AN 
 
 ANNIVERSARY ORATION, 
 
 BEL.'VEKEr ON THB 13ti. -836, 
 
 AT THE REQUEST 
 
 OF THE 
 
 JEFFEKSOIV SOCIETY, 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNi'^ssassTir or Virginia. 
 
 y'-Tf — 'r — • 
 
 BY O. N. OGDEN, 
 
 OF LOUISIAXA. 
 
 PRINTED BY JAMES ALEXANDER. 
 1836*. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA, APRIL 20, 1336. 
 SIR,— 
 
 We are a committee appointed to transmit to you the loliowing 
 resolution, adopted at the last meeting of the Jefferson Society of the 
 University of Virginia : — 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of the Jefferson Society be presented to 
 Mr. Ogden, for the able manner in which he discharged the duty im- 
 posed upon him, on the occasion of the late anniversary celebration of 
 the Society, and that a copy of his Oration be requested for publication. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 
 H. B. TOMLIN. 
 
 L. P. GRAIN, 
 C. C. WATKINS. 
 O. N. Ogden, Esq. 
 
 university of virginia, april 22, 1836. 
 Gentlemen, — 
 
 Your note of the 20th. instant is before me. Please communicate 
 to the Jefferson Society my unfeigned thanks for their flattering kind- 
 ness. In compliance with their request a copy of the address is placed 
 placed^at your disposal. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 
 O. N. OGDEN. 
 
 Messrs. Tomlin, Grain, and Watkins, Committee. 
 
t 
 
 
 
 
 ^Ir, President, and 4AeHtlemen of the Jef- 
 ferson Society, 
 
 WE are assembled, on the day of our anniversary celebra- 
 tion, to indulge in the reflections suggested by the occasion, 
 and to cherish the endearing associations, and renew the 
 sacred recollections connected with the memory of Thomas 
 Jefferson. Where is the eye which does not glisten with the 
 fire of olden times, and whose the heart that swells not high 
 with pride and patriotism at the enunciation of this name ? 
 One which does not call to mind the pomp of Courts, — nor 
 one sounded amid the boasts of heraldry, or the titles of 
 aristocratic distinction and princely favor. The name of a 
 Republican citizen and Statesman ! Virginians ! — born in 
 the land of his birth, living in the country rendered classic by 
 his life and labors, treading now the soil consecrated by his 
 ashes, and breathing a moral atmosphere warmed and illumi- 
 nated by the fire and splendor of his genius, which, even 
 from the grave, sheds, like the absent sun, a light upon you 
 not the less its own because reflected from the institutions to 
 which it had given birth and brilliancy, — well may ye revere 
 his name, and well may ye be proud to hear it spoken — But 
 genial and general as the pervading presence of day was his 
 influence, — and his fame, co-extensive with his usefulness, 
 cannot be monopolized. Where, from the headlands of 
 Maine to the shores of Louisiana, — from the Atlantic to the 
 Rocky Mountains, — is the American who does not claim as 
 his countryman the author of the declaration of our Indepen- 
 dence ? Where, throughout the world, is the Philosopher 
 and Plwlanthropist, the advocate of equal rights and enemy 
 of civil and religious tyranny who does not point proudly to 
 him as a fellow-man, and hail, with triumphant joy, the period 
 of his existence and endeavors, as one of the brightest and 
 most glorious epochs in the history of the human race ? In the 
 " palmy days" of Rome many there were whose virtues and 
 talents won them the merited esteem and confidence of their 
 countrymen ; — many the Senator, and many the Chief whose 
 councils or whose courage, had served well the State,- and 
 
claimed, for wisdom, or " lofty deeds and daring high," a 
 grateful nation's best reward. Oxi these were preferment 
 and high command conferred, — to these the honors of the 
 triumph oft decreed. A voice and vote in the government of 
 the empire of the world, or a high station in its victorious 
 armies, were well worthy the efforts of ambitious aspirants ; 
 while the spoils and captives of conquest, the gold and gems 
 of the East, the costly ornaments of art, and the trophies of 
 genius — all increased the splendor of the processions and 
 pageants with which their successes were celebrated. The 
 crowded streets — the waving of plumes and banners — the 
 glare and glitter of burnished steel — the noise of the chariots 
 — the tramp and neighing of the war steeds, and the shouts 
 of the populace, mingling with the notes of triumph that 
 burst simultaneously from a thousand instruments — the mag- 
 nificent temples and imposing ceremonies, affected powerfully 
 the senses, and might well have encouraged the patriotism 
 which, in addition to the gratulations of conscience, received 
 rewards hke these. Cicero is said to have been prouder of 
 a triumph with which the Senate honored him for capturing 
 a petty fortress, than of the more substantial honors of his 
 consulate, or the glory of detecting and suppressing the con- 
 spiracy of Cataline — or even of having pronounced before 
 the most august assemblage of the world the more than elo- 
 quent oration in which he has conferred an odious perpetuity 
 upon the memory of this second Erostatus, more atrocious 
 much in his crime than the first, who would, in wanton wick- 
 edness, have sacrilegiously destroyed the proudest temple 
 which man, in the fullest fruition of his most cultivated pow- 
 ers, had ever erected to the Genius of civilization. In 
 the middle ages the enthusistic chivalry of the knights and 
 nobles found sufficient recompense in the smiles of the fair, 
 and the songs of the minstrels. Each country boasted its 
 warrior saint — every castle its legendary hero. And now, 
 in later times, presents, and place, and pensions, and medals, 
 and crosses, and stars, are proffered to bribe men to the per- 
 formance of their duty, or perhaps oftener to its abandon- 
 ment, which according to cabinet maxims and payment is 
 sometimes the most meritorious : while a splendid funeral 
 awaits alike him the brilliancy of whose talents, and tiie pu- 
 rity of whose morals, have embellished and elevated the cha- 
 racter and institutions of his country, and the wretch who, 
 immortal in infamy, will live till the end of time in the just 
 and hono;! execrations of all good men. The relics of Eng- 
 land's heroes repose, in the vaults of Westminster, beside the 
 haughty and selfish prelater; and v.orthlcss lordlings whose 
 
name and birth, and usurped station, — have enabled them 
 thus, with a presumption unabated even in the grave, to in- 
 vade the empire of the illustrious dead, and intrude their 
 clay upon the resting place of virtue and genius. Here 
 however the case is different — The great men of our coun- 
 try have honors more congenial to the spirit of the age, 
 and better suited to the principles they profess, and the mo- 
 tives which actuate them, — honors too that cannot thus be 
 prostituted by royal favoritism. Their triumphs are not the 
 pomps and pageantries of cities. We carve no useless statues 
 to remind us of names too deeply inscribed upon our hearts 
 for us ever to forget them : we rear no splendid mausoleum, 
 and engrave no funeral record, to perpetuate the remem- 
 brance of men and deeds, whose memory is as imperishable 
 as it is glorious. To monarchs and their minions we have 
 left these last and vainest mockeries of mortality which seek 
 to continue even to the tomb, the silly show of empty great- 
 ness, and send to its depths the mighty ones of earth anoint- 
 ed and attired for the feast of the worms, and the corruption 
 of the charnel-house. In the welfare of his country our pa- 
 triot's promise is spoken ; his fame is perpetuated in the deve- 
 lopement of its resources, the dissemination of knowledge, and 
 the perfection of the happiness of the people. Of him we 
 may say, truly and emphatically, — his country is his monu- 
 ment — its history his epitaph ! And surely no more fit, oi 
 prouder monument to the memory of her heroes and states- 
 men could we find than the wealth, the power, and the uni- 
 versal and unparalleled prosperity of America — no more elo- 
 quent eulogy than her history during the last half century. 
 It is both profitable and pleasant to turn at times a glance 
 upon the past, to call before us the scenes in which our 
 father's played so well and nobly their parts, — to study their 
 characters and investigate their motives, — to compare what 
 has been with what is, and thence endeavor to infer the fu- 
 ture. These retrospections will enable us to keep more 
 steadily in view the great designs of the founders of our go- 
 vernment, and the high duties to whose performance the 
 spirits of the mighty dead loudly and earnestly invite us. — 
 They will also tend much to soften the asperities of party 
 differences; as while looking on the graves of our sires, we 
 must lay aside our unfortunate jealousies and unhappy pre- 
 judices in the proud contemplation of the greatness and glo- 
 ries of our common ancestors. Should the worst anticipa- 
 tions of the bitterest enemies of freedom be unfortunately 
 realized — and America, a prey to civil dissensions, be pre- 
 maturely '' decayed in her glory, and sunk in her worth," 
 
her happy institutions overthrown, and her hberties wrecked, 
 in the storms of intestine strife, the pasta light still will shed 
 which, flashing far into the surrounding gloom, will illumine 
 again the horizon, and paint in rainbow hues upon the be- 
 fore darkened sky, the celestial sign of iiope and promise. 
 
 On the new continent, the moral and intellectual creation 
 seems to have been fashioned after the same bold sublimity 
 of outline, that characterised the works of external nature. 
 Our magnificent mountains — sunny skies, and mighty rivers, 
 were appropriate scenes and inspired fit associations for the 
 regenerators of the world, whose minds, 
 
 Nourish'd in the wild — 
 Deep in the unpruned forest, 'midst the roar 
 Of cataracts, where nursing nature smiled," 
 
 acquired a growth and expansion which unchecked by the re- 
 straints of prejudice ripened freely into the fulness of a glo- 
 rious maturity. Resistless as the storms that swept the land 
 were the moral energies roused into action by the oppres- 
 sion of England. The soil of the soul seemed here fresh and 
 fruitful as the fertile fields, whose spontaneous bounty al- 
 most rivalled the productiveness of Eden. The blighting 
 influence of arbitrary power, and the noxious weeds of court 
 corruption, were not here to wither the germs of genius in 
 their incipient growth. The founders of our political faith, 
 refusing to regard ancient errors with superstitious venera- 
 tion, cast all prejudice aside, and guided by reason and na- 
 ture only, sought rather to effectuate what ought to be, than 
 to preserve what had been, inviolate from innovation. The 
 aspect of the social world, previous to the era of the Ameri- 
 can revolution was one of peculiar interest. It had seemed 
 as if some sinister influence was ever to retard the progress 
 of improvement. And the Philosophers who overlooking, or 
 endeavoring to explain, the slow advance and frequent retar- 
 dation of the march of mind, had hoped still to witness in 
 man's future fortunes, the happy realization of the Utopian 
 visions which they had beautified with the gay forms and 
 brilliant colorings of poetic imagery, saw at last, with de- 
 spair, the disappointment of their most cherished anticipa- 
 tions, and were compelled with pain to confess that a near 
 approach to perfection seemed forever forbidden by the hin- 
 derances of passion and prejudice. The alternations that 
 marked the material creation seemed not less natural to the 
 moral world. And the changes of this last were more nu- 
 merous and inconsistent far than those of the first, as they 
 depended not on the fixed and regular laws of matter, — but 
 on the impetuous, untameable and ever varying impulses of the 
 
human heart. Although the sun of civihzation might shme 
 to-day on an unclouded prospect, warming into beautiful ex- 
 istence the flowers of hope and fancy, expanding the noble 
 feehngs and generous susceptibilities of the soul, and making 
 the desert of human nature to bloom and blossom as the 
 rose, some moral Sirocco would often pass to-morrow with 
 desolating fury, and shroud in darkness what before was 
 bright. The extent and duration of mental improvement 
 seemed, hke the continuance of animal existence, to have 
 prescribed a limit which, though not always or every w^here 
 invariable was seldom much exceeded, and like this too, 
 to bear with them the principle of their own destruction. 
 Cities had sprung up, navies floated, wealth abounded and 
 prosperity prevailed, only to be succeeded by the desolation 
 of savage conquest. The pomp, and pride, and power of 
 the eastern empires had passed away, — their temples were 
 destroyed — their palaces unroofed, — and only by the archi- 
 tectural evidences which lay in chaotic confusion on the face 
 of the desert, could travellers appreciate the wide spread 
 ruin. They whose retrospective glance has rested on the 
 successive seas of sentiment that have swept over the earth 
 since the earliest dates, have seen customs of long continu- 
 ance, and legislative institutions, whose wisdom had promised 
 a duration commensurate with their usefulness, hurried, 
 with a rapidity which baffled all speculation as to the im- 
 mediate cause of their destruction, among the wrecks of the 
 ruined and- lost. They have seen the ficlde breath of popu- 
 lar opinion, and the ever changing current of religious creed, 
 eflfecting alterations in theory, and in action, so numerous 
 and varied that the rapid hand of history can scarce record 
 them, as they in one moment appear, and in the next are 
 borne away, to be in turn succeeded by others perhaps still 
 more at variance with all that preceded. Contemplating 
 the world since the march of empire turned westward from 
 the principalities which had proudly reared themselves in the 
 land of the sun, and whose power and splendor were equalled 
 only by the completeness of their ruin, and the horrors that 
 attended their subversion, — how infinite are the mutations 
 of character, and the vicissitudes of fortune which are pre- 
 sented us ! Nations with laws and customs as different as 
 their names and origin, arising on every side, flourishing for 
 a time, and fading from view, — rehgions and revelations, ad- 
 vancing doctrines scarce more at variance with eaclf other 
 than with reason and truth, every where gaining credence. 
 Now Greek, — now Roman passes in review before us — the 
 Acropolis now towers into sight, — and now the portico and 
 
pillars of the Pantheon greet the eye ! — Now we hear tlie 
 confused cries and tumultuous noise of the '• fierce democra- 
 cy" of Athens — and now behold the stately Senate of the 
 Imperial City, deliberating on the fate of nations with a dig- 
 nity and decorum, worthy at once of the majesty of the as- 
 sembly, and of the interest and importance of the occasion 
 which convened it. A change again comes o'er the scene ! 
 The patriot voices that echoed in free and fearless eloquence 
 through the spacious hall, in which sat the Roman Senate 
 are silent now ! The soul which animated their orators, — 
 which dictated the downfall of the Tarquins, and ordered 
 the doom of Ctesar, has fled forever ! And if perchance some 
 neglecteds park of the fire of yore, fanned by the Spirit of 
 Freedom, who eager and anxious hovers above, vainly 
 hoping to re-enkindle her deserted altars, should threaten to 
 light up the darkness which tyranny and superstition have 
 spread around the iron shod foot of armed and relentless 
 Despotism, soon tramples it in the dust ! A tyrant, enervat- 
 ed by luxury, and inflated with pride and and presumption, 
 directs the destiny of Rome. No generous conspirator now 
 is found to avenge his country — no Cato even dares to die ! " 
 
 " So sleeps the pride of former days, 
 
 So glory's thrill is o'er, 
 And hearts tha t once beat high for praise, 
 
 Now feel that pulse no more." 
 
 Another change awaits us — another scene in this eventful 
 drama is in progress. The northern barbarians whom the 
 degenerate Romans had subsidized to defend them against 
 enemies, whose anger their own tyrannical rapacity had 
 aroused, now, with a just retribution, prey upon their un- 
 worthy employers. Their attacks cannot be withstood by a 
 people who, long accustomed to the servile bondage of their 
 Emperors, have lost in the infamy of ages, all the hardy vir- 
 tues of their progenitors. The downfall of the tyrant Emperors 
 is achieved — the Augustan throne prostrate ; — but no cheer- 
 ing cries of liberty do we hear ! No wise Brutus — no virtuous 
 PubUcola spring forward to guard and guide the State. 
 Even the license and tumult of a city without a ruler, would 
 be preferable to the fierce shouts that ring around, and the 
 violence and indiscriminate massacre which mark the une- 
 qual contest between the polished people of Rome, and the 
 ferocious hordes that riot and revel in the first city of the 
 civilized world. The scene closes, and the curtain drops, 
 hiding horrors unparalleled in the bloodiest annals of time. 
 Another act is ushered in — all traces of the recent contest 
 have vanished ; and a despotism strange and most stupen- 
 
dous now appears ; it is the tyranny of opinion — the hope- 
 less slavery of the mind. We see now neither Roman Em- 
 peror nor vandal Chief. The pure and pious principles of 
 Christianity, have been perverted by an ambitious clergy. — 
 The sceptre has yielded to the crosier. Rule from Rome, the 
 quondam queen of the world, seeming most natural and legit- 
 imate the Church places her throne in the decaying palace of 
 theCsesars, whose magnificence she soon emulates, and whose 
 power she soon surpasses. She collects the scattered re- 
 mains of royal rule which the barbarians had trampled in 
 the dust — and snatches from the ground the weapons that 
 had been dashed from the nerveless grasp of imperial dege- 
 neracy. Jerusalem, once destroyed by Roman armies is 
 raised from its ruins — becomes now the sacred city of the new 
 religion, and embellished with the poetic fictions of a supersti- 
 tious fancy, attracts crowds of worshipping pilgrims, more 
 numerous far than the legions which once levelled its walls, 
 and slaughtered its citizens. Increasing in power and ra- 
 pacity, the church soon substitutes force for persuasion, and 
 thousands fall victims to a bigotry as cruel as unjust. 
 
 Similar events elsewhere occur. Mahomet spreads with 
 fire and sword his doctrines on the plains of Arabia : and 
 before the turf is green on the grave of the Prophet, a schism 
 ensues among his followers, and Ali and Omar expound, on 
 the battle field, his faith with the same weapons with which 
 he had before inculcated it. Persia and Turkey embrace 
 the opposing creeds, which are here subdivided into factions 
 equally bitter and bloody in their hostihties. While in Eu- 
 rope the usurpations of the Catholic Church, increasing with 
 surprising rapidity, were more extensive — and far more fatal 
 to the hopes and happiness of mankind. Rome had em- 
 braced within her limits all the most civilized nations of the 
 earth. Greece was subject to her sway ; — and the lieuten- 
 ants of the Emperors ruled the most distant and powerful 
 provinces. Her dominion extended every where ; — and her 
 codes of law spread now over almost every country in Eu- 
 rope, attest the wide dissemination of her institutions, and 
 the extensive influence of her civil polity. When the Em- 
 pire became a prey to the barbarians, their devastations were 
 not confined to Italy. They spread themselves throughout 
 nearly the whole extent of Europe, " pouring (says a French 
 historian) in a thousand destructive torrents through the land, 
 — sweeping away and overwhelming in a mass, life, property 
 and laws." The energies of men seemed prostrate, and the 
 bonds of their union severed. The wisdom and learning of 
 centuries were, in a moment; merged in the debasing igno- 
 
10 . 
 
 ranee of vandal barbarism. The two great divisions of the 
 Empire Avere parcelled out among a thousand petty Princes 
 warring continually with each other. It is worthy of re- 
 mark, that again the fate of the world was dependant on 
 Rome. For scarcely had Europe began to recover from the 
 shock of the northern hordes, and the waves of revolution 
 to subside, when the Catholic Church, extended, from Rome, 
 its rule over every neighboring nation — wielding, in the mo- 
 ral and religious world, a sceptre more powerful than the 
 sword of the Ceesars — and exerting an influence far more ex- 
 tensive and fatal than that of Attila. The Christian Priests 
 not contented with Europe, turn their eyes to Asia. The 
 superstitious, they point to the land printed with the foot- 
 steps of Prophets, and consecrated with the blood of Mar- 
 tyrs and the sepulchre of a God — to the avaricious and am- 
 bitious, the wealth of eastern nations, and the crowns of 
 " paynim princes" are proffered — while to the charitable 
 and chivalrous, are painted in gloAving colors the wrongs and 
 sufferings of their injured brethren, and the present glory, 
 and future reward of victory over the infidel enemies of 
 their faith. Hundreds of thousands, of every age and sex, 
 and condition of life, are hurried from their homes. 
 
 " Banditti saints disturbing distant lands, 
 And unknown nations wandering to a tomb." 
 
 Their bones now moulder on the plains of Palestine, an 
 instructive memento of popular fanaticism, and sanctified ra- 
 pacity. In times still later. Kings and Priests, and their in- 
 terminable disputes, boundless ambition, and insatiable ava- 
 rice, are still the curses of the world. The Christians quar- 
 rel among themselves, and the smoke of inquisatorial fires, 
 blackens soon their horizon. The wars against the Wal- 
 denses and Albigenses, and the massacre of St. Bartholo- 
 mew, have left them little to say about the persecutions of 
 Nero — while the feuds of the rival houses of York and Lan- 
 caster in England, and of the Guelphs and Ghibellines in 
 Italy, and the wars of the succession in Spain, crimson with 
 fraternal blood these unhappy countries. Such were some 
 of the sad scenes that history presented — and surveying 
 these, faint indeed, must have been the hopes of the friends 
 of humanity ! But future years were not destined to roll on 
 in one eternal cycle of misery to man ! A recognition of his 
 civil rights was ere long to be written in the blood of Kings, 
 and liberty of conscience soon to be proclaimed in a voice 
 that was to be heard above the thunders of the Church. — 
 There is a near and necessary connection between civil and 
 religious tyranny. When man consents to abandon a por- 
 
n 
 
 tion of his legitimate rights, he is easily persuaded to give up 
 alK When he entrusts to one set of men his future fate, he 
 will readily submit to another his present fortunes. The 
 mind once deprived of its native dignity and independence, 
 is easily debased ; accustomed to dictation — it revolts not at 
 despotism. Kings have ever been in ail countries, the warm- 
 est and firmest supporters of the Church, which last has in 
 turn sustained zealously their pretensions — pronounced di- 
 vine their right to rule, and with gracious gratitude, conse- 
 crated them while alive, and canonized them when dead. — 
 All history proves the truth of these assertions. The great- 
 est impetus given to mental advancement, was undoubtedly 
 by the reformation of Martin Luther. The decided stand 
 made by this bold and eloquent man against Church despo- 
 tism, and the unanticipated success with which he waged an 
 almost hopeless war against the wealth, the talents, and the 
 political influence of the clergy, opened the eyes of men to 
 the extent of their own power, and the miserable weakness 
 of their spiritual masters. This prepared them to assert 
 their civil rights — Henry the Eighth, in his contests with the 
 Popes, gave to the people of England the turn of thought, 
 and experience and consequent courage, which afterwards 
 prompted, and enabled them to wrest the sceptre from his 
 successor. The first out-breaking of the storm which sliook 
 the palaces of Europe, was the revolution by which Ciiarles 
 the First lost his crown and his head. Terrible as was then 
 the burst of popular fury, and ruinous to the lives and for- 
 tunes of some who fell victims to principle and patriotism, as 
 was the revolutionary strife ; the horrors of that eventful 
 period were not without their use. Like the tempest which 
 sweeping along with destructive force, prostrates alike the 
 mansion of luxurious profligacy, and the dwelling places of 
 the just and virtuous — levels the forests, and desolates the 
 fields, and yet hurrries away with it the threatening clouds 
 that had obscured the heavens— purifies the atmosphere, and 
 prevents the pestilence which would secretly, but surely, have 
 worked in silence a more extensive ruin — the storm of the 
 revolution, swept from the political horizon the gathering 
 cloud of royal prerogative, which had obscured the liglit of 
 reason, and cast on the state the darkness of despotism, and 
 purified, in part, the prejudices which long had shed their 
 corrupting influence on the morals of the people. England 
 claimed at last to be fi-ee. She had aided, and in fact, ef- 
 fectuated the Lutheran reformation. She had dethroned a 
 King, and made a propitiatory offering of his blood to the 
 spirit of liberty. She had done much, but not enough. — 
 
Though slio had checked the CathoUc Church, it was but a 
 change of masters. The vacant throne, with all the regaha 
 of ecclesiastic rule, was given to an Episcopacy which had 
 all the tyranny, without the greatness of the Romish See. — 
 She had murdered Charles the First, but the Divinity, whose 
 presence and protection she sought to win, asked not, nor 
 would a sacrifice like this. A right so bloody was offensive 
 to her peace and purity ; and the high Priest of the cere- 
 mony soon turned his sacrificial sword against his country. 
 The result might easily have been anticipated. Liberty had in 
 one moment degenerated into licentiousness — in the next the 
 reins of power were tightened into despotism. Scarcely had 
 the shouts of the mob around the scaffold of Charles, ceased 
 to pain the ears of the friends of order, when the welkin 
 rang with " long five the Lord Protector !" Cromwell though 
 a tyrant, was a wise and fortunate ruler ; yet no sooner had 
 the success of his administration proved to the astonished 
 world, that if Kings have a divine and hereditary right to 
 rule; others may have at least the genius to govern, and shown 
 the people to what a pitch of power a Chief of their choice could 
 carry them than they were again anxious for change. The bells 
 that tolled for his decease, soon sounded merrily for the re- 
 storation. In a few weeks the people were willing, and even 
 impatient to bind on their own arms the chains of the Second 
 Charles, a tyrant worse and more dangerous far, than was his 
 royal sire. The tyranny of the King and Church combined, 
 continued through successive reigns, had before compelled 
 our Fathers to fly from evils which were intolerable, but also 
 irremediable by them. Yet they had not escaped entirely. — 
 Tyranny prepared to pursue them — and the eastern breezes 
 soon bore to their startled ears, the clank of her chains. Well 
 now might the friends of civil and religious liberty have de- 
 spaired ! Hope however, still remained, though all but hope 
 had fled ! Our ancestors had brought with them here the 
 principles of the reformation, and had cherished the remem- 
 brance of Sydney and Hampden, long after the countrymen 
 of these illustrious patriots had ceased to honor their memo- 
 ry. It is pleasing to trace to the excess of usurpation and 
 injustice their overthrow. The Enghsh government had, in 
 prosecuting its ambitious schemes of conquest, and in furnish- 
 ing supplies for the lavish expenditures of the court, well nigh 
 exhausted the resources of the country. The ministers looked 
 with greedy eyes upon the wealth of the American Colonies. 
 With Kings, to desire, had been to possess ; but a lesson was 
 in store for them. A British Parliament had before dethroned 
 Charles for attempting to seize on the monies of the people, 
 
13 
 
 without the consent of their representatives :— and now the 
 principle of taxation without representation, was at once re- 
 sisted by the stern and sturdy descendants of the Puritans. 
 The remonstrances of the colonies seemed at first to have 
 some weight with the government : but the temporary con- 
 cession of the ministers soon proved but a suspension of their 
 demands, until the means of enforcing them could be devised. 
 They thought to force our Fathers into submission ! What ! 
 were the people of America, after having been compelled to 
 abandon their country, and exchange the comforts and en- 
 dearments of home for the dangers and inclemencies of a sa- 
 vage wilderness, to be followed to their sanctuary, and op- 
 pressed and injured even before the altar which, unaided 
 and unfriended, they had erected and dedicated to civil 
 and religious freedom amid the difficulties and disasters of 
 poverty and pestilence, and surrounded by a thousand savage 
 tribes, even more cruel and relentless than their royal and 
 priestly persecutors at home ? No ! Thanks to the God who 
 heaped an ocean on Pharaoh's hosts, the attempt was vain ! 
 The Pilgrims, unlike the Israelites, hadbrought with them nei- 
 ther gold nor jewels — liberty was their only treasure, and of 
 that their children would not be despoiled. " There is" in- 
 deed "a point beyond which forbearance ceases to be a vir- 
 tue" — beyond which submission is unnatural and cannot en- 
 dure ; and the anger of those urged to resistance by a sense 
 of duty, and the consciousness of wrong, though sometimes 
 " still as the breeze " i? always " dreadful as the storm." It 
 was not the thunder of the cannon, nor the thrust of the 
 bayonet — not the armies of France, nor the monies of PIol- 
 land, that achieved our hberties. A moral revolution was al- 
 ready effected long before the signing of the treaty of Paris, 
 before ever the declaration of our independence was drafted. 
 The elevated patriotism which was abroad in the land, and 
 the deep determination, that every where prevailed, to resist 
 aggressions, to whose resistance conscience commanded and 
 interest invited, couid never have been conquered. The 
 revolution commenced almost simultaneously in all the colo- 
 nies. Mr. Jefferson had but lately arrived at manhood. 
 Yet young as he was, he had already given proofs of that 
 genius, and of those virtues which illustrated in after life, the 
 history of his country. He was, even at this time, a promi- 
 nent person in Virginia, one of the wealthiest and most 
 influential of the colonies. The non-intercourse resolutions 
 of the people of Massachusetts Bay had called upon them 
 the anger of the British Parliament, who immediately author- 
 ised the King to send an army to reduce '' the rebels,'' as 
 
11 
 
 they were already termed to obedience. Mr. Jefierson wlio 
 was then a member of the Virginia Legislature, proposed an 
 address to the monarch, and counter resolutions, makino- 
 common cause 'with Massachusetts. This measure which 
 was instantly adopted, may be considered the commence- 
 ment of the American Union. During the contest which 
 ensued, Mr. Jefferson was always active — ever earnest and 
 efficient — serving with the same distinguished zeal in the 
 Legislative and Executive departments of Virginia, and in 
 the Continental Congress. It was well that in the celebrated 
 Congress of '76 there were men superior to the prejudices of 
 the times— men whose perception of what was good, and 
 great and glorious, was the inspiration of nature. First and 
 foremost among these was Thomas Jefferson. The character 
 of the man, the nature of his exertions in Congress, the phi- 
 losophic scorn with which he regarded the presumptuous 
 paradoxes of hereditary and irresponsible power ; his devotion 
 to his country, and his enthusiastic love for rational liberty, 
 are all displayed in the eloquent paper which you have just 
 heard. Never was human nature more triumphantly vindi- 
 cated than there. Congress having declared that the colo- 
 nies, united in the declaration, were, and of right should be, 
 free and independent States, saw that a government was 
 necessary which should secure that unanimity of design and 
 action on the part of the States which only could enable 
 them to oppose with success the armies of England : and they 
 accordingly proceeded to the accomplishment of this object, 
 in the midst of a dangerous and disastrous war, with a 
 coolness and calmness worthy of the heroism of storied 
 times. There was here no royal house from whose sons to 
 choose a leader, no Louis Philippe to betray his family and 
 then with consistent duplicity, turn traitor and tyrant to his 
 country ; and they whose necks the yoke once had galled 
 were not at all disposed to submit again their fortunes to the 
 capricious clemency of a King. Quidq?dd delirant reges plec- 
 Umtur Achlvi, had been often called to mind since the days 
 when Agamemnon and the son of Thetis quarrelled before the 
 walls of Troy. And the sad experience of mankind, since 
 the institution of society, had inclined the people of America 
 to believe that they would be themselves the best guardians 
 of their own happiness, and the ablest advancers of their own 
 interests. They ceased to credit the vaunted patriotism and 
 philanthropy of those who, busy in pushing their own fortunes, 
 would fain have persuaded them that their only object was 
 the good of the people, denying to these by their acts, the 
 right of liberty, and yet, in their professions erecting, Hke 
 
15 
 
 the French Philosopher at Ferney, a temple with a pompous 
 inscription, to the divinity of whose existence their whole hfe 
 and labours had been a denial. Commencing with the simple 
 and sublime truth, now an axiom here, that all men are cre- 
 ated free and equal, they determined that all political power 
 resided ultimately in the people, and that it was for their be- 
 nefit solely that society was formed and government in- 
 stituted : and that as the people were thus the source of power 
 and the only party interested in its exercise, it was both 
 just and expedient that they should retain it to themselves. 
 As it was obviously impossible for the people to govern in 
 the mass, a responsible representation seemed the best me- 
 thod of giving action and effect to the government, and of 
 preserving at the same time the privilege of the people. — 
 This admission of the right and expediency of popular su- 
 premacy, with the modification adopted, naturally suggested 
 that the delegation of authority should be for a limited time, 
 and that this authority should return sufficiently often to the 
 people to enable them to exercise a real and not merely a 
 nominal supervision over their agents. The sovereignty of 
 the people was the basis of the articles of Confederation first 
 adopted by the States, through their Representatives in 
 Congress. The war of the Revolution was conducted by the 
 Federative government acting under the authority of these 
 articles. I will not detail the famihar history of the times. 
 The victory at Yorktown silenced forever the claims of Eng- 
 land. The articles of Confederation were, however, soon as- 
 certained to be in a great measure inefficient, as they acted 
 not upon the people generally, but only on the State govern- 
 ments. The distinctive character and feeUngs of the peo- 
 ple, caused by the early settlement of the country, under its 
 several and separate colonial rulers, attached them closely 
 and warmly to their State governments ; while the differences 
 of poHcy resulting from diversities of climate and situation 
 made the idea of consolidation still more repugnant, — and 
 taught them to regard, and justly, the Federative feature of 
 the Union as at once the palladium of their civil liberties, 
 and the talismanic protector of their pecuniary interests, and 
 political prosperity ; but if consolidation was disagreeable — 
 and dangerous to the interests of the nation — the weakness 
 consequent upon an imperfect union, was soon found to be 
 equally unsatisfactory, and even more immediately and pal- 
 pably detrimental. Although while the war gave one direc- 
 tion to the hopes and feelings of the whole community sup- 
 plies were cheerfully and readily furnished, it was found ne- 
 cessary, after its termination, when there was no longer an 
 
16 
 
 object of universal interest to concentrate the aims and en- 
 ergies of the entire people, that the general government 
 should be made more independent of the States. Congress 
 with its almost infinite array of specified powers was actually 
 unable to provide the means for the fulfilment of treaties 
 duly made, and ratified by the government. To effect the 
 requisite alterations many and serious difficulties were to be 
 overcome. Already had those prejudices developed them- 
 selves, which, under different forms, have several times since 
 threatened the subversion of the government. The number 
 of separate States, and the conflicting interests originating 
 in their geographical position, or springing immediately from 
 their different local institutions, rendered it extremely diffi- 
 cult to devise a constitution which, without violating sectional 
 policy and prejudices, should promote the purposes of gene- 
 ral welfare proposed by the Union. A form of government 
 which should not offend the jealousies of State sovereignly, 
 and should at the same time give sufficient strength and sta- 
 bility to the national councils. Difficult as was this under- 
 taking it was speedily accomplished. In the formation of 
 our present constitution a wonderful wisdom, and profound 
 knowledge of human nature, with a most intimate acquain- 
 tance with the peculiar character and circumstances of our 
 country are displayed ; and this is the more astonishing as its 
 framers were mostly men who had grown to greatness in the 
 war of the Revolution, and who, in the tumult and turmoil 
 of the battle and camp, could had but little time to devote 
 to the studies of the Cabinet. Our government bears no 
 trace of the strife from which it sprang. Like the fabled 
 Phoenix our Eagle issued from the flames with plumage un- 
 scathed by the devouring element. The leaders of armies 
 became the founders of an almost unrivalled system of civil 
 pohcy. The Federate form of the Senate satisfied the scru- 
 pulous pride of the smaller States, while the larger ones were 
 willing to yield this, in view of the proportional representation, 
 in the other branch of the national legislature. These, and 
 other mutual concessions prepared the people to receive and 
 ratify the instrument. I need not, in addressing those who 
 enjoy its advantages, dwell upon the peculiar adaptation of 
 our government to the purposes for which it was designed. 
 Religious liberty has been secured to us by the establishment 
 of our civil rights — and we enjoy the advantages resulting 
 from a dissemination of Christianity — an enlightened system 
 of ethics, and a consequent elevated standard of morals, 
 without any of the evils and abuses which unfortunately at- 
 tended it in other times and countries — evils and abuses 
 
uliich were, however, in every case, chargeable not upon the 
 religion itself, but solely on those who perverted its princi- 
 ple?, and stained vvilh the bigotry of their own selfishness the 
 divine purity of its character and precepts. 
 
 The American people were not ungrateful, and fortunately 
 their rewards encrihed both giver and receiver. General 
 ¥/ashington and John Adams had both been called to the 
 Presidency of the Union, and now on Mr. Jefferson, after 
 he had filled successively the offices of Minister to France, 
 aftd Secretary of State, was conferred this highest honor in 
 the power of the people to bestow. He continued through- 
 out the whole of his career the earnest and able advocate 
 of the principles which he had in early life professed ; and 
 retired from office, at the close of a second term, with the 
 proud and happy consciousness that all his patriotic aspira- 
 tions were in the progress of speedy fulfilment. 
 
 It would, however, be contrary both to reason and to ex- 
 perience to suppose that our government is perfect, or that 
 the people will be always, and every where, ready to abide 
 by its laws. Perfection is unfortunately not of earth. Our 
 Constitution, carefully worded as it is, is not without obscu- 
 rity of expression and uncertainty of implication sufficient 
 to occasion, if not to justify, doubts and differences of con- 
 struction. 
 
 Questions have arisen, concerning the powers of the Gene- 
 ral Government, and the sovereignty of the States, in whose 
 discussion, feelings of ancient ill-will, and the suggestions of 
 a selfish policy, which regarded more the petty interests of a 
 limited time and sectional character than the lasting good 
 and glory of the whole country, were called into action by 
 influential men, and urged with a zeal and earnestness which 
 would have been praiseworthy and heroic in a better cause, 
 and to promote a nobler purpose. But if these occasions 
 gave rise to gloomy forebodings, they have also afforded 
 examples of attachment to the public good and disregard of 
 self which should strengthen much our most sanguine hopes 
 forAmerica. 
 
 We saw on one of these the author of " The American 
 System'' voluntarily sacrifice to peace and union, a scheme 
 which he had been laboring for years to perfect, — one which 
 even those economists who are opposed to the theory and 
 principles on which it is based, have acknowledged to be the 
 worthy offspring of a gigantic genius — and one which he had 
 sustained with all the strength and constancy of his unequal- 
 led mind, and all the earnestness of his enthusiastic soul. — 
 3 
 
18 
 
 at the very moment when, from its successful operation, lie 
 had hoped to realize for his country the profit and prosperity, 
 and for himself the fame which he had struggled so hard to 
 obtain for both. 
 
 Peculiar indeed must be the circumstances, and urgent the 
 cause, that would justify an attempt to destroy the American 
 Union. 
 
 It is unfortunately too true, however, that the period may 
 soon arrive when a dissolution of this Union will be inevita- 
 ble, when no compromise can prevent the separation of a peo- 
 ple, the bonds of whose union are cemented by the blood of a 
 common ancestry shed in a common cause, — and whom it 
 were sacreligious to disunite. 
 
 Clouds are gathering in our horizon. — The black materials 
 of hate and havoc, — ungenerous jealousy, and fanatic fury, 
 are rife in the Northern sky. None can deny these threat- 
 ening indications of a storm. Party purposes have doubt- 
 less magnified much the danger to which I allude : but, be 
 this as it may, the evil is great, and increases with fearful 
 rapidity. Religious enthusiasm is certainly the most 
 powerful impulse that can ever operate upon the human 
 mind. 
 
 The excitement never relaxes, but is always on the in- 
 crease, — as its cause is constant, and as the power of this to 
 excite, augments in a direct ratio with the near assimilation 
 of the mind to a state of mad fanaticism. 
 
 The strength and continuance of this excitement prevent 
 the occurrence of any suggestions of reason, or any pruden- 
 tial considerations ; while the consciousness of rectitude of 
 intention, which always sustains the religious enthusiast will 
 arm him with fortitude to struggle against all opposition, and 
 dispose him to encounter cheerfully the dungeon, — the 
 rack, — steel and the stake, — ambitious of martyrdom, and 
 glorying in the greatness of his tortures. 
 
 This species of enthusiasm actuates many of those who are 
 at this time most active in agitating the question of slavery, 
 and it is their influence that is most to be feared. But a 
 vast majority of the lower classes of the agitators are doubt- 
 less influenced by the jealousy of incipient agrarianism. 
 
 The laboring orders of the Northern cities do not see 
 without jealousy the Avealth and luxury of their merchant 
 masters. 
 
 But neither the time, nor the circumstances, are yet such 
 as to orginate an active manifestation of this feeling — their 
 superiors " are atili al least their c-)7nit rymcny 
 
 The jealousy is natural however, — does certainly exist, and 
 
19 
 
 is easily transferred from the capitalist of the North to the 
 planter of the South. The South is an Eldorado, to their 
 imaginations, so far as wealth and its comforts and luxuries 
 are concerned. And while toiling daily in occupations 
 more menial than the labors of the Southern slave, they think 
 of '-the lordly and lazy playiterj'^ of whom they have heard, 
 with a jealousy embittered much by a sense of their own de- 
 gradation. 
 
 Sectional prejudice makes them careless of injuring him^ 
 while thus, more from jealousy of the master than even from 
 their unnecessary and officious sympathy v/ith the slave, 
 whose situation is, in most respects infinitely better than their 
 own, — they join in the cry of ''universal emancipation" — a 
 cry which, unless the increasing intelligence of the people 
 prevent it, will, when time, and a surcharged population, 
 shall have wrought their usual effects, be changed even at the 
 North into a loud and fierce demand for an equal distribu- 
 tion of property. This may seem to some rather the ex- 
 travagant suggestion of an excited imagination, than a pro- 
 babiUty deducible fairly from the facts, and sanctioned by ex- 
 perience, but the same feelings will prompt the latter which 
 cause now the former. Let us then be vigilant — and let the 
 Northern legislatures interpose their influence for our pre- 
 sent protection, and the future safely of the North. In vain 
 do they now cry peace to us while w^e know, too well, there 
 is no peace. Inaction on their part is encouragement to 
 the levellers and as injurious to us as active interference 
 in their favor Avould be. 
 
 The North should be told that much as we value the 
 Union, and dear to us as are the associations connected with 
 it, its only intrinsic excellence is its adaptation to the ends 
 for which it was designed. Those are the mutual and gene- 
 ral good, and the protection of all. It was never intended to 
 be a means of bringing about the ruin of half its members — 
 nor will, or can, the South sufter it to last long enough for 
 this to be effected through its agency. 
 
 The North should know that self preservation is the first 
 law of nature ; that no compact can bind a people to con- 
 sent to their own destruction ; and that when the alternative 
 is presented us — which God forbid — of having our rights 
 violated, our property taken from us — and the security of our 
 fire sides disturbed — or of severing the bonds that tie us to 
 them, we will erase from the Constitution the names of its 
 Southern signers who never contemplated this most unjust 
 perversion of its principles and i)erjured abnndonmcnt of its 
 compromise conditions. 
 
'20 
 
 The North should now be told explicitly that if forced so to 
 do we will without hesitation or delay avail ourselves of the light 
 which has lately burst in se7r?i.e splendour from the Best, 
 and carrying the doctrine a short time since elucidated in so 
 happy and forcible a manner in the Virginia Legislature, and 
 on the floor of the United States Senate, farther than was 
 perhaps intended by its able and eloquent expositors, '■'■ ex- 
 punge'^ the South from the Confederacy " by drawing black 
 lilies" of perpetual deuiarkation between ourselves and those 
 who in their real, or pretended zeal for another race will 
 have then forgotten all kindness and courtesy to their coun- 
 trymen, and have shown no mercy to a people of kindred 
 color and fraternal blood. The very principles and motives 
 which originated the Union will then command its dissolu- 
 tion. 
 
 But we have been told that much reliance may be placed 
 on the intelligence and liberality of the majority of the 
 Northern people. This perhaps — probably — is so ; but 
 while expecting these to arrest the further progress of the 
 evil, the South should be itself its own friend, — it must be the 
 best. The Southern people even if confident should not be 
 careless, or lulled by false promises of protection into a 
 fatal forgetfulness of their danger. 
 
 A returning sense of right at the North may do much for 
 us — self interest viore — but the firmness and vigilance of the 
 United Southern People will constitute our surest safeguard. 
 Here the question naturally occurs— to what sources arc 
 we to look for the perfection and perpetuation of the advan- 
 tages which we enjoy from our government. The obvious 
 and immediate answer is — the integrity and intelligence of 
 the people. 
 
 In all times and countries to improve the moral and physi- 
 cal condition of the people, will naturally be one of th.e first 
 objects of government. But the ulterior motives for this 
 amelioration must be dificrent under different circumstances. 
 With despotic governments the origin and limitation of 
 the eflfort may be generally referred better to selfishness, than 
 to a philosophic philanthropy. 
 
 If the views and designs of many royal benefactors of 
 their country, be subjected to an investigation which in its 
 progress is not biased by any favorable prejudice arising 
 from a consideration of the good that has been done, we will 
 find them much less noble and disinterested than they at 
 first would seem. Such an analysis will also lead us to the 
 conclusion that they would seldom, unless accidentally, ori- 
 irinale thiit kind or degree of impro>ement suit;il)l<' to the 
 
•21 
 
 IruG happiness and dignity of human nature. The true end 
 of man's existence is the cultivation of his powers, and de- 
 velopment of his fliculties — with the attainment of that hap- 
 piness, and comparative excellence, consequent upon tiiis 
 cultivation and development. The inevitable result of this 
 would be the destruction of irresponsible power throughout 
 the world. 
 
 Educate man — refine his feelings — elevate his views — re- 
 lieve him from the prejudices of royal and religious rule — 
 restore him to the dignity from which he has been debased, 
 and you will soon find that he can, and rcill govern himself 
 A consciousness of equality would every where j^revail, and 
 this with the mental power and moral courage which would at 
 once occasion and accompany it, v»'ould raise champions on 
 all sides, willing and ready to assert, and able to maintain 
 the rights of man. This the monarch would be careful to 
 prevent — while he would be desirous at the same time to im- 
 prove the people to a certain extent, and to develope the re- 
 sources of the country as his subjects are his instruments, 
 and the power of the people the measure and standard of his 
 own strength and intluence. This last consideration does 
 not identify his interest with those of his subjects, because of 
 the reason and limitation before mentioned ; for he is con- 
 scious that it is a dangerous thing for the people to be too 
 powerful or too much enlightened — and thus, fearful lest too 
 well informed of their powers they should enquire into their 
 rights, — he seeks to impose a limit on the advance of intellect 
 by restrictions of the press, — forbidding freedom of debate, 
 and abridging liberty of conscience. 
 
 Peter the Great did much to improve the social and po- 
 litical condition of Russia. But was the illustrious autocrat 
 influenced as much by a generous and disinterested wish 
 to improve the people for the people's salie, as by the prompt- 
 ings of a policy which told him that it was only by remo- 
 deling the institutions, and changing the chcracter of his 
 country, that he could place himself on a par with his bro- 
 ther sovereigns — only thus emulate the fame of Gustavus 
 Adolphus or, which was a matter of more moment, oppose 
 the arms of his warlike descendant tlie cotemporary of the 
 Russian Czar ? No ! — the politic Peter saw in the power 
 of the surrounding potentates, and the advancing fortunes 
 of Sweden the importance of adopting those very mea- 
 sures which, with an increase of territory, and the natu- 
 ral improvements of time, have made Russia the proudest 
 and most powerful of the European principalities. Schemes of 
 conquest nmX the hope of renown all urged him to place him- 
 
2-2 
 
 self and his people in a situation to further the first and ac- 
 quire the last. Thus stimulated by the prospect of present 
 power and future fume, he was indefatigable in his exertions. 
 It was for these that he toiled in the workshops of Kings 
 whom he hoped afterwards to conquer — for these that he 
 raised St. Petersburg, upon the unhealthy borders of the Bal- 
 tic, and summoned to the capital of his quick creation, all 
 the painters, and poets, and teachers, and artizans, and men 
 of science, whom his treasures could command — or his ge- 
 nius and reputation invite. 
 
 The late Emperor of the French achieved much for France. 
 Yet he but improved a property snatched from the hands of 
 the Bourbons — a property over which his right was more un- 
 disputed, and of which his possession was more perfect and 
 absolute than those of the long line of Kings before him : 
 and all the augmentation of its wealth, and increase of its 
 resources consequent upon his government — all the glory 
 gained in its battles and all the splendour and spoils with 
 which he ornamented and enriched its capital were more for 
 the Emperor than for the Empire. 
 
 But in a republican country, and with a democratic go- 
 vernment, very different are the motives for improvement. 
 It is a proud and pleasing reflection that while other legis- 
 lators were disputing about the capacity of mankind for self- 
 government, or giving their tardy and qualified assent to the 
 proposition, the founders of our government, unimpeded by 
 their prejudices — surmounting easily the obstacles which 
 seemed mountains to their frightened fancies — and measur- 
 ing mankind by themselves — placing thus a higher estimate 
 on human nature than Kings could possibly have done — 
 based our institutions immediately on the virtuous will and 
 enlightened understanding of the people. 
 
 In a monarchy or with an aristocratic government, where 
 the sovereign power resides permanently in the hands of one 
 man, or of one particular set of men — and where all public 
 officers are selected from a few families influential from birth 
 or wealth, the business of the state may be wisely and suc- 
 cessfully transacted even while the people are sunk in igno- 
 rance and vice. • 
 
 The Capital may be the home of science and the arts, the 
 birth place of genius, and the favorite haunt of poetry and 
 eloquence, while the wretched inhabitants of the surround- 
 ing country have scarce made a single step towards civili- 
 zation. 
 
 The court of the great Northern Emperor is perhaps the 
 most brilliant and polished in Christendom, while the misera- 
 
•23 
 
 ble degradation of the Russian serf has long been proverbial : 
 nor can the splendors of St. Petersburg or Moscow affect so 
 strongly the beholder as do the desolation and horrors of Si- 
 beria, or the moral night and winter, impervious to the light 
 of mind, which " reign eternal " in other of the imperial pro- 
 vinces, rivalling the dreary perpetuity of their snows. 
 
 But in a country where there are no prejudices of caste to 
 determine who shall govern — where there are no statutes of 
 entail to confine the transmission of wealth to a prescribed 
 course of descent — but where, so far as the operation of the 
 laws is concerned, property is equally divided, and conse- 
 quently the advantages of education extended equally to all ; 
 and where, lastly, the rulers must come from the jjcople at 
 large — these last should be enlightened hi the 7?iass, to secure 
 a proper administration of public affairs. Our offices are, 
 from the circumstances of equality before adverted to, open 
 alike to all. The lawyer, the farmer, the physician, the mer- 
 chant, and sometimes the soldier may alike be called to high 
 and important places of civil trust. 
 
 It needs then no elaborate argument to prove that the ne- 
 cessity of educating the people generally, may be deduced 
 from the very nature and intention of a representative demo- 
 cracy. The people are indeed here virtually their own ru- 
 lers. Their right they exercise at the polls. If their votes 
 be governed by considerations of public policy they should 
 surely be able to form aright, opinions which are to affect 
 vitally their interests — to decide promptly and properly 
 on all the subjects presented them for their consideration, and 
 to appreciate the excellencies or see the defects of every plan 
 of legislation proposed by their representatives. If on the 
 other hand personal partialities guide their suffrage, they 
 should know how to distinguish between the true friend, 
 whose manly advice springs from an honest heart, and the 
 sycophant who is now their slave, that he may be afterwards 
 their master — who Judas-like betrays with a kiss — who de- 
 ludes their judgment and inflames their passions with insi- 
 dious discourses, and slanderous abuse of those whom he 
 knows are his superiors in every thing that should constitute 
 a man and a politician, and who are yet unfortunately, in a 
 great, measure at his mercy, as they will not, cannot stoop so 
 low, or soil so much the purity of their souls. 
 
 It is indeed a source of regret and mortification that the 
 people of this country do not discriminate better between 
 those from whom they choose their rulers. And to what is 
 this to be attributed ? Evidently to the ignorance and folly 
 of the majority of the })cople. Our judgments must be al- 
 
ways only comparative. Man is capable of an almost inti- 
 nite approach to perfection, and as he approaches more near- 
 ly to this perfection, his faults are made more manifest, by 
 the high estimate which his character commands, as blemish- 
 es on the brightest objects are rendered more visible by the 
 surrounding brilliancy. It is with a view to what the people 
 here might be, aiid aJiouU he, that we pass judgment upon 
 what they are. Can it be for a moment supposed that if 
 they were universally enlightened, they could tolerate their 
 noisy demagogues, the audacity of wliose falsehoods and 
 misrepresentations is equalled only by the insulting con- 
 fidence Vvith which they are uttered ? Who can look 
 with any other feelings than regret and indignation at the 
 numberless excitements and '•'■ 'panics'' with which partizan 
 politicians have of late so often succeeded in blinding the peo- 
 ple to the true issues before them ? Their most sacred rights 
 and dearest principles are made the instruments with Avhich 
 to injure them. Every thing tliat is true in theory, or wise in 
 practice, is pretended, and the most glorious names and in- 
 spiring associations are invoked — to promote a party ! In- 
 flammatory speeches are delivered, and violent newspaper 
 paragraphs penned — the people are hurried along by passion 
 and prejudice — they do not pause — they will not think — their 
 continual excitement precludes the possibility of calm reflec- 
 tion. Instead of performing properly the duties asssigned 
 them, the Legislatures of the difterent states often pass the 
 most of their time in party manoeuvres, while the people are 
 unfortunately contented to see thus their interests neglected , 
 that their delegates may dispute about their own. The sci- 
 ence of legislation would indeed sometimes seem to have 
 here degenerated into a system of office seeking, and the 
 floor of the Assembly to be transformed into the arena, in 
 which the eager competitors, their dignity debased, and all 
 honorable and generous feeling lost in the circean intoxica- 
 tion of an avaricious ambition, maintain a ceaseless struggle 
 for a paltry prize. Here where the sovereignty of the people 
 is the fundamental principle of the government, we see them 
 forgetting their rights, and forsaking their duties, and pros- 
 trating themselves, with a folly as fatal as that of the worship- 
 pers of Juggernaut, before the demon of faction- to be 
 crushed as he rides in rude riot through the land. All par- 
 ties must agree that these assertions are true ; but each one 
 will tell you perhaps that the fault hes with the rest; that the 
 principles and practice of their opponents produce this de- 
 plorable state of aflfairs. Can we not however, go farther 
 into the causas rervm ? It is natural that politicians should 
 
^25 
 
 use every eftbrt to promote their 'purposes. SelH.^hness is an 
 orioinal principle of man's nature ; and although, when re- 
 fined and elevated by the enlightened and liberal policy 
 which sees the interest of each in the good of all, this prin- 
 ciple may be, and often is, the origin of virtue, and of a be- • 
 nevolence which, taking its color from the accompanying 
 feelings that purify it, we might truly term disinterested, it 
 unfortunately happens that most men do not perceive, or 
 cannot properly appreciate the practical philosophy of the 
 golden rule, and are unable to resist the impulse of personal 
 motives, or withstand the temptations of their immediate 
 interests. We cannot be so visionary as to anticipate the 
 day, and look for the land, when and where, each man will 
 be at once a philosopher and a philanthropist, and the selfish 
 strife of party be succeeded by the generous competition of 
 universal benevolence. This we could expect only in some 
 fancied time like Saturn's fabled asra, or in some poetical 
 paradise of a poet's imagination, whose sunny skies are never 
 clouded, and whose balmy airs teem with the freshness and 
 fragrance of Eden, with angels to breathe these airs and 
 bask beneath those skies. At such a time, or in a Utopian 
 clime like this, might these things be — but not now, and ne- 
 ver on earth. Acquiescing then in the natural and necessary 
 operation of the passions and selfish ambition of men, arid 
 blaming no party exclusively, let us look deeper for the origin 
 of the evil. Were the people better informed the shallow ar- 
 tifices of intriguing demagogues would be easily exposed, 
 and all their attempts rendered unavailing. This would pro- 
 duce a two-fold benefit — the people would be no longer de- 
 ceived, and politicians finding it now impossible to force 
 them by their passions would try the gentler and more wor- 
 thy method of persuading and convincing their reason. In- 
 stead then of the rant and senseless violence which usually 
 characterise the address of the representative to his consti- 
 tuents, we would have the sound argument, and logical de- 
 duction, of a man well acquainted with the subject of discus- 
 sion, and at the same time aware that he can attain his end 
 better by candour than by casuistry. 
 
 There is an agent, however, still more powerful than the 
 tongues of our politicians, in active and pernicious opera- 
 tion among us — an agent too whose evil influence nought 
 but the intelligence of the people can correct. I mean our 
 party press. I say that nothing but the good sense of the 
 people can correct its licentiousness, because no legislation 
 on the subject can possibly be effectual or shoukl over be at- 
 tempted. 
 4 
 
ii6 
 
 Mr. Jt'ft'eisoii said to Baron Humboldt, in a conversation 
 with this celebrated traveller and philosopher, concerning a 
 slanderous attack made upon himself by one of the party jour- 
 nals of the day, that he "would rather protect the spirit of free- 
 dom which actuated its abuse." The European thought 
 this strange ; and attributed it perhaps to a natural desire on 
 the part of the President to seem 7iot to feel an evil which he 
 could not remedy, or to a wish to astonish the aristocratic ears 
 of his distinguished visitor. But it is better to have the too 
 luxuriant growth of free principles, than the barrenness of des- 
 potism. Time and care may curtail properly the former ; 
 while seldom a change takes place in the latter save that 
 each day the scene becomes more dreary, the desolation 
 each day more complete. It is only by educating the peo- 
 ple that the evil can be remedied, — and this too is the only 
 rightful remedy. The partizan press in this country has 
 more arms than the fabled Briareus, and is in effect possess- 
 ed of ubiquity. Into the mansion of the rich, and the hovel 
 of the poor, the halls of learning, and the haunts of igno- 
 rance, the newspaper finds its way at the same moment. 
 With those, and unfortunately they are many, who are inca- 
 pable of reflection, and depend upon the party press alone 
 for their political opinions, its boldness of assertion is mista- 
 ken for candour, and its miserable manoeuvres and paltry tricks 
 seem the perfection of political talent ; while its violence of 
 vituperation is attributed to an honest zeal, on the part of 
 its conductors, which knows no fear in a contest for the peo- 
 ple's interests with those high in place and power. They do 
 not see that poverty of knowledge requires from those who 
 would seem wise, this boldness of assertion ,• that wilful mis- 
 representation is generally the source of its skill and success ; 
 and that the courage of their champions is but like the 
 valor of the Venetian bravo, who with coward cruelty stabs 
 his enemy in the dark, as the editor may launch in surety 
 from his stool, his slanderous invectives, at the best and 
 purest of the land, since, in his insignificance secure from 
 notice, he is ingloriously safe from vengeance. They who 
 exert a great influence upon society, should have interests at 
 stake in some degree commensurate, which may serve to en- 
 sure a proper exercise of their power. But the editorial 
 corps, the most influential in the country, is here, with a few 
 distinguished exceptions, composed of men who have given 
 no pledges to the community. A correction of the abuses 
 of the press would be productive of an additional advantage. 
 For so long as its present violence maintains in the minds of 
 men a continual and increasing party excitement, no taste for 
 
•27 
 
 literary reading can possibly be formed. Excitement de- 
 mands stimulus, and the people will turn in disgust from 
 the learned elaborations of the scholar — the fancies of the 
 poet, and the speculations of the philosopher, to the crowded 
 columns which daily tempt their morbid appetites with the 
 cannibal banquet of fresh falsehoods, new slanders, and an 
 endless variety of the monstrous exaggerations of a prolific 
 imagination quickened by the active impulse of partizan 
 feeUng. Only when this unnatural taste shall have been sup- 
 pressed, can our Uterary journals be encouraged and support- 
 ed by the public. The right of instruction, justly recognis- 
 ed here as sacred and indefeasible, is but a further exten- 
 sion of the principle of self government : and the existence 
 of this right demands, and presupposes, for its proper exer- 
 cise, such a degree of intelligence in the nation as will make 
 it productive of good rather than of evil. It is evident that 
 the most dangerous and disastrous consequences must en- 
 sue if the people can be continually deceived into an im- 
 proper exercise of this right. It is the most powerful en- 
 gine that a party can possibly bring into action ; for the prin- 
 ciple on which it is based, is one deservedly dear to us all, 
 one for which our fathers fought, and one that their sons are 
 jealous to preserve. The will of the people must be obeyed 
 and they who urged by personal pique, or party pride, or ac- 
 tuated even by a disinterested regard for the public good, may 
 have attempted to oppose it, will find that they have sacrificed 
 themselves to struggle vainly, and but for a moment, against 
 that wiiich cannot be permanently resisted. It is right too 
 that the people should have things done as they choose. The 
 argument of those who assert, that they do not know so well 
 as their representatives what should be done, is but a repeti- 
 tion of the reasoning of those who deny the capacity of man- 
 kind for self government and only proves what I have been en- 
 deavoring to establish, — that the people should be enlightened. 
 With the many and serious causes for difterence and jealousy 
 between the several states composing this union, legislation 
 must be here a matter of peculiar delicacy and uncommon 
 difficulty ; and this consideration too, apart from those which 
 might be urged with reference to every democratic govern- 
 ment, makes it still more important that the intelligence of 
 the people, who wield here so powerful an influence, should 
 be a guarantee against any rash or improper action on the part 
 of their rulers. The founders of this government saw and 
 acknowledged, the absolute necessity of enlightening the peo- 
 ple, — and that on this alone depends the duration of our in- 
 stitutions. They (Midcavored in their several states, and near 
 
28 
 
 their respective residences to promote a taste for mental cul- 
 ture. In New England primary schools, and academies, were 
 founded in sufficient number for the immediate wants of the 
 population; while colleges and universities were chartered at 
 almost every session of the Northern legislatures. The good 
 that has been done making general the benefits of education, 
 and repressing, in the same ratio, the evils and vices conse- 
 quent upon ignorance — is an earnest of after progress which 
 must encourage to renewed exertions the energetic Northern- 
 ers. It is to be regretted that the people of the South have 
 not been as active in this respect as their neighbours. This 
 is to be the more lamented as education is in the South a 
 thing of , peculiar interest and importance. From the nature 
 of the Southern country — its slave population — and its agri- 
 cultural character, it cannot, for many years at least, have 
 such a representation in the national councils as will place it 
 on a numerical equality with the Northern and Eastern states. 
 It is then necessary, for the protection of the interests of the 
 South, that in the discussion of the questions involving those 
 interests, an equality of talent, and weight of character, 
 and moral influence, should counterbalance the present pre- 
 ponderance and equalize the scales. Recent indications tell 
 us too that unless this can be soon affected, our union justly, 
 valued as it is by all may not last and should not endure. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson counselled us, and commenced himself the 
 work. After his retirement to the quiet of private life, he 
 seemed to feel that there was something still for him to do. 
 He urged incessantly on the Legislature of his native state 
 the adoption of a plan of education within the limits of its 
 jurisdiction which should embrace every rank and class. He 
 proposed the establishment of schools and academies in every 
 town and county, with a central university to the studies of 
 which last those of the former should be preparatory. The 
 wisdom and policy of this scheme are obvious. We cannot 
 expect the higher walks of science and literature to be at- 
 tained by all. The original and constitutional differences of 
 mind among men would prevent this. -The inequaUties of 
 condition in the human family which Providence has ordered, 
 forbid it too, with characteristic wisdom, and compensating 
 kindness — since were the minds of all men equally enlight- 
 ened and enlarged, an intelligence unsuited to their several 
 spheres of life and action, would enable some to perceive 
 too plainly and painfully the adventitious inferiorities which 
 confine them to a station in society far below that of others 
 who owe their elevated rank to accident and circumstance 
 .•dfme. as they to these their misfortunes and degradation. 
 
29 
 
 A peasant, doomed to remain throughout his hfe, a "' tiller 
 of the earth" would be miserable with the pride of a prince — 
 the feelings and fancy of a poet, or the varied and extensive 
 knowledge of a philosopher. These difterences of condition 
 are not so marked here as in other countries, but they are na- 
 tural, and must every where exist. But while every mind can- 
 not, and, perhaps, for the reasons just mentioned, should not, 
 aspire to embrace the universe of thought and truths, which 
 the human intellect can, with the most favorable opportunities 
 for improvement, readily enfold within its comprehensive 
 grasp, — still every possible stimulus and advantage should be 
 given to all. 
 
 The schools and academies proposed by Mr. Jefferson 
 would have given these as general and uniform an extension, 
 as was practicable or even necessary. The ambitious student 
 would have found in the central college all the opportunities 
 that he could have desired : while the indigent youths 
 whose talents and industry, in the schools and academies, had 
 justified hopes of future eminence and usefulness, might have 
 been supported by the State, through a collegiate course ; and 
 this State patronage, properly administered would have been 
 a powerful incentive to exertion in the primary departments, 
 and could not have failed to impart life and activity to these 
 branches of the system. Mr. Jefferson's plan was not adopt- 
 ed as he wished ; but he saw, before he died, the University 
 of Virginia in active and efficient operation. Typifying with 
 the varied combinations of its ornate architecture, the nume- 
 rous beauties and perfections of its moral structure, we might 
 imagine it to be a sculptured representation of the genius and 
 greatness of ancient times. We fancy the odes of Anacreon, 
 and the tuneful lyres of his country's minstrels, echoing 
 among Ionic columns as in days long while past — here the 
 splendid conceptions of Corinthian and there of Dorian archi- 
 tects, with the rival glories of Corinth and Doris are called to 
 mind ; while while as we look upon a model of the Pantheon, 
 with its rich and rare collection of the ornaments and excel- 
 lencies of almost every order, we think of Rome, 
 
 ***** And die day 
 
 When Brutus made the dagger's edge surpass 
 The conqueror's sword in bearing fame away ! 
 And immortal Tully's voice, — Virgil's lay, 
 And Livy's pictured page :" 
 
 and as the light of memory kindles thus into life a thousand in- 
 spiring associations, it may also, with a vivifying influence 
 like that of the sun on Memnon's magic statue, warm into re- 
 newed existence th<.' spirit of heroism, and the soul of elo- 
 
30 
 
 quence and poesy ! To use the words of Mr. Jefterson — 
 '' the effect of this institution on the fame, fortune, and 
 prosperity of our country can be seen as yet but at a dis- 
 tance, — but a hundred well educated youths whom it will 
 turn out annually, will, ere long, fill its offices with men of 
 superior qualifications, and will raise it from its humble sta- 
 tion to an eminence among its associates which it has never 
 yet known — no not even in its brightest days. This in- 
 stitution is now qualified to raise its youth to an order of 
 science unequalled in any other institution, — and this supe- 
 riority will be the greater from the free range of intellect en- 
 couraged there, and the restraints imposed at other semina- 
 ries by the shackles of a domineering hierarchy, and a bigoted 
 adhesion to ancient habits. Our sister States will be also 
 repairing to the same fountain of instruction, will bring 
 hither their genius to be kindled at our fire, - and will carry 
 back the fraternal affections which, nourished at the same 
 alma viater, will knit us to them in the indissoluble bonds of 
 early personal friendships. Virginia will be a centre of ral- 
 liance to the States whose youth she has educated, and as it 
 were adopted — and the good '' Old Domiidon" the blessed mother 
 of US all, will raise her head with pride among the nations, — 
 and will present to them that splendor of genius which she 
 has always possessed, but has too long suffered to rest un- 
 cultivated and unknown." Let the plan proposed for Vir- 
 ginia be adopted by all the Southern States, and we will be 
 able to enter on a more equal footing the lists of amicable 
 controversy with our northern neighbors ; and if any unfor- 
 tunate accident should weaken our Union, and oppose per- 
 manently our interests, we will be as respected as foes, as we 
 were equal as friends. But this equality will tend more than 
 any thing else to preserve us united, and to prevent the oc- 
 currence of the opposition mentioned. No trivial difference 
 can part us. The necessity for a dissolution of the Union 
 can only arise when one of its two great divisions shall have 
 acquired the power, and manifested the will to oppress and 
 injure the other. We have every thing to keep us united — 
 the recollections of the past — the advantages of the present, 
 and the hopes of the future. Our Federative system has 
 thus far succeeded admirably. It was only of late that po- 
 litical economists were able to prove that human ingenuity 
 and industry when most unshackled, were most productive, 
 and it is only now that a similar principle in government has 
 been established. The capability of man for self-government 
 has never indeed until now been fairly tested. The democra- 
 cy of Athens was an insensate mob — and in the Italian Re- 
 
31 
 
 publics, and all other soi-disant popular governments ot nio» 
 dern times, the sovereignty of the people was either a vain 
 boast of fancied freedom, in which their leaders indulged 
 them while their fetters were forging, or, being free, the peo- 
 ple were ignorant and vicious, and on that account unable 
 to govern themselves. It is now, and in America only, that 
 the world has been presented with the sublime spectacle of 
 a mighty people free from all restraints, save that of laws 
 equal and just in their operation — enjoying their privileges 
 not by the uncertain tenure of a charter wrung from the un- 
 wilHng hands of despotism, but holding their liberties in fee 
 siviple and unconditional — a people too, at this moment infi- 
 nitely more enlightened in the mass, than are the subjects of 
 any King in Europe, governing themselves, and with the in- 
 crease of knowledge among them, growing each day more 
 capable of self-government. And can it be thought that 
 this example will have no influence abroad ? Europe may 
 learn from us a lesson. On the old continent the progress of 
 democracy is rapid. Let both Prince and people beware! 
 Though Nicholas may insult with impunity a Polish deputa- 
 tion, or the citizens of Paris congratulate, with pretended 
 joy, their King on his escape from assassination, the day of 
 retribution for the wrongs of Poland, and the falsehoods of 
 Philippe is fast approaching. Let Kings reflect ere it is too 
 late. The storm of popular fury may disperse to-morrow the 
 myrmidons which march now at their bidding. The sun 
 that shines to-day on the glittering spires and gilded turrets 
 of their palaces, may, when next it rises, light to view one 
 universal ruin. The guillotine can again be mounted, and 
 the streets of their ancient Capitals may once more run red 
 with royal blood. Let the people pause ! for until they are 
 prepared to govern themselves, freedom will be anarchy, and 
 worse than even the "tender mercies" of their Kings — for 
 though their liberty 
 
 * * * " Have the wings ol the wind, 
 Of the wantonest air that the North can unbind — 
 
 Yet if health do not sweeten the blast with her bloom, 
 Nor virtue's aroma its pathway perfume, 
 
 Unblest is the freedom and dreary the flight 
 
 That but wanders to ruin, and wantons to blight." 
 
 Let them pause — because the spirit that now urges them on 
 is the same disorganising demon which in France, under the 
 specious seeming of a pious patriotism, led the deluded peo- 
 ple on to sacrifice one by one their institutions, and to aban- 
 don one after another, the principles that secure the social 
 compact — giving themselves each day more completely to its 
 
purposes, in tlie vain hope that its fluttering promises would 
 be at last fulfilled — and the serenity of virtue, and the ma- 
 jesty of justice revealed to their anxiously expectant gaze, un- 
 til, the veil withdrawn in the strife of the revolution, the vi- 
 sion of the startled victims was appalled too late by a sight 
 more terrible than that which frightened from their last hope 
 the despairing followers of the unmasked Mokcmna — "features 
 horribler than hell e'er traced on its own brood," — vice in its 
 naked deformity, and murder undisguised by the sophistries 
 of false philosophy. Let both beware — because now a revo- 
 lution by force must be fatal to the first, and cannot perma- 
 nently advantage the last. 
 
 A struggle at this time in any country of Europe, between 
 the people and the government, will not be a simple contest 
 of the mere transfer of power ; it will not be local in its re- 
 sults, and the extended interests involved will make the strife 
 as general as are these interests to be affected by its termina- 
 tion. It will be a war of free principles on one side — against 
 tyranny, and a wide array of Kings, on the other. The ho- 
 ly alliance is not yet dissolved ; and the first sound of the 
 Marsielloise will summon its soldiers to the field. We were 
 too distant and too obscure to excite many fears or much at- 
 tention. It was not thought that our country, would so soon 
 produce men whom Princes should fear to meet. The court 
 of Versailles in revenging herself on her ancient enemy, saw 
 not the injury Avhich she was at the same time inflicting on 
 the cause of royalty. But experience has at length taught 
 caution to Kings. That in which a contest, however, the 
 people must eventually conquer, cannot be doubted. France 
 has long been ripe and ready for revolt — and the great and 
 good Lafayette is no longer there with the magic wand of 
 mind and moral influence, to charm to safe subsidance the 
 tumultuous sea of popular commotion. The levelling prin- 
 ciple is elsewhere progressing with increased rapidity. — 
 O'Connell and his dishonest associates threaten soon to rev- 
 olutionize England — whilst on the Peninsula, bloody wars 
 and family feuds have changed to hate and contempt " the 
 divinity which doth hedge a King." The strife will doubtless 
 be long and bloody, but the people must and will prevail. And 
 if from this contest they rise reeking with fraternal blood, 
 and furious from the slaughter — their prejudices freed from 
 the restraint of reason, and their passions inflamed to frenzy 
 — what can we anticipate but a renewal on a wijer field of 
 the horrors and failure of the French revolution — a sub- 
 version of all government — and a confusion of the ele- 
 ments of society, until at last the people, disgusted with 
 
33 
 
 the licentiousness whicJi they had mistaken for hberty, 
 recall their Kings, satisfied to sacrifice principle to peace — 
 or submit perhaps to some new Napoleon of the coming cen- 
 tury who will rear again, on the ruins of royalty a dictatorial 
 throne, from which to speak the fiat of fate to the world be- 
 neath him. Kings cannot prevent their subjects from being 
 free ; but they can prepare them for the blessings of liberty, 
 and thus prevent their running into the excesses of licen- 
 tious abandonment. And herein will they find their interest 
 and their safety. The people will not prove ungrateful ; and 
 by giving freely that which they cannot long withold — by a 
 policy and government in accordance with the liberal spirit 
 of the times — the affections of the people may be secured, 
 and their rulers thus preserve, by its beneficial exercise, their 
 own decaying power. The success or failure of our experi- 
 ment will influence much the destiny of Europe. Kings 
 turn on us a curious and inquiring gaze — the anxious people 
 look to us for encouragement and example — and call earn- 
 estly for the fulfilment of the pledges which our fathers gave 
 them. Let both then be instructed of our annals. With 
 the fate of ourselves, of our posterity, and of the world per- 
 haps, dependant on the preservation of our institutions, let 
 us swear to guard them well ! We have ourselves, fellow stu- 
 dents, something to do in this. We are young as yet — but 
 the time is rapidly approaching when we must assume a sta- 
 tion on the stage of life, and engage in the performance of 
 its active duties and business. The Sylvm Academimn^i soon 
 be to us but a green spot on " memory's waste." We can lin- 
 ger but a very little while longer in the pleasant places of 
 science, pluck but few flowers, and wreathe now not many 
 garlands, as from the Eden of the mind, we take, like the first 
 created, with painful regret our reluctant way. But if we 
 leave with unwillingness the haunts of learning, and, still 
 like Adam to engage in endless toil, — the Almighty has with 
 us too kindly ordered that labour shall sweeten success. — 
 There is an inseparable connection between our duty and our 
 happiness. Virtue is even now and here its own reward. — 
 And whether we are so unfortunate as to think we can recon- 
 cile it with the wisdom, and justice, and manifest benevolence 
 of God, that he should have created man, in cruel sport, with 
 a mind infinite in its conceptions, and equally illimitable in 
 its aspirations, — with that mind and all its proud imaginings, 
 ambitious hopes, and confident claims to immortality, to be 
 narrowed down to life's brief span, and quenched in the 
 damps and darkness of the grave — or look beyond this scene 
 of petty triumphs and trials, to a future world where, bask- 
 
34 
 
 \ng in the divine cflulgcncc the soul ol inan may eApand into 
 the perfect realization of" that glory and greatness of which 
 here it can only dream, we must all acknowledge the duty 
 and advantage of improving now, to the utmost, the facul- 
 ties which have been given us to cultivate and not to neg- 
 lect or abuse, — either to fulfil the purposes of our present 
 existence, or to prepare for the high communion which may 
 in after life await us, or to accomplish both these objects. 
 The susceptibility of the mind for the enjoyment of hap- 
 piness increases with its increased refinement. The cultiva- 
 ted intellect derives pleasure from a thousand objects, which, 
 without this cultivation, would not have suggested a single 
 pleasing association. And the happiness which depends on 
 the improvement of man's mind is alone worthy of his na- 
 ture. 
 
 In fulfilling the duties which we owe to ourselves, we will 
 also prepare for the discharge of those that we owe to our 
 country. We are individuals — but national character takes 
 its color from individual traits — individual influence deter- 
 mines the nature of national exertions. 
 
 We have near us a " Mecca ^ at whose sacred shrine to kin- 
 dle our zeal and inspire our hopes. On yonder mountain, 
 which rears its head high above the surrounding elevations, 
 rest the remains of Thomas Jefferson — ai)art from the spe- 
 cious splendour of cities — far from the noisy haunts of men, 
 and sleeping undisturbed in the silence and solitude of na- 
 ture. We feel as we gaze upon the height, that there should 
 be tiie grave of Jefferson. 
 
 The rock of St. Helena is an appropriate resting place 
 for Napoleon. The changing winds which shift around are 
 just emblems of the inconstancy of his fortunes, who from 
 the master of Kings, and the founder of dynasties became in 
 a few brief weeks the unwilling hermit of the ocean. The 
 fury of the tempest that tosses against his rocky tomb a 
 thousand wrecks, calls to mind the fearful desolation that he 
 carried so cruelly through the fairest provinces of Europe. — 
 While the painful glare^of Afric's sun, in its meridian fervour, 
 and its sudden obscuration, as it sometimes sinks in the wave, 
 the storm howling awfully its requiem, may denote the splen- 
 dor of his noon day successes, and the horrors of his after 
 fate. 
 
 Not such the sepulchre of Jefferson ! The breeze which 
 fans its sides, and breathes through the surrounding fo- 
 liage a mournful music, is scented with the fragrance of a 
 hundred fields teeming with the rich luxuriance of western 
 nature— and the fruits'and flowers of n southern dimC; whose 
 
genial influences are aided by the kindly care of man. The 
 storm that may rage below, reaches not the summit of the 
 mountain ; and so was he who is there interred, above the 
 prejudices, and superior to the weakness of human nature — 
 as fixed and immovable in his principles as that mountain on 
 its base. The sun hastes to shed its earliest rays, and lingers 
 to leave its latest light upon his tomb — and as it descends 
 slowly the mountain, tinging its top as it goes, with the mel- 
 low hues of evening, and casting on the clouds the rich pur- 
 ple of a summer sun-set, it but resembles the sage of Mon- 
 ticello, who sank even more gloriously to rest ! 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 5th. page 6th. line, for — congenial to the spirit, read — con- 
 genial iviih the spirit. 
 
 13th. page 15th. line from bottom, for — before ever the de- 
 claration, read — before even the declaration. 
 
 14th. page 12th line from bottom, the latin sentence is 
 printed incorrectly in a part of the edition, it should be — 
 Quidquid, delirant reges plectuntur Achivi. 
 
.// 
 
JtvH 
 
 X9\S4^ 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 011838 358 8 ^