. PROCEEDINGS 1» # Fir?stePRF?uaI Sinner? OF THE PROCEEDINGS FIRST ANNUAL DINNER REPUBLICAN CLUB CITY OF NKW YORK. y gelfe ai ^elmaniea'e &n tin* £cwcnhi-(r-u;litl) gUtttf« ttitv*f LINCOLN'S BIRTHDAY. PEBRUAftY 12, 1387, zd sJr &51 COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS. JAMES P. FOSTER, Chairman. JAMES S. LEHMAIBK. WALTER B. TUFTS. LUCIUS C. ASHLEY. ALEXANDER CALDWELL. P. J R.Ha-wley 2lJa'03 INVITED GUESTS AT THE DINNER. Hon. FRANK HISCOCK, TJ. S. Senator, New York. Hon. JOSEPH R. HAWLEY. U. S. Senator, Connecticut. Hon. NELSON A. ALDRICH, U. S. Senator, Rhode [slaml. Hon. BENJAMIN" HARRISON, V. S. Senator, In.liaim. Hon. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, Governor Ohio. Hon. RICHARD J. OGLESBY, Governor Illinois. Hon. P. C. LOUNSBFRY, Governor Connecticut. Hon. ALFRED E. COXE, Judge F. S. CircuM Court, N. Y Hon. HENRY CABOT LODGE. V. S. Rep., Mass. Hon. JAMES W. IIFSTED. Speaker Assembly. N. Y. Hon. II. R. W. HOYT, Speaker Assembly, Conn. Hon. A. B. CORNELL. Hon. CHARLES FOSTER. Hon. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW. Hon. GALFSIIA A. GROW. Hon. LEYI P. MORTON. Hon. NOAH DAYIS. Hon. WHITELAW REID. Hon. THOMAS 0. PLATT. Eon. DANIEL G. ROLLINS. Hon. STEWART L. WOODFORD. Hon. JAMES ARKELL. Hon. J. J. BELDEN. Hon. GEORGE W. DEASE. Hon. FRANCIS HENDRICKS. Hon. GEORGE II. SHARPE. Col. FRED. D. GRANT. Col. ('. W. MOHLTON. Col. (ARSON LAKE. CORNELIUS N. BLISS. Esq. JOHN A. SLEICHER, Esq. J<»NAS M. BUNDY, Esq. E. R. KENNEDY, Esq. WILLIAM II. WILLIAMS, Esq. 0. D. WARREN. Esq. r^>- -. vv © MU EMM I'M ^ RQUDUQ d A .©< '<£ Ke-Sevenly-Ei^hH * A r\r\i V ^r 5 bxy of i rttfcUy, •• tvuicRes. POTAGG$. Consomme Britania. Bisque aux crevettes. 50RS D'CEUYRG. Olives. Radis. 1 imbales i la diplomate. poison. Aiguillettes de bass a la Venitienne. Pommes dt- terre a la du<:hesse. RGLGYG. Filet de boeuf a la Bayonnaise. Tomates au gratin. encRees. Dinde a la Chevreuse. Pet its pois au beurre. Caisse de ris de veau a l'ltalienne. Haricots verts. Sorbet Regence. ROTI. Canard teie rouge. Salade de laitue. encRemecs mwh. Pouding a la Bagration. Gelee ft la prunelle Charlottte ft la parisienne. pieTO monTees. Glace Fantaisie varice. Fruits, Petits fours, Cafe. Le 13 Fevrier, 1887. Delmonico' I^BPUBDIGAN * (©LU3 If THE — . < fi = I s s 3 O S A A o « £ T3 "8 TJ 3 -i < M a ^ ^3 ,_, < s o a ( i h B "3 u o U «' u B J Efl X ?: •— i < X H y RAMES OS-' gps §md Sucsfcs Lincoln's ^irlRd&y, PebPuaPY 12bh, iS87. •S*^***?^- u z 4 M r * - James A. Blancbard Scth M. Milliken Wm. L. Findley Charles A. Hess E. C. Ripley John O. M"H Jacob I Willian David C Link James Hnrrison Thomas J. Rush E, P, Johnson William Frank ! M. C I N . Dyer A. C. CI 24 23 J. Aims Chamberlain 25 22 Edward Kilpatrick 26 21 C. Von Witzli .' rt Moeller H. M. Wynkoop R. E. Williams C. W. Moulton Henry Hall [erritt W. A. Haughton H.G. McMasht D. 11. Currie Charles Schwacoler : R, ! 'inckelmeier 4- G. W. W G. 11. Robinson 1. A A. R. John T. Plummet- John F. Plummer Thomas R. Clark CM. Apple 33 26 •>7 2S W. R W. W. Farmer F. N. s E. R. Kenn F. N. 1 George W. Ru a lfsli \V. H. W. W. While Ora llowai I C. R. Charles F. Homer Waller S. • Samuel Thomas c 21 I r 5 M r i C. M. Tainto* Frank Piatt Daniel ('. R (ohn A Joseph Pool William I.. Si 11. T. Mi Cor. V o. n. W W. A. I C. II. I II. W. X. L. I E. F. C i:. 1!. ( James W. Haves Dillon' John F. Levi M. Press ■ 24 25 26 -7 28 31 ,,, Price A. M. C. II. i 33 on J. M. Newton !■". II. Ammi nee Cyrus I St'w't i Wm. P. H Charles P. S II. R, Demil! -li Henrv .enter J. K. ( Jas. S. I.ehmaier Lucius C. S. P. Colt Theron G. Strong D. R. Morton Press hum aine W. A. I-hrtl F. A. Chas. II. J (1. 1'. E. L. i M. H. Bryant -' 5 26 -'7 2S ;o I' 1 45 Carson Lake lict C. W. Bonfils Robert L. Stanton Henry C. Sommers Waltei B. Tufts C. Hi Cromwell PlRogers M. L. White J. M. Du.in R. A. I. E. A. Perkins E. M. F. Miller John S. [ohn A. 7 Am ; Carre; ■fGeor 3 Ladi Walter Fdward T. Hartlett Alexander Caldwell 24 23 H. W. Albro Wm. II. Bellamy 25 22 James Mack Edward C. Lyon 26 21 Percival Kuhne Henry L. Sprague 27 20 David Mitchell Leroy B. Crane 23 '9 R. J. Lewis Harwood R, 29 IS Knight Clapp M. S. Isaaes 30 17 Theo. A. Wetmore B. F. Peixatto 31 16 D. B. St. John Roosa B. Hayden 32 15 W. J. Arkell J. R. Dougc 33 ■4 liernard Gillam M. M. Budlong " LI Jonas M. Bundy Frederick Littlefield n r J. J. Dishill R. Smith 3" lit. William Greenwood J. R. Trissidet 37 to Samuel Strauss Henry Stanton 33 9 Wm. Strauss Jesse II. Lip; 8 E. A. Judson Frederick G. Gedney 40 A. J. Cammeyer E. C. James •H J. S. Millspaugh Wm. Fairchild 42 5 Hal Bell W. H. liegeman 43 4 Ira B. Wheeler J. V. V. Olcott 44 3 R. W. Bonynge Wm. M. Is 45 1 James D. Sinclair W. M. K. Olcott 2> y A. flje .^puUlc(ar).6lula-®fib e oifv-of- r/ew-^/ep^, 2. s/ilaFarjarr)- Uirjcolr). 5, ^rf)e- Orrjpipe -©tale. ?t. •rr)<2.-I ( \epuk)lic *1- 91 5 Si suppLememsL 6 t>i cable. 7 €1 M - *0 8 W. D. Baldwin D. S. Kittle James W. Perry M. R. Crow p JO s •o S •■5 * .' Xj - plause.) President Foster: We have a number of letters of regret from various distinguished gentlemen, which Mr. .lames S. Lehmaier, of the committee, will read. (The letters were here read.*) President Foster: Now, gentlemen, we give you the first toast of the evening : " Abraham Lincoln." (The toast was drunk standing, while the band played "The Star-Spangled Banner.") To tins toast General Hawley will respond. Hi spoil st of Hon. Joseph R. Hawley. I am profoundly grateful for the cordiality of your greeting. Three days ago I received notice that this evening I was to address what I understood was the Young Glen's Republican Club of New York, and that I would be expected to say something concerning Abraham Lincoln. I have had no leisure hour since that time — no hour of entire peace and quiet, save those spent in sleep. It is not given to every man To have entire leisure for study, reflection and penman- ship- like our friend Depew (laughter), who doubt- less has a thoroughly-prepared speech. His lateness in arrival was certainly suspicious. (Laughter.) *Tlie letters are printed in lull, following the responses. Soe Post. 9 I thought it was a young men's Republican club, and it is ; for we are, a few of us, at this moment looking into the mirrors ; and a man is as old as h^ feels; a woman, perhaps, as old as she looks. We are feeling young to-night, and I had (thinking the invitation a compliment to my youth) many things in my mind to say concerning the pleasure that I feel in hearing of the organization of young men's Republi- can clubs in several of the New England States and elsewhere. It is getting to be a fashion with us in New England — in Rhode Island and in Connecticut especially— that the really young men, the boys of twenty-one, twenty-five, thirty and thirty-five, should organize young men's Republican clubs, taking up the glorious traditions that have come down to them from the history of the last twenty-five years, and preparing to make the future as true to whatever is noble and beautiful in the idea of the republic as the past twenty-five years have been. I was asked to say something concerning Lincoln. Well, sir, like all the rest of you, and like the rest of the world, I have been thinking of nothing but what was good of Abraham Lincoln. No, not all the rest of the world ; but like all of the Republicans. Wliy. it is only a very few years, it seems to me, since men spoke of him in the public prints, habitually, as a " guerilla" ; even sneering at him, after his glorious death, as the "late lamented" — that being the favorite phrase of a great metropolitan journal at one time ; and there were men who called him " uncouth," " coarse," " brutal," " ignorant," and " rail-splitter," in jest and not in honor. But all that has gone by now, and there is not in the civilized world a voice or a pen that does not place Abraham Lincoln among the foremost of the world's history {applause) — not one — and it has become the fashion, even among our friends, the enemy, to speak of him with respect. I have here Abraham Lincoln's biography, as written by himself, about thirty years ago, for Lar- man's Dictionary of Congress: "Born February 12, 180',)" — well, he would not lie the oldest of our dear old friends if he were with lis now — "in Harden County, Kentucky. Education, defective. Profes- sion, lawyer. Have been a captain of volunteers in the Black Hawk war."— What is a captain nowa- days; The distinguished man is a private !— " Post- 10 master at.a very small office. Four times a member of the Illinois Legislature" — New York men don't think much of that — " and was a member of the lower house of Congress. Yours, &c, Abraham Lincoln." Well, there has been an addition made to that biography since that time {applause). '•Education defective." I suppose that there are still people in the world who will say that Abraham Lincoln was defective in what is called culture. He had none of the advantages that the xiiJoh gives to men. There were no gatherings of intellectual, trained, travelled and experienced people to improve his manners or his language ; yet none since Socrates has spoken like him {applause); and there have been very few in all the world's history whom the common people heard more gladly. {Applause.) It is significantly recorded of the one great and divine Man that "the common people heard Him gladly." What was it, then, that made Abraham Lincoln one of the men who, in truth and justice, was of the very finest human culture known to mankind? Let the eminence to which he attained, the power he had over men, the almost divine sagacity with which he led them — let these things, then, be an encouragement to all men who believe in the possibility as well as the necessity of popular government in the coming ages of the world. {Applausi . I Abraham Lincoln had a profound faith in the people. Oh, if one of us says, nowadays, that you may in the end trust the people ; that it is a magnifi- cent jury; that if you have a good cause and will fight for it, and write for it, and talk for it, and preach for it, you may trust the great heart of the American people to act right finally, there are not lacking men all around Europe, and in considerable numbers in the United Slates, who put up their glasses, as I am obliged to do mine, and look at us with curiosity. {Laughter.) I am not going to read to you at length, but I have here in a delicate little volume, selected by the author of "The Man Without a Country "—which was a regiment, a brigade of itself — some extracts from what Abraham Lincoln said : '■ \\ uy should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any 1 tetter or equal hope in the world? In our present 11 difference is either party without faith of being in the right; If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on your side of the South, that truth and justice will surely prevail by the judgment of the great tribunal of the American people." Again: "There are among us those who, if the Union be preserved, will live to see it contain two hundred and fifty millions of population. The strug- gle of to-day is not altogether for to-day ; it is for the vast future also." Again: "No men living are more to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty; none less in- clined to take that which they have not honestly earned." {Applause.) Which I believe to be true. And in February, 1801 : "I cannot but know, what you all know, that, without a name" (as that biogra- phy shows). '• perhaps without a reason why 1 should have a name, there has fallen upon me a task such as did not rest even upon the Father of his Country; and, so feeling, 1 cannot but turn and look for that support without which it will be impossible to per- form that great task. I turn, then, and look to the •ireat American people, and to that God who has never forsaken them." I must necessarily speak somewhat disjointedly and from the impulse of the moment. My friend on my right, whom I asked for an idea, or a point, or a text, said: "Some people say that Abraham Lincoln would not be a Republican if he were here to-day." I wish I felt as sure of my own salvation, or of any- thing else in this world, as I do that Abraham Lincoln would be drifting along to-day with that indescribable and wonderful thing that people call •' the spirit of the age." He could not have been anything else. (Great applause!) We are Republicans to-day because we inherit the most magnificent body of tradition that ever was given to a party in the world. (Applause.) If I were to live forty years hence I would vote for the name. (Applause.) We reconstructed the founda- tions of the great Republican Government. We de- monstrated that whenever anything is to lie done by a whole people it can better be done by a free people than by any other people. I Applaust .) We demon- strated that all men can know more than any one 12 man ; which is the foundation of Republican govern- ment. {Applause.) We cleaned out and cleared out, erased and wiped out forever all distinctions, not. in race, not in knowledge, not in ability, but all distinc- tions between the rights of different classes and races of men. {Prolonged applause.) We have changed European history. We have changed the history of the world. For, had we failed, no man knows how far backward would have gone, or how many centuries would have been de- layed, the great Republican experiment. Are there any men in this country who love and worship — yea . worship — the flag as we do? To whom is it sacred, if not to us ? Are there any men in the country who so value the honor — financial, and in all things— of this country. {Cries : No. None.) From whom came these feelings {a voice: From the Republicans) but from the men who, during the war, whether in the ranks of the great armies of the re- public or in the equally courageous and far-sighted hall of the legislators of the republic, who dared to legislate, to trust the future, and to trust the people? Abraham Lincoln would have been with us to-day— not satisfied with everything, for I do not know any man who is satisfied with everything that has been done, and with everything that is — the man who is is a Bourbon; he has no hope for the future, and no purpose of improvement. Lincoln certainly could not have been a Democrat. Could he have been a Mug- wump? {Laughter and applause.) I have some de- lightful friends who proudly bear that name. I have no quarrels with them. They are gentlemen of culture, of education; they are patriots; they hope the best for their country. I divide them. There is the Mugwump who boasts of his departure from his old brethren simply upon a difference concerning one man. AY ell, that election has passed, and 1 do not see why he should have that difference now. In common cases he does not. He had a right to enter- tain that difference. My judgment of the facts was altogether different from his ; but I am looking to the rotes, and I will have no controversy with him about an election which was over two years ago, if he is right in the future — in Connecticut and elsewhere. {Laughter?) But the term "Mugwump" I have applied with a 13 larger range. There are men who are Mugwumps politically, intellectually, scientifically and re- ligiously. They are pessimists in the whole field of the world's thought and activity. They apparently believe in nothing. And while the great toiling mil- lions of the world must go along the dusty <>r the alternately muddy highway, doing the best they can to carry the burdens of their town, of their State, and of their country, to say nothing- of their families. there is a class of men who sit on the fences and leisurely laugh at us poor devils who wear the blue, and have go1 to get to Gettysburg or to Vicksburg by daylight. | Applause.) While we are not all religious men. yet we all pray once in four years, or oftener, for the flag and for the republic. I have no liking for a man who does not believe something ; and I feel a great hostility toward the man who would take away the belief of anybody without giving him something better in return. {Ap- plause. ) There is a distinguished disbeliever in the United States (but I do not come any nearer naming him) who came into the reading-room of the Riggs House one day. A distinguished gentleman (not of the Re- publican party, but, on the whole, a very good sort of a fellow), who was sitting there and enjoying his morning cigar, said to him : "Robert" — I beg your pardon, I will not name him {great laughter) — "do you see that man cross- ing the road \ " It was a slushy day on the asphalt streets of Wash- ington; he wore two crutches; lie was honorably en- titled to them ; and he was coming across very care- ' fully. Said he, " Robert, blank you." Said Robert : " What do you mean \ " "Why," said he, "you belong to the class of men that are kicking away that poor devil's crutches and giving him nothing else to help him through this world." And they are Mugwumps. {Laughter and a pplause. i I think this is the greatest country, the best coun- try, the most promising country, the leading country of the world ; the nearest perfect in its constitution, in its laws, in its hopes, and in its ambitions; and alto- gether and in every way the best nation that ever lived on the face of the earth. {Applause.) I think 14 it has got the best history to boast of. I think that if you begin with AVashington, come down to Adams and Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Adams, Jackson, Van Buren, Harrison, Tyler, and Polk even, and old Zach and Filmore, and even Buchanan, to Lincoln and Johnson, and all of them to this day, we can challenge any other nation in all the world to compare the rulers of a hundred years with us. (Ap- plause.) There is no nation, I think, in all the world that has had a country so free from great revolutionary and fundamental changes as ours has been; although the philosophers make as a favorite objection to a democratic form of government that it is subject to violent revolutions and unreasonable changes. It is the Republican party — the Republican party under whatever name it may be, whatever changes it may undergo, and whatever possible changes of name it may have (although I do not see why anybody should throw away the good will of the name) — it is the Re- publican party of the republic that carries the Ark of the Covenant as the instinct of the future — a belief in liberty, justice and equality — and the blessed flag that symibolizes all. (Great applause and three cheers for Senator Hawley.) President Foster : I give you the important toast of the evening, " The Empire State," and I take pleasure in introducing Mr. Hiscock. « .Response of Hon . Front; His cod'. In responding to the toast, "The Empire State," 1 will not speak of her past history, nor glorify the present wealth, education, and prosperity of her people and her proud and commanding position in tlie nation. To-night we need not review the past or dwell upon the present for inspiration to the work before us as Republicans. You have organized for the achievement, through the Republican party of the State and the nation, of a still higher degree of pros- perity for the people. (Applause.) You know the mission for the party is not ended, hut with all those great measures for which she has contended in the past, established by the Constitution and statutory laws, she will not be content to hold the present, but 15 will continually struggle to settle, in the interest of the country, those great political issues that must of necessity constantly arise in the administration of a government of nearly sixty millions of people. Thank Heaven, gentlemen, our State demands of us, as the indispensable condition of her confidence, a progres- sive policy. {Applause.) We of New York are a nation of merchants, me- chanics, and farmers— laborers and producers — and by labor we transmute all baser metals and products into gold. We believe in material wealth, and do not subscribe to that most vicious of dogmas, that wealth is an evil and the cause of depravity, vice, and crime. And, as labor is the basis — the creator of wealth, we honor and will protect and foster it with that security and those rewards which will most equally distribute the product to the producer, thus carrying to all occupations, callings, conditions, and communi- ties, food, clothing, education, intellectual and moral development. (Applause.) All this comes from ma- terial prosperity. I have named gold. The people of New York have no prejudice against that metal, and here we can hold the position of honesty as be- tween debtor and creditor. We are not debauched with a vicious doctrine of advancing values — inflation of prices is better — by debasing our currency. We are not so particular as to the kind of currency we have, or how many of them, but we will insist that their unit value shall equal that of the money of the highest civilization, and of the most prosperous trad- ing nations of the world, that abroad it shall not be the subject of discount, and at home its purchasing power shall be unimpaired. (Applause.) As our flag is the equal of any other flag that floats, and our country as prosperous, so must our money be as honest and as representative of value as that of other first-class powers. {Loud applause.) I congratulate the Republican party of New York that, much as we value foreign trade and commerce, we will never consent to a financial policy that will force the most precious of metals from the country to pay balances abroad, but insist that it must be kept here to add to our own currency. When exported, it is certain that labor is not producing here the equivalent of what we consume, and improvidently we are encroaching upon our capital, and while we 16 will have commerce, ii mus1 not and need not be at thai cost. {Applause.) Yes; commerce we must have, and the Government must help us to it. Other wise and prosperous governments aid their merchants to a foreign com- merce, and why should not ours? {Applause.) Already i here may be produced here t hose waves in demand elsewhere, and at a competitive cost. Trans- portation in American ships only is wanted, and the Republican party is in favor of Government aid, and 1 believe all other parties, for that matter, here in New York. I have said Ihe people of this State are rich. We have grown so by respectable economy and enterprise, not by miserly parsimony. We do not believe in that, and we will not practice it. {Applause.) Our Treasury is full. And I deny thai taxation here is a burden upon the people. Exclusive of the taxes collected from tobacco, beer, sugars, and luxuries of wealth, the Government raises not to exceed forty millions of dollars, from what may be characterized as the necessities, conveniences and comforts of life— from those articles that enter into daily use with all classes of people- the jtoor and the rich alike. This trifling amount is all there is of it. Trifling, I have properly characterized it, when we understand that it is paid by nearly sixty millions of people, and levied upon the vast resources and wealth of the country, with an annual product of more than six thousand millions of dollars. {Ap>plause.) I say, place our ships upon the seas; let the general Government foster our merchant marine so that lines of transportation shall be established with all the ports of the world where they will buy or have goods io sell, and put an end to the necessity of transport- ing our products in foreign bottoms. Build a navy to defend our commerce, and command respect for our nationality and flag wherever we trade and it floats. Fortify our coasts and our ports, and no longer permit them to remain an easy prey to the weak, and the contempt of the world. \ Loud op- plausi .1 So maintain our navy, and our coasl defences as to command respect abroad. I believe that the people are in favor of this, and that the Republican party 17 has made no mistake in contending for it. {Ap plause). The money it Avill cost for labor and material will be paid to our own people, and will remain here in the country. The industries will !»• stimulated, our products increased, our \ pie will be employed, and a better market afforded to that great foundation industry of our country — agriculture. Mr. President, upon these issues that 1 have suggested the Republican party has already taken its position. They are to be fought out, and we are to win. Then there will be accomplished in the future for the Empire State progress as rapid and glorious as that whiehhas already marked her history. {Long applause.) President Foster: We now come to our nexl toasl —"The Republican Party." "We glory in its achievements in advancing the prosperity, dignity ami importance <>i the nation, and its fidelity to Hi" principles upon winch the [JnioD is founded. The vitality, strength, and spiril of the party to-day are an assurance of the further high aim distinguished services it is destined to render in Ha- cause ol gi iod government." To which Governor Foraker, of Ohio, will respond. Responst of Governor Foraker. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: I want to com- mence by thanking the committee having this occa sion in charge for the kind complimenl of their invitation to attend it. And I want to proceed by thanking them again for the still kinder complimenl of an invitation to respond to the toast thai has just been proposed. To be accounted worthy by such men to speak, in such a presence, at such a time, to such a subject, is an honor indeed. I would nol he insen- sible to it if I could, and I could not !»• so if 1 would. {Applause.) [ assure you, therefore, that 1 have for it all a high— but no more, 1 trust, than a just and proper— appreciation. And now, having said that much. I want to go on and say thai, notwithstanding all I have indicated, I undertake the discharge of ihe duty that has been so kindly laid upon me. laboring under the highest degree of embarrassment. It is embarrassment, however, not to think of something to say, but only to determine to what very little of 2 IS the very much that ought to be^said I shall give the preference. The trouble is that when one comes to speak of the Republican party there rises before the mind and presses upon the attention all that is good and great, and grand and illustrious in the last thirty years of American history. {Applause.) And I might say, without any exaggeration, all of that character that has transpired in American politics since the adoption of the Federal Constitution. For the simple truth is that, with the possible exception of the questions growing out of and attendant upon the war of 1812 with Great Britain, there was not, from the beginning of our Government down to the organization of the Republican party, any kind of a political triumph for which the party achieving it has any claim whatever upon either The gratitude or the admiration of man- kind. {Applause.) During all this period political disputes and elec- tions had reference to purely administrative and business questions. They related to the tariff, inter- nal improvements, public lands, and questions of like character— all of them important and practical enough to excite interest and command attention ; but what 1 mean to indicate is that there was no great moral principle involved, neither was there any party line yel established based on any kind of constitutional struction of governmental power. In other words, the day of heroic questions in American politics had not yet come. I do not mean to say there was no agitation or dis- cussion during this period about slavery, nor that the Democratic doctrine of State sovereignty was yet un- known, but only that party lines were not yet drawn with reference to these issues, and that there were no political contests and no party triumphs on these accounts. And what is still more to the purpose is the fact that the political successes that were achieved settled nothing, even as to the questions to which they did relate. The consequence was that we had no ti\> j d American policy about anything: we were neither for free trade nor for protection, but first for the one and then for the other ; and if we at one time favored internal improvements, we shortly changed our mind, abandoned the work and sold the tools with which it had been prosecuted, at public auction, to the 19 highest bidder. The result was, thnt notwithstanding a remarkable growth of population and immigration, and notwithstanding we had all the physical condi- tions that favored the highest degree of prosperity and development, yet we continually languished in all that makes a nation strong at home and respected abroad . Our revenues were insufficient to meet the ordinary expenses of the Government. We were compelled to go into the market to borrow to make the ends meet, and when we undertook to do that, we discovered that we were practically without credit. We could not borrow except with the greatest difficulty, and at the most ruinous rates of discount. Such was the deplorable condition to which we had been brought by the boasted seventy years of Democratic rule that preceded 'the war. {Applause.) The trouble was that from the beginning we had been hampered by slavery. In itself a great wrong, it contaminated everything with which it came in contact. It blunted the moral sensibilities of the whole people, and dwarfed and destroyed the business sense of those who had charge of our public affairs. Founded as it was on a denial of personal liberty, it sought to go further and suppress free speech, not only at home, but throughout the Union. It refused to be content with less than legal recognition and protection in all the States and Territories. To this end it gave its the Mood of Kansas, the Dred Scott decision, the fugitive slave law and the doctrine of secession, the legitimate product of the resolutions of 1798. In the light of the present, it seems incredible that an intelligent and self-respecting people should have so long tolerated so much impudence, iniquity and humiliation . {Applause.) But at hist the end came. In 1852 the Whig party died, and the way was cleared for a new party and better issues. Unman rights had at last attracted attention, and the battle was on between slavery and freedom, a con- flict that was intensified to the highest degree because it was wrapped up in that great vital question of our governmental right to perpetuate our governmental existence. (Applause.) The lines were quickly and sharply drawn, and for 20 the first time in American politics it meant something, both morally and patriotically, to be on the one side or the other. Thus it was the Republican party had its birth. It was the conscientious outburst of an in- spiration of human liberty. {Applause.) It was the response to a patriotic demand for national integrity. {Applause.) It was also the people's indignant pro- test against the stupid imbecility that had wasted our revenues, neglected our development, degraded our laborand destroyed our credit. {Applause.) It came into power pledged to the preservation of the Union, a limitation of the aggressions of slavery, and the application of sound business sense to the adminis- tration of public affairs. But it came to find the Government practically overthrown, the Union sub- stantially dissolved, and the Constitution and laws openly defied in one-half of the country. I cannot dwell upon what followed. Fortunately, it is not necessary I should do so, for it constitutes The most familiar chapter of American history. It is sufficient to say that when this party found itself confronted with the dread alternative of war or a dissolution of the Union, it did not hesitate for one moment to do its duty {applause), but, although without army or navy, without money or credit, it fearlessly flung the flag to the breeze, and confidently appealed to the patriotism of the people and the re- sources of the nation. {Applause.) 11 was not dis- appointed in either. Its call for troops was answered by the grandest army that was ever marshalled on this or any either continent. {Applause.) It put more than a million men into the field, and main- tained them there until, in more than three hundred bloody battles of the Republic, they shot to everlast- ing death the heresy of secession and the infamy of rebellion. {Ringing applause.) To carry on this stupendous work it raised and expended more than six thousand millions of dollars, and accounted for it all. to the last dollar, with such scrupulous honesty and fidelity as to stamp its civil service as the most intelligent, honest and capable that any government has ever enjoyed since civiliza- tion began. ( Applause. \ It struck the shackles from four millions of colored people and lifted them up out of the degradation of human bondage into the sunlight of human liberty 21 i applauSi ) ; and not content with that, it went further .■mil planted the whole race on the same plane of equality with ourselves in the presence of the'Consti- tution and the laws. {Applause.) And while it was doing this for the colored man. it was doing something for the white man also. It made it honorable for him to labor and to eat his bread in the sweat of his own face. It never had been so before. It enacted homestead laws, endowed and established agricultural colleges, provided a-sound financial system, secured diversity of employment, domestic commerce, and an unexam- pled prosperity for the whole country, by the adop- tion and maintenance of that wise and patriotic policy of protecting American industries and American labor. {Applause.) Behold the results ! When we came into power our aggregate wealth was lint $16,000,000,000. When we went out of power it was nearly $50,000,000,000. {Applause.) In 1860 our Government was everywhere regarded as only an experiment. In 18*4 it was everywhere regarded as one of the freest and strongest ever established by man. {Applause.) In 1860 we were a nation of sections at fatal war with each other as to certain questions of a radical and vital character. We had an irreconcilable conflict about slavery, and were hopelessly divided as to the very theory and form of our Government. We could not agree even as to who had made our organic law — the States or the people — much less as to its construction. But when the Republican party went out of power every such question had been settled {applause), and so thor- oughly and satisfactorily settled tlrat all parties accept the results as finalties. ( Applaust . I The South, whom we were compelled to whip back into the Union, call themselves a " New South " to escape the odium that attached to the old, and thank us with profuseness because we did whip them <<>/'- plause); and especially because we destroyed the institution of slavery. And as it is at the South with respect to the results of the war, so, too, is it throughout the whole country as to every measure of national importance adopted by the Republican party while in power. For each and every one there is only the most unqualified approba- 00 fcion in the hearts and at the hands of all classes of people. N"o matter whether one be a Democrat or a Repub- lican, he a1 Least enthusiastically professes himself to be in favor of the Union and the Constitution as it is —just as the Republican party made it. i Applause. I To such an extent is this true that, as all know, the present Democratic administration at Washington sticceeded to power only because it first succeeded in satisfy in-- enough of the people of the country to put it there that it had no principles or purposes of its own. and that it would content itself with a faithful adherence to ours. [Laughter and cheers?) And it is only the simple truth to say that it has the confidence of the country only to the extent that it has disowned Democracy and adopted Repub- licanism. ( Applause.) And thus it is that in the hour of defeat the Re- publican party has won another splendid victory by the enforced approbation and adoption of its work at the hands of its enemy. This is a matter of no small significance. It makes secure for all time to come the grand works that have been accomplished. If the Republican party should do nothing more, it has done that which will cause it to be accounted a great honor in all time to come to have been one of even its humblest members. {Ap- plause.) But it will do more — its mission is not yet ended. The party that saved the Union — preserved and perfected the Constitution — emancipated and en- franchised the slave — developed our resources, ele- vated and dignified our labor, aud restored our financial credit \\ as not born to die so soon. (CJiet rs.) The party of Lincoln and Grant and Garfield cannot be counted out of existence as it has been counted out of power w/ i>i>lt( a s< i ; on the contrary, the defeat it has sustained has bul purified its membership, closed up its ranks and strengthened its purpose. I Applause.) Inspired by the illustrious deeds of the past, and appreciating the duties and opportunities of the pre- sent, ir is going forward with resistless sweep to the new contests and new conquests of the future. Great problems concern the American people. What shall be the solution of the labor question, of the liquor question, of the silver question, of the Chinese ques- 23 tion, of the Canadian fisheries question, and' of the all-important question of reform in our municipal governments? The Republican party must answer. Let it answer in the future as ever in the past. Lei it be guided by morality and patriotism, and then ii can go forward with fearless aggressiveness to the sure accomplishment of an acceptable work. (Ap- plauS( . I To these ends it must, however, have a bold, fear- less, unflinching and positive leadership. (Applause, - It must be distinctly understood that we favor a five ballot and a fair count, and that we are not afraid to say so. (Applause.) It must be proclaimed with equal emphasis that we favor a protective tariff for the .sake of protection- (Applause.) In short, it must be made plain that we think more of the United States of America than we do of Great Britain or any other power, and that we intend to develop our resources and multiply our industries, enlarge our navy and fortify our sea-coasts until we are independent of every other nation on the face of the earth, and able to defend ourselves against all the world, I Applaust . \ Republicanism never gained anything in the past by mincing words and compromising attitudes, and it ■ never will gain anything that way in the future. We are too old, have had too much experience, fought too many fights and stand charged with too many grave responsibilities to waste time listening to impractic- able teachings about theoretical-isms. Let the long- haired men and the short-haired women go to tin- rear while the lines move on to victory (applaust i; and as we go forward let every man defiantly rejoice that he belongs to a party which to-day, as in the past, represents the loftiest purposes and the noblest ambitions and aspirations of the American people. (Great applause, waving of napkins, and cheering.) President Foster — Your committee had believed that American shipping would have been ah appro- priate toast, but after we investigated the subject we found there was hardly any shipping to talk about, and so we have concluded not to have it introduced to-night. (Laughter ami applause.) i.l voice: Wait unlit the Republican V arty gets into power.) 24 We will, then, pass to the nexl toast — "The Reform of the Party within the Party." (.1 voice: W( don't need any.) [Laughter.) And we will hear from a hero of a magnificent political contest. Senator Harrison. (C7iet rs.) Responst of Senator Harrison. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Repub- lican Club of New York City: Some bright member here has made my speech for me. There lias been some strange incongruity in the places of these toasts to-night. [A voice: We err inexperi- enced.) It is not a pleasant assignment to follow the magnificent speech in behalf of the Republican party — detailing its achievements, bringing to our re- collection the brilliant pathway in which it has walked— with a suggestion that there is to be some reform within it. 1 suppose the suggestion is hypo- thetical in its character. It was meant to bring to our attention to-night a suggestion that when the Republican party needs reforming we ^\ill do it our- selves. {Applause.) (A voic< : Awl />■< won't have tin' Mugwumps.) It is a question that we have not debated in Indiana. [Laughter r. better still, take her into fresh water and those impediments will dropoff of themselves (applause), and the good old ship will yet show her heels again to the pirates that arc pursuing her. (Applause.) The man who thanks God that he is not as other men are has lost the power of persuasion. (Applause.) He can't draw. And, therefore, it is that the reform of the Republican party must come from men who believe in it. (Cries of "Good/") Who believe in its history, who believe in its power of growth and development, to throw off— not by the lopping of the axe. but by the inherent power of vital growth — everything that may attach itself to it that is unseemly or unsightly. (Cries of "Good!") The man who would succeed inlife must put lus shoulder under the load and not reach down his dainty and hesitating fingers toward the load, as some Republicans seem to have thought was the right policy in these latter years. The great body of the Republican party has always believed in pure methods and in pure men. (Applause.) It only needs, everywhere, that its primaries shall be open to all its voters. It only needs thai every Republican in those foundations of political influence and action shall be free to bring to bear upon its policies and upon its nominations an individual influence. ("Good." i I do not know whether there are here, or in any of ihe Eastern States, any restraints or limitations upon this freedom. I do know with us in the West the Republican primaries are free and open to every man who can prove his fidelity to the party by his work at the polls. (Applause.) The influences that formed the Republican party were eclectic in their nature. The call that brought them together was a call to sac- rifice and not to spoils, and ever since, that has been the dominating power in the Republican party. The springs from which it drew its inspirations were found in the high hills of truth and duty. (Applause.) Who formed it? Will some man name its architect? You may call to-night the roll of its first Convention, but they were delegates who assembled there, and its platform was first written in the hearts of the people before it was reported to the Convention. The men of '56 and their worthy sons constitute the party to- day. (Applause, i I do not hesitate to say that the conscience — the patriotism — of this country is in the Republican party. (Applause.) It never responds 26 with more alacrity, or with more magnificent force, than when some moral issue challenges its allegiance and its actions. {Applause.) It has been a party of progress. It has pioneered just as the settlers from these Eastern States in the earlier times cut out their pathways for emigration through the wilderness of the West ; so has the Re- publican party, by its gr%at leaders and its great fol- lowing, marked out new paths in statesmanship and brought after them liberty and peace and an amazing prosperity. ( Applause.) The Democratic party has been a party of obstruc- tion. It has seemed to me that it was the boulder in this great stream of progress and prosperity which has been bearing us on — resisting, fretting, complain- ing and making progress itself only as it was borne along by the current that it resisted, i Applause.) I have seen sometimes, upon a hot summer's day, on one of our dusty turnpikes in Indiana, a remarkable equipage, a poor lean horse with shuck collar and rope lines, dragging a creaking vehicle, whose wheels followed each other in this fashion (illustrating a zig- zag style), with a, sallow, sad-faced man in the wagon, and a more sallow and more sad-faced woman walk- ing behind {laughti /'). and a yellow dog trotting along beneath, and as I have noticed that equipage dragging its weary, dusty way along upon the turnpike that had been made for it, amid cultivated fields, dotted with school houses and with church spires, denoting and pointing the faith of the people who had the courage to open and settle the country — as I have seen it drawing its weary way along, I have said to my- self: "Here comes the Democratic party!" {Pro- longed laughter and applause.) I think these reforms must begin and progress and end within the party, because I do not know of any political organization outside of it that has any refor- mative power lo spare. (Mare laughter and ap- plause.) Certainly not the Democratic party. I know that our Mugwump friends think that they have a great deal of surplus reformative energy, but the trouble with those people is that they have put them- selves up on the shelf like some dried cakes of Fleisehiuan's compressed yeast, and they can have no power upon the mass that they should leaven, because i hey have ceased to have contact with, it. {Laughter and applause.) 27 I unite in the invitation, so gracefully extented to them by ray brother Hawley, to come back, to put the leaven in the lump, and let us have the benefit of it, but to abandon this silly notion that these dried cakes on the shelf can work the reform of the Republican party. {Applause.) And so it is. We will do our own work, like the vital force. The Republican party is opening its primaries, making free the sources of power and influence within it, and asking that where there lias been a free and fair expression in Convention that every man will give his allegiance and his support to the work which the Convention does. {Applause.) President Foster — I give you as the gentleman who will respond to the next toast — " Young Men in Poli- tics"— one who has never yet had more than he can do — the 1 Eonorable Cha uncey M . Depew . (Chet rs . i Response of Hon. Ck*>" ncey M. Depew. I am glad these toasts are beginning to assume some relation to the gentlemen who are to respond to them. When Senator Hawley, whose sentiment was "Lincoln," started off with mine of "The Young Men in Politics," and Senator Hiscock took up Governor Foraker's subject, "The Republican Party," and Foraker started out on Hiscock' s domain, "The Em- pire State," I began to think the honored guests had been exchanging speeches, and became alarmed about my own. (Laughter.) Governor Hawley eloquently remarked that it was the greatest of distinctions to be a private when everybody was a titled officer. Then I am the most distinguished man upon this platform, for all the other gentlemen but myself are Governors, Senators or generals. {Laughter. ) I have found during the evening that conversation was im- possible, because, if I began a question "Governor," the answer came in chorus from the dozen of them about me. (Laughter. ) I was recently in a Southern city and the landlord said to me: Colonel Depew, if you desire recognition in this town and to bridge over the bloody chasm, always remember that every citizen is either a general or a judge. (Laughter.) The youthful vigor of the Republican party was 1'S never better shown than in the vigorous ami mag- ueiie eloquence which has electrified us to-night. {Applause.) \\ lias been worthy of the most heroic period and most inspiring achievements of the grand old [tarty. It is impossible for me to voice the en- couragement and hope which comes to us whose lor is cast in a district when' the enemy beat us nine times and con 11 1 us out the tenth, when we listen to the aggressive eloquence from you gentlemen of the Wes 1 . who win nine times, and the tenth get there just the same. ((,'/■( ill hi ui/Iifi r and applaiiSi .) It has always been the custom in companies of veteran politicians to call upon " callow youth," with ii^ want of opportunity and experience, in speak for the young men in politics. {Laughter.) In this instance and upon this line the selection has been well made. [More laughter .) I see about me gentle- men who were famous tw. nty-five years ago, and the time required prior to that to reach their then high positions no man living remembers. I have always found that when a life-lone officeholder loses the con- fidence of his constituency or exhausts the patience or generosity of the appointing power he immediately violently projects to the front the bald and frosted pate (/hi/;////, /■) and calls upon the young men of the State to rally for the reform of the partj . ( 5< //•• wed laughU r a ml applaus< . i AVhai is age? What is youth? They are purely relative terms. It is not a question of years, but of grip. The college professor of forty who despairs of the party and votes with the enemy is fifty years older than Hannibal Hamlin at eighty, who dispenses with an overcoat. The hot and turbulent blood of early manhood forces the pace so rapidly that it is necessary to put on the brakes, but when middle life is passed, the man who resists most successfully the waste of declining years, the indolence which comes come- from comfortable positions, the temptations for ease and for pleasure, and who. with all his powers, keeps himself vigorously, actively and indus- triously alert and abreasl with the living issues, questions and controversies of the day. carries with him longest the bloom and the efflorescence of youth, i Applaust .) The two men who are the most important factors in the destinies of peoples and in the politics of nations 29 are Bismarck at seventy-four and Gladstone at seventy-six. There are crises in the history of every great people when conservatism is a convertible name for treason, when the lines of old party associations and affilia- tions are the boundaries of the dungeon, and when fidelity to ancient principles and precedents creates tin- conditions of an inquisitorial torture which Leads to certain death. Twice only in the history of this people have these conditions existed, and each time they have led to a union of the young men of the country and to the projection into the foremost ranks of politics and of statesmanship of the young men of the nation — namely, in the Revolutionary party of '76 and the Republican party of '56. {Applause.) The one struck out first for republican government and then for independence and nationality. The other struck first for the union of the States, and then for the union of the States only upon the basis of univer- sal liberty and the equality of all men before the law. i Applause, i If the nation would remain* free, its young men must be the most important factors in its politics and its parties. They alone possess the element which over- turns rings and upsets combinations and all other artificial creations for the suppression of popular sen- timent. They alone possess thai quality, so necessary at times, where audacity leads caution and imagina- tion and enthusiasm command judgment. The daj that marks such a distaste for politics and public life, such a disappearance of activity in the affairs of the State and of the Government, as w ill make it bad form and unpopular for young men to lie active, will mark the decadence, to lie followed by the overthrow, of the liberties of the country. {Cheers.) Tens of thousands of young men stand every year upon the threshold of manhood and must make their choice of the parties with which they shall cast their lot and activities. The elements which win them are the traditions and inspirations of the past and the promise of the future. The Democratic party presents nothing in the pasl thirty years of its existence to inspire the imagina- tion, to appeal to the enthusiasm, or to warm the patriotism of youth. {Applause.) The ingenuous young voter looks back among the public men of that 30 organization to find that, while they were able states- men, the conditions of their position, the necessities of their organization, the frightful results of their affiliations, compelled them to be eternally the drags upon The wheels of progress and the hindrance in the development of the prosperity and the moral in- fluences of the country. {Applause.) They must necessarily seek to thwart and defeat the party of progress, and so they were always years behind the sentiments, the needs and the aspirations of the peo- ple. {Loud applause.) He looks over their public declarations and finds their speeches an arid waste, in which the dry bones of previous conditions are rattled over and over again — {lauglder) — bones be- longing to the principles which had been buried by the civil war ten thousand feet below the surface of the earth. {Loud applause.) lie turns, on the other hand, to the Eepublican party, and lie learns that it was born in the inspiring sentiments of Tree soil and free men. {Applause.) lie studies the history of its founders, and finds that most of them lived up to within the period when he could know something personally of their greatness and participate in the national mourning at their de- mise. There stands before him that rough, strong, grand figure, whose rise from among The people, whose great heart, great mind, character and achievemenTs had made for him the first and most enduring fame among the statesmen of his generaTion — Abraham Lincoln. {Prolonged applause.) lie looks for constructive staTesinanship which can create, in national exigencies, out of bankruptcy, of losT credit. The means for carrying on great and ex- pensive warfare, and There looms up the figure of Salmon P. Chase. {Renewed applause?) He finds a period when the hands of The republic were Tied by civil war, when The monarchies and despoTisms of The Old World were plotting for the overthrow of The repub- lie and the destruction of liberty on This side, which reacTed on the other: and he reads of the brilliant diplomacy, the successful leadership, and the won- derful acquiremenTs of William II. Seward. {Great applause.) He naTurally turns to the halls of Congress, and There discovers the Tribune of the people — who voiced in most eloquenT and enduring language the moral 31 sentiment for which men were sacrificing their 1; upon the battlefield — in Charles Sumner. (Continued applause.) His inquiries as to the military glory of the republic are at once confronted with the history of that great soldier who commanded the largesl armies»and won the most victories fought in the greatest cause of modern times — General Grant. i Tremendous cheering^ again and again renewed.) But the past ah me will not retain his allegiance or keep his vote. The surging elements of our indus- trial and material conditions form the sea upon which he must find the ship that can carry him to prosperity and to safety. He looks out for that organization which is constructive and creative, which can under- stand the needs of sixty millions of people and legis- late for their wants. If he finds no organization equal to this great task and trust, then the young men of the country will unite and form one. But the Republican party has always been, and is to-day. the only organization which purs into the practical form of legislation the prim ia1 de- velop and promote American industry and care for American labor. It is not enough, however, that American industry should he protected — that the con- ditions should I" created when- capital can safely be invested in mines, in factories and in mills — but that same party either exists or will be created which can solve so successfully the distribution of wealth, the responsibilities of capital, the remunerative employ- ment of labor, as to bring about in all the great industrial centres of the land harmonious relations between the employers and employees, and prosperous and happy conditions for all classes of workers. (Applause!) There is a young man in politics who now occupies the exalted position of President of the United States. He is not yet recovered from one of the delusions of young Democratic politician (laughter) — that the fulfilment of the roseate and reform promises of the campaign necessarily lo>es him the confidence of party. (Renewed laughter.) He finds that just in proportion as he attempts to solve the question of revenue and tariff, upon which depend prosperity and employment, does he offend one section of his party; just in proportion as he reaches sound positions upon currency and finance does he alienate another portion 32 of his party; and when he carries into practice the Civil Service promises which the Mugwumpian re- I'ui'in placed so acutelj in Ins letter of acceptance {laughter) and platform, does he find himself de- serted by the whole of his party. {Renewed laugh- ter.) 80 that, as he loyally rises To the highest and besl conditions of his early promises and hopes does he become the mosl lonesome statesman in America. {Continued laughti r.) I remember thai 1 was once a pall-bearer at the funeral of one of the leading citizens of Peekskill. Noticing that the carriage was plunging wildly and likely to upset, 1 looked out and saw that the horses attached to the hearse were running away and gallop- ing across lots, while we were in reckless pursuit. I called to the driver to hold up, but lie only answered, as he gave his team the lash, " Mr. Depew, yon were born in Peekskill. and yon ought to remember that it is the custom in this tow n for The mourners To follow the hearse.*" {Great laugJlter.) While The Demo- cratic hearse is being frantically driven, now in the woods, now in The open, and now- on The road, to suit y condition of grief there may be behind, The Republican procession moves grandly forward, in harmonious columns and with equal step, alone The broad highway towards better government for the nation and freer and happier lives for The people. Well, gentlemen, The Republican party has nor now the responsibilities of power. They will secure Them only through the aid of the generous and ingenuous youth who This year and next year are To become The tirst voter> of the country. The\ ate coming from The fields. The workshops, and colleges, and they will be found in the ranks of our party of progress. The past of rhe party is absolutely secure. The present of the party is fully abreast with the needs and aspirations of The people. In the future of the party 1 hope for success in 1888. when the grand old organization, resuming The gov- ernment of The country which iT so admirably admin- istered for a quarter of a century, will for another equal period exhibit in The administration of affairs - unrivalled genius for promoting The development, The prosperity and the liberty of The republic. ^Lvwf and prolonged applav - 33 President Foster — The next toast of the evening — " The War Governors — The pillars of strength which upheld the fabric of our Na- tional Government in its hour of peril,'' will be responded to by Governor Oglesby of Illi- nois. {Applause.) Responst of Governor Oglesby. Mb. President anu Gentlemen of the Repub- lican Club : I thank you for your kind welcome, ami consider myself fortunate That, before the hour of 12 o'clock, I have at last an opportunity to pay my respects to an over-impatient audience. Laughter and applause.) Naturally fond of music— as are all uncultivated ears— listening to the rarse of The choristers and hand above, 1 was carried away in The early hours of The evening by The delicious in- cense of their harmony. Charmed as I was by the inspiring strains that fell upon n- from above, I \ in -piTe of all the harmonious resistance I could of overwhelmed by rhe dulcet notes that fell upon me in my own immediate neighborhood. The ex-Governor of Connecticut, who sits next to me on my left, was unusually sweet — not even surpassed by the dulcel note- of the distinguished gentleman from New York on my right, i Laughter.) ■ 'I ul), I congratulate yon for the dole patriotism you exhibit in remembering, in these observances, the Wai I my of our people remember Them as I feel ought, and you have, therefore, commended you to a hi place in the minds of i enthre-i our utry by giving, on an occasion like this, a just ion -of the sei :' our illustrious War Governors. I was not enough one to enjoy all the praise that song and speech will bestow upon them, and yet I was too much one to indulge in extravagant praise of them. They were, indeed, a remarkable body of men. They stood as giants — as pillars of ngth— around the great Hercules Thar directed and led The forces of the great Republic. {Applau^ From Maine To California, north of Mason and Dixon's line. They were The unfaltering friends of the Union. the Republic and liberty. {Applause.) I have care- fully prepared a list of their names, which I take the a 34 liberty now to present, and feel more at liberty to fcal e lucb liberty because of the suggestions all around me to " read," " read " the names. STATE. OOVERXOR. TERM. Maine .... Israel Washburn, Jr. 1 SI 11 -(!-.' n Abner Coburn . Samuel Corry 1863 1864-66 New Hampshire Nathaniel S. Berry Joseph A. Gilmore 1861-63 1863-65 Vermont Erashis Fairbanks 1860-61 " . Frederick Holbrook . 1861-63 ti John S. Smith . 1863-65 Massaehusetl s John A. Andrew 1861-66 Rhode Island William Sprague James Y. Smith [860-63 1863-66 ' Connecticut William A. Buckingham 1858-65 New York Edwin D. Morgan Horatio Seymour 1859-63 1863-65 New Jersey Charles S. Olden Joel Parker 1860-63 1863-66 Pennsylvania Andrew G. C'urtin 1861-67 Maryland Augustus W. Bradford L861-65 Kentucky Thomas E. Bramlette 1863-67 Ohio a it William Dennison, Jr. David Tod John Brough 1860-62 1863-64 1864-66 Michigan Austin Blair 1861-65 Indiana . Oliver P. Morton 1861-67 Illinois . Richard Yates . . 1861-65 Missouri Hamilton R. Gamble. 1861-64 Iowa Samuel J. Kirkwood . 1860-64 "Wisconsin u it Alexander W. Randall Leonard P. Harvey . Edward Salomon is.-,7-i;i 1861-63 1862-63 tt James T. Lewis 1863-66 Minnesota Alexander Ramsey Stephen Miller . 1858-62 1863-66 Kansas . Charles Robinson Thomas Carney 1861-63 1863-65 California Milton S. Latham 1860-62 tt John G. Downey 1861-63 n Leland Stanford 1863-64 Oregon . John Whiteaker ls.-,s-(V3 tt Addison C. Gibbs . . 1862-66 35 The Senator from Connecticut, in responding to the toast "Abraham Lincoln," has paid such a tribute of respect to the memory of that exalted character that I do not feel at liberty to refer again to his name. I can only say, as the world of liberty-loving men everywhere say. "God bless his memory." {Great applause.) His high and upright spirit abides in the society of Washington and the angels. He was cordially and earnestly supported by the War Gover- nors. The crucial test which tried the courage, the patriotism and the great qualities of Abraham Lin- coln also tested and tried the courage of the men whom we now honor as the War Governors. (Ap- plause.) It n ay lie ever so trite, but it is true, to say that the. young Republic had never been tested and tried as during the dark hours of our late civil war. Not only new energies, but absolutely new forces had to lie developed. The courage of a. people — what real courage they possessed -was now To lie tried as never before, certainly never before since the close of the revolutionary war. It was the heroic ordeal of an heroic people, if heroism they really inherited and possessed. The time at last came when the better and higher elements of our human nature, as well as of our political organization, were to be tested in the crucible of fearful adversity and overwhelming na- tional calamity. We felt then, as we have felt ever since then, that the civilized nations of the earth con- scientiously, religiously and truthfully devoted to the rights of man would inevitably take a deeper interesl in our welfare than they had ever taken before. Much as we had discussed the war, long as We had talked about it — even in some general sense had ex- pected it — still, when it came we were wholly unprepared for it. Whilst we had the intelligence to foresee that the conflict between slavery and liberty might inevitably and finally come, we could never screw ourselves up to a real preparation for such an awful crisis, and were therefore, I again repeat — President, Congress, War Governors, and the people, all alike — wholly unpre- pared for the fearful ordeal. It must go down in the history of our country to the glory of the War Gov- ernors that they unfalteringly supported the armies of Abraham Lincoln, from the commencement to the 36 dost 1 of the war. {Ringing applause.) Border States, like New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Kansas had the worst of it. Sterner efforts seemed at the time required of the border War Governors — more resolute purpose and higher qual- ities of persistency, determination and will— than of the equally meritorious War Governors removed a step to the rear of the border loyal States. All honor to you. Senator Harrison, for your commendable career in the United States Senate. {Or eat applause.) All honor to the people of Indiana whom yon repre- sent. I know them well — have known them for more than half a century. Allow me to say, however, that in the Hoosier State — in that beautiful State you re- present — the proud spirit of Oliver P. Morton {loud a i>/il(ius, ), War Governor of Indiana, arose conspic- uously higher than that of any other of its devoted citizens. Governor Morton has left the impress of his greal character upon this nation. A more reso- lute and daring spirit was not found among any of the War Governors of the Republic. {Applause.) He was a great support to Mr. Lincoln; and, after- wards, in the United States Senate — after the crisis of war had passed — he placed himself among the foremost statesmen that have ever grown to greal renown and distinction in our country. I never knew a man who would grasp the perplexing fads of any situation more readily, more completely, and command them for the good of the Union more efficiently than Oliver P. Morton. {Applause.) And I shall not forget your State — your own glor- ious State — Governor Foraker. {Cheers and ap- plini, se.) It was also a border State — a State that gave the Republic and our cause Grant, Sherman and Sheridan. {Loud applause and cheers.) You were yourself a soldier {applaust i, and know the great service rendered the national cause by the War Governors of Ohio and its grand soldiery. {Ap- plause.) There was during the continuance of the war a vicious, disloyal and troublesome element — which 1 do not care more definitely to define now — lying along the southern limits of the States of Ohio. Indiana and Illinois, that was the source of trouble and vexation to i he President and the War Governors, and to the loyal people, throughout the terrible conflict. It was an element of such odious and vexatious character that it necessarily required the best statesmanship t<> deal with, to circumvent and to control it. It is owing, perhaps, to that extraordinary fact, to those extraor- dinary circumstances, that the War Governors of Iowa, Illinois, Indiana ami Ohio, with one or two other exceptions, stand out more conspicuously in the history of the Civil War than do the names of other Governors of other States who were equally patriotic, equally honorable and deserving, but who were not favored with the opportunity for the tests of this order of statesmanship. I therefore consider it no uncommon honor that I have been designated to respond to the toast of the evening, ■■Our War Governors." to speak in memory of the dead and in praise of the few still surviving among us who are justly entitled to be placed in rank among the War Governors of the United States, i Applause.) The Republican party, after a quarter of a century of uninterrupted growth, greatness and power, needed a rest of four years. (Laughter.) A party which had, during four years of war, successfully ad- ministered the affairs of the great Republic— had wit- nessed the downfall of the rebellion; had closed up the chasm of civil war (applause) ; had managed by constitutional amendments and wise and careful legislation to heal the breach, to restore what had been lost in the peril of war; to revive the energies of a dispirited people, and to reconcile, consistently with good government and with national union, all tlie differences that had sprung up in the period of such a wild and fanatical conflict; that had emanci- pated four millions of enslaved people and lifted them up to the plane of American citizenship (cheers); that had wisely reconstructed and restored all that had been torn and riven and ruined by the wild fancies of wild men in a period of civil war; that had, in fact, brought back the enemies of the govern- ment to a respectful observance of its authority that had extirpated from their wild political theories the vagaries that they went to war to establish, and placed them back upon an equality of citizenship with the patriots of the republic; that had replenished our treasury; that had supplied our country with abundance of revenue; that had preserved the na- tional credit; that had upheld for integrity the char- 38 acter of the United Stales and provided for the pay- ment of its just obligations; that had provided every remedy of law necessary to meet every fault and shortcoming and desperation of war; that had, in fact, restored the statu quo of 1860 — earned worthily, fairly earned, a period of vest and repose, i LaughU r, cheers and ringing applause.) I do firmly believe the Republican party has found for itself a place in the history of the world which cannot be supplanted or erased by whatever may follow in the course of time or nature. {Great applause.) It did seem that the party was appointed of God, of fate or of destiny, to bear aloft the inspiring torch of liberty and to hold it in place before the admiring eyes of the world. It was, of course, purely adventitious that Abraham Lincoln was born in the valley of the Mississippi. We of the West were profoundly thankful that his birth and great career were providentially a heritage of our great valley; that he was born in Kentucky, adopted, reared, and prepared for the theatre of his great life in Illinois, we must be excused for claiming as a great privilege, and one modestly to be asserted by our people. I think such great characters, wher- ever born, will, if the geographical and political the- atre be opened before them, prove themselves in all ages and in all countries. We are conscious, how- i ver, that his life and character belong to the entire Republic — nay, more, to the world. {Applaust .) The rest that I referred to, although possibly desir- able, in any case, in the order of events naturally, we shall not be so selfish as to require shall last too long. At the close of this period of four years of uninter- rupted repose we shall be ready with renewed strength, and as lofty purpose as of yore, to assume again the responsibilities of constitutional government. {Ap- plause.) I am quite satisfied the Republicans of Illi- nois will not grumble if the period of rest shall he closed at the approaching end of the four years' tour of reposeful duty, i Laughter.) Losing none of the zeal of the past, treasuring in our hearts and affec- tions the glorious history of our irreproachable rec- ord, and looking lull in the face all the responsibili- ties that must attach to the incoming years, or the oncoming years, of governmental rule, we shall con- siderately ask the voters of the United States to again 39 place ns at the helm of power. We shall present to the American people irreproachable candidates, thor- oughly attached to the great doctrines of the Repub- lican party; familiar with its history, familiar with its purposes, and thoroughly indoctrinated with all its aims. {Lout! applause.) While we recognize the law of progress, while we shall seek for all the United States a proper development of the best and highest order of moral principles in government, we shall nevertheless insist that the citizens of our Govern- ment must bear in mind a true regard for and a true relation to the great principles which this party lias fixed upon the Constitution and our statute books, and upon its financial policy in the hist quarter of a century. I may be going further than other gentlemen, and may venture to say more than is excusable upon such an occasion, but, among others of its great accomplishments, I do insist that the Republican party has already paid and fully paid the national debt. To say that it has not paid the national debl when it has made the utmost provision for it, when it has offered a premium in the market upon its bonds which it placed upon the market; not only paying'all the interest upon the debt in coin, not only anxiously imploring bondholders to present them for redemp- tion, but going so far as even to be upon the verge of offering (which I do not personally favor) a premium to the owners of our bonds for the privilege of redeem- ing them, with a sinking fund that has been main- tained in hard times as well as in good times; with our revenue so ample, so abundant, so superfluous as to form a feature in the platforms of the parties of the country, is not claiming too much. In this con- dition, after having liquidated, as all hands agree all around, aside from pensions, more than $4,000,000,000 growing out of the war — much more, far much more than half of the recognized bonded indebtedness; such a nation, under such a state of affairs, cannot be claiming too much if its great party the Re- publican party — claims among its other victories the additional one of having already paid the national debt. A wise nation, in my opinion, will husband all. its resources. It will not do to think that our re- sources are boundless and exhaustless. You of the East are partial to gold; a very large element of our 40 country looks alone to gold. We of the Mississippi Valley look to gold and silver alike as great helps in the development of the wealth of the nation. Be those minerals ever so abundant, and be the treasury ever so plethoric with both, still, a wise people, look- ing to the unknowable conditions of a great and un- fathomable future, will keep in view all its resources of wealth and development. We will not disj)arage gold, we will not disparage silver, nor do we see any necessity for any great haste in the attack upon or the movement against the outstanding recognized lawful and constitutional paper issues of the Govern- ment. An abundance of good money in the hands of an intelligent and industrious people can never lead to great harm; and that party, in my opinion, will thrive hest which will duly keep in view the use of all the elements that it has devised and created and utilize them in perpetuating and strengthening, not only the nation in its equipment of political powers, but also in all its agricultural, manufacturing, coin mercial and trading facilities. You know, gentlemen of the Republican Club, and gentlemen present this evening, that what are called the eyes of the world are still turned upon us, and you know that the vast populations of the earth are still claiming that a government of the people by the people and for the people, is still an experiment. Notwithstanding our great, splendid past, notwith- standing the history of all we have accomplished, we are still largely held by the world as in the crucible of test. AVe are still moving on, full of hope, full of courage, and full of purpose to make good the pre- dictions of our fathers and the beliefs of ourselves. We are surrounded by and confronted with new problems, that, in spite of all we can do, constantly arise in our pathway. Indeed, whenever a nation shall arrive at that period when it shall have nothing further to do, it may he said that it lias accomplished its end and is ready for decay. These problems of the day that confront us are by no means trivial or simply vexatious ones. I fear there is something deeper than the aggravations that appear upon the . surface. If new relations in life are to be established, and we cannot help it, then, as a party and as a peo- ple, let us try to meet them upon the wisest and safest possible ground — wisest in the sense of so solving 41 them as to be for the universal public good, and safest in the sense of solving them upon what shall here- after lie recognized as principles of absolute justice. Europe is in a sea of trouble to-day. The old nations with which we are familiar seem to have no period of rest : they are in the throes and agony of doubt, each one watchful of the other, each one suspicious of the other, each one ever on the alert to war against the assumptions or the inroads of the other; a standing army, all the equipment and outfit of war, with every invention of modern warfare in constant requisition — every steel pointed, every blade sharp- ened, every muzzle open, every reserve strengthened, so far as the world can see — ready to spring the one upon the other upon the least possible provoca- tion, and certainly upon the first exhibition of force. Whatever may lie said of the Republic, whatever may lie said of the instability of a government of the people by the people and for the people, I ask what can lie said of what are claimed to lie the more stalde governments, where arbitrary power certainly to some extent holds sway, under such circumstances and at such a time? Who of us in America would care to change our lot with theirs. They have nothing to boast of over us. (Applause.) The Republican party certainly has had for the past two years, and will for the next two, a period of rest that no foreign government has had in a quarter of a century. (LaugJder.) I say to you, gentlemen of New York and gentlemen of Xew England, do not be too uneasy about your sea-coast defences ; do not fear or appear to fear attack from Europe. (Laughter.) You have behind you the great Mississippi Valley, with its thirty millions of courageous and patriotic people who mean to share their lot with you . (La ugli ter a ml applause.') Living more remotely from the appar- ently imminent line of danger, Ave do not feel so oppressively — perhaps not so prudently — as you, the peril of an unprotected sencoast. We have a faith, however, that any momentary advantages to be gained by adjoining provinces or by armed nations, in the outset of a hostile attitude, could be of no great profit, of no great duration, with the loyal hearts of sixTy millions of people close at hand to re- resent any insult and to recover any lost ground that might momentarily be covered by a senseless B 42 and over-ambitious enemy. We are not opposed to reasonable appropriations nor proper precautions in this respect, however. "We try to teach ourselves, in the Mississippi Valley, to love the entire Union, and \ve shall always consider, where we live, that an in- vasion or imposition upon the rights of one of the States of the Union would lie an imposition upon us and an attack upon our liberty. We try to teach ourselves, in the Mississippi Valley, to feel that we are one united people, under one expanse of territory, united under one Constitution, governed by one system of laws, united in the accomplishment of some great and holy purposes, and will stand to- gether in the future, as we have in the past, against all intruders or invaders, whether from within or from without our borders. {Loud applause.) That was the great lesson the life of Lincoln taught; that is the great lesson the Republican party has im- pressed upon the country ; and whatever else may be said of our party and of our great leaders, it is no more than right to claim, and the world will concede, that there have been no such leaders and no such party \\\)0\\ this continent since the dawn of American civ- ilization. (Great applause and cheers.) President Foster — The next toast will be: "The Republican Clubs as agencies of Party Organization," which, in a very few words, will be responded to by our fellow-member, Edward T. Bartlett. I Applause.) Responsi of Edward T. Bartlett. Mr. President and Gentlemen — It was my in- tention to have responded to this toast, hut the hour is very late and we have guests here from a distance who have not yet spoken, and 1 propose ,<> give way to them and allow the calling of the toa-is to proceed. (Applause mid cheers. \ President Foster — We have from Pennsylvania — a State that has never failed the Republican party — one who will respond to the toast "A Tariff for Pro- tection — Tin- nurture ami encouragement of American industries by a judicious policy of protection is the demand of the country and the watchword of our party." I introduce the Hon. Galusha A. Grow. (Applause a nil cheers.) 43 Response of Hon. Galusha A. Grow. Mr. President axd Gentlemen of the Repub- lican Club— The hour draws nigh that ushers in the day sacred to the memory of the Child of the Manger, whose teachings along the hill-sides and by the sea- shore of Judea were so faithfully practiced by him whose memory we cherish to-night. The lateness of the hour itself precludes any attempt to discuss the tariff or any question relating to the industries of the country. Hence 1 shall content myself with a single remark. Most of the authors on political economy and college professors teach that the basis of national wealth and successful industries consists in selling where you can sell highest and buying where you can buy cheapest. That may be true, but the purchaser of the products of labor in all cases buys cheapest where he |,:i\ - easiest. It is one of the fallacies of free trade teachings that cheapness is to be measured by dollars and cents only. The man who has nothing to pur- chase the commodities of life with except his labor, is interested in exchanging that labor for these com- modities to the best advantage. That country (and it is the wisdom of statesmanship) that provides in its legislation to secure its own market to its own labor thereby enables labor to exchange its product to the best advantage, by giving it steady employment and saving to the consumer most in transportation. This fact was illustrated by the Irishman who, when he was asked by the man in the market a dollar a bushel for pota- toes, exclaimed, " Why, I could get them for ten cents in Ireland."' "Then, why didn't you stay there and buy them?" the seller asked. ••Faith," responded Pat, "to tell you the truth, I hadn't the ten cents." (Loud laughter.) That illustrates the rule. You buy cheapest in all cases where you pay easiest. While the Democratic party boasts of Jeffer- son as its first President, the Republican party boasts of Abraham Lincoln as its first President (applause), who, of all the civil rulers of the world, will hold through all time, in the hearts of the great and the good, a place second only to that of Washington. (Loud applause.) 44 President Foster — I take pleasure in introducing to vim the Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, who will respond to " Civil Service Reform— An incalculable advantage to the country, if actually and faith, fully carried out But pretence of Civil Service Reform in theory accompanied by anti-Civil Service Reform in practice, presents an incongruity too patent to deceive." (Applause.) Response of Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge. It is very kind of you, Mr. President, to ask me to respond to a sentiment with which every one agrees. It leaves me in the pleasant position of Mr. Cruger, who contented himself with saying "ditto"' to Mr. Burke — a speech most admirable and memorable for its brevity. It is sufficient for me now to follow Mr. Cnivvr's example, but before closing I will simply say that there are some exceptions to the statement that everybody agrees with the sentiment to which I re- spond. Those Democrats who have been appointed to office recently do not believe in it because they are not in- debted for their good fortune to Civil Service Reform, and those Democrats wdio have failed to get office regard all systems of Civil Service as failures. Some have been taken and others left. Some are cheer- fully arranging the next Presidential nomination, and some, like the barber of King Minos, who breathed his master's secret among the Pactolian reeds, arc whispering about wooden idols to the bine grass of Kentucky in a frame of mind greatly to be deprecated by all truly good men. Now, if you combine these two classes, those Democrats who have got office and those wdio have not, you have the entire Democratic party — an exception of some magnitude, as well as a very interesting result. It is astonishing how an ap- parently trifling matter will grow when thoughtfully considered, which leads me to remark that even say- ing "ditto" may be expanded to fair proportions by a careful man. because no judicious person would wish to be misunderstood even in uttering that simple phrase. {Laughter.) It is this thought which in- duces me to add, very reluctantly, a few words. merely by way of explanation, to the brief speech which I had proposed. 45 Rightly understood, Civil Service Reform is an in- calculable advantage to the country, and, rightly understood, it means but one thing — the complete withdrawal of t lie business offices of the Government from politics. So this be done, the manner of doing it is wholly secondary. A political Civil Service may or may not be bad in itself, but in its effects it is wholly evil and vicious. It adds a vast corruption fund to the mercenary in- fluences always too numerous at elections. In the form of patronage, it injures and weakens every public man who touches it, and as all are obliged to do so more or less, it lowers the tone of public life; it offers a prize of enormous and constantly increas- ing value in every Presidential campaign, and, stak- ing the subsistence of thousands of men and women on the ballot box, it every four years sets a premium on fraud and violence, which in their results might easily menace the peace and welfare of the nation. It is un-American, because it rests on favoritism; it is unbusiness-like, because it selects public servants for politics, not fitness. The American people are the most business-like and successful people in the world, ami they are determined to have their Civil Service run on business principles. They care very little about the jangle over individual appointments. They believe in tlie underlying principle of the re- form, and public opinion makes the ultimate and complete triumph of that reform certain. I Applause.) In the second part of your sentiment, sir, to which I am also engaged in saying "ditto," I am pained to detect something that looks like criticism of the present Administration. I am saddened by this, be- cause it has become fashionable of late in certain quarters to set down criticism of the Administration as merely rank, wicked and offensive partisanship, apparently little short of high treason. {Laughter.) It is evident, however, that you, sir, still cling to the old-fashioned idea that the chief duty of an opposition in a representative government is to criticise, frankly and fairly, the doings of the party in power. Proceed- ing on this theory, therefore, it behooves us to say that the Civil Service, which, under Republican legislation and Republican Administrations had begun to emerge from politics, has been rudely thrust back again by the present Administration. {Loud applause.) What 4(3 other meaning can we give to the removal of nil Col- lectors of Internal Revenue, with the consequent change of their subordinates; or to the change of nearly all the Territorial Judges; or to the change of more than two-thirds of the officers continual >le by the Senate; or to the change of thirty thousand Postmasters I — a work being pushed steadily, with all possible speed. It is the same everywhere and in all departments. It is idle to seek to deny or palliate these facts (applause), and the Civil Service Asso- ciations of Maryland and Indiana, good witnesses cer- tainly, have spoken boldly and plainly of the de- bauching of the Civil Service in those States, al- though the Associations of New York and New Eng- land do not seem to have heard of it. To retain a Postmaster in New York and to utter pronunciamentos glowing with Civil Service zeal, do not alter the case one whit, but only make it worse. (Applause.) The Civil Service has, so far as possible, been brought back to the spoils system, and it is far better and more manly to avow and uphold such a policy than to carry it on in the name of reform. (Applause. ) I shall not say " ditto" any more — it takes too long; but I have one other word which I want to say of a more general nature. There are two classes of questions before the country to-day. One class divides parties. Such is the tariff — a great issue on which we stand united in favor of the protective principle, and which I hope to see discussed throughout the country by Republicans, and, above all, in such Southern States as Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, and Alabama, where great industrial interests are spring- ing up. (Applause.) The other class of questions are those on which parties nominally agree, in their professions at least. On these the people demand action, and the way to satisfy the popular demand is by showing an energetic, coherent and effective party, ready to carry out a definite policy. (ApplauSi . I These questions may not go as deep as the great issues of slavery and secession, but they concern pro- foundly the welfare of the country. They demand better party organization and more effective party work than burning moral issues. As the liberal and progressive party of the country, it lies with us to deal with, for the incapacity of our opponents for constructive legislation is a truism. Let us open our doors to the young men and teach them our great 47 traditions. Let us organize and work. Let us move aggressively forward, shoulder to shoulder, with no shadow of turning, either to the right or left. Let us act in the future as in the past, and as we thus shall deserve victory, so shall we surely attain to it. (Cheer* and applause.) President Foster — We started with New York and we will close with New York. " Our Legislators," to which General Husted will respond. (Applause.) Response of Hon. James W. Hasted. Mr. Chairman — It is too late to make a speech. (Cries <>/ "Go on;" "Give us a sermon.") Well, perhaps you won't think it is a sermon if I give it to you. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Club, I rise to tender my acknowledgements for your very kind invitation, and at the same lime to express a sincere regret that I have never been able to accept several cordial requests that you have tendered me to attend your regular meetings. I feel a personal in- terest in this Club, for I believe I am its legislative godfather. (A voice: "That's so.") This Club is a good institution, for, from the high position you have taken, your efforts, if continued and faithfully carried out, will lead to an exalted political standard, to a purifying of political methods and to elevating, instructing and inculcating in the masses sound political doctrine on all the great questions that affect our welfare. (Applause.) You ask me to respond to the toast " Our Legis- lators." If you had said our lawmakers, I could have made a general response. Now, there are law- makers and there are legislators. The number of the latter is legion — the number of the former you can count on your ringers. You ask me why that is so. Well, I will tell you. We have here a system of rotation which results in bringing all sorts of men into the Legislature. I care not how educated and eminent a man may be, there is no qualification, social, political or spiritual, which will make up for the lack of experience and the lack of brains. If you want good legislators you must elect them to office and keep them there. Let me give you an illustra- tion of this, which occurred not a hundred miles from New York, and the gentleman to whom I refer was a college mate of our distinguished friend Depew 48 twenty-five years ago. He was a good, sensible man, and highly esteemed by his neighbors. He was sent to the Legislature. In the course of time he arose in That body and presented a bill — his only bill— and it related to an elephant. In those days our friend Barnum used to travel up and down the Boston road with his show, before they had railroad transporta- tion for circuses. He had an elephant known as Columbus, and he got loose one day in the town of Rye and frightened a horse and upset the wagon, and injured the occupants. So this representative ••ame to Albany very indignant, and presented a bill entitled "A bill to give notice of the approach of the elephant.'' All winter he labored for the success of that bill. Finally his bill was sent to the order of third reading. He was rather a phlegmatic man, and not being interested in any other legislation, he used to sleep away the greater portion of his time. Well, when the bill was re- ported for final passage a member jumped up and moved To recommit it with instructions to strike out the enacting clause. Another member sitting beside the sleeping statesman nudged him and said : "They are going to recommit your bill and strike out the enacting clause." "Well," he lazily responded, "I don't care what they do if they will only pass the bill." {Great laughter and applause.) As things are now, men are elected who have no qualifications whatever for the position. I will close by giving you another illustration. In a county in the northern part of this State one of the Assemblymen was an uneducated lumberman, who couldn't even read, and the other was an ex-Judge. The lumber- man had noticed how the Judge was frequently put in the chair when the House went into committee of the whole, and so he asked the Judge to tell the Speaker to put him there when the next opportunity occurred. "But you can't read the bills," said tin.' Judge. "Oh. we can tix that. Now, here is a short one. You just read that to me, and I will commit it to memory." Well, the Judge did so. It was a bill to change the name of John Johnson to John Jones. and the next day he got in the chair, and the Judge sent the bill up, and the lumberman read it all right. Then the Judge offered an amendment and sent two long pages up to the desk, and asked that it be read. 49 The Chairman paid no attention. Finally the Judge said, "Mr. Chairman, I demand that my amendment be read." Whereupon the Chairman replied, "The Chair rules this amendment out of order. It is too long- for the bill." {Laughter and applause.) President Foster : Gentlemen, we are through with the toasts and will now adjourn. 4 LETTERS OF REGRET. Chicago, Jan. 24. 1887. James P. Foster, Esq. My Dnir Sir : It is seldom that I get an invitation which appeals to me so strongly as the one you have been kind enough to send me. If I were within a reasonable distance from New York, or had an expec- tation of being so at the time, I would take great pleasure in signifying in person my gratification at the selection of the date for your Annual Dinner which you have made, but my professional engagements are such that my promise to lie with you, if made, would almost certainly have to be broken, for it would mean an absence of nearly a week at a time when, for special reasons, I am unable to keep up with my work. Under these circumstances I am compelled, with much regret, to refrain from accepting your kind invitation, but I beg you to believe that if I could I would gladly be present. Very sincerely yours, Robert T. Lincoln. Fremont, 0., Feb. 7, 1887. Mr. James S. Leiimaier. My Dear Sir : I regret that circumstances prevent my acceptance of the invitation contained in your valued favor of the 1st inst. Sincerely, R. B. Hayes. Bangor, Me., Feb. 7, 1887. James S. Leiimaier, Esq. Dear sir.- I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the 2d inst. inclosing an invi- 52 I ition to attend the First Annual Dinner, to be given February 12th, the anniversary of Lincoln's birthday, at Delmonico's. I regret exceedingly my inability to be present on that occasion. I would be glad to testify by my pres- ence my high appreciation of Mr. Lincoln and pay homage to his memory and worth, but my engage- ments are such that I cannot do so. Your club lias well and wisely acted in making this the commencement of an annual observance of Mr. Lincoln's birthday. The day should lie made national, like the birthday of Washington. Let each be ap- propriately observed as one of the best things to inculcate upon those who in the ages shall come after us. It is patriotic, and it serves to promote a love of c mntry and keep alive and fresh a memory of patri- otic men. In haste, yours truly. Haxxibal Hamlix. Augusta, Me.. Feb. 11. 1887. Andrew B. Humphrey, Esq., Corresponding Secre- tary. Republican Club of New York. Dear Sir: It is with sincere regret that I find my- self nnable to be present at your banquet to-morrow evening. I have postponed replying, in the hope thai at the last moment I might find myself able to join you. But I must forego the pleasure, as impera- tive engagements detain me here. It is an auspicious anniversary which you have selected for the formal inauguration of your Club. It has always been found difficult to secure the annual celebration of a birthday — however eminent the career or however illustrious the character of the man in whose honor it is designed. I think the fame of Mr. Lincoln will bring to his name the exceptional honor, and that, like Washington, the grandeur of his achievements will increase and not diminish as years go by. The- fame of each rests, not even so much on what he did for his own generation as for all the future of our common country. Great as has been the work of others who have sat in the Execu- tive Chair, the highest glory, the fame imperishable, belong to the names of Washington and Lincoln. 53 Your Club meets to do honor to Mr. Lincoln as a Republican. It was the Republican party thai gave Mr. Lincoln to the nation and sustained him step by step throughout his extraordinary career. A celebra- tion of Mr. Lincoln's name is a celebration of the Republican party. To that party he was sincerely attached, to its principles he was entirely devoted, in its success he found the victorious issue of every gre it policy of which he was himself the personal exponent. The Republican party makes no attempt to narrow the possession of a fame that is recognized on all con- tinents, that will last through all centuries, that be- longs to humanity; but the political organization which supported Mr. Lincoln has the right to claim the prestige of his name, as it continues to labor in the great held where lie wrought, until all the har- vests of his planting shall be gathered- and garnered. Very sincerely yours, James GL Blaine. Washington, Feb. 5. 1887. James P. Foster and others, Committee. Gentlemen: Accept my cordial thanks for your invitation to attend the First Annual Dinner of the Republican Club of the City of New York, to be uiven on Feb. 12, 1S87, the anniversary of Lincoln's birthday. I deeply regret that my engagements prevent my being present, otherwise I would certainly avail my- self of your hospitality on an occasion which will call up memories at once so sad and so triumphant. I congratulate you that for the party love-feast you propose to institute you have chosen a day and invoked a name which symbolize the perfect harmony of party aspiration with patriotic achievement. Working in Lincoln's spirit and faith, it may be your privilege, as it was his. to help Republican Clubs grow into national majorities, and transmute Republican doctrines into beneficent and perpetual reforms in National politics. Yours truly, JXO. G. NlCOLAY. 54 Senate Chamber, Washington, Feb. 9, 1887. James P. E t ostek, Esq., President, etc. My I>( irr Sir :' Your note of the 7tli inst. remind- ing me of your invitation to attend Hie banquet of the Republican Club of New York on the 12th inst. is received. I feel that, in view of the pressing business of the Senate and my special duty, that I ought not to lie absent from here. I sincerely regret this, for I would like in person to make an earnest appeal to the Re- publicans of New York to forget the divisions of the past and unite with their brethren North and South in developing a line of public policy in the future as beneficial to our country as the great achievements of our party in the past thirty years. We were united ami successful in the struggle against slavery, and have lived to see our success a matter of sincere congratulation to both masters and slaves. With unwavering confidence the Republican party con- ducts! a, war of great sacrifice and victories to pre- serve the Union, and with such success that our country is now greater and stronger and more united than any country in the world. Under Repub- lican Administrations the credit of our country has risen to the highest grade among nations, our cur- rency has been advanced and is maintained at the gold standard, and, by the protective policy of the Republican party, our industries have been devel- oped and enormously increased, so that in agricul- ture and manufacture we take a. leading place among the nations, and, if need be, can be independent of others. Our internal commerce has been so developed by a multitude of railroads and improvements of our natural highways that, with the aid of the telegraph and telephone, our people are more closely knit to each other in the live and mpid exchange of commodi- ties than the same number of persons are on the face of the globe. All this prosperity, so far as it depends upon human laws, is the work of the Republican party. We are not in power to-day because we were not united. It is the division of Republicans in New York that has made it possible for the Democratic party now to hold the great office successively filled by Lincoln, Grant, Hayes, Garfield and Arthur. This is. per- 00 haps, the natural and almost inevitable result of long- success, of power, in a great party. We have tried a change, and what has been the result ? A discordant party unable to agree, upon a line of foreign or domestic policy, divided upon the tariff, hopelessly at sea on all financial questions, obsequious in its foreign relations, distinguished only for the marked prominence it has given to Confeder- ate soldiers in foreign courts ; and now, with its term of office half spent, a House of Representatives. Democratic by a large majority, is unable to formu- late a single measure of political importance ujDon which it can agree with the Democratic President. His notions about civil service, however sincere, are feebly formulated and observed, and are jeered at and derided by his party associates; not one of his recommendations supported. He seems to have aban- doned the great American policy known as the Mon- roe doctrine, and discourages or opposes the efforts made by President Arthur to improve and extend our commercial relations with neighboring American Re- publics. Surely the time has arrived when the Republican party should assume again its great mission. The time is opportune. Under the operation of laws placed upon the statute book by Republican Admin- istrations taxes are so levied as to produce over- flowing revenue without a serious burden upon the people. We are at liberty to choose between reducing our revenue or expending our surplus in great and beneficient objects of natural desire. AVe can com- bine the two lines of pul >lic policy . W e could readily reduce the tax on sugar, while giving encouragement to domestic production in the form of bounty. We could repeal or reduce all taxes that do not tend to encourage and protect domestic production. We could commence and establish a system of coast de- fences that will guard the great arteries of our com- merce. We could place our navy again in a condition to be respected and renew our participation in foreign commerce. We could authorize our citizens to build new routes of communication across the continent and protect them in their rights. We could, with our added strength and wealth, give assistance and en- couragement to all the American Republics founded upon our example. We could make suitable com- 56 mercial arrangements with our neighbor, the Dominion of Canada, and thus avoid all future controversies about the right of our people to fish in American waters, and in this way, by gradual measures, knit and mold the interests and desires of our neighbors with onr own. The Republican party alone holds such a concep- tion of the nature and character of the National Government, its powers and duties, as will enable it to provide and administer a line of policy in harmony with our wealth, our strength and our production. I have no doubt that your Club will contribute to the hearty union of all Republicans, and I trust you will extend its organization or similar organizations. st> as to embrace within them every Republican of the City of New York. I am, with great respect. Very truly yours. John Sherman. Sen-ate Chamber, AVashington, Feb. 11. 1887. James S. Lehmaier, Es-p, 132 Nassau Street, New York City. My Bear Sir: lam in receipt of your most cor- dial invitation to attend the dinner of the Republican Club of New York City on Saturday evening, the L2th. I regret that I cannot accept. Many matters of great importance to New York demand my attention here t !iis week. You say the dinner is given to celebrate the birthday of Abraham Lincoln. It is certainly most appropriate that a Republican Club should thus commemorate the birthday of our first Republican President. Let us cherish the hope that all Repub- licans will emulate the virtues of Lincoln, who devoted all his energy and ability to the service of his party and his country. Thanking you ami all the members of the Repub- lican Club for their kind invitation, I beg to remain Yours truly, Warner Miller. 57 Washington, Feb. 11, 1887. James P. Foster, Esq., and others, Committee. Gentlemen: I regret very much that I am pre- vented from coming to the Annual Dinner of the Republican Club to-morrow, which I had confidently expected to do up to the last moment. A measure which I wished to take a principal part in was ex- pected to be concluded to-day, but was extended in debate, so that it will keep me in the Senate to- morrow, a day which is generally free till the latter part of the session, which we have now reached. This unexpected interruption of my purpose to share in your festivity to-morrow gives me much chagrin, but 1 must submit to it. Wishing you every degree of prosperity in your celebration to-morrow and in the valuable labors of the Club, I am, gentlemen. Yours very truly. W. M. Evaets. Army Building, New York, Jan. 28, 1887. James P. Foster, Esq., President Republican Club. New York. Dear Sir: I beg to acknowledge receipt of your invitation of the 27th inst., asking me to be present on the occasion of the Fu-st Annual Dinner of your Club. While it would give me great pleasure to meet the eminent gentlemen named, I regret that I shall not be able to do so, as I am resolved to keep out of politics, even in appearance. With many thanks for the courtesy, I am, with great respect, Yours very truly, AY. T. Sherman. Headquarters Army of the United States, Washington, D. C, Jan. 31, 1887. Mr. James S. Leiimaier, New York City. Dear Sir: I sincerely regret I shall not be able to leave AYashington on the date fixed for the First 58 Annual Dinner of the Republican Club, February 12th, to commemorate the anniversary of Mr. Lin- coln's birthday, and am therefore forced to decline your kind invitation to be present on that occasion to assist in doing honor to the memory of that great statesman. Yours very truly, P. H. Sheridan. Lieutenant-General. Cornell University, Ithaca. N. Y„ Feb. 10, 1887. To the Republican- Club of the City of New York. Gentlemen : Greatly to my regret T am unable to be with you as you celebrate the birthday of Abra- ham Lincoln. It is an anniversary which may well be honored by all men; but it is especially fitted to stimulate the best thoughts and noblest purposes of those who adhere to the ideas which he did so much to establish and the principles for which he gave his life. I trust that a voice may go forth from your meeting that shall aid in reviving the best traditions of the Re- publican party. Your orators may fitly dwell upon its glorious past. They may well recall its founders, who, in perhaps the greatest emergency that ever arose in a free nation, deliberately chose the right, kept faith in it through disaster, and brought it through fearful struggles to triumph. Justly, too, may you glory in the fact that our party took the lead in crushing disunion and in destroying slavery ; that it demanded redress from the greatest foreign rival of the nation, and obtained it without wan that it created a system of finance which restored national prosperity; that it resisted all theories injurious to the public credit, no matter how seductive, and that it has steadily fostered the great industries necessary To make the country independent. But no party can rest merely upon its past. It must prove Itself able to grapple boldly and effec- tively with the present. What are the questions that now confront us I They are many — some clearly 59 open to solution, some only just appealing; but it is useless to deny that among the foremost of these to-day is the need of thorough reform in national. State and municipal affairs. The so-called Democratic party, during its old domination over the country, established the supre- macy of two monstrous evils, each of which was opposed to the fundamental principles of Republican government. The first of these was human slavery ; the second was the "Spoils System."' On the first of these the Republican party took issue, and in spite of fearful odds aroused the national conscience, educated the national thought, and swept away slavery for ever. The second of these evils remains. The party opposed to us, no matter what its pretensions may be, is as hopelessly wedded to the curse as it was wedded to slavery. Even when, occa- sionally, one of its leaders sees the necessity of ending this evil, and tries to induce his party to oppose it, the spurious Democracy clings to its idol and instinctively rebels. What its feeling on this question is it has constantly shown in its conventions, caucuses, State Legislatures and newspapers, when- ever it has been allowed to speak its mind. The reform, if carried out at all, must be carried out by the Republican party. We are fortunate in having so real and living a question — a question so easily understood, and so sure, when understood, to arouse devotion and enthusiasm. The Republican party has no need of patronage ; its greatest successes were gained when President, Congress, custom-houses, post-offices, a controlling geographical section, and the supp >sed material interests of the country were opposed to it. Yet it succeeded, and began twenty years of power by devotion to a single living purpose. It can suc- ceed again and take a new and longer lease of life on the same terms. What are these terms '. Simply, in addition to its care for the material interests of the c tuntry, devotion to a single great principle that will stimulate the conscience and elicit the enthusiasm of right-thinking men throughout the nation — North and South — the principle of destruction to the spoils system, which was the best-!>eloved offspring of the spurious Democracy in its palmy days, and on which it still lavishes its most touching affectjpu. GO How ean*tlie Republican party best be brought to see and do its duty in this matter? Some of our old friends have answered this question by leaving the party for a time, in order to teach it the sweel uses of adversity. My own belief is that such a course hinders rather than helps the triumph of reform. I hold that the true policy of all men who wish the party to move forward is to work within it, strength- ening every leader who rises to a true conception on the issues before us, opposing every leader who does not, and seeing that the true doctrines of national. State and municipal reform are thoroughly preached in it and honestly carried out by it. This work cannot be done by men standing outside the party ; it must be done by men active within it. To the younger Republicans, whom you represent, this work is especially committed. It is worthy of all your efforts. It presents the best field for your ambition. The men who to-day shall lead the Re- publican parly in successful warfare against .the spoils system and for any other needed reforms may be laughed at or sneered at for a time, but they shall finally be counted worthy successors of those who bore the Republican standard against human slavery, of Lincoln, Sumner, Seward, Grant and Garfield. With renewed thanks for your kind invitation, I remain, A'ery sincerely yours, Anukew D. White. House of Representatives. U. S., Washington, D. C, Feb. 8, 1887. James P. Foster, Esq. J/// Dear Sir: I regret that my engagements here prevent my accepting your kind invitation to the Republican Club dinner in New York on the 12th inst. I am heartily in sympathy with the movement of the Young Republicans, which it is intended to promote. With a good record in the past, with right purposes for the future, with candidates and plat- forms abreast with its own prestige, and with the support of young men. such as your Club, the Repub- lican party will win because it will deserve to win. Truly yours, - John D. Long. 61 House of Representatives, U. &., Washington, D. ('., Jan. 21, 1887. James P. Foster, Esq. D( ar Sir : I have every sympathy with your object, and would like much to come on. but I cannot; my health is not robust, and 1 am obliged to husband all I have of it to do my duties here. Yours truly, William Walter Phelps. Pittsburgh, Feb. 7, 1887. Jame3 P. Foster, James S. Lehmaier, Lucius C. Ashley, Alexander Caldwell, Walter B. Tufts. Committee. Gentlemen: I am obliged for and regret exceed- ingly that I cannot accept your very kind invitation to the First Annual Dinner of the Republican Club of the City of New York. The associating of your annual meeting with the anniversary of the birthday of the great and good Lincoln is most appropriate. and will render the occasion peculiarly auspicious. Indulging the hope that I could so arrange my affairs as to enable me to be present, I have delayed this response, for which I beg to be excused. Very truly yours, B. F. Jones. United States District Court. New York, Feb. 11, 1887. James P. Foster, Esq., President Republican Club. Bear Sir: Through an inadvertence, which I beg you to excuse, your invitation to attend the dinner of the Republican Club has remained unacknowledged till now. It is with no slight sense of personal dis- appointment that I feel constrained to send my regrets, for it would be a great pleasure to meet with the Club and with the many distinguished Repub- licans mentioned in your courteous note. No one sympathizes more deeply than I do with the objects of the Club, or has a more profound conviction of the 62 utter incapacity of the Democratic party either to devise and enact such wise and necessary legislative measures as the country needs, or to administer the Government honestly, efficiently and honorably. All efforts of their best men to that end, from the Presi- dent downwards, are usually thwarted by the insu- perable opposition of the great mass of Tie- party. It is, as I firmly believe, to the Republican party only That the country can look for any wise and efficient government. Sincerely yours, Addison Brown. Albany, Feb. 9, 1887. James S. Leiimaier, Esq., of Committee of Repub- lican Club of New York City. Dear Sir: I have been favored by the r* ipt from your committee of a kind invitation to attend the First Annual Dinner of the Republican Club of New York on the evening of the 12th. I have delayed in responding through the expecta- tion that I might have the pleasure of meeting the members of the Club on the occasion, but I now find that it will be impossible forme to have that gratifica- tion, and therefore wish you To present to your com- mittee my regrel that circumstances, which I am unable to surmount, will prevent my attendance. Very truly yours, Hamilton Harris. Executive Department, Augusta, Me.. Feb. 8. 18S7. James S. Leiimaier, Esq., New York City. Dear Sir: I beg you To presenT my Thanks to the Republican Club of New York for their invitation. so courteously conunuuicaled by yourself, to meet with them on The anniversary of Abraham Lincoln's birth. Official duties will detain me here and deprive me of The great pleasure of being with you on so interest- ing an occasion. I am sure that The whole country will rejoice utat The national metropolis is inaugurat- 63 ing what I trust will prove an annual celebration of tin- fame of the great patriot to whom the friends of liberty throughout the world owe so much. With considerations of the highest regard, I have the honor to be, Very respectfully yours, Joseph R. Bodwell, Gon rnor. Lincoln, Neb., Feb. 1, 1887. James S. Lehmaieb, Esq. Dear Sir : I have your favor of the 21st ult. invit- ing me to be present at the First Annual Dinner of the Republican Club of your city, to be held at Del- monico's on the evening of the 12th inst., it beinir the anniversary of Lincoln's birthday. Please accept for yourself and your associates my most grateful thanks for your kind remembrance of me and for this cordial invitation. Nothing but pressing duties here, which I cannot avoid, compel me to decline. The Legislature is in session, and will be on the 12th, when its session will be near its close. I should be extremely happy to join with you in rendering homage to the name and the memory of the illustrious Lincoln. I am, with great respect, Very truly yours, John M. Thayer, Governor of Nebraska. Executive Department. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Office of the Govebnob, Haiuusburg, Feb. 10, 1887. James S. Lehmaiee, Esq., New York City. My /><"/• sir: Your letter of the 7th inst. has been received. I regret to say it will lie impossible for me to join you at the dinner of the Republican Club to be held on next Saturday evening. My engagements here are such that I will not lie able to leave home at that time. My regret is based 64 not only upon my inability to respond to tlie cour- teous invitation extended in behalf of your club to do honor to the memory of a man whom I esteem more highly than any other who has ever figured in the history of our country, but also because I will be deprived of the pleasure of meeting so many of our representative men from the different Stales who are to be your guests on the occasion referred to. With thanks and sincere regrets, I am, Very cordially yours, James A. Beaver. Executive Office, Des Moines, Ia., Feb. 9, 1887. James S. Lehmaier, Esq., New York City. Dear Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 20th ult., inviting me to attend the First Annual Dinner of the Republican Club of your city, to be held at Delmonico's on the evening of the 12th inst. Much as I should like to meet the distinguished gentlemen who have assured you of their presence, I fear that I shall have to forego the pleasure, as my official duties will not be likely to permit me to leave my post at the present time. The intention of your club is praiseworthy. The anniversary of Abraham Lincoln's birth is a most fitting occasion to bring together the foremost leaders of his political disciples, and the direct and remote influence exerted by such a gathering cannot well be over-estimated. Thanking you for your cordial invitation, I am, clear Sir, Yours truly, Wm. Larrabee. Executive Chamber, Madison, Wis., Feb. 7, 1887. James S. Lehmaier, Esq., New York. Dear Si?' : I am in receipt of your letter of January 20th, enclosing invitation of Republican Club to be present at its First Annual Dinner on the 12th inst., the anniversary of the birthday of Abraham Lincoln. 65 Please convey to the members of The Club my high appreciation of the courtesy extended, and assure them that were it not for imperative official duties interposing I should take great pleasure in partici- pating with them in observing the anniversary of the great Emancipator. Yours very respectfully, .1. M. RlTSK. Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Executive Department, Boston, Feb. 7, 1887. JaMES S. LeHMAIER, Esq., 132 Nassau Street. N'eu York : Dear sir— I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt, by your courtesy, of an invitation to dine with the Republican Club at Delmonico's, in your city, on the evening of the 12th instant, the anniver- sary of Lincoln's birthday. It is with extreme regret that I reply that official duties and engagements will prevent an acceptance on my part. Hoping that this may be the first of many similar gatherings and that the Club may flourish and do much and excellent work in the advancement of* pure politics, I have the honor to lie. Yours very respectfully, Oliver Ames. Static of Michig w. Executive Office, Jan. 20, 1887. James S. Lehmaier, Esq., New York City : Dear Sir — Your kind invitation under date of January 20th at hand, and it is with many regrets that I ask to be excused from attendance. Official business will necessitate my presence in this Stale at that time. Were it possible for me to accept I should be afforded great pleasure in so doing. Sincerely yours, C. Gr. Luck, Govt rnor. 5 66 Executive Department, St. Paul, Minn., Jan. 24, 1887. James S. Lehmaier, Esq. , New York City : Dear Sir — I am in receipt of your favor of the 20th inst. inviting me to the First Annual Dinner of I he Republican Club of your city on February 12th, the anniversary of President Lincoln's birthday. li would afford nie more pleasure than I can express to lie with you on that occasion, but I shall be obliged, on account of public duties, to decline the invitation. Our Legislature is now in session, and it is impera- tive that I should be here. Wishing you the utmost success. I remain. Very truly yours, A. E. McGill. Executive Department, Governor's Office. Carson City, Xev.. Feb. 2, 1887. James S. Lehmaier, Esq.: Dear Sir -Your esteemed favor of 21st ult., ex- tending to me a cordial invitation to attend the First Annual Dinner of the Republican Club of New York on tlie 12th instant, was duly received, for which please accept and tender to your Club my sincere thanks. Our Legislature is now in regular session, and will not adjourn finally until the 3d proximo. This fact precludes the possibility of my acceptance and at- tendance at the time and place indicated, and will, therefore, deprive me of an unspeakable pleasure. The occasion will take place upon a day — the anni- versary of the birth of our country's savior — which ought ever to be sacred in the memory and observ- ance of every true American, and 1 am led to believe that none can or will more properly appreciate and celebrate it than members of the glorious Republican party, to whose cause Mr. Lincoln devoted the best energies of his life and fell a glory-crowned martyr. I deeply regret my inability to attend and to mingle with the illustrious personages you name, as well as rr, many others, who will grace and give zest to the occasion. Wishing your organization success and a joyous reunion, I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant. Charles < '. Stevenson - , Governor of N't eada. Manchester, X. EL, Jan. 23. James S. Lehmaier, Esq. : Dear Sir — I regret that previous engagements will deprive me of the pleasure of being present at the dinner to be given by the Republican Club of the City of New York, February 12th. Thanking you for the courtesy of the invitation. I am, very respectfully. Moody Currier. State of Rhode Island, Executive Depatment, Proyidence, Jan. 26, 1887. James S. Lehmaier, New York City : Dear Sir — I beg to acknowledge your invitation on behalf of your committee to attend the First Annual Dinner of the Republican Club of New York City, to take place at Delmonico's on February 12th. I regret extremely that my public duties are such at this season of the year as to prevent my acceptance of it. Believe me. Very truly yours, • Geo. Peabody Wetmore, Governor. . OFFICERS AND COMMITTEES OF THE REPUBLICAN CLUB OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, 1887. president. JAMES P. FOSTER. VICE-PEESIDBNTS. MORTIMER C. ADDOMS. WILLIAM BROOKFIELD. JOHN K. CTLLEY. RECORDING SECRETARY. W. M. K. OLCOTT. CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. ANDREW B. HUMPHREY. (157 East 113th Street) TREASURER. ALFRED B. PRICE. 70 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. EDWARD T. BARTLETT, Chairman. JAMES S. LEHMA1ER. Secretary. (Vd'i Nassau Street.) Term expires January, 1888. EDWARD ('. RIPLEY, JOHN F. BAKER, M. S. ISAACS, HENRY L. SPRAGUE, JAMES A. BLANCHARD. Term expires January, 1889. HOWARD T. BARTLETT, EUGENE D. HAWKINS. L. 0. ASHLEY, JEFFERSON CLARK, CHARLES F. HOMER. 'Term expires January, 1890. JAMES W. HAWKS. JOSEPH POOL. M. M. BUDLONG, A. C. CHENEY, HENRY GLEASON. lerrn expires Jan uary, 1891. FREDERICK G. GEDNEY, JOHN H. WOOD. ALEXANDER CALDWELL, JOSEPH ULLMAN. WILLIAM SCOTT. Term expires Jaimary, 1892. GEORGE II. ROBINSON. CEPHAS BRAINERD, JAMES S. LEHMAIER, THOMAS F. WENTWORTII. WILLIAM L. FIXDLEY. 71 HOUSE COMMITTEE. JAMES SL LEHMAIER, Chairman. WALTER B. TUFTS, M. L. WHITE, C. VOX WITZLEBEN, MONROE V, BRYANT. COMMITTEE OX MEMBERSHIP- JOHN F. BAKER, Chairman, GEORGE II. ROBINSON, LUCIUS 0. ASHLEY, EUGENE D. HAWKINS, ALEX CALDWELL. COMMITTEE ON LIBRARY. C. LL LEXICON'. ClMirman. MONROE B. BRYANT, JOHN Y, BAKER, JAMES BRISBANE, MAHLON CHANCE JOBS S. SMITH, DUDLEY R. BORTON, CEPHAS BRAINERD, Jr. HARWOOD R. POOL, COMMITTEE ON FINANCE. JOSEPH ULLMAX. Chairman. M. M. BUDLONG, WILLIAM L. FINDLEY. COMMITTEE OX NATIONAL AFFAIRS. JOHN A. GROW, ( liairman. HAL BELL, MAHLON I BANCE CHARLES P. SANFORD, H. I!. DE MILT. 72 COMMITTEE ON STATE AND MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS. GEORGE W. DE LANO, Chairman. WILLIAM LEAKY. CHARLES H. APPLEGATE, A. E. PRESSING LR. JOSEPH DOWD, HENRY G REASON', II. W. HAY DEN, CHARLES Sl'UWACOFFER, JOHN Sv SMITH, II. M. WYNKOOP, JOHN 0. MOTT, 15. T. MORGAN, I). H. CURRIE, JAMES R. DOUDGE, HENRY C. SOMMERS, GEORGE B. MORRIS, I'. I. STUYVESANT, SIM SON WOLF, WILLIAM AN WAY, S. Y.. Y.. HUNTINGTON. COMMITTEE ON ASSOCIATE ORGANIZA- TIONS. JOSEPH POOL, Chairman. HENRY GLEASOV. JAMES A. BLANCHARD. MEMBERS. Addoms, Mortimer C 53 Liberty Street. Ashley, Lucius C 75 ( tedar Street, Anway, Wilmore 154 Nassau Street Andrews, Henry C 2 Wall Street. Albro, H. W 85 Mercer Street.' Applegate, C. H 143 Chamber Street. Avers, H. F 287 Broadway. Adams. Orson 78 Wall Street. A. lams. Percy D 59 Liberty Street . Appleby, Charles 67 Wall Street. Ammidown Edward H 87 Leonard Street. Brown, Frederick A 23 Nassau Street. Baker, John F 156 Broadway. Budlong, M. M 20 Nassau Street Blanchard, James A 154 Nassau Street Bartlett, Edward T 48 Wall Street. Brainerd, Cephas Ill Broadway. Brainerd, Cephas, Jr Ill Broadway. Brainerd, Ira H 133 East 18th Street Brookfield, William 516 Madison Ave. Benedict, C. M 207-209 Water Street Beakes, C. H. C 331 Mercer Street. Bates, Levi M 146 Broadway. Bussey, Gen. Cyrus Murray Hill HoteL Brown, Thomas E, Jr 92 Liberty Street. Bloomingdale, E. W 18 Mercer Stt t. Bryant. Monroe B 12 Maiden Lane; Bell, Hal 7 Beekman Street Brandreth, Bobert, Jr 57 Worth Street. Brooks, Clark 54 William Street Baldwin, William D 38 Park Row. Burton, Thomas J Bartholdi Hotel. Beebe, Albert O 10 Wall Street, Batcheller, George C 345 Broadway. Burton, J. C 46 West 15th Street. Beam, William H 41 Wall Street, Bonynge, Robert W 156 Broadway. Ballard. Frank H 286 Fifth Ave. Beakes, Albert S 307 West 44th Street Bissell, Joseph B 161 East 1 tth Street Bigelow Frank S 15 Cortlandl Street 74 Bel], Alfred B 109 Front Street Brisbane, James 59 East 64th Street Bliss, Cornelius X P. O. Box 3781 Brown, Bruce (J 13 East 24th Street Bonfils, Carleton W 931 Broadway. Bostwick, 11. nil. 'l- 271 Broadway. Clark, Jefferson 32 Nassau Street Crane, Leroy B 337 Broadway. Caldwell, Alex 550 Broadway. Cheney, A. C 81 West 33rd Street Chapman, W. H 10 Greene Street Crow, M. K 365 Broadway. Chance, Mahlon 58 West 23d Street Currie, Duncan H 08 Worth Street Cilley, John K 76 Gold Street Cammeyer.A. J LSth St & 6th Ave. Carpenter, Benjamin J. F 93 Nassau Street Carmichael, Alexander, Jr 14* Wesl 43d Street Carpenter, Philip 38 Park Bow. Crumbie, Frank U 7 Nassau Street Coe, K. Frank 16 Burling Slip. Converse, Jos. S 8 Wesl 37th Street ( llapp, Knight L 2$i> Broadway. (A>x. Walter 63 Liberty Street Cort, Nicholas 345 Water Street Cathcart, George R 753 Broadway. Crossman, Chai'les S Gl Nassau Street Coon, Charles E Fifth Ave. Hotel. Churchill, Newton si Leonard Street Cooper, Marvelle W 145 Broadway. ColwelL William H 3368 3d Ave. Dowd, Joseph. . . 30!i Canal Street Davies, Julien T 33 Nassau Street De Lano, George W 99 Nassau .Stiwt. Denison, Chaiies H 14-"; Nassau Street lira no. George P. . Jr 125 .Sixth Ave. Doudge, James R -38 AVorth Street Douglas, William H 25 Whitehall Street De Milt, lh-nry K 238 Water Street Dittei Irving M 96 Broadway. Pay. Nicholas W 56 Murray Street Davis, Noah 3 Wall Street Dowd, William 44 Wall .Street. Dennison, James A 33 Nassau Street Edmonds, Walter D 5 Bookman Street Elmer, K. A 160 Broadway. To t, „••„■ m r> 26 Broadway. Emerson, V* dliain 15 Einstein, Edwin Buckingham Hotel. Brte, William M 63 Broadway. „„■ ,, , i v 30 West 37th Street. Ellis, Ralph N Elkins, Stephen B 1 Broadway. English, G geW .. r . 271 Broadway. Emery, Joseph 11 385 Fifth Avenue. Findley, William L 120 Broadway. Foster, James P 162 Lexington Avenue. „ ■ tit -iv t,. Park Avenue Hotel. Fanning, William, Jr ''"" Fanning, George W 712 Broadway. Francis, Clarence W 34 Pine Street. „ , „, ■ a 55 Liberty Street. Fowler, Edward a Farmer.W.W 63 Beekman Street, Fitch, Ashbel P 9SNassauS1 t. Finck.G ge 79 Cedar Street. Fairman, George 148 Fifth Ave. tt ,,. 92 Beekman Street. Gleason, Henrj Gedney, Fred. G 200 Wall St, t Gleason, Albert H 265 Broadway. t i > 21 Park Row. Grow, John A Gibson, KassonC 66 West 35th Street. Giffin,.JohnH.,Jr 150 Broadway. Greenwood, WiUiam 91 Wall Street. r. i ■ r, 354 Wes< 33d Street. Graham, Edwin B ° n r,. ,,A- Tt ... 26 East 54th Ktm-t. ( renin, 1 rank L> Goodwin, Jasper T 216 Broadway. Grant,Fred.D 3East66thSt, t. Gi n. J. A < : ' :; Broadway. Humphrey, H.C 34Dey Street Herzfeldt, Joseph 132 Nassau Street. Hawes, James W 140 Nassau Street. Hawes, Gilbert R 120 Broadway. Homer, Charles F 44 East 49th Street. Hawkins, E. D Ill Broadway. Eayden,H.W 48 Wall Street. Homer, Richard F 869 Broadway. Hazen,G ge H 18 East 131st Street Ball, LouisC 66 Worth Street Haughton,W.A 38 West 35th Street Hart, GeorgeS 85 Pearl Street Hess, Charles A 206 Broadway. Henry.PhilipB «5 Worth St, f. Howard, Ora. P.O. Box 8197. Hull, Wolcott v 123 West 89th Street 76 Howe, Walter 40 Wall Street. Hubbard, Thomas H Ill Broadway. Han-is, Thomas W 7 Warren Street. Harris, Dwighl M 27 East 4.5th Street. Hegeman, William H 200 West 56th Street. Huntington, S. V. V 41 West 42d Street. Humphrey, A. B 157 East 113th Street. Horton, Dudley R 170 Broadway. Hayden, Brace 77 East 79th Street. Hall, Henry 154 Nassau Street. Hildreth, J. Homer 719 East 138th Street. Heyer, A. Lester Broadway & 48th St. Halsey, George B 7 Nassau Street. Hayes, Augustus A 2 Cortlandt Street. Harris, Edward W 448 Madison Ave. Hill, Edgar P 57 Broadway. Howell, William P 205 Front Street. Isaacs, Meyer S 115 Broadway. Isaacs, Isaac S 115 Broadway. Isaacs, William M 29 East 69th Street. Judson, E. A 18 Greene Street. Jacobus, I W 16 Morton Street. Jerome, Eugene M 5 Beekman Street. Johnson, Charles H 7 Beekman Street. Johnson, Ebenezer P 55 Liberty Street. Judd, David W 751 Broadway. Ketchum, Alexander P 4 William Street. Kathan, Reid A 470 Broome Street. Kenyon, William H 32 Park Place. Kuhne, Percival 53 West 46th Street. Kilpatrick, Edward 29 East 80th Street. Kuhne, Frederick 5 South William St. Litflefield, F. M 156 Broadway. Lehmaier, James S 132 Nassau Street Lowe, James A 210 Fulton Street. Lombard, Thomas R 140 Nassau Street. Link, David C 836 Fast 61st Street. Leaycraft, J. Edgar 1544 Broadway. Levy, Arthur S 52 Wesl 37th Street. Larcher, Frederick M 96 Broadway. Lewis, Richard J 39 Nassau Street. Leary, William 7 Beekman Street. Lawyer, Joseph A 5 Pine Street. Lexow, Charles K 39 Nassau Street Luther, John F 89 Nassau Street. 77 Leavitt, Frank M IT Adams St., Brooklyn. Leavitt, Humphrey H 280 Broadway. Lewis, James F 23 Park Place. Lippineott, Jesse H 39 Barclay Street. Lyon, Edward R 153 Mercer St r< » t . Lake, Carson Tribune Office. Mitchell, William, Jr 41 Wall Street. Morris, George B 23 Park Row. MeMurray, James G 410 Fourth Ave. Merriam, A. L 38 Cortland t Street. McCook, Anson G 303 Broadway. Mitchell, J. M 41 Wall Street, Mulford, W. A. F. P 10 Wall Street. Munro, George W 23 Vandewater St. Mil ler, Louis S 22 East 76th Street. McWilliam, John S 71 Broadway. McGarry, Hugh 237 Fifth Ave. Myers, Joseph H » 323 East 55th Street Morgan, Bankson T 140 Nassau Street. Mack, Arthur J 347 West 61st Street. McAlpin, E. A 146 Ave D. Melville, Henry 2 Wall Street. Myers, Andrew G 92 Beekman Street. McCartl iy, George D 99 Nassau street. Mason, Elliott 12 Warren Street. Mott, John 140 Nassau Street. Mayer, Julius M. .' 2136 7th Ave. Morton, Levi P 85 Filth Ave. McLean, Donald 1 70 Broadway. Moulton, Charles W 154 Nassau Street. Milliken, Seth M 79 Leonard Street, Moulton, Sherman 154 Nassau Street. MacNany, J. M. B 1099 Broadway. Newton, John M P. O. Box 105 Albany, N. Y. Nesbit, Dr. John H 206 West 42nd Street. Newwitter, M. J 513 Broadway. Nichols, James R 57 East 77th Street. North, Edward P 127 East 23rd Street. Olcott, W. M. K 7 Nassau St rei it, O'Connell, John Produce Exchange. Price, Alfred B 63 West 90th Street. Pool, Joseph 3 Broad Street. Pool, Harwood R Produce Exchange. Piatt, Frank H 35 Wall Street, Pressinger, Austin E 15 Courtlandt Street. Phelps, Civi-jv II 154 Nassau Street. Parke, Harry G 186 Front Street, Perry, .1. W 32 Nassau Street. Patrick, Charles H 87 Maiden lane Pinkerton, Dr. S. H 140 Easl 27th Street. Perry, Samuel S 104 East 25th. Street. 1 'I in i nner, John F Broadway & Leonard St. Page, .1. Beaver 101 Fulton Sheet. Piatt , Thomas C 82 Broadway. Robinson, George H Foot West 13th Street. Ripley, E. C 140 Nassau Street. Robinson, James A 78 Leonard Street. Roach, Garrett 13(1.-) Filth Ave. Powell, ( reorge P 10 Spruce Street. Rogers, Amos 1 Broadway. Royce, F C 68 Duane Street. Rock, Mathias 221 Filth Ave. Roosa, Dr. D. B. St. John 20 East 80th Street. Roxbury, Charles W 93 Front Street. Rogers, lie I den J 310 Third Ave. Rogers, Charles P 248 Sixth Ave. Russell, John F 172 West 10th Street. Root, Elihu 45 William Street. Rogers, Noah C Ill Broadway. Push, Thomas J 23 William Street. Roome, William H 16 Broad Street. Roosevelt. Theodore 171 Broadway. Reid, Whiielaw Tribune Offk-e. Reynolds, John F 138 East 42d Street. Seott. William P. O. Box 616. Strauss, Oscar S 42 Warren Street. Smith, Samuel W 40 West 25th Street. Stiger, William E 115 Broadway. Seligman, DeWitt J 828 West 58th Street. St rauSS, William 261 Broadway. S| irague, II L 1 46 Broadway. Stanton, Robert L 15 Broadway. Sommers, Henry C 43 West 36th Street. So, 's, Frederick M 35 Wall Street. Sehwacoffer, Charles 63 Wall Street. Sterling, Joseph H 30 Broad Street. Scott, Charles R 1114 West 14th Street. Smedley, F. G 152 West 4Tth Street. Stuyvesant, Peter J 93 Nassau Street. Sehwan, Louis M 10 Wall Street. ■9 Strong, William L 77 Worth Street. Smith, John S 45 William Street. Strahan, James Lewis 154 Nassau Streel Sanford, Charles P 96 Broadway. Smith. Solon B 332 East 50th Street. St. John. Charles, Jr 23 Park Row. Sterling, Joseph H ;, ' !l Broad Street. Taintor, Charles N 205 West 57th Street. Tufts, Walter B 104 John Street. Taylor, W. <; Republican ( Hub. Tin. n, a-. Samuel 10 Wall Streel Terrell, Herbert L 110 Broadway. Trillard, E. 31 253 Fourth Ave. Tremain, II. E 165 Broadway. Trevett, W. T 71 University Place. Tompkins, Uriah W 301 Broadway. Tressider, John R 245 Broadway. Tu.-ker, Edwin 37 West 12th Street. Townley, William H 154 Nassau Street. Tucker, Walter C 37 West 12th Street. Taintor, Judah L 18 Astor Place. UHmaii. Joseph 145 Nassau Street. Underhill, Andrew 31 29 Broadway. Underhill, Gi orge 70 Wall Street. Von Witzleben, C 499 Fifth Ave. Van Wyck, Philip V. R 14.". Broadway. W I. John II 67 Liberty Stn I Wentworth, T. F Produce Exchange. Wolf, Simson 154 Nassau Street. Wetmore, Thedore A 40 West 35th Street. Weld, Dr. George W 13 West 26th Street. Weaver, J B 68 Leonard Street. White, 31 L 140 East 27th Street. Wright, Edward A 361 West 20th Street. Williams. John C Broadway & 18tb Streel Wooley, William E Hotel Bristol. Winner, Isaac C 37 South Fifth Ave. Wilson, Floyd B 140 Nassau Street. Wynkoop, Henry 31 101 West 82d St,- i W 1. George E Morgan Iron Works, cor. Ave D and 9th Street. Whitney, A. R 17 Broadway. Wagner, G. W HI Broadway. Wandling, .lames L 411 Broadway. BY-LAWS ARTICLE I. NAME. The name of this Club shall be "The Republican Clt/b of the City of New Yoke." ARTICLE II. OBJECTS. The objects of this Club shall be: To advocate, promote and maintain the principles of Republicanism as enunciated by the Republican Party ; to direct and interest in politics those who have hitherto been more or less indifferent to their polit- ical duties : to encourage attendance at the primary meetings, in order that honest and capable men may be nominated : to guard and defend the purity of the ballot box : to recommend and endorse candidates for public office : to promote the cause of good government in the city of New York, and to perform such other work as may host conserve the interests of the Re- publican Party. ARTICLE. III. OFFICERS. The officers of this Club shall he a President; three Vice- Presidents, designated as first, second and third: a Corre- sponding Secretary : a Recording Secretary, and a Treasurer, who shall he members ex-offii io ■>! the Executive Committee. ARTICLE IV. COMMITTEES. There shaU be an Executive Committee ; a House Commit- tee: a Committee on Finance : a Committee on Membership; a Committee on Library and Publication; a Committee on City and State Affairs, and a Committee on National Affairs; and such other Committees as may from time to time he deemed necessary. 81 At the regular meeting in November in eae] Chili shall name twenty-five members, from whom a Nomina ( mil i: 1 1 of Nine shall be chosen by lot, who shall report at the regular i sting in December a list of names for the vaean- iii office and commit ei to be filled at i he ens nual election, and said list shall be posted upon the bulletin of the < 'luh at the I >ecember meeting 1 . I ARTICLE V. i:i.u Tinvs. The Pr sident, \ ice-Pn Rec Cor- responding Secretary, Treasurer, and the member i i Ex- imittee, Committee on Finance, on Membership, and. on Library and Publication, shall be elected by ball oi at the annual n ting; a plurality vote shall elect, i the of t he Presideni and Tre r. who mu i ma- jority of tin' votes cast. The President, Vice-Pn Seeretat nd Tr -er shall hold their offices for the I rm of one year, and until theii ,,. ,,,. utive Committee shall be annually elected for thi b 'ra o five i arc in I of those whosi tei m of office shall have expired. Vacancies shah be filled for due of the currenl term ai a regular meeting, after no E ich officer and ; he members of t hi hall luties of their re pei tive offii their election. The . ■■ ting of the I lub -lull b ■ held on the i he regular monthly meeting in .January in each year, at eight o'clock. ARTICLE VI. IM-i:i. L> Tl'lXS. No memh oi ie Executive Committee who has served as such a full term of five years, shall be eligible to re-election until after the expiration of one year from the end of his term. ARTI( LK VII. PRESIDENT AXIi VICE-PRESIDENTS. The President, or, in his absence, one of the \ Presi- dents, -hall preside at all i tings of the Club. In the ab- the President and all the Vice-Pn er shall be chosen from the membi re of the Huh. The Presideni -hall be ex-officio a member of all standing committees, and shall appoint the Committee on City ami 82 State Affairs and the Committee on National Affairs, and all other committees which the Club may from time to time authorize and which are nol herein provided to be chosen by ballol or to l"' appointed by the Executive Committee ARTICLE VIII. CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. The Corresponding Secretary shall conducl all i In re- spondence of the Club, and discharge such other duties as may be assigned to him by the Club or the Executive Committee. He shall also be the keeper of the seal of the Club. ARTICLE IX. RECORDING 5El R.ETARY. The Rei ording Secretary shall keep the roll of the Club and a record of the proceedings of the club and of all matters of which a record shall be deemed advisable bythe Club. The records of the Secretary shall, at all reasonable times, be open to the inspection of any member of the Civil >. It shall be the duty of the Secretarj to notify members of their election, and to issue iioiicr-: I'm- all meetings of the Club. ARTICLE X. TREASURER. The Treasurer shall colled and, under the direction ol the I ative Commi burse the funds of the Club, and i regular accounl thereof, which shall be subjeel to the • examination of the Presideni and Executive Committee, and he shall submit a statement thereof to the Club at each monthly meeting, and to the Executive Committee at anytime upon i lie requesi of said committee. ARTICLE XL 5 G< t Tl\ E COMMITT3 I 1. The Executive Committee shall consist of twenty-five members, together with the President, Vice-Presidents, the Secretaries and Treasurer. The Committee shall have the control and managemeni oi tirs, funds and property of the Club. It maydirect the Treasurer to make disbursements '>! of the club. But in no case shall the said Com- mittee incur on behalf of the Club an] expense or obligation exceeding the sum then in the treasury. •.'. The Executive Committee shall hav< power to make By- Lawsfor its own government, providing for declaring vacancies 83 in its membership ; for reinstating persons bo i rship in the Club, and for other purposes noi ini on ■ with the By- Laws of the Club. ARTICLE XII. COMMITTEE OH MEMBERSHIP. 1. The Committee on Membership shall consist of nine members. •J. They shall I hosen by ballot at the regular meeting leding th adoption of these Articles, and shall divide themselves into three cla : three members each, the terms of office of which shall be respectively •. two and three i- (the remainder of the presenl year, ending al them annual meeting, being counted as a yeai |, and thereafter the term of office of each class elected shall I"- three years. Mem- to replace those outgoing shall be elected in each year by the Club, by ballot, al its Annual Meeting, and vacancies in any class shall be filled by tl ommittee for the residue of the year. Five members shall constitute a quorum, and two negative votes shall be a rejection of a candidate. No member of the Executive Committee ball be a member of this com- mittee. The names of the committee shall remain posted in a conspicuous place in the i Qub room. ARTICLE XIII. EOUSE I "\l Mil I The House Committee shall consisl of five members' ap- pointed l>\ the President, whose chairman shall be a member of the Executive Committee, and which shall bave general charge and management of the Club House and its with ant bority to i iei uch sums u] b.e ami a ma bi voted therefor by the Executive Co littee, and this com- mittee shall render to the Executive Committee monthly ac- counts of the moneys received and exp aided, and till complai shall be addressed in writing to this committee. ARTICLE XIV. MEMBKKSHIP. 1. The membership of the Club shall con is) of: First : Resident members. id: Nbn-residenl members. •.'. A candidate for admission mn iroposed by a hi r. who shall state in writing the nam pro- posed and whether be is proposed for resident or non-resident i i lership, his occupation, place of n and such candidates shall be at least twenty-one yeafs of age. A record of such pro] 11 be Ijepl in a book by the !!'■- 84 cording Secretary, and read to the Club at each meeting until finally acted upon by the Committee on Membership. Members shall be elected by ballot without debate a1 a regular meeting of the Club, after a favorable report by said committee, bixt a negative vote of one in five of the ballots cast shall exclude any candidate. [Che Recording Secretary shall send out with the notice of meeting a list of the candi- dates to be voted for at said meeting. The total resident membership of the Club shall nol exceed six hundred. A transcripl of the names of all persons proposed for mem- bership, together with the names of those members of the (lull proposing their names ami of the members to w hum such applicants refer, shall be kepi by the Corresponding Secretary in the Club House, and shall at all times he open to tin 1 in- spection of the members of the Club; and the Committee on Membership shall post the names of the candidates favorably passed upon by it on the bulletin of the Club. :!. Persons not residing in the City of New York, or within twentj miles thereof, qualified for membership in the Club, may In' elected non-resident members. Such no- -resident members shall pay one-half of the admission fee required of resident members ami one-half of the regular annual dues, and shall enjoy all the privileges id' resident members, except those id' voting ami holding office. In ease any such non-resident member shall become a resi- dent of the City of New York or any place within ten miles thereof, bis membership shall thereupon cease unless he shall ap|il\ for and obtain admission as a resident member of the Club. Upon his admission as a resident member he shall he required to pay only one-half of the full admission fee in addition to that which he shall have already paid as a non- resident member. ARTICLE XV. Dl ES. Each person elected to resident membership in the Club (excepi as hereinbefore provided) .-hall pay an initiation Eee of twenty-five dollars to the Treasurer, ami no person so elected shall he deemed a qualified member of the Club until such initiation fee has been paid by him. The annual dues to lie paid by each resident member shall be twenty-five dollars, one-half of which shall he payable to the Treasurer on the firsl day of January aud the other half on the first day of Julv. in each year, ami shad lie paid within ten days there- after. Each member who shall he admitted shall paj to the Treasurer the sum of twelve dollars and fifty cents, within a month after he shall have been notified of his election, as dues 85 for the current half-year; except that members elected within one month ln-fore the first day of January or first day of July in any year shall not be required to pay dues for the current half-year. Any member failing to comply with the require- ments of this article shall be deemed to have resigned his membership in the Chili, and his name may he dropped from the mil thereof by tin- Executive Committee. No member who is in arrears for dues shall he entitled to vote for offii of the Cluh, or members of any Committee, or on. any amend- tn&it to the By-Laws. AETICLE XVI. ABSENTEES. An\ resident member who ha* paid his admission fee and the annual dues for one year, and who may be absent from the City of New York and sojourning more than one hundred mill- therefrom for a continuous period of a, year, shall be exempted from the payment of the annual dues for the period of his absence, it' he shall give previous written notice to the Treasurer of his intention so to be absent. ARTICLE XVII. FINANCE. COMMUTE] . The Finance Committee shall consist of live members, none of whom shall at the time of their election he members of the Executive Committee. Every vacancy occurring in the said committee shall he filled by the Cluh at a regular meeting thereof. Except when otherwise directed by the Executive Commit- tee, all hills shall he audited by the Finance Committee before being paid. The Treasurer of the Cluh shall, at (he end of each year, pay over to the Finance Commit lee all surplus and unappro- priated moneys which remain in his hands after payment in full of the disbursements ami expenses of such year. AETICLE XVIII. COMMITTEE ON LIBRARY ANTi PUBLICA'I The Committee on Library and Publication shall consist of nine members, and shall have charge of the Library and Read-, ing Room, with authority to expend such stuns of money upon bhe'sameasmay be voted therefor by the Executive Commits tee ,,r procured by voluntary subscription. ARTICLE XIX. ORDER OF BUS IN ESS. At all regular meetings of the Club the Order of Business shall he : 86 1. READING OF THE MINUTES. 2. REPORT OP THE TREASURER. I REPORT i IF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 4. REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEES. 5. REPORT OF THE RECORDING SECRETARY ON NOMINATIONS.