 James Guthrie, Ky Mar. 7, 
 
 Howell Cobb, Ga Mar. 6, 
 
 Philip F. Thomas, Md. . . .Dec. 12, 
 
 John A. Dix, N. Y Jan. 11, 
 
 Salmon P. Chase, Ohio... .Mar. 7, 
 Wm. P. Fessenden, Me.. .July i, 
 Hugh McCulloch, Ind... Mar. 7, 
 Geo. S. Bontwell, Mass.. .Mar. 11, 
 Wm. A. Richardson, Mass. Mar. 17, 
 Benj. H. Bristow, Ky....June 4, 
 
 Lot M. Morrill, Me July 7, 
 
 John Sherman, Ohio Mar. 8, 
 
 Wm. PL Windom, Minn. .Mar. 5, 
 Charles J. Folger, N. Y.. Oct. 27, 
 Walter Q. Gresham, Ind. .Sept. 2, 
 Hugh McCulloch, N. Y. Oct. 28, 
 Daniel Manning, N. Y... Mar. 6, 
 Charles S. Fairchild, N.Y.April i, 
 William Windom, Minn. . .Mar. 5, 
 Charles Foster, Ohio Feb. 7, 
 
 853 
 857 
 860 
 861 
 861 
 864 
 865 
 869 
 873 
 874 
 876 
 877 
 881 
 881 
 
 885 
 
 THE WAR DEPARTMENT. 
 
 As the name indicates, this Department has charge of all mat- 
 ters appertaining to the army. It is presided over by the Secre- 
 tary of War, salary ^8,000, who is appointed by the President 
 by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, for the term 
 of four years unless sooner removed. He is a member of the 
 President's Cabinet, and in a military point of view ranks next 
 to the President. 
 
 The War Department was established by act of August 7, 
 1789, and therefore is as old as the government. The act says 
 " there shall be an executive Department denominated the De- 
 partment of War, and there shall be a principal officer therein to 
 be called the Secretary for the Department of War, who shall 
 perform such duties as shall be entrusted to or enjoined on him 
 by the President agreeably to the Constitution, relative to land 
 forces, .ships, or warlike stores of the United States." The De- 
 partment then had control of " land forces and ships." It was 
 both a War and Navy Department, the latter not having a sepa- 
 rate existence till some time afterwards. 
 19 
 
290 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 SECRETARY'S DUTIES.— When it is said that the De^ 
 partment has charge of all matters relating to war a sharp line 
 must be drawn between its affairs and those of the army in the 
 field. The responsibility for campaigns, battles and manoeuvres 
 rests on the generals who represent the commander-in-chief, the 
 President, in the field. The War Department is the civil side 
 of army affairs. The Secretary conducts the business of the De- 
 partment. In war he is one hand of the President and the army 
 the other. 
 
 He attends to all commissions of officers, to the raising of 
 forces, to the matter of army supplies. He has charge of all 
 captured property, and sees to the transportation of troops, muni- 
 tions, equipments and stores throughout the United States. He 
 defines the quantity and kind of supplies and attends to their 
 purchase through the Subsistence and Quartermaster's Depart- 
 ments. He procures buildings to store them in. He receives 
 field officers' accounts of clothing, munitions, supplies of every 
 kind, and adjusts and passes on their accounts. In connection 
 with army officers he must see to the condition of prisoners of 
 war, advise with the militia officers of the States, issue proposals 
 for supplies, and report to Congress annually or whenever called 
 upon, the transactions of his office and its condition. An im- 
 portant duty added since the civil war is the purchase, prepa- 
 ration and care of the national cemeteries, of which there are 
 seventy-nine, containing the bodies of tens of thousands of Union 
 soldiers, known and unknown. 
 
 His office is divided into sub-Departments, Bureaus or Divi- 
 sions, each of which is presided over by a responsible head. 
 
 ADJUTANT-GENERAL.— T\{\?. subdepartment is in charge 
 of an Adjutant-General of the Army, who has army rank 
 as Brigadier, and army pay. The business of the office is the 
 organization and management of the armies. All orders to the 
 military establishments and armies go out through this office. 
 It attends to recruiting the armies, keeps all muster in and out 
 rolls, and officers' accounts, furnishes statements to Treasury 
 Auditors, Pension Commissioners, Paymasters, Commissaries and 
 Quartermasters. 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 291 
 
 INSPECTOR-GENERAL.— The Inspector-General ranks as 
 Brigadier, with army pay. His business is to keep the Secretary 
 of War posted as to the true condition of the army, its tents, 
 arms, clothing, quarters, accoutrements, drill, discipline, and 
 entire condition. 
 
 SIGNAL OFFICE. — This useful office, a comparatively mod- 
 ern one, is part civic and part military. It has charge, under the 
 instructions of the Secretary of War, of a School of Instruction 
 at Fort Whipple, Va., where war manoeuvres, the construction 
 and working of rapid field telegraphy, the erection and manage- 
 ment of army signals, and the control of all instruments of 
 field observation, are taught. 
 
 It has also charge of the Army Signal Corps, which is a mod- 
 ern army essential, in time of active service, for safe and speedy 
 operations. It is also useful in time of peace for the assistance 
 it renders in conducting the Sea Coast Service, with its signal 
 codes and quick telegraphy. 
 
 To this office belongs also the well-known, popular, and now 
 indispensable Weather Bureau, over which the familiar " Clerk 
 of the Weather " presides. This Bureau conducts its business 
 through Signal Stations erected at all exposed points on ocean, 
 lake and river coast, at prominent points of observation in cities 
 and on mountains and plains, with which it is connected by tele- 
 graph. It is the duty of the officers in charge of these stations 
 to telegraph, at least once a day, to the Central Bureau in Wash- 
 ington the state of the barometer and thermometer, the velocity 
 of wind and its direction, the nature of the storm or calm that ex- 
 ists; in short, such a full condition of the weather as will enable a 
 forecast to be made inland or for the sea, for the general use of 
 sailors, merchants, farmers and others likely to be affected by it. 
 When the conditions on coasts are dangerous, storm signals are 
 erected, and mariners either heed them or sail at their peril. 
 The active operations of the Weather Bureau date from 1868-69, 
 
 QUARTERMASTER.— This Department purchases and dis- 
 tributes to the army all military stores and supplies, such as 
 clothing, fuel, forage, camp and garrison equipage (the furnish- 
 ing of rations belongs to the Subsistence Department), and fur- 
 
292 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 nishes means of transportation for the army and its stores. It 
 is presided over by the Quartermaster-General, who ranks as 
 Brigadier, with army pay. While the duties of the central office 
 at Washington are important and responsible, its main responsi- 
 bility is in the camps and garrisons in time of peace, and in the 
 field in time of war. It reaches these remote points by means 
 of Quartermasters. These subordinate officers are the agents 
 of the Quartermaster-General. They represent the movable 
 quality of the office. They are at all the military posts during 
 peace. In time of war their number has to be increased, and they 
 are found in all the armies and sections of armies superintending 
 the matter of transportation and supplies, holding the officers to 
 strict account for whatever is furnished, and in turn accounting 
 themselves to their chief for what they receive and distribute. 
 
 COMMISSARY DEPARTMENT.— TVxs office is presided 
 over by the Commissary-General, who ranks as Brigadier, 
 with army pay. It is not unlike the Quartermaster-General's 
 office, except that it has sole charge of the supply of army ra- 
 tions. It buys all rations and furnishes them to the officers and 
 men of the army at cost price. It carries its work down to the 
 military posts and to the camps in the field by means of subor- 
 dinates called Commissaries, who, like Quartermasters, are more 
 numerous in time of war than in peace, and who must be 
 promptly on hand with food whenever it is needed. 
 
 PAYMASTER. — This Department is presided over by a Pay- 
 master-General, who ranks as Brigadier with army pay. The 
 title suggests the duty, which is to pay the army and keep all 
 the pay rolls and accounts connected with the operation. The 
 field and post work of the office is carried on by means of Pay- 
 masters in fact, who are assigned to duty at the respective posts 
 and in the divisions of the army in time of active service. 
 
 MEDICAL DEPARTMENT.— ThQ chief officer of this De- 
 partment is the Surgeon-General, who ranks as Brigadier with 
 army pay. He is chosen for his scientific knowledge. The De- 
 partment has in charge the matter of army hospitals and hospital 
 supplies, the care of sick and wounded soldiers, the furnishing 
 of artificial limbs, eyes and other appliances for the maimed, re- 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 293 
 
 ports on hospital diseases, treatments and operations, the control 
 of the Medical Museum, which, by the way, is now one of the 
 best appointed and most interesting of its kind in the world. 
 
 ORDNANCE OFFICE.— The officer in charge of this De- 
 partment is called the Chief of Ordnance. He ranks as Briga- 
 dier with army pay. This office attends to procuring and sup- 
 plying to the army all cannon, gun-carriages, and all ammunition 
 and equipments for the same, whether for use in garrison, field 
 or siege service. It is the heavy gun department of the war 
 branch. It operates through Ordnance Stations, situated in dif- 
 ferent portions of the country, where ordnance is kept for con- 
 venience of use and for preservation, and which are called Ar- 
 senals. There are now twenty-two of these Ordnance Stations or 
 Arsenals in the country. In this list of Arsenals are included 
 the Armory at Springfield, Mass., where small arms and am- 
 munition are made and stored. There was a large Armory at 
 Harper's Ferry, which was destroyed during the civil war. 
 
 CHIEF ENGINEER. — The responsible officer is a Chief of 
 Engineers, who ranks as Brigadier, with army pay. The duties 
 of this office are various. The Chief of Engineers commands 
 the Corps of Engineers whose duty is to attend to locating, 
 building and caring for fortifications, coast and inland ; design- 
 ing, building and handling pontoon bridges ; designating and 
 carrying out river and harbor improvements ; making surveys for 
 militar}' purposes. The Chief of Engineers is also Commissioner 
 of Public Buildings and Grounds in Washington. He is Superin- 
 tendent of the Washington Aqueduct, which supplies the capital 
 with water, and from the Engineer Corps are selected three of 
 the seven members of the Mississippi River Commission, which 
 has charge of the public improvements along that stream. 
 
 SECRETARIES OF WAR. 
 
 Names. Appointed. 
 
 Henry Knox, Mass Sept. 12, 1789 
 
 Timothy Pickering, Pa. . . .Jan. 2, 1795 
 James McHenry, Md Jan. 27, 1796 
 
 Names. Appointed. 
 
 John Armstrong, N. Y. . .Jan. 13, 1813 
 
 James Monroe, Va Sept. 27, 1814 
 
 Wm. H. Crawford, Ga Aug. I, 1815 
 
 James Marshall, Va May 7, 1800 Geo. Graham ((2(//«.), Va.. April 7, 1817 
 
 Samuel Dexter, Mass May 13, 1800 
 
 Roger Griswold, Conn.. . .Feb. 3, 1801 
 Henry Dearborn, Mass. . .Mar. 5, 1801 
 William Eustis, Mass Mar. 7, 1809 
 
 John C. Calhoun, S. C Oct. 8, 1817 
 
 James Barbour, Va Mar. 7, 1825 
 
 Peter B. Porter, N. Y May 26, 1828 
 
 John H. Eaton, Tenn Mar. 9, 1829 
 
294 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 SECR^-'TARiES OF WAR — Continued. 
 
 Names. Appointed. 
 
 Louis Cass, Mich Aug. i, 1831 
 
 Benj. F. Butler, N. Y Mar. 3, 1837 
 
 Joel R. Poinsett, S. C Mar. 7, 1837 
 
 John Bell, Tenn Mar. 5, 1841 
 
 John McLean, O- Sept. 13, 1841 
 
 John C. Spencer, N. Y Oct. 12, 1841 
 
 James M. Porter, Pa Mar. 8, 1843 
 
 William Wiikins, Pa Feb. 15, 1844 
 
 William L. Marcy, N. Y. .Mar. 6, 1845 
 George W. Crawford, Ga.. Mar. 8, 1849 
 Winfield Scott (^7(/w.),Va.. July 23, 1S50 
 Charles M. Conrad, La.. ..Aug. 15, 1850 
 
 Jefferson Davis, Miss Mar. 5, 1853 
 
 John B. Floyd, Va Mar. 6, 1857 
 
 Names. Appointed 
 
 Edwin M. Stanton, Pa Jan. 15, 1862 
 
 U. S. Grant {ad in.). 111... .Aug. 12, 1867 
 Edwin M. Stanton, Pa. . . .Jan. 14, 1868 
 L. Thomas {ad in.), Md. .Feb. 21, 1868 
 
 John M. Schofield, III May 28, 1868 
 
 John A. Rawlins, 111 Mar. II, 1869 
 
 William T. Sherman, O.. ..Sept. 9, 1869 
 William W. Belknap, lowa.Oct. 25, 1869 
 
 Alphonso Taft, O Mar. 8, 1876 
 
 James D. Cameron, Pa May 22, 1876 
 
 Geo. W. McCrary, Iowa. .Mar. 12, 1877 
 .■\lexander Ramsey, Minn. .Dec. 10, 1879 
 Robert T. Lincoln, 111. ...Mar. 5, 1881 
 VVm. C. Endicott, Mass. .Mar. 6, 1885 
 
 Joseph Holt, Ky Jan. 18, 1861 I Redfield Proctor, Vt Mar. 5, iJ 
 
 Simon Cameron, Pa Mar. 5, 1861 j Stephen B. Elkins,W.Va..Dec. 17, 1891 
 
 THE ARMY. — The army of the United States is in one sense 
 an organization separate from the War Department, in another 
 connected with it. Its field administrations are separate, yet in 
 all things appertaining to its supplies, enlistments, accounts, the 
 two are inseparable. The question of a standing army in this 
 country — that is, an army in time of peace — has always been a 
 troublesome one, and the policy has been to keep it reduced to 
 the lowest standard possible. This policy results from a whole- 
 some dread of such large standing armies as enable European 
 monarchs to keep their thrones, and which are a constant menace 
 to the peace of nations, as well as a great source of expense to 
 the supporting governments. But our experience has shown 
 the necessity of at least a small standing army for the purpose 
 of executing the laws in exposed places, as on the border, and 
 suppressing disturbances wherever they may arise. The moral 
 effect of an army, as an arm of the executive, is also very great. 
 Power is far more imposing and effective when backed by a vigor 
 which lawlessness regards it folly to dispute, or before which it 
 quails ; and power is never so impotent and ridiculous as when 
 attempts to exercise it are foiled by the mob. The dignity and 
 efficacy of executive authority require, as things go, an army of 
 some shape and proportion; and a navy too. The economic 
 argument in favor of an army is also very great. Besides assur- 
 ing peace and protection it is the nucleus of that larger army 
 which is made up of volunteers and called into service when 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT, 295 
 
 emergency requires. It is a constant training school for officers 
 and men, so that the country is never without a sufficient amount 
 of military discipline to meet the needs of larger called armies, 
 when the condition is one of active war. 
 
 The army of the United States is called the Regular army in 
 contradistinction to that added to it in time of war, called the 
 Volunteer army. It is also thus distinguished from the militia 
 of the several States, and the militia system, which is a mixed 
 government and State system. 
 
 The present army is not in excess of 25,000 men, and, by act 
 of June 18, 1878, cannot exceed 30,000. Enlistments are for 
 five years. There are twenty-five regiments of infantry, ten of 
 cavalry and five of artillery, and a force of 1,000 Indian scouts. 
 An infantry regiment is composed of ten companies, of fifty men 
 each, which the President may increase to 100. 
 
 A "regiment of cavalry consists of twelve troops, and each 
 troop of 78 men. A regiment of artillery consists of twelve bat- 
 teries, and each battery of 120 men. These figures are the 
 maximum of each. They are in excess of the actual number 
 in each regiment and company. 
 
 The higher officers of the army are a General and Lieutenant- 
 General, which two are honorary, conferred only at times on 
 account of distinguished service, and expire with the death or 
 resignation of their incumbent. The salary of the General is 
 1^13,500, that of Lieutenant-General ;^i 1,000. The regular 
 officers are Major-Generals, salary ;^7, 500 ; Brigadier-Generals, 
 salary ;^5,500; Colonels, salary ;^3,500; Captains, salary ^1,800; 
 and Lieutenants, ^1,600. 
 
 Then there are with the army representatives or duplicates of 
 each of the departments we have seen in connection with the 
 Department of War, as Adjutant-General's Department, Quar- 
 termaster's Department, Inspector-General's Department, Engi- 
 neer Corps, Ordnance Department, Medical Department, Pay 
 Department, Signal Officer, Bureau of Military Justice, Chaplains, 
 bands, etc., all of which have their place and add to the comfort 
 and efficiency of the force. The army is governed by a code 
 prescribed by Congress called Articles of War. They are 128 
 
296 
 
 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNxMENT. 
 
 in number; and are read at the time of enlistment and every six 
 months afterwards. 
 
 A charitable provision in our army system is, first, gradually 
 increasing pay for the minor officers as they add to their years 
 of service, and second, three-fourth pay to all commissioned 
 officers when they are placed on the retired list. Officers pass 
 to the retired list by law after thirty-two years of service or on 
 arriving at the age of sixty-two, but may be retired for honor- 
 able cause and by proper authority at any time. 
 
 MILITARY ACADEMY.— This government school for the 
 education of men in the science and art of war is situated at 
 West Point on the Hudson. It was authorized by act of Con- 
 gress in 1802, and then instituted in a modest way. It has since 
 grown to be a large and useful institution, ranking with the best 
 of its kind in the world. Its chief officer is a superintendent, 
 who ranks as Colonel. It has a large corps of professors de- 
 voted to teaching tactics, engineering, philosophy, mathematics, 
 history, geography, ethics, chemistry, mineralogy, geology, 
 drawing, modern languages, gymnastics, music, etc. ; the idea 
 being to provide not only men skilled in whatever appertains to 
 army affairs, but educated gentlemen also. 
 
 Each Congressional district and Territory in the United States 
 is entitled to have one cadet or scholar at the Military Academy. 
 The District of Columbia is entitled to one, and the United 
 States to ten, called cadets at large. The President selects the 
 cadets at large. The Secretary of War selects those from the 
 Congressional districts, at the request of the representative 
 thereof in Congress. Candidates must be between seventeen and 
 twenty-two years old, at least five feet in height, physically per- 
 fect, and must be proficient in the elementary branches. They 
 are paid ;^540 a year, which is regarded as sufficient to maintain 
 them. They graduate with the rank of lieutenant in the army, 
 and are standing candidates for an active place with that rank. 
 The academy is visited annually by a commission appointed by 
 the President and composed of members of Congress and mili- 
 tary officers, who report to the Secretary of War for the use of 
 Congress. 
 
MESS HALL. 
 
 HQKUf BARRACK 3. 
 
 ACADEMY BUILDING 
 
 BARRACKS. 
 
 VIEWS AT MILITARY ACADEMY, WEST POINT. 
 
 297 
 
298 OUR PLAN f)F GOVERNMENT. 
 
 NAVY DEPARTMENT. 
 
 The Navy Department was at first connected with the War 
 Department. It was erected into a separate department by act 
 of April 30, 1798, and went into operation in June, 1798. Its 
 chief officer is the Secretary of the Navy, salary ^8,000, ap- 
 pointed by the President by and with the advice and consent of 
 the Senate, for four years, unless sooner removed. He ranks as 
 a member of the cabinet. Like all the other departments, this 
 is divided into a number of Bureaus or Divisions, for its more 
 effective working. The name of the department suggests that 
 it is devoted to the naval affairs of the country. The question 
 of a navy has always been an interesting one, and parties have 
 often divided on the propriety of keeping a naval establishment 
 in time of peace, likewise over the policy of strengthening 
 it in time of emergency. It must be said that in time of war, 
 when our destinies were all in the keeping of our vessels of war 
 and our hardy sailors, that the American Navy has been a source 
 of safety and credit, and has given proof that we can conduct 
 ocean warfare with all the brilliancy and effect of those who 
 boast of more formidable ships and thoroughly trained mar- 
 iners. 
 
 SECRETARY'S DUTIES.— Hq must provide all naval 
 stores and construct, arm, equip and employ vessels of war. 
 All captures of ships, standards and guns must be reported to 
 him and pass into his custody. He prepares and publishes all 
 charts, maps, sailing directions and nautical books, bearing on 
 navigation, which he deems necessary. He reports annually to 
 Congress the state of the navy and submits estimates for ap- 
 propriations. He accounts for all disbursements on behalf of the 
 navy. He establishes coal stations in different parts of the 
 world, disposes of old ships and worn-out equipments, acts as 
 trustee of the Navy Pension Fund and Privateer Fund ; in 
 short does all that appertains to efficient management of naval 
 affairs. 
 
 YARDS AND DOCKS.— This Bureau has charge of the 
 Navy Yards and Naval Stations, their construction and main- 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 290 
 
 tenance, and the supply of timber therefor. There are several 
 Navy Yards and Stations in the country, located at what are 
 supposed to be available points, as at Portsmouth, N. H.; 
 Brooklyn, N. Y. ; Philadelphia, Pa.; Boston, Mass. ; Washing- 
 ton, D. C. ; Norfolk, Va. ; Pensacola, Fla. ; Mare Island, Cal. ; 
 New London, Conn. (N. Station) ; Port Royal, S. C. (store ships). 
 They were erected for the purpose of building ships of war, but 
 that work has been discontinued at many of them. They are 
 convenient stations and repair-shops, and no longer a reliance for 
 the speedy construction of large and effective war-ships, owing 
 to the cost of properly maintaining them, and the spasmodic 
 demand for their services. The Chief of the Bureau of Yards 
 and Docks ranks as a Captain in the navy. 
 
 EQUIPMENT AND RECRUITING.— The Chief of this 
 Bureau ranks as Commodore in the navy. It is the recruiting 
 office of the navy, and attends to the equipment of vessels of 
 war with sails, rigging, anchors, fuel, etc. 
 
 NAVIGATION— The Chief of this Bureau ranks as Com- 
 modore. He has a chief clerk and four assistants. The Naval 
 Observatory and Hydrographic Office are in the care of this 
 Bureau, which in addition supplies vessels of war with flags, 
 charts, signals, chronometers, barometers, glasses, etc. 
 
 The Naval Observatory just mentioned is the counterpart, in 
 America, of the Greenwich Observatory in England, and arose 
 from the same necessity; to wit, that for accurate astronomical 
 observations and safe computations for the purposes of naviga- 
 tion. The Observatory employs a Superintendent, who ranks 
 as Rear Admiral, and ten assistant professors who rank as naval 
 officers of different grades. It is a finely equipped institution 
 and employs some of the best astronomical observers and calcu- 
 lators in the country. As to astronomical observations its work 
 is the same as that of the numerous collegiate and private ob- 
 servatories throughout the country, but aside from that, its 
 energies are devoted to the tabulation of results, and the turning 
 of discoveries, corrections, and calculations to practical scientific 
 account. 
 
 Scarcely less important is the Hydrographic Office, where the 
 
.jOO OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 results of surveys, soundings and coast, lake and river observa- 
 tions are engraved, printed and published in map, chart or book 
 form and given out for the use of naval vessels and those of the 
 merchant marine. Its Chief ranks as Captain in the navy. The 
 Nautical Almanac is published from this office. 
 
 BUREAU OF ORDNANCE.— T\\Q Chief of this Bureau 
 ranks as Commodore in the navy. He has charge of the manu- 
 facture of naval ordnance, ammunition, armament for vessels, of 
 arsenals and magazines, the torpedo service and stations, all ex- 
 periments for testing guns, torpedoes and other naval weapons. 
 
 CONSTRUCTION AND REPAIRS.— The Chief of this Bu- 
 reau ranks as Commodore. He controls all dry-docks, and 
 designs, builds and fits out vessels of war. 
 
 STEAM-ENGINEERING.— The Chief ranks as Commo- 
 dore. He controls the designing, manufacturing and adjusting 
 of all the steam-engines and steam-machinery of war vessels. 
 
 PROVISION AND CLO THING. —The Chief of this Bu- 
 reau ranks as Commodore. The office supervises the purchase 
 and supply of food and clothing for the navy. 
 
 MEDICINE AND SURGERY.— The Chief ranks as Com- 
 modore. The Bureau supplies medicines, instruments and 
 medical stores to vessels of war and marine hospitals and 
 accounts for the same. 
 
 The Navy, like the Army, has given rise to a set of charitable 
 and educational institutions which are objects of pride on the 
 part of the Department and of great utility. The first of these 
 is the 
 
 NAVAL ASYLUM located at Philadelphia. It is a home 
 for old or disabled naval officers, seamen and marines. It oper- 
 ates outside of and distinct from the pension system. Navy 
 pensioners may commute their pensions for places in the Asylum. 
 I The applicant must be unable to work and must have served 
 twenty years in the navy. If admitted, the Asylum is his home 
 till death, on condition that he obeys its rules, which are quite 
 rigid. For good conduct one dollar a month is awarded to each 
 sojourner. The institution is presided over by a governor, with 
 navy rank and pay. 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 301 
 
 NA VAL HOSPITALS.— Thts^ are institutions for the tem- 
 porary treatment of sick and disabled seamen. They are sup- 
 ported by an annual appropriation. There are eighteen Naval 
 Hospitals in the country, located at leading ports or wherever 
 there are naval stations, and one at Yokohama in Japan. 
 
 NAVAL ACADEMY.—Th'xs Academy, a national institution, 
 is as much a part of the Navy Department as the Military 
 Academy is a part of the War Department. It is located at 
 Annapolis, Md. Its Superintendent always ranks high among 
 naval officers. He is assisted by other officers of the navy and 
 by a corps of professors, who teach seamanship, gunnery, mathe- 
 matics, engineering, astronomy and navigation, chemistry, phys- 
 ics, modern languages, history, drawing, and whatever will fill 
 out the education of a naval officer, a private engineer or retired 
 gentleman. The pupils come from the Congressional districts 
 and Territories, one from each, with one for the District of 
 Columbia, and ten at large. The President appoints those at 
 large. The Secretary of the Navy, deferring to the recommen- 
 dation of the member of Congress from a district or delegate 
 from a Territory, appoints those from the districts. Applicants 
 are examined by the Superintendent of the Academy in June 
 and September of each year. In order to pass they must be 
 physically sound, of good moral character, not under fourteen 
 nor over eighteen, and up to the standard in the elementary 
 English branches. If admitted, candidates become cadet-mid- 
 shipmen, and are not only pupils but inmates of the Academy 
 for a term of six years, to which they must bind themselves to 
 add two years of active service if not discharged. They are 
 paid ;^500 a year from time of admission. After their eight 
 years of service and schooling they graduate as Midshipmen in 
 the navy. 
 
 There is also a course of studies in, or rather a department of, 
 the Academy devoted to Naval Engineering. It is a four-year 
 course at the Academy and two in a vessel at sea. The pupil 
 in this course is a cadet-engineer. When he graduates he is 
 entitled to a commission as Assistant Engineer in the nav)-, 
 when there is a vacancy. 
 
302 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 U. S. NAVY. — The highest rank in the navy is Admiral, 
 salary, ^13,000; the next, Vice- Admiral, salary, ^9,000. These, 
 like General and Lieutenant-General in the army, are honorary 
 and temporary, and expire with those on whom they were spe- 
 cially conferred. The highest real or working rank is Rear- 
 Admiral, salary, $6,000. Then comes, in order. Commodore, 
 salary, $5,000; Captain, $4,500; Commander, $3,500; Lieu- 
 tenant-Commander, $2,800; Lieutenant, $2,400; Master, $1,800; 
 Ensign, $1,200; Midshipmen, $1,000. All these salaries are 
 actual duty salaries at sea. They are considerably less for shore 
 duty. The salary of the officers, from Lieutenant-Commander 
 down, increases after a service of five years from date of com- 
 mission. Pensions and retiracy from service on pay are on the 
 same general plan as prevails in the army. Enlistments in the 
 navy are for not less than three nor more than five years. Minors 
 from fifteen to eighteen may be enlisted till they are twenty-one, 
 with the consent of parents. The total force of officers and 
 men in the navy, in time of peace, or as the laws now stand, 
 cannot exceed 8,250. The navy is governed by a code of sixty 
 articles prescribed by Congress. 
 
 MARINE CORPS. — This very useful arm of the service is a 
 nondescript. It is a body of enlisted men, not exceeding 2,500 
 in number, who are officered and disciplined according to army 
 rules and tactics, who do regular military duty at United States 
 arsenals and naval stations, but who may be detailed for active 
 service on board war vessels. They have proved excellent for 
 policing and garrison purposes, and the complement of them as- 
 signed to ships during actual war have enabled victorious vessels 
 to hold captured places permanently without the constant men- 
 ace of heavy guns. 
 
 THE NEW NA FF.— The close of the war of the Rebellion 
 found the United States in possession of a strong navy. But it 
 was one which had been hastily improvised for coast and river 
 purposes. It might have been strong for defensive operations in 
 case of foreign attack, but it would have been exceedingly weak 
 for offensive operations. Many of the vessels were merely mer- 
 chantroen transformed into men-of-war; others were clumsily 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 303 
 
 constructed for special kinds of service ; a few were protected 
 with armor plates ; very few, indeed, embraced those qualities of 
 speed, strength and modern equipment requisite for ocean war- 
 fare. 
 
 Therefore the navy, like the army, speedily resolved itself into 
 the elements whence it sprang, and there was little of it left. It 
 may be said that the navy of the United States was weaker, from 
 1866 to 1880, than at any period in our history. Even if this 
 be not true as to the number and rank of war vessels, it was 
 certainly true in a relative sense, for that period had witnessed a 
 wonderful growth in the navies of European countries. Wooden 
 ships had given way to iron ships, and smaller ships to those of 
 huge proportions. The day of the unprotected vessel had 
 passed, and armor of great thickness and power of resistance had 
 come into general use. A rate of speed had been attained which 
 would place any ordinary vessel at the mercy of these ocean 
 monsters. Guns of formidable calibre found their place upon 
 deck or in impenetrable turrets, and their range and weight of 
 missile were something fearful to contemplate. In comparison 
 with these mighty, swift and ominous structures, the war ships 
 of the United States were as cockle-shells. 
 
 For years there was a decided sentiment against a revived 
 American navy, both through lack of national pride and for 
 economic reasons. But by 1880 there came a change of senti- 
 ment. It was seen that in case of war with a foreign nation, 
 possessing a modernly constructed navy this country would be 
 placed at a great disadvantage. Witli the revival of the com- 
 mercial idea, the need of better ocean protection than our ancient 
 hulks could afford became apparent. In all cases of foreign 
 complications it was manifest that those countries which sup- 
 ported their positions and arguments upon the decks, or in the 
 presence, of their formidable battle ships, always got the best of 
 us in diplomacy. Our national pride suffered through lack of 
 ships to bear our flag, and expand our importance, among other 
 nations. The advantages of a naval school, or cult, were fading 
 out; our officers were becoming idlers, and the stuff of which 
 heroic seamen are made was wasting. 
 
304 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 The messages of Presidents Garfield and Arthur rang with 
 arguments, requests and admonitions respecting a new naval 
 policy. To the imperative need of modern vessels they added 
 the logic of opportunity, there being a large surplus in the 
 Treasury available for the construction of desirable vessels, if 
 Congress would so order it. 
 
 In 1 88 1 William H. Hunt, then Secretary of the Navy, secured 
 the appointment of a naval advisory board whose duty it was to 
 report upon the necessity for replacing the old worn-out and 
 unseaworthy crafts with ships of more modern design. 
 
 Rear-Adniiral John Rodgers was president of the board 
 which assembled in June, 1881. It determined, first, the num- 
 ber of vessels which should now be built; second, their class, 
 size and displacements; third, the material and form of con- 
 struction ; fourth, the nature and size of the engines and 
 machinery required for each ; fifth, the ordnance and armament 
 necessary for each ; sixth, the appropriate equipment and rigging 
 for each ; seventh, the internal arrangements of each, and such 
 other details as might seem to be necessary and proper; eighth, 
 the .probable cost of the whole of each vessel when complete 
 and ready for service. The board submitted a report in Novem- 
 ber following, upon which was based the construction of the first 
 batch of steel cruisers. 
 
 The board recommended that seventy vessels of all classes be 
 built as rapidly as possible. A storm of adverse criticism was 
 the result, and Secretary Chandler, succeeding Secretary Hunt, 
 was forced to convene a second board. The recommendation 
 of this advisory board included the building of the four steel 
 vessels which are now in commission — the Chicago, Boston, 
 Atlanta, and Dolphin. The acts which authorized the building 
 of these ships, the nucleus of the new navy, bear date of August 
 5, 1882, and March 3, 1883. The contracts were taken for all 
 four of the vessels by John Roach & Sons in July, 1883. The 
 appropriations for these four vessels had been obtained with 
 difficulty owing to the opposition of Southern and Western 
 members. The designs of the vessels, the material and the 
 workmen, were to be American. 
 
306 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Just here it is well to know something of the plan and style 
 of the new navy. Study had been made of the modern naval 
 systems of other powers and of our own needs. It was decided 
 that the new American navy should embrace three general 
 groups of vessels : First, those which came under the head of 
 " Ocean Cruisers ; " second, " Battle Ships ; " third, " Coast De- 
 fenders." To these were added a fourth system of smaller 
 vessels, such as torpedo boats, rams, etc. 
 
 The "Cruiser" is, as its name implies, a swiftly moving, 
 powerfully armed vessel, with immense coal capacity for long 
 voyages. 
 
 The " Battle Ship " is equally swift and strong, and may be 
 effective for ocean warfare or coast defence. 
 
 The " Coast Defender " is also large, very strong, powerfully 
 armed, and of lighter draft than the foregoing. 
 
 But the Secretaries of War, in their reports, group the naval 
 vessels as follows : 
 
 (i) Armored vessels. 
 
 (2) Single turret monitors (iron). 
 
 (3) Unarmored steel vessels. 
 
 (4) Iron and wooden steam vessels. 
 
 (5) Vessels unfit for service (of whatever material). 
 
 Three of the four ships, ordered and contracted for in 1882, 
 were of the type of unarmored but protected steel cruisers. 
 They were named the Chicago, Boston, Atlanta and Dolphin. 
 The keels of all were laid in 1883. 
 
 The Chicago was 325 feet long, 48 feet across the beam, with 
 a draft of 19 feet, and a displacement of 4500 tons. She had a 
 twin screw, compound-overhead beam, 5084 horse-power, main 
 and secondary batteries of guns, and steamed 15.33 l^i^ots an 
 hour. 
 
 The Boston was 270 feet long, 42 feet breadth of beam, 17 feet 
 draft, 3189 tons displacement, 4030 horse-power, tvvin-scre-wed, 
 15.6 knots velocity per hour, and had main and secondary bat- 
 teries of powerful guns. 
 
 The Atlanta was 270 feet long, 42 feet breadth of beam, 17 
 feet draft, and in all other respects the counterpart of the Boston, 
 
.nhift«i« ■ rrV-jj. '.^j 
 
308 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 The Dolphin was a swift dispatch boat, protected and heavily 
 armed, 240 feet long, 32 feet across the beam, 14 feet draft, 
 1485 tons displacement, with a single screw, and a velocity of 
 15.5 knots per hour. 
 
 The construction of these vessels proved to be a commitment 
 to the policy of a wqw navy. When the Cleveland administra- 
 tion came into power in 1884, the policy seemed to be threat- 
 ened for a time by his Secretary of the Navy, Whitney, who 
 took exception to American designs and methods, and sent 
 abroad for models. But after becoming satisfied that American 
 designs and engineers were the equal, if not the superior, of the 
 English, he entered heartily into the ship-building policies of 
 his predecessors, Hunt and Chandler. 
 
 This policy was actively continued by Secretary of Navy 
 Tracy under the Harrison administration. New types were 
 found and introduced, or old ones remoulded as their imperfec- 
 tions appeared. Greater speed and coal capacity were sought 
 and found. The power to protect and attack was combined 
 more closely than before in the battle ships. Numerous con- 
 tracts for these improved vessels were made with competent 
 builders, and, as each year now witnessed the launching of one 
 or more completed structure, the growth of the new navy was 
 more rapid than at any time in our history. From 1883 to 
 1892 the following vessels passed into commission, and became 
 a part of the modern American navy : 
 
 Keel Displace- Contract 
 
 Name. laid. Length. Breadth. ment. price. 
 
 Chicago 1883 315 48 4.500 $889,000 
 
 Boston 1883 270^4' 42 3.189 619,000 
 
 Atlanta 1883 2'joj{ 42 3.189 617,000 
 
 Dolphin,. 1883 240 3G 1.485 315.000 
 
 Yorktown 1SS7 230 26 1,700 455,000 
 
 Vesuvius 1887 246 i^f 246 5-12 900 350,000 
 
 Baltimore 1S87 315 48^ 4.413 1,325,000 
 
 Petrel 1SS7 175 31 890 247,000 
 
 Charleston 1887 300 46 3.730 1,017,000 
 
 Philadelphia 18S8 315 48^ 4,324 1,350,000 
 
 San Francisco 1888 310 49^^ 4,083 1,428,000 
 
 Newark 1S87 310 49jS4 4,083 1,248.000 
 
 Gushing 1889 139 14 5-6 116 82,750 
 
 Concord 1887 230 36 1,700 490,000 
 
 Bennington 1888 230 36 1,700 490,000 
 
 Miantonomah 1874 290 60 3,900 
 
 Stiletto , ,,..tr.?.... WA n 70 35,000 
 
DOLPHIN. 
 
 
 t'^^BESCl£!3lJ;U 
 
 MIANrOx\OMOH. 
 
 309 
 
310 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Following the types of vessels for the New American Navy 
 already completed or under contract, as laid down by the Secre- 
 tary of the Navy, the following is the showing : — 
 
 ARMORED VESSELS. 
 
 Puritan — Coast defense monitor; two steel barbette turrets; 
 length 289 ft. 6 in.; draft 18 ft.; displacement 6,060 tons; horse 
 power 3,700 ; twin screw ; speed 12.4 knots ; main and secondary 
 batteries; 14 inch armor. 
 
 MiajitonoinoJi — Coast defense monitor ; two compound armor 
 turrets; lengtli 259 ft. 6 in.; draft 14 ft. 6 in.; displacement 
 3,990 tons; horse power 1,426; twin screw; speed 10.5 knots; 
 main and secondary batteries; 7 inch armor. 
 
 Ainphitritc — Coast defense monitor; two steel barbette turrets; 
 length 259 ft. 6 in.; draft 14 ft. 6 in.: displacement 3,990 tons; 
 horse power 1,600; twin screw; speed 12 knots; main and 
 secondary batteries ; 9 in. armor. 
 
 Monadnock — Uniform with Anipliitnte, except horse power 
 which is 3,000. 
 
 Terror — Same as Ainphitritc. 
 
 Texas — Steel armored battle ship; two turrets; length 301 ft, 
 4 in. ; draft 22 ft. 6 in. ; displacement 6,300 tons ; horse power 
 8,600; twin screw; speed 17 knots; main and secondary 
 batteries; 12 in. armor; cost ;^2, 500,000. 
 
 Maine — Steel armored cruiser; two steel barbette turrets; 
 length 318 ft.; displacement 6,448 tons; horse power 9,000; 
 twin screw ; speed 17 knots ; armor 12 in. ; cost ;^2, 500,000. 
 
 Monterey — -Steel coast defender ; two :r,teel barbette turrets ; 
 length 256 ft.; displacement 4,138 tons; horse power 5,400; 
 with screw; speed 16 knots; 12 in. armor; cost $1,628,950. 
 
 Neiv York — Steel armored cruiser; two steel barbette turrets; 
 length 380 ft. 61^ in. ; displacement 8,150 tons; horse pow^r 
 16,500; twin screws; speed 20 knots; main and secondary 
 batteries; armor 4, 7 and 10 in.; cost $2,985,000. 
 
 Cruiser No. i — A steel harbor defense ram ; length 250 ft. 9 
 in.; displacement 2,183 tons; hor.se power 4,800; twin screw; 
 speed 17 knots; main and secondary batteries ; cost ;^930,000. 
 
 Massaclnisetts — Steel coast line battle ship; two barbette 
 
OUR j'LAN OF GOVERNMENT. oil 
 
 turrets; length 348 ft. ; displacement 10,200 tons; horse power 
 9,000; twin screws; speed 15 knots; main and secondary bat- 
 teries ; armor 18 in,; cost ^^3, 020,000. 
 
 Indiana — Uniform with Massachusetts. 
 
 Oregon — Uniform with Massachusetts and Indiana, 
 
 SINGLE TURRET MONITORS (iROn). 
 
 This class of vessels was an outcrop of the war of the Rebel- 
 lion. They run from 200 to 225 feet in length, have a draft of 
 from II to 13 feet: a displacement of i,8oo to 2,100 tons; a 
 horse power of 340; single screws; a velocity of from 5 to 6 
 knots; main batteries in single turrets; cost ;^4o8,ooo to $635,000. 
 They are, without exception, Igid up in ordinary, as of no use, 
 except during actual hostilities. They are the Aj'ax, Conianclie, 
 Canonicus, Catskill, Jason, Lehigli, Mahopac, Manhattan, Mon- 
 tauk, Nahant, Nafttncket, Passaic, and IVj'andotte. 
 
 UNARMORED STEEL VESSELS. 
 
 The word 7/nannored must not prove misleading. The steel 
 vessels are, in a certain senae, a protection to themselves. Yet 
 they are, or nearly all, effectually and specially protected by 
 thick plates at vital points. This class embraces the largest 
 number of new vessels in the American navy, the most modern 
 vessels, the largest and most powerful, the most efficient for 
 offensive and defensive purposes. "The Cruisers," for the most 
 part fall into this class. Being the newest and most advanced 
 class, many of the vessels are still under process of construction. 
 Their completion will give the American navy a proud position 
 among the navies of the world. 
 
 To this class belong the Chicago, Boston, Atlanta and Dolphin, 
 already mentioned. This class embraces four different styles of 
 craft. The first is the " Protected Cruiser " vessel. They range 
 all the way from 257 to 412 feet in length. Cruisers No. 12 and 
 13 being the longest; in speed from 17 to 21 knots, Cruisers No. 
 12 and 13 being the swiftest; in displacement from 2,000 to 7,350 
 tons. Cruisers No. 12 and 13 being the largest; in horse power 
 from 5,400 to 21,000, Cruisers No. 12 and 13 being 21,000, and 
 none of the others exceeding 13,500; they are all twin screws; 
 
312 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 and all have main and secondary batteries, of the most powerful 
 guns. They are the Neivark, whose cost of hull and machinery 
 is ^1,248,000; Charleston, ^1,017,000; Baltimore, ;^i, 325,000 ; 
 San Francisco, ^1,428,000; Pliiladclphia, ;^ 1,3 2 5, 000; Cruiser 
 No. 6, $ 1 ,796,000 ; Cincinnati, ;g i , 1 00,000 ; Raleigh, $\,\ 00,000 ; 
 Cruiser No. 9, ;^6i 2,500 ; Cruiser No. 10, ;$6i 2,500 ; Cruiser No. 
 II, ;^674,ooo ; Cruiser No. 12, ^2,725,000; Cruiser No. 13, 
 ;^2,690,ooo. 
 
 To the class of " Unarmored Steel Vessels " belong also the 
 formidable " Gunboats," ranging in length from 176 to 230 feet; 
 with displacements of from 800 to 1,700 tons; tonnages of from 
 1,000 to 3,436 ; twin screws, and speed of from 1 1 to 17 knots. 
 These are the Yorktown, Concord, Bennington, Petrel, No. 5 and 
 No. 6. 
 
 There is also^ a " Special Class " of unarmored steel vessels, 
 enbracing the " Pacific Cruiser " for naval cadets, the Vesuvius, 
 a dynamite cruiser, of peculiar construction, Dynamite Cruiser 
 No. 2, and a Torpedo Cruiser, all formidable for defensive opera- 
 tions. 
 
 In addition there are " Torpedo Boats," of small build, and 
 for special attack. They are the Stiletto, Cushing and Torpedo 
 Boat No. 2. 
 
 The next class of vessels as laid down by the Secretary of the 
 Navy is that of 
 
 IRON AND WOODEN STEAM VESSELS. 
 
 This class embraces 'the ships of the old navy. The keels of 
 some were laid as far back as 1858. Many of them have been 
 overhauled and adapted for modern purposes. Several of them 
 have seen hard and honored service, and their names are historic. 
 Formidable as they were in their time, they are now engaged in 
 a service which is tame, and which would be considered safe, in 
 case of war. They represent the output of the national navy 
 yards, when it was thought that the government could build 
 better and cheaper than the plants under private control. This 
 class embraces Barks, Schooners, Barkentines, and Ships. The 
 " Iron vessels " of this class are the Barks Ranger and Alert; 
 

 .' .._j^?9w 
 
 «;: 
 
514 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 the Barkentine Michigan ; the '^z\\oowtxs Monocacy , Palos, Pinta 
 and Alarm. 
 
 Of the " wooden vessels " of this class are the Ships Lancaster, 
 Pensacola, Richmond, Swatara, Iroquois; the Barks Omaha, 
 Marion, Mohican, Kearsarge, Adams, Alliance, Essex, Enterprise, 
 Nipsic, Yantic and Thetis ; the Schooners Talapoosa and Dispatch. 
 
 None of this class have a speed of over 1 1 knots an hour, but 
 all are strongly armed. The largest of all has a displacement 
 of 3,000 tons and the smallest 420 tons. 
 
 There are still enough of wooden sailing vessels in our navy 
 to make a class known as 
 
 WOODEN SAILING VESSELS. 
 
 This class is being sold off year by year, and is fast becoming 
 extinct. Those still in existence are the Constellation, used as a 
 practice ship at the Naval Academy, Annapolis ; the Mononga- 
 hela, Portsmouth and yamestozvn, used as a training squadron ; 
 and the Saratoga and St. Marfs, used as nautical school ships. 
 
 The class of 
 
 STEEL, IRON AND WOODEN STEAM TUGS 
 
 embraces fourteen vessels of small dimensions, and adapted for 
 special purposes. 
 
 Then there is a class of antiquated and unfit vessels, desig- 
 nated as 
 
 VESSELS UNFIT FOR SEA SERVICE. 
 
 This class represents the expiring navy, in the sense of abso- 
 lute inutility. Two of them, the Intrepid and Speedzvcll, are iron 
 steamers ; four, the Hartford, Franklin, Wabash and Minnesota, 
 are wooden steamers ; six, the Constitution, Independence, St. 
 Louis, Dale, Nezu Hampshire and Vermont, are sailing vessels. 
 
 The policy of the government as to the " new navy " was 
 clearly outlined in the Report of Secretary B. F. Tracy for 1891. 
 Whether this policy shall continue remains to be seen; but cer- 
 tainly his outline of it should have great weight with those dis- 
 posed to interfere with it, and with all who are of a thinking 
 turn. It is more as an historic summary of a situation than as 
 
¥4 1 
 
 ^.; 
 
 
 i 
 
3;[g OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 an argument, in support of official views, that it finds a place 
 here. He says : 
 
 " The old wooden ships of the nav}' have now practically- 
 passed out of existence. They no longer count even as a nom- 
 inal factor in naval defense. The sole reliance of the United 
 States to-day for the protection of its exposed seaboard is the 
 new fleet. This has advanced slowly, but its development has 
 been sure. It is a novel branch of industry, but there have been 
 no failures thus far, and the outlook for the ships still in progress 
 is satisfactory. It may fairly be claimed for the work of recon- 
 struction in the future that it will not fall behind the measure of 
 success attained up to the present time. 
 
 "The course of events during the past year has shown anew 
 the necessity of continuing the development of the navy. The 
 demands upon it have been constant, and they are constantly 
 growing. The rapid extension of commercial relations has 
 doubled the importance of our interests, especially in the Pacific. 
 It was said a few years ago by a keen foreign observer : ' Some 
 day or other there will be a great rivalry of three or four nations 
 in the Pacific for the commerce of those seas, and the country 
 which has cultivated its strength with a view to that contingency 
 will carry off a chief part of the prize.' The rivalry has already 
 begun, and the signs are evident on every hand of sharp compe- 
 tition. 
 
 " It is apparent tliat the mercantile competitors of this country 
 are to-day enlarging their fields of activity with a more aggres- 
 sive energy than ever before. No one can fail to observe the 
 indications of a systematic effort to take advantage of the 
 disturbed conditions now prevailing in many of the smaller 
 States. In this movement naval ascendency plays a large part. 
 The consequences are not far to .seek. The establishment of 
 complete commercial supremacy by a European power in any 
 State of the Western Hemisphere means the exclusion of Amer- 
 ican influence and the virtual destruction, as far as that State is 
 concerned, of independent existence. With the great maritime 
 powers it is only a step from commercial control to territorial 
 control. 
 
VESUVIUS. 
 
 t^.-^_™ 
 
 CUSHING. 
 
 J317 
 
318 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 " If that most important agency in the commercial develop- 
 ment of the United States, the Nicaragua Canal, were completed, 
 the strategic situation would be largely modified. At the present 
 time the two seaboards are so remote that each requires its 
 separate system of naval defense. Each has its vulnerable points, 
 and each has neighbors that are well prepared for offensive 
 movements. There is a circle of insular fortresses facing our 
 Atlantic seaboard, the sole object of whose existence is to main- 
 tain naval outposts at our doors. There are States in the Pacific, 
 and not large States either, whose fleets are more powerful than 
 any force that we could readily bring to meet them. To protect 
 either seaboard, even when our present authorized fleet is com- 
 pleted, will involve stripping the other at a critical moment. 
 
 " I believe that public opinion in the United States desires to 
 see this country provided with an efificient naval protection. 
 The press, which represents the best intelligence of the country, 
 speaks on the subject with clearness and emphasis. It believes, 
 and the country believes with it, that this protection is an obli- 
 gation upon the national government. It does not believe that 
 cities like San Francisco, Seattle and Tacoma should be open to 
 the attacks of a third-rate power, whose ships, by a sudden 
 movement, may enforce contributions that would pay in advance 
 the expense of a war. If any one believes that such rapidity of 
 movement is impossible, let him recall the circumstances under 
 which the Esmeralda appeared in April last, without warning, 
 close to the Californian coast, sending on the Itata to San Diego. 
 As little does public opinion believe that the commercial sea- 
 ports of the Gulf and the Atlantic should be unprotected from 
 attack by any nation whose fortified harbors and fully-equipped 
 naval dockyards are within forty-eight hours' steaming. 
 
 " But it is not the seacoast States alone that have a direct 
 interest in naval efficiency. The prosperity of the whole interior 
 depends upon the uninterrupted supply of the demands of a 
 foreign market. If, when war comes, we are not in a position to 
 protect the transportation of our food products, the foreign 
 market will be closed. By the blockade of such great outlets as 
 Galveston, New Orleans, and Mobile in the Gulf, and the Ches- 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 319 
 
 apeake and Delaware and New York on the Atlantic, the great 
 industry of the interior will be paralyzed. 
 
 " It was well said by a former Secretary of the Navy, Hon. 
 J. C. Dobbin, of North Carolina, as long ago as 1854: 
 
 "' But who are interested in the navy? It is not merely the 
 citizen whose lot is cast along the coast, the wealthy merchant 
 in our cities, the speculator in floating merchandise, but mer- 
 chants, mechanics, planters, our countrymen ail along the coast, 
 up our rivers, beyond our mountains. The agricultural interest 
 is as much beneiited and protected by the navy as any other. 
 Every planter in every section is not more truly protected by the 
 inclosure around his farm than by our " wooden walls " which 
 float around our coast.' 
 
 " But it is repeatedly said that the United States should avoid 
 war. This is a proposition to which every right-minded citizen 
 must assent. No principle is more firmly established in our 
 national policy, and the Federal officer who would involve this 
 country in a causeless war would be a traitor to his trust. But 
 war does not require the agreement of both parties ; it may come 
 upon us without our consent, and even against our will. If a 
 hostile fleet should attack San Francisco to-morrow, war would 
 exist as a fact, although it had not been declared by legislative 
 enactment. 
 
 " Even if it were impossible to involve this country in war with- 
 out its consent, there are situations in which that consent would 
 be given by a unanimous popular voice. There are outrages 
 which cannot go unredressed; there are injuries to which no 
 nation can afford to submit. Against sucli injuries the surest 
 preventive is a strong national defense. To refer again to the 
 words of the statesman whom I have just quoted : 
 
 '"Weakness invites aggression, and never inspires respect; 
 while acknowledged strength and visible preparation command 
 consideration, and are the true safeguards of peace.' 
 
 " There are elements of danger at all times for American 
 interests, and at any moment these elements may be rendered 
 tenfold more active by a European war. 
 
 " Our situation as a comrnercial neutral between these mighty 
 
320 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. . 
 
 contestants, to some of whom our exports of beef and pork and 
 grain and cotton will be a necessity, while to others they will 
 become a main object of attack, is one for which we must make 
 an adequate provision beforehand. The disastrous consequences 
 of our position in 1805-18 12, as an unarmed neutral between 
 two unscrupulous belligerents, are well known. The direct 
 losses alone, to say nothing of the indirect injuries, sustained by 
 our merchants during that period amounted to a sum that would 
 have built a navy sufficient to have swept the ships of either one 
 of our aggressors from the ocean. As was stated by the Presi- 
 dent of the United States more than fifty years ago : 
 
 " ' The history of the late wars in Europe furnishes a complete 
 demonstration that no system of conduct, however correct in 
 principle, can protect neutral powers from injury from any party; 
 that a defenseless position and a distinguished love of peace are 
 the surest invitations to war; and that there is no way to avoid 
 it other than by being always prepared and willing, for a just 
 cause, to meet it.' 
 
 "After considering carefully the additions that have been 
 hitherto made to the Navy, and its future necessities, the De- 
 partment has reached the conclusion that there should be no 
 departure from the policy pursued up to this time of building 
 large armored vessels. Ships of the type of the Indiana, now 
 under construction, are undoubtedly the most powerful element 
 of protection that this country can possess. 
 
 " The main batteries of these ships, which form their most 
 characteristic feature, throw at a single discharge a weight of 
 projectiles of 6,800 pounds, or over 3 tons, with a total energy 
 of 210,000 foot tons; and the energy of the projectile from the 
 13-inch gun is sufficient to perforate 22 inches of steel at a dis- 
 tance of I mile. Their secondary batteries, comprising sixteen 
 6-pounders and four i-pounders, discharge 330 projectiles per 
 minute. In addition to her guns, each ship will have torpedo 
 tubes so arranged as to give an all-round fire for the discharge 
 of 18-inch torpedoes, each of which is charged with 250 pounds 
 of a powerful explosive. 
 
 '* It is only by the possession of ships of this type that the 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 321 
 
 defensive strength of the United States can really be measured. 
 We may have many medium-sized cruisers of 4,500 tons or be- 
 low, which perform useful service in time of peace in carrying 
 the flag about the world, which give practical training to offi- 
 cers and men, and which perform important auxiliary service in 
 war. But when opposed to armored ships these vessels cannot 
 be counted as an element of force. If it is conceded that we re- 
 quire a navy strong enough to resist an attack of any state pos- 
 sessing two modern sea-going armored vessels — and there are 
 many such states that in every other respect are far behind this 
 country — we must have a sufficient number of ships of this type 
 ready to meet them on either coast. Three such ships, the 
 number that we have provided for up to the present time, are 
 not enough to fulfil even this moderate requirement. 
 
 " The success which has attended the development of the 
 plans of the three ships of this type, now in process of construc- 
 tion, and the favorable recognition which the designs have uni- 
 versally received, both in this country and in Europe, justify the 
 Department in urging that naval construction should continue 
 upon substantially the same line. The efficiency of the type is 
 beyond question. The cost of the ships, although considerable, 
 is not great for the service they render. It would certainly be 
 poor economy to build in their place second-class armored ves- 
 sels of the type of the Maine and the Texas, for example, which, 
 though excellent ships for their size, are not large enough to 
 accomplish the true object of a heavily armored vessel. 
 
 "The Department also recommends the early construction of 
 a large armored cruiser, similar in general design to the Neiy 
 York. This magnificent vessel, whose functions cover a far 
 wider range than those of an ordinary cruiser, presents an ex- 
 traordinary combination of great' coal endurance, high speed and 
 efficient armor protection. When to this combination is added a 
 main battery of six 8-inch rifles, and twelve heavy rapid fire guns, 
 she becomes one of the most formidable vessels in our own or any 
 other navy, and one that can be brought into use for any kind 
 of service. With the exception of the three ships of the Indiana 
 21 
 
322 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 class, she is the most important element of defensive strength 
 which this country now possesses. 
 
 " The tendency of naval construction all over the world, at 
 the present time, in the matter of cruisers, is toward the con- 
 struction of large vessels. This is caused by the necessity of 
 uniting in a single vessel a battery composed of high-power 
 guns of at least 8-inch calibre, associated with numerous rapid- 
 fire guns; protection in the form of either vertical side armor or 
 a protective deck, or both (as in the Nezv York), sufficiently 
 heavy at least to withstand the attack of the rapid fire battery of 
 an adversary; high speed; and, finally, great coal endurance. 
 
 " Russia leads the way with the huge armored cruiser 7??mV, of 
 1 1,000 tons displacement. England is now completing the Blake 
 and the Blenheim, of 9,000 tons, and nine cruisers of the Edgar 
 class, of 7,500 tons, France is building the Diipiiy de Lome, of 
 6,300 tons. Germany has in course of construction the vessel 
 known as cruiser ' H,' of 6,000 tons, and it is reported that seven 
 more of this latter type are contemplated. Finally, Spain has 
 ordered six armored cruisers, the first three of 6,900 tons, now 
 approaching completion, while the fourth has been increased to 
 9,200 tons, and the remaining two will probaby be of similar 
 displacement. While comparisons between these vessels would 
 be invidious, it may be stated broadly that in none of these 
 instances has the displacement fallen appreciably below 8,000 tons 
 without a departure to a greater or less extent, from the high 
 standard of requirements laid down. 
 
 " Passing from the class of vessels represented by the Nexv 
 York, in which the highest efficiency of the cruiser type is 
 reached — in fact, which may be considered the best all-round 
 vessel of any type — it appears that the construction of smaller 
 cruisers or gunboats, of 3,000 tons displacement and less, carry- 
 ing a heavy battery, but few or no rapid-fire guns, with a light 
 protective deck, moderate speed and small coal endurance, has 
 ceased entirely. In the few vessels of this size that are being 
 designed at present a battery composed entirely of rapid-fire guns 
 of from 4 to 6 inch calibre is the essential feature, and this is com:: 
 birred with high speed. Whether an adequate coal endurance 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 323 
 
 can be obtained in vessels of this size is not fully settled, and it 
 is clear that they can have but little protection. Until this type 
 is more fully developed and further information is gained as to its 
 efficiency, the Department would not recommend an advance in 
 this direction. 
 
 " There is, however, a class of small vessels capable of per- 
 forming successfully many of the duties now required of gun- 
 boats, which are known as torpedo cruisers. The characteristics 
 of the torpedo cruiser are well defined : Small size (about 8oo to 
 i,000 tons), light draft, a speed of 22 knots, adequate coal 
 capacity, rapid-fire guns, and a powerful torpedo armament. It 
 combines the ability to keep the sea of the gunboat, with the 
 speed and formidable armament of the first-class torpedo boat. 
 It has many functions. Acting independently it is a seagoing 
 torpedo boat, a commerce destroyer, or a blockade runner, and 
 can destroy an enemy's torpedo boats, and in blockades its 
 presence is indispensable. In action its duty is to destroy an 
 enemy's torpedo boats, to serve as the support of a torpedo boat 
 flotilla, and to act as a torpedo boat itself This is the type of 
 vessel that the Department would propose to build should Con- 
 gress adopt its recommendation to increase the limit of cost in 
 the vessel authorized by the act of June 30, 1890; and such a 
 vessel would be a valuable addition to the naval force." 
 
 But the new American Navy must not be judged alone by its 
 appearance on water in the shape of swift cruisers, formid- 
 able battle ships and dangerous torpedo boats. There has been 
 a revival all around, and in no respect has the change been more 
 startling than in the progress respecting ordnance, projectiles, 
 powder, and ship manoeuvring. The old-fashioned muzzle- 
 loading cannon has given place to the steel gun. In January, 
 1892, was shipped across the continent in a specially constructed 
 car a steel gun for the coast defence vessel Monterey. The gun 
 weighed 101,300 pounds. It was 36.8 feet long and 5 feet 
 through. Its chamber was 6 ft. 2 in. deep and 14 ft. 6 in. in 
 diameter. It required 430 pounds of powder to fire its 860 
 poimd projectile, a velocity of 1,941 feet per second, The 
 
324 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 great gun of the Kearsarge which sunk the Alabama, in 1864, 
 weighed 15,750 pounds, and carried a projectile weighing 140 
 pounds. 
 
 The same improvement is noticeable when machinery is con- 
 sidered. For many years in war ships no other than the hori- 
 zontal engines for screw vessels was used, on account of the 
 necessity for the most complete protection involved, and on this 
 account the efficiency of the machinery arrangement was consider- 
 ably reduced. Within a comparatively few years, however, 
 ingenuity and skill have triumphed over this difficulty, it having 
 been found possible to sufficiently protect the cylinders of ver- 
 tical engines from danger by projectiles, and this type of engine 
 has in all ^uch cases invariably been thus fitted. The advantages 
 gained by the use of the vertical engine instead of the horizontal 
 are very considerable, the engine working far more smoothly, 
 wearing more evenly, and all parts being much more accessible 
 for inspection. 
 
 But the greatest revolution in all the range of modern war- 
 fare has been in the armor plate for battle ships and cruisers, and 
 the use of gunpowder, known as smokeless powder, for small 
 arms. In armor plates, the protecting belts or zones of steel 
 which shield the most vulnerable and valuable portion of a battle 
 ship, the nickel steel plates manufactured in the United States 
 have come to be recognized as the most perfect. On Nov. 
 14, 1 89 1, there was a test of steel armor at the Indian Head 
 grounds. 
 
 It was then fully shown that the nickel steel plates, or, as they 
 are technically known, the high carbon nickel steel untreated, 
 sustained the shock of contact the best and were therefore the 
 best suited for protected cruisers and ships of the line. The 
 peculiarity of this class of modern armor plate is that it pre- 
 sents pretty much the same features that a slab of soft putty 
 would when struck by a marble from a slingshot in a boy's 
 hands. 
 
 The use of cellulose in warships as a protection against the 
 inflow of water through shot holes in the hull has become gen- 
 eral, as a rule, throughout the world. The United States Govern- 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 325 
 
 ment has adopted it as a valuable auxiliary to the system of 
 armor plating. 
 
 Cellulose, as is generally known, is made from the husks of 
 cocoanuts, and has the property of rapidly absorbing water and 
 therewith swelling to fill up a hole which may be made through 
 it. Its discovery, like many others of equal moment, was acci- 
 dental. It came about while a French officer was engaged at 
 target practice on a Pacific island, the target being a hillock 
 thickly covered with cocoanut husks. 
 
 The cruiser of to-day is a floating fort and palace combined. 
 Its ward-rooms and cabins are luxuriously appointed. The 
 vessel throughout is lighted by electricity, heated by steam, and 
 carries search-lights of 25,000-candle power. Experiments are 
 being made with a view to introducing telephones on board the 
 vessels of the new navy. Plumbing, ventilation, sanitary appli- 
 ances of every kind have been introduced. 
 
 The seamen of the new navy are not, however, the sailors the 
 men of the navy in the past were. The modern warships are 
 almost totally mastless and sailless creations. The masts are 
 not used alone for the few sails, but coigns of vantage on which 
 are bullet-proof shelters, in which are located the machine guns, 
 those death-dealing deck-rakers which play havoc with the crew 
 of an enemy. The Gatling gun is in use on our war vessels for 
 fighting from aloft. These pieces, which can discharge, when 
 required, 1200 shots a minute, are intended to disable or kill the 
 enemy's crew. Rapid-fire guns are not of this class. They are 
 used to defend battle ships from the rapidly-moving torpedo 
 boats. A rapid-fire armor penetrating gun is a necessity, and 
 the development of this arm of warfare has progressed so far 
 that the largest of these pieces is six inches in calibre, is fired 
 with thirty-eight pounds of powder, a projectile weighing lOO 
 pounds and at the rate of six aimed shots a minute. 
 
 The duties of a seaman in the new navy is a great contrast to 
 the life led by old salts when our navy was not sixth on the list 
 of navies of the world. The grog allowance, keel-hauling, flog- 
 ging plain and flogging around the fleet, the sweat-room and 
 such brutalities and barbarities have disappeared. Punishment 
 
326, 
 
 OUR PLAN Of GOVERNMENT. 
 
 consists of imprisonment, bread and water diet, extra utiesd, 
 cutting off shore leave, etc. 
 
 But a little while before one of the most eminent of Great 
 Britain's naval designers, Mr. J. H. Biles, a member of the 
 Council of the Institute of Naval Architects of England, wrote 
 as follows : 
 
 " The American war ships are quite equal to the best of 
 England. 
 
 " No. 1 2 cruiser is, however, the most important of the cruisers. 
 She is called a commerce destroyer, and is popularly known as 
 the Pirate. The building of such a ship, which we have nothing 
 to cope with, certainly is an indication of what America is capa- 
 ble of, both in conception and construction ; and I have thought 
 it of sufficient interest to lay it before the institute for consider- 
 ation and discussion. 
 
 " The armament of the three battle ships seems to be more 
 powerful than that of any European battle ships. They are dis- 
 tinctly superior, in most respects, to any European vessels of the 
 same displacement." 
 
 The time is past when American citizens need to bow their 
 heads, or blush with shame, because the navy of the United 
 States was sneeringly alluded to as a flotilla of wooden tubs. 
 It is to-day a splendid squadron, capable of meeting and defeat- 
 ing — cruiser for cruiser, gunboat for gunboat — the finest and 
 costliest of the floating forts of any nation in the world. 
 
 The new navy is only in its infancy. Speculation as to what 
 it will be, the position it will occupy among the navies of the 
 world twenty-five years hence, is most interesting to those who 
 have been observers of the progress of the United States in this 
 direction during the past eleven years. 
 
 SECRETARIES OF NAVY. 
 
 Name. Appointed. 
 
 George Cabot, Mass May 3, 1798 
 
 Benjamin Stoddert, Mass.. May 21, 179S 
 
 Robert Smith, Md July 15, 1801 
 
 J. Crowninshield, Mass. . .May 3, 1805 
 
 Paul Hamilton, S. C Mar. 7, 1S09 
 
 William Jones, Pa Jan. 12, I813 
 
 B.W. Crowninshield, Mass. Dec. 19, 1814 
 
 Name. Appointed. 
 
 Smith Thompson, N. Y. ..Nov. 9, 1818 
 
 John Rogers, Mass Sept. I, 1823 
 
 Samuel L. Southard, N. J. Sept. 16, 1823 
 
 John Branch, N. C Mar. 9, 1829 
 
 Levi Woodbury, N. H.. . .May 23, 1831 
 Mahlon Dickerson, N. J. .June 30,. 1834 
 James K. Paulding, N. Y.June 25, 183/^ 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVE.RNMENT. 
 
 3^7 
 
 SECRETARIES OF NAVY — Continued. 
 
 Name. Appointed. 
 
 George E. Badger, N. C. .Mar. 5, 1841 
 
 A. P. Upshur, Va Sept. 13, 1S41 
 
 David Henshaw, Mass... .July 24, 1843 
 Thomas W. Gihner, Va.. .Feb. 15, 1844 
 
 John Y. Mason, Va Mar. 14, 1844 
 
 George Bancroft, Mass.. . .Mar. 10, 1845 
 
 John Y. Mason, Va Sept. 9, 1846 
 
 William B. Preston, Va...Mar. 8, 1849 
 William A. Graham, N, C.July 22, 1850 
 John P. Kennedy, Md...JuIy 22, 1852 
 James C. Dobbin, N. C. .Mar. 7, 1853 
 
 Name. _ Appointed. 
 
 Isaac Toucey, Conn. Mar. 6, 1S57 
 
 Gideon Welles, Conn Mar. 5, 1861 
 
 Adolph E. Borie, Pa Mar. 5, 1869 
 
 George M. Robeson, N. J. .June 25, 1S69 
 Rich. W. Thompson, Ir,d.."Mar. 12, 1877 
 Nathan Goff, Jr., W. Va. .Jan. 6, 1881 
 
 W. H. Hunt, La Mar. 5, 1881 
 
 Wm. E. Chand-ler, N. H.. April i, 1882 
 Wm. C. Whitney, N. Y . .Mar. 6, 1885 
 Benj. F. Tracy, N. Y Mar. 5, 1889 
 
 INTERIOR DEPARTMENT. 
 
 This office did not exist till authorized by act of March 3, 
 1849. It became necessary by reason of the great growth of 
 some of the Bureaus and Divisions of the other Departments, 
 especially those of Public Lands and Patents, and because the 
 time had come for a grouping of them under a head more sig- 
 nificant of their real character. We are not sure that the title 
 " Interior Department " is the happiest which could have been 
 chosen, but it savors of home and gives one to understand that 
 the business of the office relates to affairs quite within our own 
 boundaries. It has not only drawn something from other offices, 
 but has been the office most called upon to meet the great and 
 growing demands of the country, whenever a Department was 
 needed to take control of a newly created service. 
 
 The office has for its head a Secretary of Interior, appointed 
 by the President by and with the advice and consent of the 
 Senate, for the term of four years unless sooner removed. His 
 salary is ^8,000, and he is a Member of the Cabinet. 
 
 SECRETARY'S DUTIES.— We attends to all business relat- 
 ing to Public lands and mines, Indians, bounty lands, patents, 
 custody and distribution of publications, education, census, Ter- 
 ritories, government asylums. He reports annually, or whenever 
 called upon, to Congress respecting the workings of his office. 
 He prepares the Federal Blue Book or Biennial Regi.ster of all 
 the government employes, keeps the return office in which are 
 filed the contracts made in the Departments of War, Navy, and 
 Interior, controls the Yellowstone Park, and publishes at the 
 
328 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 close of each session of Congress 11,000 copies of the laws just 
 passed. Like all the other Departments, this is divided into 
 Bureaus and Divisions devoted to certain duties, that the entire 
 work of the Department may be carried on in an orderly manner. 
 Perhaps the most important is the 
 
 GENERAL LAND OFFICE.— T\\\?. was a part of the 
 Treasury Department until the creation of the Interior Depart- 
 ment. Quite early, the matter of disposing of the Public lands 
 became important, and a Land office was created by act of April 
 25, 1812. This question of selling public lands and disposing 
 of the proceeds was for over half a century actively political, and 
 not until the passage of the Homestead laws, beginning in 1862, 
 did a satisfactory method of dealing with them exist. 
 
 The duties of the General Land Office are attended to by a 
 Commissioner, who acts under the Secretary of the Interior. 
 These duties relate to the surveying and plotting of public 
 lands, their sale, and the issuing of patents for those sold. There 
 are local Land offices, numbering sixteen, in all the States and 
 Territories containing public lands for sale. These are presided 
 over by U. S. Surveyors-General. The Surveyor-General em- 
 ploys surveyors, draughtsmen, and clerks who are engaged in 
 the active work of field surveys. This work of surveying, plot- 
 ting, dividing, and giving metes and bounds to public lands is 
 always going on. At first townships are formed, six miles 
 square, with true east and west and north and south boundaries, 
 and the four corners are located and marked. Then each 
 township is cut in sections one mile square, or 640 acres each, 
 and these are subdivided into quarter sections of 160 acres 
 each. They are all numbered and booked, and are known, 
 referred to, sold, and patented according to their number and 
 range. 
 
 The actual selling of the lands is done through still another 
 set of offices more numerous than those of the Surveyors, and 
 located at all available points. They are known as Land offices 
 too, but they are Registers' and Receivers' offices, being presided 
 over each by a Register and Receiver. His business is to make 
 final disposition of the lands to the actual applicant or settler, 
 
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. 
 
 PENSION OFFICE. 
 
 329 
 
S30 '^UR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 give him title and possession, collect the fees and purchase- 
 money, and account to the government. 
 
 PUBLIC LANDS. — These formerly existed in every State 
 outside of the original thirteen, but they now exist only in the 
 Territories, and to a greater or less extent in Alabama, Arkansas, 
 Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Michigan, Minnesota, Kansas, 
 Nebraska, Iowa, Wisconsin, Florida, California, Nevada, Oregon 
 and Colorado. The public lands are being disposed of yery 
 rapidly. Figures respecting surveys and sales are almost daz- 
 zling. The sales for 1883 amounted to 16,830,000 acres, the 
 largest on record. In 1873 they only amounted to 3,793,000 
 acres, but they always fall off during hard times. 
 
 PUBLIC LAND SYSTEM.— \\. may be said in general that 
 public lands are of two classes, one rating at ^1.25 per acre, the 
 other at ;^2.50 per acre. There are four ways of getting posses- 
 sion : 1st, under the Homestead act; 2d, under the Pre-emption 
 laws ; 3d, under the Timber Culture act ; 4th, under the Military 
 bounty act. The Homestead act provides that any head of a 
 family, or person over 21 years, a citizen or one who has declared 
 his intentions, may enter a homestead of 160 acres, or alternate 
 80 acres, of surveyed land. He must pay the entry fees, from 
 $"] to ;^22, take possession and be an actual settler for five years, 
 pay the government price, and get the title. Under the pre- 
 emption laws the same class of persons may enter any unsur- 
 veyed, offered, or unoffered lands, and by payment of fees, and 
 proof of actual settlement, hold a section of the same against 
 sale to any one else. He must make final proofs and payments 
 as under the Homestead act, in order to complete his title. Title 
 to a section of land may be acquired by a soldier who holds a 
 bounty land-warrant, said land-warrant being good payment for 
 the land as far as it goes. But the government has never issued 
 many of such land-warrants. Title may be secured under the 
 Timber Culture acts of 1873-78, by any actual settler who culti- 
 vates for two years five acres of trees. Such an one gets 80 
 acres; and 160 acres if he cultivate ten acres of trees. His 
 patent will be issued free at the end of three years, on proof of 
 what he has done. The design is to encourage timber culture 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 331 
 
 on farm land. Of course nothing in these acts prevents a cash 
 purchaser at the public auction of these lands from acquiring 
 patented title. 
 
 These acts all refer to the sale of Agricultural lands. The Min- 
 eral lands are located and disposed of under another set of regu- 
 lations, which miners and mining companies alone are interested 
 in, though all are open to the ordinary private citizen. After 
 i860 the policy of giving government aid to Railroads, chiefly 
 those through to the Pacific, in the shape of large grants of 
 public lands, became popular for a time, but is so no longer. 
 The public lands yet unsold amount to many million acres. 
 
 PENSION OFFICE.— This important branch of the Depart- 
 ment of the Interior is presided over by the Commissioner of 
 Pensions. Our pension system began with the government and 
 was conducted by the Secretary of War until 1833. Then a 
 Pension Office was created which remained with the War De- 
 partment till the establishment of the Interior Department in 
 1849. Our government has always been liberal in its payment 
 of pensions to soldiers and their families. Not a year has 
 elapsed since the starting of the government that a good round 
 sum has not been paid in the shape of pensions. The average 
 up to 181 5 would be about ^lOC^OO yearly. From that time on 
 till 1865 the average would be fully ^2,000,000 annually. Since 
 then the figures have assumed enormous proportions, owing to 
 the fact that the civil war greatly increased the list of pensioners, 
 and the further fact that Congress has exceeded all former liber- 
 ality by dating the payment of pensions back to the time of in- 
 jury or deprivation, instead of beginning it with the date on 
 which the pension is granted. Our pension system does not 
 reach the Civil Service as in England, if we except the retiracy 
 of Judges of the United States Courts, who may, since 1869. 
 retire at seventy with full salary for life, if they have served ten 
 years continuously. The total cost of the system has grown 
 enormously under the various pension acts. 
 
 COMMISSIONER'S DUTIES.— Hq must hear through his 
 examiners, surgeons, etc., all applicants for pensions, grant pen- 
 s*on papers to the meritorious, investigate frauds, issue bounty 
 
332 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 land-warrants, and do all that this elaborate and expensive 
 system requires of him. 
 
 In paying pensions he is assisted by Pension Agents, located 
 at offices throughout the country called Pension Agencies. 
 There are now seventeen of these, located at Boston, Chicago, 
 Columbus, Concord, Des Moines, Detroit, Indianapolis, Knox- 
 ville, Louisville, Milwaukee, New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, 
 St. Louis, San Francisco, Syracuse, Washington, D. C. 
 
 The manner of applying for pensions is carefully guarded by 
 formalities, oaths, examinations, etc., as it must necessarily be, 
 owing to the great number of applicants and the inducement 
 to raise fictitious cases. The late of pension paid is regulated 
 by the character of the disability and the rank of the pensioner. 
 Widows of soldiers killed in service are entitled, and orphans 
 under sixteen. In addition to pension each soldier is entitled to 
 periodical allowance for an artificial limb or eye, if compelled to 
 use such. 
 
 INDIAN BUREAU.—K Bureau of Indian Affairs was estab- 
 lished as early as 1832, and became connected with the Interior 
 Department in 1849. Its chief officer is a Commissioner of 
 Indian Affairs. The active work of the Bureau is done among 
 the Indians at Agencies, and by Agents, of which there are 
 some seventy, situated so as to accommodate the respective 
 tribes. 
 
 The government has from time to time made treaties with 
 different tribes, allotted reservations to others, and entered upon 
 a variety of contracts, possible and impossible, according to the 
 whim of the natives, many of which are but little better than 
 agreements to support whole tribes in idleness. The fulfillment 
 of these compacts makes what are called our Indian relations. 
 These it is the business of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs 
 to superintend. The fact that such superintendence never served 
 to ameliorate the condition of the Indian gave rise to a Board 
 of Indian Commissioners, composed of intelligent and charitably 
 disposed men, appointed by the President, and who serve with- 
 out pay, whose duty it is to supervise all moneys appropriated 
 for Indians, and inspect food and clothing purchased for their use. 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 333 
 
 The necessity for such commission is a confession that the 
 government either had not conducted or could not conduct its 
 Indian affairs properly: both of which were doubtless true, in 
 J.he absence of a clearly defined Indian policy, which no more 
 exists to-day than when the Cavalier and Puritan landed. 
 
 PATENT OFFICE. — This interesting office is under the 
 immediate supervision of a Commissioner oi Patents. 
 
 The name of the office suggests its use. The first act relating 
 to patents was that of April lo, 1790. It authorized the grant- 
 ing of patents by the Secretary of State, after consultation with 
 the Secretary of War and Attorney-General, though either could 
 act on his own responsibility. The present office and something 
 Hke the present system was created by act of March 3, 1849, in 
 connection with the Interior Department. But it was not until 
 the act of July 8, 1870, that the existing system took full shape 
 and vigor. 
 
 The model-rooms of the Patent Office were begun in 1836. 
 They were greatly enlarged, and quite well filled with models, 
 when the fire of Sept. 24, 1877, destroyed some 87,000 of them, 
 besides other interesting historic relics. They have been again 
 enlarged and are rapidly filling up with evidences of American 
 genius and skill. 
 
 Patents are granted only after full designs or models have been 
 presented and examined by experts, and something found therein 
 " new and useful, not known or used by others in this country, 
 and not patented or described in print in this or any other 
 country." A patent for an original invention runs for seventeen 
 years. A patent for a design may run from three and a half 
 years to fourteen years. 
 
 CENSUS OFFICE. — The Secretary of the Interior is charged 
 with the duty of taking each decennial census, through and by 
 means of a Superintendent of Census. The active work of 
 enumeration is done by means of Supervisors of districts, 
 specially appointed. These send out enumerators into all the 
 subdivisions of a district, who gather the facts and figures from 
 tha people, and return them in a given time. When they 
 reach the Central Office at Washington they are tabulated and 
 
334 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 printed in the form of Census Reports. The work of census-taking 
 is important, and it is to be regretted that it has never reached, 
 in this country, the perfection it has in some others. This may 
 seem strange in view of the fact that the United States was the 
 first nation to provide in its fundamental law for a periodical 
 count of its people. The first census under the Constitution 
 was taken in 1790. They have been taken every ten years 
 since, and the results duly published. The early censuses con- 
 tained but little more than an enumeration of the people. The 
 omission of statistics and facts relating to the industries of the 
 country caused a general overhauling of the census methods in 
 1 849. By act of March 3 of that year a Census Board was created, 
 composed of the Secretary of State, Postmaster-General and 
 Attorney-General, to prepare a plan for the census of 1850. 
 This resulted in an act of May 23, 1850, creating a Census 
 Office in the Department of the Interior, with a Superintendent, 
 as above noted. Since then the census inquiries have been 
 framed so as to cover not only population, but age, nationality, 
 physical and mental condition, social matters, churches, schools, 
 industrial establishments, farms, products of every kind, and 
 whatever will contribute to knowledge of our wealth, progress 
 and actual status as a people. One hundred inquiries could be 
 addressed to the citizen by the census enumerator, but no more. 
 The three censuses taken under the act of 1850 were great ad- 
 vances on those taken before, and their results form a set of 
 volumes which are indispensable to historians, statisticians and 
 students of social problems. Still the act was defective, and the 
 machinery under it clumsy and uncertain. An attempt was 
 made to remedy it by the census act of 1880. It is not yet time 
 to say whether the attempt has been a success or a failure. It 
 has certainly not resulted in a prompter receipt, tabulation and 
 publication of the returns, though those already perfected show a 
 completeness and utility beyond all others. 
 
 BUREAU OF EDUCATION.— i:\\\s Bureau was created by 
 act of March 2, 1867, and attached to the Department of the 
 Interior. Its Chief is a Commissioner of Education. The 
 business of the Bureau is to collect, publish and disseminate 
 
336 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 among the people such information touching schools and school 
 systems as will enable them to keep pace with modern improve- 
 ments in school organization and management, and meet the 
 national desire to overcome illiteracy wherever it exists. The 
 Bureau was a noble conception, and its work bears on vital 
 points, for our Republic is ever confronting the dangers that 
 lurk in illiteracy. 
 
 RAILROAD ACCOUNTS.— i:\\e Bureau was established in 
 1878, and connected with the Interior Department. It was made 
 necessary by the new policy of the government extending aid to 
 the Pacific and other railroads. The aid to build these long, 
 through and necessary lines was either by guarantee of their 
 bonds or by gift of public lands. In either event the govern- 
 ment felt that it should exercise a control over the management 
 of such roads to the extent of auditing their accounts and seeing 
 that all acts of Congress in their interest were respected. This 
 is the duty of the Bureau of Railroad Accounts, whose chief is 
 called Auditor. 
 
 CAPITOL ARCHITECT— Th'is officer has control of the 
 Capitol repairs and Capitol grounds. 
 
 GEOLOGICAL SURVEY.— VndQr the head of Public Lands 
 we saw they were divided into Agricultural and Mineral Lands, 
 This division requires a knowledge of their geological structure 
 and underground resource. For this purpose the Geological 
 Survey was established in 1879. Its chief is called Director of 
 the Geological Survey. The annual appropriations for carrying 
 on this work of examining and classifying public lands according 
 to their mineral substances and worth average ;^ 100,000. 
 
 OTHER ADyUNCTS.—The Secretary of the Interior was 
 in 1877 authorized to appoint a Commission of Entomologists 
 to inquire into the visitation of the Rocky Mountain Locusts 
 and devise means for suppressing their annual invasions. He 
 appoints by law a Recorder of Deeds and Register of Wills for 
 the District of Columbia. With his Department is connected 
 the management of the Government Hospital for the Insane. 
 This noble institution, erected at a cost of $500,000, and contain- 
 ing nearly 1,000 inmates, is designed for the care and treatment 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 337 
 
 of the insane of the Army and Navy and the indigent insane of 
 the District of Columbia. It was founded in 1855 ^^^ stands 
 on a conspicuous bluff south of the Anacostia River, in full view 
 of the Capitol. So also it has the management of the Columbia 
 Institution for the Instruction of the Deaf and Dumb, established 
 in 1857, located at Washington, and designed for the free edu- 
 cation of the deaf and dumb of the District of Columbia, and 
 the paid education of pupils from all the States and Territories. 
 The Freedmen's Hospital and Columbia Hospital for Women 
 are also under the general superintendence of the Interior 
 Department. 
 
 SECRETARIES OF THE INTERIOR. 
 
 Name. Appointed. 
 
 Thomas H. Ewing, Ohio. ..Mar. 8, 1849 
 Alex. H. H. Stuart, Va... .Sept. 12, 1850 
 Robert McClelland, Mich. .Mar. 7, 1853 
 
 Jacob Thompson, Miss Mar. 0, 1857 
 
 Caleb P. Smith, Ind Mar. 5, 1861 
 
 John P. Usher, Ind Jan. 8, 1863 
 
 James Harlan, Iowa.... . . .May 15, 1865 
 
 O. H. Browning, III July 27, 1866 
 
 Jacob D. Cox, Ohio Mar. 5, 1869 
 
 Name. Appointed. 
 
 Columbus Delano, Ohio. .Nov. i, 1870 
 Zachariah Chandler, Mich. Oct. 19, 1875 
 
 Carl Schurz, Mo Mar. 12, 1877 
 
 S. J. Kirkwood, Iowa. . . .Mar. 5, 1881 
 
 Henry M. Teller, Col April 6, 1882 
 
 Lucius Q. C. Lamar, Miss. Mar. 6, 1885 
 
 Wm. F. Vilas, Wis Dec. 5, 1887 
 
 John W. Noble, Mo Mar. 5, 1889 
 
 r 
 
 THE POST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT. 
 
 The government comes down closer to the people through the 
 Post-Office Department than any other. It intimately concerns 
 all of us and exists for our accommodation in the matter of 
 correspondence with friends and business folk at home and 
 abroad. The Constitution, Art. I., Sec. 8, authorizes the estab- 
 lishment of Post-offices and Post-roads. This is not peculiar to 
 our government. All civilized powers assume to do the same 
 thing for their people, and nearly all in the same way, so much 
 so at least that what is known as a Postal Union has become 
 possible, whereby different countries agree to recognize our 
 stamps on letters and engage to carry them through their mails, 
 we doing the same toward their stamps and with their letters. 
 This wonderful triumph of political civilization brings the peo- 
 ple of all countries in the Postal Union as closely together as if 
 they were of one country. 
 
 The earliest Post-Office System in our country arose under 
 act of Sept. 22, 1789. It was a crude affair, run in connection 
 22 
 
338 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 with the Treasury Department, though presided over by an 
 officer called the Postmaster-General, as to-day. There were 
 then 75 post-offices in the country, and the routes extended over 
 1,875 miles. It cost the country in 1790, ^32,140, and the re- 
 ceipts were ;^37,935. Now there are in round numbers 63,000 
 post-offices, a routeage of 428,000 miles, an annual revenue of 
 ^53,000,000, and an expenditure somewhat in excess of this 
 revenue. Mail facilities are enjoyed by the people in even 
 remote places. It has always been the policy of the government 
 to favor this method of intercommunication not more for purposes 
 of business than to foster exchange of thought and a truly educa- 
 tional spirit. It has never been a part of this policy to make 
 money out of the system. The cost has therefore, as a rule, 
 been in excess of the profit, measured in strict dollars and cents. 
 As the profit approximated the cost, there has been a reduction 
 of rates of postage. Many are yet alive who remember the old 
 letter rate of six cents and over, and very many who remember 
 the five-cent rate. Then came the uniform rate of three cents 
 for every two ounces, and in 1883 the two-cent rate. It is very 
 probable that a one-cent rate will prevail before the end of the 
 century, for the system proves that cheapness of rate is more 
 than met by increased amount of matter mailed, especially in 
 populous communities. 
 
 A great stride was made in our postal system by act of May 
 8, 1794. But in 1829 the grand step was taken which made it 
 a separate system. Then the Post-Office Department was de- 
 tached from the Treasury Department, and the Postmaster-Gen- 
 eral made responsible for its management. He became a mem- 
 ber of the Cabinet, and a direct adviser with the President. 
 
 DUTIES OF POSTMASTER. —The general duties of the 
 Postmaster-General are to conduct the multiform and intricate 
 accounts of the postal service ; originate and distribute books, 
 blanks and forms ; establish and discontinue post-offices; appoint 
 postmasters ; negotiate postal treaties with foreign countries ; 
 report to Congress annually the condition of his office ; execute 
 all laws relating to the postal service. He has more appoint- 
 ments than any other Department official, and his responsibility 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 339 
 
 never ceases till it reaches down into the very bosom of the 
 masses. 
 
 POST-OFFICES. — The machinery of the Department is 
 largely outside of it, and it works in every city, hamlet and far 
 corner of the land. The postal routes are established by law. 
 They are not always wisely laid down at first, but time and the 
 drift of settlement generally cure all defects. The Department, 
 following the routes, establishes post-offices, appoints postmasters 
 and places the people in contact with the service. All this is 
 fully in the hands of the Department. Postmasters receiving 
 over ;^i,000 salary must have their nominations confirmed by 
 the Senate, and as a rule they are appointed by the President. 
 All minor appointments are made by the Postmaster-General 
 directly. Postmasters are graded, and paid accordingly. 
 
 OTHER FEATURES. — The postal system has been very 
 growtliy, and prolific of many new features, all tending to make 
 it more convenient and safe. The sending of money in small 
 sums by mail was a constant invitation to robbery and led to 
 many losses. The attempt to secure greater safety by means of 
 a registry of letters did not amount to much. Then the money 
 order feature was introduced, by which money can be sent with 
 entire safety. Sums up to ;^50 can thus be sent from one Money 
 Order Office, payable at another. There are now 9,400 of these 
 offices, and the amount transmitted through them annually 
 ^ggi'egates several millions. They are the poor man's bank, 
 through which he can send drafts to any part of this country 
 and to many foreign countries. The propriety of a postal-sav- 
 ing bank has often been mooted. But .we are not yet quite far 
 enough on for such an advantageous feature. 
 
 The Postal Note feature was authorized in 1883. A deposit 
 of less than ^5 at any Money Order Office will entitle one to a 
 note for the amount of his deposit less a fee of three cents, 
 which he can use as money for 90 days, and which will be re- 
 deemed at any Money Order Office on demand. It is a handy 
 note for transmission by letter. 
 
 The Letter Carrier feature is a modern one. It exists, or may 
 exist, in any city with a population of 20,000, or in which the 
 
340 
 
 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENr. 
 
 post-office yields ;^20,ooo a year. In such cities carriers gather 
 and deliver the mail matter, to the great convenience of business 
 men. 
 
 The Railway Service is also a new feature. By law all navi- 
 gable waters of the United States, all canals and railroads, are 
 established postal routes, and the mails were carried thereon in 
 the ordinary pouches, the distribution being made at some 
 central office. The Railway Service introduced on the Rail 
 routes a Postal car or cars, officered hy mail agents whose duty 
 it is to collect and distribute all the mail matter on that route. 
 It is a post-office on wheels, and a very complete and popular 
 institution. 
 
 POSTMASTERS-GENERAL. 
 
 Name. Appointed. 
 
 Samuel Osgood, Mass. . . .Sept. 26, 1789 
 Timothy Pickering, Pa. ...Aug. 12, 1791 
 Joseph Habersham, Ga... .Feb. 25, 1795 
 Gideon Granger, Conn... .Nov. 18, iSoi 
 Return J. Meigs, Jr., Ohio. Mar. 17, 1S.4 
 
 John McLean, Ohio June 26, 1823 
 
 William T. Barry, Ky . . .Mar. 9, 1S29 
 
 Amos Kendall, Ky. May I, 1835 
 
 John M. Niles, Conn May 25, 1S40 
 
 Francis Granger, N. Y Mar. 6, 1841 
 
 Charles A. Wickliffe, Ky..Sept. 13, 1841 
 
 Cave Johnson, Tenn Mar. 6, 1845 
 
 Jacob Collamer, Ver Mar. 8, 1S49 
 
 Nathan K. Hall, N. Y July 23, 1850 
 
 Samuel D. Hubbard, Conn. Aug. 31, 1852 
 
 James Campbell, Pa Mar. 5, 1S53 
 
 Aaron V. Brown, Tenn.. .Mar. 6, 1857 
 
 Name. 
 
 Joseph Holt, Ky 
 
 Horatio King, Me 
 
 Montgomery Blair., Md... 
 William Dennison, Ohio. 
 Alex. W. Randall, Wis... 
 John A. J. Cresswell, Md 
 Marshall Jewell, Conn.... 
 
 James N. Tyner, Ind 
 
 Dav'd McK. Key, Tenn. 
 Horace Maynard, Tenn.. 
 Thomas L. Jam^s, N. Y. 
 Timothy O. Howe, Wis. . 
 Walter Q. Gresham, Ind. 
 
 Frank Hatton, Ohio 
 
 Wm. F. Vilas, Wis 
 
 D. M. Dickinson, Mich. . 
 John Wanamaker, Pa. . . . 
 
 Appointed. 
 .Mar. 14, 1859 
 .Feb. 12, 1861 
 
 Mar. 5, 1 86 1 
 .Sept. 24, 1864 
 
 July 25, 1866 
 ..Mar. 5, 1869 
 .Aug. 24, 1874 
 .July 12, 1876 
 .Mar. 12, 1877 
 .June 2, 1880 
 .Mar. 5, 1881 
 .Dec. 20, 1S81 
 
 April 3, 1S83 
 .Oct. 14, 18S4 
 .Mar. 6, 1S85 
 .Dec. 5, 18S7 
 .Mar. 5, 1889' 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. 
 
 The presiding officer of this Department is the Attorney-Gen- 
 eral, who is appointed by the President, and is a member of the 
 Cabinet. His salary is ^8,ooo. 
 
 The act of 1789 authorizing an Attorney-General empowered 
 him to " conduct all suits for the United States in the Supreme 
 Court, give his advice and opinion on questions of law when re- 
 quested by the President or heads of Departments." 
 
 By act of 1861 he has charge of Attorneys and Marshals in 
 all the Judicial Districts in the United States and Territories. 
 He is not only legal adviser of the President and heads of De- 
 partments, but must examine all titles to lands for public build- 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 341 
 
 ings, forts, navy yards, etc. ; report to Congress the condition of 
 his office; distribute U. S. statutes to the lower courts; designate 
 the places of confinement for criminals under U. S. laws. He is 
 a useful and invaluable official in the executive branch of the 
 cfovernment. and ou<7ht to be well informed in both the law and 
 practice of the U. S. Courts. The position is highly honorable 
 and has been held by some of the brightest legal minds of the 
 country. 
 
 ATTORNEYS-GENERAL. 
 
 Name. Appointed. 
 
 Edmund Randolph, Va. . .Sept. 26, 17S9 
 
 William Bradford, Pa Jan. 27, 1794 
 
 Charles Lee, Va Dec. 10, 1795 
 
 Theophilus Parsons, Mass. .Feb. 20, 1801 
 
 Levi Lincoln, Mass Mar. 5, 1801 
 
 Robert Smith, Md Mar. 3, 1805 
 
 John Breckinridge, Ky... .Aug. 7, 1805 
 Caesar A. Rodney, Pa. . . .Jan. 28, 1807 
 William Pinkney, Md....Dec. II, 1811 
 
 Richard Rush, Pa Feb. 10, 1814 
 
 William Wirt, Va Nov. 13, 181 7 
 
 John M. Berrien, Ga Mar. 9, 1829 
 
 Roger B. Taney, Md July 20, 1831 
 
 Benj. F. Butler, N. Y Nov. 15, 1833 
 
 Felix Grundy, Tenn July 5, 1838 
 
 Henry D. Gilpin, Pa Jan. II, 1840 
 
 John J. Cnltenden, Ky Mar. 5, 1841 
 
 Name. Appointed. 
 
 Isaac Toucey, Conn June 21, 1S48 
 
 Reverdy Johnson, Md. . . .Mar. 8, 1849 
 Jno. J. Crittenden, Ky. . . .July 22, 1850 
 
 Caleb Gushing, Mass Mar. 7, 1853 
 
 Jeremiah S. Black, Pa. . ..Mar. 6, 1S57 
 Edwin M. Stanton, Pa.. . .Dec. 20, i860 
 
 Edward Bates, Mo Mar. 5, 1S61 
 
 T. J. Coffee {ad. in), Pa.. June 22, 1S63 
 
 James Speed, Ky Dec. 2, 1864 
 
 Henry Stanbery, O Jan. 23, 1 866 
 
 William M. Evarts, N. Y..July 15, 1868 
 E. Rockwood Hoar, Mass. Mar. 5, 1869 
 Amos T. Akerman, Ga.. ..June 23, 1870 
 Geo. H. Williams, Oregon. Dec. 14, 1871 
 Edwards Pierrepont, N. Y.April 26, 1875 
 
 Alphonso Taft, Ohio May 22, 1876 
 
 Charles Devens, Mass . . Mar. 12, 1877 
 
 Hugh S. Lcgare, S. C Sept. 13, 1841 j W^nyne McVeagh, Pa Mar. 5, 1881 
 
 John Nelson, Md July I, 1843 | Benj. H. Brewster, Pa Dec. 19, 1881 
 
 John Y. Mason, Va Mar. 6, 1S45 1 Augustus H. Garland.Ark. Mar. 6, 1885 
 
 Nathan Clifford, Me Oct. 17, 1846 \ W. FI. H. Miller, Ind Mar. 5, 1889 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. 
 The officer in charge is the Secretary of Agriculture. 
 The Agricultural Bureau was created in 1862, and only lately 
 erected into a separate Department. Its chief is not a Cabinet 
 officer. The Department is designed to be the centre toward 
 which shall be attracted information respecting agriculture and 
 whence it shall flow to all the people. It is further a Depart- 
 ment of experiments with agricultural products and industries 
 and a source of supply for new and rare seeds and plants. The 
 Secretary is expected to correspond with scientists in all coun- 
 tries, collect statistics bearing on agricultural subjects, publish 
 such works as will best spread the information he gathers, in- 
 vestigate diseases of domestic animals, inquire into the nature 
 
342 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 and preventi6n of injury to crops by insects, worms, birds and 
 all enemies of plants and grains. Much is hoped of this youth- 
 ful Department. The propagating garden and museum attached 
 to it are already interesting. 
 
 JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT. 
 
 [/SES OF THE JUDICIARY.— ^\iQ third co-ordinate de- 
 partment of the national government is the Judicial Department, 
 or The Judiciary. The existence of such a Department, or 
 branch of the government, with functions independent of and 
 separate from the legislative and executive branches, yet co- 
 ordinate with them, is indispensable to the safety of a free gov- 
 ernment. Wherever there is no judiciary to interpret, pronounce 
 and execute laws, two things must happen, ist. Either the 
 government will perish through sheer weakness and confusion, 
 or, 2d, the judicial power will be absorbed by the other two 
 branches to the utter extinction of civil and political liberty. 
 Montesquieu has wisely said: "There is no liberty if the judi- 
 ciary be not separated from the legislative and executive powen" 
 And Judge Story says : " In the national government the judicial 
 power is equally as important as in the States. The want of it 
 was a vital defect in the Confederation. Without it the laws of 
 the Union would be perpetually in danger of being controverted 
 by the laws of the States. The national government would be 
 reduced to a servile dependence on the latter for the due execu- 
 tion of its powers, and we should have reacted over again the 
 same solemn mockery which began in the neglect and ended in 
 the ruin of the Confederation. Power without adequate means to 
 enforce it is like a body in a suspended state of animation. For 
 all practical purposes it is as if its faculties were extinguished. 
 A single State might under such circumstances, at its mere 
 pleasure, suspend the whole operations of the Union." 
 
 The two grand uses of the Judiciary are (i) to execute the 
 powers of the government. In this it co-operates directly with 
 the Executive branch, while it acts independently of it. (2) Ic 
 secures uniform and certain operation of those powers and of 
 the laws made under them. In this it co-operates with the Legis- 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENt. 84r5 
 
 lative branch, helping it here and checking it there, making its 
 edicts certain in results, and assuring the people against the 
 oppression of unconstitutional enactments. 
 
 SUPREME COURT.— ''ThQ judicial power of the United 
 States shall be vested in one Supreme Court and in such inferior 
 courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and estab- 
 lish. The judges of both the Supreme and inferior courts shall 
 hold their offices during good behavior, and shall at stated times 
 receive for their services a compensation which shall not be 
 diminished during their continuance in office." — Art. III., Con. 
 
 Thus the establishment of a Supreme Court is imperative. 
 The establishment of inferior courts is left to the discretion of 
 Congress. Congress has acted promptly in both instances. 
 Among its first acts was one looking to the formation of the 
 Supreme Court, and subsequent acts passed in obedience to the 
 demands of legal business have contributed to the formation of 
 our present imposing judicial system. 
 
 The Supreme Court of the United States is the highest tribu- 
 nal, or court of last resort, in the nation. Its decisions settle 
 finally the law of the land. It has both original and appellate 
 jurisdiction. Its original jurisdiction extends to civil causes in 
 which a State is a party, which involve public ministers and 
 matters affecting the marine. Its appellate jurisdiction is general ; 
 that is, it must hear all appeals from the Circuit and District 
 Courts. 
 
 It consists of a Chief Justice and eight Associate Justices. 
 The former receives ^10,500, and the latter receive "j^ 10,000 a 
 year. They are appointed by the President, by and with the 
 advice and consent of the Senate. Their appointment is for life 
 or good behavior, though by a recent enactment they may re- 
 tire at seventy years of age and still draw their pay, provided 
 they have held their commissions for ten years.* They are thus 
 removed as far as possible from party influences. 
 
 The number of Judges of the Supreme Court has not always 
 
 * Under this act three Justices have already withdrawn, viz., Noah H. Swayne, 
 Ohio; William Strong, Pa.j and Ward Hunt, N. Y., their salary of ^10,000 being 
 continued. 
 
344 
 
 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 remained the same. At its first session in 1790 it consisted of a 
 Chief Justice and five Associates. The Associates were increased 
 to six in 1807, to eight in 1837, to nine in 1863, In 1865 they 
 were decreased to eight, and in 1867 to seven, but were increased 
 to eight in 1870. 
 
 The Supreme Court must hold one regular term a 3'ear, com- 
 mencing on the second Monday in October, and such special 
 terms as is necessary. Its regular sessions are always at the 
 Capitol. 
 
 CHIEF JUSTICES OF UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT. 
 
 Term of service. Term of service, 
 
 John Jay, N. Y 1789-95 
 
 John Rutledge, S. C 1795-95 
 
 Oliver Ellsworth, Conn 1 796-1 800 
 
 John Marshall, Va 1801-35 
 
 Roger B. Taney, Md 1836-64 
 
 Salmon P. Chase, O 1864-73 
 
 Morrison R. Waite, O 1873-88 
 
 Melville W. Fuller, 111 1888-. . 
 
 ASSOCIATE JUSTICES OF UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT. 
 
 Term of service. 
 
 John Rutledge, S. C 1789-91 
 
 William Cushing, Mass 1789-1810 
 
 James Wilson, Pa 1789-98 
 
 John Blair, Va 1789-96 
 
 Robert H. Harrison, Md 1789-90 
 
 James Iredell, N. C I790-99 
 
 Thomas Johnson, Md 1 79 '-93 
 
 William Patterson, N. J 1793-1806 
 
 Samuel Chase, Md 1796-1811 
 
 Bushrod Washington, Va 1798-1S29 
 
 Alfred Moore, N. C 1799-1804 
 
 William Johnson, S. C 1804-34 
 
 Brockholst Livingston, N. Y. . 1806-23 
 
 Thomas Todd, Ky 1807-26 
 
 Joseph Story, Mass 1811-4C; 
 
 Gabriel Duval, Md 181 1-36 
 
 Smith Thompson, N. Y 1823-43 
 
 Robert Trimble, Ky 1826-28 
 
 John McLean, O 1829-61 
 
 Henry Baldwin, Pa 1830-46 
 
 James M. Wayne, Ga 1835-67 
 
 Barbour, Va 1836-41 
 
 Term of service, 
 
 John McKinley, Ala 1837-52 
 
 Peter V. Daniel, Va 1841-60 
 
 Samuel Nelson, N. Y 1845-72 
 
 Levi Woodbury, N. H 1S45-51 
 
 Robert C. Grier, Pa 1846-69 
 
 Benjamin R. Curtis, Mass 1851-57 
 
 John A. Campbell, Ala 1853-61 
 
 Nathan Clifford, Me 1 858-811 
 
 Noah H. Swayne, 1861-81 
 
 Samuel F. Miller, Iowa 1862-90 
 
 David Davis, 111 1862-77 
 
 Stephen J. Field, Cal 1863-.. 
 
 William M. Strong, Pa 1870-80 
 
 Joseph P. Bradley, N. J 1870-92 
 
 Ward Hunt, N. Y 1872-82 
 
 John M. Harlan, Ky • 1S77-. . 
 
 William B. Woods, Ga 18S0-87 
 
 Stanley Matthews, O 1881-89 
 
 Horace Gray, Mass 1881-. . 
 
 Samuel Blalchford, N. Y 1882-. . 
 
 Lucius Q. C. Lamar, Miss. ...1888-. . 
 
 David J. Brewer, Kan 1889-. . 
 
 George Shiras, Jr., Pa 1892-. . 
 
 Philip P. 
 
 John Catron, Tenn 1837-65 
 
 CIRCUIT COURTS.— An important part of the U. S. Judi- 
 ciary, and second to the Supreme Court, are the Circuit Courts. 
 There are nine of these Courts now, or rather nine Judicial Cir- 
 cuits or Districts,* say one for each Judge of the Supreme Court. 
 
 * Care must be taken not to confound the Circuit with the District. There are 
 nine Circuit Districts, each composed of a number of minor Districts, no one of 
 which can be smaller than a State. 
 
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 Vi««un.lj,'^V/ ' // 
 
346 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 In order to facilitate the work of the Supreme Court, the entire 
 country is thus divided into these nine Judicial Circuits or Dis- 
 tricts, and a Judge of the Supreme Court is assigned to each 
 District, which he is expected to visit at least once in two years. 
 He is thus said to make his circuit ; whence the name, Circuit 
 Court. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court takes his cir- 
 cuit with the rest. The Circuit for the respective Judges is 
 determined by allotment. Though this Supreme Court Judge is 
 really the presiding officer in each Circuit Court, it is easy to see 
 that such Court must be closed a great part of the time if 
 its operation depended on his presence. The Supreme Court 
 judges are busy most of the year with their session at the Cap- 
 ital. Even when on a circuit made up of several States, they 
 must with difficulty hold a court in each State, which they are 
 required to do. There is, therefore, appointed for each of the 
 Circuits a permanent Circuit Judge, wiio holds the Sessions of 
 the Circuit Courts, and who is visited by the allotted Supreme 
 Court Judge, and assisted by him when he appears. Each of 
 these Circuit Judges receives a salary of ^6,000 a year. They 
 are appointed by the President by and Avith the advice and con- 
 sent of the Senate. 
 
 These Circuit Courts being minor courts are not courts of 
 final resort. They are, however, appellate courts for many pur- 
 poses, appeals being taken to them from the District Courts, as 
 we shall see. They have original jurisdiction of a class of causes 
 denied to the District Courts, but for the most part have con- 
 current jurisdiction with the latter. The Circuits are numbered 
 from one to nine, and are sometimes familiarly spoken of as 
 Justice So-and-So's Circuit, after the name of the Justice allotted 
 to it. 
 
 The First Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of Maine, 
 New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode Island. 
 
 The Second Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of Ver- 
 mont, Connecticut, and New York. 
 
 The Third Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of New 
 Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware. 
 
 The Fourth Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of Mary- 
 land, West Virginia, Virginia, North and South Carolina. 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 347 
 
 The Fifth Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of Georgia, 
 Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas. 
 
 The Sixth Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of Ohio, 
 Michigan, Kentucky, and Tennessee. 
 
 The Seventh Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of Indiana, 
 Illinois, and Wisconsin. 
 
 The Eighth Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of Min- 
 nesota, Iowa, Missouri, Kansas, Arkansas, Colorado, and Ne- 
 braska. 
 
 The Ninth Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of California, 
 Oregon, and Nevada. 
 
 CIRCUIT COURT OF APPEALS.— This court is a new 
 one, established by the 51st Congress. It hears appeals from 
 the Circuit and District Courts in cases of a certain grade. It 
 has a Judge of its own, but its President Judge is the Judge of 
 the Circuit in which said Court exists. 
 
 DISTRICT COURTS.— In order to further facilitate judicial 
 work and give greater convenience to the people, the National 
 Judiciary is again divided into a lower grade of Courts, called 
 District Courts. Perhaps it would be better to say the country 
 is divided into a number of judicial districts, in each of which is 
 a District Court presided over by a District Judge. Twenty-two 
 of the States are each a Judicial District. The others are divided 
 info two and three Judicial Districts, according to population and 
 the amount of business transacted. The salaries of the District 
 Judges range from ;^5,000 to ;^3,500. They are a more popular* 
 court than the Circuit Court, because closer to the people, and 
 as we have seen, their jurisdiction is nearly the same; t/ie same, 
 in fact, where there is no Circuit Court ; and indeed, a Di.s.trict 
 Judge, or two of them sitting together, may hold a Circuit Court. 
 There are now fifty-nine Judicial Districts (there must be at least 
 one in each State), and the same number of District Courts and 
 Judges, District Attorneys, District Clerks and Marshals. All 
 of these officers are appointed by the President and Senate, 
 except the clerks, who are chosen by the courts. The District 
 Attorneys prosecute all delinquents for crimes under United 
 States laws, and all civil causes in which the government is con- 
 
,348 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 cerned. The U. S. Marshal has a function analogous to that of 
 the County Sheriff 
 
 COURT OF CLAIMS.~i:\\\s Court was created as late as 
 1855, and given enlarged power and increased force in 1863. It 
 may be properly classed as a part of the Judicial System of the 
 United States, for appeals are had from it to the Supreme Court, 
 where the amount involved exceeds $3,000. It was created as a 
 relief to both Congress and the Courts, and has jurisdiction of a 
 class of cases founded on laws of Congress, contracts with the 
 United States, or on claims against the government, where the 
 amount rather than the fact is in dispute, and where final relief 
 is to be had through an appropriation by the Congress. It has 
 proved a convenient court, because it works more expeditiously 
 than a Congressional investigation, and lifts a great number of 
 cases above partisan level. It tries cases for and against the 
 United States, and in general all matters referred to it by Con- 
 gress. Its decisions when favorable to the claimant are reported 
 to Congress, and the necessary appropriation follows. Its powers 
 and rules of procedure are now akin to those of other courts, 
 but proceedings therein are begun by petition, as if the applica- 
 tion were made direct to Congress. Its officers are a Chief 
 Justice and four Judges, whose salaries are $4,500 each. 
 
 SUPREME COURT, D. (f.— This important court is a nec- 
 essary part of the Judiciary of the United States, the District of 
 Columbia being under a government provided by Congress. It 
 is composed of a Chief Justice and four associates, the former at 
 a salary of $4,500, the latter at $4,000 each. It possesses the 
 same jurisdiction as a Circuit Court. Any one of its Justices 
 may hold a special term, and when doing so his court ranks as 
 a District Court of the United States. It is also a Criminal 
 Court for the trial of offences in the District. 
 
 DISTRICT ATTORNEYS— The Attorney-General of the 
 United States, appointed by the President, and ranking as a 
 Member of the Cabinet, is, in common speech, the District At- 
 torney for the Supreme Court. He is the prosecuting officer of 
 that court. So the District Attorneys, appointed in the same 
 way as the Attorney-General, but in and for their respective dis- 
 
JUDGE JOSEPH STORY IN JUDICIAL ROBE. ^^ 
 
350 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 tricts, are the prosecuting attorneys of the District Courts. As 
 a general thing there is a District Attorney for each District 
 Court, though in one or two States which contain two or more. 
 Districts there is only one District Attorney. He is the attorney 
 for the United States, just as the District Attorney in any county 
 of a State is the attorney for the Commonwealth. His duty is 
 to prosecute in his District all crimes cognizable under the laws 
 of the United States, and all civil actions in which the govern- 
 ment is concerned. 
 
 U. S. MARSHALS. — As already indicated these officers are 
 attached to every District Court, and their function is similar 
 to an ordinary County Sheriff They serve the processes of the 
 court, and execute its judgments and decrees. They are equally 
 the officers of the Circuit Courts. 
 
 !^URIES. — The machinery of the Judiciary would be very 
 imperfect without mention of the two kinds of juries in use. 
 They are required by the Constitution, see Art. V. of the 
 amendments. The Grand Jury is organized, like that in the 
 judicial districts of the States, and has the same powers 
 and duties. It is that part of the judicial system which first 
 inquires into a charge of crime brought against a citizen, and no 
 indictment for such crime can be presented to the court unless a 
 majority of said jury certify that there are good reasons for be- 
 lieving that the charge is well founded.. It is the body of citizens 
 which stands between a criminal and all petty, spiteful and illy- 
 founded charges, and protects him from the annoyance and ex- 
 pense of trials without probable cause. When the Grand Jury 
 is called by a Circuit Court it must inquire into all the crimes 
 against the laws of the United States in that Circuit ; when 
 called by a District Court, its inquiries extend only to the District. 
 
 The Petit (small) jury has the same uses and powers as in the 
 County Courts. It is called by a Judge of the District or Circuit 
 Court, on subpoena, is composed of a panel of forty-eight men, 
 from which the usual twelve are selected for the trial of a cause. 
 A Grand Jury acts only irr criminal cases ; both civil and criminal 
 cases are tried before a Petit Jury. The finding of a Grand 
 Jury is called a presentment or mdictment — a presentment when it 
 
OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 351 
 
 acts from knowledge within itself, an indictment when it acts on 
 knowledge derived from the District Attorney, or other person. 
 The finding of a Petit Jury is called a vefdict. The Grand Jury 
 deliberates alone, the Petit Jury hears the evidence as presented 
 in court, the pleas of the attorneys and the charge of the judges 
 before it retires to deliberate. These remarks apply to Grand 
 and Petit Juries in United States as well as State Courts. 
 
 ADMIRALTY COURTS— In remote times, when judicial 
 systems were narrow, there arose a set of courts' separate from 
 those of common law, called Admiralty and Maritime Courts. 
 They have separate existence yet in many countries, but here 
 Admiralty and Maritime causes are heard in the District Courts 
 of the United States, which are thus said to have Admiralty and 
 Maritime jurisdiction. There would be little use in keeping up 
 this distinction but for the fact that the laws of Admiralty, which 
 are laws respecting ships of war and warlike operations at sea, 
 and Maritime laws, which are those respecting vessels engaged 
 in commerce, are different from those relating to land affairs, and 
 are a code in themselves, thus requiring, if not a separate set of 
 courts and judges, at least a class of attorneys specially learned 
 in Admiralty and Maritime matters. Cases within Admiralty 
 and Maritime jurisdiction are not necessarily limited to those 
 arising on the sea, but embrace those arising on the lakes and 
 navigable rivers of the country. 
 
 GOVERNMENT OF THE TERRITORIES. 
 
 Congress provides a government for the Territories. Its form 
 has become stereotyped, and it is in general a miniature of that 
 enjoyed by the States. It recognizes the usual division of power 
 into three branches, Executive, Legislative and Judicial. 
 
 The Executive power is in a Governor, appointed by the 
 President by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, for 
 four years. His powers are akin to those of the State Govern- 
 ors. He must reside in his Territory, is commander of the 
 militia, may grant pardons and reprieves, commission officers, 
 and in general must execute the laws. He has a Secretary, 
 appointed for four years, who may act as Governor in case of a 
 
352 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 vacancy. The salary of a Governor is ^^2,600 and of a Secretary 
 $i,Soo. 
 
 The Legislative power is vested in a Legislative Assembly, 
 composed of a Council and House of Representatives. The 
 former is limited to twelve members and the latter to twenty-four. 
 They are elected by the qualified voters of the Territory for two 
 years. Sessions of the Assemblies are biennial, and limited to 
 sixty days. Laws passed by both Houses and signed by the 
 Governor are sent to Congress and if approved are operative, if 
 not, null and void.* .The Legislative power of a Territory is 
 necessarily limited to subjects permitted by Congress. Every 
 Territory has the right to send a Delegate to the House of Rep- 
 resentatives of the United States, with power to speak but not 
 to vote. 
 
 The Judicial power of a Territory is in a Supreme Court, 
 District Courts, Probate Courts and Justices of the Peace. Pro- 
 bates and Justices of the Peace are provided for by the Territory 
 itself The Supreme Court is composed of three judges (Dakota 
 has four) appointed by the President and Senate. They hold one 
 term annually. Then each Territory is divided into three 
 Judicial districts, one for each Judge of the Supreme Court. The 
 judge assigned to a district must hold court therein as often as 
 the laws prescribe, and he must reside in his district after 
 assignment. There is a United States Marshal and a District 
 Attorney in each Territory, and each court is entitled to a 
 clerk and minor officers. The salary of Territorial judges is 
 ;g3,ooo. 
 
 All of the above is true of the Territories proper, but not of 
 the Indian Country nor the District of Columbia. 
 
 The government of the Indian Country is hardly describable. 
 It is of course a dependency of the United States, but the 
 design is that it shall be as independent as possible. The tribes 
 have been assigned land, and left to regulate their internal affairs 
 according to their own laws and customs, of course with the 
 hope that as they grow civilized they will become full-fledged 
 
 * Dakota, Idaho, Montana and Wyoming need not send their laws to Congress 
 for approval. 
 
23 
 
 THE WASHINGTON MONUMENT. 
 
 353 
 
354 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 citizens, with institutions which will readily take the laws and 
 customs of the nation. Crimes against the Indians by whites, 
 and against whites by the Indians of this Territory, are taken 
 cognizance of by the United States Courts in some of the 
 adjoining districts. The government would protect the Indian 
 Country against invasion, and the inhabitants thereof against 
 such tumult as they could not control, but the theory connected 
 with this magnificent reservation is that the inhabitants shall be 
 let alone to work out their social, political, industrial and moral 
 problems in their own way, or with such help as they choose to 
 invite. 
 
 The District of Columbia is governed by a Commission of 
 three persons appointed by the President and Senate, one of 
 whom must be an officer of the Engineer Corps, above the rank 
 of Captain. He receives no additional pay. The other two, 
 appointed for three years, from civil life, receive each ;^5,ooo a 
 year. They have no powers except those conferred by Congress, 
 and they are simply the Agents of Congress to suggest laws 
 and execute those which are enacted. They control streets, 
 bridges, aqueducts, sewers, appoint the trustees of public 
 schools, regulate the maintenance of prisons, hospitals and re- 
 formatory institutions, and do all that usually belongs to a corps 
 of municipal regulators. They estimate for all municipal ex- 
 penditures, and if their estimates are approved by the Secretary 
 of the Treasury and by Congress, the Congress appropriates one- 
 half of the amount and leaves the Commissioners to provide the 
 balance by taxation of the property in the district. As we have 
 passed along in our history of government machinery we have 
 struck other offices connected with the District of Columbia, 
 appointed by the President, giving to it a diversified but very 
 complete government. 
 
TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 
 
 T is not alone in her plan of government and her towering 
 political institutions, nor yet in the simple vastness of 
 her areas, that the United States stands so exceptionally 
 forth among the nations of earth. However exaltingly 
 conceived or inimitably operated, a government must 
 §nd its mainstay of prosperity, perpetuity, and ultimate resource 
 in its industries. 
 
 While we have thus far, in this volume, sought to know our 
 origin and our principles of government, we really cannot know 
 ourselves entirely till we have considered what may be called 
 our material side. There is much in that side to stimulate 
 inquiry, enlarge the understanding, cherish admiration, and 
 contribute to national pride. Indeed in mapping progress, 
 providing comparisons, and measuring up results, the true 
 grandeur of the nation appears quite as vividly on its material 
 as on its political side. We need not compute back four 
 hundred years, but one hundred years, to find those substantial, 
 material beginnings which have brought the nation to a first- 
 place in population, wealth, credit, agriculture, manufacture and 
 commerce. 
 
 It took France one hundred and sixty years to double her 
 population, and Great Britain seventy years. The United States 
 has doubled hers more than once in a single generation. While 
 France gained five and England ten millions, the United States 
 gained thirty-seven millions. More English-speaking people 
 exist in the United States to-day than in England and all her 
 colonies. In 1850 the aggregate wealth of Great Britain was 
 nearly four times that of the United States. By 1880 the wealth 
 of the United States had passed that of Great Britain, and by 
 1890 had far exceeded it. This wealth not only represented the 
 resources of agriculture, in which no nation begins to compete 
 
 (355) 
 
356 TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 
 
 with us, but the wealth of manufactures in which we are equally 
 without a rival. Great Britain manufactures for the whole world, 
 the United States for scarcely more than itself, yet the manufac- 
 tures of the former are not two-thirds of those of the Western 
 Republic. 
 
 One hundred years ago there was not a dollar in a Savings 
 Bank in America. There were no Savings Banks to put money 
 into. In 1884, 3,071,495 people had money in Saving Banks. 
 They had $2)S^ apiece salted down, an aggregate of ^1,095, 172,- 
 147. In 18904,258,623 depositors had ^358 each in Savings 
 Banks, or a total of ^1,524,844,506, enough to buy up the 
 proudest nations of Europe, and pay their debts besides. 
 
 In its place on open ocean, the Great Republic of the West 
 stands second only to Great Britain in carrying power. And 
 when we come to internal commerce, no nation appears as a 
 rival. In railway freight alone we pay more than Great Britain, 
 France and Italy combined. The tonnage of all the merchant 
 ships of Great Britain does not equal that of the Pennsylvania 
 Railroad. 
 
 In armies the Great Republic is weak, except in that herculean 
 strength which needs but a bugle call to make it the most 
 formidable in the world, and invincible against the world. Soon 
 the power of ocean will bow to the mighty structures which 
 represent American genius and skill. An American naval 
 marine dawns whose speed and strength shall excel all others, 
 and the time cannot be remote when her merchant marine will 
 excite the same envy throughout the world, and be as large a 
 source of profit as that which her unparallefed " Clipper " ships 
 represented. 
 
 Measured by intellectual activity, the country is equally a 
 marvel. Her schools, colleges, libraries and newspapers are 
 unequalled in number and quality. But most of all has she 
 surpassed other nations in the application of science to her social 
 life and in her industries. The bulk of practical inventions that 
 have contributed to the progress of the world for an entire cen- 
 tury have been American. The first successful steamboat was 
 American, as was the first steamship that crossed the ocean. 
 
TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 357 
 
 The cotton-gin, mowing and reaping machine, and sewing 
 machine were American inventions. From the date that Frank- 
 hn " stole the lightning from the clouds," to the present, the 
 United States has been in the van of electrical discovery. Her 
 •telegraphs by land and under ocean, pioneered by Morse, were 
 the first ; so were her telephones and her electric lights. 
 
 If the fifty years of America that are to be counted from 1892 
 repeat the fifty years that ended with 1892, the flag will be the 
 emblem of 200,000,000 freemen, whose wealth will be three 
 hundred thousand million dollars. This population and wealth 
 will rival those of the entire continent of Europe. 
 
 The social history of mankind, the science of ethnology, 
 climatology, economy, any and all of the sources looked to for 
 study of national development, may well find in America their 
 most wondrous subject. Why is this nation so exceptional in 
 all its industrial aspects ? How does it come that on a continent, 
 unknown four hundred years ago, and practically undeveloped 
 one hundred years ago, there should have been such a deter- 
 mined surge to the front, such a splendor of material achieve- 
 ment? 
 
 Without pretending to be exhaustive or exact in analysis of 
 causes, three at least will not be denied. And the first is that 
 already treated in this volume, and to be treated, to wit, the in- 
 fluence of political institutions founded on free citizenship. In 
 this aspect America is but manhood let loose, energy free to in- 
 dulge its hopes, industry at unrestricted play with its opportuni- 
 ties, genius not only untrammeled but invited and encouraged. 
 There is no caste to tie down with its hard lines, no condition to 
 dissuade, demoralize and disgust. The lowliest of to-day may 
 be the highest of to-morrow ; the highest may become the 
 lowliest. Yet all are equal in the respect that what is before is 
 open, and it needs but the laws of industry and the rules of 
 prudence, to assure the best results of citizenship. 
 
 ETHNOLOGY. — The second great factor in American 
 achievement is the character of the population. The country 
 has all along been fortunate in receiving an assortment of the 
 sturdy elements of the old world, in which the Anglo-Saxon 
 
358 TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 
 
 spirit predominated. The freedom here enjoyed, the dehght of 
 escape from caste, the inducement to labor, to embark in enter- 
 prise, to acquire fortune, served to blend different nationalities 
 and cults, and to make a composite people, as unique in genius, 
 originality and power as the English language they speak. 
 
 TOPOGRAPHY. — The third great cause for our phenomenal 
 material growth is found in that series of considerations which 
 maybe grouped under the head of topography, climatology, etc. 
 The topography of the United States is peculiar, and it affords a 
 prime reason for the swift advancement of population over great 
 areas, as well as for the perfect amalgamation of the different 
 races represented. The Alps divide Europe centrally, making 
 opposing water-sheds and contributing to different climates, pro- 
 ductions, interests and nationalities. The Himalayas do the 
 same fcH* Asia. In North America the mountains are coast 
 ranges, whose longest slopes are toward a great central and 
 alluvial basin, coursed by majestic rivers mostly navigable. 
 This invites to the unification of peoples and languages, and 
 contributes to that wonderful spirit of intercourse and endeavor 
 which has characterized our growth. 
 
 WATERS. — The waters of the United States are momentous 
 factors of development. The smaller streams and rivers are 
 numerous, and especially in coast sections, and where non- 
 navigable, they are productive of immense horse-power for in- 
 dustrial purposes. The mighty streams which traverse the cen- 
 tral valley are mostly navigable, and are natural means of com- 
 mercial intercommunication, bringing peoples and their products 
 together and affording outlets for wealth. The steamer which 
 .starts at Pittsburg may sail two thousand miles along the Ohio 
 and Mississippi, and land its unbroken cargo at New Orleans. 
 The chain of Great Lakes, " Inland Seas," to the north have no 
 counterpart in the world. They assure commercial communica- 
 tion to many great cities and to millions of people, and serve to 
 blend interests and inspire to enterprises equally with the great 
 rivers of the Continent, or even with the salt ocean. 
 
 CLIMATE.— The climate of the United States is that of the 
 temperate zone, yet its variety is greater than that of any single 
 
TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 359 
 
 country. It may be that of Moscow in the north, or that of Cal- 
 cutta in the south. But all of its arctic features shade off gently 
 into those of the semi-tropics, thereby conducing to that delight- 
 ful average of geniality which bids earth gush forth in plenty 
 and bespeaks permanent habitation for a highly civilized and 
 enterprising community. Again our climate is pleasantly varied 
 by those influences which operate from the east and west. The 
 mountain ranges, with their cool snow-capped or wooded heights, 
 gently temper the heat of the valleys, while the rain fall they 
 produce, or the streams they send forth, carry along the influ- 
 ence which moisture always exerts on the climate of prairie sec- 
 tions. Then, too, our climate is favorably affected by the oceans 
 which wash our coasts. The Gulf Stream modifies very per- 
 ceptibly the rigors of the Atlantic slopes, while the benign in- 
 fluence of the Pacific gives almost an Italian balm to the slopes 
 of the coast ranges, and even throws its isothermal lines a thou- 
 sand miles inland at certain points. Hardly any factor has 
 proved so inviting to health and energy, and so conducive to in- 
 dustrial prosperity, as our climate. 
 
 VEGETATION. — As a result of topography and climate, and 
 as a means of affecting the latter, the vegetation of the United 
 States has operated as a factor of development. The pine, 
 spruce and hemlock sections of the north have invited to limit- 
 less enterprise and have contributed wonderfully to the wealth 
 and comfort of the people. The same may be said of the cen- 
 tral sections, where abound the harder woods, as oak, elm, ash, 
 maple, chestnut, walnut, hickory, — all essential to the arts, in- 
 dustries and comforts of a thrifty and enlightened people. So 
 also of the evergreen sections of the south, with their inex- 
 haustible yields of live oak and pitch pines. The extreme west 
 and north-west yield a vegetation as gigantic and rich as any of 
 the sections above mentioned. 
 
 POPULATION. — Hardly anything is more phenomenal in 
 the development of this country than its rapid and constant 
 growth of population. The steady stream which has poured 
 from Southern Europe into the Latin countries of North and 
 South America for the four hundred years since discovery has 
 
3gQ TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 
 
 not furnished to all their great states and vast domains a popu- 
 lation equal to that of the United States alone. From the date 
 of the discovery of America up till 1790, but 3,929,214 people 
 had found an abode in the areas now occupied by the United 
 States. Then our institutions became settled and the rapid and 
 permanent growth began. It has been kept up at the rate of 
 over thirty per cent, increase for every decennial period, or, in 
 other words, at a rate of from five to seven times that of Great 
 Britain, France or Russia. In 1890 the total population was 
 62,622,250, thus giving to the United States the rank of fourth 
 nation in the world, as to number of people. Of this increase, 
 about 12,000,000 has been due to immigration, the rest to births 
 on our soil. The immigration represents nearly every country 
 of the old world. Until lately the countries of northern and 
 central Europe sent the bulk of immigrants, and they were of 
 an acceptable class, but since Italy and Hungary have begun to 
 contribute so largely of their surplus populations, the grade of 
 the immigrant has been lowered to such an extent as to suggest 
 the propriety of placing limitations on the further introduction 
 of foreign elements of population. 
 
 OCCUPATIONS. — In no country in the world is the scrip- 
 ture more respected, " By the sweat of thy brow shalt thou earn 
 thy bread." It is a busy, heaving, sweltering community ; per- 
 haps indiscreetly so. Thousands annually pay the penalty of 
 fret, fury and overwork. They pass away and serve as a warn- 
 ing, yet thousands of others follow, just as though this species 
 of suicide were a contagion. 
 
 In the olden time pursuit was limited, and chiefly agricul- 
 tural. Manufactures and mining were discouraged by the 
 mother country. Even the right to manufacture a horseshoe 
 nail was interdicted by act of parliament. To make a hat, a 
 sheet of paper, a web of homespun, or anything of iron, beyond 
 the simple lump of pig, was interdicted. Independence brought 
 a change and enlarged occupations. Primitive occupations diver- 
 sified till they embraced what was requisite for prosperity. 
 Under the encouragement of enactments designed to protect and 
 foster, American industries became a fact by the year 1830. 
 
AMERICAN PRODUCTS AND INDUSTRIES. 
 
 36J 
 
9 
 
 362 TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 
 
 Once on their feet, genius came into full play, and no history 
 presents such a succession of brilliant inventions, such labor- 
 saving processes, such a cheapening of products to the masses 
 by reason of competition, such an improvement in artistic and 
 substantial merits of the things produced. The cobbler work 
 of the colonies ran into the huge proportions of ;^75, 000,000 of 
 machine-made shoes by 1890. The same proportion holds as 
 to cotton, linen and woollen manufactures. The sickle of the 
 colony gave way to the combined reaper and binder, so that 
 four hundred men on a western wheat farm came to equal the 
 productive power of five thousand peasant land-owners in 
 France. 
 
 Idlers in America are fewer than in any other nation. Re- 
 wards of labor are high ; the incentives to work great. Oppor- 
 tunity for preferment, if not actual fortune, was never so open. 
 While application is greater here, hours longer and holidays 
 fewer, still there is an inducement for all to contend, there being 
 no caste, nothing discrediting about toil, a certainty of result 
 which is almost exactly computable. 
 
 Agriculture engages over 8,000,000 of our working popula- 
 tion ; nearly 5,000,000 are engaged in professional and personal 
 services ; trades and transportation occupy the services of over 
 2,000,000; while manufacturing, mechanical and mining pursuits 
 occupy fully 4,500,000. Tlius fully 20,000,000 people, or ap- 
 proximately one-third of our population, are engaged in gainful 
 pursuits. These figures show that we are essentially an agricul- 
 tural people, and the per cents of those engaged in occupations 
 show that we are growing more industrial as the decades pass. 
 What is particularly remarkable about occupations is that the 
 drowsy immigrants from Europe take on an earning capacity in 
 America they never dreamed of at home. 
 
 While our occupations are encouraged by generous wages, 
 larger output, and more favorable yields, they are also stimulated 
 by better living and at far less cost than in the countries of 
 Europe. Better living implies more cheer and brawn. Rent in 
 America means a better roof than in Europe. Wages mean 
 better clothing, higher education for children, encouragement to 
 
TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 363 
 
 thrifty citizenship. The workmen of America are the soberest 
 and most tasteful in the world. The cock-fighting, bear-baiting, 
 dog-fighting, prize-fighting and wife -beating of the foreign work- 
 man are not known as amusements among American working- 
 men. 
 
 As to its occupations there is no country so full of diversity, 
 so thoroughly engaged, so contented, and liberally remunerated, 
 as the United States of America. 
 
 EDUCATION. — The fathers and all generations in the United 
 States have been imbued with the doctrine that education of the 
 masses formed the basis of our institutions and the guarantee 
 of their perpetuity. Hence common school laws very early 
 followed in the wake of the grammar schools and colleges which 
 were an importation, and common school systems brought to the 
 masses the privileges the higher schools denied. By 1 831 fifteen 
 per cent, of the population of the United States were scholars in 
 public schools, a per cent, equalled only by Prussia. Since then 
 popular, or primary, education as a cause has made marvellous 
 strides, all the more wonderful because of the inducement to 
 engage in thoughts of a material kind, and because the general 
 government has remained a stranger to educational, as well as 
 to religious, regulations. Every State and Territory is the 
 originator and custodian of its own common and normal schools. 
 
 The common school system of the country has grown till it 
 embraces an enrolled pupilage of 12,291,259, with a daily 
 average attendance of 8,004,275, engaging 352,231 teachers, 
 who are paid ^87,888,666 as salaries. To support the system 
 costs ;^I32,I29,500 annually. 
 
 Twenty-seven of the forty-four States have laws known as 
 " compulsory school laws." Though the general government 
 has never legislated in common school matters, it has been 
 generous in its gifts for common school purposes. By an Act 
 as early as 1785, the sixteenth section of each township of 
 public land was reserved for school purposes. Twelve of the 
 first admitted States thus came into possession of splendid educa- 
 tional endowments. By an Act of 1848, an additional section 
 of 640 acres in each township of the public domain was given 
 
304 TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY 
 
 to the States for school purposes. A further grant of 9,000,000 
 acres was given to certain States for universities. In 1862 a 
 further grant of 30,000 acres for each Congressman in each State 
 was given for the founding of Colleges of Agriculture and 
 Mechanic Arts. Thus the government has given to the States 
 for school purposes a domain exceeding in area that of England, 
 Scotland and Ireland. 
 
 The educational system of the United States begins with the 
 common schools, nearest the masses, and passes upwards 
 through an endless chain of secondary and high schools, acad- 
 emies, institutes, normal and agricultural schools, schools of 
 design and industry, schools special and general, colleges and 
 universities. Special schools of science, art, agriculture and 
 handicraft are a constant and rapid growth. This leaves out of 
 computation the enormous number of private and parochial 
 schools, whose growth keeps even pace with the population. 
 No more elaborate educational system exists anywhere. It 
 would seem as though it were impossible for the Americans to 
 be anything but enlightened, yet the army of illiterates is a large 
 one, chiefly due to ineffective methods in certain sections, and to 
 immigration. 
 
 The system of higher education embraced, in 1889, 141 
 Theological schools, with 686 teachers and 6,989 pupils; 52 
 Law schools, with 345 teachers and 3,906 pupils; 115 Medical 
 schools, with 2,272 teachers and 14,066 pupils; 384 preparatory 
 and liberal schools, with 5,422 teachers and 86,996 pupils; and 
 198 Female colleges, with 2,548 teachers and 26,945 pupils. 
 
 It will thus be seen that one out of every five of our population 
 is in attendance on schools of some kind, a per cent, that compares 
 favorably with the best educated nations of the world, and 
 exceeds most. 
 
 Supplementary to our magnificent educational system are our 
 libraries. While we cannot boast of the accumulation of cen- 
 turies as can France with its National Library of 2,000,000 
 volumes; England with its British Museum of 1,500,000 vol- 
 umes ; or Russia with its Imperial Library of 1,100,000 volumes; 
 we have the best diversified library system in the world, and as 
 
TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 365 
 
 many volumes accessible to the reading public, in proportion to 
 population, as any of the older countries. The largest library is 
 the Congressional Library, which contains approximately 600,000 
 volumes. Every State has its library. The cities have many. 
 The libraries of the country exceed 200,000 in number, and 
 they contain over 50,000,000 books. Of these fully 65,000 are of 
 a public character and bring 30,000,000 books to their readers. 
 But library statistics fall far below reality, for no American 
 home is regarded as perfect without its complement of books, 
 and these are of a better grade than in any other country. 
 
 RELIGION. — Religion in America exists irrespective of the 
 political institution. It must rely on itself. All sects are free 
 except those that inculcate immorality. This regulation, or 
 rather lack of regulation, has been promotive of religion. 
 Churches, communicants, theological schools, preachers and 
 teachers, have kept even pace with population, and have proved 
 to be a force whose efficacy is flattering. Freedom of general 
 institution tends to develop all there is in man, evil as well as 
 good. But the restraining power of religion has kept us a 
 moral nation, and stamped us a reverent one. In proportion to 
 population our religious edifices outnumber those of Great 
 Britain, where the church is protected by the state. We have, 
 in round numbers, 100,000 churches, or one for about every 600 
 persons. 
 
 In 1800 the number of church communicants was as one to 
 fifteen of the population. In 1890 the number was about one to 
 five of the population. The investment in church property has 
 grown with the years, while the church architecture has been 
 revolutionized. Some of the finest specimens of architecture 
 and most costly structures are churches. While actual mem- 
 bership runs as one to five of the population, or say 14,000,000, 
 more than half the population are within church influence and 
 pervaded with its teachings. The churches of America repre- 
 sent a property in excess of ;^400,ooo,ooo and an army of min- 
 isters equal to 100,000. This inspiring force, free to act, meeting 
 with no resistance, voluntarily sustained, is the most majestic 
 and pervading in the history of the world. It is a living force, 
 
366 TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 
 
 down close to the masses, working silently but effectively, leaven- 
 ing the lump of humanity, drawing men closer together, lifting 
 the faltering, dispensing consolation, cleansing society, and pro- 
 ducing the most religious community in the annals of the 
 world. 
 
 AGRICULTURE. — In less than one hundred years the 
 United States marched from the foot to the head of the world's 
 agricultural column. Russia with her hundred million people 
 and wide areas may boast a soil product of ;^ 3, 000,000,000. 
 Germany and France with their teeming populations and close 
 methods may boast productions of land valued at ^2,500,000,000 
 each. Great Britain may show her grand total of ^2,000,- 
 000,000. Austria-Hungary, Spain, Australia, Italy, Canada, may 
 come in their places with ^400,000,000 to ;^ i ,000,000,000, yields 
 of tilled lands. But the Great Republic tops all with her tributes 
 to Ceres. The total wealth of the country which was meagre 
 in 1790, and ;^i6,i59,6i6,o68 in i860, rose to ;^62,6 10,000,000 in 
 1890, an unprecedented increase of 287 per cent, in thirty 
 years. Of this immense wealth a large per cent, was agricul- 
 tural. Farms had nearly trebled in number and acreage of im- 
 proved land kept the same proportion. Farm methods had been 
 revolutionized by reason of improved manures and machinery. 
 Mulhall mentions as an astounding fact that, in 1880, the United 
 States, with but fifteen per cent, of her area under cultivation, 
 produced thirty per cent, of the grain of the world. At that 
 date the capital invested in farms and farming was ;^ 10,600,- 
 000,000, or three times that invested in manufacturing. These 
 bewildering figures can be raised to ^12,000,000,000 by 189O. 
 The United States is the only country in the world whose farm 
 tillage feeds her people abundantly and furnishes what can be 
 readily spared to others. Of her 4,500,000 farms, three-fourths 
 are worked by actual owners. Only in the South does the 
 renting system prevail to any great extent. 
 
 The leading crops as estimated and ascertained for 1890 foot 
 up the following grand totals : 
 
A HARVEST 50 YEARS AGO. 
 
 367 
 
3gS TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 
 
 Tons. Bushels. Pounds. Value. 
 
 Potatoes 202,365,000 $81,413,589 
 
 Hay 46,643,094 408,499,565 
 
 Tobacco 565,795,000 43,666,665 
 
 Cotton 3,438,188,060 292,139,209 
 
 Corn 1,489,970,000 754,433.451 
 
 Wheat 399,262,000 334,773,678 
 
 Rye 28,415,000 16,721,869 
 
 Oats 523,621,000 222,048,486 
 
 Barley 63,884,000 , 37,672,032 
 
 Buckwheat 12,050,000 7,627,647 
 
 Totals 46,643,094 2,719,567,000 4,003,983,060 2,198,996,191 
 
 To the above amazing figures must be added other products 
 of the farm for 1890, in the shape of 
 
 Number. Value. 
 
 Fruits $60,000,000 
 
 Horses 14,213,837 978,516,562 
 
 Mules 2,331,027 182,394,099 
 
 Milch Cows 15,952,883 353,152,133 
 
 Cattle , 36,849,024 560,625,137 
 
 Sheep 44,336,072 100,659,761 
 
 Swine 51,602,780 243,418,336 
 
 Total 2,478,766,028 
 
 These two groups make a grand total of farm products equal 
 to the value of ;^4,677,762,2I9. And to these stupendous totals 
 must be added others representing dairy products such as butter 
 and cheese — half a million tons of the former and ninety. thou- 
 sand tons of the latter, representing at least ;S 100,000,000 annu- 
 ally. Then come eggs, and wool, and poultry and the myriad 
 of untabulated farm products, amounting to countless millions 
 more. In fact, of agricultural wealth there is no end. The land 
 teems with plenty as no other land does. Never was soil so 
 responsive. Never were energy and skill so well directed or so 
 bountifully rewarded. Never had favored land so much for 
 home use and such quantities to spare. 
 
 The farms of the United States contain a larger area than 
 France, Germany, Austria, Hungary and Spain combined. 
 Their value is greater than that of the entire kingdom of Italy. 
 All the horses in Europe, each drawing a load of two tons, 
 could not move the cereal crop of the United States. Loaded 
 in cars, the train would reach one and a half times around the 
 world. One year's crops exceeds in value all the gold ever 
 washed from placers or raised from mines in California. 
 
COTTON INDUSTRIES OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 3G9 
 
370 TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 
 
 Of these agricultural products, we sent abroad in 1890, 394,- 
 836 cattle; 91,148 swine; 3,501 horses; 3,544 mules; 67,521 
 sheep; 1,408,311 bushels barley; 101,973,717 bushels corn; 
 13,692,776 bushels oats; 25,460,322 lbs. oatmeal; 54,387,767 
 bushels wheat ; 12,231,711 barrels flour; 2,462,579,034 lbs., or 
 5,020,913 bales cotton; 29,748,042 lbs. butter; 95,376,053 lbs, 
 cheese; 471,083,598 lbs. lard; 531,899,677 lbs. bacon; 76,591,- 
 279 lbs. ham ; 79,788,868 pickled pork. 
 
 Many nations have posed as " the granary of the world." 
 None ever deserved the title so completely as the United States. 
 It is impossible to compute her ability to supply others with 
 food, only because it is impossible to compute her ultimate 
 resources of soil. 
 
 MANUFACTURES. — We pass to a more bustling and even 
 more interesting field of industry and development. It presents 
 the same evidences of phenomenal growth as agriculture, and 
 pays the same compliments to our thrift and genius. It was 
 designed by England that her American colonies should be 
 agricultural. Love of land and the pastoral turn predisposed the 
 early settlers to the plow. They were encouraged by soil, 
 climate and all the accessories of successful tillage. But they, 
 nevertheless, aspired to manufactures. They found splendid 
 water power, and their genius was free. At a very early date 
 their achievements along this line excited the envy of the 
 mother country, and drew upon them those prohibitions which 
 excited the spirit of independence. 
 
 The history of the growth of manufactures in the United 
 States is the most interesting in its annals. By 1830 the total 
 value of manufactures was measured by seven dollars for each in- 
 habitant. By 1890 this value had increased fourteenfold, or to one 
 hundred and ten dollars for each inhabitant. The total value of 
 manufactured products has grown far more rapidly than that of 
 agriculture, and to-day that value is ninety per cent, that of 
 agriculture, which places the United States at the head of the 
 manufacturing nations of the world. In thirty years the increase 
 in value of manufactured products has been six hundred per cent. 
 Of manufactures, that of flour stands at the head with ^200,000,- 
 
TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 371 
 
 ooo of invested capital and an output of over ;^ 5 00,000,000. The 
 next is the comparatively new industry of slaughtering- and 
 packing, with its 6,000,000 pigs and half a million cattle going 
 into barrels each year. Iron and steel roll up a value of ;^450,- 
 000,000 a year. More than one-fifth of the iron and one-fourth 
 of the steel of the world are manufactured in the United States, 
 and every single nation is easily led. Lumber yields a product 
 of ;^250,ooo,ooo yearly. Foundry and machine shop products 
 yield ^225,000,000 yearly. Cotton manufactures have increased 
 nowhere as in America. The ratio of increase as compared with 
 any other country is as three to one, and the capital invested 
 exceeds ;$ 2 2 5, 000,000, with a value of product exceeding ^200,- 
 000,000. Manufactures of wool have increased threefold since 
 i860, or six times faster than those of any other country. The 
 same is true of silks and worsteds, boots aiid shoes and all the 
 leading manufactures. 
 
 In no other country have the transfer from hand to steam or 
 water power been so rapid, and in none has the increase of 
 power been so marked. The result has been a decided lead for 
 America in many branches of manufactures, notably silverware, 
 watches, clocks, hardware, agricultural implements, etc., all of 
 which command the markets of the world. 
 
 In 1880 the capital invested in manufacturing was $1,2^2,- 
 839,670. In 1890 the capital invested in manufacturing was 
 ;^2,900,735.884. In 1880 the number of employees was 1,301,- 
 388. In 1890 the number of employees was 2,251,134. In 
 1880 the wages earned were ^501,965,778. In 1890 the wages 
 earned were ;g 1,22 1,1 70,454. In 1880 the value of the product 
 was ^2,711,579,899. In 1890 the value of the product was 
 ^4,860,286,837. 
 
 MINING. — The United States is supreme below as well as 
 above the soil. In no country are there such deposits of gold, 
 silver, coal, copper, and iron, to say nothing of lakes of oil, and 
 volumes of natural gas. The United States mines more 
 coal than any other country; she furnishes one-third of the 
 world's gold product; still a larger per cent, of the silver prod- 
 uct ; leads all other countries in the production of copper. 
 
372 TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 
 
 In 1870, 42,000 tons of lead were imported ; in 1890 nearly as 
 many tons were exported. Iron goes abroad in a thousand 
 forms. The treasures of zinc, nickel, cobalt, platinum, salt, 
 gypsum, graphite, sulphur, etc., to say nothing of granite, mar- 
 ble, sandstone, slate, etc., are immeasurable as yet, some 
 through excessive richness, others through lack of development. 
 Mineral wealth in the United States exceeds in its actuality the 
 dreams of Columbus and his crews, of Spanish conquerors and 
 their followers, of colonists of every nation and clime. They 
 sought gold and silver. Gold and silver came profusely, but not in 
 the shape of ingots, more than in the shape of " black diamonds," 
 pigs of iron, barrels of oil, cubes of granite, slabs of marble, 
 or the thousand and one forms which the treasures of earth 
 take. We know only the beginnings of our under-ground 
 wealth. 
 
 TRADE AND COMMERCE.— \xi the year 1790 the United 
 States exported ^20,000,000 worth of her products and received 
 ^22,500,000. In 1830 she received ^75,000,000 and sent forth 
 ^60,000,000. In 1892 the total value of our foreign trade (exports 
 and imports of merchandise) was ;^ 1,8 5 7,680,6 10, an increase of 
 ;^I28, 283,604 over the previous fiscal year. The average annual 
 value of our imports and exports of merchandise for the ten fis- 
 cal years prior to 1891 was ;^ 1, 457, 322,019. Our foreign trade 
 for 1892 exceeded the annual average value by 1^400, 358, 591, an 
 increase of 27.7 per cent. The significance and value of this in- 
 crease are shown by the fact that the excess in the trade of 1892 
 over 1 89 1 was wholly in the value of exports, for there was a 
 decrease in the value of imports of ^17,513,754- 
 
 The value of our exports during the fiscal year 1892 reached 
 the highest figure in the history of the Government, amounting 
 to ;^ 1, 030,278, 148, exceeding by ^145,797,338 the exports of 1 891 
 and exceeding the value of the imports by ;^202,875,686. A com- 
 parison of the value of our exports for 1892 with the annual aver- 
 age for the ten years prior to 1891 shows an excess of ^265, 142,- 
 651, or of 34.65 per cent. The value of our imports of mer- 
 chandise for 1892, which was ^829,402,462, also exceeded the an- 
 nual average value of the ten years prior to 1 89 1 by ;^ 1 35 ,2 1 5 ,940. 
 
374 TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 
 
 During the fiscal year 1892 the value of imports free of duty 
 amounted to ^457,999,658, the largest aggregate in the history of 
 our commerce. What is called our coastwise and inland trade ex- 
 ceeds the bounds of ordinary calculation. The freight carried in 
 the coastwise trade of the Great Lakes in 1890 aggregated 28,- 
 295,959 tons. On the Mississippi, Missouri and Ohio rivers and 
 tributaries in the same year the traffic aggregated 29,405,046 
 tons, and the total vessel tonnage passing through the Detroit 
 river during that year was 21,684,000 tons. The vessel tonnage 
 entered and cleared in the foreign trade of London during 1890 
 amounted to 13,480,767 tons, and of Liverpool 10,941,800 tons, 
 a total for these two great shipping ports of 24,422,568 tons, 
 only slightl}' in excess of the vessel tonnage passing through 
 the Detroit river. 
 
 The aggregate traffic on our railroads for the year 1891 
 amounted to 704,398,609 tons of freight, compared with 691,- 
 344,437 tons in 1890 — an increase of 13,054,172 tons. Fifty 
 years ago the measure of this immense freight was taken by the 
 Conestoga wagon load. 
 
 RAILROADS AND CANALS.— In the United States the 
 canal is a convenience but the railroad a necessity. Our distances 
 are vast. Earth has never before attempted to couple points 
 so remote. From Philadelphia to Chicago is the journey from 
 London to Rome. From New York to San Francisco is the voy- 
 age from London to Quebec. Jerusalem, Cairo, Constantinople 
 are nearer London than Salt Lake City is to Boston. Yet Salt 
 Lake is only two-thirds the way across the Continent. There- 
 fore it takes more to bind our country than it v/ould have done 
 to bind the known commercial world two thousand years ago. 
 
 Sixty years ago the means of overland travel was the stage 
 coach. In 1830 there were only 23 miles of railroad, though 
 canal building began as early as 1785. The latter found its day 
 with the advent of railroads. The total length of canals in the 
 United States never exceeded 3000 miles. By 1840 there 
 were 2818 miles of railroad. Since then the development of the 
 resources of the country by steam highway has gone on with 
 marvellous rapidity. Railroads were built to couple cities, to 
 
376 TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 
 
 reach mines, to cross prairie distances, to bring outlying stretches 
 into contact with peopled centres. They were numerously, ex- 
 travagantly built. Some economists and fault-finders say they 
 were foolishly and unnecessarily built in many instances. But 
 there never was a foolish or unnecessary railroad in this country. 
 Hundreds may have been in advance of their time, thousands 
 may have been mismanaged, but in general they have been a 
 force for development that needed but the railroad itself to prove 
 its efficacy. 
 
 By i860 we had 30,635 miles of railroad. By 1890 the 
 mileage was 167,741, or far in excess of any other country; 
 greater than many of the older countries combined. Each large 
 city has its combinations of railroads, nearly every State its sys- 
 tem. Think of it. Before 1830 not a dollar invested in rail- 
 roads nor a mile of line in existence. In 1890 ;^ 5, 000,000,000 of 
 capital invested in railroads, and a total railway liability of ;^io,- 
 000,000,000. It is no longer so many hundred or thousand 
 miles between cities, or even coasts, but so many hours. 500,- 
 000,000 passengers spin over these railroads in a year, at a cost 
 of ;^ 2 7 5, 000, 000 ; 700,000,000 tons of goods are whirled over 
 them at a cost of ^^00,000,000. They have a total revenue of 
 $1,000,000,000 ; and pay in interest ;^ 175,000,000, and in divi- 
 dends ;^8o,ooo,ooo. 
 
 The highest rate of increase in our railroad mileage in any one 
 year was 12,879 m'^es in 1882. The average increase for the ten 
 years between 1880 and 1890 was over 7,000. At this rate but 
 a few years would suffice to give the United States a greater 
 length of railroad mileage than all the world combined. Road- 
 bed, rolling-stock, comforts of travel, dispatch of business, are 
 of the best. 
 
 ELECTRIC SPEECH. — Communication by lightning had its 
 birth in the United States, and seems to have been demanded by 
 our magnificent distances and the need of quick business con- 
 tact. As the American Franklin first identified the uncontrol- 
 lable lightning with the controllable electricity, so the American 
 Morse placed the latter in metallic leading strings and made it a 
 medium of communication over the surface of continents and 
 
TRIUMTHS OF INDUSTRY. 377 
 
 under the depth of ocean. With that energy which has made 
 the nation so wholly exceptional in every respect, the telegraph 
 has been given phenomenal development. Prior to 1866 tele- 
 graph companies were scattered and their wires disjointed. In 
 that year they were gathered together, and showed a line mile- 
 age of 37,380, with a wire mileage of 75,686. This was the be- 
 ginning of systematic telegraphy in the United States. The 
 days of experiment were over. The telegraph became the me- 
 dium of business and news, bringing the marts and homes of 
 the remotest parts into almost instantaneous contact, and serving 
 a commercial purpose never before dreamed of 
 
 By 1890 the mileage of telegraph lines in the United States, 
 not counting those strictly private and belonging to the Govern- 
 ment, was 220,000, and the length of wires was fully 8oo,000 
 miles. These wires, sufficient to girdle the earth more than 
 thirty times, tingle night and day, like a system of nerves, 
 throughout the Republic, and their every vibration means a story 
 for thousands to read, a transaction in business, a thrill of grief 
 or joy, for the domestic hearth. 
 
 While the railway annihilated distance as to solids, the tele- 
 graph did even more as to speech. An American conception, it 
 meets a great American need. Here too it finds its mightiest 
 patronage, being, as it were, a perpetual throb and quiver, source 
 of satisfaction and profit, an invitation to endless investment. 
 Already ;^ 150,000,000 have gone into telegraphic enterprises, and 
 the capital stock of the Western Union lines alone is ^87,000,- 
 000. 
 
 Like the telegraph, the telephone is the outcome of American 
 genius. It is but a few years since Edison drove the human 
 voice along the electric wires and provided a new means of 
 communication highly useful in its social and commercial as- 
 pects. Already a single company — the Bell Telephone Com- 
 pany — has in place 449,861 telephones and 757 telephone ex- 
 changes in all parts of the Union. The entire telephone system 
 of the United States uses 250,000 miles of wire, and represents 
 an enormous capital, which pays a dividend of from 10 to 18 
 per cent. 
 
378 TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 
 
 The reduction of liglitning to human uses has eventuated in 
 a magnificent series of appliances which distribute it in manifold 
 forms. It enters into our municipal business and household 
 economy, in the shape of electric lights. It is distributed 
 through our houses, offices and streets in the form of signals and 
 summonses. It becomes a motor for cars, vehicles, machinery, 
 boats. There is seemingly no end to its uses, as there is none 
 to its powers. This most subtle, most majestic force in nature 
 is more completely harnessed in America than in any other 
 country, and most universally applied to the convenience of 
 mankind. 
 
 LIFE CONDITIONS. — Two things are apparent from the 
 slightest study of oui' industrial development. First, the pro- 
 gress has been phenomenally rapid, owing to conditions of soil, 
 climate and resource and the terrific energy of the people. 
 Second, the results stamp us as an exceptional people in com- 
 parison with the people of any other country or age. England 
 was better known to Caesar than America to Columbus. Yet 
 those four hundred years have witnessed far more of growth 
 and development in our republican community than those two 
 thousand have done in England. This is not only true as to 
 those things which we have used in this article as illustrations 
 of material progress, but it is still more true of the vital con- 
 ditions which are coupled with and inevitably affected by material 
 prosperity. Not four hundred years ago, but only fifty, the 
 United States was .but a coast fringe. At a {q^n places, as Bos- 
 ton, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charleston and Savan- 
 nah, were clusters, which then ranked as cities, but which now 
 would be only respectable towns. There were no roads, except 
 in a few instances, which were passable at all seasons of the 
 year. The means of public transit was the stage coach or the 
 canal packet. When the pioneer pushed his way westward, he 
 travelled in his ox-leam and encamped in his wagon. 
 
 Dress was simple, coarse, and home-made. A broadcloth suit 
 or a silk gown was a luxury enjoyed by the few. The popular 
 taste was such that dress distinctions were abhorred. The car- 
 riage was unknown. People rode on horseback, in the crude 
 
TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 379 
 
 wagon, or at most in the one-horse chaise. Food was in general 
 cheap, but simple and simply prepared. Barter was the common 
 mode of payment. Wages were low. Workmen were paid, 
 not in cash, but in orders upon the store. Clerical help received 
 even lower wages, in proportion, than the day laborer. For- 
 tunes rated not by the million, but by the ^50,000 or ;^ 100,000. 
 
 The date of the carriage industry may be fixed at 1840. A 
 piano manufactory, started in 1822, had so increased its business 
 that, b}^ 1853, a period of thirty-one years, it turned out the 
 enormous number of fifteen pianos a week. But little attention 
 was paid to art. Libraries were few, and generally inaccessible 
 to the people. The village genius was a jack-of-all-trades. The 
 professions were mixed. Preachers gave gospel and physic. 
 Lawyers were counsellors, bankers, and real-estate brokers. 
 Doctors administered pills and spiritual consolation. The divi- 
 sion of labor, which came to distinguish tlie sciences and all 
 handicraft, was unknown or unpracticed. The condition was 
 primitive, though not forced. It was that which the migrant had 
 brought with iiim from across the water. The community was 
 one of toilers seeking betterment. The continent was before 
 them, with its invitations and surprises. 
 
 Comparing that with this, time with time, condition with con- 
 dition, we may well wonder whether the change has not been 
 translation to another planet. There is no history anywhere to 
 reconcile us with the magical transformation. Only the story 
 of Aladdin's lamp, or some appeal of the imagination to the 
 weird and wonderful, seems to warrant the chapters which note 
 the transition from primitive to modern America. 
 
 The railway came with its speed and whoop and roar to abol- 
 ish the inconvenience of the mud highway. It not only made 
 distant points contiguous, but it introduced the luxury of "bed 
 and board," so that people never lost their sense of home com- 
 fort in a three thousand miles journey. The canal packet gave 
 way to lake and river steamers of palatial build and swift 
 motion, so that water transit became a pleasure. The food of 
 the table assumed greater variety, larger quantity, and improved 
 cooking. It is to-day the wonder of all Europeans, whether 
 
380 TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 
 
 seen on the rich man's table or on that of the workingman. Dress 
 has taken on a richness, cost and style that the taste of fifty 
 years ago would have utterly repudiated. " Republican simplic- 
 ity " is no longer a fad. Americans are to-day the best dressed 
 people on the globe. And so the American home is the best 
 appointed, whether owned by rich or poor. There is no step 
 from palace to hovel, as in the old countries, but the intermedi- 
 ate space where the million dwell is a succession of neat, cosy 
 homes, warmed, lighted, healthful, with beds, carpets, pictures 
 and books. There is hardly any such a thing as an American 
 hovel, without windows and with cov/ and pig-pen in the kitchen. 
 The American house of the wealthy has no counterpart in the 
 world. It is heated throughout with the best appliances. It is 
 carpeted like an Oriental palace. Its beds, linens, china-ware, 
 hangings, chairs, tables, are rich, beautiful, durable. Pressure 
 of an electric button signals servants in every room, in the gar- 
 den or at the stable, and puts the household into contact with 
 the fire department, the police, the store, or the next town. 
 Speech is conveyed through all the stories and rooms by means 
 of tubes. As to all those things which count as conveniences 
 and comforts, no royal palace can equal a fully equipped Ameri- 
 can home of to-day. 
 
 There are a thousand outlets for taste and pride and rational 
 enjoyment and true cultivation, that did not exist fifty years ago. 
 Our horses and carriages and sleighs are sources of enjoyment 
 as never before. Our theatres, public halls and other places of 
 amusement afford relaxation, pleasure and instruction. Com- 
 mercial exchanges, newspaper edifices, composite stores, sys- 
 tems of fire and life insurance, railway postal service, free postal 
 delivery, uniform postage, postal notes, were not dreamed of by 
 our immediate forefathers, especially in their present perfection. 
 Now these things are not local or sectional. They are perva- 
 sive. The town of a night in the farthest West wakes up with 
 them in full blast. All the energy, tastes and demands of the 
 riper community seem to bud and blossom spontaneously in the 
 newest communities. This is natural by reason of our easy and 
 swift means of communication, our spirit of enterprise and emu- 
 
TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. 381 
 
 lation, our wealth ; for be it known that the American migrant 
 is the wealthiest in the world. A change from the East to the 
 West, or from the North to the South, means desire and ability 
 to make an investment, with a view to permanent betterment, 
 and with no thought of relinquishing the tastes and comforts of 
 the deserted home for a longer time than is required to estab- 
 lish them in the new sphere. 
 
 While the industrial growth of the United States is a series 
 of historic surprises, it is prolific of lessons as impressive as 
 those learned from its political growth. The lessons may be a lit- 
 tle more intricate at first blush, but that is only because they are 
 not so high sounding. Nothing can heighten their importance 
 to the citizen, and especially to the young mind, or make them 
 more easy to learn, than a contrast of that growth, and the con- 
 ditions resulting therefrom, with the growth and conditions of 
 countries and governments that have existed for thrice tlie 
 length of time this one has, and whose boasts of superiority have 
 rang incessantly along the ages. When a comparison is insti- 
 tuted, no larger expanse of rich soil will be found anywhere, no 
 greater wealth of mine, no more healthy climate or varied vege- 
 tation, no finer manufactures, no richer commerce, no nobler 
 intelligence, no statelier morals, no happier people, than in the 
 United States. But this is far from the real situation, for the 
 contrast warrants the conclusion that in all the above respects 
 the United States enjoys a pre-eminence which the older nations 
 look upon with envy and secretly, though reluctantly, confess. 
 

POPULAR 
 
 SOVEREIGNTY AND CITIZENSHIR 
 
 N a democracy, where the right of making laws resides in 
 the people at large, public virtue, or goodness of in- 
 tention, is more likely to be found than either of the 
 other qualities of government. Popular assemblies are 
 frequently foolish in their contrivance and weak in their 
 execution, but generally mean to do the thing that is right and just 
 
 and have always a degree of patriotism and public spirit 
 
 Democracies are usually the best calculated to direct the end of 
 law; aristocracies to invent the means by which that end shall 
 be obtained ; and monarchies to carry these means into execu- 
 tion. — B/ackslo?ie, Vol. i., p. 49. 
 
 This division of government into three forms is almost as old 
 as the oldest writings on politic? and law. It is only a general 
 division, for there are other kinds of government besides these, 
 but all kinds were, and are, regarded as reducible to one or the 
 other of these heads. 
 
 Though it is not Blackstone's division, yet what he says of the 
 merits of each kind of government is pretty generally accepted 
 as true, and is taught in law and political schools. While his 
 comparative view is brief, apt and suggestive, it is nevertheless 
 the view of one who drew on his then historic past for the ma 
 terial out of which to weave opinions. In that past were many 
 
 3P3 
 
384 SOVEREIGNTY AND CITIZENSHIP. 
 
 democratic experiments, some of them pure democracies, others 
 modified democracies called republics, whose rapid rise, bright 
 meteoric career and swift decline, warranted his view.* 
 
 He did not teach that there was anything solid and enduring 
 about a democracy. Had he written but yesterday he would 
 have written amid greater light and perhaps not so much in 
 sympathy with the notion which is so largely abroad in mon- 
 archies and aristocracies that our grand American experiment is 
 but a " Great Republican Bubble." f 
 
 You hear the words " democracy " and "republic" used in- 
 discriminately. Perhaps you so use them yourself If so, your 
 ideas may be clear respecting them, but such use is liable to lead 
 to confusion in the minds of others, unless their full meaning be 
 understood. 
 
 JDEMOCR AC v.— The democracy to which Blackstone refers 
 is doubtless a pure democracy ; that is, the democracy in which 
 the demos, or people, met in periodic assembly, talked over their 
 pubHc affairs, passed their laws and elected their rulers, very much 
 as we meet at our annual, or other, elections to record our wishes, 
 except that their assembly was a deliberative body like our legis- 
 latures or congress, as well as a voting body. 
 
 A better idea of it may be gotten by supposing that all the 
 
 *The popular assembly of Athens could not consist of less than 6,000 cicizens. 
 The general assembly of Sparta was attended by all the freemen of Laconia. The 
 republic of Venice, and the short-lived republics of Genoa and Pisa, were only repub- 
 lics in name. The people ultimately lost their power to aml^itious doges and coun- 
 cils. The truest democracy was that of the ancient German tribes, where affairs of 
 government were discussed and settled aL their festal gatherings. That these were 
 " foolish in their contrivance and weak in their execution," may be accepted as true, 
 for all hands were encouraged to get gloriously drunk on the principle that they 
 would then let out the true secrets of their mind. 
 
 •j- Boynton in his " Four Great Powers " says : " It (the rebellion) has proved that 
 a popular government is not necessarily a weak one, and that a free unwarlike 
 people, unused to the restraints of thorough organization and discipline, can yet as- 
 sume almost at once the highest forms of national life, can reshape, without con- 
 fusion, their whole industrial energy to meet the demands of sudden war, can bring 
 forth, organize and hold in hand all their resources, and wiili all the skill and science 
 of the age, can wield a thoroughly compacted national strength, greater in propor- 
 tion to population than has been exhibited by any other power on earth." 
 
SOVEREIGNTY AND CITIZENSHIP. 38,j 
 
 voters of a state * should say to themselves, " We will not go 
 to the trouble and expense of voting for members to represent 
 us in the legislature, but we will all go to the capitol, or place of 
 assemblage, and in popular meeting pass the laws ourselves." 
 This would be the true and original general assembly of the 
 demos, or people, and such a government would be a pure 
 democracy. It is quite plain that such a form of government 
 would be fitted for only a very primitive people and a very small 
 state. 
 
 There is no such thing as a democracy in this sense now. It 
 would be too heavy and too unwieldy a piece of machinery to 
 work, or if it went at all, it would be very noisy and uncertain in 
 its motion. The democracy which is meant by an every-day use 
 of the word, or by the word when left unexplained, is democracy 
 in its secondary or modified sense ; that is, democracy in a repre- 
 sentative form. 
 
 We do not all go to the general assembly to make laws, but 
 we go to the polls and vote for some one to go in our stead, to 
 represent us there, as the saying is. We still preserve the namt 
 " general assembly " — though largely substituted by the word 
 " legislature " — to designate the place of meeting, not of the 
 people at large, or of such of them as are called voters, but of 
 the people through and by means of their chosen representatives. 
 We are not in the general assembly directly, but we are there 
 indirectly. We do not speak there with our own mouths but 
 through our chosen mouth-pieces. We do not vote directly for 
 our laws, but our representatives, who are supposed to know our 
 wishes and who are responsible to us, vote for us. This is a 
 
 * Or rather all the people of a state, for the Declaration of Independence lays 
 " governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed ; " and 
 the preamble to the Constitution reads, " We the people do ordain and establish, 
 etc. ; " upon which Judge Sharswood remarks, " that in the freest nations — even in 
 the republics which compose the United States — the consent of the entire people 
 has never been expressly obtained. The people comprehend all the men, women 
 and children of every class and age. A certain number of men have assumed to 
 act in the name of all the community. The qualification of electors or voters was in 
 general settled by the colonial charters, as well as the principle that the RCt« 9( f 
 majority of such electors were binding on the whol«," 
 25 
 
3gf.' SOVEREIGNTY AND CITIZENSHIP. 
 
 much cheaper and handier kind of democracy than that first 
 spoken of. It is the kind which must be understood when the 
 term " democracy " is used without explanation, or in connection 
 with our form of government. This government then is not a 
 pure democracy, but a modified, or representative democracy; 
 nevertheless it is a democracy. 
 
 REPUBLIC. — And as a democracy, it is equally a republic, 
 for " republic " is very well defined as a form of government in 
 which the sovereign, or law-making, power is exercised by 
 means of representatives chosen by the people. The two terms, 
 " democracy " and " republic," here come together in their mean- 
 ing, and one may be used for the other without fear of qon- 
 fusion. 
 
 COMMONWEALTH.— Yow find in your reading other terms 
 used to convey the same idea as " democracy " or " republic." 
 The word " commonwealth " is one of them. And a very good 
 word it is, too. Commonwealth is the common weal, health or 
 happiness. It was not the democracy or republic of Cromwell,* 
 but the commonwealth of Cromwell, though strictly it was all 
 three, using democracy in its secondary sense as above explained. 
 And this word " commonwealth " is much used by the respec- 
 tive States of our Union, as the " Commonwealth of Pennsyl- 
 vania," " Commonwealth of Virginia," etc. Indeed, so popular 
 and well fixed has this usage of the word become that it may be 
 said to distinguish the smaller or fractional republic, otherwise 
 called a State, from the Federal Republic, otherwise called the 
 United States. 
 
 POPULAR GOVERNMENT.— ThQ phrase "popular gov- 
 ernment," or " popular form of government," is common among 
 speakers and writers when they refer to a democracy or republic. 
 It is a pleasing phrase and hath much meaning. Every govern • 
 ment which is endured, liked and sustained is in one sense 
 " popular." In another sense every government which is par- 
 
 * The word " commonwealth " has got a meaning in English history as the form 
 ©f government established on the death of Charles I., in 1649, and which exi»ted 
 under CromweU ar.4 his spn Richard, ending with tb,e abdication of the latter is 
 1659. 
 
SOVEREIGNTY AND CITIZENSHIP. 387 
 
 Hally representative, as a limited monarchy, is popular. But see 
 the different shades of meaning embraced in the word " popular." 
 In the first sense a despotism may be a popular form of govern- 
 ment, in that the people may like it, but in the sense that they 
 participate in it, help to carry it on, it is most decidedly 
 unpopular. 
 
 In the expression " popular government " the word " popu- 
 lar " has, therefore, its true and original meaning, " of or belong- 
 ing to the people." Perhaps the expression was never so happily 
 paraphrased as when Mr. Lincoln, referring to our " popular 
 form of government " in his oration at Gettysburg, called it " a 
 government of the people, by the people, and for the people." 
 
 Popular is what is of and belongs to the popuhis, the people. 
 The popular voice is the people's voice. The popular vote is 
 the people's vote. Popular elections are the people's elections. 
 Popular institutions are the people's institutions. A popular 
 government is the people's government. And so, by contrast 
 with those forms of government in which the people have no 
 voice at all, and even in contrast with those forms in which they 
 have a partial voice, the phrase " popular government," or " pop- 
 ular form of government," gets a meaning which always points 
 out clearly a democracy, a republic, or a commonwealth. Our 
 government is a popular form of government, or a popular 
 government. 
 
 We happily know more about this kind of a government than 
 Mr. Blackstone did. Our national experiment, so wisely started 
 by our fathers, so adequate to every strain, has proved that a 
 popular form of government, one in which the sovereignty is 
 vested in the people, one in which the people are the rulers, is 
 not necessarily weak or perishable, nor illy fitted to secure to the 
 governed the ends for which it was established. Every one who 
 has chosen to make himself acquainted with its history, and who 
 has not ? has seen such a government grow in size, strength and 
 importance, in spite of the fierce obstacles of wars without and 
 wars within. He has seen it acquire, populate, cement and give 
 taw and order to vast regions it did not own at the start. He 
 hi* se^n it •'ise Orom small and not very hannQnious beginnings 
 
388 SOVEREIGNTY AND CITIZENSHIP. 
 
 till it has assumed the highest form of national life and con- 
 quered one of the first seats in the great political system which 
 embraces all the civilized nations of the earth. 
 
 SOVEREIGNTY. — Amid this splendid growth, these evi- 
 dences of inherent strength, these promises of durability, who 
 does not feel new pride in our first and greatest axiom, " The 
 sovereignty is in us, the people." Would that this pride were 
 Itrong enough to impress every citizen with the need of special 
 qualification for his high office, for his is an office — that of 
 sovereign — and one with broader meaning and deeper function 
 than that of the governor or president he helps to create. 
 
 In no country of the world does the word " sovereignty," as 
 attached to the individual, have so much significance as in the 
 United States. It is not merely a claim or a boast, but it is an 
 inherent power which he may exercise on all proper occasions 
 and in accordance with his own free will, and which he ought to 
 exercise if he expects to be content with the laws and those who 
 execute them. Knowledge of this supreme endowment ought 
 to inspire every citizen with higher notions of manhood, ought to 
 deepen his interest in the affairs of society and the State, ought 
 to make him feel that there is no education so important as that 
 which will teach him how best to turn the power he wields to 
 the account of himself and those about him. True, he is but 
 one sovereign among many, and he may feel that his voice is 
 weak, his identity lost ; but let an attempt be made to rob him 
 of his endowment, and he will feel as if the loss were a mighty 
 one indeed, one which could not well be borne. He would 
 fight against its loss, as if it were the dearest thing on earth to 
 him. 
 
 The true majesty and moving effect of individual sovereignty 
 are visible when it is united with that of other individuals all 
 along any line of political action. One soldier does not make 
 an army, nor one man a nation, but many soldiers and many 
 men. So sovereignty gets to be an imposing and effective force, 
 gets to be sovereignty indeed, when it is a thing resident in, of 
 bubbling forth from, a set of men, a society, a people, a nation: 
 In the individual it was a stjli small voice, in the nation it is 
 
SOVEREIGNTY AND CITIZENSHIP. 339 
 
 Jove's chariot thundering in the heavens and shaking the earth.* 
 Then, indeed, it means law, presidents and governors, constitu- 
 tions, states, empires, and in an hour of great public grievance, 
 or of incendiary partisan rage, it may mean the defiance of law, 
 the overthrow of officials, the smashing of constitutions, the 
 upheaval of states, the crashing of empires. It is a power for 
 evil as well as good, a source of danger as well as safety. 
 
 WHENCE SO VEREIGNTY SPRANG.— \n the after part of 
 this volume there will be many opportunities of learning how the 
 notions of popular liberty and the doctrines of popular sovereignty 
 which are now a part of our national life were planted in our soil 
 and cultivated among our colonial fathers. But the lesson of 
 their importance to us cannot be fully learned, nor can their bear- 
 ing upon the rest of the world be completely realized till we con- 
 sider how many and what desperate battles they had to fight in 
 the old world before they commanded any degree of respect. It 
 was not the part of any feudal government to recognize sover- 
 eignty as in the people. Yet there never was a time when the 
 people did not feel that all sovereignty was in them. Conse- 
 quently all political history is marked here and there by volcanic 
 eruptions of popular will, by upheavals of the masses in, too often, 
 vain attempts to assert the power to rule themselves, which they 
 felt was God-given and inherent. The democracies that tossed 
 and writhed and tormented and spent themselves in very excess 
 of agony, were simply the boiling up through hard feudal surfaces 
 of that spirit which we now proudly claim and exercise as free- 
 men. The republics which gave a mouth to every Grecian, bred 
 in every Roman a sense of dignity, imparted a feeling of man- 
 hood to every Venetian, taught England that the " divinity 
 which hedges a king " was no more divine than that which 
 
 * Some writers prefer not to speak of sovereignty as in the individual. They 
 only recognize sovereignty as something residing in and coming out of an aggregate 
 of individuals, a nation. Thus Brownson : " Sovereignty, under God, inheres in 
 the organic people, or the people as a republic." It is only a question of when to 
 begin to call it sovereignty. As a source of pride to the individual citizen he might 
 as well be made to feel that his exercise of the elective franchise is an evidence of 
 the sovereignty that is within him, as not. The water of each of an hundred springi 
 that r/iake up the river is in the river, whatever you may say. 
 2 
 
J590 SOVEREI(;XIV AND CITIZENSHIP. 
 
 hedges a mere citizen, were all so many protests on the part of 
 the people against the doctrine of potentates that power does not 
 rise from the masses, but comes down to them through masters. 
 Rulers were always smarter than the uneducated, noisy, inco- 
 herent, careless iiu. ,s. Hence democracies and republics were 
 short lived. A shrewd or unscrupulous ruler was more than a 
 match for brawling assembly, or a jealous and discordant set of 
 electors. The Doges of Venice literally ran away with the 
 power entrusted to them by the people, and royal diplomacy 
 manoeuvred England out of Cromwellian republicanism in ten 
 years time. In all these battles for sovereignty the masses were 
 at a decided disadvantage. They were, in general, not educated. 
 If religious, their religion did not admit the freedom of con- 
 science. If freemen, the modern doctrine of personal and civil 
 liberty was not understood by them. If voters, the value of 
 sovereignty was not appreciated. But with the reformation came 
 a flood of daylight upon the lowly. Conscience got loose and 
 shook itself rejoicingly, being free from fetters. Reading and 
 thinking got down to the bases of society, and new notions of 
 personal and civil liberty began to prevail. Subjects began to 
 feel that they were men with rights which even sovereigns must 
 respect, and most of all that they were a source of power which 
 even sovereigns could be made to fear. Great minds got to 
 writing about the sources of power, the responsibilities of 
 citizenship, the relation of rulers to the ruled, the nature of 
 liberty, the value of sovereignty, the duty of the freeman to as- 
 sert his rights. Parties or sects — you can as yet scarcely distin- 
 guish between the two — sprang up, some to fight for their 
 religion through their politics, and some to fight for their politics 
 through their religion. In England the Puritan got to be a 
 stubborn force, so did the Independent, and the Presbyterian, 
 and the Quaker, all discordant, yet all united, in so far as the 
 drift of their thought and influence was toward intellectual 
 moral and political freedom, and the ultimate right of man to 
 choose his own rulers and make his own laws. These were 
 brave souls and they clung to their convictions and indoctrinated 
 their fellows amid social ostracism and state persecution. Ham- 
 
SOVEREIGNTY AND CITIZENSHIP. 391 
 
 pered on all sides by forms too hard to break through, over- 
 shadowed by power too well entrenched to be easily dislodged, 
 feeling that their doctrines were pervading, permanent and vital 
 enough to bear transplanting, and knowing that an open conti- 
 nent lay beyond the ocean, they were ripe for the experiment of 
 American colonization. 
 
 W£ SHOULD PREPARE OURSELVES.— The propriety 
 of, nay the necessity for, educating statesmen * is not doubted. 
 Yet here we are, old and young, all of us, statesmen by right, 
 and each endowed with a dignity and authority to which your 
 statesman in fact is willing to take off his hat. Nothing is so 
 pleasing and assuring as to see an office-holder well qualified 
 for his office. Yet we are all office-holders, in that personal 
 sovereignty is within each man's keeping. We go about our 
 work or pleasure with what may be called the highest office, at 
 least the highest responsibility, in the land, hanging to our per- 
 sons, and inseparable from us. 
 
 The citizen makes a terrible mistake, one which may any day 
 bring disaster to his country and himself, who supposes that he 
 can properly fill nis high office, perform his full duty as sov- 
 ereign, without any previous thought or qualification. He cannot 
 be a safe repository of power who does not know what power is, 
 and when and how to exercise it. One cannot be a good presi- 
 dent maker who has no idea of what a president is for, and what 
 a good one is like. The man who is ignorant of legislation or 
 the quality of a safe legislator is not fit to choose a representa- 
 tive in congress or the general assembly. You could scarcely 
 expect a person without judgment to select a good judge for 
 you. While the principle that every man is a sovereign, or that 
 sovereignty resides in the people, is a glorious and inspiring one, 
 it would be most dangerous to our own peace and to the per- 
 
 * What is specially needed in statesmen is public spirit, intelligence, foresight, 
 broad views, manly feelings, wisdom, energy, resolution ; and when statesmen with 
 these qualities are placed at the head of affairs, the state, if not already lost, can, 
 however far gone it may be, be recovered, restored, reinvigorated, advanced, and 
 private vice and corruption disappear in the splendor of public virtue. — BmunsoH^i 
 American Republic. 
 
392 sovEREinxTv and citizenship. 
 
 petuity of the nation, if we were all as ignorant and brutish as 
 South Sea Islanders, or as indifferent as the free-footed Bedouins 
 of the desert. It is only a safe and tolerable principle here and 
 now because, as a rule, some kind of qualification exists, or be- 
 cause, as a theory, sufficient qualification is presumed ; or, to 
 state it in other words, because the result of the ballot is suffi- 
 ciently on the side of purity and intelligence to answer as a set- 
 off against an impure and ignorant ballot. 
 
 A CONTRACT WITH THE STATE.— The ballot is the 
 legal means of giving expression to the will, or sovereignty, that 
 is within us. Ought there ever to be a doubt about its intelli- 
 gence and safety ? Ought government, through and by means 
 of the ballot, to be a sort of political hit or miss game, a thing 
 to make one say, " Oh well, it is all wrong in this or that matter, 
 but we will trust to another turn of the wheel to correct it ? " 
 We ought not to forget that despotism, aristocracy, monarchy, 
 and every form of government which does not rank as popular, 
 finds a strong vindication in its distrust of the masses, and in its 
 doctrine that the sovereignty which comes up out of the people 
 is uncertain, gross, and unsafe. The answer to the claim that 
 the masses ought to govern themselves always was, " Let them 
 prove that they are equal to the task." In the face of all the 
 obstacles presented — their own ignorance as well as the superior 
 intelligence and adroitness of their masters — they generally failed 
 to prove it, and the laugh was on the side of the " powers that 
 be." It was only when time had worked great changes in the 
 condition of the common people, and when they began to give 
 some proofs of their ability to master political situations, that the 
 power which emanated from them, the state or government, got 
 to be of any account. And now, under our form of government, 
 [idoes there not exist a secret understanding, an implied contract, 
 la tacit pledge, between the state and the citizen, to the effect that 
 one shall do all he can to qualify himself for his responsibilities, 
 in turn for the protection and comfort the other affords ? If 
 such contract does not exist, the citizen is none the less respon- 
 sible, and he must still face the question, " If ballots are even 
 yet barely safe because those which are qualified outnumber 
 
SOVEREIGNTY AND CITIZENSHIP. 393 
 
 those which are not qualified, what might we not expect in the 
 shape of stronger government and better institutions, if all were 
 qualified ? " The obligation of every sovereign citizen to qualify 
 himself for the intelligent exercise of the power that is within 
 him is deep, impressive, awful. Does he realize it ? * 
 
 HOW QUALIFY ?—^N\\3X.QWQvv^\\\ make the citizen think 
 more seriously of his political obligations, whatever will enable 
 him to give truthful, safe, and telling expression to the sover- 
 eignty that is within him, is a schooling of no mean order. 
 Streams cannot rise higher than their source, creatures cannot 
 be superior to their creators, institutions cannot be better than 
 their supporters. Governments, laws, officials are, in general, a 
 fair reflex of the ballots which make them. Before they can be 
 raised to high and safe standards, we must rise to high and safe 
 standards of citizenship. We must never admit that because a 
 majority of us are qualified to exercise sovereignty, therefore 
 things are safe. Things never can be absolutely safe till all are 
 qualified. Our common schooling is a great help to us. But it 
 is not of that special kind which is calculated to acquaint us 
 with political situations, sharpen our wits as rulers, stimulate our 
 pride of citizenship. Few of us ever think about our duty to the 
 government till we are reminded of it by the alarum of a political 
 campaign. Then as a short cut toward qualifying ourselves, we 
 rush pellmell to school to the teachers who appear on the stump 
 and in a declamatory, off-hand way, attempt to prove to us all 
 kinds of impossibilities and demonstrate all undemonstrable 
 things. These very eloquent teachers are seldom clear, dispas- 
 sionate, or impartial. They may be mere creatures of prejudice 
 or ambition. As a rule they rely more on the arts which cap- 
 tivate than on the logic which persuades, more on the tricks 
 which deceive than on the facts which convince. Their appeals 
 
 * Our republic has been reared for immortality, if the work of man may aspire to 
 such title. It may, nevertheless, perish in an hour by the folly, corruption, or neg- 
 ligence of its only keepers, the people. Republics are created by the virtue, public 
 spirit, and intelligence of the citizens. They fall when the wise are banished from 
 the public councils, because they dare to be honest, and the profligate are rewarded, 
 because they flatter the people in order to betray them. — Story on the Constitution. 
 
394 SOVEREIGNTt AND CITIZENSHIP. 
 
 are to the passions and not to the. solid judgments of men. The 
 most they want is votes, not as winged principles, but as some- 
 thing to be counted in one, two, three order for their favorite 
 candidate. There is but one class of scholar who is truly at 
 home in this ringing, jostling, exciting school. He is the one 
 who will not qualify himself in any other way, who is fond of the 
 hurly-burly, delights in brass bands and ear-splitting hurrahs, 
 loves the delirium of passion, and supports the ticket, no matter 
 who is on it or what principles it embodies. Conviction goes 
 to the dogs with such an one, sovereignty is a Chinese gong, 
 the franchise a batch of fire -works, and election day a glorifica- 
 tion. 
 
 You will say, " but better this school than none." Assiredly. 
 We do not design to diminish its importance further than that is 
 effected by showing that it is not the best school, and should not 
 be the only one, in which to learn our duties as citizens, or to 
 get substantial notions of our high privileges. It is very 
 pleasant to hear speeches, delightful to be carried away by ora- 
 torical flights and figures, gratifying to see an enemy's scalp 
 raised by the keen knife of sarcasm, inspiring to be appealed to 
 in various pathetic ways, but it is all very much like going to a 
 theatre to dwell for a little time in the midst of sentiments and 
 passions. It is an intoxicating, short-lived schooling, which may 
 tide one over an emergency, but leaves the mind to as sad a re- 
 action as a drink of spirits does the body. 
 
 The best qualification of the citizen is that which is always 
 going on. He may quicken it by the usual agencies of the cam- 
 paign, brush up, as it were, at each call to exercise his sover- 
 eignty, but the solid, solemn work of preparation ought to begin 
 with the child and never end till death ends it. The course of 
 study cannot be mapped. Tastes vary, and time is not at the 
 command of all alike. But it is safe to say that all may learn, 
 and should, what will make them prouder of the distinction of 
 sovereign citizen, what will enable them to handle, without dan- 
 ger to themselves or others, the sharp weapon of the ballot, 
 what will give them bigger and broader views of their country 
 and institutions, what will enlarge their manhood and make them 
 
SOVEREIGNTY AND CITIZENSHIP. 395 
 
 feel their importance as factors in further building and perpetu- 
 ating this vast temple of government, which is even now over- 
 shadowing all others and influencing all others for their good. 
 For the greater encouragement of the young, and for overcom- 
 ing the indifference of those of riper years, let this fact not es- 
 cape attention. The people are closer to their rulers and their 
 government now than ever before in its history. Just as they 
 prepare themselves for the duty of personal rulers, they rise in im- 
 portance with their political rulers. Just as they are able to 
 think accurately for themselves, formulate their thoughts suc- 
 cinctly, and defend them stoutly, in that proportion the political 
 ruler hearkens unto them and takes his cue from them. It is for 
 this reason that reform is twice as speedy now as it was twenty 
 years ago. The better informed, the stronger, the more resolute 
 the constituency, the surer it is of a prompt and certain echo 
 from its representative. And this is as it should be, for the 
 whole theory of sovereignty with us is, that power passes up- 
 ward from the people, never downward. So, ability to instruct 
 and judge should pass in the same direction. While the respon- 
 sibility of the people is thus greater, the duty of the legislator is 
 simpler and easier. 
 
WASHINGTON'S INAUGURATION. 
 
Presidents and Administrations. 
 
 CONGRESSES AND PARTY MEASURES ; RISE AND 
 FALL OF POLITICAL PARTIES; NATIONAL 
 ELECTIONS AND PARTY PLATFORMS. 
 
 I ARTIES IN GENERAL.— Party names do not always 
 afford an index to party principles or professions. In 
 this respect they are unfortunate. "Whig" was origi- 
 nally a term of reproach, and "Democrat" and 
 " Jacobin " were mere epithets previous to 1825. So 
 far as the names give a cue to principles there ought to be no 
 difference between the existing " Republican " and " Democratic " 
 parties. In such names as " Federal," "Anti-Federal," " Native- 
 American," etc., one is provided with a key to the principles pro- 
 fessed. 
 
 Under our institutions issues are so transitory that parties 
 are short-lived. Or if they retain their names a great while, they 
 frequently cross their principles and change their professions. 
 They are also often the victims of a seemingly inevitable drift, 
 by which they get very far away from the intent of their founders, 
 and so lose sight of original principles as to leave nothing but 
 the party name as a rallying cry. Some of our best and purest 
 parties, in the beginning, have moved illogically along in wider 
 and wider departure from their first intent, until they either 
 ruined themselves or brought trouble to the country. In such 
 instances party is lost in partyism, and blind adherence to a ban- 
 ner is mistaken for intelligent devotion to principle. 
 
 USES OF PARTIES. — As embodiments of ignorance, preju- 
 dice, passion, as a means of holding unthinking crowds, and 
 wielding arbitrary, brutal power, parties are dangerous, even in 
 a Republic, But as schools of thought, as orders representing 
 
 397 
 
398 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 some vital principle, as a means of giving emphatic expression 
 to some popular and useful wish, they are proper and necessary. 
 Candid study of our institutions must impress one with the fact 
 that in general the existence of political parties has been timely, 
 and their effect wholesome. Each has answered a purpose, 
 which, even if not presently needful or apparently good, has 
 nevertheless served as a check on its opponents or as a stimulus 
 to higher notions of activity. However much party principles 
 may have ebbed and flowed, however far toward fanaticism, 
 sectionalism and intrigue, certain minds, and orders of mind, 
 may have drifted, it cannot be said that the spirit of liberty has 
 suffered, or that respect for our institutions has been undermined, 
 but that, on the contrary, the former is keener and the latter 
 broader and deeper. Yet it is always well to remember Wash- 
 ington's words, " that from the natural tendency of governments 
 of a popular character, it is certain there will always be enough 
 of party spirit for salutary purposes. And there being constant 
 danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public 
 opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, 
 it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into flame, 
 lest, instead of warming, it should consume." 
 
 PRIMITIVE PARTIES.— The Colonial period developed no 
 parties as we now know them. The Colonies were disjointed 
 governments, therefore there could be no national party. But 
 there was always a sentiment against the right claimed by Par- 
 liament to legislate for them. This sentiment grew warmer after 
 the English revolution of 1688, which greatly strengthened the 
 hands of Parliament and emboldened its assumptions. But it 
 did not really crystalize in the Colonies till after the treaty of 
 1763, by which Great Britain secured Canada and the Mississippi 
 valley from France. Then it became a British policy to make 
 the Colonies pay a part of the expenses of the war.* This policy 
 brought that long list of burdens, such as customs dues, export 
 taxes, excises. Tea Acts, Stamp Acts, etc., against which the 
 
 * An excessive part of the expenses, for the English idea was that they should 
 pay all they could he, compelled to, inasmuch a§ the territory secured enured t* 
 
 their benefit. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 399 
 
 Colonies unitedly remonstrated, not more because they were 
 burdens, than because submission to them involved a surrender 
 of the point that Parliament had no right to tax America with- 
 out her consent. The respective Tory ministries in England 
 favored Parliament. The Whigs (when out) favored the Colon- 
 ists, or, at least, non-interference. Colonial thought, shaped on 
 these lines, took these party expressions. As the Colonial Whigs 
 grew warm in their opposition to Parliament, and the idea of 
 union and independence advanced, " Whig " and " Tory " became 
 as familiar in America as in England, and the sentiment repre- 
 sented by each as bitter. The Whig, who was at first only an 
 opponent of Parliamentary claims, got to be a Colonial unionist, 
 without separation from the mother country, then a unionist, 
 with separation. The Tory remained the fast friend of English 
 sovereignty on our soil, in whatever shape the powers at home 
 chose to present it. 
 
 PARTIES OF THE REVOLUTION.— From the above at- 
 titude of parties one can readily see that after the fact of Inde- 
 pendence (1776) the Tory party was without a mission. If a 
 party at all, its sentiment was silenced amid arms. The Whig 
 idea was uppermost and overwhelming. It meant vastly more 
 than in the beginning. The Whigs were the revolutionary, 
 armed party. They were the government, such as it was — the 
 Congress first, and then the Confederation. The Tories were 
 enemies, traitors if you please. • Indeed, the term Whig began 
 to mean so much that other words, comprehending more, came 
 into use, as " Popular Party," " Party of Independence," " Amer- 
 ican Party," " Liberty Party," " Patriots," and so on. This was 
 the party situation from 1774 to 1778, in the Continental Con- 
 gress and in the Colonial Legislatures. 
 
 PARTIES OF THE CONFEDERATION.— ThQ event of 
 the Confederation was forced by the Whigs. Their party name 
 followed. The Articles of Confederation were a decisive advance 
 of the federal idea, but as a government they were infinitely 
 weaker than the arbitrary, revolutionary Congress, We have 
 already seen their sources of weakness, how they fell into dis- 
 respect at home and abroad, why it became necessarv to sub- 
 
400 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 stitute for them "a more perfect union." The Whig party 
 dominated the Confederation. Less than ever was there a Tory- 
 party. Toryism invited confiscation, proscription, banishment. 
 
 PARTIES OF THE CONSTITUTION.— With the peace 
 of 1783, the Tory cause perished outright. Therefore there was 
 no longer any need for the term Whig. The prevalent thought 
 was the national one — how to unite more firmly, and for peace 
 as well as war ? This was Federalism — the permanent one out 
 of the disjointed many idea. The weaknesses of the Confedera- 
 tion forced this thought along like a torrent, ripened it until it 
 became the Constitution of the United States. Strictly speak- 
 ing, there were no more two parties from 1783 to 1787, than 
 from 1774 to 1783. Whigism became Federalism, and Whigs 
 Federalists, and the thought of " a more perfect union " was as 
 paramount as the thought of Independence, Union under a Con- 
 gress or the Articles, and the victory of the Revolution. But it 
 was a time of peace, and Federalism was a widely varying 
 theme. It took all sorts of shapes in conventions, village groups 
 and around the hearthstone. When it brought the convention 
 which framed the Constitution, it was variant there. Debate 
 took very wide range. Antagonisms were pointed and bitter. 
 And debates in the State Conventions over the question of rati- 
 fication took still wider range. But in all these contentions the 
 central thought was not lost sight of Federalism, however col- 
 ored or twisted, was still the aim. Starting away up among 
 the few monarchy men of the convention, or of the States, and 
 travelling down through the various orders of thought clear to 
 the very few who repudiated union on any conditions, we find 
 Federalism the regnant idea and crowning hope. All differences 
 were as to form, time, construction, etc., not as to fact or neces- 
 sity. The party of Federalism, that is, the Federal party, became 
 the party of a new and stronger government, of the Constitution, 
 just as the Whig party had been the party of Independence and 
 the Continental Congress. 
 
 " The Republicans are the nation," said Jefferson in the flush 
 of political triumph. The Federals were the nation. Their con- 
 giliations and cpiyipromises in convention secured a Constitution. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 401 
 
 Their concessions, surrenders and appeals secured its ratification, 
 speedily here, tardily there, reservedly in many instances, fully 
 in others. We therefore regard the common division of the 
 parties of this time into Federal and Anti-Federal as not exact 
 and somewhat misleading. There was no national Anti-Federal 
 party,* certainly no national sentiment worthy the name of Anti- 
 Federalism. The opposition to the Constitution which sprang 
 up in the State ratifying conventions was not even unreservedly 
 Anti-Federal. It was a strange, incalculable sentiment, born of 
 fears, and visions, and hypotheses, and constructions, and was as 
 much indulged by men like Patrick Henry and* Samuel Adams 
 who had all along been Federalists of the most pronounced type, 
 as by those who thought the " secretly deliberating convention " 
 could only hatch a scheme of monarchy. Nor was it a final 
 sentiment, for many Anti-Federalists voted to ratify. It was not 
 a coherent sentiment, for some opposed because the promised 
 union would not be strong enough, some because it would be too 
 strong, some because the States would suffer, some because a 
 State government was at all times sufficient, and so on. Anti- 
 Federalists were united in nothing save their opposition. When 
 the work of ratification was completed and the government came 
 to be started, Anti-Federalism was not heard of In the presence 
 of the fact of a Constitution it either agreed to suspend judg- 
 ment while the new experiment was being tried or engaged to 
 help the trial on. 
 
 * All the members of the Convention signed the Constitution except Edmund 
 Randolph and George Mason, of Virginia, and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, 
 and they were believers in Federalism, i. e., the necessity for a stronger union, but 
 they did not think the Constitution was the best 'means to secure it. On signing 
 Franklin said : " I confess there are several parts of this Constitution I do not at 
 present approve, but I am not sure I shall never approve them." And Hamilton, 
 on moving that all the members sign the instrument, said : " No man's ideas were 
 more remote from the plan than his own were known to be, but is it possible to 
 deliberate between anarchy and convulsion on one side and the chance of good to 
 be expected from the plan on the other? " In the letter which Washington sent out 
 with the Constitution he says : " In all our deliberations we have kept steadily in 
 view that which appears the greatest interest of every American — the consolidation 
 of our Union, in which is iuvolved our prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps national 
 existence." 
 
 26 
 
402 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 NEW GOVERNMENT PARTIES.—So general was the 
 refusal of the Anti-Federals to adopt a definite line of action 
 after the Constitution had been ratified by the necessary number 
 of States (nine), and such was their acquiescence in the popular 
 wish to see the new government fairly tried, that all animosities 
 ceased, and all open opposition was hushed, while the nation 
 bowed before the popularity of Washington, and unanimously 
 chose him for its first President. This signal mark of confidence, 
 and this supreme triumph of Federalism was to end most happily 
 for the country. The passions of the hour would have time to 
 cool. Though Washington was a recognized Federalist, he was 
 not extreme, and all could depend on his judgment to start the 
 machinery on the broadest and safest basis. Extremists and 
 radicals of every type could afford to bide their time. And they 
 drd, harmlessly but not inactively. It was a period for new 
 schools of thought, or rather for bringing to bear on the new 
 order of things old thoughts in stronger and better formulated 
 shape. Federalism, which was affirmative, and Federals who 
 were responsible for the new government, naturally inclined to 
 such a construction of the Constitution, where points were 
 doubtful, as w^ould throw the doubts in favor of the central 
 authority. Anti-Federalism, which was negative, and Anti- 
 Federals, even though they were supporters of the administra- 
 tion, naturally inclined to such a construction, as would throw 
 the doubts in favor of the States. Thus the operative, dominant 
 Federalism of the day took the form of liberal or open con- 
 struction of the Constitution, would interpret it as though it had 
 a spirit as well as a letter, saw in a government under it an entity 
 with powers and functions to be questioned only by the people 
 at large. So the Anti-Federalism of the day took the form of a 
 strict or close construction of the Constitution, would interpret 
 it as though it Avere a simple, inelastic code, saw in a govern- 
 ment under it nothing more than that aggregate of power and 
 function which the sovereign States had parted with, and which 
 they were at liberty to question, or if need be recall. While 
 these two schools of thought did not immediately branch into 
 organized and opposing parties, they furnished the ground- 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 403 
 
 work for nearly all subsequent and legitimate national party 
 differences.* A few years of experiment with the new govern- 
 ment brought up many questions which deeply engaged the 
 respective schools and gradually led to the first organized 
 antagonism to the Federal party, which became known as the 
 Democratic-Republican party, or better as the Republican 
 party. But of this in its place. 
 
 I. 
 
 WASHINGTON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 April 29, 1789 — March 3, 1793. 
 
 George Washington, Va., President. John Adams, Mass., 
 Vice-President. Seat of Government at New York and 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 Congresses. Sesssions. 
 
 I, April 6, 1789-September 29,1789, appointed session. 
 First Congress. \ 2, January 4, 1790-August 12, 1790. 
 December 6, 1790-March 3, 1791. 
 
 (3. 
 
 SFroNn roNCRFSS / '' October 24, 1791-May 8, 1792. 
 bECOND CONGRESS. | ^^ November 5, 1792-March 2, 1793. 
 
 Washington was nominated by a Caucus of the Continental 
 Congress. The State Legislatures chose electors for President 
 and Vice-President on the first Wednesday of January, 1789.! 
 These electors voted on the first Wednesday in February. 
 
 * To the former or liberal school of construction belonged the Federal party, 
 which may be called its founder. To the same school belonged the Whig party, 
 which asserted that internal improvement at the national expense was within the 
 purview of the Constitution, as well as protective duties and a general banking 
 system. And so of the modern Republican party which claims for the central 
 government all power necessary for its preservation and advancement. To the lat- 
 ter, or strict school of construction, belonged the old Republican party and its 
 successor, the Democratic party. But all this is in general, for many times the re- 
 spective parties have occupied common ground or crossed each other's tracks, only 
 to back away again to their old places when motives of expediency ceased to oper- 
 ate, and there was no rallying point short of the old differences. 
 
 f The electors were chosen by the State Legislatures up till 1824. Under the 
 Constitution as it stood up till 1804, they voted for two persons, the one having the 
 highest number of votes to be President, the next highest to be Vice-President. 
 But they could not both be from the same State. 
 
404 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE. 
 
 Basis George 
 
 of Washing- John 
 
 States. 30,000. Votes. Party. ton. Adams. 
 
 New Hampshire ... 3 5 . 5 5 
 
 Massachusetts 8 10 -C^ lo 10 
 
 Rhode Island I 3 ^ . . . . Had not yet ratified 
 
 -3 the Constitution. 
 
 Connecticut 5 7 S 7 5 
 
 New York 6 8 'S .. .. Had not yet passed an 
 
 ^ electoral law. 
 
 New Jersey 4 6 43 6 i 
 
 Pennsylvania 8 lO q 1° 8 
 
 Delaware I 3 ^ 3 
 
 Maryland 6 8 .2 6 .. Two vacancies. 
 
 Virginia 10 12 "^ 10 5 " " 
 
 North Carolina 5 7 o. .. .. Had not yet ratified 
 
 o the Constitution. 
 
 South Carolina 5 7 o 7 
 
 Georgia. _3^ _!_ '^ 5 _^ 
 
 Totals 65 91 . . 69 34^ 
 
 Though March 4, 1789, had been fixed as the time for start- 
 ing the new government, it was not until April 6 that a quorum 
 of Congress was present. Their first business was to count and 
 publish the Electoral votes as above. The candidates, being 
 duly notified of their election, went to the seat of government. 
 Adams arrived first and took his place as presiding officer of the 
 Senate. Washington was sworn into office by Chancellor Liv- 
 ingstone on April 29, 1789. 
 
 THE CABINET.-\ — Washington chose a Cabinet with due 
 regard to the sentiment of the day. As to ability it was unques- 
 tioned. 
 
 * Of the votes cast for other candidates, and usually recorded as scattering, John 
 Jay received 9; R. H. Harrison, 6; John Rutledge, 6; John Hancock, 4; George 
 Clinton, 3; Samuel Huntington, 2; John Milton, 2; Benjamin Lincoln, i; James 
 Armstrong, i ; Edward Telfair, i. 
 
 f The choice of a Cabinet was not an immediate step, for Congress had not yet 
 passed laws organizing the respective Departments. The State Department was 
 organized by act of Sept. 15, 1789, and Jefferson's appointment dates from Sept. 
 26. The Treasury Department by act of Sept. 2, 1789, and Hamilton's appoint- 
 ment dates from Sept. 11. The War Department by act of Aug. 7, 1789, and 
 Knox's appointment dates from Sept. 12. The Attorney-General by act of Sept. 
 24, 1789, and Randolph's appointment dates from Sept. 26. The Navy Depart- 
 ment was not separately organized till April 30, 1798, nor the Post-Office Depart- 
 ment till 1829, The latter was conducted till that time by the Treasury Depart- 
 ment. 
 
v / L '^m. .__ \ / / 
 
 PRESIDENTS FROM 1789 TO 1817. 
 
 405 
 
436 PRESIDENTS A^ ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson, Va Moderate Anti-Fe<lerai 
 
 Secretary of Treasury Alexander Hamilton, N. Y.. . .Federal. 
 
 Secretary of War Henry Knox, Mabs " 
 
 Attorney-Genera! Edmund Randolph, Va Anti-Federal. 
 
 Chief Justice Supreme Court. John Jay, N. Y Federal. 
 
 CONGRESS IN EXTRA SESSION.— The House organ- 
 ized by electing Frederick A. Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania, 
 Speaker. This election had no political significance. All were 
 content to allow the work of organization to move on the plane 
 of Federalism ; or rather there had been no comparison of ideas, 
 and consequently no effort to organize opposition to Federal 
 supremacy. The session lasted for nearly six months, or till 
 Sept. 29, 1789. The work related to the preparation of machinery 
 and starting the wheels of the new government. The number 
 of measures necessary, and their novelty, invited able and pro- 
 tracted discussions. In range and character they were not un- 
 like those of the period preceding the adoption of the Constitu- 
 tution, and they foreshadowed those permanent differences of 
 interpretation which might readily, and properly too, afford a 
 basis for party existence. 
 
 AMENDMENTS.— So many States had ratified the Constitu- 
 tion with the hope of early amendment, and two, Rhode Island 
 and North Carolina, held so stubbornly off, that the Congress 
 took early steps toward remedying the defects of the instrument. 
 Twelve amendments were agreed upon (Sept. 25, 1789) and sub- 
 mitted for ratification. Ten of these became a part of the Con- 
 stitution, Dec. 15, 1 79 1. They referred to freedom of religion, 
 speech, person and property. Though intended to overcome 
 the objections of the States and to make more secure the rights 
 of the citizens, strange to say they invited bitter opposition from 
 the extreme anti-Federal element, which regarded them as de- 
 ceptive, and calculated to luce the States and people into false 
 expectations of national unity and strength. 
 
 COMMERCE AND TARIFF.— -^Wls for the regulation of 
 Commerce and the adjustment of a Tariff were fully considered 
 and passed. The Tariff act was generally acquiesced in, so far 
 as it provided a means of raising revenue by indirect taxation. 
 But when it w-as suggested that such an act could also, and 
 
PRfiSlbENtS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 407 
 
 should, be made a means of protection, the strict constructionists 
 decried it as unconstitutional. However, some of the extreme 
 anti-Federals sought to make the measure discriminate against 
 England, by favoring the products of other nations. A Tariff 
 bill was finally passed July 4, 1789, against strong opposition. 
 Though it imposed a very low rate of duty, it was nevertheless 
 dignified in the preamble as an " act for the encouragement and 
 protection of manufactures." Thus as to one of the objects of a 
 Tariff, and in the character of opposition it met with, there were 
 foreshadowed, at the very beginning of our government, the 
 spirited and strictly party controversies over the same subject a 
 generation afterwards, and for that matter, at the present day. 
 The matter of adjusting the public debt was left in the hands of 
 the Secretary of the Treasury for future action. This extra ses- 
 sion adjourned Sept. 29, 1789. During the vacation, Nov. 21, 
 1789, North Carolina ratified the Constitution and entered the 
 Union. 
 
 FIRST CONGRESS— ¥\rs\i Regular Session.— Seat of gov- 
 ernment at Philadelphia. Met Jan. 4, 1 790. Hamilton's Report 
 on the adjustment of the public debt furnished the leading sub- 
 ject for deliberation. This great State paper, which involved 
 the national credit at home and abroad, was presented January 
 9. The plan proposed was (i) for the national government to 
 fund and pay the foreign debt of the Confederacy in full. (2) 
 To likewise fund and pay the domestic debt of the Confederacy, 
 at par. This debt was then floating about in the shape of nearly 
 worthless promises. (3) That the government should assume 
 and pay the unpaid debts of the respective States. To the first 
 proposition there was no opposition. Against the second the 
 extreme anti-Federals rallied, and they were reinforced by such 
 as Madison, and many others, of Federal leaning. Their logic 
 was that this debt was largely held by speculators, who had 
 bought it for a song, and who would realize enormously if it 
 were paid at par. Against this Hamilton urged that the only way 
 to permanently raise the broken national credit was to pay all 
 honest promises in full, and thus teach the first holders of them 
 the folly of parting with a valuable security at a ruinous dis- 
 
408 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 count. This second proposition finally carried. The third 
 proposition was looked upon as a stretch of power on the part 
 of the government. It was an assumption to do what the States 
 only could and should do. The entire anti-Federal sentiment 
 was united against it. Still it was carried by a close vote in the 
 House (31 to 26). It was however reconsidered a short time 
 afterwards, on the arrival of the seven anti-Federal representa- 
 tives from North Carolina, and defeated. But it was finally car-^ 
 ried by the vote of two anti-Federals, who agreed to favor it, in 
 turn for Federal support of the measure to locate the National 
 Capitol, after it had remained ten years in Philadelphia, on the 
 Potomac. Though this bargain clouded somewhat the brilliancy 
 of Hamilton's success in getting his propositions through, they 
 resulted in an instant rebound of the national credit, and the 
 establishment of government finance on a substantial working 
 basis. The Tariff act of the previous session was amended on 
 Aug. 10-, 1790, by increasing the previous rates of duty. The 
 other measures of this Congress had no party significance. The 
 body adjourned Aug. 12, 1790, after a session of over seven 
 months. It had witnessed the coming of Rhode Island into the 
 Union, by the ratification of the Constitution, May 29, 1790. 
 
 FIRST CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1790, 
 at Philadelphia. The leading subject was a financial agent for the 
 government in the shape of a National Bank. Over this subject 
 controvers)' was heated, and party lines came to be more clearly 
 defined. The Federals in general, and all who inclined to a liberal 
 or open construction of the Constitution, claimed that if Congress 
 could pass laws for revenue and taxes, it could make those laws 
 effective through such an agency as a bank. The anti-Federals, and 
 all strict constructionists, denied the necessity, and therefore the 
 constitutionality, of such an agent. The controversy thus begun 
 has continued under one form and another, almost to the present 
 day. The personal bitternesses and jealousies it then engendered 
 were never healed, but were carried down to the people and soon 
 became the basis of permanent party separation. Even the 
 Cabinet was divided, and it was known that Jefferson stood ready, 
 in that august body, to oppose Hamilton in all his financial plans. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 4()(j 
 
 The bill to charter a National Bank passed, but so conservative 
 was Washington that he would not sign it till he had secured 
 the written opinions of his Cabinet officers. That of Hamilton, 
 in favor of the constitutionality of the act, had greater weight 
 than those of Jefferson and Randolph, against it, and the bill 
 secured the President's signature. It chartered a National Bank 
 for twenty years, /. r., until i8li, when the Republican party 
 refused to recharter it, only, however, to retrace their steps in 
 i8i6, when, under the influence of liberal construction notions, 
 and the seemingly imperative needs of the hour, they instituted 
 another National Bank which met its downfall in 1836.* The 
 financial legislation of the session was supplemented by an Ex- 
 cise law, which excited much opposition and became very un- 
 popular. The first Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1791. 
 Altogether it had been an able body, and had done its work 
 with as little jar and as effectively as was possible for men who 
 had no exact instructions from constituents and no elaborate 
 political chart to steer by. The event of March 4 was the admis- 
 sion of Vermont as a State. 
 
 SECOND CONGRESS— Yirst Session.— Met Oct. 24, 
 1791, at Philadelphia. The country had passed successfully 
 through the excitement of Congressional elections, and the 
 position of the Federals had been maintained, though their 
 membership in the new body was slightly reduced. This, how- 
 ever, did not matter, for there were still many of the Anti- 
 Federal, or strict construction, turn who supported the adminis- 
 tration. The House organized by the election of Jonathan 
 Trumbull of Connecticut, as Speaker. 
 
 THE FIRST REBELLION— Oi^^osxixon to the excise law 
 of the previous Congress, which was fanned by the Anti-Federal 
 element, culminated in the " Whiskey Rebellion," among the dis- 
 tillers of Western Pennsylvania. The same element also was now 
 opposing a National Militia Law. But the latter passed, and in 
 
 * From that time on, all attempts to establish a National Bank failed, till in 1862 
 the exigencies of civil war resulted in a strictly national currency under the auspices 
 of the Treasury Department, and a system of National Banks whose credit is based 
 on that of the government. 
 
410 fRESiDENtS AND ADMlNlStkAtlONS. 
 
 time for the President to use it, so as to bring the armed dis- 
 putants of the national authorities to terms. The victory 
 was a moral and bloodless one, achieved through the show of 
 an unsuspected vigor and resource on the part of the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 THIRD TARIFF ACT— On May 2, 1792, an amended 
 tariff act was passed which raised the ad valorem rates of duty 
 some 2^/^ to 5 per cent. It incurred the opposition of the Anti- 
 Federals, and called for a repetition of their former arguments. 
 An apportionment bill, the first under the new Constitution, was 
 also passed. It fixed the ratio of representation at 33,000, under 
 the census of 1790, increased the membership of the House to 
 105, and the electoral vote to 135, there being fifteen States, 
 counting Kentucky, which was admitted June i, 1792. Congress 
 adjourned its first session, May 8, 1792. 
 
 POLITICAL CONDITION.— ThQ country was about to 
 pass through the crisis of a Presidential election, the first under 
 the new Constitution. The government had been started, and 
 maintained thus far under a wholesome division of sentiment 
 which has been popularly, but not exactly, described as 
 Federal and Anti-Federal. It was more exactly that division 
 which is better described as Liberal Interpreters and Strict htter- 
 preters of the Constitution ; the former as they were antagonized, 
 or as their principles demanded, drifting, perhaps unconsciously, 
 toward larger powers and a fuller exercise thereof on the part of 
 the national government ; the latter as they antagonized, or as 
 their principles demanded, drifting, perhaps unconsciously, 
 toward the doctrine which afterwards became known as State 
 Sovereignty or State Rights. For the former, and because they 
 were acting affirmatively, the term Federal must still apply. For 
 the latter there is now no need, except conventionally, of retain- 
 ing the term Anti-Federal. Indeed the first ten amendments 
 to the Constitution, which were regarded as in the nature of a 
 declarative Bill of Rights, so disarmed all opposition to the in- 
 strument itself as to render the term Anti-Federal a misnomer. 
 Jefferson felt that it was an empty term, and that if the varying, 
 and often discordant, sentiments represented by it were ever to 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 41I 
 
 be crystalized, some new and more comprehensive name must 
 be adopted. The old name was a perpetual reminder of opposi- 
 tion to the /act of government. As there was no longer any such 
 opposition, but only questions as to how it should be managed 
 and with what powers it should be endowed by the creative in- 
 strument, the new name must, in no degree, be a reminder of 
 the old political status, but must, on the contrary, be both an 
 appeal to popular affection and comprehensive enough to^ 
 embrace every form of antagonism to the party which was still to 
 be called Federal. 
 
 TN£ REPUBLICAN PARTY.— The situation gave birth 
 to the new party name. Feeling was intense on all sides in favor 
 of the French Revolutionists. Jefferson, who was fresh from 
 the scenes, taught that it was the direct outcrop of our own 
 Revolution, and none chose to gainsay it. But as the Republi- 
 cans of France drifted toward wild, ungovernable liberty, and 
 evinced more and more a fierce leveling and communistic spirit, 
 the Federals checked their ardor and grew cold. In that pro- 
 portion the Anti-Federals grew warm. Their admiration took 
 even the fantastic shape of dress and manner imitation. Here 
 were differences mental and visual. To crown them with the 
 term Republican was something, but not quite original. To 
 group all feeling of opposition to the Federals under the term 
 Democratic-Republican would prove original and striking. 
 That, therefore, became the new party name. But the Federals 
 heaped contempt on the Democrats, classed them as Jacobins, 
 and altogether daunted them in the use of their compound title. 
 So the first part was gradually dropped, and the new party 
 passed into active politics as the Republican party; which was 
 all curious enough, seeing that at this very juncture its tendency 
 was rather toward a Democracy than toward a strong central 
 Republic. Nor were the Republicans less abusive of the 
 Federals. These latter were roundly denounced as fellows with 
 a leaning toward monarchy, and full of all aristocratic notions. 
 It is very likely that the sentiment among the masses was an 
 exaggeration of that existing in the councils of the nation, though 
 even there the President spoke grievously of the antagonisms. 
 
412 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 and complained that the old spirit of compromise had turned 
 mto one of unjust suspicion and personal antipathy. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1792. — Fortunately for the country party 
 spirit was not yet deep enough, or bold enough, to affect the 
 Presidency. The one Republican who could have made a re- 
 spectable showing in the Presidential race was Jefferson, and 
 both he and Washington were from the same State. Therefore, 
 both could not be voted for, without the loss of the vote of that 
 State. Besides many staunch Republicans had joined with the 
 Federals to request Washington to serve a second term, a course 
 he had not intended to pursue, till persuaded that the country 
 demanded it. This left only the Vice-Presidency open to party 
 contention, and for this office the Federals supported John 
 Adams, Mass., and the Republicans George Clinton of New 
 York. The election took place Nov. 6, 1792, and resulted in 
 the success of the Federal ticket, 
 
 SECOND CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Nov. 5, 1792, 
 at Philadelphia. Revenue questions occupied most of the time 
 of the session, and the Federals had comparatively easy suc- 
 cesses, the Republicans not being a unit in their opposition. But 
 they figured conspicuously for political position, and made a 
 direct but unsuccessful attempt to censure Hamilton's manage- 
 ment of the Treasury Department. The count of the electoral 
 vote* was made in February, 1793, and Washington was de- 
 clared elected President, and John Adams Vice-President. They 
 were sworn into office on March 4, 1793, Congress having 
 adjourned March 2. 
 
 II. 
 
 WASHINGTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1793 — March 3d, 1797. 
 
 George Washington, Va., President. John Adams, Mass., 
 Vice-President. Seat of Government at Philadelphia. 
 
 * For full electoral returns see always the succeeding administration. 
 
414 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 Third Congress. [ '' gecember 2, 1793-June 9, 1794- 
 
 ( 2, November 3, 1794-March 3, 1 795. 
 
 Fourth Congress I ^' December 7, I795-J"ne i, 1796. 
 1-OURTH CONGRESS, j ^^ December 6, 1796-March 3,1797. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.'' 
 
 Federal. 
 
 , . , Republican. 
 
 States. Basis of Geo. Wash- J. Adams, Geo. Clinton, 
 
 33,000. Votes. iiigton, Va. Mass. N. Y. 
 
 New Hampshire. ... 4 6 6 6 
 
 Massachusetts 14 16 16 16 
 
 Rhode Island 2 4 4 4 
 
 Connecticut 7 9 9 9 
 
 New York . 10 12 12 .. 12 
 
 New Jersey 5 7 7 7 
 
 Pennsylvania 13 15 15 14 I 
 
 Delaware I 3 3 3 
 
 Maryland 8 10 8 8 . . Two vacancies. 
 
 Virginia 19 21 21 . . 21 
 
 North Carolina.... 10 12 12 .. 12 
 
 South Carolina 6 8 7 6 Scattered. One vacancy. 
 
 Georgia 2 4 4 .. 4 
 
 Vermont 2 4 4 4 
 
 Kentucky 2 4 4 .. Scattered. 
 
 Totals Tos ^ ^ ~77 ~5o 
 
 77/ii A^i^PF ADMINISTRATION.— ^^.^\s:m^\.oxi, in pursu- 
 ance of his conciliatory policy, made no immediate changes in 
 his cabinet. He had, however, active and dehcate work on hand. 
 France had (April, 1793) declared war against Great Britain and 
 Holland. The Republicans gave reins to their sympathy for 
 their French namesakes, and claimed that the treaty of 1778, 
 which bound France and the United States to an alliance offen- 
 sive and defensive, was still in existence and ought to be re- 
 spected. It looked as if war with Great Britain were certain, 
 with the United States as an ally of France. Notwithstanding 
 the unpopularity of the act, Washington decided that the treaty 
 was null, and issued a decree of neutrality f between the con- 
 tending parties. This step brought upon his administration, and 
 on himself personally, the bitterest assaults of the Republicans. 
 He was denounced as an enemy of Republican France, as a vio- 
 
 * Of the votes indicated as " scattered," four were cast for Thomas Jefferson and 
 one for Aaron Burr. 
 
 ■|- This was the beginning of a foreign policy from which there have been few 
 departures since. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 415 
 
 later of sacred faith, as a usurper of the powers of Congress. 
 To further complicate and intensify matters, citizen Genet arrived 
 as Minister to the United States, April 8, 1793. Deceived by 
 the warmth of his reception at Charleston, S. C, he foolishly 
 went about the business of raising money, recruiting men and 
 commissioning cruisers for the French cause. Jefferson ordered 
 him to desist, but removing to Philadelphia and encouraged by 
 the Republican clubs of that city, which organizations carried 
 their sympathy into wild excess, he continued to act as if on 
 French soil. The French Consul at Boston rescued a libeled 
 vessel from the United States Marshal. An American privateer 
 sailed from Philadelphia under French colors, against the orders 
 of the government. Military organizations were being formed in 
 Georgia against the Spanish American possessions. Genet was 
 so inflated with his Republican support that he privately an- 
 nounced his intention of appealing to the people for a general 
 uprising in behalf of France.* Timely exposure of this inten- 
 tion speedily alienated even his warmest friends, and his meteoric 
 career was ended by his recall. 
 
 THIRD CONGRESS— Yxxs.'i Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1793, at 
 Philadelphia, and organized by electing F. A. Muhlenberg, of 
 Pennsylvania, Speaker. He was a Republican, but it was only 
 when party lines were closely drawn, which was possible on but 
 a very few questions, that a small Republican majority could be 
 counted on. The President's action respecting American neu- 
 trality and the Genet affair was coldly approved, but Republican 
 sentiment took another turn. If it could not directly favor 
 France, it could at least antagonize England. It therefore very 
 justly called England to account for not carrying out the treaty 
 of 1783, by which she was to give up her Lake military posts on 
 American soil. The Indian wars of the Northwest were attri- 
 buted to British intrigue. So were the Algerine piracies. All 
 in all, it looked as if the country were about to be plunged into 
 war with England, for the Republican course proved to be very 
 
 * This announcement was made public by Chief Justice Jay and Senator King, 
 who published it over their signatures in a New York newspaper. Its truth wa": 
 vehemently denied by the Republicans. 
 
416 PRESIDENTS ANt) ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 popular. England began to judge the country by it, and to act 
 as though the United States were already a secret, and soon to 
 become an open, ally of France. She ordered her ships of war 
 to stop all vessels laden with French supplies and to turn them 
 into British ports (June 8, 1793). She began her system of im- 
 pressing American seamen suspected of being Englishmen. She 
 aimed a further blow at American commerce by actually seizing 
 ships carrying French supplies and instituting trials against them 
 in English courts. She justified her holding the Lake forts on 
 the ground that our government had refused to pay certain 
 debts due British subjects. Thus the Republican sympathy for 
 France had brought ruinous commercial retaliation. Jefferson, in 
 an official report of December 16, 1793, wisely called a halt by 
 proposing an effort at amicable adjustment of the difficulties be- 
 fore proceeding to counter retaliation! The Federals, especially 
 those of the cabinet, were anxious for the first part of this propo- 
 sition, but the Republicans, especially the extreme ones, were 
 implacable, and Madison (January 4, 1794) introduced resolu- 
 tions imposing prohibitory duties on English goods. This 
 measure invited long debate and served to straighten Repub- 
 lican lines, but it failed of passage. Jefferson retired from the 
 cabinet in December, 1793, and was succeeded by Edmund Ran- 
 dolph, of Virginia, as Secretary of State, January 2, 1794. The 
 former premier retired to his Virginia plantation, and amid his 
 political writings and plans for the further development of the 
 new Republican party, of which he was the acknowledged 
 founder, he escaped responsibility for the mistakes due to the 
 enthusiasm of his political friends in the Congress. 
 
 WASHINGTON ACTS.—\n accordance with the peaceful 
 policy outlined in Jefferson's report, Washington nominated 
 (April 16, 1794) Chief Justice Jay as Envoy Extraordinary to 
 England, with a view to a treaty. The Federal Senate confirmed 
 the nomination. In order to balk the mission the House Re- 
 publicans moved to prohibit trade with England. This the 
 Senate rejected, and Jay started on his mission, arriving in Eng- 
 land in June. 1794. 
 
 FURTHER PARTY CONT£STS.-~ThQ Federals fought all 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 41 7 
 
 through the session for their poHcy of neutrahty between France 
 and England, the Repubhcans for intervention of some kind or 
 in some way, and the ardor of the latter often drew them into 
 inconsistencies. Thus while they invited war with England by 
 measures to prohibit commercial intercourse with her, they at 
 the same time opposed the Federals in their attempts to found 
 a navy, the most effective weapon with which to carry on such 
 war. And so when the Federals sought to escape the odium of 
 Excise taxation by a system of indirect taxes, and a thereby 
 increased revenue, the Republicans voted for direct taxes. 
 Another unsuccessful attempt was made by the Republicans to 
 censure, by resolution, Hamilton's management of the Treasury. 
 They likewise bitterly but ineffectually opposed the Federal bill 
 designed to approve of Washington's admonitions against " self- 
 created political societies,"* and to prevent a recurrence of Genet's 
 attempts to engage a people in warlike enterprises without the 
 consent of their government. This attitude was the more re- 
 markable because the French government had already disavowed 
 Genet's conduct, and sent Fanchet as minister in his stead. But 
 it was a formative period for the Republicans. Much must be 
 excused to their enthusiasm, to their lack of definite policy, to 
 the newness, oddness and swiftness of the situations they were 
 called upon to confront. Neither party had yet had very profi- 
 cient schooling in diplomacy. The Federals had all the advan- 
 tage of a purpose. They could hew to a line, however roughly. 
 The Republicans had to agitate and deny, work a negative situa- 
 tion for all it was worth, and at the disadvantage of youth and 
 inexperience. As yet they had invented no distinctive affirma- 
 tive American measure on which they could consistently unite, 
 or risk their future success. 
 
 XITH AMENDMENT.— Coxxld a citizen of the United States 
 sue a State ? The Supreme Court had decided that a State was 
 suable like any other corporation, and that too by a citizen of 
 another State. This was a terrible blow to the members of the 
 
 * The allusion was to the various secret associations formed for working up an 
 American-French sentiment, and popularizing, if not justifying, such conduct as 
 Genet had been guilty of. 
 27 
 
418 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Strict construction school. The Repubhcans therefore proposed 
 the XL Amendment, which limited the judicial power of the 
 United States, and exempted a State from suit in the Federal 
 courts, instituted by a citizen of another State, or by a foreign 
 citizen. The wisdom of this amendment was not much mooted 
 at the time, but the advantage taken of it by States which have 
 felt inclined to repudiate their debts has shaken public faith in 
 its justice. It was proposed March 5, 1794, and declared in force 
 Jan. 8, 1798, having been ratified by the necessary number of 
 States. 
 
 TARIFF ACT — The Fourth. — The Federals succeeded in 
 amending the Tariff Act of 1792, by increasing the ad valorem 
 rates of duty, June 7, 1794. The imperative need of revenue, 
 the quiet and general distribution of taxation in this form, and 
 the sure and easy manner of collection, reconciled many of 
 the Republicans to it, so long as it was unmixed with the 
 affirmative doctrine of protection. Congress adjourned June 9, 
 1794. 
 
 THIRD CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Nov. 3, 1794, 
 at Philadelphia. The session opened by warm debate on Hamil- 
 ton's plan of Internal Taxation. These debates continued at 
 intervals throughout the session, and resulted in the passage of 
 the measure, the Republicans not being able to keep their opposi- 
 tion solid. Hamilton resigned from the Cabinet in January, 1795, 
 and was succeeded (Feb, 2) by Oliver Wolcott, of Connecticut. 
 Congress adjourned sine die March 3, 1795. 
 
 EXCITING INTERVAL.— Wimster Jay had succeeded in a 
 treaty with England by November, 1794. It reached America 
 March 7, 1795. The Senate was called to consider it, June 8, 
 1795. It was ratified by a two-third majority, and while await- 
 ing the President's signature its contents (June 29) were pre- 
 maturely divulged by one of the Senators. Its appearance was 
 the signal for a Republican attack on the administration, and on 
 all concerned in its negotiation and ratification, which for the 
 directness and bitterness of its personalism has probably never 
 been surpassed. Meetings were called in the cities to denounce 
 it, and to present appeals to the President not to sign it. It was 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 419 
 
 denounced as not covering any of the causes of grievance. It 
 left England at liberty to impress American seamen, to interfere 
 with our commerce, to shut off our West India trade, and so 
 on. The President signed it. This turned denunciation of the 
 treaty into abuse of his administration and himself He was 
 charged with usurpation, with indifference to American prisoners 
 in Algiers, with embezzlement of public funds, with official 
 incapacity then and during the Revolution, with hostility to his 
 country's interests, and even with treason. Malignity took the 
 form of threats to impeach, and even to assassinate him. On 
 Republican lips he was no longer " the Father," but " the Step- 
 father of his Country." " He would rather be in his grave than 
 in the Presidency," was his sad comment on these thoughtless 
 and ^vulgar drives at his private character. The treaty itself 
 came to his vindication. England speedily removed her Lake 
 forts from American soil. In less than a year American com- 
 merce took a rebound. Jay's much denounced treaty passed 
 into political history with the approval of its bitterest opponents. 
 FOURTH CONGRESS— Yxxst Session.— Met December 7, 
 
 1795, at Philadelphia. Senate contained a Federal majority: 
 House a Republican, though not united, majority. Jonathan 
 Dayton, Federal, of New Jersey, was elected Speaker. The 
 President's message was approved by the Senate, by a vote of 
 14 to 8. The Republicans of the House refused to agree to a 
 resolution which contained an expression of " confidence in the 
 President and approval of his course." 
 
 A CONFLICT. — The President sent to Congress, .March i, 
 
 1796, his proclamation that the Jay treaty had been duly ratified 
 and was law. Mr. Livingstone, of New York, against the ad- 
 vice of the more liberal members of his party, moved that the 
 President be requested to send to the House a copy of the treaty 
 and all the papers connected with it. After an acrimonious de- 
 bate the resolution passed by a vote of 57 Republicans to 
 35 Federals. Washington refused to comply, saying that 
 the House was not a part of the treaty-making power.* This 
 
 *This answer of Washington involved the principle which lias ever since been 
 accepted as the correct one regarding treaties. 
 
420 PRESIDENTS AND ADxMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 stirred the animosity of the Repubh'cans still deeper. Word 
 was passed to the country that a " British party" existed, and 
 that the administration had been corrupted with British gold. 
 Indignation meetings were again called. The House resolved 
 that it had a right to the papers because it was a judge of the 
 necessity of a treaty wherever an expenditure of public money 
 was involved. The Federals, under the lead of Fisher Ames, 
 of Massachusetts, rallied to the support of a counter resolution, 
 declaring that provision should be made for carrying out the 
 treaty. This was distracting to the Republicans, and they 
 fought it, at first very desperately, through the month of April 
 (to April 29th). In the meantime the country was responding, 
 but not in a way the Republicans had hoped for. The people 
 were tired of the agitation and did not want the treaty set aside. 
 A Presidential election was coming on. It might not be prudent 
 to push a doubtful question further at such a time. The Repub- 
 lican majority weakened, fell into a deliberative mood, and 
 finally helped to pass the Ames resolution by a vote of 51 
 t^ 48. 
 
 Questions of revenue occupied the rest of the session. One 
 of them related to a further increase of Tariff rates, on which 
 political lines were closely drawn, and the Federals, who fa- 
 vored the increase, were beaten. Tennessee became a State 
 of the Union June i, 1796, and on that day the Congress ad- 
 journed. 
 
 FAREWELL ADDRESS.— On September 17, 1796, Wash- 
 ington gave to the American people his farewell address. He 
 had been solicited by men of both political parties to become 
 for the third time a candidate for the Presidency, and had been 
 assured of the support of the people. But his determination to 
 retire to private life could not be altered. His address, care- 
 fully drawn and solemnly worded, was his vindication against 
 attack, which was to stand for all time, and his appeal to his 
 countrymen to be true to the government, to beware of foreign 
 influences, to avoid party strife, and to cultivate religion, educa- 
 tion, and patriotic devotion to their institutions. It was a full 
 reflex of the man, conservative, yet firm; solemn, yet hopeful; 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 421 
 
 plain, yet elegant ; great, yet unselfish.* It was received every- 
 where with approbation, and ranks to-day as a political classic, 
 well worth study by every young man. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1796. — The mission of Washington had 
 been to hold sentiment together, or see that every conspicuous 
 shade was represented, till the experimental period of the new 
 government had passed. It had now passed, and his retirement 
 left the field open to the square contention of parties. By mu- 
 tual understanding, rather than by Congressional caucus nomina- 
 tion, the candidates of the Federals became John Adams, of 
 Massachusetts, and Thomas Pinckney, of Maryland, and those 
 of the Republicans Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, and Aaron 
 Burr, of New York. 
 
 There was no platform announcement of party principles, but 
 the Federals claimed to represent Washington's policy of peace, 
 neutrality, finance, progress, safety, and the right as founders of 
 the government to place its existence beyond hazard before being 
 called upon to part with their high trust. The Republicans 
 claimed to be the advocates of economy, enlarged liberty, the 
 rights of man, the rights of the States, and they did not hesitate 
 to charge the Federals with every real and conceivable sin of 
 commission and omission, among them an inclination toward an 
 English policy and form of government. Though this latter 
 was in manifest forgetfulness of their own well-known favoritism 
 for France, the country was reminded of it by a presumptuous 
 paper issued by the French Minister, called an "Address to the 
 American People," and designed to influence the Presidential 
 contest, in which the hint was thrown out that France would 
 have to withhold intercourse with the United States if the 
 Republicans were unsuccessful. 
 
 * One characteristic of the address is its delicate undertone of vindication and 
 complaint. The former was designed and exquisitely incorporated. The latter 
 seems foreign to a man of Washington's iron will. But he was withal very sensi- 
 tive, and it must have been well-nigh impossible for even one of his high, unbend- 
 ing character, and though the paper were studied and stately to the last degree, to 
 avoid all shadow of complaint. He had previously spoken of the attacks on him 
 ^s aggravatingly malicious and personal, and made " in terms so exaggerated and 
 indecent as could scarcely be applied to a Nero, a notorious defaulter, or even a 
 common pickpocket." 
 
422 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 The Presidential election was held in November, 1796, the 
 electors being chosen by the Legislatures of the several States, 
 a practice which continued till 1824, and in some States till a 
 later period. 
 
 FOURTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— The Congress 
 met December 5, 1796. It was a comparatively quiet session, 
 and void of party interest. In February the count of the elec- 
 toral votes was made, and the result showed a glaring defect in 
 the method of choosing the President. Adams received 71 votes, 
 Jefferson 68, Pinckney 59, and Burr 30. Thus there was a Fed- 
 eral President and a Republican Vice-President, with all the con- 
 fusion incident to a change of administration in mid-term, in 
 case of the death or disability of the former, and all the danger 
 to be apprehended from a like change if partisanship or corrup- 
 tion should accomplish his impeachment or removal. The ex- 
 perience furnished by the next Presidential election brought a 
 much needed amendment of the method of voting. An amended 
 Tariff act was passed March 3, which made a slight increase in 
 the duty on manufactures of cotton. Congress adjourned sine 
 die March 3, 1797, and on March 4 Adams and Jefferson were 
 sworn into office. 
 
 III. 
 
 ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1797 — March 3, 1801. 
 
 John Adams, Mass., President. Thomas Jefferson, Va., Vic<' 
 President. Seat of Government at Philadelphia. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 I, May 15, 1797-July 10, 1797, extra session. 
 Fifth Congress. \ 2, November 13, 1797-JuIy 16, 1798. 
 December 3, 1798-March 3, 1799. 
 
 (.3, 
 
 Sixth Congress. \ '' December 2, i799-May 14, 1800. 
 
 (2, November 17, laoo-March 3, 1801. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE. 
 
 Federals. Republicans. 
 
 Basis of J. Adams, Thos. Pinck- Thos. Jeffer- A. Burr, Scat- 
 States. 33,000. Votes. Mass. ney, Md. son, Va. N. Y. tering, 
 New Hampshire. .. . 4 6 6 . ,. .. 6 
 
 Massachusetts 14 16 16 13 .. .. 3 
 
 Rhode Island 2 4 4 .. .. ,. 4 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 423 
 
 Electoral Vote — Continued. 
 
 Federals. Republicans. 
 
 
 J. Adams. 
 
 Thos. Pinck- 
 
 Thos. Jeff 
 
 ;r- A. Burr, 
 
 Scat- 
 
 Votes. 
 
 Mass. 
 
 ney, Md. 
 
 son, Va. 
 
 N.Y. 
 
 tering. 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 . . 
 
 , , 
 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 
 , . 
 
 
 15 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 14 
 
 13 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 . , 
 
 lO 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 21 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 20 
 
 I 
 
 19 
 
 12 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 . . 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 .. 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 I3« 
 
 71 
 
 59 
 
 68 
 
 30 
 
 48* 
 
 Basis of 
 States. 33,000. 
 
 Connecticut 7 
 
 New York 10 
 
 New Jersey 5 
 
 Pennsylvania . ..... 13 
 
 Delaware I 
 
 Maryland 8 
 
 Virginia 19 
 
 North Carolina 10 
 
 South Carolina 6 
 
 Georgia 2 
 
 Vermont 2 
 
 Kentucky 2 
 
 Tennessee I 
 
 Totals 106 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State Timothy Pickering, Pa Continued. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury. ..Oliver Wolcott, Conn " 
 
 Secretary of War James McHenry, Md " 
 
 Secretary of Navy To Department of War till 1798. 
 
 Attorney-General Charles Lee, Va " 
 
 Postmaster-General Joseph Habersham, Ga With Treas. Depart, till 1829. 
 
 Continued. 
 
 THE JNA [/G URAL.— ?res\dent Adams in his inaugural 
 broadly affirmed the poHcy of the Washington administrations, 
 and made a calm and studied denial of the oft-repeated charges 
 that the Federal party was influenced by English patronage or 
 any love for England. It did not serve to mellow the bitterness 
 of the Republicans. On the contrary, they seemed to share the 
 bad feeling now openly manifested by the French Republic on 
 account of Republican defeat in America. 
 
 ARMED NEUTRAL/TV.— Adams found his administration 
 between an upper and nether millstone of excitement. He must 
 act and that promptly. Steps were taken toward preserving the 
 neutrality established by the previous administrations, peaceably 
 if possible, forcibly if necessary. A navy was improvised. 
 Monroe, an ardent Republican and Minister to France, was re- 
 called, and C. C. Pinckney sent in his stead. The French 
 
 * Of those marked as scattering Samuel Adams received 15 ; Oliver Ellsworth, 
 II ; George Clinton, 7 ; John Jay, 5 ; James Iredell, 3; George Washington, 2 ; John 
 Henry, 2; S. Johnson, 2; and Charles C. Pinckney, i. 
 
424 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Directory parted with Monroe, expressing admiration for the 
 American people, and contempt for the American government. 
 They at the same time ordered Pinckney to quit their country, 
 and declared they would receive no more American ministers 
 till their grievances, prominent among which was the Jay treaty, 
 were redressed. 
 
 FIFTH CONGRESS— E^tv2. Session.— On hearing of the 
 French attitude, the President called the Fifth Congress into 
 Extra Session, May 15, 1797. It organized by electing Jonathan 
 Dayton, of New Jersey, Speaker. He was a Federal, and that 
 f arty had a majority in both branches. The President developed 
 his foreign policy in an address. It meant neutrality, even at the 
 expense of war with offenders. But three envoys were proposed, 
 to go to France and exhaust all reasonable efforts for peace. 
 These were approved by both Houses, and they departed on their 
 mission. Congress adjourned July 10, 1797. 
 
 AN EMPTY MISSION— WhilQ the envoys were absent the 
 respective parties kept their feelings ablaze by the old charges 
 of English and French influence and favoritism. " The country 
 contained few Americans, but very many English and French," 
 was remarked of the situation by a foreign observer. The 
 envoys, after a fruitless effort at peace, submission to conduct 
 they regarded as humiliating, and refusal on their part to listen 
 to a request for a loan to the French Republic as a preliminary 
 to negotiations, came back to report their failure, and meet the 
 ridicule of the Republicans. 
 
 A CONDITION OF WAR.—W^hWe the envoys— the X. Y. 
 Z. mission* as they were called — had been treated hardly by 
 the French, and no better by their opponents at home, the 
 country was forced to confront the solemn fact that France was 
 making not only secret attack upon its commerce, under cover 
 of law, but open attack as well, which nothing but a state of war 
 would excuse. Any vessel carrying American shipping papers 
 was deemed fit subject for seizure and confiscation. 
 
 * Agents of the French Directory over the initials X. Y. Z. had intimated to the 
 envoys the possibility of their success, provided they could offer some substantial 
 money inducement. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 425 
 
 FIFTH CONGRESS— ¥\xst Regular Session.— Met at Phila- 
 delphia, Nov. 13, 1797. The juncture was critical. The Re- 
 publicans were so pronouncedly in favor of France, and 
 were so strong, that it looked as if a policy of " Armed 
 Neutrality " would at any moment go to the wall. Early ifi 
 1798 they were able, in the House, to vote down a proposition to 
 arm American vessels. But the Senate, April 8, made public 
 the attempted negotiations of the envoys to France, They sur- 
 prised both parties. The Federals became furious at the insult 
 heaped on their accredited agents and at the double-dealing, not 
 to say corrupt overtures, of the French Directory. The Re- 
 publicans stood aghast at the revelation. They could not brook 
 conduct so flagrant, much as their sympathies had been enlisted 
 in behalf of their struggling brethren of France. The more 
 patriotic and shrewder-minded turned in with the Federals. A 
 respectable minority found silence golden. American self- 
 respect and American danger impelled to a common political 
 sentiment, and that sentiment found popular outburst in the cry 
 of " millions for defence, but not one cent for tribute." 
 
 ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS.— Congrtss co-operated 
 with the administration in placing the government on a war 
 footing. The navy was strengthened, and orders were issued to 
 seize French vessels operating against American commerce. 
 Letters of marque and reprisal were authorized. Treaties with 
 France were declared abrogated. A temporary army was 
 ordered, to be commanded by Washington as Lieutenant- 
 General. Thus far all was popular and unquestioned. But 
 France was to be fought not only on the ocean and on the field. 
 It was felt that she was stronger in the country through her 
 secret emissaries than in any other spot. Hence, the Alien Law, 
 passed June 25, 1798, giving the President power to order aliens, 
 whom he should adjudge dangerous, out of the country, and 
 providing for the fine and imprisonment of those who refused to 
 go. This was followed by the Sedition Law of July 14, to re- 
 main in force till March 3, 1801. It imposed fine and imprison- 
 ment on conspirators to resist government measures, and on 
 libellers and scandalizers of the government, Congress or Presi- 
 dent. 
 
i26 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS- 
 
 NATURALIZATION Z^H^.— This law required an alien to 
 reside fourteen years in the United States before he could be 
 naturalized. The Federals favored it on general principles of 
 safety to the country, and because they felt that they could not 
 hope for accessions to their party from any foreign element then 
 likely to become immigrant. The Republicans fought for a five- 
 year probation, on the ground that America was properly an 
 asylum for all nations, that a longer term would cause too many 
 of the inhabitants to owe no allegiance, and because they 
 knew, with the Federals, that immigrants would naturally 
 augment their political ranks. The Congress adjourned July 
 1 6, 1798. 
 
 STORMY I NTERVAL.—'SNd.x2.z\:\o\\\id.^ been set into feverish 
 reaction by the Alien and Sedition Laws, which the Republicans 
 regarded as a violent stretch of constitutional authority, and as 
 arming the government with altogether too much power, even 
 for war times. Not choosing to distinguish between themselves 
 and those at whom the laws were aimed, they claimed that they 
 were a menace to all Republicans, that they abridged liberty of 
 speech and the press, that they were unconstitutional out and 
 out. They had the best of the argument before the country, 
 for the Federals could only justify them by the necessities of the 
 hour. Constitutional construction was then in its infancy, and 
 any new step was likely to excite jealousy and alarm. As a 
 matter of policy, they were a step beyond what the Federals need 
 have taken. They had, without them, a patriotic and permanent 
 standpoint, and they had for it a strong Republican support, 
 especially among the people, caused by the action of the French 
 Directory. Their execution gave greater offence than their 
 enactment. Having gone too far to retract, the administration 
 insisted on carrying them out, even though France had come 
 forward to deny any knowledge of bribery and corruption on the 
 part of her agents, and had expressed a desire for peace. Thus 
 they became a torment to the Federals, present and recurring. 
 Aware of their keenness as a political weapon the Republicans 
 drove it home on every occasion. 
 
 CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS.— Though the enforce- 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 427 
 
 ment of the Ahcii and Sedition Laws was a source of weakness 
 to the Federals, the Republicans soon felt they could not hope 
 by their opposition to them to carry the fall (1798) Congressional 
 elections. They therefore turned their attention to the State 
 Legislatures, feeling that there their opposition could be made 
 effective in the next Presidential election. Effort took the shape 
 of denunciatory resolutions (really proclamations) passed by the 
 Legislatures of two States. They are noteworthy as being the 
 first formal declaration of strict construction views of the day, 
 and are worthy of study as containing the doctrine on which all 
 subsequent strict constructionists have relied for their advocacy 
 of State sovereignty, nullification and secession. 
 
 RESOLUTIONS OF 1798.— The Kentucky resolutions were 
 drawn by Jefferson, the Virginia resolutions by Madison. Both 
 were adopted by the respective State Legislatures. The Vir- 
 ginia resolutions declared the Constitution to be a compact made 
 by the States and to form which the States had agreed to sur- 
 render only a part of their own powers. The Federal govern- 
 ment could not exceed the authority delegated to it by the 
 States. If it did the States had a right to stop it, and to main- 
 tain the powers they had reserved to themselves. The Alien 
 and Sedition Laws were usurpations of powers not granted to 
 the Federal government, for the Constitution forbade any abridg- 
 ment of liberty of speech or the press. The State of Virginia 
 declared them unconstitutional, and appealed to the other States 
 to join her. The governor was ordered to lay the resolutions 
 before the other State Legislatures. They were repeated in 
 1799. 
 
 The Kentucky resolutions repeated those of Virginia in sub- 
 stance, and added that the Federal compact was as if a contract 
 between two parties, the States being one, and the Federal gov- 
 ernment the other; and that each party was to be the judge of 
 any breach of the agreement, as well as of the manner of redress. 
 These were also repeated in 1799, but with the wonderfully bold 
 amendment, designed to draw the line between party opposition 
 and criminal or treasonable opposition to the government, that 
 the rightful remedy on the part of a State was " nullification of 
 
428 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 all unauthorized acts (by the Federal government) done under 
 color of that instrument (the Constitution)." It ought to be 
 observed, in justice to Jefferson, ever diplomatic, if very ardent 
 in his Republicanism, and who, at this time a prospective candi- 
 date for the Presidency, would not willingly have jeopardized 
 his chances, however anxious he might have been to force home 
 on the Federals their mistake in passing the Alien and Sedition 
 Laws, that the final position taken in the Kentucky resolutions 
 was far more ultra than his own, and that it was not regarded as 
 good strict construction doctrine, till other causes, times and 
 men,* conspired to give it sanction and render it operative. 
 
 FIFTH CONGRESS— 'S^tcoxid. Session.— Met at Philadelphia, 
 Dec. 3, 1798. Irregular ocean warfare was still going on be- 
 tween American and French privateers. There was scarcely 
 any opposition to an increase of the navy, but the Republicans 
 antagonized every measure for an increase of the army, alleging 
 that none was needed and that the matter was only an ingenious 
 Federal scheme, gotten up for the sake of providing places for 
 their party leaders. The President, who had hitherto been firm, 
 but who began to feel that his firmness was really a source of 
 weakness so far as his aspirations to succeed himself in office 
 were concerned, departed from his determination not to negotiate 
 further with France, and, without consulting his Cabinet, sent 
 three other envoys to treat for peace. This action led to a divi- 
 sion in the Cabinet, and the protesting members met with the 
 approval of the Federal party at large. The effort of the Presi- 
 dent to recover lost ground with the Republicans lost him more 
 ground within his own party. Congress adjourned sine die 
 March 3, 1799. 
 
 SIXTH CONGRESS— Y\x-X Session.— Met at Philadelphia, 
 Dec. 2, 1799. Theodore Sedgwick of Massachusetts was chosen 
 Speaker. He was a Federal, and the Federals had a good work- 
 ing majority in both Houses. They represented the war feeling 
 of the country, and had been chosen before sentiment began to 
 revolt against the enforcement of the Alien and Sedition Laws, 
 at least before such revolting sentiment could be made effective 
 * Notably 1832, Calhoun's time; and i860, the era of open secession. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 429 
 
 in the Congressional districts. It was the policy of the Repub- 
 licans to avoid all party contests. Drawing their inspiration 
 from Jefferson, they kept quiet, conscious that the ferment of 
 opposition already active in the body politic would work favor- 
 ably to them, and by no means displeased witnesses of the 
 estrangement, gradually growing wider, between the President, 
 and such prominent Federal leaders as Hamilton and others. 
 The Federals in Congressional caucus nominated as their candi- 
 dates for the Presidency John Adams, of Mass., and C. C. 
 Pinckney, of S. C. The Republicans, in a Congressional Con- 
 vention* at Philadelphia, nominated Thomas Jefferson, Va., and 
 Aaron Burr, N. Y. Congress adjourned May 14, iSoo.f 
 
 ELECTION OF 1800.— Though the Legislatures of the 
 States did not meet to choose Presidential electors till Novem- 
 ber, the fact that those bodies chose them made the Presidential 
 result turn on their political complexion. The Presidential elec- 
 tion was therefore in reality scattered over a great part of the 
 year previous to November. Adams was unfortunate in not 
 having the undivided support of his party. The State election 
 
 * This term "Congressional Convention" implies what we would now under- 
 stand to be a Congressional Caucus. It was full, formal and called, and therein 
 differed from those informal caucuses of members which had bespoke former nom- 
 inations. The first political platform, and the only one till the Clintonian address 
 or platform of 1812, was that of this Republican Congressional Convention of 1 800 
 which nominated Jefferson. It announced (i) " Preservation of the Constitution in 
 the sense in which it was adopted by the States; " (2) " Opposition to monarchizing 
 its features;" (3) "Preservation to the States of the powers not yielded to the 
 Union, and to the Legislature of the Union its constitutional share in division of 
 powers;" (4) "A rigorously frugal administration of the government ; " (5) "Re- 
 liance for internal defence solely on the militia, until actual invasion, and for such 
 naval force only as may be sufficient to protect our coasts and harbors ; " (6) " Free 
 commerce with all nations, political connection with none, and little or no diplo- 
 matic establishment ; " (7) " No linking ourselves with the quarrels of Europe;" 
 (8) "Freedom of religion;" (9) "Freedom of speech and the press;" (10) 
 " Liberal naturalization laws; " (n) " Encouragement of science and art." 
 
 f On May 13, 1800, the sixth amended Tariff act was passed, raising the duty on 
 sugar one-half cent per pound, and on silk 2^ per cent. The rates on the leading 
 articles now ranged as follows : Sugar, 2^ cents per pound ; coffee, 5 cents per 
 pound; tea, 18 cents per pound; salt, 20 cents per bushel; pig iron, 15 per cent.; 
 bar iron, 15 per cent.; glass, 20 per cent.; cotton goods, 15 per cent.; woollens. 
 XiYz to 15 per cent.; silk, z]/^ per cent. 
 
430 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 in New York, April 28, resulted in a Republican Legislature. 
 This result, due more to Hamilton's estrangement than to either 
 Jefferson's or Burr's popularity, was a bad omen for the Federals. 
 Adams was so piqued that he dismissed Hamilton's friends from 
 the cabinet, and they went forth branded as British factionists. 
 The Republicans had been making their ground solid in the 
 States by such means as the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions 
 for two years. But despite their seeming advantage of harmony 
 and popular hue and cry, the returns in November were doubt- 
 ful till South Carolina was heard from. Her vote settled the 
 election in favor of the Republicans. 
 
 SIXTH CONGRESS— "^^zondi Session.— Met at Washing- 
 ton, Nov. 17, 1800.* This short session had a problem on hand 
 which loomed up in the Fourth Congress, and which in certain 
 shapes has returned periodically to plague Congress and the 
 people. The electors had voted under the then existing consti- 
 tutional provision, each for two candidates not of the same 
 State. In February, 1801, when Congress came to count the 
 returns, it was found that Jefferson and Burr each had 73 votes, 
 Adams 65 and Pinckney 64. There was therefore no choice, for 
 no one candidate had the highest vote. 
 
 CONTESTED ELECTION— ThQ election passed to the 
 House, where a protracted struggle resulted, and one full of bit- 
 terness and danger. The Federal element had to choose between 
 two Republicans, one of whom, Jefferson, the Republicans were 
 bent on making the President, the other. Burr, the Vice-Presi- 
 dent. Some of the Federals preferred to reverse this, not only 
 to balk the Republican plan, but because they regarded Jefferson 
 as a more formidable opponent than Burr. Burr himself fell, of 
 course, to this idea, and fostered it by all the arts of which he 
 was the well-known master. Balloting began Feb. 1 1, and, after 
 running for several days, the Federals proposed to confess their 
 inability to elect by vote of the States. Against this the Repub- 
 licans threatened armed resistance. After other days were con- 
 
 * The Capitol building was ready in June, 1800, and the ten years during which 
 the seat of government was to remain at Philadelphia having expired, it was form- 
 ally removed to Washington at this session of Congress. 
 20 
 
432 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 sumed in idle balloting, the Federals were charged with a wish 
 to put off the election till after the 4th of March and thus to 
 make John Jay, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, the tempo- 
 rary President. The result proved that this charge had no 
 foundation. Burr finally lost caste in his attempts to dicker with 
 the Federals, and Jefferson won on the 36th ballot, Feb. 17, by 
 securing ten States, leaving four for Burr and two blank. This 
 contention so clearly proved the defects and dangers of the plan 
 of electoral voting that the Twelfth Amendment was proposed 
 to the Constitution, Dec. 12, 1803, and declared in force Sept. 
 25, 1804. Congress adjourned sine ^zV, March 3,1801. Jeffer- 
 son was sworn in as President and Burr as Vice-President, 
 March 4. 
 
 IV. 
 
 JEFFERSON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 March 4, 1801 — March 3, 1805. 
 Thomas Jefferson, Va., President. Aaron Burr, N. Y., Vice- 
 President. Seat of Government at Washington. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 Seventh Congress. / ^' December 7, i8oi-May 3, 1802. 
 
 \ 2, December 6, 1802-March 3, 1803. 
 _ „ f I, October 17, 1803-March 27, 1804. 
 
 Eighth Congress. | ^^ November 5, 1804-March 3, 1805. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE. 
 
 Republicans. Federals. 
 
 Basis 01 Thos. JefFer- A. Burr, J. Adams, C. C. Pinclc. 
 
 States. 33,000. Votes. son, Va. N. Y. Mass. ney, S. C. 
 
 Connecticut 7 9 .. •• 9 9 
 
 Delaware I 3 .. .. 3 3 
 
 Georgia 2 4 4 4 
 
 Kentucky 2 4 4 4 .. 
 
 Maryland 8 lo 5 5 5 5 
 
 Massachusetts I4 16 .. .. 16 16 
 
 New Hampshire. . .. 4 6 .. .. 6 6 
 
 New Jersey 5 7 •• •• 7 7 
 
 New York ID 12 12 12 
 
 North Carolina 10 12 884 4 
 
 Pennsylvania 13 15 6 8 7 7 
 
 Rhode Island 2 4 .. Sc* 4 3 
 
 South Carolina 6 8 8 8 ,. 
 
 Tennessee l 3 5 3 •• 
 
 Vermont 2 4 .. .. 4 4 
 
 Virginia 19 21 21 21 .. ^^^ 
 
 Totals 106 138 73 73 65 54t 
 
 * This one vote was thrown for John Jay. 
 
 f No choice. See contested election on p. 305. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 433 
 
 CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State James Madison, Va. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury.. .Samuel Dexter, Mass Continued. 
 
 Secretary of War Henry Dearborn, Mass. 
 
 Secretary of Navy Benjamin Stoddard, Md. . . .Continued. 
 
 Attorney-General Levi Lincoln, Mass. 
 
 Postmaster-General Joseph Habersham, Ga Continued. 
 
 PCLITICAL REVOLUTION.— T\\& Republican sweep was 
 ciran, up to the door of the Judiciary. Adams' defeat was keenly 
 felt, though not unexpected. He had many admirers who remem- 
 bered with pride his eloquence in behalf of Independence, and 
 his bold stand in favor of Federalism. But the loss of a Presi- 
 dent was as nothing compared with the permanent break in the 
 Federal lines. The breaches were too wide for healing. The 
 prestige it had acquired in placing the government on a firm 
 basis, in anxious controversy for such power as would make it 
 respected at home and abroad, in spirited contention for a policy 
 of neutrality, and in timely, though not very masterly, effort to 
 restrain the French Republican influence, had been badly clouded 
 by some of its later efforts to hold political place, or at least pre- 
 vent certain of its opponents from holding the same. Its internal 
 weaknesses were now in sad contrast with that former boldness 
 which successfully dared the most intricate financial problems, 
 provided an ample revenue, and established an enduring national 
 credit. 
 
 NEW POWER. — Jefferson's inaugural address laid down the 
 policy of the Republican party. After attempting to remove 
 asperities and smooth differences, he announced the intention 
 to continue the payment of the public debt, reduce the army and 
 navy, lower taxes, restrict the power of Federal government to 
 the lowest limit permitted by the Constitution, and preserve the 
 State governments in all their rights. While the message had 
 the effect of abating party spirit somewhat, the old outcrops of 
 enmity were still frequent. Federals were still " Black Cockade 
 Federals." Republicans were still " Democrats and Jacobins." 
 The wealth, intellect and culture of the country, largely of Fed- 
 eral type, naturally felt apprehensive of a situation now com- 
 manded by those it had learned to look upon with distrust and 
 28 
 
434 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS, 
 
 to associate with what was foreign and revolutionary in spirit 
 Perhaps they saw in Jefferson himself all they feared from his 
 party, when they spoke of him as " an atheist in religion and a 
 fanatic in politics." 
 
 REMOVALS FROM OFFICE.— Tht President proceeded 
 immediately to undo some of the centralizing measures of the 
 preceding administration by pardoning those imprisoned under 
 the Alien and Sedition Laws. Then he turned his attention to 
 his party friends anxious for office. His removal of Elizur 
 Goodrich, Federal, from the Collectorship of New Haven, and 
 the appointment of Samuel Bishop, Republican, in his stead, was 
 looked upon as a proscriptive innovation, and brought a Federal 
 storm about his ears. Washington had made his appointments 
 without reference to political opinions. Adams had made few 
 removals and none for political reasons. Why should the old 
 rule be broken ? And especially why should it be broken in 
 this instance when Goodrich was competent and Bishop was y^ 
 years old and incompetent ? To all which Jefferson made the 
 memorable reply whose spirit was, in Jackson's time, incorpo- 
 rated into the aphorism, "To the victor belong the spoils." 
 With rare sagacity, he, however, drew a fine line of distinction 
 between removals for retaining opinions and removals for using 
 influence. The former he would not make, the latter he would 
 make. And again he would rebuke President Adams, by re- 
 moving all his appointees after the result of the Presidential 
 election became known.* All of this is interesting as the rather 
 cautious beginning of that policy of removal from office, and 
 appointment thereto, which grew by slow degrees until Jackson 
 
 * Jefferson said that it was not " political intolerance to claim a proportionate share 
 in the direction of public affiiirs. If a due participation of office is a matter of right, 
 how are vacancies to be obtained? Those by death are few, by resignation none." 
 He would base his causes for removal as " much as possible on delinquency, on 
 oppression, on intolerance, on ante-revolutionary adherence to our enemies." After 
 thus getting a fair quota of the offices for his party, and thus correcting what he 
 charged as erroneous procedure on the part of his predecessor, he said, " that dene, 
 I will return with joy to that state of things when the only questions concerning a 
 candidate shall be : Is he honest ? Is he capable ? Is he faithful to the Constitu- 
 tion?" 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 435 
 
 claimed the policy to be an indisputable right, and which has been 
 exercised since by all political parties as such, until questioned 
 by the civil service reform spirit of the present day. 
 
 SEVENTH CONGRESS— ¥\rst Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1801. 
 Organized by electing Nathaniel Macon, Republican, of North 
 Carolina, Speaker, there being a small Republican majority in 
 both branches. Instead of delivering his message in person to 
 the Congress as Washington and Adams had done, Jefferson 
 presented it in writing and thus established a custom which has 
 ever since been maintained, for convenience sake as well as for 
 its accordance with republican simplicity. The Congress went 
 manfully to work to modify previous Federal legislation. The 
 limit for naturalization was fixed at five years, with privilege of 
 declaration of intention after a residence of three years. The act 
 of 1798 required a residence of fourteen years. A sinking fund 
 was established. The army, navy and taxes were reduced. 
 Perhaps the most direct blow at the Federals was the repeal of 
 the Judiciary law. The law of the previous session had estab- 
 lished twenty-four new Circuit Courts, the officers for which 
 Adams had appointed the last thing before retiring. The Re- 
 publicans said this was an abuse of his power, in that the com- 
 missions had been made out and signed after the results of the 
 Presidential election had become known. They called them 
 " midnight judges," and though the Federals declared that there 
 was judicial work for all of them, and further that Adams had 
 not exceeded his authority in granting their commissions, the 
 Republicans found a way to overcome, for the time being, their 
 strict construction notions and repeal the bill. This drove the 
 Federals from their last hold on the government, and they never 
 recovered their lost ground. Ohio entered the Union Nov. 29, 
 1802. Congress adjourned May 3, 1802. 
 
 LOUISIANA PURCHASE.— Ke^uhWcsiW zeal for France and 
 the French Republican cause received a blow early in 1802 when 
 it was announced that Spain had secretly ceded the Louisiana 
 Territory to France. Our government had been making war 
 preparations again.st Spain in order to settle the right to free 
 navigation of the Mississippi, and to equal privileges about the 
 
436 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Gulf entrance. By the cession to France, the entire programme 
 changed. The government was confronted with a new and more 
 formidable owner of this vast country of Louisiana,* and proba- 
 bly with a new set of complications. Minister Living.ston was 
 instructed to remonstrate with the French Emperor and to say 
 that France's possession of this territory would drive the Ameri- 
 can Republic to enter into an alliance with England. James 
 Monroe was sent to Livingston's aid, with instructions to buy 
 Florida and the Island of Orleans, which Jefferson mistakingly 
 supposed had been embraced in the Spanish cession to France, 
 Monroe found France in need of money for contemplated war 
 on England and not averse to selling all of Louisiana. A bar- 
 gain was at once struck for ;^ 1 5 ,000,000, and though Monroe 
 had exceeded his instructions and no authority existed anywhere 
 for the transaction, Jefferson agreed to the contract, trusting to 
 the Congress and the people to stand by him. In this he was 
 not disappointed. The treaty of purchase was ratified by the 
 Senate, Oct. 20, 1803. 
 
 SEVENTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec. 6, 
 1802. The respective parties were so watchful of each other and 
 so resolute that each failed to accomplish any significant political 
 legislation. The action of Spain was censured by the Republi- 
 cans. Attempts to amend the Constitutional mode of electing a 
 President, to abolish the mint, and to fasten a charge of mis- 
 management on the Treasury Department, failed. Congress 
 adjourned sine die, March 3, 1803. 
 
 EIGHTH CONGRESS — First Session. — This Congress was 
 called together Oct. 17, 1803, in order that the treaty for the 
 purchase of Louisiana might be disposed of The Republican 
 majority had been increased, the Federals having lost some of 
 their best leaders. Nathaniel Macon was again chosen Speaker. 
 The debates on the ratification of the treaty were similar to those 
 over the Jay treaty of 1795, but parties were turned right round, 
 the Republicans using the old Federal, and the Federals the old 
 Anti-Federal logic. As observed above, the treaty was ratified 
 by the Senate Oct. 20, 1803, and the House made the appropria- 
 
 * For fuller account of this purchase, see ante, page I05. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 437 
 
 tion to carry it into effect.* The Twelfth Amendment to the 
 Constitution changing the mode of Presidential election was 
 passed Dec. 12, 1803, and ratified by the States by Sept. 25, 
 1804. The first articles of impeachment under the new govern- 
 ment were voted by the House against Judge Pickering of the 
 United States District Court of New Hampshire, for occasional 
 drunkenness. The articles were sustained and the judge dis- 
 missed. Other articles were voted against Judge Chase, of Md., 
 and Judge Peters, of Pa., for arbitrary conduct in trying casea 
 under the Alien and Sedition Laws. The Federals took alarm 
 at these steps and boldly charged the Republicans with a design 
 to make places for their party judges, and to impair if not 
 destroy the judiciary. An amended tariff bill was passed 
 March 26, which, if anything, increased the average rate of 
 duties then existing. Congress adjourned March 27, 1804. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1804. — Burr had never secured Jefferson's 
 confidence after the suspicion that he had tried to barter with the 
 Federals for his defeat during the previously disputed Presi- 
 dential election. Besides he had then come too near the Presi- 
 dency to suit Jefferson's idea of his own success. He was there- 
 fore sacrificed in the Congressional caucus, and Jefferson and 
 George Clinton of New York became the Republican nominees 
 for President. The nominees of the Federals were C. C. Pinck- 
 ney, S. C, and Rufus King, N. Y. The Federals were vanquished 
 in every State except Connecticut, Delaware and part of Mary- 
 land. 
 
 EIGHTH CONGRESS—SQCond Session.— Met Nov. 5, 
 1804. The session was not complimentary to the Republican 
 majority. The impeachment trial of Judge Chase came on 
 under the articles previously drawn in the House. It took a 
 decided partisan turn and awakened the bitterest sentiment. 
 Burr, who was under a cloud for having killed Hamilton, and 
 who felt keenly the disappointment of defeat at the hands of 
 his Republican friends, did much, as presiding officer at the 
 
 * Senate vote for ratification was 24 to 7 ; and House vote for the appropriation 
 was 90 to 25, so that the purchase, notwithstanding its irregularity, was abundantly 
 confirmed. 
 
438 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 trial, by his refusal to hearken to the demands of his party, to 
 re-establish his lost reputation. This angered the Republicans 
 all the more, and when their determination to convict was met 
 by a square verdict of acquittal on all the charges, they proposed 
 several Constitutional amendments (none of which carried), 
 making impeachment, conviction and removal from office easier. 
 The electoral votes were counted in February. Jefferson and 
 Clinton had 162, and Pinckney and King, 14. The Eighth 
 Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1804. The success- 
 ful Presidential candidates were sworn into office March 4, 
 1804. 
 
 V. 
 
 JEFFERSON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1805 — March 3, 1809. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson, Va., President. George Clinton, N. Y., 
 
 Vice-President. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 Ninth Congress. [ ^' December 2, 1805-April 21, 1806. 
 [ 2, December I, i8o6-March 3, 1807. 
 
 Tfnth Concrfss \ '' October 26, 1807-April 25, 1808. 
 1 ENTH CONGRESS. | ^^ November 7, 1808-March 3, 1809. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.'' 
 
 Republicans. Federals. 
 
 Basis of Thos.Jeffcr- G. Clin-' C. C. Pinck- R.King, 
 
 States. 33,000. Votes. son, Va. ton, N. Y. ney, S. C. N. Y. 
 
 Connecticut -7 9 • • • • 9 9 
 
 Delaware I 3 .. .. 3 3 
 
 Georgia 4 6 6 6 
 
 Kentucky 6 8 8 8 
 
 Maryland 9 II 9 9 2 2 
 
 Massachusetts 17 19 19 19 .. ,. 
 
 New Hampshire.. .. 5 7 7 7 
 
 New Jersey 6 8 8 8 
 
 New York 17 19 19 19 
 
 North Carolina.... 12 14 14 14 
 
 Ohio I 3 3 3 
 
 * While the nominations did not distinguish between President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent, the candidates were voted for as if they had been so distinguished, the Con- 
 stitutional amendment (the twelfth) having been ratified in September in time for 
 the vote to be cast under its provisions. 
 
'-liwi**- '.ji.^^ 1,^ 
 
440 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 
 Republ 
 
 cans. 
 
 
 Federa 
 
 Is. 
 
 Vates. 
 
 Thos. Jeffer- 
 son, Va. 
 
 G. Clin- 
 ton, N.Y. 
 
 C. C. P 
 
 ney, S. 
 
 nck- 
 C. 
 
 R. King, 
 N.Y. 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 S 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 24 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 176 
 
 162 
 
 162 
 
 14 
 
 
 H 
 
 Basis of 
 States. 33,000. 
 
 Pennsylvania 18 
 
 Rhode Island 2 
 
 South Carolina 8 
 
 Tennessee 3 
 
 Vermont 4 
 
 Virginia 22 
 
 Totals 142 
 
 • THE CAB/NET. 
 
 Secretary of State James Madison, Va Continued. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury. . . .Albert Gallatin, Pa " 
 
 Secretary of War Henry Dearborn, Mass. ... " 
 
 Secretary of Navy Jacob Crowninshield, Mass, 
 
 Attorney-General Robert Smith, Md. 
 
 Postmaster-General Gideon Granger, Conn. 
 
 POLITICAL SITUATION.— ThQ Congressional elections 
 had been nearly as disastrous to the Federals as the Presidential 
 election. They were strong only in New England, and even 
 there Vermont had turned Republican. Federalism was clearly 
 moribund. The Republicans had the affirmative. The times 
 were prolific of new situations, which could be turned to popular 
 account. Jefferson understood the art of keeping his party on a 
 happy vantage ground better than any statesman in it, and as he 
 had its entire confidence, so far as the masses were concerned, 
 he exercised a control which was quite autocratic. 
 
 NINTH CONGRESS— ¥nst Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1805. 
 Organized by re-electing Nathaniel Macon Speaker. Both 
 Houses strongly Republican. A notable event was the 
 estrangement of John Randolph, of Virginia, from the President. 
 His ambition to go as Minister to England had not been grati- 
 fied, and he had failed also in his aspirations to be the leader of 
 the administration on the floor of Congress. He therefore with 
 a small following threw his strength to the Federals, and thus 
 augmented they became a brilliant, determined and useful mi- 
 nority. The Spanish Mississippi situation was still delicate. It 
 was decided that the best way to settle it was to buy out the re- 
 maining interest of Spain in our soil. The President was author- 
 ized to make the purchase, but it was not effected till 18 19. 
 Though both England and France were violating the rights of 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 44I 
 
 neutrals, the President would not sanction the building of an 
 American navy, but compromised on a system of gunboats, 
 which was much ridiculed by his opponents. Republican par- 
 tiality for France was shown by the passage of a measure pro- 
 hibiting the importation of English goods after Nov. 15, 
 1806. This was designed to be retaliatory of England's violation 
 of the rights of neutrals. As France had been, and was still, 
 equally guilty, the blow might very justly have been aimed at 
 both. Not yet tired of efforts to Republicanize the Judiciary, 
 another attempt was made to clear out the old Federal incum- 
 bents, but it failed. A strained situation for the Republicans 
 grew out of the proposition to build a National Road from the 
 Potomac to the Ohio. Contrary to all their previous views of a 
 rigid construction of the Constitution, and in vivid contrast with 
 the notions of their school which prevailed for fifty years after- 
 wards respecting internal improvement, they enacted to lay out 
 and build such road. An adjournment took place April 21, 
 1806. 
 
 NINTH CONGRESS—Second Session— Met Dec. i, 1806. 
 During the vacation Burr's enterprise of a Southwest Empire 
 became public, and the President had ordered his arrest. Infor- 
 mation of the scheme was laid before Congress, and the Senate 
 enacted to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for three months, 
 but the House did not concur. Financial management had been 
 such as to produce an excess of receipts over expenditures. 
 This excellent condition the President proposed to turn to the 
 account of the country by devoting the surplus to education and 
 national road and canal making. He was however too far in 
 advance, or outside, of his party in this matter to be able to per- 
 suade it to any such general undertaking. A revulsion of sen- 
 timent had set in on the discriminating act against England, 
 passed at the previous session, and the President was given 
 power to suspend the operation of the law till December, 1807. 
 Congress adjourned sz7ie die, March 3, 1807. 
 
 BURR BUBBLE.— In the early part of the year 1807 the 
 Burr bubble burst, and he returned, under arrest, to Virginia, the 
 scene of his plots, for trial. What he designed to accomplish 
 
442 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 by his expedition down the Mississippi has never been accurately 
 known. His enemies regarded his scheme as treasonable, having 
 for its object the establishment of an empire in the Southwest so 
 as to control the commerce of the Mississippi. His friends — 
 rather his excusers, for friends were hardly possible — gave him 
 the credit of a far-sighted enterprise to expel all foreign influence 
 from the region of the Gulf, provide an inviting field for immi- 
 gration, and thus establish Federal sovereignty in a distant and 
 dangerous part of the public domain. However it may all be, 
 his trial was now (May, 1807) on at Richmond, before Chief 
 Justice Marshall. It was far more political than judicial. The 
 Federals, who had denounced the President's order for arrest as 
 a usurpation of authority, now heaped personal invective on him 
 for his anxious letters to the District Attorney and his open at- 
 tempts to influence the trial. Nothing, however, served to deter 
 Jefferson, He had no love for Burr, and, further, he felt that his 
 conviction was to be his own vindication for a procedure which 
 was so bitterly denounced as arbitrary and without precedent. 
 The result was Burr's acquittal for want of jurisdiction. The 
 defeat of the administration was humiliating in proportion to its 
 anxiety to impress the trial. 
 
 TENTH CONGRESS— Y\r%t Session.— Met Oct. 26, 1807, 
 and organized by electing Joseph B. Barnum, Republican, 
 of Massachusetts, Speaker, there being again a Republican ma- 
 jority in both branches. An early session was called to consider 
 the attitude of England. The foreign outlook was by no means 
 assuring. The English treaty of 1806 had been rejected by the 
 President on his own responsibility, because, like the Jay treaty 
 of 1795, it left England at liberty to search American ships and 
 impress American seamen. This the Federals stoutly opposed 
 as a bold assumption on the part of the President and because 
 they, being largely the commercial part of the community, were 
 most anxious for some kind of a treaty with England. But 
 above all the snubbing of England by the President led her to 
 stubborn and retaliatory renewal of her aggressions. In June, 
 1807, the Leopard, a British frigate, attacked the Chesapeake, an 
 American frigate, in Hampton Roads, and forcibly removed four 
 
444 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 seamen, ostensibly English. Here parties swung to and fro and 
 almost embraced. The Federals became indignant at England 
 for this outrage. The Republicans had grown lukewarm toward 
 France, who, though not so boldly, was practising the same in- 
 vasions of neutral rights. Our commerce suffered most from 
 English aggressions, only because England was stronger than 
 France on the water. So great was the destruction of our com- 
 merce that Jefferson privately wrote how he had come to regard 
 " England as a den of pirates and France as a den of thieves." 
 
 EMBARGO ACT. — England's prohibition of all commerce 
 with France, a similar prohibition by France, blockades by each, 
 searches of neutrals by both, led the President to a proclamatio'' 
 against British armed ships entering American ports. To suj>. 
 port him in this was the object of the called session. The Re- 
 publicans passed his Embargo bill, against the opposition of the 
 Federals supported by the Randolph Republicans, or quids, as 
 they were facetiously called, both of whom argued that it would 
 retroact on the United States and lead to more complete com- 
 mercial ruin than direct aggression by either England or France 
 had done. The Republicans averred it must be either an Em- 
 bargo or war, and chose the former, not without a modification, 
 however, to the extent of making it operative during the Presi- 
 dent's pleasure. The Embargo Act passed Dec. 21, 1807, by a 
 vote of 87 to 35 in the House and 19 to 9 in the Senate. It 
 prohibited American vessels sailing from foreign ports, foreign 
 vessels taking cargoes from American ports, and all coasters 
 from landing cargoes elsewhere than in the United States. It 
 proved to be a veritable boomerang, as the Federals had pre- 
 dicted. Congress adjourned April 25, 1 808. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1808. — During the summer and autumn 
 of 1808 sentiment was shaping for the Presidential contest. For 
 a long time (since 1806) Randolph had been actively engineer- 
 ing the cause of Monroe, who was Minister to England, against 
 Madison, whom Jefferson had been coaching for his successor. 
 But the Congressional caucus nominations at the called session 
 had resulted in the nomination of James Madison, Va., for Presi- 
 dent, and George Clinton, N. Y., for Vice-President, on the part 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 445 
 
 of the Republicans, and C, C. Pinckney, S. C, for President, ;in'! 
 Rufus King, N. Y., for Vice-President, on the part of the Fed- 
 erals. Jefferson, like Washington, had been requested to accept 
 a third term but declined. The issue turned on the Embargo 
 Act, the Federals denouncing it as unconstitutional, as destructive 
 of American commerce, and as tending to help England as 
 against France — a cunning argument in view of previous Re- 
 publican favoritism for France, yet one whose truth was daily 
 becoming apparent. They carried their opposition to the verge 
 of physical resistance along the New England coast, and really 
 lost sight of the political situation in their vehement desire to 
 force the repeal of a destructive and obnoxious law. The result 
 in November was a majority of Republican electors, though by 
 no means as large as that for Jefferson. 
 
 TENTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Nov. 7, 1808. 
 Opened with protests against English and French aggressions, 
 and an attempt of the Federals to repeal the odious Embargo 
 Act, whose operation had by this time driven them to commer- 
 cial despair. The President was informed by John Q. Adams, 
 who had resigned from the Legislature of his State (Mass.) be- 
 cause his advocacy of the Embargo had drawn public censure, 
 that it would be impossible to further enforce the act in New 
 England, and that a scheme of open resistance was already in 
 course of preparation. However truthful this might have been — 
 it was stoutly denied, — and however much it may have been a 
 part of Adams' wish to thus secure administrative favor — he was 
 soon after sent as minister to Russia, — it is certain Jefferson 
 changed front on the question, and with him the entire Repub- 
 lican party. The bill was repealed, the repeal to operate on and 
 after March 4, 1809, and a simple Non-Intercourse Act substi- 
 tuted. The Republicans even went so far as to pronounce in 
 favor of an American navy, and full protection of American 
 rights on the high seas. Had this wonderful surrender taken 
 place a few months earlier, the Federals must have swept the 
 country in' the Presidential contest. But it was shrewdly post- 
 poned till after the verdict had been recorded. 
 
 The electoral votes were counted in February. Madison had 
 
446 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 for President 122, and George Clinton 6. Pinckney had for 
 President 47. For Vice-President Clinton had 113, King 47, 
 and 15 were scattering. Congress adjourned sine die March 4, 
 1809. Madison and Clinton were sworn into office March 4, 
 1 809. 
 
 VI. 
 
 MADISON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1809 — March 3, 18 13. 
 
 James Madison, Va., President. George Clinton, N. Y., Vice" 
 
 President. 
 
 Congresses. Sessiotts. 
 
 (I, May 22, 1809 — June 28, 1809, extra session. 
 2, November 27, 1809 — May i, 1810. 
 3, December 3, 1810 — March 3, 1811, 
 
 Twn FTH CoNrRFSS / '' November 4, 181 1— July 6, 1812. 
 1 WCLFTH CONGRESS. ^ ^^ November 2, 1812— March 3, 1813. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.'' 
 
 Republicans. Federals. 
 
 Basis of J. Madi- G. Clinton, C. C. Pinck- R. King, 
 
 States. 33,000. Votes. son, Va. N. Y. ney, S. C. N. Y. 
 
 Connecticut 7 9 .. .. 9 9 
 
 Delaware I 3 .. .. 3 3 
 
 Georgia 4 6 6 6 
 
 Kentucky .• 6 8 7 7 . . . . i vacancy 
 
 Maryland 9 il 9 9 2 2 
 
 Massachusetts 17 19 .. .. 19 19 
 
 New Hampshire.. .. 5 7 .. .. 7 7 
 
 New Jersey 6 8 8 8 
 
 New York 17 19 13 13 Sc. Sc. 
 
 North Carolina.... 12 14 11 ii 3 3 
 
 Ohio I 3 3 Sc. 
 
 Pennsylvania 18 20 20 20 
 
 Rhode Island 2 4 .. .. 4 4 
 
 South Carolina.... 8 10 10 10 
 
 Tennessee 3 5 5 5 
 
 Vermont 4 6 6 .. .. Sc. 
 
 Virginia 22 24 24 24 
 
 Totals 142 i7(r 122 113 47 47 
 
 THE CABINET.\ 
 
 Secretary of State Robert Smith, Md. 
 
 Secretary ol Treasury Albert Gallatin, Pa Continued. 
 
 * Of those marked scattering Clinton received 6 for President, and for Vice-Presi- 
 dent Madison received 3, John Langdon 9, and James Monroe 3. 
 
 f The Cabinets as here found are those first organized by the incoming administra- 
 tions. For the changes and all incumbents see the respective department heads under 
 " Ruling Nationally." 
 
['RESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 447 
 
 The Cabbiet — Continued. 
 
 Secretary of War William Eustis, Mass. 
 
 Secretary of Navy Paul Hamilton, S. C. 
 
 Attorney-General C. A. Rodney, Pa Continued. 
 
 Postmaster-General Gideon Granger, Conn " 
 
 POLITICAL SITUATION.— T\iQ Republicans were on the 
 eve of an entire change of policy. Jefferson had adroitly handled 
 the old Federal policy of neutrality so as to keep a show of firm- 
 ness, and at the same time avoid armed conflict with England 
 or France. On the score of economy he opposed high taxes, 
 a navy, an army. Madison fell heir to this policy. When 
 Erskine, British Minister, mistakingly informed him that Eng- 
 land desired peace, Madison immediately suspended the Non- 
 Intercourse Act, as he was authorized by its terms to do, so far 
 as England was concerned. But when England repudiated the 
 conduct of Erskine, the President had to restore the operation 
 of the act. Whether this was sheer double-dealing on the part 
 of England, or only a Republican trick to influence sentiment, 
 as the Federals claimed, from that time on the drift toward war 
 was too strong for the Republicans to resist. The schism in the 
 ranks of the party left an active minority to operate on the strict 
 party flanks. It was a time when a body of new leaders, active 
 and strong, could walk away with the organization and shift its 
 ancient policy. From this time on, too, we begin to hear popular 
 mention of the word Democrat. As admiration for France, which 
 had made the word Republican popular, subsided, as Jacobin 
 and Democrat were no longer offensively identical, and further 
 as there were two schools of thought in the Republican ranks, 
 one newer and more aggressive than the other, it became com- 
 mon for the older to designate themselves as Democrats, that is, 
 the true Republicans, the primitive Democratic-Republicans. 
 
 ELEVENTH CO AGGRESS— Extra Session.— Met May 22, 
 1809, W'th a Republican majority. Organized by re-electing 
 Joseph B. Varnum, Mass., Speaker. The only matter before it 
 was the President's suspension and reassertion of the Non-Inter- 
 course Act. After affirming his action Congress adjourned, June 
 28, 1809. 
 
 ELEVENTH CONGRESS— First Regular Session.— Met 
 
448 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Nov. 27, 1809. The Non-Intercourse act was continued, and 
 the British Minister was censured for contradictory statements 
 and obtrusive conduct. France had shrewdly shaped her com- 
 mercial policy so as to receive all the benefits of the American 
 position. This galled England all the more, and as a conse- 
 quence her attitude became more hostile. In advocacy of her 
 right to search American vessels for deserted British seamen, 
 she announced as final the doctrine, " Once an Englishman, al- 
 ways an Englishman." During the session the Republicans had 
 a large majority and shaped legislation without much dissent 
 from the Federals. Adjourned May i, 18 10. 
 
 ELEVENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 3, 
 
 1 8 10. The Non-Intercourse Act was repealed as to France and 
 continued as to England. This threw both England and Amer- 
 ica on their mettle. But the administration was not yet done 
 with its economic and peace ideas. The National Bank, char- 
 tered in 1 79 1 for twenty years, was asking for a new lease of 
 life. It had, as we have seen, secured the favor of a charter 
 through a momentary spasm of liberal construction on the part 
 of strict interpreters of the Constitution. Such a spasm was 
 not now on, though it had so many Republican friends in both 
 branches that the bill granting a new charter was defeated by 
 only one vote in the House and by the casting vote of the Vice- 
 President in the Senate. It therefore wound up its business and 
 ceased to exist. The attitude of Federal and Republican on 
 this question of a national bank became, in after years, that of 
 Whig and Democrat on the same question. Congress adjourned 
 sine die, March 3, 1811. 
 
 TWELFTH CONGRESS— Y\x?X Session.— Met Nov. 4, 
 
 1 8 11. Either the administration must accept the idea of forcible 
 resistance to England or go to the wall. American vessels, es- 
 timated at 900, had been captured since 1803. American com- 
 merce had become a thing of the past. It would not do to allow 
 the idea to grow further that the Republicans were aiming a blow 
 at commercial New England by persistence in their suicidal 
 policy of dilly-dallying diplomacy and devouring peace. A new 
 order of men came to the front. Henry Clay, Ky., was elected 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 449 
 
 Speaker. John C. Calhoun, S. C, became an ambitious and able 
 leader in the House, as did William H. Crawford, Ga., in the 
 Senate. Fortunately none of these new leaders, fully imbued 
 with the war spirit, thoroughly determined on a change from 
 the economic, hesitating, and now cowardly, policy of Jefferson 
 and Madison, were mistrusted by Madison. Clay had been his 
 firm friend, and had come out of a two-term career in the Senate 
 the better to lead on the wider plane of the House. Therefore 
 their work of swinging the administration and the party from 
 its peace moorings was comparatively easy. During the session, 
 and against the opposition of the Federals and a Republican 
 minority, bills for increasing the navy and organizing the militia 
 were passed. Whatever scruples the President may still have 
 had about accepting the situation and affirming this heterodox 
 legislation was overcome by the intimation that his renomination 
 depended on his acquiescence. He therefore fell fully in with 
 the new leaders, and made his expose of the Henry documents * 
 which so outraged the sentiment of New England, but which 
 brought from Congress the action designed, viz., a resolution de- 
 nunciatory of England for an attempt to divide a friendly nation. 
 
 This was followed by an Embargo on American shipping for 
 ninety days, which of course brought an announcement from 
 the English Minister (May 30, 1812), which was supported by 
 the Parliament, that England would not change her policy 
 toward neutrals. 
 
 DECLARATION OF WAR.— A message from the Presi- 
 dent, June I, 1 812, referred to a committee, brought a report 
 which, as a summary of grievances, complained of the British 
 orders in council, of the unfair system of blockades of the French 
 ports, of the refusal to settle claims for damages, and, last but 
 not least, of the searching of American ships and impressment 
 of American seamen. It recommended a declaration of war. A 
 
 * The President made this expose in a special message. The documents, he 
 said, he bought of one John Henry for $50,000. They purported to show how 
 Henry had been a Canadian agent sent to influence New England Federals to join 
 their cause with that of England. The British Minister denied all knowledge 
 Ol such agent or agency. 
 29 
 
450 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 war act was consequently passed and promptly signed by the 
 President (June i8, 1812), who had by this time received a second 
 nomination for the Presidency and who was acting in strict con- 
 cert with the war wing of his party. At first the declaration of 
 war was received with applause. But a reaction soon set in. 
 The Federals of New England published a protest against it as 
 sectional and not national, the act ot a party and not of the 
 country. Strictly construing the Constitution, Massachusetts 
 and Connecticut refused to permit their militia to go beyond the 
 boundary of their States trll an actual invasion had taken place. 
 To answer them the Republicans became liberal interpreters of 
 the Constitution and would obliterate State lines and forget all 
 about State rights in order to present a solid national front 
 to the foe. Louisiana had become a State in the Union, April 
 30, 181 2. 
 
 TARIFF OF 181 2. — Madison had urged in his message a re- 
 vision of the Tariff. The new leaders took it up. Calhoun and 
 Lowndes favored Clay's new doctrine that the Protective idea 
 ought not any longer to be secondary to the Revenue idea. 
 South Carolina was then a high protection State, England hav- 
 ing levied exorbitant duties on raw cotton. Here was a marvel- 
 lous shifting of party doctrine. The Republicans became such 
 liberal interpreters of the Constitution that they not only swung 
 to the Protective notion, but actually used the report of Hamil- 
 ton, which brought the earliest Tariff acts, in vindication of their 
 position. The Federals, in their weakness, forgetfulness of party 
 traditions and determination to see nothing good in the adminis- 
 tration, swung clear over to the abandoned strict construction 
 doctrine of their political enemies, and through such as Webster 
 (then in the House) and others opposed the Protective thought. 
 Sentiment on this Tariff act ought to be carefully noted. It was 
 the beginning of that division in the Republican party which 
 prepared the way for " The American Idea," for " Internal Im- 
 provement," and for the Whig organization, which was Clay's 
 outlet from the strict construction columns. Indeed, even at 
 this session a bill for internal improvement was passed under 
 Clay's leadership, which Madison vetoed. The tariff act was 
 
TRESIDENIS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 45I 
 
 passed July i, 1812, and it marks the highest rates of duty 
 reached from the foundation of the government till 1842. Sugar 
 went from 2^ cents per pound to 5 ; coffee from 5 cents per 
 pound to 10; tea from 18 cents per pound to 36; pig iron from 
 17/^ per cent, to 30; bar iron from lyyi per cent, to 30; glass 
 from 22^ per cent, to 40; manufactures of cotton from 17% 
 per cent, to 30; woollens from 17 per cent, to 30; silk from 15 
 per cent, to 25. Congress adjourned July 6, 1812. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1812. — We have seen the conditions upon 
 which Madison was permitted to become a candidate for a second 
 term. But he still had opposition. De Witt Clinton, N. Y., who 
 would have been the candidate in case Madison had declined to 
 wheel into the war line, refused to be bound by the bargain. The 
 other Republican States had become jealous of Virginia's claim 
 to be " the home of Presidents." Clinton moved on this line, 
 secured the nomination of the New York Legislature and issued 
 an address (" Clinton's Platform ") protesting against caucus 
 nominations of Presidential candidates, the continuance of public 
 men in office for long periods, the claim of particular States to 
 monopolize principal offices, and " that official regency which 
 prescribed tenets of political faith." His followers became 
 known as Clintonian Democrats. 
 
 Madison was nominated in May,'l8l2. John Langdon was 
 nominated for Vice-President, but declining on account of age, 
 Elbridge Gerry, Mass., was substituted. The Federals, taking 
 advantage of the schism in the Republican ranks, met in caucus 
 in New York city and nominated De Witt Clinton for President, 
 with Jared Ingersoll, Pa., for Vice-President* The election 
 came off in November. A large majority of Republican electors 
 was chosen. The Congressional elections resulted also in a 
 majority of Republican members favorable to the war. 
 
 TWELFTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Nov. 2, 
 1812. There was a slight adjustment of parties on account of 
 
 * Eleven States were represented in this caucus or convention. It was a bitterly 
 partisan body, determined to see nothing good in any act of Madison, and as an 
 evidence of its desperation, willing to support a soured Republican in order to de 
 feat the regular Republican nominee. 
 
452 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 the war. Some Republicans voted with the Peace Federals, but 
 they were more than offset by War Federals voting with the 
 straight Republicans. There was but little opposition from any 
 source to an increase of the navy, which had already won the 
 right to be encouraged by proving a match for the best equipped 
 ships of England. Other measures of war were carried by Re- 
 publican votes. The count of the electoral vote was made in 
 February, and showed 128 for Madison and 89 for Clinton. For 
 Vice-President 131 for Gerry and 86 for Ingersoll. Congress 
 adjourned March 3, 1813. The candidates elect were sworn into 
 office, March 4, 1812. 
 
 VII. 
 MADISON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 
 March 4, 18 13 — March 3, 18 17. 
 James Madison, Va., President. Elbridge Gerry, Mass., Vice- 
 President. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 {I, May 24, 1813 — August 2, 1813, extra session. 
 2, December 6, 1813 — April 18, 1814. 
 3, September 19, 1814 — March 3, 1815. 
 
 „ r, r I, December 4, 181? — April ^o, 1816. 
 
 Fourteenth Congress. | ^'^ December 2! 1816-March 3, 1817. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE. 
 
 Republicans. Fed. or Clinton Dem. 
 
 Basis of J. Madi- Elbridge Ger- De Witt Jared Inger- 
 
 States. 35,000. Vote. son, Va. ry, Mass. Clinton,N.Y. soil. Pa. 
 
 Connecticut 7 9 .. .. 9 9 
 
 Delaware 2 4 .. .. 4 4 
 
 Georgia 6 8 8 8 
 
 Kentucky 10 12 12 12 
 
 Louisiana i 3 3 3 
 
 Maryland 9 II 6 6 5 5 
 
 Massachusetts 20 22 .. 2 22 20 
 
 New Hampshire. . . 6 8 .. I 8 7 
 
 New Jersey 6 8 .. .. 8 8 
 
 New York 27 29 . . . . 29 29 
 
 North" Carolina 13 15 15 15 
 
 Ohio 6 8 7 7 .. ..I Vacancy. 
 
 Pennsylvania 23 25 25 25 
 
 Rhode Island 2 4 .. .. 4 4 
 
 South Carolina ....9 II 11 II 
 
 Tennessee 6 8 8 8 
 
 Vermont 6 8 8 8 
 
 Virginia _23 _^ _25 ^25 ___ .. 
 
 Totals, i&2 2ia u% 131 89 S6 
 
I'RESinENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 453 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State James Monroe, Va Continued. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury All)ert Gallatin, Pa " 
 
 Secretary of War John Armstrong, N. Y. . . . " 
 
 Secretary of Navy William Jones, Pa. . . , " 
 
 Attorney-General William Pinckney, Md " 
 
 Postmaster-General Gideon Granger, Conn " 
 
 THIRTEENTH CONGRESS— K^\.xd. Session.— Called May 
 24, 181 3, to provide means for the war. House organized by re- 
 electing Henry Clay, Ky., Speaker. Republican majority greatly 
 reduced in both House and Senate, the vote on the Speakership 
 being 89 to 54, though the latter were not all Federals, but partly 
 anti-war Republicans. In the Senate there was a strong faction 
 of anti-administration Republicans. After meeting the object of 
 its call the Congress adjourned, Aug. 2, 18 13. 
 
 WAR SENTIMENT. — It was already manifest that the war 
 was destined to be unpopular with the country. Do their best 
 the Republicans could not keep up a furore respecting it. The 
 Federal sentiment, still strong in the Eastern States, was pro- 
 .nouncedly against it. The Embargo, while it may not have 
 been designed as such, was a cruel blow at the centres of com- 
 merce. The peace faction in the Republican ranks was grow- 
 ing more out-spoken. England, in order to encourage a wider 
 division of sentiment between the Eastern and other States, had 
 actually gone so far as to exempt them from her blockade of the 
 Atlantic coast, and it was charged by the Republicans that at 
 the port of New London, Conn., the departure of American ves- 
 sels was secured, notwithstanding the Embargo, by means of 
 blue light signals to the English blockading fleet. 
 
 THIRTEENTH CONGRESS— ¥nsi Regular Session.— Met 
 Dec. 6, 18 1 3. Financial subjects, relating to the war, were chiefly 
 uppermost. But in view of alleged violations of the Embargo 
 Act by New England mariners a stricter act was passed, embrac- 
 ing all ships, large and small. The war was in the midst of its 
 greatest activity. Congress adjourned April 18, 18 14. 
 
 THIRTEENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Called as 
 early as Sept. 19, 18 14, to consider negotiations for peace which 
 had been begun in August, soon after the capture and burning 
 
454 I'RESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 of Washington by the Enghsh, and when it had become appa- 
 rent that the provisions to meet vigorous and protracted war 
 were as inadequate as was the popular sentiment to further sus- 
 tain it. England had gotten rid of her home adversary, Napo- 
 leon, and was at libefty to direct her undivided attention to 
 America. She had long since revoked her orders in council and 
 was only insisting on her right to search American ships and 
 impress her deserting seamen. The administration, in view of 
 the entire situation, had therefore wisely instructed its commis- 
 sioner abroad to negotiate for peace without insisting on rectifica- 
 tion of the " search and impressment " grievances. But as this 
 showed weakness, the English grew bold, and would not only 
 have no American fleets or military posts along the Great Lakes, 
 but a permanent Canadian barrier erected in the shape of an 
 Indian Confederacy, 
 
 HARTFORD CONVENTION.— 1:\\q administration and its 
 active Republican support were in a quandary. The weakness 
 of abject surrender must be confessed, or resort must be had to 
 those reserved powers which strict interpreters of the Constitu- 
 tion had ever denied to the government. The War Department 
 favored a more imposing and effective army, by means of a 
 draft and the enlistment of minors. The Navy Department pro- 
 posed to impress seamen, after the English fashion. Every 
 effort was made by the administration to recover lost ground, 
 put on a front worthy the American name, and fight the war to 
 a successful end. But it was too late in the day. The Presi- 
 dent's own party could not be imbued with his suddenly assumed 
 liberal construction notions. His radical war measures were 
 either defeated or coldly favored. Beyond, the situation was 
 appalling. England held vantage ground in Maine and along 
 the northern border. New England had been almost entirely 
 neglected by the government. Every war measure thus far had 
 been more destructive to her industry and wealth, and more dis- 
 paraging to her people, than to the overt enemy. Massachu- 
 setts invited a conference (Oct., 1814) of the New England 
 States "to confer on the subject of their public grievances." 
 This met at Hartford in December, 18 14, and sat for three 
 
456 rRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 weeks. It was the historic Hartford Convention, so odious to 
 Republicans, so dear to Federals. Its secret proceedings 
 aroused suspicion and drew on its members and their cause a 
 denunciation than which nothing could be more bitter, and a 
 proscription even, which was the knell of their party importance. 
 So far were the charges of treasonable design carried that, years 
 afterwards, it was deemed proper to break the seal of secresy 
 and publish the entire proceedings, but too late, of course, to 
 remove the stigma which inflamed partisanship had fastened to 
 the event.* 
 
 EVENTS OF THE WAR OF 1812.— On May 16, 18 11, the 
 American frigate President, Captain Rogers, hailed the British 
 sloop of war Little Belt, off the coast of Virginia. The reply 
 was a cannon shot. An engagement ensuedf and after the 
 Little Belt had sustained a loss of thirty-two men, she returned 
 a satisfactory answer. In the same year the Indians of the 
 Northwest, instigated by British emissaries and led by their 
 chief, Tecumseh, attempted to expel all settlers from the country 
 north of the Ohio. They were repulsed at the battle of Tippe- 
 canoe, by an army led by General Harrison, Nov. 7, 181 1. 
 
 These overt acts on the part of England led to a declaration of 
 war against her, June 19, 1812. General Hull immediately 
 invaded Canada, from Detroit, with 2000 American troops. On 
 
 * Judged by the proceedings the convention was not only timely and orderly, but 
 representative of grievances which were hardly to be borne, and which ought never 
 to have existed. It was simply unfortunate in its manner of deliberation, and in the 
 fact that the close of the war shut off public presentation of its protest and resolu- 
 tions to the government. The resolutions opposed (l) drafts, conscriptions or im- 
 pressments not authorized by the Constitution. (2) A plan whereby the respective 
 States or sections might defend themselves against the enemy and pay for the same, 
 the central government to reimburse them. (3) A full militia for each State, with 
 power to detach a portion at the request of other States,, when invaded. (4) Seven 
 amendments recommended to the .Constitution : (1) Repr&senlatives and direct 
 taxes to be apportioned among the States in proportion to the number oi free 
 persons. (2) Admission of Slates only on vote of two-thirds of both Houses. 
 (3) No embargo beyond sixty days. (4) No interdiction of commercial intercourse 
 except by two-third votes of both Houses of Congress. (5) No declaration of war 
 except by vote of two-thirds of both Houses. (6) No naturalized person to be 
 eligible to Congress. (7) "No second term for the President, nor any President from 
 the same State twice in succession. A fifth resolve provided for the reassembling 
 of the convention in case these resolutions did not bring redress. 
 
458 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 learning that detachments had been defeated and posts captured 
 in the Northwest by British and Indians, Hull retreated to 
 Detroit, pursued by a British army under Brock. Detroit was 
 besieged, and Hull surrendered it and his army. 
 
 On Oct. 13, 18 1 2, the Americans again invaded Canada at 
 Niagara, and attacked Queenstown, but were defeated witli the 
 loss of 1000 men. But though defeated on land, the Americans 
 were successful at sea. 'The Essex, Captain Porter, captured the 
 British sloop of war Alert, Aug. 13, 1812. The frigate Consti- 
 tution, Captain Hull, captured and burned the British frigate 
 Guerriere, Aug. 19, 18 1 2. The Wasp, Captain Jones, compelled 
 the surrender of the British brig Frolic, Oct. 18. The British 
 frigate Macedonian captured the American frigate United States, 
 Captain Decatur, Oct. 25. The Constitution, Captain Bainbridge, 
 captured the British frigate Java, Dec. 29, 181 2. 
 
 EVEN7S OF 1813. — Three American armies held the 
 frontiers in 18 1 3. The "Army of the West," under General 
 William Henry Harrison, was posted at the west end of Lake 
 Erie. The "Army of the Centre," under Dearborn, held the 
 Niagara frontier. The "Army of the North," under General 
 Wade Hampton, held the line of Lake Champlain. On Jan. 22 
 General Proctor, with 1500 British and Indians, attacked and 
 defeated the Americans at Frenchtown, on the River Raisin, and 
 the sick and wounded were massacred by the Indians. General 
 Hanison was twice besieged in Fort Meigs, but both times 
 succeeded in repulsing the enemy, led by Proctor and Tecumseh, 
 The latter then marched against Fort Stevenson, on the Lower 
 Sandusky, but were again repulsed. 
 
 During the summer the Americans built and launched a fleet 
 of nine vessels, carrying 63 guns, on Lake Erie, under command 
 of Commodore Perry. He met the British fleet, under Com= 
 modore Barclay, at the west end of the lake, Sept. 10, 18 12, 
 and after a terrific battle compelled Barclay to surrender. Perry's 
 dispatch to Harrison was, " We have met the enemy and they 
 are ours." 
 
 Perry's fleet carried Harrison's army across to Canada. The 
 British deserted Fort Maiden. Harrison pursued and forced 
 
460 t'RESibENtS AND At)MtNlStRAttONS. 
 
 the bal^le of the Thames, Oct. 5, where he gained a signal victory. 
 Tecumseh was Icilled, and the forces of Proctor were nearly 
 annihilated. This restored Michigan and terminated the war in 
 the Northwest. 
 
 On April 27 Dearborn crossed into Canada and captured 
 Toronto, losing the brave General Zebulon N. Pike in an explo- 
 sion of captured ammunition. On May 27 Dearborn drove the 
 enemy from Ft. George, on the Niagara river, and again repulsed 
 them at Stony Creek, June 6, but with the loss, as prisoners, of 
 Generals Chandler and Winder. 
 
 On May 29 Prevost, with lOOO British soldiers, attacked Gen- 
 eral Brown at Sackett's Harbor, but was repulsed. In August 
 General Wilkinson succeeded Dearborn, and began a movement 
 on Montreal with 7000 troops. He fought an indecisive battle 
 near Ogdensburg, Nov. 11, but finding that Hampton refused to 
 co-operate with him, he -went into winter-quarters at French 
 Mills. This movement of Wilkinson threw open the Niagara 
 frontier, which was immediately invaded by the enemy, who 
 forced General McClure out of Fort George and across to Fort 
 Niagara, in New York. They then attacked Fort Niagara, 
 captured it, and laid six of the adjacent towns, including Buffalo, 
 in ashes. Meanwhile, the Creek Indians, in the South, rose in 
 arms and destroyed Fort Mimms in Alabama, massacring some 
 400 women and children. General Jackson led a force against 
 them, and forced them into a humiliating peace at the battle of 
 Tohopeka, March, 18 14. 
 
 During 18 1 3 the ocean was the scene of many desperate 
 engagements. The American sloop Hornet, Captain Lawrence, 
 captured the British brig Peacock, Feb. 24. Captain Lawrence 
 was given charge of the Chesapeake, in wWch he was defeated 
 and killed, by the British frigate Shannon, off Boston Harbor, 
 June I. The American brig Argus, Captain Allen, captured 
 many British vessels, off the English coast, but was herself 
 captured by the Pelican, Aug. 14. On Sept. 5 the American 
 brig Enterprise captured the Boxer, off the coast of Maine. 
 The commanders of both vessels were killed, and were buried 
 in one grave in Portland. 
 
462 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 During the summer of 1813 a British squadron, under Admiral 
 Cockburn, plundered and burned Lewistown on the Delaware 
 Bay, and Havre de Grace, Frenchtown, Frederickstown, and 
 Georgetown on the Chesapeake. He was repulsed in his attacks 
 on Norfolk and Portsmouth, but committed great depredations 
 at Hampton. 
 
 EVENTS OF 1 8 14.— On May 5 the British attacked and 
 captured Oswego, N. Y., but left it in two days. On July 3 
 Generals Scott and Ripley crossed to the Canada side and cap- 
 tured Fort Erie from the British. Brown then marched west 
 along the Niagara river, and on July 5 gained the briiliant vic- 
 tory of Chippewa, over the British general Riall. General 
 Drummond now came to the rescue of Riall, and Scott rein- 
 forced Brown. The opposing armies fought the bloody battle 
 of Lundy's Lane, near Niagara Falls, July 25. The losses were 
 heavy on both sides, the result indecisive, both Brown and 
 Scott being wounded, and the Americans fell back to Fort Erie. 
 Drummond besieged the fort, but on attempting an assault, he 
 was repulsed with the loss of looo men. Drummond then 
 retreated to Chippewa, and, soon after, the Americans destroyed 
 the fort and recrossed to the New York side of the river. 
 
 The American "Army of the North," on the line of Lake 
 Champlain, had been reduced to 1500, by reason of reinforce- 
 ments sent to General Brown. This small force was at Platts- 
 burg, under command 'of General Macomb. General Prevost 
 marched to attack Plattsburg, with an army of 14,000 men. 
 Both Americans and British had constructed a small fleet on Lake 
 Champlain, and the British fleet was to co-operate with Pre- 
 vost's land attack. The American fleet was commanded by 
 Commodore McDonough. The British fleet began the attack 
 on McDonough, Sept. ii, and after a fierce engagement of 
 several hours, every British vessel surrendered. Prevost attacked 
 Plattsburg by land with 12,000 men, on the same day, but was 
 badly defeated and compelled to retreat toward Canada. 
 
 Meanwhile the British naval forces had blockaded the whole 
 New England coast, had cannonaded Stonington, Conn., and had 
 captured Eastport, Machias and Belfast, in Maine. 
 
PERRY'S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE, 
 
464 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Maryland, too, was invaded, in August, by a British fleet in 
 the Patuxent and by 5000 land troops under General Ross, who 
 defeated the Americans at Bladensburg, captured Washington, 
 burned the Capitol, President's House, and other public buildings, 
 and then beat a hasty retreat to the fleet. 
 
 On Sept. 12 the British fleet landed General Ross with 8000 
 soldiers' at North Point. He marched for Baltimore, and was 
 killed in an engagement seven miles from the city. The Amer- 
 ican forces, under General Strieker, fell back behind the defences 
 of Baltimore. While Ross was advancing, the British fleet 
 bombarded Fort McHenry, a few miles below Baltimore, but 
 finally withdrew, with the land forces, on Sept. 14. 
 
 The Creek and Seminole Indians of Florida had been again 
 stirred to hostilities by British emissaries, and had attempted to 
 capture Fort Morgan, below Mobile. General Jackson marched 
 with 2000 Tennesseans to Mobile, and thence to Pensacola, 
 where he drove the British mixed forces back to their shipping. 
 
 On Dec. 14, 18 14, a British fleet entered Lake Borgne, in 
 Louisiana, captured the American flotilla there, and landed an 
 army of 12,000 men, under Packenham, who marched upon New 
 Orleans. General Jackson had been sent to New Orleans. He 
 attacked the British camp on the night of Dec. 23, but was 
 repulsed, and fell back behind his cotton bale entrenchments 
 three miles from New Orleans, with his little army of 3000 men, 
 soon to be reinforced by 3000 Kentucky militia. The British 
 opened an ineffectual cannonade on the American works on Dec. 
 28, and again on New Year's day, 18 15. 
 
 The war on the ocean was kept up with vigor during 18 14. 
 On March 28 the American frigate Essex, Captain Porter, fell a 
 prey to the British vessels Phoebe and Cherub, off the coast of 
 Chili. On April 29 the American sloop of war Peacock, Cap- 
 tain Warrington, captured the British brig Epervier, off the 
 coast of Florida. The American sloop of war Wasp, Captain 
 Blakeley, was lost at sea, after capturing thirteen British vessels. 
 
 EVENTS OF 1 81 5. — The Treaty of Ghent had been signed 
 by American and English Commissioners, Pec, 24, 18 14, but the 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 4^5 
 
 President's proclamation announcing peace was not promulgated 
 till Feb. 18, 181 5. 
 
 On Jan. 8, 18 15, the whole British army of 12,000 men, led by 
 Packenham, began an attack on General Jackson, below New 
 Orleans. Packenham was killed, his army routed with a loss 
 of 2000 men, and a disastrous retreat forced. The American 
 loss was only seven killed and six wounded. This was the last 
 land battle of the war. 
 
 On Jan. 16, 1815, the American frigate President, Commodore 
 Decatur, was captured off Rhode Island, by a British squadron. 
 On Feb. 20 the American frigate Constitution, Commodore 
 Stewart, captured the British war sloops Cyane and Levant, off 
 the coast of Portugal. On March 23 the American war sloop 
 Hornet, Captain Biddle, captured the British brig Penguin in the 
 South Atlantic. This ended the naval hostilities with England. 
 
 During the last year of the war of 18 12, the piratically inclined 
 people of Algiers preyed upon American commerce in the Med- 
 iterranean. Commodore Decatur sailed into the Mediterranean 
 with a U. S. squadron and captured two Algerian vessels. He 
 then appeared before Algiers, demanded all American prisoners, 
 indemnity for all losses, and release of all claims against the 
 United States. These terms were speedily met by the frightened 
 Dey. Similar terms were imposed on Tunis, Tripoli, and 
 Morocco. Thus the United States had the honor of being the 
 first nation to stop the piracies of the Barbary States. 
 
 WELCOME PEACE.— ThQ treaty of Ghent had been signed 
 Dec. 14, 1 8 14, and in February, 181 5, the text reached the 
 country. Notwithstanding the fact that it was a barren paper, 
 scarcely touching on the causes of the war and securing not one 
 of the objects for which it had been declared, it was received with 
 universal rejoicing. The President felt that it was a happy 
 escape for himself and party from dire financial straits, and the 
 Federals regarded it as the lifting of a heavy load from our 
 commercial industry and the end of a farcical and iniquitous 
 proceeding throughout. But the latter never escaped from the 
 political issues the war had raised. Their decay, as a power, 
 was, thenceforth rapid. Peace eventuated in a return of pros- 
 perity and plenty to the land. 
 30 
 
466 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Congress had easy work the balance of the session, repealing 
 war legislation and reducing everything, except the navy, to a 
 peace footing. It adjourned sine die, March 3, 1815. 
 
 POLITICAL RESULTS.— The war had been a lesson to the 
 Republicans. It taught them that however captivatiijg the strict 
 construction notions of their party had been, and however 
 pleasant it was to indulge them as theories in time of peace, 
 exigencies might arise when they would prove a source of weak- 
 ness to their professors. As a consequence, they had advanced, 
 up to the old Federal plane, and many of them were firmly 
 entrenched on it. The Federals, having no cohesive force, not 
 even a reason for their name, after their mission in successfully 
 establishing the government had ended, and after the acceptance 
 of the fact of its existence as well as their cardinal principles, 
 by the Republicans, floundered about on the negative of issues 
 presented by their opponents, and at last were ready to dis- 
 integrate. It might be said that so far as the old lines went, 
 there was no political party after the war. The Federal name 
 was hardly used or usable. The Republican name was used to 
 hold together a sentiment which was widely variant from and far 
 in advance of its authors. 
 
 FOURTEENTH CONGRESS—Yxx^l Session.— Met Dec. 4, 
 1 81 5. The situation had enured to the benefit of the Republi- 
 cans, and they had a pronounced majority in both branches. 
 The House organized by re-electing Henry Clay, Speaker. 
 April 27, 1 8 16, an amended tariff act was passed, which reduced 
 the duties imposed by the act of 181 2. Discussion of it brought 
 a distinct announcement of the idea of protecting the Ameri- 
 can industries which had sprung up since the war and 
 whose existence was threatened by the importation of cheaper 
 English goods. But this idea failed to influence the bill favor- 
 ably. 
 
 A NEW BANK. — Madison had vetoed a bill to recharter a 
 National Bank, only the year before (18 15). Clay took the 
 ground that the experiences of the war showed the necessity for 
 a national currency and for a national financial agency like a 
 bank. Though this was again counter to the traditional strict 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 4^7 
 
 construction "views of the Republicans, and though it met the 
 determined opposition of the once Hberal construction Federals, 
 and of a minority of the Republicans, a National Bank charter 
 was authorized, April, 18 16, to run for twenty years, or until 
 1P36. Strange to say it was modeled on that of 1791 which the 
 Anti-Federals had unsuccessfully opposed, and on that of 18 11, 
 which the Republicans had successfully opposed, and the argu- 
 ments for its support were a repetition of those framed and used 
 by Hamilton, together with those supplied by the success of his 
 first financial experiment. The bill was promptly signed by the 
 President, and a new National Bank became a fact. The rest 
 of the session was consumed in legislation on internal affairs. 
 Congress adjourned April 30, 18 16. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1816. — The administration favored James 
 Monroe, Va., then Secretary of State, for President. The Con- 
 gressional caucus of the last session carried out its wishes, but 
 against an earnest party protest, which secured fifty-four votes in 
 the caucus for W. H. Crawford, Ga. to sixty-five for Monroe. 
 This action did not satisfy Burr and some other extremists, who 
 attempted to break the caucus nomination by denouncing the 
 caucus system, opposing Virginia's attempts to dominate the 
 politics of the country, and finally favoring the nomination of 
 Andrew Jackson. The original nomination stood, and that of 
 Daniel D. Tompkins, N. Y., was added to it as Vice-President. 
 The Federals nominated Rufus King, N. Y., but divided their 
 votes for Vice-President. The result in November was their 
 overwhelming defeat, they carrying only Massachusetts, Con- 
 necticut and Delaware. 
 
 FOURTEENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 
 2, 1 8 16. No measures of party interest came up. The Electoral 
 count, in February, showed 183 votes for Monroe for President, 
 and 34 for King; 183 for Tompkins for Vice-President, and 34 
 scattering. Indiana was admitted as a State Dec. ii, 1816. 
 Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1817. The President and 
 Vice-President were sworn into ofifice March 4, 181/, 
 
468 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 MONROE'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1817-March 3, 1821. 
 
 James Monroe, Va., President. Daniel D. Tompkins, N. Y., 
 
 Congresses. 
 Fifteenth Congress. 
 
 Sixteenth Congress. 
 
 ELECTORAL 
 
 Vice-President. 
 
 Sessions. 
 
 J I, December i, 1817-April 20, 1818. 
 \ 2, November 16, i8i8-March 3, 1819. 
 
 f I, December 6, 1819-May 15, 1820. 
 I 2, November 13, iS20-March3, 1821. 
 
 VOTE."^ 
 
 
 Republican. 
 
 
 Federal. 
 
 Votes. 
 
 James Mon- 
 roe, Va. 
 
 Daniel D. 
 
 Tompkins, 
 
 N. Y. 
 
 Rufus King, No nom- 
 N. Y. ination. 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 9 SC. 
 
 4 
 8 
 
 '8 
 
 's 
 
 
 3 SC. 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 3 
 II 
 
 i 
 
 3 
 8 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 22 SC. 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 29 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 8 
 
 i5 
 
 8 
 
 IS 
 8 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 25 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 25 
 221 
 
 25 
 183 
 
 25 
 183 
 
 
 "34 
 
 States. Basis of 
 
 35,000. 
 
 Connecticut 7 
 
 Delaware 2 
 
 Georgia 6 
 
 Indiana I 
 
 Kentucky 10 
 
 Louisiana I 
 
 Maryland 9 
 
 Massachusetts 20 
 
 New Hampshire. . . 6 
 
 New Jersey 6 
 
 New York 27 
 
 North Carolina 13 
 
 Ohio 6 
 
 Pennsylvania 23 
 
 Rhode Island 2 
 
 South Carolina 9 
 
 Tennessee 6 
 
 Vermont 6 
 
 Virginia 23 
 
 Totals 183" 
 
 THE CAB/NET 
 
 Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, Mass. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury Wm. H. Crawford, Ga Continued. 
 
 Secretary of War George Graham, Va. 
 
 Secretary of Navy B. W. Crowningshield, Mass. ... " 
 
 Attorney-General Richard Rush, Pa " 
 
 Postmaster-General R- J- Me'gs, Ohio " 
 
 THE INAUGURAL. — Monroe ushered in what was popu- 
 larly known as " The era of good feehng." The asperities of 
 
 * There were 4 vacancies. Of the scattering votes, John E. Howard received 
 22 ; James Ross, 5 ; John Marshall, 4 ; Robert G. Harper, 3. 
 
pjjiiiiH^^ 
 
 
 PRESIDENTS FROM 1817 TO 1841. 459 
 
470 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 the war were passing away. Party differences were subsiding, 
 or rather there were no longer two confronting parties, for the 
 last election had settled the matter of organized Federal oppo- 
 sition. That party passed away, seeing its primary glory repeated 
 in the triumph of the Republicans, and many of its ruling tenets 
 adopted by them as a matter of principle, or put into practice by 
 them as a matter of necessity. Monroe's inaugural was so 
 liberal in tone that it satisfied men, of whatever shade of political 
 opinion. Like Washington, he made a tour of the Northern 
 States (June, 1 8 17), which added greatly to his popularity. To 
 help " The Era," business was meeting with a rebound, and the 
 people were prosperous amid most welcome peace. 
 
 FIFTEENTH CONGRESS— Y\xs\. Session.— Met Dec. i, 
 1 817, with a large Republican majority. The Federals were so 
 few in number, or so lukewarm in opposition, that the House 
 organized by the unanimous election of Clay to the Speakership. 
 Discussion of the Tariff resulted in extending the act of 18 16 
 for seven years. Propositions to use the dividends of the 
 National Bank, instead of appropriations, and to recognize the 
 revolting colonies of Spain in South America, as Republics, 
 were voted down. Mississippi entered the Union Dec. lO, 1 817. 
 Congress adjourned April 20, 1818. 
 
 THE RECESS. — During the summer Jackson made his 
 celebrated invasion of Florida, then belonging to Spain, in order 
 to punish the Indians who had retreated from Georgia. Here 
 he captured and put to death the notorious Arbuthnot and Am- 
 brister, whom he charged as outlaws. They happened to be 
 British subjects, and this fact, united with the danger of re-open- 
 ing the feuds of the late war, made the matter a delicate one to 
 handle. But the most important political feature of the time 
 was the shaping of sentiment in the direction of a new party. 
 Monroe had followed the new school of Republican leaders, as 
 Clay and Calhoun, through their advocacy of a Protective Tariff, 
 but he could not follow Clay in his advocacy of internal improve- 
 ment, though his first inaugural inclined to it. Clay's position 
 had always been conspicuous and his leadership pronounced. 
 He and Calhoun had changed the tardy and damaging peace 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 471 
 
 policy of Madison to one of war, and Clay especially had stood 
 head and shoulders above all others in advocating a stronger 
 army and navy. During the last session he had gone still 
 further, and suggested a new use for the Bank, as well as a new 
 foreign policy with reference to the South American Republics, 
 The Federals and liberal Republicans looked with favor on his 
 advanced doctrines, but the old school of strict interpreters 
 looked on them with alarm. These latter defeated his favorite 
 measures of the last session, and thereby threw him on his own 
 never failing resources. It was more than ever evident that the 
 germs of a new party were pushing in the loins of the dominant 
 organization. 
 
 FIFTEENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Nov. i6, 
 1 8 1 8. The matter of Jackson's conduct of the Indian (Seminole) 
 war came conspicuously forward. It was proposed to censure 
 him for his execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, but after long 
 debate, the matter was postponed indefinitely by the Senate, 
 though a majority against censure was obtained in the House. 
 As long as Jackson lived, his opponents refused to be quieted 
 about what they thought an arbitrary and high-handed pro- 
 cedure. The controversy resulted in one good. The govern- 
 ment, tired of the ever recurring complications with the Indians, 
 Spaniards, and British adventurers in Florida, determined to buy 
 the territory, authority to do so having been given by Congress 
 years before (i8o6). Then came one of those unaccountable 
 blunders which, supplemented in after years by the pride of ' 
 undoing and by the fierce sectional and aggrandizing spirit of 
 the time, cost the country the sacrifices of a war. In considera- 
 tion of ;$5 ,000,000 and the abandonment of all claims to French 
 Louisiana west of the Sabine by the United States, Spain ceded 
 Florida, Feb. 22, 18 19. West of the Sabine meant Texas, and 
 the recovery of Texas meant the Mexican war (1846). 
 
 MISSOURI AND SLAVERY.— WXmoxs, became a State of 
 the Union Dec. 3, 1818. Long before this the policy of off- 
 setting a free by a slave State prevailed. This at first was de- 
 signed to keep up a balance of parties and to take full and legal 
 advantage of the Constitutional clause which gave representa- 
 
472 PRESIDENTS AND'aDMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 tion to three-fifths of the slave population. But it had gotten to 
 mean vastly more, as sentiment divided on the rightfulness of 
 slavery, and was to mean more and more as time went on. Mis- 
 souri asked the Congress to admit her as a State. The one 
 thing unusual about her situation was that she was beyond the 
 Mississippi, whither the recognized lines of division — Mason and 
 Dixon line of 36° 30', and the Ohio River — between the Slave and 
 Free States did not extend. An amendment was offered to the 
 bill to admit her, drawn in the language of the ordinance of 1787 
 for the government of " The Territory Northwest of the Ohio 
 River," prohibiting slavery or involuntary servitude in Missouri, 
 except as a punishment for crime. The amendment was so sud- 
 den and unexpected that parties sat for a time with bated breath 
 and never recovered their lines on the question. It became a 
 test of Free States against Slave States, and the former proved 
 strongest in the House, carrying the amendment. The latter 
 proved strongest in the Senate, and defeated it. This was the 
 injection of slavery into politics, and the beginning of its ex- 
 tinction. A common, or almost, Colonial existence for it had 
 been gradually narrowed to a line, south of which it had come 
 to be regarded civilly as a necessary and entailed evil, industri- 
 ally as -a source of profit, and politically as a potential force.* 
 The Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 18 19. 
 
 SIXTEENTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 6, 
 1 8 19. Clay was again elected Speaker by an almost unanimous 
 vote. The advance made by his liberal construction views may 
 be measured by the passage in the House of a Tariff bill which 
 
 * Historically, the first sectional debate over slavery arose in 1793, on the presen- 
 tation of a petition to Congress from a " Philadelphia Society," appealing to it " to 
 use its influence to stop the traffic in slaves." At that time members arrayed them- 
 selves in debate, not according to party, but according to States, and some Southern 
 debaters, of ultra turn, went so far as to protest, even to the extent of civil war, 
 against interference with slavery. All saw the possibility of the question becoming, 
 at no remote date, a political if not a dangerously partisan and sectional one. The 
 apprehensions of the hour were quieted by the passage of the first Fugitive Slave 
 law, Feb. 12, 1793. This date is significantly coincident with the invention of 
 Whitney's cotton gin, which gave to slave labor a profit never before realized, and 
 cemented it into an institution to be defended at all hazard. 
 
rUESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS, 473 
 
 definitely affirmed the Protective idea, but which the Senate re- 
 jected. As the discussion of this bill was dispassionate, and the 
 large Republican majority fairly divided on it, it is a proper 
 place to get such a view of the politics of the Tariff as will ex- 
 tend even to the present day. The Protective idea as projected 
 into the Tariff legislation of that time was justified by those who 
 favored a liberal construction of the Constitution. They found 
 in the power " to regulate commerce and provide for the com- 
 mon defence " a warrant not only to raise necessary revenue by 
 means of a Tariff, but a right to make that Tariff a protective 
 one, that is, a means of fostering domestic manufactures and 
 thus creating a home market for home agricultural products. 
 As a corollary to this hung, or grew, the plan of Internal Im- 
 provement, which depended not more on a liberal construction 
 of the Constitution, but which was thought by its opponents to 
 belong to the States. On the contrary, those who clung to a 
 rigid construction of the Constitution granted the right of the 
 government to provide for its expenses and pay its debts by 
 means of money raised by a Tariff on imports, but they regarded 
 a Tariff, so arranged as to protect American manufactures against 
 foreign competition, as a usurpation of the powers conferred, or 
 intended to be conferred, by the Constitution.* 
 
 MISSOURI COMPROMISE.— MdJmQ applied for admission 
 into the Union. She was populous, ready, and anxious to es- 
 cape her Massachusetts allegiance. But the Free States would 
 then preponderate in the Senate. Missouri again asked for 
 leave to form a State government. Maine was voted in by the 
 House. Missouri was granted permission, but with the amend- 
 ment of the last session, prohibiting slavery, the vote being en- 
 tirely sectional. The Senate threw the responsibility back on 
 the House by combining the bills, as originally presented (the 
 
 * The terms "Free Trade," " Tariff for Revenue" and " Tariff for Revenue 
 only" were not then as common as now. Then the question of Tariff, in the af- 
 firmative, was a question of Constitutional construction and a national policy; in 
 the negative, a question of Constitutional construction and a State policy. Now, 
 •o generally do the liberal construction views prevail, the question is no longer one 
 of right or wrong construction of the Constitution, but one of policy entirely, a 
 policy, however, which still divides sentiment and supports parties. 
 
474 PRESIDENTS AN?) ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Missouri bill with slavery), and passing them. This action the 
 House rejected. Clay, ever full of expedients, came forward 
 with his compromise — the historic " Missouri Compromise of 
 1820." It brought about the admission of Maine, March 15, 
 1820, and gave leave to Missouri to form a State government 
 with slavery. It also prohibited slavery in all territory of the 
 United States north of 36° 30', in other words, it extended the 
 already familiar Mason and Dixon line through to the Pacific,* 
 or at least as far as the western boundary of Missouri. Con- 
 gress adjourned May 15, 1820. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1820. — This election passed off without 
 nominations by either party. The electors chosen cast their 
 votes by common consent for Monroe and Tompkins, one how- 
 ever voting for John Q. Adams. 
 
 SIXTEENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Nov. 13, 
 1820. Clay's resignation of the Speakership gave opportunity 
 for a square test of strength between the liberal and strict schools 
 of Republicans. A warm fight for his successor resulted in the 
 choice of John W. Taylor, N. Y., who was equally advanced with 
 Clay in the matter of Protective Tariff and Internal Improvement, 
 and who was opposed, far more earnestly than Clay, to the 
 extension of slavery in the Territories. f The heat of this con- 
 test was transferred to Missouri's claim for admission as a State, 
 she having now prepared a State government, with a clause in 
 the Constitution prohibiting free negroes from entering her 
 bounds. As a free negro was a citizen in some of the Northern 
 
 * Clay's compromise barely got through the Congress. In the Senate it was car- 
 ried by Senators from the Southern and Slave States, against hfteen Senators from 
 the Free States. In the House it was carried by a vote of 86 to 82, thirty-five of 
 the latter being from Slave States and its bitterest opponents. Randolph denounced 
 it as a " dirty bargain," and called those " Northern men with Southern principles" 
 who were ashamed of them or afraid to stand up for them " doughfaces," a term 
 which was in convenient and sarcastic use for forty years. The compromise bill 
 was then regarded by its opponents as unconstitutional. The seeds of repeal were 
 in its passage. 
 
 f So offensive was this election to the extreme Southern members, or rather so 
 fignificant was it of the growth of liberal construction ideas in the Republican 
 ranks, that they chose to see in it a menace to the institution of slavery, and actually 
 debated a proposition to secede from the Union. 
 
HENRY CLAY ADDRESSING THE U. S. SENATE. 
 
 475 
 
4?6 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS, 
 
 States, this was regarded, in its unqualified form, as unconstitu- 
 tionally and offensively restrictive. Debate over the matter took 
 all the latitude incident to discussion of the slave question and 
 involved all its bitterness. Not until Clay again came forward 
 with measures of peace did the contention subside. His propo- 
 sition admitted the State, provided the Constitution were so 
 amended as to recognize all the citizens of other States. Her 
 Legislature did this in June, 1821, and she became a State Aug. 
 10, 1821. 
 
 The electoral vote was counted in February, and the status of 
 Missouri came up. Denying the right of Congress to interfere 
 with slavery within her borders, the Southern members claimed 
 that she was already a State, and so determined to count her 
 electoral vote. The Northern members, claiming authority of 
 Congress over all Territories for any purpose, until fully qualified 
 to enter as States, determined that her electoral vote should not 
 be counted. After an angry discussion, another compromise was 
 effected, which counted the vote with an " if " "If" her vote 
 were counted, James Monroe would have 234, out of 235, and 
 John Adams i, for President, and Daniel D. Tompkins would 
 have 221 for Vice-President, with 13 scattering. " If," on the 
 contrary, her vote were not counted there would be a total of 
 only 232, and the Monroe and Tompkins vote would be reduced 
 to 231 and 218, respectiv^ely. Congress adjourned si?ic die, 
 March 3d, 1821. The candidates-elect were sworn into office 
 March 5, 1821, the 4th falling on Sunday. 
 
 IX. 
 MONROE'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 5, 1821 — March 3, 1825. 
 
 James Monroe, Va., President. Daniel D. Tompkins, N. Y., 
 
 Vice-President. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 Seventeenth Congress. | ^' December 3, 1821-May 8, 1822. 
 
 I 2, December 2, 1822 — March 3, 1823. 
 
 Eighteenth Congress. | '' December i 1823-May 27, 1824. 
 \2, December 6, 1824 — March 3, 1825. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 477 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.'' 
 
 Basis of 
 States. 3S,ooo. 
 
 Alabama i 
 
 Connecticut 7 
 
 Delaware 2 
 
 Georgia 6 
 
 Illinois I 
 
 Indiana. I 
 
 Kentucky lO 
 
 Louisiana I 
 
 Maine . . . . » 7 
 
 Maryland. . 9 
 
 Massachusetts 13 
 
 Mississippi I 
 
 Missouri I 
 
 New Hampshire.... 6 
 
 New Jersey 6 
 
 New York 27 
 
 North Carolina 13 
 
 Ohio 6 
 
 Pennsylvania 23 
 
 Rhode Island 2 
 
 South Carolina 9 
 
 Tennessee 6 
 
 Vermont 6 
 
 Virginia 23 
 
 Totals 187 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, Mass Continued. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury W. H. Crawford, Ga. . . . 
 
 Secretary of War John C. Calhoun, S. C. . 
 
 Secretary of Navy Smith Thompson, N. Y. 
 
 Attorney-General Richard Rush, Pa 
 
 Postmaster-General R. J- Meigs, Ohio 
 
 SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS— Y\x?X Session.— Met Dec. 
 3, 1 82 1. The organization was effected by electing P. P. Bar- 
 bour, Va., Speaker. The fanciful "era of good feeling" held, so 
 far as opposition to the Republicans went, but they were now a 
 divided and inharmonious party. The fight over the speaker- 
 ship showed that the strict or old school elements were willing 
 to die in their trenches rather than suffer themselves to be car- 
 ried further by the liberal or new school element. The former 
 won the Speaker, but the latter passed a bill to care for the 
 National (Cumberland) Road. At this juncture Monroe broke 
 
 * Of the scattering 8 were cast for Richard Stockton ; 4 for Daniel Rodney; | 
 fpr Robert G. Harper ; i for Richard Rush. There were three vacancies. 
 
 
 R 
 
 :publ 
 
 can. 
 
 
 James Mon- 
 
 Daniel D. Tomp- 
 
 Vote 
 
 roe, Va. 
 
 kins, N. Y. No opposition. 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 So. 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 
 12 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 
 9 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 
 10 
 
 IS 
 
 15 
 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 ^ 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 . . Disputed. 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 
 7 I for J. Q. Adams, 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 29 
 
 29 
 
 
 29 
 
 IS 
 
 15 
 
 
 15 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 2S 
 
 25 
 
 
 21 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 4 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 
 II 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 2S 
 
 25 
 
 
 25 
 
 235 
 
 231 
 
 
 218 
 
478 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 with the liberals, took a decided step backwards and vetoed the 
 bill. His veto message discussed the constitutional side of the 
 question very elaborately, and concluded with the announcement 
 that no power was conferred on Congress to pass laws for in- 
 ternal improvements of this kind. The President reached the 
 above conclusion only after long hesitation, for his messages 
 heretofore rather favored the position of the liberals, a strong 
 element in his Cabinet still favored it, and he even advised, in 
 his veto, an amendment to the Constitution conferring directly 
 the powers on Congress which the liberal interpreters claimed 
 it was endowed with by implication. However, his position, 
 now that it was definitely ascertained, fortified that of the strict 
 school, and they summarily disposed of bills involving the same 
 principle looking to an internal canal system and a Tariff with 
 stronger protective features. 
 
 Nor was the country in a happy mood. Great financial dis- 
 tress prevailed. The government was forced to retrench, and 
 even to borrow. The division in the Republican ranks was 
 gradually forcing its way down among the masses, and as is 
 common in such cases, its party feeling was keener than between 
 old opponents. The Congress adjourned. May 8, 1822. 
 
 SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS— '^^coxidi Session. — Met 
 Dec. 2, 1822. Again the liberals forced their Internal Improve- 
 ment and Protective Tariff ideas to the front to meet with defeat 
 at the hands of the rigid interpreters. All however united to 
 help the administration along in its now difficult work of keep- 
 ing financially afloat. An adjournment suie die took place, March 
 I, 1823. 
 
 EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS— Y\xst Session.— Met Dec. i, 
 1823, and organized by electing Henry Clay Speaker. This 
 election was significant. It showed that the country had swung 
 to the liberal side of the Republican party. It meant that there- 
 after that side would push its measures with greater vigor and 
 under better auspices. 
 
 MONROE DOCTRINE.— \t will be remembered that Clay 
 in the Fifteenth Congress had proposed as a Foreign Policy the 
 recognition of the South American Republics, then in a state of 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 479 
 
 revolt from Spain. The President in his message to the present 
 Congress dwelt largely on this question of recognition, and 
 formulated what has ever since been accepted as "the Monroe 
 Doctrine." It announced the principle of (i) " No interference in 
 wars of European powers in matters relating to themselves," (2) 
 Defense of our own political system against any attempt of foreign 
 powers to establish theirs in any part of this hemisphere. (3) 
 No interference with existing foreign colonies. (4) Interference 
 by foreign powers with colonial dependencies that have declared 
 and maintained their independence, and been recognized by this 
 government, to be regarded as an unfriendly disposition toward 
 the United States. (5) " It is the true policy of the government 
 to leave the parties (Spain and the revolting Republics) to them- 
 selves, in the hope that other powers will do the same," this, 
 since "Spain cannot subdue them," and since, if left alone, they 
 would never voluntarily adopt a foreign political system. 
 
 TARIFF OF 1824. — In the same message Monroe inclined 
 to the popular side on matters of Protection and Internal Im- 
 provement. He was a good President in that he was observant 
 of situations and respected majority wishes. Two months were 
 consumed in heated debate on this measure, which, while the 
 rates on leading articles were not as high as under the act of 
 181 2, involved more directly the principle of protection to 
 American manufactures, by preventing the competition of the 
 cheaper manufactures of Europe, than any preceding act. Lines 
 were drawn closely between the liberal and strict schools of 
 interpreters of the Constitution, and, strange to say, these lines 
 now showed quite a solid array of Southern States * against as 
 solid an array of Northern States. The former supplemented 
 their old argument against the Constitutionality of the Protective 
 idea, by the new ones that it was unjust to them, and, moreover, 
 sectional in spirit. Thus early they projected into the conten- 
 tion the thought that legislative protection to manufacturing in- 
 dustry was legislative hardship to planting industry, and that en- 
 couragement of free paid labor was discouragement of slave 
 unpaid labor. The bill passed by a close vote, a few of its 
 * Clay's own State, Kentucky, was for the bill. 
 
480 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 ablest opponents, as Webster, coming from the New England 
 States. These, however, chiefly contested the propriety of 
 high protective duties and not the Constitutional right to impose 
 them, denying that the distress of the country was as great as 
 described by the friends of the bill, and doubting if any legisla- 
 tion could be made to stimulate industry and manufacturing 
 enterprise. The bill was approved by the President and 
 thoroughly engrafted " The American System " in our national 
 politics. The duties on leading articles were : Sugar, 3 cents 
 per pound; coffee, 5 cents per pound; tea, 25 cents per pound; 
 salt (bulk), 20 cents per pound ; pig iron, 20 per cent. ; bar iron, 
 ^30 per ton ; manufactures of glass, 30 per cent, and 3 cents per 
 pound ; manufactures of cotton, 25 per cent. ; manufactures of 
 woollens, 30 per cent. ; silk, 25 per cent. It was followed by 
 another bill involving the same liberal views, which provided for 
 surveys of routes upon which to base a system of national 
 canals. Congress adjourned, May 27, 1824. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1824.— In the last Presidential election the 
 Republican party had no opposition, but it had a head. Now 
 it furnished its own opposition, being without a head. The 
 contest began during the session of the previous Congress by 
 bids for popular favor, expediency measures and votes, and out- 
 lines for a future which would be less gloomy than the then 
 present. 
 
 An attempt to revive the obsolete Congressional caucus 
 nominations, in the interest of Wm. H. Crawford, Ga., failed. 
 A Constitutional amendment had been mooted to choose electors 
 by popular vote. The campaign became historic as " the scrub 
 race for the Presidency." The liberal school of Republicans sup- 
 ported Henry Clay, Ky., and John Quincy Adams, The strict 
 school supported Wm. H. Crawford, Ga., and Andrew Jackson, 
 Tenn. John C. Calhoun, S. C, had a general support for the 
 Vice-Presidency and was elected. None of the candidates for 
 the Presidency received a majority of " the whole number " of 
 electoral votes, though Jackson had the most. The election 
 therefore went into the House ot Representatives. 
 
 EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS— "^^zonA Session.— Met Dec. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 481 
 
 6, 1824. This session saw the disruption of the Repubhcan 
 party, and the dawn of the Whig party. Its only pohtical work 
 was the counting of the electoral vote and the subsequent 
 election of a President. The count showed 99 for Jackson; 84 
 for John Quincy Adams ; 41 for Wm. H. Crawford ; 37 for Henry 
 Clay. For Vice-President, Calhoun had 182 votes, as against 78 
 scattering. He was, therefore, declared Vice-President. In the 
 contest over the Presidency in the House, Clay, who was out of 
 the fight,* threw his strength, or as much of it as he could con- 
 trol, to Adams, which gave him 13 States, as against 7 for Jack- 
 son and 4 for Crawford. Though the election of Adams was 
 perfectly regular and constitutional, it forced the liberal and 
 strict schools of interpreters wide apart, and the latter, carrying 
 their fight to the country in the shape of a rebuke to those Rep- 
 resentatives who had slaughtered Jackson, soon had the vantage 
 ground. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1825. The 
 President and Vice-President elect were sworn into office, March 
 4, 1825. 
 
 X. 
 
 JOHN Q. ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1825 — March 3, 1829. 
 
 John Quincy Adams, Mass., President. John C. Calhoun, 
 S. C, Vice-President. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 Nineteenth Congress. | '' December 5, 1825-May 22, 1826. 
 (^ 2, December 4, iS26-March 3, 1827. 
 
 Twentieth Congress, j ^' December 3, 1827-May 26. 1828. 
 1. 2, December I, 1828-Marcn 3, 1829. 
 
 * In such contests the three candidates having the highest number of votes are 
 the only candidates before the House, and in voting each State shall have only one 
 v«te. Twelfth Amendment to Constitution. 
 31 
 
482 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE* 
 
 Basis of 
 
 States. 40,000. Votes. 
 
 Alabama 3 5 
 
 Connecticut 6 8 
 
 Delaware I 3 
 
 Georgia 7 9 
 
 Illinois I 3 
 
 Indiana 3 5 
 
 Kentucky 12 I4 
 
 Louisiana 3 5 
 
 Maine 7 9 
 
 Maryland 9 II 
 
 Massachusetts ... .13 15 
 
 Mississippi X 3 
 
 Missouri! I 3 
 
 New Hampshire. . 6 8 
 
 New Jersey 6 8 
 
 New York 34 36 
 
 North Carolina,. ..13 15 
 
 Ohio 14 16 
 
 Pennsylvania 26 28 
 
 Rhode Island.... 2 4 
 
 South Carolina.... 9 11 
 
 Tennessee. 9 II 
 
 Vermont 5 7 
 
 Virginia 22 24 
 
 Totals 2?3 261 
 
 A. Jack- 
 son, 
 Tenn. 
 
 Republicans. 
 
 President. 
 J.Q. Ad- W.H. 
 ams, Crawford, H. Clay, 
 
 Mass. 
 
 "% 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 8 
 
 26 
 
 Ga. 
 
 Ky 
 
 99 
 
 84 
 
 24 
 41 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State Henry Clay, Ky. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury. ..Richard Rush, Pa. 
 
 Secretary of War James Barbour, Va. 
 
 Secretary of Navy S. L. Southard, N. J. 
 
 Attorney-General William Wirt, Va.. . . 
 
 Postmaster-General John McLean, Ohio. 
 
 14 
 
 16 
 
 Vice-President. 
 J. C. N. San- 
 Calhoun, ford, 
 S. C. N.Y. 
 
 5 
 
 sc. 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 5 
 7 
 5 
 9 
 10 
 
 IS 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 29 
 
 15 
 
 28 
 
 3 
 II 
 II 
 
 7 
 
 37 182 
 
 . Continued. 
 
 sc. 
 sc 
 
 7 
 16 
 
 30 
 
 NATIONAL REPUBLICAN PARTY.— T\C\^ party, fore- 
 shadowed for some time, was now ready for a name. The divi- 
 sion in the Republican ranks, encouraged by the free play of 
 
 * There was one vacancy. The scattering votes were, N. Macon, 24; A. Jackson, 
 13 •, Martin Van Buren, 9 ; Henry Clay, 2. At this election the popular vote began to 
 be considered, for a great many States had abandoned the plan of choosing electors 
 by their Legislatures, and a majority of them were about to do so. South Carolina 
 adhered to the plan till 1868. The popular vote at this election was Andrew 
 Jackson, 155,872, 10 States; John Q. Adams, 105,321, 8 States; Wm. H. Craw 
 ford, 44,282, 3 Slates ; Henry Clay, 46,587, 3 States. Contest finally decided in 
 the Houie. See p. 497. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 483 
 
 sentiment during " The era of good feeling," and facilitated by 
 the efforts of leaders of both schools of construction to impart 
 their personalism to a following, now became a permanent 
 breach. Adams entered on his administration with the Crawford 
 supporters, who were the straightest sect of rigid interpreters, 
 against him. His success had also set the Jackson following 
 against him. They differed from the Crawford supporters only 
 in the respect that they went with Jackson in his Federal and 
 Protective Tariff ideas. But they could now unite forces and 
 stand squarely against the administration. Clay's strength, 
 which had gone to Adams' support in the House and helped to 
 elect him President, naturally favored the administration. But 
 Adams had made Clay his Secretary of State, a position then 
 much courted as inviting to the Presidency. This gave the now 
 united and embittered opposition a chance to charge collusion 
 between Adams and Clay. Crimination and recrimination fol- 
 lowed. Both sides became more compact and determined. 
 Besides the sharp personalities involved, the President, in his 
 inaugural and in his first message to Congress, had mapped a 
 set of principles which, as to Protection, Internal Improvement, 
 and liberality of Constitutional Construction in general, would 
 answer as a bond of agreement for his own followers and those 
 of Clay. Thus solidified, they set out as National Republicans 
 (though known in the campaign of 1828 as Adams' men), a 
 name excellently chosen, for as Republicans, yet as liberal or 
 national interpreters of the Constitution, the title was accurate 
 and full of meaning. But by a fatality not unusual with party 
 titles, the name did not stick for many years, being pushed aside 
 to make room for the meaningless title of Whig. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC PARTY.— Th& Crawford and Jackson fol- 
 lowing were united only in their opposition to Adams' adminis- 
 tration and to the new National Republican party. Crawford 
 was sick and could not look out for his own Presidential chances. 
 Jackson forced the situation, got a nomination three years in 
 advance (October, 1825) from the Legislature of Tennessee, and 
 thus became a centre about which all opposition to the adminis- 
 tration could cluster. While Jackson's personalism was neccs- 
 
484 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 sary to attract the Crawford support and cement the alliance, 
 !iis followers were (in the campaign of 1828) "Jackson men." 
 Thus, claiming to adhere more closely to the old Republican 
 traditions than either Adams or Clay, they were more unmindful 
 of the old Republican name, having dropped it altogether. But 
 when it became necessary to get away from Jackson's personalism 
 and give the party a national status, the name Democrat * was 
 popularly and officially assumed. It was an easy transition to 
 this title. Men like Calhoun and others, who never liked the 
 name Republican, had all along preferred to be designated as 
 Democrats. It was, therefore, not new ; had been, in fact, a part 
 of the Republican title, and was a titular revival, rather than in- 
 vention. Thus went out of existence the distinctive Republican 
 party and Republican name, though the Democrats claimed to 
 perpetuate its principles, in a rigid construction of the Constitu- 
 tion. Yet even in this they too were, for a time at least, divided, 
 for the extreme Southern, or State rights wing, sometimes called 
 the Crawford faction, held to the doctrine of the Kentucky reso- 
 lutions of 1799, which, we have seen, squarely broached the right 
 to nullify objectionable Federal laws. A test of their doctrine 
 was soon to be made under the lead of Calhoun. 
 
 NINETEENTH CONGRESS— ¥\rst Session.— Met Dec. 5, 
 1825, with a bare majority of liberal Republicans, who organized 
 by electing John W. Taylor, N. Y., Speaker. The Senate had a 
 majority of administration members, but Calhoun so arranged 
 the committees as to enable the opposition to obstruct, or defeat 
 nearly every political measure known to be favored by the Pres- 
 ident. This led the majority on the floor to retaliate by taking 
 the power of appointing committees away from the presiding 
 officer, temporarily. The opposition was so strong and defiant 
 
 * The present Democratic party began to take its name in 1831, and became fully 
 recognized in 1832-33. I have before me papers of both the National Republican 
 and Jackson parties in 1 83 I. One called the " Republican " had the ticket headed 
 " Democrat- Republican candidate for President in 1832, Andrew Jackson." On 
 the other side in 183 1, the papers were headed, " National Republican candidate 
 for President in 1832, Henry Clay." I was myself the secretary of a National 
 Republican club in 1832, and have the minutes now before me." — Reminiscences 
 0J «« old Wki^. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 485 
 
 that no measures of moment passed the Congress, except those 
 relating to appropriations. But a great many important bills 
 were debated, among which was one to amend the Constitution, 
 so as to permit the people to vote directly for the President ; a 
 " Tenure of Office Bill," compelling the President to lay before 
 the Senate his reasons for making removals from office ; another 
 to so ainend the Constitution as to prevent any member of the 
 Congress from accepting a Federal office during his term ; and 
 lastly a bill which proposed a Congress of American States to 
 agree on a plan to prevent future European colonies and armed 
 influence in the country. This last became notable, as drawing 
 from the President, who had been a member of Monroe's cabinet, 
 a reiteration of " The Monroe Doctrine," and a limitation of it, 
 as Monroe's own idea, to our own border. His idea also being, 
 that interference with nations on our own continent or hemis- 
 phere, even to protect them, would be unjustifiable, except under 
 the provisions designed to be agreed upon by some such tribunal 
 as the proposed Congress of American States. Congress ad- 
 journed May 22, 1826. 
 
 NINETEENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 
 4, 1826. The two parties — National Republican and Demo- 
 cratic — still squarely faced each other, both nearly equally 
 strong, both voting down the measures of the other, among 
 which was one to increase the Tariff, and another which de- 
 serves attention as the first effort to divide a part of the national 
 revenue among the States.* Congress adjourned sine die, March 
 3, 1827. 
 
 TWENTIETH CONGRESS— Y\xst Session.— Met Dec. 3, 
 1827. Organized by electing Andrew Stevenson, Va., a Demo- 
 crat, Speaker. This was a curiously constituted Congress. It 
 was Democratic. What may be called the Adams and Jackson 
 issues — they were scarcely Administration and Anti-Administra- 
 tion, nor yet National Republican (or Whig) and Democratic — 
 
 * This was afterwards done during Jackson's administration. The same question 
 of a division of the surplus revenue among the States is now attracting wide atten- 
 tion. The policy of doing it was announced in the Pennsylvania Republican 
 platform of 1S82. 
 
486 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 had been carried to the country. The Democrats carried every 
 Southern State except Louisiana. They were no less fortunate, 
 owing to Jackson's Protective Tariff record, in New York, Penn- 
 sylvania * and Illinois. Thus while they secured a majority in 
 the Congress, it was united only for general party purposes. On 
 the matter of a Protective Tariff it was divided, and enough 
 Democrats from Northern States supported the National Re- 
 publicans to bring about the celebrated Tariff Act of May 19, 
 1828. 
 
 TARIFF OF 1828. — This act had nothing peculiar about it, 
 except that it increased the duty on manufactures of wool, and 
 some other manufactures, to what was deemed a protective ex- 
 tent. But its importance was due to the fact (i) that it was de- 
 signed to emphasize the "American system," and influence the 
 approaching Presidential election. (2) To the fact that it was a 
 turning-point of the hitherto hostile New England sentiment, 
 Webster having changed ground and entered upon its advocacy. 
 (3) To the fact that opposition to it was more than ever sec- 
 tional, the South regarding it as robbery of the many for the 
 benefit of the few, as a blow at the planting interests, as a dis- 
 crimination against unpaid labor, and as unconstitutional. (4) 
 To the fact that it became the basis of that partisan hostility 
 which rapidly culminated in nullification. 
 
 The session was prolific of party debates, but barren of results, 
 other than those indirect ones which were designed to work to 
 the benefit or detriment of prospective candidates for the Presi- 
 dency. Congress adjourned. May 26, 1828. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1828. — The common consent candidates of 
 the respective parties were Adams and Jackson. No others were 
 possible, for really these had had the field for four years. The 
 great point with Adams, or the National Republicans, was to so 
 emphasize the Protective Tariff and Internal Improvement ideas 
 of the administration as to take away from Jackson whatever 
 strength his Tariff record gave him. With Jackson the contest 
 
 * A Convention of Protectionists, of national import, had been held at Harrisburg, 
 Pa., in July, 1 827, which took the ground that the country needed greater protectioa 
 tlMn the act of 1824 gave. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 437 
 
 was altogether different. He considered himself aggrieved by 
 the result of the previous election, and his campaign was con- 
 ducted — in the Democratic name — so as to vindicate the prin- 
 ciple of choice by the popular vote, in other words the Demo- 
 cratic principle. A misfortune of the situation was that the 
 entire candidacy was sectional, for John C. Calhoun, S. C, was 
 running as Vice-President with Andrew Jackson, Tenn., and 
 Richard Rush, Pa., as Vice-President with John Quincy Adams, 
 Mass. The result would reach further than simple party differ- 
 ences warranted. At the election in November the Democrats 
 triumphed. 
 
 TWENTIETH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec. 
 I, 1828, with its former Democratic majority in both Houses, 
 the doubtful members in the Senate having swung to the Anti- 
 Administration side, or, which is the same, to the side of the in- 
 coming administration. No measures were mooted likely to 
 hamper the new administration, though one, accepting the lib- 
 eral theory of Internal Improvement, and making large appro- 
 priation therefor, went through, after provoking the then stereo- 
 typed debates as to its constitutionality. The electoral count in 
 P>bruary showed 178 votes for Jackson and 83 for Adams, /or 
 President, and 171 for Calhoun, and 83 for Rush, for Vice-Presi- 
 dent. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1829. The candi- 
 dates elect were sworn into office March 4, 1829. 
 
 XI. 
 JACKSON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1829 — March 3, 1833. 
 
 Andrew Jackson, Tenn., President. John C. Calhoun, S. Q,.. 
 
 Vice-President. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 Twenty-first Congress. / J' IJ^^^ember 7, ;829-May 31, 1830 
 I 2, December 6, is30-Maicn 3, 1831. 
 
 TWINTY-SECOND CONGRESS / '' December 5, 1831-July 16, 1832. 
 1-WiNTY-SECOND CONGRESS. | ^^ December 3, 1832-March 3, 1833. 
 
488 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE^ 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 National Republican. 
 
 Basis of 
 States. 40,000. 
 
 Alabama 3 
 
 Connecticut 6 
 
 Delaware I 
 
 Georgia 7 
 
 Illinois I 
 
 Indiana 3 
 
 Kentucky 12 
 
 Louisiana 3 
 
 Maine 7 
 
 Maryland 9 
 
 Massachusetts .... 13 
 
 Mississippi i 
 
 Missouri i 
 
 New Hampshire. . 6 
 
 New Jersey 6 
 
 New York 34 
 
 North Carolina. ... 13 
 
 Ohio 14 
 
 Pennsylvania 26 
 
 Rhode Island. ... 2 
 South Carolina.. .. 9 
 
 Tennessee 9 
 
 Vermont 5 
 
 Virginia 22 
 
 Totals 213' 
 
 CABINET. 
 
 And. Jack- J. C. Cal- J 
 Votes, son, Tenn. houn, S. C. 
 
 5 5 5 
 
 8 
 
 Q. Adams, R. Rush, 
 
 Mass. 
 
 Pa. 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 II 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 36 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 28 
 
 4 
 II 
 II 
 
 7 
 
 24 
 261 
 
 9 
 3 
 5 
 14 
 5 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 20 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 28 
 
 II 
 II 
 
 24 
 178 
 
 3 
 5 
 
 14 
 5 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 20 
 
 15 
 16 
 28 
 
 II 
 II 
 
 7 for S. C. Smltb 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 24 
 171 
 
 83 
 
 7 
 
 "83 
 
 Secretary of State Martin Van Buren, N. Y. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury Samuel D. Ingham, Pa. 
 
 Secretary of War John H. Eaton, Tenn. 
 
 Secretary of Navy John Branch, N. C. 
 
 Attorney-General John M. Berrien, Ga. 
 
 Postmaster-General Wm. T. Barry, Ky. 
 
 ' NEW ADMINISTRATION.—TX-ns first Democratic admin- 
 istration opened amid storm and invited storm. It had to 
 confront the fact that the extreme Democrats of the South (the 
 Crawford following) were not heartily with it, but that their 
 drift was toward Vice-President Calhoim, as their leader, who 
 was now among the most rigid masters in the school of strict 
 interpreters and a pronounced champion of the Kentucky reso- 
 lutions of 1799. Indeed, both Georgia and South Carolina had 
 already assumed, through their Legislatures, to notify the Presi- 
 dent and the country that they declared null and void any act 
 
 * Popular vote — Jackson, 647,231 ; States, 15; Adams, 509,097; States, 9, 
 
490 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 of Congress (the really objectionable act was the tariff of 1828) 
 which tiiey as States adjudged unconstitutional. 
 
 In his first message, Jackson took high ground against a re- 
 charter of the National Bank, though the charter of 18 16 did 
 not expire till 1836, regarded its usefulness as in every way 
 past, argued that it was Anti-Democratic and despotic, and held 
 the law authorizing it unconstitutional. He also swung quite to 
 the side of those who opposed Protection and Internal Improve- 
 ment. This alienated from him very many Democrats who were 
 of sufficiently liberal turn to favor all these measures. How- 
 ever, this did not last very long, for circumstances soon com- 
 pelled him to change front on Tariff and Internal Improvement 
 measures, and to at least see that all such as had assumed the 
 shape of law were duly enforced. His hostility to the bank, 
 however, continued. He gave his opposition a decidedly politi- 
 cal turn. Its destruction was the result. 
 
 Nor was the foreign outlook assuring. France was urging a 
 settlement of her spoliation claims, even to the extent of threat- 
 ening war, and England was clamorous and angry about the 
 Maine boundary. To cap all, a new party, known as the Anti- 
 Masonic, had risen in New York, which became a bidder for 
 national distinction, and which, in its fervor, threatened to de- 
 moralize existing political forces.* Amid all these complica- 
 tions and antagonisms a President of ordinary nerve would have 
 failed. But it seemed to be the kind of political atmosphere 
 which Jackson liked to breathe. He was fortunate in the 
 respect that there could be no hearty and effective combination 
 of opposing elements, and equally fortunate in the sympathy 
 which naturally goes out toward one who is singly enlisted 
 against overwhelming odds. His personalism infected his entire 
 administration, and this, in his case, was not a misfortune, for 
 
 * This organization, short-lived as it was, was peculiarly galling to such leaders 
 as Clay and Jackson, who were both Masons. The furore which originated it came 
 from the sudden, and as yet unaccounted for, disappearance of one Daniel Morgan, 
 of Batavia, N. Y., who had written a book exposing the secrets of Free Masonry, 
 in 1826. In 1832 it nominated a Presidential ticket, and then fell into rapid 
 decline. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 49 1 
 
 he had been a military hero, was of undeniably honest, but blunt 
 intention, and was quite on a level with the masses in brusque 
 demeanor and every-day speech. 
 
 VICTOR AND SPOILS.— The clouded and uncertain sur- 
 roundings of the new administration were its justification for a 
 general clearing out of all officials not in sympathy with it. 
 This became the new doctrine of " Rotation in Office," or as it 
 found popular expression from the lips of Senator Marcy, N. Y., 
 the doctrine that " The spoils of the enemy belonged to the 
 victor." * We have seen that Jefferson had given the hint for 
 this doctrine, but that after applying it for the correction of 
 certain errors on the part of his predecessor, had fallen back on 
 the custom, which prevailed from the beginning till Jackson's 
 time, of trusting to time to make vacancies and to the future 
 supremacy of his party to fill them. Whether Jackson's excuse 
 of self-defense were justified or not, his practice was accepted 
 by all future parties, and prevailed without question, till called to 
 account by Civil Service Reform. 
 
 TWENTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Y'ltst Session.— Met Dec. 
 7, 1829, and organized by re-electing Andrew Stevenson, 
 Va., Speaker, the Democrats being in a majority in both 
 branches. Now the alienations already indicated began. 
 The message, taking its high ground against the National 
 Bank, which was allied with Protection and Internal Improve- 
 ment, and proposing various things, among them a distribu- 
 tion of the surplus revenue to the States,t which were either 
 new or upon which an agreement was impossible, they were 
 
 * " Another doctrine of Jackson was that he was 'responsible for the entire action 
 of the Executive Department,' and, therefore, had the power to remove and appoint 
 all officers at pleasure — a doctrine which, at a later day, during the administration 
 of Andrew Johnson, Congress was compelled to legislate against. ' Responsible?* 
 said Mr. Webster, replying to Jackson's protest. ' What does he mean by being 
 responsible ? ' Does he mean /ega/ responsibility ? Certainly not — no such thing. 
 Legal responsibility signifies liability to punishment for misconduct or maladminis- 
 tration. A Briareus sits in the centre of our system, and with his hundred hands 
 touches e\erything, moves everything, controls everything. I ask, sir, is this Re- 
 publicanism ? is this a government of laws ? is this legal responsibility ? "—Remin 
 iscences of an old Whig. 
 
 t This afterwards came about. See p. 369 ; also p. 350 and note. 
 
492 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 summarily dealt with by the committees to which they were 
 respectively referred. Party lines were strictly drawn over the 
 question of removing the Cherokee Indians of Georgia to the 
 west of the Mississippi, the Legislature of that State having 
 enacted to open their lands to settlers, contrary to existing 
 treaties with the tribe. The National Republicans opposed the 
 bill for removal. Though it passed, it was ineffective, the 
 Indians refusing to part with their lands.* Several enactments 
 looking to Internal Improvements were passed, some of which 
 the President vetoed directly. Others he retained for the legal 
 ten days, and Congress having in the meantime adjourned they 
 thus failed to become law. This convenient way of vetoing 
 a bill by indirection was frequently practised by the President^ 
 and got to be known as the " Pocket Veto" method. 
 
 The most notable event of the session was the introduction 
 into the Senate, by Foot, Conn., of an apparently harmless 
 resolution of inquiry into the matter of public lands, coupled 
 with a proposition to stop surveys and limit sales. As the ef- 
 fect of the proposition would have been to check migration and 
 western settlement, it was opposed by western members, and 
 gave rise to a five-month debate. This took the widest latitude. 
 The imputation by Southern members that it had always been a 
 New England policy to check western settlement, drew from 
 Webster a reference to the ordinance of 1787 for the govern- 
 ment of the territory northwest of the Ohio. As this ordinance 
 prohibited slavery, the slave question came up, and was discussed 
 in all its bearings, the debates being sectional, exhaustive and 
 bitter. Hayne's allusion to the attitude of New England in the 
 war of 1 8 1 2 brought from Webster a reference to the Kentucky 
 nullifying resolutions of I799,t and to the recent action of 
 
 * They were afterwards forcibly removed in defiance of a decision of the Supreme 
 Court to the effect that the treaties between them and the United States were 
 valid. 
 
 •}■ Hayne quoted the Virginia resolutions of 1799, written by Madison, as justify- 
 ing nullification. Webster defended Madison, and showed that such interpretation 
 could not be put upon them. But this did not destroy Hayne's reliance on ^he 
 Kentucky resolutions, written by Jefferson. We have taken the trouble to sho« 
 that the doctrine of nullification was not in the Kentucky resolutions which Jeffer 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 493 
 
 Georgia and South Carolina respecting the tariff of 1828. This 
 brought up the whole question of nullification, Hayne voicing 
 the well-known sentiments of Calhoun. And so it drifted from 
 Southern grievance to New England Federalism, from State 
 rights to Federal powers, from the government as a League to 
 the government as a Nation, covering the entire field of 
 national and constitutional history. Benton, though a par- 
 ticipant, justly calls it " The Great Debate in the Senate." Con- 
 gress adjourned. May 31, 1830. 
 
 TWENTY-FIRST CONGRESS— ^tzoxi<\ Session.— Met Dec. 
 6, 1830. This Congress met at a time when the doctrine of 
 Nullification was passing from peaceful resistance to Federal 
 authority to open, violent resistance. It had shown its hand the 
 preceding April, when at a dinner party in Washington the 
 President had rebuked the Nullification sentiment which pre- 
 vailed by the toast, " Our Federal Union ; it must and shall be 
 preserved." Vice-President Calhoun immediately flung the 
 counter-toast among the guests, " Liberty, dearer than Union." 
 These led to enough to satisfy the President that he must be on 
 his guard, and the Nullifiers that they could not carry him with 
 them. As to his friends in Congress, especially those of liberal 
 sentiment, he offended them, as before, by repeating in his mes- 
 sage his opposition to the National Bank, and by going still 
 further and opposing Internal Improvement, except under cer- 
 tain limited conditions. This element went to the support of 
 the National Republicans, and the result was such an emphatic 
 verdict in favor of bills for improvement of harbors, rivers and 
 roads, and for light-houses, that he relented his opposition and 
 gave them executive approval. 
 
 Before adjournment the President was made to feel the hatred 
 of the Nullifiers toward him. Vice-President Calhoun carae out 
 in a pamphlet severely criticising his war record, especially as 
 it related to the Seminole affair. This touched him in a very 
 tender spot. Angered beyond measure at its publication, smart- 
 son drew, but was in those of the next year (1799), in the shape of an amend- 
 ni; nl to Jefferson's. Madison protested against Hayne's use of Jefferson's name in 
 support of what he called the " colossal heresy of nullification," 
 
494 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 ing under the insinuation that all was not lovely among the 
 families of his cabinet, and the further insinuation that he pre- 
 ferred to be advised by hangers-on at the White House — a 
 " Kitchen Cabinet," as they were called — he stormed as only 
 " Old Hickory " could storm. His cabinet resigned in a body, 
 and gave him opportunity to reorganize, which he did by mak- 
 ing Edward Livingston, La., his Secretary of State, vice Van 
 Buren ; Louis McLane, Del., Secretary of Treasury, vice Ing- 
 ham ; Lewis Cass, Mich., Secretary of War, vice Eaton ; Levi 
 Woodbury, N. H., Secretary of Navy, vice Branch ; Roger B. 
 Taney, Md., Attorney-General, vice Berrien. Congress adjourned 
 sine die, March 3, 1831. 
 
 TWENTY-SECOND CONGRESS— Y\rs\. Session.— Met Dec. 
 5, 1 83 1. The House organized by re-electing Andrew Steven- 
 son Speaker. His majority in the former House was 93, in this 
 it was I. The Senate was opposed to the Administration. The 
 President forced his war on the United States Bank, and the 
 Congress met him more than half way by an act reviving the 
 charter, though the old one did not expire till 1836. He vetoed 
 the bill, and the requisite two-thirds could not be mustered to 
 pass it over the veto. From this time on he pursued the bank 
 with Spartan persistency until he drove it out of existence. 
 
 TARIFF OF 1832. — The process of getting ready for the 
 Presidential campaign seemed to require, as it had done for sev- 
 eral previous campaigns, a revision of the Tariff. An act passed 
 in May, 1830, had considerably scaled the rates of duty laid in 
 the act of 1828, but not enough to destroy the Protective 
 features of that act. The nullifying sentiment in the South must 
 be appeased somehow. Another act was the remedy. It was 
 the act of July 14, 1832, which reduced duties very considerably 
 and placed coffee and tea on the free list. But it failed to effect 
 its purpose, for as yet there had been no official or legal repu- 
 diation of the Protective idea. Bills making liberal appropria- 
 tions for Internal Improvement were also passed and signed ; 
 some, however, received the adroit pocket veto. 
 
 The split between the President and Vice-President was wid- 
 ened by the refusal of the latter to confirm by his casting vote 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 495 
 
 in the Senate the appointment of Van Buren as Minister to Eng- 
 land. This spiteful proceeding reacted on Calhoun in the shape 
 of the nomination of Van Buren for the Vice-Presidency. Con- 
 gress adjourned, July 16, 1832. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1832. — This contest is noteworthy as the 
 first in which all the parties made their nominations through 
 national conventions, and two of them a proclamation of prin- 
 ciples through what are now known as party platforms. The 
 Anti-Masons took the field as early as September, 1831, at Bal- 
 timore, by nominating for President William Wirt, Va. ; for 
 Vice-President, Amos Ellmaker, Pa. Their principles were in- 
 volved in their formal call of a convention as " opposition to 
 secret societies." 
 
 The National Republicans followed in December, 1831, at 
 Baltimore. They nominated for President, Henry Clay, Ky. ; for 
 Vice-President, John Sergeant, Pa. The address" of the conven- 
 tion to the people, or platform, defined the issues of the cam- 
 paign as the tariff, internal improvement, the question of remov- 
 ing the Cherokee Indians, and renewal of the United States 
 Bank charter. 
 
 The Democrats met, also at Baltimore, in March, 1832, and 
 nominated for President, Andrew Jackson, Tenn. ; for Vice- 
 President, Martin Van Buren, N. Y. The convention published 
 no platform of principles.* 
 
 Thus the respective parties entered the campaign. No part 
 of the country felt as warmly toward Jackson as at his first 
 election. The South was cold, and, in the case of South Caro- 
 lina, defiant. The North, or wherever the influence of the 
 United States Bank was strongest, was unsympathetic or pro- 
 nouncedly against him. But there was little coherency in the 
 
 * But at a ratification meeting, held in Washington, May ii, 1832, a set of reso- 
 lutions were adopted which favored internal improvement, denounced removals 
 from office for opinion sake and contained the following on the tariff: "Resolved, 
 That an adequate protection to American industry is indispensable to the prosperity 
 of the country, and that an abandonment of the policy at this period would !)e 
 attended with consequences ruinous to the best interests of the sation." None of 
 which was very good Jackson doctrine so far as his first administration was con 
 cerned. 
 
496 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 opposition, and the result of the election, in November, was de- 
 cidedly in his favor. " The American System," which Clay's 
 nomination had placed on trial before the country, and which the 
 National Republicans had presented with all their eloquence and 
 logic, was, for the time being, swamped by both the national 
 verdict and that in the Congressional districts. South Carolina 
 supported none of the nominees, but cast her vote for John 
 Floyd, Va., and Henry Lee, Mass. 
 
 NULLIFICATION. — No sooner had the Presidential election 
 passed over than a South Carolina convention, at Columbus, 
 Nov. 19, 1832, declared the tariff acts of 1828 and 1832 "null 
 and void and not binding upon the State, her officers and 
 citizens." It is difficult to understand this action at this time 
 except upon the theory that it was a direct blow of Calhoun and 
 his friends at Jackson, for since protection * had been made the 
 distinguishing feature of the Presidential campaign, and had not 
 been endorsed by the country, any reasonable opponents of the 
 protective idea must have been satisfied.f Other circumstances 
 may, however, have conspired to bring about the ordinance at 
 this juncture. The sentiment of nullification had been ripening 
 for some time. The State of Georgia had practically nullified 
 the Cherokee Indian act by refusing to obey the decrees of the 
 United States Supreme Court. The thought that coercion of a 
 State by the Federal troops was possible did not prevail then, 
 
 * The nullifiers, it must be remembered, claimed that a tariff act which involved 
 the idea of protection was unconstitutional. This, they said, was ihe gj'avamen of 
 the acts of 1828 and 1832. It is very probable, however, that they deemed the 
 time a fit one to test the position of a State in the Union. 
 
 \ " Jackson had pledged himself to a single term, and Calhoun had expected to 
 be his successor. But by adroit use of resolutions in several of the State Legisla- 
 tures in favor of a second term for Jackson, he concluded to run again. His 
 quarrel with Calhoun now became a feud. Calhoun pressed his nullification idea, and 
 Jackson resisted by the proclamation of force, Dec. 16, 1832. Clay, fearing war, 
 introduced his " Compromise tariff bill," which passed March 2, 1833, under which 
 duties were to be scaled at the rate of 10 per cent, annually till they reached a uni- 
 form rate of 20 per cent. This they did in 1842. During this period the country 
 reached universal bankruptcy in 1837, a sub-treasury law had to be passed to supply 
 the place of the suspended State banks, a bankrupt law to relieve individuals, and 
 tae tariff act of 1842 to relieve the country." — Reminiscencei of an old Whig. 
 
498 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 and the further thought that any such attempt at coercion would 
 be resisted by the States through which such troops would be 
 compelled to pass, did prevail in South Carolina. At any rate the 
 ordinance passed, and it was backed up by resolutions to the 
 effect that any appeal from it to the United States Supreme 
 Court would be punishable as an offence, and that any attempt 
 at force on the part of the general government would be followed 
 by the secession of the State. 
 
 This Ordinance, which went into effect Feb. i, 1833, placed the 
 State in the attitude of forcible resistance to the laws of the 
 United States. A certified copy of it reached the President in 
 December, 1832, the Legislature of the State in the meantime 
 passing laws taking back all those powers it had parted with to 
 the central government, and rapidly placing it on a war footing. 
 Soon after its receipt, the President, Dec. 16, 1832, issued his 
 celebrated proclamation to the people of the State. It is im- 
 portant as showing how the first overt nullification, and first 
 direct attempt at secession, was met, and that by an executive 
 who, though not of the extreme school of rigid interpreters of 
 the Constitution, was yet sufficiently inclined that way to be the 
 national representative of the then existing Democracy. The 
 Proclamation (i) exhorted the people of South Carolina to obey 
 the laws of Congress. (2) Pointed out the illegality of their 
 procedure. (3) Showed that the general government was one 
 in which the people of all the States were collectively repre- 
 sented. (4) Affirmed that Representatives in Congress are 
 Representatives of the United States and not of particular States, 
 are paid by the United States and are not accountable to the 
 State for their legitimate acts. (5) Concluded, therefore, that 
 the government was not a League, but a government, whether 
 formed by compact or in any other way ; that it operated on in- 
 dividuals, not on States ; that the States parted with enough of 
 their powers to make a nation ; that the claim of a right to 
 secede was not the mere withdrawing from a contract, but was 
 destructive of the unity of a nation ; that it would be a solecism 
 to contend that any part of a nation might dissolve its connection 
 with other parts, to their injury or ruin, without committing an 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 499 
 
 ofifcnce. (6) Expressed his determination to enforce the laws, 
 even by a resort to force if necessary. 
 
 Without recourse to Congress, then in session, but in the ex- 
 ercise of the power he already possessed as executive, he threw 
 a naval force into Charleston Harbor and proceeded to collect 
 the duties under the Tariff of 1832, In January, however, he 
 was forced to ask for legislation to aid him in the enforcement 
 of the laws. A bill was consequently prepared in the Senate 
 which was deemed adequate. Its provisions provoked intense 
 hostility. Debate was long and acrimonious. Notwithstanding 
 the fact that it was shown to contain no new feature, and had 
 the support of such conservative-minded men as Webster, it was 
 denounced as unconstitutional, as tending to civil war, as a 
 " Force Bill," as " the Bloody Bill," etc. It was a bill to enforce 
 the Tariff Act of 1832. It passed, was signed by the President, 
 and duly executed. South Carolina did not secede on account 
 of it, and no State was injured by its passage and enforcement. 
 All in all it was probably the best measure which could have 
 been devised for the emergency. At any rate it made the Presi- 
 dent master of the situation, and rampant nullification subsided. 
 Soon after the opening of Congress in December Calhoun re- 
 signed the Vice-Presidency and entered the Senate, where he 
 took early occasion to say that his State had never intended to 
 resist the government by force, and as an evidence of it he called 
 attention to the fact that a recent meeting of nullifiers had been 
 held at which it was agreed that all thought of forcible resistance 
 should be postponed till after the Congress had adjourned. 
 
 TWENTY-SECOND CONGRESS— '^QconA Session.— Met 
 Dec. 3, 1832. The most important act was that spoken of in 
 the preceding paragraph, except perhaps the compromise Tariff 
 Act. This act, conceived by Clay in a spirit of compromise, met 
 two requirements : (i) the verdict of the last Presidential election; 
 (2) the wishes of those engaged in nullification, not fully, per- 
 haps, but sufficiently to show that the friends of Protection were 
 not necessarily the enemies of their opponents. Its weakness 
 was that of all compromises. It was immediately heralded by 
 the nullifiers as their vindication, and amid great rejoicing was 
 
500 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 proclaimed as a surrender of " the American system " and a 
 justification of the South CaroHna status. It did not enact any- 
 thing affirmatively, but taking the Tariff of 1832 as a basis, pro- 
 ceeded to emasculate it by a dry rot repeal extending over a 
 period of ten years (till 1842), during all which time there was 
 to be a gradual biennial reduction of duties, till in the end no 
 higher rate than 20 per cent, should survive. 
 
 The President continued his war on the National Bank, but 
 was headed off by its friends. The Public Land Question came 
 up again in the shape of a bill to turn the proceeds of sales over 
 to the States as a loan. A pocket veto settled its fate. 
 
 The count of the electoral vote in February, 1833, revealed, 
 for President, Jackson 219, Clay 49, Floyd 11, Wirt 7; for Vice- 
 President, Van Buren 189, Sergeant 49, Wilkins 30, Lee 11, Ell- 
 maker 7. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1833. Jack- 
 son and Van Buren were sworn into office March 4, 1833. 
 
 xn. 
 
 JACKSON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1833— March 3, 1837. 
 
 Andrew Jackson, Tenn., President. Martin Van Buren, N. Y., 
 
 Vice-President. 
 
 Cottgr esses. 
 Twenty-third Congress. 
 
 Twenty-fourth Congress. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.'' 
 
 Sessions. 
 
 J I, December 2, 1833-June 30, 1834 
 \ 2, December i, 1834-March 3, 18; 
 f I, December 7, 1835-July 4, 1836. 
 t 2, 
 
 December i, 1834-March 3, 1835. 
 December 7, 1835-July 4, 1836. 
 December 5, 1836-March 3, 1837. 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Nat. Republican. Anti-Mason. 
 
 Basis of 
 States. 47.700- 
 
 Alabama 5 
 
 Connecticut 6 
 
 Delaware I 
 
 Georgia 9 
 
 Illinois 3 
 
 Indiana. 7 
 
 And. Jacl<- M. Van H. Clay, J. Ser- W. Wirt, Amos Ell- 
 Vote, son, Tenn. Buren, N.Y. Ky. geant. Pa. Va. maker. Pa. 
 
 II 
 
 5 
 9 
 
 II 
 
 5 
 9 
 
 * There were two vacancies. The South Carolina vote went to John Floyd and 
 Henry Lee. William Wilkins, Pa., got 30 of the scattering votes. The popular 
 vote was: Andrew Jackspn; 687,502: Hpnry Clay, 530,189; William Wirt, 33,108, 
 
502 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Electoral Vote — Continued. 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Nat. Republican. Anti-Mason. 
 
 Basis of 
 States. 47,7i«. 
 
 Kentucky 13 
 
 Louisiana 3 
 
 Maine S 
 
 Maryland S 
 
 Massachusetts 12 
 
 Mississippi 2 
 
 Missouri 2 
 
 New Hampshire.. .. 5 
 
 New Jersey 6 
 
 New York 40 
 
 North Carolina. ... 13 
 
 Ohio 19 
 
 Pennsylvania 28 
 
 Rhode Island 2 
 
 South Carolina ... 9 
 
 Tennessee 13 
 
 Vermont 5 
 
 Virginia 21 
 
 Totals 240 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Vote. 
 15 
 
 5 
 10 
 10 
 14 
 
 4 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 42 
 
 15 
 
 21 
 
 30 
 4 
 II 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 23 
 
 288 
 
 And. Jack- M. Van H. Clay, J. Ser- 
 son, Tcnn. Burcn.N.Y. Ky. gear.t. Pa, 
 
 W. Wirt 
 , Va. 
 
 , Amos El!- 
 maker. Pa. 
 
 5 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 4 
 7 
 8 
 
 42 
 
 15 
 
 21 
 
 30 
 
 so. 
 15 
 
 _23 
 !I9 
 
 5 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 4 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 42 
 
 IS 
 21 
 
 so. 
 23 
 
 15 
 
 5 
 14 
 
 15 
 
 5 
 14 
 
 49 
 
 49 
 
 Secretary of State Lewis McLane, Del. 
 
 Secretary ot Treasury William J. Duane, Pa. 
 
 Secretary of War Lewis Cass, Mich Continued. 
 
 Secretary of Navy Levi Woodbury, N. H " 
 
 Attorney-General Roger B. Taney, Md " 
 
 Postmaster-General William T. Barry, Ky " 
 
 Jackson's Cabinets were very fluctuating. This one was ar- 
 ranged, tlie better to carry on liis war against the United States 
 Bank. But Mr. Duane refused to obey his order to remove the 
 deposits from the Bank on the plea that they were unsafe there, 
 that they had been used for poHtical purposes, or for any reason 
 whatever. Nor would he resign his office. He on the contrary 
 alleged that the President's action was unnecessary, arbitrary, 
 and unjust. He was removed, and Roger B. Taney took his 
 place. The deposits were then transferred to favorite State 
 banks. The National Bank, thus left without bankable resource, 
 began to call in its loans and wind up business, in the midst of 
 great financial embarrassment and commercial distress. 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD CONGRESS— Y\x^t Session.— Met Dec. 
 2, 1833. Organized by re-electing Andrew Stevenson, Speaker, 
 by a majority of 8l. The war on the Bank culminated during 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 503 
 
 this session. Enough Democratic Senators united with the 
 National Republicans to censure the President for his removal 
 of the Bank deposits. This was tabled in the House, which 
 then committed itself by a resolution not to vote for a re-charter 
 of the Bank. Thus the President carried his position by indirec- 
 tion, and the tedious, bitter, demoralizing, and, so far as Jackson 
 was concerned, personal, struggle ended. Even the commercial 
 and industrial hardship entailed by the loss of so powerful a 
 financial agent was quoted as an evidence of the truth of the 
 President's charges against it.* 
 
 The Post-office Department, which had been conducted under 
 the Treasury Department until 1829, and then set apart as dis- 
 tinct, came up for investigation. As this was an administration 
 measure, the Department was declared by a House investigating 
 committee to be corrupt, and a bill for its reorganization passed. 
 
 The President and Senate were in a perpetual snarl. The 
 latter rejected his pet nominations, among them that of Taney 
 for the Treasury, and Stevenson, the Speaker, as Minister to Eng- 
 land. It also attempted to limit his political removals and ap- 
 pointments, by a species of Tenure of Office bill. Congress 
 adjourned June 30, 1834. 
 
 TWENTY-THIRD CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met 
 Dec. I, 1834. This session was mainly devoted to finance. The 
 deposit of public moneys in the State banks was giving rise to 
 trouble. As a system it was inconvenient and dangerous, though 
 tenaciously adhered to by the Democrats. Its opponents pro- 
 posed as a substitute a system of Sub-Treasuries at various busi- 
 ness centres, through whose agents the Treasurer might act 
 safely and promptly. This the Democrats voted down, only, 
 however, to fall in with and adopt it at a later date, as their best 
 weapon with which to fight those who favored re-chartering a 
 National Bank. Slight encouragement was given the system of 
 
 * It is perhaps needless to say that the leading Democratic opponents of the Bank, 
 such as Benton, rested their case on a denial of the right of the government to 
 make anything money except gold and silver. They rigidly interpreted the coinage 
 clause of the Constitution, and popularized the idea that Democrats then constituted 
 " the hard money party." 
 
504 PRESTDKNTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS, 
 
 Internal Improvements, by an appropriation therefor. Congress 
 adjourned sine die, March 3, 1835. 
 
 TWENTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— Y\xs>\. Session.— Met 
 Dec. 7, 1835. Organized by electing James K, Polk, Tenn., as 
 Speaker. Neither branch was a happy body. An amalgamated 
 opposition to the Democrats controlled the Senate, and the 
 Democratic majority in the House was divided into two factions, 
 one administration, anxious to advance Van Buren's chances for 
 the Presidency, the other anti-administration, anxious to advance 
 those of Hugh L. White, Tenn. Fortunately no measures of 
 party moment arose. The leading act of the session was one 
 which passed in pursuance of the President's announcement in 
 his message that the public debt would soon be paid, and his 
 advice that some method of disposing of the surplus revenue 
 should be provided. It is of moment now, in view of the fact 
 that a similar proposition is being mooted, and bids fair to 
 become a party issue. 
 
 SURPLUS REVENUE.— C\d.ys previous plan to distribute 
 the surplus arising from the sale of public lands among the 
 States was premature, because the government had need of the 
 money. Now, the extinguishment of the public debt made a 
 similar plan more timely. But how to get at it was a grave 
 question. Every way seemed unsatisfactory till a plan of regu- 
 lating the deposit of public moneys in the State banks was hit 
 upon. Deposits had hitherto been made in the " pet banks." 
 Now the surplus revenue was to be divided in proportion to the 
 population of each State, and the share of each, as thus ascer- 
 tained, was to be deposited in its designated State bank or 
 banks, for the use of the State, the same to be regarded as in 
 the nature of a loan for whose return, when called on, the State 
 stood as a pledge. This ingenious act passed both Houses in 
 June, 1836, to take effect Jan. i, 1837. It applied to all surplus 
 above ;^5, 000,000, and under it ^26,101,644 were distributed. It 
 ceased to operate in less than a year, by act of Congress, owing 
 to hard times. The Distribution bill was signed by the Presi- 
 dent reluctantly. The promised benefit to the States did not 
 accrue, nor did those who favored it with the hope of advancing 
 24 
 
506 t>RESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 their Presidential chances reap the harvest they expected. The 
 panic of 1837 burst upon the country all the same, and the Dem- 
 ocratic party suffered defeat in 1840. Arkansas became a State 
 June 15, 1836. Congress adjourned July 4, 1836. 
 
 PANIC OF 1837.— The destruction of the United States 
 Bank, the scaling of duties under the Tariff Act of 1833, '^^ mul- 
 tiplication of State banks and introduction of their variable and 
 doubtful notes, made the financial situation uncertain, distressed 
 business, and tended directly toward panic. This was precipi- 
 tated by an order of the President, issued through his Secretary 
 of Treasury (July, 1836), to the effect that the Treasury should 
 cease to take State bank notes in payment for Public Lands, but 
 should, in the future, take only gold and silver. From a Treasury 
 standpoint this was justifiable, for the notes of the State banks 
 had been piling up in the Treasury Department in great quan- 
 tities. But as such a result had been invited by the destruction 
 of the National Bank, with its uniform and stable currency, it 
 looked as if the President were recoiling from it. His specie 
 order speedily swamped the State banks, except the " pet " ones, 
 which were banks designated to receive the national deposits, 
 by creating a demand for gold and silver they could not meet. 
 The panic broke on the country the next year, and the direst 
 distress prevailed in every department of business. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1836. — This contest opened early by the 
 nomination (1834-35) of H. L. White, Tenn., by the Legislature 
 of Alabama. This was to head off Jackson, who sought the 
 nomination of Van Buren. The White faction was the rest, 
 residue and remainder of the old Crawford faction, members of 
 the extreme school of rigid interpreters, strict State -rights men, 
 former nullifiers, unyielding opponents of Jackson. But the Van 
 Buren forces were not to be demoralized in this way. The era 
 of caucus and legislative nomination had passed. A popular 
 convention met in Baltimore in May, 1835, and placed Martin 
 Van Buren, N. Y., in homination for President, with Richard M. 
 Johnson, Ky., for Vice-President. This was called a " Loco- 
 Foco " convention, the term having come into popular use the 
 previous winter in New York as a set-off to the term " Whig," 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 50t 
 
 (vhlch was at the same time applied to the National Republican 
 party. The " Loco-Focos " promulgated a platform, the impor- 
 tant plank in which was adherence to gold and silver as the only 
 proper circulating medium. 
 
 The Whigs, Anti-Masons, " and all opposed to " Van Buren, 
 united on William Henry Harrison, Ohio, for President, and 
 Francis Granger, N. Y., for Vice-President, who had been the 
 declared nominees of a State convention held in Pennsylvania 
 
 (1835)- 
 
 To the Alabama nomination of H. L. White for President had 
 
 been added that of John Tyler, Va., for Vice-President. 
 
 Feeling that the election could be thrown into the House, 
 where the Democratic division would insure the choice of an 
 opposition candidate, Ohio placed John McLean in nomination 
 for the Presidency, and Massachusetts, Daniel Webster. 
 
 Thus shaped, the election took place in November, 1836, and 
 resulted in a majority of Van Buren electors. 
 
 TWENTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— "^^cov^^ Session.— Met 
 Dec. 5, 1836. This session was not notable for bills passed, 
 but is memorable for the attempt made by the Southern mem- 
 bers to recover the territory west of the Sabine (Texas), which 
 had been lost at the time of the Florida purchase (18 19). Con- 
 trary to the advice contained in the President's message, against 
 interference between Mexico and the Republic of Texas (Texas 
 had seceded from the Mexican Republic and set up for herself), 
 the Senate passed a bill recognizing Texan independence, which 
 the House rejected. 
 
 A NEW POLITICAL FORCE.— It is further memorable 
 as directly recognizing a new political force which had been incor- 
 porated in 1833 as the National Anti-Slavery Society, which had 
 been working quietly and suasively by means of lectures, tracts 
 and newspapers, and which, in its preference of abroad humanity 
 for narrow code, had given offence to the South by technical 
 violations of the existing regulations respecting the return of 
 fugitives. The mob violence which had been resorted to in 
 several Northern cities for the purpose of breaking up the 
 sources of abolition literature having failed, and there being an 
 
508 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 alarming increase of the same in the South, the President 
 advised Congress to pass a bill construing such literature as 
 incendiary and prohibiting its carriage by the United States 
 mails. The times were not yet ripe for this summary method, 
 and the bill was rejected. 
 
 THE ELECTORAL COUNT.— WioKxg-^n was admitted as a 
 State, Jan. 26, 1837. The electoral count in February resulted 
 in 170 for Van Buren; J}^ for Harrison; 26 for White; 14 for 
 Webster; and ii for W^ P. Mangum, N. C, for President; and 
 for Vice-President, 147 for Johnson; J'j for Granger; 47 for 
 Tyler ; and 23 for William Smith, Ala. There being no choice 
 for Vice-President, the House elected Richard M. Johnson, Ky. 
 Congress adjourned sbie die, March 3, 1837, and on March 4 
 Van Buren and Johnson were sworn into office. 
 
 Jackson signalized his retiracy by a farewell address, after the 
 manner of Washington, in which he vindicated his administrative 
 career, and congratulated the country on its peace, prosperity, 
 and full triumph of the Democratic principles and party. His 
 own peace of mind had been exalted by the passage of a resolu- 
 tion, March 16, 1837, expunging the Clay resolution censuring 
 his conduct in the removal of the public moneys from the 
 National Bank. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 VAN BUREN'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1837 — March 3, 1841. 
 
 Martin Van Buren, N. Y., Pirsident. Richard M. John- 
 son, Ky., Vicc-P7'esident. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 (I, September 4, 1837-October 16, 1837, extra sessioa 
 2, December 4, 1837-July 9, 1838. 
 3, December 3, 1838-March 3, 1839. 
 
 „ „ f I, December 2, i83Q-Tuly 21, 1840. 
 
 TwKNTY-siXTH CONGRESS. | ^^ December -j, 1840-March 3. 184I. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS, 
 
 509 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE^ 
 
 Basis of 
 States. 47,70o- 
 
 Alabama 5 
 
 Arkansas I 
 
 Connecticut 6 
 
 Delaware I 
 
 Georgia 9 
 
 Illinois 3 
 
 Indiana 7 
 
 Kentucky 13 
 
 Louisiana 3 
 
 Maine 8 
 
 Maryland 8 
 
 Massachusetts II 
 
 Michigan I 
 
 Mississippi 2 
 
 Missouri 2 
 
 New Hampshire.. .. 5 
 
 New Jersey 6 
 
 New York 40 
 
 North Carolina. ... 1 3 
 
 Ohio 19 
 
 Pennsylvania 28 
 
 Rhode Island 2 
 
 South Carolina 9 
 
 Tennessee 13 
 
 Vermont 5 
 
 Virginia 21 
 
 Totals 242 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretarj' of State John Forsyth, Ga Continued. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury .... Levi Woodbury, N. H . . . . *' 
 
 Secretary of War Joel R. Poinsett, S. C. 
 
 Secretary of Navy Mahlon Dickerson, N. J.. .Continued. 
 
 Attorney-General Benjamin F. Butler, N. Y... " 
 
 Postmaster-General Amos Kendall, Ky " 
 
 THE INAUGURAL. — Van Buren's inaugural teemed with 
 faith in his predecessor and promises to abide by his poh'cy. 
 It congratulated the country on its prosperity and peace, and 
 laid down as his chart the doctrines of the Democratic party. 
 This commitment was untimely. It made him the executor of 
 
 * Webster got the 14 votes of Massachusetts; Mangum the 11 votes of South 
 Carolina ; White 26 votes from various Southern States. For Vice-President, John 
 Tyler got 47 and William Smith 23. The popular vote was, Van Buren, 761,549, 
 15 States; Harrison, 7 States; White. ? States; Webster, I State; M«ngum, Ji 
 gtat?— 336,656 ypte§, 
 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Wh 
 
 IS- 
 
 
 M. Van Bu- 
 
 R.M.John- 
 
 W. H. H.-irri 
 
 - F. Grantji-r 
 
 Votes. 
 
 ren, N. Y. 
 
 son, Ky. 
 
 son, Ohio. 
 
 N. V. 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 .. 
 
 9 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 1.5 
 
 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 sc. 
 
 sc. 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 \o 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 , , 
 
 
 10 
 
 SC. 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 sc. 
 
 14 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 • • 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 42 
 
 42 
 
 42 
 
 
 
 IS 
 
 15 
 
 IS 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 30 
 
 30 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 sc. 
 
 sc. 
 
 
 
 IS 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 23 
 
 23 
 
 sc. 
 
 
 sc. 
 
 294 
 
 170 
 
 147 
 
 73 
 
 77 
 
5]0 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 the wreck invited by a financial policy which would have in time 
 carried even Jackson down. The State banks had flooded the 
 country with a " wild-cat " currency. Values were inflated and 
 speculation rife. The President's (Jackson's) order to take noth- 
 ing but gold and silver in payment for public lands had by this 
 time resulted in a heavy gold premium, and the impossibility of 
 getting specie at all by the weaker banks. The folly of the law 
 ordering the distribution of the surplus among the States was 
 now apparent, for the surplus was in the keeping of the " pet 
 banks," and they could not respond to the order to pay money 
 over to the States which they had loaned out and could not 
 promptly collect. On May lo, 1837, a general suspension of the 
 banks took place. This stopped the treasury, for its deposits 
 were with the banks. The panic of 1837 was on, with its cruel 
 and unparalleled wreck of every vital business interest. 
 
 TWENTY-FIFTH 'CONGRESS— ^xira. Session.— Called 
 Sept. 4, 1 837, to consider the financial situation. House organized 
 by electing James K. Polk, Tenn., Speaker. Both branches Dem- 
 ocratic ; House by a majority of 13. The President's message 
 defended Jackson's " Specie Circular," but recommended the Gov- 
 ernment to break off from the banks, whether State or National, 
 and rely on an Independent Treasury System,* with an issue of 
 Treasury notes ; further, to stop paying the deposits due the 
 States under the act then in force. The message met with vio- 
 lent opposition from Whigs and many Democrats. Clay, Web- 
 ster, Cushing and others made it a text for the review of Dem- 
 ocratic finance, from the beginning of the Government down. 
 The Democratic opponents of the message switched off into a 
 separate party, calling themselves " Conservatives." The bills 
 enacted sustained the Administration and marked the era of a 
 complete separation between State and National banking. They 
 stopped the distribution of the surplus among the States, 
 extended the time to merchants who had borrowed National 
 
 * This was really the Sub-Treasury plan proposed by the National Republi- 
 cans in the 23d Congress, and then rej-^tcted by the Democrats. It was now 
 opposed by the Whigs, who saw, since the distress was on, an opportunity to re- 
 establish a National bank, and, as they reasoned, thus lift the country out of panic. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. gU 
 
 moneys, and sanctioned the issue of Treasury notes to the ex- 
 tent of 510,000,000. 
 
 The interest of the session was heightened by Calhoun's reso- 
 lutions in the Senate against interference with slavery in the 
 States, and to the ^.Tect "that it would be inexpedient and im- 
 politic to abolish or control it in the District of Columbia or the 
 Territories." He was loud in his praise of the Missouri Com- 
 promise of 1820. From this time on the subject of slavery came 
 up in nearly every session of Congress, till 1863. Congress ad- 
 journed, Oct. 16, 1837. 
 
 TWENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— Y\xs.t Regular Session.—- 
 Met Dec. 4, 1837. The coalition between the Whigs and Con- 
 servative Democrats still prevailed, and it defeated in the House 
 the Senate bill to establish an Independent Treasury, though it 
 came to the relief of that department by authorizing it to accept 
 as current the notes of specie-paying banks. This innocent- 
 looking measure really permitted the Administration to get away 
 from the hampering effects of Jackson's Specie Order without 
 the humiliation of formally withdrawing it. 
 
 The determination of the Southern States to regain Texas 
 came boldly forth this session by a bill for annexation, which did 
 not pass. It will be curious now to watch the growth of this 
 idea of enlarged slave territory, first by direct acquisition, and 
 then by the doctrine that, notwithstanding the Missouri Com- 
 promise, all Government territory was open to slavery ; and to 
 note that the idea kept even pace in its growth with the loss of 
 political power occasioned by a preponderance of free States and 
 the rapid growth of the Anti-Slaver}'- sentiment. Congress ad- 
 journed, July 9, 1838. 
 
 TWENTY -FIFTH CONGRESS— ^zcor^^ Session. ~- Met 
 Dec. 3, 1838. There was no political legislation of moment dur- 
 ing this session. The Administration was as if wrapped up in 
 a hard Democratic shell, and the drift of sentiment in Congress 
 and the country was away from it and toward the Whigs, or 
 some element equally liberal in its interpretation of the Consti- 
 tution and willing to propound and risk something for the relief 
 of the country. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1839. 
 
512 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 TWENTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 
 2, 1839. The organization of the House was delayed by a closely 
 contested Congressional election in New Jersey. Five Democrats 
 contested the seats of five Whigs. Neither set was admitted until 
 after the choice of a Speaker, which fell to Robert M. T. Hunter, 
 Va., a Whig, and in favor of the Sub-Treasury plan. The Whigs 
 in this instance were aided- by a few regular Democrats and by 
 the friends of Calhoun, who for several sessions had swung free 
 lances in both House and Senate. The final decision of the 
 case was not had till in March, 1840, when the Democratic con- 
 testants were seated, making the full Democratic strength 122^ 
 and the Whig strength 113. The leading act of the session was 
 one providing for the " collection, safe-keeping and disbursing of 
 the public money." It was simply Monroe's Independent Treas- 
 ury plan, and it was passed by a small majority in both Houses 
 and signed by the President. The Whigs opposed it under the 
 lead of Clay, but some of them, as Cushing, favored it. A 
 heavy blow was aimed at the system of Internal Improvement 
 by an act suspending all appropriations therefor. The practice 
 of "pairing off" began during this session. J. Q. Adams intro- 
 duced a resolution to censure it, but it was not put on its pas- 
 sage. The practice has grown ever since — grown to be a 
 nuisance. John Tyler, Va., an ultra Democrat of the Calhoun 
 school, won his way to the Vice-Presidency on the Whig ticket 
 by his opposition to the Administration during this session. 
 Congress adjourned, July 21, 1840. 
 
 ELECT/ON OF 1840.— The Whigs took the lead in National 
 Convention at Harrisburg, Pa., Dec. 4, 1839. Clay, the ablest 
 and most pronounced Whig in the country, was not deemed 
 available as a candidate owing to a desire to conciliate the Anti- 
 Mason and other opposing elements, and to the thought that 
 one of military prowess would go through, as Jackson had done. 
 The nomination for President Vv^as, therefore, conferred on Wil- 
 liam Henry Harrison, Ohio, and for Vice-President on John 
 Tyler, Va. No platform. 
 
 The Democratic Convention met at Baltimore, May 5, 1840, 
 and unanimously r^ngniinated Van Buren, leaving the States to 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ^l^ 
 
 fill up the Vice-Presidency. A lengthy platform was adopted, 
 affirming (i) "That the Federal Government was one of limited 
 powers ; " (2) " That the Constitution does not confer the right 
 on the Government to carry on a system of internal improve- 
 ment ; " (3) nor to assume the debts of the States contracted for 
 internal improvement; (4) " Justice and sound policy forbids the 
 Government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of 
 another or one section to the injury of another ; " (5) urged econ- 
 omy ; (6) Congress has no power to charter a U. S. bank ; (7) and 
 no power to interfere with the domestic institutions of the States ; 
 (8) Government money must be separated from banking institu- 
 tions ; (9) this country is the asylum of the oppressed of all 
 nations. 
 
 The Abolition or Liberty party nominated, Nov. 13, 1839, 
 James G. Birney, N. Y., for President, and Francis Lemoyne, 
 Pa., for Vice-President. Its platform favored (i) The abolition 
 of slavery in the District of Columbia and Territories ; (2) Stop- 
 page of the inter-State salve trade ; (3) General opposition to 
 slavery to the full extent of constitutional power. 
 
 All parties were now ready. The campaign was the liveliest 
 on record. The October elections inspired the Whigs. Their 
 attack on Van Buren's financial policy was telling all along the 
 line. The furore was intensified by the introduction of the spec- 
 tacular. Log-cabins with the latch-strings hanging out, and 
 barrels of hard cider, were made the type of " out West " gener- 
 osity and happy pioneer life. The meetings were frequent and 
 extended into every county and town. The result was a Whig 
 victory of astounding magnitude, Van Buren carrying but five 
 Southern and two Northern States. 
 
 TWENTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met 
 Dec. 7, 1840. A quiet session and no work of political moment. 
 Electoral vote counted in February, 1841, showing Harrison 234 
 and Van Buren 60 for President ; for Vice-President, Tyler, 
 234 ; Johnson, 48 ; L. W. Tazewell, Va., 1 1 ; and James K. 
 Polk, Tenn., i. Congress adjourned si/ie die, March 3, 1 841, 
 and on March 4 Harrison and Tyler were sworn into office. 
 33 
 
514 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 HARRISON'S AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1841 — March 3, 1845. 
 
 William Henry Harrison, Ohio, President. John Tyler, Va., 
 
 Vice-President. 
 (Harrison died April 4, 1 841, having served one month.) 
 
 Congresses. 
 Twenty-seventh Congress 
 
 Twenty-eighth Congress. 
 
 Sessions. 
 
 1, May3i, 1841-September 13, 1841. Extra Sess. 
 
 2, December 6, 1841-AuguBt 31, 1842. 
 
 3, December 5, 1842-March 3, 1843. 
 
 f I, December 4, 1843-June 17, 1844. 
 12, 
 
 December 2, 1844-March 3, 1845. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.'' 
 
 Whig. 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Basis ot 
 
 States. 47,700. Votes. 
 
 Alabama 5 7 
 
 Arkansas I 3 
 
 Connecticut 6 8 
 
 Delaware I 3 
 
 Georgia 9 II 
 
 Illinois 3 5 
 
 Indiana 7 9 
 
 Kentucky 13 15 
 
 Louisiana 3 5 
 
 Maine 8 ID 
 
 Maryland 8 lO 
 
 Massachusetts 12 I4 
 
 Michigan I 3 
 
 Mississippi 2 4 
 
 Missouri 2 4 
 
 New Hampshire, . . 5 ^ 
 
 New Jersey 6 8 
 
 New York 40 42 
 
 North Carolina 13 15 
 
 Ohio 19 21 
 
 Pennsylvania 28 30 
 
 Rhode Island 2 4 
 
 South Carolina 9 II 
 
 Tennessee 13 15 
 
 Vermont 5 7 
 
 Virginia 21 23 
 
 Totals 242 294 
 
 Wm. H. Har- 
 rison, Ohio. 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 II 
 
 9 
 IS 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 10 
 14 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 42 
 
 IS 
 21 
 
 30 
 4 
 
 J. Tyler, 
 Va. 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 II 
 
 9 
 
 15 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 10 
 
 3 
 4 
 
 42 
 
 IS 
 21 
 
 30 
 4 
 
 M.Van R.M.John- 
 Buren, N. Y. son, Ky. 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 15 
 7 
 
 234 
 
 234 
 
 60 
 
 _23 
 
 48 
 
 * L. W. Tazewell got the il votes of South Carolina for Vice-President, and 
 James K. Polk got I vote out of the column of States set down as for Johnson. 
 The popular vote was: Harrison, 1,275,017 — 19 States; Van Buren, 1,138,702 — 7 
 States; Birney, 7,059. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 515 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State Daniel Webster, Ma«». 
 
 Secretary of Treasury Thomas Ewing, Ohio. 
 
 Secretary of War John Bell, Tenn. 
 
 Secretary uf Navy G. E. Badger, N. C. 
 
 Attorney-General John J. Crittenden, Ky. 
 
 Postmaster-General Francis Granger, N. Y. 
 
 THE INAUGURAL. — Harrison's Inaugural was a genial, 
 assuring paper, with a blow at Jackson's excessive use of the 
 veto power and his " to the victor belong the spoils " theory, 
 and at both his and Van Buren's attempts to make political capi- 
 tal out of the currency question. On March 17 he called an 
 extra session of Congress, to convene May 31, to consider the 
 revenue and financial situation. He died April 4, and John 
 Tyler succeeded. This was the first time a Vice-President suc- 
 ceeded to the Presidency on the death of the President. 
 
 TWENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— Extra Session.— Met, 
 pursuant to call. May 31, 1841. House organized by electing 
 John White, Ky., Whig, Speaker. Whig majority in Senate 6; 
 in House 25. The Whig majority was harmonious and had a 
 plain duty to fulfil, as they thought, for their promises to the 
 country had been explicit during the campaign and their policy 
 well outlined. They therefore began by repealing the Indepen- 
 dent Treasury Act, passing a Bankrupt Law, and an act to dis- 
 tribute certain proceeds of public lands among the States, all of 
 which were signed by President Tyler. But when they came 
 to substitute for the Independent Treasury a U. S. Fiscal Bank, 
 even though it was an acknowledged improvement on the old 
 U. S. Bank, the President interposed with a veto, his reason 
 being that it was unconstitutional. This sudden swing to the 
 President's old strict construction notions alarmed the Whigs. 
 Not wishing to break with him they asked him to frame a bill 
 which he could sign. After consulting his Cabinet, he presented 
 one which was passed by both Houses, but which, to the aston- 
 ishment of the Whigs and the country, he also vetoed. The 
 Cabinet felt they had been insulted, and, with the exception of 
 Webster, resigned. The Whigs grew indignant over their be- 
 trayal, and in an address to the country declared the President 
 an impediment to their work of reform and repudiated him as 
 
516 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 the head, and as a member, of the party. Congress adjourned, 
 September 13, 1841. 
 
 TWENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— Y\rst Regular Session. 
 — Met Dec. 6, i84i,amid great political uncertainty. The Presi- 
 dent's course had demoralized the Whigs, and the fall elections 
 had gone against them. He had reorganized his shattered Cabi- 
 net out of very conservative material, and it stood. Secretary of 
 State, Daniel Webster, Mass. ; Secretary of Treasury, W'alter 
 Forward, Pa. ; Secretary of War, John McLean, Ohio ; Secre- 
 tary of Navy, A. P. Upshur, Va. ; Attorney-General, Hugh S. 
 Legare, S. C. ; Postmaster-General, Charles A. Wickliffe, Ky. 
 The folly of having placed him on the ticket was apparent to all, 
 for in accepting a place there, with the implied pledge to favor 
 Whig doctrine, he certainly renounced none of his old rigid con- 
 struction sentiments which threw him into the Calhoun school, 
 and made it impossible for him to support Van Buren and the 
 Democratic ticket. He was certain of a kind of support, how- 
 ever repudiated by the Whigs, for the Democrats who saw re- 
 turning success through the Whig demoralization, naturally 
 encouraged him in every measure calculated to further stampede 
 them. 
 
 TARIFF ACT OF 1842. — Thus inauspiciously the regular 
 session began. The Whigs came to the front with a Tariff act 
 to amend the act of 1833, under whose scaling terms the duties 
 had run so low that government receipts were now less than the 
 expenses. The bill awakened the old animosities of the school 
 of rigid interpreters, and called forth almost the old debates of 
 1828 and 1832, which, it will be remembered, were against the 
 constitutionality of the Protective idea, and which involved the 
 question of nullification. It passed, however, but was unfor- 
 tunately coupled with a clause providing for the distribution of 
 any surplus that might arise to the States. The President 
 vetoed it, as violative of the compromise of 1833, which, as to 
 protection and revenue, was to run till 1842, and as to non-dis- 
 crimination against the planting interests was practically without 
 time. Another was passed without protective features. This 
 was also vetoed. A third was passed, without the protective 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 517 
 
 and the surplus clauses, and was signed Aug. 30, 1842. This 
 became the Tariff act of 1842. It found a prevailing rate of 20 
 per cent, on leading articles, and on the principle that the gov- 
 ernment must have revenue, raised the rates some 10 per cent, 
 cottons going to 30 per cent., woollens to 40 per cent., silks to 
 ;^2.50 per pound, bar iron to $2^ per ton, and pig iron to $g per ton. 
 Tea and coffee were still free, but sugar went to 2)4 cents per 
 pound. The bill to distribute the surplus was passed separately 
 and vetoed. In the Senate debates on this Tariff, Clay and Cal- 
 houn, who stood together in the compromise Tariff of 1833, 
 parted company, and the former charged the latter with revamp- 
 ing the " free trade theories of a certain party in the British 
 Parliament." 
 
 THE SLAVERY QUEST/ON.— An exciting period in the 
 session was reached when John Q. Adams, notwithstanding the 
 previous decision of the House to refuse to entertain petitions 
 for the abolition of slavery, presented a batch of them, on the 
 ground that " the right of petition " was guaranteed by the Con' 
 stitution. For this an unsuccessful attempt was made to vote 
 him censurable. Scarcely had the flurry over this subsided when 
 Joshua R. Giddings, Ohio, moved (March, 1842) his celebrated 
 resolutions to the effect that slavery only exists by force of posi- 
 tive law, and is limited to the territory and jurisdiction wherein 
 such law is found. That, being a curtailment of the rights of 
 man, it cannot go beyond such jurisdiction by force of any com- 
 mon law or custom, nor be instituted anywhere except by 
 express stipulation of the authorities interested. This, in con- 
 aection with the claim that the government had exclusive juris- 
 diction over its unincorporated and incorporated territor}^, 
 became the bulwark of those who afterwards fought to exclude 
 slavery from the Territories. Giddings was censured by the 
 House, resigned, and was vindicated by re-election. 
 
 Congress adjourned, Aug. 31, 1842. 
 
 TWENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met 
 Dec. 5, 1842. The condition of the country was still unsatis- 
 factory. The Treasury was empty, and ;^ 14,000,000 behind. 
 The government could not place a lo?in of ,$ 1 2^000,000, author- 
 
51g PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 ized in 1841. Treasury notes were below par. The revenues 
 were decreasing, for the Tariff Act of Aug. 30, 1842, had not yet 
 begun to operate favorably. The dominant Whigs had lost their 
 leader by the resignation of Clay from the Senate (March, 1842). 
 His repeated defeats for the Presidential nomination, the inability 
 of his party to fulfil its pledges to the people, owing to the 
 hostile attitude of Tyler, the direct attacks of the Administra- 
 tion and its " corporal's guard " of followers on him, had filled 
 him with disgust for political life. This was a terrible blow to 
 the party, for he had unflinching courage, rare tact, grand elo- 
 quence, unquestioned rectitude of intention, and an advanced 
 ground which brought out all the magnetism of his leadership. 
 The best evidence of his qualities as a political captain is fur- 
 nished by the fact that he built and held his party without the 
 ordinary accessories of power and patronage. The session was 
 barren of political results, except a warning by Anti-Slavery 
 Whigs to the country to beware of the secret efforts going on to 
 recover Texas, in the interest of the South. 
 
 Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1843. 
 
 TWENTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS— Ywst Session. — Met 
 Dec. 4, 1843. The result of the Congressional elections had 
 been adverse to the Whigs. They had still a majority of four 
 in the Senate ; but their majority of twenty-five in the House 
 had been turned into a Democratic majority of sixty-one. The 
 House therefore organized by the election of John W. Jones, Va., 
 Speaker. The President's message was a political curiosity. 
 Contrary to all his rigid construction notions, to the freshest tra- 
 ditions and plainest professions of the only party now giving him 
 comfort and support, he favored a national paper currency, and 
 as to Internal Improvement, he went so far as to urge a system 
 for the West. Two treaties were presented to the Senate for 
 ratification, one rectifying the northwest boundary, the other an- 
 nexing Texas. The latter was rejected, by a solid Whig vote 
 and a strong Democratic contingent (seven in all). This thrust 
 " Texas annexation " directly into politics. To annex at any 
 cost became a Southern policy. A free North on the line of 
 36° 30' to the Pacific would prove so overshadowing as to 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 519 
 
 endanger the political supremacy of the South and its peculiar 
 institution. Of the two public improvement bills passed during 
 the session, one for the East, the other for the West, the Presi- 
 dent vetoed the former. Congress adjourned, June 17, 1844. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1844.— The Liberty Party was first in the 
 field, in convention at Buffalo, N. Y., Aug. 30, 1843. Its candi- 
 date for President was James G. Birney, Mich. ; for Vice-Presi- 
 dent, Thomas Morris, Ohio. Its platform announced (i) human 
 brotherhood as the cardinal principle of democracy; (2) de- 
 manded divorce of the general government from slavery; (3) 
 stated that the party was not sectional but national, resting on 
 the thought that slavery was in derogation of the principle of 
 American liberty; (4) that the faith of the nation as originally 
 pledged in all original instruments not to extend slavery beyond 
 its present limits had been broken; (5) that slavery is against 
 natural rights, therefore strictly local; (6) that the general gov- 
 ernment has no authority to extend it to the Territories ; (7) 
 called on the States to enact penal laws against the return of 
 fugitives. 
 
 The Whigs met in national convention at Baltimore, May i, 
 1844, and nominated, for President, Henry Clay, Ky., and for 
 Vice-President, Theodore Frelinghuysen, N. Y. A brief plat- 
 form announced as cardinal principles (i) "a well-regulated 
 national currency ; " (2) " a tariff for revenue, discriminating with 
 reference to protection of domestic labor;" (3) "distribution of 
 the proceeds of sales of public lands;" (4) "a single term for 
 the Presidency ; " (5) reform of executive usurpation. 
 
 The Democratic Convention met at Baltimore, May 27, 1844. 
 This was a postponed convention from the previous December, 
 in order to allow the Van Buren sentiment to ferment. Calhoun 
 was Van Buren's opponent, and the former was running on the 
 Texas annexation tide, the latter against it, not pronouncedly, 
 but enough so to make his slaughter desirable. Calhoun, 
 offended at the postponement of the convention and manner of 
 choosing delegates, did not appear with the South Carolina dele- 
 gation. His influence was not less by absence. Van Buren's 
 clear majority of the 266 delegates was turned to his defeat by 
 
520 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 a resolution that the nomination should be made only by a two- 
 third vote. This he could not control. He withdrew on the 
 eighth ballot, and James K. Polk, Tenn., received the nomina- 
 tion for President, and George M. Dallas, Pa., for Vice-President.* 
 The platform affirmed that of 1840, and added (i) that the Con- 
 stitution does not warrant the distribution of the proceeds of pub- 
 lic land sales among the States ; (2) that the President has a 
 right to use the qualified ("pocket") veto; (3) that all of 
 Oregon ought: to be reoccupied and Texas be annexed. 
 
 The parties thus went to the countr}^ with their candidates and 
 principles. Texas annexation, the Oregon (" 54° 40' or fight ") 
 question, and a vigorous effort to prove that under the act of 
 1842 Polk and Dallas were safe tariff men, were the hinging 
 points of the Democrats. The WhigS. drove the Protective 
 Tariff idea and relied greatly on the fame of their candidate. 
 Silas Wright, who had refused to serve on the Democratic ticket 
 as Vice-President, on account of the slaughter of Van Buren, 
 and who had resigned from the Senate to run as governor of 
 New York, unwittingly contributed to the election of the ticket 
 he had declined to run on. He went through as governor on his 
 individual popularity, and the National ticket followed by a bare 
 majority. The vote of New York elected Polk and Dallas, the 
 State and National elections being held on the same day. And 
 to this result Clay himself was an unwise contributor, for his effort 
 to conciliate Southern Democrats by an untimely letter favoring 
 postponed Texas annexation alienated enough anti-slavery 
 Whigs to have still overcome Polk's popular majority in 
 New York. In no National election was the result so close and 
 doubtful in so many States. In fourteen it was not known for 
 several days, and in several of these the vote of the Liberty 
 party was a balance of power. 
 
 TWENTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met 
 Dec. 2, 1844. President Tyler had swung, in every respect, over 
 to the doctrines of the extreme Southern school of Democrats, and 
 actively co-operated with them under the lead of his Secretary of 
 State, John C. Calhoun. His last message favored Texas an- 
 
 * Silas Wright, N. Y., was first nominated for Vice-President, but decl^n?^, 
 
CALEli CUSllING 
 
 THEODORE FRELINGHUYSEN. 
 
 WM. LLOYD GARRISON- 
 
 THOMAS H. BENTON. 
 
 521 
 
522 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 nexation and the assumption of her cause with all its conse- 
 quences. The South was a unit on this measure. At Ashley, S. C, 
 a meeting had been held (May, 1844), seeking to combine the 
 Southern States in Convention, to unite themselves in a body to 
 Texas, if Texas was not annexed as a State to the Union. The 
 Texas treaty of annexation which had been rejected in the Sen- 
 ate was now substituted by a joint resolution to annex the State, 
 through a commission, it being understood that the incoming 
 President (Polk) would appoint such body. But at Calhoun's 
 instance and to the surprise of everybody, the President deter- 
 mined to send out (March 3, 1845) a special messenger to 
 arrange terms. Only on Calhoun's assurance that such act 
 would not interfere with the formal commission provided for did 
 the resolution secure the necessary support. It oassed, and in 
 pursuance of it Texas was afterwards incorporate 'd as a State, 
 with slavery under her own constitution, and with tht proviso 
 that slavery should not exist in any State formed from her ter- 
 ritory North of 36° 30', and that the question of slavery in any 
 States formed from her territory South of that line should be left 
 to the people of such States. Her condition being that of war 
 with Mexico, the war was assumed by the United States, it being 
 only a question of time when the then pending armistice between 
 Texas and Mexico should end. Calhoun did not originally 
 favor war with Mexico. He thought Mexico could be quieted 
 by a money consideration. As the annexation was more his act 
 than th6 President's, he was, after war broke out, charged with 
 being its author. 
 
 A bill to organize Oregon into a Territory up to 54° 40', 
 away beyond the boundary claimed by England, was passed in 
 the House, but the Senate failed to consider it. Harbor im- 
 provement bills for both East and West were passed, but vetoed. 
 The result of the electoral count in February showed 170 elec- 
 toral votes for Polk and Dallas, and 105 for Clay and Freling- 
 huysen. March 3d, Florida became a State of the Union. Con- 
 gress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1845. March 4, 1845, Polk 
 and Dallas were sworn into office. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 623 
 
 XV. 
 
 POLK'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1845 — March 3, 1849. 
 
 f/».MES K. Polk, Tenn,, President. George M. Dallas, Pa., 
 
 Vice-President. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 Twenty-ninth Congress. | \^ December i, 1845-August 10 1846. 
 ( 2, December 7, 1846-March 3, 1847. 
 
 Thirttkth Concress \ ^' December 6, r847-August 14, 1848. 
 
 iHiRiiLTH LONGRESS. j 2, December 4, 1848-March 3, 1849. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.'' 
 
 ^ Democrat. Whig. 
 
 . ' , , ' ' > 
 
 Basis of James K. Polk, George M. Henry Clay, Theodore Fre- 
 
 States. 70,680. Votes. Tenn. Dallas, Pa, Ky. linghuysen, N. Y. 
 
 Alabama 7 9 9 9 
 
 Arkansas i 3 3 3 
 
 Connecticut.... 4 6 .. .. 6 6 
 
 Delaware I 3 .. .. 3 3 
 
 Georgia 8 10 lo lo . . , . 
 
 Illinois 7 9 9 9 ., ., 
 
 Indiana 10 12 I2 12 .. .. 
 
 Kentucky 10 12 ., .. 12 12 
 
 Louisiana 4 6 6 6 .. .. 
 
 Maine 7 9 g 9 .. ,. 
 
 Maryland 6 8 .. .. 8 8 
 
 Massachusetts., lo 12 .. .. 12 12 
 
 Michigan 3 5 5 5 
 
 Mississippi 4 6 6 6 .. .. 
 
 Missouri 5 7 7 7 .. ,. 
 
 New Hampshire 4 6 6 6 . . . . 
 
 New Jersey 5 7 .. .. 7 7 
 
 New York 34 36 36 36 
 
 North Carolina 9 11 ., .. u II 
 
 Ohio 21 23 .. .. 23 23 
 
 Pennsylvania ... 24 26 26 26 
 
 Rhode Island . . 2 4 . . . . 4 4 
 
 South Carolina 7 9 9 9 
 
 Tennessee 11 13 .. .. 13 13 
 
 Vermont 4 6 .. .. 6 6 
 
 Virginia 15 17 17 17 
 
 Totals 223 275 170 170 105 105 
 
 * The popular vote was: Polk, 1,337,243 — fifteen States; Clay, 1,299,068— 
 eleven States; Bimey, 62,300, 
 
524 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State James Buchanan, Pa. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury Robert J. Walker, Miss. 
 
 Secretary of War William L. Marcy, N. Y. 
 
 Secretary of Navy George Bancroft, Mass. 
 
 Attorney-General John Y. Mason, Va. 
 
 Postmaster-General Cave Johnson, Tenn. 
 
 PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.— The Message to Congress 
 dwelt largely on the Texas situation, and favored war with 
 Mexico, especially if she infringed the treaty of 1839, as to in- 
 demnity to American citizens. It referred also to the Oregon 
 boundary, showed the public debt to be ^17,000,000, condemned 
 all slavery agitation, favored a Sub-Treasury system, and recom- 
 mended a Tariff for revenue, with protection to home industry 
 as an incident. He applied the Jackson policy of rotation in 
 office in the construction of his Cabinet, and in the Depart- 
 ments. 
 
 TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 
 I, 1845. Both branches were Democratic. House organized by 
 electing John W. Davis, Dem., Indiana, Speaker, the vote being 
 120 to 70, though the full Democratic strength was 142, Whig 
 75, and American 6.* The relative strength in the Senate was 
 30 Democrat and 25 Whig. 
 
 MEXICAN WAR. — A popular convention in Texas had ac- 
 cepted the overture for annexation made by the United States. 
 Mexico protested and withdrew her minister to Washington. 
 General Taylor had been sent to the east bank of the Neuces, 
 into neutral territory, and on Dec. 31, 1845, Congress passed an 
 act extending authority over this territory lying between the 
 Neuces and Rio Grande. None of these acts provoked Mexico 
 to war. She was still in negotiable mood. Even before this, 
 Dec. 29, 1845, Texas had passed into the American Union. The 
 President ordered General Taylor (March, 1 846) to march to the 
 Rio Grande and hold the neutral ground. He did so, and was 
 met by Arista, at Palo Alto, where a battle was fought. The 
 next day was fought Resaca de la Palma, which sent Arista back 
 
 * This was the first appearance of the American party in National politics- Four 
 of the ahove six were from New York, and two from Pennsylvania. 
 
PRESIDEiSTii fkLOM 1541 TO 1S53. 
 
 625 
 
526 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 into Mexican territory. Now American blood had been shed 
 on American soil, and Mexico was an offender. A casus belli 
 had been found. The President sent a Message to Congress 
 and asked for a Declaration of War. The House responded 
 with a " declaration " and ;^ 10,000,000 to back it up, the Whigs 
 favoring it under protest, and on the ground that an American 
 army must not be sacrificed, even if forced into peril or a 
 doubtful cause by the folly of a President.* 
 
 WILMOT PROVISO.— VJ\\h the expectation that the war 
 would soon be over and that an important cession of territory 
 could be had, the President asked Congress for an appropriation 
 of ;^2,ooo,ooo to be placed at his disposal to negotiate with. To 
 this appropriation, Mr. Wilmot, Pa., on behalf of himself and 
 many Northern Democratic friends, moved what became historic 
 as "The Wilmot Proviso," to wit, " That no part of the territory 
 thus acquired should be open to the introduction of slavery." 
 In strict law the proviso was unnecessary, for Mexico had abol- 
 ished slavery, and any soil acquired from her would be free soil. 
 But Texas had reintroduced slavery before annexation to the 
 United States, and Wilmot felt that any other territory acquired 
 from Mexico would be overrun by slaveholders, who would soon 
 be clamoring for the protection of their institution. And this he 
 felt, too, in the face of the new Democratic doctrine " that no 
 power resided in Congress to legislate upon slavery in the Ter- 
 ritories." This proviso brought heated discussion of the slave 
 question. Calhoun declared it to be an outrage and menace. 
 It occupied a place in Congress for two sessions. State Legis- 
 latures acted on it. Parties took it up. From that time on it 
 
 * The Whigs denounced as a falsehood the declaration, " Whereas, by the act of 
 the Republic of Mexico a state of war exists between that government and the United 
 States." The Liberty party opposed the war outright, regarding it as a huge, unjus- 
 tifiable scheme to acquire slave territory. Calhoun opposed it also, as needless. He 
 felt that the same results could have been brought about with less excitement and 
 loss, and consequently with less detriment to the slave cause, by negotiation. It 
 was said that the President, who had been approached by many members of his own 
 party who were averse to the war, secured their support by the promise that it would 
 be over in a short time and that negotiations for peace had been agreed upon before 
 the war, which only awaited the return of Santa Anna from exile to be signed. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 527 
 
 was nothing new to hear of civil war and a dissolution of the 
 Union on account of it. How well Wilmot guessed may be 
 inferred from the subsequent action of Calhoun (Feb. 19, 1847), 
 when he introduced into the Senate his celebrated Slavery Reso- 
 lutions, declaring the Territories to be the common property of 
 the several States, and denying the right of Congress to prohibit 
 slavery in a Territory or to pass any law which would have the 
 effect to deprive the citizen of any slave State from migrating 
 with his property (slaves) into such Territory. Though these 
 resolutions were not acted on, they answered the purpose in- 
 tended, to wit, to form a basis on which the slave could solidify 
 against the free States ; on which a repeal of the Missouri Com- 
 promise line could be effected, and on which the subsequent 
 claim of non-interference with slavery in the Territories could 
 be founded. 
 
 THE OREGON BOUNDARY.— IhQ last Democratic plat- 
 form had pronounced in favor of an Oregon Territory up to the 
 line of 54° 40', " or a fight " with England. The Whigs, now 
 that Texas had been annexed, asked for a fulfilment of their 
 pledges.* The Democrats of the extreme Southern school op- 
 posed any action, but enough of them came to the support of the 
 President to warrant him. in going on with negotiations. He 
 soon found that he could not keep his party pledges of 54° 40', 
 for England refused to surrender above 49°. f The opinion of 
 the Senate was asked, in accordance with an old Federal custom. 
 The Whigs accepted the responsibility, joined with enough Dem- 
 ocrats to save the administration from its party friends, and agreed 
 to sanction a treaty based on 49°. This became the Oregon 
 Treaty of June 15, 1846, by which war with England was averted. 
 It was followed by a bill to organize The Territory of Oregon, 
 without slavery. It was opposed by Southern Democrats, but 
 passed, and was not reached in the Senate. 
 
 TARIFF OF 1 846.1 — This disappointing act, passed in a 
 
 * For a full statement of this boundary trouble, see Oregon Treaty, p. 107. 
 f Calhoun, when Secretary of State, had proposed 49° as a line upon which an 
 aajustment might be had. In this he was at odds with his party. 
 
 J " The bill passed the House and came to the Senate. Section was again arrayed 
 
528 PRESIDENTS AND XDMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 partisan spirit, against the promises of the Democrats not to 
 disturb the act of 1842, and in obedience to the doctrine of rigid 
 interpretation, which admitted of Tariff for revenue without the 
 incident of protection, reduced the rates provided in the former 
 act, from five to twenty per cent., and introduced the theory of 
 general ad valojrin duties. The river and harbor improvement 
 bills, passed by both Houses, were vetoed, on the old rigid con- 
 struction ground that the government had no right to appro- 
 priate money for internal improvements. Congress adjourned, 
 Aug. 10, 1846. 
 
 TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met 
 Dec. 7, 1846. Mexican war measures occupied the time of this 
 session. Appropriations were made to sustain the war, and pur- 
 chase territory. Over the latter a spirited debate was had, which 
 resulted in its passage in the House with the Wilmot proviso 
 attached, and its passage in the Senate with the proviso removed. 
 The House then acquiesced in the Senate's position. Ineffectual 
 attempts were made to formally extend the Missouri Compromise 
 line to the Pacific, to organize Oregon Territory, without slavery, 
 and to appropriate money for Internal Improvement. All these 
 measures showed a sectional vote. The Improvement bills 
 passed, but received a pocket veto. Congress adjourned sine 
 die, March 3, 1847. 
 
 EVENTS OF THE MEXICAN WAR.— Tex^i^ achieved its 
 independence of Mexico at the battle of San Jacinto, April, 1836, 
 and set up as an independent Republic. She sought annexation 
 to the United States, and on July 4, 1845, her government for- 
 mally approved the joint resolution of the Congress of the 
 
 against section in the debate, and before the vote was taken it was found that the 
 Senate was a tie, and that the Vice-President would have the casting vote. George 
 M. Dallas, a Pennsylvanian, could defeat or pass the bill. He had the presidential 
 bee in his bonnet as bad as any man I ever knew, and, hoping that he could gam 
 the favor of the South in aid of his aspirations, he gave the casting vote against the 
 section of his nativity, and the tariff bill of '46 became a law. As I anticipated, it 
 put out the fire in our furnaces, paralyzed many of our best industries, and, finally, 
 brought the credit of the Government to a discount. It also had a disastrous effect 
 upon the dominant party, and cost them the presidency in 1848, when General 
 Taylor was chosen." — I/on. Simon Cameron, in Press. 
 
530 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 United States for annexation. The Republic of Texas thus 
 became a State of the American Union ; but Mexico had never 
 acknowledged her independence, and prepared to contest for 
 her lost territory with arms. 
 
 General Taylor was sent to Texas with 1500 troops to protect 
 the new State against invasion. He posted himself at Corpus 
 Christi on the Rio Grande, where he remained till March, 1846, 
 when he went to the mouth of the river and erected Fort Brown, 
 opposite Matamoras, On April 26, 1846, a reconnoitring party, 
 under Captain Thornton, was surprised and captured on the Rio 
 Grande, above Fort Brown. Sixteen of the party were killed. 
 This was the first bloodshed of the Mexican War. 
 
 Taylor left a garrison in Fort Brown and marched to Point 
 Isabel, which was threatened. On his return with 2000 men, he 
 was attacked by 6000 Mexicans at Palo Alto, May 8, 1846. A 
 bloody engagement ensued, and Taylor gained a decisive victory. 
 On May 9 another battle was fought at Resaca de la Palma, in 
 which the Mexicans were defeated with a loss of 1 000 men. 
 These two engagements nearly annihilated their army. 
 
 On May 1 1 , 1 846, war against Mexico was formally declared, 
 and 50,000 soldiers were called for. The plan of campaign was 
 entrusted to General Scott. A fleet was to round Cape Horn 
 and attack Mexico on the Pacific coast. An "Army of the 
 West," under General Kearney, was to invade New Mexico, 
 centre at Fort Leavenworth, and co-operate with the Pacific 
 fleet. An "Army of the Centre," under General Wool, was to 
 invade Mexico from Texas. General Taylor's army, largely 
 reinforced, was to be the "Army of Occupation." 
 
 Taylor crossed the Rio" Grande, May 18, 1846, and took 
 Matamoras. He then marched against Monterey with 6000 
 men. After a siege of four days he made an assault, September 
 24, and captured the city, with its garrison of 9000 men. He 
 was now joined by the forces of General Wool, and together 
 ihey took possession of V-ictoria, December 29, 1846. 
 
 General Scott had by this time arrived at Vera Cruz with a 
 large army, and was besieging the place. All of Taylor's forces, 
 except 5000 men, were sent to Scott's assistance. Taylor was 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 53I 
 
 thus left to confront 20,000 Mexicans, under General Santa 
 Anna, who forced a battle at Buena Vista on February 23, 1847. 
 The Mexicans were badly defeated and compelled to retreat, 
 leaving dead and wounded on the field. This battle left the 
 Americans masters of Northern Mexico, and Taylor returned to 
 the United States, leaving General Wool in command. 
 
 Kearney's "Army of the West" invaded and took possession 
 of New Mexico at its capital, Santa Fe, August 1 8, 1846. He 
 marched to the Pacific, to co-operate with the Pacific fleet and to 
 conquer the Mexican province of California. On his way he 
 learned that California had been conquered by a small army 
 under General Fremont, who had co-operated with the fleet. 
 Kearney formally annexed the territory to the United States, 
 February 18, 1847. 
 
 Kearney then joined his main force to that of General Wool, 
 but sent a strong detachment under Colonel Doniphan to con- 
 quer the Navajo Indians. He forced a treaty with the tribe, 
 defeated the Mexicans at Bracito, and again at Sacramento, 
 which last battle gave him possession of Chihuahua, He joined 
 Wool at Saltillo, March 22, 1847, aft^i" ^ march of 5000 miles. 
 
 Scott was carrying on the siege of Vera Cruz, with a fleet 
 under Commodore Conner and an army of 12,000 men. The 
 city fell into his hands, March 26, 1847, with 500 cannon and its 
 garrison of 5000 Mexicans. He then marched towards Mexico, 
 the capital, and was confronted by Santa Anna, in the difficult 
 pass of Cerro Gordo, with 12,000 troops strongly entrenched. 
 A terrific battle ensued, in which the Mexicans lost 4000 killed 
 and wounded, and 3000 prisoners. The Mexican army was 
 completely broken up, and Santa Anna fled on a mule. 
 
 Scott continued his victorious advance toward the Mexican 
 capital, taking Perote, the strongest fortress in Mexico, on April 
 22, 1847, ^""^ Puebla on May 5. Here his army rested till 
 August, when the march was resumed. On August 10 the 
 city of Mexico appeared, defended by Santa Anna with 30,000 
 men. On August 20 the Americans assaulted and carried the 
 strongly entrenched camp of Contreras. On the same day they 
 captured the strong fortress of San Antonio, and gained a bril- 
 
532 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 liant victory at Cherubusco. These signal victories forced Santa 
 Anna, with his entire army, within the gates of Mexico. His 
 army had been depleted by the loss of 4000 killed and wounded, 
 and 3000 prisoners. 
 
 Scott offered terms of peace, Santa Anna accepted, but began 
 to employ the interval in strengthening the fortifications of the 
 city. Scott discovered his treachery, ended the armistice, and 
 attacked and captured the strong position of Molino del Rey on 
 September 8. On the 13th he attacked and captured the lofty 
 and strongly fortified hill of Chapultepec, the key to the city of 
 Mexico. The Mexican capital was now open, and he entered it, 
 Sept. 14, in triumph, Santa Anna and the authorities having fled. 
 
 These speedy and decisive triumphs brought the peace of 
 Guadaloupe Hidalgo, February 2, 1848, and the same was pro- 
 claimed by President Polk, July 4, 1848. 
 
 By the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, the United States 
 settled all contention between Mexico and Texas, as to the 
 territory of the latter, and in addition acquired the immense 
 domains embraced in California, Arizona and New Mexico, on 
 the payment of ;^ 15,000,000 to Mexico,. for the ceded territory, 
 and on assuming the debts due by the Mexican government to 
 citizens of the United States. The object of the war was there- 
 fore fully obtained, in so far as that object related to the acquisi- 
 tion of areas, at a cheap price, and located south of the latitude of 
 36° 30', which was the dividing line between the institutions of 
 slavery and freedom. But a destiny, which no legislation could 
 control, was soon to open for these large areas. The discovery 
 of gold in California invited thither, and with great rapidity, a 
 population which was hostile to slavery, and stimulated inter- 
 ests of far greater moment than those of ownership in man. 
 California entered the Union as a free State, thus defeating the 
 object of the Mexican war, as to the richest of its conquests. 
 
 THIRTIETH CONGRESS— Y\xst Session.— Met Dec. 6, 
 1847. The Whigs were in a majority in the House, and organ- 
 ized it by electing Robert C. Winthrop, Mass., Speaker. The 
 Democrats controlled the Senate. The President's message ex- 
 tolled the working of the new Sub-Treasury system, spoke of 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 53^ 
 
 the continued success of the Mexican war, and stated that nego- 
 tiations for peace were then pending. Tliese negotiations re- 
 sulted in the treaty of Guadaloupe-Hidalgo (Feb., 1848), which 
 made the Rio Grande the boundary and gave New Mexico and 
 Upper Cahfornia to the United States for ;^ 1 5 ,000,000. This 
 immense acquisition of territory brought up the slavery question 
 again, and during the debates on the erection of Oregon Ter- 
 ritory without slavery, and the proposition to extend the Mis- 
 souri Compromise line to the Pacific, Calhoun took occasion to 
 say, " The great strife between the North and South is ended. 
 The North is determined to exclude the property of slaveholders, 
 and of course slaveholders themselves, from its territory. The 
 separation of the North and South is completed. The South is 
 bound to show that dearly as she prizes the Union, there are 
 questions she regards as of more importance than the Union. 
 It is not a question of territorial government, but a question 
 involving the continuance of the Union." 
 
 A compromise bill passed the Senate, organizing Oregon, 
 California and New Mexico, leaving slavery questions to be de- 
 cided by the Supreme Court. The House rejected this, and 
 sent the Senate the Oregon bill above mentioned. The Senate 
 accepted this, but amended it so as to extend the Missouri Com- 
 promise line to the Pacific. The House regarded this as danger- 
 ous, since it would cut the country into two distinct sections 
 with different, if not hostile, institutions, and would, moreover, 
 be equivalent to extending slavery to vast free areas, the Mex- 
 ican territory being all free under Mexican laws. It therefore 
 refused to extend the line. The Senate receded, and the Oregon 
 bill passed, without slavery. The vital question in all these de- 
 bates was the right of Congress to legislate on slavery in the 
 Territories, a question which was pushed in many ways till it 
 culminated in the Kansas-Nebraska affair, the Dred Scott de- 
 cision, and the desperate step of secession. The House took 
 decided ground in favor of Internal Improvement by a resolution 
 aimed at the rigid interpreters, claiming that the government had 
 a right to improve rivers and harbors, under the clause to regu- 
 late commerce and provide for the common defense, Wisconsin 
 
534 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 entered the Union, May 29, 1848. Congress adjourned, Aug, 
 14, 1848. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1848.— The Democrats took the field first 
 in National Convention at Baltimore, May 22, 1848, The two- 
 third rule, which defeated Van Buren in the previous conven- 
 tion, was affirmed, and has since prevailed in the conventions of 
 that party. Lewis Cass, Mich., was nominated for President, 
 and William O. Butler, Ky., for Vice-President. A great con- 
 tention arose over the power of the government to regulate 
 slavery in the Territories, and a test resolution to the effect that 
 the Congress had no power to interfere with slavery either in 
 the States or Territories was voted down. The platform affirmed 
 that of 1844, and went on to (i) congratulate the country on the 
 results of the Mexican war ; (2) commended the qualified veto ; 
 (3) denounced a Tariff, except for revenue, and hailed " the noble 
 impulse given to the cause of free trade by the repeal of the 
 tariff of 1842 and the creation of the more equal, honest and 
 productive tariff of 1846;" (4) congratulated the Republic of 
 France; (5) endorsed Polk's administration. 
 
 The Whig National Convention met at Philadelphia, June 7, 
 1848, and nominated General Zachary Taylor, La., for President, 
 and Millard Fillmore, N. Y., for Vice-President. Taylor's recent 
 military achievements in Mexico gave him the preference over 
 such other candidates as Clay, Webster and Scott. Test resolu- 
 tions favoring the Wilmot Proviso were voted down. The 
 Whigs were no more ready for open commitment to anti-slavery 
 than the Democrats had shown themselves, in their convention, 
 to be ready for open commitment to a pro-slavery policy. The 
 convention did not adopt a platform, but resolutions passed at a 
 grand ratification meeting, on the 9th of June, answered the 
 same purpose. They were mainly heroic, inviting the country 
 to a trial of well-known Whig principles under the laurel- 
 crowned chieftain whose name was held in such high honor by 
 every American. 
 
 The Free Soil Democrats met in convention at Buffalo, Aug. 9, 
 1848, and nominated for President Martin Van Buren, N.Y.,and 
 for Vice-President Charles Francis Adams, Mass. This faction 
 
f" •*<&' 
 
 . f 
 
 } 
 
 THADDEUS STEVENS. 
 
 .^-r^'f 
 
 CHAS. FRANCIS ADAMS. 
 
 WENDELL PHILLIPS. 
 
 535 
 
536 PRESIDENTS AND 1^DMINISTRATI0NS. 
 
 of Democrats, called " Barnburners " by their opponents, had sent 
 a delegation to the Baltimore convention, pledged to oppose the 
 further extension of slavery in the Territories. A counter dele- 
 gation, called " Hunkers," also sent a delegation pledged to non- 
 agitation of the slavery question. The convention sheared each 
 of its strength by dividing the vote between them. This being 
 equivalent to no vote at all, the Free Soilers withdrew and set 
 up candidates of their own. They promulgated a lengthy plat- 
 form which sought (i) to secure free soil to a free people; (2) 
 withheld support from both the regular parties because one (the 
 Democratic) had stifled free sentiment, and the other (Whig) had 
 been afraid to pronounce itself; (3) affirming the ordinance of 
 1787, and the proviso of Jefferson that after 1800 no slavery 
 should exist in the Territories ; (4) that slavery exists only by 
 State law and that " Congress has no more power to make a 
 slave than to make a king;" (5) that the only way to prevent 
 slavery in territory now free is to prevent it in all territory ; (6) 
 favoring Internal Improvement ; (7) Watchword, " Free Soil, 
 Free Speech, Free Labor, Free Men." 
 
 The campaign was not a bitter one, except as the Democrats 
 made it bitter among themselves. The effort to establish slavery 
 in the newly-acquired Mexican territory, and to push the slavery 
 question so as to commit the government either to non-inter- 
 ference with it or to direct sanction of it in all territory, estranged 
 many Democrats. The Southern Democrats themselves were 
 not a unit, for many of them preferred Taylor, from a slave 
 State and without a platform, to Cass, from a free State and with 
 a platform which did not directly favor or mention slavery. The 
 old Liberty party blended with the Free Soil party. As in the 
 former campaign. New York was the political turning-point. 
 And as the Liberty party, by dividing the Whigs, had given it to 
 Polk in 1844, so now the Free Soilers, by weakening the Demo- 
 crats, gave it to the Whigs. The election in November was a 
 Whig victory. 
 
 THIRTIETH COIVGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec. 4, 
 1848. Parties were very fidgety during this session. In view of 
 the prominence given to slavery agitation, the old party lines 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 537 
 
 began to chafe considerably. Thus the Northern Democrats, 
 almost in a body, voted in the House to organize the Territories 
 of Cahfornia and New Mexico without slavery, or, as it was 
 then termed, with the Wilmot Proviso. This the Senate amended 
 by providing for their organization with slavery. The Senate at- 
 tempted to force its position by making the bill a part of the 
 appropriation bill, thus presenting to the House the alternative 
 of a moneyless government or two slave Territories. The re- 
 sponse was an appropriation bill and the old Mexican free laws 
 till July 4, 1850. The Senate withdrew its "rider," and the 
 appropriation bill passed. A violent debate sprung up in the 
 House over a resolution condenming the exhibition and sale of 
 slaves in the city of Washington. The electoral count in Feb- 
 ruary showed for Taylor and Fillmore 163 votes, and for Cass 
 and Butler 127 votes. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 
 1849. The candidates-elect were sworn into office March 5, 
 1849, the 4th being Sunday. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 TAYLOR'S AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 March 5, 1849 — March 3, 1853. 
 
 Zachary Taylor, La., President. Millard Fillmore, N. Y., 
 
 Vice-Presidejit. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 Thirty first Congress / ^' I^ecember 3, 1849-September 30, 1850. 
 IHIRTY-FIRST CONGRESS, j ^^ December 2, 1850-March 3, 1851. 
 
 Thirty second Concress / '' December i, 1851-August 31, 1852. 
 IHiRTY-SECOND CONGRESS. | ^^ December 6, 1852-March 3, 1853. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.'' 
 
 Whig. Democrat. 
 
 Basis of Zachary Tay- Millard Fill- Lewis Cass, W.O.But- 
 
 States. 70,680. Vote. lor, La. more, N. Y. Mich. ,er, Ky. 
 
 Alabama 7 9 .. ., 9 9 
 
 Arkansas I 3 .. .. 3 3 
 
 Connecticut ,4 6 6 6 
 
 Delaware I 3 3 3 
 
 * The popular vote was: Taylor, 1,360,101 — 15 States; Cass, 1,220,544 — 15 
 States; Van Buren, 291,263. 
 
538 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Electoral Vote — Continued, 
 
 Whig. 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Zachary Tay- Millard Fill- Lewis Cass, W.O.But- 
 ■ - ler, Ky. 
 
 lor. La. 
 
 3 
 
 more, N. Y. 
 
 3 
 lo 
 
 Mich. 
 
 36 
 I 
 
 "26 
 
 4 
 13 
 "6 
 
 12 
 6 
 
 's 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 36 
 II 
 
 26 
 4 
 
 'e 
 
 9 
 12 
 
 4 
 
 23 
 
 Basis of 
 
 States. 70,680. Vott 
 
 Florida i 3 
 
 Georgia 8 10 
 
 Illinois 7 9 
 
 Indiana 10 12 
 
 Iowa 2 4 
 
 Kentucky 10 12 
 
 Louisiana 4 6 
 
 Maine 7 9 
 
 Maryland 6 8 
 
 Massachusetts 10 12 
 
 Michigan 3 5 
 
 Mississippi 4 6 
 
 Missouri 5 7 
 
 New Hampshire 4 6 
 
 New Jersey 5 7 
 
 New York 34 36 
 
 North Carolina 9 11 
 
 Ohio 21 23 
 
 Pennsylvania 24 26 
 
 Rhode Island 2 4 
 
 South Carolina 7 9 
 
 Tennessee 11 13 
 
 Texas 2 4 
 
 Vermont « 4 6 
 
 Virginia .. 15 17 
 
 Wisconsin 2 4 
 
 Totals 230 290 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State John M. Clayton, Del. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury William M. Meredith, Pa. 
 
 Secretary of War Geo. W. Crawford, Ga. 
 
 Secretary of Navy William B. Preston, Va. 
 
 Secretary of Interior Thomas H. Ewing, Ohio.* 
 
 Attorney-General Reverdy Johnson, Md. 
 
 Postmaster-General Jacob CoUamer, Vt. 
 
 THIRTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Yhst Session.— Met Dec. 
 3, 1849. The Senate was Democratic, 35 to 25. In the House 
 were iio Democrats, 105 Whigs and 9 Free Soilers. The latter 
 held a balance of power, and stubbornly exercised it through 
 sixty-two ineffectual ballots for Speaker. Only by agreeing that 
 the highest number of votes for any one candidate should elect, 
 was a Speaker chosen in the person of Howell Cobb, Ga., a 
 Democrat of the extreme Southern school, and a slavery exten- 
 
 * This " llome Department," since called " the Interior Department," was created 
 by the Thiitielh Congress. 
 
 163 
 
 163 
 
 17 
 
 4 
 127 
 
 9 
 12 
 
 4 
 
 23 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 17 
 
 4 
 
 127 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 539 
 
 sionist. The annual message deprecated the sectional feeling 
 regarding slavery, spoke of the folly of disunion as a remedy, 
 and took the Jackson stand, that at all hazards the Union must 
 be maintained. 
 
 CALHOUN'S NEW DOCTRINE.— T\\& postponed ques» 
 tion of the extension of the Missouri Compromise line to the 
 Pacific came up early. Calhoun, always aggressive and masterly, 
 proposed to cover the whole question by extending the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States to all the newly-acquired Mexican 
 Territory.* Webster met this situation by showing that the 
 Constitution was designed only for States, and that it could not 
 operate even in the States without an act of Congress to enforce 
 it. Further, that the sanction which that instrument gave to 
 slavery where it existed would not create slavery where it did 
 not exist, for slavery was a creation of the several States and not 
 of the general government. While Calhoun's proposition was 
 under debate the President's views were presented. They favored 
 the admission of California directly,! as she was ready, and the 
 erection of New Mexico and Utah into Territories, unmixed with 
 slavery, leaving the matter to be decided by their people when 
 they asked for admission as States. 
 
 COMPROMISE OF 1850.— Clay now came forward with a 
 set of compromise measures, which in one shape or another 
 were adopted during the session, and in the aggregate became 
 known as the Compromise of 1850. They, in general, provided 
 for the admission of California ; for the erection of New Mexico 
 and Utah Territories, unmixed with slavery, the same to be de- 
 cided by the people when they came to form States; the adjust- 
 ment of the Texas boundary and the payment of a money in- 
 demnity to that State; a more vigorous fugitive slave law; the 
 abolition of the slave trade, but no interference with it in the 
 District of Columbia. The Whigs and Free Soilers regarded 
 Clay's Compromise as a weak and unnecessary concession of 
 
 * Calhoun's idea was that inasmuch as the Constitution sanctioned slavery, its ex- 
 tension over any territory would establish slavery there. 
 
 f California had formed a State Constitution without slavery, June 3, 1849, and 
 bad made formal application for admission as a State, Feb. 13, 1850. 
 
540 PRESIDENTS AND" ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 free soil principles, and the extreme pro-slavery Democrats re- 
 garded it as a surrender of the late doctrine that Congress had 
 no right to prohibit a slaveholder from going where he pleased 
 in the Territories and taking his property with him. The meas- 
 ures therefore satisfied but few of the leaders, yet they served the 
 purpose of temporarily postponing the agitation and perhaps 
 averting, for the time, secession and civil war, threats of which, 
 on the part of the South, were rife. California became a State, 
 without slavery, Sept. 9, 1850.* The Fugitive Slave Law, the 
 result of the Compromise, was a severe measure, much more so 
 than the old one. It greatly encouraged the pursuit of fugitives, 
 made it compulsory on all citizens to aid in their arrest, and 
 compelled U. S. Commissioners to remand them without trial. 
 Its execution led to indignant protest on the part of Northern 
 citizens and to the protection of free negroes, charged with being 
 slaves, by special State enactments. That part of the Compromise 
 prohibiting interference with slavery in the District of Columbia 
 was not accepted, and slavery was abolished therein by act of 
 Sept. 15, 1850. The Congress adjourned, Sept. 30, 1850. 
 
 TAYLORS DEATH.— AitQT an illness of four days, due to 
 exposure in the sun on Independence day, President Taylor died, 
 July 9, 1850. Vice-President Fillmore was sworn into office on 
 July 9, and duly inaugurated July 10, 1850. His Cabinet was 
 confirmed by the Senate, as follows : 
 
 Secretary of State, Daniel Webster, Mass. ; Secretary of 
 Treasury, Thomas Corwin, Ohio ; Secretary of War, Winfield 
 Scott, ad interim, and Charles M. Conrad, La., permanently; 
 Secretary of Navy, William A. Graham, N. C. ; Secretary of In- 
 
 * The political importance of California to the South was great. Long before, 
 the free States preponderated in the House. But the Senate thus far was equally 
 divided between North and South. California turned the scale. Her admission 
 as a free State gave 32 free State Senators to 30 slave State Senators, and there was 
 no other State ready for admission south of 36° 30', nor likely to be for a long time. 
 Besides California was the first fruit of the Mexican conquest, and the policy which 
 controlled her admission was likely to hold as to the remainder of the Mexican Ter- 
 ritory. It was a disappointing situation for the pro-slavery leaders, and the begin- 
 ning of that policy which sought to break down all old barriers and compromises, 
 invited the Kansas difficulty, and formed a prelude to a separate Confederacy, 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 541 
 
 terior, A. H. H. Stuart, Va. ; Attorney-General, John J, Critten- 
 den, Ky. ; Postmaster-General, Nathan K, Hall, N. Y. 
 
 POLITICAL SITUATION.— WhWQ this sad transition was 
 a peaceful one, and boded no disaster to the dominant party as 
 did that from Harrison to Tyler, there were many things going 
 on, more or less portentous. In the session of Congress just 
 adjourned (First session Thirty-first Congress) the slavery meas- 
 ures of the extreme Southern Democrats had been even more 
 opposed by Northern Democrats than by the Whigs. This was 
 not only following up their charge that the pro-slavery element 
 of the party had betrayed them in the previous Presidential cam- 
 paign, but it showed a disposition to break away from the ultra 
 doctrine of slavery extension to which the slaveholding mem- 
 bers sought to commit the entire party. 
 
 The Whigs had not, as was expected, committed themselves 
 in their National Convention to the Wilmot proviso. They there- 
 fore did not attract the members of the Liberty party, nor those 
 of its successor, the Free Soil Democrats. On the contrary they 
 lost many of their leaders to the pro-slavery Democrats. Thus 
 while the Democratic party was being torn to pieces by losses of 
 its Free Soil element, it was being recuperated by accessions of 
 the pro-slavery Whig element. The Whigs losing, gained noth- 
 ing, and their decay as a positive political force dates from the 
 death of Taylor. 
 
 We have seen how rapidly the pro-slavery whirlpool was 
 made to revolve under the bold yet skillful management of 
 Calhoun, and how at every revolution the country had to face 
 some new situation, till, failing to force the line of 36° 30' 
 through to the Pacific, thus making a free and slave section, it 
 took the form of broad denial of the right of the government to 
 interfere with slavery in any place, or at all. The accession of 
 pro-slavery Whigs to the Democrats changed the aspect of affairs 
 somewhat. It stopped, for the time being, the threats of seces- 
 sion and war, and introduced a new, more conservative and 
 popular idea, over which to wrangle. It will be remembered 
 the Democrats, in their last National Convention at Baltimore, 
 had voted down a resolution to the effect that the government 
 
542 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 had no authority over slavery in the Territories, the corollary 
 being, that the people of each Territory should be let alone to 
 treat the matter as they pleased. The pro-slavery Whigs now 
 took hold of this doctrine and forced it on the attention of the 
 Democrats and the country. It was the doctrine which after- 
 wards became known as Popular, or Squatter, Sovereignty, 
 which figured so prominently in the Kansas affair, and which 
 served to draw Douglas, Geary, Reeder and other leaders outside 
 of the then existing Democratic lines. It was the doctrine also 
 which the hardy miners of California applied in their own State, 
 to the surprise, if not disgust, of those who originated it. The 
 pro-slavery sentiment which had thus proved a wedge to force 
 asunder the Whig party, and had nothing more to fear from it as 
 an organization, had to address itself to a more thorough con- 
 trol of the Democratic party. But in the meantime there would 
 be an advance of opposition sentiment, and a final gathering up 
 of political fragments into something more formidable, as a 
 political force, than had yet been dreamed of 
 
 THIRTY-FIRST CONG RES S—Stcond Session.— Met Dec. 
 2, 1850. The session was quiet and gloomy. The administra- 
 tion had nothing new to urge, and parties agreed to hold their 
 own in comparative peace. Adjourned sine die, March 3, 
 1851. 
 
 THIRTY-SECOND CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 
 I, 185 1. The Congressional elections had turned on the Com- 
 promise measures of 1850, and the people endorsed them, as a 
 happy quietus to slavery agitation, by returning a majority of 
 Democrats of rather conservative turn. Both branches were, 
 therefore. Democratic, the Senate by 8 and the House by 50. 
 The House organized by electing Linn Boyd, Ky., Democrat, 
 Speaker. The application of the Platte country (afterwards 
 Nebraska and Kansas) for a Territorial government threatened 
 for a time to open the slavery question, but the matter was 
 dropped before debate took acrimonious turn. There was but 
 little disposition shown on the part of the majority to antagonize 
 the administration, and in general the session work was rou- 
 tine, 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 543 
 
 ELECTION OF 1852.— The Democrats led the field in 
 National Convention at Baltimore, June i, 1852. This was a 
 supreme effort of the Southern or pro-slavery Democrats to 
 commit the party to their doctrine of slavery extension, and to a 
 rigid interpretation of the powers of the general government, 
 the latter being then and afterwards best known as " State 
 Rights " doctrine. The nominee for President was Franklin 
 Pierce, N. H. ; and for Vice-President, William R. King, Ala. 
 The platform reaffirmed the greater part of that of 1848, and 
 added : (i) No more revenue than is necessary to defray the 
 expenses of the government. (2) No National Bank. (3) Sep- 
 aration of government moneys from banking. (4) The country 
 is an asylum for the oppressed : therefore, no abridgment of 
 citizenship and the right to own soil. (5) Congress has no right 
 to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the 
 States. (6) Endorsement of the Compromise measures of 1850, 
 and resistance to all attempts to renew the slavery agitation. 
 
 (7) Adhesion to the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798. 
 
 (8) The war with Mexico was necessary and its results approved. 
 
 (9) No monopoly for the few at the expense of the many, and the 
 Union as it is and should be. 
 
 The Whigs met in National Convention at Baltimore, June 
 16, 1852, and nominated for President, Winfield Scott, Va. ; for 
 Vice-President, William A. Graham, N. C. The platform 
 claimed: (i) A sufficient power in the government to sustain it 
 and make it operative. (2) Revenue from tariff, with " suitable 
 encouragement to American industry." (3) Internal Improve- 
 ment. (4) Endorsed the Compromise measures of 1850, "the 
 Fugitive Slave Law included." The platform was fair to the 
 party — though extremely conservative — except the endorsement 
 of the Compromise measures of 1850, " including the Fugitive 
 Slave Law," which endorsement, as the sequel proved, was a part 
 of the plan of the extreme pro-slavery leaders to commit both 
 political parties to their policy of slavery extension, and which 
 reacted on the Whig party with twice the effect it did on the 
 Democratic party, so soon as the nature of those Compromise 
 measures became fully known. 
 
544 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 The Free Soil Democrats held their National Convention at 
 Pittsburg, Pa,, August ii, 1852, and nominated for President, 
 John P. Hale, N. H.; for Vice-President, George W. Julian, Ind. 
 Its platform announced : (i) That government was established to 
 secure the inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of 
 happiness. (2) That the Constitution expressly denies to the 
 general government all power to deprive any person of life, 
 liberty or property without due process of law ; that, therefore, it 
 has no more power to make a slave than a king, or to establish 
 slavery than establish a monarchy. (3) No more slave States, 
 no slave Territory, no national slavery, no national legislation for 
 the extradition of slaves. (4) The Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 
 denounced as repugnant to the Constitution, common law, Chris- 
 tianity, and of no binding force. (5) The Compromise measures 
 of 1850 disapproved. (6) Both political parties repudiated. 
 
 The election in November resulted in a Democratic victory, 
 the Whigs carrying only Massachusetts, Vermont, Kentucky 
 and Tennessee, though the result in most of the others was very 
 close. 
 
 THIRTY-SECOND CONGRESS— Second Session. — Met 
 Dec. 6, 1852. The bill for the organization of the Territory of 
 the Platte, rejected at the last session, came up in the shape of a 
 bill to organize the Territory of Nebraska, which included 
 Kansas. It was rejected by the Senate, at the instance of 
 Southern members, the time not being ripe for open assumption 
 of the position to which the Compromise measures of 1850 
 logically led. The electoral count, in February, showed 254 
 votes for Pierce and King, and 42 for Scott and Graham. Con- 
 gress adjourned svie die, March 3, 1853. President Pierce was 
 sworn into office, March 4, 1853, and Vice-President King 
 some time afterwards, he being sick on March 4. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 545 
 
 XVII. 
 
 PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1853— March 3, 1857. 
 
 Franklin Pierce, N. H., President. William R. King, Ala., 
 
 Vice-President. 
 
 Sessions. 
 
 December 5, 1853-August 7, 1854. 
 December 4, 1854-March 3, 1855. 
 December 5, 1855-August 18, 1856. 
 August 21, 1856-August 30, 1856, extra session. 
 December i, 1856-March 3, 1857. 
 
 Congresses. 
 Thirty-third Congress. / '' 
 
 (2, 
 f '' 
 
 Thirty-fourth Congress, i. 2, 
 13, 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE:^ 
 
 
 Democrats. 
 
 
 Whigs. 
 
 
 Franklin 
 
 William R. 
 
 Winfit 
 
 Id William A. 
 
 
 Pierce, 
 
 King, 
 
 Scow 
 
 , Graham, 
 
 Votes. 
 
 N. H. 
 
 Ala. 
 
 Va. 
 
 N. C. 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 , , 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 .. 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 .. 
 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 . . 
 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 . . 
 
 , , 
 
 12 
 
 IS 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 ., 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 . , 
 
 
 13 
 
 . . 
 
 
 I.^ 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 .. 
 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 .. 
 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 .. 
 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 .. 
 
 
 35 
 
 35 
 
 35 
 
 .. 
 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 23 
 
 23 
 
 .. 
 
 
 27 
 
 27 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 296 
 
 254 
 
 254 
 
 42 
 
 42 
 
 Basis of 
 States. 93.423 
 
 Alabama 7 
 
 Arkansas 2 
 
 Cabfornia 2 
 
 Connecticut 4 
 
 Delaware I 
 
 Florida i 
 
 Georgia 8 
 
 Illinois 9 
 
 Indiana If 
 
 Iowa 2 
 
 Kentucky 10 
 
 Louisiana 4 
 
 Maine 6 
 
 Maryland 6 
 
 Massachusetts II 
 
 Michigan 4 
 
 Mississippi 5 
 
 Missouri 7 
 
 New Hampshire 3 
 
 New Jersey 5 
 
 New York 33 
 
 North Carolina 8 
 
 Ohio 21 
 
 Pennsylvania 25 
 
 Rhode Island 2 
 
 South Carolina 6 
 
 Tennessee lo 
 
 Texas 2 
 
 Vermont 3 
 
 Virginia 13 
 
 Wisconsin 3 
 
 Total 234 
 
 *The popular vote was, Pierce, 1,601^74 — 27 States; Scott, 1,386,578 — 4 States 
 Hale, 156,149. 
 3§ 
 
546 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State William L. Marcy, N. Y. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury James Guthrie, Ky. 
 
 Secretary of War Jefferson Davis, Miss. 
 
 Secretary of Navy James C. Dobbin, N. C. 
 
 Secretary of Interior Robert McLelland, Mich. 
 
 Attorney-General Caleb Gushing, Mass. 
 
 Postmaster-General James Campbell, Pa. 
 
 POLITICAL SITUATION.— The administration opened 
 with surface indications of peace. The country had ratified the 
 Compromise measures of 1850, on the theory that they afforded 
 an escape from slavery agitation, but without knowing that they 
 were fuller of the germs of agitation than any measures yet 
 propounded. Both parties had been committed to them in their 
 platforms, at the instance of their pro-slavery members ; they 
 therefore stood committed to the logical results of those 
 measures, or else to demoralizing retreat. The discovery of 
 what they contained appalled the Whigs. They never recovered 
 from the shock, lost their organization, never ran another Presi- 
 dential Candidate. They literally died of too much Compro- 
 mise, or, as was piquantly said at the time, " of an attempt to 
 swallow the Fugitive Slave law." President Pierce in his first 
 message thoroughly committed the administration to the Com- 
 promise measures. The pro-slavery Democrats were therefore 
 in a very enviable situation. They could force their construction 
 of the situation with the hands of the Whig party tied, and with 
 the assurance that the Democratic organization was firmly with 
 them. 
 
 THIRTY-THIRD CONGRESS— Yhsi Session.— Met Dec. 5, 
 1853. The Democrats had a majority in the House, over all 
 opposition, of 74, and in the Senate of 14. The House organized 
 by re-electing Linn Boyd, Ky., Speaker. Discussion of th? 
 Kansas-Nebraska bill occupied the greater part of the session, 
 It opened the slavery agitation in a new form, and it was not to 
 cease till quieted by arms. The Nebraska bill of the previou«( 
 sessions took the form of a bill to create two Territories out of 
 the Platte country, the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. 
 Both lay north of 36° 30', the Missouri Compromise line of 1 820; 
 and therefore both were free Territories according to the provi- 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 547 
 
 sions of that Compromise. But the new pro-slavery doctrine- 
 new since the Compromise measures of 1850 — was, that these 
 measures of 1850 invalidated those of 1820, and committed the 
 government to non-interference with slavery in the Territories. 
 Therefore the slavery question was an open one as to all terri- 
 tory, with no right on the part of Congress to legislate for or 
 against it. 
 
 The Senate Bill (Kansas and Nebraska), under the amendment 
 of Mr. Douglas, therefore provided, " that so much of the 
 Compromise bill of 1820 preventing slavery north of 36° 30', 
 as was inconsistent with the Compromise of 1850 establishing 
 non-intervention by Congress with slavery in either States or 
 Territories, was inoperative and void, it being the true intent and 
 meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or 
 State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof 
 perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in 
 their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United 
 .States." 
 
 This amendment is noteworthy. It admitted what the pro- 
 slavery Democrats and Whigs already knew, that the Compro- 
 mise measures of 1850, logically construed, repealed the Com- 
 promise of 1820. It hampered them, however, for with the 
 repeal of the Compromise of 1820 and their claim to go where 
 they pleased with slave property, they had all the public terri- 
 tory open to slavery. The Douglas idea was that introduced 
 into the Democratic party by pro-slavery Whigs, to wit, the idea 
 of squatter or popular sovereignty, a leaving of slavery to the 
 Voice of the people of the Territory or proposed State. 
 
 While the bill as thus amended was not what the South wanted, 
 it secured the united support of pro-slavery Democrats and 
 Whigs, but it divided the Northern Democrats into two even 
 bodies (44 each), one of which supported it, and the other op- 
 posed it. The Northern Whigs opposed it and the Free Soil 
 Democracy. The Democratic breach soon closed, but the Whig 
 breach widened, and the Northern wing left their name to be 
 perpetuated for a little while by their Southern brethren, they in 
 the meantime assuming the title of anti-Nebraska men, soon to 
 be merged into Republican. 
 
548 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 The passage of the bill, May 25, 1854, opened the eyes of 
 the entire country to what was concealed in the apparently inno- 
 cent Compromise measures of 1850, and transferred the scene 
 of combat from Congress to the plains of the West, where it 
 was carried on amid confusion and bloodshed for years. The 
 squatter sovereignty idea placed the free and slave States on* 
 their merits as colonizers. The section that could send the 
 greatest number of bona fide settlers into the new fields was 
 bound to win in the end. Could the South, which had always 
 out-manceuvred the North in slave diplomacy, cope with that 
 more populous section in this practical adjudication of the deli- 
 cate question? Congress adjourned, August 7, 1854. 
 
 THIRTY-THIRD CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec 
 4, 1854. The session resulted in no measure of political sig- 
 nificance. Adjourned sine die, March 3, 1855. 
 
 A NEW POIITICAL FORCE.— The Native American idea 
 is almost as old as the country. In 1790 naturalization could 
 be had after two years' residence. In 1795 it required five years', 
 residence. A great majority of foreigners, either Frenchmen 
 direct or Irish and Scotch driven from home for sympathy with 
 France, naturally affiliated with the Republican party, which was 
 always ready for a war with England. This fact induced the 
 Federal measure of 1798, extending the period for naturalization 
 to fourteen years. In 1802 the Republicans, in order to rein- 
 force their party, fixed the time at five years, where it has since 
 stood. They were not disappointed, for this legal consultation 
 of a tendency, backed by the encouragement it ever received 
 in their declaration of principles, has always secured to them a 
 majority of the foreign vote, especially in the cities. To coun- 
 teract, or correct, this, an organized movement was begun in New 
 York as early as 1835. In 1844 the Native Americans carried 
 that city, electing their Mayor by a good majority. This success 
 caused the movement to spread to adjoining States. It em- 
 braced members of all parties, and became prominent in local 
 municipal contests. Its presence in Philadelphia resulted in the 
 murderous riots of 1844. In 1852 it reappeared as a secret or- 
 ganization, officially as the American party, but popularly as the 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 549 
 
 " Know-Nothing- " party, from the reticence of its members as to 
 their principles. Of it Hon. A. H. H. Stuart, Va., said : " The 
 vital principle of the American party is Anicricanisiii — develop- 
 ing itself in a deep-rooted attachment to our own country — its 
 Constitution, its union, its laws — to American men, American 
 measures, American interests." Its cardinal principle was : 
 "Americans must rule America ; " its countersign was the order 
 of Washington at a critical time during the Revolution, " Put 
 none but Americans on guard to-night." By holding a balance 
 of power in many cities and States, its vote decided several im- 
 portant elections, and as the extent of its influence could not be 
 foreknown, political results were at times genuine surprises to 
 party leaders. It received large accessions from the Whigs, es- 
 pecially of the South, after the passage of the Kansas and Ne- 
 braska bill, who could not go with their Northern brethren into 
 the anti-Nebraska movement, nor yet with the Democrats into a 
 pronounced pro-slavery movement. In 1855 it carried as many 
 as nine State elections. It was therefore a power which had 
 been startlingly felt in the Congressional elections of that year, 
 and was to be still further felt in the session about to be held. 
 
 THIRTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— Y\xs>^ Session.— Met Dec. 
 3, 1855. In the Senate the Democrats had a majority of nine. 
 In the House the magnificent Democratic majority of the pre' 
 vious Congress had been wiped out and turned into one of anti- 
 Nebraska men, of whom there were 117, as against 79 straight 
 Democrats and 37 pro-slavery Whigs. Owing to the fact that 
 many of the majority were Know-Nothings, a protracted contest 
 arose over the speakership. A choice was not made till Febru- 
 ary, 1856, when a resort was had to the method adopted by the 
 Thirty-first Congress, that of a choice by the highest number of 
 votes. N. P. Banks, Mass., was then chosen on the 131st bal- 
 lot. He was a pronounced anti-Nebraska man, and therefore the 
 majority were represented in the Speaker. This was the stormy 
 beginning of one of the stormiest sessions ever held. 
 
 KANSAS TROUBLE. — The Kansas question came up im- 
 mediately and occupied the entire session. As we have seen 
 the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854), with the 
 
550 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS, 
 
 Squatter Sovereignty Amendment, threw open these Territories 
 to competitive settlement by North and South, or by anti-slavery 
 and pro-slavery men. The South had the advantage of prox- 
 imity — Missouri being next to Kansas. The Missourians 
 swarmed over the border and elected a congressional delegate, 
 Nov. 29, 1854, who was accepted by the Congress. They 
 did the same in 1855, and elected a Legislature, which met at 
 Pawnee in July of that year, and enacted a State Constitution, 
 strongly pro-slavery in its terms. 
 
 The anti-slavery settlers were all this time pouring in through 
 Iowa and Nebraska — they had been prohibited from passing 
 through the State of Missouri — against the armed protest of the 
 pro-slavery occupants — Border Ruffians as they were called — 
 and the condition of the Territory was one of war, with but little 
 doubt as to the result, for the anti-slavery settlers came to make 
 investment and to stay, while the pro-slavery occupants clung 
 less tenaciously to the soil, and wasted time and energy in the 
 excitement which the new field furnished. The anti-slavery or 
 free State settlers met in convention at Topeka, Sept. 5, 1855, 
 and enacted a free State constitution. They denounced the ex- 
 isting Legislature as not of Kansas, but the work of Missourians 
 who had crossed the border to create it, elected a delegate to 
 Congress, who was rejected, and on Jan. 15, 1856, elected State 
 officers, and asked to be admitted as a State. Their work was 
 rejected by Congress. 
 
 The local conflict grew louder and more sanguinary. The 
 President interfered, Jan. 24, 1856, by a message endorsing the 
 pro-slavery Legislature, and, Feb. 11, 1856, by a proclamation 
 denouncing the attempt to form a free State government as an 
 act of rebellion. He ordered the governor of the Territory 
 (Shannon) to enforce the laws of the pro-slavery Legislature 
 with the United States troops. This only added to the excite- 
 ment. The free State Legislature, which met at Topeka, July 4, 
 1856, was broken up by United States troops, acting under the 
 President's order. By this time a congressional committee, sent 
 to the scene, reported that no free, fair election had ever been 
 held in the Territory. On the strength of this, and in order to 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIOI^S. 551 
 
 ibalk the effort to force a government on the people without a 
 fair expression of their sentiments as to whether it should be 
 slave or free, the House refused to appropriate money for the 
 army if it were to be used to sustain the pro-slavery Legislature 
 of the Territory. 
 
 It would be impossible to conceive of the excitement in both 
 Houses over the question, and throughout the country. In the 
 Senate Charles Sumner was knocked down and beaten (May 22, 
 1856), by Representative Brooks, South Carolina, for a speech 
 which criticised his relative, Senator Butler, South Carolina. 
 Congress adjourned Aug. 18, 1856. 
 
 THIRTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— Y.^\.x^ Session.— Called 
 Aug. 21, 1856. This session was called to meet the emergency 
 occasioned by the adjournment of Aug. 18, without an appro- 
 priation for the army. The House still insisted on its proviso 
 that the army should not be used to force a pro-slavery govern- 
 ment on the people of Kansas ; but a change of governors hav- 
 ing been announced — Shannon was superseded by Geary* — it 
 receded, and the army appropriation bill was passed. The 
 extra session adjourned Aug. 30, 1856. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1856. — The Know-Nothing organization, 
 which had been so successful in the State and local elections of 
 1855, would now try its hand in national affairs as The American 
 Party. It took the field first, and met in national convention, at 
 Philadelphia, Feb. 22, 1856. There were 227 delegates present. 
 All the States were represented except Maine, Vermont, Georgia, 
 and South Carolina. Many of the delegates (probably a fourth) 
 were not so much "Americans " as anti-slavery men. Millard 
 Fillmore, New York, was nominated for President, and Andrew 
 J. Donelson, Tennessee, for Vice-President. The platform an- 
 nounced : (i) Perpetuation of the Union. (2) Preference of 
 native-born citizens for office. (3) No office for any one who 
 recognizes obligation to any foreign prince, potentate, or power. 
 (4) Non-interference by Congress with questions belonging to 
 individual States, nor by States with each other. (5) The right 
 
 * Geary arrived Sept. 9, 1856, and succeeded in bringing about a suspension of 
 local hostilities without directly using the United States forces. 
 
552 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 of native-born and naturalized citizens of any Territory to frame 
 their own constitution and laws, and regulate their social affairs 
 in their own way. (6) A residence of twenty-one years as ne- 
 cessary to naturalization. On account of the failure of the 
 convention to recognize the right of Congress to re-establish 
 the Missouri Compromise line, the anti-slavery delegates 
 withdrew, and threw their strength to the coming Republican 
 party. 
 
 The Democratic Convention met at Cincinnati, June 2, 1856, 
 and nominated James Buchanan, Pennsylvania, for President, and 
 John C. Breckinridge, Kentucky, for Vice-President. The plat- 
 form endorsed preceding ones, and added, (i) Opposition to 
 Americanism. (2) No more revenue than is necessary to defray 
 expenses. (3) No general system of Internal Improvement. (4) 
 Strict construction of Federal powers. (5) No National Bank. 
 (6) No interference with Slavery in the Territories, the people 
 to have the right to settle that question for themselves (this was 
 an endorsement of the Squatter Sovereignty idea). (7) Approval 
 of the Kansas-Nebraska bill. 
 
 REPUBLICAN PARTY. *— This new candidate for national 
 favor received a name, said to have been suggested by Governor 
 Seward, N. Y., in the latter part of 1855 or early part of 1856. 
 It was a substitute for the title of " Anti-Nebraska Men," then 
 applied to those who had opposed the Kansas-Nebraska act, and 
 who were, in general, opposed to slavery and its extension. It 
 raised a standard around which could rally the old Liberty 
 party, the Free Soil Democracy, the Anti-Slavery Whigs, and 
 all who were finding it irksom -. to follow the Democratic party as 
 it grew more rigid in its interpretation of the Constitution, in- 
 clined more and more to make a political dogma of State Rights, 
 and refused to separate its own existence from that of slavery in 
 the State, and slavery extension in the Territory. 
 
 The Republican party held its first National Convention at 
 Philadelphia, June 17, 1856, and nominated John C. Fremont, 
 Cal., for President, and William M. Dayton, N. J., for Vice- 
 
 * Called the " Black Republican " party by its opponents, on account of it3 
 sympathy for the colored race. 
 
JOHN C. FREMONT. 
 
 *^rti 
 
 WILLIAM L. MARCY. 
 
 ROBERT J. WALKER. 
 553 
 
554 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 President. Its platform showed that its members were liberal 
 interpreters of the Constitution. It announced : (i) That the Con- 
 stitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, 
 shall be preserved. (2) " No person shall be deprived of life, 
 liberty or property without due process of law," and denial of 
 the authority of Congress, or of a Territorial Legislature, or of 
 any association of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery 
 in any Territory of the United States, under the present Con- 
 stitution. (3) Congress, in the exercise of its Constitutional 
 power over Territories, ought to prohibit " those twin relics of 
 barbarism, polygamy and slavery." (4) Denounced the Kansas 
 policy of the administration, and all effort to set up a pro-slavery 
 government there, in defiance of the will of the people. (5) The 
 immediate admission of Kansas with her Free State Constitution. 
 (6) Government aid for a Pacific Railroad. (7) A system of In- 
 ternal Improvement. 
 
 The Whigs, or what was left of them, met at Baltimore, Sept. 
 17, 1856. They, in common with the Know-Nothings, de- 
 nounced the Democratic and Republican parties as sectional, 
 and then, without further endorsing or discussing the Know- 
 Nothing principles, agreed to support Fillmore and Donelson, 
 because they regarded the country as already in a state of civil 
 war, and believed that their election would be the best means of 
 restoring peace. The Whig name now disappears from the party 
 lists. 
 
 After an exciting campaign, involving a wide discussion of 
 principles, the election in November showed I State (Maryland) 
 for Fillmore; 11 free States for Fremont; 14 slave States and 
 the rest of the free (19 in all) States for Buchanan. 
 
 THIRTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met 
 Dec. I, 1856. The result of the Presidential election had served 
 to tighten party lines. The Anti-Nebraska Men (now Republi- 
 cans) were numerically the strongest body (108) in the House, 
 but could not command a majority as against the Democrats 
 (83) and Americans (43) or Know-Nothings. The Senate stood 
 40 Democrats; 15 Republicans; 5 Americans. 
 
 THE KANSAS QUESTION— The dispersion of the Free 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 555 
 
 State Legislature at Topeka, Jan. 6, 1857, by Federal troops, 
 and the arrest of its officers and many members, again brought 
 the question prominently before Congress. The House passed 
 a bill declaring the acts of the Pro-Slavery Legislature op- 
 pressive and void, which the Senate tabled. A change of 
 governors from Geary, who had lost caste with the Pro-Slavery 
 Legislature, to Robert J. Walker, Miss., gave respite from dis- 
 cussion for the time being. 
 
 TARIFF OF 1857. — While this session showed a spirit of 
 generosity in encouraging railroad enterprises in the West by 
 grants of public lands, it struck the country a cruel blow on the 
 very last day of the session (March 3) by enacting the tariff of 
 1857. This measure reduced duties all along the line of imports, 
 and on leading articles almost to such rates as were wont to 
 prevail before the war of 18 12, and had prevailed at no time 
 since except at the end of the sliding scale (1841) provided by 
 the act of 1833.* 
 
 The electoral count in February showed 174 votes for Bu- 
 chanan and Breckinridge ; 1 14 for Fremont and Dayton ; 8 for 
 Fillmore and Donelson. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 
 1857. The candidates elect were sworn into office, March 4, 
 1857. 
 
 XVIIL 
 BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1857— March 3, 1861. 
 
 James Buchanan, Pa., President. John C. Breckinridge, Ky., 
 
 Vice-President. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 Thirty-fifth Congress. { '; ^^^^,^^, \ IsssUfccM/fls^g. 
 
 _ „ f I, December ■;, 18150 — Tune 2?, i860. 
 
 Thirty-sixth Congress. | ^^ December 3, 1860-March 3, 1861. 
 
 * This year (1857) occurred a great financial panic, during which there were 5,123 
 commercial failures. The administration was compelled to borrow money at a dis- 
 count of 8 to 10 per cent. 
 
556 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE:^ 
 
 Basis of 
 States. 93.423- 
 
 Alabama 7 
 
 Arkansas 2 
 
 California 2 
 
 Connecticut 4 
 
 Delaware I 
 
 Florida I 
 
 Georgia 8 
 
 Illinois 9 
 
 Indiana 1 1 
 
 Iowa 2 
 
 Kentucky 10 
 
 Louisiana 4 
 
 Maine 6 
 
 Maryland 6 
 
 Massachusetts 11 
 
 Michigan 4 
 
 Mississippi 5 
 
 Missouri 7 
 
 New Hampshire.. .. 3 
 
 New Jersey 5 
 
 New York -^t, 
 
 North Carolina. ... 8 
 
 Ohio 21 
 
 Pennsylvania 25 
 
 Rhode Island 2 
 
 South Carolina .... 6 
 
 Tennessee 10 
 
 Texas 2 
 
 Vermont 3 
 
 Virginia. 13 
 
 Wisconsin 3 
 
 Totals 234 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Republican. 
 
 American. 
 
 Vote. 
 
 9 
 4 
 4 
 6 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 II 
 
 13 
 4 
 
 12 
 6 
 8 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 35 
 10 
 
 23 
 27 
 
 4 
 8 
 12 
 4 
 5 
 
 15 
 
 5 
 
 296 
 
 James J. C. John C. Wm. L. Milhud A. I. 
 Buchanan, Breckin- Fremont, Dayton, Fillmore, Donelson, 
 
 Pa. 
 
 27 
 
 8 
 12 
 
 4 
 
 15 
 
 ridge, Ky. 
 9 
 4 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 10 
 II 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 Cal. 
 
 N.J. 
 
 N. Y. 
 
 27 
 
 12 
 
 4 
 15 
 
 174 
 
 174 
 
 _5 
 114 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 35 
 23 
 
 5 
 114 
 
 • Continued. 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State Lewis Cass, Mich. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury Howell Cobb, Ga. 
 
 Secretary of War John B. Floyd, Va. 
 
 Secretary of Navy Isaac Toucey, Conn. 
 
 Secretary of Interior Jacob Thompson, Miss. .. . 
 
 Attorney-General Jeremiah S. Black, Pa. 
 
 Postmaster-General Aaron V. Brown. 
 
 POLITICAL SITUATION.— K glance at the electoral vote 
 shows that the persistent effort of the pro-slavery leaders to 
 unify the Democratic yarty in their interest had at last succeeded. 
 
 * The popular vote was, Buchanan, 1,838,169 — 19 States; Fremont, 1,341,264— 
 II States; Fillmore, 874,534 — i State. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 557 
 
 Buchanan's election was jl triumph for the South. The large 
 vote for the RepubHcan nominee showed the possibiHties of the 
 new party. The popular vote of the country was largely against 
 the Democrats. The American or FiHmore vote represented 
 those who wished to ignore the Slavery question. As things 
 were shaping they must swing to some positive position ere 
 long. It but remained for the Republicans to take a firm stand 
 on the Slavery question. The agitation was sure to go on, and 
 that in a way which must weaken Democracy by schism, for the 
 extreme Southern leaders were beginning to secthat the " Squat- 
 ter Sovereignty" idea was not one which would bring them 
 slavery extension, but would in the end defeat their long cher- 
 ished intentions. They found that they were not natural 
 colonizers, and that to establish a plantation in Kansas, or any 
 Territory, and stock it with slaves, was a very different thing 
 from taking up a small tract by a free-footed young farmer, 
 ambitious to plow, sow and reap for himself This was where 
 " Squatter Sovereignty " was proving deadly. Not much wonder 
 that when the extreme Southern Democrats saw their mistake — 
 or rather repented of their commitment to it, for they never 
 favored it except as a means, perhaps their only means then, 
 of capturing the entire Democratic organization — they backed 
 away from it, charged its recognized authors or expounders, 
 Douglas and others, with weak, unfair, and even treacherous, 
 dealing, and finally resorted to the plan of a separate con- 
 federacy.* 
 
 £>REB SCOTT DECISION.— The decision of the U. S. 
 
 * Two other methods of adding to the diminishing political importance of the 
 South had been broached. One was to reopen the African slave trade. This 
 would provide a means of pouring into the Territories an unlimited stream of slave 
 immigrants, and thus competing with the greater numbers and resources of the 
 North. The other was to conquer and annex Cuba and Central America. This was 
 the meaning of the Lopez filibustering expedition which started from New Orleans 
 (1851) for Cuba. And so with the Walker filibustering expedition, from the same 
 place (1855), which operated on Central America. As encouragement to this idea 
 of conquest and annexation, the Ostend Manifesto was proclaimed by our American 
 ministers in England, France and Spain, citing thai tlie safety of the United States 
 required the acquisition of Cuba. 
 
558 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Supreme Court, delivered by Chief Justice Taney, March 6, 
 1856, in the Dred Scott case, awakened intense interest, and be- 
 gat feelings of alarm thoughout the North. Its political effect 
 was to bring the position of the extreme pro-slavery Democrats 
 into bold relief. When Calhoun, years before, asked that the 
 Constitution be extended to the Territories, he had two lines of 
 thought: (i) That the Constitution sanctioned slavery. (2) That 
 its extension would extend slavery, for a slave was property as 
 anything else material was property. As we have seen, he was 
 driven from this ultra position, or rather his position became un- 
 tenable, by reason of the growth of the "Squatter Sovereignty" 
 idea. But now the Supreme Court had come squarely to his 
 position, and even gone beyond it* Notwithstanding the slave 
 was by the Constitution and for purposes of representation three- 
 fifths of a freeman, he became by the decision a chattel " without 
 rights or privileges except such as those who held the power 
 and the government might choose to grant him." The plaintiff, 
 Dred Scott, was not even a plaintiff in court, but a mere thing 
 without status, and his case was dismissed for want of jurisdic- 
 tion. Further, the Compromise of 1820 was unconstitutional, 
 and no act of Congress could be passed under the Constitution 
 
 * As this important case was the last pro-slavery effort to sustain itself by form of 
 law, and as the drift thenceforth is toward armed arbitrament, it is well to know 
 its history. The case opened : 
 
 Dred Scott f U. S. Circuit Court, Dist. Missouri. 
 
 vs. } To April T., 1854. 
 
 John F. A. Sanford. ( Trespass Viet armis. 
 The plaintiff, Dred Scott, was an original slave of J. F. A. Sanford, of Missouri. 
 His owner resided in Illinois, a free State, with him from 1834 to 1838. He further 
 resided with him in Minnesota Territory, free soil also, as being north of 36° 30'', 
 the Missouri Compromise line of 1820. He then removed back to Missouri with him. 
 The slave there resisted a flogging by bringing suit for damages, on the plea that 
 residence in Illinois and Minnesota had made him a free man. The defense was 
 that a descendant of slave ancestors could never be free, was not a citizen, had no 
 status in court. The plaintiff won in the District Court. An appeal brought it to 
 the Supreme Court. The opinion of the Chief Justice was not unanimous, but dis- 
 senting opinions were filed. At the time of the decision many of the free States 
 had laws, an,d all were operating on the principle, to the effect that a slave leaving 
 his slave State and entering a free one was no longer a slave, but free. Fur the 
 opinions in full, see Howard's U. S. Supreme Court Reports, vol. 19, p. 393. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 559 
 
 with a view to preventing a slaveholder from entering any State 
 or Territory with his slave property any more than from enter- 
 ing it with his goods and chattels of whatever description. 
 
 The legal effect of the decision was not only to wipe out the 
 Compromise measure of 1820, which had been done construc- 
 tively by those of 1850, but to wipe out those of 1850 also, which 
 had introduced the Squatter or Popular Sovereignty idea ; that 
 is, the idea of leaving the question of slavery to be decided by the 
 people of the Territories when they came to form State Constitu- 
 tions. It, in fine, opened all the Territories and all the free States, 
 to the advent of slavery, no matter what their local laws might 
 say on the subject. It nationalized the institution, by degrading 
 the slave to the level of a horse, cow, plow or carriage, and over- 
 rode every sentiment of humanity respecting him, as well as the 
 old and well-established notion that as an institution slavery was 
 a creature of State, or local, enactments. The decision was all too 
 plainly a reflex of the extreme Southern sentiment to meet with 
 sanction from the North, and as it destroyed the hope of Douglas 
 and his now important Democratic following for a settlement of 
 the question on the basis of Popular Sovereignty, they began to 
 drift away from the regular party organization. 
 
 THIRTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 
 7, 1857. The Presidential election carried along with it a Demo- 
 cratic majority in both branches of the Congress. The Senate 
 stood 39 Democrats, 20 Republicans, 5 Americans ; the House 
 131 Democrats, 92 Republicans, 14 Americans. The tone of the 
 parties was different also. The Republicans were squarely across 
 the way of the Democrats. The Democrats were emboldened 
 by recent successes, and by the fact that the administration was 
 heartily with them. This latter they had been assured of by 
 the message, which was all they could have wished. On the 
 absorbing question of slavery as presented by the Kansas diffi- 
 culty, the President took the ground that the State ought to be 
 admitted at once under the Lecompton Constitution,* which 
 sanctioned slavery. 
 
 * The pro-Slavery party had (1855) adopted the Pawnee Constitution, which was 
 simply the Constitution of Missouri, with a criminal code added raising numerous 
 
560 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 The House organized by electing James L. Orr, S. C, Demo- 
 crat, Speaker. A contest immediately arose over a bill, framed 
 in accordance with the President's suggestion, to admit Kansas 
 under the Lecompton Constitution. For three months the con- 
 tention was bitter, abusive, and sectional. The Republicans took 
 the ground that the Lecompton Convention, having been called 
 to frame a Constitution and having done so, the instrument must 
 be ratified by the people before the State could ask for admission. 
 In this they were supported by Douglas, Broderick, Adrian, 
 Hickman, and other Democrats (called Anti-Lecompton Demo- 
 crats), who saw their theory of popular sovereignty destroyed 
 if the people were to be denied an opportunity to express their 
 preferences for or against slavery in their Constitution, by direct 
 vote on the instrument itself. The Southern Democrats stood 
 solid for the bill and the President's position, that the delegates 
 having been called to make a Constitution, there was no need 
 of submitting it to the people. The bill passed the Senate. In 
 the House it passed with the proviso that the Constitution should 
 be first voted on by the people. A conference bill was finally 
 agreed upon, which must be set down as an inexcusable, if not 
 shameless, piece of legislation, inasmuch as it offered a bribe to 
 the State to adopt the Lecompton Constitution. This bill ad- 
 mitted the State with the House proviso, and the additional 
 proviso th^t in case it adopted the Lecompton Constitution, it 
 should have a large grant of public lands. To the credit of the 
 Territory this did not have the desired effect, and on the sub- 
 offences against slavery and imposing the death penalty. Not wishing to submit 
 this to the people they called another Convention to meet at Lecompton to frame a 
 Constitution. This was submitted to the people for ratification (December, 1857) by 
 ballots printed " Constitution with Slavery," and " Constitution without Slavery." 
 As this gave the voter who was opposed to other features of the instrument no 
 opportunity to record his views, the Free State party refused to vote, and refused to 
 consider it a submission of the instrument to popular verdict. They, therefore, 
 through the Territorial Legislature, which body they had secured control of at a 
 regular election in which both parties participated, ordered another election which 
 would give the people an opportunity to vote for or against the Constitution, and 
 not for or against a single clause in it. This was the election held in August, 185$, 
 which repudiated th« Constitution by nearly 10,000 majority. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 561 
 
 mission of the Constitution to the people, Aug. 2, 1858, it was 
 rejected by an overwhelming majority. Minnesota became a 
 State in the Union, May 11, 1858. Congress adjourned, June 14, 
 1858. 
 
 THIRTY-FIFTH CONGRFSS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 
 6, 1858. The session was barren of political results, though 
 much discussion was had over slavery, the disposition of public 
 lands among heads of families, afterwards known as the Home- 
 stead policy, and the appropriation of public lands for school 
 purposes. Oregon entered the Union, Feb. 14, 1859. Congress 
 adjourned sine die, March 3, 1859. 
 
 AN EXCITING ^'^0/^7?.— The supreme topic was slavery, 
 and Kansas was the pivot on which it turned. The rejection of 
 the Lecompton Constitution with slavery gave opportunity for 
 another convention, at Wyandot, July, 1859, which drafted the 
 Wyandot Constitution without slavery. This was ratified by the 
 people, by a majority of 4,000. It was the Constitution under 
 which Kansas was afterwards admitted, Jan. 29, 1861. This 
 verdict of the people of Kansas in favor of a free State showed 
 that there was nothing in the popular sovereignty idea upon 
 which slavery could rely. 
 
 The affair of John Brown at Harper's Ferry, Oct. 17, 1859, 
 shocked sentiment both North and South. The audacity of his 
 effort to stir up a slave insurrection, or to advance the anti- 
 slavery cause by seizure of a town, and by armed force, awakened 
 at first a feeling of repulsion. But the anger it begat, in the 
 slave States, their eagerness to arm for defense, their desire to 
 implicate the entire North in the raid, and their swift execution 
 of the criminal, had the effect of eclipsing his crime by sympathy 
 for the man, and by further animosity toward slavery itself The 
 hanging of John Brown, Dec. 2, 1859, at Charlestown, W. Va., 
 marks the date when the discussion of the right and wrong of 
 slavery passed all political limits, and became general in social 
 circles, in jurisprudence, and in religion. 
 
 THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— Yirst Session.— Met Dec, 
 5, 1859. The Congressional elections had resulted favorably to 
 the Republicans, and, though without a majority in the House, 
 36 
 
562 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 they outnumbered any other party. Analysis of the respective 
 branches showed, in the Senate, 38 Democrats, 25 Republicans, 
 2 Americans; House, 109 Republicans, 86 Democrats, 13 Anti- 
 Lecompton Democrats, 22 Americans. This situation led to a 
 protracted dispute over the organization of the House. Balloting 
 was carried on two months, before it resulted in the choice of 
 William Pennington, Republican, N. J., as Speaker. 
 
 The application of Kansas for admission under the Wyandot 
 Free State Constitution opened the slavery discussion with all 
 its accustomed severity and prolixity. The House admitted the 
 State, but the Senate rejected it, and engaged in a lengthy and 
 desperate attempt to get back to the old Calhoun position that 
 slavery in the Territories was beyond the jurisdiction of either 
 Congress or the Territorial Legislatures ; in other words, that it 
 must follow the Federal Constitution, and was inherent in the 
 common law regarding personal property. An effort to pass a 
 Homestead bill drew strictly party debate. The pro-slavery 
 Democrats opposed the policy of cheap lands to immigrants. 
 The Kansas experience had proved that the more populous 
 North was the best colonizer, and that any extra inducement 
 would only lead to an increased number of Free States. A 
 spirited party discussion sprang up over the report of the com- 
 mittee appointed at the instance of Mr. Cov^ode, Pa., and known 
 as the " Covode Investigation," to examine into the conduct of 
 the Administration respecting the admission of Kansas as a slave 
 State. The report found the Administration guilty of bribing 
 members and editors to advocate the admission of the State 
 under the Lecompton Constitution. Congress adjourned, June 
 25, i860. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1 860.— The Democratic National Conven- 
 tion met at Charleston, S. C, April 23, i860. Delegates were 
 present from all the States, to the number of 303. Caleb Cush- 
 ing, Mass., presided. An early division of sentiment respecting 
 slavery arose. The Southern and all extreme pro-slavery 
 Democrats held that, under the Dred Scott decision, slavery- 
 could not be interdicted in the Territories. The Douglas Dem- 
 Q^rats held squarely to the doctrine of squatter, or popular sov 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 563 
 
 erefgnty. The dispute over these positions was so grave and 
 lengthy that balloting for a candidate did not begin till May ist. 
 After fifty-seven ineffectual ballots, no choice appeared. Stephen 
 A. Douglas, 111., stood highest, but never rose above 153 votes, 
 202 being necessary to a choice, under the two-thirds rule. A 
 Douglas, or Popular Sovereignty platform had been adopted by 
 the convention, and thereupon many delegates from the Southern 
 States withdrew. Seeing that no choice was possible, the con- 
 vention adjourned to meet at Baltimore, June 18. The places 
 of the withdrawn delegates had, in the meantime, been filled by 
 those favorable to Mr, Douglas. The nominees therefore became 
 Stephen A. Douglas, 111., for President, and Herschel V. Johnson, 
 Ga., for Vice-President. A portion of this convention also se- 
 ceded, and met the seceded Charleston convention on the 28th. 
 The platform affirmed the Cincinnati platform of 1856, and added 
 clauses pledging Democracy to a Pacific Railroad, and govern- 
 ment aid therefor ; favoring the acquisition of Cuba ; denouncing 
 State enactments designed to defeat the Fugitive Slave law ; ac- 
 quiescence in Supreme Court decisions, but construction of them 
 in the vein of Popular Sovereignty. 
 
 The seceders from the Charleston Convention organize^ in 
 Charleston and adjourned to meet in Richmond, June 1 1. They 
 then adjourned to meet in Baltimore, June 28. Here they 
 were reinforced by the seceders from the Baltimore Conven- 
 tion, under the lead of Butler and Cashing. The nominees be- 
 came John C. Breckinridge, Ky., for President, and Joseph Lane, 
 Oregon, for Vice-President. The platform affirmed the Cincin- 
 nati platform of 1856, and pledged the party to a Pacific Rail- 
 road ; to the acquisition of Cuba ; favored the execution of the 
 Fugitive Slave law ; announced that the unorganized territory 
 of the United States was open to all citizens v/ith whatever kind 
 of property ; that the federal government must protect the rights 
 of persons and property wherever its authority extends ; that 
 the right of sovereignty begins when the settlers in a territory 
 have a population adequate to the formation of a State constitu- 
 tion, and is consummated by the admission of the State, and 
 that then its people stand on a par with the people of all the 
 
564 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 States, and the State ought to be admitted with or without 
 slavery, as its constitution provides. 
 
 The Republican National Convention met at Chicago, May 
 i6, i860, in the " Wigwam," built for the purpose. Delegates 
 were present from all the Northern States and from Delaware, 
 Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri and Virginia, with scattering 
 representatives from all the Southern States except the Gulf 
 States. The work of the Convention ended in a single day by 
 the nomination of Abraham Lincoln, 111., for President, and 
 Hannibal Hamlin, Me., for Vice-President. The platform an- 
 nounced: (i) the necessity of the Republican party; (2) main- 
 tenance of the principles of the Declaration ; (3) denounced all 
 schemes of disunion ; (4) maintenance of the rights of States ; 
 (5) denounced the administration for attempting to force Kansas 
 in as a slave State under the Lecompton constitution and con- 
 trary to the will of her people ; (6) decried the extravagance of 
 the administration; (7) the normal condition of the Territories 
 is free, and no stock in the dogma that the constitution carries 
 slavery there ; (8) the admission of Kansas as a free State ; (9) 
 protection to American industry, a Homestead law, a Pacific 
 Railroad, Internal Improvement. 
 
 The American party, under the title of " Constitutional Union," 
 met at Baltimore, May 9, i860. Twenty States were repre- 
 sented. John Bell, Tenn., was nominated for President, and 
 Edward Everett, Mass., for Vice-President. Their only hope of 
 success was in throwing the election into the House. The 
 platform affirmed " the constitution of the country, the union of 
 the States, and the enforcement of the laws." 
 
 The campaign was vigorously conducted. There was much 
 argument over the respective attitudes of the parties on the 
 slavery question. On the part of Republicans spectacular 
 features were introduced after the manner of the Harrison cam- 
 paign of 1840. Mr. Lincoln was pictured as " The Rail Splitter" 
 of the West, with telling effect among farmers and the industrial 
 classes. As the campaign advanced and the hopelessness of the 
 pro-slavery Democrats increased, they began to turn their atten- 
 tion to the remedy which secession provided. The November 
 
I'RESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 565 
 
 result was a choice of Republican electors from every free State, 
 except New Jersey, which gave four for Lincoln and three for 
 Douglas, and a consequent majority in the Electoral College. 
 This led to prompt action on the part of South Carolina, whose 
 Legislature was then (November) in session to choose electors. 
 Instead of doing so that body called a State Convention, which, 
 Dec. 17, i860, passed the first " Ordinance of Secession." 
 
 THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— Second Session. — Met 
 Dec. 3, i860. Probably no session of Congress was ever called 
 upon to meet so many new and grave propositions. Cer- 
 tainly none had ever convened amid such serious surroundings. 
 The only situation analogous to it was in 1832, when South 
 Carolina attempted to nullify the Tariff Act of 1828. Then 
 Jackson took strong ground in his message against the right of 
 a State to contravene national legislation, and promptly applied 
 enough force to hold the dissatisfied State to her place in the 
 Union. Mr. Buchanan's message took the Jackson view of the 
 situation, but when it came to applying coercive means, he 
 doubted if a State's obedience could be compelled, for the reason 
 that compulsion meant war, and war on a State was not author- 
 ized by the constitution. 
 
 This message, so disappointing to the Union sentiment of the 
 country and so encouraging to the Secession sentiment, brought 
 a stream of compromising efforts, prominent among which was 
 one introduced by John J. Crittenden, Ky., re-establishing the 
 old line of 36° 30' as a permanent constitutional boundary be- 
 tween slave and free States. This did not meet the favor of the 
 Republicans, and without their endorsement the pro-slavery 
 Democrats refused to entertain it. 
 
 Legislation was virtually 'suspended for a time to await the 
 action of the " Peace Cengress," which assembled in Washing- 
 ton, Feb. 4, 1 86 1. This had been called at the request of the 
 Legislature of Virginia (Jan. 19), and was composed of dele- 
 gates from thirteen Free and seven Border States. It affirmed 
 by a close vote the Crittenden proposition, and made several 
 concessions, chiefly with a view of keeping the Southern border 
 States from falling into the secession whirlpool, and of inducing 
 
566 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 some of the less hasty cotton States to retrace their steps. Con- 
 gress did not accept its measures, but passed what was known 
 as the Douglas amendment to the constitution, which affirmed 
 the popular sovereignty method of dealing with slavery in the 
 Territories, and raised a guarantee of non-interference with slavery 
 in the States. This amendment was never submitted to the 
 States or people, owing to the rapid secession of the States and 
 the beginning of hostilities. 
 
 As the Southern States seceded (see below), their members of 
 Congress withdrew. The Republican majority became strong 
 in both Houses. Kansas was admitted as a free State under the 
 Wyandot Constitution, Jan. 29, 1861. Other Territories, as 
 Nevada, Colorado and Dakota, were organized, without mention 
 of slavery, so as to avoid conflict with the Dred Scott decision. 
 The Republican majority took advanced ground relative to the 
 powers vested in the Constitution and Congress. The doctrine 
 that this was a nation and not a league, and that a nation had a 
 right to protect itself from within as well as without, took firm 
 hold. The Tariff Act of March 2, 1861, which increased duties, 
 affirmed the principle of protection. The kindred prin- 
 ciple of Internal Improvement by the National government was 
 so fully established as to be placed beyond future question by any 
 party. Loans were authorized and an issue of Treasury notes 
 ordered, thus carrying the implied powers of the Constitution 
 to the limit which extreme necessity demanded. 
 
 In February the Electoral count was made, showing 1 80 votes 
 for Lincoln and Hamlin, 72 for Breckinridge and Lane, 39 for 
 Bell and Everett, and 12 for Douglas and Johnson. Congress 
 adjourned sine die, March 3, 186 1. 
 
 SECESSION MOVEMENT.— Secession from the Union as 
 a remedy for grievances, real or imaginary, had been made 
 familiar by that school of statesmen who regarded the Constitu- 
 tion as in the nature of a compact between the States and Gov- 
 ernment, and who insisted on a strict interpretation of that in- 
 strument. They would tolerate no stretch of power on the part 
 of the government, not even for the purpose of preservation, but 
 claimed that in all matters of doubt the States should have the 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 567 
 
 benefit of it, and that where a grievance existed the State was to 
 be the judge, preferring its own integrity and honor. The griev- 
 ance now was that growth of anti-slavery sentiment in the coun- 
 try made manifest in political form by the election of Lincoln, 
 which would forever crush further hope of slavery extension 
 and prove a standing menace to the institution as it existed in 
 the States. 
 
 South Carolina's call of a convention was the signal for simi- 
 lar action throughout the South. The movement was rapid and 
 concerted. It did not even hesitate at the responsibility of armed 
 trial to insure success.* The Southern Congress met at Mont- 
 gomery, Alabama, Feb. 4, 1861, delegates being present from 
 seven seceded States. It formed the Government of the Con- 
 federate States of America. Its Constitution was, in the main, 
 the one it had repudiated, a clause recognizing slavery and one 
 forbidding a protective tariff being the most radical differences. 
 Officers were elected, a cabinet chosen, the machinery of inde- 
 pendent government started, an attitude of war assumed. All 
 government property was seized and confiscated, forts were 
 erected, men were enlisted, equipped and drilled, and armies 
 were actually on their feet, while the Congress and the States of 
 the North were listlessly watching the unfolding of the terrible 
 situation or wasting precious time in what proved to be idle 
 schemes of compromise. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1 861— March 3, 1865. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln, III., President. Hannibal Hamlin, Me., 
 
 Vice-President. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 C I, July 4, 1861 — August 6, 1861 — Extra Set«ion. 
 THiaTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS, i 2, December 2, 1861— July 17, 1S62. 
 [3, December I, 1862 — March 3, 1863. 
 
 * For going and coming of the seceding States, see page 141. 
 
568 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Congress. 
 
 Sessions. 
 
 Thirty-eighth Congress. | '' December 7, 1863-July 4. 1864. 
 
 ( 2, December 5, 1864 — March 3, 1865. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.'' 
 
 Republican. 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Coast. 
 
 Union or Amer 
 
 Slatafa 
 
 Alabama 7 
 
 Arkansas 2 
 
 California 2 
 
 Connecticut 4 
 
 Delaware I 
 
 Florida 1 
 
 Georgia 8 
 
 Illinois 9 
 
 Indiana II 
 
 Iowa 2 
 
 Kentucky 10 
 
 Louisiana 4 
 
 Maine 6 
 
 Maryland 6 
 
 Massachusetts 11 
 
 Michigan 4 
 
 Minnesota 2 
 
 Mississippi 5 
 
 Missouri 7 
 
 New Hampshire . . 3 
 
 New Jersey 5 
 
 New York 33 
 
 North Carohna.. .. 8 
 
 Ohio 21 
 
 Oregon i 
 
 Pennsylvania 25 
 
 Rhode Island 2 
 
 South Carolina.. .. 6 
 
 Tennessee 10 
 
 Texas 2 
 
 Vermont 3 
 
 Virginia 13 
 
 Wisconsin 3 
 
 Totals 237 
 
 
 > 
 
 < 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 4 
 6 
 
 4 
 6 
 
 4 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 .. 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 n 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 . . 
 
 , . 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 , . 
 
 
 13 
 t 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 35 
 
 35 
 
 35 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 23 
 
 23 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 27 
 
 27 
 
 27 
 
 4 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 , . 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 303 
 
 180 
 
 180 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 72 
 
 15 
 
 J5 
 
 39 
 
 * The popular vote was, Lincoln, 1,866,352 — 17 States, N. J. divided; Doug- 
 ia«, 1,375,157 — I State, N. J., divided; Breckinridge, 845,763 — 11 States; Bell, 
 589,581—3 States. 
 
MTiJfiiMiTT;T,^.nT(rfiTiT!,]i„iTiT;i]nnmiiMi?.ciimm 
 
 PRESIDENTS FROM 1853 TO 1869. 
 
570 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State W. H. Seward, N. Y. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury Salmon P. Chase, Ohio. 
 
 Secretary of War Simon Cameron, Pa. 
 
 Secretary of Navy Gideon Welles, Conn. 
 
 Secretary of Interior Caleb P. Smith. 
 
 Attorney-General Edward Bates, Mo. 
 
 Postmastei"- General Montgomery Blair, Md. 
 
 POLITICAL SITUAnON.—Whtn Lincoln came to Wash- 
 ington to be inaugurated the Southern Confederacy was formed. 
 Of it Alexander H. Stephens, its Vice-President, said, March 21, 
 1861 : "The new Constitution (Confederate) has put at rest for- 
 ever all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institu- 
 tions — African slavery as it exists among us — the proper status 
 of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the imme- 
 diate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jeffer- 
 son, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the ' rock upon which 
 the old Union would split' . . . The prevailing ideas enter- 
 tained by him (Jefferson) and most of the leading statesmen of 
 the time were that slavery was a violation of the laws of nature, 
 that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally and politically, 
 and that somehow or other it would prove evanescent and pass 
 away. . . . Those ideas were fundamentally wrong. They 
 rested on the assumption of the equality of the races. This was 
 an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the idea of a govern- 
 ment built on it ' when the storm came and the wind blew it fell.' 
 Our new government rests on exactly the opposite idea. Its 
 foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great truth 
 that the negro is not the equal of the white man ; that slavery 
 — subordination to the superior race — is his natural and normal 
 condition. This, our new government, is the first in the history 
 of the world based on this great physical and moral truth." 
 
 To convert this Confederacy of form into one of fact was the 
 Southern cause. The condition was one of war already, so far 
 as the South was concerned. There had been for some time a 
 systematic transfer of government arms and munitions of war 
 from Northern to Southern arsenals, and these had speedily sur- 
 rendered to insurgent demands. Tlie naval vessels had been 
 scattered in remote foreign parts, and were not immediately 
 
> 
 c: 
 
572 fRESIDENTS AND ADM114ISTRATI0NS. 
 
 available for either defensive or offensive purposes. The Federal 
 soldiery within the Southern States had given up their forts and 
 stations or were besieged therein. National finance was con- 
 fused, the Treasury empty, the credit worthless. Seceded States 
 were being reinforced by the secession of others. Officers in 
 the army, navy and in places of trust and power were resigning 
 every day to join their fortunes with those of their States, to the 
 consternation of the loyal members of the government and to 
 the utter demoralization of all machinery and system. No of- 
 ficial knew whom to confide in, how to organize, what to do. 
 It seemed as if secession had tainted everything and undermined 
 everything. Let Union effort take what shape it would, it was 
 confused by the uncertainty of its surroundings, or balked by in- 
 genious constructions of laws and Constitution. The logic of 
 Attorney-General Black, which led to the conclusion that " the 
 Union must totally perish at the moment when Congress shall 
 arm one part of the people against another for any purpose be- 
 yond that of merely protecting the general government in the 
 exercise of its proper Constitutional functions," had resulted in 
 fatal hesitation on the part of the government and was to par- 
 alyze it still worse. Add to all the real danger to life from 
 deeply laid and widely ramified plots, and some faint idea of the 
 situation may dawn, as President Lincoln was forced to see it on 
 March 4, 1861. 
 
 His inaugural was conservative, assuring to the Southern 
 States that slavery would not be disturbed in the States if they 
 would seek a peaceful remedy for their grievances, invited Con- 
 stitutional amendments for the troubles, and closed : " In your 
 hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the 
 momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail 
 yoji. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the 
 aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy 
 the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to 
 preserve, protect and defend it." 
 
 The President proceeded to supply the Union garrison in Fort 
 Sumter. This was what President Buchanan had hesitated to 
 do, the Confederates having said they would regard it as a coer- 
 
574. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 cive act. They began a bombardment of the fort, April 13, 
 1 86 1, and on April 14, after a fire of thirty hours, the flag was 
 lowered in surrender. This first overt act of rebellion, and this 
 first triumph of civil war, disillusioned the country, and resent- 
 ment took the place of conciliation. For a time Democrats and 
 Republicans united in demanding sturdy measures, not only to 
 wipe out insult to the flag, but to force the erring States into the 
 restraints imposed by the Constitution and laws. Armed attack 
 must be repelled, the majesty of law vindicated, the dignity of 
 order conserved, the unity of the nation restored, the supreme 
 strength of the government asserted throughout its jurisdiction, 
 and all in the now necessarily armed and forceful way invited by 
 the magnitude, vigor and determination of the attack. The issue 
 thus joined was the Great American Rebellion of 1861 ; or, 
 The Civil War in the United States of America. 
 
 THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— Extra Session.— Called 
 for July 4, 1 86 1. The President had promptly recognized the 
 condition of civil war and called for 75,000 volunteers. These 
 were plainly inadequate, for the Confederacy of seven seceded 
 States had grown to eleven. The doubtful border States had 
 become a raiding ground for Confederate forces. Armies, fully 
 equipped, strong in numbers, ably officered, fierce in determina- 
 tion, were swarming into strategical places and centering on the 
 Capital of the nation. Men must be had for defensive as well as 
 offensive measures. Materials of war must also be provided — 
 money, guns, ammunition, equipments. Hence this extra ses- 
 sion, in which only the Northern and border States were repre- 
 sented. Both branches were Republican. The Senate stood 31 
 Republicans, 1 1 Democrats, and 5 War Democrats ; the House 
 106 Republicans, 42 Democrats and 28 War Democrats. The 
 House organized by electing Galusha A. Grow, Pa., Republican, 
 Speaker. Happily for the country, there was a strong prepon- 
 derance of the Union element, and such prevalence of the liberal 
 construction doctrines, in the presence of dire necessity, as freed 
 energetic war measures from the tedious debates which they had 
 hitherto provoked. The disastrous affair of Bull Run (July 21, 
 J 861) proved an additional incentive to speedy and vigorous 
 
HANNIBAL HAMLIN. 
 
 JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 
 
 ''I If, 
 SIMON CAMERON. 
 
 STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, 
 575 
 
573 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 legislation, for it further disclosed the determination of the Con- 
 federates, helped the Unionists to understand the magnitude of 
 the force they had to meet, and proved the imminency of the 
 danger which hung over the capital. 
 
 The President was therefore empowered to call out 500,000 
 volunteers, a national loan was authorized, appropriations were 
 made for the army and navy, an act was passed for the punish- 
 ment of conspiracy and for the confiscation of all property used 
 a"-ainst the g-overnment, and as a means for additional revenue 
 an amended Tariff act was passed, Aug. 5, 1861, which con- 
 siderably increased the duties and contained distinctive protec- 
 tive features. The anti-war or peace Democrats interjected 
 measures of negotiation and compromise into all the delibera- 
 tions on war measures, but the hour for procrastination had 
 passed, and it was not deemed expedient nor proper to further 
 parley with armed, and thus far triumphant, rebellion. After 
 resolutions pledging further men and money to the administra- 
 tion, should they become necessary to aid in the suppression of 
 the rebellion and the execution of the laws, the Congress ad- 
 journed, August 6, 1 86 1. 
 
 THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— First Regular Session. 
 — Met December 2, 1861. Like the preceding, this was a War 
 Session. The Democrats had somewhat recovered from the 
 shock occasioned by the firing on Sumter, and had drawn their 
 lines sufficiently close to make a party issue of many of the 
 most vigorous war measures. Over the question of" what to do 
 with captured slaves?" they took positive ground against the 
 bills which were passed, forbidding the return of fugitives and 
 declaring those free who were employed against the government 
 and for insurrectionary purposes,* and so of the bill prescribing 
 
 * This is not said of the pronounced War Democrats, who were in concert with 
 the Republicans on active war measures, nor even of those who, in official position, 
 used the privilege of a minority to freely and intelligently criticise the acts of a ma- 
 jority. It is said of those who sought to hold the organization and to commit it to 
 a decided anti-war policy ; who even went so far as to encourage opposition to the 
 war among their constituents, and keep up the spirit of the Confederates by aiding 
 associations like the " Knights of the Golden Circle," " Sons of Liberty," etc., 
 whose objects were to release prisoners of war, invite raids, engage in cptispiracies 
 
37 
 
578 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 the " Iron-Clad Oath," tvhose design was to exclude from gov- 
 ernment service all who were engaged in rebellion or who sym- 
 pathized with it. The session witnessed the passage of a bill 
 giving public lands to the States for the endowment of Agricul- 
 tural Colleges ; also the passage of the Homestead Bill, which 
 had been so frequently before Congress since the formation of 
 the Republican party. An increase in Tariff rates was made by 
 the act of Dec. 24, 1861. Congress adjourned, July 17, 1862. 
 
 THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met 
 Dec. I, 1862. A War Session, in the midst of national neces- 
 sity more imperative than ever. Large appropriations were 
 made for army and navy purposes. The Treasury was authorized 
 to negotiate further loans. But ready money was scarce. There 
 was no currency adequate to the huge transactions of the war, 
 and none uniform. In this strait the Congress sanctioned a 
 National (Greenback) Currency, after long and able discussion 
 involving its constitutionality, the meaning of the power "to 
 coin money and issue bills of credit," the inherent right of the 
 government to protect itself, the analogy furnished by the old 
 National Bank, the respective attitude of parties on the question 
 from the beginning. 
 
 Nor was the situation simplified when the question of more 
 men came up. This involved the draft as a means Df procuring 
 soldiers, with all the technical objections which a strict construc- 
 tion of the constitution gave rise to. The act which passed pro- 
 voked the hostility of anti-war Democrats throughout the entire 
 North, and in several States the Courts held it unconstitutional. 
 Its enforcement in New York gave rise to the riots of July, 1863, 
 which were only suppressed by armed interference of the Federal 
 authorities. 
 
 Another measure, made necessary by the exigency of the 
 hour, was the act to suspend the writ of Habeas Corpus. This also 
 excited the opposition and enmity of all who wished to be free 
 to vindicate the Confederate cause, either by writing or speaking 
 in its favor, or by any other act short of actual enlistment under 
 
 to resist drafts — as in New York — enlist meni for the Southern army, and give aiji 
 and comfort to the enemy in various ways. 
 
■'iu.<" ' .i,y/' 
 
580 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 its banners. The peace Democrats vehemently opposed its pas-< 
 sage, and it was perhaps the most unpopular of the stringent 
 war measures, saving always the draft act. Dec. 31, 1862, the 
 act to admit West Virginia passed, which took effect June 19, 
 1863. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1863. 
 
 ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.— K\\ the pledges of the free 
 States were of an intent not to interfere with Slavery in the 
 States where it existed. All the negotiations and compromises 
 of 1 861 embraced the same idea. Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural, 
 gave it out that Slavery in the States had nothing to fear from 
 his administration, if the issue of disunion were not further, or 
 violently, pushed. The anti-slavery sentiment was not essentially 
 an abolition sentiment. Even the revulsion of feeling occasioned 
 by the firing on Sumter had not served to lift it to the point of 
 interference with the institution of Slavery within State limits. 
 
 But the question of Slavery, ever complex, was, after the be- 
 ginning of the war, more complicated than ever. It was forcing 
 itself on the officers of the army at every step. In the field 
 slavery was a part of the Confederate service, contributing to 
 the .strength of its armies, helping it to resist the Union troops, 
 aiding it to win victories. It therefore was hostile, as much so 
 as the armies themselves, or as cannon, muskets, ammunition, 
 tents, stores, whose destruction war justified. 
 
 This the Administration saw. But it saw other things too: 
 (i) A probability of holding the doubtful Border States and 
 making their allegiance firmer by compensating them for their 
 slaves in case they abolished slavery. This the President recom- 
 mended to Congress, March 2, 1862. It was approved, but 
 not accepted by the Border States as being impracticable. In 
 fact it met the opposition of the entire Democratic party. 
 
 (2) He saw that to take any more decided step at that time 
 would be to alienate the conservative anti-slavery sentiment of 
 the Free States. That is, he did not yet regard the country as 
 educated to the point of necessary or compulsory abolition. 
 
 (3) He saw that if the rebellion were allowed to drag because 
 of a want of energy on the part of the administration, or fear 
 to cripple any and all the resources which helped to sustain it^ 
 
582 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 the more determined anti-slavery sentiment of the Free States 
 would rise against him and demand abolition as necessary to 
 the suppression of civil war. 
 
 Congress had moved very cautiously, being content with a 
 measure forbidding the return of fugitives, and one declaring 
 free those slaves who were captured while aiding rebellion. 
 General Fremont, in the Department of Missouri, had, Aug. 
 31, 1 86 1, declared the slaves of rebels free, but the President 
 overruled his order. General B. F. Butler, in Virginia, had 
 declared slaves " contraband of war," and liable to confiscation. 
 Most of the field officers were either returning them to their 
 masters, or hesitating about what to do with them. 
 
 Rebellion was increasing in vigor, and slaves were part of 
 that energy. By the laws of war the contraband property of 
 the enemy is confiscate. By act of Congress " the property of 
 persons engaged in treason or rebellion against the United 
 States " was liable to seizure and confiscation. The time had 
 come when the weapons of the enemy of whatever kind must be 
 wrenched from his grasp, when the " Union must be saved with 
 slavery," or, that failing, " w'ithout it." 
 
 On Sept. 22, 1862, the President issued his proclamation to 
 the effect that he would emancipate " all slaves within any State 
 or designated parts of a State, the people whereof shall be in 
 rebellion against the United States on the 1st day of January, 
 1863." " If such sections are in good faith represented in Con- 
 gress on that day, it shall be deemed conclusive evidence that 
 such State and the people thereof are not in rebellion against the 
 United States." 
 
 No attention was paid to this. It was followed, Jan. i, 1863, 
 by the celebrated Emancipation Proclamation, for which the 
 country now seemed ready, " as a fit and necessary war measure 
 for suppressing rebellion." It applied only to the States and 
 portions of States actually in rebellion, and which were unrepre- 
 sented in Congress, or were not in the possession of the Union 
 armies. Two years afterwards (February i, 1865) the Thirteenth 
 Amendment to the Constitution passed the Congress, and was 
 ratified by three-fourths of the States, so as to become effective 
 
584 PRESIDENTS AND*ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 by Dec. l8, 1865. It is in almost the precise words of the hiS' 
 toric ordinance of 1787 relative to the territory northwest of 
 the Ohio. This amendment ended African slavery in the United 
 States of America. 
 
 THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS— Y'xxsX. Session.— Met Dec. 
 7, 1863. The House organized by electing Schuyler Colfax, 
 Republican, Indiana, Speaker. The Senate contained 36 Re- 
 publicans and 14 Democrats; the House 102 Republicans and 
 83 Democrats. Nine of the latter were from the Border States. 
 The Union Democrats had mostly gone entirely over to the 
 Republicans. Some, however, had gone back into the regular 
 Democratic organization, which was now pretty squarely on an 
 anti-war basis. The session was prolific of war measures, on 
 most of which party lines were strictly drawn. That which 
 excited most bitter debate was the repeal of the Fugitive Slave 
 Law of 1850 by a vote of 27 to 12 in the Senate, and 86 to 60 
 in the House. The Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution 
 passed the Senate, but did not pass the House by the requisite 
 two-thirds till the next session. Among the revenue bills 
 were those creating a system of Internal Revenue by a tax on 
 domestic manufactures, one imposing a tax on incomes over 
 $^QO which was very unpopular and short-lived, and one creat- 
 ing the system of National Banks. All these were compara- 
 tively new measures, justified by the condition of the country 
 and a state of war, yet at variance with the strict construction 
 notions on which the Democrats based a determined opposition. 
 On June 30, the Tariff Act of 1864 was passed, which increased 
 the rate of duties, and made them still more protective. Con- 
 gress adjourned, July 4, 1864. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1864.— The Republican National Conven- 
 tion met at Baltimore, June 7, 1864, and renominated for Presi- 
 dent, Abraham Lincoln,* 111., and for Vice-President, Andrew 
 Johnson, Tenn. The nomination of the latter was a recognition 
 of the Union men of the South. The platform : (i) Pledged 
 
 * Mr. Lincoln had inclined to the one term idea, but by advanced endorsement 
 for a second term among the Legislatures of the Northern States, as in the case of 
 Jackson for his second term, he concluded to stand. 
 
586 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 the party to aid the government in the suppression of rebelh'on. 
 (2) No peace except one based on unconditional surrender of all 
 armed rebels. (3) An amendment to the Constitution pro- 
 hibiting slavery. (4) Thanks to soldiers for maintaining the flag. 
 (5) Approval of the course of administration. (6) No vio- 
 lation of the laws of war. (7) Favored foreign immigration 
 and a Pacific Railroad. (8) The national faith pledged to the 
 redemption of the public debt must be kept inviolate,- (9) Ap- 
 proval of the " Monroe doctrine." 
 
 The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago, Aug. 
 29, 1864, and nominated for President, George B. McClellan, 
 N. J., and for Vice-President, George H. Pendleton, Ohio. The 
 convention was dominated by the reactionary^ or peace wing of the 
 party, called by their opponents " Copperheads." The platform 
 announced: (i) Adhesion to the Union under the Constitution. 
 (2) Demanded, " after four years of failure to restore the Union by 
 war," a cessation of hostilities and a peace convention. (3) 
 Denounced military interference with elections as revolutionary. 
 (4) Objects of the party are to preserve the Union and the 
 rights of the States unimpaired. (5) Denunciation of the war 
 measures in general. (6) Administration denounced for disre- 
 gard of duty to prisoners of war. (7) Sympathy of the party 
 for soldiers and sailors. 
 
 A Convention of Radical Men met at Cleveland, Ohio, May 
 31, 1864, and nominated John C. Fremont, Cal., for President, 
 and John C. Cochrane, N. Y., for Vice-President. They adopted 
 a platform nearly like that of the Republicans, but with a clause 
 endorsing the one term principle. This was designed to head 
 off the renomination of Lincoln, who had given offense to them 
 by his tardy action respecting slavery. The candidates with- 
 drew in favor of the Baltimore nominees. 
 
 The position taken by the Democrats in their platform to the 
 effect that the war was a failure, and that its cessation was 
 demanded by the country, presented an issue which the Repub- 
 licans met squarely, and with confidence. The result was a 
 popular verdict in their favor, not only in the Presidential but in 
 the Congressional contests. 
 
588 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met 
 Dec. 5, 1864. Necessary war measures were passed, the Thir- 
 teenth Amendment to the Constitution by the House, and the 
 bill creating the Freedmen's Bureau. The status of the rebeUious 
 States came up in the proceedings attending tiie electoral count 
 in February. Both Houses regarded them in such a condition 
 as to make a valid election for President within their borders 
 and under our laws impossible. Their vote was, therefore, not 
 considered. The count showed 212 votes for Lincoln and John- 
 son, and 21 for McClellan and Pendleton. Congress adjourned 
 sine die, March 3, 1865. On March 4, Lincoln and Johnson 
 were sworn into office. 
 
 XX. 
 
 LINCOLN'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, AND 
 JOHNSON'S. 
 
 March 4, 1865— March 3, 1869. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln, III., President. Andrew Johnson, Tenn., 
 
 Vice-President. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 Thirty-ninth Congress. [ '' December 4, 1865-July 28, 1866. 
 (^ 2, December 3, iboo-March 3, 1867. 
 
 f I, March 4, 1867-March 30, 1867. "| Extra ses- 
 I 2, July 3, 1867-Jiily 20, 1867. I sion with 
 
 Fortieth Congress. \ 3, November 21, 1867-Dec. 2, 1867. J recesses. 
 
 I 4, December 2, iS67-July 27, 1S68. 
 [5, December 7, i868-M.arch 3, 1869. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE:'' 
 
 Republican. Democrat. 
 
 Abraham Andrew Geo. B. Geo. H. 
 
 Basis of Lincoln, Johnson, McClellan, Pendleton, 
 
 States. 127,381. Vote. 111. Tenn. N. J. Ohio. 
 
 f Alabama 6 8 
 
 f Arkansas 3 5 
 
 California 3 5 5 5 
 
 Connecticut 4 6 6 6 
 
 Delaware i 3 ,. .. 3 3 
 
 f Florida i 3 
 
 * The popular vote was : Lincoln, 2,216,067 — 22 States; McClellan, 1,808,725 
 ' — 3 States ; not voting, 1 1 States. 
 ■}• In a state of rebellion. Not voting. 81 votes lost. 
 
590 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS 
 
 Electoral Vote — Continued. 
 
 Republican. 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Basis of 
 
 States. 127,381. 
 
 *Georgia 7 
 
 Illinois 14 
 
 Indiana 11 
 
 Iowa 6 
 
 Kansas i 
 
 Kentucky 9 
 
 *Louisiana 5 
 
 Maine 5 
 
 Maryland 5 
 
 Massachusetts 10 
 
 Michigan 6 
 
 Minnesota 2 
 
 *Mississippi 5 
 
 Missouri y 
 
 Nevada i 
 
 New Hampshire. ... 3 
 
 New Jersey 5 
 
 New York 31 
 
 *North Carolina. . . 7 
 
 Ohio 19 
 
 Oregon r 
 
 Pennsylvania 24 
 
 Rhode Island 2 
 
 *South Carolina. . . 4 
 
 *Tennessee 8 
 
 *Texas 4 
 
 Vermont 3 
 
 *Virginia 8 
 
 West Virginia 3 
 
 Wisconsin 6 
 
 Totals 
 
 242 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Vote. 
 
 9 
 16 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 II 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 33 
 
 9 
 21 
 
 3 
 
 26 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 10 
 
 5 
 8 
 
 Abraham 
 
 Lincoln, 
 
 111. 
 
 Andrew Geo. B. Geo. H. 
 Johnson, McClellan, Pendleton, 
 
 N.J. 
 
 16 
 
 7 
 7 
 12 
 
 21 
 
 3 
 
 26 
 
 4 
 
 16 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 7 
 12 
 
 21 
 
 3 
 
 26 
 
 4 
 
 Ohio. 
 
 tl 
 
 I vacancy. 
 
 314 
 
 Secretaiy of State W. H. Seward, N. Y Continued. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury. . . . Hugh McCullough, Ind. 
 
 Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton, Pa Continued. 
 
 Secretary of Navy Gideon Welles, Conn " 
 
 Secretary of Interior James Harlan, Iowa. 
 
 Attorney-General James Speed, Ky Continued. 
 
 Postmaster-General William Denilison, Ohio. . . " 
 
 THE INAUGURAL.— Getty shm-g, July 2, 3, 4, 1863, turned 
 the tide of rebellion. It had fallen backwards, and was, March 
 4, 1865, hemmed in and under control. The President's in- 
 augural was full of gratitude for past success, of hope for final 
 success, and of that kindliness of spirit and gentleness of disposj- 
 
 * In a state of rebellion. Not voting, 8| votes lost, 
 
592 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 tion which had gotten to be accepted as characteristic of the 
 man and official. In it he said, " With malice toward none, 
 with charity for all, with firmness in right, as God has given 
 us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are 
 in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall 
 have borne the battle, and for his widow and orphans — to do 
 all which may achieve a just and lasting peace among ourselves 
 and with all nations." 
 
 Seldom had a state paper borne to its readers such weighty 
 and impressive contents. Never had one been welcomed with 
 greater warmth of sentiment. It nerved the heart of the nation 
 to endure its trial till that end, which it prophesied as near, 
 should come with its cessation of bloodshed, its hush of strife, 
 its joy of victory, its Union saved, its glorious opening of the 
 era of freedom. 
 
 EVENTS OF THE REBELLION.— On Dec. 20, i860, a 
 Convention assembled at Charleston, South Carolina, declared 
 that the State was separated from the Union forever. In a little 
 more than a month, similar acts of secession were passed by 
 Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana and Texas. 
 
 EVENTS OF 1 86 1. —On Feb. 4, 1861, delegates from the 
 seceding States met at Montgomery, Ala., and formed " The 
 Confederate States of America," with Jefferson Davis as Presi- 
 dent, and Alexander H. Stephens as Vice-President. 
 
 In the same month General Twiggs, commandant of U. S. 
 troops in Texas, surrendered his forces to the State authorities. 
 The Government managed to hold Fortress Monroe, the Dry 
 Tortugas, Fort Pickens, and Fort Sumter, though the Star of 
 the West was fired upon in attempting to reinforce the latter, 
 Jan. 9, 1 86 1. There had been a general transfer of arms to the 
 forts and arsenals in the South, and the National Treasury had 
 been depleted. 
 
 A " Peace Convention" met at Washington, Feb. 4, 1861, at 
 which the terms known as "The Crittenden Compromise" were 
 rejected. 
 
 On April 12 General Beauregard, at the head of a Confeder- 
 ate army, surrounded and demanded the surrender of Fort 
 
594 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISl RATIONS. 
 
 Sumter, Charleston, S. C. Major Anderson, in command of the 
 fort, refused to surrender. Beauregard opened fire and contin- 
 ued it till the 14th, when Anderson evacuated. 
 
 On April 15 President Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers 
 for three months. Congress made appropriations for war pur- 
 poses. On April 17 Virginia seceded, and on the next day- 
 Virginia insurgents seized the United States Armory at Harper's 
 Ferry. On April 17 Jefferson Davis issued letters-of-marque 
 and reprisal to all vessels that would prey on American com- 
 merce, and on the next day President Lincoln proclaimed the 
 blockade of the Southern ports. 
 
 On April- 19 the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, while passing 
 through Baltimore for Washington, was attacked by a mob, and 
 several were killed on both sides. By the middle of June 
 Arkansas, North Carolina and Tennessee had seceded. On 
 May 3 President Lincoln called for 64,000 additional men for 
 the army and 18,000 for the navy. 
 
 Congress was assembled July 4, 1861. It authorized the rais- 
 ing of 500,000 troops and appropriated ^500,000,000 for the de- 
 fence of the nation. Richmond was made the capital of the 
 Confederacy, and Confederate armies were stationed at various 
 points in Virginia, with their centre at Manassas Junction. On 
 May 10 General L)^on saved Missouri to the Union by the cap- 
 ture of an insurgent camp at St. Louis. On May 24 Union 
 troops crossed the Potomac and took possession of Arlington 
 and Alexandria, Va. 
 
 The period of action had arrived. On June 3 General Kelly 
 routed 500 Confederates at Philippi, W. Va. On June 10 the 
 Confederates routed the Union troops at Big Bethel, Va. On 
 June 1 1 General Wallace defeated and dispensed the Confed- 
 erates at Ronmey, W. Va. On July II General Rosecrans de- 
 feated 3,000 Confederates at Rich Mountain, W. Va. 
 
 On July 18 General McDowell set out from Fairfax Court- 
 House, with a Union army of 50,000 men, to meet General 
 Beauregard with an equal number of Confederates, at Manassas 
 Junction. The ground was stubbornly disputed at Blackburn's 
 Ford, near Centreville ; but the movement was kept up till the 
 
596 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 2 1st, when occurred the sanguinary and memorable battle of 
 Bull's Run, near Manassas. The result was a defeat for the 
 Union army, and a confused retreat toward Washington. On 
 the next day General McClellan was given command of the 
 Union forces. 
 
 War was active in Missouri. On July 5 General Sigel de- 
 feated the Confederates under Claiborne Jackson, at Carthage. 
 On August 2 General Lyon defeated the Confederate forces, under 
 General McCullough, at Dug Springs. On August 10 Lyon 
 fought the disastrous battle of Wilson Creek with the forces of 
 McCullough and Price, in which he was killed and his army 
 compelled to retreat. 
 
 On August 26 Forts Clarke and Hatteras, on Hatteras Inlet, 
 N. C, were captured by the Union army and navy, under Gen- 
 eral Butler and Commodore Stringham. This hold on the State 
 was never lost. West Virginia was declared independent of 
 old Virginia, and a loyal State, June 17, i86i. The Confeder- 
 ates immediately sent armies into the State to coerce it into the 
 Confederacy. These armies were led by General R. E. Lee, H. 
 A. Wise, and John B. Floyd. Floyd was defeated after a three 
 days' fight at Carnifax Ferry, by the Union troops led by Gen- 
 eral Rosecrans. 
 
 In September the Confederates captured Lexington, Mo., and 
 its garrison ; but the town was retaken by Major White on Oct. 
 16. On Oct. 21 was fought the bloody engagement of Ball's 
 Bluff, on the Potomac, above Washington, in which the Union 
 forces were routed with the loss of many men ^and officers, 
 among the latter being General Baker. 
 
 On Nov. 7 General Grant fought his first serious battle of the 
 war at Belmont, Mo., against General Cheatham. He was de- 
 feated, but beat a masterly retreat. On the same day Fo*ts 
 Walker and Beauregard, at the Port Royal entrance, S. C, fell 
 into the hands of the Union forces. On Nov. I General Mc- 
 Clellan was made General of the Union forces throughout the 
 States, General Scott having resigned. By the end of the year 
 the .important countries of Europe, except Russia, had recog- 
 nized the Confederacy as a belligerent power. 
 
598 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 EVENTS OF 1862. — Oil January 19, 1862, General Thomas 
 defeated the Confederate army, under General ZoUicoffer, at 
 Mill Spring, Ky. ZoUicoffer was killed. On February 8, after 
 a spirited battle, General Burnside and Commodore Goldsbor- 
 ough took possession of Roanoke Island, N. C. 
 
 On February 6 General Grant and Commodore Foote cap- 
 tured Fort Henry, on the Tennessee, and on the i6th General 
 Grant captured Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland, with its gar- 
 rison of over 14,000 Confederates, including the commander, 
 General Buckner. Generals Pillow and Floyd escaped with 
 5000 men. 
 
 In Missouri General Curtis fought a three days' battle, March 
 6, 7 and 8, at Pea Ridge with the Confederates, under Van Dorn, 
 Price and McCullough. The Confederates were defeated, with 
 the loss of McCullough. On March 8 occurred the contest 
 between the Confederate iron-clad Merrimac and the Union 
 frigates Cwnberland and Congress, in the mouth of the James 
 river, in which the latter vessels were sunk. On the next day, 
 March 9, the Monitor attacked the Merriviac, disabled her and 
 compelled her to return to Norfolk. 
 
 On March 14 General Burnside with 12,000 Union troops 
 fought the battle of Newbern, N. C, and captured the place. 
 On March 23 General Shields met " Stonewall " Jackson's 
 forces near Winchester, and defeated them. 
 
 General Grant had moved up the Tennessee river to Shiloh. 
 Here he was attacked by the Confederate forces under Beaure- 
 gard and Sidney Johnston. On the first day of the battle. 
 March 6, the Union army was worsted and driven back to the 
 river. It was reinforced by Buell's army from Nashville and, 
 on the next day, defeated the Confederates, who lost heavily, 
 among their dead being General Albert Sidney Johnston. On 
 the day of the memorable victory at Shiloh, March 7, Island 
 No. 10, a strong post on the Mississippi, surrendered to Com- 
 modore Foote's fleet. 
 
 On April 11 Fort Pulaski, Ga., surrendered to the Union 
 troops under Gillmore, and Huntsville, Ala,, fell into the hands 
 
600 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 of General Mitchell. Fort Macon, N C, surrendered to the 
 Union army on April 25. 
 
 A fleet under command of Commodores Farragut and Porter, 
 and a land army under General Butler, had been fitted out for 
 the capture of New Orleans. After bombarding- Forts Jackson 
 and St. Philip, the fleet passed up the Mississippi, and appeared 
 before New Orleans April 25. The garrison fled, and on April 
 28 General Butler took possession of the city. 
 
 General McClellan advanced on Richmond by way of the 
 peninsula between the James and York rivers. His army had 
 been carried down the Potomac on steamers, and on April 4 he 
 began his famous march for the Confederate capital, capturing 
 Yorktown on the way, May 3. On May 5 he fought the severe 
 battle of Williamsburg, and was successful. ' The Confederates 
 evacuated Norfolk, destroyed the Mcrriniac, and retreated to- 
 ward Richmond. On the 29th the Union troops, under Fitz John 
 Porter, captured Hanover Court-House, after a severe engage- 
 ment. On May 31 and June i occurred the great battle of 
 Fair Oaks, which was a draw. Three weeks after Fair Oaks, 
 during which time the base of supplies was changed from the 
 York to the James river, McClellan resumed his movement on 
 Richmond. This movement resulted in a series of severe 
 battles, called the "Seven Day Battle," June 25 to July i, 
 which resulted in the repulse of the Confederates at Malvern 
 Hill. The battle of Oak Grove was fought, June 25 ; Mechanics- 
 ville, June 26 ; Gaines' Mill, June 27 ; Peach Orchard and Sav- 
 age Station, June 29; Malvern Hill, July i. The armies num- 
 bered 100,000 men respectively and the losses were from 16,000 
 to 20,000 on either side. McClellan could not force his way 
 any further toward Richmond, retreated to his transports and 
 thence to Washington. 
 
 On May 12 Farragut's Mississippi fleet captured Natchez, and 
 on the 29th Corinth surrendered to General Halleck. Memphis 
 fell into the hands of the Union forces on June 6, after a severe 
 naval engagement. 
 
 Meanwhile the Confederates defeated General Banks at Win- 
 chester, W. Va., and drove him north of the Potomac. Fre- 
 
602 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 niont fought the indecisive battle of Cross Keys, and Shields 
 was beaten at Port Republic by the Confederates under "Stone- 
 wall " Jackson. 
 
 On July I, after the disastrous retreat of McClellan from the 
 Peninsula, President Lincoln called for 300,000 more men, and 
 General Halleck was made Commander-in-chief of the armies 
 of the Union. 
 
 On August 5 the Confederates, under General Breckinridge, 
 attacked General Williams at Baton Rouge, La., but were re- 
 pulsed with the loss of their ram Arkansas. General Williams 
 was killed. 
 
 The three grand divisions of the Union army, commanded by 
 Generals Banks, Fremont and McDowell, were, June 25, con- 
 solidated into " The Army of Virginia," and the command given 
 to General John Pope. The Confederates, flushed with victory, 
 surged toward Washington. On August 9 was fought the in- 
 decisive battle of Cedar Mountain between the /orces of Banks 
 and " Stonewall " Jackson. At length the Confederates flanked 
 the Union forces and the result was a series of bloody engage- 
 ments, beginning with Kettle Run, August 27, and continuing 
 with Grovebon, August 29; Second Bull Run, August 30; and 
 Chantilly, Sept. i. The Union loss in this series of battles 
 was estimated at 20,000 and those of the Confederates at 15,000. 
 Pope was badly defeated, and compelled to seek safety behind 
 the fortifications of Washington. 
 
 The armies of Virginia and Potomac were now consolidated as 
 the "Army of the Potomac," and McClellan was again given 
 command. The Confederates, under command of General Lee, 
 crossed the Potomac for the invasion of the North. McClellan 
 followed on their right in order to cover Washington and Balti- 
 more. Lee's sweep brought on the battle of South Mountain, 
 in which the Union forces under General Reno were victorious, 
 though Reno lost his life. It likewise forced a severe engage- 
 ment at Harper's Ferry, which resulted in the defeat and surrender 
 of the garrison of 12,000 Union troops. The forces of McClellan 
 and Lee came together at Antietam, in Maryland, Sept. 17, 
 Each army was 100,000 strong, and the engagement was fierce. 
 
604 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Both sides lost many prominent officers, and the Union loss was 
 estimated at 15,000, the Confederate loss at 20,000. Lee was 
 forced to retreat. He recrossed the Potomac and made his way 
 toward Richmond. 
 
 At the same time Lee invaded the North the Confederate 
 Army of the West, under General Kirby Smith, invaded Ken- 
 tucky, and defeated the Union forces under Nelson, at Richmond, 
 Ky., Aug. 29 and 30. Another Confederate army, under Bragg, 
 marched upon Louisville, but met with signal defeat at Perry- 
 ville, by Union forces under Rousseau and McCook. Both 
 Smith and Bragg were forced out of Kentucky by the end of 
 the month of October. 
 
 The autumn of 1862 witnessed a series of brilliant operations 
 from Corinth, Miss., as a centre. On Sept. 19 Rosecrans 
 defeated the Confederate Generals Price and Van Dorn at luka. 
 On Oct. 3 the Confederates were again badly defeated at Corinth, 
 and again at the battle of the Ilatchie by Ord and Hurlbutt. 
 
 Just after the battle of Antietam the Confederates made a 
 destructive cavalry raid as far north as Chambersburg, Pa. 
 McClellan remained inactive and delayed crossing the Potomac 
 in the track of Lee, till the last of October. On Nov. 5 he was 
 relieved of command and his place given to General A. E. 
 Burnside. 
 
 On Dec. 7 Generals Herron and Blount, in command of the 
 Union forces in Arkansas, gained the important victory of Prairie 
 Grove over the Confederates under General Hindman. 
 
 General Lee had stopped his retreat toward Richmond at 
 Fredericksburg and had concentrated his forces there. Burn- 
 side attacked him, Dec. 13, 1 862, and, after a hard battle, was 
 repulsed with the loss of 8000 men. He crossed to the north 
 side of the Potomac and went into winter quarters. 
 
 The same month witnessed the unsuccessful attempt of Sherman 
 on Vicksburg, by way of the passes of the Mississippi. 
 
 The Union army in Kentucky had followed Bragg on his 
 retreat and, led by Rosecrans, had come up with it at Murfrees- 
 boro, Tenn., where a desperate battle was begun on Dec. 29, 
 1862, and continued until Jan. 4, 1863. It is known in history 
 
606 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 as the battle of Stone River, and was one of the most desperate 
 of the war. The Union troops were triumphant, but with a loss 
 of 12,000 men. 
 
 The year ended with 700,000 national troops in the field, with 
 victories and defeats about even, with the nation in a sad and 
 reflective mood, and with a promised proclamation to end slavery 
 in all insurgent districts unless they returned to their allegiance. 
 
 EVENTS OF 1863.— On Jan. i, 1863, President Lincoln 
 issued his " Proclamation of Freedom." On Jan. Ii General 
 McClernand captured Arkansas Post, with its garrison of 5000 
 Confederates. In May the Confederates under Longstreet and 
 Hill besieged Suffolk, Va., but were repulsed by 14,000 Union 
 troops under General Peck. During the winter and spring of 
 1.863 General Banks overran Louisiana to the Red river, defeat- 
 ing the Confederates in many actions and capturing many cannon 
 and prisoners. 
 
 On April 27, 1 863, General Burnside was relieved of command 
 of the Army of the Potomac, and General Hooker succeeded. 
 Hooker crossed the Rappahannock and engaged Lee's army at 
 Chancellorsville. The Union army was defeated and compelled 
 to recross the Rappahannock, May 5. " Stonewall " Jackson was 
 killed in this engagement. 
 
 In April, 1863, General Grant defeated the Confederates twice 
 near Port Gibson, Miss. They were also defeated at Raymond, 
 May 12; at Jackson, May 14; at Champion Hills, May 16; at 
 Big Black River Bridge, May 17. These were the battles which 
 enabled Grant to gain the rear of Vicksburg, and to besiege the 
 place. 
 
 Lee invaded Pennsylvania, in June, 1863, with his entire army. 
 Hooker followed on his right flank, in order to protect Wash- 
 ington and Baltimore. On June 28 Hooker was succeeded in 
 command by General Meade. Lee advanced rapidly to Gettys- 
 burg, Pa., where he was confronted by Meade. The battle of 
 Gettysburg ensued on July i, 2 and 3. The Confederates were 
 driven to retreat, with a loss of 30,000 men. The Union forces 
 lost 20,000. In a short while both armies were south of the 
 Potomac aijain. 
 
608 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 The victory at Gettysburg was scarcely heralded till the 
 nation was thrilled by Grant's great success at Vicksburg, July 
 4, in which he captured the entire army of 30,000 men and 
 great numbers of cannon. On the same day the Confederates 
 were repulsed at Helena, Ark,, by General Prentiss. 
 
 On July 8 Port Hudson, on the Mississippi, surrendered to 
 General Banks, with its garrison of 5000 men. This opened the 
 Mississippi, from its source to its mouth, to the Union forces. 
 
 Simultaneously with Lee's invasion of Pennsylvania, the Con- 
 federate General Morgan crossed the Ohio, and invaded Indiana 
 and Ohio. After conducting a successful raid he was captured, 
 with his force of 800 men, in Morgan county, Ohio. 
 
 On April 7 Admiral Dupont made an unsuccessful attempt to 
 capture Fort Sumter, Charleston, S. C. Land forces under 
 General Gillmore co-operated with him. Charleston remained 
 practically besieged till the arrival of Sherman's army, more 
 than a year later. 
 
 On Sept. I Fort Smith, Ark., was captured by the Union 
 forces, and on Sept. 10 General Steele completely broke the 
 Confederate forces in Arkansas" by the capture of the capital, 
 Little Rock. 
 
 In June, 1863, the central army, the "Army of the Cumber- 
 land," under Rosecrans, drove Bragg back to Chattanooga. 
 Rosecrans flanked Bragg, and got into his rear, compelling him 
 to evacuate Chattanooga and retreat to Chickamauga. Here was 
 fought a terrific battle on Sept. 19 and 20. The Confederates 
 were victorious, and Rosecrans was compelled to fall back be- 
 hind the fortifications of Chattanooga, in a demorahzed condi- 
 tion. He was surrounded by Bragg, who occupied Missionary 
 Ridge on the east and Lookout Mountain on the west, and his 
 army was threatened with annihilation by starvation or attack. 
 
 Meanwhile Lee maintained a strong position at Manassas, 
 whence he had driven the Union army in October. On Novem- 
 ber 7 the battle of Kelly's Ford was fought by a portion of the 
 Union army under Sedgewick and French, in which the Con- 
 federates lost 2000 prisoners. 
 
 Grant was now sriven command of the armies of the West and 
 
6lO PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 he hastened to the rescue of Rosecrans at Chattanooga. He was 
 joined by Sherman from Vicksburg and Hooker from the Army 
 of the Potomac. Soon he had the combined armies in fighting 
 trim, and on Nov. 23 was joined the memorable battle of Chat- 
 tanooga, which resulted in the total defeat of Bragg and his 
 Confederates, and their retreat southward. Immediately after- 
 ward, Longstreet was forced to give up his siege of Knoxville, 
 and to retreat into the mountains of West Virginia. 
 
 The year 1863 witnessed the decline of the Rebellion. Union 
 victories far outnumbered those of the Confederates; Missouri, 
 Arkansas, Kentucky, Tennessee; parts of Florida, Mississippi 
 and Louisiana ; the control of the Rio Grande and Mississippi 
 rivers ; had been lost to the Confederates. Colored troops were 
 called into requisition. A draft for 300,000 men was ordered 
 by the Government. New York city ran into riot, which was 
 quelled after the loss of 100 men and ^2,000,000 of property. 
 
 EVENTS (9/^1864. — The campaign of 1864 opened with a 
 raid by the Union General Averill, in which he destroyed thirty 
 miles of the track of the Virginia railway, west of Lynchburg. 
 This was followed in February by a bold raid under General 
 Kilpatrick, who entered the outer defences of Richmond. 
 
 Sherman invaded Mississippi from Vicksburg and destroyed 
 much property. Seymour marched from Port Royal, S. C, in 
 February, for the invasion of Florida. He defeated the Con- 
 federates at Jacksonville, but was defeated at Olustee, and com 
 pelled to retire to Jacksonville. 
 
 The fleet under Porter, and the armies under Banks and Smith, 
 joined for the invasion of Louisiana. Fort De Russey was cap- 
 tured March 13, but the Union army suffered defeat at Sabine 
 Cross Roads, April 8, and was compelled to retreat toward New 
 Orleans. On its retreat the Confederates were defeated at Pleas- 
 ant Hill and Cane River. The fleet, also, returned to New 
 Orleans. 
 
 On April 12 the Confederate General Forrest, after a destruc- 
 tive raid in Tennessee and Kentucky, in which he captured Union 
 City and Paducah, assaulted and captured Fort Pillow, on the 
 
612 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Mississippi. The garrison, composed mostly of colored troops, 
 was massacred. 
 
 In February, 1864, General Grant was made commander-in- 
 chief of the Union armies. On May 3 he issued orders for a 
 move on Richmond by the Potomac army under General Meade, 
 and for a movement from Ciiattanooga on Atlanta by the Cen- 
 tral army under General Sherman. His headquarters was in 
 the field, with the Army of the Potomac. Following the ad- 
 vance on Richmond, the Army of the Potomac crossed the 
 Rapidan May 5, 1864. It immediately met Lee's army, and 
 the "Battle of the Wilderness" was fought, May 5, 6 and 7, with 
 a loss of 2265 Union soldiers killed, 10,220 wounded and 2902 
 missing. The Confederate loss was probably as large. The 
 battle was indecisive, except in the respect that it had drawn 
 Lee out of his entrenchments and neutralized his fortifications. 
 Butler had landed his army at City Point. Grant resolved to 
 meet him on the James river. Grant swung his entire army to 
 Spottsylvania Court-House, fifteen miles south. Lee was forced 
 to follow, or lose Richmond. At Spottsylvania a terrible battle 
 was fought. It began on May 10, and was fought with despera- 
 tion, but with equal results. However, so confident was Grant 
 of his situation, that he sent the celebrated dispatch which con- 
 tained the words, " I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes 
 all summer." From the loth to the 21st of May Spottsylvania 
 was the scene of a succession of desperate battles, in which the 
 Union forces lost 2271 killed, 9360 wounded, and 1970 missing. 
 Lee lost 4000 prisoners, and probably as many as the Union 
 arm}' in killed and wounded. 
 
 Grant tried another flanking movement, and swung southward 
 to the North Anna. He crossed this river in the face of fierce 
 opposition, and swung again to the Pamunkey, and reached a 
 base of supplies by water. On May 28 he was at Cold Harbor, 
 twenty miles from Richmond. Here was fought one of the most 
 desperate battles of the war, June 3, in which the Union losses 
 were 7000. The enemy's losses were not so great, they having 
 fought from inner and fortified lines. 
 
 Grant resolved on another flank movement, and this time he 
 
^4^>- 
 
 GRANT AND MEADE IN THE WILDERNESS. 
 
 613 
 
614 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 tlirevv his army south of the James river, resolved to attack 
 Richmond on the south, by way of Petersburg. By May i6th 
 his army was south of the James, and an attack was made on 
 Petersburg, which foiled. Grant then besieged the place, and 
 his lines became the final lines of the war, Lee having thrown 
 his entire army into the place. 
 
 Meanwhile Sherman had begun his move from Chattanooga 
 on Atlanta, Ga. He compelled the Confederate General Johnson 
 to evacuate Dalton, gained the important battles of Resaca, 
 Dallas, Allatoona Pass, Kenesaw Mountain and the several 
 engagements around Atlanta, June 20-28. On Sept. 2 he 
 took possession of the city, having compelled Hood's army to 
 retreat. 
 
 On June 10 the Union forces under Sturgis were defeated at 
 Guntown, Miss., by Forrest's Confederate cavalry, but, soon after, 
 General Smith, who succeeded Sturgis, defeated the Confederates 
 and restored supremacy in that section. 
 
 On June 15 the Kcarsargc attacked and sunk the Confederate 
 cruiser Alabama, near Cherbourg, France. 
 
 General Early, with 15,000 Confederate troops, made a raid 
 into Maryland, in the direction of Baltimore. They were 
 defeated in their aim, but carried off considerable plunder. 
 They were pursued to Winchester, Va., and there defeated, July 
 20. Another Confederate force crossed into Pennsylvania and 
 burned the town of Chambersburg, July 30. 
 
 Grant had drawn a close cordon around Petersburg. He had 
 seized the Weldon railroad and other means of communication 
 with the South, for the recovery of which many fierce battles had 
 been waged by the Confederates. On July 30 he sprang a mine 
 which had been dug under the fortifications of Petersburg. The 
 explosion was followed by an assault on the works, which was 
 repulsed with heavy losses. 
 
 The navy, under Farragut, was busy during July and August. 
 He defeated and captured most of the Confederate fleet in Mobile 
 Bay, Aug. 5 ; captured Fort Gaines, Aug. 8 ; and Fort Morgan, 
 Aug. 23. 
 
 Grant had detached Sheridan to operate in the Shenandoah 
 
QIQ PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 valley, W. Va. On Sept. 19 he fought the severe battle of 
 Winchester against the Confederate, Early, and gained a signal 
 victory. Early was driven up the valley,' and on Oct. 19 his 
 army was almost annihilated at the battle of Cedar Creek. 
 
 After the capture of Atlanta, by Sherman, Hood attempted to 
 invade Tennessee. Sherman followed and drove him westward 
 into Alabama. At this time Sherman had in view his march 
 eastward to the Atlantic. He, therefore, left General Thomas to 
 watch Hood. Hood invaded Tennessee with an army of 40,000 
 men. Thomas fell back to Nashville. Hood followed and 
 invested the place. On Dec. 15 Thomas attacked him and 
 gained a signal victory. Hood retreated, followed by Thomas, 
 and in the several engagements which ensued Hood's army lost 
 nearly all its artillery, and was almost annihilated. He reached 
 Alabama with only a vestige of his forces. 
 
 General Sherman began his celebrated " March to the Sea," 
 Nov. 16. His army moved in four columns, with a total infantry 
 strength of 60,000 men, cavalry 5500, artillery 60 pieces, wagons 
 2500, ambulances 600. He was prepared to swing to Mobile, or 
 any point on the coast, in case of opposition. But his march 
 was a triumphant one, resulting in the capture of many Confed- 
 erate strongholds. On Dec. 21 he captured Savannah and 
 presented it as a Christmas present to the Nation. 
 
 Grant continued his investment of Petersburg, and gradually 
 extended his lines to the West, threatening Lee's communica- 
 tions. 
 
 EVENTS OF 1 86'5.-:— Operations of the year opened with 
 the capture of Fort Fisher, on the Cape Fear, by Admiral 
 Porter's fleet and an army of 8000 Union troops, under General 
 Terry. This capture was deemed most important, as it opened 
 the way for an army to enter North Carolina to co-operate with 
 General Sherman, moving northward from Savannah ; Sherman 
 left Savannah in January, and invaded South Carolina. He 
 captured Columbia, the capital, Feb. 17. This caused the evacua- 
 tion of Charleston, which was taken possession of by the Union 
 forces, Feb. 18. Sherman then passed into North Carolina, and 
 lought the important engagements of Avery sboro, March 16, and 
 
(518 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Bentonville, March 19, with the Confederates under Generals 
 Johnston and Hardee. On March 22 he was reinforced by 
 Schofield's army, at Goldsboro ; also by the army of General 
 Terry. This consolidation of armies gave the Union forces 
 virtual control of North Carolina, and there was nothing in the 
 way of final defeat for the Confederates except a possible union 
 of Lee's forces with those of Johnston, a result which it was 
 Grant's chief aim to prevent. 
 
 The Shenandoah valley again became the scene of active 
 military operations. Early had invaded it, and Sheridan had 
 been sent in pursuit. The two armies, chiefly cavalry, came 
 together at Charlottesville. Early's forces were badly defeated. 
 Sheridan cut the canal and railways west of Richmond, and 
 retired in triumph to the main body south of Petersburg. 
 
 The Union army under Grant had been tenaciously holding 
 the Petersburg position, assaulting every now and then, fighting 
 occasional battles, cutting off Confederate communications, and 
 forcing its lines gradually to the west, so as to interfere with any 
 retreat Lee might make. On March 25 the Confederates cap- 
 tured Fort Steadman, in Grant's lines, but it was retaken the 
 same day. On March 29 a terrific struggle began in front of 
 Petersburg, which lasted for three days. The result was that 
 Lee was compelled to evacuate Petersburg, and to seek safety in 
 flight, in the direction of Lynchburg. Grant clung closely to 
 his left flank, and sent intercepting columns under Sheridan. 
 On April i was fought the tactical and determinative battle of 
 Five Forks, which practically settled Lee's fate. It was the last 
 great battle and victory of the war. Everything after that was 
 slaughter and retreat on the part of the Confederates. On April 
 2 President Davis and his cabinet fled from Richmond, and the 
 Confederates abandoned their capital. Lee now strove with all 
 his might to escape to Johnston's army, by way of Amelia Court- 
 House, and Danville. Lee centred at Amelia, April 5, but 
 Grant hugged him so closely that he was forced to swing west- 
 ward again, with the entire Union army keeping even pace, five 
 miles south of and parallel with him. There were frequent 
 engagements and a constant picking up of prisoners and aban- 
 
620 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 doned guns by the Union army. At Deatonville the armies 
 crossed each other's track, and a severe engagement ensued in 
 which the Union forces captured seven Confederate generals and 
 the entire rear guard of Lee's army, embracing 7000 soldiers 
 and 14 guns. 
 
 Lee's retreat now resembled a rout. Sheridan threw his cav- 
 alry across his track at Appomattox Station, five miles south of 
 Appomattox Court-House. Humphreys closed in on his rear, 
 three miles northeast of the Court-House. All his supplies were 
 cut off. Grant pushed all his corps toward Appomattox, thor- 
 oughly inclosing Lee. The resistance of desperation came. It 
 was feeble, and resulted in retreat, but there was no avenue of 
 retreat. A white flag appeared. The tumultuous columns stood 
 still. Truce hung over the contending armies, Lee and Grant 
 met at the McLean house, near Appomattox. Terms of sur- 
 render were agreed upon, and the Confederate army of Virginia 
 passed out of fighting existence. 
 
 The surrender of Lee's army, at Appomattox, April 9, 1864, 
 was the signal for the surrender of all other Confederate armies. 
 From sea to sea there went up one voice of jubilation and thanks- 
 giving, and all the land burst into glorious illumination. Grant 
 hastened»to Washington, arriving April 13. On the night of 
 April 14 President Lincoln was assassinated. 
 
 On April 10 Grant ordered Sherman to push Johnston. He 
 did so and Johnston retreated through Raleigh. Shernian pur- 
 sued, and on April 18 agreed on the terms of Johnston's sur- 
 render. The terms were politically involved, and were not 
 accepted at Washington. Grant was sent to the scene, and pro- 
 posed and accepted the terms Lee had subscribed to at Ap- 
 pomattox. 
 
 Mobile had fallen into Canby's hands April 12. Stoneman had 
 swung to Johnston's rear and captured Augusta, Ga., April 16. 
 His battle for the place was the last engagement of the war. 
 Macon surrendered April 21, with four Confederate generals, and 
 12,000 men. President Davis was captured May 11, at Irwins- 
 ville, Ga. West of the Mississippi, Kirby Smith disbanded his 
 Confederate forces, and on May 26 General Buckner surren- 
 
622 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 dered the last remnant of the Confederate forces. The number 
 of Confederates paroled between April 9 and May 26 was 
 174,223 men. History does not recoid so speedy and complete 
 a collapse of such a gigantic rebellion. 
 
 National rejoicing over victory was suddenly turned into 
 gloom, by the assassination of President Lincoln on " Good 
 Friday" night, April 14. John Wilkes Booth, an actor, stole 
 up behind the President in the National Theatre, at Washington, 
 and shot him through the head. The assassin then leaped to 
 the stage, I'an to an exit, brandishing a knife and finally made 
 his escape. lie was pursued and found secreted in a barn in 
 Virginia. On refusing to surrender he was shot and killed by 
 Sergeant Boston Corbett. His accomplices were arrested, tried 
 and convicted, and four of them were hanged. The rest, with 
 one exception y. were imprisoned for life. 
 
 RECONSTRUCTION.— It was hoped by North as well as 
 South that President Lincoln had mapped in his mind a policy 
 of reconstruction. But such did not appear. The exact rela- 
 tion a seceded State, which had failed to estabhsh its secession 
 by force, occupied toward the other States, and how it could be 
 reinstated, were new and delicate points, requiring the skill of a 
 master to handle. Much more was involved. The place of the 
 negroes, now free and citizens, had to be considered. The North- 
 ern mind inclined to a probationary period for the rebellious 
 States, during which time they could adjust themselves to a new 
 situation, give guarantees, through provisional governments that 
 they would assure freedom to the negroes, wipe out their obnox- 
 ious codes, repeal their secession laws, rescind their adhesion to 
 the Confederacy, and, repledged and prepared -anew, re-enter the 
 Union, on the condition of any fully equipped State, with the 
 consent of Congress. 
 
 President Johnson signalized his administration by adopting a 
 hastier policy of reconstruction, one which imposed no probation 
 on the States, but inxited them to reform State governments and 
 apply for admission at once. He belonged to the old South- 
 ern school of strict interpreters or State Rights, and his policy 
 invited the supremacy in the new States of the most active sup- 
 
624 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 porters of rebellion. This policy did not receive the support of 
 the Republican party. An antagonism therefore sprang up be- 
 tween the administration and the majority party, which was 
 fiercer even than that between Tyler and the Whigs. The Presi- 
 dent however forced his measures as best he could, and carried 
 with him what was known at the time as the "Amnesty senti- 
 ment " of the country and also the Democratic sentiment. He 
 was squarely outside of the party which had elected him Vice- 
 President, from the very beginning of his term as President. 
 
 THIRTY-NINTH CONGRESS— Yixst Session.— Met Dec. 
 4, 1865. The favorable turn of the rebellion, and the emphatic 
 endorsement of Lincoln's administration by the country, had 
 greatly increased the Republican majority in both Houses of Con- 
 gress. The Senate stood 40 Republicans and 1 1 Democrats ; the 
 House 145 Republicans and 40 Democrats. The House organ- 
 ized by re-electing Schuyler Colfax, Republican, Ind., Speaker. 
 
 The passage of an amended Freedmen's Bureau bill drew from 
 the President a veto, in which he foreshadowed his "intention of 
 opposing reconstruction legislation where it involved favors to 
 the negroes, and, in general, until the whites, who were most 
 concerned, were again represented in Congress. Another bill, 
 similar in terms, providing for the education and military pro- 
 tection of the negro race, was passed in July. This was also 
 vetoed, on the ground that the civil courts were open for their 
 protection, and that the matter was one entirely within the con- 
 trol of the States. It became a law over the veto. 
 
 The passage of the Civil Rights bill, in March, which was de- 
 signed to secure to the negroes some of the rights of citizenship 
 by enabling them to enforce their contracts in the United States 
 Courts, was vetoed, on the ground that it was an attempt to con- 
 fer citizenship on men just released from bondage and overrode 
 the State laws and State tribunals. Though the bill was passed 
 over the President's veto, the Congress proceeded to clarify the 
 question of citizenship by passing the Fourteenth Amendment 
 to the Constitution, June 16, 1866, which became operative, July 
 28, 1868. This measure the President also opposed, as did the 
 Democrats. The Homestead laws were extended to public 
 
626 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 lands in the South, the army was reduced, some internal taxes 
 were abohshed. Congress adjourned, July 28, 1866. 
 
 THIRTY-NINTH CONGRESS —Second Session. — Met 
 Dec. 3, 1866. The President's attitude to the majority in Con- 
 gress had become hostile and defiant. By his vetoes of Con- 
 gressional enactments he had given proof of his intention to re- 
 duce the power of Congress over the work of Reconstruction to 
 a minimum. By his repeated proclamations to the Southern 
 States he had as fully shown that he intended to make the work 
 of Reconstruction as purely an executive one as he could, and 
 this though his attention and that of the country had been 
 called, by an address of the Republican National Committee, to 
 the fact that no provisions existed in the Constitution or outside 
 of Congress for the re-establishment of States which had broken 
 their allegiance by secession and failed to establish secession by 
 force. 
 
 The situation was not conducive to deliberate legislation. If 
 the President was vindictive, the majority was retaliatory. More- 
 over, fear began to dawn that if he carried his defiance much 
 further it might end in an executive coup de main on the very 
 existence of the legislative branch of the government. Retalia- 
 tive thus assumed the virtue of protective steps. A threat of 
 impeachment was made by the appointment of a House com- 
 mittee to take testimony. The time had not yet come for 
 decisive action. 
 
 By act of July, 1862, the President had been empowered to 
 extend amnesty to those who ceased to be rebellious. The 
 President had used his power under this act to what was con- 
 sidered an inordinate extent. In January, 1867, the act was re- 
 pealed. He still continued his amnesty proclamations, claiming 
 a right to do so under the Constitution. To prevent the possi- 
 bility of his taking the advantage of Congress during a recess, 
 the meetings of the next Congress were fixed so as to succeed 
 each other immediately. This lasted only during his term of 
 office. His claim to issue orders directly to the army was met 
 by an act compelling him to issue them through the general in 
 command. This was squeezed in with the Appropriation bill, 
 
f>>b> 
 
g28 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 SO that he could not veto it without defeating the whole measure. 
 He vetoed the Nebraska act, which provided for the admission 
 of that State on the condition that suffrage should exist without 
 reference to race or color. This was passed over his veto, and 
 Nebraska was admitted, March i, 1867. 
 
 Hitherto the President had possessed one advantage. His in- 
 clination was his policy of Reconstruction ; or, if policy he had, 
 it was not so systematic as to prevent his forging ahead without 
 much regard to legal forms and technical obstructions. The 
 Republican majority had all along been hampered by Constitu- 
 tional difficulties and baffled by their party opponents and the 
 Executive. But they had at last formulated a policy. It divided 
 the States which had seceded into military districts, and placed 
 each under an officer of the army, who was empowered to keep 
 the peace and protect person and property until a State conven- 
 tion could be chosen and a State government formed which re- 
 cognized citizenship without regard to race, color or previous 
 condition, and contained a ratification of the Thirteenth and 
 Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution. Then only would 
 Congress agree to readmit the State. This was the bill " To 
 Provide Efficient Governments for the Insurrectionary States," 
 and designed to secure to the country some of the fruits of the 
 war, which, it was thought, the President was fast frittering 
 away. It was passed, vetoed, and passed over the veto, March 
 2, 1867. 
 
 Here was a carefully outlined Congressional policy against a 
 loose unsystematic Executive policy. To make the conflict 
 sharper, the same day witnessed the passage of the Tenure of 
 Office bill, also over the veto, by a strictly party vote in the 
 Senate of 35 to 11, and in the House of 138 to 40. It made 
 the Senate, which was a recognized part of the appointing power, 
 a party also to removal from office by providing that the Presi- 
 dent's removals during recess should not be final unless approved 
 by the Senate, and that if appointees during recess were not ap- 
 proved by the Senate, the old incumbent held his place. The 
 design was to prevent wholesale removals during recess and the 
 setting up of a Cabinet and Department officers who might fur- 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 629 
 
 ther frustrate the will of Congress. Violation of its provisions 
 was declared a high misdemeanor. This somewhat original and 
 summary work of Congress now went before the country for ap- 
 proval or rejection, as did the conduct of the President. A 
 Tariff act was passed March 2, 1867, which made the duties on 
 wool and woollen goods highly protective. Congress adjourned 
 si7ie die, March 3, 1867. 
 
 FORTIETH CONGRESS— E^tra. Session.— Met March 4, 
 1867, according to act passed at second session of Thirty-ninth 
 Congress. The issue between the Congress and President had 
 been carried into the Congressional campaign, and the result 
 was a return of a Republican majority. The Senate stood 40 
 Republicans to 14 Democrats, the House 138 Republicans to 
 47 Democrats. House organized by re-electing Schuyler Col- 
 fax, Republican, Indiana, Speaker. Positive legislation was not 
 the design of the meeting. It was a session for the emergency, 
 a policing of a critical situation, an overseeing of previous legis- 
 lation, that it might be executed, at least not frustrated. The 
 continuity of the session was secured by an adjournment on 
 March 30, 1867, to meet July 3, 1867. A second adjournment was 
 had July 20, to meet Nov. 21. A third adjournment was had 
 Dec. 2, 1867. 
 
 FORTIETH CONGRESS— First Regular Session.— Met 
 Dec. 2, 1867. Before legitimate work could begin, the President 
 renewed his contest by removing Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary 
 of War, Feb. 21, 1868, and appointing Lorenzo Thomas in his 
 place, contrary to the provisions of the Tenure of Office Act. 
 The Senate resolved that " the President had no power to re- 
 move the Secretary of War and designate any other officer to 
 perform the duties of the office." On the 24th the President 
 sent a message to the Senate claiming the right of removal on 
 the ground that Stanton was an appointee of his predecessor, 
 and was now holding only by sufferance, and that therefore he 
 was not removing an appointee under the Tenure of Office Act. 
 
 A resolution to impeach the President passed the House on 
 the 24th, by a vote of 126 to 47. Articles were drawn bearing 
 on his violation of the act in question, which passed the House 
 
630 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 on March 2. On the 5th, the trial began, and lasted till May 
 16, when a test vote was taken on the Eleventh Article, a 
 leading one. The result was, for conviction, 35 Senators ; for 
 acquittal, 19 Senators, 14 of the latter being Democrats and 5 
 Republicans. The Constitution requiring a two-thirds vote to 
 convict, the verdict was acquittal on this article. On May 26, 
 a vote was had on the first and second articles, with the same 
 result. It being evident that conviction could not be had, no 
 other votes were taken and the Court of Impeachment adjourned 
 sine die. 
 
 The political differences between the President and the Repub- 
 lican party were not softened by the impeachment trial, yet sin- 
 gularly enough the party did not suffer by its failure to convict, 
 nor did the President cease to pursue his policy of Reconstruc- 
 tion, save where he was hedged by Congress, till the end of his 
 term, when he retired to his native State, quite restored to the 
 favor of his old political associates, with whom he had broken 
 on the questions which gave rise to the rebellion. 
 
 Congress adjourned, July 27, 1868. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1868.— The Republican National Conven- 
 tion met at Chicago, May 20, 1868, and nominated Ulysses S, 
 Grant, 111., for President, and Schuyler Colfax, Ind., for Vice- 
 President. The platform (i) congratulated the country on the 
 success of the reconstruction policy of Congress. (2) Approved 
 of equal suffrage to all loyal men in the South, and of the doc- 
 trine that it was a question properly belonging to the loyal States. 
 (3) No repudiation of the National promises to pay. (4) Equal- 
 ization and reduction of taxation. (5) Reduction of interest on 
 National debt, and gradual payment of same. (6) Improvement 
 of our credit. (7) Denounced the corruptions of the Johnson 
 administration, and urged economy. (8) Lincoln's death re- 
 gretted ; Johnson's treachery denounced. (9) Protection of the 
 rights of naturalized citizens. (10) Honor to the soldiers, (ii) 
 Encouragement of foreign immigration. (12) Sympathy for all 
 oppressed people struggling for their rights ; commendation of 
 those who served in the Rebellion, for their co-operation in 
 securing good government in the South. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 63l 
 
 The Democratic National Convention met at New York, July 
 14, 1868, and nominated for President, Horatio Seymour, N. Y., 
 and for Vice-President, Francis P. Blair, Mo. The platform (i) 
 recognized the question of secession and slavery as settled by 
 the war. (2) Demanded immediate restoration of the Southern 
 States, and the settlement of the .question of suffrage by the 
 States themselves. (3) Amnesty for all past offences. (4) Pay- 
 ment of the public debt in lawful money, where coin is not called 
 for. (4) Equal taxation ; one currency. (5) Economy; abolition 
 of the Freedmen's Bureau ; a Tariff for revenue, with incidental 
 Protection. (6) Reform of abuses in administration ; independ- 
 ence of Executive and Judicial branches ; subordination of mil- 
 itary to civil power. (7) Maintenance of the rights of naturalized 
 citizens. (8) General arraignment of the Republican party, and 
 gratitude to Johnson for " resisting the aggressions of Congress." 
 
 The campaign was an active one. The leading topics were 
 the Reconstruction measures of the Republican party, and equal 
 suffrage. The latter was a new question, given prominence by 
 the condition of the freedmen, and by the probability that they 
 would not be able to maintain their rights as citizens without 
 the ballot. It may be said that the verdict of the campaign led 
 to the proposal and adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment. 
 Grant's apothegm, " Let us have Peace," did much to tone the 
 severities of a campaign which would else have been very bitter, 
 owing to the hostility of the Republicans toward the Adminis- 
 tration. And as to the merits of the issue between the Congress 
 and President — that is, as to whether the Congress or President 
 had a right to fix the terms on which a revolting State could be 
 readmitted — the verdict was in favor of Congress and its plan of 
 approving of the Constitution of the applicant States, just as in 
 case of Territories when they first applied for admission. The 
 November result was a decided Republican victory. 
 
 FORTIETH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec. 7, 
 1868. The leading political measure was the Fifteenth Amend- 
 ment to the Constitution, which conferred the right of suffrage 
 on all citizens, without distinction of " race, color, or previous 
 condition of servitude." It passed Feb. 25, 1869, and by March 
 
g32 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 30, 1870, was ratified by three-fourths of all the States. In Con- 
 gress it was a distinctive party measure, drawing full Democratic 
 opposition. Before the country, it met with a conservative Re- 
 publican opposition, partly because it was regarded as too radical 
 an advance, and partly because it got complicated with the ques- 
 tion of amnesty, as advocated by Mr. Greeley and a school of 
 statesmen who thought that " universal amnesty " ought to pre- 
 cede, and be a consideration for, " universal suffrage." 
 
 The Electoral count showed 214 votes for Grant and Colfax, 
 and 80 for Seymour and Blair. A question was raised over the 
 9 votes of Georgia, but as they did not affect the result, it was 
 not urged. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1869. Grant 
 and Colfax were sworn into office on March 4. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 GRANT'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1869 — March 3, 1873. 
 
 IJlysses S. Grant, III., President. Schuyler Colfax, Ind., 
 
 Vice-Preside7tt. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 fi, March 4, 1869-Apiil 10, 1869, extra session. 
 2, December 6, 1869-July 15, 1870. 
 3, December 5, 1870-March 3, 1871. 
 
 (I, March 4, iS/i-April 20, 1871, extra session. 
 2, December 4, 1871-June 10, 1872. 
 3, December 2, 1872-March 3, 1873. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.'' 
 
 Republican. Democrat. 
 
 Basis of Ulysses S. Schuyler Horatio Sey- Francis P, 
 
 States. 127,381. Vote. Grant, 111. Colfax, Ind. mour, N. Y. Blair, Mc 
 
 Alabama 6 8 8 8 
 
 Arkansas 3 5 5 5 
 
 California 3 5 5 5 
 
 Connecticut 4 6 6 6 
 
 Delaware I 3 .. .. 3 3 
 
 Florida I 3 3 3 
 
 Georgia 7 9 •• •• 9 9 
 
 Illinois 14 16 16 16 
 
 * Popular vote — Grant, 3,015,071 — 26 States; Seymour, 2,709,613 — 8 States; 
 not voting, 3 States. 
 
I>RESIDENTS AND ADMINtSTRAtlONS. 
 
 m 
 
 Republican. 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Basis ot 
 
 Sutes. 127,381. Vote. 
 
 Indiana il 13 
 
 Iowa 6 8 
 
 Kansas I 3 
 
 Kentucky 9 II 
 
 Louisiana 5 7 
 
 Maine 5 7 
 
 Maryland 5 7 
 
 Massachusetts lO 12 
 
 Michigan 6 8 
 
 Minnesota 2 4 
 
 *Mississippi 5 7 
 
 Missouri 9 li 
 
 Nebraska i 3 
 
 Nevada I 3 
 
 New Hampshire.... 3 5 
 
 New Jersey 5 7 
 
 New York 31 ;i^ 
 
 North Carolina 7 9 
 
 Ohio 19 21 
 
 Oregon i 3 
 
 Pennsylvania 24 26 
 
 Rhode Island 2 4 
 
 South Carolina . . , . 4 6 
 
 Tennessee 8 10 
 
 *Texas 4 6 
 
 Vermont 3 5 
 
 *Virginia 8 lO 
 
 West Virginia 3 5 
 
 Wisconsin 6 8 
 
 Totals 243 317 
 
 Ulysses S. Schuyler Horatio Sey- Francis P. 
 Grant, 111. Colfax, Ind. mour, N. Y. Blair, Mo. 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 12 
 8 
 4 
 
 II 
 3 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 21 
 
 26 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 7 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 4 
 
 II 
 3 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 21 
 
 26 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 II 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 33 
 
 II 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 33 
 
 214 
 
 214 
 
 80 
 
 80 
 
 THE CAB/NET. 
 
 Secretary of State E. B. Washburne, 111. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury Geo. S. Boutwell, Mass. 
 
 Secretary of War John A. Rawlins, 111. 
 
 Secretary of Navy Adolph E. Borie, Pa. 
 
 Secretary of Interior Jacob D. Cox, Ohio. 
 
 Attorney-General E. R. Hoar, Mass. 
 
 Postmaster-General J. A. J. Creswell, Md. 
 
 FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Extra Session.— Met March 
 4, 1869, with a very large Republican majority in both branches. 
 The Senate stood 58 Republican, 10 Democrat, and 8 vacancies ; 
 the House, 149 Republican, 64 Democrat, and 25 vacancies ; 
 Mississippi, Texas, Virginia and Georgia not being represented. 
 The House organized by electing James G. Blaine, Me., Speaker, 
 
 * These States not yet readmitted. 23 votes lost. 
 
634 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 This brief session was made interesting by a strictly part): 
 struggle over the admission of Texas, Virginia and Mississippi, 
 before they had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment to the Con- 
 stitution. On April lo a bill passed which required them to 
 submit their constitutions as they stood to the people, and their 
 Legislatures to ratify both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend 
 ments, after which they would be readmitted. The extra session 
 adjourned April lo, 1869. 
 
 FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS— First Regular Session.— Met 
 December 6, 1869. The lot of President Grant had not thus 
 far been a happy one. Unlike his predecessor, he had no policy 
 of Reconstruction aside from the acts of Congress, and these he 
 declared he would enforce, on the principle that the best way 
 to secure the repeal of such as were objectionable was to show 
 their defects by actual and literal enforcement. But in this he 
 was largely headed off by a condition of affairs in the late rebel- 
 lious States, which was then attributed to the mistaken policy 
 of President Johnson. From whatever cause, a party arose in 
 the Southern States which prided in the name of " Unrecon- 
 structed " and " Irreconcilable." It opposed the Reconstruction 
 acts of Congress, and especially the Fourteenth and Fifteenth 
 Amendments to the Constitution. Further, many Northern 
 men had settled in Southern States. These, being in favor 
 with the negroes, and naturally supporters of the government, 
 gained a control of local politics which made them enemies of 
 the " Unreconstructed." They were denounced as "Carpet- 
 Baggers," and the State governments they erected and supported 
 as " Carpet-Bag Governments." But as they were operating 
 under color of local law, and insisting on rights for the citizen 
 which the Constitution plainly gave him, they could hardly be 
 ousted by regular forms. Ousted they must be, however. The 
 plan of terrorizing the negroes was hit upon. This was perfected 
 and carried out by those secret organizations which became 
 known as the Ku-Klux-Klan. Their operations were so effective as 
 not only to intimidate the negroes but to drive out the Northern 
 immigrants. This achieved, the doctrine of "a white man's gov- 
 ernment" became popular, and under it the regime of the respec- 
 
EDWIN M SI ANT ON. 
 
 LDWARD EVERETT. 
 
 i '1,,.' '••- .-.' 
 SCHUYLER COLFAX. 
 
 GEORGE S. BOUTWELL. 
 635 
 
636 i^RESiDENTS AND ADMlNISTRATIONis. 
 
 tive States passed back into the hands of those who had made, 
 supported and controlled them before the rebellion. 
 
 The operations of the Ku-Klux-Klan had not only been 
 locally violent, but defiant of the Reconstruction acts of Con- 
 gress. Hence the President found his authority practically ig- 
 nored. All the time, too, questions arose as to the constitution- 
 ality of the Reconstruction acts. These occasioned delays and 
 invited dangers. In the latter part of 1869 the Supreme 
 Court came to his assistance and greatly strengthened his hands 
 by a decision to the effect " that Congress had the power to re- 
 establish the relations of any rebellious State to the Union." 
 This decision sustaining the policy of Congress and the Republi- 
 can majority modified the tone of the Democrats, and in a great 
 measure changed their purpose to make Reconstruction a central 
 party feature. 
 
 The above situation gave rise to the Enforcement act, passed 
 May 31, 1870, by a party vote, which gave to the President all 
 needed powers to protect the freedmen and punish the perpetra- 
 tors of outrages against white and black. Enforcement of this 
 act did much to awaken Southern sentiment to the extent and 
 danger of the " Klan" and to correct its abuses. It fell into dis- 
 repute, but was succeeded by other more open and ingenious, 
 yet not less effective, means of intimidation, some of which took 
 the shape of " Rifle Clubs," the " White League," and so on, all 
 of which were harder to meet by legal processes than the more 
 violent " Klan." 
 
 Before the close of this session the halting States of Virginia, 
 Georgia, Texas and Mississippi had complied with the conditions 
 of reconstruction and were readmitted. This practically com- 
 pleted the work of reconstruction so far as the States were con- 
 cerned ; that is, they had complied with the forms of law, but 
 much remained to be done to insure equitable enforcement of 
 law. By July 15, 1870, the date on which Georgia was received, 
 after hanging back with her ratification of the Fifteenth Amend- 
 ment, the happy spectacle of a restored Union was again pre- 
 sented, though the votes of Arkansas and Louisiana were not 
 received on account of technical objections in 1872. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 637 
 
 The other leading political acts of the session were one to 
 enforce the Fifteenth Amendment, and one to amend the naturali- 
 zation laws. The latter law made penal the issue of fraudulent 
 naturalization papers, and authorized Federal supervisors of Con- 
 gressional elections in cities of over 20,000 inhabitants. The 
 Democrats opposed it on the ground that it was unconstitutional ; 
 the Republicans favored it on the charge of frauds in New York 
 by which the State had been carried for Seymour. They used 
 with effect the language of Horace Greeley that " more votes 
 had been cast for Seymour in one of the warehouse wards of 
 the city than there were men, women, children, cats and dogs 
 in it." 
 
 In March, 1870, the Constitutionality of the Legal Tender 
 Act of 1862 came before the Supreme Court as newly organized. 
 It was decided to be constitutional. This was a partisan issue 
 from beginning to end. The Republicans pleaded absolute 
 necessity as a support for the law ; the Democrats claimed that 
 it was an inexcusable stretch of constitutional power. The 
 former were consistent with that liberal interpretation of the 
 Constitution on which they based their ideas of Internal Im- 
 provement, Protection to American Industries, and scores of 
 measures relating to war and reconstruction. The latter were 
 hardly so consistent, for very many of them, when members of 
 the Confederate Congress, had for reasons of imperative necessity 
 advocated the issue of similar money, and that too, with the 
 "promise to pay" extended to a period beyond which the inde- 
 pendence of the Confederacy should be recognized. 
 
 The decision, notwithstanding its opposition, soon won popu- 
 larity, and greatly increased the national credit. The popular- 
 ized " Greenback " soon after became the banking capital of a 
 new party. The Tariff Act of July 14, 1870, had the effect 
 of greatly enlarging the free list. Congress adjourned, July 15, 
 1870. 
 
 FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 
 5, 1870. Reconstruction being completed in form, all the States 
 were represented for the first time since 1861. The Senate stood 
 61 Republicans; 13 Democrats; the House, 172 Republicans; 71 
 
638 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Democrats. The President's message advocated the annexation 
 of San Domingo. This gave rise to a bitter opposition on the 
 part of Charles Sumner, which took the shape of direct attack 
 on the administration. A commission was appointed which 
 reported favorably, and the matter was dropped. 
 
 A supplement to the enforcement act was passed, Feb. 28, 
 1 87 1. It incurred the usual Democratic opposition, and was 
 passed by a strict party vote. It extended the power of super- 
 visors and marshals-, and gave the Federal Courts jurisdiction 
 of cases arising out of violation of the Fifteenth Amendment. 
 On March 3 the first civil service act in the history of the 
 government was passed. Under it a commission was appointed, 
 whose recommendations were not cordially received. Congress 
 adjourned sine die, March 3, 1871. 
 
 FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS —'E^\.x2. Session. — Met 
 March 4, 1871. The Republicans had suffered somewhat in 
 their representation. The Senate stood, Republicans, 57 ; Demo- 
 crats, 17; House, Republicans, 138; Democrats, 103. House 
 organized by re-electing James G. Blaine, Me., Speaker. 
 
 The leading political act was that of April 20, 1871, known 
 as the Ku-Klux Act. It was aimed directly at the secret organ- 
 izations existing in Southern States, which could not be effectually 
 reached under the enforcement acts of the previous session. 
 Indeed, these acts were proving weak in all respects, and in 
 view of the opposition they were meeting with, their propriety 
 was beginning to be questioned. Congress adjourned, April 20, 
 1871. 
 
 FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS— Y\x?X Regular Session.— 
 Met Dec. 4, 1871. This session gave rise to two acts, both of 
 which became noteworthy. The first was The Amnesty Bill. 
 In its earliest shape it was a Democratic measure, formulated so 
 as to secure the influence of Mr. Greeley, editor of the New 
 York Tribune, soon to be the Democratic candidate for President. 
 It was baffled by the Republicans for a long time by amend- 
 ments adding Mr. Sumner's Supplementary Civil Rights Bill. 
 But it finally passed, May 22, 1872. Its effect was to remove 
 the disabilities imposed by Sec. 3 of 14th Amendment to the 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 539 
 
 Constitution, from all but about 350 participants in the rebel- 
 lion.* 
 
 The second was a Supplementary Enforcement act. The 
 former acts of Enforcement, including the Ku-Klux act, were 
 not strengthening the hands of the Executive in preserving order 
 and securing the rights of citizens, as they were designed to. 
 The Democrats were squarely opposed to them, and so was a 
 strong minority within the Republican ranks. It became a 
 question whether the Congress should retreat or experiment fur- 
 ther with a doubtful question. A majority sentiment favored 
 another trial. Consequently the bill of June 10, 1872, was 
 passed, which gave any citizen deprived of his rights access to 
 the Federal courts, made it a penal offense to deprive, or con- 
 spire to deprive, any citizen of his rights under the amendments, 
 placed the United States troops at the call of the States to sup- 
 press conspiracies, and further declared such conspiracies rebel- 
 lions, to be suppressed by Federal force if the States failed- 
 This was regarded as the last stretch of Constitutional power in 
 time of peace, even by the advocates of the bill. If its effect 
 was to hasten the final disintegration of the annoying, defiant 
 and cruel " Ku-Klux-Klan," the same cannot be said of those 
 more ingenious and popular methods of opposition which were 
 relied on as supports of the idea of " A White Man's Govern- 
 ment." The Tariff Act of June 6, 1872, made a material reduc- 
 tion in duties and added largely to the free list. Congress 
 adjourned, June 10, 1872. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1872. — The first party in the field was a new 
 one, styling itself " Liberal Republican." This misnomer origin- 
 ated in Missouri, in 1870. A Liberal Republican would naturally 
 be one who favored a liberal construction of the Constitution. 
 But the new Liberal Republicans were those who thought the 
 Republicans had already exceeded, in their legislation, the 
 powers contained in the Constitution. They were therefore not 
 so liberal as the Republicans, but stricter in their interpretations, 
 sufficiently strict to draw the Democratic support, as we shall 
 
 * Subsequently other acts removed thes^ disabilities from all who participated in 
 the rebellion, except Jefferson Davis. 
 
540 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 see. A considerable Republican sentiment hact been inclining 
 to this movement for some time. It was encouraged by the 
 " General Amnesty " idea, advocated by Mr. Greeley and by 
 others who were at the time called " Sentimentalists." The fail- 
 ure of so many of the Reconstruction measures of Congress to 
 bring about desired results, the opposition they all excited, the 
 growing thought that they were of doubtful propriety, and even 
 of doubtful constitutionality, considering that they had no 
 longer the imperative necessity of war as a basis of vindication, 
 further encouraged the movement. 
 
 In 1870 the Republican party, then in control of the Legisla- 
 ture of Missouri, split over the question of the removal of dis- 
 abilities from Confederates, under the State Constitution. Those 
 favoring removal, headed by B. Gratz Brown and Carl Schurz, 
 called themselves Liberal Republicans ; those opposing removal 
 accepted the name of Radical Republicans. The former tri- 
 umphed. This was the nucleus around which kindred sentiment 
 gathered throughout the country. It gained headway by acces- 
 sions in "several States, as Mr. Greeley and Mr. Fenton in New 
 York, Curtin in Pennsylvania, Trumbull in Illinois, and Charles 
 Francis Adams in Massachusetts. The Democrats in Congress 
 had fostered the sentiment. In the spring of 1871 there had 
 been an actual fusion of the Liberal Republicans and Democrats 
 in Ohio. The ^eaders denounced the Enforcement acts of Con- 
 gress and the t. forts of the administration to bring about Recon- 
 struction under them. On the basis of a common feeling it was 
 thought the Democratic party could be captured by the move- 
 ment. A call ivas issued from Missouri, Jan. 24, 1872, for a 
 National Convention of Liberal Republicans, at Cincinnati, on 
 May I. It nominated Horace Greeley, N. Y., for President, and 
 B. Gratz Brown, Mo., for Vice-President. The platform (i) re- 
 cognized the equality of all men ; (2) pledged the party to 
 Union, emancipation, enfranchisement, and to oppose the open- 
 ing of any question settled by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and 
 Fifteenth Amendments ; (3) demanded the immediate removal 
 of all disabilities ; (4) local self-government with impartial suf- 
 frage, for the nation a return to the methods of peace; (5) Thor- 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 64X 
 
 ough reform of the civil service, no President a candidate for re- 
 election ; (6) modest revenue for all the needs of the government ; 
 on the matter of a tariff, the question relegated to the people of 
 the Congressional districts for discussion ; (7) maintenance of 
 public credit, return to specie payments, honor for the soldier, 
 no more land grants to railroads, fair dealing with foreign 
 powers. 
 
 The Republican National Convention met at Philadelphia, 
 June 5, 1872, and renominated for President Ulysses S. Grant, 
 111., and nominated for Vice-President Henry Wilson, Mass. Its 
 platform (i) pointed, as the result of Republican policy, to a 
 suppressed rebellion, emancipation, equal citizenship, universal 
 suffrage, no punishment of men for political offences, a humane 
 Indian policy, a Pacific railroad, public lands freely given to ac- 
 tual settlers, protected immigration, uniform national currency^ 
 high national credit, careful collection and expenditure of rev- 
 enue, large reduction of taxes and of public debt; (2) enforcement 
 of the new amendments to Constitution ; (3) enjoyment of civil 
 and political liberty by all, no discrimination as to citizenship on 
 account of race, color or previous condition ; (4) an improved civil 
 service; (5) no more land grants to corporations, but free homes 
 for the people ; (6) gradual reduction of the public debt. Tariff 
 for protection ; (7) honor to soldiers and sailors, abolition of 
 franking privilege, reduction in rate of postage, approval of the 
 administration, repudiation denounced, additional rights for 
 women, amnesty approved, respect for the rights of States. 
 
 The Democratic National Convention met in Baltimore, July 
 9, 1872. By pre-arrangement and with the hope of triumph 
 through the Republican schism it accepted the platform and 
 nominees of the Liberal Republicans, and thus stood fully com- 
 mitted to " emancipation and enfranchisement, and to oppose any 
 reopening of the questions settled by the Thirteenth, Four- 
 teenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution," and to 
 the further doctrine " that it is the duty of the government to 
 mete out exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race, color or 
 persuasion, religious or political." 
 
 A Straight-out Democratic National Convention met at Louis 
 41 
 
(542 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 ville, Ky., Sept. 3, 1872, and nominated for President Charles 
 O'Conor, N. Y., and for Vice-President John Quincy Adams, 
 Mass. The platform was a plea for the rights of the States and 
 a repudiation of the Baltimore Convention as a betrayal of the 
 Democratic party " into a false creed and a false leadership." 
 
 The Temperance, or Prohibition, party met in National Con- 
 vention, for the first time as a nominating body, at Columbus, 
 Ohio, Feb. 22, 1872, and nominated for President James Black, 
 Pa., for Vice-President John Russell, Mich. The platform de- 
 clared that as all political parties had proved unwilling to adopt an 
 adequate policy on the question of traffic in intoxicating drinks; 
 therefore (i) the party pledges itself to the principles of the 
 Declaration and Constitution ; (2) that effective legal prohibition. 
 State as well as national, is the only means of suppressing traffic 
 in intoxicants; (3) that existing party competition for the liquor 
 vote is a peril to the nation ; (4) dissuasion from the use of in- 
 toxicants, competency, honesty and sobriety as qualifications for 
 office, no removals from office for political opinion, prevention 
 of corruption and encouragement of economy, direct vote of 
 the people for President, a sound national currency, redeemable 
 in gold, labor reform, suffrage without regard to sex, fostering 
 of the common schools. 
 
 The campaign was peculiar in every respect. The Republi- 
 cans were sanguine, and scarcely needed to use ordinary cam- 
 paign energies. The Democrats were cold toward their nominee, 
 and mistrustful of the situation from the start. The Liberal 
 Republicans bore the " heat and burden " of the day, their can- 
 didate even taking the stump, or rather making long railroad 
 jaunts for the purpose of meeting with and inspiring his 
 admirers. 
 
 The November result was not a realization of Liberal Repub- 
 lican hopes. They had not captured the Democratic party. 
 The strength they brought to that party was far more than off- 
 set by Democratic desertions to the Republicans or outright re- 
 fusals to vote. Nor was it any more a realization of Democratic 
 hopes. The expected profit from Republican schism was not 
 forthcoming at the polls. " Fusion had resulted in confusion," 
 was wittily said of the after-election situation. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 643 
 
 FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS— Second Session. — Met 
 Dec. 2, 1872. An interesting measure of the session was the 
 creation of the Credit Mobiher commission by the House. It 
 was created at the instance of Repubhcans to inquire into the 
 truth of charges made against prominent men during the cam- 
 paign by Democratic orators. The commission, consisting of 
 two Repubhcans, one Liberal Repubhcan, and two Democrats, 
 made a full investigation and practically exonerated the mem- 
 bers charged, except Oakes Ames and James Brooks, who re- 
 ceived the condemnation of the House. 
 
 The Franking privilege was abolished, the President's salary 
 raised to ^50,000, and the salary of Senators and Representatives 
 to ^7,500. This was the offensive " salary grab " which met 
 with such condemnation as to defeat many of the members who 
 participated in its passage. It was speedily repealed. 
 
 The electoral count in February showed 286 votes for Grant 
 and Wilson. Mr. Greeley died in November. The 66 Demo- 
 cratic electors therefore voted for other persons. Of these 42 
 voted for Thomas A. Hendricks, Ind., for President, with 24 
 scattering. Three of the scattering were for Greeley. They 
 were rejected. B. Gratz Brown received 47 for Vice-President, 
 with 19 scattering. A grave question arose over the vote of 
 Louisiana and Arkansas. Two sets of Returning Boards existed 
 in these States, each of which had forwarded returns. The re- 
 sult was that both were rejected, and these two States lost their 
 vote. 
 
 Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1873. On March 4 
 Grant and Wilson were sworn into office. 
 
 xxn. 
 
 GRANT'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1873 — March 3, 1877. 
 
 Ulysses S. Grant, III., President. Henry Wilson, Mass., 
 
 Vice-President. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 Forty-third Congress / '' I^ecember i, 1873-June 23, 1874. 
 f ORTY-THIRD CONGRESS. | ^^ December 7, 1874-March 3, 1875. 
 
 „ „ f I, December 6, i87i;-August 15, 1876. 
 
 FORTY-FOURTH CONGRESS. | ^^ December 4, 1876-MarGh 3. 187/. 
 
644 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.' 
 
 Republican. 
 
 Lib. Republican. 
 
 Basis of 
 J3I.425- 
 
 States 
 Alabama. . . 
 
 Arkansas 4 
 
 California 4 
 
 Connecticut 4 
 
 Delaware i 
 
 Florida . . ; 2 
 
 Georgia 9 
 
 Illinois 19 
 
 Indiana 13 
 
 Iowa 9 
 
 Kansas 3 
 
 Kentucky 10 
 
 Louisiana 6 
 
 Maine 5 
 
 Maryland 6 
 
 Massachusetts ....11 
 
 Michigan 9 
 
 Minnesota 3 
 
 Mississippi 6 
 
 Missouri 13 
 
 Nebraska I 
 
 Nevada i 
 
 New Hampshire . . 3 
 
 New Jersey 7 
 
 New York 33 
 
 North Carolina. ... 8 
 
 Ohio 20 
 
 Oregon i 
 
 Pennsylvania 27 
 
 Rhode Island 2 
 
 South Carolina.. .. 5 
 
 Tennessee 10 
 
 Texas 6 
 
 Vermont 3 
 
 Virginia 9 
 
 West Virginia .... 3 
 Wisconsin 8 
 
 Vote. 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 4 
 
 II 
 
 21 
 
 15 
 II 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 II 
 
 5 
 8 
 
 IS 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 35 
 
 10 
 
 22 
 
 3 
 29 
 
 4 
 7 
 
 12 
 8 
 
 5 
 II 
 
 5 
 10 
 
 Ulysses 
 
 S. Grant 
 
 111. 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 6 
 3 
 4 
 
 21 
 
 15 
 II 
 
 5 
 
 Total 
 
 292 
 
 366 
 
 13 
 II 
 
 5 
 S 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 35 
 
 10 
 
 22 
 
 3 
 29 
 
 4 
 7 
 
 5 
 II 
 
 5 
 10 
 
 216" 
 
 Henry Horace B. Gratz 
 
 Wilson, Greeley, Brown, 
 
 Mass. N. Y. Mo. 
 
 10 
 
 '6 
 6 
 3 
 4 
 
 21 
 
 15 
 II 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 II 
 
 5 
 8 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 35 
 
 10 
 
 22 
 
 3 
 
 29 
 
 4 
 7 
 
 5 
 II 
 
 5 
 10 
 
 286 
 
 Not counted. 
 
 6 for Brown. 
 
 2 for Perkins, Dem., Ga. 
 
 3 for Greeley (not counted). 
 
 8 for Hendricks., D., Ind. 
 4 for Brown, Mo. 
 
 Not counted. 
 
 8 for Hendricks. 
 
 8 for Brown. 
 6 for Hendricks. 
 I for Davis. 
 
 12 for Hendricks. 
 8 for Hendricks, 
 
 * The death of Mr. Greeley before the Electoral count caused the casting of his 66 
 votes as scattering. The above table indicates the way they went for President. 
 For Vice-President the vote was still more scattered. Brown, Liberal Republican, 
 Mo., received 47 ; Julian, Democrat, Ind., 5 ; Colquitt, Democrat, Ga., 5 ; Palmer, 
 Democrat, 111., 3; Bramlette, Democrat, Ky., 3; Groesbeck, Democrat, O., l; 
 Macken, Democrat, Ky., i; Banks, Liberal Republican, Mass., i. The 14 votes 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ^45 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State Hamilton Fish, N. Y Continued. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury William A. Richardson, Mass. 
 
 Secretary of War William W. Belknap, Iowa. . .Continued. 
 
 Secretary of Navy George M. Robeson, N. J " 
 
 Secretary of Interior Columbus Delano, Ohio " 
 
 Attorney-General Geo. H. Williams, Oregon " 
 
 Postmaster-General J. A. J. Creswell, Md ... " 
 
 FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS— Y\xs.t Session.— Met Dec. i, 
 1873. The Republican majority was still large. Senate: 50 Re- 
 publicans, 19 Democrats, 5 Liberal Republicans. House: 198 Re- 
 publicans and 91 Democrats, with a sprinkling of Liberal Repub- 
 licans. House organized by re-electing James G. Blaine Speaker. 
 The business depression which culminated in the panic of 1873 
 made cautious financial legislation necessary. An act increas- 
 ing the national currency to ;^400,ooo,ooo was vetoed as tend- 
 ing to inflation at a time when the tendency should be toward 
 resumption of specie payments. The bill could not be passed 
 over the veto for want of the necessary two-thirds, though a 
 strong minority in both parties thought inflation the proper 
 remedy. This idea became the basis of the Greenback party, 
 which began to figure about this time. 
 
 Lengthy debates which took a party turn were indulged over 
 a Republican measure to regulate inter-State commerce. So 
 with Sumner's Civil Rights bill, which was designed to secure 
 to the colored citizens the rights comprehended in the Four- 
 teenth Amendment. It passed the House, but got no further. 
 
 An act was passed Sept. 14, 1872, which referred all matters 
 in dispute between this country and England to what became 
 known as the Geneva Commission. This Commission now re- 
 ported that the sum of ^15,500,000 was due the United States 
 for damages occasioned to American commerce by privateers 
 fitted out under British auspices, bearing the British flag, or 
 permitted to sail from British ports. At this session a Commis- 
 sion was raised to distribute this award (June 23, 1874). 
 
 of Arkansas and Louisiana were not counted on account of frauds in the elections 
 and duplicate counts by two opposing Returning Boards. The popular vote was : 
 Grant, 3,597,070 — 31 States ; Greeley, 2,834,079 — 6 States; O'Conor, 29,408; Black, 
 S,6o8. 
 
g46 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 What was known as the Poland Utah Bill became a law. It 
 created a District Court for the Territory, and excluded polyga- 
 mous persons from the jury-box when bigamy cases were being 
 tried. 
 
 The Tariff Act of June 22, 1874, was passed. It was an effort 
 to correct the tendency of the act of 1872 toward low rates of 
 duty. The act of 1872, as well as the preceding one, had been in 
 the line of reduction. The panic of 1873 had taught the folly of 
 too rapid a reduction of rates, or too wide a departure from the 
 protective idea. The act of 1874 stiffened rates on dutiable 
 articles, clung to the protective idea, and at the same time allowed 
 a liberal free list, mostly of raw or unmanufactured articles. 
 
 Congress adjourned, June 23, 1874. 
 
 FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 
 7, 1874. The Administration was pinched in its Southern policy. 
 In Louisiana, for instance, two hostile State governments were 
 in existence, the one favorable to the rights of all citizens, the 
 other working, under the auspices of the White League. They 
 had gotten to blows. Blood had run in the streets of New Or- 
 leans. The riots there, not to dignify them as war, threatened 
 to culminate in a war of races. The President had been appealed 
 to. The time had passed for that active interference which the 
 early period of reconstruction might have warranted. Yet he 
 could do no less than make some kind of effort for peace, and 
 naturally in behalf of the government which recognized the 
 largest liberty and secured the amplest rights to all citizens. 
 Such interference was turned greatly to his hurt by politicians. 
 It was somewhat of an unfortunate juncture, for the President's 
 Private Secretary, O. E. Babcock, came to trial for complicity 
 with the " Whisky Ring," but was acquitted and resigned, 
 Then came the impeachment of Belknap, Secretary of Wat 
 (July 26, 1876), on the charge of selling an Indian trading es- 
 tablishment. He, too, was acquitted. But by this conspiracy 
 of circumstances the Administration suffered, and perhaps un- 
 justly, for though the efforts of its enemies were desperate to 
 bring some of the alleged irregularities home to the White 
 House, they in no case succeeded. All these things, however 
 
HAMILTON FISH. 
 
 ELIHU B. WASHBURNE. 
 
 647 
 
g48 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 had their effect on public sentiment and contributed to bring 
 about that poHtical whirl v/hich made the Forty-fourth Congress 
 Democratic. 
 
 This session was marked by the passage of the Civil Rights 
 bill, by a strict party vote. It secured the approval of the Pres- 
 ident, March i, 1875. It is the bill which the Supreme Court 
 decided to be unconstitutional (October, 1883), on the ground 
 that the authority conferred on Congress by the Fourteenth 
 Amendment to give such amendment effect by appropriate legis- 
 lation, was not an authority which took away from States the 
 power to do the same thing, or interfered with their right to 
 do it. 
 
 On Feb. 24, 1875, House bill to permit Colorado to form a 
 State government was passed by a strict party vote, and so, or 
 nearly so, of the Resumption Act of Jan. 14, 1875. In this in- 
 stance, the Republicans strove to crown their financial career by 
 looking to a period when the National promises to pay should 
 reach par in gold and silver. They were antagonized by the 
 Democrats, who, for the time being, seemingly forgot their hard 
 money notions of the Jackson era. 
 
 The Tariff Act of Feb. 8, 1875, stiffened the rates on silks, 
 wines, tin-plates, and some other articles. 
 
 Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1875. 
 
 FORTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 
 6, 1875. The House was Democratic and the Senate Repub- 
 lican. The former organized by electing Michael C. Kerr, Ind., 
 Speaker. This lengthy session was barren of far reaching polit- 
 ical results, owing to the attitude of the two Houses. The Demo- 
 crats in the House cultivated their majority situation, so as to 
 stand well before the country during the next presidential cam- 
 paign, by advocating a reduction of appropriations, taxation, etc. 
 In most of their efforts they were met half way by the Repub- 
 licans. Congress adjourned, August 15, 1876. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1876.— The year 1875 had been one of 
 political turmoil, especially in the Southern States. It had been 
 a year of political reverses for the Republicans in all sections — 
 a " tidal wave " year, to use a popular expression. It was evident 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 649 
 
 that a close election was impending. By the extermination of 
 what were called the " carpet bag " governments in the South, 
 the Republicans lost much ground there, and could not hope to 
 control more than two or three of the States. Owing to side 
 parties, the reverses of the previous year, the general feeling of 
 weariness over Southern agitation, and especially the hard ac- 
 countability to which a dominant party is naturally held during 
 financial crisis, many Northern States hitherto strongly Repub- 
 lican had become debatable. 
 
 The new party calling itself " The Greenback Party," or rather 
 "The Independent Party," met in National Convention, at Indi- 
 anapolis, May 17, 1876. This was an attempt to give coherency 
 to a movement which had for its object relief of the financial 
 stringency and business depression which prevailed. It would 
 reach its end by using the credit of the government in the shape 
 of Greenbacks, and insisting on a sufficient issue of them to re- 
 lieve all stringency and depression. The thought naturally dated 
 from 1873, the beginning of the financial crisis. It received en- 
 couragement from the fact that the greenback was popular, and 
 would ere long be redeemable in gold. But it may be said to 
 have received its greatest impetus from the date of the Resump- 
 tion Act of 1875. The Democratic party, contrary to its tradi- 
 tions, arrayed itself squarely against that measure. It was there- 
 fore in a position to ally itself with the Greenbackers. These 
 alliances were made in several States, and in some the coalitions 
 were successful. Standing alone, the Greenback party obtained 
 a hold only in industrial districts, and there more on account of 
 the pleasing delusion of unlimited money than of any deeply 
 imbedded principle. It nominated for President, Peter Cooper, 
 N. Y., and for Vice-President, Samuel F. Carey, Ohio. 
 
 The platform (i) arraigned both the Republican and Demo- 
 cratic parties for refusing to foster " financial reform and indus- 
 trial emancipation." (2) Demanded the repeal of the Specie 
 Resumption Act of Jan. 14, 1875. (3) The United States note 
 as a circulating medium, and a legal tender, and insistence on 
 Jefferson's theory that " bank paper must be suppressed and the , 
 circulation restored to the nation to whom it belongs." (4) The 
 
650 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 government to legislate for the full development of all legitimate 
 business. (5) No further issue of gold bonds. (6) No further 
 sale of bonds with which to purchase silver as a substitute for 
 fractional currency. 
 
 The American National Party met as early as June 9, 1875, 
 in mass meeting, at Pittsburg, and nominated for President, 
 James B. Walker, 111. ; for Vice-President, Donald Kirkpatrick, 
 N. Y. Its platform favored a Sabbath ; prohibition ; opposed 
 secret societies ; favored the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth 
 amendments ; arbitration as a means of averting war ; the Bible 
 in schools ; return to specie payments ; a sound Indian policy ; 
 a direct vote of the people for President. 
 
 The Prohibition Party met in National Convention at Cleve- 
 land, May 17, 1876, and nominated for President, Green C. Smith, 
 Ky. ; for Vice-President, G. T. Stewart, Ohio, The platform in- 
 vited (i) prohibition in all places under control of the govern- 
 ment, and opposed all traffic in alcoholic drinks. (2) Equal 
 suffrage and eligibility to office. (3) Lands to actual settlers ; 
 reduction of postage, and land and water transportation. (4) No 
 lotteries nor stock gambling. (5) Abolition of polygamy ; Na- 
 tional observance of Sabbath ; Free public schools ; Free use of 
 Bible ; Separation of sect from government and schools ; Arbi- 
 tration ; direct vote of people for President ; redemption of paper 
 money in gold ; economy. 
 
 The Republican party met in National Convention at Cincin- 
 nati, June 14, 1876. A significant feature of the Convention 
 was the controversy over the method of casting the voice of the 
 States. Hitherto the State delegations had voted as a unit, the 
 sentiment of a majority of the delegates being the sentiment of 
 the State. This rule was now broken and the delegates voted their 
 choice directly. Rutherford B. Hayes, Ohio, was nominated for 
 President, and William A. Wheeler, N. Y., for Vice-President. 
 The platform declared (i) the United States is a nation, not a 
 league ; (2) Republican work is not finished until the principles 
 of the Declaration are acknowledged in every State ; (3) protec- 
 tion of all citizens ; rigorous use of all constitutional powers to 
 that end; (4) redemption of U. S. notes in coin; (5) improved 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS 
 
 C51 
 
 civil service ; (6) rigid responsibility in office ; (7) no sectarian 
 control of schools; sufficient revenue with protection; no more 
 land grants to corporations ; protection to emigrants ; enlarged 
 "'ights for women ; extirpation of polygamy ; honor to soldiers ; 
 deprecation of sectional lines ; arraignment of Democrats for 
 preferring Confederate to Union soldiers in public places ; 
 approval of the Administration. 
 
 The Democratic party met in National Convention at St. 
 Louis, June 28, 1876, and nominated for President, Samuel J. 
 Tilden, N. Y. ; for Vice-President, Thomas A. Hendricks, Ind. 
 The platform (i) affirmed a need of reform and pledged the 
 party to the Union and to acceptance of the amendments as a final 
 settlement of the controversies of civil war ; (2) denounced the 
 reconstruction policy of Congress ; the failure to make good the 
 legal tender notes ; the high taxes and extravagance ; the finan- 
 cial imbecility which had made no advance toward resumption ; 
 the Resumption Act of 1875 as hindering resumption ; demanded 
 its repeal; (3) demanded a "judicious system of economics;" 
 reform in taxation ; (4) the existing tariff denounced as a 
 "master-piece of injustice, inequality and false pretence ;" (5) 
 Reform in public land system ; reform in treaties with China ; 
 reform in civil service ; in higher grades of service ; in abuses 
 of Republican party. 
 
 DISPUTED RESULT.— The result of the election, Nov. 7, 
 1876, gave rise to a prolonged dispute which involved many 
 grave questions of law, and necessitated the raising of a special 
 tribunal for its final determination. Up to the meeting of Con- 
 gress the condition of affairs was thus : The election returns 
 showed that the Republicans carried all the Northern States 
 except New York, Connecticut, New Jersey and Indiana, and 
 that the Democrats had carried all the Southern States except 
 Louisiana, Florida and South Carolina. Owing to lack of faith 
 in the Returning Boards of these three States, the result was 
 disputed by the Democrats. Owing to a similar lack of faith in 
 the methods of the Democrats in those States, the Republicans 
 were suspicious of their interference with the Returning Board 
 counts and reports. 
 
652 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Committees of both parties visited the scenes of strife. 
 Whether their presence and advice helped a just conclusion has 
 never been definitely ascertained. But it did not take much in- 
 vestigation to find that the vote of South Carolina was Republi- 
 can, and this the Democratic members of the Congressional 
 Investigating Committee conceded. This disposed of one of 
 the doubtful States. 
 
 The Returning Board of Florida gave 926 Republican major- 
 ity for the Republican electors. It was cited before the Supreme 
 Court of the State, and a recount was ordered. This gave 206 
 Republican majority. But before this recount was finished the 
 electors had met and cast their votes for the Republican nominees. 
 
 The Returning Board of Louisiana, appointed by Gov. Pack- 
 ard, made up from the confused returns at their command a 
 Republican majority of 3,931. The Returning Board appointed 
 by McEnery, who claimed to be Governor, made up from the 
 same confused election returns a Democratic majority of 7,876. 
 
 The trouble in Oregon was not one of popular majority, which 
 was admittedly Republican, but was over the claim that one of 
 the three electors was a Federal ofifice-holder. The Democratic 
 Governor of the State therefore certified to two Republican 
 electors and one Democratic (Mr. Cronin). The Secretary of 
 State certified to the three Republican electors, he being the 
 legal canvassing officer. 
 
 FORTY-FOURTH CONGRFSS— Second Session. — Met 
 December 4, 1876. The Speaker, Mr. Kerr, having died, Sam- 
 uel J. Randall, Pa., was elected to that position. The disputed 
 Electoral count occupied almost the entire time of the session. 
 The inadequacy of all laws regulating the count was painfully 
 manifest. Both parties were firm. The situation was such that 
 a false step might have led to an outbreak. The Republicans 
 claimed that the President of the Senate had, under the law, the 
 sole authority to open and announce the returns in the presence 
 of the two Houses. The Democrats claimed that the two 
 Houses acting as a joint body could-control the count under the 
 law. Some Democrats went so far as to say that the House 
 
SAMUEL J. TILDEN. 
 
 DAVID DAVIS. 
 
 THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. 
 
 Ul.lVKR 1'. MORTON. 
 
654 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 alone could decide when an emergency had arrived in whicli it 
 was to elect a President. 
 
 Danger was avoided by the patriotism of prominent members 
 of Congress, of both parties, who after several conferences agreed 
 to report the Electoral Commission Act. It passed, and was 
 approved Jan. 29, 1877. The Senate vote for it was 47 to 17 
 against. Of this 47, 21 were Republicans and 26 Demo- 
 crats. Of this 17, 16 were Republicans and i Democrat. It 
 therefore had an almost unanimous Democratic support in the 
 Senate. The House was Democratic. It passed there by a vote 
 of 191 to 86. The act created an Electoral Commission, com- 
 posed of five Representatives, five Senators, and five Judges of 
 the Supreme Court, 15 in all. Each of these bodies was to select 
 its representatives on the Commission. To this Commission 
 were referred the disputed returns. Its decision was to be final 
 unless overruled by both Houses. The decisions of the Com- 
 mission on all the disputed returns were to the effect that the 
 electoral vote as certified and sent to the President of the Senate 
 by the regularly constituted authorities in each State must be 
 accepted as conclusive and beyond investigation or question by 
 any authority outside of that State.* The final count as thus 
 ascertained gave the Republican nominees 185 Electoral votes, 
 and the Democratic 184. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 
 1877. On March 5, Hayes and Wheeler were sworn into office. 
 
 * A remarkable feature of this controversy was the fact that the Republicans 
 were standing on old-time Democratic ground and relying on rigid Democratic 
 doctrine. They were, for the time being, construing the Constitution strictly and 
 insisting on the right of the State to ascertain its own vote and certify and forward 
 it in its own way, all of which was to be conclusive on outside tribunals. The Dem- 
 ocrats on the other hand combated their old rigid interpretation theories by urging 
 that the Congress should reject the certificates from a State Returning Board. 
 Happily the political complexion of the two Houses, one Democratic, the other 
 Republican, prevented any successful appeal from the decisions of the Commission. 
 \{ both Houses, under the terms of the act, could have agreed to upset any ( ne ol 
 the Commission's decisions, then riot, if not civil war, must have ensued. But the 
 act was wisely framed with a view to the entire political situation. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 655 
 
 XXIII. 
 HAYES' ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1877— March 3, 1881. 
 
 Rutherford B. Hayes, Ohio, President. William A. 
 Wheeler, N. Y., Vice-President. 
 
 Congresses. 
 Forty-fifth Congress. 
 
 Forty-sixth Congress. 
 
 Sessions. 
 
 1, October 15, 1877-December 3, 1877. Extra Session. 
 
 2, December 3, 1877-June 20, 1878. 
 
 3, December 2, 1878-March 3, 1879. 
 
 1, March 18, iS79-July i, 1 879. Extra Session. 
 
 2, December i, 1879-Juiie 16, 1880. 
 
 3, December 6, 1880-March 3, 1881. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.* 
 
 Basis of 
 States. 131,425. 
 
 Alabama 8 
 
 Arkansas 4 
 
 California 4 
 
 Colorado I 
 
 Connecticut 4 
 
 Delaware I 
 
 Florida 2 
 
 Georgia 9 
 
 Illinois 19 
 
 Indiana 13 
 
 Iowa 9 
 
 Kansas 3 
 
 Kentucky 10 
 
 Louisiana 6 
 
 Maine 5 
 
 Maryland 6 
 
 Massachusetts n 
 
 Michigan 9 
 
 Minnesota 3 
 
 Mississippi 6 
 
 Missouri 13 
 
 Nebraska I 
 
 Nevada I 
 
 New Hampshire 3 
 
 New Jersey 7 
 
 New York 33 
 
 North Carolina 8 
 
 Ohio 20 
 
 
 Republican. 
 
 
 Democratic. 
 
 
 R.B.Hayes, 
 
 W.A. 
 
 Wheel 
 
 S. J. Til- 
 
 T 
 
 A. Hen- 
 
 ote. 
 
 Ohio. 
 
 er, N 
 
 . Y. 
 
 den, N.Y. 
 
 dricks, Ind. 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 
 6 
 
 . . 
 
 
 
 .3 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 II 
 
 21 
 
 21 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 IS 
 
 
 »S 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 . , 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 ■; 
 
 5 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 IS 
 
 
 
 , . 
 
 15 
 
 
 IS 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 9 
 
 35 
 
 
 
 
 35 
 
 
 35 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 10 
 
 22 
 
 22 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 * The popular vote was : Hayes, 4,033,950 — 21 Stales; Tilden, 4,284,885 — 17 
 States; Greenback, Cooper, 81,740; Prohibition, Smith, 9,522; American, 539; 
 scattering, 14,715. 
 
656 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Electoral Vote- 
 
 -Continu 
 
 Basis of 
 131,425- 
 
 ... I 
 
 . .. 27 
 
 led. 
 
 Vote. 
 
 3 
 29 
 
 4 
 7 
 
 12 
 8 
 
 5 
 II 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 "369 
 
 Republican 
 
 
 Democratit. 
 
 States. 
 Oregon 
 
 R. B. Hayes, 
 Ohio. 
 
 3 
 
 29 
 
 4 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 185 
 
 , W.A. Wheel- 
 er, N. Y. 
 
 3 
 29 
 
 4 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 185 
 
 S.J. Til- 
 den, N.Y. 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 II 
 
 S 
 
 184 
 
 T. 
 
 dri 
 
 , A. Hen. 
 cks, Ind. 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 . .. 2 
 
 ... 5 
 . .. 10 
 
 12 
 
 Texas , 
 
 .... 6 
 
 8 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Virginia 
 
 ..• 3 
 
 ^ . • 
 
 II 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 - . . x 
 
 5 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 .... 8 
 
 Totals 
 
 • • .293 
 
 184 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State William M. Evarts, N. Y. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury John Sherman, Ohio. 
 
 Secretary of War Geo. W. McCrary, Iowa. 
 
 Secretary of Navy Richard W. Thompson, Ind. 
 
 Secretary of Interior Carl Schurz, Mo. 
 
 Attorney-General Charles Devens, Mass. 
 
 Postmaster-General David M. Key, Tenn. 
 
 POLITICAL SITUATION.— ThQ President's inaugural was 
 pacific. He visited the South, and the tone of his speeches there 
 was very conciliatory. There was a general departure from Re- 
 publican ideas respecting the questions which had disturbed the 
 reconstructed States. They were given over to such rule as 
 seemed inevitable for a long time, in case the Federal troops were 
 withdrawn. While the President's conservatism gave rise to 
 criticism among his party friends, very many thought it proper 
 that he should pursue an intermediate political course in view 
 of the circumstances surrounding his election and the seeming 
 desire for a breathing spell after the excitement attending the 
 electoral count. 
 
 FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— Extra Session.— Called Oct. 
 15, 1877. This Congress, like the Forty-fourth, was Democratic 
 in the House, and Republican in the Senate. The latter body 
 stood 38 Republicans ; 37 Democrats ; i Independent. The 
 House stood 156 Democrats, and 136 Republicans. The House 
 organized by re-electing Samuel J. Randall, Pa., Speaker. Party 
 lines were strictly drawn over a determined effort of the Demo- 
 crats to repeal the Resumption Act. The platform of 1880 
 
^illlllll'llllllllllllllllllllllllllMlIll^^ 
 
 42 
 
 PRESIDENTS FROM 1869 TO 1884. 
 
 657 
 
658 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 pledged the party to repeal. Their measure failed in the Senate. 
 The same effort was made in the first regular session of this 
 (Forty-fifth) Congress, with no better success. Congress ad- 
 journed, Dec. 3, 1877. 
 
 FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— Y\x?>t Regular Session.— Met 
 Dec. 3, 1877. From this time on financial legislation largely 
 occupied the respective sessions. Government income was 
 ample for every purpose. The national credit was high. Efforts 
 to defeat resumption, fixed for 1879, were made by the Demo- 
 crats this session, but failed owing to the Republican majority 
 in the Senate. The era of refunding was beginning, and was to 
 be carried on till it became evident that the entire public debt 
 could be turned into bonds bearing no more than three per cent, 
 interest, if such an end should prove desirable. As a conse- 
 quence bitter partyism was not indulged in as during slavery 
 times and the period of reconstruction, though even these 
 financial and business topics could not altogether escape modest 
 party colorings when an advantage was likely to accrue. 
 
 An act to remonetize silver and coin ^2,000,000 (Bland) a 
 month was passed and received the President's veto, Feb. 28, 
 1878. It was passed over the veto. This legislation was not 
 of any party, but was thought to be in the interest of the Pacific 
 or mining States. On May 28, 1878, the Bankrupt Act was so 
 amended as to virtually work its repeal. The River and Har- 
 bor Bill of this session (April 23, 1878) appropriated the large 
 sum of ^8,000,000 for this class of coast and internal improve- 
 ments. This was extraordinary, not only on account of the 
 sum involved, but because it came from a Democratic House 
 which had started on an economic career, and further because 
 the old Democratic constitutional objections to appropriations 
 of this kind were no longer heard. Both parties were now fully 
 committed to appropriations of this character, and all for the 
 Worse unless a check be provided, which, as we shall see, soon 
 came in the shape of executive veto. Congress adjourned, June 
 20, 1878. 
 
 • FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— Second Regular Session.— 
 Met Dec. 2, 1878, The President's message referred with favor 
 
JOHN bHERMAN. 
 
 659 
 
6(30 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 to the process of funding now rapidly and successfully going on, 
 by which so many millions were being saved in annual interest. 
 It was much firmer as to the Southern situation than his former 
 message, and the party became assured of his fealty, began to 
 harmonize in the several States and to recover from what, at one 
 time, seemed to be permanent factional estrangement. 
 
 An important, though not strictly party measure, was the 
 Anti-Chinese bill, which was vetoed by the President as being 
 against the Burlingame Treaty. It was passed over the veto, 
 Feb. 22, 1879. It prohibited the immigration of Chinese as 
 laborers. 
 
 The Republicans in the House made a determined effort to 
 stop the coinage of Bland dollars. Their measure was defeated 
 by an almost solid Democratic vote. 
 
 The great bone of party contention was the old Republican 
 measures which provided for keeping peace at the polls in the 
 respectiv^e States during Congressional elections. These bills 
 authorized the appointment of United States Marshals, and even 
 the calling out of troops in case of danger. The Democrats 
 used their power ov^er the Appropriation bill of this session, to 
 work their repeal, by withholding pay for Marshals and for the 
 army, except on the condition that troops should never be used 
 at elections. Two Army Appropriation bills were vetoed by the 
 President on the ground that Congress could not deprive the 
 Executive of the power to keep the peace, and that judicious use 
 of troops was still necessary to suppress riotous demonstrations 
 in certain sections. The end of the session came before an ap- 
 propriation was made for the army. Congress adjourned siiii 
 die, March 3, 1879. 
 
 FORTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— ExtrsL Session. — Called 
 March 18, 1879, to pass the Army Appropriation bill which the 
 Fort^'-fifth Congress failed to do. Now both Houses were 
 Democratic. The Senate contained. Democrats, 42; Republi- 
 cans, 33; Independent, i. The House, Democrats, 148; Re- 
 publicans, 130; Greenbackers or Nationals, 15. 
 
 This was a stormy session. The Democrats had their way in 
 both Houses. They passed the Army Appropriation bill, with 
 
Ill I'U'/ ' V 
 
 WM. M. EVARTS. 
 
 GEORGE H. PENDLETON. 
 
 DANIEL W. VOORHEES. 
 661 
 
QQ-2 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 the same " riders " as before, providing pay for the troops in 
 case they were not used for preserving peace at the polls. The 
 excitement had the effect of uniting the Republicans and stimu- 
 lating the administration, who regarded the withholding of ap- 
 propriations as an attempt to coerce the Executive branch by 
 starving the government. The President vetoed the bill, and 
 thus stated his position : " The army and navy are established 
 by the Constitution. Their duty is clearly defined and their 
 support provided for by law. The money required for this pur- 
 pose is now in the Treasury. It was not the intention of the 
 framers of the Constitution that any single branch of the gov- 
 ernment should have the power to dictate conditions upon which 
 this money should be applied to the purpose for which it was 
 collected." The bill could not be passed over the veto. The 
 offensive riders were therefore removed and the bill, as amended, 
 passed. 
 
 The Republicans made an ineffectual effort to pass a measure 
 for insuring peace at Congressional elections by imposing a pen- 
 alty on carrying fire-arms or concealed weapons. The Demo- 
 crats in the House passed the Warner Silver bill providing for 
 the unlimited coinage of silver dollars. The members of their 
 party in the Senate, under the lead of Bayard, refused to recog- 
 nize it. Congress adjourned, July i, 1879. 
 
 FORTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— ¥\vst Regular Session.— 
 Met Dec. i, 1879. The summer had witnessed an exodus of 
 the colored population of the South, and a movement toward 
 kinder localities. It gave rise to much discussion in the journals 
 of all sections, and those of the South advised more liberal 
 treatment of the blacks in matters of education, labor contracts, 
 etc. The President's message was the firmest and ablest he had 
 yet presented. It spoke of the success of resumption and the 
 great saving thereby effected ; took decided ground against fur- 
 ther coinage of the Bland dollar; urged the necessity of organ-, 
 izing an effective Civil Service Reform Commission, and favored 
 the retirement of the Legal Tender notes. 
 
 The Democrats again brought up their measure to prevent the 
 vis^ Qf the arm)^ to keep the peace at the polls, After receiving 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 663 
 
 what was known as the Garfield amendment to the effect that 
 the " bill should not be construed so as to prevent the Constitu- 
 tional use of the army to suppress domestic violence in a State," 
 it was passed and approved. 
 
 The same offensive " riders " were, however, attached to the 
 Army Appropriation bill, which was again vetoed. Before the 
 end of the session the Democrats modified their hostility to the 
 Congressional Election Law, owing to a decision of the Supreme 
 Court affirming its constitutionality. A long discussion was had 
 on a bill to regulate the electoral count. A bill to this effect 
 had been in many previous Congresses. Imperative as some 
 such legislation seemed, nothing came of it. The River and 
 Harbor bill of the session appropriated ;^9,ooo,ooo. Congress 
 adjourned, June i6, 1880. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1880.— The Republican National Conven- 
 tion met at Chicago, June 5, 1880. There was much excitement 
 in the party ranks over the candidacy of ex-President Grant, 
 whose friends were urging him for a third, but not consecutive, 
 term. After 36 ballots, James A. Garfield, Ohio, was nominated 
 for President, and Chester A. Arthur, N. Y., for Vice-President. 
 The platform recited, as Republican party history, the suppression 
 of rebellion, reconstruction of the Union, manumission of 4,000,000 
 slaves, raising of a paper currency from 38 per cent, to par, pay- 
 ment in coin of all national obligations, raising of government 
 credit from where 6 per cent, bonds sold at 86 to where 4 per 
 cent, bonds sold at par, increase of railways from 31,000 miles in 
 i860 to 82,000 in 1879, increase of foreign trade from $700,000,- 
 000 to ;^ 1, 1 50,000,000, and of exports from ;^20,000,000 less than 
 our imports in i860 to $264,000,000 more than our imports in 
 1880, revival of depressed industries. (2) Pledge of similar 
 action for the future; to pay soldiers' pensions; to further re- 
 duce the debt, to encourage commerce. (3) The Constitution 
 the supreme law ; boundary between reserved and delegated 
 powers to be determined by the nation, not by the States. (4) 
 Favored popular education; no appropriation of school funds to 
 sectarian uses. (5) Protective duties ; no land grants to corpora- 
 tions ; extinction of polygamy; internal improvement; obliga 
 
(3(34 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 tion to soldiers and sailors. (6) Limitation of Chinese immigra- 
 tion ; approval of Hayes' administration ; charges of corrupt 
 practices and vicious principles on the Democratic party ; radical 
 civil service reform. 
 
 The National (Greenback) Convention met at Chicago June 
 9, 1880, and nominated James B. Weaver, Iowa, for President, 
 and E. J. Chambers, Texas, for Vice-President. The platform 
 adhered to the principle of a large legal tender currency ; opposi- 
 tion to refunding of the debt; abolition of national banks and 
 their currency ; favored unlimited coinage of gold and silver ; 
 enforcement of the eight hour law ; opposed the immigration of 
 Chinese; land grants to actual settlers only; regulation of inter- 
 State commerce by Congress ; a graduated income tax; no re- 
 striction on suffrage ; no bondholders' government ; no section- 
 alism. 
 
 The Prohibition Reform Party met in National Convention at 
 Cleveland, June 17, 1880, and nominated for President Neal 
 Dow, Me., and for Vice-President H. A. Thompson, Ohio. A 
 very lengthy platform took the usual ground against traffic in 
 intoxicants and arraigned both political parties for shirking the 
 question. 
 
 The Democratic Party met in National Convention at Cincin- 
 nati, June 22, 1880, and nominated Winfield S. Hancock, N. Y., 
 for President, and William H. English, Ind., for Vice-President. 
 The platform (i) pledged the party to Democratic traditions and 
 doctrines. (2) Opposed centralization and sumptuary laws; 
 favored separation of church and State ; fostered common schools. 
 (3) Home rule ; honest money ; maintenance of public credit ; 
 " tariff for revenue only;" subordination of military to civil 
 authority; reform of civil service. (4) A free ballot. (5) De- 
 nunciation of Hayes' administration and Republican party. (6) 
 Eulogy on Tilden. (7) Free ships; no Chinese immigrants; 
 public land for actual settlers ; protection of laboring man 
 against " cormorant and commune ; " congratulations over work 
 of the Democratic Congress. 
 
 The campaign opened disastrously for the Republicans, Main? 
 
WINFIELD S. HANCOCK. 
 
 WM. R. MOKRlSUiN. 
 
 ROSCOE CONKLING. 
 
 665 
 
6(5(3 TRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 having gone Democratic, or Coalition, in September. The loss 
 of Indiana to the Democrats in October threw the advantage to 
 the Repubhcan side. The Democrats felt, as the canvas ad- 
 vanced, the weight of their commitment to " a tariff for revenue 
 only," a Protective Tariff being the issue directly pushed by the 
 Republicans. " The Morey letter," circulated for the purpose 
 of injuring Garfield in the Pacific States, was a conspicuous cam- 
 paign sensation. The impression that it was a malicious invention 
 served to deaden its effect, if not to turn it to the disadvantage 
 of the Democrats. The result in November was favorable to the 
 Republicans. The Congressional elections were also favorable 
 to that party, reversing the Democratic majority. 
 
 FORTY-SIXTH CONGRTSS—Second Session.— Met Dec. 
 6, 1880. The President's message was a strong paper. It took 
 high ground in favor of the inviolability of the Constitutional 
 amendments ; favored an appropriation to perfect a civil service 
 code; opposed political assessments; asked that polygamy be 
 punished by excluding those who practiced it from the jury box; 
 and that a silver dollar be coined equal in value to the gold dol- 
 lar. An effort was made to pass a law regulating the electoral 
 count. It failed as usual. The count in February (9th) showed 
 214 votes for Garfield and Arthur, and 155 for Hancock and 
 English. Congress adjourned svie die, March 3, 1881, On 
 March 4 Garfield and Arthur were sworn into office. 
 
 XXIV. 
 GARFIELD'S AND ARTHUR'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1 881— March 3, 1885. 
 
 James A. Garfield, Ohio, President. Chester A. Arthur, 
 N. Y., Vice-President. 
 
 Congresses. 
 
 NGRESS. f l> 
 
 December 4, iSS2-March 
 
 Forty-seventh Congress. / i' December 5, 1881-August 8, 1882. 
 I 2, 
 
 FoRTV-FTPHTH roNr^ppKQ / '' December 3, 1883-July 7, 1884. 
 i-oRTV EIGHTH CoNQREss. | 3, December I, 1884-Mavcb 3, 1885. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 667 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.'' 
 
 Basis of 
 States. 131,425. 
 
 Alabama 8 
 
 Arkansas 4 
 
 California 4 
 
 Colorado I 
 
 Connecticut 4 
 
 Delaware I 
 
 Florida 2 
 
 Georgia 9 
 
 Illinois 19 
 
 Indiana 13 
 
 Iowa 9 
 
 Kansas 3 
 
 Kentucky 10 
 
 Louisiana 6 
 
 Maine 5 
 
 Maryland 6 
 
 Massachusetts 11 
 
 Michigan 9 
 
 Minnesota 3 
 
 Mississippi 6 
 
 Missouri 13 
 
 Nebraska I 
 
 Nevada I 
 
 New Hampshire 3 
 
 New Jersey 7 
 
 New York 'i,^ 
 
 North Carolina 8 
 
 Ohio 20 
 
 Oregon i 
 
 Pennsylvania 27 
 
 Rhode Island 2 
 
 South Carolina 5 
 
 Tennessee 10 
 
 Texas 6 
 
 Vermont 3 
 
 Virginia 9 
 
 West Virginia 3 
 
 Wisconsin 8 
 
 
 Republican. 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 
 James A. 
 
 Chester A. 
 
 Winfield S. 
 
 William H 
 
 
 Garfield, 
 
 Arthur, 
 
 Hancock, 
 
 English, 
 
 Vote. 
 
 Ohio. 
 
 N. Y. 
 
 N. Y. 
 
 Ind. 
 
 10 
 
 
 . . 
 
 10 
 
 lO 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 s 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 , . 
 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 
 , , 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 21 
 
 21 
 
 21 
 
 . , 
 
 . , 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 IS 
 
 .. 
 
 . . 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 
 , , 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 . . 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 . . 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 
 . . 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 .s 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 IS 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 .. 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 ' 9 
 
 35 
 
 35 
 
 35 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 22 
 
 22 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 .. 
 
 29 
 
 29 
 
 29 
 
 
 .' 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 .. 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 12 
 
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 12 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 
 , . 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
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 II 
 
 II 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 
 .• 
 
 369 
 
 214 
 
 214 
 
 15s 
 
 ISS 
 
 Totals 293 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State James G. Blaine, Me. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury William Windom, Minn. 
 
 Secretary of War Robert T. Lincoln, III. 
 
 Secretary of Navy W. H. Hunt, La. 
 
 Secretary of Interior Samuel J. Kiikwood, Iowa. 
 
 Attorney-General Wayne McVeagh, Pa. 
 
 Postmaster-General Thomas L. James, N. Y. 
 
 * The popular vote was, Garfield, 4,449,053 — 19 States; Democrat, Hancock, 
 4,442,035—19 States; Greepbftck, Weaver, 308,578 J Prohibition, 19,305 ; Ameri 
 fi^n, 707 } scattering, 989, 
 
(}fj<^ PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 POLITICAL 5/rf/^776>A^.— The conservatism of the Hayes' 
 administration, always manifested save on extraordinary occa- 
 sions, had softened party asperities and allayed sectional feeling. 
 It had given play to two currents within the Republican party, 
 the one conservative, like the administration, the other radical. 
 The new administration had the support of both during the cam- 
 paign. It therefore opened auspiciously. The inaugural was 
 an able, patriotic paper-, in which the President took a high stand 
 on the question of suffrage, education, morals, public faith and 
 civil service reform. 
 
 The Senate sitting in extra session confirmed the Cabinet 
 officers, but the minor appointments, especially those for New 
 York State, gave rise to much feeling, which ended in the resig- 
 nation of the Senators from that State, May 17, 1881. This 
 was the date of a disastrous division in the Republican party 
 which led to the " tidal waves " of opposition in 1882-83. The 
 conservative sentiment of the party strove to purify and popular- 
 ize the methods of party management. It took the shape of 
 " Independent " revolt in many States. In others it administered 
 quiet rebuke to those it was pleased to designate as " Bosses" 
 by refraining from voting. 
 
 THE ASSASSINATION.— The President was shot at the 
 Baltimore and Potomac depot, Washington, on July 2, 1 881, 
 at 9.20 A. M., by Charles J. Guiteau, a persistent seeker of po- 
 litical places far beyond his ability to fill, and a maliciously dis- 
 posed, cowardly semi-idiot, in whom disappointment had stirred 
 natural diabolism to the point of assassination. The President 
 rallied from the effects of the shot, lingered hopefully for a long 
 time, but finally died at Elberon, N. J., at 10.35 p. m., Sept. 19, 
 1 88 1, amid the tears of a nation and the sympathies of a world. 
 
 THE NEW ADMINISTRATION— The Cabinet at once 
 telegraphed Vice-President Arthur of the death of President 
 Garfield and suggested that he take the oath of office. He did 
 so at 2.15 A. M., Sept. 20, 1 88 1, at New York city, before Judge 
 Brady; and again at Washington, Sept. 22, at 12 M., before the 
 Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. 
 
'-"'"'■ -^^T^z^ V- 
 
 ROBERT T. LINCOLN. 
 
 s. s. cox. 
 
 JAMES G. BLAINE. 
 
 JOHN A. LOGAN. 
 669 
 
070 rRESlDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 THE CABINET. — He did not reorganize his Cabinet at once, 
 but when the changes were complete it stood as follows : 
 
 Secretary of Stale Fred. T. Frelinghuysen, N. J. 
 
 Secretary ot Treasury Charles J. Folger, N. Y. 
 
 Secretary of War Robert T. Lincoln, III., continued. 
 
 Secretary of Navy William E. Chandler, N. H. 
 
 Secretary of Interior Henry M. Teller, Col. 
 
 Attorney-General Benjamin Harris Brewster, Pa. 
 
 Postmaster General Timothy O. Howe, Wis. 
 
 FORTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— Ynst Session.— Met De- 
 cember 5, 1 88 1. The Republican party had control of the House, 
 there being Republicans, 150; Democrats, 131 ; Nationals, 10; Re- 
 adjusters, 2. The Senate stood Republicans, 37; Democrats, 
 37; Independent, i ; Readjuster, I.* The House organized by 
 electing Warren B. Keifer, Ohio, Speaker. A conspicuous 
 measure of this session was the Edmunds Polygamy bill, which 
 was not a party measure, but singularly enough met with only 
 Democratic opposition. It became final March 23, 1882. Its 
 gist was the disfranchisement of those practising polygamy. 
 On May 15, 1882, the bill to create a Tariff Commission was 
 signed. This Commission sat at various places during the 
 summer and fall. The Tariff act of the next session was based 
 on their report. An amended anti-Chinese bill was passed, pro- 
 hibiting their immigration for a period of twenty years. Ques- 
 tions of banking and refunding took up a great part of the ses- 
 sion. It was now an easy matter to place government bonds 
 bearing interest as low as 3 per cent. An immense appropriation 
 was made for River and Harbor purposes. It was vetoed by the 
 President, but was passed over the veto by a vote of 41 to 16 in 
 the Senate, and 122 to 59 in the House, showing that both par- 
 ties were of the same spirit respecting this question of Internal 
 Improvement. The veto took the ground that this species of 
 legislation, as exemplified by this particular bill, had passed 
 beyond the only warrant to be found for it, viz. : the authority 
 " to provide for the common defence and general welfare," and 
 
 * This was Senatcn: Mahone, Va., who stood at the head of a State party called 
 " Readjusters " of the State debt. 
 
(572 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATION'S. 
 
 had become the means by which money was taken for small 
 streams and purely local improvements, with which the people 
 at large had no concern and through which they could receive 
 no benefit.* Feb. 25, 1882, an apportionment bill passed. It 
 fixed the number of Representatives, under the census of 1870, 
 at 325. Congress adjourned, Aug. 8, 1882. 
 
 FORTY^SEVENTH CONGRESS— "^^zow^ Session.— Met 
 December 4, 1882. This Congress seemed to be a point at 
 which an immense amount of previously prepared and debated 
 work culminated. It was prolific of important and far-reaching 
 measures, many of them political but most of them of general 
 moment. The Tariff Commission had made its report and both 
 Houses had it under discussion. The outcrop was the Tariff 
 Act of March 3, 1883, which lowered duties on most of the lead- 
 ing imports, but whose main feature was to equalize rates and 
 abolish the incongruities of existing Tariff laws. It cannot be 
 said that the act was a success in this respect. Interests to be 
 consulted were so conflicting that it was impossible to avoid 
 crudities and hardships. Demand for lighter duties on raw ma- 
 terials made by manufacturing sections worked to the injury of 
 producing sections, and vice versa. The act was in the nature 
 of a compromise. It served to show, Jiowever, that the entire 
 country had come to regard this class of legislation as vital. The 
 act went into operation as to sugar and molasses on the 1st 
 of June, 1883; as to its other provisions on the 1st of July, 
 1883. 
 
 The Civil Service Reform Bill passed at this session. It was 
 introduced in the Senate by Geo. H. Pendleton, Democrat, of 
 Ohio, and authorized a commission to devise a plan of civil ser- 
 vice and put it in operation. Though this bill was introduced 
 by a Democrat and ably sustained by him, the Democrats were 
 its active opponents. Its final passage in both Houses was by 
 
 * The rapid growth of this clnss of appropriations after they liegan to receive the 
 favor of both parlies appears thus: 1870, $3,975,900; 1875, $6,648,517; 1S8O; 
 $8,976,500; 1881, $11,451,000; 1882, $18,743,875, the amount in vetoed bill. 
 Since the beginning of the government there has been expendei*. in the respective 
 States for river and harbor improvements the total sum of $108,796,401. 
 
PRESIDExNTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS Q'j^ 
 
 an almost solid Republican vote against an almost solid Demo* 
 cratic opposition.* 
 
 An act of March 3, 1883, reduced letter postage to two cents 
 for each half ounce and authorized a Postal note whose value 
 should not exceed five dollars. Large reductions were made in 
 Internal taxes. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1883. 
 
 FORTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS— Yhst Session.— Met De- 
 cember 3, 1883. The political " tidal wave " of 1882, partially- 
 repeated in 1883, had been very disastrous to the Republican 
 party. They lost governors and legislators in many of their 
 strongest States, and the National House of Representatives was 
 Democratic. The Senate stood, Republicans, 40, to Democrats, 
 36. The House was composed of Democrats, 195 ; Republicans, 
 126; Independent, i ; vacancies, 3. Much interest was felt in 
 the election of a Speaker. The Democrats, as a party, seemed 
 to be composed of two wings, one in favor of quiet respecting 
 existing Tariff legislation, the other in favor of reduced duties. 
 Mr. Carlisle, Ky., exponent of the latter idea, became Speaker. 
 
 The President's message recommended closer commercial and 
 political relations with Mexico ; an extension of our trade 
 interests to South America and to the new Congo country; 
 called attention to the national surplus of ;^ 132,874,444.21, and 
 recommended reduced tariff and internal taxation, with a partial 
 appropriation of the surplus to the building of a navy; advised 
 the redemption and recoinage of the trade dollars; a settlement 
 of the Mormon question by repeal of the Territorial act and es- 
 tablishment of a. government through a Commission ; reduction 
 of postal rates in cities to one cent for every half ounce ; pro- 
 visions for Inter-State traffic or commerce ; new legislation re- 
 specting civil rights under the Fourteenth Amendment. The 
 country regarded the paper as plain, practical, business-like 
 and assuring. 
 
 But the Congress was in no mood to embark upon legislation 
 recommended by President Arthur. TheRepublicans were cast 
 
 * Politicians attributed the defeat of Senator Pendleton for re-election to the Sen- 
 ate by the Democratic Legislature of Ohio, in January, 1884, to his advocacy of 
 this bill. 
 
 43 
 
674 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 down by their recent reverses, while the Democrats were too 
 new to the situation to hastily commit themselves to measures 
 which might endanger their supremacy. They elaborated a 
 scheme for what was called " a horizontal reduction of the tariff," 
 but it was picked to pieces by the protectionists in their own 
 party, and finally defeated by the snap-short method of a motion 
 to strike out its enacting clause. 
 
 The same result attended their efforts to reduce the suiplus in 
 the Treasury by repeal of internal taxation, though in this in- 
 stance the general party judgment as to the necessity of such 
 repeal seems to have been thwarted by a desire not to interfere 
 with the internal tax on whiskey, and by the fear that any re- 
 duction of internal taxation would give the Republicans and 
 protection Democrats an excuse for maintaining high protective 
 duties on imports. 
 
 A bill to regulate the counting of the electoral vote passed the 
 Senate, and also the House in an amended form. It fell to the 
 ground in a Committee of Conference. The Blair Educational 
 Bill passed the Senate but was defeated in the House. It appro- 
 priated ;^ 1 5,000,000 the first year to purposes of education, to be 
 divided among the States in proportion to the number of illite- 
 rates therein ; and then one million less each year for ten years. 
 It was designed to assist the Southern States. 
 
 The end of the session found the political situation compara- 
 tively unchanged, and this was perhaps preferable to both parties. 
 If nothing of moment had been accomplished, mistakes had, at 
 least, been avoided, provided inactivity be not a mistake in politics. 
 One thing was not forgotten, that was a good round sum (;^I3,- 
 899,700) covered into the River and Harbor Bill, for the purpose 
 of exalting sleepy and unpretentious waterways into navigable 
 arteries of trade. Congress adjourned July 7, 1884. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1884.— The Republican National Conven- 
 tion met at Chicago on Tuesday, June 3, 1884. It was the 
 Eighth National Convention in the history of the party and was 
 composed of 820 delegates. The candidates placed in nomina- 
 tion were James G. Blaine, Me. ; Chester A. Arthur, N. Y. ; John 
 Sherman, O. ; Geo. F. Edmunds, Vt. ; John A. Logan, 111. ; Joseph 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ^75 
 
 R. Hawley, Conn. Each of the candidates had a respectable 
 following, but the nomination of James G. Blaine had been fore- 
 shadowed by a popular wave which was running swiftest and 
 highest at the moment the Convention met, and which nothing 
 could stem. The party seemed to demand as a candidate a man 
 of Mr. Blaine's brilliant and aggressive parts, and this quite as 
 much for the purpose of dispelling the gloom occasioned by the 
 local political disasters of 1882-83 as in obedience to a wish to 
 see him vindicated by a nomination which had been, as his ad- 
 mirers thought, unnecessarily withheld by prior conventions. 
 
 He received the party nomination on the fourth ballot, and it 
 was generally agreeable to the rank and file, but distasteful to a 
 small faction who had clung to the fortunes of Mr. Edmunds, on 
 the plea of conservative statesmanship, pure political methods 
 and practical reforms. These did not cease their antagonism 
 during the entire campaign, and they came to be known as 
 " Mugwumps." General John A. Logan, of Illinois, was made 
 the nominee for Vice-President. 
 
 The platform commended the party to the people for its 
 achievements ; lamented the death of President Garfield ; en- 
 dorsed President Arthur's administration ; favored a tariff for 
 protection to industry ; denounced the Democrats for failing to 
 reduce the surplus by removing internal taxation, for attempting 
 to correct the tariff by the indiscriminate process of "horizontal 
 reduction," and for their hostility to the wool-growing interests ; 
 urged an international standard for gold and silver ; suggested 
 an act to regulate inter-state commerce ; favored international 
 arbitration as a substitute for war ; denounced the importation of 
 contract labor ; declared in favor of civil service reform ; of keep- 
 ing the public land for actual settlers ; of liberal pensions for sol- 
 diers ; of an extended navy ; denounced Polygamy ; asserted the 
 right of the United States to insist upon a free ballot and full 
 count in the Southern States; and passed its pledge to secure to 
 all persons their full political rights. 
 
 The Democratic party met in National Convention at Chicago 
 on July 8, 1884, in the same hall used by the Republicans a 
 month before. The Convention numbered 820 members, two- 
 
676 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 thirds of which were required to make a choice. The names of 
 T. F. Bayard, Del, Stephen Grover Cleveland, N. Y., Jos. E. 
 McDonald, Ind., Jno. G. Carlisle, Ky., Allen G. Thurman, Ohio, 
 S. J. Randall, Penna., and George E. Hoadly, Ohio, were placed 
 in nomination. 
 
 Grover Cleveland, of New York, was nominated as candidate 
 for President on the second ballot. Thomas A. Hendricks, of 
 Indiana, was nominated as Vice-President. Though the Tammany 
 Hall leaders were bitterly opposed to Mr. Cleveland's nomina- 
 tion, and though he was unknown to the older Democracy, his 
 nomination was regarded as a master political stroke on the part 
 of the Convention. He had been elected Governor of New York 
 State over Chas. J. Folger, President Arthur's Secretary of the 
 Treasury, by an unprecedented majority; was a favorite with the 
 younger Democracy, and had given a plain, sturdy administra- 
 tion without much reference to party behests. The fact that 
 New York was a pivotal State in the campaign, and that the 
 Republican element which was to oppose Mr. Blaine not only 
 resided there most largely but had long before expressed its 
 favoritism for Mr. Cleveland, greatly added to his availability. 
 Whatever may have been the sentiment respecting his ability as 
 a statesman or even his desire to serve the leaders of his party, 
 the dissatisfied elements soon closed about him, and it became 
 apparent to all that, by his freedom from entanglements and 
 newness to situations, he was stronger than his party. 
 
 The platform announced that " the fundamental principles of 
 Democracy, approved by the people, remain the best and only 
 security for free government ; " " the preservation of personal 
 rights, equality of all citizens before the law, reserved rights of 
 the States, and supremacy of the Federal Government within the 
 limits of the Constitution, will ever form the true basis of liberty ; " 
 that the government should not always be controlled by one 
 political party ; that a change is now demanded ; that the Repub- 
 lican party, as to principle, is a reminiscence ; as to practice, an 
 organization for enriching those who control its machinery ; that 
 it has nominated a ticket against which the independent portion 
 of its members are in revolt ; that the will of the people in favor 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 677 
 
 of change was defeated in 1876 by fraud and in 1880 by lavish 
 use of money; that the RepubHcan party has squandered mil- 
 Hons on a navy and given away the pubHc lands to railroads and 
 non-settlers ; that said party does not keep its pledges as to free 
 institutions, in favor of American workingmen, pensions for sol- 
 diers, and protection to American manufactures; that the Demo- 
 cratic party is pledged to revise the tariff in a spirit of fairness to 
 all interests, and denounces the existing tariff and the internal 
 revenue tax; that the circulating medium should be gold and 
 silver, or money convertible into same ; that the government 
 should secure equal rights to all citizens ; opposes sumptuary 
 laws ; favors civil service reform, separation of church and state, 
 diffusion of education by common schools, the prevention of 
 monopoly ; favors the keeping of public lands for actual settlers, 
 and all legislation tending to advance labor; favors the protec- 
 tion of persons and property of American citizens in foreign 
 lands; an American policy which shall restore American com- 
 merce ; laments the fact that S. J. Tilden refuses to be again a 
 candidate. 
 
 The Prohibition National Convention met at Pittsburg, July 
 21, 1884, and nominated Ex-Gov. John P. St. John, Kansas, for 
 President, and William Daniel, Md., for Vice-President. The 
 platform set forth that : Laws must be made in accordance with 
 divine will ; National and State laws regulating manufacture, 
 supply and sale of alcoholic beverages must be repealed, as 
 sources of evil ; both political parties compete for the liquor vote, 
 and are a source of danger; reform must be introduced into 
 National methods by abolition of sinecures, by electing post- 
 masters, by making sobriety a test of office-holding, by remov- 
 ing none from office except when necessary ; no government 
 revenue from liquor and tobacco, but only from customs' duties 
 judiciously levied so as to protect labor; public lands only for 
 private homes ; all money, coin and paper, to be a legal tender; 
 care and support for Union soldiers and their widows ; no per- 
 sons or peoples to be excluded from citizenship ; drink reform 
 to be brought about by Congress excluding it from the Terri- 
 tories and providing a Constitutional amendment prohibiting it 
 
678 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 and Polygamy in the land ; invitation to all laborers, women and 
 moralists to support the party ; civil and political equality for 
 the sexes ; change of name from " Prohibition Home Protection 
 Party" to " Prohibition Party." 
 
 On May 14, 1884, a National Convention of Anti-Monopolists 
 met at Chicago and nominated for President General B. F. Butler, 
 Mass. They left the choice of a candidate for Vice-President 
 open to their National Committee. 
 
 This Convention was followed, May 28, 1884, by the "Green- 
 back" National Convention, at Chicago, which also nominated 
 General B. F. Butler for President and added the name of General 
 A. M. West, Miss., for Vice-President. This action blended the 
 Anti-Monopolists and Greenbackers and the combination was 
 expected to carry the labor vote of the country with it. The 
 "Greenback" platform demanded (i) Issue of legal tender notes 
 in sufficient quantities to supply actual demands of trade and 
 commerce in accordance with increase of population ; substitu- 
 tion of greenbacks for National bank notes ; prompt payment of 
 public debt by use of money locked up in public Treasury. (2) 
 Demanded restoration of all public lands, moneys and railroads 
 given away to corporations with the sanction of both political 
 parties to the people. (3) All public lands must be reclaimed 
 and held for the use of the people. (4) Congress should pass an 
 inter-state commerce bill. (5) Demanded the restoration of the 
 income tax in a graduated form. (6) The amelioration of the 
 labor of the country by passing sanitary laws, building industrial 
 establishments, abolishing convict labor, appointing inspectors 
 for mines and factories, reducing the hours of labor, fostering 
 educational institutions, and preventing child labor. (7) De- 
 nounced the importation of cheap convict labor. (8) Asked for 
 a Constitutional amendment reducing the length of term of U. S. 
 Senators. (9) Such rules for the government of Congress as 
 shall put all members on an equal footing. (10) A wise revision 
 of the tariff laws in the interest of labor, but expresses the be- 
 lief that plenty of money is the best solvent of the issues of labor 
 and taxation. (11) In order to test public sentiment, recom- 
 mends an amendment to Constitution in favor of female suffrage 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. g7^ 
 
 and stoppage of liquor traffic. (12) Pensions to all disabled sol- 
 diers of late war. (13) The Greenback Labor party is the only 
 National party. (14) Appeals for support of all good men. 
 
 The campaign opened with fierce attacks by both the leading 
 parties on the private character of the opposing candidates. 
 These, however, soon spent their force, and left the Democrats 
 in the enviable position of a party whose candidate had no record 
 as a national legislator or politician, and who had risen to the 
 position of Governor of his State with the help of a large Repub- 
 lican contingent and by a majority of nearly 200,000 votes. 
 Their national platform was an instrument of generous promises 
 and pledges, and the idea was easily cultivated that "change" 
 would not b"-' disastrous, but rather beneficial. The Republicans 
 made a brilliant campaign, with their leader in the field, and an 
 ardent advocate of the leading tenets of the party, especially 
 those of protection and a free ballot. The Western States were 
 visited and, when found to be well in line, the rest of the cam- 
 paign was simple. The whole contest turned upon New York, 
 as already foreseen, and with the chances somewhat against the 
 Republicans. The Temperance ticket was pushed with full 
 energy in the State, and with the effect of subtracting largely 
 from the Republican strength. The Greenback Labor ticket 
 was pushed with equal energy, and with the effect of subtracting 
 from the Democratic strength. The advantage gamed to the 
 Republicans in other States by their strong " Protection " atti- 
 tude and the personal magnetism of their leader was more than 
 discounted in New York by the fact that the " Independents " in 
 their ranks were mostly free traders, and by the additional fact 
 that it was the home State of the Democratic candidate. 
 
 It was thought by the Republican managers that Mr. Blaine 
 could improve the situation in the State by the inspiration of his 
 presence. The experiment of a brief campaign tour was tried 
 with very favorable effects, till the night of the celebrated recep- 
 tion tendered him by the united clergy of the metropolis, at 
 which Rev. Dr. Burchard delivered his celebrated " Rum, Ro- 
 manism and Rebellion " speech. This fatal alliterative perora- 
 tion was flashed over the countr}^ without any explanation, and 
 
680 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 occasioned a stampede of the followers of the Greenback Labor 
 ticket back to the Democratic fold. The result of this campaign 
 was the closest on record. The Democratic candidate carried 
 the one State necessary to his election by a plurality of only 
 1,047 votes. 
 
 This was a political revolution the country had hardly antici- 
 pated a few months before. It brought the Democrats into Na- 
 tional power for the first time since 1861, a period of twenty-four 
 years and six administrations, and it placed them under a re- 
 sponsibility they had never before been called upon as a party 
 to meet, for progress had made immense strides since the days 
 of Buchanan ; slavery had been abolished ; the doctrine of States' 
 Rights and Secession had been obliterated by " grim-visaged 
 war;" the hated national banking system of Jacksonian times 
 was now a majestic and unassailable fact, and many other of the 
 ancient Democratic principles and methods had fallen into des- 
 uetude or been modified beyond recognition by the fires of 
 time. 
 
 FORTY-EIGHTH CONGRESSSecond Session. — Met 
 Dec. I, 1884. President Arthur's Cabinet as remodeled stood 
 as follows : 
 
 Secretary of State Fred. T. Frelinghuysen. N. J. 
 
 iChas. J. Folger (died Sept. 5, 1884), N. Y. 
 Walter Q. Gresham (Sept. 24, 1884), Ind. 
 Hugh McCullough (Oct. 31, 1884), Ind. 
 
 Secretary of War Robert T. Lincoln, 111. 
 
 Secretary of Navy William E. Chandler, N. H. 
 
 Secretary of Interior Henry M. Teller, Col, 
 
 Postmaster-General Frank Hatton, Iowa. 
 
 Attorney-General Benjamin Harris Brewster, Pa. 
 
 The President's Message was a compact and practical docu- 
 ment abounding in information and good advice, and making a 
 hopeful forecast of the future. As with all State papers of this 
 time, it urged the expediency of providing against excessive ac- 
 cumulation of money in the Treasury by lowering internal taxa- 
 tion. In both Houses of Congress an Inter-State Commerce bill 
 underwent discussion. A bill to prevent the importation of 
 foreign contract labor was passed. Party lines were closely 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 681 
 
 drawn on a bill to admit Dakota as a State. The Democrats 
 opposed and the Republicans favored the bill. Political serenity- 
 was somewhat disturbed by a bill introduced by the Democrats 
 which suspended the act authorizing the coinage of 2,000,000 
 of Bland dollars per month. The bill was said to have been 
 introduced at the request of Mr. Cleveland, the newly-elected 
 President, and as an aid to his proposed policy. It was defeated 
 by the Democrats themselves. Congress adjourned by limita- 
 tion March 4, 1885, having failed to pass the usual River and 
 Harbor bill. On the same day Cleveland and Hendricks were 
 sworn into office, and the Democratic party began its new lease 
 of power in National affairs. President Arthur retired to private 
 life, broken down in health and with the seeds of that disease in 
 his system which he was not to survive more than a year or two. 
 He had taken office amid a storm of condemnation and with his 
 party torn by dissensions, but with a delicate sensibility, a digni- 
 fied method, and calm procedure amid condemnation and cal- 
 umny, he disarmed enmity in his own party, solidified its broken 
 ranks, and left office amid kindly and considerate feeling on the 
 part of his countrymen. 
 
 F. T. FRELINGHUYSEN. 
 
 CHAS. J, FOLGER. 
 
682 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 XXV. 
 CLEVELAND'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1885— March 4, 1889. 
 
 Grover Cleveland, N. Y., President. Thomas A. Hendricks, 
 Ind., Vice-President. . 
 
 (Mr. Hendricks died November 25, 1885.) 
 
 John Sherman, Preside7it pro tern, of Senate, acting Vice-President. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 Forty-ninth Congress I ^' December 7, i88s-August 5, 1886. 
 I-ORTY-NINTH CONGRESS. | ^^ December 6, 1886-March 4, 1886. 
 
 Fiftieth Congress. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.* 
 
 States. Basis of 
 
 »54,325 
 
 Alabama 8 
 
 Arkansas 5 
 
 California 6 
 
 Colorado I 
 
 Connecticut 4 
 
 Delaware I 
 
 Florida 2 
 
 Georgia 10 
 
 Illinois 20 
 
 Indiana .13 
 
 Iowa II 
 
 Kansas 7 
 
 Kentucky 11 
 
 Louisiana 6 
 
 Maine 4 
 
 Maryland 6 
 
 Massachusetts 12 
 
 Michigan 11 
 
 Minnesota 5 
 
 Mississippi 7 
 
 Missouri 14 
 
 Nebraska 3 
 
 Nevada i 
 
 New Hampshire .... 2 
 
 New Jersey 7 
 
 New York. 34 
 
 *Popularvote — Cleveland, 4,911,017; States, 20; Blaine, 4,848,334; States, 18; 
 Butler, Greenoack-Labor, 133,825; St. Joh ., Prohibition, 151,809; Scattering, 
 11,362. 
 
 {I: 
 
 December 5, 
 
 1887.- 
 
 -October 20, 
 
 1888. 
 
 December 3, 
 
 1888.- 
 
 -March 4, 1889. 
 
 
 TE.* 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 James 
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 9 
 
 36 
 
 
 
 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 688 
 
 Electoral Vote — Continued. 
 
 Democrat. Republican. 
 
 States, Basis of Grover Thos. A. James G. John A. 
 
 154.325 Votes. Cleveland, N. Y. Hendricks, Ind. Blaine, Me. Logan, 111. 
 
 North Carolina 9 11 11 11 
 
 Ohio 21 23 .. .. 23 23 
 
 Oregon i 3 .. .. 3 3 
 
 Pennsylvania 28 30 . . . . 30 30 
 
 Rhode Island 2 4 .. .. 4 4 
 
 South Carolina 7 9 9 9 .. .. 
 
 Tennessee 10 12 12 12 .. .. 
 
 Texas 11 13 13 13 
 
 Vermont 2 4 .. .. 4 4 
 
 Virginia 10 12 12 12 
 
 West Virginia 4 6 6 6 
 
 Wisconsin 9 11 .. .. II li 
 
 Totals 325 401 "219 zTg" 182 xhz 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State Thomas F. Bayard, Del. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury Daniel Manning, N. Y. 
 
 (Succeeded by Chas. S. Fairchild, N. Y., April i, 1887.) 
 
 Secretary of War William C. Endicott, Mass. 
 
 Secretary of Navy William C. Whitney, N. Y. 
 
 Secretary of Interior Lucius Q. C. Lamar, Miss. 
 
 (Succeeded by William F. Vilas, Wis., December 5, 1887.) 
 
 Attorney-General Augustus H. Garland, Ark. 
 
 Postmaster General William F. Vilas, Wis. 
 
 (Succeeded by Don M. Dickinson, Mich., December 5, 1887.) 
 
 THE POLITICAL SITUATION.— On coming into power 
 after a long retiracy of twenty-four years, the Democratic party 
 found practically a new country, but one at peace and in the en- 
 joyment of unbounded prosperity. The Arthur administration 
 had been clean, safe and elegant rather than bold and strong. 
 Politically there was but little to ripple the surface of events, and 
 Mr. Cleveland came upon the scene with the best wishes of the 
 nation at his back, and with a prestige for independent thoughts 
 and conservative methods. He was younger than the ante-war 
 principles of his party, unshackled by ancient political complica- 
 tions or previous national record, and could well afford to pro- 
 ceed cautiously with the work of his administration. He, and, 
 for that matter, his party, had everything to gain by an adminis- 
 tration of affairs which should embody wisdom and safety. He 
 
684 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 made his Cabinet selections without much regard to the wishes 
 of party leaders, and naturally gave the preference to his own 
 State, which secured two of the leading secretaryships. 
 
 The President's inaugural was a brief paper, pledging close 
 observance of the Constitution and laws, advising the limitation 
 of public expenditure to the needs of the government, desiring 
 peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations — en- 
 tangling alliances with none ; devotion to the doctrine that our 
 system of revenue should be so adjusted as to relieve the people 
 from unjust taxation and prevent the accumulation of a surplus 
 in the Treasury ; care for the public domain and fair treatment 
 of the Indians ; enforcement of the laws against polygamy and 
 the immigration of foreign servile classes; rigid execution of the 
 Civil Service laws on the principle that public office is a public 
 trust. 
 
 The document was a plain, unimpassioned declaration of the 
 President's views and iiopes without attempt to commit his party to 
 anything new or startling, and it was well received by the country. 
 Any policy shaped upon it and honestly adhered to must rather 
 continue in general terms the political ideas of his predecessors 
 than revolutionize them. 
 
 So the new administration came quietly into power, and grad- 
 ually set about to improve the months prior to the meeting of 
 the 49th Congress by fitting itself to a policy and purpose. This 
 work would not prove exciting, for Mr. Cleveland was not re- 
 garded as a man of creative intellect, original force or venture- 
 some disposition. He owed much to what was odiously termed 
 the " Mugwump " element in the Republican party, and this 
 would prove a balance wheel should he attempt to yield too sub- 
 missively to the pressure of the mere place-hunter, which was 
 now getting heavier every day. 
 
 On Nov. 25, 1885, the Vice-President, Thos. A, Hendricks, 
 died suddenly, and the President pro tcni. of the Senate, John 
 Sherman, of Ohio, became acting Vice-President under the law. 
 This made a Republican President possible in the event of Mr. 
 Cleveland's death. 
 
 FORTY-NINTH CONGRESS— Y\x%\ Session.— Met Dec. 7, 
 
'"^^^^^^^^Bi 
 
 ..>y»* 
 
 5. GROVER CLEVELAND. 
 
 66& 
 
686 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 1885. Much interest naturally centred in the meeting of this 
 Congress, the first under the Cleveland administration. Parties 
 in the Senate stood : Republicans, 42 ; Democrats, 34 ; a Repub- 
 lican majority of 8. In the House the Democrats had 184 
 members and the Republicans 141, a Democratic majority of 43, 
 though four of these were Independents. 
 
 The President's Message, his first to any Congress, was eagerly 
 looked for. It proved to be a very lengthy document and a 
 worthy state paper. Its three salient points were the much 
 mooted silver question, the tariff, and the civil service — with in- 
 teresting side lights on the Indian problem, commercial treaties, 
 Mormonism, the navy, and other current subjects. The Presi- 
 dent portrayed in sharp, bold outline the dangers of further coin- 
 age of the Bland silver dollar and urged that such coinage be 
 stopped. In his tariff views he practically gave away the case 
 of the free-trade element in his party and, while stopping short 
 of the doctrine of protection, landed squarely on the position oc- 
 cupied by Mr. Randall and the " protection " minority in his own 
 party. On the civil service question he wrote with dignity and 
 force in its favor, and this part of his message was greatly lauded 
 by his Independent Republican supporters and admirers. Thus 
 on all the vital issues the President showed himself far in advance 
 of his party and quite square with the measures which had taken 
 shape within the past few years. In only one respect did he 
 appear to be unequal to his professions, and that was in the prac- 
 tical workings of the Civil Service act, which was not operating 
 so as to prevent rapid partisan changes in the offices, as was ex- 
 pected by its framers. 
 
 The House organized by the re-election of Mr. Carlisle, Ky., 
 as Speaker over Mr. Reed, Me. Though the Democrats had a 
 good working majority, they did not make much haste with 
 legislation, and the session proved long and uninteresting. An 
 episode occurred in the Senate which for a time ruffled the 
 political serenity and threatened a serious breach with the Presi- 
 dent. Mr. Cleveland had made a removal of a prominent official 
 for alleged cause, and had sent to the Senate the name of his 
 successor for confirmation. The Senate asked for the papers 
 
THOS. F. BAYARD, 
 
 L. Q. C. LAMAR. 
 
 AUGUSTUS H. GARLAND. 
 
 WM. F. VILAS. 
 687 
 
egg PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 connected with the case, as was usual. Those relating to the 
 removal of the incumbent were withheld, as being papers proper 
 only for Presidential review. The Senate made its demand more 
 peremptory. The President replied by sending an opinion of 
 his Attorney-General vindicating his course. The Senate in 
 turn resolved in the future to refuse its " advice and consent " to 
 all removals from office, the papers relating to which were with- 
 held by the President. It was but another form of the old vexa- 
 tious and dangerous question how far the President can annul by 
 arbitrary removal the assent which the Senate gives under the 
 Constitution to an Executive appointment. 
 
 The weighty and absorbing question in the House was the old 
 Morrison Tariff bill in fresh garb. It was more than ever a 
 Democratic stumbling-block, and was finally defeated by a refusal 
 of the House to go into Committee of the Whole to consider it as 
 reported from the Committee of Ways and Means, a Democratic 
 minority voting with the Republicans to secure this end. In its 
 work the Senate was far in advance of the House, and that body 
 passed such important bills as one to provide for Counting the 
 Electoral Vote, the Blair Educational bill, supplement to the act 
 to suppress Polygamy, etc., none of which were reached in the 
 House. The River and Harbor bill for the session appropriated 
 the munificent sum of ;^ 14,473,900. Large appropriations were 
 also made for improving the navy by means of new war steamers. 
 The President used his veto power with vigor upon bills grant- 
 ing pensions to Union soldiers in special cases. One hundred 
 and fifteen of these bills thus fell under executive displeasure. 
 A bill regulating the Presidential succession became a law Jan- 
 uary 19, 1886. This session dragged its tedious length into 
 August, and passed into history as one of the longest on record, 
 while measured by its achievements it was by far the longest. 
 It was never at any time animated by heated party discussions, 
 and the dominant party ventured nothing in the shape of new 
 or aggressive measures. Congress adjourned August 5, 1886, 
 
 FORTY-NINTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec. 
 6, 1886. But little had transpired during the short interval be- 
 tween the two sessions of the Forty-ninth Congress to ruffle the 
 
GEORGE F. EDMUNDS. 
 
 SAMUEL J. RANDALL. 
 
 JOHN G. CARLISLE. 
 44 
 
 JOHN J. INGALLS. 
 689 
 
GOO PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 current of political events. The Congressional elections in No- 
 vember showed a drift of sentiment away from the Democrats 
 and back toward the Republicans in districts where the lines 
 were sharply drawn between Protection and Free-Trade. The 
 comfortable working majority of forty-three which the Demo- 
 crats enjoyed-in the Forty-ninth Congress was reduced to a slen- 
 der majority of sixteen in the Fiftieth Congress, and more than 
 two-thirds of this loss of twenty-four members was accounted for 
 by the distaste of constituents for the Free-Trade leanings of 
 their old members. 
 
 Though the political outlook did not augur well for what was 
 popularly spoken of as the Carlisle sentiment in the Democratic 
 party, the President did not hesitate to take a decided step in 
 his message toward the doctrine entertained by the majority 
 wing of his party. After expressing disappointment at the little 
 progress made during the previous long session toward reaching 
 conclusions on such momentous questions as the " fisheries ne- 
 gotiations," the reduction of the surplus, the suspension of com- 
 pulsory coinage, etc., the President repeated with emphasis the 
 language of his former message regarding the necessity of di- 
 minishing taxation to a point within the needs of the country, but 
 now he was no longer undecided as to the means. Reduction 
 by removing the internal revenue tax was scarcely alluded to, 
 but the plan which he seemed to think wisest was a judicious 
 scaling of the tariff on imports, and especially a transfer of many 
 of the cruder articles from the dutiable to the free list. The 
 message, which was lengthy and diffuse, concluded with a de- 
 fence of his pension vetoes during the former session. 
 
 This session of the Congress was bound to be crowded and 
 confused, for an immense amount of unfinished work came down 
 from the previous session, and many new questions were press- 
 ing for solution. The Democratic majority in the House grappled 
 heroically at first with the tariff issue, but the time was frittered 
 away in useless conferences between the majority and minority 
 wings of their party, and the whole matter remained as if it had 
 been untouched. Speaker Carlisle was so firm in his position 
 that revenue reduction should only come about by means of 
 
\ 
 
 r>' 
 
 (IIIll JLSIKLM k \\\111 ClUlf-JLMRl M W 1 L I 1 ER. 
 
 JOS. E. McDONaLD. 
 
 JJUJN M. JJiLKlISbON. 
 691 
 
(392 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 scaling the tariff rates, that he refused to let a vote be taken on 
 a minority bill to repeal the internal tax on tobacco. 
 
 The Senate anti-Polygamy bill of the last session was passed 
 in the House. It had the effect of virtually disfranchising the 
 Mormons, and was the severest blow that peculiar institution 
 had yet received from the government. The Inter-State Com- 
 merce bill also passed. This measure established a commission 
 whose duty was to inquire into railway management, break up 
 harmful combinations, secure uniformity of rates and in every 
 way nationalize through-route traffic. This act did not draw 
 party lines closely, though it was not in harmony with the an- 
 cient State-right theories of many of <.he Southern Representa- 
 tives. Am.ong the other bills of more or less political significance 
 passed during the session was one granting pensions to Mexican 
 soldiers, one redeeming the " Trade Dollars," the Senate Bill 
 regulating the Electoral Count, and the bill repealing the Tenure 
 of Office Law. The Dependent Pension bill for Union soldiers 
 was passed, vetoed by the President, and failed to pass over his 
 veto. 
 
 This important session, which witnessed the end of the Forty- 
 ninth Congress and the completion of two years of a Democratic 
 administration, placed to its credit some very desirable legisla- 
 tion, but failed to project into laws the issues which were dis- 
 tinctively political and respecting which parties were divided or 
 likely to divide. 
 
 The session adjourned by limitation on March 4, 1887, and 
 the Congress as an entirety left the Tariff and Internal Revenue 
 questions where it found them ; the Free Silver Coinage Law 
 remained in a worse state than before, for the issue of one, two and 
 five dollar silver certificates, based on the coin stored in the vaults, 
 was only a postponement of the real question; the Pacific Rail- 
 road indebtedness was left to increase under the lame provisions 
 of the old Thurman Act ; the bankrupt laws were left to the 
 mercy of each State ; the basis of the National Bank circulation 
 was permitted to dwindle away without providing a substitute ; 
 indigent war veterans were unprovided for ; the Senate bill 
 raising a Commission to examine into the Liquor Traffic was 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 693 
 
 ignored; the Blair Educational bill found no favor at all in the 
 House; all of the bills looking to the admission of Dakota and 
 Washington Territories died in the committee's hands. The bill 
 miposing a tax on oleomargarine, and reducing postage to two 
 cents per ounce, both of which became laws, met a unanimous 
 popular wish. The closing days of Congress were so crowded 
 that the Deficiency Appropriation bill failed to pass, and there 
 was considerable agitation over the prospects of an extra session 
 for the purpose of providing funds necessary to meet claims 
 against the government. 
 
 FIFTIETH CONGRESS— Y\x?X Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1887. 
 In the Senate the Republicans had a majority of one. In the 
 House the parties stood: Democrats, 168; Republicans, 152; 
 Independents, 4; vacancy, I. The Democrats renominated Mr. 
 Carlisle, Ky., for Speaker, and the Republicans Mr. Reed, Me. 
 Carlisle was elected by a vote of 163 to 148, a majority of 15. 
 The Democratic. House majority in the previous (Forty-ninth) 
 Congress was 43. The Speaker's address declared that this 
 Congress must assume the responsibility of removing taxation 
 and stopping the accumulation of revenue in the Treasury, in 
 order to avoid depression of industries and probable panic ; and 
 it should so legislate as not to disturb invested capital or seriously 
 affect the status of labor. 
 
 The President's Message was a brief paper of about 4,500 
 words and a new departure in the way of annual messages. It 
 made no allusion to the various matters of interest presented by 
 the heads of departments in their reports, nor to any measure of 
 general moment save that branch of finance which concerned 
 taxation, customs' duties and the Treasury surplus. In this 
 respect it was a special paper rather than an executive review 
 of the entire country, and was apparently called forth by an ex- 
 isting party demand for definite legislative action during the 
 session of Congress. It indicated a wide departure on the part 
 of the President from the position held by him in former mes- 
 sages, and a seeming conversion to the free-trade doctrines main- 
 tained by a majority of his party. It was a surprise to all ex- 
 cept the initiated, and was much discussed by friends and fofs. 
 
094 PRESIDENTS AND a1)MINISTRAT10NS. 
 
 The former saw in it a bold, clear statement of the true situation, 
 and they regarded it as a timely declaration ot the principles of 
 Democracy as they must take shape in the next presidential 
 campaign. Indeed it may be truthfully said that the radical free- 
 traders of the party rejoiced over the signal recognition of their 
 particular views by the President. On the other hand, the more 
 conservative element of the party, and especially the " Protec- 
 tion," or " Revenue Reform," element, headed by Mr. Randall, 
 did not look upon it kindly. They regarded it as an unwise 
 paper at that juncture, and as containing the seeds of political 
 disaster to the party, while it virtually crushed them as an im- 
 portant minority factor. The Republicans accepted it as a 
 throwing down of the free-trade gauntlet and an invitation to 
 them to contest the case of " Free-trade vs. Protection," both in 
 the halls of Congress and the coming national campaign. They 
 criticised it for its lack of new and convincing argument ; its dis- 
 crimination against the protective system in general, and the item 
 of wool in particular, and for its unnecessarily bitter spirit, as 
 evinced by such expressions as, "But our present tariff laws, the 
 vicious, inequitable and illogical source of unnecessary taxation, 
 ought to be at once revised and amended." They looked upon 
 it as disingenuous and illogical in the respect that while the 
 President professed to be moved by an honest desire to reduce 
 the surplus in the Treasury, he entirely overlooked the very easy 
 and popular means of doing it by abolishing the internal revenue 
 taxes — a set of taxes which the Democrats had always denounced 
 as odious, iniquitous and savoring of war times — but selected as 
 a means that which would prove a blow to American industries 
 and the entire system of protection, and which, at any rate, would 
 not work out in practice, since to reduce duties on articles of 
 import below the point of protection was but to invite a larger 
 importation and increased revenue. 
 
 President Cleveland handed to the Senate for confirmation the 
 nomination of L. Q. C. Lamar, Miss., his Secretary of Interior, 
 to be an Assistant Justice of the U. S. Supreme Court; William 
 F. Vilas, Wis., his Postmaster-General, to be Secretary of the 
 Interior ; Charles S^ Fairchild, N. y., Acting Secretary of the 
 
ARTHUR R GORMAN. 
 
 WM. C. WHITNEY. 
 
 rm% 
 
 CHAS. S. FAIRCHILD, 
 
 WM. C. ENDICOTT. 
 695 
 
696 TRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Treasury, to be Secretary in place of Daniel Manning, resigned, 
 and since dead; Don M. Dickinson, Mich., to be Postmaster- 
 General. These nominations were promptly confirmed, except 
 that of Lamar for a U. S. Justice, which hung for several weeks 
 in the Senate and was then confirmed by a very small majority. 
 Mr. Carlisle withheld his selection of the House Committees till 
 after the holiday recess, so that the Congress was not organized 
 for effective work till the middle of January, 1888. 
 
 A serious question, which did not divide parties, but which 
 reflected seriously on the tardiness or indifference of the admin- 
 istration, arose two or three years before this time in the form of 
 what was known as " The Fishery Question." The Canadian 
 authorities had repeatedly seized American fishing vessels putting 
 into their ports, under their construction of existing treaties, 
 which prevented such vessels from fishing within three miles of 
 the shores. The Canadians drew the limit from head-land to 
 bead-land of their bays and inlets. The Americans insisted on 
 a three-mile limit which followed the coast indentations. The 
 frequent seizures led to indignation on the part of the fishing in- 
 terests, and finally to the conclusion that the time had come for 
 a modification of the treaties if war was to be averted. The 
 Forty-ninth Congress authorized the President to take such steps 
 as would remedy the evils and preserve the dignity of the United 
 States, even going so far as to authorize him to use retaliatory 
 powers. His Secretary of State, Mr. Bayard, called a Commis- 
 sion to investigate the matter. This Commission was met at 
 Washington, in November, 1887, by a Commissioner from Eng- 
 land and one from Canada. Their sittings ran into February, 
 1888, when an agreement, in treaty form, was submitted to the 
 Senate without hope of adoption, as it surrendered as many 
 vital points of dispute as it gained. 
 
 The Report of the Secretary of Treasury to the Congress 
 showed that the Treasury surplus, about which all parties were 
 exercised, and which had really come to mean unnecessary drain- 
 age of the country and dangerous locking up of so much of the 
 circulating medium, was, Dec. i, 1887, ;^5 5,259,000; and would 
 be by June 30, i§88, 1^140,000,000. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 697 
 
 Not a very pleasant feature of the opening of this Congress 
 was the contest for his seat which the Speaker, Mr. Carlisle, was 
 forced into by Mr. Thoebe, an Independent and Labor Demo- 
 crat, who claimed to have been elected in the Sixth District of 
 Kentucky by 600 majority. The contest was decided eventually 
 in favor of Mr. Carlisle, and whatever the merits of the case may 
 have been, it is historic that the election in 1886 was close in a 
 district which had given Mr. Carlisle 6,000 majority in 1884, and 
 that on the whole the revolution was scarcely more signal than 
 that which had retired many members of Mr. Carlisle's economi- 
 cal school in other Congressional districts. 
 
 Mr. Mills, of Texas, took hold of the tariff measure which the 
 Democrats, as a majority party, were under obligation to present, 
 and the management of which usually gave one the distinction 
 of a party leader. It was evident from the beginning that this, 
 was to be the absorbing measure of the session, and that upon it, 
 together with the repeal of internal taxation, party lines would 
 be closely drawn, except as the followers of Mr. Randall chose 
 to divert a Democratic contingent into Republican channels. 
 
 A final vote was reached in the House on July. 21, which 
 showed 162 for the bill and 149 against it. Party lines were never 
 more closely drawn on a tariff measure. The bill lowered the 
 scale of duties, and placed many articles classed as raw materials 
 on the free list, among them wool. It made but a slight reduc- 
 tion of the internal tax on tobacco, and left untouched that on 
 whiskey, except as to the product of small stills. 
 
 The bill had consumed so much time in the House, and was 
 so adverse to the majority sentiment in the^ Senate, as to render 
 its passage impossible by the latter body without undue pro- 
 longation of the session. However, on the theory that the 
 Democratic majority in the House had chosen to make the bill 
 an issue in the campaign, and its discussion an expression of 
 their economic views, the Republican majority in the Senate met 
 it with a counter bill, introduced and debated but not passed, 
 which embodied their doctrine of Protection, and their method 
 of reducing the surplus revenue by repealing the taxes on to- 
 bacco and on alcohol used in the arts. The two bodies were 
 
698 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 now hopelessly wide apart in their economic issues, and tarifif 
 legislation was St an end for the session. 
 
 The Senate perfected and passed the Blair Educational Bill ; 
 one to refund to the States the amounts collected under the 
 direct, or Income Tax Bill of i86i ; one to give effect to the 
 French Spoliation Claiin law of the previous Congress ; one ad- 
 mitting South Dakota as a State; one to promote a more effi- 
 cient mail service with Central and South America ; one to give 
 twelve dollars a month to soldiers and sailors and to their de- 
 pendents, incapacitated for manual labor, the same being the 
 Dependent Pension Bill of the previous Congress, which the 
 President had vetoed. All these bills were refused a passage in 
 the House. Both Houses passed with unbecoming haste an 
 amendment to the Chinese Exclusion Bill, taking away from the 
 Chinese now or heretofore in the country the privilege of return, 
 unless they had previously procured certificates. The Senate, 
 for the first time in its history, threw open its doors during the 
 discussion of the " Fishery Treaty," which treaty was rejected 
 on account of its failure to set at rest the disputed points between 
 Canada and the United States. On its rejection by the Senate, 
 the House passed what was called the " Retaliation Bill," which 
 gave the President power to retaliate upon Canada whenever she 
 withheld rights claimed by the United States. The Senate de- 
 feated this bill on the ground that the President had been already 
 arnied, by a previous act, with ample power for the purpose 
 designed. 
 
 The Congress adjourned on October 20, 1888, after a continu- 
 ous session of 321 days, the longest on record, and perhaps the 
 most unfruitful in point of important and perfected legislation. 
 The first session of the Thirty-first Congress lasted for 302 days, 
 and adjourned Sept. 30, 1850. This was the year of the celebrated 
 Missouri Compromise. The Fortieth Congress kept up its session 
 by adjournments till Nov. loth, but its actual sittings lasted only 
 237 days. This was during the period of confliict with President 
 Johnson. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1888.— The Democrats met in National Con- 
 vention at St. Louis, June 5, 1888. The high position taken by 
 
WM. D. KELLEY 
 
 TUSTIN S. MORRILL. 
 
 THOMAS B. REED. 
 
 ROGER Q. MILLS. 
 699- 
 
roo 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 President Cleveland in his message to the Fiftieth Congress {see 
 p. 524), supplemented by the Mills Bill favoring tariff reduction, 
 pointed the way to his renomination. He was, therefore, re- 
 nominated by acclamation, and in recognition of the older ele- 
 ment of his party, Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, was nominated 
 for Vice-President. The platform reaffirmed that of 1884, en- 
 dorsed the views of President Cleveland in his last annual mes- 
 sage, and also the efforts of Democratic Congressmen to secure 
 a reduction of excessive taxation ; expressed party faith in the 
 maintenance of a Union of free and indestructible States ; chal- 
 lenged investigation of administrative methods ; claimed a wise 
 dispensation of the public land system ; asked for recognition of 
 the fact that the administration had paid out more than any other 
 for pensions and bounties to soldiers and sailors ; claimed to have 
 set on foot the reconstruction of the American navy, the adoption 
 of a prudent foreign policy, the exclusion of Chinese laborers, 
 and the inauguration of honest reform in the Civil Service; 
 pointed out that Democracy had guarded and defended the rights 
 and welfare of the people, protected every public interest, and 
 steadfastly maintained the equality of citizens, without regard to 
 race or color ; charged the Republican party with aiming to deny 
 to the people equality before the law, to fetter enterprise, dis- 
 courage capital and limit traffic to home markets, by unequal and 
 unjust laws ; pledged the party to continue its hostility to exces- 
 sive tax laws which increased the price of necessaries of life ; 
 declared against " trusts " in every form ; charged the Republi- 
 cans with a desire to accumulate the surplus in the Treasury, and 
 proclaimed the necessity for a free revision of all laws by which 
 said surplus was maintained. 
 
 The Republicans met in National Convention at Chicago, June 
 19, 1888. There were many aspirants for nomination in the field, 
 among whom were John Sherman, Ohio; Chauncey M. Depew, 
 N. Y. ; William W. Phelps, N. J. ; Walter Q. Gresham, Ills. ; 
 Benjamin Harrison, Ind. ; William E. Allison, Iowa; Russel A. 
 Alger, Mich. ; and Edwin H. Fitler, Pa. The admirers of James 
 G. Blaine, Me., were very strong in the Convention, and his name 
 was kept prominent!/ before it, throughout the entire session. 
 
702 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 His own request (June 25) that balloting for him cease, left the 
 Convention free to concentrate on some one else, and on the sixth 
 day of the session, and eighth ballot, Benjamin Harrison, Ind., 
 received the nomination for President. Levi P. Morton, N. Y., 
 was nominated for Vice-President. The platform honored the 
 memory of Lincoln, Grant, Garfield, Arthur, Logan, and Conk- 
 ling; greeted Sheridan with prayer for his recovery ; congratu- 
 lated Brazil on emancipation of her slaves ; expressed a hope for 
 early " Home Rule " in Ireland ; affirmed devotion to an indis- 
 soluble Union of States, to personal right and liberty of citizens 
 in all the States ; held a free ballot and equal representation to 
 be the foundation of republican government ; demanded effective 
 legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections ; charged 
 that the Democracy owed its ascendency to suppression of the 
 ballot and criminal nullification of the Constitution and laws of 
 the United States ; pledged uncompromising favor for the Amer- 
 ican system of Protection ; accepted the issue of Free Trade pre- 
 sented by the Democracy and confidently appealed to the people 
 for judgment; denounced the Mills Bill as destructive of general 
 business and the labor and farming interests; condemned the 
 Democrats for placing wool on the free list; declared for a repeal 
 of taxes on tobacco and spirits used in the arts — and if there 
 were still a surplus revenue, then a repeal of all internal taxation 
 rather than a surrender of any part of the Protective system ; 
 opposed the introduction of Chinese labor; declared against 
 " trusts " and undue charges for transportation of products to 
 market; reaffirmed the Republican policy of dealing with public 
 lands and securing homesteads; favored the introduction of new 
 States ; opposed polygamy ; favored a gold and silver currency ; 
 demanded a reduction of letter postage to one cent per ounce ; 
 advocated free schools ; favored a liberal use of public money for 
 improving the navy, coast defences, and harbors ; charged the 
 Dem.ocracy with a cowardly and inefficient foreign policy; ar- 
 raigned the administration for cowardly surrender of fishing 
 rights; pledged the party to Civil Service Reform and to continue 
 pensions and bounties to soldiers ; denounced Cleveland for hos- 
 tility to soldiers ; invited the co-operation of workingmen whose 
 
GENERAL PHILIP H. SHERIDAN. 
 
 703 
 
704 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 labor was threatened by the Free Trade policy of the administra- 
 tion. 
 
 The Prohibition party met in National Convention at Indian- 
 apolis, May 30, 1888, and nominated Gen. Clinton B. Fisk, of 
 New Jersey, for President, and Dr. John A. Brooks, of Missouri, 
 for Vice-President. The platform declared (i) that the manu- 
 facture and dealing in alchoholic beverages should be made 
 public crimes and be prohibited and punished as such ; (2) such 
 prohibition must come through amendments to National and 
 State Constitutions, enforced by adequate laws ; (3) any form of 
 license, taxation or regulation of the liquor traffic is contrary to 
 good government ; (4) any party which sanctions such license 
 or tax allies itself with the traffic and becomes a foe to the 
 State's welfare ; (5) arraigns Republican and Democratic parties 
 for favoring license, opposing the demands of the people for 
 prohibition, and defeating the enforcement of prohibition laws ; 
 (6) demands repeal of internal revenue system ; (7) revenue 
 should be raised from import duties, not on necessaries of life, 
 but on articles which will protect the employer and laborer 
 against competition, and there should be no surplus accumulations 
 in the Treasury; (8) civil appointments, clerical in kind, should 
 be based on moral, intellectual and physical qualification and 
 not on party service ; (9) suffrage should extend to all persons 
 of suitable age who are mentally and morally qualified for an 
 intelligent ballot ; (10) polygamy should be abolished and uni- 
 form marriage laws be established; (ii) combinations for con- 
 trolling capital and increasing products for popular consumption 
 should be prohibited; (12) the Sabbath should be preserved and 
 defended; (13) arbitration should be the means for settling all 
 national differences, disputes between employers and employes ; 
 (14) abolition of the saloon would remove the burdens from 
 labor and promote labor reform; (15) no monopoly in land; 
 public land for actual settlers only ; men and women should 
 receive equal wages for equal work; (16) immigration of con- 
 victs aud dependents should be prohibited, none but citizens of 
 the United States should vote in any State ; (17) full party 
 
706 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 fellowship invited, of all who recognize prohibition to be a 
 dominant issue. 
 
 The United Labor party placed R. H. Cowdrey in the field 
 as its candidate for President, and W. H. T. Wakefield, for 
 Vice-President. The Greenbackers and Labor Reformers nomi- 
 nated Alson J. Streeter for President, and Charles E. Cummings 
 for Vice-President. The American party met in Washington 
 on August 15 and on the i6th nominated James L. Curtis for 
 President, and Judge N. Green for Vice-President. Belva A. 
 Lockwood ran for President on the ticket of the Equal Rights 
 party. 
 
 The campaign was largely one of discussion, and free from 
 the bitter personalism which characterized that of 1884. The 
 issue of " Tariff vs. Free Trade " was never so sharply defined 
 nor more dispassionately handled. It was recognized at a very 
 early day that the fighting ground embraced the four doubtful 
 States of the North, to wit. New York, Indiana, Connecticut 
 and New Jersey, though the Democrats laid claim to one or 
 more of tht North-western States. Both the leading parties 
 labored strenuously to convince the public mind of the correct- 
 ness of their economic views, and speech-making, mammoth 
 parades, and spectacular arguments became the order of the 
 day. The early autumn elections, as those of Oregon, Ver- 
 mont and Maine, showed that the trend of sentiment was to- 
 ward the Republican party, and in the end that party carried 
 New York and Indiana, together with all the States it had 
 carried in 1884, thus securing 233 electoral votes out of the 
 total of 401, or 31 more than was necessary to elect its candidate. 
 
 Features of the campaign were the confidence manifested by 
 both parties up till the day of the election, and the dismissal of 
 the English Minister at Washington, Lord Sackville West, for 
 having written a letter to one of his countrymen, naturalized in 
 the United States, which gave offence because it was construed 
 as an unwarranted interference with our political affairs. The 
 result of the election was so decisive as to be cheerfully acqui- 
 esced in by the Democratic party. The North-western States had 
 not swung from their Republican allegiance, as was expected by 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 707 
 
 the Democracy, and the border States showed a decided drift 
 toward the RepubHcan idea, the issue in one of them, West 
 Virginia, being in doubt for weeks after the election. The 
 Congressional elections were also favorable to the Republicans, 
 the Democratic majority of fifteen in the Fiftieth Congress 
 being turned into a Republican majority of from 5 to 10, de- 
 pendent on the result of several contests, mostly in districts in 
 the Southern States. 
 
 FIFTIETH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec. 3, 
 1888. The President's message was a lengthy and elaborate 
 document, different altogether from the crisp presentment made 
 to the first session of the Fiftieth Congress. It was sombre in 
 tone, somewhat harsh in its political allusions, and firmly 
 adhesive to the " Tariff Reform " faith which his former mes- 
 sage had promulgated, and which in the judgment of many of 
 his closest friends had cost him a re-election. The reports of 
 the various Cabinet officials showed a satisfactory management 
 of national affairs and an encouraging economic status. This 
 being the short session, and one held immediately after an elec- 
 tion which had been disastrous to the existing administration, 
 it was hardly possible to accomplish any momentous legislation. 
 The Democratic majority in the House naturally relegated the 
 issues which they had projected into the campaign to the next 
 Congress, which would be Republican and responsible for the 
 measures and sentiments elaborated in the canvass. But the 
 Senate was rather differently situated. It had during the prior 
 session formulated a Tariff Bill designed as an offset to the Mill's 
 Bill passed by the House, and it felt under obligation to the 
 country to prove its sincerity by urging it to a speedy passage. 
 It therefore entered upon its discussion at an early period of the 
 session, and pushed the measure vigorously in the face of de- 
 termined opposition. 
 
 The passage of this bill brought the respective parties into strict 
 line. In general terms it corrected many inequalities in the Tariff 
 act of 1883, raised the rate of duty on some articles which, if pro- 
 tected, could, and should, be manufactured at home, lowered the 
 duty on many articles whose home manufacture was not thereby 
 
708 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 endangered, and widened the free-list somewhat, but not nearly to 
 the extent contemplated by the Mills' bill. The central idea of the 
 bill was to decrease the national income from duties as much as was 
 commensurate with the preservation of the protective principle ; 
 and the reduction of revenue insured by its provisions, supple- 
 mented as they were by a repeal of the internal tax upon tobacco 
 and spirits used in the arts, was deemed ample to propitiate the 
 sentiment against an accumulation of surplus in the Treasury, as 
 well as to meet any danger likely to arise therefrom. 
 
 When the Senate bill reached the House, it did not provoke 
 deliberate discussion, but became the victim of compromises and 
 substitutes, all of wnich were lost either by direct votes or by 
 means of dilatory tactics. The day of adjournment therefore 
 came without definite action by the House, and Tarififlegislation 
 tailed for the session and the Congress. 
 
 The next most important legislation before the Congress was that 
 bearing upon the Territories seeking admission as States. This, at 
 first, drew party lines strictly, and the Democrats proposed an Om- 
 nibus bill, admitting many Territories, as a set-off to the Repub- 
 lican measure, admitting only four. But in the end, other coun- 
 sels prevailed, and a majority was obtained in both House and 
 Senate for the admission of North Dakota, South Dakota, Mon- 
 tana and Washington Territories as States, these being the best 
 equipped for statehood. The President signed this bill, but vetoed 
 the one which returned to the States the income tax collected from 
 them during the civil war. The electoral count in February 
 showed 233 votes for Harrison and Morton and 168 for Cleveland 
 and Thurman. Complications in Samoa called for a measure 
 designed to strengthen the hands of the President in maintaining 
 American rights in the Pacific. The Congress adjourned by 
 limitation on March 4, 1889, and on the same day Harrison and 
 Morton were sworn into office. President Cleveland retired to 
 private life, after giving a cautious and prudent administration, 
 signalized more by patient attention to details and strong assertion 
 of official prerogative, than by striking originality and compre- 
 hensive grasp. He took up his residence in New York, where 
 he engaged in the practice of the law. 
 
XXVI 
 HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1889— March 4, 1893. 
 Benjamin Harrison, Ind., President. Levi P. Morton, N. Y., 
 
 Vice-President. 
 
 Congresses. 
 Fifty-first Congress. 
 
 Fifty-second Congress. 
 
 Sessions. 
 J I, December 2, 1889— 
 \ 2, December i, 1890 — 
 f I, December 7, i8qi- 
 12, 
 
 December 5, 1892 — 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE.'' 
 
 Republican. 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Benj. 
 
 Harrison, 
 
 Ind. 
 
 Levi P. Grover Allen G. 
 
 Morton, Cleveland, Thurman, 
 
 N. Y. N. V. Ohio. 
 
 22 
 9 
 
 14 
 13 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 3 
 4 
 
 36 
 
 23 
 3 
 
 30 
 4 
 
 5 
 3 
 4 
 
 36 
 
 23 
 3 
 
 30 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 Basis of 
 
 States. 154,325. Votes. 
 
 Alabama , 8 10 
 
 Arkansas 5 7 
 
 California 6 8 
 
 Colorado I 3 
 
 Connecticut 4 6 
 
 Delaware I 3 
 
 Florida 2 4 
 
 Georgia lo 12 
 
 Illinois 20 22 
 
 Indiana 13 15 
 
 Iowa II 13 
 
 Kansas 7 9 
 
 Kentucky 11 13 
 
 Louisiana 6 8 
 
 Maine 4 6 
 
 Maryland 6 8 
 
 Massachusetts 12 14 
 
 Michigan II 13 
 
 Minnesota 5 7 
 
 Mississippi 7 9 
 
 Missouri 14 16 
 
 Nebraska 3 5 
 
 Nevada i 3 
 
 New Hampshire .... 2 4 
 
 New Jersey 7 9 
 
 New York. ...... . 34 36 
 
 North Carolina .... 9 11 
 
 Ohio 21 23 
 
 Oregon i 3 
 
 Pennsylvania .... 28 30 
 
 Rhode Island 2 4 
 
 South Carolina .... 7 9 
 
 Tennessee 10 12 
 
 Texas 11 13 
 
 Vermont 2 4 
 
 Virginia lO 12 
 
 West Virginia 4 6 
 
 Wisconsin 9 11 11 1 1 
 
 Total 325 401 233 233 168 168 
 
 * Popular vote: Harrison, 5,438,157 — 20 States; Cleveland, 5,535.626- 
 Slates; Prohibition, 250,157; Labor, 150,624. (710) 
 
 9 
 16 
 
 9 
 16 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 i3 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 71 1 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State James G. Blaine, Me. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury William Windom, Minn. 
 
 Secretary of War Redfield Proctor, Vt. 
 
 Secretary of Navy Benjamin F. Tracy, N. Y. 
 
 Secretary of Interior John W. Noble, Mo. 
 
 Attorney-General W. H. H. Miller, Ind. 
 
 Postmaster-General John Wanamaker, I'a. 
 
 Sec. of Agriculture Jeremiah Rusk, Wis. 
 
 THE POLITICAL SITUATION.— The political revolution 
 which swept the Republican party out of power in 1884, ran its 
 course in four years and was followed by a counter revolution 
 in 1888 which proved even more disastrous to the Democratic 
 party. The Republicans had evidently profited by the discipline 
 of defeat ; the Democrats had failed to convert the prestige of a 
 first into a second victory. While the Cleveland administration 
 had been safe, dignified and useful, it lost the opportunity of 
 perpetuating itself by failure to cope with some of the old ques- 
 tions which fell to it as legacies, by the vagueness of its foreign 
 policy and by its bold assumption of an affirmative on the ques- 
 tion of " Tariff Reform " which, as construed by its opponents, 
 was a revival of Free Trade doctrines, and an attack on the 
 American policy of Protection. It was the good fortune of Gen- 
 eral Harrison, as a candidate, to unite the factions of his party 
 and to stand as the exponent of its wishes respecting the leading 
 issues projected into the campaign. He came into office under 
 excellent auspices. The campaign had been squarely, even 
 masterfully, fought, on the basis of ideas. Partisanship was at a 
 low ebb, and the bitterness of recrimination did not mar argu- 
 ment or inflame passion. He had the confidence inspired by 
 ability, sound sense and conservative purpose. The national 
 verdict had been emphatic in his favor. He was free from the 
 complication of pre-election pledges, and abreast of his party, 
 should it desire to signalize its triumph by new departures. .But 
 there was no need of these, for the transit from a Democratic to a 
 Republican administration, under all the circumstances, meant, 
 not so much a peaceful transfer of power, as a step back over 
 four intermediate years, a taking up of the political thread which 
 had been broken in 1884, a resumption of the issues and tradi- 
 tions temporarily laid aside during a minority period. 
 
712 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 President Harrison made his selection of cabinet officers with 
 much respect to location, with a tact that showed deference to 
 party leadership and at the same time avoided local jealousies, 
 but chiefly with regard to special fitness for their positions. It 
 was a working as well as advisory body. His inaugural was a 
 plain paper, of 4,300 words, calling attention to the fact that the 
 beginning of this twenty-sixth administration was a step over the 
 threshold into the second century of our national existence under 
 the constitution ; to the growth of the Protective policy, its vin- 
 dication at the polls and the necessity for its continuance; to the 
 propriety of laying aside race prejudices and conceding equal 
 rights to all ; to the evils of monopoly ; to the necessity for dis- 
 criminating against pauper immigrants ; to the maintenance of 
 the " Monroe doctrine," especially in view of the Samoan trouble 
 and the danger of foreign governments coming to the aid of the 
 Panama Canal scheme ; to a Civil Service which should fulfil 
 the law and at the same time not shield official negligence or in- 
 competency; to a graduation of duties and taxes so as to limit 
 revenue to public needs; to the necessity for a stronger navy, 
 for encouragement to commerce, for revised pension laws, and 
 for laws which would insure a free and puVe ballot. 
 
 The message was well received by the country, and was ac- 
 cepted by Republicans as a clear outline of what they had a 
 right to expect of their President. The Senate, called into extra 
 session, promptly confirmed the Cabinet officers, and such other 
 appointments as came before it during its brief sitting. Thus 
 opened the new administration whose mission was to preserve 
 the ideas which had triumphed at the national elections and 
 shape affairs on the lines indicated by the constitutional majority. 
 
 FIFTY-FIRST CONGRESS— F'\rs\: Session.— Met Dec. 2, 
 1889. In the Senate the Republicans had a majority of six, and 
 in the House a majority of ten. The House organized by 
 electing Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, Speaker. The House ses- 
 sion opened stormily over the amendment of the Rules as to 
 what should constitute a quorum. It had been the custom for 
 members, actually present, to defeat a quorum and block legis- 
 lation by declijiing to answer when the roll was called. Their 
 
BENJ. F. TRACY. 
 
 W. H, H. MILLER. 
 
 713 
 
714 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 claim was that, though actually present, they were constructively 
 absent. The Speaker's rulings, when the minority blocked 
 legislation by filibustering tactics, were to the effect that actual 
 presence of a member meant his intent and duty to participate 
 in legislation, and his name was counted as part of a quorum, 
 on a call for a quorum, whether he answered or not. Owing to 
 the importance of the legislation passed at this session, the 
 validity of such rulings was questioned, and the matter was 
 carried to the United States Supreme Court, where their legality 
 was sustained. 
 
 The President's message, his first annual one, was a lengthy 
 but able State paper, presenting an outline of administrative 
 policy in harmony with the majority in Congress and his party 
 in general. It became a chart for the legislation which was to 
 characterize the session. 
 
 The issue of the campaign of 1888 had been so wholly that 
 of Free-trade vs. Protection, that the way of the Republican 
 majority was plain. The Chairman of the House Committee of 
 Ways and Means, William McKinley, of Ohio, invited all the 
 interests concerned in tariff revision to a hearing, and a bill was 
 framed which came to be known as the " McKinley Bill." The 
 principle involved in the bill was to incorporate the experience 
 of all former tariff legislation, and the best features of all former 
 Acts ; to impose rates of a protective character, and in the inter- 
 est of American labor, chi manufactures which could exist here, 
 but whose existence was threatened by foreign competition ; to 
 impose even higher rates on manufactures, such as tin plates, 
 which we ought to produce, but did not ; to largely reduce the 
 duties on the necessaries of life, such as sugar, or to make them 
 wholly free ; to greatly enlarge the free list by placing on it all 
 raw materials whose importation did not compete with the home 
 growth of the same ; to introduce the policy of reciprocity, by 
 which something could be gained by an enlarged trade in turn 
 for the loss of duties on sugars and kindred articles of daily 
 consumption. 
 
 Probably no Tariff Bill had ever been so fully matured, or 
 had so fully satisfied in advance the various interests consulted 
 
T. W. FOSTER 
 
 JEREMIAH RUSK. 
 
 STEPHEN B. ELKINS. 
 
 JOHN WANAMAKER. 
 715 
 
716 ' PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 in its preparation. Certainly none ever passed that had to 
 undergo more minute criticism, whose merits were more elabo- 
 rately discussed, and respecting which so many prophecies, good 
 and bad, were indulged. Its passage spread over the entire time 
 of this first session of the 51st Congress, and it was not till 
 Oct. I, 1890, that it became a law. 
 
 The McKinley Act increased duties on 1 15 articles, embracing 
 farm products and manufactures deemed not to be sufficiently 
 protected, manufactures to be established, luxuries such as wines, 
 etc. It decreased duties on 190 articles, embracing manufactures 
 established, or which could no longer suffer from foreign com- 
 petition. It left the duties unchanged on 249 articles. It 
 enlarged the free list till it embraced 55.75 per cent, of all 
 imports, as against 33.27 per cent, under the previous tariff It 
 placed sugar on the free list, with a loss of duties equal to 
 ;^54,ooo,ooo annually. 
 
 While the " McKinley Act" was by far the most important 
 legislation effected by this " Working Congress " at this session, 
 there were numerous other Acts of great moment and far-reach- 
 ing effect. Among these was the " Sherman Silver Bill," or 
 " Coinage Act of 1890," which made it compulsory on the gov- 
 ernment to buy 54,000,000 ounces of silver a year, and instead 
 of coining the same, to issue silver notes or certificates therefor. 
 This bill was in the nature of a compromise between the advo- 
 cates and opponents of free silver coinage, and the effect of its 
 passage was to postpone the agitation for a time. 
 
 The "Administrative Customs Act" was next in importance, 
 and designed to prevent frauds by undervaluation of imports. 
 Then there was the " Disability Pension Act;" the "Anti-Lot- 
 tery Act;" the "World's Fair Act;" the "Shipping^ Act," 
 designed to establish a first-class line of ocean steamers under 
 the Americar; flag; the " Meat Inspection Bill," whose operation 
 brought about the repeal of European restrictions against 
 American meats ; Acts to admit Wyoming and Idaho as States ; 
 an Act creating a United States Circuit Court of Appeals ; a land 
 grant forfeiture Act; the " Original Package Act; " and a grand 
 total of 1350 enactments, of greater or less importance. Besides 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 717 
 
 these, the House passed many bills of national moment, such as 
 the " International Copyright Bill," the bill to secure honest 
 elections, the bill to exclude convict labor, etc., which failed of 
 passage in the Senate. 
 
 FIFTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Secox\d Session.— Met Dec. i, 
 1890. The interval between sessions had witnessed an exciting 
 political campaign in which the McKinley Act was the con- 
 spicuous issue. Since nothing could, as yet, be affirmed of its 
 practical workings by its friends, the imaginations and baleful 
 auguries of its opponents had free play, and the result was a 
 reverse for the Republicans as disastrous as that of 1882. 
 Strong Republican States were swept from their moorings, and, 
 besides many Governors, the Democrats elected an overwhelm- 
 ing majority in the 5 2d Congress. 
 
 This reversal of public sentiment had the effect of rendering 
 the session of Congress tame. The President's message pre- 
 sented a satisfactory review of home and foreign affairs ; showed 
 a total Government revenue of ;^463,963,o8o and an expenditure 
 of ^358,618,584; the purchase and redemption of bonds, since 
 March 4, 1889, of ;^2ii,832,450, at an expense of ;^246,620,74i, 
 which amounted to a total saving of i^S 1,576,706, in interest; 
 viewed satisfactorily the work of the Departments, and especially 
 the successful building of the new naval vessels ; congratulated 
 the country on its material prosperity ; asked for a full and fair 
 trial of existing tariff legislation ; pointed to the enlargement of 
 our exports for the year by ;jg 11 5 .000,000, and to the extension 
 of markets for American products ; urged the establishment of 
 steamship lines ; insisted on better election laws. 
 
 The session of Congress passed without the enactment of any 
 measures of greater moment than the usual appropriation bills, 
 which, as in the first session of this Congress, were large, the 
 totals for the two sessions approximating ;^ i ,000,000,000, owing 
 to which it was denounced by the Democrats as the " Billion 
 Dollar Congress." The Fifty-first Congress expired by limita- 
 tion, March 4, 1891. 
 
 ADMINISTRATIVE MEASURES— On June 19, 1890, the 
 final report of the " International American Conference " was 
 
718 PRESIDENTS AND ADiftlNISTRATIONS. 
 
 presented to President Harrison by his Secretary of State, James 
 G. Blaine. The conclusions reached by Mr, Blaine, in his 
 review of this report, formed the basis of that policy of recipro- 
 city which became a part of the McKinley Tariff Act, and which 
 the President did not hesitate to make one of the most prominent 
 of his administrative measures. Its adoption by Congress threw 
 upon the administration the important duty of negotiating reci- 
 procity treaties with those nations which were willing to engage 
 in reciprocal trade with us. Very soon treaties were entered into 
 with Germany, France, Spain, Brazil, and several of the smaller 
 countries of Central and South America, while all the Latin States 
 of America, except two, placed treaties under favorable consid- 
 deration. By the end of 1892, the treaties executed began to 
 bring about the increase in trade anticipated by the parties 
 thereto. 
 
 While these negotiations gave to foreign affairs a conspicuous 
 place in the Harrison administration, other events transpired 
 which tended to make that administration exceptional in its for- 
 eign relations. Among these was the " Samoan Affair," a legacy 
 from the preceding administration. Germany, with the sanction of 
 England, had seized on the Samoan group of islands, strategi- 
 cally situated in the Pacific Ocean. King Malietoa appealed to 
 the United States. The President insisted on the application of 
 the " Monroe Doctrine," and succeeded in concluding a treaty 
 with Germany and England which saved the absorption of the 
 islands, and restored King Malietoa to power. This treaty was 
 approved by all political parties in the country, and its negotiation 
 assured to the nation a vigorous foreign diplomacy. 
 
 The important question known as the " Behring Sea Question " 
 and long been a diplomatic stumbling-block for both the United 
 States and Great Britain. Mr. Cleveland had tried to meet it by 
 seizing poaching seal ships, but this only complicated matters by 
 opening the doors to countless law suits and angry threats of 
 reprisal. President Harrison took the ground that both humanity 
 and the ultimate destruction of an industry demanded a cessation 
 of seal-killing for a time at least, and that the rights of the re- 
 spective countries in the waters of Behring Sea could only be 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 71 9 
 
 aacertained properly by arbitration. By means of tedious and 
 skilful diplomacy, a modus vivendi was agreed upon between the 
 two countries for 1891-92, pending which reference was had of 
 the entire subject to a " Board of Arbitration," composed of the 
 rulers and representatives of disinterested countries, and to as- 
 semble in Paris in 1892. This diplomacy, prolonged, intricate 
 and full of dangers, was highly acceptable to all political parties. 
 
 The murder of Italians in New Orleans, Feb., 1891, led to 
 dangerous complications with Italy. Her minister was recalled, 
 and there was great excitement in both countries. Italy de- 
 manded speedy reparation in a very peremptory manner, and 
 seemingly with the intention of forcing it. It was with the 
 utmost difficulty she could be brought to understand that under 
 our system the States, and not the National Government, were 
 responsible for such outrages. By the exercise of patience and 
 firmness on the part of the administration, Italy came gradually 
 to see that the United States could not be coerced or hastened. 
 She finally yielded her demand, restored her former friendly re- 
 lations, and was met on the part of the United States by payment 
 of a small complimentary indemnity of ^25,000, whose giving was 
 not to imply any recognition of Italian rights, as claimed, but 
 was to be construed only as an expression of friendly feeling, 
 and of regret at so horrible an occurrence. 
 
 The " Chilian Imbroglio " came nearest to plunging the 
 country into war. Two parties in Chili, the forces of President 
 Balmacedaand the Insurgents or Congressional forces, had been 
 engaged in civil war since January, 1891. An "Insurgent" 
 vessel, the Itata, had loaded with arms in the harbor of San 
 Diego, Cal., and had escaped, in violation of the neutrality laws. 
 The United States cruiser, Baltimore, was sent in pursuit, and 
 the Itata was brought back to San Diego for the further adjudi- 
 cation of her case under admiralty laws. The Baltimore returned 
 to Chili, and was lying in the harbor of Valparaiso. On the 
 night of Oct. 16, 1 89 1, part of her crew was attacked while 
 ashore by an " Insurgent " mob, and one officer was killed, and 
 nine seamen wounded. The " Insurgents " had conquered 
 Balmaceda, and set up their own government. They had 
 
720 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 become inflamed against the American Minister for giving 
 asylum to the defeated Balmacedists. Flushed with victory, 
 and burning to revenge the loss of the Itata, they made this 
 attack on the seamen of the Baltimore, and when explanation of 
 the outrage and apology for insult to the national flag was asked 
 for, an impudent reply was sent. This created great excitement 
 in the United States, and the President immediately began to 
 put the navy in preparation for an offensive demonstration. The 
 war fever ran high, and without regard to party. When Chili 
 saw that apology and reparation would be insisted upon, even at 
 the cost of war, she promised a judicial investigation and ulti- 
 mate satisfaction. But the promised investigation dragged along 
 so slowly that no results were reached before Dec. 9, 1891, 
 when President Harrison was forced to the conclusion that 
 Chili was not acting in good faith. In his message to Congress 
 of that date he reviewed the whole Chilian matter, and regarded 
 the situation as so grave that he promised a special message 
 respecting it in case the Chilian investigation did not soon report, 
 or if its report were not acceptable. In January the conclusions 
 of the Chilian " Board of Crimes Inquiry" reached him. These 
 conclusions were vague, evasive and unsatisfactory, and on Jan. 
 25, 1892, President Harrison sent in his special message to 
 Congress. It contained his ultimatum to Chili, turned the 
 matter over to Congress and the nation, and meant war. N'o 
 message of modern date received more emphatically the endorse- 
 ment of the country, or touched more deeply the patriotic pride 
 of the people. Three days after its submission to Congress, the 
 President was enabled to announce to Congress and the country 
 that Chili had extended all necessary apologies for her conduct, 
 and had promised full reparation for injuries she had inflicted. 
 
 FIFTY-SECOND CONGRESS— Yirst Session.— Met Dec. 
 7, 1 89 1. The Republicans could count on a shaky majority of 
 six in the Senate. In the House the Democrats had 234 
 members; the Republicans, 86 ; the Farmers' Alliance, 8; the 
 remainder being independent. The Democrats, therefore, had a 
 majority of two-thirds, and, as the issues of the campaign of 
 1890 had been made plain, to wit: the repeal of the obnoxious 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 721 
 
 McKinley tariff act and of the Sherman coinage act, the abler 
 and more conscientious leaders felt that their party was under 
 the same obligations to act directly and heroically as the 
 Republicans were in the 51st Congress. Indeed, they were 
 under far greater obligation, for the popular verdict in their 
 favor had been far more emphatic, and their majority was so 
 overwhelming, as to render legislation in accordance with their 
 views easy and as a matter of course. 
 
 The President's message was if anything a stronger State 
 paper than any he had yet presented. The events of the year, 
 industrially and diplomatically, had been extraordinary. The 
 working of the Tariff Act and of Reciprocity was more than 
 answering evil prophecies respecting them ; the general pros- 
 perity was satisfactory. The difficult and dangerous foreign 
 diplomacy of the year had ended honorably to the country. 
 Further trial was asked of those momentous national enactments 
 involving our industries and money. Progress in naval con- 
 struction was mentioned with pleasure, and its continuance 
 urged. It was a hopeful and firm document throughout, not- 
 withstanding the fact that it confronted a situation so wholly 
 different from that presented by the preceding Congress. 
 
 Flushed with its recent successes, the elated Democratic party 
 entered upon the work of the 52d Congress, and naturally rallied 
 around its best-equipped economic leader for Speaker — Roger 
 Q. Mills, of Texas, father of the famous " Mills' Tariff Bill," of 
 the 49th Congress. Mr. Mills had won fame as an ardent, able 
 and persistent advocate of the anti-protection measures of his 
 party. He had appeared on the stump in many States during 
 the campaign of 1890, and had been outspoken of his views 
 respecting free-trade and protection. Under ordinary circum- 
 stances he could hardly have failed to command the support and 
 confidence of his party for an office and position so important as 
 that of the Speakership of the House. But the circumstances 
 proved to be extraordinary. There were seeds of danger in the 
 overwhelming Democratic majority in the House. Excess 
 might dwarf and blight success. The party feared to trust itself. 
 It was well known what Mr. Mills would do. He would, in 
 46 
 
722 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 vindication of his past efforts, and out of respect to his present 
 judgment and to the pronounced verdict of the country, hew to 
 the hnes he had laid down in the 49th Congress. Tiiis, of 
 course, meant a tariff act as a counter to the McKinley act; and 
 perhaps it meant also a " Free Silver Coinage Act," since the 
 Democrats in their State platforms of a vast majority of the 
 States had so resolved. For these things the party did not seem 
 ready, despite its tariff retorm pledges, its demands for more 
 money, and the plain sentiment of the country as manifested in 
 the elections. 
 
 The time was on for shaping political lines for the Presiden- 
 tial campaign of 1892. While no abatement of the free-trade or 
 tariff reform sentiment was noticeable; while the determination 
 continued to oppose the doctrine of protection as embodied in 
 the Tariff Act of 1890, and to repeat, if possible, the splendid 
 triumph of that year in the coming Presidential campaign, it was 
 deemed wisest not to antagonize too squarely, or too far in 
 advance, the doctrines they hoped to overwhelm in the end. 
 Already there were evidences of reaction in the public mind, as 
 one by one the practical workings of the McKinley act exploded 
 the pet theories of its opponents. The suspicion began to dawn 
 th?t, after all, the situation of 1 890 might not prove to be as 
 calamitous as it had been pictured. At any rate there was no 
 need of taking any risks. So after a long and somewhat bitter 
 struggle over the Speakership Mr. Mills was sacrificed, and Mr. 
 Crisp, of Georgia, was elected Speaker. Out of this manoeuvre 
 sprang the plan of indirect, rather than direct, attack upon the 
 Tariff Act of 1890. The plan — not heartily adopted, but acqui- 
 esced in as an expedient — would still serve the purpose of hold- 
 ing party lines, and of presenting opportunity for tariff-reform 
 ■discussions. It derived additional plausibility, in the minds of 
 the timid, from the fact that a Republican Senate would be 
 likely to defeat any and all tariff enactments passed by a Demo- 
 cratic House. If the plan was open to the charge that it was in 
 utter disrespect of the popular verdict, the use of discretion at a 
 critical moment could be urged as an excuse. If it proved dis- 
 appointing to constituents, they could be appeased by promises 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 723 
 
 of a greater victory in the near future. If it showed that the 
 party lacked the courage of its convictions, it could be answered 
 that diplomacy was wiser than haste. If it seemed cowardly, 
 the adage was handy : " To divide is to conquer." But its gen- 
 eral justification was found in the fact that it avoided the dangers 
 which seemed to be inseparable from the opening of the whole 
 tariff subject in a House with an unwieldy majority, composed 
 of untried members, each flushed with victory at the polls. 
 
 The result of the plan was a series of separate tariff bills 
 repealing or modifying special clauses of the McKinley Act. 
 These bills were lengthily debated and passed by decided 
 majorities in the House, though not all of them by the full 
 majority. Of these, the Springer bill was the most conspicuous 
 and most fully debated, as it was supposed to more nearly fore- 
 shadow the party policy than any other. It placed wool on the 
 free list, and reduced duties on manufactures of wool. Other 
 bills were passed placing cotton bagging, cotton ties and gins, 
 cotton bagging machinery, binding twine and tin plates, ternes 
 and taggers on the free list. The Senate did not approve any 
 of this tariff legislation. 
 
 What was remarkable about this method, facetiously termed 
 the " pop-gun " method, was that it satisfied so large and enthu- 
 siastic a majority. Though interest in it faded as the session 
 dragged along, yet its time-consuming features were applauded 
 till the end. It held that situation in perfect abeyance, which 
 positive assertion might have jeopardized. 
 
 The question of the free coinage of silver came up as a dis- 
 turbing one for the Democratic majority. The failure of silver 
 producers to realize their expectations under the Sherman Act 
 of 1890, a glowing desire on the part of the dissatisfied to 
 change industrial and trade conditions, especially in the West 
 and South, and the fact that poHtical conventions in a majority 
 of the States had given the silver question a party turn, rendered 
 the opening of the 5 2d Congress, with its decided Democratic 
 majority in the House, an opportune time to seek new coinage 
 legislation. In the Democratic State Conventions the planks 
 had almost universally favored " free and unlimited coinage of 
 
724 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 silver." In the Republican State Conventions they had, as a 
 rule, favored " the maintenance of silver on a parity with gold." 
 
 Therefore, on the opening of Congress, Mr. Bland, the recog- 
 nized leader of silver legislation on the part of the Democrats, 
 came promptly forward with the " Bland Free Silver Coinage 
 Bill," and advocated it with his well-known ability. He drew 
 around it the advocates of " free and unlimited coinage," and it 
 became the subject of animated and prolonged debate. When 
 it was ripe for passage Mr. Bland demanded the'previous ques- 
 tion. This was done with the belief that his measure could not 
 fail in a Democratic House. But what was his surprise to find 
 that the vote stood 148 yeas to 148 nays. The Eastern Demo- 
 crats had turned in with the Republicans in opposition to this 
 favorite party measure. The Coinage Committee had been 
 made up largely of the friends of free coinage by Speaker Crisp, 
 and he could not do otherwise than break the tie by casting his 
 vote in favor of the bill. But the opposition resorted to filibus- 
 tering tactics, and the bill was finally killed by a refusal, on the 
 part of a majority of the Democrats, to sign a request for a 
 closure rule, without which request the Speaker declined to close 
 debate and force the measure to passage. 
 
 As to the other bills of national moment this Congress proved 
 as extraordinary as the majority in the House was large. If the 
 " Chinese Exclusion Bill," the bill to admit the " Inman Liners" 
 to American registry, the bill to provide for retaliation against 
 Canada, and that giving ;^2. 500,000 to the World's Columbian 
 Exposition be excepted, the Congress did nothing calculated to 
 affect the public welfare, outside of the appropriation bills. All 
 the bills of moment which originated in the House either died 
 amid the discords they engendered, or were killed in the Senate. 
 The Senate bills, some of which were important, met a like fate 
 in the House. So, in comparison with the corresponding 
 session of the Fifty-first Congress, this was a " do-nothing " Con- 
 gress. 
 
 The number of investigations ordered, and investigating com- 
 mittees appointed, had never been exceeded. These committees 
 went tardily to work, if at all, and few of them reported, even to 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 725 
 
 the next session of the Congress. As an epicurean member of 
 one observed," his committee was not even successful as a jun- 
 keting party." 
 
 Private legislation took an exceedingly offensive and danger- 
 ous turn during the session, as was manifest in the character of 
 many of the bills presented in behalf of those who had suffered 
 losses through the Union armies. 
 
 The session proved to be remarkable in the respect that the 
 enormous Democratic majority in the House was frequently 
 driven to protect itself against filibustering by recourse to the 
 very means it had denounced in the campaign, and which had 
 been so effectually employed by Speaker Reed in the Fifty-first 
 Congress. 
 
 But the most remarkable feature of the session was its results 
 as to economy. Probably the stigma of " The Billion Dollar 
 Congress " had done more to effect that revolution which resulted 
 in a two-thirds Democratic majority in the present session than 
 any other thing. Recognizing this, Mr. Holman, as Chairman 
 of the Committee on Appropriations, started out to reduce all 
 appropriations and bring them within proper economic limits. 
 His friends proved to be his worst enemies. The demands of so 
 large a majority were exorbitant. In order to favor them, the 
 Committee on Appropriations was forced to cut, where cutting 
 was vital to the national comfort and safety, as in the case of the 
 new navy. Many Democrats rose in arms and called a halt. 
 Senator Gorman, in the Senate, said: "As anxious as I am, as 
 firmly wedded as my party is to economy, I do not understand 
 the history of the party to be one of obstruction, of doing noth- 
 ing, of paralyzing legitimate enterprises, of striking at vital points, 
 of preventing an increase of our commerce, or making thorough 
 preparation for defense. I understand our party to mean by 
 economy and entrenchment, that the people's money shall be 
 used only for public purposes ; that it shall be honestly ex- 
 pended ; that extravagance and profligacy shall be checked. I 
 do not understand that we are committed to parsimony. I do 
 understand that we are in favor of every provision which looks to 
 the advancement and glory of this great country of ours. I ufi- 
 
726 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 derstand that every Democrat wants the pubUc money honestly 
 expended, and, when it is so expended, as I stated that it had 
 been in the construction of the navy from the day that Mr, 
 Cleveland was inaugurated until this hour, they are in favor of 
 building up the navy." The result was that the appropriations 
 for the session exceeded those for the corresponding session of 
 the " Billion Dollar Congress." 
 
 The figures for the first session of the Fifty-first Congress 
 were 1^463, 000,000. The figures for this session of the Fifty- 
 second Congress were $507,701,380, and considerably more,, 
 counting authorized contracts. The " River and Harbor Bill " 
 alone involved a direct expenditure of ;^ 2 1 ,000,000, and 
 j^30,ooo,ooo upon contracts — a total of over ;^50,ooo,ooo. The 
 excess of direct expenditure this term as compared with 
 the corresponding term of the " Billion Dollar Congress " was 
 ;^44,302,869. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1892.— The Republican National Com- 
 mittee issued its call for a convention at Minneapolis, on June 
 7, 1892. At the time of the call, November 23, 1891, party sen- 
 timent favored the renomination of President Harrison. But 
 after the turn of the year opposition arose, chiefly among those 
 who had been disappointed in the distribution of patronage. 
 This opposition centred on James G. Blaine, President Harri- 
 son's Secretary of State, not so much with a view to his nom- 
 ination, as with the thought that he would prove the best weapon 
 with which to crush President Harrison. Mr. Blaine escaped 
 the embarrassment of the situation by declining to be a candi- 
 date, February 6, 1892. With the situation thus simplified, the 
 party was at liberty to encourage Harrison's candidacy. The 
 logic of the situation pointed to his renomination. All the 
 State Conventions, save one, had endorsed his administration,, 
 which had been exceptionally able and pure. Still his enemies 
 persisted, and they conjured with the name of Blaine, despite his 
 letter of declination. On June 4, 1892, Blaine resigned the Sec- 
 retaryship of State. This action was heralded as his intention 
 to be a candidate. His name went before the Convention with 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 727 
 
 others. Harrison received the nomination by a vote of 535 _^, 
 to 182}^ for Blaine and 182 for McKinley. 
 
 The platform 'affirmed the doctrine of American protection ; 
 favored bi-metallisms with legislative restrictions ; demanded a 
 free ballot and honest count ; denounced Southern outrages ; 
 favored the extension of foreign commerce and the enforcement 
 of the Monroe Doctrine; opposed the immigration of paupers; 
 declared in favor of the separation of Church and State, and 
 efficient railroad laws for the protection of employees ; opposed 
 trusts ; favored extension of the free ^delivery of letters and a 
 reduced postage ; commended the Civil Service ; favored the 
 Nicaragua Canal, the admission of Territories as States, the 
 World's Fair; opposed intemperance; favored pensions; en- 
 dorsed Harrison's Administration. 
 
 The news of Harrison's nomination was well received. 
 
 The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago, June 
 21, 1892. The leaders of the party, especially those represent- 
 ing Tammany Hall, were opposed to the renomination of ex- 
 President Cleveland, but the sentiment of the masses favored 
 him. The situation was involved at first, but under judicious 
 leadership it began to clarify, and Mr. Cleveland became the 
 nominee by a vote of 617^, as against 115 for Senator Hill, 103 
 for Gov. Boies, and 74 scattering. 
 
 The platform pledged the party to the principles of Jefferson ; 
 opposed the so-called " Force Bill ; " denounced protection as a 
 fraud and unconstitutional, and the McKinley Act as the "cul- 
 minating atrocity of class legislation;" declared reciprocity as a 
 sham ; opposed trusts and the giving away of public lands to 
 railways; denounced the Coinage Act of 1890; recommended 
 the abolition of the tax on State banks ; held public office to be 
 a public trust; opposed the Republican foreign policy; ex- 
 tended sympathy to the oppressed in other lands ; opposed 
 pauper immigration ; denounced the Harrison administration 
 as corrupt in the execution of pension laws; favored Mis- 
 sissippi improvements, the Nicaragua canal, the Columbian 
 Exposition, popular education and the admission of new 
 States ; advised legislation for the protection of railway em- 
 
728 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 ployees, and for the abolition of the " sweating system ; " 
 opposed all sumptuary laws. 
 
 The nomination of Mr. 'Cleveland was applauded by the news- 
 papers and the masses of his party. 
 
 The Prohibitionists met in National Convention at Cincin- 
 nati, June 30, 1892, and nominated General John Bidwell, of 
 California, for President, and James B. Cranfill for Vice-Presi- 
 dent. 
 
 The platform declared (i) the liquor traffic to be a foe to civil- 
 ization ; (2) for voting and wages without regard to sex ; (3) for 
 an increase in the volume of money, said volume to be fixed at 
 so much per head and increase with the increase of population; 
 (4) for a tariff for defense, revenue being incidental, and all rev- 
 enue to be derived from duties on what we possess, not on what 
 we consume ; (5) public corporations to be controlled by Govern- 
 ment, and profits limited to fair interest; (6) revision of im- 
 migration and naturalization laws in the interest of our own 
 citiz ensand voters ; {7) no lands for non-resident aliens, and all 
 unearned land grants to railroads to be reclaimed; (8) protection 
 of citizens by right of trial in constitutional tribunals; (9) legal 
 protection for the right to rest one day in seven ; (10) arbitration 
 for international differences; (ii) suppression of speculation on 
 margins; (12) pledges the granting of pensions to disabled 
 veterans; (13) favors public schools, but not sectarian schools; 
 (14) arraigned both old parties as faithless to their traditions and 
 the " higher law," and as courting the support of the lower 
 elements. 
 
 The People's Party, or" Populists," as they came to be known, 
 met in National Convention at Omaha, July 2, 1892, and nomi- 
 nated General James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for President, and 
 General James G. Field, of Virginia, for Vice-President. 
 
 The platform deprecated the moral and political ruin of the 
 nation, the corruption of ballot-boxes, legislatures and congresses, 
 the demoralization of the people, the muzzling of newspapers, the 
 prostration of business, the mortgaging of homes, the impover- 
 ishment of labor, the concentration of lands in the hands of 
 capitalists; the denial of the right-for workmen to organize; 
 

730 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 the importation of pauper labor; a hireling standing army; the 
 building of large fortunes ; the presence of tramps and million- 
 aires ; demanded the limitation of State and National revenues ; 
 the keeping of money as much as possible in the hands of the 
 people ; opposed subsidy of any kind ; favored a graduated in- 
 come tax and its application to the reduction of the burdens of 
 taxation ; declared that the war was over and a" United Brotiier- 
 hood of Freemen " was in demand ; demanded a free ballot and 
 fair count; a safe, sound and flexible National Currency, legal 
 tender, directly distributed, at a tax of not exceeding two per cent. ; 
 free and unlimited coinage of silver ; increase of the circulating 
 medium to ^50 per capita; postal savings banks ; that Govern- 
 ment own and operate the railroads, telegraphs, telephones and 
 postal system ; an eight hour law; denounced the Pinkerton 
 system ; alien and railway ownership of land ; favored rigid 
 civil service regulations; liberal pensions to soldiers; denounced 
 the two leading political parties as corrupt and not acting in the 
 interest of the masses. 
 
 The campaign was remarkable for its absence of excitement, 
 its freedoin from personal aspersion and the confidence entertained 
 by both sides till the very last. The Democrats had the prestige 
 of their victory of 1890 which involved the question of Free- 
 trade vs. Protection, and they repeated their arguments of that 
 year, giving emphasis, especially in the South, to their opposition 
 to the so-called " Force Bill." They had in their candidate a 
 powerful personalism, representative of the masses rather than the 
 leaders. The Republicans had an equally strong personalism in 
 President Harrison, and the advantage of a pure and able admin- 
 istration. They made the issue of protection, of a standard 
 dollar, and of opposition to a wildcat currency, a square one. 
 New York, Connecticut and New Jersey, as of old, were con- 
 ceded by both parties to be the battle-ground, though the 
 Democrats made coalitions with the Populists of the West and 
 Northwest, with the hope of diminishing the Harrison vote, 
 even though it did not directly augment that of Cleveland. The 
 result of the campaign was a surprise to both parties. The 
 quietude, not to say apathy, of the campaign led to a vote far 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 731 
 
 below expectation, yet one fraught with marvellous changes^ 
 The labor which had all along sought and insisted on protection 
 revolted against its employer. The Alliance, or Populist, vote 
 figured far beyond the anticipations of either party, and actually 
 carried several States. All the elements of discontent conspired 
 to diminish the Republican vote, and that in a way which was not 
 apparent on the surface, nor within the shrewdest calculation. 
 The defeat of the party in power was decisive ; far more so than 
 the victory of the party out of power. 
 
 The glory of victory on the national ticket was somewhat 
 dimmed by a reduced majority in the House of Representatives, 
 though the hope of a Democratic Senate, for the first time in 
 thirty years, served as a palliative. 
 
 FIFTY-SECOND CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met 
 Dec. 5, 1892. It was evident from the beginning that no serious 
 legislation was contemplated, except that designed to prepare the 
 way for the incoming administration, which would have a large 
 majority support in the House, with the probabilities of a Demo- 
 cratic majority in the Senate, * 
 
 The President's message was a full, forcible document, abound- 
 ing in contrasts of existing wealth and prosperity with those of 
 i860. It dealt in exact figures instead of generalizations, and 
 was evidently meant to stamp a situation so indelibly on the 
 minds of the people that any departure from it would be quickly 
 noticeable. It advised the Congress to which it was addressed 
 to throw the full responsibility of tariff revision, and all other 
 measures involved in the campaign, over on to the adminis- 
 tration which had been chosen to represent the latest wishes of 
 the people. It found our foreign relations satisfactory, showed 
 a favorable condition of the National Treasury, and of the de- 
 partments, recommended the abolition of the Sinking Fund, 
 the maintenance of the pension system, the restriction of im- 
 migration, and measures for securing fair elections. The 
 strength and boldness of the paper, in the face of recent defeat, 
 commended it to his party, and invited the criticism of the oppo- 
 sition. 
 
732 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 In view of what was soon to happen to the economic policy 
 and industrial and commercial condition of the country, this 
 last message of President Harrison became historically valuable 
 for the contrasts it afforded. Its opening paragraph ran : — " In 
 submitting my annual message to Congress, I have great satis- 
 faction in being able to say that the general conditions affecting 
 the commercial and industrial interests of the United States are 
 in the highest degree favorable, A comparison of the existing 
 conditions with those of the most favored period in the history 
 of the country will, I believe, show that so high a degree of 
 prosperity and so general a diffusion of the comforts of life were 
 never before enjoyed by our people." 
 
 In aid of the comparisons alluded to, the following figures 
 were shown : 
 
 Total Wealth of Country in i860 $16,159,616,000 
 
 " '• " " " 1890 62,610,000,000 
 
 A gain of 287 per cent. 
 
 Railroad Mileage in i860 30,626 miles 
 
 " " " 1690 167,471 " 
 
 Capital in Manufactures in 1880 1,233,000,000 
 
 " " " " 1890 2,900,735,000 
 
 Employees in 1880 1,301,000 
 
 " " 1890 . . .'. 2,251,000 
 
 Wages earned in 18S0 501,965,000 
 
 " " " 1890 1,222,000,000 
 
 Value of Products in 1880 2,712,000,000 
 
 " " " " 1890 4,860,000,000 
 
 After mention of the immense number of factories started in 
 1892, especially for the manufacture of new productions, the 
 message showed that the foreign trade had increased, for 1892, 
 ;^ 1 28,000,000 over the year 1891, or ^400,000,000 more than 
 the average for the ten years preceding. The coast-wise trade 
 showed a proportionate increase. 
 
 Deposits in Saving-funds in i860 $149,277,000 
 
 Number of Depositors " " 693,870 
 
 Deposits in Saving-funds in 1890 1,524,844,000 
 
 Number of Depositors " " 4,258,893 
 
 The rate of wages touched a point higher than was ever be- 
 fore reached in time of peace. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 733 
 
 Value of Farm Products in i860 $1,364,000,000 
 
 •« " " " "1891 4,500,000,000 
 
 The report of the Secretary of the Navy coming, as it did, at 
 a time when the pohcy of enlarging the Navy was expected to 
 yield substantial results, was looked for with interest. It was 
 not disappointing, for it showed an increase in tonnage, for four 
 years, from 69,000 to 169,000 tons; an increase in the number 
 •of first-class vessels from 3 to 19; and with enough in contem- 
 plation to raise the number to 42, thus giving to the United 
 States rank among the first naval powers of the world. Besides 
 this, the policy of navy enlargement had resulted in a home 
 ability to roll armor-plate and construct machinery and pro- 
 jectiles better than any other country. 
 
 The session opened in the desultory way incident to last 
 sessions of a Congress. All measures affecting the status of 
 parties, or of paramount importance, had been so fully relegated 
 to the new administration and the Fifty-third Congress by 
 President Harrison in his message and by the common consent 
 of legislators, as to leave little in hand outside of ordinary 
 routine. Yet, there were mutterings in the House, and various 
 pointers in the shape of bills to repeal the Sherman Silver Act 
 of 1890, which indicated the coming struggle over the silver 
 question. The silver men, advocates of the free coinage of 
 silver, were in impatient mood over the adjournment of the 
 International Silver Congress, which had long been in session 
 in Brussels, and which had adjourned, without having accom- 
 plished anything definite, on Dec. 17, 1882, to meet again in 
 May, 1893. This adjournment was regarded as final, unless 
 President Cleveland should again call the Congress together, an 
 event of which there was no likelihood. 
 
 In the Senate a source of excitement and tumult was found in 
 the attempt of the Democratic members to interest themselves 
 in the election of senators of their faith in Wyoming, Mon- 
 tana, Kansas, Nebraska, and wherever the results of the elec- 
 tions had left the political complexion of the State Legislatures 
 in doubt. This contention never rose much above the dignity 
 of a party squabble, in which all the advantage was with the 
 
734 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Democrats, who had but to look after their many secret alHances 
 and profit by Repubh'can demorahzation. 
 
 The session of the Senate did not progress far before heated 
 debate upon the silver question took form. As the time for his 
 inauguration drew near, President-elect Cleveland grew solic- 
 itous about the situation and urged his party to repeal the 
 Sherman Silver Act. This urgency took even the shape of a 
 threat that, if the obnoxious measure were not put out of the 
 way, a special session of Congress would have to be called for 
 the purpose. 
 
 But the utmost that could be accomplished was a denunciation 
 of the Sherman Act as a vain, if not dangerous, compromise, 
 and there was a total failure either to formulate a satisfactory 
 repeal bill or support it with any degree of unanimity. Such an 
 one as took shape was defeated by a decisive vote. Thus the 
 matter was forced over upon the incoming administration and 
 the succeeding Congress. The House made a similar disposi- 
 tion of the matter, and also of general tariff legislation. 
 
 The month of January, 1893, was eventful in the respect that 
 its death roll bore the names of such distinguished citizens as 
 General B. F. Butler, who died suddenly at Washington on Jan. 
 10; Ex-President Rutherford B. Hayes, who died at his home 
 in Spiegel Grove, Ohio, on Jan. 17 ; and James G. Blaine, who 
 died at Washington on Jan. 27. 
 
 The same month also witnessed a revolution in Hawaii which 
 deposed the reigning queen and resulted in a provisional 
 government, republican in form, and a seeker for annexation to 
 the United States. This was the active beginning of what after- 
 wards became the celebrated and troublesome Hawaiian ques- 
 tion. The new government sent its representatives to the 
 United States, as did the deposed government, and after a hear- 
 ing, President Harrison, Feb. 15, 1893, sent a message and 
 treaty to the Senate, looking to the annexation of the Hawaiian 
 group of islands. This treaty was not passed upon during Har- 
 rison's term, and was withdrawn by Mr. Cleveland shortly after 
 his inaufjuration. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 735 
 
 On Feb. 15, President-elect Cleveland announced in advance 
 his choice of Cabinet officers as follows : 
 
 Secretary of Stite ., Walter Q. Gresham, Ind. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury J'>lni ti. Carlisle, Ky. 
 
 Secretaiy of War Daniel S. Lamont, N. Y. 
 
 Postmaster-General Wilsi>n S. Bissell, N. Y. 
 
 The announcement of Mr. Greshani's name for the Secretary- 
 
 DANIEL S. LAMONT. 
 
 WILSON S. BISSELL. 
 
 ship of State confirmed a rumor many weeks old. It was re- 
 ceived with a -shake of the head by Democrats of the older school. 
 By others it was deemed a master-stroke on the part of Mr, 
 Cleveland, as serving to permanently estrange the Populist ele- 
 ment of the West from Republicanism and cement it indis- 
 solubly to the Democracy. Mr. Gresham had been tendered the 
 nomination for the Presidency by the Populists, but had de- 
 clined it. 
 
 Before his inauguration Mr. Cleveland also announced the 
 following members of his Cabinet : 
 
HOKE SMITH. 
 
 HILARY A. HERBERT. 
 
 RICIIXRD ULNLY 
 
 736 
 
 J. STERLING MORTON. 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 737 
 
 Secretary of Navy Hilary A. Herbert Ala 
 
 Secretary of Agriculture J. Sterling Morton, Neb 
 
 Secretary of Interior Hoke' Smith, Ga 
 
 Attorney-General Richard Olney, Mass. 
 
 The second session of the Fifty-second Congress adjourned 
 by hmitation on March 3, 1893. The great topics which had 
 engaged this Congress, as has ah-eady been learned, were those 
 of Tariff, Silver, anti-option and the reduction of appropriations. 
 Out. of all these questions practically nothing came. Among 
 the secondary questions were the appropriation to the Colunv 
 bian Exposition, Behring Sea Arbitration and Hawaiian Annexa- 
 tion; The sum of ^2,500,000 was voted to the Columbian Ex- 
 position, the Behring Sea matter was referred to arbitration, the 
 Hawaiian affair hung fire. As to the reduction of appropria- 
 tions, it proved to be a vain desire, for though much was saved 
 by sundry paring-down processes, it was more than overbalanced 
 by a generous output for that very comprehensive and vague 
 purpose of improving harbors and rivers. 
 
 xxvn. 
 
 CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 March 4, 1893— March 4, 1897. 
 
 Grover Cleveland, N. Y.. President ; Adlai E. Stevenson, 
 
 Vice-Prcside)it. 
 
 Congresses. Sessions. 
 
 f Extra Session, August 7, 1893— Nov. 3, 189^ 
 I n-iY-THiRD Congress j i>t Regular Session, December 4, 1893— 
 
 i- 2tl " " December 3, 1S94— March 4, 1895. 
 
 Fifty-fourth Congress-^ '' December 2, 1895— 
 
 I. 2, December 7, 1896 — March 4, 1897. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE FOR PRESIDENT, 1892. 
 
 Republican. Democrat. Populist. 
 
 States ^^^'^ °'" Votes. Harrison. Cleveland. Weaver. 
 173,901. 
 
 Alabama g n jj 
 
 Arkansas 6 g 8 
 
 California 7 9 1 8 
 
 Colorado ■?, a 
 
 Connecticut 4 6 5 
 
 Delaware i -j , 
 
 Florida 2 4 4 
 
 Georgia n 13 ,^ 
 
7,38 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Electoral Vote — Continued. 
 
 States. 
 
 Basis ot 
 173.901. 
 
 Idaho I 
 
 Illinois 22 
 
 Indiana 13 
 
 Iowa II 
 
 Kansas 8 
 
 Kentucky 11 
 
 Louisiana 6 
 
 Maine 4 
 
 Maryland 6 
 
 Massachusttis 13 
 
 Michigan 12 
 
 Minnesota 7 
 
 Mississippi 7 
 
 Missouri 15 
 
 Montana i 
 
 Nebraska 6 
 
 Nevada i 
 
 New Hampshire 2 
 
 New Jersey 8 
 
 New York 34 
 
 North Carolina 9 
 
 North Dakota i 
 
 Ohio. 21 
 
 Oregon 2 
 
 Pennsylvania 30 
 
 Rhode Island 2 
 
 South Carolina 7 
 
 South Dakota 2 
 
 Tennes-ee 10 
 
 Texas 13 
 
 Vermont 2 
 
 Virginia 10 
 
 Washington 2 
 
 West Virginia 4 
 
 Wisconsin 10 
 
 Wyoming . . •. i 
 
 Votes. 
 
 3 
 24 
 15 
 13 
 10 
 
 13 
 
 15 
 
 14 
 9 
 9 
 
 17 
 3 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 36 
 II 
 
 3 
 
 23 
 4 
 32 
 4 
 9 
 4 
 12 
 
 IS 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 12 
 
 3 
 
 Republican. 
 Harrison. 
 
 13 
 
 15 
 9 
 9 
 
 22 
 3 
 
 32 
 4 
 
 Democrat. 
 Cleveland. 
 
 24 
 IS 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 17 
 
 10 
 36 
 II 
 
 X 
 
 z 
 
 12 
 
 15 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 12 
 
 Populist. 
 Weaver. 
 
 10 
 
 Totals 356 444 144 277 23 
 
 The popular vote was — Cleveland, Democrat, 5,545,227; Harrison, Republican, 
 5,126,418; Weaver, Populist, 1,125,842; Bidwell, Prohibitionist, 262,386. 
 
 THE CABINET. 
 
 Secretary of State Walter Q. Gresham, 111. 
 
 Secretary of Treasury .... John G. Carlisle, Ky. 
 
 Secretary of War Daniel S. Lamont, N. Y. 
 
 Secretary of Navy Hilary A. Herbert, Ala. 
 
 Postmaster-General Wilson S. Bisstll, N. Y. 
 
 Secretary of Interior Hoke .Smith, Ga. 
 
 Secretary of .-Xgriculture J. Sterling Morton, Neb. 
 
 Attorney-General Richard Olney, Mass. 
 
 THE POLITICAL ^/r^.477av.— President Cleveland was 
 inaugurated for his second term on March 4, 1893, amid impos- 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 739 
 
 ing ceremonies. He was the only President who had ever been 
 re-elected after his retiracy from the high office. The popular 
 acclaim over his election was abundantly supplemented by that 
 of the inaugural occasion. It is doubtful whether any President 
 ever entered on his administration under more favorable auspices. 
 The hostility manifested in the convention which nominated him 
 had not survived the campaign. He had managed to retain that 
 almost idolatrous hold on certain elements of his own party 
 and on conservative Republicans which had served his fortunes 
 so well during his first candidacy. He had succeeded in defeat- 
 ing an opponent who was closing one of the purest, ablest and 
 most gratifying administrations in history. He had the satisfac- 
 tion of assisting in and witnessing that wonderful upheaval in 
 the Republican ranks which demolished all party traditions, 
 burst all the ties of fealty, changed the political complexion of 
 States, and set at naught the shrewdest forecasts of leaders. If 
 there were elements of the sudden and remarkable revolution 
 which dazed and even apalled far-sighted Democrats, there were 
 none just then apparent which did not enure to the glory of 
 Democratic victory and the humiliation of Republican defeat. 
 
 President Cleveland's inaugural was a terse, well-digested 
 effort. It opened with a warning against the conditions and 
 tendencies which menaced the integrity and usefulness of the 
 government; made an emphatic demand for sound money; 
 pronounced against goverment paternalism ; insisted on an 
 economic public service; proclaimed trusts to be unwholesome 
 and dangerous ; repeated his well-known views as to the necessity 
 for tariff reform ; and concluded by an expression of confidence 
 in the wisdom and judgment of the people. The inaugural was 
 well received by the public. Even those who differed with Mr. 
 Cleveland's views were not disposed to be severely critical 
 because those views had only met a measure of expectancy. 
 
 The choice of Mr. Cleveland's Cabinet showed a conscious- 
 ness of power which produced uneasiness among his former 
 advisers and the party leaders. It was not a geographic nor 
 diplomatic cabinet, such as it had been the custom to choose 
 so as to honor sections, harmonize elements, secure the highest 
 
740 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 types of political thought, and engage the widest recognized 
 ability. It was rather a personal cabinet, suited to the President's 
 own views and predilections. Perhaps it was none the less able 
 on this account, but it was less satisfying to that general judg- 
 msnt which former Presidents had found it a pleasure and duty 
 to regard in the make-up of their administrative family. 
 
 The Senate, which was convened in extra session for the pur- 
 pose of confirming nominations, organized in a very slow manner, 
 on account of the numerous contested seats, and the novel 
 principles of choice of members involved in the contests. After 
 its political complexion became clear, it showed 43 Democrats, 
 37 Republicans, 5 Populists, and 3 vacancies. It acted very 
 tardily on the President's nominations, but finally confirmed 
 those necessary to start the wheels of the new administration. 
 
 At the dawn of Mr. Cleveland's second term, partisanship was 
 at its lowest, ebb. Indeed it might have been better if such had 
 not been the case, for so many moorings had been lost during 
 the political storm of 1892, that tumult and uncertainty were to 
 some extent reflected over into the ranks of the victors. Yet 
 Mr. Cleveland stood at the head of the most exultant and hope- 
 ful political organization in the history of our country, when the 
 sun set on the day of his inauguration. It was in control of 
 every branch of the government for the first time in thirty-two 
 years. 
 
 This roseate and inspiring situation quickly changed its hue 
 and consistency. The recall from the Senate of the Hawaiian 
 treaty ; the sending of a special commissioner thither whose 
 report discredited that of a former minister, and was in turn 
 discredited ; the abrupt change of the long-established American 
 policy of annexation to one which annihilated the provisional 
 republican government of the islands and looked to the restora- 
 tion of a deposed heathen queen ; — tliese things served to shock 
 the national pride, awalcen mistrust and criticism, and intensify 
 the despondency which was settling deeply and fastly on the 
 country for industrial and commercial reasons. 
 
 THE COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION.— It had long been 
 practically agreed upon by two Continents to hold an Inter- 
 
742 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 national Exposition in the United States, in order to celebrate 
 the four hundreth anniversary of the discovery of America by 
 Columbus. Chicago was selected as the site of this Exposition. 
 The time was to be the year 1892. Plans were elaborated, 
 
 ADMINISTRATION BUILDING. 
 
 money was subscribed and appropriated, the largesse of the 
 government being $2,500,000, a series of suitable buildings were 
 erected, whose extent, architectural beauty and adaptation far 
 surpassed any ever before designed for a similar purpose. The 
 scale of structures and grounds, the magnitude, wealth and 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 743 
 
 elegance of exhibits, the grandeur and completeness of the 
 scheme carried astonishment to every beholder and won the 
 applause of the civilized world. 
 
 The Exposition was dedicated on the date corresponding 
 with that of the discovery, Oct. 21, 1892, by a series of fetes in 
 which two Continents joined. The formal opening was not to 
 be till the next year, owing to the incompleteness of the 
 structures. The exhibition proper would, therefore, become an 
 episode in the administration of President Cleveland. May i, 
 1893, witnessed the grandly formal opening of the Exposition in 
 the presence of the President and his Cabinet, dignitaries from 
 foreign nations, and a countless assemblage of private citizens. 
 It remained open throughout the summer, attracting a total of 
 nearly 30,000,000 visitors, and was officially closed on Oct. 31, 
 1893. Notwithstanding the business depression and financial 
 gloom which pervaded the country, this bold and unique enter- 
 prise proved to be a remarkable success in every way, and its 
 existence was a source of energy, profit, light and gladness 
 denied to other sections and enterprises by the prevailing condi- 
 tions. 
 
 THE CRISIS OF 1893.— As the magnitude and import of 
 the political revolution of 1892 began to be studied and realized, 
 a feeling of discontent and a sense of danger began to haunt the 
 commercial centres. There came a heavy drain of gold abroad. 
 The Treasury gold reserve of $100,000,000 was rapidly depleted. 
 Imports fell off, and the revenues from duties and internal taxes 
 no longer sufficed to meet the expenses of the government. 
 The Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Carlisle, whose record in the 
 House and Senate had been that of a free silver coinage m'an, 
 seemed to encourage the idea that a further issue of silver 
 certificates might become necessary in order to put the Govern- 
 ment in funds. At once a solid dread fell on banks and capi- 
 talists, lest the country should be plunged into a silver medium 
 and lose its basis of gold circulation and redemption. Credits 
 shrank so suddenly and ruinously that universal panic seemed 
 to impend. Banks closed their doors by the hundreds and with- 
 out respect to location. Corporations and firms went into 
 
Y44 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 bankruptcy by the thousand. Business demoralization became 
 well-nigh universal. 
 
 For lack of a better cause for such appalling results, one was 
 found, by a very large sentiment, in the existence of the Sherman 
 Silver Act of 1890. President Cleveland favored its repeal as a 
 means of relief. In this he liad less the candid support of his 
 own party than of the Republicans, though the latter took the 
 ground that the Act had proven harmless under the former 
 administration, and that the disease which afflicted the country 
 was due more to the then standing threat upon its industries 
 than to the Silver Act itself. 
 
 It was well known to the President that a large sentiment 
 existed in the South and West, in his own party and among the 
 Populists, in favor of the free and unlimited coinage of silver, 
 and in opposition to the repeal of the Sherman Act, provided 
 nothing more favorable could be substituted for it. Though 
 persuaded in his own mind that the existing deplorable condi- 
 tions were due to that Act and could only be remedied by its repeal, 
 though urged to call an extra session of Congress to get the 
 obnoxious measure out of the way, the President did not feel 
 that it would be safe to relegate so momentous a measure to the 
 newly chosen and untested membership of the Congress, till 
 the full effects of the crisis had been felt in every Congressional 
 district, and had served as an object lesson to teach the necessity 
 for party unanimity in favor of repeal. He delayed the call of 
 a special session, and this delay, while perhaps serving its purpose, 
 but intensified the general feeling of mistrust. The crisis grew 
 more alarming daily, and threatened more than ever to burst 
 into panic. Values shrank till the estimated shrinkage was 
 placed at figures in excess of the cost of the Civil War, credits 
 were suspended, and hoarding usurped the province of invest- 
 ment. 
 
 At length, June 30, 1893, the President called the Congress in 
 extra session, to meet August 7. Between the date of the call 
 and the meeting the crisis enlarged and took the shape of more 
 frequent failures of manufacturing firms, the closing of mills 
 and the turning forth of operatives. The currency crisis, grow- 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 745 
 
 ing out of the probable failure to preserve the country's credit 
 by redeeming every obligation m gold, was augmented in 
 seriousness by an industrial crisis, pi-ecipitated by the convic- 
 tion that such a change in the tariff laws as was in store for the 
 country under the new administration, would prove ruinous in 
 the extreme. Merchants ceased to give orders for goods, which 
 might in a few months be landed from abroad at reduced prices. 
 Manufacturers could not operate without orders, or if with 
 orders, then only on the basis of foreign pay for labor. Thus 
 the industrial crisis of 1893 became more far-reaching and 
 disastrous than that of the currency had been, because it touched 
 the vitals of all enterprise and stretched along every avenue of 
 investment down to the very hearthstones of labor. 
 
 FIFTY-THIRD CONGRESS, EXTRA SESSION.— ThQ 
 Congress met in extra session, Aug. 7, 1893, and received the 
 President's message. It was a brief, direct paper, which depre- 
 cated existing commercial and industrial conditions and limited 
 itself to the object of the call, viz., the repeal of the Silver Act 
 of 1890, using every argument thus far evoked by politicians 
 and business men in favor of such repeal. The paper gave 
 intense satisfaction to a majority of the Republicans who favored 
 repeal. It embittered the free silver coinage men of both parties. 
 As the majority of these were in the Democratic ranks, the 
 President ran great risk of disrupting his party and defeating 
 the object of his call, but he trusted largely to his personal and 
 administrative powers, to the value of the object lessons of the 
 preceding months, and to the necessity of party cohesion, to 
 sustain him in his course. 
 
 The House found itself largely Democratic, the division being, 
 after making allowance for vacancies and the doubtful, 221 
 Democrats, 125 Republicans, and 10 Populists. It organized 
 by re-electing Mr. Crisp, Ga., as its Speaker. It went at once 
 about the business of repeal of the Sherman Act. The attitude 
 of the Republicans, except those who belonged to the free 
 silverites, was not hostile, though they took advantage of the 
 occasion to make their belief known that the existing crisis 
 was due more to the threat on the industries of the country, 
 
746 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 found in Democratic ascendency, than to any silver legislation. 
 By Aug. 28 the House debates on the bill closed, and it was 
 passed by a vote of 240 to no. 
 
 The Senate took the repeal bill up in a leisurely way, and 
 debated it for two months. In this body the tactics of the 
 opponents of repeal were those of delay, which they carried out 
 by dilatory motions and interminably long speeches. A vote 
 was not reached until Oct. 30, when repeal was carried by 43 yeas 
 to 32 nays, both parties being divided. The object of the extra 
 session having been accomplished, it adjourned Nov. 3, 1893. 
 
 The country felt a sense of relief after the repeal of the 
 Sherman Act, But it very soon became manifest that the sub- 
 stantial results expected to flow from the repeal were not to be 
 realized. Banks felt easier and credit became bolder, but there 
 was now little use for money. Industrial enterprise was 
 paralyzed, and it became more and more so as the time approached 
 for the first regular meeting of the Fifty-third Congress, Dec. 4, 
 1893, and the conviction became fixed in the public mind that 
 the policy of protection, which had existed for over thirty years 
 and had found its broadest exemplification in the McKinley 
 Act, was to be attacked and overthrown. The approach of 
 winter served to introduce into the gloom of existing conditions 
 the elements of suffering and despair. The armies of idle work- 
 men in the cities and about the mining and manufacturing 
 centres became objects of charitable solicitude, and problems 
 of how to feed, clothe and warm them and their families 
 engaged the thoughts of and employed the means of philanthro- 
 pists all over the land. 
 
 The November elections of 1893 showed the extent of dis- 
 satisfaction and the dread of danger which pervaded the country. 
 They unfolded a revolution, less diffused, but more emphatic 
 than that of 1892. States that had gone Democratic in 1892 
 came back to their Republican moorings with the largest 
 majorities in their annals. Democratic States, as that of New 
 York, were carried by the Republicans and by majorities wliich 
 were in the nature of surprises to both parties. It was evident 
 that the country was in the midst of violent reaction, and that 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 747 
 
 the determination existed either to signally rebuke those who 
 were held responsible for prevailing conditions or to cut the 
 causes of prevailing conditions up by the roots with the axe of 
 public sentiment. 
 
 FIFTY-THIRD CONGRESS, FIRST REGULAR 
 SESSION. — This Congress met in first regular session on 
 Monday, Dec. 4, 1893. The President submitted a lengthy 
 message, with full reviews of the various Department reports, 
 but with brief and somewhat vague allusions to definite lines of 
 policy. He was firmest in his adhesion to the principle of tariff 
 reform, and broadest in his request that his party should respect 
 the verdict of 1892, and incorporate the pledges of its platform 
 into legislation. 
 
 Having been previously organized, the Congress was ready for 
 work from the start. The most important document it received 
 was the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, which was 
 withheld for an unprecedentedly long time. It gave official infor- 
 mation of the fact that the daily expenditures of the Govern- 
 ment were exceeding its receipts, and that the fiscal year would 
 show a deficit of ;^28,ooo,000. It contained many propositions, 
 and full discussion of the same, for overcoming the difficulty. 
 One of these was to issue bonds, under the act of 1875, but 
 while the act gave an undoubted right to the Secratary to issue 
 bonds for the purpose of maintaining the gold reserve, it was 
 doubted whether he could use the proceeds of said bonds to 
 pay current expenses. Another was a proposition to coin into 
 silver dollars the seigniorage in the Treasury, estimated to be 
 ;^50,ooo,000. These were expedients to tide the Treasury over 
 an emergency and until sufficient permanent revenues could be 
 derived from such Internal Revenue and Tariff bills as might 
 be framed. 
 
 The House Committee of Ways and Means, whose chairman 
 was Mr. Wilson, W. Va., had already largely formulated a 
 Tariff bill. After brief hearings of those interested, and some 
 modifications, it was reported to the House and discussed, under 
 close rules and with little opportunity for amendment, till its 
 passage. The bill had been framed on the principle of tariff for 
 
748 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 revenue as against that for protection. The free list, so much 
 enlarged under the McKinley Act, was more enlarged, wool, 
 coal, various ores, agricultural products, and numerous manu- 
 factures being made free, and the bounty on domestic sugar 
 being removed. There was a general shift from specific to ad 
 valorem duties. But as discussion of the bill proceeded, and 
 notwithstanding the able arguments of Republicans against it, it 
 was found that timidity was not a virtue of the bill. Day by 
 day it grew easier to make it more destructive of the protective 
 idea and more expressive of the free-trade tendency. It was 
 virtually ready for passage on its merits when the thought that 
 it would create a deficiency of duties, estimated by some as high 
 as $70,000,000 annually, sent a thrill of alarm along the line of 
 its advocates. It would jeopardize the principle of " tariff for 
 revenue only" if such legislation should result in so enormous a 
 deficit, or any deficit at all. 
 
 The impulse was to increase the internal revenue tax on 
 whiskey and beer, and impose a duty on sugar. But these 
 impositions would prove unpopular. There seemed to be noth- 
 ing left but to impose a tax on incomes sufficient to make up the 
 deficit. Therefore an Income Tax bill was framed, taxing all 
 incomes over ;g4000 a year two per cent. Those who had the 
 tariff bill in charge were at first fearful that it would be defeated 
 if the income measure was attached to it, but seeing the drift 
 of Southern and Western sentiment, they yielded, and the two 
 bills were blended. In this form it passed the House on Feb. 
 I, 1894, by a vote of 204 for to 140 against. The vote was almost 
 a strict party one, only seventeen Democrats having voted in the 
 negative with the Republicans, and four Republicans, of Popu- 
 listic turn, in the affirmative with the Democrats. 
 
 While the Wilson bill met the views and won the almost 
 undivided support of the Democratic majority in the House, it 
 was bitterly denounced by the Republicans as the boldest step 
 toward free-trade made since the celebrated Walker bill of 1846, 
 as a partisan bill framed in the interests of the South and con- 
 taining a blow at the wealth and industry of the North, and as 
 utterly ruinous to American prdsperity. It was speedily sent to 
 
PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 749 
 
 the Senate, where it was placed in the hands of a sub-committee 
 on Finance, composed of Senators Mills, of Texas ; Jones, of 
 Arkansas, and Vest, of Missouri, for supervision and report. 
 
 The Democratic majority in both Houses disposed very 
 promptly of the Federal Election laws by their repeal. This 
 action swept away all the legislation that existed for the purpose 
 of enforcing the provisions of the 15th amendment to the Con- 
 stitution and guarding the election of Congressmen. 
 
 Questions which haunted the early days of the session were 
 those relating to the President's policy respecting Hawaii, and 
 to the right of the Secretary of the Treasury to use the proceeds 
 of the sale of bonds for the current expenses of the Government. 
 The former was handled in a way to condone for the error of the 
 President without committing his party to a policy which popu- 
 lar sentiment had swiftly and almost unaminously denounced. 
 The question as to the use to be made of the proceeds from the 
 sale of bonds became a wide one, eliciting lengthy debate, and 
 demanding further legislation. 
 
 The depleted condition of the Treasury, the daily growing 
 deficit, the immediate need of money to carry on the operations 
 of the Government finally forced Secretary Carlisle to issue and 
 sell ;^50,000,000 of bonds. In the latter part of January, 1894, 
 he made it known to New York capitalists that the gold reserve 
 had fallen ^30.000,000 below the traditional and supposably 
 permanent and necessary reserve of ^100,000,000, and that 
 instead of the $28,000,000 deficit he had estimated in his Report 
 as likely to exist at the end of the fiscal year, it was more likely 
 to be ;g68,ooo,ooo. The capitalists came to the rescue of the 
 Secretary, subscribed for his $50,000,000 of bonds at 3 per cent 
 interest, and thus raised the gold reserve to above the 
 $100,000,000 standard, but with the question still open ,as to his 
 right' to again reduce it by using it for current expenses. This 
 was the first direct increase in the public debt since the policy 
 of gradually reducing it had been begun a generation before. 
 
 As another means of tiding the Treasury over its strait the 
 idea of coining the Treasury seigniorage became popular. A bill 
 for that purpose found its way into the House under the lead of 
 

 750 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Mr. Bland, and it was championed by all the free silver coinage 
 men, who saw in its passage a return of the opportunity they had 
 lost during the special session of the Congress. The estimated 
 value of this seigniorage was ^55,000,000, which, if coined into 
 silver dollars, would be so much gain to the Treasury. This 
 was Mr. Bland's theory respecting the bill. It was strenuously 
 opposed by the Republicans, and an able Democratic conti'ngent, 
 as sheer inflation, without a particle of security behind it, since 
 the value of silver bullion in the Treasury, against which 
 ^153,000,000 of silver certificates had been ah'eady issued, had 
 fallen from ^126,000,000 to ^97,000,000. Add the entire value 
 of the seigniorage (^55,000,000) to that ;^97 ,000,000, and the 
 sum would be still short of the ^153,000,000 of certificates 
 which were to be protected. 
 
 President Cleveland had not been fortunate thus far in some 
 of his important appointments. The Pension Office rulings 
 worked great hardships and had to be reversed. Mr. Van Alen, 
 appointed Minister to Italy, withdrew his name ; Mr. Hodge, 
 appointed Consul General to Amoy, was diplomatically dropped ; 
 Mr. Smythe, Mitiister to Haiti, was charged with interfering with 
 the affairs of the Island ; Mr. Hornblower was rejected by the 
 Senate as Judge of the Supreme Court, in place of Judge 
 Blatchford, deceased, as was also Mr. Peckham. The President 
 seemed to have entirely broken with his party in the Senate 
 over the question of a New Yorker as Judge Blatchford's suc- 
 cessor, and finally chose Edward D. White, of Louisiana, who 
 was confirmed.