.^^■■^- ■-^^~ s. A ^ u ., . ■* /\ 1 \ " <> ..<^' ^^. <> ^ c,- -^ ^^^r' . *, ^-/i]^^; y^' •^P. ,- ,c,^ '^ci- ' ^ ■"■'■;, .. ,« ■■ ^ ,\''' O v , y, ,('\ N '- , '^ "r) _ o 0^ ^v ■^^^ ^*^ •n^,, V ■^ %: *^. _, >• \^ .^^^^ -^ ■V ■ ^ o o X -^ ,'\ xV .*? .-A "-n^ <^ "»X o'^\-^ ■^-.,,nV ^ -/ -?" V "■^.^ ^'^ ~ ~ ^^-^ ^>. Oo, c- *. '^'^ :s:--\^<^^-„;v'" ■^OO-* -' ^-^ -% .0^ \ '♦ a S " ^ ■, " '■' ; CV -J. Cf •X ..^^ ■^ .n • .^^ s^ •< ' , "c. % /-• > Mi' ,v ■t<. .^^ J i, <, ^ ^ ,-.^ S , .^ .^•'^ '%','' m^/ ■<^%\mff. OO L^^ -n^^ OO^ .^^ '''<^ "^.% THE PHILOSOPHY ACTIVE AND MORAL POWERS OE MAl^. BT DUGALD STEWART, F. R. SS. Lond. and Ed. It REVISED; WITH OMISSIONS AND ADDITIONS, By JAMES WALKER, D.D., PROFESSOR OF CNTELLECTUAL AND MORAI. PHILOSOPHY IN HARVARD COIXBOB. JBfDati) lEtrftfoTi. BOSTON: PHILLIPS, SAMPSON, AND COMPANY. 1859. ^\^ f^6^ Bfttcred according to Act of Congress, in the year 1849, 37 John B>btlett. in the Clerk's OfSce of the District Court of the District of MassachusetU. In Exchange Brown University 1934 PREFACE BY THE EDITOR Sir James Mackintosh has said of Mr. Stewart, -^ ** Per« haps few men ever lived, who poured into the breasts of youth a more fervid, and yet reasonable, love of liberty, of truth, and of virtue. How many are still alive, in different countries, and in every rank to which education reaches, who, if they accurately examined their own minds and lives, would ascribe much of whatever goodness and happiness they possess to the early impressions of his gentle and persuasive eloquence ! " The Philosophy of the Active and Moral Powers of Man was the last of his publications ; it came from the press in the spring of 1828, a few weeks before the author's death. An unfriendly and severe critic in the Penny Cyclopaedia ad- mits, in respect to this treatise, that it is " by far the least exceptionable of his works. It is more systematic, and con- tains more new truths, than any of his metaphysical writ- ings; and his long acquaintance with the world and with let- ters enabled him to suggest many obvious but overlooked analyses." Only two editions of it have appeared in this country, — one separately in 1828, the other in a collection IV PREFACE. of his works in the following year ; the former has long been out of print. The author begins his Preface by apologizing for " the large and perhaps disproportionate space" allotted by him to the evidence and doctrines of natural religion. This part, making nearly one third of the whole, has been omitted in the present edition, as being out of place here, however ex- cellent in itself. Other retrenchments have also been made in respect to unimportant details, in order to find room, with- out transgressing the prescribed limits, for some additional notes and illustrations. The latter, which are indicated by brackets, or otherwise, as they occur, consist almost exclusive- ly of extracts from living or late writers, or references to them, and are inserted with a view to mark whatever prog- ress has been made or attempted in ethical speculation since Mr. Stewart's day. Some changes have been made in the distribution and num- bering of the chapters and sections, and sub-sections have been introduced for the first time. The use of the latter in giving a more distinct impression of the successive steps in the argument or exposition, no practised teacher will fail to appreciate. The Latin and Greek citations in the text are translated in the present edition, where this had not been done by the author. The translations are taken, for the most part, from common sources, without particular acknowledgment, the only object being to fit the work for more general and convenient use as a text-book. Cambridge, August 16, 1849. CONTENTS PAOS Introduction, ........... 1 BOOK I. OF OUR INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. CHAPTER I. OF OUR APPETITES, .... 11 CHAPTER 11. OF OUR DESIRES, 16 Sect. I. The Desire of Knowledge, 16 II. The Desire of Society, 20 III. The Desire of Esteem, 28 IV. The Desire of Power, 44 V. Emulation, or the Desire of Superiority, ... 49 CHAPTER III. OF OUR AFFECTIONS. Sect. I. General Observations, . 66 n. Of the Affections of Kindred, 61 in. Of Friendship, 66 IV. Of Patriotism, 70 V. OfPity to the Distressed, 80 VI CONTENTS. VI. Of Resentment, and the various other Angry Affections grafted upon it, commonly considered by Ethical Writ- ers as Malevolent Affections, ... .91 lJ BOOK II. OF OUR RATIONAL AND GOVERNING PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. CHAPTER I. OF A PRUDENTIAL REGARD TO OUR OWN HAPPINESS, OR WHAT IS COMMONLY CALLED BY MORALISTS THE PRINCIPLE OF SELF-LOVE, 102 CHAPTER II. OF THE MORAL FACULTY. • Sect. I. The Moral Faculty not resolvable into Self-Love, . .115 n. Examination of Hartley's Theory of the Formation of the Moral Sense by Association alone, . . . . 125 ni. The Moral Constitution of Human Nature not disproved by the Diversity in Men's MoralJudgments, . . . 131 IV. Licentious Systems of Morals, 154 Appendix to Chapter H. Bentham and his Followers, 171 CHAPTER III. ANALYSIS OF OUR MORAL PERCEPTIONS AND EMOTIONS, 188 Sbct. I. Of the Perception of Right and Wrong, . . . . 193 n. Of the Agreeable and Disagreeable Emotions arising from the Perception of what is Right and Wrong in Conduct, . 217 in. Of the Perception of Merit and Demerit, . . . 229 CONTENTS. Vii CHAPTER IV. OF MORAL OBLIGATION, . . 233 CHAPTER V. OF CERTAIN PRINCIPLES WHICH COOPERATE WITH OUR MORAL POWERS IN THEIR INFLUENCE ON THE CON- DUCT, 243 Sect. I. Of Decency, or a Regard to Character, .... 244 n. Of Sympathy, 245 ni. Of the Sense of the Ridiculous, 261 IV. Of Taste, considered in its Relation to Morals, . . 264 CHAPTER VI. OF man's free agency. Sect. I. Preliminary Observations, 268 n. Review of the Argument for Necessity, .... 274 HL Is the Evidence of Consciousness in Favor of the Scheme of Free Will, or of that of Necessity 1 300 IV. Of the Schemes of Free Will, and of Necessity, considered as influencing Practice, . . ^ 309 V. On the Argument for Necessity drawn from the Prescience of the Deity, . . . 316 BOOK III. OP THE VARIOUS BRANCHES OF OUR DUTY. CHAPTER I. OF THE DUTIES WHICH RESPECT THE DEITY, . 325 CHAPTER II. OP THE DUTIES WHICH RESPECT OUR FELLOW- CREATURES, 335 Sect. I. Of Benevolence, 335 Vlll CONTENTS. n. Of Justice . 352 m. Of the Right of Property, .... . . 363 IV. Of Veracity, 376 CHAPTER III. OF THE DUTIES WHICH RESPECT OURSELVES, . 383 Sect. I. Of the Duty of employing the Means we possess to secure our own Happiness, 385 n. Of the Different Theories of Happiness, .... 387 m. Means of promoting and securing Happiness, . . . 399 BOOK IV. OF THE NATURE AND ESSENCE OF VIRTUE. CHAPTER I. OF THE GENERAL DEFINITION OF VIRTUE, ... 424 CHAPTER II. ON AN AMBIGUITY IN THE WORDS RIGHT AND WRONG, VIRTUE AND VICE, . . . . - 428 CHAPTER III. OF THE OFFICE AND USE OF REASON IN THE PRACTICE OF MORALITY, 431 APPENDIX TO BOOK IV. Sect. I. Sir James Mackintosh's Theory of Morals, . . . 436 n. Jouflfroy's Theory of Morals, 449 THE PHILOSOPHY ACTIVE AND MORAL POWERS OF MAN, INTRODUCTION. I. Connection between the Intellectual and the Active Powers.] In my former work on the Human Mind I confined my attention almost exclusively to man con- sidered as an intellectual being-; and attempted an anal- ysis of those faculties and powers which compose that part of his nature commonly called his intellect or his understanding. It is by these faculties that he acquires his knowledge of external objects ; that he investigates truth in the sciences ; that he combines means in order to attain the ends he has in view ; and that he imparts to his fellow-creatures the acquisitions he has made. A being might, I think, be conceived, possessed of these principles, without any of the active propensities belonging to our species, at least without any of them but the principle of curiosity ; — a being formed only for speculation, without any determination to the pur- suit of particular external objects, and whose whole happiness consisted in intellectual gratifications. But, although such a being might perhaps be con- ceived to exist, and although, in studying our internal frame, it be convenient to treat of our intellectual pow- ers apart from our active propensities, yet, in fact, the two are very intimately, and indeed inseparably, con- 8 INTRODUCTION. nected in all our mental operations. 1 have already hinted, that, even in our bpscaJative inquiries, the prin- ciple of curiosity is necessary to account for the exer- tion we make ; and it is still ixiore obvious, that a com- bination of means to accomplish particular ends pre- supposes some determination of oar nature which makes the attainment of these ends desirable. Our active propensities, therefore, are the motives which in- duce us to exert our intellectual powers; and our intel- lectual powers are the instruments by which we attain the ends recommended to us by our active propen- sities : — " Reason the card, but passion is the g^." It will afterwards appear, that our active propensities are not only necessary to produce our intellectual exer- tions, but that tiie state of the intellectual powers, in the case of individuals, depends, in a great measure, on the strength of their propensities, and on the particular propensities which are predominant in the temper of their minds. A man of strong philosopnical curiosity is likely to possess a much more cultivated and inven- tive understanding than another of equal natural capa- city, destitute of the same stimulus. In like manner, the love of fame, or a strong sense of duty, may com- pensate for original defects, or may lay the foundation of uncommon attainments. The intellectual powers, too, may be variously modified by the habits arising from avarice, from the animal appetites, from ambition, or from the benevolent affections ; insomuch that the moral principles of the miser, of the elegant voluptua- ry, of the political intriguer, and of the philanthropist are not, perhaps, more dissimilar than the acquired ca- j)acities of their understandings, and the species of in- formation with which their memories are stored. Among the various external indications of character, few cir- cumstances will be found to throw more light on the ruling passions of individuals than the habitual direc- tion of their studies, and the nature of those accom* pUshments which they have been ambitious to attain. I INTRODUCTION. 3 When Montaigne complains of " the difficulty he ex- perienced in remembering the names of his servants * of his ignorance of the value of the French coins which he was daily handling; and of his inability to distinguish the different kinds of grain from each other, both in the earth and in the granary";* his observa- tions, instead of proving the point which he supposed them to establish (an original and incurable defect in his faculty of memory), only afford an illustration of the little interest he took in things external, and of the preternatural and distempered engrossment of his thoughts with the phenomena of the internal world. To this peculiarity in his turn of mind he had himself alluded, when he says, " T study myself mOre than any other subject. This is my metaphysic ; this my natu- ral philosophy." A person well acquainted with the peculiarities of Montaigne's memory might, 1 think, on comparing them with the general superiority of his mental powers, have anticipated him in this specifica- tion of the study which almost exclusively occupied his attention.! Helvetius in his book De VEsprit (a work which, among many paradoxical and some very pernicious opinions, contains a number of acute and lively obser- vations) has prosecuted, with considerable success, this last view of human nature, and has collected a variety of amusing facts to illustrate the influence of the pas- sions on the intellectual powers. " It is the passions," he observes, " that rouse the soul from its natural ten- * Montaigne's Essays, Book II. Chap. xvii. t The following remarks of the learned and ingenious Dr. Jortin are not unworthy of tJie attention of those whose taste leads them to the ob- sei-vation and study of character. "From the complexion of those anecdotes which a man collects from others, or which he forms by his own pen, may, without much difficulty, be conjectured what manner of man he was. " Tlie human being is mightily given to assimilation, and, from the sto- ries which any one relates with spirit, from the general tenor of his conver- sation, and from the books or associates to which he most addicts his at' tention, the inference cannot be far distant as to the texture of his mind, the vein of his wit, or. we may add, the ruling passion of his heart.'' — Jortin's Tracts, Vol. I. p 445. 4 INTRODUCTION. dency to rest, and surmount the vis inerticB to which it is always inclined to yield ; and it is the strong' pas- sions alone that prompt men to the execution of those heroic actions, and give birth to those sublime ideas, w^hich command the admiration of ages. " It is the strength of passion alone that can enable men to defy dangers, pain, and death. " It is the passions, too, which, by keeping up a per- petual fermentation in our minds, fertilize the same ideas, which, in more phlegmatic temperaments, are barren, and resemble seed scattered on a rock. " It is the passions which, having strongly fixed our attention on the object of our desire, lead us to view it under aspects unknown to other men; and which, con- sequently, prompt heroes to plan and execute those hardy enterprises which must always appear ridiculous to the multitude till the sagacity of their authors has been evinced by success." * To this passage, which is, I think, just in the main, I have only to object, that, in consequence of the ambi- guity of the word passion^ it is apt to suggest an errone- ous idea of the author's meaning. It is plain that he uses, it to denote our active principles in general ; and, in this sense, there can be no doubt that his doctrine is well founded ; inasmuch as, without such principles as curiosity, the love of fame, ambition, avarice, or the love of mankind, our intellectual capacities would for ever remain sterile and useless. But it is not in this sense that the word passion is most commonly em- ployed. In its ordinary acceptation it denotes those animal impulses which, although they may sometimes prompt to intellectual exertion, are certainly on the whole unfavorable to intellectual improvement. Helve- tius himself has not always attended to this ambiguity of language ; and hence may be traced many of the paradoxes and errors of his philosophy. To these slight remarks it may not be useless to subjoin an observation of La Rochefoucauld, which ia * De VEsprit, Discours III. Chap. vi. INTKODUCTION. S equally refined and just; and which, in its practical tendency, calls the attention to a source of danger in a quarter where it is too seldom apprehended. " It is a mistake to believe that none but the violent passions, such as ambition and love, are able to triumph over the other active principles. Laziness, as languid as it is, often gets the mastery of them all ; overrules all the designs and actions of life, and insensibly consumes and destroys both passions and virtues." * From the foregoing observations it appears, that, in accounting for the diversities of genius and of intellect- ual character among men, important lights may be de- rived from an examination of their active propensities. It is of more consequence for me, however, to remark at present the intimate relation which an analysis of these propensities bears to the theory of morals, and its practical connection with our opinions on the duties and the happiness of human life. Indeed, it is in this way alone that the light of nature enables us to form any reasonable conclusions concerning the ends and destination of our being, and the purposes for which we were sent into the world : Quid sumus, et quidnam victuri g-ignimur.f It forms, therefore, a necessary in- troduction to the science of ethics, or rather is the foun- dation on which that science may rest. II. Object and Plan of the Work.] In prosecuting our inquiries into the Active and the Moral Powers of Man, I propose, first, to attempt a classification and analysis of the most important principles belonging to this part of our constitution ; and, secondly, to treat of the various branches of our duty. Under the former of these heads, my principal aim will be to illustrate the essential distinction between those active principles which originate in man's rational nature, and those which urge him, by a blind and instinctive impulse, to their respective objects. In general, it may be here remarked, that the word * Sentences et Maximes, cclxvi. t Persius, Sat. III. 1. 67. 1* 6 INTRODUCTION. action is properly applied to those exertions which are consequent on volition, whether the exertion be made on external objects, or be confined to our mental opera- tions. Thus, we say the mind is active when engaged in study. In ordinary discourse, indeed, we are apt to confound together action and motion. As the opera- tions in the minds of other men escape our notice, we can judge of their activity only from the sensible ef- fects it produces ; and hence we are led to apply the character of activity to those whose bodily activity is the most remarkable, and to distinguish mankind into two classes, the active and the speculative. In the present instance, the word active is used in its most ex- tensive signification, as applicable to every voluntary exertion. According to the definition now given of the word ac- tion^ the primary sources of our activity are the circum- stances in which the acts of the will originate. Of these there are some which make a part of our consti- tution, and which, on that account, are called active principles. Such are hunger, thirst, the appetite which unites the sexes, curiosity, ambition, pity, resentment. These active principles are also called powers of the will, because, by stimulating us in various ways to ac- tion, they afford exercise to our sense of duty and our other rational principles of action, and give occasion to our voluntary determinations as free agents. III. Difficulty of the Study.] The study of this part of our constitution, although it may at first view seem to lie more open to our examination than the powers of the understanding, is attended with some difliculties peculiar to itself. For this various reasons may be assigned; among which there are two that seem princi- pally to claim our attention. 1. When we wish to examine the nature of any of our intellectual principles, we can at all times subject the faculty in question to the scrutiny of reflection; and can institute whatever experiments with respect to it may be necessary for ascertaining its general laws INTRODUCTION. 7 It is characteristic of all our operations purely intellect- ual to leave the mind cool and undisturbed, so that the exercise of the faculties concerned in them does not prevent us from an analytical investigation of their the- ory. The case is very different with our active powers, particularly with those which, from their violence and impetuosity, have the greatest influence on human hap- piness. When we are under the dominion of the pow- er, or, in plainer language, when we are hurried by paS' sion to the pursuit of a particular end, we feel no incli- nation to speculate concerning the mental phenomena. When the tumult subsides, and our curiosity is awa- kened concerning the past, the moment for observation and experiment is lost, and we are obliged to search for our facts in an imperfect recollection of what was viewed, even in the first instance, through the most troubled and deceitful of all media. Something connected with this is the following re- mark of Mr. Hume : — " Moral philosophy has this pe- culiar disadvantage, which is not to be found in natu- ral, that, in collecting its experiments, it cannot make them purposely, with premeditation, and after such a manner as to satisfy itself concerning every particular difficulty that may arise. When I am at a loss to know the effects of one body upon another in any sit- uation, I need only put them in that situation, and ob- serve what results from it. But should I endeavour to clear up, after the same manner, any doubts in moral philosophy, by placing myself in the same case with that which I consider, it is evident that this reflection and premeditation would so disturb the operation of my natural principles, as must render it impossible to form any just conclusion from the phenomenon. We must therefore glean up our experiments in this science from a cautious observation of human life, and take them as they appear in , the common course of the world, by men's behaviour in company, in affairs, and »n their pleasures." * * Treatise of Human Nalure, Vol. I., Introduction. 8 INTRODUCTION. 2. Another circumstance which adds much to the difficulty of this branch of study is the great variety of our active principles, and the endless diversity of their combinations in the characters of men. The same ac- tion may proceed from very different, and even oppo- site, motives in the case of two individuals, and even in the same individual on different occasions ; — or an action which in one man proceeds from a single motive may, in another, proceed from a number of motives conspiring together and modifying each other's effects. The philosophers who have speculated on this subject have in general been misled by an excessive love of simplicity, and have attempted to explain the phenom- ena from the smallest possible number of data. Over- looking the real complication of our active principles, they have sometimes fixed on a single one, (good or bad, according as they were disposed to think Well or ill of human nature,) and have deduced from it a plausible explanation of all the varieties of human character and conduct. ; Our inquiries on this subject must be conducted in one of two ways, either by studying the characters of other men, or by studying our own. In the former way, we may undoubtedly collect many useful hints, and many facts to confirm or to limit our conclusions; but the conjectures we form concerning the motives of others are liable to so much uncertainty, that it is chiefly by attending to what passes in our own minds that we can reasonably hope to ascertain the general laws of our constitution as active and moral beings. Even this plan of study, however, as I have already hinted, requires uncommon perseverance, and still more uncommon candor. The difficulty is great of attend- ing to any of the operations of the mind ; but this difficulty is much increased in those cases in which we are led by vanity or timidity to fancy that we have an interest in concealing the truth from our own knowl- edge. Most men, perhaps, are disposed, in consequence of these and some other causes, to believe themselves bet» INTRODUCTION. 3 ter than they really are ; and a few, there is reason to suspect, go into the opposite extreme, from the influ- ence of false systems of philosophy or religion, or from the gloomy views inspired by a morbid melancholy. When to these considerations we add the endless metaphysical disputes on the subject of the will, and of man's free agency, it may easily be conceived that the field of inquiry upon which we are now to enter abounds with questions not less curious and intricate than any of those which have been hitherto under our review. In point of practical importance some of them will be found in a still higher degree entitled to our at- tention. IV. Division of the Active Principles.] In the further prosecution of this subject, I shall avoid, as much as possible, all technical divisions and classifications, and shall content myself with the following enumeration of our Active Principles, which I hope will be found sufficiently distinct and comprehensive for our pur- poses. 1. Appetites. 2. Desires. 3. Affections. 4. Self-love. 5. The Moral Faculty. The first three may be distinguished (for a reason which will afterwards appear) by the title of Instinc- tive or Implanted Propensities ; the last two by the title of Rational and Governing Principles of Action.* * In tlie above enumeration I have departed widely from Dr. Eeid's language. See his Essays on the Active Powers, Essay III., Parts I., II., and III. This great philosopher, with whom I am always unwilling to differ, refers our active principles to three classes, the mechanical, the aniinal., and the rational; using all these three words with what I think a very exceptional latitude. On this occasion I shall only observe, that the word mechanical (under which he comprehends our instincts and habits) cannot, in my opinion, be properly applied to any of our active principles. It is indeed used, in this instance, merely as a term of distinction ; but it seems to imply some theory concerning the nature of the principles com- prehended under it, and is apt to suggest incorrect notions on the subject. 10 INTRODUCTION. If I_had been disposed to examine this part of our constitution with all the minute accuracy of which it is susceptil)le, I should have preferred the following arrangement to that which I liave adopted, as well as to that proposed by Dr Reid: — 1. Of our original principles of action. 2. Of our acquired principles of action. The original principles of action may be subdivided into the animal and the rational ; to the former of which classes our instincts ought undoubtedly to be referred, as well as our appetites In Dr. lleid's arrangement, noth- ing appears more unaccountable, if not capricious, than to call our appe- tites animal principles, because they are common to man and to the brutes; and, a-t the same time, to distinguish our instincts by the title oi mechanical ; — when, of all our active propensities, there are none in which the nature of man bears so strong an analogy to that of the lower animals as in these instinctive impulses. Indeed, it is from the condition of the brutes that the word instinct is transferred to that of man by a sort of figure or met- aphor. Our acquired principles of action comprehend all those propensities to act which we acquire from habit. Such are our artificial appetites and artificial desires, and the various factitious motives of human conduct generated by association and fashion. At present, it being useless for any of the purposes which I have in view to attempt so comprehensive and detailed an examination of tlie subject, I shall confine myself to the general enumeration already mentioned. As our appetites, our desires, and our affections, whether original or ac- quired, stand in the same common relation to the Moral Faculty (the illustration of which is the chief object of this volume), I purposely avoid those slighter and less important subdivisions which might be thought to savour unnecessarily of scholastic subtilty. [For later classifications of our Active Principles, see Upham's Ele- ments of Mental Philosophy, Vol. II., Introduction, Chap, ii., and Whewell'a Elements of Morality^ Book I. Chap, ii.] BOOK I. OF OUR INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. CHAPTER!. OF OUR APPETITES. I. Their Nature^ Use, and Abuse.] This class of our Acthe Principles is distinguished by the following cir- cumstances : — 1. They take their rise from the body, and are com- mon to us with the brutes. 2. They are not constant, but occasional. 3. They are accompanied with an uneasy sensation, which is strong or weak in proportion to the strength or weakness of the appetite. Our appetites are three in number, hunger, thirst, and the appetite of sex. Of these, two were intended for the preservation of the individual; the third for the continuation of the species ; and without them reason would have been insufficient for these important pur- poses. Suppose, for example, that the appetite of hunger had been no part of our constitution, reason and experience might have satisfied us of the necessity of food to our preservation ; but how should we have been able, without an implanted principle, to ascertain, according to the varying state of our animal economy, the proper seasons for eating, or the quantity of food that is salutary to the body? The lower animals not only receive this information from nature, but are, moreover, directed by instinct to the particular sort of food that is proper for them to use in health and in sickness. The senses of taste and smell, in the savage 12 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. state of onr species, are subservient, at least in some degree, to the same purpose. Our appetites can, with no propriety, be called selfish^ for they are directed to their respective objects as ulti^ mate ends, and they must all have operated, in the first instance^ prior to any experience of the pleasure arising from their gratification. After this experience, indeed, the desire of enjoyment will naturally come to be com- bined with the appetite ; and it may sometimes lead us to stimulate or provoke the appetite with a view to the pleasure which is to result from indulging it. Imagina- tion, too, and the association of ideas, together with the social affections, and sometimes the moral faculty, lend their aid, and all conspire together in forming a complex passion, in which the animal appetite is only one ingredient. In proportion as this passion is grati- fied, its influence over the conduct becomes the more irresistible, (for all the active determinations of our na- ture are strengthened by habit,) till at last we struggle in vain against its tyranny. A man so enslaved by his animal appetites exhibits humanity in one of its most miserable and contemptible forms. As an additional proof of the misery of such a state, it is of great importance to remark, that, while habit strengthens all our active determinations, it diminishes the liveliness of our passive impressions ; — a remarka- ble instance of which occurs in the effects produced by an immoderate use of strong liquors, which, at the same time that it confirms the active habit of intem- perance, deadens and destroys the sensibility of the pal- ate. In consequence of this law of our nature, the evils of excessive indulgence are doubled, inasmuch as our sensibility to pleasure decays in proportion as the cravings of appetite increase. In general, it will be fbund, that, wherever we at- tempt to enlarge the sphere of enjoyment beyond the limits prescribed by nature, we frustrate our own pur- pose. A man so enslaved by his appetites may undoubted- ly, in one sense, be called selfish; for, as he must ne- APPETITES. 13 oessarily neglect the duties he owes to others, he may be presumed to be deficient in the benevolent affec- tions. But it cannot be said of him that he is actuated by an inordinate self-love^ (meaning by that word an excessive regard for his own happiness,) for he sacrifices to the meanest gratifications all the noblest* pleasures of which he is susceptible, and^ sacrifices to the pleas ure of the moment the permanent enjoyments of health, reputation, and conscience. This is true even when the desire of gratification is combined with the original appetite; for no two principles can be more widely at variance than the desire of gratification and the desire of happiness. Of the errors introduced into morals, in consequence of the vague use of the words selfishness and self-love, I shall afterwards take notice. What 1 wish chiefly to remark at present is, that in no sense of these words can we refer to them the origin of our animal appetites ; and that the active propensities comprehended under this title are ultimate facts in the human constitution^ 11. Acquired Appetites.^ Besides our natural appe- tites we have many acquired ones. Such are our ap- petites for tobacco, for opium, and for other intoxicating drugs. In general, every thing that stimulates the ner- vous system produces a subsequent languor, which gives rise to a desire of repetition. The universality of this appetite for intoxicating drugs is a curious fact in the history of our species. " It seems," says Dr. Robertson, " to have been one of the first exertions of human ingenuity to discover some composition of an intoxicating quality; and there is hardly any nation so rude, or so destitute of invention, as not to have succeeded in this fatal research. The most barbarous of the American tribes have been so unfortunate as to attain this art ; and even those who are so deficient in knowledge as to be unacquainted with the method of giving an inebriating strength to liquors by fermentation can accomplish the same end by other means. The people of the islands of North 2 1 I INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. America and of California used for this purpose the smoke of tobacco, drawn up with a certain instrument into the nostrils, the fumes of which ascending to the brain, they lelt all the transports and frenzy of intoxi- cation. In almost every part of the New World the natives possessed the art of extracting an intoxicating liquor from maize, or the manioc root, the same sub- stances which they convert into bread. The operation by which they effect this nearly resembles the common one of brewing, but with this difference, that, instead of yeast, they use a nauseous infusion of maize or manioc chewed by their women. The saliva excites a vigorous fermentation, and in a few days the liquor becomes fit for drinking. It is not disagreeable to the taste, and, when swallowed in large quantities, is of an inebriating quality. This is the general beverage of the Americans, which they distinguish by different names, and for which they feel such a violent and insatiable desire, as it is not easy either to conceive or describe." * Many striking confirmations of this remark occur in the voyages of Cook and of later navigators. III. Other analogous Propensities.] Our occasional propensities to action and to repose are, in many re- spects, analogous to our appetites. They have, indeed, all the three characteristics of our appetites already mentioned. They are common, too, to man and to the lower animals, and they operate, in our own species, in the most infant state of the individual. In general, every animal we know is prompted by an instinctive impulse to take that degree of exercise which is salu- tary to the body, and is prevented from passing the bounds of moderation by that languor and desire of repose which are the consequences of continued ex- ertion. There is something, also, very similar to this with respect to the mind. We are impelled by nature to the exercise of its different faculties, and we are warned, * History of America, Book IV. § 100. APPETITES. 15 wnen we are in danger of overstraining them, by a consciousness of fatigue. After we are exhausted by a long course of application to business, how delight- ful are the first moments of indolence and repose! O che hella cosa di far niente I We are apt to imagine that no inducement shall again lead us to engage in the bustle of the world : but, after a short respite from our labors, our intellectual vigor returns ; the mind rouses from its lethargy "like a giant from his sleep," and we feel ourselves urged by an irresistible impulse to return to our duties as members of society. The active principles already mentioned are common to man and to the brutes. But besides these, the latter have some instinctive impulses, of which I do not know that there are any traces to be found in the human race. Such are those antipathies which they discover against the natural enemies of their respective tribes. It is prob- able, 1 think, that their existence is guarded entirely by their appetites and antipathies; for the desire of self- preservation implies a degree of reason and reflection which they do not appear to possess. Even in the case of man, this desire is probably the result of his experi- ence of the pleasures which life affords; and, accord- ingly, as Dr. Beattie very finely remarks, Milton has, with exquisite judgment, represented Adam, in the first mo- ments of his being, as contemplating, without anxiety or regret, the idea of immediate annihilation: — " While thus I called and strayed I knew not whither From where I first drew air, and first beheld This happy li{2;ht, when answer none returned, On a green, shady bank profuse of flowers Pensive I sat me down. There gentle sleep First found me, and with soft oppression seized My drowzied sense; untroubled, though I thought I then was passing to my former state Insensible, and forthwith to dissolve." * * Paradise Lost, Book VHI. 283. 16 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. CHAPTER II. OF OUR DESIRES. Our desires are distinguished from our appetites by the following circumstances : — 1. They do not take their rise from the body. 2. They do not operate periodically after certain in- tervals, nor do they cease after the attainment of a particular object. The most remarkable active principles belonging to this class are, — 1. The Desire of Knowledge^ or the principle of (Ju- riosity. 2. The Desire of Society. 3. The Desire of Esteem. 4. The Desire of Power, or the principle of Ambition. 5. The Desire of Superiority, or the principle of Em- ulation. Section L the desire of knowledise. I. Early and various Manifestations,] The principle of curiosity appears in children at a very early period, and is commonly proportioned to the degree of intellect- ual capacity they possess. The direction, too, which it takes, is regulated by nature according to the order of our wants and necessities ; being confined, in the first instance, exclusively to those properties of material ob- jects, and those laws of the material world, an ac- quaintance with which is essential to the preservation of our animal existence. Hence the instinctive eagerness with which children handle and examine every thing which is presented to them ; an employment which we are commonly apt to consider as a mere exercise of their animal powers, but which, if we reflect on the limited DESIRE OF KNOWLEDGE. 17 province of sight prior to experience, and on the early period of life at which we are able to judge by the eye of the distances and of the tangible qualities of bodies, will appear plainly to be the most useful occupation in which they could be engaged, if it were in the power of a philosopher to have the regulation of their atten- tion from the hour of their birth. In more advanced years curiosity displays itself in one way or another in every individual, and gives rise to an infinite diversity in their pursuits, — engrossing the attention of one man about physical causes, of another about mathematical truths, of a third about historical facts, of a fourth about the objects of natural history, of a fifth about the trans- actions of private families, or about the politics and news of the day. Whether this diversity be owing to natural predis- position, or to early education, it is of little consequence to determine, as, upon either supposition, a preparation is made for it in the original constitution of the mind, combined with the circumstances of our external situa- tion. Its final cause is also sufficiently obvious, as it is this which gives rise in the case of individuals to a lim- itation of attention and study, and lays the foundation of all the advantages which society derives from the di- vision and subdivision of intellectual labor. II. Neither Selfish nor Moral in itself.] These ad- vantages are so great, that some philosophers have at- tempted to resolve the desire of knowledge into self- love. But to this theory the same objection may be stated which has already been made to the attempts of some philosophers to account, in a similar way, for the origin of our appetites; — that all of these are active principles, manifestly directed by nature to particular specific objects, as their ultimate ends;- — that as the object of hunger is not happiness, but food, so the ob- ject of curiosity is not happiness, but knowledge. To this analogy Cicero has very beautifully alluded, when he calls knowledge the natural food of the understand- ing. " Est animorum ingeniorumque nostrorum na 2* 18 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. turale quoddam quasi pabulum consideratio contem- platioque naturae." We can indeed conceive a being prompted merely by the cool desire of happiness to accumulate information; bat in a creature like man, endowed with a variety of other active principles, the stock of his knowledge would probably have been scanty, unless self-love had been aided in this particular by the principle of curiosity. Although, however, the desire of knowledge is not resolvable into self-love, it is not in itself an object of moral approbation. A person may indeed employ his intellectual powers with a view to his own moral im- provement, or to the happiness of society, and so far he acts from a laudable principle. But to prosecute study merely from the desire of knowledge is neither virtuous nor vicious. When not suffered to interfere with our duties it is morally innocent. The virtue or vice does not lie in the desire, but in the proper or improper reg- ulation of it. The ancient astronomer, who, when ac- cused of indifference with respect to public transactions, answered that his country was in the heavens, acted criminally, inasmuch as he suffered his desire of knowl- edge to interfere with the duties which he owed to mankind. III. But superior in Dignity and Use to the Appetites.] At the same time, it must be admitted that the desire of knowledge (and the same observation is applicable to our other desires) is of a more dignified nature than those appetites which are common to us with the brutes. A thirst for science has been always considered as a mark of a liberal and elevated mind ; and it generally cooperates with the moral faculty in forming us to those habits of self-government which enable us to keep our animal appetites in due subjection. There is another circumstance which renders this desire peculiarly estimable, that it is always accom- panied with a strong desire to communicate our knowl- edge to others ; insomuch, that it has been doubted ii the principle of curiosity would be sufficiently power DESIRE OF KNOWLEDGE. 19 j ful to animate the intellectual exertions of any man in \ a long course of persevering study, if he had no pros- I pect of being ever able to impart his acquisitions to his friends or the public. " Si quis in coelum ascendisset," says Cicero, " naturamque mundi et pulchritudinem 1 siderum perspexisset, insuavem iilam admirationem ei . ■■ fore, quas jucundissima fuisset, si aliquem, cui narraret, ' habuisset. Sic natura solitarium nihil amat, semperque ad aliquod tamquam adminiculum annititur, quod in [ amicissimo quoque dulcissimum est." * And to the same purpose Seneca : — " Nee me ulla res delectabit, licet sit exirnia et salutaris, quam mihi uni sciturus sum. ■ Si cum hac exceptione detur sapientia, ut illam inclusam teneam, nee enuntiem, rejiciam : nuUius boni, sine socio, jucunda possessio est." f A strong curiosity, properly directed, may be justly considered as one of the most important elements in philosophical genius ; and, accordingly, there is no cir- cumstance of greater consequence in education than to keep the curiosity always awake, and to turn it to use- ful pursuits. I cannot help, therefore, disapproving greatly of a very common practice in this country, that of communicating to children general and superficial views of science and history by means of popular in- troductions. In this way we rob their future studies of all that interest which can render study agreeable, and reduce the mind, in the pursuits of science, to the i same state of listlessness and languor as when we toil through the pages of a tedious novel after being made ! acquainted with the final catastrophe. j * De Amicitia, 23. Thus translated, or rather paraphrased, by Mel- i moth : — " Were a man to be carried up to heaven, and the beauties ol universal nature displayed to his view, he would receive but little pleasure from the wonderful scene, if there were none to Avhom he might relate the glories he had beheld. Human nature, indeed, is so constituted as to be in- ' capable of lonely satisfaction : man, like those plants which are formed to embrace otliers, is led by an instinctive impulse to recline on his species * i and he finds his happiest and most secure support in the arms of a faithful ' friend." t Seneca, Epist. Mor , Lib. I. Ep. 6. " Nor, indeed, would any thing giv« '■ me pleasure, however excellent and salutary it might be, were I to keep the knowledge of it to myself Were wisdom offered me under such restriction as to be obliged to conceal it, I would reject it. No enjoyment whatevei j tan be agreeable without participation." ' 20 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. It would contribute greatly to the culture and the guidance of this principle of curiosity, if the different sciences were taught as much as possible in the order of the analytic rather than in that of the synthetic^ method ;* a plan, however, which I readily admit it is not so practicable to carry into effect in a course of public as of private instruction. Such a mode of edu- cation, too, would be attended with the additional advantage of accustoming the student to the proper method of investigation ; and thereby preparing him in due time to enter on the career of invention and dis- covery. Nor is this all. It would impress the knowl- edge he thus acquired, in some measure by his own ingenuity, much more deeply on his memory than if it were passively imbibed from books or teachers ; — in the same manner as the windings of a road make a more lasting impression on the mind when w^e have once trav- elled it alone, and inquired out the way at every turn, than if we liad travelled along it a hundred times trust- ing ourselves implicitly to the guidance of a companion. I am happy to be confirmed in this opinion by its coincidence with what has been excellently remarked on the same subject by Miss Edgeworth, in her treatise on Practical Education; a work equally distinguished by good sense and by originality of thought. The pas- sage I allude to more particularly at present is the short dialogue about the steam-engine, as improved by Mr. Watt.t Section II. THE DESIRE OF SOCIETY. I. An Instinctive Principle.] Abstracted from those affections which interest us in the happiness of others, * Analytically we discover, by a sort of decomposition, the simple lawa which are concerned in the phenomenon under consideration ; synthetically taking the laws for granted, we determine a priori what the result will ba Df any hypothetical comliination of them — Ed. t Essays on Practical Education, Chap. XXI. DESIRE OF SOCIETY. 2\ and from all the advantages which we ourselves derive from the social union, we are led by a natural and in- stinctive desire to associate with our species. This principle is easily discernible in the minds of children long before the dawn of reason. " Attend only," says an intelligent and accurate observer, " to the eyes, the features, and the gestures of a child on the breast when another child is presented to it ; — both instantly, pre- vious to the possibility of instruction or habit, exhibit the most evident expressions of joy. Their eyes sparkle, and their features and gestures demonstrate, in the most unequivocal manner, a mutual attachment. When further advanced, children who are strangers to each other, though their social appetite be equally strong, discover a mutual shyness of approach, which, howevefj is soon conquered by the more powerful instinct of as- sociation." * In the lower animals, too, very evident traces of the same instinct appear. In some of these we observe a species of union strikingly analogous to political asso- ciations auiong men : in others we observe occasional unions among individuals to accomplish a particular purpose, — to repel, for example, a hostile assault; — but there are also various tribes which discover a de- sire of society, and a pleasure in the company of their own species, without an apparent reference to any further end. Thus we frequently see horses, when con- fined alone in an inclosure, neglect their food and break the fences to join their companions in the contiguous field. Every person must have remarked the spirit and alacrity with which this animal exerts himself on the road, when accompanied by another animal of his own species, in comparison of what he discovers when trav- elling alone; and, with respect to oxen and cows, it has been asserted, that even in the finest pasture they d3 not fatten so rapidly in a solitary state as when they feed together in a herd.f * Smellie's Philosophy of Natural History, Chap, XI. t One of the best accounts oC the social pi-inciple in animals is found in Swainson's Habits and Instincts of Animals, Chapters IX. and X. — Ed. 22 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. What is the final cause of the associating instinct in such animals as have now been mentioned it is not easy to conjecture, unless we suppose that it was in- tended merely to augment the sum of their enjoyments. But whatever opinion we may form on this point, it is indisputable that the instinctive determination is a strong one, a-nd that it produces striking effects on the habits of the animal, even when external circumstances are the most unfavorable to its operation. Horses and oxen, for example, when deprived of companions of their own species, associate and become attached to each other. The same thing sometimes happens be- tween individuals that belong to tribes naturally hos- tile ; as between dogs and cats, or between a cat and a bird. If these facts be candidly considered, there will ap- pear but little reason to doubt the existence of the so- cial instinct in our own species, when it is so agree- able to the general analogy of nature, as displayed through the rest of the animal creation. As this point, however, has been controverted warmly by authors of eminence, it will be necessary to consider it with some attention. II. The Theory of Hobhes stated and refuted.] The question with respect to the social or the solitary nature of man seems to me to amount to this ; whether man has any disinterested principles which lead him to unite with his fellow-creatures, or whether the social union be the result of prudential views of self-interest, sug- gested by the experience of his own insufficiency to procure the objec s of his natural desires. Of these two opinions, Hobbes has maintained the latter, and has endeavoured to establish it by proving, that, in what he calls the state of nature, every man is an enemy to his brother, and that it was the experience of the evils arising from these hostile dispositions that induced men to unite in a political society. In proof of this he in- sists on the terror which children feel at the sight of a stranger ; on the apprehension which, he says, a person DESIRE OF SOCIETY. 23 naturally feels when he hears the tread of a foot in the dark; on the universal invention of locks and keys and on various other circmnstances of a similar na- ture.* That this theory of Hobbes is contrary to the univer- sal history of mankind cannot be disputed. Man has always been found in a social state ; and there is reason even for thinking, that the principles of union which nature has implanted in his^ heart operate with the greatest force in those situations in which the advan- tages of the social union are the smallest. As society advances, the relations among individuals are continu- ally multiplied, and man is rendered the more neces- sary to man : but it may be doubted, if, in a period of great refinement, the social affections be as warm and powerful as when the species were wandering in the forest. Besides, it does not seem to be easy to conceive in what manner Hobbes's supposition could be realized. Surely, if there be a foundation for any thing laid in the constitution of man's nature, it is for family union. The infant of our species continues longer in a help- less state, and requires longer the protecting care of both parents, than the young of any other animal. Be- fore the first child is able to provide for itself, a second and a third are produced, and thus the union of the sexes, supposing it at first to have been merely casual, is insensibly confirmed by habit, and cemented by the common interest which both parents take in their off- spring. So just is the simple and beautiful statement of the fact given by Montesquieu, that " man is born in society, and ther.e he remains." From these considerations, it appears that the social union does not take its rise from views of self-interest, but that it forms a necessary part of the condition of man from the constitution of his nature. It is true, in- deed, that before he begins to reflect he finds himself connected with society by a thousand ties ; so that, in- * Leviathan^ Part I. Chap. xiii. De Corpore Politico, Part I. Chap. i. 24 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. dftpendently of any social instinct, prudence would un- doubtedly prevent him from abandoning his fellow-crea- tures. But still it is evident that the social instinct forms a part of human nature, and h-as a tendency to unite men even when they stand in no need of each other's assistence. Were the case otherwise, prudence and the social disposition would be only different names for the same principle, whereas it is matter of common remark, that although the two principles be by no means inconsistent when kept within reasonable bounds, yet that the former, when it rises to any excess, , is in a great measure exclusive of the latter. I have l4^x--hintedVtoo, already, that it is in societies where individ- uals are most independent of each other as to their an- imal wants, that the social principles operate with the greatest force. III. The Wants and Necessities of Man help to de- velop^ hut do not create^ his Social Principles.] Accord- ing to the view of the subject now given, the multi- plied wants and necessities of man in his infant state, by laying the foundation of the family union, impose upon our species, as a necessary part of their condition, those social connections which are so essential to our improvement and happiness. And therefore nothing could be more unphilosophical than the complaints which the ancient Epicureans founded upon this cir- cumstance, and which Lucretius has so pathetically ex- pressed in the following verses : — " Turn porro puer, ut saevis pvojectus ab undis Navita, nudus humi jacet, infans, indigus omni Vitali auxilio, cum primum in luminis oras Nixibus ex alvo matris natura profudit : Vagituque locum lugubri complet, ut aequum est, Cui tantum in vita restat transire malorum." * < * Lib. V. 223. " As when wild, wrecking tempests sweep the skies, Cast on the sliore the naked sailor lies : So the weak infant, when he springs to light, Thrown on the strand of life in helpless plight, With mournful cries the joyful mansion fills, The unheeded omens of a life of ills." I DESIRE OF SOCIETY. 25 The philosophy of Pope is in this respect much more pleasing and much more solid : — " Heaven, forming each on other to depend, A master, or a servant, or a friend, Bids each on other for assistance call, Till one man's weakness grows the strength of all. Wants, frailties, passions, closer still ally The common interest, or endear the tie. To these we owe true friendship, love sincere, Each home-felt joy that life inherits here." * The considerations now stated afford a beautiful il- lustration of the beneficent design with which the phys- ical condition of Tnan is adapted to the principles of his moral constitution ; an adaptation so striking, that it is not surprising those philosophers who are fond of simplifying the theory of human nature should have attempted to account for the origin of these principles from the habits which our external circumstances im- pose. In this, as in many other instances, their atten- tion has been misled by the spirit of system from those wonderful combinations of means to particular ends, which are everywhere conspicuous in the universe. It is not by the physical condition of man that the essen- tial principles of his mind are formed ; but the one is fitted to the other by the same superintending wisdom which adapts the fin of. the fish to the water, and the wing of the bird to the air, and which scatters the seeds of the vegetable tribes in those soils and expos- ures where they are fitted to vegetate. It is not the wants and necessities of his animal being which create his social principles, and which produce an artificial and interested league among individuals who are natu- rally solitary and hostile ; but, determined by instinct to society, endowed with innumerable principles which have a reference to his fellow-creatures, he is placed by the condition of his birth in that element where alone the perfection and happiness of his nature are to be found. * Essay on Man, Ep. II. 249. See on this subject The Moralists of Lord Shaftesbury. 26 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. IV. Mail's Nature adjusted beforehand to the Condi tion in ivhich he is placed.] In speaking of the lowe animals; I before observed, that such of them as are in stinctively social discover the secret workings of nature; even when removed from the society of their kind. This fact amounts in their case to a demonstration of that mutual adaptation of the different parts of nature to each other which I have just remarked. It demon- strates that the structure of their internal frame is pur- posely adjusted to that external scene in which they are destined to be placed. As the lamb, when it strikes with its forehead while yet unarmed, proves that it is not its weapons which determine its instincts, but that it has preexistent instincts suited to its weapons, so when we see an animal deprived of the sight of his fellows cling to a stranger, or disarm, by his caresses, the rage of an enemy, we perceive the workings of a social instinct, not only not superinduced by external circumstances, but manifesting itself in spite of cir- cumstances which are adverse to its operation. The same remark may be extended to man. When in solitude, he languishes, and, by making companions of the lower animals, or by attaching himself to inanimate objects, strives to fill up the void of which he is conscious. " Were I in a desert," says an author, who, amidst all his extravagances and absurdities, sometimes writes like a wise man, and, where the moral feelings are at all concerned, never fails to write like a g-ood man, — "were I in a desert, I would find out wherewith in it to call forth my affections. If I could not do better, I would fasten them upon some sweet myrtle, or seek some melancholy cypress to con- -iiect myself to; I would court their shade, and greet them kindly for their protection. I would cut my name upon them, and swear they were the loveliest trees throughout the desert. If their leaves withered, I would teach myself to mourn, and when they re- joiced, I would rejoice along with them." Thq Count de Lauzun was confined by Louis XIV for nine years in the castle of Pignerol, in a smal I DESIRE OF SOCIETY. 27 room where no light could enter but from a chink in the roof. In this solitude he attached himself to a spider, and contrived for some time to amuse himself with attempting to tame it, with catching flies for its support, and with superintending the progress of its web. The jailer discovered his amusement, and killed the spider; and the Count used afterwards to declare, that the pang he felt on the occasion could be com- pared only to that of a mother for the loss of a child. This anecdote is quoted by Lord Kames in his Sketches^ and by the late Lord Auckland in his Prmci- pies of Penal Laiv. It is remarkable that both these learned and respectable writers should have introduced it into their works on account of the shocking incident of the jailer, and as a proof of the pnre and unprovok- ed malice of which some minds are capable, without taking any notice of it as a beautiful picture of the feelings of a man of sensibility in a state of solitude, and of his disposition to create to himself some object upon which he may rest those affections which have a ref- erence to society. It will be said that these are the feelings of one who has experienced the pleasures of social life, and that no inference can be drawn from such facts in opposi- tion to Hobbes. But if they do not prove in man an instinctive impulse towards society prior to experience, they at least prove that he feels a delight in the society of his fellow-creatures, which no view of self-interest is sufficient to explain. It does not belong to our present speculation to illus- trate the importance of the social union to our im- provement and our happiness. Its subserviency to both (abstracted entirely from its necessity for the complete gratification of our physical wants) is much greater than we should be disposed at first to appre- hend. In proof of this, it is sufficient to mention here its connection with the culture of our intellectual facul- ties, and with the development of our moral principles Illustrations of this may be drawn from the low state in which both these parts of our nature are generally 28 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. found in the deaf and dumb, and from the effects which a few months' education sometimes has in un- folding their mental powers. The pleasing change which in the mean time takes place in their once vacant countenances, when animated and lighted up by an active and inquisitive mind, cannot escape the notice of the most careless observer.* Section III. THE desire of ESTEEM. I. An Original Principle of our Nature.] This prin- ciple, as well as those we have now been considering, discovers itself at a very early period in infants, who, long before they are able to reflect on the advantages resulting from the good opinion of others, and even before they acquire the use of speech, are sensibly mortified by any expression of neglect or contempt. It seems, therefore, to be an original principle of our * For an additional illustration of the same thing, see a remarkable case of recovery from deafness and dumbness in the history of the Koyal Academy of Sciences at Paris for the year 1703. A doctrine similar to that which I have now been controverting, con- cerning the origin of society, was maintained by some of the ancient sophists, and has found advocates in every age among those writers who wished to depreciate human nature, as well as among many who were anxious to represent man as entirely tlie creature of education and govern- ment, with the view of inculcating implicit and passive obedience to the civil magistrate. In Buchanan's elegant and philosophical Dialogue De Jure Regni apad Scotos, the question is particularly discussed between the two interlocutors, one of whom ascribes the origin of society to views of utility, meaning by ntilitu the private interest or advantage of the indi- vidual. On the contrary, Buchanan himself, who is the other speaker, contends with great warmth for the existence of social principles in the nature of man, which, independently of any views of interest, lay a foun- dation for the social union. Part of this Dialogue is curious, as it shows how completely Buchanan had not only anticipated, but refuted, the very far-fetched argument which Hobbes was soon after to draw from his supposed state of nature in sup- port of his slavish maxims of government. [See the subject of man's natural sociality still further illustrated, in connection with experiments in prison discipline, in De Beaumont and De Tocqueville's Penitent iari/ Si/stem of the United States ; and in F. C Gray'i Prison Discipline of America.] DESIRE OF ESTEEM. 29 nature ; that is, it does not appear to be resolvable into reason and experience, or into any other principle more general than itself. An additional proof of this is the very powerful influence it has over the mind, — an influence more striking than that of any other active principle whatsoever. Even the love of life daily gives way to the desire of esteem, and of an esteem which, as it is only to affect our memories, cannot be supposed to interest our self-love. In what manner the association of ideas should manufacture, out of the other principles of our constitution, a new principle stronger than them all, it is difficult to conceive. In these observations I have had an eye to the theories of those modern philosophers who represent self-love, or the desire of happiness, as the only original principle of action in man, and who attempt to ac- count for the origin of all our other active principles from habit or the association of ideas. That this theory is just in some instances cannot be disputed. Thus, in the case of avarice^ it is manifest that it is from habit alone it derives its influence over the mind; for no man surely was ever brought into the world with an innate love of money. Money is at first de- sired, merely as the means of obtaining other objects; but in consequence of being long and constantly ac- customed to direct our efforts to its attainment on account of its apprehended utility, we come at last to pursue it as an ultimate end, and frequently retain our attachment to it long after we have lost all relish for the enjoyments it enables us to command. In like manner, it has been supposed that the esteem of our fellow-creatures is at first desired on account of its apprehended utility, and that it comes in time to be pursued as an ultimate end, without any reference on our part to the advantages it bestows. In opposition to this doctrine it seems to me to be clear, that as the object of hunger is not happiness, but food; as the object of curiosity is not happiness, but knowledge; so the object of this principle of action is not happi- ness, but the esteem and respect of other men. That 3* 30 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. this is not inconsistent with the analogy of our na- ture appears from the observations already made on our appetites and desires ; and that it really is the fact may be proved by various arguments. Before touch- '^ng, however, on these, I must remark, that I consider this as merely a question of speculative curiosity; for, upon either supposition, the desire of esteem is equally the work of nature ; and consequently, upon either supposition, it is equally unphilosophical to attempt, by metaphysical subtilties, to counteract her wise and beneficent purposes. Among the different arguments which concur to prove that the desire of esteem is not wholly resolvable into the association of ideas, one of the strongest has already been hinted at, — the early period of life at which this principle discovers itself, — long before we are able to form the idea of happiness^ far less to judge of the circumstances which have a tendency to pro- mote it. The difference in this respect between avarice and the desire of esteem is remarkable. The former is the vice of old age, and is, comparatively speaking, confined to a few. The latter is one of the most pow- erful engines in the education of children, and is not less universal in its influence than the principle of curiosity. II. The Desire of Posthumous Fame represented hy Wollaston as Illusory.] The desire, too, of posthumous fame, of which no man can entirely divest himself, furnishes an insurmountable objection to the theories already mentioned. It is, indeed, an objection so obvious to the common sense of mankind, that all the philosophers who have leaned to these theories have employed their ingenuity in attempting to resolve this desire into an illusion of the imagination produced by habit. This, too, was the opinion of an excellent writer, and still more excellent man, Mr. Wollaston, who, from a well-meant, but very mistaken, zeal to weaken the influence of this principle of action on human conduct, has been at pains to give as ludicrous DESIRE OF ESTEEM. 31 an account as possible of its origin. As I differ widely from Wollaston on this point, both in his theoretical speculations and in the practical inferences he deduces from them, I shall quote the passage at length, and then subjoin a few remarks on it. " Men please themselves with notions of immortality, and fancy a perpetuity of fame secured to themselves by books and testimonies of historians ; but alas I it is a stupid delusion wiien they imagine themselves present and enjoying that fame at the reading of their story after their death. And beside, in reality, the man is not known ever the more to posterity, because his name is transmitted to them. He doth not live, because his name does. When it is said, 'Julius Cassar subdued Gaul, beat Pompey, and changed the Roman common- wealth into a monarchy,' it is the same thing as to say, ' The conqueror of Pompey was Caesar' ; that is, Caesar and the conqueror of Pompey are the same thing, and Caesar is as much known by the one designation as by the other. The amount, then, is only this, that the con- queror of Pompey conquered Pompey, or somebody con- quered Pompey ; or rather, since Pompey is now as little known as Caesar, somebody conquered somebody. Such a poor business is this boasted immortality; and such as has been described is the thing called glory among us ! The notion of it may serve to excite them who, having abilities to serve their country in time of real danger or want, or to do some other good, have yet not philosophy enough to do this upon principles of virtue, or to see through the glories of the world (just as we excite children by praising them, and as we see many good inventions and improvements proceed from emu- lation and vanity) ; but to discerning men this fame is mere air, and the next remove from nothing, which they despise, if not shun. I think there are two considera-. tions which may justify a desire of some glory or honor, and scarce more. When men have performed any vir- tuous actions, or such as sit easy on their memories, it is a reasonable pleasure to have the testimony of the world added to that of their own consciences, that they 32 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. have done well. And more than that, if the reputation ?i(quired by any qualification or action may produce a man any real comfort or advantage (if it be only protection from the insolence and injustice of mankind, or if it enables him, by his authority, to do more good to others), to have this privilege must be a great satis- faction, and what a wise and good man may be al- lowed, as he has opportunity, to propose to himself. But then he proposes it no further than it may be use- ful^ and it can be no further useful than he wants it. So that, upon the whole, glory, praise, and the like, are either mere vanity, or only valuable in proportion to defects and wants.'' * It appears from this passage, that Wollaston does not consider the desire of posthumous fame as an ul- timate fact in our nature, for he proposes a theory to account for it. " It is," says he, " a stupid delusion, when men imagine themselves present and enjoying that fame at the reading of their story after death." Mr. Smith, too, in his Theory of Moral Sentiments^ * Wollaston's Religion of Nature Delineated, Sect. V. § xix. A thought substantially the same with that of Wollaston occurs in Cowley's ode en- titled Life and Fame. " Great Csesar's self a higher place does claim In the seraphic entity of fame. He, since that toy, his death, Doth fill each mouth and breath. 'T is true, the two immortal syllables remain j But, ye learned men, explain, What essence, what existence this, What substance, what subsistence, what hypostasis In six poor letters is 1 In those alone does the great Csesar lire. 'T is all the conquered world could give." Notwithstanding tlie merit of these lines, I should hardly hare thought it worth while to quote them, if Dr. Hurd (a critic of no common ingenuity as well as learning) had not shown, by his comment upon them, how com- pletely he had misapprehended the reasoning both of the poet and of the philosopher. He remarks : — " This lively ridicule on posthumous fame is well enough placed in a poem or declamation ; but we are a little surprised to find so grave a writer as Wollaston diverting himself with it. ' In reality,' says he, ' the man is not known ever the more to posterity because his name is trans- mitted to thom. i7€ does not live, because his name does.' When it is said, ' Julius Caesar subdued Gaul,' &c., •'Lc., the sophistry is apparent. DESIRE OF ESTEEM. 33 teems^ to think that the desire of a posthumous fame is to be resolvable into an illusion of the imagination. " Men," says he, " have often voluntarily thrown away life to acquire after death a renown which they could no longer enjoy. Their imagination, in the mean time, anticipated that fame which was thereafter to be be- stowed upon them. Those applauses which they were never to hear rung in their ears, the thoughts of that admiration whose effects they were never to feel play- ed about their hearts, banished from their breasts the strongest of all natural fears, and transported them to perform actions which seem almost beyond the reach of human nature." * But why have recourse to an il- lusion of the imagination to account for a principle which the wisest of men find it impossible to extin- guish in themselves, or even sensibly to weaken ; and none more remarkably than some of those who have employed their ingenuity in attempting to turn it into ridicule ? Is it possible that men should imagine them- selves present and enjoying their fame at the reading of Put Cato in the place of Caesar, and then see whether that great man do not live in his name substantially^ that is, to good purpose, if the impression which these two immortal syllables make on the mind be of use in exciting posterity, or any one man, to the love and imitation of Cato's virtue." — Kurd's Cowley, Vol. I. p. 179 In this remark, Hurd plainly proceeds on the supposition, that Wollas ton's sophistry is directed against the utility of the love of posthumous glory, whereas the only point in dispute relates to the origin of this prin- ciple, which WoUaston seems to have thought, if it could not he resolved into the rational motive of self-love, must be the illegitimate and contemp- tible offspring of our own stupidity and folly. How very different must Cowley's feelings have been when he wrote the metaphysical ode referred to by Hurd, from those which inspired that first burst of juvenile emotion which forms the exordium to his Poetical Works ! " What shall I do to be for ever known, And make the age to come my own ? I shall, like beasts or common people, die, Unless you write my elegy. What sound is 't strikes mine ear ? Sure I fame's trumpet hear. It sounds like the last trumpet, for it can Raise up the bui'ied man." • Part III. Chap. ii. 34 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. their story after death, without being conscious of this operation of the imagination themselves? Is not this to depart from the plain and obvious appearance of the ^fact, and to adopt retinements similar to those by which the seihsh philosophers explain away all our disinter- ested alFections ? We might as well suppose that a man's regard for the welfare of his posterity and friends after his death does not arise from natural aflfection, but from an illusion of the imagination, leading him to suppose himself still present with them, and a witness of their prosperity.* If we have confessedly various other propensities directed to specific objects as ulti- mate ends, where is the difficulty of conceiving that a desire, directed to the good opinion of our fellow-crea- tures (without any reference to the advantages it is to yield us either now or hereafter), may be among the number ? III. Vindication of this Principle.] It would not, in- deed, (as I have already hinted,) materially affect the argument, although we should suppose, with WoUaston, that the desire of posthumous fame is resolvable into an illusion of the imagination. For, whatever be its origin, it was plainly the intention of nature that all men should be in some measure under its influence; and it is perhaps of little consequence whether we re- gard it as a principle originally implanted by nature, or suppose that she has laid a foundation for it in other principles which belong universally to the species. =* The two cases seem to be so exactly parallel, that it is somewhat sur- prising that no attempt should have been made lo extend to the latter prin- ciple of action the same ridicule which has been so lavishly bestowed on the former. So far, however, from this being- the case, I believe it will be xiniversulhj granted, that, where the latter principle fails in producing its natural and ordinary effect on the conduct, there must exist some defect in the rational or moral character, for which no other good qualities can sufficiently atone " He that cart-th not for his own house is worse than an infidel."' But if this be acknowledged with respect to the interest we take in the concerns of our connections after our own disappearance from the present scene, why judge so harshly of the desire of posthumous fame? 3)o not the two principles often cooperate in stimulating our active exer- tions to the very same ends, more especially in those ca'^es (alas! too com- mon) where the inheritance of a respectable name is ail that a good man has it in his power to bequeathe to his family 1 DESIRE OF EdTEEM. 35 How very powerfully it operates appears, not only from the heroical sacrifices to which it has led in every age of the world, but from the conduct of the meanest and most worthless of mankind, who, when they are brought to the scaffold in consequence of the clearest and most decisive evidence of their guilt, frequently persevere to the last, with the terrors of futurity full in their view, in the most solemn protestations of their innocence ; and that merely in the hope of leaving be- hind them, not a fair, but an equivocal or problematical reputation. With respect to the other parts of Wollaston's rea- soning, that it is only the letters which compose our names that we can transmit to posterity, it is worthy of observation, that, if the argument be good for any thing, it applies equally against the desire of esteem from our contemporaries, excepting in those cases in which we ourselves are personally known by those whose praise we covet, and of whose applause we hap- pen ourselves to be ear-witnesses. And yet, undoubt- edly, according to the common judgment of mankind, the love of praise is more peculiarly the mark of a lib- eral and elevated spirit in cases where the gratification it seeks has nothing to recommend it to those whose ruling passions are interest or the love of flattery.* It is precisely for the same reason that the love of posthu- mous fame is strongest in the noblest and most exalted characters. If self-love were really the sole motive in all our actions, Wollaston's reasoning would prove * That the desire of esteem, if a fantastic principle of action in the one of these cases, is equally so in the other, is remarked by Pope; but, in- stead of availing himself of this consideration to justify the desire of pos tliumous renown, he employs it as an argument to expose the nothingness of fame in all cases whatsoever. " What 's fame ? a fancied life in others' breath, A thing beyond us e'en before our death. All that we feel of it begins and ends In the small circle of our foes or friends ', To all beside, as much an empty shade An Eugene living as a Ccesar dead." Essay on Man, Epistle IV. 237. 86 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. clearly the absurdity of any concern about our mem ory. Such a concern, as Dr. Hutcheson observes, " no selfish being, who had the modelling of his own nature, would choose to implant in himself. But, since we have not this power, we must be contented to be thus nvtwiUed by nature into a public interest against our iviir * As to the fact on which Wollaston's argument pro- ceeds, is it not more philosophical to consider it as af- fording an additional stimulus to the instinctive love of posthumous fame, by holding it up to the imagination as the noblest and proudest boast of human ambition, to be able to entail on the casual combination of letters which composes our name the respect of distant ages, and the blessings of generations yet unborn ? Nor is it an unworthy object of the most rational benevolence to render these letters a sort of magical spell for kin- dling the emulation of the wise and good wherever they shall reach the human ear. Nor is it only in this instance that nature has " thus outwitted us " for her own wise and salutary purposes. By a mode of reasoning analogous to that of Wollas- ton, it would be easy to turn most, if not all, our ac- tive principles into ridicule. But what should we gain by the attempt, but a ludicrous exposition of that mor- al constitution which it has pleased our Maker to give us, and which, the more we study it, will be found to abound the more with marks of wise and beneficent design ? It is fortunate, in such cases, that, although the rea- sonings of the metaphysician may puzzle the under- standing, they produce very little effect on the conduct. He may tell us, for example, that the admiration of fe- male beauty is absurd, because beaut f/, as well as color, is a quality not existing in the object, but in the mind of the spectator; or (which brings the case still nearer to that under our consideration) he may allege that the whole charm of the finest countenance would van- * Nature and Conduct of tlie Passions^ Sect. I. Art. IV. DESIRE OF ESTEEM. 37 ish if it were examined with the aid of a microscope. In all such cases, as Avell as in the instance referred to by Wollaston, we are determined very powerfully by nature ; in a way, indeed, that our reason cannot ex- plain, but which we never fail to find subservient to valuable ends. For 1 am far from thinking that it would be of advantage to mankind if Wollaston's views were generally adopted. That the love of glory has sometimes covered the earth with desolation and bloodshed I am ready to grant ; but the actions to which it generally prompts are highly serviceable to the world. Indeed, it is only by such actions that an enviable fame is to be acquired. A strong conviction of this truth has led Dr. Aken- side to express himself in one of his odes with a warmth which passes, perhaps, the bounds of strict propriety, but for which a sufficient apology may be found in tha poetical enthusiasm by which it was in- spired. The ode is said to have been occasioned by a sermon against the love of glory. " Come, then, tell me, sage divine, Is it an offence to own That our bosoms e'er incline Towards immortal glory's throne ? For with me nor pomp nor pleasm*e, Bourbon's might, Braganza's treasure, So can fancy's dream rejoice, So conciliate reason's choice, As one approving word of her impartial voice. "If to spurn at noble praise Be the passport to thy heaven, Follow thou these gloomy ways ; No such law to me was given : Nor, I trust, shall I deplore me Faring like my friends before me, Nor a holier heaven desire Than Timolcon's arms acquire. And TuUy's curule chair, and Milton's golden lyre." Having mentioned the name of Milton, I cannot for- bear to add, that he too has called the love of fame an infirmitij^ although he has qualified this implied censure by calling it the " infirmity of a noble minciy He has distinctly acknowledged, at the same time, the heroic 4 38 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. sacrifices of ease and pleasure to which it has prompt- ed the most distinguished benefactors of the human race. 0^ " Fame is the spur that the clear spirit doth raise (The last infirmity of noble minds) To scorn delights and live laborious days." IV. Hume^s Theory/ respecting- its Orig-in.] I must not dismiss this subject without taking some notice of a theory started by Mr. Hume with respect to the ori- gin of the love of praise ; a theory which applies to this passion even when it has for its object the praise of our contemporaries. " Of all opinions," he ob- serves, " those which we form in our own favor, how- ever lofty and presuming, are at bottom the frailest, and the most easily shaken by the contradiction and oppo- sition of others. Our great concern in this case makes us soon alarmed, and keeps our passions upon the watch ; our consciousness of partiality still makes us dread a mistake; and the very difficulty of judging concerning an object which is never set at a due dis- tance from us, nor seen in a proper point of view, makes us hearken anxiously to the opinion of others who are better qualified to form opinions concerning us. Hence that strong love of fame with which all mankind are possessed. It is in order to fix and con- firm their favorable opinion of themselves, wo^ from any original passion, thditihey seek the applause of others." * I think it cannot be doubted that the circumstance here mentioned by Mr. Hume adds greatly to the pleas- ure we derive from the possession of esteem ; but it sufficiently appears from the facts already stated, partic- ularly from the early period of life at which this princi- ple makes its appearance, that there is a satisfaction arising from the possession of esteem perfectly uncon- nected with the cause referred to by this author. Mr, Hume has therefore mistaken a concomitant effect for the cause of the phenomenon in question. * Dissertation on the Passions, Sect. II. § 10. DESIRE OF ESTEEM. 39 In remarking, however, this ^concomitant effect, he must be allowed to have called our attention to a fact of some importance in the philosophy of the human mind, and which ought not to be overlooked in analyz- ing the compounded sentiment of satisfaction we de- rive from the good opinion of others. Nor is this the only accessory circumstance that enhances the pleasure resulting from the gratification of the original principle. If in those cases where we are somewhat doubtful of the propriety of our own conduct we are anxious to have in our favor the sanction of public opinion, so, on the other hand, when we are satisfied in our own minds that our conduct has been right, part of the pleasure we receive from esteem arises from observing the just views and candid dispositions of others. Nor is it less indisputable, on the contrary supposition, that when, in consequence of calumny and misrepresenta- tion, we fail in obtaining that esteem to which we know ourselves to be entitled, our disappointment at missing our just reward is aggravated, to a wonderful degree, by our sorrow for the injustice and ingratitude of mankind. Still, however, it must be remembered that these are only accessory circumstances, and that there is a pleasure resulting from the possession of es- teem which is not resolvable into either of them, and which appears to be an ultimate fact in the constitu- tion of our nature. V. Incidental Benefits resulting from the Love of Fame.] From the passage formerly quoted from Wol- laston it appears that he apprehended the love of fame to be justifiable only in two cases. The one is, when we desire it as a confirmation of the rectitude of our own judgments ; the other, when the possession of it can be attended with some real and solid good. But why, Imust again repeat, offer any apology for our obeying a natural principle of our constitution, so long as we preserve it under due regulation ? It is not unworthy of remark, that this principle is one of those with which our fellow-creatures are most 40 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. disposed to sympathize. With what indignation do we hear the slightest reflection cast on the memory of one who was dear to us, and how sacred do we feel the duty of coming forward in his defence I Nor is this sympathy confined to the circle of our acquaintance. It embraces the wise and good of the most remote ages, and prompts us irresistibly to protect their fame from the assaults of envy and detraction. Whatever theory phi- losophers may adopt as to the origin of this sympathy, its utility in preserving immaculate the reputation of those ornaments of humanity whom mankind look up to as models for imitation is equally indisputable. I have already said that the desire of esteem is, on the whole, a useful principle of action ; for, although there are many cases in which the public opinion is erroneous and corrupted, there are many more in which it is agreeable^ to reason, and favorable to the interests of virtue and of mankind. The habits, therefore, which this principle of action has a tendency to form are likely, in most instances, to coincide with those which are recommended by a sense of duty. In many men, accordingly, w^ho are very little influenced by higher principles, a regard to the opinion of the world (or, as we commonly express it, a regard to character) produces a conduct honorable to themselves and bene- ficial to society. To this observation it may be added, that the habits to which we are trained by the desire of esteem render the acquisition of virtuous habits more easy. The de- sire of esteem operates in children before they have a capacity to distinguish right from wrong ; or at least the former principle of action is much more powerful in their case than the latter. Hence it furnishes a most useful and effectual engine in the business of education, more particularly by training us early to exertions of self-command and self-denial. It teaches us, for exam- ple, to restrain our appetites within those bounds which decency prescribes, and thus forms us to habits of mod- eration and temperance. And although our conduct cannot be denominated virtuous so long as a regard to DESIRE OF ESTEEM. 4l the Opinion of others is our only motive, yet the habits we thus acquire in infancy and childhood render it more easy for us to subject our passions to the authority of reason and conscience as we advance to maturity. "lo that young man," said Sylla, speaking of CsBsar, " who walks the streets with so little regard to modesty, I fore- see many Mariuses." His idea probably was, that on a temper so completely divested of sympathy with the feelings of others society could lay little hold, and that whatever principle of action should happen to gain the ascendant in his mind was likely to sacrifice to its own gratification the restraints both of honor and of duty. VI. Adam Smith confounds Desire of Esteem with the Moral Motive.] These, and some other considerations of the same kind, have struck Mr. Smith so forcibly, that he has been led to resolve our sense of duty into a regard to the good opinion, and a desire to obtain the sympathy^ of our fellow-creatures. I shall afterwards have occasion to examine the principal arguments he alleges in support of his conclusions. At present I shall only remark, that, although his theory may account for the -desire which all men, both good and bad, have to assume the appearance of virtue^ it never can explain the origin of our notions of duty and of moral obligation. One striking proof of this is, that the love of fame can only be completely gratified by the actual possession of those qualities for which we wish to be esteemed ; and that, when we receive praises w^hich we know we do not de- serve, we are conscious of a sort of fraud or imposition on the world. " All fame is foreign but of true desert, — Plays round the Iiead, but comes not to the heart." In further confirmation of the same doctrine it may be observed, that, although the desire of esteem is often a useful auxiliary to our sense of duty, and although, in most of our good actions, the two principles are per- haps more or less blended together, yet the merit of vir« 4* 42 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. tuous conduct is always enhanced, in the opinion of mankind, when it is discovered in the more private sit- uations of life, where the individual cannot be suspected of any views to the applauses of the world. Even Cicero, in whose mind vanity had at least its due sway, has borne testimony to this truth: — " Mihi quidem laudabiliora videntur omnia, quae sine venditatione et sine populo teste fiunt : non quo fugiendus sit (omnia enim benefacta in luce se collocari volunt) sed tamen nullum theatrum virtuti conscientia majus est." * So * Tusc. Disp., Lib. II. 26. " Besides, to me, indeed, every thing seems the more commendable, the less the people are courted, and the fewer eyes there are to see it. Not that observation is to be avoided, for every gener- ous action loves the public view ; still, there is no theatre for virtue like the witness of a good conscience." The same remark is made by Pliny in one of his epistles, Lib. III. Epist. XVI., where it is illustrated by one of the most beautiful anecdotes recorded in the annals of our species. Although no English version can possibly do justice to the conciseness and spirit of Pliny's own language, I shall, for the sake of my unlearned read- ers, quote the anecdote referred to above, in the admirable translation of Mr. Melmoth. "I have frequently observed, that, amongst the noble actions and re- markable sayings of distinguished persons in either sex, those which have been most celebrated have not always been the most illustrious ; and I am confirmed in this opinion by a conversation I had yesterday with Fanriia. This lady is granddaughter to that celebrated Arria who animated her husband to meet death by her own glorious example. She informed me of several particulars relating to Arria, not less heroical than this famous action of hers, though less taken notice of, which, I am persuaded, will raise your admiration as much as they did mine. Her husband, Cacinna Paetus, and his son, were both at the same time attacked with a dangerous illness, of which the son died. This youth, who had a most beautiful per- son and amiable behaviour, was not less endeared to his parents by his virtues than by the ties of affection. His mother managed his funeral so privately, that Paetus did not know of his death. Whenever she came to his bed-chamber she pretended her son was better ; and, as often as he in quired after his health, would answer that he had rested well, or had eat with an appetite. When she found she could no longer restrain her grief, but her tears were gushing out, she would leave the room, and, having given vent to her passion, return again with dry eyes, as if she had dis- missed every sentiment of sorrow at her entrance. The action was no doubt truly noble, when, drawing the dagger, she plunged it in her breast, and then presented it to her husband, with that ever memorable, I had atmost said divine expression, — ' P(etns. it is not painful.'' It must, how- ever, be considered that, when she spoke and acted thus, she had the pros- pect of immortal glory before her eyes to encourage and support her. But was it not something much greater, without the view of such power- ful motives, to hide her tears, to conceal her grief, and cheerfully seem tlH mother when she was so no more '^ " DESIRE OF ESTEEM. 43 far, therefore, are the desire of esteem and the sense ol duty from being radically the same principle of action^ that the former is only an auxiliary to the latter, and is always understood to diminish the merit of the agent in proportion to the influence it had over his determi- nations. An additional proof of this may be derived from the miserable effects produced on the conduct by the desire of fame, when it is the sole^ or even the governing^ prin- ciple of our actions. In this case, indeed, it seldom fails to disappoint its own purposes, for a lasting fame is scarcely to be acquired without a steady and consistent conduct, and such a conduct can only arise from a con- scientious regard to the suggestions of our own breasts. The pleasure, therefore, which a being capable of reflec- tion derives from the possession of fame, so far from be- ing the original motive to worthy actions, presupposes the existence of other and of nobler motives in the mind. Nor is this all ; when a competition happens between the desire of fame and a regard to duty, if we sacrifice the latter to the former we are filled with remorse and self-condemnation, and the applauses of the world afford us but an empty and unsatisfactory recompense ; where- as a steady adherence to the right, even although it should accidentally expose us to calumny, never fails to be its own reward. Whether, therefore, we regard our lasting happiness or our lasting fame, the precept of Cicero is equally deserving of our attention. " Neither make it your study to secure the applauses of the vulgar, nor rest your hopes of happiness on re- wards which men can bestow. Let virtue, by her own native attractions, allure you in the paths of honor. What others may say of you is their concern, not yours ; nor is it worth your while to be out of humor for the topics which your conduct may supply to their conver- sation." — " Neque sermonibus vulgi dederis te, nee in prsemiis humanis spem posueris rerum tuarum ; suis te oportet illecebris ipsa virtus trahat ad verum decus. Quid de te alii loquantur, ipsi videant: sed loquentur tamen." * * Somn. Scipionis. 44 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. Section IV. THE DESIRE OF POWER. I. Early Manifestations of this Principle.] The man- ner in which the idea of power is at first introduced into the mind has been long a perplexing subject of specu- lation to metaphysicians, and has given rise to some of the most subtile disquisitions of the human understand- ing. But, although it be difficult to explain its origin, the idea itself is familiar to the most illiterate, even at the earliest period of life ; and the desire of possessing the corresponding object seems to be one of the strong- est principles of human conduct. In general, it may be observed, that, whenever we are led to consider ourselves as the authors of any effect, we feel a sensible pride or exultation in the conscious- ness of power ^ and the pleasure is in general propor- tioned to the greatness of the effect, compared with the smallness of our exertion. What s commonly called the pleasure of activity is in truth the pleasure of power. Mere exercise, which produces no sensible effect, is attended with no enjoy- ment, or a very slight one. The enjoyment, such as it is, is only corporeal. The infant, while still on the breast, delights in exert- ing its little strength on every object it meets with, and is mortified when any accident convinces it of its own imbecility. The pastimes of the boy are, almost with- out exception, such as suggest to him the idea of his power. When he throws a stone, or shoots an arrow, he is pleased with being able to produce an effect at a distance from himself; and, while he measures with his eye the amplitude or range of his missile weapon, con- templates with satisfaction the extent to which his power has reached. It is on a similar principle that he loves to bring his strength into comparison with that of his fellows, and to enjoy the consciousness of superior prowess. Nor need we search in the malevolent dispo* DESIRE OF POWER. 45 sitions of our nature for any other motive to the'appar- ent acts of cruelty which he sometimes exercises over the inferior animals, — the sufferings of the animal, in such cases, either entirely escaping his notice, or being overlooked in that state of pleasurable triumph which the wanton abuse of power communicates to a weak and unreflecting judgment. The active sports of the youth captivate his fancy by suggesting similar ideas, — of strength of body, of force of mind, of contempt of hardship and of danger. And accordingly such are the occupations in which Virgil, with a characteristical propriety, employs his young Ascanius. " At puer Ascanius mediis in vallibus acri Gaudet equo ; jamque hos cursu, jam prseterit illos ; Spuraantemque dari pecora inter inertia votis Optat aprum, aut fulvum descendere monte leonem." * II. Increases our Desire of Knowledge in after Life.] As we advance in years, and as our animal powers lose their activity and vigor, we gradually aim at extending our influence over others by the superiority of fortune and station, or by the still more flattering superiority of intellectual endowment, by the force of our under- standing, by the extent of our information, by the arts of persuasion, or the accomplishments of address. What but the idea of power pleases the orator in managing the reins of an assembled multitude, when he silences the reason of others by superior ingenuity, bends to his purposes their desires and passions, and, without the aid of force or the splendor of rank, becomes the arbiter of the fate of nations ! To the same principle we may trace, in part, the pleasure arising from the discovery of general theorems * ^neid., Lib. IV. 156. " While there, exulting, to his utmost speed The young Ascanius spurs his fiery steed, Outstrips by turns the flying social train, And scorns the meaner triumphs of the plain: The hopes of glory all his soul inflame ; Eager he longs to run at nobler game, And drench his youthful javelin in the g*"8 Of the fierce lion, or the mountain boa* " 46 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. in the sciences. Every such discovery puts us in pos- session of innumerable particular truths or particular facts, and gives us a ready command of a great stock of knowledge, of which we could not, with equal ease, avail ourselves before. It increases, in a word, our in- tellectual power in a way very analogous to that in which a machine or engine increases the mechanical power of the human body. The discoveries we make in natural philosophy have, beside this effect, a tendency to enlarge the sphere of our power over the material universe ; first, by enabling us to accommodate our conduct to the established course of physical events ; and secondly, by enabling us to call to our aid many natural powers or agents as instruments for the accomplishment of our purposes. In general, every discovery we make with respect to the laws of nature, either in the material or moral worlds, is an accession of power to the human mind, inasmuch as it lays the foundation of prudent and ef- fectual conduct in circumstances where, without the same means of information, the success of our pro- ceedings must have depended on chance alone. The desire of power, therefore, comes, in the progress of reason and experience, to act as an auxiliary to our in- stinctive desire of knoivledg-e ; and it is with a view to strengthen and confirm this alliance that Bacon so often repeats his favorite maxim, that knowledge and power are synonymous or identical terms. III. Other Passions resolvable, in part at least, into the Desire of Power.] The idea of power is, partly at least, the foundation of our attachment to property. It is not enough for us to have the use of an object. We desire to have it completely at our own disposal, with- out being responsible to any person whatsoever for the purposes to which we may choose to turn it. " There is an unspeakable pleasure," says Addison, " in calling any thing one's own. A freehold, though it be but in ice and snow, will make the owner pleased in the pos- session and stout in the defence of it." PESIRE OF POWER. 47 Avarice is a particular modification of the desire of vower^ arising from the various functions of money in a commercial country. Its influence as an active princi- ple is greatly strengthened by habit and association, in- somuch that the original desire of power is frequently lost in the acquired propensities to which it gives birth ; the possession of money becoming, in process of time, an ultimate object of pursuit, and continuing to stimu- late the activity of the mind after it has lost a relish for every other species of exertion.* The love of liberty proceeds in part, if not wholly, from the same source ; from a desire of being able to do whatever is agreeable to our own inclination. Slav- ery mortifies us, because it limits our power. Even the love of tranquillity and retirement has been resolved by Cicero into the desire of power. " Multi autem et sunt et fuerunt, qui eam, quara dico, tranquil- litatem expetentes, a negotiis publicis se removerint, ad otiumque perfugerint His idem propositum fait quod regibus, ut ne qua re egerent, ne cui parerent, libertate uterentur ; cujus proprium est sic vivere ut velis. Quare, cum hoc commune sit potentise cupido- rum cum iis quos dixi otiosis ; alteri se adipisci id pos- se arbitrantur, si opes magnas habeant, alteri, si con- tenti sint et suo, et parvo. " f * Berkeley in his Querist has started the same idea. "Whether the real end and aim of men be not power? and whether he who could have every thing else at his wish or will would value money ? " To this query the good Bishop has subjoined another, which one would hardly have expected from a writer so zealously attached to Tory and High-Church principles. " Whether the public aim in eveiy well-governed state be not, that each member, according to his just pretensions and industiy, should have POWER ? " Naturam expellas furcd^ tamen usque recurret. t De Off.^ Lib. t. 20, 21. "Now there have been and are many who have withdrawn from public business, and sought in retirement the tran- quillity of which I am speaking. These men have proposed to themselves the same end with kings ; namely, that they may need nothing, be subject to no one, and enjoy freedom, the leading privilege of which is to live as you please. They, therefore, who aspire after power hsve this in common with those who court retirement, that the former think they are able to at- tain the same object by the possession, of a vast fortune which the other look for in contentment with their present means, liowevcr humble." 48 INSTINCTnE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. The idea of power is also, in some degree^ the foun- dation of the pleasure of virtue. "We love to be at lib- erty to follow our own inclinations, without- being sub- ject to the control of a superior; but even this is not sufficient to our happiness. When we are led by vi- cious habits, or by the force of passion, to do what rea- son disapproves, we are sensible of a mortifying sub- jection to the inferior principles of our nature, and feel our own littleness and weakness. On the other hand, he that ruleth his spirit feels himself greater than he that taketh a city. " It is pleasant," says Dr. Tillotson, " to be virtuous and good, because that is to excel many others. It is pleasant to grow better, because that is to excel ourselves. It is pleasant to mortify and subdue our appetites, because that is victory. It is pleasant to command our passions, and keep them within the bounds of reason, because this is empire." From the observations now made, it appears that the desire of power is subservient to important purposes in our constitution, and is one of the principal sources both of our intellectual and moral improvements. An examination of the effects which it produces on so- ciety would open views very strikingly illustrative of benevolent intention in the Author of our frame. I shall content myself, however, with remarking, that the general aspect of the fact affords a very favorable view of human nature. When we consider how much more every man has it in his power to injure others than to promotie their interests, it must appear manifest that society could not possibly subsist unless the benevolent affections had a very decided predominance over those principles which give rise to competition and enmity. Whoever reflects -duly on this consideration w^ill, if I do not deceive myself, be inclined to form conclusions concerning the dispositions of his fellow-creatures very different from the representations of them to be found in the writings of some gloomy and misanthropical moralists.* * On ambition see Lieber, Political Ethics^ Book III. Chap. iv. — Ed. ( r DESIRE OF SUPERIORITY. 49 Section V. EMULATION, OR THE DESIRE OF SUPERIORITY. I. Not a Malevolent Affection.] This principle of action is classed by Dr. Reid with the affections, and is considered by him as a malevolent affection* He tells us, however, that he does not mean by this epithet to insinuate that there is any thing criminal in emulation, any more than in resentment when excited by an inju- ry ; but he thinks that it involves a sentiment of ill-will to our rival, and makes use of the word malevolent to express this sentiment, as the language affords no soft- er epithet to convey the idea. I own it appears to me that emulation, considered as a principle of action, ought to be classed with the de- sires^ and not with the affections. It is, indeed, fre- quently accompanied with a malevolent affection ; but it is the desire of superiority which is the active princi- ple, and the affection is only a concomitant circum- stance. I do not even think that this malevolent affection is a necessary concomitant of the desire of superiority. It is possible, surely, to conceive (although the case may happen but rarely) that emulation may take place between men who are united by the most cordial friend- ship, and without a single sentiment of ill-will disturb- ing their harmony. XL Distinction between Emulation and Envy.] When emulation is accompanied with malevolent affection, it assumes the name of envy. The distinction between these two principles of action is accurately stated by Dr. Butler. " Emulation is merely the desire of superi- ority over others, with whom we compare ourselves. To desire the attainment of this superiority by the par- ticular means of others being brought down below our * Essays on (lie Active Powers^ Essay III. Part II. Chap. v. 5 50 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. own level is the distinct notion of envy. From whence it is easy to see, that the real end which the natural passion, emulation, and which the unlawful one, envy, aims at is exactly the same ; and, consequently, that to do mischief is not the end of envy, but merely the means it makes use of to attain its end." * Dr. Reid himself seems to have clearly perceived the distinction, although in other parts of the same section he has lost sight of it again. " He who runs a race," says he, " feels uneasiness at seeing another outstrip him. This is uncorrupted nature, and the work of God within him. But this uneasiness may produce either of two very different effects. It may incite him to make more vigorous exertions, and to strain every nerve to get before his rival. This is fair and honest emulation. This is the effect it is intended to produce. But if he has not fairness and candor of heart, he will look with an evil eye on his competitor, and will endeavour to trip him, or to throw a stumbling-block in his way. This is pure envy, the most malignant passion that can lodge in the human breast, which devours, as its natural food, the fame and the happiness of those who are most deserving of our esteem." f In quoting these passages, I would not be under- stood to represent this distinction between emulation * Sermon I., On Human Nature. t Reid, On the Active Powers, Essay III. Part 11. Chap. v. Dr. Beattie, in his Elements of Moral Science, after stating very correctly the speculative distinction between emulation and envy, observes with great truth, that it is extremely difficult to preserve the former wholly unmixed with the latter, and that emulation, though entirely different from envy, is very apt, through the weakness of our nature, to degenerate into it. To this re- mark he subjoins the following very striking practical reflection. " Let the man." says he, " who thinks he is actuated by generous emulation only, and wishes to know whether there be any thing of envy in the case, examine his own heart, and ask himself whether his friends, on becoming, though in an honorable way, his competitors, have less of his affection than they had before ; whether he be gratified by hearing them depreciat- ed ; whether he would wish their merit less, that he might the more easily equal or excel them ; and whether he would have a more sincere regard for them if the world were to acknowledge him their superior. If his heart answer all or any of these questions in the affirmative, it is time to look out for a cure, for the symptoms of envy are but too apparent." Part I, Chap. ii. § 5. DESIRE OF SUPERIORITY. 5l and envy as a novelty in the science of ethics ; for tht very same distinction was long ago stated with admira- ble conciseness and justness by Aristotle ; whose defi' niiions, (I shall take this opportunity of remarking by the way,) however censurable they may frequently be when they relate to phjjsical subjects, are,, in most in- stances, peculiarly happy when they relate to moral ideas, "^mulatio bonum quiddam est, et bonis viris convenit; at invidere improbum est, et hominum improborum; nam semulans talem efficere se studet, ut ipsa bona quoque nanciscatur: at invidens studet efficere, ut ne alter boni quid habeat." * Before leaving the subject, I think it of consequence again to repeat, that, notwithstanding the speculative distinction I have been endeavouring to make between emulation and envy, the former disposition is so seldom altogether unmixed with the latter, that men who are conscious of possessing original powers ol thinking can scarcely be at too much pains to draw a veil over their claims to originality, if they wish to employ their talents to the best advantage in the service of mankind. "Men must be tauglit as if you taught them not, And things unknown proposed as things forgot." t In the observations which I have hitherto made upon emulation, I have proceeded on the supposition, that the subject of competition is the personal qualities of the individual. These, however, are not the great objects of ambition with the bulk of mankind, nor perhaps do they occasion jealousies and enmities so fatal to our morals and our happiness, as those which are occasioned by the seemingly partial and unjust distribution of the goods of fortune. To see the natural rewards of industry and genius fall to the * Aristot., 7?/ietor.,Lib. II. Cap. xi. The whole chapter is excellent. I have adopted in the text the Latin version of Buhle. " Emulation is a good thing, and belongs to good men ; envy is bad, and belongs to bad men. What a man is emulous of he strives to attain, that he may reallj possess the desired object ; the envious are satisfied if nobody has it." t Pope's Essay on Criticism, 1. 574. 52 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. share of the weak and the profligate can scarcely fail to excite a regret in the best regulated tempers ; and to those who are disposed (as every man perhaps is in some degree) to overrate their own pretensions, and to undervalue those of their neighbours, this regret is a source of discontent and misery, which no measure of external prosperity is sufficient to remove. The feel- ing, when it does not lead to any act of injustice or dishonor, is so intimately connected with our sense of merit and demerit, that many allowances for it will be made by those who reflect candidly on the common infirmities of humanity ; and much indulgence is due from the prosperous to their less fortunate rivals. So much, indeed, is this indulgence recommended to us by all the best principles of our nature, and so painful is the reflection that we are even the innocent cause of disquiet to others, that it may be doubted whether the constraint and embarrassment produced by great and sudden accessions of prosperity be not more than sufficient to counterbalance any solid addition they are likely to bring to our own happiness.* * The following admirable passage is from Smith's Theory of the Moral Sentiments, Part I. Sect II. Chap, v.: — "The man who, by some sudden revolution of fortune, is lifted up all at once into a condition of life greatly above what he had formerly lived in, may be assured that the congratula- tions of his best friends are not all of them perfectly sincere. An upstai-t^ though of the greatest merit, is generally disagreeable, and a sentiment of envy commonly prevents us from heartily sympathizing with his joy. If he has any judgment, he is sensible of this, and, instead of appearing to be elated with his good fortune, he endeavotirs, as much as he can, to smother his joy, and keep down that elevation of mind with which his new circumstances naturally inspire him. He affects the same plainness of dress, and the same modesty of behaviour, which became him in his former station. He redoubles his attentions to his old friends, and endeav- ours more than ever to be humble, assiduous, and complaisant. And this is the behaviour which in his situation we most approA^e of; because we expect, it seems, that he should have more sympathy with our envy and aversion to his happiness than we have to his happiness. It is seldom that, with all this, he succeeds. We suspect the sincerity of his humility, and he grows weary of this constraint. In a little time, therefore, he generally leaves all his old friends behind him, some of the meanest of them except- ed, who may, perhaps, condescend to become his dependents: nor does he always acquire any new ones ; the pride of his new connections is as much affronted at finding him their equal, as that of his old ones had been by hia becoming their superior; and it requires the most obstinate and persevering modesty to atone for this mortification to either. He gei\erally grows weary DESIRE OF SUPERIORITY. 53 III. The Desire to excel a universal Passion.] Among the lower animals we see many symptoms ol emulation, buf in them its effects are perfectly insignifi- cant when compared with those it produces on human conduct. Their emulation is chiefly confined to swift- ness,* strength, or favor with their females. I think, too, among dogs we may perceive something like jealousy or rivalship in courting the favor of man. In our own race emulation operates in an infinite variety of directions, and is one of the principal sources of human improvement. - Human life has been often likened to a race, and the parallel holds, not only in the general resemblance, but in many of the minuter circumstances. When the horses first start from the barrier, how easy and sportive are their sallies, — sometimes one taking the lead, sometimes another! If they happen to run abreast, their contiguity seems only the effect of the social instinct. In proportion, however, as they advance in their career, the spirit of emulation becomes grad- ually more apparent, till at length, as they draw near to the goal, every sinew and every nerve is strained to the utmost, and it is well if the competition closes without some suspicion of jostling and foul play on the part of the winner. too soon, and is provoked, by the svillen and suspicious pride of the one, and by the saucy contempt of the other, to treat the first with neglect and the sec- ond with petulance, till at last he grows liabitually insolent, and forfeits the esteem of all. If the chief part of human happiness arises from the con- sciousness of being beloved, as I believe it does, these sudden changes of fortune seldom contribute much to happiness. He is happiest who advan- ces more gradually to greatness, whom the public destines to every step of his preferment long before he arrives at it. in whom, upon that account, when it comes, it can excite no extravagant joy, and with regard to whom it cannot reasonably create either any jealousy in those he overtakes, or any envy in those he leaves behind." In Bacon's Essays there is an article on Envy, abounding with original, and, in the main, just reflections. Even tliosc which are somewhat ques- tionable may be useful in suggesting materials of thought to others. * One of the most remarkable instances of this that I have read of is the emulation of the race-horses at Rome when run without riders. This emulation is even said to be inspirited by the concourse of spectators. — • See Observations made in a Tour to Italy, by the celebrated M. de la Coa« damine. 5* 54 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. How exact and melancholy a picture of the race of ambition, of the inseni>ible and almost inevitable effect of political rivalship in extinguishing early friendships, and of the increasing eagerness with which men contin- ue to grasp at the palm of victory till the fatal moment arrives when it is to drop from their hands for ever! Artificial Desires.] As we have artificial appetites^ so we have also artificial desires. Whatever conduces to the attainment of any object of natural desire is itself desired on account of its subservience to this end, and frequently comes in process of time to be regarded as sraluable in itself, independent of this subservience. It is thus (as was formerly observed) that wealth becomes with many an ultimate object of desire, although it is undoubtedly valued at first merely on account of its subservience to the attainment of other objects. In like manner we are led to desire dress, equipage, retinue, furniture, on account of the estimation in which they are supposed to be held by the public. Dr. Hutcheson calls such desires secondary desires, and ac- counts for their origin in the way I have now mention- ed. " Since we are capable," says he, " of reflection, memory, observation, and reasoning about the distant tendencies of objects and actions, and not confined to things present, there must arise, in consequence of our original desires, secondary desires of every thing imag- ined to be useful to gratify any of the primary desires, and that with strength proportioned to the several original desires, and the imagined usefulness or neces- sity of the advantageous object." — " Thus," he contin- ues, "as soon as we come to apprehend the use of wealth or power to gratify any of our original desires, we must also desire them. Hence arises the universal- ity of the desires of iveattli and povier^ since they are the means of gratifying all other desires."* The only * Nature and Conduct of the Passions, Sect. I. Art. II. AKTIFICIAL DESIRES. 55 thing exct;ptionable in the foregoing passage is, that the author classes the desire of power with that of wealth ; whereas I apprehend it to be clear, according to Huteheson's own definition, that the former is a pri- mary desire, and the latter a secondary one. Avarice, indeed, (as I have already remarked,) is but a particular modification of the desire of power generated by the conventional value which attaches to money in the progress of society, in consequence of which it becomes the immediate and the habitual object of pursuit in all the various departments of professional industry. The author, also, of the Preliminary Dissertation pre- fixed to King's Origin of Evil attempts to explain, by means of the association of ideas, the origin, not only of avarice, but of the desire of knowledge and of the desire of fame, both of which I have endeavoured to show, in the preceding pages, are justly entitled to rank with the primary and most simple elements of our active constitution. That they, as well as all the other original principles of our nature, are very powerfully in- fluenced by association and habit, is a point about which there can be no dispute; and hence arises this plausibility of those theories which would represent them as wholly factitious.* C' * Dr. Hartley's once celebrated work, entitled Observations on Man, in which he has pushed the theory of association to so extravagant a length, and which, not many years ago, found so many enthusiastic admirers in England, seems to have owed its existence to the dissertation here referred to. " The work here offered to the public," he tells us himself in his preface, " consists of papers written at different times, but taking their rise from the following occasion. " About eighteen years ago I was informed that the Rev. Mr. Gay, then living, asserted the possibility of deducing all our intellectual pleasures and pains from association. This put me upon considering the power of association. Mr. Gay published his sentiments on this matter, about the same time, in a Dissertation on the Fundamental Principle of Virtue, prefixed to Mr. Archdeacon La\s''s translation of Archbishop King's Origin of Evil. '^ [Ml-. Stewart speaks with too much confidence of the waning influence of the " once celebrated work " of Hartley. Since he wrote this note, one of the ablest defences of the Hartleian view has appeared in the Analysis 9f the Human Mind, by James Mill. Most writers, holding with Stewart to a plurality of elementary desires, differ from him in making the desire of property and the desire of self- preservation to be of this number. See Upham's Mental Philosophi/, Vol. 36 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. '^i^ CHAPTER III. OF OUR AFFECTIONS. Section I. GENERAL ORSERVATIONS. I. What Principles included under this Head.] Under this title are comprehended all those active principles whose direct and ultimate object is the communication either of enjoyment or of suffering to any of our fel- low-creatures. According to this definition, which has been adopted by some eminent writers, and among oth- ers by Dr. Reid, resentment, revenge, hatred, belong to the class of our affections, as well as gratitude or pity. Hence a distinction of the affections into benevolent and malevolent. I shall afterwards mention some con- siderations which lead me to think that the distinction requires some limitations in the statement. * Our benevolent affections are various, and it would not perhaps be easy to enumerate them completely. n. Part. I. Chap iv., and Whewell's Elements of Morality, Book I. Chap. ii. On the desire of property, consult Lieber's Political Ethics, Book II. Chap, ii., and Illustrations of the Passions, Vol. I. Chap. v. Also the phre- nologists, and particularly Gall. On the other hand, the author of the article Ddsir in the Dictionnaire des Sciences Philosophiques reduces them to three, curiosity, ambition, and sym- pathy. This writer observes : — " The mind always knows, more or less, that which it desires ; reason illuminates what sensibility pursues. Male- branche gave the saying of the poet. Ignoti nulla cupido, under a philosoph- ical form of expression, when he defined desire to be ' the idea of a good which a man possesses not, but hopes to possess.' Desire is distinguished by this from the blind tendency which urges every being towards its end, whether it knows it or not. It is a spontaneous movement of nature transformed by intelligence, and constitutes, therefore, a phenomenon which cannot take place except among intelligent beings. A stone has its affini- ties ; a brute has its instincts ; man alone has his desires, because he alono has received the gift of thought." Consult, also, on the subjects treated of in this chapter and the follow- ing, Gibon, Cours de Philosophies Tom. I. p. 226 et seq. ; Bautain, PMloso- phie Morale. Tom. I. Chap. iv. ; Dr. Whewell's edition of Butler's Uiret Sermons on Human Nature : with a Preface and Notes. 1 BENEVOLENT AFFECTIONS. 57 The pai-ental and the /illal affections^ the affections of kindred^ love, friendship, patriotism, universal benevo' lence, gratitude, pity to the distressed, are some of the most important. Besides these there are peculiar be- nevolent affections excited by those moral qualities in other men which render them either amiable or respect- able, or objects of admiration. In the foregoing enumeration, it is not to be under- stood that all the benevolent affections particularly- specified are stated as original principles, or ultimate facts in our constitution. On the contrary, there can be little doubt that several of them may be analyzed into the same general principle, differently modified ac- cording to the circumstances in which it operates. This, however, (notwithstanding the stress which has been sometimes laid upon it,) is chiefly a question of arrangement. Whether we suppose these principles to be all ultimate facts, or some of them to be resolvable into other facts more general, they are equally to be re- garded as constituent parts of human nature, and, upon either supposition, we have equal reason to admire the wisdom with which that nature is adapted to the situ- ation in which it is placed. The laws which regulate the acquired perceptions of sight are surely as much a part of our frame as those which regulate any of our original perceptions ; and although they require for their development a certain degree of experience and observation in the individual, the uniformity of the re- sult shows that there is nothing arbitrary or accidental in their origin. The question, indeed, concerning the origin of our different affections, leads to some curious disquisitions, but is of very subordinate importance to those inquiries which relate to their nature and laws and uses. In many philosophical systems, however, it seems to have been considered as the most interesting subject of dis- cussion connected with this part of the human consti- tution. II. Two Circumstances in which all the Benevolent "SS INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. Affections agree.] Before we proceed to consider any of oar benevolent affections in detail, I shall make a few observations on two circumstances in which they all agree. In the first place, they are all accompanied with an agreeable feeling ; and, secondly, they imply a desire of happiness or of good to their respective objects." 1. That the exercise of all our kind affections is ac- companied with an agreeable feeling will not be ques- tioned. Next to a good conscience it constitutes the principal part of human happiness. With what satis- faction do we submit to fatigue and danger in the ser- vice of those we love, and how many cares do even the most selfish voluntarily bring on themselves by their attachment to others ! So much, indeed, of our happi- ness is derived from this source, that those authors whose object is to furnish amusement to the mind avail themselves of these affections as one of the chief vehi- cles of pleasure. Hence the principal charm of trage- dy^ and of every other species of pathetic composition. How far it is of use to separate in thismanner "the luxury of pity " from the opportunities of active exer- tion may perhaps be doubted. My own opinion on this question I have stated at some length in the Phi- losophy of the Human Mind.f Without entering, however, in this place into the ar- gument I have there endeavoured to support, I shall only remark at present, that the pleasures of kind affec- tion are by no means confined to the virtuous part of our species. They mingle also with our criminal indul- gences, and often mislead the young and thoughtless by the charms they impart to vice and folly. It is, indeed, from this very quarter that the chief dangers to morals are to be apprehended in early life ; and it is a melan- choly consideration to add, that these dangers are not a little increased by the amiable and attractive qualities by which nature often distinguishes those unfortunate * See Reid On the Active Powers. Essay III. Part II. Chap. iii. t Part I. Chap. vii. Sect. v. BENEVOLENT AFFECTIONS. 59 men who would seem, on a superficial view, to be her peculiar favorites. Nor is it only when the kind affections meet with circumstances favorable to their operation that the ex- ercise of them is a source of enjoyment. Contrary to the analogy of most, if not all, of our other active principles, there is a degree of pleasure mixed with the pain even in those cases in which they are disappointed in the attainment of their object. Nay, in such cases it often happens that the pleasure predominates so far over the pain as to produce a mixed emotion, on which a wounded heart loves to dwell. When death, for ex- ample, has deprived us of the society of a friend, we derive some consolation for our loss from the recollec- tion of his virtues, which awakens in our mind all those kind affections which the sight of him used to in- spire ; and in such a situation the indulgence of these affections is preferred, not only to every lighter amuse- ment, but to every other social pleasure. Heu quanta ninus est cum reliquis versari quam tui meminisse ! The final cause of the agreeable emotion connected with the exercise of benevolence in all its various modes was evidently to induce us to cultivate with peculiar care a class of our active principles so immediately subservient to the happiness of society.* 2. All our benevolent affections imply a desire of happiness to their respective objects. Indeed, it is from this circumstance they derive their name. III. Our Benevolent Affections not resolvable into Self-love.] The philosophers who have endeavoured to resolve our appetites and desires into self-love have given a similar account of our benevolent affections. * See Lucan's picturesque and pathetic description of the behaviour ol Cornelia, when she retired to the hold of the ship, to indulge her grief in solitude and darkness, after the murder of Pompey. " Caput ferali obduxit amictu, Decrevitque pati tenebras, puppisque cavemis Delituit ; scevumque arctt complexa dolorem Perfruitur lacrymis, et araat pro conjuge luctum," &c., &c. Pharsalia, Lib. IX. 109. 60 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. It is evident that this amounts to a denial of their ex- istence as a separate class of active principles; for vvhen a thing is desired, not on its own account, but as instrumental to the attainment of something else, it is not the desire of the means^ but that of the end^ which is in this case the principle of action. In the course of my observations on the different af- fections, when I come to consider them particularly, I shall endeavour to show that this account of their ori- gin is extremely wide of the truth. In the mean time, it may be worth while to remark, in general, how strongly it is opposed by the analogy of the other ac- tive powers already examined. We have found that the preservation of the individual and the continuation of the species are not intrusted to self-love and reason alone, but that we are endowed with various appetites, which, without any reflection on our part, impel us to their respective objects. We have also found, with re- spect to the acquisition of knowledge, (on which the perfection of the individual and the improvement of the species essentially depend,) that it is not intrusted solely to self-love and benevolence, but that we are prompted to it by the implanted principle of curiosity. It further appeared, that, in addition to our sense of duty, another incentive to worthy conduct is provided in the desire of esteem, which is not only one of our most powerful principles of action, but continues to op- erate in full force to the last moment of our being. Now, as men were plainly intended to live in society, and as the social union could not subsist without a mutual interchange of good offices, would it not be reasonable to expect, agreeably to the analogy of our nature, that so important an end would not be intrust- ed solely to the slow deductions of reason, or to the metaphysical refinements of self-love, but that some provision would be made for it, in a particular class of active principles, which might operate, like our appe- tites and desires, independently of our reflection ? To say this of parental affection or of pity is saying nothing more in their favor than what was affirmed of hunger AFFECTIONS OF KINDRED. 61 and thirst, that they prompt us to particular objects without any reference to our own enjoyment. I have not offered these objections to the selfish the- ory with any view of exalting our natural affections into virtues ; for, in so far as they arise from original constitution, they confer no merit whatever on the in- dividual, any more than his appetites or desires. Av the same time, (as Dr. E.eid has observed,) there is a manifest gradation in the sentiments of respect with which we regard these different constituents of char- acter. Our desires, (it was formerly observed,) although not virtuous in themselves, are manly and respectable, and plainly of greater dignity than our animal appetites. In like manner it may be remarked that our benevolent affections, although not meritorious, are highly amiable. A want of attention to the essential difference between the ideas expressed by these two words has given rise to much confusion in different systems of moral philos- ophy, more particularly in the systems of Shaftesbury and Hutcheson. As it would lead me into too minute a detail to con- sider our different benevolent affections separately, I shall confine myself to a few detached remarks on some of the most important. The first place is undoubtedly due to what we com- monly call natural affection, including under the term the affections of parents and children, and those oi' other near relations. Section II. OF THE AFFECTIONS OF KINDRED. I. The Parental Affection comi^on to Animals and Men.] The parental affection is common to us with most of the brutes, although with them it is variously modified according to their respective natures, and ac- cording as the care of the parent is more or less neces- sary for the preservation and nurture of the young. 6 62 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. Cicero remarks that this is no more than might have been, expected from that beneficent providence every- where conspicuous in nature. '' Hsec inter se congru- 'ere non possunt, ut natura et procreari vellet et diligi procreatos non curaret."^* — " Commune animantium omnium est conjunctionis appetitus, et cura qusedam eorum quae procreata sunt."f When I ascribe parental affection to our own spe- cies, I do not mean to insinuate that there is any foun- dation for tliose stories which poets have feigned, of particular discriminating feelings which have enabled parents and children, after a long absence, or when they have never met before, mutually to recognize each other. The parental affection takes its rise from a knowledge of the relation in which the parties stand, and it is very powerfully confirmed by habiL All that I assert is, that it results naturally from that knowledge, and from the habits superinduced by the relation which the parties bear to each other ; in which sense it may be justly 'said, (to adopt a beautiful and philosophical expression of Dr. Ferguson's,) that "natural affection springs up in the soul as the milk springs in the breast of the mother." J Accordingly, it operates, in a great measure, independently of reflection and of a sense of duty. Reason, indeed, might satisfy a man that his children are particularly intrusted to his care, and that it is his duty to rear and educate them, — as reason might have induced him to eat and drink without the appetites of hunger and thirst ; but reason cannot cre- ate an affection any more than an appetite. And, con- sidering how little the conduct of mankind is in gen- eral influenced by a sense of duty, there are good grounds for thinking, that, were not reason in this case aided by a very powerful implanted principle, a very * De Finibns, III. 19. "Nature would have been inconsistent if she had intended men to procreate, without providing at the same time that they should love their offspring." t De Offic, I. 4 " The passion which unites the sexes, and a certain affection for their vounj;, are common to all animals " J Principles of Moral and Political Science, Vq\. I. p. 31. AFFECTIONS OF KINDRED. 63 small proportion out of the whole number of children brought into the world would arrive at maturity. How much this affection depends upon hahil appears from this, that, when the care of a child is devolved ' upon one who is not its parent, the parental affection is, in a great measure, transferred along with it. This (as Dr. Reid observes) is plainly " the work of nature," and is an additional provision made by her for the con- tinuation and preservation of the species. The parental affection, as we have hitherto consid- ered it, is common to both sexes ; but it cannot, I think, be denied, that it is in the heart of the mother that it exists in the most perfect strength and beauty. In- deed, I do not think that those have gone too far who have pronounced " the heart of a good mother to be the masterpiece of nature'' s worksP * There is no form, cer- tainly, in which humanity appears so lovely, or pre- sents so fair a copy of the Divine image after which it was made. II. Affections of Kindred the Foundation of our So- cial and Political Virtues.] Nor are these affections of parent and child useful solely for the preservation of the race. They form the heart in infancy for its more extensive social duties, and gradually prepare it for those affections which constitute the character of the good citizen ; noi to mention that, in every period of life, it is our private attachments which furnish the most powerful of all incentives to patriotism and hero- ic virtue. Nothing, therefore, could be more unphilo- sophical than the opinion of Plato, that the indulgence of the domestic charities unfitted men for the discharge of their political duties ; an opinion which he carried so far as to propose, that, as soon as a child was born, it should be separated from its parents, and educated ever after at the expense of the public. It has been often observed that persons brought up in foundling hospitals have seldom turned out well in the world ; and al« * See Marmontel. Legons sur la Morale, p. 132, et seq. 64 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. though I doubt not that various splendid exceptions to this proposition may be quoted, I am inclined to think, that, if the special accidents connected with these ex- ceptions were fully known, they would be found, instead of invalidating, to confirm the general rule. One thing, at least, is obvious, that, in that best of all educations which nature has provided for us in the ordinary cir- cumstances of our condition, it formed an important part of her plan to soften the heart betimes amid the scenes of domestic life ; and, accordingly, it is under the shelter of these scenes that all the social virtues may be seen to shoot up with the greatest vigor and luxuriancy. Even the sterner qualities of fortitude and bravery, so far from being inconsistent with a warm and susceptible heart, are almost its inseparable attend- ants, insomuch that we always expect to find them unit- ed. How- true, in this respect, to all the best feelings of our nature, is the beautiful story recorded of Epam- inondas, that, after the battle of Leuctra, he thanked the gods that his parents still survived to enjoy his fame ! It is remarked by Dr. Beattie that Homer and Virgil, the most accurate of all observers, and the most faith- ful of all painters of human character, always unite the domestic attachments with the more splendid vir- tues of their heroes. The scene between Hector and Andromache, and the interview between Ulysses and his father after an absence of twenty years, are pro- nounced by the same excellent critic to be the finest passages in the Iliad and Odyssey. He observes fur- ther, that, in the portrait of Achilles, his love to his par- ents forms one of the most prominent and distinguish- ing features, and that " this single circumstance throws an amiable softness into the most terrific human per- sonage that was ever described in poetry." How pow- erful a charm the ^neid derives from the same source it is needless to mention, as it is the chief groundwork of the interest inspired by the whole texture of the fa- ble. In no instance is it more affecting than in the ad- dress of Euryalus to Nisus before they set out on theii AFFECTIONS OF KINDRED. 65 desperate expedition by night ; and I believe few will deny that the pious concern which he expresses for his aged parent in that moment of approaching peril ac- cords perfectly with the gallantry of his spirit, and in- terests us more than any thing else in his fortunes. " Contra quem talia fatur Euryalus : me nulla dies tarn fortibus ausis Dissimileni arguerit ; tantiim fortuna secunda, Haud adversa cadat : sed te super omnia dona, Unum oro : geneti-ix Priami de gente vetusta Est mihi, quam miseram tenuit non Ilia tellus, Mecum excedentem, non moenia regis Acestae : Hanc ego nunc ignaram hujus quodcumque pericli est Inque salutatam linquo nox, et tua testis Dextera, quod nequeam lacrymas perferre parentis. At tu, oro, solare inopem, et succurre relictae. Hanc sine me spem ferre tui : audentior ibo In casus omnes. Percussa mente dederunt Dardanidae lacrymas : ante omnes pulcher lulus, Atque animum patriae strinxit pietatis imago." * I shall conclude this section in the words of Lord Bacon : — " Unmarried men are best friends, best mas- * ^neid.. Lib. IX. 280. " ' All of my life,' replies the youth, ' shall aim, Like this one hour, at everlasting fame. Though fortune only our attempt can bless, Yet still my courage shall deserve success. But one reward I ask, before I go, — The greatest I can ask, or you bestow. My mother, — tender, pious, fond, and good, Sprung, like thy own, from Priam's royal blood, — Such was her love, she left her native Troy, And fair Trinacria, for her darling boy ; And such is mine, that I must keep unknown From her the danger of so dear a son: To spare her anguish, lo ! I quit the place Without one parting kiss, one last embrace ! By night, and that respectfed hand, I swear. Her melting tears are more than I can bear ! For her, good prince, your pity I implore ; Support her, childless, and relieve her, poor; O, let her, let her find, (when I am gone,) In you, a friend, a guardian, and a son ! With that dear hope, emboldened shall I go, Brave every danger, and defy the foe.' " Charmed with his virtue all the Trojan peers, But, more than all, Ascanius melts in tears, , To see the sorrows of a duteous son And filial love, a love so like his own." 6* "66 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. ters, best servants, but not always best subjects, for they are light to run away, and almost all fugitives are of that condition. For soldiers, I find that the gener- als in their hortatives commonly put men in mind of their wives and children; and I think the despising of marriage among the Turks maketh the vulgar soldier the more base. Certainly, wife and children are a kind of discipline of humanity; and single men, though they be many times more charitable, because their means are less exhaust, yet, on the other side, they are more cruel and hard-hearted, because their tenderness is not so often called upon." * Section III. OF FRIENDSHIP. I. Pleasures of Friendship.] Friendship, like all the other benevolent affections, includes two things, an agreeable feeling, and a desire of happiness to its object- Besides, however, the agreeable feeling common to all the exertions of benevolence, there are some pecu- liar to friendship. I before took notice of the pleasure we derive from communicating our thoughts and our feelings to others ; but this communication prudence and propriety restrain us from making to strangers ; and hence the satisfaction we enjoy in the society of one to whom we can communicate every circumstance in our situation, and can trust every secret of our heart. There is also a wonderful pleasure arising from the sympathy of our fellow-creatures with our joys and with our sorrows, nay, even with our tastes and our humors ; but, in the ordinary commerce of the world, we are often disappointed in our expectations of this enjoyment, —7 a disappointment which is peculiarly in- cident to men of genius and sensibility superior to the common, who frequently feel themselves " alone in the midst of a crowd," and reduced to the necessity of ac- « . * Bacon's Essays. Of Marriage and Single Life. IRIENDSHTP. 67 commodaiing their own temper, and their own feelings, to a standard borrowed from those whom they cannot help thinking undeserving of such a sacrifice. It is only in the society of a friend that this sym- pathy is at all times to be found; and the pleasing re- flection, that we have it in our power to command so exquisite a gratification, constitutes, perhaps, the prin- cipal charm of this connection. " What we call affec- tion," says Mr. Smith, "is nothing but an habitual sympathy." I will not go quite so far as to adopt this proposition in all its latitude, but I perfectly agree with this profound and amiable moralist in thinking, that the experience of this sympathy is the chief foundation of friendship, and one of the principal sources of the pleasures which it yields. Nor is it at all inconsistent with this observation to remark, that, where the ground- work of two characters in point of moral worth is the same, there is sometimes a contrast in the secondary qualities, of taste, of intellectual accomplishments, and even of animal spirits, which, instead of presenting obstacles to friendship, has a tendency to bind more strongly the knot of mutual attachment between the parties. Two very interesting and memorable exam- ples of this may be found in Cuvier's account of the friendship between Buffon and Daubenton,* and in Playfair's account of the friendship between Black and Hutton.f I do not mean here to enter into the consideration of the various topics relating to friendship which are commonly discussed by writers on that subject. Most of these, indeed I may say all of them, are beautifully illustrated by Cicero in the treatise De Amicitia. in which he has presented us with a summary of all that was most valuable on this article of ethics in the writings of preceding philosophers ; and so compre- hensive is the view of it which he has taken, that the modern authors who have treated of it have done little more than to repeat his observations. * Recueil des Eloges Hisforiqnes. M. Daubenton. t Bioijraphical Account of the late Dr. James Ilutton. Works, Vol. IV. 68 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. 11. Can Friendship subsist between more than Two Persons?] One question concerning friendship much agitated in the ancient schools was, whether this con- nection can subsist in its full perfection between more than two persons ; — and I believe it was the common decision of antiquity that it cannot. For my own part, I can see no foundation for this limitation, and I own it seems to me to have been suggested more by the dreams of romance, or the fables of ancient mythology, than by good sense or an accurate knowledge of man- kind. The passion of love between the sexes is indeed of an exclusive nature; and the jealousy of the one party is roused the moment a suspicion arises that the attachment of the other is in any degree divided ; (and, by the way, this circumstance, which I think is strongly characteristical of that connection, deserves to be add- ed to the various other considerations which show that monogamy has a foundation in human nature.) But the feelings of friendship are of a perfectly different sort. If our friend is a man of discernment, we rejoice at every new acquisition he makes, as it affords us an opportunity of adding to our own list of worthy and amiable individuals, and we eagerly concur with him in promoting the interests of those who are dear to his heart. When we ourselves, on the other hand, have made a new discovery of worth and genius, how do we long to impart the same satisfaction to a friend, and to be instrumental in bringing together the various respectable and worthy men whom the accidents of life have thrown in our way! I acknowledge, at the same time, that the number of our attached and confidential friends cannot be great, otherwise our attention would be too much distracted by the multiplicity of its objects, and the views for which this affection of the mind was probably implanted would be frustrated by its engaging us in exertions 6eyond the extent of our limited abilities ; and, accord- ingly, nature has made a provision for preventing this inconvenience, by rendering friendship the fruit only of long and intimate acquaintance. It is strengthened FRIENDSHIP. 69 by the acquaintance which the parties have, not only with each othe/s personal qualities, but with theii histories, situations, and connections from infancy, and every particular of this sort which falls under their mutual knowledge forms to the fancy an additional re- lation by which they are united. Men who have a very wide circle of friends, without much discrimination or preference, are justly suspected of being incapable of genuine friendship, and indeed are generally men of cold and selfish characters, who are influenced chiefly by a cool and systematical regard to their own comfort, and who value the social intercourse of life only as it is subservient to their accommodation and amusement. III. How we are affected by the Distresses of our Friends.] That the affection of friendship includes a desire of happiness to the beloved object, it is unne- cessary to observe. There is, however, a certain limita- tion of the remark, which occurs among the Maxims of La Rochefoucauld, and which has been aften repeated since by misanthropical moralists, " That, in the dis- tresses of our best friends, there is always something which does not displease us." It may be proper to consider in what sense this is to be understood, and how far it has a foundation in truth. It is expressed- in somewhat equivocal terms ; and, I suspect, owes much of its plausibility to this very circumstance. From the triumphant air with which the maxim in question has been generally quoted by the calumniators of human nature, it has evidently been supposed by them to imply that the misfortunes of our best friends give us more pleasure than pain.* But this La Roche- foucauld has not said, nor, indeed, could a proposition so obviously false and extravagant have escaped the pen * It was plainly in this sense that Swift understood it when he prefixed it as a motto to the verses on his own death. " As Rochefoucauld his maxims drew From nature, I believe them true. If what he says be not a joke, We mortals are strange kind of folk." 70 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. of SO acute a writer. What La Rochefoucauld has said amounts only to this, that, in the distresses of our best friends, the pain we feel is not altogether unmix- ed ; — a proposition unquestionably true, wherever we have an opportunity of soothing their sorrows by th ^ consolations of sympathy, or of evincing, by more sub 3tantial services, the sincerity and strength of our at- tachment. But the pleasure we experience in such cases, so far from indicating any thing selfish or malevolent in the heart, originates in principles of a directly opposite description, and will be always most pure and exquisite in the most disinterested and gen- erous characters. The maxim, indeed, when thus in- terpreted, is not less true when applied to our own distresses than to those of our friends. In the bitterest cup that may fall to the lot of either, there are always mingled sfome cordial drops, — in the misfortunes of others, the consolation of administering' relief, — in our own, that of receiving' it from the sympathy of those we love. Whether La Rochefoucauld, in the satirical humor which dictated the greater part of his maxims, did not wish, in the present instance, to convey by his words a little more than meets the ear, I do not presume to de- termine. Section IV. OF PATRIOTISM. I. Provision made for a Division of Mankind into distinct Communities.] Notwithstanding the principles of union implanted by nature in the human breast, it was plainly not her intention that society should always go on increasing in numbers. A foundation is laid for a division of mankind into distinct communities, in those natural divisions on the surface of the globe^ihat are formed by chains of mountains, impassable rivers, and the oceans which separate the larger continents ; and the same end is further answered by those principles of PATRIOTISM. 71 enmity which, in the earlier stages of society, never fail to estrange neighbouring tribes from each other and which continue to operate with a very powerful effect even in periods of knowledge and refinement. I, shall not at present attempt to analyze particularly the origin of these principles of disunion among man-, kind. I shall only remark, that they do not imply any original malignity in the human heart ; on the contrary, they seem to have their source in the social nature of man, — in those affections which attach him to the tribe he belongs to, and to the country which gave him birth. This remark has been so excellently illustrated by Lord Shaftesbury and by Dr. Ferguson, that it would be quite superfluous to enlarge upon it here. Contenting myself, therefore, with a reference to their works,* I shall proceed to some other views of the sub- ject, where the field of observation does not seem to be so completely exhausted. * See Shaftesbury's Essay on the Freedom of Wit and Humor, Part III. Sect. 2, and Ferguson's Essay on the History of Civil Society, Part I. Sect. 4. The former observes : — ''It is strange to imagine that war, which of all things appears the most savage, should be the passion of the most he- roic spirits. But it is in war that the knot of fellowship is closest drawn. It is in war that mutual succor is most given, mutual danger run, and common affection most exerted and employed. For heroism and philan- thropy are almost one and the same. Yet, by a small misguidance of the affection, a lover of mankind becomes a ravager ; a hero and deliverer becomes an oppressor and destroyer." " Vast empires are in many re- spects unnatural ; but particularly in this, that, be they ever so well consti- tuted, the affairs of many must in such governments turn upon a very few; and the relation be less sensible, and in a manner lost, between the magis- trate and people, in a body so unwieldy in its limbs, and whose members lie so remote from one another, and distant from the head. It is in such bodies as these that strong factions are aptest to engender. The associat- ing spirits, for want of exercise, form new movements, and seek a nar- rower sphere of activity, when they want action in a greater. Thus we have wheels within wheels. And in some national constitutions, (notwith- standing the absurdity in politics,) we have one empire within another. Nothing is so delightful as to incorporate." In the same strain Ferguson : — " The titles of fellow-citizen and countryman, unopposed by those of alien and foreigner, to which they refer, would fall into disuse, and lose their meaning. We love individuals on account of personal qualities : but we love our country, as it is a party in the divisions of mankind ; and our zeal for its interests is a predilection in behalf of the side we maintain." *' ' My father,' said a Spanish peasant, ' would rise from his grave, if ha could foresee a war with France.' What interest had he, or the bones of his father, in the quarrels of princes ? " 72 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. The foundation which nature has laid for a diversity j of languages, of customs, of manners, and of institu^ j tions among mankind, adds force to the principles of \ division and repulsion already mentioned. These cir- | cumstances derive their effect, indeed, from the igno- rance of men, which is apt to mistake a diversity of arbitrary signs and arbitrary ceremonies for a diversity of opinions and of moral sentiments ; and accordingly, as society advances, and reason improves, the effect be- comes gradually less and less sensible. As the effect, however, is universal among rude nations, and as it is the unavoidable result of the general laws of our con- stitution when placed in certain circumstances, we may consider it as a part of the plan of Providence with re- spect to our species ; and we may presume that here, as in other instances, that plan tends ultimately to some wise and beneficent purpose, though by means which appear to us, at first view, to have a very unfa- vorable aspect. What these purposes are it is impossi- ble for our limited faculties to trace completely ; but even we, narrow and partial as our views at present are, may perceive so7ne salutary consequences resulting , from these apparent disorders of the moral world. I shall only mention the tendency which a constant state of hostility and alarm must have among barbarous tribes to bind and consolidate in each of them apart the political union ; and, by strengthening the hands of government, to prepare the way for the progress of society. We may add, the exercise which it gives to many of our most important moral principles, and the powerful stimulus it applies to our intellectual capaci- ties. The discipline is indeed rough, but it is perhaps the only one of which the mind of man, in a certain state of his progress, is susceptible. 11. Tendency of Civilization to diminish the Causes of Disunion.] If these observations are well founded, may we not presume to offer a conjecture, that, as this finacl cause ceases to exist in proportion as government ad- vances to maturity, and as the moral causes of hostili- PATRIOTISM. 73 ty among nations (arising from diversity of language and of manners) cease to operate upon men of enlight- ened and liberal minds, the tendency of civilized socie- ty is to diminish the dissensions among different corn- munities, and to unite the human race in the bonds of amity? The just views of political economy which ]VIr. Smith and some other authors have lately opened, and which demonstrate the absurdity of commercial jealousies, all contribute to encourage the same pleas- ing prospect ; but, alas ! it is a prospect which the vices and prejudices of men allow us to indulge only in those moments of enthusiasm when our benevolent wishes for mankind, and our confidence in the wisdom and goodness of Providence, transport us from the ca- lamities and atrocities of our own times, to anticipate the triumphs of reason and humanity in a more fortu- nate age. In my Philosophy of the Human Mind I have remark- ed, that '• there are many prejudices which are found to prevail universally among our species in certain periods of society, and which seem to be essentially necessary for maintaining its order in ages when men are unable to comprehend the purposes for which governments are instituted. As society advances, these prejudices grad- ually lose their influence on the higher classes, and would probably soon disappear altogether, if it were not supposed to be expedient to prolong their existence as a source of authority over the multitude. In an age, however, of universal and unrestrained discussion, it is impossible that they can long maintain their empire ; nor ought we to regret their decline, if the important ends to which they have been subservient in the past experience of mankind are found to be accomplished by the growing light of philosophy. On this supposi- tion, a history of human prejudices, in so far as they have supplied the place of more enlarged political views, may, at some future period, furnish to the phi- losopher a subject of speculation no less pleasing and instructive than that beneficent wisdom of nature which guides the operations of the lower animals, and 7 74 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. which, even in our own species, tal^es upon itself the care of the individual in the infancy of human reason." * The remarks which have been now made on the sources ot disunion and hostility among mankind in the earlier periods of society, and on the final causes to which this constitution of things is subservient, afford one remarkable illustration of the conjecture which I have hazarded in the foregoing passage. Before proceeding to consider the affection of patri- otism, it was necessary to turn our attention for a mo- ment to the principles of disunion in our species, as the idea of patriotism proceeds on the supposition, that mankind are divided into distinct communities, with separate, if not with rival and hostile interests. ^>c • III. Exciting Causes of Patriotism.] The exciting 0\ causes of patriotism (abstracted from all considera- \^ ■ tions of reason and duty) are many. We are formed with so strong a disposition to associate with and to love our own species, that the imagination lays hold with eagerness of every circumstance, how slight so- ever, that can form a bond of union ; a common lan- guage, a common religion, common laws, even a com- mon appellation, — not to mention the prudential con- siderations of common enemies and a common interest. The feelings which these uniting circumstances inspire attach us even to the territory which our fellow-citizens inhabit, by the same law of association that endears to us the spot where a friend was born,' or the scene where we have enjoyed any social pleasure ; and thus the imagination forms to itself a complex idea of coun- irymen and country^ which impresses every susceptible heart with irresistible force. In perusing the history of either, how remote soever the period it describes may be, we feel an interest which no other narrative inspires. We sympathize with the fortunes of those who trod the same ground that we now tread, and we appropriate to ourselves a share of the glory they acquired by their * Part I. Chap. iv. Sect. viii. PATRIOTISM. ^ 7t bravery and virtue. " When the late Mr. Anson (Lord Anson's brother) was on his travels in the East, he hired a vessel to visit the Isle of Tenedos. His pilot, an old Greek, as they were sailing along, said with some satisfaction, "T was there our fleet lay.' Mr. Anson demanded, ^ What fleet ?^ '• WJiat fleet ! ^ replied the old man, a little piqued at the question, 'why, our Grecian fleet at the siege of Troy.' " This anecdote, (which I borrow from the Philological Inquiries of Mr. Harris,*) naturally excites a smile ; but it is, at the same time, so congenial to feelings inseparable from our con- stitution, that its effect seems to me to border on the pathetic, and I presume there are few who have read it without some emotion. It is not a little remarkable, with respect to this nat- ural attachment to the scenes of our infancy and youth, that it is commonly strongest among the inhabitants of barren and mountainous countries. This would ap- pear to indicate that it is produced less by the recollec- tion of agreeable physical impressions than of moral pleasures, — pleasures which probably derive an ad- ditional zest from the absence of those interesting or amusing objects which dissipate the attention by invit- ing the thoughts abroad. Where nature has been spar- ing in her external bounty, men become the more de- pendent for their happiness on internal enjoyment; it is thus that the storms and gloom of winter give a high- er relish to the pleasures of society. Perhaps, too, the thin and scattered population of such countries may contribute something to the romantic enthusiasm of the domestic and private attachments, as it is certain that the opposite extreme of a crowded and busy population seldom fails to extinguish all the more ardent social af- fections. Among the inhabitants of Europe this attach- ment to home is said to be the most remarkable in the Swiss and the Laplanders, who, when removed to a dis- tance from their native scenes, are subject to a particu- lar species of despondency, to which medical writers * Part III. Chap. v. 76 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. have given the name of nostalgia. It is thus described by Haller, vi4io was himself a native of Switzerland, and who, in some of his poetical pieces, composed dur ing the period of his academical studies in Holland, has sufficiently shown that his own heart was not proof against its influence. " Nostalgia genus est moeroris subditis reipublicae meae familiaris, etiam civibus, a desiderio nati suorum. Is sensim consumit 8Bgros et destruit, nonnunquam in rigorem et maniam abit, alias in febres lentas. Eum spes sanat. Etiam animalia consueta societate privata, nonnunquam depereunt, et ex pullis amissis etiam lutrae niaris Kamtschadalensis. Sic ex amore frusirato lenta et insanabilis consumptio sequitur, quod Angli cor rup- turn vocant." * We are informed by another medical writer, (Sauva- ges,) that he has known this disorder in the son of a common beggar, who could scarcely be said to have any home but the streets and public roads.f " Thus every good his native wilds impart Imprints the patriot passion on his heart. And even the ills that round his mansion rise Enhance the bliss his scanty fund supplies. Dear is that shed to which his soul conforms, And dear that hill that lifts him to the storms. And as a child, when scaring sounds molest, Clings close and closer to its mother's breast. So the loud tempest and the wliirlwind's roar But bind him to his native mountains more." J The sources of patriotism hitherto mentioned arise chiefly from the imagination and from the association of ideas, and have little or no connection with our rational and moral powers. They presuppose, indeed, sensibility, social attachment, and force of mind, but they do not * E/em. PhjsioL, Lib. XVII. Sect. 2, § 5. " Nostalgia is a malady com- mon among my countrymen, originating in a longing for home. It grad- ually consumes and wears out the patient, sometimes going off in chills and mania, sometimes in a slow fever Hope cures it. Even animals, when deprived of their accustomed companions, will sometimes die ; as is the case with the sea-otter of Kamtschatka when hereft of her young. So, likewise, a lingering and incurable consumption follows disappointed love, which the English call a broken heart" t Nosologia Methodica. I Goldsmith's TravelltT. PATRIOTISM. 77 necessarily imply reflection or a sense of duty. They are the natural result of our constitution when placed in certain circumstances ; and hence, though not coeval with our birth, nor after their appearance unsusceptible of analysis, the affection they produce, in so far as it arises from them without the cooperation of any other motive, may be considered as a blind impulse^ analogous in its operation to those desires and appetites which have been already mentioned. This affection may be •called, for the sake of distinction, instinctive patriotism, IV. Patriotism in Small and in Large Countries.] The circumstances which have been enumerated as the sources of instinctive patriotism operate with peculiar force in small communities, where the extent of the ter- ritory and the body of the people, falling under the- habitual observation of every citizen, present more defi-' nite objects to the imagination, and affect the heart more deeply, than what is only conceived from descrip- tion. Here^ too, the individual feels his importance as an active member of the state, and the consciousness of what he is able to do for its prosperity contributes powerfully to promote his patriotic exertions. In an extensive and populous country, the instinctive affection of patriotism is apt to grow languid among the mass of the people, and therefore it becomes the more necessary to impress on their minds those consid- erations of reason and duty which recommend public spirit as one of the principal branches of morality. What these considerations are, I shall afterwards en- deavour to point out in treating of the duties we owe to our fellow-creatures. At present I shall only remark, that, as instinctive patriotism decays, so rational patriot- ism acquires force, in proportion to the extent of terri- tory and to the multitude of fellow-citizens it embraces ; in other words, in proportion to the magnitude of that sum of happiness which it aspires to secure and to augment. Such considerations, however, can have weight only with men whose sense of duty is strong ; and as, uii* 7* 70 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. fortunately, this is not the case with a great proportion ot" mankind, it is of the utmost consequence, in every state of society, to cherish as much as possible the in- stinctive affection of patriotism, and to counteract those causes that tend to extinguish it. For this purpose, nothing is more likely to be effectual than to diffuse a general taste for historical and geographical reading. A peasant who has never extended his thoughts beyond his own province, and who sees every thing flourishing and happy around him, is apt to consider the enjoy- ments he possesses as inseparable from the human race, and no more connected with any particular system of laws than the advantages he derives from the immedi- ate bounty of nature. It is the study of history and geography alone that can remove this prejudice, by show- ing us, on the one hand, the narrow limits within which the political happiness of our species has hitherto been confined, and, on the other, the singular combination of accidental circumstances to which we are indebted for the blessings we enjoy. This effect of history, indeed, tends rather to cherish rational than instinctive patriot- ism; but it operates also wonderfully on the latter affec- tion, by leading us to contrast our own country and coun- trymen with other lands and other nations, and thereby presenting a more definite and interesting object to the imagination and to the heart. When, from the trans- actions of past ages and of foreign lands, we return to what is near and familiar, we are affected somewhat in the same manner as if we met with a fellow-citizen in a distant country. Absence from home never fails to en- dear it to a mind possessed of any sensibility. The extent of our country, too, seems to diminish to our intellectual eye in proportion as the object recedes from us, and we feel a sensible relation to what we before regarded with complete indifference. The natives of the same coun- t|y in Scotland feel towards each other a partial pre- dilection when they meet in the metropolis of Great Britain ; and the circumstance of being born in this island forms a tie of frieiifiship between individuals in the other quarters of the globe. The study of histcry FATRIOTISM. , V.f operates somewhat in the same manner, though not perhaps in the same degree. By transporting us in im- agination over the surface of this planet, and by as- sembling before our view the myriads who have occu- pied it before us, it serves to define to our thoughts more distinctly the particular community to which we belong, and strengthens the bond of relationship that unites us to all its members. I shall only add further on this subject, that, when the extent and population of a country are so very great as to give it a decided preeminence among neigh- bouring nations, it has a tendency to produce (partly by interesting the vanity, and partly by dazzling the imagination) an attachment to national glory^ which operates both on the vulgar and on men of better edu- cation in a way extremely analogous to the instinctive patriotism felt by the member of a small community. A remarkable instance of this occurred in the national character of the French prior to the late revolution ; nor does it seem to have altered in this respect since that event, if we may judge from the indignation with which the idea of a confederate republic has always been re- ceived. A feeling of the same kind may be traced in various expressions employed by Livy in the preface to his Roman History. •' Utcunque erit, juvabit tamen rerum gestarum memorise principis terrarum populi, pro virili parte, et ipsum consuluisse ; et si in tanta scrip- torum turba mea fama in obscuro sit, nobilitate ac magnitudine eorum qui nomini officient meo me con- soler. Res est praeterea et immensi operis, ut quae supra septingentesimum annum repetatur, et quae ab exiguis profecta initiis eo creverit, ut jam magnitudine laboret sua: et legentium plerisque haud dubito, quin primae origines proximaque originibus, minus praebitura vo- luptatis sint, festinantibus ad haec nova, quibus jam- pridem praevalentis populi vires se ipsae conficiunt." * * " However that may be, I shall at all events derive no small satisflic- tion from the reflection that my best endeavours have been exerted in trans- mitting to posterity the achievements of the greatest people in tiic world ; and if, amidst such a multitude of writers, my name should not cmergs 80 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. The very danger which such an empire was exposed to from its enormous magnitude, and from the seeds of destruction which it carried in its bosom, seems to heighten the patriotic affection of the historian, by awakening an anxious solicitude for its impending fate. The contrast between this feeling of national pride, and a melancholy anticipation of those calamities to which national greatness leads, gives the principal charm to this exquisite composition. Section V. OF pity to the DISTRESSED. I. Office and important Uses of Compassion.] As the unfortunate chiefly stand in need of our assistance, so there is provided in every breast a most powerful advo- cate in their favor ; an advocate, to whose solicitations it is impossible even for the most obdurate to turn always a deaf ear. The appropriation of the word humanity to this part of our constitution affords sufKcient evidence of the common sentiments of mankind upon the subject. " Mollissima corda Humano generi dare se natura fatetur, Quae lacrymas dedit. Hsec nostri pars optima senses. Separat hoc nos A grege mutorum." * from obscurity, I shall console myself by considering the distinguished reputation and eminent merit of those who stand in my way in the pursuit of fame. It may be further observed, that such a subject must require a work of immense extent, as our researches must be carried back through a space of more than seven hundred years ; that the state has, from very small beginnings, gradually increased to such a magnitude that it is now distressed by its own bulk ; and, besides, that there is every reason to ap- prehend that the generality of readers will receive but little pleasure from the accounts of its first origin, or of the times immediately succeeding, but will be impatient to arrive at these modern times, in which the powers of this overgrown state have been long employed in working their own de« Btruction." * Juv., ^af.XV. 131, 142. " Nature, who gave us tears, by that alone Proclaims she made the feeling heart our own ; And 't is our noblest sense TJiis mnrks our 1)irth ; Our great distinction from the beasts of earth.'* PITY TO THE DISTRESSED. 83 The general principle of benevolence, or of good- will to our fellow-creatures, (of which I shall treat after- wards, when I come to consider our moral duties,) as it disposes us to promote the happiness of others, so it restrains us from doing them evil, and prompts us to relieve their distresses. The office of compassion or pity is more limited. It impels us to relieve distress; it serves as a check on resentment and selfishness, and the other principles which lead us to injure the interests of others ; but it does not prompt us to the communi-^ cation of positive happiness. Its object is to relieve, and sometimes to prevent, suffering; but not to aug- ment the enjoyment of those who are already easy and comfortable. We are disposed to do this by the gen- eral spirit of benevolence, but not by the particular af- fection of pity. The final cause of this constitution of our nature is very ingeniously and happily pointed out by Dr. Butler in his second sermon On Compassion. This profound philosopher observes, that, " supposing men to be capa- ble of happiness and of misery in degrees equally in- tense, yet they are liable to the latter during longer peri- ods of time than they are susceptible of the former. We frequently see men suffering the agonies of pain for days, weeks, and months together, without any in- termission, except the short suspensions of sleep, — a stretch of misery to which no state of high enjoyment can approach in point of duration. Such, too, is our constitution, and that of the world around us, that the sources of our sufferings are placed much more within the power of other men than the sources of our pleas- ures, so that there is no individual (however incapable he may be to add to the happiness of his fellow-crea- tures) who has it not in his power to do them great and extensive mischief. To prevent the abuse of this power when we are under the influence of any of the angry passions, by means of a particular affection tending to check the excess of resentment, was, therefore, of more consequence to the comfort of human life than it would have been to superadd to the general principle of good- 82 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. will a particular affection prompting to the communi- cation of positive enjoyment. The power we have over the misery of our fellow-creatures being a more impor- tant trust than our power of promoting the happiness of those already comfortable, the former stood more in need of a guard to check its excesses than the latter of a stimulus to animate its exertions. But, further, as it is more in our power to communicate misery than hap- piness, so it is more in our power to relieve misery than to superadd enjoyment. Hence an additional reason for implanting in our constitution the affection of com- passion, while there is none analogous to it urging us by an instinctive impulse to acts of general benevolence." The final causes of compassion, then, are to prevent and to relieve misery, — to prevent misery by checking the violence of our own angry passions, and to relieve misery by calling our attention, and engaging oui' good offices, to every object of distress within our reach. The latter is the more common and the more impor- tant of its offices, at least in the present state of society. And it is this which I have chiefly in view in the fol- lowing observations. I have said that compassion calls or arrests our atten- tion to the distressed objects within our reach. When we are immersed in the business of the world, or intox- icated with its pleasures, we are apt to overlook, and sometimes to withdraw from, scenes of misery. It is the office of compassion to plead the cause of the wretched, or rather to solicit us to take their case under our consideration ; for so strong is the sense which all men have of the duty of beneficence, that, if they could only be brought to exercise their powers of reflection on the facts before them, they could scarcely ever fail to relieve distress, when, in consistency with other ob- ligations, it was in their power to do so. One striking proof of this ip, that the active zeal of humanity is [cceteris paribus) strongest in those men whose warm imaginations present to them fively pictures of the suf- ferings of others ; and that there is scarcely any man, however callous and selfish, whose beneficence may not PITY TO THE DISTRESSED. 83 be called forth by a skilful and eloquent description of any scene of misery. General considerations with re- gard to our social duties will often have little weight ; but if the attention can only be fixed to facts, nature, in most instances, accomplishes the rest. Hence the importance in our constitution of the affection of com- passion, which, amidst th^e tumult of business or of pleasure, stops us suddenly in our career, and reminds us that we have social duties to fulfil ; calls upon us to examine the claims of the helpless, and aggravates our guilt if we disregard its admonition. 11. An Instinctive, and not, in itself, a Moral Princi- ple.] Compassion, according to the view now given of it, is an instinctive hnpulse prompting to a particular object, analogous in many respects to the animal appe- tites already considered. It is, indeed, one of the most amiable, and one of the most important parts of our constitution ; but it is not an object of moral approba- tion. Our duty lies in the proper regulation of it, — in considering with attention the facts it recommends to our notice, and in acting with respect to them as reason and conscience prescribe. It is hardly necessary for me to add, that there are cases in which 4hese inform us that we ousrht not to follow the impulse of compassion, and in which it is no less meritorious in us to resist its solicitations than to deny ourselves the unlawful grati- fication of a aensual appetite ; and even in those in- stances in which our duty calls us to obey its impulse, our merit does not arise from the affection we feel, but from doing what our conscience approves of as right, on a deliberate consideration of the action we are to perform, when examined in all its bearings and con- sequences. Notwithstanding, however, the unquestionable truth of this theoretical conclusion, it is nevertheless certain, that a strong and habitual tendency to indulge this af- fection affords no slight presumption in favor of the worth and benevolence of a character. Whoever re* rlects, on the one hand, upon its general coincidence 84 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. with what a sense of duty prescribes, and, upon the other, on the nature of those circumstances by which 'ts indulgence is checked and discouraged among men of the world, wiU, I apprehend, readily assent to the truth of this observation. The poet, perhaps, went a little too far when he stated, as a general and unquali- fied maxim, 'KyadoX dpidaKpves ciubpes ; * but, upou the whole, I am inclined to think that this maxim, with all the ex- ceptions which may contradict it, will be found much nearer to the fact than they who have been trained in the schools of fashionable persiflag-e will be disposed to acknowledge. III. The Affection of Pity not a Modification of Self- love.] The philosophers who attempt to resolve the whole of human conduct into self-love have adopted various theories to explain the affection of pity. With- out stopping to examine these, I shall confine myself to a simple statement of the fact, which statement will at once show how far all of these are erroneous, and will point out the oversight in which they have origi- nated. Whoever reflects carefully on the effect pro- duced on his own mind by objects which excite his pity must be setisible that it is a compounded one ; and therefore, unless we are at pains to analyze it carefully, we may be apt to mistake some one of the ingredients for the whole combination. •_ =^ " Good men are prone to shed tears." — " The poets," says Mr. Wol- laston, " who of all writers undertake to imitate nature most, oft introduce even their heroes weeping. (See how Homer represents Ulysses, Gd., E 151 et seq.) The tears of men are in truth very different from the cries and cjulations of children. They are silent streams, and flow from other causes, commonly some tender, or perhaps philosophical reflection. It is easy to see how hard hearts and dry eyes come to be fashionable. But for all that, it is certain the (jlanduloe lacrymales are not made for nothing." Religion of Nature Delineated, Sect. VI. § xvii. It is also remarked by Descartes, that the tears of children and of old men (m which both are apt to indulge) flow from different sources. " Senes sfepe lacrymantur ex amore et gaudio Infantes raro ex Iffititia laorymantur, saepius ex tristitia, etiam quam amor non comitatur." {De Passionibus, Secunda Pars, Art. cxxxiii ) The important facts here de- scribed have seldom been remarked ; and the statement of them does honor to Descartes, as an attentive and accurate observer of human nature in the beginning and towards the close of its history. PITY TO THE DISTRESSED. 85 On the sight of distress we are distinctly conscious, I think, of three things: — 1st. A painful emotion in consequence of the distress we see. 2d. A selfish desire to remove ^texan^^^^ this uneasiness. 3d. A disposition to relieve the distress from a benevolent and disinterested concern about the sufferer. If we had not this last disposition, and if it were not stronger than the former, the sight of a distressed object would invariably prompt us to fly from it, as we frequently see those men do in whom the second ingredient pre- vails over the third. In ordinary cases, the impulse of pity attaches us to the cause of our sufferings ; and we cling to it, even although we are conscious that we can afford no relief but the consolation of sympathy; — a demonstrative proof that one at least of the ingredients of pity (and in most men the prevailing ingredient) is purely disinterested in its nature and origin.* * There is a passage in Hazlitt's Essays on the Principles of Human Action^ 2d ed., pp. 131 et seq., which exposes a common fallacy on this subject. " It is absurd to say, that, in compassionating the distress of others, we are only affected by our own pain and uneasiness, since this vpry pain arises from our compassion. It is putting the effect before the cause. Before I can be affected by my own pain, I must be put in pain. If I am affected by, or feel pain and sorrow at, aiL idea existing in my mind, which idea is neither pain itself nor an idea of my own pain, in what sense can this be called the love of myself? Again, I am equally at a loss to conceive how, if the pain which this idea gives me does not impel me to get rid of it as it gives me pain, or as it actually affects myself as a distinct, momentary impression, but as it is connected with other ideas, that is, is supposed to affect another, — how, I say, this can be considered as the effect of self-love. The object, effort, or struggle of the mind is not to remove the idea or immediate feeling of pain froni the [sympathizing] individual, or to put a stop to that feeling as it affects his temporary interest, but to produce a disconnection (whatever it may cost him) be- tween certain ideas of other things existing in his mind, namely, the idea of pain and the idea of another person. Self, mere physical self, is entirely forgotten, both practically and consciously. " ' O, but,' it will be said, ' I cannot help feeling pain when I see another in actual pain, or get rid of the idea by any other means than by relieving the person, and knowing that it exists no longer.' But will this prove that my love of others is regulated by my love of myself, or that' my self- love is subservient to my love of others ? What hinders me from im- mediately removing the painful idea from my mind but that sympathy with others which stands in the way of it? That this independent attach- ment to the good of others is a natural, unavoidable feeling of the human mind is what I do not wish to deny. It is also, if you will, a mechanical feeling ; but then it is neither a physical nor a selfish mechanism. I see bb INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. Although, however, this observation seems to me decisive against the theory in question, in whatever form it may be proposed, I cannot omit this opportu- nity of examining a new modification of the same hypothesis, which occurs in Mr. Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments. The view of the subject which he has taken has the merit of entire originality, and, like all his other speculations and opinions, derives a strong recommendation from the splendid abilities and ex- emplary worth of the author? I hope, therefore, that the critical strictures upon it which I am now to offer will not be considered as a useless or unreasonable interruption of the discussions in which we are at present engaged. Before entering on this argument, I shall just men- tion another hypothesis concerning the origin of com- passion, which seems to me to approach more nearly .to that of Mr Smith than any thing else I have met with in the works of his predecessors. I allude to the account of pity given by Hobbes, who defines it to be " the imagination or fiction of future calamity to our- colors, hear sounds, feel heat and cold, and believe that two and two make four, by a certain mechanism, or from the necessary structm-e of the human mind ; but it does not follow that all this has any thing to do with self-love. One half of the process, namely, the connecting the sense of pain with the idea of it, is evidently contrary to self-love ; nor dp I see any more reason for ascribing to that principle the uneasiness, or active impulse which folloi.vs, since my own good is neither thought of in it. nor follows from it except indirectly, slowly, and conditionally. The mechan- ical tendency to my own ease or gratification is so far from being the real spring o; natural motive of compassion, that it is constantly overruled and defeated by it. " Lastly, should any desperate metaphysician persist in affirming that my love of others is still the love of myself, because the impression exciting my sympathy must exist in my mind and so be a part of myself, I should answer that this is using words without affixing any distinct meaning to them. The love or affection excited by any general idea existing in my mind can no more be said to be the love of myself, than the idea of another person is the idea of myself because it is I who per- ceive it. This method of reasoning, however, will not go a great way to prove the doctrine of an abstract principle of self-interest, for by the same rule it would follow that I hate myself in hating any other person " From the preceding extract it will be seen that Hazlitt does not concede so much as Stewart to self-love. — Ed. PITY TO THE DISTRESSED. 87 selves proceeding from the sense of another man's ca- lamity." * In what respect this theory coincides with Mr. Smith's will appear from the remarks I am about to make. In the mean time, I shall only observe how completely the futility of Hobbes's definition is exposed by a single remark of Butler, that, if it were just, it would follow that the most fearful tempe3\,would bcN^^ the most compassionate.f We may add, too, that our pity is more strongly excited by the distresses of an infant than by those of the aged, although the former are such as we cannot possibly be exposed to suffer a second time, and the latter such as we must expect to endure sooner or later, if the period of life should be prolonged to that term which the weakness of most in- dividuals disposes them to wish for. IV. Adam Smithes Theory of Pity.] The leading principles of Mr. Smith's theory, in as far as it applies to pity or compassion, are comprehended in the three following propositions : — 1st. That it is from our own experience alone we can form any idea of the sufferings of another person on any particular occasion. 2d. That the only manner in which we can form this idea is by supposing ourselves in the same circum- stances with him, and then conceiving how w^e should be affected if w^e were so situated. 3d. That the uneasiness which we feel in conse- quence of the sufferings of another arises from our conceiving those sufferings to be our own. The first of these propositions is unquestionable. Our notions of pain and of suffering are undoubt- edly derived, in the first instance, from our own experi- ence. The second proposition is perhaps expressed with too gi'eat a degree' of latitude. That, in order to under- * Human Nature^ Chap ix. § 10. t See an excellent note on Sermon Y. It contains an important hint about sympathy^ which Mr. Smith has prosecuted with great in- genuity. ^OO INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. stand com])letely the sufferings of our neighbours in any particular instance, it is necessary for us to have been once placed in circumstances somewhat similar to his, I believe to be true, and there can be no doubt that it is frequently useful to us to direct our attention to the distresses of others, by conceiving their situation to be ours; but it does not appear to me that this process of the mind takes place in every case in which we are affected by the sight of misery. When we are once satisfied that a particular situation is a natural source of misery to the person placed in it, the bare percep- tion of the situation is sufficient to excite an unpleas- ant emotion in the spectator, without any reference whatever to himself This is easily explicable on the common doctrine of the association of ideas. Nor is this all. The looks, the gestures, the tones of distress, speak in a moment from heart to heart, and affect us with an anguish more exquisitely piercing than any we are able to produce by all the various expedients we can employ to assist the imagination in conceiving the situation of the sufferer. But, not to insist on these considerations, and granting the second proposition in all its extent, the tlnrd^proposition is by no means a necessary conse- quence ^oflfy Tor even in those cases in which we endeavour to awaken our compassion for the sufferings of our neighbour by conceiving ourselves placed in his situation, our compassion is not founded on a belief that the sufferings are ours. So long as we conceive ourselves in distress, we feel a certain degree of unea- siness ; but this is not the uneasiness of compassion. In order to excite this, we must apply to our neighbour the result of what we have experienced in ourselves ; or, in other words, having formed an idea of what he suffers by bringing his case home to ourselves, we must carry our attention back to him before he be- comes the object of our pity. Nor is there any thing mysterious or wonderful in this process of the mind. That we are so formed as to expect that the operation of the same cause, in similar circumstances, will be PITY TO THE DISTRESSED. 89 attended with the same result, might be shown from a thousand instances. It is thus, that, having tried a physical experiment on certain substances, I take for granted that the result of a similar experiment on similar substances will be the same. It is thus that I conclude, with the most perfect confidence, that a wound given to my body in a particular organ would be instantly fatal; although it is worthy of remark, that in this case I have no direct evidence from experi- ence that the internal structure of my body is similar to those of the bodies which anatomists have hitherto examined. Now, I apprehend, it is in the same man- ner, that, having once experienced the pain produced by an instrument of torture applied tO myself, I take for granted that the effect will be the same when it is applied to another. In consequence of this application, the sentiment of compassion arises in my mind, during the continuance of which my attention is completely engrossed, not about myself, but about the real sufferer And, indeed, if the case were otherwise, compassion would be ultimately resolvable into a selfish principle, and those men would be most ready to feel the dis- tresses of others who are most impatient of their own. A remark similar to this, as I have already observed, is nade by Dr. Butl'er, with respect to a theory" of Hobbes, who defines pity to be the fiction of future calamity to ourselves from the sight of the present calamity of another. " Were this the case," says Butler, " the most fearful tempers would be the most compas- sionate." According to Mr. Smith, pity arises from the fiction, not of future^ but of present^ calamity to our- selves. The two theories approach very nearly to each other, and the same answer is applicable to both.* * So far, inrleed, is it from being true that those who are most impatient under their personal distresses are the most prone to commiserate the sorrows of others, that I apprehend the reverse of this supposition will be found agreeable to universal experience. The most unfeeling characters I have ever known have been men. not onlj- tremblingly alive to the slight- est evil which affected themselves, but whose whole attention seemed manifestly to be engrossed with their own comforts and luxuries. On the Other hand, the nearest approaches I have happened to witness to stoical 8* UU INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. In farther proof that the distress produced by the suf* ferings of others arises from a conception that these dis< tresses are our own, Mr. Smith mentions a variety of facts which he thinks establish his doctrine with de- monstrative evidence. " When we see a stroke aimed and just ready to fall upon the leg or arm of another person, wq naturally shrink and draw back our own leg, or our own arm, and when it does fall we feel it in some measure, and are hurt by it as well as the sufferer. The mob, when they are gazing at a dancer on the slack rope, naturally writhe and twist and balance their own bodies as they see him do, and as they feel that they must themselves do, if in his situation." In gen- eral, he observes, that, " as to be in pain or distress of any kind excites the most excessive sorrow, so to con- ceive or to imagine that we are in it excites some de- gree of the same emotion, in proportion to the vivacity or dulness of the conception." * The facts here appealed to by Mr. Smith are indeed extremely curious, and I do not pretend to explain them. They are not, however, singular facts in our constitution, but belong to that class of phenomena which medical writers refer to what they call the prin- ciple of imitation.^ Of this kind are the contagious effects of hysterics, of yawning, of laughter, of crying, &c. In these last cases Mr. Smith would suppose, if he were to apply the same reasoning he uses in analo- gous instances, that the effect arises from our conceiv- ing ludicrous or sorrowful ideas similar to those by which these emotions are produced. But the primary patience and fortitude under severe suffering have been invariably accom- panied with a peculiarly strong disposition to social tenderness and sym- pathy. Gray alludes to this contrast in his Ode on a Distant Prospect of Eton College : — " To each his sufferings ; all are men Condemned alike to groan ; The feeling, for another's pain, Tlie unfeeling, for his own." *■ Theory of Moral Sentiments^. Part I. Sect. I. Chap i. t In my Philosophij of the Human Mind, Vol. III., I have distinguished this law of our nature by the more precise and unequivocal title of tha l*rinciple of Sympathetic Imitation. » MALEVOLENT AFFECTIONS. 91 effect seems to be produced on the body, and the secoji dary effect on the mind ; somewhat in the same man ner in which we can excite a sensible degree of the pas- sion of anger in our own breast by imitating the looks and gestures which are expressive of rage. It does not appear to me that this bodily contagion of the expres- sion of passion has any immediate connection with our fellow-feeling with distress. If it had, those would be most liable to it who felt the most deeply for the sor- rows of others, — a conclusion which is certainly not agreeable to fact. During the madness of Belvidera, those who are the most powerfully affected by the rep- resentation are not the nervous ladies who catch from the actress something similar to a hysteric paroxysm ; but they who, retaining their own reason, reflect on the train of misfortunes which have unhinged her mind, and who weep for her madness, not so much as a mis- fortune in itself, as an indication of that conflict of passions by which it was produced. The effect in the former case depends on a peculiar irritability and mobility of the bodily frame altogether unconnected with any of the moral sympathies or sensibilities of our nature. ^ ^ ./^t. Section VI. OF RESENTMENT, AND THE VARIOUS OTHER ANGRY AF FECTIONS GRAFTED UPON IT, COMMONLY CONSIDERED BY ETHICAL WRITERS AS MALEVOLENT AFFECTIONS. I. Enumeration of the Malevolent Affections originat- ing' in Resentment] The names which are given to these affections in common discourse are various, Ha- tred^ Jealousy^ Envy^ Revenge^ Misanthropy ; but it may be doubted if there be any principle of this kind implanted by nature in the mind, excepting the Princi- pie of Resentment, the others being grafted on this stock by our erroneous opinions and criminal habits. Emulation, indeed, (which is unquestionably an orig- inal principle of action,) is treated of by Dr. Reid un- 92 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. der the title of the Malevolent Affections. But I for« merly gave my reasons for classing this principle with the desires^ and not with the affections. I acknowl- edged, indeed, that emulation is often accompanied with ill-will to our rival ; but the malevolent affection is only a concomitant circumstance ; and it is not the affection, but the desire of superiority, which can be justly regarded as the active principle. Nor is this sentiment of ill-will a necessary concomi- tant of the desire of superiority ; for there is unques- tionably a solid distinction between emulation and en- vy, the latter of which is a corruption of the former, disgraceful to the character and ruinous to the happi- ness of w^hoever indulges it. In the case of envy, the malevolent affection arises, I believe, generally from some error of the judgment or some illusion of the imagination, leading us to refer the cause of our own want of success either to some injustice on the part of our rival, or to an unjust partiality in the world, which overrates his merits and undervalues ours. In both of these cases, the desire of superiority generates malevo- lent affections, by first leading us to apprehend injus- tice^ and thus exciting the natural passion of resentment. Before proceeding to consider this principle of ac- tion, it may be proper again to remark, that, when the epithet malevolent is applied to it, that word must not be understood to imply any thing criminal, at least so long as resentment is restrained within proper bounds, after having been originally excited by real injustice. The epithet malevolent is used only to express that tem- porary ill-will towards the author of the apprehended in- justice with which resentment is necessarily accompa- nied till it begins to subside. One of the first authors who examined with success this part of our constitution, and illustrated the impor- tant purposes to which it is subservient, was Bishop Butler, in an excellent discourse printed among his Set'' mons. The hints he has thrown out have evidently been of great use both to Lord Kames and Mr. Smith in their speculations concerning the principles of morals. MALEVOLENT AFFECTIONS. 93 II. Instinctive and Deliberate Resentment] To But- ler we are indebted for the illustration of a very impor- tant distinction (which had been formerly hinted at by Hobbes) between instinctive and delibe?'ate resentment Instinctive resentment operates in men exactly as in the lower animals, arising necessarily from any feeling of pain excited by external objects, and prompting us to a retaliation upon the cause of our suffering, without any exercise whatever of reflection and reason. It is thus that a child beats the ground after it has hurt it- self by a fall, and that we sometimes see a passionate man wreak his vengeance on inanimate objects by dash- ing them to pieces. This species of resentment, how- ever, subsides instantly, and we are ready next moment to smile at the absurdity of our conduct. Deliberate resentment is excited only by intentional injury, and therefore implies a sense of justice, or of moral good or evil. It is plainly peculiar to a rational nature, though perhaps it is not very distinguishable from instinctive or animal resentment in the ruder state of our own species. It is observed by Dr. Robertson, that " the desire of vengeance which takes possession of the heart of savages resembles the instinctive rage of an animal rather than the passion of a man, and that it turns with undiscerning fury even against inani- mate objects." He adds, "that, if struck with an ar- row in battle, they will tear it from the wound, break and bite it with their teeth, and dash it on the ground."* This distinction, too, is much insisted on by Lord Kames in various parts of his waitings ; and it is from him that I have borrowed the phrase of instinctive re- sentment, which he has substituted instead of sudden resentment, employed by Butler. III. The Final Cause of Instinctive Resentment.] The final cause of instinctive resentment was plainly to de- fend us against sudden violence, (where reason would come too late to our assistance,) by rousing the powera * History of America, Book IV. § 73. 9.4 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. both of mind and body to instant and vigorous exer- tion. A number of our other instincts are perfectly analogous to this. Such, for example, is the instinctive effort we make to recover ourselves when we are in danger of losing our balance,* and the instinctive de- * Although I have followed Dr. Reid's language in calling this an in- stinctive effort, I am abundantly aware that the expression is not unexcep-' tionable. On this head I perfectly agree (excepting in one single point) with the following remarks of Gravesande : — " II y a quelque chose d'admirable dans le moyen ordinaire dont les i hommes se servent, pour s'empccher de tomber : car dans le tems que, | par quelque mouvement, le poids du corps s'augmente d'une cote, un i autre mouvement retablit I'equilibre dans Tinstant. On attribue commune- ment la chose a un instinct naturel quoiqu'il faille necessairement I'attribu- er a un art perfectionne par I'exercise. " Les enfans ignorent absolument cet art dans les premieres annees de leur vie ; ils I'apprennent peu a peu, et s'y perfectionnent, parce qu'ils ont continuellement occasion de s'j exercer ; exercise qui, dans la suite, n'exi- ge presque plus aucune attention de leur part ; tout comme un musicien ! remue les doigts, suivant les regies de I'art, pendant qu'il appcrc^oit a peine qu'il y fasse le moindre attention." — (Euvres Philosophigues de M. S'Grave- sande, p. 121, 2de Partie, Amsterdam, 1774. The only thing I am disposed to object to in the foregoing passage is, ^ that clause where the author ascribes the effort in question to an art. Is it i not manifestly as wide of the truth to refer it to this source as to a pure | instinct ? ! The word ai-t implies intelligence, — the perception of an end, and the choice of means. But where is there any appearance of either in an oper- ation common to the whole species, (not excepting the idiot and the in- sane,) and which is practised as successfully by the brutes as by rational creatures ? Elephants (it is well known) were taught by the ancients to walk on the tight rope, on whicli occasions their trunk probably performed tlie office of a pole. Whoever has seen a peacock walk in a windy day along the ! branch of a tree must have observed the address with which he avails j himself of his tail for the same purpose. i Nothing, however, can place in a stronger light the capacity of the j brutes to acquire the nice management of the centre of gravity, than the j mathematical exactness with which we may daily see horses in the circiis \ adjusting the inclination of their bodies to the velocity of their circular | speed. Here, indeed, a good deal is to be ascribed to the effects of human j discipline, but by far the greater part of the groundwork is laid by nature in the instinctive dispositions of the animal. The acquisition seems to be ! almost as easy as that of the habits which constitute the acquired percep- tions of sight. In one of the last volumes of Dr. Clarke's Travels there is a figure of a goat, whom the author saw standing with its four feet collected together on tlie top of a cylindrical piece of wood of a few inches diametet- No- body can doubt that the effects of discipline were greatly facilitated in this instance by the natural instincts of the goat, which probably accommo- dated themselves with very little instruction to the artificial circumstances j in which they were forced to operate. MALEVOLENT AFFECTIONS. 95 spatch with which we shut the eyelids when an object is made to pass rapidly befqre the face. In general it ^ill be found, that, as nature has taken upon herself the care of our preservation during the infancy of our reason, so in every case in which our existence is threat- ened by dangers, against which reason is unable to supply a remedy loilJi sufficient pro77iptitude^ she contin- ues this guardian care through the whole of life. The disposition which we sometimes feel, when un- der the influence of instinctive resentment, to wreak our vengeance upon inanimate objects, has suggested to Dr. Reid a very curious query, Whether, upon such an occasion, we may have a momentary belief that the object is alive ? For my own part, I confess my incli- nation to answer this question in the affirmative. I agree with Dr. Reid in thinking, that, unless we had such a belief, our conduct could not possibly be what it frequently is, and that it is not till this momentary belief is at an end that our conduct appears to our- selves to be absurd and ludicrous. With respect to in- fants, there are many facts besides that now under con- sideration which render it probable that their first ap- prehensions lead them to believe all the objects around them to be animated, and that it is only in consequence of experience and reason that they come to form the notion of insentient substances. If this be the case, the illusion of imagination which leads us to ascribe life to things inanimate, when we are under the influ- ence of instinctive resentment, may perhaps be owing to a momentary relapse into those apprehensions which were habitually familiar to us in the first years of our existence. But whatever theory we adopt on the subject, there can be no doubt about the fact, that the final cause of this law of our nature was to secure and guard us against the sudden effects of external injuries in cases where there is not time for deliberation and judgment. With respect to the injuries we are liable to from our fellow-creatures, it secures us further by its effect in re- straining them from acts of violence. " It is a kind of r 96 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. penal statute promulgated by nature, the execution of which is committed to the sufferer." * IV. Final Cause of Deliberate Resentment] In man the instinctive resentment subsides as soon as he is sat- isfied that no injury was intended ; and it is only inten^ tional injury that is the object of settled and deliberate resentment. The final cause of this species of resent- ment is analogous to that of the other, — to serve as a check on those men whose violent or malignant pas- sions might lead them to disturb the happiness of their fellow-creatures. In order to secure still more effectually so very im- portant an end, we are so formed that the injustice of- fered to others^ as well as to ourselves, awakens our re- sentment against the aggressor, and prompts us to take part in the redress of their grievances. In this case the emotion we feel is more properly denoted in our lan- guage by the word indignation; but (as Butler has re- marked) our principle of action is in both cases funda- mentally the same, — an aversion or displeasure at in- justice and cruelty, which interests us in the punishment of those by whom they have been exhibited. Resent- ment, therefore, when restrained within due bounds, seems to be rather a sentimeut of hatred against vice than an affection of ill-will against any of our fellow- creatures ; and, on this account, I am somewhat doubt- ful (notwithstanding the apology I have already made for the title of this section) whether I have not followed Dr. Reid too closely in characterizing resentment, con- sidered as an original part of the constitution of man, by the epithet of malevolent. An additional confirmation of this doctrine arises from the following consideration: — that, in candid and generous minds, the whole object of resentment is to convince the person who has injured them that he has treated them unjustly, — to show him that he has formed an unfair estimate of their characters and of * Reid, On the Active Powers^ Essay III. Part II. Chap. v. MALEVOLENT AFFECTIONS. 97 their talents, and to obtain such a superiority over him in point of power as to be able, by a generous forgive- ness of his aggressions, to convert his malice into gratitude. In other words, in such minds the great object of resentment is to correct the faults of the delinquent, and to make a friend of an enemy. This last observation points out, by the way, the final cause of a very remarkable circumstance accom- panying the affection of resentment when excited by an injury offered to ourselves. We desire not only the punishment of the offender, but that we should have the power of inflicting the punishment with our own hand. It is probable that this originates partly in our love of power; but I believe it is chiefly owing to a secret wish of convincing our enemy, by the magna- nimity of our conduct, how much he had mistaken the object of his hatred. In the mean and the malicious, the passion of revenge is gratified by any suffering in- flicted on an enemy, whether by an indifferent person or by the hand of Heaven. After all, however, that I have advanced in justifica- tion of this part of the human constitution, I must ac- knowledge that there is no principle of action which requires more pains, even in the best minds, to restrain it within the bounds of moderation. The imagination exaggerates the injuries that we ourselves have re- ceived; and mistaken views of human nature, concur- ring with low spirits or disappointed ambition, lead us to ascribe to our opponents worse motives than those from which they really have acted. We seldom, too, are sufficiently attentive to the situations and feelings of other men, and even where we do make an effort to place ourselves in their circumstances, it is not every man who is possessed of the degree of imagination requisite for that purpose. Our own sufferings, at the same time, are always present to our view, and force themselves on the notice of the most thoughtless with- out any effort on their part. And hence it is that an irritability to personal injury is often accompanied with a callousness to the feelings of others, and even with a 9 98 INSTINCTIVE TRINCIPLES OF ACTION. disposition to put unfavorable constructions on their actions. V. How checked and restrained by Indignation in Others,] In order to checli the excesses to which this ungovernable passion is apt to lead us, "nature has made a beautiful provision in that sentiment of indig- nation which the sight of injustice excites in the breast of the, unconcerned spectator. This sentiment inter- ests society in general in the cause of the oppressed, and serves to protect the weak against the wrongs of the powerful. As it is not, however, liable to the same ex- cesses with the passion of resentment excited by a per- sonal injury, it sympathizes only with the injured while his retaliations are restrained within the bounds of mod- eration. When resentment rises to cruel and relent- less revenge, unconcerned spectators become disposed to abandon the cause they had espoused, and to trans- fer their protection to the original aggressor. It does not follow from this observation that resent- ment and indignation are two distinct principles ; for the whole difference between them may be accounted for from the different views We naturally take of our own wrongs and those of others. They are both found- ed in a sentiment of aversion and ill-will excited by injustice ; but the one is more apt to pass the bounds of moderation than the other, in consequence of the. facts being more strongly obtruded on our notice, and often exaggerated by the heightenings of imagination. Mr. Smith has endeavoured, on the principles now stated, to account for the origin of our sense of justice. The passion of resentment, he thinks, when excited by a personal injury, would set no bounds to its gratifica- tion, but would lead us to sacrifice every thing to re- venge. But, as we find that other men would not go along with us when our revenge ceases to bear any proportion to the original injury, we learn to adjust our retaliations, not to our own feelings, but to those of the impartial spectator. Hence the origin of our sense of justice, our regard for which arises from our desire cf obtaining' the t^vmnathv and the support of society. MALEVOLENT AFFECTIONS. 99 I shall afterwards state some objections to this theo- ry, which appear to me xmanswerable. In particular, I shall attempt to show, that, so far is om* idea of justice from being posterior to the affections of resentment and indignation, and to a comparison' between our own feelings and those of other men, that the very emotion of deliberate resentment presupposes the idea of jus- tice, and of what is morally right and wrong. The fact, however, on which the theory proceeds is a most important one, and Mr. Smith has had great merit in illustrating it so fully. Lord Kames, in his Historical, hav) Tracts^ has made a happy application of it to ex- plain the origin and progress of criminal law. Which of these two authors first conceived the idea of apply- ing it to jurisprudence does not appear to me to be per- fectly certain. Both of them have evidently been much indebted, in their speculations concerning this part of human nature, to the Sermons of'Bishop Butler. VI. All the Malevolent Affections attended by a Sense of Pain.] I shall conclude this subject at present by remarking, that, as all the benevolent affections are ac- companied with pleasant emotions, so all the malevo- lent affections are sources of pain and disquiet. This is true even of resentment, how justly soever it may be roused by the injurious conduct of others. Here, too, we may perceive a final cause perfectly analogous to that of which I formerly took notice in treating of the benevolent affections. As the pleasant emotion accom- panying these seems evidently to have been intended as an incitement to us to cultivate ajid cherish them, so the painful feeling accompanying resentment, and every other affection which is hostile to our fellow-creatures, serves as a check on the habitual indulgence of them, and induces us, as soon as the first impulse of passion is over, and reason begins to reassume her empire, to obliterate every trace of them from the memory. Dr. Keid has expressed this last observation with great beauty, and has enforced it with uncommon felicity of illustration. " When we consider that, on the one 100 INSTINCTIVE PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. hand, every benevolent affection is pleasant in its na- ture, is health to the soul and a cordial to the spirits ; that nature has made even the outward expression of benevolent affections in the countenance pleasant to every beholder, and the chief ingredient of beauty in ' the human face divine'; that, on the other hand, every malevolent affection, not only in its faulty excesses, but in its moderate degrees, is vexation and disquiet to the mind, and even gives deformity to the countenance, it is evident that by these signals nature loudly admon- ishes us to use the former as our daily bread, both for health and pleasure, but to consider the latter as a nau- seous medicine, which is never to be taken without ne- cessity, and even then in no greater quantity than the necessity requires." * After the clear, and, at the same time, cautious terms in which Butler, Kames, and Smith have expressed themselves concerning resentment^ it is surprising to find some late writers of considerable name speaking of the pleasure of revenge as a natural gratification, of which every man is entitled to look forward to the en- joyment; and which, after the establishment of the po- litical union, every man has a right to insist upon at the hands of the civil magistrate. Such, in particular, seems to be the opinion of Mr. Bentham, and of his very ingenious and eloquent commentator, M. Du- mont : — " Every species of satisfaction naturally brings in its train a punishment to the defendant, a pleasure of ven- geance for the party injured. This pleasure is a gain : it recalls the riddle of Samson ; it is the sweet which comes out of the strong ; it is the honey gathered from the carcass of the lion. Produced without expense, net result of an operation necessary on other accounts, it is an enjoyment to be cultivated as well as any oth- er ; for the pleasure of vengeance, considered abstract- ly, is, like every other pleasure, only good in itself. It is innocent so long as it is confined within the limits * On the Active Poicers, Essay III. Part II Chap. vi. MALEVOLENT AFFECTIONS. 10^ of the laws; it becomes criminal at the moment it breaks them Useful to the individual, this mo- tive is also useful to the public, or, to speak more cor- rectly, necessary. It is this vindictive satisfaction which often unties the tongue of the witness ; it is this which generally animates the breast of the accuser, and engages him in the service of justice, notwith- standing the trouble, the expenses, the enmities, to which it exposes him ; it is this which overcomes the public pity in the punishment of the guilty " Some commonplace moralists, always the dupes of words, cannot understand this truth. ' The desire of vengeance is odious ; all satisfaction drawn from this source is vicious ; forgiveness of injuries is the noblest of virtues.' Doubtless, implacable characters, whom no satisfaction can soften, are hateful and ought to be so. The forgiveness of injuries is a virtue necessary to humanity ; but it is only a virtue when justice has done its work, when it has furnished or refused a sat- isfaction. Before this, to forgive injuries is to invite their perpetration, — is to be, not the friend, but the enemy of society. What could wickedness desire more than an arrangement by which offences should be al- ways followed by pardon ? " * The observations above quoted from Butler, Reid, and Smith will at once point out the limitations with which this passage must be understood, and will fur- nish a triumphant reply to it where it departs from the truth.f * Bentham's Principles of Penal Law, Part I. Chap. xvi. The French transh\tion by M. Dumont was published before the original, and was quot- ed by Mr. Stewart. I have taken the liberty to substitute the original, wbicli has since appeared. — Ed. i To the works already cited or referred to in this and the preceding cha])ters as illustrating what Mr. Stewart calls the Instinctive Principles of Action should be added Brown's Phl/ofiophi/ of the Human Mind, Lect. LXV.-LXXIL; Cogan^s Philosophical Treatise on the Passions; Kauch'a Psychology^ Part II. Sect. II.; Damiron, Psycholojie, Sect. 11. Chap, ii. — Ed. 9* BOOK II. OF OUR RATIONAL* AND GOVERNING PRINCI- PLES OF ACTION. CHAPTER I. or A PRUDENTIAL REGARD TO OUR OWN HAPPINESS, OR WHAT IS COMMONLY CALLED BY MORALISTS THE PRINCIPLE OF SELF-LOVE. I. Difference between the Animal and Rational Na^ lures.] The constitution of mian, if it were composed merely of the active principles hitherto mentioned, would, in some important respects, be analogous to that of the brutes. His reason, however, renders his nature and condition, on the whole, essentially differ- ent from theirs ; and, by elevating him to the rank of a moral agent, distinguishes him from the lower animals still more remarkably than by the superiority it imparts to his intellectual endowments. Of this want of reason in the brutes, it is an obvious result, that they are incapable of looking forward to consequences, or of comparing together the different gratifications of which they are susceptible; and, ac- cordingly, as far as we can perceive, they yield to every present impulse. Among the inhabitants of this globe * To various active principles which have been already under our con- sideration, such, for instance, as the desire of knowledge, the desire of es- teem, pity to the distressed, &c., &c., the epithet rational may undoubtedly be applied in one sense with propriety, as they exclusively belong to ration- al beings ; but they are yet of a nature essentially different from those ac- tive principles of which we are now to treat, and which I have distin puished by the title of Rational and Governing. My reasons for using this 'anguage will appear in the sequel. SELF-LOVE. 103 it is the exclusive prerogative of man, as an intelligent being, to take a comprehensive survey of his various principles of action, and to form plans of conduct for the attainment of his favorite objects. He is possessed, therefore, of the power of self-government; for how could a plan of conduct be conceived and carried into execution, without a power of refusing occasionally to particular active principles the gratification which they demand ? This difference between the animal and the rational natures is well and concisely described by Seneca in the following words : — " Animalibus pro ratione impetus; homini pro impetu ratioP* According to the particular active principle which influences habitually a man's conduct, his character re- ceives its denomination of covetous^ ambitious^ studious^ or voluptuous; and his conduct is more or less syste- matical as he adheres to his general plan with steadiness or inconstancy. A II. Importance of Self-control and of systematic and concentrated Action.] It is hardly necessary for me to remark how much a man's success in his favorite pursuit depends on the systematical steadiness with which he keeps his object in view. That an un- common measure of this quality often supplies, to a great degree, the place of genius, and that, where it is wanting, the most splendid endowments are of little value, are facts which have been often insisted on by philosophers, and which are confirmed to us by daily experience. The effects of this concentration of the attention to one particular end on the development and improvement of the intellectual powers in general have not been equally taken notice of. They are, however, extremely remarkable, as every person will readily acknowledge, who compares the sagacity and penetration of those individuals who have enjoyed its advantages with the weakness and incapacity and * Seneca, De Ira, II. 16. "Animals have impulse for reason; man. reason for impulse." 104 SELF-LOVE. dissipation of thought produced by an undecided choice among the various pursuits which human life presents to us. Even the systematical voluptuary, while he commands a much greater variety of sensual indulgences, and continues them to a much more advanced age, than the thoughtless profligate, seldom fails to give a certain degree of cultivation to his understanding, by employing his faculties habitually in one direction. The only exception, perhaps, which can be men- tioned to this last remark, occurs in the case of those men whose leading principle of action is vanUpy and who, as their rule of conduct is borrowed from with- out, must, in consequence of this very circumstance, be perpetually wavering and inconsistent in their pursuits. Accordingly, it will be found that such men, although they have frequently performed sj)lendid actions, have seldom risen to eminence in any one particular career, unless when, by a rare concurrence of accidental circumstances, this career has been steadily pointed out to them, through the whole of their lives, by public opinion. " Alcibiades," says a French writer, "was a man not of ambition, but of vanity, — a man whose ruling passion was to make a noise, and to furnish matter of conversation to the Athenians. He possessed the genius of a great man, but his soul^ the springs of which were too much slackened to urge him to con- stant application, could not elevate him, but by starts, to pursuits worthy of his powers. 1 can scarcely bring myself to believe that a man, whose versatility was such as to enable him when in Sparta to assume the severe manners of a Spartan, and when in Ionia to indulge in the refined voluptuousness of an Ionian, had received from nature the stamina of a great char- acter." * To what has been now observed in favor of syste- * Quoted by Warburton in his note on Pope's character of the Duke 0/ Wharton, Moral Essays, Ep. I. 190. SELF-LOVE. 1U0> matical views in the conduct of life, it may be added, that they are incomparably more conducive to hap viness than a course of action influenced merely by oc- casional inclination and appetite. Lord Shaftesbury goes so far as to assert, that even the man who is uni- formly and systematically bad enjoys more happiness (perhaps he would have been nearer the truth if he had contented himself with saying that he suffers less misery) than one of a more mixed and more inconsistent char- acter. " It is the thorough profligate" knave alone, the complete unnatural villain, who can any way bid for happiness with the honest man. True interest is whol- ly on one side or on the other. All between is incon- sistency, irresolution, remorse, vexation, and an ague fit, — from hot to cold, — from one passion to another quite contrary, — a perpetual discord of life, and an al- ternate disquiet and self-dislike. The only rest or re- pose must be through one determined considerate reso- lution, which, when once taken, must be courageously kept, and the passions and affections brought under obedience to it, — the temper steeled and hardened to the mind, — the disposition to the judgment. Both must agree, else all must be disturbance and confu- sion." * To the same purpose Horace : — " Quanto constantior idem In vitiis, tanto levior miser, ac prior illo Qui jam contento, jam laxo fune laboret."t HI. Examples of the Evils of Inconstancy.] Of the state of a mind originally possessed of the most splen- did endowments, but where every thing has been suf- fered to run into anarchy from the want of some ccn- troUing and steady principle of action, a masterly pic- ture is drawn by Cicero in the following account of Catiline. * Essay on the Freedom of Wit and Humor, Part IV. Sect. 1. t Hor., Sermo., Lib. II., Sat. VII. 18. " So constant was he to his darling vice, Yet less a wretcli than he who now maintains A steady course, now drives with looser reins." 106 SELF-LOVE. " Tftebatur hominibus improbis multis, et quidem op- timis se viris deditum esse simulabat ; erant apud il- ium illecebrse libidinum multae; erant etiam industrisB quidam stimuli ac laboris : flagrabant libidinis vitia apud ilium ; vigebant etiam studia rei militaris : neque ego unquam fuisse tale monstrum in terris uUum puto, tam ex cotitrariis diversisque inter se pugnantibus natu- rae studiis cupiditatibusque conflatum. Quis clariori- bus viris quodam tempore jucundior? quis turpioribus conjunctior ? quis civis meliorum partium aliquando ? quis tetrior hostis huic civitati? quis in voluptatibus inquinatior? quis in laboribus patientior? quis in rapa- citate avarior ? quis in largitione effusior ? " * In a person of this description, whatever indications of genius and ability he may discover, and whatever' may be the great qualities he possesses, there is un- doubtedly some tendency to insanity, which, if it were not the radical source of the evil, could hardly fail, sooner or later, to be the effect of a perpetual conflict between different and discordant passions. And, ac- cordingly, this is the idea which Sallust seems to have formed of this extraordinary man. " His eyes," he ob- serves, "had a disagreeable glare; his complexion was pale ; his walk sometimes quick, sometimes slow ; and his general appearance indicated a discomposure of mind approaching to madness." I would not be understood to insinuate by this last observation, that, in every case in which we observe a conduct apparently inconsistent and irregular, we are entitled to conclude, all at once, that it proceeds from accidental humor, or from a disordered understanding. * Oratio pro M. Ccelio, Sect. V. and VI. " He was acquainted with a great number of wicked men, yet a pretended admirer of the virtuous. His house was furnished with a variety of temptations to lust and lewd- ness, yet with several incitements also to industry and labors it was a scene of vicious pleasures, yet a school of martial exercises. There nev- er was such a monster on earth, compounded of passions so contrary and opposite. Who was ever more agreeable at one time to the best citizens ? who more intimate at another with the worst 1 who a man of better pro- fessions ? who a fouler enemy to this city 1 who more intemperate in pleasure ? who more ])ationt in lalior? who more rapacious in plundering 1 who more profuse in sciuandering l " SELF-LOVE. 107 The knowledge of a man's ruling passion is often a key -to what appeared, on a superficial view, to be per- fectly inexplicable. Some excellent reflections on this subject are to be found in the first of Pope's Moral Essays^ where they are most happily and forcibly illus- trated by the character of the Duke of Wharton. " Search, then, the ruling passion : there alone The wild are constant, and the cunning known ; The fool consistent, and the false sincere ; Priests, princes, women, no dissemblers here. This clew, once found, unravels all the rest, The prospect clears, and Wharton stands confessed, — Wharton, the scorn and wonder of our days, Whose ruling passion was the lust of praise. Born with whate'er could win it from the wise, Women and fools must like him, or he dies. Ask you why Wharton broke through every rule 1 'T was all for fear the knaves should call him fool. Nature well known, no prodigies remain, Comets are regular and Wharton plain." I have only to add to these observations of Pope, that I believe the inconsistencies he describes are chiefly to be found in the conduct of men whose ruling prin- ciple of action is vanity. I have already remarked, that while every other principle which gains an ascen- dant over the rest has a tendency to systematize our course of action, vanity has, on the contrary, a tenden- cy to disorganize it, leading us always to look abroad for our rule of conduct, and thereby rendering it as wa- vering and inconsistent as the opinions and fashions of mankind. Where vanity, therefore, is the ruhng pas- sion of any individual, a want of system may be re- garded as a necessary consequence of his general char- acter. IV. Wliy the Desire of Happiness should be account- ed a Rational^ and not an Instinctive^ Principle of Ac' tion.] From the foregoing considerations it sufficiently appears how much the nature of man is discriminated from that of the brutes, in consequence of the compre- hensive view which his reason enables him to take of his different principles of action, and of the deliberate lOS SELF-LOVE. choice he has it in his power to make of the genera* plan of conduct he is to pursue. There is another, however, and a very important respect, in which the ra tional nature differs from the animal, — that it is able to form the notion of happiness, or what is good for it upon the ivhole, and to deliberate about the most effec- tual means of attaining it. It is owing to this distin- guishing prerogative of our species that we can avail ourselves of our past experience in avoiding those en- joyments which we know will be succeeded by suffering, and in submitting to lesser evils which we know are to be instrumental in procuring us a greater accession of good. " Sed inter hominem et belluam," says Cicero, " hoc maxime interest, quod haec tantum quantum sensu rnovetur, ad id solum quod adest, quodque praesens est, se accommodat, paullulum admodum sentiens prseteri- tum aut futurum. Homo autem, quoniam rationis est particeps, per quam consequentia cernit, causas rerum videt, earumque praegressus et anteces&iones non igno- rat; similitudines comparat, et rebus prsesentibus ad- jungit atque annectit futuras ; facile totius vitse cursum videt, ad eamque degendam praeparat res necessarias." * It is implied in the very idea of happiness that it is a desirable object, and therefore self-love is an active principle very different from those which have been hitherto considered. These, for aught we know, may be the effect of arbitrary appointment, and they have accordingly been called implanted principles, or princi- ples resulting from a positive accommodation of the constitution of man to the objects with which he is surrounded. The desire of liappiness may be caUed a rational principle of action, being peculiar to a rational nature, and inseparably connected with it. It is im- * De Off., Lib. I. 4 "But between man and the lower animals there is in other respects the greatest difference. The latter, guided by the im- pulse of their senses alone, are confined to what is present, or near, with a very slight knowledge of the past or the future. Man, however, who par- takes of reason, distinguishes the causes and the consequences of events, observes their progi-ess, compares similar circumstances, connects the past with the future, surveys the whole course of life, and makes the necessary provision for its well-being." SELF-LOVE. 109 possible to conceive a being capable of forming the notions of happiness and misery, to whom the one shall not be an object of desire, and the other of aversion.* V. Objections to the Term Self-love.] In prefixing to this chapter the title of Self-love, the ordinary- language of modern philosophy has been followed, as I am always anxious to avoid unnecessary innovations in the use of words. The expression, however, is ex- ceptionable, for it suggests an analogy (where there is none in fact) between that regard which every rational being must necessarily have to his own happiness, and those benevolent affections which attach us to our fellow-creatures. There is surely nothing in the former of these principles analogous to the affection of love ; and, therefore, to call it by the appellation of self-love is to suggest a theory with respect to its nature, and a theory which has no foundation in truth. The word c^CkavTia was used among the Greeks nearly in the same sense, and introduced similar iiiac- curacies into their reasonings concerning the principle of morals. In our language, however, the improprietv does not stop here ; for not only is the phrase self-love used as synonymous with the desire of happiness, but it is often confounded (in consequence of an unfor- tunate connection in their etymology) with the word selfishness, which certainly, in strict propriety, denotes a very different disposition of mind. In proof of this * From this constitution of the human mind, as at once sensitive and rafional, arise necessarily the emotions of hope and fear, joy and sorrow. The pleasurable emotion arising from good in expectation is called hope, the painful emotion arising from apprehended evil is called /ear. The words foi/ and sorrow are more general, applicable alike to the emotions arising from the experience and from the apprehension of good and of evil Tiie interest which our benevolent affections give us in the concerns of others inspires us (more particularly in the case of those to whom we are fondly attached) with emotions analogous to those which have a reference to our own condition. The laws which regulate these emotions connected with the sensitive nature of man deserve a careful examination; but the subject does no* fall under the present part of my plan. 10 110 SELF-LOVE. it is sufficient to observe, that the word selfishness ia always used in an unfavorable sense, whereas self-love, or the desire of happiness, is inseparable from our nature as rational and sensitive beings. The mistaken notion that vice consists in an exces- sive self-love naturally arose from the application of the term self-love^ or (piXavrla, to express the desire of hap- piness. As benevolence, or the love of mankind, con- stitutes, in the opinion of many moralists, the whole of virtue, so it was not unnatural to conclude that the love of ourselves (which this mode of speaking seems to contrast with benevolence) was the radical source of all the vices. And, accordingly, this conclusion has been adopted by many writers, both ancient and modern. " If we scan," says Dr. Barrow, " the partic- ular nature, and search into the original causes of the several kinds of naughty dispositions in our souls, and of miscarriages in our lives, we shall find inordinate self-love to be a main ingredient, and a common source of them all, so that a divine of great name had some reason to affirm that original sin (or that innate distemper from which men generally become so very prone to evil and averse to good) doth consist in self- love disposing us to all kinds of irregularity and excess." * In this passage. Dr. Barrow refers to the opinion of Zuinglius, who has expressly called self-love the original or radical sin in our nature. " Est ergo ista ad peccandum amore sui propensio, peccatum originale." It is chiefly, however, from some of our English moralists that this notion concerning the nature of vice has derived its authority ; and the plausibility of their reasonings on the subject has been much aided by that indiscriminate use of the words self-love and selfishness of which I have already taken notice. I shall afterw^ards have occasion to show that vice does not consist in an excessive regard to our own happiness. At present I shall only remark, in addition *' Sermon, On Self- Love in general. t SELF-LOVE. Hi to what was said above with respect to the distinction between the meanings of the words self-love and self- is/mess, that the former is so far from expressing any thing blamable, that it denotes a principle of action which we never sacrifice to any of our implanted appetites, desires, or affections without incurring re- morse and self-condemnation. When we see, for example, a man enslaved by his animal appetites, so far from considering him as under the influence of an excessive self-love, we pity and despise him for neglect- ing the higher enjoyments which are placed within his reach. Accordingly, those very authors who tell us that vice consists in an inordinate self-love are forced to confess that there are some senses of the word in which it expresses a worthy and commendable princi- ple of action. " Reason," says Dr. Barrow, " dictateth and prescribeth to us, that we should have a sober regard to our true good and welfare ; to our best inter- est and solid content ; to that which (all things being rightly stated, considered, and computed) will in the end prove most beneficial and satisfactory to us ; a self-love working in prosecution of such things, com- mon sense cannot but allow and approve."* — "t6i/ ^ev ayu^oi/," says Aristotle, " bd (pCKavrov clvaiP And in another passage of the same chapter, " Ad^eie S' ,av 6 toiovtqs fxaXkov €ivai (f>iXavTos. J As a further proof that selfishness is not synonymous with the desire of happiness, it may be observed, that, although we apply the epithet selfish to avarice and to low private sensuality, we never apply it to the desire of knowledge or to the pursuits of virtue, which are certainly sources of more exquisite pleasure than riches or sensuality can bestow. " Yet at the darkened eye, the withered face, The hoary head, I never will repine : But spare, time ! whate'er of mental grace, Of candor, love, or sympathy divine, Whate'er of fancy's ray, or friendship's flame, was mine." * Sermon. On Self- Love in general. t Ethic. Nic, Lib. IX. Cap. viii " A jrood man must be a lover of himself." " Such a man would seem to be the greatest of self-lovers." 112 SELF-LOVE. Such a wish is surely dictated by the most rational view of our real interest; and^yet no man will pretend that it contains any thing inconsistent with a generous and heroic mind. Had it been directed to wealth, to long life, or to the preservation of youthful beauty and vigor, it would have been universally condemned as selfish and contemptible. VI. W7ii/ some Pursuits are called Selfish, while oth- ers, though contributing still more to our own Good, are not.] This restriction of the term selfishness to a par- ticular class of human pursuits is taken notice of by Dr. Ferguson in his Essay on Civil Society, and seems to be considered by him as originating in a capricious, or rather in an inconsistent, use of language. " It is somewhat remarkable, that, notwithstanding men value themselves so much on qualities of the mind, on parts, learning, and wit, on courage, generosity, and honor, those men are still supposed to be in the highest degree selfish, or attentive to themselves, who are most careful about animal life, and who are least mindful of render- ing that life an object worthy of care, It will be diffi- cult, however, to tell why a good understanding, a resolute and generous mind, should not, by every man in his senses, be -reckoned as much parts of himself as either his stomach or his palate, and much more than his estate or his dress. The epicure who consults his physician how he may restore his relish for food, and, by creating an appetite, renew his enjoyment, might at least, with an equal regard to himself, consult how he might strengthen his affection to a parent or a child, to his country or to mankind; and it is probable that an appetite of this sort would prove a source of enjoy- ment no less than the former." * Of the difficulty here remarked by Dr. Ferguson, the solution appears to me to be this, that the word selfish- ness, when applied to a pursuit, has no reference to the motive from which the pursuit proceeds, but to the effeci * Part I. Sect. 11. I I SELF-LOVE. ' lis it has on the conduct. Neither our animal appetites^ nor avarice, nor curiosity, nor the desire of moral im- provement, arise from self-love, but some of these active principles disconnect us with society more than others ; and consequently, though they do not indicate a greater regard for our own happiness, they betray a greater unconcern about the happiness of our neigh- bours. The pursuits of the miser have no mixture whatever of the social affections ; on the contrary, they continually lead him to state his own interest in op- position to that of other men. ^The enjoyments of the sensualist all expire within his own person ; and, there- fore, whoever is habitually occupied in the search of them must of necessity neglect the duties which he owes to mankind. It is otherwise with the desire of knowledge, which is always accompanied with a strong desire of social communication, and with the love of moral excellence, which, in its practical tendency, co- incides so remarkably with benevolence, that many au- thors have attempted to resolve the one principle into the other. How far their conclusion, in this instance, is a necessary consequence of the premises from which it is deduced, will appear hereafter. The foregoing observations coincide so remarkably with a passage in Aristotle's Ethics^ that 1 am tempted to quote it at length in the excellent English transla- tion of Dr. Gillies. After stating the same inconsisten- cies in our language about self-love which Dr. Ferguson has pointed out, Aristotle proceeds thus : — " These contradictions cannot be reconciled but by distinguishing the different senses in which man is said to love himself. Those who reproach self-love as a vice consider it only as it appears in worldlings and volup- tuaries, who arrogate to themselves more than their due share of wealth, power, or pleasure. Such things are to the multitude the objects of earnest concern and ea- ger contention, because the multitude regards them as prizes of the highest value, and, in endeavouring to at- tain them, strives to gratify its passion at the expense of its reason. This kind of self-love, which belongs tc 10* 114 , SELF-LOVE. the contemptible multitude, is doubtless obnoxious to blame, and in this acceptation the word is generally taken. But should a man assume a preeminence in exercising justice, temperance, and other virtues, though such a man has really more true self-love than the mul- titude, yet nobody would impute this affection to him as a crime. Yet he takes to himself the fairest and greatest of all goods, and those the most acceptable to the ruling principle in his nature, which is properly him- self^ in the same manner as the sovereignty in every community is that which most properly constitutes the state. He is said, also, to have, or not to have, the command of himself, just as this principle bears sway, or as it is subject to control ; and those acts are consid- ered as most voluntary which proceed from this legisla- tive or sovereign power. Whoever cherishes and grati- fies this ruling part of his nature is strictly and pecu- liarly a lover of himself, but in a quite different sense from that in which self-love is regarded as a matter of reproach ; for all men approve and praise an affection calculated to produce the greatest private and the great- est public happiness ; whereas they disapprove and blame the vulgar kind of self-love, as often hurtful to others, and always ruinous to those who indulge it." * ^'■'■r V * Aristotle's Ethics, Book IX. Chap. viii. JoufFroy accounts thus for the appearance of self-love (dgoisme) in human nature : — " The faculties, as long; as they are abandoned to the impulse of the passions, obey that passion which happens to be the strongest at tlie time, from which a twofold inconvenience ensues. In the first place, the passions are of all things the most unstable, the dominion of one being almost immediately supplanted by that of another, so that the faculties wliile under their exclusive control are incapable of continuous and con- nected effort, and consequently nothing of importance is effected. And, again, the good found in the satisfaction of the dominant passion at the moment often leads to serious evil, while, on the other hand, the evil of its not being satisfied often results in great and permanent good; from which it appears that notliing is less favorable to the attainment of our highest good than this exclusive dominion of the passions. Reason is not slow to discover this, or to conclude from it that, in order to obtain the highest possible good, our effective force must no longer be the prey of the me- chanical impulse of the passions. It sees, on the contrary, how much bet- ter it would be, if. instead of being hurried away each instant by sucn im- pulse to the gratification of some new passion, it were fi-eed from this con Btraiut, and directed exclusively to the realization of the interest of all tht THE MORAL FACULTY, 115 CHAPTER II. OF THE MORAL FACULTY. Section I. THE MORAL FACULTY NOT RESOLVABLE INTO SELF-LOVE. I. Duty and Interest not the same.] As some authors have supposed that vice consists in an excessive regard passions taken together, — that is to say, the greatest good of our whole nature. Moreover, with the same degree of clearness that our reason con- ceives this course to be wise, it also conceives it to be practicable. We are certainly capable of judging what the highest good of our nature is ; our reason enables us to do it. Equally certain is it that we can, if we please, take possession of our own faculties, and employ them to carry out this idea of our reason. That we have this power has been revealed even un- der the exclusive empire of passion ; we have felt it in the spontaneous effort by which, in order to satisfy the dominant passion for the time being, we have concentrated all our forces on a single point. It is only necessary that we should do voluntarily what before we have done spontaneously, and //ee will appears. No sooner is this great revolution conceived, than it is accomplished. A new principle of action springs up within us, inter- est loell understood, — a principle which is not a passion, but an idea ; not a blind and instinctive prompting of our nature, but an intelligible, deliber- ate, and rational purpose ; not an impulse., but a motive. Finding a point of support in this motive, the natural power we have over our faculties takes these faculties under its control, and in its effort to direct them according to this motive shakes off the bondage of the passions, and becomes itself more and more developed and free. From this time our active powers are delivered from the irregular, vacillating, and turbulent empire of the passions, and become submissive to the law of reason, which considers what will be for the greatest possible satisfaction of our tendencies, that is to say, the highest good of the individual, or self-interest well understood." — Coiirs de Droit Naturel, Leqon II. See the whole of this Lecture and the following one in the original, or in Mr. Channing's translation. No writer has treated the subject of self-love with so much care and minuteness of discrimination as Jeremy Bentham, in the first volume of his Introduction to the Principles of Monds and Legislation. Here we have what has been called his Moral Arithmetic, by which he thinks to deter- mine the relative value of different "lots of pleasure or pain"; and also what has been called his Moral Dynamics, or the doctrine of forces, mo- tives, or sanctions, by which self-love, and through that the human will, is influenced and determined in all cases. Paley, not content with making pleasure, considered as constituting hu- man happiness, the only ultimate object of human pursuit, denies that the rational and moral pleasures, as such, are entitled to more regard than the iost. "In this inquiry," says he, "I will omit much usual declamation on 116 THE MORAL FACULTY to our own happiness, so others have gone into the op- posite extreme, by representing virtue as merely a matlef of prudence, and a sense of duty but another name for a rational self-love. This view of the subject is far from being unnatural ; for we find that these two principles lead in general to the same course of action ; and we have every reason to believe, that, if our knowledge of the universe were more extensive, they would be found to do so in all instances whatever. Accordingly, by many of the best of the ancient moralists, our sense of duty was considered as resolvable into self-love, and the whole of ethics was reduced to this question, What is the supreme good ? or, in other words. What is most conducive, on the whole, to pur happiness ? The same opinion, as will soon appear, has been adopted by vari- ous philosophers of the first eminence in England, and was long the prevailing system on the Continent. That we have, however, a sense of duty, which is not resolvable into a regard to oar happiness, appears from various considerations. II. First Argument. Expressed by distinct Terms in all Languages.] There are, in all languages, words equivalent to duty and to interest, which men have con- stantly distinguished in their signification. They coin- cide in general in their applications, but they convey very different ideas. When I wish to persuade a man to a particular action, I address some of my arguments the dignity and capacity of our nature ; the superiority of the soul to the body, of the rational to the animal part of our constitution ; upon the worthiness, refinement, and delicacy of some satisfactions, or the mean- ness, grossness, and sensuality of others ; because I hold that pleasures differ in nothing but in continuance and intensity." — Moral Philosophy^ Book I. Chap. vi. Dr. Whewcll, in the Preface to his edition of Sir James Mackintosh's Dissertation on the Progress of Ethical Philosophy, says of this passage, — " If we could use such a term Avithout an unbecoming disre- spect towards a virtuousr and useful writer, this opinion might propei-ly be called brutish^ since it recognizes no difference between the pleasures of man and those of the lowest animals." For a very original and ingenious speculation respecting the nature of self-love and the natural disinterestedness of the human mind, see Hazlitt'j Essays on the Principles of Human Action. Also his Literary Remains^ Es« say X.J On Self-love. \ NOT RESOLVABLE INTO SELF-LOVE 117 to a sense of duty, and others to the regard he has to his own interest. I endeavour to show him that it is not only his duty, but his interest, to act in the way that I recommend to him. This distinction was expressed among the Roman moralists by the words honestum and utile. Of the former Cicero says, " Quod vere dicimuSj^etiamsi a nuUo laudetur, natura esse laudabile." * The TO KoKov among the Greeks corresponds, when ap- plied to the conduct, to the honestum of the Romans. Dr. Reid remarks that the word KadrjKov [officium) ex- tended both to the honestum and the utile, and compre- hended every action performed either from a sense of duty, or from an enlightened regard to our true inter- est.! ^^ English we use the word reasonable with the same latitude, and indeed almost exactly in the same sense in which Cicero defines officium : — " Id quod cur factum sit ratio probabilis reddi potest." J In treating of such offices, Cicero, and Panoetius before him, first point out those that are recommended to us by oui love of the honestum, and next those that are recom- mended by our regard to the utile. This distinction between a sense of duty and a re- gard to interest is acknowledged even by men whose moral principles are not the purest, nor the most con- sistent. What unlimited confidence do we repose in the conduct of one whom we know to be a man of honor, even in those cases in w^hich he acts out of the view of the world, and where the strongest temptations of worldly interest concur to lead him astray ! We know that his heart would revolt at the idea of any thing base or unworthy. Dr. Reid observes that what we call honor, considered as a principle of conduct, " is * De Offic. Lib. 14. *' Which, though none should praise it, we main* tain with truth to be of itself praiseworthy." t Essai/s on the Active Powers, Essay III. Part III. Chap. v. t De Offic, Lib. I. 3. " That, for the doing of which a reasonable mo- tive can be assigned." But, as Sir W. Hamilton says in a note to the pas« sage in Reid, '' this definition does not apply to KaOfjKov or officium in gen- eral, but only to KaOfjKov fxeaov, officium commune.''^ — Ed. lis THE MORAL FACULTY only another name for a regard to duty, to rectitude^ to propriety of conduct." This, I think, is going rather too far; for, although the two principles coincide in g-eneral in the direction they give to our conduct, they do not coincide always ; the principle of honor being liable, from its nature and origin, to be most unhappily perverted in its applications by a bad education and the influence of fashion. At the same time. Dr. Reid's re- mark is perfectly in point, for the principle of honor is plainly grafted on a sense of duty, and necessarily pre- supposes its existence. Dr. Paley, one of the most zealous advocates for the selfish system of morals, admits the fact on which the foregoing argument proceeds, but endeavours to evade the conclusion by means of a theory so extraordinary, that I shall state it in his own words. " There is al- ways understood to be a difference between an act of prudence and an act of duti/. Thus, if I distrusted a man who owed me a sum of money, I should reckon it an act of prudence to get another person bound with him ; but I should hardly call it an act of duty. On the other hand, it would be thought a very unusual and loose kind of language to say, that, as I had made such a promise, it was prudent to perform it ; or that, as my friend, when he went abroad, placed a box of jewels in my hands, it would be prudent in me to preserve it for Jiim till he returned. " Now, in what, you will ask, does the difference con- sist, inasmuch as, according to our account of the mat- ter, both in the one case and the other, in acts of duty as well as acts of prudence, we consider solely what we ourselves shall gain or lose by the act. " The difference, and the only difference, is this ; that in the one case we consider what we shall gain or lose in the present world; in the other case, we consider also what we shall lose or gain in the world to come."* * Moral Philosophi/, Book II. Chap. iii. It is in view of pas.sages like these that Dr." Brown expresses himself with indignant severity. "This form of the selfish system, which has been embraced by many theoloirioal writers of undoubted piety and purity, is notwithstanding, I cannot but NOT RESOLVABLE INTO SELF-LOVE. 119 On this curious passage I have no comment to offer. A sufficient answer to it may, I trust, be derived from the following reasonings. In the mean time, it will be allowed to be at least one presumption of an essential distinction between tlie notions of duty and of interest, that there are different words to express these notions in all languages, and that the most illiterate of man- kind are in no danger of confounding them together. HI. Second Argument. Moral Emotions differ from all others in Kind.] But, secondly, the emotions arising from the contemplation of what is right and wrong in conduct are different both in degree and in kind from those which are produced by a calm regard to our own happiness. Of this, I think, nobody can doubt, who considers with attention the operation of our moral principles in cases where their effects are not counter- acted or modified by a combination with some other principles of our nature. In judging, for example, of our oiun conduct, our moral powers are warped by the influ- ence of self-partiality and self-deceit ; and, accordingly, think, as degrading to the human character as any other form of the doc- trine of absolute selfishness ; or rather, it is in itself the most degrading of all the forms Avhich the selfish system can assume : because, while the selfishness which it maintains is as absolute and unremitting as if the ob- jects of personal gain were to be found in the wealth, or honoi-s, or sen sual pleasures of this earth, this very selfishness is rendered more offensive by the noble image of the Deity which is continually presented to our mind, and presented in all his benevolence, — not to be loved, but to be courted with a mockery of aifection. The sensualist of the common sys- tem of selfishness, who never thinks of any higher object in the pursuit of the little pleasures which he is miserable enough to regard as happiness, seems to me, even in the brutal stupidity in which he is sunk, a being more worthy of esteem than the selfish of another life ; to whose view God is ever present, but who view him always only to feel constantly in their heart that, in loving him whohas been the dispenser of all these blessings which they have enjoyed, and who has revealed himself in the glorious character of the diffuser of an immortality of happiness, they love not the Giver him- self, but only the gifts which they have received, or the gifts that are prom- « ised." — T Philosophy of the Human Mind, Lect. LXXIX Wainewright en- deavours to defend Paley against these and other charges. Vindication of Dr. Palftfs Theory of Morals. Chap, iv., et passim. The strict followers of Palcy genei-ally hold that we are indebted to the niristian revelation for our belief in a future retribution. If so, it would »ecm to follow from the passage in the text that none but Christians, or those who might be Christians, have any thing to do with "duties." — Ed. 120 THE MORAL FACULTY we daily see men commit, without any remorse, actions, which, if performed by another person, they would have regarded with the liveliest sentiments of indigna- tion and abhorrence. Even in this last case the experi- ment is not always perfectly fair : for where the actor has been previously known to us,^ur judgment is gen- erally affected, in a greater or less degree, by our pre- possessions or by our prejudices. In contemplating the characters exhibited in histories and in novels, the emo- tions we feel are the immediate and the genuine result of our moral constitution ; and although they may be stronger in some men than in others, yet they are in all distinctly perceivable, even in those whose want of tem- per and of candor render them scarcely conscious of the distinction of right and wrong in the conduct of their neighbours and acquaintance. And hence, probably, (we may observe by the way,) the chief origin of the pleasure we experience in this sort of reading. The representations of the stage, however, afford the most favorable of all opportunities for studying the moral constitution of man. As the mind is here perfectly in- different to the parties whose character and conduct are the subject of the fable, the judgments it forms can hardly fail to be impartial, and the feelings arising from these judgments are much more conspicuous in their external effects than if the play were perused in the closet; for every species of enthusiasm operates more forcibly when men are collected in a crowd. On such an occasion the slightest hint suggested by the poet raises to transport the passions of the audience, and forces involuntary tears from men of the greatest re- serve and the most correct sense of propriety. The crowd does not create the feeling, nor even alter its na- ture ; it only enables us to remark its operation on a greater scale. In these cases we have surely no time for reflection ; and, indeed, the emotions of which We are conscious are such as no speculations about our own interest could possibly excite. It is in situations of this kind that we most completely forget ourselves as individuals, and feel the most sensibly the existence NOT RESOLVABLE INTO SELF-LOVE. 121 of those moral ties by which Heaven has been pleased to bind mankind together. IV. Third Argument. The Expediency of Virtue not obvious to common Experience.] Although philosophers have shown that a sense of duty and an enlightened regard to our own happiness conspire in most instances to give the' same direction to our conduct, so as to put it beyond a doubt that, even in this world, a virtuous life is true wisdom, yet this is a truth by no means ob- vious to the common sense of mankind, but deduced from an extensive view of human affairs, and an accu- rate investigation of the remote consequences of our different actions. It is from experience and reflection, therefore, we learn the connection between virtue and happiness; and, consequently, the great lessons of mo- rality which are obvious to the capacity of all mankind could never have been suggested to them merely by a regard to their own interest. Indeed, this discovery which experience makes to us of the connection be- tween virtue and happiness, both in the case of indi- viduals and of political societies, furnishes one of the most pleasing subjects of speculation to the philosopher, as it places in a striking point of view the unity of de- sign which takes place in our constitution, and opens encouraging and delightful prospects with respect to the moral government of the Deity. It is a just and beautiful observation of Dr. Reid, that " although wise men have concluded that virtue is the only road to happiness, this conclusion is founded chiefly upon the natural respect men have for virtue, and the good and happiness that is intrinsic to it, and arises from the l*ove of it. If we suppose a man al- together destitute of this principle, who considered virtue as only the means to another end, there is no reason to think that he would ever take it to be the road to happiness, but would wander for ever seeking this object where it is not to be found." * * Essays on the Active Potvers, Essay III. Part III. Chap. iv. 122 THE MORAL FACULTY This observation leads me to remark further, that the man who is most successful in the pursuit of hap- piness is not he who proposes it to himself as the great object of his pursuit. To do so, and to be con- tinually occupied with schemes on the subject, would fill the mind with anxious conjectures about futurity, and with perplexing calculations of the various chan- ces of good and evil. Whereas the man whose ruling principle of action is a sense of duty conducts himself in the business of life with boldness, consistency, and dignity, and finds himself rewarded with that happiness which so often eludes the pursuit of those who exert every faculty of the mind in order to attain it. Something very similar to this takes place with re gard to nations. From the earliest accounts of man- kind, politicians have been employed in devising schemes of national aggrandizement, and have proceeded on the supposition that the prosperity of their own country could only be advanced by depressing all others around them. It has now been shown, with irresistible evi- dence, that those views were founded on mistake, and that the prosperity of a country is intimately connected with that of its neighbours, insomuch that the enlight- ened statesman, instead of embarrassing himself with the care of a machine whose parts have become too complicated for any human comprehension, finds his la- bor reduced to the simple business of observing the rules of justice and humanity. It is remarkable, that, long before the date of these profound speculations in poli- tics, for which we are indebted to Mr. Smith and to the French economists, Fenelon was led merely by the goodness of his heart, and by his speculative conviction of the intimate connection between virtue and happi- ness under the moral government of God, to recom- mend a free trade as an expedient measure in policy and to reprobate the mean ideas of national jealousy, as calculated to frustrate the very ends to which they are supposed to be subservient. Indeed, I am inclined to think that, as in conducting the affairs of private life, " the integrity of the upright man " is his surest guide, NOT RESOLVABLE INTO SELF-LOVE. 123 SO, ill managing the affairs of a great empire, a strong sense of justice, and an ardent zeal for the rights and for the happiness of mankind, will go further to form a great and successful statesman than the most perfect acquaintance with political details, unassisted by tha direction of these inward monitors. An author, too, in our own country, of sound judg< ment, and of very accurate commercial information, and who was one of the first in England who turned the attention of the public to those liberal notions con- cerning trade which are now become so prevalent, ac- knowledges that it was by a train of reasoning a priori that he was led to his conclusions. " Can we suppose," says he, " that Divine Providence has really constituted the order of things in such a sort, as to make the rule of natural self-preservation inconsistent with the funda- mental principle of universal benevolence, and the do- ing as we would be done by ? For my own part, I must confess, I never could conceive that an all-wise, just, and benevolent Being would contrive one part of his plan to be so contradictory to the other as here sup- posed, — that is, would lay us under one obligation as to morals, and another as to trade ; or, in short, to make that to be our duty which is not, upon the whole, and generally speaking, (even without the considera- tion of a future state,) our interest likewise. " Therefore I concluded a priori that there must be some flaw or other in the preceding arguments, plausi- ble as they seem, and great as they are on the foot of human authority. For though the appearance of things at first sight makes for this conclusion, 'that poor countries must inevitably carry away the trade from rich ones, and consequently impoverish them,' the fact itself cannot be so." * V. Fourth Argument. Moral Judgments in Children precede the Calculations of Prudence.] The same con« * Tucker's Four Tracts on Political and Commercial Subjects, Tract I p. 20. jl24 the moral faculty. elusion is strongly confirmed by the early period of life at which our moral judgnnents make their appearance, long before children are able to form the general notion of happiness, and, indeed, in the very infancy of their reason. It is astonishing how powerfully a child of sensibility may be affected by any simple narration cal- culated to rouse the feelings of pity, of generosity, or of. indignation, and how very early some minds formed in a happy mould are inspired with a consciousness of the dignity of their nature, and glow with the enthusi-- asm of virtue. Dr. Beattie has beautifully painte(i these openings of the moral character in the description he gives of the effect produced on his young Edwin by the fine old ballad of The Babes in the Wood. " But when to horror his amazement rose, A gentler strain the beldame would rehearse, — A tale of rural life, a tale of woes, The orphan babes and guardian uncle fierce. 0, cruel ! will no pang of pity pierce That heart by lust of lucre seared to stone ? For sure, if aught of virtue last, or verse, To latest times shall tender souls bemoan Those helpless orphan babes by thy fell arts undone. " See where, with berries smeared, With brambles torn, The babes now famished lay them down to die ; 'Midst the wild howl of darksome woods forlorn, Folded in one another's arms they lie, Nor friend, nor stranger, hears their dying cry, 'For from the town the man returns no more.' But thou who Heaven's just vengeance dar'st defy, This deed with fruitless tears shall soon deplore. When death lays waste thy house, and flames consume thy store. " J[ stifled smile of stern, vindictive joy Brightened one vmment Edwin'' s starting tear ; — ' But why should gold man's feeble mind decoy, And innocence thus die by doom severe? ' O Edwin ! while thy heart is yet sincere, The assaults of discontent and doubt repel; Dark even at noontide is our mortal sphere, But let us hope, — to doubt is to rebel, — Let us exult in hope that all shall yet be well."* * The Winstrel., Book I For a more extended statement of the proofs of man's moral nature, see Upham's Mental Philosophy^ Vol. 11. § 207 el seq. Also, Lieber's Political Ethics, Book I. Chap. II. — Ed. HARTLEY. 135 Section II. TION OF THE MORAL SENSE BY ASSOCIATION ALONE. I. This Theory eludes but in Part the foregoing Argu- ments.] The reasonings already stated seem to me to furnish a sufficient refutation of the selfish theory of morals, as it is explained by the greater number of the philosophers who have adopted it ; but, before leaving the subject^ it is necessary for me to take notice of a doctrine fundamentally the same, though modified in such a manner as to elude some of the foregoing argu ments, — a doctrine which has been maintained of late by various English writers of note, and which I suspect is at present the prevailing system in that part of the island. According to this doctrine, we do, indeed, in many cases, approve or disapprove of particular actions, without any reference to our own interest at the time ; but it is asserted that it was views of self-interest which originally created these moral sentiments, and led us to associate agreeable or disagreeable emotions with human conduct. The origin of the moral faculty, in the opinion of these theorists, is precisely analogous to that of avarice^ or of any of our other factitious principles of action. Money, it will not be disputed, is at first desired merely on account of its subservience to the gratification of our natural desires ; but, in pro- cess of time, the association of ideas leads us to regard it as a desirable thing in itself, without any reference to this subservience or utility, and in many cases it con- tinues to be coveted with an increasing passion, long after we have lost all relish for the enjoyments it ena- bles us to purchase. In the same manner, a particular action which was at first approved or disapproved of, merely on account of its supposed tendency with re- spect to our own interest, comes, in process of time, to be approved or disapproved of the moment it is men- tioned, and without any reflection on our part that we 11* 126 THE MORAL FACULTY. are able to recollect. Thus, without abandoning the old selfish principles, they contrive to evade the force of the arguments founded by Hutcheson and others on the instantaneousness with which our moral judgments are commonly pronounced. This, if I am not mista- ken, is the theory of Dr. Law, of Dr. Hartley, of Dr. Priestley, of Dr. Paley, and of Dr. Paley's great oracle in philosophy, the author of The Light of Nature Pur- sued* I am ready to acknowledge that this refinement on the old selfish system gives it a degree of plausibility which it did not originally possess, and obviates one of the objections to it formerly stated. But it must be re- membered that this was not the only objection, and that there are several others which apply both to the old and new hypothesis with equal force. Among these arguments, what I would lay ^he principal stress on is the degree of experience and reflection necessary for discovering the tendency of virtue to promote our happiness, compared with the very early period of life when the moral sentiments display themselves in their, full vigor. II. Paley'' s Doctrine^ thai Moral Sentiments are gen- erated by Imitation, unsatisfactory.] In answer to this, it may perhaps be alleged, that, when once moral ideas have been formed by the process already described, they are caught by infants from their parents or pre- ceptors, by a sort of imitation, and without any reflec- tion on their part. " There is nothing," says Dr. Paley, " which children imitate, or apply more readily, than expressions of aflfection or aversion, of approbation, hatred, resentment, and the like ; and when these pas- sions and expressions are once connected, (which they * Hartley, though he borrowed the hint and general idea from others, was chiefly instrumental in giving form and currency to this theory, and hence it commonly goes under his name. Observations on Man, Chap. IV. Sect. vi. It has found, perhaps, its ablest advocate in James Mill, Analysis pf the Human Mind, Chap. XXIII. With both it is only part of a more general theory. — Ed. PALEY. 127 will soon be by the same association which unites words with their ideas,) the passion will follow the expression, and attach upon the object to which the child has been accustomed to apply the epithet. In a word, when almost every thing else is learned by imita- tion^ can we wonder to find the same cause concerned in the generation of our moral sentiments?"* The plausibility of this reasoning arises entirely from the address with which the author introduces indirectly a most important fact with respect to the human mind ; a fact which, by engrossing the attention of the reader, is apt to prevent his perceiving, on a superficial view, its inapplicability to the point in dis- pute, or at least its insufficiency to establish in its full extent the conclusion which is deduced from it. That imitation and the association of ideas have a great in- fluence on our moral judgments and emotions, more particularly in our early years, every man must be sensible who has reflected at all on the subject; and it is a fact which deserves the serious consideration of all who have any concern in the education of youth. But does it therefore follow, that imitation and the association of ideas are sufficient to account for the origin of the power of moral perception, and for the origin of our notions of right and wrong?! On the contrary, the tendency we have in the infancy of our reason to follow in our moral judgments the example of those whom we love and reverence, and the influ- ence of association, sometimes in guiding and some- times in misleading us in what we praise or blame, presuppose the existence of the power of moral judg- * Moral Philosophy^ Book I. Chap. V. t Mr. Stewart lias said in another connection, Philosophy of the Iluynan Mind,Y\v&l Part, Chap. V, Part ii. Sect. ii. : — " The association of ideas can never account for the origin of a new notion, or of a pleasure essentially different from all the others which we know. It may, indeed, enable us to conceive hovv a thing inditfcrent in itself may become a source of pleasure, by being connected in the mind with something else Avhich is naturally agreeable; but it presupposes, in every instance, the existence of those notions and those feelings which it is its province to combine." ' — Ed. 128 THE MORAL FACULTY. ment, and of the general notions of right and wrong. The power of these adventitious causes over the mind is so great, that there is perhaps no particular practice which we may not be trained to approve of or to con- demn; but wherever this happens, the operation of these causes supposes us to be already in possession of some faculty by which we are capable of bestowing approbation or blame. It is worthy, too, of remark, that it is only with respect to particular practices that education is capable of misleading us ; for even when education perverts the judgment, it produces its effect by employing the instrumentality of our moral princi- ples. In many cases it will be found that it operates by combining a number of principles against one ; by associating, for example, a number of worthy dispo- sitions and amiable affections with habits which, if divested of such an alliance, would be regarded as mean and contemptible. To all this we may add, that our speculative judg- ments concerning truth and falsehood^ as well as our judgments concerning right and ivrongy are liable to be influenced by imitation and the association of ideas. Even in mathematics, when a pupil of a tender age enters first on the study of the elements, his judgment leans not a little on that of his teacher, and he feels his confidence in the truth of his conclusions sensibly confirmed by his faith in the superior understanding of those whom he looks up to with respect. It is only by degrees that he emancipates himself from this de- pendence, and comes at last to perceive the irresistible force of demonstrative evidence; and yet it will not be inferred from this that the power of reasoning is the result of imitation or of habit. The conclusion men- tioned above with respect to the power of moral judg- ment is equally erroneous. III. Paleyh Statement of the Question as to the Ex- istence of a Moral Sense.'] The looseness and sophis- try of Paley's reasonings on the subject of the moral faculty may be traced to the vague and indistinct con- PALEY. 129 ception he had formed of the point in question. In proof of this I shall transcribe his own words from his Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy. It is necessary to premise, that he introduces his argument against the existence of a moral sense by quoting a story from Valerius Maximus, which I shall present to my readers in Dr. Paley's version. " The father of Caius Toranius had been proscribed by the Triumvirate. Caius Toranius, coming over to the interests of that party, discovered to the officers who were in pursuit of his father's life the place where he concealed himself, and gave them withal a descrip- tion by which they might distinguish his person when they found him. The old man, more anxious for the safety and fortunes of his son than about the little that mi'ght remain of his own life, began immediately to inquire of the officers who seized him, whether his son was well, — whether he had done his duty to the satis- faction of his generals. ' That son,' replied one of the officers, ' so dear to thy affections, betrayed thee to us ; by his information thou art apprehended and diest.' The officer with this struck a poniard to his heart, and the unhappy parent fell, not so much affected by his fate as by the means to which he owed it." " Now," says Dr. Paley, " the question is, whether, if this story were related to the wild boy caught some years ago in the woods of Hanover, or to a savage without experience and without instruction, cut off" in his infancy from all intercourse with his species, and consequently under no possible influence of example, authority, education, sympathy, or habit, — whether, I say, such a one would feel, upon the relation, any de- gree of that sentiment of disapprobation of Toranius'' s conduct which we feel, or not. " They who maintain the existence of a moral sense, of innate maxims, of a natural conscience, that the love of virtue and hatred of vice are instinctive, or the per- ception of right and wrong intuitive, (all of which are only different ways of expressing the same opinion,) affirm that he would. i 130 THE MORAL FACULTY. " They who deny the existence of a moral sense, &c., affirm that he would not. " And upon this issue is joined."* To those who are at all acquainted with the history of this dispute, it must appear evident that the question is here completely misstated; and that, in the whole of Dr. Paley's subsequent argument on the subject, he combats a phantom of his own imagination. The opinion which he ascribes to his antagonists has been loudly and repeatedly disavowed by all the most emi- nent moralists who have disputed, Locke's reasonings against innate practical principles; and is, indeed, so very obviously absurd, that it never could have been for a moment entertained by any person in his senses. : Did it ever enter into the mind of the wildest the- orist to imagine that the sense of seeing would enable a man, brought up from the moment of his birth in utter darkness, to form a conception of light and col- ors ? But would it not be equally rash to conclude, from the extravagance of such a supposition, that the sense of seeing is not an original part of the human frame ? The above quotation from Paley forces me to re- mark further, that, in combating the supposition of a moral sense, he has confounded together, as onl?/ differ^ ent ways of expressing the same opinion, a variety of systems, which are regarded by all our best philoso- phers, not only as essentially distinct, but as in some measure opposed to each other. The system of Hutch- eson, for example, is identified with that of Cudworth, to which (as will afterwards appear) it stands in direct opposition. But although, in this instance, the author's logical discrimination does not appear to much advan- tage, the sweeping censure thus bestowed on so many of our most celebrated ethical theories has the merit of throwing a very strong light on that particular view of the subject which it is the aim of his reasonings to es- tablish in contradiction to them all.f * Moral P/uhsopIu/, Book I. Chap. V. t On tlic subject of Pulcy's illu.straiiou citod in the text, Dr. Whewell DIVERSITY IN ITS JUDGMENTS. ' 131 Section III. THE MORAL CONSTITUTION OF HUMAN NATURE NOT DIS- PROVED BY THE DIVERSITY IN MEN's MORAL JUDG- MENTS. I. How far and in what Way our Moral Nature may be affected by Education.] Iq the preceding observa- tions I have endeavoured to prove that the moral facul- ty is an original principle of our constitution, which is remarks : — "To expect to obtain moral axioms by referring the question to a jury of savages, or of men nearly approaching to savages in preju- dice, ignorance, or passion, would certainly be a very wild expectation ; and I hope it will not be considered a defect in any moral system to which we may be led, that it does not satisfy such an expectation as this." The notion, that an appeal to such a jury is the way to test moral axioms, is something like Faley's proposal of bringing the narration of an atrocious crime before Peter, the wild boy, who was bred up, or rather grew up, like a wild beast; and of "doing this, in order to discern whether man has a nat- ural abhorrence of crime. Paley himself points out the difficulty which makes such an experiment impossible : — 'If,' he says, ' he could be made to understand the story.' But it is evident that he could not be made, to understand the story, except by growing up as a man among men, and casing to be a wild boy. And, in like manner, we must say of a supposed promiscuous jury of men, by whom you would test our moral axioms, If these men are so savage, and ignorant, and passionate, as to have in them the attributes of men imperfectly unfolded, they cannot tell you what moral truths are evident to man as man" And again : — " Truths may be self-evident when we have made a cer- tain progress in thinking, which are not self-evident when we begin to think. And this may be, not because the truths thus later discerned are depend- ent on the prerequisite truths by any logical tie, or can be inferred from them by argument ; but because, by the train of thought by which we come to see those earlier gleams of truth, the mind is unfolded and instruct- ed, so as to perceive the later and fuller light. This may be so, because in the process of thought thus previously gone through we have learnt to classify and distinguish the actions of men around us, or our own feelings and impulses within tis. It may be that to groups and classes and rela- tions of emotions and sentiments we have given names ; and that through these names language has exercised its power of aiding thought, and has enabled us to see what, \yithout such aid, we could not see. In these ways, and in otliers, moral truths may become evident to us, when we have made some little advance in the development of our moral nature, and in the power of apprehending such truth ; although, so long as we were half im- bruted by the absence of any calm and continued thought on such sub- jects, and by the scantiness of our acquaintance with those relations aniong men which are the materials for such thought, we were insensible to 132 THE MORAL FACULTY. not resolvable into any other principle or principles more general than itself; in particular, that it is not resolvable into self-love, or a prudential regard to our own interest. In order, however, completely to estab- lish the existence of the moral faculty as an essential and universal part of human nature, it is necessary to examine with attention the objections which have been stated to this conclusion by some writers, who were either anxious to display their ingenuity by accounting in a difierent manner for the origin of our moral ideas, or who wished to favor the cause of skepticism by ex- the evidence which now seems so glaring. It requires a culture of the hu- man mind to make that evident which, nevertheless, is evident by the na- tare of the human mind. "And. in truth, we cannot help asking why we should go to savages for the genuine voice of human nature. Why should it be supposed that men are more properly men, because in them some of the most important attributes of humanity remain latent and undeveloped? If cultured men see, as evident in morals, what savages do not see as evident, are not cul- tured men still v??e» ? And all that they know and think, in addition to what savages know and think, did they not come to know it by the use of their human faculties ? The early Romans called every stranger nn enemy ; every perecjrinus was hostis. The later Romans filled the theatre with thunders of applause, when the poet made the actor say, ' Homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum puto.'' Which of these two was the genuine voice of humanity ? Was not the latter evidently the assent to the irresistible evidence of a moral truth ? Was that earlier practical denial of this moral truth really the utterance of a moral conviction ? Was it not an utterance which came from man, not tis the utterance of conviction, but of uncontrolled fear and anger? not an articulate utterance in the name of humanity, but an inarticulate cry, bor- rowing part of its import from the ferine nature of the nation ? It was a trace of the wolf's milk." — Lectures on Systematic Morality, Lect. II. pp. 34, 38. See also Licber's Political Ethics, Book II. Chap. Ill , and Sedg- wick's Discourse on the Studies of the University, pp. 57 et seq., and Appen- dix (E). "Peter the Wild Boy" made a great noise among scientific men in the early part of the last century. "Swift has immortalized him in his hu- morous production, It cannot rain, but it pours ; or, London streived ivith Fa?- ities. Linnaous gave him a niche in the Systema Natural, under the de- nomination of Juvenis Hanoveranus ; Buffbn, De Paauw, and J. J. Rous- seau have extolled him as the true child of nature, the genuine unsophisticated man Monl)oddo is still more enthusiastic, declaring his appearance to be a much more important occurrence than the discovery of the planet Ura- nus." — Lawrence's Natural History of Man, Chap. II. He turned out to be an idiotic boy, who had been lost in the woods, or driven into them and sbandoned, about a year before he was brought into such notice. - Ed. DIVERSITY IN ITS JUDGMENTS. 133 plaining away the reality and immutability of moral distinctions. Among these objections, that which merits the most careful consideration, from the characters of those by whom it is maintained, is founded on the possibility of explaining the fact without increasing the number of original principles in our constitution. The rules of morality, it has been supposed, were, in the first in- stance, brought to light by the sagacity of philosophers and politicians ; and it is only in consequence of the influence of education that they appear to form an original part of the human frame. The diversity of opinions among different nations witb respect to the morality of particular actions has beer^ jonsidered as a strong confirmation of this doctrine. But the power of education, although great, is con- fined within certain limits. It is, indeed, much more extensive than philosophers once believed, as sufficient- ly appears from those modern discoveries, with respect to the distant parts of the globe, which have so won- derfully enlarged our knowledge of human nature, and which show clearly that many sentiments and opinions, which had been formerly regarded as inseparable from the nature of man, are the results of accidental situa- tion. If our forefathers, however, went into one ex- treme on this point, we seem to be at present in no small danger of going into the opposite one, by con- sidering man as entirely a factitious being, that maybe moulded into any form by education and fashion. I have said that the power of education is confined within certain limits. The reason is obvious, for it is by cooperating with the natural principles of the mind that education produces its effects. Nay, this very susceptibility of education, which is acknowledged to belong universally to the race, presupposes the ex- istence of certain principles which are common to all mankind. The influence of education in diversifying the ap- pearances which the moral constitution of man exhib- its in different instances depends chieflv on that law of 12 134 THE MORAL FACULTY. our constitution which was formerly called the associa- tion of ideas ; and this law supposes, in every case, that there are opinions and feelings essential to the hu- man frame, by a combination with which external cir- cumstances lay hold of the mind, and adapt it to its accidental situation. What we daily see happen in the trifling article of dress may help us to conceive how the association of ideas operates in matters of more serious consequence. Fashion, it is well known, can reconcile us, in the course of a few weeks, to the most absurd and fantastical ornament ; but does it fol- low from this that fashion could create our ideas of beauty and elegance? During the time we have seen this ornament worn, it has been confined, in a great measure, to those whom we consider as models of taste, and has been gradually associated with the im- pressions produced by the real elegance of their appear- ance and manner. When it pleases by itself, the ef- fect is not to be- ascribed to the thing considered ab- stractedly, nor to any change which our general notions of beauty have undergone, but to the impressions with which it has been generally connected, and which it naturally recalls to the mind. The case is nearly the same with our moral sentiments. A man of splendid virtues attracts some esteem also to his imperfections, and, if placed in a conspicuous situation, may corrupt the moral sentiments of the multitude in the same manner in which he may introduce an absurd or fantas- tical ornament by his whimsical taste in the articles of dress. The commanding influence of Cato's virtues seems to have produced somewhat of this effect on the minds of some of his admirers. He was accused, we are told, of intemperance in wine ; nor do his apolo- gists pretend altogether to deny the charge. " But," says one of them, " it would be much easier to prove that intemperance is a decent and respectable quality, than that Cato coLild be guilty of any vice." " Catoni ebrietas objecta est ; et facilius efficiet, quisquis o-bje- cerit, hoc crimen hohestum, quam turpem Catonem." In general it may be remarked, that as education DIVERSITY IN ITS JUDGMENTS. 135 may vary in particular cases the opinions of individu- als with respect to the objects of taste, without being able to create our notions of beauty or deformity, of grandeur or meanness, so education may vary our sentiments with respect to particular actions, but could not create our notions of right and wrong, of merit and demerit.* II. Diversity in Men's Moral Judgments.] With re- * It is o>>served by Condorcet in his Eloge on Euler, " That, if v:e except the common maxims of morality, there is no one truth which can boast of having been so generally adopted, or through such a succession of ages, as certain ridiculous and pei-nicious errors." The assertion, although not without some foundation in fact, is manifestly expressed by this author in terms too strong and unqualified. I quote it here chiefly on account of the remarkable concession which it involves in favor of the f undo mental nrinciples of morality ; — a subject on which it has been generally alleged, by skeptical writers, that our opinions are more liable than on most otl^ers to be warped by the influence of education and fashion. [Sir James Mackintosh is a strenuous asserter of the general uniformity of men's moral judgments. " I do not speak of the theory of morals, but of the rule of life. First examine the fact, and see whether, from the earliest times, any improvement, or even any change, has been made in the practical rules of human conduct. Look at the code of Moses. I speak of it noAV as a mere human composition, without considering its sacred origin. Considering it merely in that light, it is the most ancient and the most curious memorial of the early history of mankind. More than three thousand yeai's have elapsed since the composition of the Pen- tateuch ; and let any man, if he is able, tell me in what important respects the rule of life has varied since that distant period. Let the Institutes of Menu be explored with the same view ; we shall arrive at the same conclu- sion. Let the books of false religion be opened ; it will be found that their moral system is, in all its grand features, the same. The impostors who composed them were compelled to pay this homage to the uniform moral sentiments of the world. Examine the codes of nations, those authentic depositories of the moral judgments of men; you everywhere find the same rules prescribed, the same duties imposed: even the boldest of those ingenious skeptics Avho have attacked every other opinion has spared the sacred and immutable simplicity of the rules of life. In our common duties, Bayle and Hume agree with Bossuet and Barrow. Such as the rule was at the first dawn of history, such it continues till the present day. Ages roll over mankind ; mighty nations pass away like a shadow ; virtue alone remains the same, immortal and unchangeable." — Memoirs, by his Son, Vol. I. Chap. III. p. 120. Even should we think that the statement, as here made, needs further qualification, there can be no doubt that the common opinion errs still more on the other side. One reason why the points of diff'ercnce in morals are thought to be more numerous than they really are is, tliat these alona are made the subject of frequent discussion ; and properly so, because it is only in this way that they can be cleared up, and reco'ncilca. — Ed. J 136 THE MORAL FACULTY. spect to the historical facts which have been quoted as proofs that the moral judgments of mankind are entirely factitious, we may venture to assert in general, that none of them justify so very extravagant a con- clusion ; that a great part of them are the effects of misrepresentation ; and that others lead to a conclu- sion directly "the reverse of what has been drawn from them. It would hardly be necessary, in the present times, to examine them seriously, were it not for the authority which, in the opinion of many, they still con- tinue to derive from the sanction of Mr. Locke. " Have there not been whole nations," says this eminent philosopher, " and those of the most civilized people, among whom the exposing their children, and leaving them in the fields to perish by want or wild beasts, has been the practice, as little condemned or scrupled as the begetting them ? Do they not still, in some countries, put them into the same graves with their mothers, if they die in child-birth, or despatch them, if a pretended astrologer declares them to have unhappy stars ? And are there not places where, at a certain age, they kill or expose their parents without any remorse at all? Where, then, are our innate ideas of justice, piety, gratitude ; or where is that universal consent that assures us there are such inbred rules ? " * To this question of Locke's so satisfactory an answer has been given by various writers, that it would be superfluous to enlarge on the subject here. It is sufficient to refer, on the origin of infanticide^ to Mr. Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments ; ■\ and on the alleged impiety among' some rude tribes of children towards their parents^ to Charron Sur la Sag-esse, J and to an excellent note of Dr. Beattie's in his Essay on Fable and Romance. The reasonings of the last two * Book I Chap. III. § 9. t Part V. Chap. II. I Liv. II. Chap. VIII. Charron's argument is evidently pointed at cer- tain passages in Montaigne's Essai/s, in which that ingenious writer has fallen into a train of thought very similar to that which is tlie groundwork of Locke's reasonings against innate pntctical principles. ^ DI^TERSITY IN ITS JUDGMENTS. 137 writers are strongly confirmed by Mr. Ellis, in his Voyaout thirty years ago, a Treatise upon the Law of Usury and Annuities^ has employed no less than fifty-nine pages of his work in considering the law of usury in a spiritual vieia, in order to establish the following conclusion : — " That it is not sinful, but lawful, for a British subject to receive legal interest for the money be may lend, whether he receive it in annual divi- dends from the public, or in interest from private individuals who may have borrowed it upon mortgage, bond, or otherwise." M. Necker, too, in the notes annexed to his E/oqe on Colbert, thought it necessary for him to offer an apology to the Church of Rome for the freedom with which he ventured to write upon this critical subject. " Ce que je dis de interet est sous un point de vue politique, et n'a point de rapport avec les respectables maximes de la religion sur ce point." DIVERSITY IN ITS JUDGMENTS. 145 judgments of mankind, affords an illustration of the uniformity of their opinions concerning the fundamen- tal rules of moral duty. In a state where there is little or no commerce, the great motive for borrowing being necessity, the va^ue of a loan cannot be ascertained by calculation, as it may be where money is borrowed for the purposes of trade. In such circumstances, therefore, every money- lender who accepts of interest will be regarded in the same odious light in which pawnbrokers are considered among us; and the man "who putteth out his money to usury" will naturally be classed (as he is in the words of Scripture) with him who " taketh reward against the innocent." f These considerations, while they account for the origin of the opinions concerning the practice of tak- ing interest for money among those nations of an- tiquity whose commercial transactions were few and insignificant, will be sufficient, at the same time, to establish its reasonableness and equity in countries where money is most commonly borrowed for the pur- poses of commercial profit, and where, of consequence, the use of it has a fixed and determinate value, de- pending (like that of any commodity in general re- quest) on the circumstances of the market at the time. In such countries both parties are benefited by the trans- action, and even the state is a gainer in the end. The lenders of money are frequently widows and orphans, who subsist on the interest of their slender funds, while the borroivers as frequently belong to the most opulent class of the community, who wish to enlarge their capital and extend their trade ; and who, by doing so, are enabled to give further encouragement to in- dustry, and to supply labor and bread to the in- digent. The prejudices, therefore, against usury among the ancient philosophers were the natural result of the state of society which fell under their observation. t Ps. XV. 5. 144 THE MORAL FACULTY. The prohibition of usury among the Jews in their own mutual transactions, while they were permitted to take a premium for the money which the^y lent to strangers, was in perfect consistency with the other principles of their political code; commerce being interdicted, as tending to an intercourse with idolaters, and mortga- ges prevented by the indefeasible right which every man had to his lands. V. (3.) Want of an Efficient Police.] I shall only mention one instance more to illustrate the effects of different states of society in modifying the moral judg- ments of mankind. It relates to the crime of assassina- tion, which we now justly consider as the most dreadful of any ; but which must necessarily have been viewed in a very different light when laws and magistrates were unknown, and when the only check on injustice was the principle of resentment. As it is the nature of this principle, not only to seek the punishment of the delinquent, but to prompt the injured person to inflict the punishment with his own hand, so in every country the criminal jurisdiction of the magistrate has been the last branch of his authority that was estab- lished. Where the police, therefore, is weak, murders must not only be more frequent, but are really less criminal^ than in a society like ours, where the private rights of individuals are completely protected by law, and where there hardly occurs an instance, excepting in a case of self-defence, in which one man can be justified for shedding the blood of another. And even when, in a rude age, a murder is committed from un- justifiable motives of self-interest or jealousy, yet the frequency of the occurrence prevents the minds of men from revolting so strongly at the sight of blood as we do at present. It is on this, very principle that Mr. Mitford accounts for the manners and ideas that prevailed in the heroic ages of Greece. But it is unnecessary, on this head, to appeal to the history of early times, or of distant nations. In our own country of Scotland, about two centuries ago, DIVERSITY IN ITS JUDGMENTS. 145 what shocking murders were perpetrated, and seem- ingly without remorse, by men who were by no means wholly destitute of a sense of religion and morality! Dr. Robertson remarks, that " Buchanan relates the murder of Cardinal Beatoun and of Rizzio without expressing those feelings which are natural to a man, or that indignation which became an historian. Knox, whose mind was fiercer and more unpolished, talks of the death of Beatoun and of the Duke of Guise, not only without censure, but with the utmost exultation. On the other hand, the Bishop of Ross mentions the assassination of the Earl of Murray with some degree of applause.. Blackwood dwells on it with the most indecent triumph ; and ascribes it directly to the hand of God. Lord Ruthven, the principal actor in the conspiracy against Rizzio, wrote an account of it some time before his own death ; and in all his long narra- tive there is not one expression of regret, or one symp- tom of compunction, for a crime no less dishonorable than barbarous. Morton, equally guilty of the same crime, entertained the same sentiments concerning it; and in his last moments, neither he himself, nor the ministers who attended him, seem to have considered it as an action which called for repentance. Even then he talks of 'David's slaughter' as coolly as if it had been an innocent or commendable deed." * The reflections of Dr. Robertson on these assassina- tions, which were formerly so common in this country, are candid and judicious. " In consequence of the limit- * History of Scotland, Book IV. The following lines, in which Sir David Lindsay reprobates the murder of his contemporary and enemy, Cardinal Beatoun. deserve to be added to the instances quoted by Dr. Robertson, as an illustration of the moral sentiments of our ancestors. They are expressed with a 7ia'ivetd which places in a strong light both the moral and religious principles of that age. " As for this Cardinal, I grant, He was a man we well might want ; God will forgive it soon: But of a sooth, the truth to say, Altho' the loun be well away. The act was foully done." 13 146 THE MORAL FACULTY. ed power of our princes, the adininistration of justice was extremely feeble and dilatory. An attempt to punish the crimes of a chieftain, or even of his vassals, often excited rebellions and civil wars. To nobles haughty and independent, among whom the causes of discord were many and unavoidable ; who were quick in discerning an injury, and impatient to revenge it; who esteemed it infamous to submit to an enemy, and cowardly to forgive him ; who considered the right of punishing those who had injured them as a privilege of their order, and a mark of independency ; such slow proceedings were extremely unsatisfactory. The blood of their adversary was, in their opinion, the only thing that could wash away an affront. Where that was not shed, their revenge was disappointed ; their fcoarage became suspected, and a stain was left on their honor. That vengeance which the impotent hand of the magis- trate could not inflict, their own could easily execute. Under a government so feeble, men assumed, as in a state of nature, the right of judging and redressing their own wrongs. And thus assassination, a crime of all others the most destructive to society, came not only to be allowed, but to be deemed honorable." In another passage he observes, that " mankind became thus habituated to blood, not only in times of war, but of peace ; and from this, as well as other causes, con- tracted an amazing ferocity of temper and of manners." VI. Second Cause of Diversity in Men^s Moral Judg- ments. Difference in Speculative Opinions.] The second cause I mentioned of the apparent diversity among mankind in their moral judgments is the diversity in their speculative opinions. The manner in w^hich this cause operates will appear obvious, if it be considered that nature, by the sugges tions of our moral principles, only recommends to us particular ends, but leaves it to our reason to ascertain the most effectual means by which these ends are to be attained. Thus nature points out to us our own hap- piness, and also the happiness of our fellows-creatures, DIVERSITY IN ITS JUDGMENTS. 147 aa objects towards the attainment of which our best exertions ought to be directed ; but she has left us to exercise our reason, both in ascertaining what the con- stitaents of happiness are, and how they may be most completely secured. Hence, according to the different points of view in which these subjects of con- sideration may appear to different understandings, there must of necessity be a diversity of judgments with respect to the morality of the same actions. One man, for example, believes that the happiness of soci- ety is most effectually consulted by an implicit obedi- ence in all cases to the will of the civil magistrate. Another, that the mischiefs to be apprehended from resistance and insurrection in cases of urgent necessity are trifling when compared with those which may result to ourselves and our" posterity from an establish- ed despotism. The former will of course be an advo- cate for the duty of passive- obedience ; the latter for the rights and, in certain supposable cases, for the obligation of resistance. Both of these men, however, agree in the general principle, that it is our duty to promote to the utmost of our power the happiness of society; and they differ from each other only on a speculative question of expediency. In like manner, there is a wide diversity between the moral systems of ancient and modern times on the subject of suicide. Both, however, agree in this, that it is the duty of man to obey the will of his Creator, and to consult every intimation of it that his reason can discover, as the supreme law of his conduct. They differed only in their speculative doctrines concern- ing the interpretation of the will of God, as manifest- ed by the dispensations of his providence in the events of human life. The prejudices of the ancients on this subject were kideed founded in a very partial and erroneous view of circumstances (arising, however, not unnaturally, from the unsettled state of society in the ancient republics) ; but they only afford an additional instance of the numerous mistakes to which human reason is liable; not of a fluctuation in the judgmental 148 THE MORAL FACULTY. of mankind concerning the fundamental rules of mor- al duty.* VII. Third Cause of Diversity in Men^s Moral Judg- ments. Different Systems of Behaviour.] The differ- ent moral import, too, of the same material action, un- der ditferent systems of external behaviour, deserves par- ticular attention, in forming an estimate of the moral sentiments of different ages and nations. This difference is chiefly owing to two causes : — First, to the different conceptions of happiness and mis- ery^ — o^ what is to be desired and shunned, — which men are led to form in different states of society. Sec- ondly, to the effect of accident^ which, as it leads men to speak different languages in different countries, so it leads them to express the same dispositions of the heart by different external observances. 1. Where the opinions of mankind vary concern- ing the external circumstances that constitute happi- ness, the external expressions of benevolence must vary of course. Thus, in the fact referred to by Locke con- cerning the Indians in the neighbourhood of Hudson's Bay, the wishes of the aged parent being different from what we are accustomed to observe in this part of the world, the marks of filial affection on the part of the child must vary also. " In some countries honor is associated with suffering, and it is reckoned a favor to be killed with circumstances of torture. Instances of this occur in the manners of some American nations, and in the pride which an Indian matron feels when placed on the funeral pile of her deceased husband." f In such cases an action may have to us all the external marks of extreme cruelty, while it proceeds from a disposition generous and affectionate. * See Liebei-'s Political Ethics, Book I. Sect, xviii., where the conduct of the Thugs of India — : a fanatical sect pursuing murder as a trade, and un- der the supposed sanction of religion — is reconciled with the moral con- stitution of human nature — Ed. t Ferguson's Moral and Political Science, Part II. Chap. 11. Sect. iv. [For facts in confirmation of this doctrine, see Historical Illustrations of the Passions, particularly Vol. I. Chap. III. and I V.J I DIVERSITY IN ITS JUDGMENTS. 14B 2. A difference in the moral import of the same ac- tion often arises from the same accidental causes which lead men, in different parts of the globe, to express the same ideas by different arbitrary signs. What happens in the trifling forms and ceremonies of behaviour may serve to illustrate the operation of the same causes on more important occasions. " In the general principles of urbanity, politeness, or civility, we may venture to assert that the opinions of all na- tions are agreed; but in the expression of this disposi- tion, we meet with endless varieties. In Europe, it is the form of respect to uncover the head; in Japan, the corresponding form is said to be to uncover the foot by dropping the slipper.* Persons unacquainted with any language but their own are apt to think the words they use natural and fixed expressions of things ; while the words of a different language they consider as mere jargon, or the result of caprice. In the same manner, forms of behaviour different from their own appear of- fensive and irrational, or a perverse substitution of ab- surd for reasonable manners. " Among the varieties of this sort, we find actions, gestures, and forms of expression, in their own nature indifferent, entered into the code of civil or religious duties, and enforced under the strongest sanctions of public censure or esteem ; or under the strongest de- nunciations of the Divine indignation or favor. " Numberless ceremonies and observances in the ritu- al of different sects are to be accounted for on the same principles which produce the diversity of names or signs for the same thing in the vocabulary of different languages. Thus, the gene?rality of Christians when they pray take off their hats ; the Jews when they pray put them on. Such acts, how strongly soever they may affect the imaginations of the multitude, may just- * "Even here," Sir Joshua Reynolds ingeniously remarks, "we may perhaps observe a general idea running through all the varieties; to wit, the general idea of making the body less in token of respect, whether by bowing the body, kneeling, prostration, pulling off the upper part of thf dress, or throwing asid* the lower." 13* 150 THE MORAL FACULTY. ly be considered as part of the arbitrary language of particular countries ; implying no diversity whatever in the ideas or feelings of those among whom they are established." * As a further proof of the impossibility of judging of the general character of a people from their opinions concerning the morality of particular actions, we may observe, that, in some of the writings of the ancient moralists, we meet with the most refined and sublime precepts blended promiscuously with dissuasives from the most shocking and detestable crimes ; in one ^sen- tence, perhaps, a precept which may be read with ad- vantage by the most enlightened of the present times ; and in the next, a dissuasive from some crime which no one now could be supposed to perpetrate who had not arrived at the last stage of depravity. 1 have dwelt very long on this subject, because, if it be painful to be staggered in our belief of the immuta- bility of moral distinctions by the first aspect of the history of mankind, it affords a tenfold pleasure to those who feel themselves interested in the cause of morality, when they find, on an accurate examination, that those facts on which skeptics have laid the great- est stress are not only consistent with the moral consti- tution of man, but result necessarily from this constitu- tion, diversified in its effects according to the different circumstances in which the individual is situated. To trace in this manner the essential principles of the hu- man frame, amidst the various disguises it borrows from accidental causes, is one of the most interesting employments of philosophical curiosity ; nor is there, perhaps, a more satisfactory gratification to a liberal mind, than w^hen it recognizes, under the superstition, the ignorance, and the loathsome sensualities of sav- age life, the kindred features of humanity, and the in- delible vestiges of that Divine image after which man was originally formed. VIII. Lockers Connection with this Controversy.] The ' * See Ferguson's Moral and Political Science^ Paft II. Cliap. II. Sect, iv DIVERSITY IN ITS JUDGMENTS. • 151 V doctrines en this subject which I have hitherto been en- deavouring to refute, (how erroneous soever in their ])rinciples, and dangerous in their consequences,) have been maintained by some writers who certainly were not unfriendly in their views to the interests of virtue and of mankind. In proof of this, I need only men- tion the name of Mr. Locke, who, in the course of a long and honorable life, distinguished himself no less by the exemplary worth of his private character^ and by his ardent zeal for civil and religious liberty, than by the depth and originality of his philosophical specu- lations. His errors, however, ought not, on these ac- counts, to be treated with reverence; but, on the con- trary, they require a more careful and severe examination, in consequence of the high authority they derive from his genius and his virtues. And accordingly, I have enlarged on such of his opinions as seemed to me fa- vorable to skeptical views concerning the foundation of morals, at much greater length than the ingenuity or plausibility of his reasonings in support of them may appear to some to have merited. To these opinions of Locke Lord Shaftesbury has alluded, in various parts of his works, with a good deal of indignation ; and particularly in the following pas- sage of his Advice to an Author. " One would imag- ine that our philosophical writers, who pretend to treat of morals, should far outdo our poets in recommending virtue, and representing what is fair and amiable in hu- man actions. One would imagine, that, if they turned their eyes towards remote countries, (of which they af- fect so much to speak,) they should search for that sim- plicity of manners, and innocence of behaviour, which has been often known among mere savages, ere they were corrupted by our commerce, and, by sad example-, instructed in all kinds of treachery and inhumanity. It would be of advantage to us to hear the cause of this strange corruption in ourselves, and be made to consid- er of our deviation from nature, and from that just purity of manners which might be expected, especially irom 9 people so assisted and enlightened by religion 152 THE MORAL FACULTY. For who would not naturally expect more justice, fidel* ity, temperance, and honesty from Christians than from Mahometans or mere Pagans ? But so far are our mod- ern moralists from condemning any unnatural vices or corrupt manners, whether in our own or foreign climates, that they would have vice itself appear as natural as virtue ; and, from the worst examples, would represent to us, ' that all actions are naturally indifferent ; that they have no note or character of good or ill in them- selves^ but are distinguished by mere fashion, law, or arbitrary decree.' Wonderful philosophy ! raised from the dregs of an illiterate, mean kind, which was ever despised among the great ancients, and rejected by all men of action or sound erudition ; but, in these ages, imperfectly copied from the original, and, with much disadvantage, imitated and assumed in common, both by devout and indevout attempters in the moral kind. " * Besides these incidental remarks on Locke, which occur in different parts of Shaftesbury's writings, there is a letter of his addressed to a student at the universi- ty, which relates almost entirely to the opinion we have been considering, and contains some excellent observa- tions on the subject. In this letter Lord Shaftesbury observes, that " all those called free writers now-a-days have espoused those principles which Mr. Hobbes set afoot in this last age." " Mr. Locke," he continues, " as much as I honor him on account of other writings (viz. on gov- ernment, policy, trade, coin, education, toleration, &c.), and as well as I knew him, and can answer for his sin- cerity, as a most zealous Christian and believer, did however go in the selfsame track, and is followed by the Tindals, and all the other ingenious free authors of our time. " It was Mr. Locke that struck the home blow ; for Mr. Hobbes's character and base, slavish principles of government took off the poison of his philosophy. It was Mr. Locke that struck at all fundamentals, threw * Part ni. Sect. iii. ( DIVERSITY IN ITS JUDGMENTS. 153 all order and virtue out of the world, and made the very ideas of these (which are the same with those of God) unnatural, and without foundation in our minds Innate is a word he poorly plays upon ; the right word, though less used, is connatural. For what has birth, or progress of the fodtus out of the womb, to do in this case? The question is not about the time the ideas entered, or the moment that one body came out of the other, but whether the constitution of man be such, that, being adult and grown up, at such or such a time, sooner or later, (no matter when,) the idea and sense of order, administration, and a God will not infallibly^ inevitably., necessarily^ spring' up in him ? " * In this last remark, Lord Shaftesbury appears to me to place the question concerning innate ideas upon the right and only philosophical footing, and to afford a key to all the confusion which runs through Locke's argument on the subject. The observations which fol- low are not less just and valuable ; but I must not in- dulge myself in any further extracts at present.f These passages of Shaftesbury, in some of which the warmth of his temper has betrayed him into ex- pressions disrespectful to Locke, have drawn on him a number of very severe animadversions, particularly from Warburton, in the preface to his Divine Legatio7h * Letters to a Student at the University, Let. VIII. t Notwithstanding, however, the countenance which Locke's reasonings against innate practical principles have the appearance of giving to the philosophy of Hobbes, I have not a doubt that the difference of opinion between him and Lord Shaftesbury on this point was almost entirely ver- bal. Of this I have elsewhere produced ample proofs ; but the following passage will suffice for my present purpose. " I would not be mistaken, as if, because I deny an innate law, I thought there were none but positive laws. There is a great deal of difference between an innate law and a law of nature, between something imprinted on our minds in their very original, and something that we, being ignorant of, may attain to the knowledge of, by the use and due application of our natural faculties. And I tliink they equally forsake the truth, who, running into the contrary extremes, either afhrm an innate law, or deny that there is a law knowable by the light of nature, without the help of a positive revelation." — Locke's Essay concen^- ing Human Understanding, Book I. Chap. III. § 13. [See, however, Cousin, Histoire de la Philosophie du XVIIF Si^cle, Tom. 11. Legon XX<=. Or Professor Henry's translation of the same, Elements of Psychology, Chap. V.] 154 THE MORAL FACULTY. of Moses. But although Shaftesbury's personal allu- sions to Locke cannot be justified, some allowance ought to be made for the indignation of a generous mind at a doctrine which (however well meant by the proposer) strikes at the very root of morality. In this instance, too, it is not improbable that the discussion of the general argument may have added to the asperity of his style, by reviving the memory of the private con- troversies which, it is presumable, had formerly been carried on between Locke and him on this important subject. It is well known that Shaftesbury was Locke's pupil, and also that their tempers and literary tavstes were not suitable to each other. In this it is common- ly supposed that the former was to blame ; but, I pre- sume, not wholly. Dr. Warton tells us, that Mr. Locke affected to despise poetry, and that he depreciated the ancients ; " which circumstance," he adds, " as I am in- formed from undoubted authority, was the subject of perpetual discontent and dispute between him and his pupil. Lord Shaftesbury." * That Shaftesbury was not insensible to Locke's real merits appears sufficiently from a passage in the first of his Letters to a Student at the University. " However, I am not sorry that I lent you Locke's Essay ^ a book that may as well quali- fy men for business and the world as for the sciences and the university. No one has done more towards the recalling of philosophy from barbarity into use and practice of the world, and into the company of the better and politer sort, who might well be ashamed of it in its other dress. No one has opened a better and clearer way to reasoning." Section IV. LICENTIOUS SYSTEMS OF MORALS. I. Character of the Systems so named.] The theo- ries concerning the origin of our moral ideas which we * Essaij on ihe Gotius and Writings of Pvpe, Sect. XII. LICENTIOUS SYSTEMS. 155 are now to consider, although they agree in many re- spects with that of Locke and his followers, have yet proceeded from very different views and intentions. They also involve some principles that are peculiar to themselves, and which, therefore, render a separate ex- amination of them necessary for the complete illustra- tion of this fundamental article of ethics. They have been distinguished by Mr. Smith by the name of the Licentious Systems of Morals^ — a name which certain- ly cannot be censured as too harsh, when applied to those which maintain that the motives of all men are fundamentally the same, and that what we commonly call virtue is mere hypocrisy. Among the licentious moralists of modern times, tho most celebrated are the Due de la Rochefoucauld, au- thor of the Maxims and Moral Reflections, and Dr. Mandeville, author of the Fable of the Bees. By the generality of our English philosophers, these two writ- ers are commonly coupled together as advocates for the same system, although their views and their char- acters were certainly extremely different. In the first editions of Mr. Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments, he speaks of a licentious doctrine concerning morality, which, he says, " was first sketched by the delicate pen- cil of the Due de la Rochefoucauld, and was after- wards enforced by the coarse but powerful eloquence of Dr. Mandeville." In the last edition of that work the name of La Rochefoucauld is omitted, from Mr. Smith's deliberate conviction that it was unjust to his memory to class him with an author whose writings tend directly to confound all our ideas of moral distinc- tions. On this point I speak from personal knowledge, having been requested by Mr. Smith, when I happened to be at Paris some years before his death, to express to the late excellent and unfortunate Due de la Roche- foucauld his sincere regret for having introduced the name of his ancestor and that of Dr. Mandeville in the same sentence. 11. La RochefoucavM s Life and Personal Charac- 156 THE MORAL FACULTY. ter.] The Dae de la Rochefoucauld, author of the Maxims, was born in 1613, and died in 1680. The early part of his education was neglected ; but the dis- advantages he labored under in consequence of this circumstance he in a great measure overcame by the force of his own talents. According to Madame de Maintenon, who knew him well, " he was possessed of a countenance prepossessing and interesting ; of man- ners graceful and dignified ; of much genius, and little acquired knowledge.". The same excellent judge adds of him, that " he was intriguing, accommodating, and cautious ; but that she had never known a friend more firm, more open, or whose counsels were of greater val- ue. He loved raillery ; and used to say, that personal bravery appeared to him nothing better than folly; and yet he himself was brave to an extreme. He preserved to the last the vivacity of his mind, which was always agreeable, though naturally serious." In the share which he took in the political transac- tions of his times, he discovered a facility to engage in intrigues, without much steadiness in the pursuit of his object. This, at least, is a remark made on him by the Cardinal de Retz, who, in a portrait of him drawn with a masterly, though somewhat prejudiced hand, ascribes the apparent inconsistencies of his conduct to a nat- ural want of resolution. A later writer,* more favorable to his memory, has attempted to account for them, with much plausibility, by that superiority of penetra- tion, and that rigid integrity, which all his contempora- ries allow to have been distinguishing features in his character; and which, though not sufficient to keep him wholly disengaged from intrigues in a court where every thing was put in motion by the spirit of party, rendered him soon disgusted with the pretended patri- otism and the selfish politics of those with whom he acted. Accordingly, although he was induced by the force of early connections, and a natural facility of temper, to involve himself during a part of his life in * M. Suard, in his edition of the Maximes, which appeared in 1778. LA ROCHEFOUCAULD. 157 public affairs, and more particularly, to become a tool of the Duchess of Longueville in the cabals of the Fronde, his own taste seems to have attached him to a more private scene, where he could enjoy in freedom the society and friendship of a few chosen companions. Towards the end of his life he spent much of his time at the house of Madame de la Fayette, which appears, from the letters of her friend, Madame de Sevigne, to have been, at that period, the resort of all persons dis- tinguished for wit and refinement. It was in the midst of this chosen society that he composed his Memoirs of the Regency of Anne of Austria^ and also his Moral Reflections and Maxims. III. Influence of his Writings.] Of these two works, the former is written with much elegance, and with a great appearance of sincerity ; but the events which it records are uninteresting in the present age. Bayle, in his Dictionary, gives it the preference to the Commenta- ries of Csesar; but the judgment of the public has not been equally favorable. " The Memoirs of the Due de la*Rochefoucauld," says Voltaire, in his account of the writers of the age of Louis XIV., "are read; but every one knows his Maxims by heart." In fact, it is almost entirely by these maxims (which, as Montesquieu observes, " have become the proverbs of men of wit ") that the name of La Rochefoucaald is known ; and it must be confessed that few performances have acquired to their authors a higher or more general reputation. " One of the works," says Voltaire, " which contributed most to form the taste of the nation to a justness and precision of thought and expression, was the small col- lection of maxims by Francis, Due de la Rochefou- cauld. Although there is but one idea in the book, that self-love is the spring of all our actions, yet this idea is presented in so great a variety of forms as to be always amusing. When it first appeared, it was read with avidity; and it contributed, more than any other performance since the revival of letters, to accus- tom writers to indulge themselves in an originality of 14 158 THE MORAL FACULTY. thought, and to improve the vivacity, precision, and delicacy of French composition." * That the tendency of these maxims is, upon the whole, unfavorable to morality, and that they always leave a disagreeable impression on the mind, must, I think, be granted.f At the same time, it may be fairly questioned if the motives of the author have in gen- eral been well understood, either by his admirers or by his opponents. In affirming that self-love is the spring of all our actions, there is no good reason for suppos- ing that he meant to deny the reality of moral distinc- tions as a philosophical truth, — a supposition quite inconsistent with his own fine and deep remark, that hypocrisy is itself a ho7nage which vice renders to virtue. He states it merely as a proposition, which, in the course of his experience as a man of the world, he had found very generally verified in the higher classes of society, and which he was induced to announce, with- out any qualification or restriction, in order to give more force and poignancy to his satire. In adopting this mode of writing, he has unconsciously conformed himself, like many other French authors, w^ho»have since followed his example, $ to a suggestion which * Siede de Louis XIV., Chap. XXXII. t Mr. Spence, in his Anecdotes of Men and Boohs., ascribes to Pope 8 remark on La Rochefoucauld wliich does no small honor to the poet's shrewdness and knowledge of human nature. I quote it in Spence's words. " As L'Esprit, La Rochefoucauld, and that sort of people, prove that all virtues are disguised vices, I would engage to prove all vices to be disguised virtues. Neither, indeed, is true ; but this would be a more agreeable subject, and would overturn their wliole scheme." — p. 11. X Thus it lias often been said by French writers, that "no man is a hero to his valet de chambre ",• and the maxim, when properly understood, has some foundation in truth. It probably was meant by its original author to refer only to those petty circumstances of temper and behaviour which, without affecting the essentials of character, have a tendency to diminish, on a near approach, the theatrical eifect of great men. It has, however, been frequently quoted as implying that there are none whose virtues will bear a close examination; in Avliich acceptation, it is not more injurious to human nature than it is contrary to fact. How much more profound, as well as more pleasing, is the remark of Plutarch! "Real virtue is most loved where it is most nearly seen, and no respect which it commands from strangers can equal the never-ceasing admiration it excites in the daily intercourse of domestic life." — Vit. Perldis. It is indeed true? that LA ROCHEFOUCAULD. 159 Aristotle has stated with admirable depth and acute- ness in bis Rhetoric. " Sentences or apothegms lend much aid to eloquence. One reason of this is, that they flatter the pride of the hearers, who are de lighted when the speaker, making use of general lan- guage, touches upon opinions which they had before known to be true in part. Thus, a person who had the misfortune to live in a bad neighbourhood, or to have worthless children, would easily assent to the speaker who should affirm that nothing' is more vexa- tious than to have any neighbours ; nothing more irra- tional than to bring children into the world."* This observation of Aristotle, while it goes far to account for the imposing and dazzling effect of these rhetorical exaggerations, ought to guard us against the common and popular error of mistaking them for the serious and profound generalizations of science. As for La Rochefoucauld, we know, from the best authorities, that in private life he was a conspicuous example of all those moral qualities of which he seemed to deny the existence ; and that he exhibited, in this respect, a striking contrast to the Cardinal de Retz, who has pre- sumed to censure him for his want of faith in the real- ity of virtue. In reading La Rochefoucauld, it should never be for- gotten that it was within the vortex of a court he en- joyed his chief opportunities of studying the world, and that the narrow and exclusive circle in which he moved was not likely to afford him the most favorable specimens of human nature in general. Of the court of Louis XIV. in particular, we are told by a very nice and reflecting observer (Madame de la Fayette), that some men, who are admired by the world, appear to most advantage when viewed at a distance ; but, on the other hand, may it not be contended that many who are objects of general odium would be found, if examined more nearly, not to be destitute of estimable and amiable qualities 1 May we not even go further, and assert that the very worst of men have a mix- ture of good in their composition, and express a doubt whether human nature would gain or lose upon a thorough acquaintance with the conduct and motives of individuals 1 * Lib. II. Cap. XXII. 160 THE MORAL FACULTY. " ambition and gallantry were the soul^ actuating alike both men and women. So many contending interests, so many different cabals, were constantly at work, and in all of those women bore so important a part, that love was always mingled with business, and business with love. Nobody was tranquil or indif- ferent. Every one studied to advance himself by pleasing, serving, or ruining others. Idleness and languor were unknown, and nothing was thought of but intrigues or pleasures." In the passage already quoted from Voltaire, he takes notice of the effect of La Rochefoucauld's max- ims in improving the style of French composition. We may add to this remark, that their effect has not been less sensible in vitiating the tone and character of French philosophy, by bringing into vogue those false and degrading representations of human nature and of human life which have prevailed in that country * more or less for a century past. Mr. Addison, in one of the papers of the Tatler^ expresses his indignation at this general bias among the French writers of his age. " It is impossible," he observes, " to read a passage in Plato, or TuUy, or a thousand other ancient moralists, without being a greater and better man for it. On the contrary, I could never read any of our modish French authors, or those of our own country who are the imitators and admirers of that nation, without being for some time out of humor with my- self, and at every thing about me. Their business is to depreciate human nature, and to consider it under the worst appearances ; they give mean interpretations and base motives to the worthiest of actions. In short, they endeavour to make no distinction between man and man, or between. the species of man and that of the brutes." IV. Mandeville\s Writing's and Moral System.] From the form in which La Rochefoucauld's maxims are pub- lished, it is impossible to attempt a particular examina- tion of them ; nor, indeed, do I apprehend that such MANDEVILLE. 161 an examination is necessary for any of the purposes which I have at present in view. So far as their ten' dency is unfavorable to the reality of moral distinctions, it is the same with that of Mandeville's system ; and therefore the strictures I am now to offer on the latter writer may be applied with equal truth to the general conclusions which some have chosen to draw from the satirical observations of the former. Dr. Mandeville was born in Holland, where ho re- ceived his education both in medicine and in philosopny. He made his first appearance in England about the be- ginning of the last century, and soon attracted very general attention by the vivacity and licentiousness of his publications. The work by which he is best known is a poem, first printed in 1714, with the title of The Grumbling Hive, or Knaves turned Honest; upon which he after- wards wrote Remarks^ and published the whole at London in 1723, having for its title The Fable of the Bees : or Private Vices, Public Benefits. This book was presented by the grand jury of Middlesex the- same year, and was severely animadverted on soon after by some very eminent writers, particularly by Dr. Berkeley, Bishop of Cloyne, and by Dr. Hutcheson of Glasgow in his various treatises on ethical subjects. To the Remarks on the Fable of the Bees, the au- thor has prefixed An Inquiry into the Origin of Moral Virtue ; and it is to this inquiry that I propose to 43on- fine myself chiefly in the following strictures, as it exhibits his pecuhar opinions concerning the principles of morals in a more systematical form than any of his other writings. In the course of the observations which I have to offer with respect to it, I shall perhaps be led to repeat one or two remarks which have been already suggested by the doctrines of Locke. But, for this repetition, I hope that the importance of the sub- ject will be a sufficient apology. The great object of Mandeville's inquiry into the origin of moral virtue is to show that all our moral sentiments are derived from education, and are the 14* 162 THE MORAL FACULTY. workmanship of politicians and lawgivers. " These." isays he, " observing how selfish an animal man is, and how impossible, in consequence, it would be to retain numbers together in the same society without govern- ment, endeavoured to give his selfish principles a direc- tion useful to the public. For this purpose they ha:\'e labored in all ages to convince him that it is better to restrain than to indulge his appetites, and to consult the public interest than his own. The engine they employed in working upon him was flattery, which they addressed to vanity, one of the strongest principles of our nature. They contrasted man with the lower animals^ and magnified the advantages he possesses over them. The human race they divided into two classes ; the mean and contemptible. Who, after the example of the brutes, gratify every animal propensity; and the generous and high-spirited, who, disdaining these low gratifications, bend their study to cultivate the nobler principles of our nature, and wage a con- tinual war with themselves to promote the happiness of others. In the case of men possessed of an extraor- dinary degree of pride and resolution, these representa- tions of politicians and moralists were able to effec- tuate a complete conquest of their natural appetites, and a complete contempt of their own visible interests ; and even the feeble-minded and abject would be un- willing to rank themselves in the class to which they really belonged, and would strive to conceal their im- perfections from the world, by their forwardness to swell the cry in praise of self-denial and of public spirit. Such," says Mandeville, ^^was, or at least might have been, the manner, after which savage man was broke; and what we call the moral virtues are merely the political offspring ichich flattery begot upon 'prideP I shall not insist on the absurdity of supposing that government is an invention of political wisdom, and not the natural result of man's constitution, and of the circumstances in which he is placed. This, howevei improbable, is one of the least absurdities of Man MANDEVILLE. . 16t2 deville's system. Its capital defect consists in supposing that the origin of our moral virtues may be accounted for from the po^ver of education ; a fundamental error, which is common to the system of Mandeville and that of Locke as commonly understood by his followers, and which I had formerly occasion to notice and refute. I shall not, therefore, enlarge upon it at present, but shall confine myself to those parts of Mandeville's philosophy which are peculiar to himself. V. His Erroneous Notions respecting Vanity and Pride. \ It appears from the passage just quoted, that the engine which Mandeville supposes politicians to employ for the purpose of creating the artificial distinc- tion between virtue and vice is vanity or pride^ which two words he uses as synonymous. He employs them, likewise, in a much more extensive sense than their common acceptation authorizes ; to denote, not only an overweening conceit of our own character and attain- ments, or a weak and childish passion for the admira- tion 'of others, but that reasonable desire for the esteem of our fellovz-creatures, which, so far from being a weakness, is a laudable and respectable principle. The desire of esteem and the dread of contempt are undoubtedly among the strongest principles of our nature ; but in good minds they are only subsidiary to the desire of excellence, nay, they cannot be effectually gratified if they are the first springs of our actions. To be pleased with the applause of others, it is not suf- ficient to possess the appearance of good qualities ; we must possess the reality. A man of sense and delicacy is never more mortified than when he receives praise for qualities which he knows do not belong to him; and he is comforted, under the mistaken censures of the world, by the consciousness he does not deserve them. A desire of applause may, without detracting from our merit, mingle itself with the more worthy motives of our conduct ; but if- it is th« sole motive, the attainment of the object will never communicate a lasting satisfaction. 164 THE MORAL FACULTY. " Falsus honor juvat, et mendax infamia terret, Quern, nisi mendosum et niendaccm'? "* Vanity, in propriety of speech, denotes a weakness arising from a perversion of the desire of esteem. A man is vain who values himself on what is unworthy of regard, as the external distinctions of equipage oi dress. He, too, is vain who wishes to pass in the world for what he really is not, and boasts of qualities which he does not possess. We also give the name of vanity to that weakness which disposes a man to be pleased with flattery, and which leads him, not only to desire the esteem of others, but to place his Tiappi- ness in public expressions of it. In every case, vanity denotes a weakness which is carefully to be distin- guished from the love of true glory. Mandeville uses the word to express every sentiment of regard that we feel for the good opinion of others ; and, wherever this regard can be supposed to have had any influence on our conduct, he concludes that vanity was our principle of action. From these observations, added to those formerly made on Locke, it follows, in the first place, that the whole of our moral sentiments cannot be accounted for from education. Secondly, that, by confounding to- gether vanity, and a reasonable regard to the esteem of our fellow-creatures, Mandeville has expressed the fun- damental proposition of his system in terms so vague and ambiguous as renders it impossible to form a distinct conception of his meaning. And, thirdly, that even this reasonable and laudable desire of esteem cannot be eiTectually gratified, if it be the sole prin- ciple of our conduct; and therefore cannot le the only source of our moral virtues. From the principle of vanity, Mandeville endeavours to account for all the instances of self-denial that have occurred in the world. But he is not satisfied with ex« Hor., Ep. XVI. 39. "False praise can charm, unreal shame control, Whom, but a vicious or a sickly soul ? " MANDEVILLE. 165 plaining away in this manner the reality of moral distinctions. He endeavours to show that human life is nothing but a scene of hypocrisy, and that there is really little or none of that self-denial to be found that some men lay claim to. In his theory of moral virtue he seems to allow that education may not only teach a man to check his appetites in order to procure the esteem of others, but that it may teach him to con- sider such a conquest over the lower principles of his nature as noble in itself, and as elevating him still farther than nature had done above the level of the brutes. " Those men," says he, " who have labored to establish societies endeavoured, in the first place, to insinuate themselves into the hearts of men by flattery, extolling the excellences of our nature above other ani- mals. They next began to instruct them in the notions of honor and shame, representing the one as the worst of all evils, and the other as the highest good to which mortals could aspire; — which being done, they laid before them how unbecoming it was the dignity of such sublime creatures to be solicitous about gratifying those appetites which they had in common with the brutes, and at the same time unmindful of those higher qualities that gave them the preeminence over all visible beings. They, indeed, confessed that these impulses of nature were very pressing; that it was troublesome to resist, and very difficult wholly to subdue them. But this they only used as an argument to de- monstrate how glorious the conquest of them was on the one hand, and how scandalous on the other not to attempt it." These arguments, it is evident, are addressed to pride rather than to vanity ; and it is worthy of remark, that, though Mandeville never states the distinction between these two words, but, on the contrary, affects to consider them as synonymous, he plainly was aware of the import of both, and sometimes uses the one, and sometimes the other, as best suits his purpose. Thus, in the following passage, if the word vanity were substituted instead of pride^ the impropriety could not 166 THE MORAL FACULTY. escape the most careless reader. " Such men as, from no other motive but their love of goodness^ perform a worthy, action in silence, have, I confess, acquired more refined notions of virtue than those I have hitherto spoke of, yet even in these (with whom the world has never yet swarmed) we may discover no small symp- toms oi pride ; and the humblest man alive must con- fess that the reward of a virtuous action, which is the satisfaction that ensues upon it, consists in a certain pleasure he procures to himself, by contemplating on his own worth ; which pleasure, together with the oc(3asion of it, are as certain signs of pride as looking pale and trembling at any imminent danger are the symptoms of fear." From these passages, however, it is abundantly clear, that, in his theory of virtue, Mandeville admits the possibility of self-denial being exercised merely for the private gratification of the pride of the individual, without any regard to the opinions of other men. But in his commentary on the Fable of the Bees, he goes much farther, and attempts to show that there is really no self-denial in the world, and that what we call a conquest is only a concealed indulgence of our passions. To establish this^ point, he avails himself of the am- biguity of language. The passion of sex he, in every case, calls lust ; every thing which exceeds what is necessary for the support of life he calls luxury ; and thus confounding the innocent and reasonable gratifi- cations of our passions with their vicious excesses, he pretends to show that there is really no virtue among men. " There are some of our passions," says Mr. Smith, "which have no other names except those which mark the disagreeable and offensive degree. The spectator is more apt to take notice of them in this degree than in any other^ When they shock his own sentiments, when they give him some sort of antipathy and uneasiness, he is necessarily obliged to attend to them, and is from thence naturally led to give them a iiame. When they fall in. with the nat- ural state of his own mind, he is very apt to overlook MANDEVIT.LE. 167 them altogether, and either gives them no name at all, or, if he gives them any, it is one which marks rather the subjection and restraint of the passion than the degree which it is still allowed to subsist in after it is so sub- jected and restrained. Thus, the common names of the love of pleasure and of the love of sex denote *?. vicious and offensive degree of those passions. The words temperance and chastity^ on the other hand, seem to mark rather the restraint and subjection in which they are kept under, than the degree which they are still allowed to subsist in. When he can show, there- fore, that they still subsist in some degree, he imagines he has entirely demolished the reality of the virtues of temperance* and chastity, and shown them to be mere impositions upon the inattention and simplicity of mankind. Those virtues, however, do not require an entire insensibility to the objects of the passions which they mean to govern. They only aim at restraining the violence of those passions so far as not to hurt the in- dividual, and neither to disturb nor offend society. " It is the great fallacy of Dr. Mandeville's book to represent every passion as wholly vicious, which is so in any degree, and in any direction. It is thus that he treats every thing as vanity which has any reference either to what are, or what ought to be, the sentiments of others; and it is by means of this sophistry that he establishes his favorite conclusion, that private vices are public benefits, If the love of magnificence, a taste for the elegant arts and improvements of human life, for whatever is agreeable in dress, furniture, or equipage, for architecture, statuary, painting, and music, is to be regarded as luxury, sensuality, and ostentation, even in those whose situation allows, without any inconven- iency, the indulgence of those passions, it is certain that luxury, sensuality, and ostentation are public benefits, since, without the qualities upon whirh he thinks proper to bestow such opprobrious names, the^ arts of refine- ment could never find employment, and must languish for want of encouragemeiit. Some popular ascetic doctrines which had been current before his lime, and { 168 THE MORAL FACULTY. which placed virtue in the entire extirpation and an^ nihilation of all our passions, were the real foundation of this licentious system. It was easy for Dr. Mande- ville to prove, first, that this entire conquest never ac- tually took place among men ; and, secondly, that, if it was to take place universally, it would be pernicious to society, by putting an end to all commerce and indus- try, and, in a manner, to the whole business of human life. By the first of these propositions he seemed to prove that there was no real virtue, and that what pre- tended to be such was a mere cheat and imposition upon mankind ; and by the second, that private vices were public benefits, since without them no society could prosper or flourish." * VI. On the General Impression and Practical Ten- dency of such Speculations.] I shall not enter into a more particular examination of Mandeville's doctrines. I cannot, however, leave the subject without observing, that the impression which the author's writings produce on the mind affords a sufficient refutation of his princi- ples. It was considered by Cicero as a strong pre- sumption against the system of Epicurus, that " it breathed nothing generous or noble," nihil mag-nificum^ nihil generosum sapit ; and the same presumption will be found to apply, with tenfold force, to that theory which has been now under our discussion. If there be no real distinction between virtue and vice, — if the account given by Mandeville of the constitution of our nature be a just one, — why do his reasonings render us dissatisfied with our own characters, or inspire us with a detestation and contempt for mankind ? Why do we turn with pleasure from the dark and uncomfort- able prospects which he presents to us, to the delight- ful and elevating views of human nature which are ex- hibited in those philosophical systems which he attempts to explode ? It will be said, perhaps, that all this arises from pride or vanity. When we read Mandeville, we * Th€(yry of Moral Sentiments, Part VII. Sect. II. Chap. IV. MANDEVILLE. 169 are ashamed of the species to which we belong ; while, on the contrary, our pride is gratified by those sublime but fallacious descriptions of disinterested virtue, with which the weakness or hypocrisy of some popular writ- ers has flattered the moral enthusiasm of the multi- tude. But if Mandeville's account of our nature be just, whence is it that we come to have an idea of one class of qualities as more excellent and meritorious than an- other ? Why do we consider pride or vanity as a less worthy motive for our conduct than disinterested pa- triotism or friendship, or a determined adherence to what we believe to he our duty ? Why does human mature appear to us less amiable in his writings than in the writings of Addison ? or whence the origin of those opposite sentiments which the very names of Addison and of Mandeville inspire ? We shall admit the fact with respect to the actual depravity of man to be as he states it ; but does not the impression his system leaves on the mind demonstrate that we are at least formed with the love and admiration of moral excellence, and tiiat virtue was intended to be the law of our conduct *? The question concerning the actual attainments of man must not be confounded with the question concerning the reality of moral distinctions. If Mandeville is suc- cessful in establishing his doctrine on the first of these points, the dissatisfaction his conclusions leave on the mind is sufficient to overturn his doctrine with respect to the latter. The remark of La , Rochefoucauld, that " hypocrisy itself is a homage which vice renders to vir- tue," involves a satisfactory reply to all the arguments that have ever been drawn from the prevailing corrup- tion of mankind against the moral constitution of hu- man nature. It is the capital defect of this system to confound to- gether the two questions I have just stated, and to sub- stitute a satire on vice and folly instead of a philosoph- ical account of those moral principles which form an essential part of our frame. That there is a great deal of truth mixed with the sophistry it contains, I am ready to acknowledge ; and if the author's remarks had been 15 170 THE MORAL FACULTY. thrown into the form of satires, many of them might have been useful to the world, by the light they throw on human character, and by the assistance which indi- viduals may derive from them in examining their own motives of action. Some apology might have been made, in this case, for the colorings which the author's facts have borrowed from his imagination. The object of the satirist is to reform ; and for this purpose it may sometimes be of use to exaggerate the prevailing vices and follies of the time, in order to contrast more strong- ly what mankind are with what they might and ought to be. But the satirist who wishes well to his species, while he indulges his indignation against prevailing cor- ruptions, will recollect, that, if his censures are just, they presuppose the reality of moral distinctions ; and while he laments the depravity of the race, and chastises the follies and vices of individuals, he will reverence moral- ity as the Divine law^ and those essential principles of the human frame which bear the manifest signature of the Divine workmanship. To attempt to depreciate these can never answer a good purpose. On the con- trary, it has a tendency to fill the minds of good men with a desponding skepticism, and to stifle every gener- ous and active exertion ; and if it does not actually in- crease the depravity of the world, it tends at least to strengthen the effrontery of vice, and to expose the wiser and better part of mankind to the impertinent raillery of fools and profligates.* * As the direct influence of the writings of La Rochefoucauld and Man- deville has passed away for the most part, I have taken the liberty slightly to abridge what was said of them in the text, in order to make room for some account of a more distinguished moralist of the selfish school, Jeremy Bentham. What relates to Bentham himself is taken from Morell's View of Speculative Philosophj in the Nineteenth Century^ Chap. IV. ; what relates to his followers is taken from Mackintosh's Progress of Ethical Philosophy. Sect. VI. - Ed. ^ *^ ^ "^ BENTHAM. 17l Appendix to Chapter II. BENTHAM AND HIS FOLLOWERS. I. Bentham^s Ethical Writings and Doctrines.] Jeremy Bentham was born in London, in the year 1748, and at a very early age became a graduate of the University of Oxford. Whilst there, he directed his attention to the study of law and the cognate branch of ethics, and during the last year of his stay in that city became an ardent admirer and investigator of the principle of utili- ty, chiefly from reading Dr. Priestley's Essay upon GoV' ernment. In 1776 he published a Fragment on Govern' I7ient, and in 1789 appeared his grand work, entitled Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. The moral system which Bentham advocated in this latter work, and which he expanded more and more during a long and laborious life, at length came forth, in the. year 1834, in its most complete, and at the same time most popular form, as a posthumous production, edited by Dr. Bowring, under the title of Deontology ; or the Science of Morality. The principles advocated under the name of deontol- ogy may be easily explained. The whole system takes its rise from the consideration that man is capable of pleasures and pains, and that, from the calculation of these, all moral action proceeds. On this theory, good i.5 a word synonymous with pleasure, evil synonymous with pain, and all happiness consists in the possession of the one, and the absence of the other. Give me, says the utilitarian teacher, give me the human sensi- bilities, — joy and grief, pain and pleasure, and I will create a moral world. Pleasure and pain, then, the basis of our moral nature, are to be estimated accord- ing to their magnitude and extent ; magnitude, referring to their intensity and duration ; extent, depending on the number of persons who are affected by them. It is in the proper balancing of these, asserts Bentham, that all morality consists, and beyond this the words virtue and vice are emptiness and folly. 17:^ THE MORAL FACULTY. Pleasure or pain, however, may arise from two sources ; i1; may arise from considerations affecting ourselves^ or it may arise from the contemplation of others^ the former being purely of a selfish nature, the latter being sympathetic. Hence originates a twofold division of virtue into prudence and effective benevo- lence^ — both of them, however, alike having their ground in the pleasure we personally derive from their exercise. Prudence, again, is of two kinds, that which respects ourselves, which our author terms self-regard- ing; prudence ; and that which respects others, which he terms extra-regarding prudence. Effective benevo- lence, also, is isNoioXd^ positive and negative ; the busi- ness of the former being to augment pleasure by volun- tary exertion, that of the latter being to do the same by abstaining' from action. Virtue, says Bentham, when separated from the pursuit of happiness, is absolutely nothing ; and, accordingly, it is termed by him a ficti- tious entity. Inasmuch, also, as no one is supposed to have any motive for action different from the pursjiit of pleasure or the avoidance of pain, we have the deonto- logical doctrine educed, that every' motive is abstractedly good, and that evil has to do with nothings but our ac- tions or dispositions. In a word, we are to imagine, that man has originally no moral sentiment whatever, that he has no idea of one thing being right and another wrong, that all actions are to him in this respect abso- lutely alike, and that the conception of virtue, as well as the rules of morality, are all the product of experi- ence, teaching us what actions produce happiness, and what suffering. Such is the moral system which is aptly enough termed the greatest-happiness principle^ and such the virtue which is correctly expressed ,as the art of maximizing our enjoyment. The style of the work from which I have made the above analysis is popular, witty, and somewhat amus- ing, but becomes at length tedious from repetition and tautology. It abounds in biting sarcasm against what is termed the dogmatism and ^^ ipse-dixitism^^ of most other moralists ; but, what is remarkable, is itself at the same time one of the most striking instances of reiter- BENTHAM. 173 ated assertion that is to be found among all the ethical writings of the present century.* * A few selections will best illustrate Bentham's light and irreverent tone. Thus in Part I. Chap. II.: — "The talisman of arrogance, indo- lence, and ignorance is to be found in a single word, an authoritative im- posture, which in these pages it will be frequently necessary to unveil. It is the word ought, — ought or ought not, as circumstances maybe. In de- ciding ' You ought to do this, — You ought not to do it,' is not every ques- tion of morals set at rest ? If the word be admissible at all, it ' ought' to be banished from the A'^ocabulary of morals. There is another word which has a talismanic virtue, too, and which might be wielded to destroy many fatal and fallacious positions. ' You ought,' — ' You ought not,' says the dogmatist. ' Why ? ' retorts the inquirer, — ' Why ? ' To say ' You ought ' is easy in the extreme. To stand the searching penetration of a Why ' :•; not so easy. ' Why ought I ? ' ' Because you ought,' is the not unfre- quent reply ; on which the Why ? comes back again with the added ad- vantage of having obtained a victory." A morality from the vocabulary of which the word " ought " is to be banished ! It is hardly necessary to observe that the whole force of Bentham's " Why ? " depends on his de- termination to accept no answer which is not satisfactory according to his theory of utilitarianism, — of course palpably illogical, as it begs the whole question. Again in Chapter III. : — " The summum botium., — the sovereign good, — what is it ? The philosopher's stone that converts all metals into gold, — the balm Hygeian that cures ail manner of diseases. It is this tbing, and that thing, and the other thing ; it is any thing but pleasure ; it is the Irish- man's apple-pie made of nothing but quinces." He then amuses himself by going a little more into detail with the various answers which philoso- phers and divines have made to the question proposed above. A single specimen will suffice. " But we are srill at sea, and another set cry out, ' The habit of virtue ' ; the habit of virtue is the summum honum : either this is the jewel itself, or the casket in which it is found. Lie all yom- life long in your bed with the rheumatism in your loins, the stone in your blad- der, and the gout in your feet: have but the habit of virtue, and you have the summum. honum. Much good may it do you." Once more, in Chapter IV.: — "The moral sense, say some, prompts to generosity ; but does it determine what is generous ? It prompts to justice ; but does it determine what is just? It can decide no controversy ; it can reconcile no difference. Introduce a modern partisan of the moral sense, and an ancient Greek, and ask each of them whether actions deemed blameless in ancient days, but respecting which opinions have now under- gone great change, ought to be tolerated in a community. ' By no means,' says the modern; 'as my moral sense abhors them, therefore they ought not.' ' But mine,' says the ancient, ' approves of them ; therefore they ought.' And there, if the modern keep his principles and his temper, the matter must end between them. Upon the ground of mo7-a.l sense there is no going one jot further; and the result is, that the actions in question are at once laudable and detestable. The modern, then, as probably be will keep neither his principles nor his temper, says to the ancient, ' Your moral sense is nothing to the purpose ; yours is corrupt, abominable, de- testable; all nations cry out against you.' 'No such thing,' replies the ancient ; ' and if they did, it would be nothing to the purpose ; our businesg 15* 174 THE MORAL FACULTY. II. Objections to Bentham^s System.] In offering pome remarks upon Bentham's philosophy, we must state distinctly, that we leave entirely out of the ques- tion his valuable labors in the department of jurispru- dence, and refer simply to the principles of his moral theory. And here we would caution every ethical stu- dent against imagining, that he will find all the origi- nality which is claimed for the deontologist by himself and his more ardent admirers. To speak of Bentham's " having found out the true psychological law of our nature, as Newton discovered that of the material uni- verse," is not only metaphysically false, but, even allow- ing its philosophical accuracy, is historically untrue. To say nothing of the Epicureans of ancient times, and more recently of Hobbes, we might point out many writers who have given far more than passing al- lusions to the very same doctrine as that for which Bentham is so highly extolled, although they may not have expanded it so fully, or applied it so extensively, as was done in the case before us.* The professed supporters of utility, again, such as Hume and Paley, proceeded virtually upon the very same principle; and even if we pass over these, yet still we might refer to was to inquire, not what people think^ but what they ought to think.'' There- upon the modern kicks the ancient, or spits in his face ; or, if he is strong enough, throws him behind the fire. One can think of no other method, that is at once natural and consistent, of continuing the debate." It was Mr. Bentham's pleasure to persist in supposing that all his op- ponents, a \Qw ascetics excepted, could be classed under the head of be- lievers in a moral sense. A large proportion of them, as we shall soon see, hold that the moral faculty pertains to the rational., and not to the smsilive, element in human nature That the moral faculty should make mistakes, and afterwards correct them, does not disprove its existence as a natural endowment of man, or its legitimate authority. If it did, we might dis- prove the existence and authority of the knowing or cognitive faculty in the same way; for that also makes mistakes, and afterwards corrects them. Because we say that children and savages have a conscience, we do not mean that they have one in the same stage of development, and conse- quently we do not mean that its decisions are as clear, or as correct, as in the case of the properly educated. — Ed. * The only difference between Epicurus or Hobbes on the one side, and Bentham on the otlier, is, that the former drew their principles at once from human nature metaphysically considered, — while the latter gave no theory of man generally, but laid down his moral axioms as ultimata facts. ' BENTHAM. 175 Gay's Preface to Archbishop King On the Origin of Einl, to the writings of Priestley, to the Political Justice of Godwin, and to many of the French moralists, for il- lustrations of the very same theory, which JBentham only somewhat more perseveringly elaborated. The great- est-happiness principle is, in fact, utilitarianism in one of its many different phases ; and accordingly the ob- jections which we have already urged against that doc- trine apply with equal force to the one now before us. As the question, however, is of some importance, we shall specify a few other objections, which apply more directly to the utilitarian system, as held by the advo- cates of deontology; and, 1. There is in these writers a perpetual habit of con- founding the cause of virtuous action with the effect. We have it reiterated again and again, as an unan- swerable argument, that there must be a selfish pleas- ure experienced whenever we act on virtuous principles: for, if our action terminates in ourselves, it must arise from the prospect of our own happiness and advantage ; if, on the other hand, we act for the welfare of others, still, we are told, it is only for the satisfaction of our own impulses that we seek to benefit them. Now, that there is pleasure attached to moral action, whether it be self-seeking or extra-seeking, we readily admit ; but this is far from giving us a proof that such action spring's from any anticipation of the pleasure we hope to obtain. It is a pleasure to a strong man to exercisf* his limbs ; but this is no evidence that he cannot have any other motive than this for exercising them. To a man devoted to business, it is a pleasure to be perpetu- ally absorbed in it ; but still his activity may have many other grounds of excitement besides that one. Prove as you may, that pleasure actually accompanies, and even that we expect it to accompany, the practice of every virtue, the point is still far from being settled that there is no other spring of virtuous action in exist- ence. The Deity, assuredly, may have given us a moral law, may have engraved it on our own minds, and placed it far beyond all the chances of human cal 176 THE MORAL FACULTY. dilation ; and yet may have attached pleasure to the obedience of it as a mark of his approval, and as a re- ward for our fidelity. The mere fact, therefore, that we always look for happiness to accompany virtuous ac- tion, does not at all prove that happiness is the ground of its moral excellence. This is confirmed when we consider, 2. That, upon investigating the moral phenonena of our minds, we find a class of affections which rise in their real worth just in proportion to their disinterested- ness. If personal pleasure were the ground of virtue, then every affection ought to be esteemed higher in the scale of morality in proportion as it tends more direct- ly to self as its object. Just the contrary is the case. The more our own individual interests are sacrificed in the pursuit of another's welfare, the higher rises the scale of virtue from which such conduct proceeds. If it be said that we sacrifice our own interests, because the pleasure of satisfying our benevolent feelings more than counterbalances the loss we sustain, we reply, that this only exhibits the vast strength of our purely disinterested affections, and affords no proof that, be- cause they give us pleasure in their exercise, therefore they must be selfish in their origin. Only show in one single instance that the direct end of an action is for the sake of another to the sacrifice of ourselves, and the fact that we have a moral satisfaction in its per- formance does not in the slightest degree shake its pure- ly unselfish character. 3. That there are certain fixed relations between man's moral sensibilities and outward actions is a fact resting upon the evidence of our consciousness ; and it is to thejse eternal relations that we direct our inquiries, when we seek to lay the groundwork of a moral phi- losophy. Very different, however, is our employment when we are merely engaged in calculating for our fu- ture happiness, with pleasures and pains as our ciphers. What is a pleasure to one man is often a pain to another ; that which offers to me satisfaction presents, perhaps, a prospect of naught but misery to you ; so BENTHAM. 177 that moral relations, on this principle, must be as un- certain and variable as are the temperaments or idiosyn- crasies of individual minds. There needs to be, on the deontological system, a separate moral scale for every man ; nay, we ought all to revise our own moral prin- ciples every year or two, to see whether that which was a pleasure to us some time ago may not now have be- come an object of dissatisfaction : whether, therefore, that which was virtue has not now become vice. Our reason, we contend, in opposition to this, forces us to form certain primary and fundamental moral judgments, just as much as it necessitates the existence of our pri- mary beliefs with regard to the external world, or to the fact of an exertion of power in the production of every effect, or to the axioms which lie at the foundation of all mathematical reasoning. It is just as impossible for me practically to deny the obligation of justice, as it is to deny that the world exists, or that a whole is greater than a part. The one as well as the other rests upon the primary and undeniable facts of our own un- changeable consciousness, — facts which, though they may be disputed in theory, can never be denied in prac- tice. That a philosophical dreamer may run his head against the wall on the sfcore of his idealism, we do not dispute ; nor do we doubt but that, in the case of mor- al obliquity, where the consequences of the folly are not so immediate, men may be found to reject the fun- damental axioms of moral obligation ; but in the healthy understandings of the mass of mankind, the one judgment is just as plainly developed as the other. 4. There is a secret peiitio principii at the very foun- dation of all utilitarian rea'soning like that of Bentham. Every man, it is affirmed, ong-lU to seek the greatest happiness of the greatest number, as the fundamental principle of his actions in the world. But why ought he to do so ? On what ground can it be shown, that I am bound to seek the welfare of myself or my fel- low-creatures, if there is no such thing as moral obli- gation ? If it pleases me more to inflict misery upon mankind, why am I not just as virtuous an agent in 178 THE MORAL FACULTY. doing so, as if I please myself by producing their hap- piness ? The greatest-happiness principle itself must, in fact, rest upon the pedestal of moral obligation, oth- erwise there is no means of enforcing it as the true principle of action, either in our social or our poUtical relations. Take away that firm resting-place which is afforded by the notion of duty, and expressed in the word ought, and we may sink from one position down to another, without ever reaching a solid basis on which we may plant our feet, and lay the first stone of a mor- al superstructure. That this is really the case is half acknowledged by the followers of Bentham, who are now visibly shrinking from the extreme view he has ta- ken of utilitarianism, and seeking to include the idea of moral approbation, in order to give their doctrine some degree of strength and consistency. 5. Into the political consequences of this system we shall not allow ourselves to enter at any length. One thing, however, there is, of which we would remind those who hold up the excellence of Bentham's politi- cal wTritings as a proof of the soundness of his ethical system ; we mean the fact that Hobbes, with a logic equally, if not more severe, deduced from the very same fundamental principles the propriety of all gov- ernment being grounded on absolute despotism, as the form best suited to the wants of human nature. That Bentham was so successful on the subject of jurispru- dence arose, we consider, from his giving up the strict view of the selfish system with which he started, and following the dictates of common sense and of a be- nevolence which were more consonant with his own disposition than they were with his moral theory.* Moreover, there is a fundamental distinction between the principles of legislation and those of private moral- ity, which should never be lost sight of. The former principles suppose the existence of the latter, and must * Or rather, from his confoundinp: the rule of general interest with that of personal interest; but this, as JoufFroy has shown, Introduction to Ethics^ Lecture XIV.. involves the abandonment of the principle on which his system is founded- — P]d. BENTHAM. 179 proceed in strict accordance with them, whether it ap- pear a matter of policy to do so or not. The object of the jurist is, simply to take men with their moral feel- ings as they are, already fixed and determined, and so to direct their actions as to bring about the greatest welfare of the community. Morality says, Fiat justi- tia ruat coelum; jurisprudence points out in what luay justice is to be done, so as to tend to the happiness of the whole nation. The one gives the absolute rule of action, the other only directs the details for social pur- poses. Moral law is immediately from God ; political law, though springing from moral principles, is an adaptation of man ; — the one is a code written upon the tablet of the human heart; the other, a code writ- ten in the statute-book of the empire, conformable, in- deed, to moral law, but compiled for social utility. To morality, as a science, the utilitarian ground is entirely destructive, altering its universal and necessary aspect; in politics, utility, directed by moral precept, must be a chief element in every enactment. Bentham, looking at the subject with the eye of a jurist, by degrees be- came blind to every thing but the utilitarian element, — an error which, while only partially dangerous in legis lation, is to the moralist fatal and deceptive from the very first step. That Bentham was a great man, a courageous man, and in many respects a benevolent man, we believe all must be ready to admit; still, we cannot but think that he neither read enough to disabuse his mind of many a cherished notion, which a wider range of investiga- tion would have exploded, nor ever cultivated enough that steady, reflective habit of mind which evolves truth from the observation of our inward consciousness, and reduces, by a close analysis, the admitted facts of human nature to their primary origin. With unexam- pled patience, he developed the influence of pleasure and pain upon human actions ; but a deeper philosophy would have pointed out, that these are but the accom- paniments of virtue, while the law and the impeiative to its obedience come from a surer and a far more ex- alted source. 180 THE MORAL FACULTY. III. General Objection to the Followers of Bentham.'] The followers of Mr. Bentham have carried to an un- usual extent the prevalent fault of the more modern advocates of utility, who have dwelt so exclasively on the outward advantages of virtue as to have iost sight of the delight which is a part of virtuous feeling, and of the beneficial influence of good actions upon the frame of the mind. " Benevolence towards others," says Mr. Mill, " pro- duces a return of benevolence from them." * The fact is true, and ought to be stated. But how unimportant is it in comparison with that which is passed over in silence, — the pleasure of the affection itself, which, if it could become lasting and intense, would convert the heart into a heaven ! No one who has ever felt kind- ness, if he could accurately recall his feelings, could hesitate about their infinite superiority. The cause of the general neglect of this consideration is, that it is only when a gratification is something distinct from a state of mind, that we can easily learn to consider it as a pleasure. Hence the great error respecting the affec- tions, where the inherent delight is not duly estimated, on account of that very peculiarity of being a part of a state of mind, which renders it unspeakably more valuable as independent of every thing without. The social affections are the only principles of human na- ture which have no direct pains. To have any of these desires is to be in a state of happiness. The malevo- lent passions have properly no pleasures ; for that at- tainment of their purpose which is improperly so called consists only in healing or assuaging the torture which * Analysis of the Human Mind, Chap. XXIII. The author of tliis work, James Mill, was born at Montrose, in Scotland, in ?773, and educated at Edinburgh, being destined for the church. He afterwards changed his views, established himself in London in 1800, and soon became acquainted with Bentham. He published his History of Brit- ish India in 1818, which procured for him a place in the home establish- ment of the East India Company. He was also a large contributor to the Snpjdenient to the Encyc/ojxedia Britannica, (afterwards incorporated into the seventh edition of that work,) on subjects connected with politics and mor- als He died at Kensington in 1836. John Stuart Mill, a living writer of eminence, is his son. — El). JAMES MILL. 181 envy, jealousy, and malice inflict on the malignant mind. It might with as much propriety be said that the toothache and the stone have pleasures, because their removal is followed by an agreeable feeling. These bodily disorders, indeed, are often cured by the process which removes the suffering; but the mental distempers of envy and revenge are nourished by every act of odious indulgence which for a moment suspends their pain. The same observation is applicable to every virtuous disposition, though not so obviously as to the benevo- lent afTections. That a brave man is, on the whole, far less exposed to danger than a coward, is not the chief advantage of a courageous temper. Great dan- gers are rare ; but the constant absence of such pain- ful and mortifying sensations as those of fear, and the steady consciousness of superiority to what subdues ordinary men, are a perpetual source of inward enjoy- ment. No man who has ever been visited by a gleam of magnanimity can place aiiy outward advantage of fortitude in comparison with the feeling of being al- ways able fearlessly to defend a righteous cause.* Even humility^ in spite of first appearances, is a re- markable example. It has of late been unwarrantably used to signify that painful consciousness of inferiority which is the first stage of envy.f It is a term conse- crated in Christian ethics to denote that disposition which, by inchning towards a modest estimate of out qualities, corrects the prevalent tendency of human na- ture to overvalue our merits and to overrate our claims. What can be a less doubtful or a much more consider- able blessing than this constant sedative, which soothes and composes the irritable passions of vanity and pride ? * Accoi-ding to Cicero's definition of fortitude, " Virtus pugnans pro ceqiiitate." TJic remains of the original sense of virtus, manhood, give a beauty and force to these expressions, which cannot be preserved in our language. Tlie Greek dpcTrj and the German Tugend originally denoted strength, afterwards courage, and at last virtue. But the hapjiy derivation of viitus from ?;tr gives an energy to the phrase of Cicero, which illustrates the use of etymology in the hands of a skilful writer. t Mr." Mill's Analysis of the Human Mind, Chap. XXII. Sect. II. 1S2 THE MORAL FACULTY. What is more conducive to lasting peace of mind than the consciousness of proficiency in that most deli- cate species of equity which, in the secret tribunal of conscience, labors to be impartial in the comparison of oilrselves with others ? What can so perfectly as- sure us of the purity of our moral sense, as the habit of contemplating, not that excellence which we have reached, but that which is still to be pursued, — of not considering how far we may outrun others, but how far we are from the goal? Those who have most inculcated the doctrine of utility have given another notable example of the very vulgar prejudice which treats the unseen as insignifi- cant. Tucker is the only one of them who occasion- ally considers that most important effect of human conduct which consists in its action on the frame of the mind, by fitting its faculties and sensibilities for their appointed purpose. A razor or a penknife would well enough cut cloth or meat ; but if they were often so used, they would be entirely spoiled. The same sort of observation is much more strongly applicable to habitual dispositions, which, if they be spoiled, we have no certain means of replacing or mending. Whatever act, therefore, discomposes the moral machinery of mind, is more injurious to the welfare of the agent than most disasters from without can be ; for the latter are commonly limited and temporary ; the evil of the former spreads through the whole of life. Health of mind, as well as of body, is not only productive in itself of a greater sum of enjoyment than arises from other sources, but is the only condition of our frame in which we are capable of receiving pleasure from without. Hence it appears how incredibly absurd it is to prefer, on grounds of calculation, a present in- terest to the preservation of those mental habits on which our well-being depends. When they are most moral, they may often prevent us from obtaining ad- vantages. It would be as absurd to desire to lower them for that reason, as it would be to weaken the body lest its strength should render it more liable to contagious dis- orders of rare occurrence. _ JAMES MILL. 188 It is, on the other hand, impossible to combine the benefit of the general habit with the advantages of oc- casional deviation ; for every such deviation either pro- duces remorse, or weakens the habit, and prepares the way for its gradual destruction. He who obtains a for- tune by the undetected forgery of a will, may indeed be honest in his other acts ; but if he had such a scorn of fraud before as he must himself allow to be generally useful, he must suffer a severe punishment from con- trition ; and he will be haunted with the fears of one who has lost his own security for his good conduct. In all cases, if they be well examined, his loss by the dis- temper of his mental frame will outweigh the profits of his vice. By repeating the like observation on similar occa- sions, it will be manifest that the infirmity of recollec- tion, aggravated by the defects of language, gives an appearance of more selfishness to man than truly be- longs to his nature ; and that tbe effect of active agents upon the habitual state of mind, — one of the consid- erations to which the epithet " sentimental " has of late been applied in derision, — is really among the most serious and reasonable objects of moral philosophy. When the internal pleasures and pains which accom- pany good and bad feelings, or rather form a part of them, and the internal advantages and disadvantages which follow good and b^ad actions, are suflSciently considered, the comparative importance oi outward con- sequences will be more and more narrowed ; so that the Stoical philosopher may be thought almost excusable for rejecting it altogether, were it not an indispensably necessary consideration for those in whom right habits of feeling are not sufficiently strong. They alone are happy, or even truly virtuous, who have little need of it. The later moralists who adopt the principle of utility have so misplaced it, that in their hands it has as great a tendency as any theoretical error can have to lessen the intrinsic pleasure of virtue, and to unfit our habit- ual feelings for being the most effectual inducements to good conduct. This is the natural tendency of a \ L84 THE MORAL FACULTY. discipline which brings utility too closely and frequent* ly into contact with action. By this hahit, in its best state, an essentially weaker motive is gradually sub- stituted for others which must always be of more force. The frequent appeal to utility as the standard of action tends to introduce an uncertainty with respect to the conduct of other men, which would render all inter- course insupportable. It affords, also, so fair a disguise for selfish and malignant passions, as often to hide their nature from him who is their prey. Some taint of these mean and evil principles will at least creep in, and by their venom give an animation not its own to the cold desire of utility. The moralists who take an active part in those affairs which often call out unamiable pas- sions, ought to guard with peculiar watchfulness against self-delusions. The sin that must most easily beset them is that of sliding from general to particular con- sequences, — that of trying single actions, instead of dispositions, habits, and rules, by the standard of utility, — that of authorizing too great a latitude for discretion and policy in moral conduct, — that of readily allowing exceptions to the most important rules, — that of too lenient a censure of the use of doubtful means when the end seems to them good, — and that of believing unphilosophically, as well as dangerously, tliat there can be any measure or scheme so useful to the world as the existence of men whQ would not do a base thing for any public advantage. It was said of Andrew Fletcher, " He would lose his life to serve his country, but would not do a base thing to save it." Let those preachers of utility who suppose that such a man sac- rifices ends to means consider whether the scorn of base- ness be not akin to the contempt of danger, and whether a nation composed of such men would not be invinci- ble. But theoretical principles are counteracted by a thousand causes, which confine their mischief as well as circumscribe their benefits. Men are never so good or so bad as their opinions. All that can be with rea- son apprehended is, that they may always produce some part of their natural evil, and that the mischief will be JAMES MILL. 185 greateso among the many who seek excuses for these passions. Aristippus found in the Socratic representa- tion of the union of virtue and happiness a pretext for sensuality ; and many Epicureans became voluptuaries in spite of the example of their master, easily dropping by degrees the limitations by which he guarded his doctrines. In proportion as a man accustoms himself to be influenced by the utility of particular acts, with- out regard to rules, he approaches to the casuistry of the Jesuits and to the practical maxims of Caesar Borgia. IV. Mr, MilVs Errors respecting Government and Education.] Mr. Mill derives the whole theory of gov- ernment* from the single fact, that every man pursues his interest when he knows it ; which he assumes to be a sort of self-evident practical principle, if such a phrase be not contradictory. That a man's pursuing the in- terest of another, or indeed any other object in nature, is just as conceivable as that he should pursue his own interest, is a proposition which seems never to have oc- curred to this acute and ingenious writer. Nothing, however, can be more certain than its truth, if the term " interest " be employed in its proper sense of general well-being, which is the only acceptation in which it can serve the purpose of his arguments. If, indeed, the term be employed to denote the gratification of a predominant desire, his proposition is self-evident, but wholly unserviceable in his argument ; for it is clear that individuals and multitudes often desire what they know to be most inconsistent with their general welfare. A nation, as much as an individual, and sometimes more, may not only mistake its interest, but, perceiving it clearly, may prefer the gratification of a strong pas- sion to it. The whole fabric of his pohtical reasoning seems to be overthrown by this single observation ; and instead of attempting to explain the immense variety \ * Essay on Government, in the Encyclopcedia Britannica, seventh edition. His contributions to that work have also been collected in an octavo vol* ame, and publislicd separatelv- — Ei>. 16* 186 THE MORAL FACULTY. of political facts by the simple principle of a con est of nterests, we are reduced to the necessity of once more referring them to that variety of passions, habits, opin- ions, and prejudices, which we discover only by ex- -;^rience. Mr. Mill's Essay on Education * affords another ex- ample of the inconvenience of leaping at once from the most general laws to a multiplicity of minute ap- pearances. Having assumed, or at least inferred from insufficient premises, that the intellectual and moral character is entirely formed by circumstances, he pro- ceeds, in the latter part of the essay, as if it were a necessary consequence of that doctrine, that we might easily acquire the power of combining and directing circumstances in such a manner as to produce the best possible character. Without disputing for the present the theoretical proposition, let us consider what would be the reasonableness of similar expectations in a more easily intelligible case. The general theory of the winds is pretty well understood ; we know that they proceed from the rushing of air from those portions of the at- mosphere which are more condensed into those which are more rarefied ; but how great a chasm is there be- tween that simple law and the great variety of facts which experience teaches us respecting winds! The constant winds between the tropics are large and regu- lar enough to be in some measure capable of explana- tion ; but who can tell why, in variable climates, the wind blows to-day from the east, to-morrow from the west? Who can foretell what its shiftings and varia- tions are to be ? Who can account for a tempest on one day, and a calm on another ? Even if we could foretell the irregular and infinite variations, how far might we not still be from the power of combining and guiding their causes ? No man but the lunatic in the story of Rasselas ever dreamt that he could command \he weather. The difficulty plainly consists in the multiplicity and minuteness of the circumstances which * In the Encyclopoedia Britannica, seventh edition. JAMES MILL. 187 act on ihe atmosphere. Are those which influence the formation of the human character likely to be less mi- nute and multiplied ? * * In reply to this criticism, and to other parts of the volume from which it is taken, Mr. Mill published anonymously, in 1835, an octavo volume, under the title of A Fragment on Mackintosh. On some points the defence is able and successful ; but the effect of the whole is greatly impaired by the vituperation, not to say scurrility, in which it abounds. After what has been said in the text, it is but justice to add, that the later followers or admirers of Bentham are not unable to see, or unwilling to acknowledge, his defects. A writer in the Westminster Review, for July, 1838, who begins by making the great hierophant of utilitarianism to be one of " the two great seminal minds of England in their age," expresses himself thus : — " Bentham's contempt of all other schools of thinkers, and his determination to create a philosophy wholly out of the materials furnished by his own mind, and by minds like his own, were his first dis- qualifications as a philosopher. His second was the incompleteness of his own mind as a representative of universal human nature. In many of the most natural and strongest feelings of human nature he had no sympathy ; from many of its gravest experiences he was altogether cut off; and the faculty by which one mind understands a mind different from itself, and throws itself into the feelings of that other mind, was denied him by hid deficiency of ma^ima^jon. "Bentham's knowledge of human nature is wholly empirical : and the empiricism of one who has had little experience. He had neither in- ternal experience nor external ; the quiet, even tenor of his life and his healthiness of mind conspired to exclude him from both. He never knew prosperity nor adversity, passion nor satiety ; he never had even the ex- perience which sickness gives, — he lived from childhood to the age of eighty-five in boyish health. He knew no dejection, no heaviness of heart. He never felt life a sore and a weary burden. He was a boy to the last. Self-consciousness, that demon of the men of genius of our time, from Wordsworth to Byron, from Goethe to Chateaubriand, and to which this age owes most both of its cheerful and its mournful wisdom, never was awakened in him. How much of human nature slumbered in him he knew not, neither can we know, " This, then, is our idea of Bentham. He was a man both of remarka- ble endowments for philosophy and of remarkable deficiencies for it ; fitted beyond almost any man for drawing from his premises conclusions not only correct, but sufficiently precise and specific to be practical, but wliose general conception of human nature and life furnished him with an un- usually slender stock of premises. It is obvious what would be likely to be achieved by such a man ; what a thinker thus gifted and thus disquali- fied could be in philosopliy. He could be a systematic and logical half-man, hunting half-truths to their consequences and practical application, on a scale both of greatness and minuteness not previously exemplified: and this is the jharacter which posterity will probably assign to Bentham." — "Bd. 188 MORAL PERCEPTIONS AND EMOTIONS. CHAPTER III, ANALYSIS OF OUR MORAL PERCEPTIONS AND EMOTIONS. I. Butlerh Proofs of Man^s Moral Nature.] Before proceeding to this extensive and difficult subject, I shall quote a passage from Dr. Butler, in which he has com- bined together, and compressed into the compass of a few paragraphs, all the most important arguments in proof of the existence of the moral faculty which have been hitherto under our review. While this quotation serves as a summary of what has already been stated, it w4ll, I hope, prepare us for entering on the following discussions with greater interest and a more enlightened i curiosity. " That which renders beings capable of moral gov- ernment is their having a moral nature, and moral fac- ulties of perception and of action. Brute creatures are impressed and actuated by various instincts and pro- pensities : so also are we. But, additional to this, we have a capacity for reflecting upon actions and charac- ters, and making them an object to our thought; and on doing this we naturally and unavoidably approve some actions, under the peculiar view of their being virtuous and of good desert, and disapprove others as vicious and of ill desert. That we have this moral ap- proving and disapproving faculty is certain from our ex- periencing it in ourselves, and recognizing it in each other. It appears from our exercising it unavoidably in the approbation and disapprobation even of feigned characters ; from the words ri^ht and ivrong^ odious and amiable^ base and worthy^ with many others of like sig- nification in all languages, applied to actions and char- acters ; from the many written systems of morals which suppose it, since it cannot be imagined that all these authors, throughout all these treatises, had absolutely no meaning at all to their words, or a meaning merely I MORAL PERCEPTIONS AND EMOTIONS. 18& chimerical ; from our natural sense of gratitude, which implies a distinction between merely being the instru- ment of good and intending it ; from the like distinc- tion every one makes between injury and mere harm, which Hobbes says is peculiar to mankind, and between injury and just panishment, a distinction plainly natural, prior to the consideration of human laws. It is mani- fest great part of common language and of common be- haviour over the world is formed upon supposition of such a moral faculty, whether called conscience, moral reason, moral, sense, or Divine reason, — whether con- .sidered as a perception of the understanding, or as a sentiment of the heart, or, which seems the truth, as in- cluding both. Nor is it at all doubtful, in the general, what course of action this faculty, or practical discerning power within us, approves, and what it disapproves. For, as much as it has been disputed wherein virtue con- sists, or whatever ground for doubt there may be about particulars, yet in general there is in reality a univer- sally acknowledged standard of it. It is that which all ages and all countries have made profession of in pub- lic, — it is that which every man you meet puts on the show of, — it is that which the primary and funda- mental laws of all civil constitutions over the face of the earth make it their business and endeavour to en- force the practice of upon mankind, namely, justice, veracity, and regard to common good." * Upon the various topics here suggested, a copious and instructive commentary might be written, but I think it better to leave them in the concise and impres- sive form in which they are proposed by the author. II. Theoretical and Practical Morals.] The science \ of ethics has been divided by modern writers into two X^ parts ; the one comprehending the theory of morals, and 'v^ the other its practical doctrines. ^ The questions about which the former is employed :^ are chiefly the two following. First, by what principle ^ * Dissertation on the Nature of Virtue. O J ^ ■ ^ ^^ U^tfZCxrt^ err tZ^'y-c^ t..fiJt f/ 190 MORAL PERCEPTIONS AND EMOTIONS. ^ of our constitution are we led to form the notion of "^^ '^^rTnpral distinctions, — whether by that faculty which ■If ';^^^ perceives the distinction between truth and falsehood -'^i^j^-r^ in the other branches of human kn^wledge^^pr by a 'iiLo^ peculiar power of perception (called by some the moral >T>I^i^^ sense) which is pleased with one set of qualities and ^^■^^^"^^^displeased with another?-, Secondly^ what is the proper object of moral approbalion? or, in other words, what is the common quality or qualities belonging to all the .', ,-rr; different modes of virtue? Is it benevolence, or a ra- j mj.^a^ydonal self-love, or a disposition (resulting from the as- 1 v.-'-c-Cendant of reason over passion) to act suitably to the ' '■'^'^'^ifferent relations in which we are pTacedT" These two* questions seem to exhaust the whole theory of morals. The scope of the one is to ascertain the origin of our moral ideas ; that of the other to refer the phenomena of moral perception to their most simple and general laws. The practical doctrines of morality comprehend all those rules of conduct which profess to point out the proper ends of human pursuit, and the most effectual means of attaining them ; to which we may add, under the general title of adminicles^ (if I may be allowed to borrow a technical word of Lord Bacon's,) all those literary compositions, whatever be their particular form, which have for their aim to fortify and animate our good dispositions by delineations of the beauty, of the dignity, or of the utility of virtue. I shall not inquire at present into the justness of this division. I shall only observe that the words theory and practice are not in this instance employed in their usual acceptations. The theory of morals does not bear, for example, the same relation to the practice of morals that the theory of geometry bears to practical geometry. In this last science all the practical rules are founded on theoretical principles previously established. But in the former science the practical rules are obvious to the capacities of all mankind, while the theoretical princi- ples form one of the most difficult subjects of discussion that has ever exercised the ingenuity of metaphysicians MORAL PERCEPTIONS AND EMOTIONS. 191 Although, however, a complete acquaintance with the practice of our daty does not presuppose any knowl- edge of the theory of morals, it does ijot therefore fol- low that false theoretical notions upon this subject may not be attended with very pernicious consequences. On the contrary, nothing is more evident than this, that every system which calls in question the immutability of moral distinctions has a tendency to undermine the foundations of all the virtues, both private and public,, and to dry up the best and purest sources of human happiness. When skeptical doubts have once been ex- cited in the mind by the perusal of such systems, no exhortation to the practice of our duties can have any effect ; and it is necessary for us, before we think of addressing the heart, or influencing the will, to begin with undeceiving and enlightening the understanding. It is for this reason, that, in such an age as the present, when skeptical doctrines have been so anxiously dis- seminated by writers of genius, it appears to me to be a still more essential object in academical instruction ±o vindicate the theory of morals against the cavils of licentious metaphysicians, than to indulge in the more interesting and popular disquisitions of practical ethics. On the former subject, much yet remains to be done. On the latter, although the field of inquiry is by no means as yet completely exhausted, the student may be safely trusted to his own serious reflections, guided by the precepts of those illustrious men who, in diflferent ages and countries, have devoted their talents to the improvement and happiness of the human race. In this department of literature, no country whatever has surpassed our own ; whether we consider the labors of the great lights of the English Church, or the fugitive essays of those later writers who (after the example of Addison) have attempted to enlist in the cause of virtue and religion whatever aid fancy and wit and elegance could lend to the support of truth. It is scarcely neces- sary for me to mention the advantage which may be derived in the same study from the philosophical re- mains of ancient Greece and Rome, — due allowances 192 MORAL PERCEPTIONS AND EMOTIONS. being made for some unfortunate prejudices produced or encouraged by violent and oppressive systems of policy. Indeed, with the exception of a few such preju- dices, it may with great truth be asserted, that they who have been most successful, in modern times, in inculcating the duties of life, have been the moralists who have trod the most closely in the footsteps of the Greek and Roman philosophers. The case is different «vith respect to the theory of morals, which, among the ancients, attracted comparatively but a small degree of attention, although one of the questions formerly men- tioned (that concerning the object of moral approbation) was a favorite subject of discussion in their schools. The other question, however, (that concerning the prin- ciple of moral approbation,) with the exception of a few hints in the writings of Plato, may be considered as in a great measure peculiar to modern Europe, hav- ing been chiefly agitated since the writings of Cud- worth in opposition to those of Hobbes ; and it is this question, accordingly, (recommended at once by its nov* elty and difficulty to the curiosity of speculative men,) that has produced most of the theories which charac- terize and distinguish from each other the later systems of moral philosophy. III. Analysis of Moral Perceptions and Emotions.] It appears to me that the diversity of these systems has arisen, in a great measure, from the partial views which different writers have taken of the same complicated subject; that these systems are by no means so exclu- sive of each other as has commonly been imagined; and that, in order to arrive at the truth, it is necessary for us, instead of attaching ourselves to any one, to avail ourselves of the lights which all of them have furnished. Our moral perceptions and emotions are, in fact, the result of different principles combined to- gether. They involve a judgment of the understanding, and they involve also a feeling of the heart ; and it is only by attending to both that we can form a just no- tion of our moral constitution. In confirmation of thia HOBBES. 193 remark, it will be necessary for us to analyze particu- larly the state of our minds, when we are spectators of any good or bad action performed by another person, or when we reflect on the actions performed by our- selves. On such occasions we are conscious of three different things : — 1. The perception of an action as right or wrong. 2. An emotion of pleasure or of pain, varying in its degree according to the acuteness of our moral sen- sibility. 3. A perception of the merit or demerit of the agent. Section I. ^ OF THE PERCEPTION OF RIGHT AND WRONG. t. Views entertained by Hobbes.] The controversy concerning the origin of our moral ideas took its rise in modern times, in consequence of the writings of Mr. Hobbes. According to him, we approve of virtuous actions, or of actions beneficial to society, from self- love, as we know that whatever promotes the interest of society has on that very account an indirect tendency to promote our own. He further taught, that, as it is to the institution of government we are indebted for all the comforts and the confidence of social life, the iaws which the civil magistrate enjoins are the ultimate standards of morality. Dangerous as these doctrines are, some apology may Oe made for the author from the unfortunate circum- stances of the times in which he lived. He had been a «vitness of the disorders which took place in England at the time of the dissolution of the monarchy by the death of Charles the First ; and, in consequence of his mistaken speculations on the politics of that period, he contracted a bias in favor of despotical government, and was led to consider it as the duty of a good citizen to strengthen, as much as possible, the hands of the civil magistrate, by inculcating the doctrines of passive obedience and non-resistance. It was with this view J7 194 MORAL PERCEPTIONS AND EMOTIONS. that he was led to maintain the philosophical piinciples which have been already mentioned. He seems like- wise to have formed a very unfavorable idea of the clerical order, from the instances which his own experi- ence afforded of their turbulence and ambition ; and on that account he wished to subject the consciences of men immediately to the secular powers. In consequence of this, his system, although offensive in a very high de- gree to all sound moralists, provoked in a more peculiar manner the resentment of the clergy, and drew on the author a great deal of personal obloquy, which neither his character in private life, nor his intentions as a writer, appear to have merited. 11. Reply of Ms Antagonists.'] Among the antago- nists of Hobbes, the most eminent by far was Dr. Oud- worth ; and indeed modern times have not produced an author who is better ^qualified to do justice to the very important argument he undertook, by his ardent zeal for the best interests of mankind, by his singular vigor and comprehensiveness of thought, and by the astonishing treasures he had collected of ancient liter- ature. That our ideas of right and wrong are not derived from positive law, Cudworth concluded from the fol- lowing argument: — " Suppose such a law to be estab- lished, it must either be right to obey it, and wrong to disobey it, or indifferent whether we obey or disobey it. But a law which it is indifferent whether we obey or not cannot, it is evident, be the source of moral dis- tinctions ; and, on the contrary supposition, if it is right to obey the law, and wrong to disobey it, these distinctions must have had an existence antecedent to the law." * In a word, it is from natural law that pos- itive law derives all its force. The same argument against Hobbes is thus stated by Lord Shaftesbury. " It is ridiculous to say there is any obligation on * Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments, Part VII. Sect. III. Chap. 11. HOBBES. 195 man to act sociably or honestly in a formed govern- ment, and not in that which is commonly called the state of natm*e. For, to speak in the fashionable lan- guage of our modern philosophy, society being founded on a compact, the surrender made of every man's pri- vate unlimited right into the hands of the majority, or such as the majority should appoint, was of free choice, and by a promise. Now the promise itself was made in a state of nature, and that which could make ^ piom' ise obligatory in the state of nature must make all other acts of humanity as much our real duty and nat- ural part. Thus faith, justice, honesty, and virtue must have been as early as the state of nature, or they could never have been at all. The civil union or confederacy could never make right or wrong if they subsisted not before. He who was free to any villany before his contract, will and ought to make as free with his con- tract when he sees fit. The natural knave has the same reason to be a civil one, and may dispense with his politic capacity as oft as he sees occasion ; it is only his word stands in the way. A man is obliged to keep his word. Why ? Because he has given his word to keep it. Is not this a notable account of the original of moral justice, and the rise of civil govern- ment and allegiance ? " * To these observations it may be added, that our no- tions of right and wrong are so far from owing their origin to positive institutions, that they afford us the chief standard to which we appeal, in comparing differ- ent positive institutions with each other. Were it not for this test, how could we pronounce one code to be more humane, more liberal, or more equitable than another ? or how could we i^eel that, in our own mu- nicipal regulations, some are consonant and others re- pugnant to the principles of justice. " Let any one," says a learned and judicious civilian, '' acquaint him- self with the sanguinary system of Draco, and then view it as tempered with the philosophy of Solon, and * Freedom of Wit, Part III. Sect. I. 196 MORAL PERCEPTIONS AND EMOTIONS. the softer refinements of a better age; let him lool? with the eye of speculation upon an establishment that directs ' not to seethe a kid in its mother's milk ' ; nor to ' muzzle the ox when he treadeth out the corn ' ; when our brother's cattle go astray or fall down by the way, not to ' hide ourselves from them ' ; that acquits the betrothed damsel who was violated at a distance, and out of hearing, upon this compassionate sugges- tion, — ' For he found her in the field, and the betrothed damsel cried, and there was none to save her ' ; let him reflect, I say, on his own feelings when he considers these different enactments, and then judge how far they agree with the philosophy of Hobbes." * Agreeably to this view of positive institutions, De- mosthenes remarks, — " The law^s of a country may be regarded as a criterion for estimating the morals of the state, and the prevailing character of the people." f ' \ III. Origin and History of Hobbes^ s Doctrine.] It is *^ justly observed by Cudworth, that the doctrines now under consideration are not peculiar to the system of Hobbes ; and that similar opinions have been enter- tained in all ages by those writers who were either anxious to flatter the passions of tyrannical rulers, or who had a secret bias to atheistic and Epicurean prin- ciples. In confirmation of this remark, he takes a review of * Taylor On the Civil Law, p. 159. t Adv. Timocrat. Taylor gives the passage from which this is taken in the version of the Latin translator : — " Illud igitur vobis est etiam consi- derandum, multos Graecorurn sajpe decrevisse, vestris utendura esse legibus: id quod vobis laudi baud injuriA ducitis. Nam verum illud niihi videtur, quod quendam apud vos dixisse ferunt : omnes cordatos in ea esse sententia, ut leges nihil aliud esse putent quam mores civitates. Danda igitur est opera, lit eae qnam optimae esse videantur." [A new interest has been awakened of late in Hobbes and his writings. See Cousin, Cours d'Histoire de la Philosophie Morale au XVIIF Siecle, Premise Partie : Ecole Sensualiste, Lecjons VII. - IX. JoufFroy, Introduction to Ethics, Lectures XIII. and XIV. Damiron, DHistoire de la Philosophy au XVir Siecle, Liv. III. Hazlitt's Literary Remains, Essay VI. Bla- key's History of Moral Science, Chap. IV. Mackintosh's Progress of Ethichl Philosophy, Sect. IV. Fragment on Mackintosh, Sect. II. Hallam's Intro- duction to the Literature of Europe, Vol. III. Chap. III. Sect. IV.] HOBBES. 19^ the principal attempts that have been made to under mine the foundations of morals, both in ancient anc; modern times, and interweaves with this history many profound reflections of his own. The following para- graphs contain the substance of this part of his work, and I hope will furnish an interesting, as well as useful, introduction to the reasonings I am afterwards to of- fer in vindication of the? reality and immutability of moral distinctions. " As the vulgar generally look no higher for the origi- nal of moral good and evil, just and unjust, than the codes and pandects, the tables and laws, of their coun- try and religion, so" there have not wanted pretended philosophers in all ages, who have asserted nothing to be good and evil, just and unjust, naturally and immu- tahly, (jivaei Koi aKivrjTcos', but that all these things were positive, arbitrary, and factitious only. Such Plato mentions, in his Tenth Book, De Legibus, who main- tained, ' that nothing at all was naturally just, but men, changing their opinions concerning- them perpetually, sometimes made one thing just, sometimes another; but whatever is decreed and constituted, that for the time is valid, being made so by aftts and laws, but not by any nature of its own.' And Aristotle more than once takes notice of this opinion in his Ethics. ' Things honest and just, which politics are conversant about, have so great a variety and uncertainty in them, that they seem to be only by law and not by nature.' * And afterwards! — having divided to dUaiov ttoKitlkov, 'that which is politically just,' into cfivo-tKov^ i. e. ' natural,' ' which has everywhere the same force,' and vofiiKou^ i. e. 'legal,' 'which, before there be a law made, is indiffer- ent, but, when once the law is made, is determined to be just or unjust' — he adds, 'Some there are that think there is no other just or unjust but what is made by law and men, because that which is natural is im- mutable, and hath everywhere the same force, whereas jura and justa, "rights" and "just things," are every- * Ethic. Nic, Lib. T. cap. I. t Lib. V. cap: X. 17* 198 MORAL PERCEPTIONS AND EMOTIONS. where different.' The latter, therefore, they conceive to be analogous to wine and wheat measures, whch va- ry from place to place, according to local customs ; the former they compare to the properties of fire^ which produce the same effects in Persia and Greece. " After these succeeded Epicurus, the reviver of the Democritical philosophy, the frame of whose principles must needs lead him to deny justice and injustice to be natural things ; and therefore he determines that they arise wholly from mutual pacts and covenants of men, made for their own convenience and utility. ' Those living creatures that could not make mutual covenants together not to hurt, nor to be hurt by, one another, could not, for this cause, have any such thing as just or unjust among them. And there is the same reason for those nations that either will not or cannot make such compacts : for there is no such thing as justice by itself^ but only in the mutual congresses of men.' Or, (as the late compiler of the Epicurean system expresses the same meaning,) ' there are some who think that those things which are just are just according to their proper, unvaried nature, and that the laws do not make them just, but only pf escribe according to that nature which they have : but the thing is not so.^ * J^^^iLi- ^'(^^ C^^hi " And since in this latter age the physiological hy- potheses of Democritus and Epicurus have been re- vived, and successfully applied to the solving of some of the phenomena of the visible world, there have not wanted some that have endeavoured to vent also those other paradoxes of the same philosophers, viz. that there is" no incorporeal substance, nor any natural dif- ference between good and evil, just and unjust, and to recommend the same under a show of wisdom, as the * It may be proper to mention that Cudworth alludes here to Gassendi, who was at much pains to revive the philosophy of Epicurus, both in phys- ics and morals, rcjectinclu- sions which unavoidably follow therefrom, but rather to be commended for their openness, simplicity, and inge- nuity in representing their opinion naked to the world such as indeed it is, without any veil or mask. " Wherefore, since there are so many, both philoso- phers and theologians, that seemingly and verbally ac- knowledge such things as moral good and evil, just and unjust, yet contend, notwithstanding, that these are not hy nature but institution^ and that there is nothing nat- urally or immutably just or unjust, I shall from hence fetch the rise of this ethical discourse or inquiry con- cerning things good and evil, just and unjust, laudable and shameful, demonstrating, in the first place, that, if there be any thing at all good or eyil, just or unjust, there must of necessity be something naturally and im* mutably good and just And from thence I shall pro* ceed afterward to show what this natural^ immutable CUDWORTH. 201 and eternal justice is, with the branches and species of it." * \ IV. Oudworthh Theory of Morals.] The foregoing very long quotation, while it contains much valuable information with respect to the history of moral science, will be sufficient to convey a general idea of the scope of Cudworth's ethical inquiries, and of the prevailing opinions among philosophers upon this subject, at the time when he wrote. For the details of his argument I must refer to his work. It is sufficient for my present purpose to observe, that he seems plainly to have con- sidered our notions of right and wrong as incapable of analysis^ that is, (to use the language of more modern writers,) he considered them as simple ideas or notions^ of which the names do not admit of definition. In this respect, also, his philosophy differs from that of Hobbes, who, as we have already remarked, ascribes our moral judgments, not to an immediate perception of the qualities of actions, but to a view of their tendencies^ which we approve or disapprove according as they ap- pear to be conducive or not to our own interest, or t'O that of society. Indeed, according to Hobbes, thes^ two tendencies coincide, or rather are the same, for h«^ apprehended that all our zeal for the public good origi- nates in a selfish principle. " Man, " he said, " is driv- en to society by necessity, and whatever promotes itr interest is judged to have a remote tendency to pro- mote his own." Thus he attempts to account for om approbation of virtue by resolving it into self-love, and, of consequence, to resolve the notions expressed by the words rig;ht and wrong- into other notions more simple and general. This theory I have already endeavoured to refute at some length, and I have only now to add to what was formerly remarked with respect to it, that^ if it were agreeable to fact, the words right and wrong * Eternal and Immutable Morality^ Book I. Chap I. Here, as in somt other cases, Mr. Stewart does not cite the whole of the passage continu- ously, as it stands in the original, hut those parts only which are to his purpose, sometimes giving merely the substance. — Ed. 202 MORAL PERCEPTIONS AND EMOTIONS. would be synonymous with advantas^eous and disadvan- tageous ; and to say that those actions are right which are calculated to promote our own happiness would be an identical proposition. Cudworth's opinion, on the contrary, led him to con- sider our perception of right and wrong as an ultimate fact in our nature. Indeed, to those whose judgments are not warped by preconceived theories, no fact with respect to the human mind can well appear more incon- ^stable. We can define the words right and wrong .only by synonymous words and phrases, or by the prop- erties and necessary concomitants of what they denote. Thus, " we may say of the word rights that it express- es what we ought to do^ what is fair and honesty what is approvable^ what every man professes to be the rule of his conduct, what all men praise^ and what is in itself laudable^ though no man praise it^ * In such definitions and explanations it is evident we only substitute a sy- nonymous expression instead of the word defined, or we characterize the quality which the word denotes by some circumstance connected with it or resulting from it as a consequence ; and therefore we may, with con- fidence, conclude that the word in question expresses a simple idea. The two most important conclusions, then, which result from Cudworth's reasonings in opposition to Hobbes are these : — First, that the mind is able to form anlecedentlij to positive institution the ideas of right and wrong ; and secondly, that these words express simple ideas^ or ideas incapable of analysis. From these conclusions of Cudworth a further ques- tion naturally arose, — how the ideas of right and wrong were formed, and to what principle of our consti- tution they ought to be referred. This very interesting question did not escape the attention of Cudworth. And, in answer to it, he endeavoured to show that our notions of moral distinctions are formed by reason^ or. in other words, by the power which distinguishes trutn * Reid, On the Active. Powers, Essay III. Part III. Chap V. LOCKE. 203 from falsehood. And accordingly it became, for some ' time, the fashionable language among morali:?ts, to say that virtue consisted, not in obedience to the law of a superior, but in a conduct conformable to reason. At the time when Cud worth wrote, no accurate clas- sification had been attempted of the principles of the human mind. His account of the office of reason, ac- cordingly, in enabling us to perceive the distinction be- tween ri^ght and wrong, passed without censure, ajid was undeu'stood merely to imply, that there is an eternal and immutable distinction between right and wrong, no less than between truth and falsehood ; and that both these distinctions are perceived by our rational poivers, or by those powers which raise us above the brutes.* V. Connection of Lockers Theory of the Origin of Ideas with this Inquiry.] The publication of Locke's Essay introduced into this part of science a precision of expression unknown before, and taught philosophers to distinguish a variety of powers which had formerly been very generally confounded. With these great mer- . its, however, his work has capital defects, and perhaps in no part of it are these defects more important than in the attempt he has made to deduce the origin of our knowledge entirely from, sensation and reflection. To the former of these sources he refers the ideas we re- ceive by our external senses, — of colors, sounds, hard- ness, &c. To the latter, the ideas we derive from con- sciousness of our own mental operations, — of memory, imagination, volition, pleasure, pain, &c. These, ac- cording to him, are the sources of all our simple ideas; and the only power that the mind possesses is to per- form certain operations of analysis, combination, com-rrU4/ parison, &c., on the materials with which it is thus «^ supplied. It was this system of Locke's which led him to those dangerous opinions that were formerly mentioned con- * For some curious notices of Cudworth and the fate of his writings, see D'Israeli's Amenities of Literature, under the head of The True Intel' lectual System of the Universe. — Ed. 204 MORAL PERCEPTIONS AND EMOTIONS. cerning the nature of moral distinctions, which he seems to have considered as entirely the offspring' of education and fashion. Indeed, if the words rig-ht and wrong- neither express simple ideas, mor relations discoverable by reason^it will not be found eagy to avoid adopting this concmsion. t,<^. C/r.- -^tr,. ^ >(£.<.XX Samuel Johnson, should have erred so very widely from the truth. " Rig-ht,''^ says he, "implies dult/ in its idea. To perceive an action to be right is to see a reason for doing it in the action itself, abstracted from all othei considerations whatever; and this perception, this ac- knowledged rectitude in the action, is the very essence of obligation, that which commands the approbation and choice, and binds the conscience, of every rational human being." — " Nothing can bring us under an ob- ligation to do what appears to our moral judgment wrong-. It may be supposed our interest to do this, but it cannot be supposed our duty. For, I ask, if some power, which we are unable to resist, should assume the command over us, and give us laws which are un- righteous and unjust, should we be under an obligation to obey him ? Should we not rather be obliged to shake off the yoke, and to resist such usurpation, if it were in our power ? However, then, we might be swayed by hope or fear, it is plain that we are under an obligation to right, which is antecedent, and in order and nature superior, to all other. Power may compel, interest may bribe, pleasure may persuade, but reason only can oblige. This is the only authority which ra- tional beings can own, and to w^hich they owe obedi- ence." Dr. Clarke has expressed himself nearly to the same purpose. " The judgment and conscience of a man's own mind concerning the reasonableness and fitness of the thing is the truest and formallest obligation ; for whoever acts contrary to this sense and conscience of his own mind is necessarily self-condemyied ; and the greatest and strongest of all obligations is that which a man cannot break through without condemning him- self. So far, therefore, as men are conscious of what is right and wrong, so far they are under an obligation to act accordingly." * * Discourse concerning the Unalterable Obligations of Natural Religion^ Proposition I. 3. MORAL OBLIGATION. 239 I would not have quoted so many passages in illus- tration of a point which appears to myself so very obvious, if I had not been anxious to counteract the authority of some eminent writers who have lately espoused a very different system, by showing how widely they have departed from the sound and phil- osophical views of their predecessors. I confess, too, I should have distrusted my own judgment, if, on a question so interesting to human happiness, and so open to examination, I had been led, by any theoretical refinements, to a conclusion which was not sanctioned by the concurrent sentiments of other impartial in- quirers. The fact, however, is, that, as this view of human nature is the most simple, so it is the most ancient, which occurs in the history of moral science. It was the doctrine of the Pythagorean school, as ap- pears from a fragment of Theages, a Pythagorean writer, published in Gale's Opuscula Mythologica. It is also explained by Plato in some of his Dialogues, in which he compared the soul to a commonwealth, and reason to the council of state, which governs a^nd directs the whole.* * " In Plato's Dialogues the question is repeatedly discussed, whether the rule of action for man be the pursuit of pleasure and gain, or the inter- nal harmony of his nature. You will, many of you, recollect the lively and dramatic dialogue at the beginning of The Republic, in which the former of these opinions is asserted by one of the interlocutors, and the acute and decisive Socratic refutation which it encounters. You will recollect, too, the doctrine announced at the close of the fourth book, as the result of the previous discussion. ' Virtue, then, as we are thus led to see, is a health and beauty and well-being of the soul. Vice is a disease, and foulness, and infirmity.' And when the original question is, at this point of the argument, again asked, — whether it is better to be just or to be unjust, even if the injustice is to remain unknown by all and to meet no punishment, — the person to whom the argument is addressed, and who is, by this time, brought to a conviction of the truth of the doctrine which it is the object of the dialogue to inculcate, says, ' Nay, Socrates, this question is now ridiculously superfluous.' And in the ninth book, the discussion being really concluded, the speakers, playfully mimicking the practice of pronouncing, by the voice of a public crier, a solemn judgment upon the merit of a theatrical spectacle, agree to proclaim, — ' The son of Aristo gives bvs judgment that the most virtuous and just is also the most happy, and the wicked and unjust the most unhappy ' ; and further, ' that this is »o, even if their deeds are hidden from all, men and gods. ' " — Whewell's Sys" Umatic Morality. Lecture VI. 240 MORAL OBLIGATION. In the following passage from Cicero the same doc- Crine is enforced in a manner peculiarly sublime and expressive, or, as Lactantius says, poRne divina voce. " Est quidem vera Lex^ recta ratio, naturae congruens, diffusa in omnes, constans, sempiterna,, quae vocet ad officium jubendo, vetando a fraude deterreat, quae tamen neque probos frustra jubet aut vetat, nee impro- bos jubendo aut vetando movet. Huic legi nee obro- gari fas est, neque derogari ex hac aliquid licet, neque tota abrogari potest. Nee vero aut per senatum aut per populum solvi hac lege possumus : neque est quae- rendus explanator aut interpres ejus alius: nee erit alia Lex Romae, alia Athenis, alia nunc, alia posthac; sed et omnes gentes, et omni tempore una lex et sempi- terna et immutabilis continebit; unusque erit com- munis quasi magister et imperator omnium Deus. lUe legis hujus inventor, disceptator, lator. Cui qui non parebit, ipse se fugiet, ac, naturam hominis aspernatus, hoc ipso luet maximas poenas, etiamsi caetera supplicia, quae putantur, effugerit." * It is very justly observed by Mr. Smith (and I con- sider the remark as of the highest importance), that, " if the distinction pointed out in the foregoing quota- tions between the moral faculty and our other active powers be acknowledged, it is of the less consequence what particular theory we adopt concerning the origin of our moral ideasJ^ And accordingly, though he resolves moral approbation ultimately into sl feeling of the mind^ he nevertheless represents the supremacy of conscience * De Repub., Lib. III. 22. " There is a trae law, alright reason, con- gruous to nature, pervading all minds, constant, eternal ; which calls to duty by its commands, and repels from wrong-doing by its prohibitions : and to the good does not command or forbid in vain, while the wicked are y unmoved by its exhortations or its warnings. This law cannot be an- nulled, superseded, or overruled. No senate, no people, can loose us from it ; no jurist, no interpreter, can explain it away. It is not one law at Rome, another at Athens ; one at present, another at some future time ; but one law, perpetual and immutable, it extends to all nations and all times, the universal sovereign. Of this law the author and giver is God. Whoever disobeys it flies from himself, and by the wrong thus done to his own nature, even though he should escape every other form of punish- ment, incurs the heaviest penalty '' MORAL OBLIGATION. 24cm as a principle which is equally essential to all the dif- ferent systems that have been proposed on the subject. " Upon whatever we suppose our moral faculties to be founded," (I quote his own words,) "whether upon a certain modification of reason, upon an original instinct called a moral sense, or upon some other principle of our nature, it cannot be doubted that they are given us fur the direction of our conduct in this life. They carry along with them the most evident badges of their authority, which denote that they were set up within us to be the supreme arbiters of all our actions ; to superintend all our senses, passions, and appetites ; and to judge how far each of them was to be either indulged or restrained. Our moral faculties are by no means, as some have pretended, upon a level in this respect with the other faculties and appetites of our nature, endowed with no more right to restrain these last than these last are to restrain them. No other faculty or principle of action judges of any other. Love does not judge of resentment, nor resentment of love. Those two passions may be opposite to one another, but cannot, with any propriety, be said to approve or disapprove of one another. But it is the peculiar office of those faculties now under considera- tion to judge, to bestow censure or applause upon all the other principles of our nature." " Since these, therefore," continues Mr. Smith, " were plainly intended to be the governing' principles of hu- man nature, the rules which they prescribe are to be regarded as the commands and laws of the Deity pro- mulgated by those vicegerents which he has thus set up within us. By acting according to their dictates we may be said, in some sense, to cooperate with the Deity, and to advance, as far as in our power, the plan of Providence. By acting otherwise, on the contrary, we seem to obstruct in some measure the scheme which the Author of Nature has established for the happiness and perfection of the world, and to declare ourselves in some measure the enemies of God. Hence we are oaturally encouraged to hope for his extraordinary favor 21 242 MORAL OBLIGATION. and reward in the one case, and to dread his vengeance and punishment in the other." * I have only to add further on this subject, at present, that the supreme authority of conscience is felt and tacitly acknowledged by the worst no less than by the best of men ; for even they who have thrown off all hypocrisy with the world are at pains to conceal theii real character from their own eyes. No man ever, in a soliloquy or private meditation, avowed to himself that he was a villain ; nor do I believe that such a character as Joseph, in The School for Scandal, {who is introduced as reflecting coolly on his own knavery and baseness, without any uneasiness but what arises from the dread of detection,) ever existed in the world. Such men probably impose on themselves fully as much as they do upon others. Hence the various artifices of self- deceit which Butler has so well described in his dis- courses on that subject. It is said by St. Augustine, that at the delivery of that famous line of Terence, — " Homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum puto," — " I am a man, and feel an interest in all mankind," — the whole Roman theatre resounded with applause.f "We may venture to say that a similar sentiment, well pronounced by an actor, would at this day, in the most corrupt capital in Europe, be followed by a similar burst of sympathetic emotion. " Voyez k nos spectacles Quand on peint quelque trait de candeur, de bont6, Ou brille en tout son jour la tendre humanite, Tous les coeurs sont remplis d'une volupte pure, Et e'est la qu'on entend le cri de la nature." J " On such occasions," as a late writer remarks, *' though we may think meanly of the genius of the poet, it is impossible not to think, and to be happy in thinking, highly of the people ; — the people whose * Theory of Moral Sentiments, Part III. Chap. V. t See a note on this line in Coleman's translation of/ Terence's Self' Tormentor. X Gresset, Le M6chant. AUXILIARY PRINCIPLES. 243 opinions may often be folly, whose conduct may some- times be madness, but whose sentiments are almost always honorable and just ; — the people whom an author may delight with bombast, may amuse with tinsel, may divert with indecency, but whom he cannot mislead in principle, nor harden into inhumanity. It is only the mob in the side boxes, who, in the coldness of seli-interest, or the languor of outworn dissipation, can hear unmoved the sentiments of compassion, of gen« erosity, or of virtue." * CHAPTER V. ^31 OF CERTAIN PRINCIPLES WHICH COOPERATE WITH OUR MORAL POWERS IN THEIR INFLUENCE ON THE CONDUCT. In order to secure still more completely the good order of society, and to facilitate the acquisition of virtuous habits, nature has superadded to our moral constitution a variety of auxiliary principles, which sometimes give rise to a conduct agreeable to the rules of morality and highly useful to mankind, where the merit of the individual, considered as a moral agent, is inconsiderable. Hence some of them have been con- founded with our moral powers, or even supposed to be of themselves sufficient to account for the phe- nomena of moral perception, by authors whose views of human nature have not been sufficiently compre- hensive. The most important principles of this de- scription are, — 1st. A Regard to Character. 2d. Sym- pathy. 3d. The Sense of the Ridiculous. And 4th. Taste. The principle of Self-Love (which was treated of in a former section) cooperates very powerfully to the same purposes. * Mackenzie's Account of the German Theatre. Transactions of tho Royal Society of Edinburgh, Vol. II. Part II. p. 174. 244 AUXILIARY rRINCIPLES. SeCTIOx\ I. OF DECENCY, OR A REGARD TO CHARACTER. Upon this subject I had formerly occasion to offer various remarks, in treating of the desire of esteem. But the view of it which I then took was extremely- general, as 'I did not think it necessary for me to attend to the distinction between intellectual and moral quali- ties. There can be no doubt that a regard to the good opinion of our fellow-creatures has great influence in promoting our exertions to cultivate both the one and the other ; but what we are more particularly concerned to remark at present is the effect which this principle has in strengthening our virtuous habits, and in restrain- ing those passions which a sense of duty alone would not be sufficient to regulate. I have before observed, that the desire of esteem op- erates in children before they have a capacity of distin- guishing right from wrong ; and that the former prin- ciple of action continues for a long time to be much more powerful than the latter. Hence it furnishes a most useful and effectual engine in the business of ed- ucation, more particularly by training us early to exer- tions of self-command and self-denial. It teaches us, for example, to restrain our appetites within those bounds which delicacy prescribes, and thus forms us to habits of moderation and temperance. And although our conduct cannot be denominated virtuous so long as a regard to the opinion of others is our sole motive, yet the habits we thus acquire in infancy and childhood render it more easy for us to subject our passions to reason and conscience as we advance to maturity. The subject well deserves a more ample illustration; but at present it is sufficient to recall these remarks if^ the recollection of the reader. I sympathy. adam smith. 245 Section IL of sympathy. . I. Nature and Functions of Sj/mpathi/.] That there is an exquisite pleasure annexed by the constitution of our nature to the sympathy or fellow-feeling of other men with our joys and sorrows, and even with our opinions, tastes, and humors, is a fact obvious to vulgar observation. It is no less evident that we feel a dispo- sition to accommodate the state of our own minds to that of our companions, wherever we feel a benevolent affection towards them, and that this accommodating temper is in proportion to the strength of our affection. In such cases sympathy would appear to be grafted on benevolence ; and perhaps it might be found, on an accurate examination, that the greater part of the pleas- ure which sympathy yields is resolvable into that which arises from the exercise of kindness, and from the con- sciousness of being beloved. IL Adam Smithes Theory.] The phenomena gener- ally referred to sympathy have appeared to Mr. Smith so important, and so curiously connected, that he has been led to attempt an explanation from this single principle of all the phenomena of moral perception. In this attempt, however, (not to mention the vague use which he occasionally makes of the term,) he has plainly been misled, like many eminent philosophers before him, by an excessive love of simplicity; and has mistaken a very subordinate principle in our moral constitution (or rather a principle superadded to our moral constitution as an auxiliary to the sense of duty) ior that faculty which distinguishes right from wrong, and which (by what name soever we may choose to call it) recurs to us constantly in all our ethical disqui- sitions, as an ultimate fact in the nature of man. I shall take this opportunity of offering a few remarks on this most ingenious and beautiful theory, in the 21* 24fi AUXILIARY PRINtlPLES. course of which I shall have occasion to state all that I think necessary to observe concerning the place which sympathy seems to me really to occupy in our moral constitution. In stating these remarks, I would be un- derstood to express myself with all the respect and ven- eration due to the talents and virtues of a writer, who«e friendship I regard as one of the most fortunate inci- dents of my life, but, at the same time, with that en- tiro freedom which the importance of the subject de- mands, and which I know that his candid and liberal mind would have approved. In addition to the incidental strictures which I have already hazarded on Mr. Smith's theory, I have yet to state two objections of a more general nature, to which it appears to me to be obviously liable. But before I proceed to these objections, it is necessary for me to premise (which I shall do in Mr. Smith's words) a re- mark which I have not hitherto had occasion to men- tion, and which may be justly regarded as one of the most characteristical principles of his system. " W^re it possible," says he, " that a human creature could grow up to manhood in some solitary place, with- out any communication with his own species, he could no more think of his own character, of the propriety or demerit .of his own sentiments and conduct, of the beauty or deformity of his own mind, than of the beau- ty or deformity of his own face. All these are objects which he cannot easily see, which naturally he does not look at, and with regard to which he is provided with no mirror w^hich can present them to his view. Bring him into society, and he is immediately provided with the mirror which he wanted before. It is placed in the countenance and behaviour of those he lives with, w^hich always mark when they enter into and when they dis- approve of his sentiments, and it is here that he first views the propriety and impropriety of his own passions, the beauty and deformity of his ow^n mind." * * T/*eor^ y Moral Sentiments, Part III. Chap. I- f SYMPATHY. ADAM SMITH. 247 Itl. Two Objections to the Theory in generaL[ To this account of the origin of our moral sentiments it may be objected, — 1st. That, granting the proposition to be true, " that a human creature, who should grow up to manhood without any communication with his own species, could no more thihk of the propriety or demerit of his own sentiments than of the beauty or de- formity of his own face," it would by no means author- ize the conclusion which is here deduced from it. The necessity of social intercourse, as an indispensable con- dition implied in the generation and growth of our mor- al sentiments, does not arise merely from its effect in holding up a mirror for the examination of our own character; but from the impossibility of finding, in a solitary state, any field for the exercise of our most im- portant moral duties. In such a state the moral faculty would inevitably remain dormant and useless, for the same reason that the organ of sight would remain use- less and unknown to a person who should pass his whole life in the darkness of a dungeon. 2d. It may be objected to Mr. Smith's theory, that it confounds the means or expedients by which nature en- ables us to correct our moral judgments, with the prin- ciples in our constitution to which our moral judgments owe their origin. These means or expedients he has indeed described with singular penetration and sagaci- ty, and by doing so has thrown new and most impor- tant lights on practical morality ; but, after all his rea- sonings on the subject, the metaphysical problem con- cerning the primary sources of our moral ideas and emotions will be found involved in the same obscurity as before. The intention of such expedients, it is per- fectly obvious, is merely to obtain a just and fair view of circumstances; and after this view has been ob- tained, the question still remains, what constitutes the obligation upon me to act in a particular manner ? Li answer to this question it is said, that, from recollecting my own judgments in similar cases in which I have been concerned, I infer in what light my conduct will appear to society ; that there is an ex^^uisite satisfaction annexed 248 AUXILIARY PRINCIPLES. • to mutual sympathy ; and that, in order to obtain this satisfaction, I accommodate my conduct, not to my own feelings, but to those of my fellow-creatures. Now I acknowledge that this may account for a man's as- suming the appearance of virtue, and I believe that something of this sort is the real foundation of the rules of good breeding in polished society ; * but in the important concerns of life I apprehend there is some- thing more ; for when I have once satisfied myself with respect to the conduct which an impartial judge would approve of, I feel that this conduct is right for me, and that I am under a moral obligation to put it in practice. If I had had recourse to no expedient for correcting my first judgment, I should nevertheless have formed some judgment or other of a particular conduct, as right, wrong, or indifferent, and the only difference would have been, that I should probably have decided improperly, from an erroneous or a partial view of the case. From these observations I conclude that the words right and wrongs ought and might not,'\ express simple ideas or notions, of which no explanation can be given. They are to be found in all languages, and it is impos- sible to carry on any ethical speculation without them. Of this Mx. Smith himself furnishes a remarkable proof in the statement of his theory, not only by the occasional use which he makes of these and other sy- nonymous expressions, but by his explicit and repeated acknowledgments, that the propriety of actions cannot * This remark I borrow from Dr. Beattie, who. in his Essay on Truthy observes, that the foundation of good breeding is " that kind of sensibility or sympathy by which we suppose ourselves in the situation of others, adopt their sentiments, and in a manner perceive their very thoughts." Part I Chap. I. The observation well deserves to be prosecuted. t Dr. Hutcheson, in his Illustrations upon the Moral Sense, calls oucjht a confused word : — " As to that confused word owgAf," &c. Sect. I. ad Jin. But for this he seems to have had no better reason than the impossibility of defining, it logically. And may not the same remark be applied to the words time, space, motion f Was there ever a language in Avhich these words, together with those of ought and ought not, were not to be found ? Ought corresponds with the Set of the Greeks, and the oportet and decet o/ the Latins. SYMPATHY. ADAM SMITH. 249 be alwaj'S determined by the actual judgments of sori* ety, and that, in such cases, we must act according to the judgments which other men oug-ht to have formed of our conduct. Is not this to admit that we have a standard of right and wrong in our own minds, of su- perior authority to any instinctive propensity we may feel to obtain the sympathy of our fellow-creatures ? It was in order to reconcile this acknowledgment with the general language of his system that Mr. Smith was forced to have recourse to the supposition of " an abstract man within the breast, the representative of mankind and substitute of the Deity, whom nature has constituted the supreme judge of all our actions." * Of this very ingenious fiction he has availed himself in various passages of the first editions of his book ; but he has laid much greater stress upon it in the last edi- tion, the sixth, published a short time before his death An idea somewhat similar occurs in Lord Shaftesbury's Advice to an Author^ where he observes, with that quaintness of phraseology which so often deforms his otherwise beautiful style, that " when the wise ancients spoke of a demon, genius, or angel, to whom we are committed from the moment of our birth, they meant no more than enigmatically to declare, ' that we have each of us a patient in ourselves ; that we are properly our own subjects of practice ; and that w^e then become due practitioners, when, by virtue of an intimate recess, we can discover a certain duplicity of soul, and divide ourselves into two parties.' " He afterwards tells us, that, "according as this recess was deep and intimate, and the dual number practically formed in us, we were supposed by the ancients to advance in morals and true wisdom." f By means of this fiction Mr. Smith has rendered his theory (contrary to what might have been expected from its first aspect) perfectly coincident in its practical tendency with that cardinal principle of the Stoical philosophy which exhorts us to search for the rules of * Page 208, 5th edition. 1 Part I. Sect. II. 250 AUXILIARY PRINCIPLES. life, not ivlthout ourselves, but within : — " Nee te quae- siveris extra." Indeed, Butler himself has not asserted the authority and supremacy of conscience in stronger terms than Mr. Smith, who represents this as a mani- fest and unquestionable principle, whatever particular theory we may adopt concerning the origin of our moral ideas. It is only to be regretted, that, instead of the metaphorical expression of " the man within the breast., to whose opinions and feelings we find it of more consequence to conform our conduct than to those of the whole world," he had not made use of the simpler and more familiar words reason and conscience. This mode of speaking was indeed suggested to him, or rather obtruded on him, by the theory of sympathy, and nothing can exceed the skill and taste with which he has availed himself of its assistance in perfecting his system ; but it has the effect, with many readers, of keeping out of view the real state of the question, and (like Plato's commonwealth of the soul and council of state) to encourage among inferior writers a figurative or allegorical style in treating of subjects which, more than any other, require all the simplicity, precision, and logical consistency of which language is susceptible. IV. Particular Instances in ivhich Smith lays too much Stress on Sympathy.] A few slight observations on de- tached passages of Mr. Smith's theory will be useful in illustrating more fully certain phenomena referred by him, rather too exclusively, to the principle of sympa- thy or fellow-feeling. In proof of the pleasure annexed to mutual sympa- thy, Mr. Smith remarks, that " a man is mortified when, after having endeavoured to divert the company, he looks around and sees that nobody laughs at his jest but himself. " * It may be doubted, however, if in this case a disappointed sympathy be the chief cause of his uneasiness. Various other circumstances undoubt- edly conspire, particularly the censure which the silence « * Part 1. Sect. 1. Chap. II. SYMPATHY. ADAM SMITH. 251 of the company conveys of his taste and judgment, to- gether with the proof it exhibits of their suUenness and want of good -humor. The pleasure, too, which, according to Mr. Smith, we receive from reading to a stranger a poem whose effect on ourselves has been destroyed by repetition, may be explained, without any refinement about sym- pathy, by the satisfaction we always feel in communi- cating pleasure to another, combined with the flatter- ing though indirect testimony paid to the justness of our taste by its coincidence with that of an individual whose judgment we respect. The sympathy of an ac- knowledged fool would certainly be in the same cir- cumstances a source of mortification. In mentioning these considerations, I do not mean to dispute that there is an exquisite pleasure arising from mutual sympathy ; but only to suggest, that Mr. Smith has ascribed to this principle solely various phenomena, in accounting for which other causes appear to be no less deserving of attention. The versatile and accommodating manners which Mr. Smith has so beautifully described in various pas- sages of his Theory may be assumed from different motives, — in some men from a desire to promote the happiness of those around them ; and where this is the case, it is unquestionably one of the most amiable and meritorious forms in which benevolence can appear, and contributes more by its daily and constant oper- ation to increase the comfort of human Hfe than those s])lendid exertions of virtue which we are so seldom called upon to make. In other men, in whom the be- nevolent affections are not so strong, it may proceed chiedy from a view to their own tranquillity and amuse- ment, and may render them agreeable and harmless companions, without giving them any claim to the ap- pellation of virtuous. In many it arises from views of self-interest and ambition ; and in such men, whatever pleasure we may have derived from their society, these qualities never fail to inspire universal distrust and dis- like, as soon as they are known to be the real motives \ 252 AUXILIARY PRINCIPLES. of that pliancy and versatility with which we were at first captivated. It would appear, therefore, that the ac- commodating temper, where it is approved as morally rights is not approved on its own account, but as an expression of a benevolent disposition. From the combined efforts of the actor and of the spectator towards a mutual sympathy, Mr. Smith en- deavours to trace the origin of "two different sets of virtues.''^ Upon the effort of the spectator to enter into the situation of the person principally concerned, and to raise his sympathetic emotions to a level with the emotions of the actor, are founded " the gentle, the amiable virtues, the virtues of candid condescension and indulgent humanity." Upon the effort of the per son principally concerned to lower his jwn emotions, so as to correspond as nearly as possibl i with those of the spectator, are founded " the great, the awful, and respectable virtues, the virtues of seli-denial, of self- government, of that command of the passions which subjects all movements of our nature to what our own dignity and honor, and the propriety of our own con- duct, require." * If the word qualities were substituted for virtues, I agree in general with this doctrine. The mode of expression, however, certainly requires correc- tion. " Candid condescension" and " indulgent human- ity " are always amiable ; and when they really proceed from a disposition habitually benevolent, are with great propriety called virtues. " Self-denial and self-govern- ment" are always respectable, and sometimes awful qualities, because they indicate a force of mind which few men possess ; but it depends on the motives from which they are exercised, whether they indicate a vir- tuous or a vicious character. As a further illustration of the foregoing doctrine^ Mr. Smith considers particularly the degrees of the dif- ferent passions which are consistent with propriety, and endeavours to show, that in every case it is de- cent or indecent to express a passion strongly, accord- * Ibid., a /.p V. SYMPATHY. ADAM SMITH. 253 ing as mankind are disposed or not disposed to sym- pathize with it. It is unbecoming, for example, to ex- press strongly any of those passions which arise from a certain condition of the body ; because other men who are not in the same condition cannot be expected to sympathize with them. It is unbecoming to cry out with bodily pain, because the sympathy felt by the spectator bears no proportion to the acuteness of what is felt by the sufferer. The case is somewhat similar with those passions which take their origin from a par- ticular turn or habit of the imagination.* All violent expressions of such passions are undoubt- edly offensive, and good breeding dictates that they should be restrained ; but not because the spectator finds it difficult to enter into the situation of the person principally concerned ; perhaps the opposite reason would be nearer the truth. To eat voraciously in the presence of a company who have already dined would be obviously indecent ; but I apprehend, not so much so as to eat even moderately in presence of one whom we knew to be hungry, and who was not permitted to share in the repast. With respect to bodily pain, it ap- pears to me that there is no calamity whatever which so completely interests the spectator, or with which his sympathy is so acute and lively. It is on this account that a steady composure under it, while it indicates the manly quality of self-command, has something in it peculiarly amiable, when we suppose that it proceeds in any degree from a tenderness for the feelings of oth- ers. In many surgical operations it is probable that the imagination of the pain exceeds the reality ; and there cannot be a doubt, that, where the patient is the object of our love, the sufferings which he feels require less fortitude than ours. Again, in the case of the unsocial passions of " ha- tred and resentment," the sympathy of the spectatoi "is divided" between the person who feels the passion and the person who is the object of it. " We are con- * Ibid., Sect. II. Chap. I. 22 254 AUXILIARY PRINCIPLES. cerned for both, and our fear for what the one may suf- fer damps our resentment for what the other has suf- fered." * Hence the imperfect degree in which we sym- pathize with such passions, and the propriety, when under their influence, of moderating their expression to a much greater degree than in the case of any other emotions. Abstraction made of all considerations of this kind, satisfactory reasons may be given for our listening with caution to the dictates of resentment when we ourselves are the sufferers. Experience must soon sat- isfy us how apt this passion is to blind the judgment, and to exaggerate in our estimation the injury we have received ; and how certainly we lay in matter for future remorse for our cooler hours, if we obey its first sugges- tions. A wise man, therefore, learns to delay forming his resolutions till his passion has in some degree sub- sided ; — not in order to obtain the sympathy of other men, but in order to secure the approbation of his own conscience. If he conceives to himself what conduct the impartial spectator will approve of, it is merely as an expedient to divest himself of the partialities of self-love; and when he acts agreeably to what he sup- poses to be, on this occasion, the unbiased judgment of spectators, his satisfaction arises, not from the posses- sion of their sympathy, but from a consciousness that he has done his best to ascertain what was rights and has regulated his conduct accordingly. " Where there is no envy in the case, our propensity to sympathize with joy is much stronger than our pro- pensity to sympathize with sorrow." " It is on account of this dull sensibility to the af- flictions of others, that magnanimity amidst great dis- tress always appears so divinely graceful."! If this were true, would it not follow that the admi- ration of heroic magnanimity would be in proportion to the insensibility of the spectator ? " Finally, it is because mankind are more disposed * Ibid., Chap. III. t Ibid., Sect. III. Chap. I. SYMPATHY. ADAM SMITH. 255 to court the favor, to comply with the humors, and to judge with indulgence the actions, of the prosperous than of the unfortunate, that we make parade of our riches, and conceal our poverty." — " It is the misfor- tunes of kings alone," Mr. Smith adds, " which afford the proper subjects for tragedy." * Of this last proposition I confess I have some doubts, at least to the extent in which it is here stated ; and I am inclined to think that, in those cases where it holds, it may be easily accounted for on more obvious princi- ples. By far the greater number of tragedies are found- ed on historical facts; and history records only the transactions of men in elevated stations. But even in these tragedies the most interesting personages are fre- quently domestics or captives. The old shepherd in Dovg-las is surely a more interesting character than Lord Randolph. And for my own part I am not ashamed to confess that I have shed more tears at some tragedies bourgeoises and comedies larmoyantes of very inferior merit, than were ever extorted from me by the exquisite poetry of Corneille, Racine, or Vol- taire. The fortunes of the great, indeed, interest us more than those of men in inferior stations. But for this there are various causes, independent of that assigned by Mr. Smith. 1. Their destiny involves the fortunes of many, and frequently affects the public interest. 2. Their situation points them out to public atten- tion, and renders them subjects of general and daily conversation ; and, accordingly, we may remark a cu- riosity perfectly analogous to that which the history of the great excites with respect to the biography of all men who have been long and constantly in the view of the world. The trifling anecdotes in the life of Quin or Garrick find as many readers as the important events connected with the history of Frederic the Great. I V. Historical Notices of the Doctrine.] In my Ac* * Ibid., Chap. II. 256 AUXILIARY PRINCIPLES. count of the Life and Writings of Mr Smithy I observed, that, according to the learned translator of Aristotle's Ethics and Politics, " the general idea which runs through Mr. Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments was obviously borrowed from the following passage of Po- lybius. ' From the union of the two sexes, to which all are naturally inclined, children are born. When any of these, therefore, being arrived at perfect age, instead of yielding suitable returns of gratitude and assistance to those by whom they have been bred, on the contrary attempt to injure them by words or actions, it is mani- fest that those who behold the wrong, after having also seen the sufferings and the anxious cares that were sus- tained by the parents in the nourishment and education of their children, must be greatly offended and dis- pleased at such proceeding. For man, who, among all the various kinds of animals, is alone endowed with the faculty of reason, cannot, like the rest, pass over such actions, but will make reflection on what he sees; and, comparing likewise the future with the present, will not fail to express his indignation at this injurious treatment; to which, as he foresees, he may also at some time be exposed. Thus again, when any one who has been succoured by another in the time of dan- ger, instead of showing the like kindness to his benefac- tor, endeavours at any time to destroy or hurt him, it is certain that all men must be shocked by such ingrat- itude, through sympathy with the resentment of their neighbour, and from an apprehension also that the case may be their own. And from hence arises in the mind of every man a certain notion of the nature and force of duty, in which consists both the beginning and the end of justice. In like manner, the man who, in de- fence of others, is seen to throw himself the foremost into every danger, and even to sustain the fury of the fiercest animals, never fails to obtain the loudest accla- mations of applause and veneration from all the multi- tude, while he who shows a different conduct is pursued with censure and reproach. And thus it is that the people begin to discern the nature of things honorable SYMPATHY. ADAM SMITH. 25^ and base, and in what consists the difference between them ; and to perceive that the former, on account of the advantage that attends them, are fit to be admired and imitated, and the latter to be detested and avoid- ed.'" * " The doctrine," says Dr. Gillies, " contained in this passage is expanded by Mr. Smith into a theory of mor- al sentiments. But he departs from his author in pla- cing the perception of right and wrong in sentiment or feeling, ultimately and simply. Polybius, on the con- trary, maintains, with Aristotle, that these notions arise from reason or intellect operating on affection or appe- tite ; or, in* other words, that the moral faculty is a compound, and may be resolved into two simpler prin- ciples of the mind." f The only expression I object to in the preceding sentences is the phrase his author, which has the appear- ance of insinuating a charge of plagiarism against Mr. Smith ; — a charge which, I am confident, he did not deserve, and to which the above extract does not, in my opinion, afford any plausible color. It exhibits, indeed, an instance of a curious coincidence between two phi- losophers in their views of the same subject, and as such I have no doubt that Mr. Smith himself would have remarked it, had it occurred to his memory when he was writing his book. Of such accidental coinci- dences between different minds, examples present them- selves every day to those who, after having drawn from their internal resources all the lights they could supply on a particular question, have the curiosity to compare their own conclusions with those of their pre- decessors. And it is extremely worthy of observation, that, in proportion as any conclusion approaches to the truth, the number of previous approximations to it may be reasonably expected to be multiplied. In the instance before us, however, the question about originality is of little or no moment, for the pe* * Lib. VI. Cap. VI., Hampton's translation. , Gillies's Aristot. Ethics, Book III. Chap. IV., note. 22* 258 AUXILIARY culiar merit of Mr. Smith's work does not lie in hiff general principle, but in the skilful use he has made of it to give a systematical arrangement to the most im- portant discussions and doctrines of ethics. In this point of view, the Theory of Moral SeMim£nts may be justly regarded as one of the most original efforts of the human mind in that branch of science to which it relates ; and even if we were to suppose that it was first suggested to the author by a remark of which the world had been in possession for two thousand years before, this very circumstance would only reflect a stronger lustre on the novelty of his design, and on the invention and taste displayed in its execution. In the same work I have observed, that, " in studying the connection and filiation of successive theories, when we are at a loss in any instance for a link to complete the continuity of philosophical speculation, it seems much more reasonable to search for it in the sys- tems of the immediately preceding period, and in the inquiries which then occupied the public attention, than in detached sentences, or accidental expressions gleaned from the relics of distant ages. It is thus only that we can hope to seize the precise point of view in which an author's subject first presented itself to his attention, and to account to our own satisfaction, from the par- ticular aspect under which he saw it, for the subsequent direction which was given to his curiosity. In follow- ing such a plan, our object is not to detect plagiarisms, which we suppose men of genius to have intentionally concealed, but to fill up an apparent chasm in the his- tory of science, by laying hold of the thread which in- sensibly guided the mind from one station to another." Upon these principles, our attention is naturally direct- ed, on the present occasion, to the inquiries of Dr. But- ler, in preference to those of any other author, ancient or modern. At the time when Mr. Smith began his literary career, Butler unquestionably stood highest among the ethical writers of England ; and his works appear to have produced a still deeper and more last- ing impression in Scotland than in the other part of the SYMPATHY. ADAM SMITH. 25^ island. Of the esteem in which they were held by Lord Kames and Mr. Hume, satisfactory documents remain in their published letters; nor were his writings less likely to attract the notice of Mr. Smith, in conse- quence of the pointed and unanswerable objections which they contain to some of the favorite opinions of his predecessor. Dr. Hatcheson. VI. Butlerh Views on this Subject.] The probability of this conjecture is confirmed by the obvious and easy transition which connects the theory of sympathy with Butler's train of thinking in his Sermon On Self-deceit. In order to free the mind from the influence of its arti- fices, experience gradually teaches us (as Butler has excellently shown), either to recollect the judgments we have formerly passed in similar circumstances %w the conduct of others, or to state cases to ourselves, in which we and all our personal concerns are left entirely out of the question. Hence it was not an unnatural inference, on the first. aspect of the fact, that our only ideas of right and wrong, with respect to our own con- duct, are derived from our sentiments with respect to the conduct of others. This, accordingly (as we have already seen), is the distingaishing principle of Mr. Smith's theory. I have formerly referred to a note in Butler's fifth Sermon, in which he has exposed the futility of Hobbes's definition of pity. In the same note, it is re- marked further by the very acute and profound author, that Hobbes's premises, if admitted to be sound, so far from establishing his favorite doctrine concerning the selfish nature of man, would afford an additional illus- tration of the provision made in his constitution for the establishment and maintenance of the social un- ion. " If there be really any such thing as the fiction or imagination of danger to ourselves from sight of the miseries of others, which Hobbes speaks of, and which he has absurdly mistaken for the whole of compassion, — if there be any thing of this sort common to man- kmd distinct from the reflection of reason, it would be 260 AUXILIARY PRINCIPLES. i a most remarkable instance of what was farthest from | his thoughts, namely, of a mutual sympathy between each particular of the species, — a fellow-feeling com- mon to mankind. It would not, indeed, be an instance of our substituting others for ourselves, but it would be an example of our substituting ourselves for others." To those who are at all acquainted with Mr. Smith's book, it is unnecessary for me to observe how very pre- cisely Butler has here touched on the general fact which is assumed as the basis of the Theory of Moral Sen' timents. In various other parts of Butler's writings there are manifest anticipations of Mr. Smith's ethical specula- tions. In his Sermon, for example. On Forgiveness of Injuries^ he expresses himself thus: — " Without know- ing particulars. I take upon me to assure all persons who think they have received indignities or injurious treatment, that they may depend upon it, as in a man- ner certain, that the offence is not so great as they themselves imagine. We are in such a peculiar situa- tion, with respect to injuries done to ourselves, that we can scarce any more see them as they really are than our eye can see itself. If we could place ourselves at a due distance (that is, be really unprejudiced), we should frequently discern that to be in reality inadver- tence and mistake in our enemy, which we now fancy we see to be malice or scorn. From this proper point of view we should likewise, in all probability, see some- thing of these latter in ourselves, and most certainly a great deal of the former. Thus the indignity or inju- ry would almost infinitely lessen, and perhaps at last come out to be nothing at. all. Self-love is a medium of a peculiar kind ; in these cases it magnifies every ihing which is amiss in others, at the same time that it lessens every thing amiss in ourselves." The following passage in Butler's Sermon On Self- deceit is still more explicit. " It would very much pre- vent our being misled by this self-partiality, to reduce that practical rule of our Saviour — Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you., do ye even so to them RIDICULE. 2^1 -- to our judgment or way of thinking. This rule, you see, consists of two parts. One is to substitute anoth- er for yourself when you take a survey of any part of your behaviour, or consider what is proper and fit and reasonable for you to do upon any occasion ; the other part is, that you substitute yourself in the room of another, — consider yourself as the person affected by such a behaviour, or towards whom such an action is done, and then you would not only see, but likewise feel, the reasonableness or unreasonableness of such an action or behaviour." * Section III. OF THE SENSE OF THE RIDICULOUS. I. Objects of Ridicule,] Another auxiliary principle to the moral faculty yet remains to be considered, — the sense of ridicule^ and the anxiety which all men feel to avoid whatever is likely to render them the objects of it. The subject is extremely curious and interest- ing; but the time I have bestowed on the former article obliges me to confine myself to a very short explanation of the meaning of the word, and of the relation which the principle denoted by it bears to our nobler motives of action. The natural and proper object of ridicule is those * The same idea is stated with great clearness and conciseness by Ilobbes "There is an easy rule to know upon a sudden, whether the action I be to do be against the law of nature or not. And it is but this, — That a man imagine himself in the place of the party with whom he hath to do, and reciprocally him in his. Which is no more but changing (as it were) of the scales ; for every man's passion weigheth heavy in his own scale, but not in the scale of his neighbour. And this rule is very well knovn and expressed in the old dictate, Quod tihi fieri non vis, alieri ne feceris" — De Corpore Politico, Chap. IV. It is observed by Gibbon that this golden rule of doing as we would be done by is to be found in a moral treatise of Isocrates. — Decline and Fall of tlie Roman Empire, Chap. LIV., note. [For other critical notices of Adam Smith's theory, see Brown's Philos- ophy of the Human Mind, Lect. LXXX. and LXXXI. Cousin, Philosophic Morale, Seconde Partie : Ecole Ecossaise, LcQons IV. -VI. Jouffroy's In. troduction to Ethics^ Lectures XVI. - XVIII.] 262 AUXILIARY PRINCIPLES. smaller improprieties in character and manners which do not rouse our feelings of moral indignation, or im- press us with a melanclioly sense of human depravity. In the words of Aristotle, to yeXoLou, or the ridiculous, may be defined to be to alaxos dudidwou, the deformed with- out hurt or mischief, or (as he has explained his own meaning) " those smaller faults which are neither pain- ful nor pernicious, but unbeseeming- " ; and " of which," he adds, " the proper correction is not reproach, but laughter.''^ In stating this as a general principle with respect to the ridiculous, I would not be understood to assert that every thing which is ridiculous implies immorality, in the strict acceptation of that word. Ignorance, absurd- ity in reasoning, even a want of acquaintance with the established ceremonial of behaviour, often provoke our laughter with irresistible force. What is ridiculous, however, always implies some imperfection, and ex- poses the individual to whom it attaches to a species of contempt, of which (how good-humored soever) no man would choose to be the object. Perhaps, indeed, it might be found, on a more accu- rate analysis of this part of our constitution, that it is not, in such cases, merely the intellectual or physical de- fect which excites our ridicule, but the contrast between this and some moral impropriety or imperfection^ which either conceals the defect from the individual himself, or induces him to attempt concealing it from others; and consequently, that the sentiment of ridicule always involves, more or less, a sentiment of moral disapproba- tion. One thing is certain, that intellectual and physi- cal imperfections never appear so ridiculous as when accompanied with affectation, hypocrisy, vanity, pride, or an obvious incongruity between the pretensions of an individual and the education he has received, or the station in which he was originally placed. Upon this question, however, I shall not at present presume to decide. It is sufficient for my purpose, if it be granted that nothing is ridiculous but what falls short, some way or other, of our ideas of excellence ; RIDICULE. 263 or (as Cicero expresses it), " Locus et regio quasi ridi- culi, turpitudine et deformitate quadam continetur." * II. Final Cause of this Principle.] Hence, I think, may be traced a beautiful /mti/ cause in this part of our frame. For while it enlarges the fund of our enjoy- nient, by rendering the more trifling imperfections of our fellow-creatures a source of amusement to us, it ex- cites the exertions of every individual to correct those imperfections by which the ridicule of others is likely to be provoked. As our eagerness, too, to correct these imperfections may be presumed to be weak in propor- tion as we apprehend them to be, in a moral vievh of trifling moment, we are so formed, that the painful feel- ings produced by ridicule are often more poignant than those arising from the consciousness of having rendered ourselves the objects of strong moral disapprobation. Even the consciousness of being hated by mankind is to the generality of men less intolerable than what the poet calls " The world's dread laugh^ Which scarce the firm philosopher can scorn." It furnishes no objection to these observations, that the sense of ridicule is not always favorable to virtu- ous conduct ; and that it frequently tends very power- fully to mislead us from our duty. The same remark may be extended to the desire of esteem^ and even to the moral faculty^ — that they are liable to be perverted by education and fashion. But the great ends of our being are to be collected from the general scope of the principles of our constitution ; not from the particular instances in which this scope is thwarted by adventi- tious circumstances ; and nothing surely can be more evident than this, that the three principles just men- tioned were all intended to cooperate together, and to lead to a conduct favorable to the improvement of the individual, and to the general interests of society. * De Oratore, Lib. II. 58. " The place and, as it were, province of ridi* cule are confined to baseness and deformity.'' 264 AUXILIARY PRINCIPLES. The sense of ridicule, in particular, although it has a manifest reference to such a scene of imperfection as we are placed in at present, is, on the whole, a most important auxiliary to our sense of duty, and well de- serves a careful examination in an analysis of the mor- al constitution of m.an. It is one of the most striking characteristics of the human constitution, as distin- guished from that of the lower animals, and has an in- timate connection with the highest and noblest princi- ples of our nature. As Milton has observed, — " Smiles from reason flow, To brutes denied " ; and it may be added, that they not only imply the power of reason, in the more limited acceptation of that word, as applicable to the perception of truth and false- hood, but the moral faculty, or that power by which we distinguish right from wrong'. Indeed, they imply the power of reason (in both acceptations of the term) in a high state of cultivation. In the education of youth, there is nothing which re- quires more serious attention than the proper regulation of the sense of ridicule; nor is there any instance in w^hich the legislator has it more in his power to influ- ence national manners, than by watching over those public exhibitions which avail themselves of this prin- ciple of human nature, as a vehicle of entertainment to the multitude. Section IV. OF TASTE, CONSIDERED IN ITS RELATION TO MORALS. I. Taste applicable to Morals.] From the explanation formerly given of the import of the phrases moral beau- ty and moral deformity, it may be easily conceived in what manner the character and the conduct of our fel- low-creatures may become subservient to the gratifica- tion of taste. The use which the poet makes of this class of our intellectual pleasures is entirely analogous to the resources which he borrows from the charms of MORAL TASTE. 265 external nature. By skilful selections and combina- tions, characters more exalted and more pleasing may be drawn than have ever fallen under our observation ; and a series of events may be exhibited in perfect con- sonance to our moral feelings. Rewards and punish- ments may be distributed by the poet with an exact regard to the merits of individuals ; and those irregu- larities in the distribution of happiness and misery, which furnish the subject of so many complaints in real life, may be corrected in the world created by his genius. Here, too, the poet borrows from nature the model after which he copies, not only as he accommo- dates his imaginary arrangements to his unperverted sense of justice, but as he accommodates them to the general lavjs by which the world is governed ; for whatever exceptions may occur in particular cases, there can be no more doubt about the fact, that virtue is the direct road to happiness, and vice to misery, than that, in the material world, blemishes and defects are lost amid prevailing beauty and order. The power of moral taste, like that which has for its object the beauty of material forms and the various productions of the fine arts, requires much exercise for its development and culture. The one species of taste, also, as well as the other, is susceptible of a false re- finement, injurious to our own happiness, and to our usefulness as members of society. II. Dangers incident to a false Refinement of Moral Taste.] With this false refinement of taste is some- times connected the peculiar species of misanthropy which is grafted on a worthy and benevolent heart. When the standard of moral excellence we have been accustomed to dwell upon in imagination is greatly elevated above the common attainments of humanity, we are apt to become too difficult and fastidious (if 1 may use the expression) in our moral taste ; or, in plain- er language, to become unreasonably censorious of the follies and vices of our contemporaries. In such cases, it may happen that the native benevolence of the mind, 23 ^b6 AUXILIARY PRINCIPLES. by being habitually directed towards ideal characters, may prove a source of real dissatisfaction and dislike towards those with whom we associate. Such a dis- position, when carried to an extreme, not only sours the temper, and dries up all the springs of innocent comfort which nature has so liberally provided for us in the common incidents of life, but, by withdrawing a man from active pursuits, renders all his talents and virtues useless to society. A character of this descrip- tion has furnished to Moliere the subject of the most finished of all his dramatic pieces, and to Marraontel, that of one of his most agreeable and useful tales. The former of these is universally known as the masterpiece of French comedy; but the latter possesses also an un- common degree of merit by the hints it suggests for curing the weakness in which the character originates, and by the interesting contrast it exhibits between the misanthrope of Moliere, and a man who unites inflexi- bility of principle with that accommodation of temper which is necessary for the practical exercise of virtue. The great nurse and cherisher of this species of mis- anthropy is solitary contemplation ; and the only effect ual remedy is society and business, together with a habit of directing the attention rather to the correction of our own faults than to a jealous and suspicious ex- amination of the motives which influence the conduct of our neighbours. Considered as a principle of action, a cultivated moral *taste, while it provides an effectual security against the grossness necessarily connected with many vices, cherishes a temper of mind friendly to all that is amiable, or generous, or elevated in our nature. When separated, however, as it sometimes is, from a strong sense of duty, it can scarcely fail to prove a fallacious guide ; the influence of fashion, and of other casual associations, tending perpetually to lead it astray. This is more particularly remarkable in men to whom the gratifications of taste in general form the principal object of pursuit, and whose habits of life encourage them to look no higher for their rule of conduct than the way of the world. MORAL TASTE. 267 The language employed by some of the Greek phi- losophers in their, speculations concerning the nature of virtue seems, on a superficial view, to imply that they supposed the moral faculty to be wholly resolvable into a sense of the beautiful ; and hence Lord Shaftesbury, Dr. Hutcheson, and others, have been led to adopt a phraseolog}^ which has the appearance of substituting taste, in contradistinction to reason and conscience^ as the ultimate standard of right and wrong. While on this subject, I cannot help taking notice of a highly exceptionable passage which occurs in one of INIr. Burke's later publications, — a passage in which, after contrasting the polished and courtly manners of the higher orders with the coarseness and vulgarity of the multitude, he remarks, that among the former "vice itself lost half its evil by losing all its grossness." * The fact, according to 7ny view of things, is precisely the reverse ; that the malignant contagiousness of vice is increased tenfold by every circumstance which draws a veil over or disguises its native deformity. On this argument volumes might be written, and I sincerely wish that a hand could be found equal to the task. At present, I must content myself with recommending it to the serious attention of moralists, as one of the most important topics of practical ethics which the actual circumstances of this part of the world point out as an object of philosophical discussion. * At the close of the eloquent description of the queen, in his Reflectiom on the Revolution in France. 268 FREE AGENCY. CHAPTER VI. OF MAN'S FKEE AGENCY. Section I. PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. I. Manh Free Agency has been called in question by Speculative Minds.] All the foregoing inquiries con< cerning the moral constitution of man proceed on the supposition, that he has a freedom of choice between good and evil, and that, when he deliberately performs an action which he knows to be wrong, he renders him- self justly obnoxious to punishment. That this sup- position is agreeable to the common apprehensions of mankind will not be disputed. From very early times, indeed, the truth of the sup- position has been called in question by a few specula- tive men, who have contended that the actions we perform are the necessary result of the constitution of our minds, operated on by the circumstances of our ex- ternal situation; and that what we call moral delin- quencies are as much a part of our destiny as the cor- poreal or intellectual qualities we have received from nature. The argument in support of this doctrine has been proposed in various forms, and has been frequent- ly urged with the confidence of demonstration.* This question about predestination and free-will has furnished, in all ages and countries, inexhaustible mat- ter of contention, both to philosophers and divines. In the ancient schools of Greece it is well known how generally and how keenly it was agitated. Among the Mahometans it constitutes one of the principal * The rest of this chapter was thrown by the author into an appendix. In this edition it is inserted in its place, as being necessary to the discus- sion. Some retrenchments have been made in order to find room for the notes, which are intended to give some slight intimations of the present 6tate of the controversy. — Ed. PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 269 points of division between the followers of Omar and those of Ali ; and among the ancient Jews it was the subject of endless dispute between the Pharisees and the Sadducees. It is scarcely necessary for me to add, what violent controversies it has produced, and still continues to produce, in the Christian world. II. Explanation of Terms used in this Controversy.^ As this controversy, like most others in metaphysics, has been involved in much unnecessary perplexity by the ambiguity of language, a few brief remarks on some equivocal terms connected with the question at issue may perhaps add something to the perspicuity and precision of the following reasonings. 1. The word volition is defined by Locke to be " an act of the mind, knowingly exerting that dominion it takes itself to have over any part of the man, by em- ploying it in, or withholding it from, any particular ac- tion." * Dr. Reid defines it, more briefly, to be " the determination of the mind to do or not to do something which we conceive to be in our power." He remarks, at the same time, that " this definition is not strictly logical, inasmuch as tlie determination of the mind is only another term for volition. But it ought to be ob- served, that the most simple acts of the mind do not admit of being logically defined. The only way to form a precise notion of them is to reflect attentively upon them as we feel them in ourselves. Without this reflection, no definition can enable us to reason about them with correctness." f 2. It is necessary to form a distinct notion of what is meant by the word volition^ in order to understand the import of the word ivill; for this last word properly expresses ih'dt power of the mind of which volition is the act, and it is only by attending to what we experience, while we are conscious of the act, that we can under- stand any thing concerning the nature of the power. * Essay concerning Human Understandinq^ Book II. Chap. XXI. § 15. t Essays on the Active Powers, Essuy II- Chap. I. 23* 270 FREE AGENCY. The word vnll^ however, is not always used in this its proper acceptation, but is frequently substituted for volition; as when I say that my hand moves in obedi- ence to my iviJl. This, indeed, happens to the names of most of the powers of the mind, — that the same word is employed to express the power and the act. Thus imagination signifies both the power and the act of imagining; abstraction signifies both the power aid the act of abstracting ; and so in other instances. But although the word will may, without departing from the usual forms of speech, be used indiscriminately for the power and the act, the word volition applies only to the latter ; and it would undoubtedly contribute to the distinctness of our reasonings to restrict the sig- nification of the word will entirely to the former. It is not necessary, I apprehend, to enlarge any more on the meaning of these terms. It is to be learned only from careful reflection on what passes in our own minds, and to multiply words upon the subject would only involve it in obscurity. 3. There is, however, a state of the mind perfectly dis- tinct both from the power and the act of willing, with which they have been frequently confounded, and of which it may therefore be proper to mention the char- acteristical marks. The state I refer to is properly called desire, the distinction between which and will was first clearly pointed out by Mr. Locke. "I find the will,^^ says he, " often confounded with several of the affections, especially desire, and that by men who would not wilHngly be thought not to have had very distinct notions of things, and not to have writ very clearly about them.'' — "This," he justly adds, "has been no small occasion of obscurity and mistake in this matter, and therefore is, as much as may be, to be avoided." The substance of his remarks on the ap- propriate meaning of these two terms amounts to the two following propositions : — 1. That at the same moment a man may desire one thing and will another. 2. That at the same moment a man may have contrary desires, but cannot have contrary wills. The notions, PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 271 therefore, 'which ought to be annexed to the words will and desire are essentially different. It will be proper, however, to state Mr. Locke's ob- servations in his own words : — " He that shall turn his thoughts inwards upon what passes in his own mind when he wills^ shall see that the will or power of vo- lition is conversant about nothing but that particular determination of the mind whereby, barely by a thou4^-ht, the mind endeavours to give rise, continuation, or stop to any action which it takes to be in its power. This, well considered, plainly shows, that the will is perfectly distinguished from desire, which, in the very same ac- tion, may have a quite contrary tendency from t:iat which our wills set us upon. A man whom I cannot deny may oblige me to use persuasions to another, which, at the same time I am speaking, I may wish not to prevail on him. In this case, it is plain the will and desire run counter. I loill the action that tends one way, whilst my desire tends another, and that the direct contrary. A man who, by a violent fit of gout in his limbs, finds a doziness in his head or a want of appetite in his stomach removed, desires to be eased too of the pain of his feet or hands (for wherever there is pain there is a desire to be rid of it) ; though yet, while he apprehends that the removal of the pain may translate the noxious humors to a more vital part, his will is never determined to any one action that may serve to remove this pain. Whence it is evident that desiring and willing are two distinct acts of the mind; and, consequently, that the will, which is but the power of volition, is much more distinct from de- sire." * It is surprising how little this important passage has been attended to by Locke's successors. Dr. Johnson on this, as on every other occasion where logical precision of ideas is called for in a definition, is strangely indistinct and inconsistent. Will he defines to be " that power by which we desire and purpose " ; * Essay concerning Human Understanding^ Book II. Chap. XXI. § 30. 272 FREE AGENCY. , and he gives as its synonyme the scholastic word vellei* ty. Oil turning to the article velleity^ we are told that " it is the school term used to signify the lowest degree of desire "; in illustration of which Dr. South is quoted, according to whom " the ivisliing- of a thing is not properly the ivilling it, but it is that which is called by the schools an imperfect velleity^ and imports no more than an idle, inoperative complacency in and desire of the end, without any consideration of the means." 4. Instead of speaking (according to common phrase- ology) of the influence of motives on the will^ it would be much more correct to speak of the influence of mo- tives on the agent We are apt to forget what the will is, and to consider it as something inanimate and pas- sive, the state of which can be altered only by the ac- tion of some external cause. The habitual use of the metaphorical word motives^ to denote the intentions or purposes which accompany our voluntary actions, or, in other words, the ends which we have in view in the exercise of the power intrusted to us, has a strong ten- dency to confirm us in this error, by leading us to as- similate in fancy the volition of a mind to the motion of a body, and the circumstances which give rise to this volition to the vis motrix by which the motion is produced. It was probably in order to facilitate the reception of his favorite scheme of necessity that Hobbes was led to substitute, instead of the old division of our faculties into the powers of the understanding and those of the will, a new division of his own, in which the name of cognitive powers was given to the former, and that of motive powers to the latter. To familiarize the ears of superficial readers to this phraseology was of itself one great step towards securing their suffrages against the supposition of man's free agency. To say that the will is determined by motive powers, is to employ a language which virtually implies a recognition of the very point in dispute. Accordingly, Mr. Belsham is at pains to keep the metaphorical origin of the word motive in the view of his readers, by prefixing to his PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 273 argument in favor of the scheme of necessity the fol- lowing definition: — '^ Motive, in this discussion, is to be understood in its most extensive sense. It ex- presses whatever moves or influences the mind in its choice." * 5. According to Mr. Locke, the ideas of liberty and of power are very nearly the same. " Every one," he observes, " finds in himself a power to begin or forbear, continue or put an end to, several actions in himself. From the consideration of the extent of this power of the mind over the actions of the man, which every one finds in himself, arise the ideas of liberty and necessi- ty." And a few sentences afterwards : — " The idea of liberty is the idea of a power in any agent to do or forbear any particular action, according to the deter- mination or thought of the mind, whereby either of them is preferred to the other. Where either of them is not in the power of the agent, to be produced by him according to his volition, there he is not at liberty, but under necessity." f That these definitions are not perfectly correct will appear hereafter. They approach, indeed, very nearly to the definitions of liberty and necessity given by Hobbes, Collins, and Edwards ; whereas Locke, in order to do justice to his own de- cided opinion on the subject, ought to have included also in his idea of liberty a poiver over the determi- nations of his will. It is owing in a great measure to this close connec- tion between the ideas of free will and of power, and to the pleasure with which the consciousness of power is always accompanied, that we feel so painful a mor- tification in perusing those systems in which our free agency is called in question. Dr. Priestley himself, as well as his great oracle. Dr. Hartley, has acknowledged, that " he was not a ready convert to the doctrine of necessity, and that he gave up his liberty with great reluctance." J But whence this reluctance to embrace * Elements of the Philosophy of the Mind, Chap. IX. Sect. I. T J^ssay concerning Human Understanding, Book II. Chap. XXI. §§ 7, 8. j Doctrine of Philosophical Necessity Illustrated, Preface. 274 FREE AGENCY. a doctrine so " great and glorious," but from its repug- nance to the n human mind? nance to the natural feelings and natural wishes of the Section II. REVIEW OF THE ARGUMENT FOR NECESSITY. I. Concessions by the Advocates for Free Will.] Be- fore proceeding to an examination of this question, I shall premise a few principles in which both parties are agreed, or which at least appear to me to be conces- sions which the advocates for free will may safely make to their antagonists without any injury to their general argument. 1. Every action is performed with some view, or, in other words, is performed from some motive. Dr. Reid, indeed, denies this with zeal, but I am doubtful if he has strengthened his cause by doing so ; * for he con* fesses that the actions which are performed without motives are perfectly trifling and insignificant, and not such as lead to any general conclusion concerning the merit or demerit of moral agents. I should therefore rather be disposed to yield this point than to dispute a proposition not materially connected with the ques- tion at issue. One thing is clear and indisputable, that it is only in so far as a man acts from motives or in- tentions, that he is entitled to the character of a ra- tional being. 2. The merit of an action depends entirely on the motive from which it was performed. Dr. Reid re- marks, that some necessitarians have triumphed in this principle as the very hinge of the controversy, whereas the truth is, that no reasonable advocate for free will ever called it in question. II. General Statement of the Argument for Necessity.] So far, I think, we are justified in going. The great * Essaijs on the Active Powers, Essay IV. Chap. IV. ARGUMENT FOR NECESSITY. 275 qaestion is, Hoio do motives influence or determine the will? In answer to this question the necessitarians reason as follows: — Every change in our nature, we are told, implies the operation of a cause; and this maxim, it is pretended, holds not only with respect to inanimate matter, but with respect to the changes which take place in the state of a mind. Every volition, therefore, must have been produced by a motive with which it is as necessa- rily connected as any other effect with its cause; and when different motives are presented to the mind at the same time, the will yields to the strongest, as necessa- rily as a body urged by two contrary forces moves in the direction of that which is most powerful. The foregoing argument goes to prove, that all hu- man actions are as necessarily produced by motives as the going of a clock is necessarily produced by the weights, and that no human action could have been otherwise than it really was. Nay, it applies also in full force to the Deity, and indeed to all intelligent be- ings whatever; for it is not founded on any thing pe- culiar to the human mind, but on the impossibility of free agency ; and, of consequence, it leads to this gen- eral conclusion, that no event in the universe could have happened otherwise than it did. Accordingly, Dr. Clarke has been at much pains to prove that the Deity mvst be a free agent, and therefore that free agency is not impossible ; from which he in- fers that there must be some flaw in the reasonings just stated to prove that man is a necessary agent* If this reasoning of Clarke's be admitted as conclusive, where is the absurdity, I would ask, of supposing that God may have been pleased to place man in a state of moral discipline, by imparting to him a freedom of choice between good and evil, in like manner as he has imparted to him various other faculties and powers essentially different from any thing we observe in the lower animals? Is not the contrary assertion a pre- * Demonstration of the Being and Attributes of God, Prop. XII. 276 FREE AGENCY. sumptuous attempt to set limits to the Divine Omnip • otence ? Among the various forms which religious enthusiasm assumes, there is a certain prostration of the mind, which, under the specious disguise of a deep humility, aims at exalting the Divine perfections by annihilat ing all the powers which belong to human nature. " Nothing is more usual for fervent devotion," says Sir James Mackintosh, in speaking of some theories cur- rent among the Hindoos, " than to dwell so long and so warmly on the meanness and worthlessness of created things, and on the all-sufficiency of the Su- preme Being, that it slides insensibly from comparative to absolute language, and, in the eagerness of its zeal to magnify the Deity, seems to annihilate every thing else." This excellent observation may serve to account for the zeal displayed by many devout men in favor of the scheme of necessity. " We have nothing," they fre- quently and justly remind us, " but what we have re- ceivedy But the question here is simply a matter of fact, whether we have or have not received from God the gift of free will ; and the only argument, it must be remembered, which they have yet been able to ad- vance for the negative proposition is, that this gift was impossible even for the power of God ; — an argument, we may remark, w^hich not only annihilates the power of man, but annihilates that of God also, and subjects him, as well as all his creatures, to the control of causes which he is unable to resist. So completely does this scheme defeat the pious views in which it has some- times originated. I say sometimes ; for this very argument against the liberty of the will is employed by Spinoza, according to whom the free agency of man involves the absurd sup- position of an imperium in imperio in the universe.* Voltaire, too, — who in his latter days, abandoning those principles for which he had before, when in the * Tractat. Polit., Cap. II. Sect. VI. ARGUMENT FOR NECESSITY. 277 full vigor of his faculties, so zealously and eloquently contended, seems to have become a convert to the scheme of fatalism, — has on one occasion had re- course to an argument against man's free agency simi- lar in substance to what is advanced by Spinoza in the passage now referred to. " En eftet, il seroit bien sin- g'ulier que toute la nature, tons les astres obeissent a des loix eternelles, et qu'il y eut un petit animal haut de cinq pieds, qui en mepris de ces lois put agir tou- jours comme il lui plairoit au seul gre de son caprice." * "Singular!" exclaims Dr. Beattie, after quoting the preceding sentence ; " ay, singular indeed, — but not a whit more singular than that this same animal of five feet should perceive, and think, and read, and write, and speak ; attributes which no astronomer of my ac- quaintance has ever supposed to belong to the planets, notwithstanding their brilliant appearance and stupen- dous magnitude." f The reply is quite as good as the y argument is entitled to. J ,^^^^, ^^^.^^^ * Le Philosophe Ignorant, XIII. " Indeed, it would be very singular that all nature, all the planets, should obey eternal laws, and that there should be a little animal, five feet high, who, in contempt of these laws, could act as he pleased, solely according to his caprice." t Essay on Truth, Part II. Chap. II. Sect- III. f In reply to the general argument for necessity founded on the theory , of causation, I copy a few paragraphs from Tappan's Revieiv of Edcoards's Inquiry into the Freedom of the Will. — " Let us look at the connection of cause and phenomena a little more particularly. What is causi? ? It is that which is the ground of the possible and actual existence of phenom- ena. How is cause knoivn ? By the phenomena. Is cause visible ? No ; * whatever is seen is phenomenal. We observe phenomena, and by the law of our intelligence we assign them to cause. But how do we conceive of cause as producing phenomena? By a nisus, an effort, or energy. Is this nisHS itself a phenomenon ? It is when it is observed. Is it always ob- served 1 It is not The nisus of gravitation we do not observe ; we ob- serve merely the facts of gravitation The nisus of heat to consume we do not observe; we observe merely the facts of combustion. Where, then, do we observe this nisus 9 Only in will. Really, volition is the nisus or effort of that cause which we call will. When I wish to do any thing, I make an effort, a nisus, to do it ; I make an effort to raise mv arm, and I raise it. This effort is simply the volition. I make an effort to lift a weight with my hand ; this effort is simply the volition to lift it, and im- mediately antecedent to this effort I recognize only my will, or really only myself. This effort, this nisus, this volition, — whatever we call it, — is in the will itself, and it becomes a phenomenon to us because we are causes that know ourselves- Everv nisus, or effort, or volition, which we. may make, 24 278 FREE AGENCY. n^^ ' ni. Hohhes's Scheme of Necessity.] According to ^j.-*-^^ the view of the subject that has now been taken, we are led to conclude that man possesses a power over the deternfiinations of his will; — and this is precisely the scheme of what is commonly called /ree will^ in op- position to that of necessity. But this power over the determinations of the will has been represented by some philosophers as an absurd- ity and impossibility. Liberty, we are told, consists only in a power to act as we ivill ; and it is impossible to conceive in any being a greater liberty than this. Hence it follows, that liberty does not extend to the determinations of the loill^ but only to the actions conse- quent upon its determinations. To say that we have is in our consciousness : causes which are not self-conscious, of course, do not reveal this nisas to themselves ; and they cannot reveal it to us be- cause it is in the very bosom of the cause itself. What we observe in re- lation to all causes not ourselves, whether they be self-conscious or not, is not the nisus, but the sequeiits of the nisiis. Thus in men we do not ob- serve the volition or nis'^ in t/iei?- wills, but the phenomena which form the sequents of the nisus. And in physical causes, we do not observe the ni' sus of these causes, but only the phenomena which form the sequents of this «/s«s. But when each one comes to himself it is different. He pen- etrates himself, — knows himself. He is himsef the cause; he himself ma^-es the «/s«s, and is conscious of it: and this nisus to him becomes an effect, a phenovmion, — the first phenomenon by which he reveals himself, but a phenomenon by which he reveals himself only to himself It is by the sequents of this nisus, the effects produced in the external visible world, that he reveals himself to others." — pp. 190- 192. That our particular volitions are the effects of the general power of willing, and not of external motives, is plain enough. But the determina- tion of the general power of willing to put forth this or that particular vo- lition, — is not this the eftect of some cause 1 and if so, of what cause ? Let us hear Mr. Tappan again : — "Does the objector allege, as a palpa- ble absurdity, that there is, after all, nothing to account for the particular determination ? I answer, that the particular determination is accounted for in the very quality or attribute of the cause. In the case of a physical cause, the particular determination is accounted for in the quality of the cause, which quality is to be necessarily correlated to the oUject. In the case of will, the particular determination is accounted for in the quality of the cause, which quality is to have the power to make the particular deter- mination without being necessarily correlated to the object. A physical cause is a cause fi.xed, determined, and necessitated. The will is a cause contingent and free. A physical cause is a cause instrumental of a first cause; — the will is first cause itself. The Infinite Will is the first cause inhabiting eternity, filling immensity, and unlimited in its energy. The human Avill is first cause appearing in time, confined to place, and finite in its energy ; but it is the same in kind, because made '.n the likeness of the ARGUMENT FOR NECESSITY. 279 power to will such an action, is to say that we may will it if we will. This supposes the will to be deter- mined by a prior will ; and for the same reason, that will must be determined by a will prior to it, and so on in an infinite series of wills, which is absurd. To act freely, therefore, can mean nothing more than to act voluntarily ; ancLthis is all the liberty that can be con- ceived in man or in any other being. Agreeably to this reasoning, Hobbes defines a free agent to be " he that can do if he will and forbear if he will." The same definition has been adopted by Leib- nitz, by Collins, by Gravesande, by Edwards, by Bon- net, and by all later necessitarians. Dr. Priestley ascribes this peculiar notion of free will to Hobbes as its author ; * but it is in fact of much Infinite "Will. As first cause it is self-moved; it makes its nisiis of itself, and of itself it forbears to make it ; and within the sphere of its activity, and in relation to its objects, it has the power of selecting, by a mere arbi- trary act, any particular object. It is a cause all whose acts, as well as any particular act, considered as phenomenon demanding a cause, are ac- counted for in itself alone.'''' — pp. 222, 22.3. "Acts of the will may be conceived of as analogous to intuitive or first truths. First truths require no demonstration ; they admit of none ; they form the basis of all demonstration. Acts of the. will are first move- ments of primary causes, and as such neither require nor admit o'i antecedent causes, to explain their action. Will is the source and basis of all other cause. It explains all other cause, but in itself admits of no explanation. It presents the primary and all-comprehending fact of power. In God, will is infinite, primary cause, and uncreated : in man it is finite, primary cause, constituted by God's creative act, but not necessitated : for if neces- sitated it would not be Avill, — it would not be power after the likeness of the Divine power ; it would be mere physical or secondary cause, and com- prehended in the chain of natural antecedents and sequents." — p. 228. Joufl'roy says in reference to this point : — " The law, that every motive in material bodies is proportioned to the moving force which produced it, supposes a fact: namely, the /ne7"^/a of matter. To apply this law to the relation which subsists between the resolutions of my will, and the mo- tives which act upon it, is to suppose that my being, — that I, myself, am not a cause ; for a cause is something which produces an act by its own proper power. That which is inert is not a cause ; it may receive and transmit an impulse, but it cannot originate it. Are we, or are we not, a cause ? Have we, or have we not, a power in oursehes of producing certain acts 1 It would seem necessary for us to decide this question, before we can rightly apply the law of extenial phenomena to internal operations." — Tntrodiirtion to Ethics, Lecture IV. — Eu. * •' The doctrine of philosophical necessity is in reality a modem thing ; not older, I believe, than Mr. Hobbes. Of the Calvinists, I believe Mr Jonathan Edwards to be the first. Others have followed his steps, espe* 280 FREE AGENCY. older date, even among modern metaphysicians, coin- ciding exactly with the doctrine of those scholastic divines who contended for the liberty of spontaneity, in opposition to the liberty of indifference. It is, howev- er, to Hobbes that the partisans of this opinion are indebted for the happiest and most popular illustration of it that has yet been given. " I conceive," says he, " liberty to be rightly defined, the absence of all the im- pedi7nents to action that are not contained in the nature and intrinsical quality of the agent. As, for example, the water is said to descend freely, or to have liberty to descend by the channel of the river, because there is no impediment that way ; but not across, because the banks are impediments. And though water cannot as- cend, yet men never say it wants the liberty to ascend, but the faculty or power, because the impediment is in the nature of the water, and intrinsical. So also we say, he that is tied wants the liberty to go, because the impediment is not in him, but in his bands ; whereas we say not so of him who is sick or lame, because the im- pediment is in himself." f In order to judge how far the reasoning of Hobbes is in this instance satisfactory, it is necessary to attend to the various significations of the word liberty ; for the sense in which Hobbes has defined it is only one of its acceptations, and by no means the sense in which it ought to be employed in this controversy. 1. Liberty is opposed to confinement of the body by superior force, as when a person is shut up in a prison. It is in this sense that Hobbes uses the word; for he tells us that liberty consists only in a power to act as dally Mr. Toplady. But the inconsistency of his scheme with what is properly Calvinism appears by his dropping several of the essential parts of that system, and his silence with respect to others And when the doc- trine of necessity shall be thoroughly understood and well considered by Calvinists, it will be found to militate against almost all their peculiar ten- ets." — Philosophical Necessity Illaslrated, Sect. XIII. t See his treatise Of Liberty and Necessity under this head, My Opinion about Liberty and Necessity. Also, Questions concerning Liberty, Necessity, and Chance clearly stated and debated between Dr. Bramhall and Thomai Hobbes ARGUMENT FOR NECESSITY. 281 we will. And if the word had no other acceptation, the objection now stated would be a valid one ; for as the will cannot be confined by any external force, neithet can we with propriety ascribe to the will that species of libert} which is opposed to such confinement.* 2. Liberty is opposed to the restraints on human conduct arising from law and government; as when we say, that, by entering into a political society, a man gives up part of his natural liberty. In this sense lib- erty undoubtedly extends to the determinations of the will; and the very obligations which are opposed to it proceed on the supposition that the will is free. The establishment of law does not abridge this freedom, but, on the contrary, it takes for granted that we have * " This is called the liberty from co-action or violence, the liberty of spon- taneity, — spontaneity, to eKovcnov. In the present question, this species of liberty ought to be thrown altogether out of account : it is admitted by all parties 5 is common equally to brutes and men ; is not a peculiar quality of the will ; and is, in fact, essential to it, for the will cannot possibly b© forced. The greatest spontaneity is, in fact, the greatest necessity. Thus, a hungry horse, who turns of necessity to food, is said, on this definition of liberty, to do so with freedom, because he does so spontaneously ; and, in general, the desire of happiness, which is the most necessary tendency, will, on this application of the term, be the most free. " I may observe, that, among others, the definition of liberty given by the celebrated advocate of moral freedom, Dr. Samuel Clarke, is in reality only that of the liberty of spontaneity, viz. : — ' The power of self-motion or action, which, in all animate agents, is spontaneity, is, in moral or ra- tional agents, what we properly call liberty.' Fifth Reply to Leibnitz, §§ 1 - 20, and First Answer to the Gentleman of Cambridge. Tiiis self-motion, absolutely considered, is itself necessary To live is to act, and as man is not free to live or not to live, so neither, absolutely speaking, is he free to act or not to act. As he lives, he is, necessarily determined to act or energize, — to think and will ; and all the lil)erty to which he can pre- tend is to choose between this mode of action and that. In scholastic language, man cannot have the liberty of exercise, though he may have the liberty of specification. The root of liis freedom is thus necessity. Nay, we cannot conceive otherwise even of the Deity. As we must think him as necessarily existent, and necessarily living, so we must think him as neces- sarily active. Such arc the conditions of human thought. It is thus suf- ficiently manifest that Dr. Clarke's inference of the fact of moral liberty, from the conditions of self-activity, is incompetent. And when he says, ' The true clefnition of liberty is the poivcr to act,^ he should have recollected that this power is, on his own hypothesis, absolutely yato/, if it cannot but act. See his Remarks on Collins, pp. 15, 20, 27." I copy the above from two notes of Sir W. Hamilton, in his edition of Ueid's Works. On the Active Powers, Essay IV. Chap. I. and II. — Ed. 24* 282 FREE AGENCY. it in our power to obey or to transgi-ess ; proposing to us, on the one hand, the motives of duty and of interest, and setting before us, on the other, the consequences of wilful transgression. 3. Liberty is opposed to necessity ; and it is in this sense the word is employed, when we say that man is a free and accountable being, and that the connection between motives and actions is not a necessary con- nection, like that between cause and effect. This species of liberty has been called by some moral lib- erty. That there is nothing inconceivable in this idea ap-. pears, 1 hope, sufficiently from what has been already said. And indeed it is so far from being a metaphysi- cal refinement or subtilty, that the common sense of mankind pronounces men to be accountable for their conduct only in so far as they are understood to be morally free. Whence is it that we consider the pain of the rack as an alleviation of the falsehoods extorted from the criminal? Plainly because the motives pre- sented to him are supposed to be such as no ordinary degree of self-command is able to resist. And if we were only satisfied that these motives were perfectly irresistible, we would not ascribe to him any guilt at all. As an additional confirmation of Hobbes's doctrine, it has been urged that human laws require no more to constitute a crime but that it be voluntary ; and hence it has been inferred, that the criminality consists in the determination of the •will, whether that determination be free or necessary. The case just referred to affords a sufficient refutation of this argument. The confession of the criminal is surely voluntary^ in the strict acceptation of that term ; and yet we consider his guilt as alleviated in the same proportion in which we suppose his moral liberty to be abridged. It is true that in most cases human laws require no more to constitute a crime than that it be voluntary ; because, in general, motives are placed beyond the cog- ARGUMENT FOR NECESSITY. 283 nizance of earthly tribunals. But, in a moral vieWy merit and demerit suppose not only actions to be vol- untary, but the agent to be possessed of moral liberty. And even earthly tribunals judge on the same princi- ple, wherever it can be made to appear that the person accused was deprived of the power of self-government by insanity, or by some accidental paroxysm of passion. I shall mention, in this connection, only one other argument in favor of the scheme of necessity ; and I have reserved for it the last place, as it has been pro- posed with all the confidence of mathematical demon- stration by a writer of no less note than Mr. Belsham. It is in the form of a reductio ad absurdum ; and its more immediate object is to expose to ridicule the con- sequences which necessarily flow from the doctrine of free will. The argument is this : — " According to' the hypothe- sis of free will, the essence of virtue and vice consists in liberty ; for example, benevolence without liberty is no virtue : malignity without liberty is no vice. Both are equally in a neutral state. Add a portion of lib- erty to both, benevolence instantly becomes an eminent virtue, and malignity an odious vice. That is, if to EQUALS YOU ADD EQUALS, THE WHOLES WILL BE UN- EQUAL ; than which nothing can be more absurd." * On this reasoning, to which it w^ould be unjust to deny the merit of complete originality, I have no com- ment to offer. I have quoted it chiefly as a specimen of the logical and mathematical skill of the present advocates for the doctrine of philosophical necessity. In this point of view, it forms an amusing contrast to the lofty pretensions of a sect which prides itself, not only on its superiority to vulgar prejudices, but on its sagacity in detecting a fraud so successfully practised on the rest of mankind by the Author of their moral constitution. IV. Argument of Leibnitz for Necessity. \ It is well Elements of the Philosophy of the Human 3£nd, Chap. IX. Sect. V- 284 FREE AGENCY. known to all who have any acquaintance with the history of modern philosophy, that one of the funda- mental principles of the Leibnitzian system is, that " nothing exists without a syfficient reason why it should be so, and not otherwise." Of this principle the fol- lowing succinct account is given by Leibnitz himself, in his controversial correspondence with Dr. Clarke : — " The great foundation of mathematics is the principle of contradiction or identity ; that is, that a proposition cannot be true and false at the same time. But in order to proceed from mathematics to natural philoso- phy, another principle is requisite (as I have observed in my Theodicy), I mean the principle of the svffident reason; or, in other words, that nothing happens with- out a reason why it should be so rather than otherwise. And accordingly, Archimedes was obliged, in his book De jEquilibrio, to take for granted, that, if there be a balance in which every thing is alike on both sides, and if equal weights are hung on the two ends of that bal- ance, the whole will be at rest. It is because no reasod can be given why one side should weigh down rather than the other. Now by this single principle of the sufficient reason may be demonstrated the being of a God, and all the other parts of metaphysics or natural theology ; and even in some measure those physical truths that are independent upon mathematics, such as the dynamical principles, or the principles of force." * Some of the inferences deduced by Leibnitz from this almost gratuitous assumption are so paradoxical, that one cannot help wondering he was not staggered about its certainty. Not only was he led to conclude that the mind is necessarily determined in all its elec- tions by the greatest apparent good, insomuch that it would be impossible for it to make a choice between two things perfectly alike ; but he had the boldness to extend this conclusion to the Deity, and to assert, that * Collection of Papers which passed between Mr. Leibnitz and Dr. Clarke, Leibnitz's Second Paper. For a full statement of Leibnitz's views on this Rni kindred questions, see his Essais de Thcodicie. \ ARGUMENT FOR NECESSITY. 285 two things perfectly alike could not have been pro- duced even by Divine power. It was upon this ground that he rejected a vacuum^ because all the parts of it would be perfectly like to each other ; and that he also rejected the supposition of atoms, or similar particles of matter, and ascribed to each particle a monad, or active principle, by which it is discriminated from every other particle. The application of his principle, how- ever, on which he evidently valued himself the most, was that to which I have already alluded, — the de- monstrative evidence with which he conceived it to establish the impossibility of free agency, not only in man, but in any other intelligent being. Let us examine, therefore, Leibnitz's principle as ap- plicable to the determinations of the will, and consider what it implies, and how far it is agreeable to fact. And for this purpose it is necessary to attend to the various senses in which it may be understood. 1. When it is said, that for every voluntary action there must have been a sufficient reason, the proposi- tion may be understood merely to imply, that every such action must have had a cause. And we may re- mark by the way, that this is the only interpretation of which the proposition admits, if the word reason he used in the same sense in which alone Leibnitz's max- im is applicable to inanimate matter. But in this sense of the proposition it does not at all aifect the question about liberty and necessity ; for it only implies that the action is an effect, which either proceeded from the free will of the agent (in which case he may justly be said to be the cause of the effect), or which did not proceed from his free will (in which case it must ulti- mately be referred to some other cause). 2. The principle of the sufficient reason, when ap- plied to our voluntary actions, may be understood to imply, that the will is necessarily determined by the greatest apparent good. As this proposition is not pe- culiar to the system of Leibnitz, it may be proper to state it more fully. The circumstances of our external situation, it ha» 286 . FREE AGENCY. been said, and the state of our appetites, desires, &c., at any particular time, evidently do not depend on us. Suppose, tlien, that I am under the influence of any two active principles which urge me in different direc- tions, and that I deliberate which of them I am to obey. The conclusion my understanding forms on this subject does not depend on me, and this conclusion necessarily determines my will ; for it is impossible for a man not to do what appears to him to be, on the whole, the best and most eligible thing at the moment. My will, there- fore, in every case, depends as little on myself as the conclusion of my understanding when I give my assent to a mathematical demonstration. The flaw of this reasoning, I apprehend, lies in that step in which it is affirmed that the will is necessarily determined by what appears to us to be best and most eligible at the moment; — and the only circumstance which gives the proposition the smallest degree of plau- sibility is the ambiguity of the language in which it is stated. For it may either imply that our volitions are necessarily agreeable to what we will at the time ; in which case we only assert an identical proposition : or that the will is necessarily determined by what appears to us to be morally best and really most eligible at the time ; in which case we assert what is contrary to fact. 3. The meaning of the proposition now under con- sideration may be understood to be this, — that for every action there must be a motive. I have already said that in this sense I am disposed to admit the maxim. Dr. Reid, indeed, has very con- fidently maintained the negative; but I do not think (as I formerly observed), that by doing so he has strengthened his cause ; for he confesses that the ac- tions which are performed without motives are per- fectly trifling and insignificant : nay, he acknowledges that the merit of an action depends entirely on the mo- tive from which it is performed. But although we grant this general proposition, it certainly does not follow from it that man is a neces- sary agent. The question is not concerning the influ* ARGUMENT FOR NECESSITY. 287 ence of motives, but concerning the nature of that in- fluence. The advocates for necessity represent it as the influence of a cause in producing its effect. The advocates for liberty acknowledge that the motive is the occasion of acting, or the reason for acting ; but contend that it is so far from being the efficient cause of it, that it supposes the efficiency to exist elsewhere, namely, in the mind of the agent. Between these two opinions there is an essential distinction. The one represents man merely as a passive instrument. Ac- cording to the other, he is really an agent, and the sole author of his own actions. He acts, indeed, from mo- tives, but he has the power of choice among different ones. , When he acts from a particular motive, it is not because this motive is stronger than others, but because he willed to act in this way. Indeed, it may be ques- tioned if the word strength conveys any idea when ap- plied to motives. It is obviously an analogical or met- aphorical expression, borrowed from a class of phe- nomena essentially different.* r * "It is the strongest motive, say they, which determines the will. What is this strongest motive, I ask, and how do you measure the com- parative force of motives ? Is that the strongest motive, according to your idea, which determines the volition ? If this is so, you are arguing in a circle-, and instead of showing that it is the strongest motive which de- cides the will, you are merely saying that, as the determination of the will is in conformity with such or such a motive, therefore this motive is strongest. " But, if we cannot judge from effect, we must find some common measure by which to decide. Let us inquire, then, what this measure can be. " Of two impulses, manifestly unequal, it would be easy to determine the stronger 5 a vehement desire is distinguishable in our consciousness from one not so. And thus, merely from their vivacity and fervor, we may often recognize the stronger from the weaker passion. There is, then, if you choose to say so, a common measure between different im- pulses of our sertsitive nature, which are peculiarly distinguished as emo- tions. On the other hand, of different courses of conduct which reason and self-interest bring into contrast, I may see that one is much more ad- vantageous than another. There is, then, if you please, a means of com- paring together different suggestions of self-interest : the suggestion which promises the most for my interest should have the most power over me. In the same way, among different duties which may present themselves to my judgment, there may be one which appears more obligatory than an- other ; for there are duties of different degrees of importance, and in many cases I must sacrifice the less to the greater. I perceive, then, that, strictly 28S FREE AGENCY. V. Scheme of Necessity advocated by Collins and Ed- umrds.] The ablest defenders of free will have con- tended that the doctrine of necessity, when pushed to its logical consequences, must ultimately terminate in Spinozism. It seems to have been the great aim of Collins to vindicate his favorite scheme from this re- proach, and to retaliate upon the partisans of free will the charge of favoring atheism and immorality. In proof of this, I have only to quote the account given by the author himself of the plan of his work. " Too much care cannot be taken to prevent being misunderstood and prejudged in handhng questions of such nice speculation as those of liberty and necessity ; and therefore, though I might in justice expect to be read before any judgment be passed on me, I think it proper to premise the following observations : — speaking, there is a possibility of comparing together the relative force of ditferent motives originating from duty, and of different motives suggested by self-interest, or, finally, of different desires striving within me at a given moment. But between a desire on the one hand, and a conception of in- terest or of duty on the other, where, I ask, can you find a standard of com- parison 1 If 1 assume passion as the measure, then, evidently, passion will appear the stronger motive ; but if, on the other hand, I assume interest or duty as the measure, then desire becomes nothing, and duty or interest all in all. It depends, then, wholly upon the measure of comparison which I adopt, whether this or the other motive is strongest ; which proves that there is no common measure of comparison to be applied at all times to these different kinds of motives, when we would estimate their relative force. " Thus, in truth, in almost every case, to say that we yield to the strong- est motive is to say what has no meaning ; for in most cases it is impossi- ble to determine the strongest motive. If I will to be prudent, I follow the motive of self-interest ; if I will to be virtuous, I follow the motive of duty ; if I will to be neither prudent nor virtuous, I follow passion ; and in proportion as I yield to passion, to enlightened interest, or to duty, does the merit of my conduct vary. And here is a marvel for the advocate of necessity, and something which, in the sincerity of his conviction, he should ponder well. I, who am not free, — who, whatever resolution I have taken, have yet been fatally determined to take it by the stroflgest motive, — I feel that I am responsible for this resolution ; and others, too, regard me as responsible ; so that, according as I have been impelled to this or that act, do I believe myself to have merit or demerit, and pass sentence on myself as reaRonal)le or unreasonable, prudent or foolish ; and, in a word, apply to myself, though I have yielded necessarily to the strongest motive, certain expressions and names, all implying most decisively and forcibly that I was free to yield or resist, to take at my option this or that course, and, consequently, that this so-called strongest motive did not, after all, d©» termine the act." — Jouffroy's Introduction to Ethics^ Lecf . IV. i ARGUMENT FOR NECESSITY. 289 " First J though I deny liberty in a certain meaning of that word, yet I contend for liberty^ as it signifies a power in man to do as he wills or pleases. " Secondly^ when I affirm necessity^ I contend only for moral necessity^ meaning thereby that man, who is an intelligent and sensible being, is determined by his reason and his senses ; and I deny man to be subject to such necessity as is in clocks, watches, and such oth- er beings, which, for want of sensation and intelligence, are subject to an absolute, physical^ or mechanical neces- sity. " Thirdly^ I have undertaken to show that the notions I advance are so far from being inconsistent with, that they are the sole foundations of, morality and laws, and of rewards and punishments in society ; and that the notions I explode are subversive of them." * In the prosecution of his argument on this question, Collins endeavours to show that man is a necessary agent : — 1. From experience. . By experience he means our own consciousness that we are necessary agents. 2. From the impossibility of liberty. 3. From the consideration of the Divine prescience. 4. From the nature and use of rewards and punishments. And, 5. From the nature of morality. In this view of the subject, and indeed in the very selection of his premises, it is remarkable how com- pletely Collins has anticipated Dr. Jonathan Edwards, the most celebrated and indisputably the ablest cham- pion, in later times, of the scheme of necessity. The coincidence is so perfect, that the outline given by the former of the plan of his work might have served with equal propriety as a preface to that of the latter. From the above-Hfnentioned summary of the argument, and still more from the whole tenor of the Philosophical In- quiry^ it is evident that Collins (one of the most obnox- ious writers of his day to divines of all denominations^ was not less solicitous than his successor, Edwards, to reconcile his metaphysical notions with man's account- * Philosophical Inquiry concerning tinman Liberty^ Preface. . 25 290 FREE AGENCY. ableness and moral agency. The remarks, according- ly, of Clarke upon Colli ns's work are equally applicable to that of Edwards. It is to be regretted that they seem never to have fallen into the hands of this very acute and candid reasoner.* As for Collins, it is a re- * Remarks upon a Booh entitled A Philosophical Inquiry concerning Human Liberty. Voltaire, who in all probability never read either Clarke or Col- lins, has said that the former replied to the latter only by theological rea- sonings ; — " Clarke n'a repondu a Collins qu'en th^ologien." (Quest sur l^Encyc, Art. Libert^.) Nothing can be more remote from the truth. The argument of Clarke is wholly metaphysical, whereas his antagonist in vari- ous instances has attempted, though an avowed deist, to wrest to his own purposes the words of Scripture. [For a full and elaborate answer to Edwards, see Mr. Tappan's Review, from which a long quotation has already been given, directed against one of his leading positions. We give another, on the distinction, so much in- sisted on bv Edwards, and essential, indeed, to his scheme, between moral and natural inability. " Man, they say, is morally unable to do good, and naturally able to do good, and therefore he cah justly be made the subject of command, ap- peal, rebuke, and exhortation. Natural inability, as defined by this system, lies in the connection between the volition, considered as an antecedent, and the effect required. Thus I am naturally unable to walk, when, al- though I make the volition, my limbs, through weakness or disease, do not obey. Any defect in the powers or instrumentalities dependent for activity upon volition, or any impediment which volition cannot surmount, ^consti- tutes natural inability. According to this system, I am not held responsi- ble for any thing which, through natural inability, cannot be accomplished, although the volition is made. But let us suppose that there is no defect in the powers or instrumentalities dependent for activity upon volition, and no impediment which volition cannot surmount, so that there need be only a volition in order to have the effect, and then the natural ability is complete : — I will to walk, and I walk. Now it is affirmed that ^ man is fairly responsible for the doing of any thing, and can be fairly urged to do it, when, as in this case, all that is necessary for the doing of it is a vo- lition, although there may be a moral inability to the volition itself. " Nothing, it seems to me, can be more absurd than this distinction. If it be granted to be absurd to urge men to do right when they are conceived to be totally unable to do right, it is equally so when they are conceived to have only a natural ability to do right ; because this natural ability is of no avail without a corresponding moral ability. If the volition take place, tliere is, indeed, nothing to prevent the action ; nay, ' the very willing is the doing of it' : but then the volition, as an effect, cannot take place without a cause ; and to acknowledge a moral inability is nothing less than to ac- knowledge that there is no cause to produce the required volition. The inability, under both representations, is a total inability. In the utter im- possibility of a right volition is the utter impossibility of any good deed. When we have denied liberty in denying t self-determining power, these definitions, in order to make out a ffuasi liberty and ability, are nothing buT. ingenious folly and plau.sihle deception. '• You tell the man, indeed, that he can if he roiV ; and when he replies, ARGUMENT FOR NECESSITY. 29l markable circumstance, that he attempted no reply to this tract of Clarke's, although he lived twelve years af- ter its publication. The reasonings contained in it, to- gether with those on the same subject in his correspon- dence with Leibnitz, and in his Demonstration of the Being' and Attributes of God, form, in my humble opin- that on your principles the required volition is impossible, you refer him to the common notions of mankind. According to these, you say, a man is guilty when he forbears to do right, since nothing is wanting to right-doing but a volition, and guilty when he does wrong, because he wills to do wrong. According to these common notions, too, a man may fairly be persuaded to do right, when nothing is wanting but a will to do right. But do we find this distinction of natural and moral ability in the common notions of men "? When nothing is required to the performance of a deed but a volition, do men conceive of any inability whatever 7 Do they not feel that the volition has a Tnetaphysical possibility, as well as that the sequent of the volition has a physical possibility ? " — pp. 161 - 165. We copy the following passage from Blakey's History of the Philosophy of Mind^ Vol. IV. p. 515, as giving one of the latest European estimates of Dr. Edwards's merits as a philosopher : — " Dr. Edwards had a peculiar- ly constituted mind ; — a mind capal)le of pursuing, with incomparable steadiness and clearness, the longest and most intricate chain of reasoning; but a mind, withal, by no means endowed with the loftiest powers of logi- cal comprehension. He saw every link in a chain of reasoning with a mi- croscopic eye, which, when its focal power was changed, made eveiy thing at a distance appear hazy, clouded, and ill-defined. He could do one thing as no other man has ever been able to do it ; he could reason from given or assumed premises with perspicuity, neatness, and power, and with an al- most superhuman ease and correctness ; but he could not embrace a phil- osophical system as a whole, and show its manifold bearings and rela- tions to other branches of knowledge. He was an acute, but not a great, philosopher. His was a vivid and piercing light, but its illuminating rays, at a certain distance, became limited and scattered, and gave to all sur- rounding objects a disturbed and confused appearance. His ratiocination is so perfect of its kind, that it assumes the appearance of mechanism ; and we feel a sort of secret dislike to have all the pegs and wires of an argument so minutely and obtrusively placed before us. Edwards has, in fact, been denominated a 'reasoning machine'; and the epithet is by no means misapplied or extravagant. But as a machine can only do its work one way, and we cannot humor it, or make its power more pliable, so in like manner do we find the intellectual mechanism of Edwards unyielding and unmanacreable, except in its own peculiar fashion." With a une grande difference entre le destin des Orientaux, surtout depuis que Mahomet a fait, d'une doctrine gcncralemcnt repanduc avant lui, un article de foi, et le Polythc- isme Grec Le Grec lutte contre le destin, et tout en succombant sous sa force, il fait preuve de libcrte : le Mahometan se rcsigne en avcugle avant I'cvcnement ; lors mcme qu'il agit, il agit en homme ;i qui Taction ne ser- vira de riciT. Le premier murmure contre ce pouvoir, et le supportc avec impatience; le second s'en fclicite parce qu'il dispense de I'activite. Les Grecs placoient la force aveugle dans le destin ; et la pensce qui lui ivsiste, et qui le combat, dans I'homme ; chez les Mahometans la force aveugle est 'lans I'homme ; cette force n'est qu'une force passive, et la pensee est dans le destin." — Essais Phdosophiqms, Tome I. pp. 150, 151. t Historij of America, Book IV. PRESCIENCE OF THE DEITY. 321 and obvious ; and hence in every false religion the scheme of fatalism may be expected to form, not only an essential^ but \he fundamental article. The inconsid- erable influence which this theological dogma (a dog- ma, too, peculiarly calculated to affect and even to over- whelm the imagination) has always had in stifling the sentiment of remorse on the commission of a crime, affords a demonstrative proof of the impotence of such scholastic refinements, when opposed to the feelings of nature, on a question concerning which these feelings form the only tribunal to which a legitimate appeal can be made. That a criminal, in order to alleviate the pang of remorse, may have sometimes sought for relief in this doctrine, is far from being improbable ; but no man ever acted on this belief in the common concerns of human life ; and, indeed, some of its most zealous partisans have acknowledged (particularly Lord Kames), that, were it to prevail universally as a practical princi- ple, the business of the world could not possibly go on. In the ancient Stoical system (as I have already ob- served), the doctrine of fatalism and that of man's free agency were both admitted as fundamental articles of belief. " By fate," says Mrs. Carter, " the Stoics seem to have understood a series of events appointed by the immutable councils of God, or that law of his provi- dence by which he governs the world. It is evident by their writings tha,t they meant it in no sense which interferes with the liberty of human actions." Of the truth of this remark the most satisfactory evidence is afforded by the very first sentence of the Enchiridion of Epictetus, in which it is explicitly stated, that " opinion, pursuit, desire, and aversion, and, in one word, what- ever are our own actions, are in our own power." * * That the doctrine of fatalism, however, led some of the Stoics to very impious and alarming consequences, appears from the followiog words, which Lucan puts into the mouth of Cato. " Summum Brute nefas civilia bella fatemnr, Sed quo fata trahunt, virtus secura sequetur. Crimen erit super is et mefecisse nocentem.^^ Phar. II. 254. See, also, Lib. VII. 657. — Copleston, Prcnlect. Acad., p. 277. 322 FREE AGENCY. Such, too, is the philosophy of Virgil: — " Stat sua cuique dies, breve et irreparabile tempus Omnibus est vitee ; sed famam extendere factis Hoe virtutis opus." * The doctrine,* however, of fatalism, and of an inevi- table destiny, must not be confounded with that of the Divine prescience, between which and the freedom of human actions some of our profoundest philosophers, as I have already observed (particularly Clarke and Reid), have labored to show that there is no inconsis- tency ; while other writers of no less eminence have ap- prehended that there is no absurdity in supposing that the Deity may, for wise purposes, have chosen to open a source of contingency in the voluntary actions of his creatures, to which no prescience can possibly extend. Whatever opinion we may adopt on this point, the conclusions formerly stated concerning man's free agen- cy remain unshaken. Our own free will we know by our consciousness; and we can have no evidence for any other truth so irresistible as this. On the other hand, it would unquestionably be rash and impious in us, from the fact of our own free will, to deny that our actions maybe foreseen by the Deity, or to measure the Divine attributes by a standard borrowed from our im- perfect faculties. The conclusion of St. Augustine on this subject is equally pious and philosophical. " Where- fore we are nowise reduced to the necessity, either by admitting the prescience of God, to deny the freedom of the human will, or by admitting the freedom of the will to hazard the impious assertion, that the prescience * jEneid., Lib. X. 467. " To all that breathe is fixed the appointed date ; Life is but short, and circumscribed by fate : 'T is virtue's work by fame to stretch the span, Whose scanty limit bounds the days of man." The notions of Virgil, however, on this point, as is well observed by Servius, do not seem to have been quite consistent. How are the follow- ing lines, which he applies to Dido, to be reconciled with the above pas* Bage ? " Nam quia nee fato, meritii nee morte peribat ; Sed misera ante diem." — Idem, Lib. IV. 695. PRESCIENCE OF THE DEITY. 323 [>f God does not extend to all future contingencies : but, on the contrary, we are disposed to embrace both doctrines, and with sincerity to bear testimony to their truth, — the one that our faith may be sound, the other that our lives may be goodP * * The following passage in one of Gray's letters has a sufficient connec- tion with what is said above to justify me in giving it a place here. In- deed, were the connection much slighter and less obvious than it is, little apology would be necessary for relieving the attention of the reader by quoting any thing relating to so important a subject from such a pen. '■ I am as sorry as you seem to be, that our acquaintance harped so much on the subject of materialism when I saw him with you in town, because it was plain to which side of the long-debated question he inclined. That we are, indeed, mechanical and dependent beings. I need, no other proof than my own feelings ; and from the same feelings I learn with equal con- viction, that we are not merely such. That there is a power within which struggles against the force and bias of that mechanism, commands its mo- tion, and by frequent practice reduces it to that ready obedience we call habit; and all this in conformity to a preconceived opinion (no matter whether right or wrong). — to that least material of all agents, a thought. I have known many in his case, who, while they thought they were con- quering an old prejudice, did not perceive that they were under the influ- ence of one far more dangerous, — one that furnishes us with a ready apology for all our worst actions, and opens to us a full license for doing whatever we please ; and yet these very people were not at all the more indulgent to other men (as they naturally should have been) ; their indig- nation at such as oifended them, their desire of revenge on any body that hurt them, was nothing mitigated. In short, they wished to be persuaded of that opinion for the sake of its convenience, but were not so in their hearts ; and they would have been glad (as they ought in common pru- dence) that nobody else should think the same, for fear of the mischief that might ensue to themselves. His French author I never saw. but have read fifty in the same strain, and shall read no more. / can be wretched enoiu/k without themy — Works, by Mason, Letter XXXI. I shall avail myself of this note to remark, that, on the subject of free will, though Locke has thrown out many important observations, he is on the whole more indistinct, undecided, and inconsistent than might have been expected from his powerful mind, when directed to so important a question. This was probably owing to his own strong feelings in favor of man's moral liberty, combined with the deep impression left on his philo sophical creed by the writings of Hobbes, and by the habits of intimacy and friendship in which he lived with the acutest and ablest of all neces sitarians, Anthony Collins. That Locke conceived himself to be an advo- cate for free will appears indisputably from many expressions in his chap- ter On Power ; and yet in that very chapter he has made various conces- sions to his adversaries, in which he seems to yield all that was contended for by Hohbes and Collins ; and accordingly, he is ranked, with some ap- pearance of truth, by Priestley, with those who, while they opposed verbal- ly the scheme of necessity, have adopted it substantially, without being aware of their mistake. [To the multitude of works cited or referred to in this chapter may be 324 FREE AGENCY. added the following;: — Crombie's Essay on Philosophical Necessity; Bray's PhHosoplijj of Necessity ; Cogan^s Ethical Questions, Question IV.; Sir T. C. Morgan's Sketches of the Philosophy of Morals, Chap. II. ; Bailey's Es- says on the Pursuit of Truth, ^-c, Essay III. ; Gregory's Essay in Defence of PhilosopJiical Liberty; Bockshauuner On the Freedom op the Human Will; Charma, Essai sur les Bases et les Developpements de la Morality, Part. I. Sect. I., II.; Damiron, Psychologic, Liv. I. Sect. II. Chap. Ill 5 Ballantyne's Exandnation of the Huntan Mind, Chap. III. ; Gibon, Cours de P/ulosophie, Part. I. Chap. XIII. ; Blakey's Essay showing the Intimate Con- nection between our Notions of Moral Good and Evil and our Conceptions of the Freedom of the Divine and Human Wills ; Harvey's Examination of the Pelagian and Arminian Theory of Moral Agency ; Day's Inquiry respecting the Self-determining Power of the Will ; Day's Examination of' President Edwards^s Inquiry on the Fieedom of the Will.] BOOK III. OF THE VARIOUS BRANCHES OF OUR DUTY. The different theories which have been proposed con- cerning the nature and essence of virtue have arisen chiefly from attempts to trace all the branches of our daty to one principle of action; — such as a rational self-love, benevolence, justice, or a disposition to obey the will of God. In order to avoid those partial viev/s of the subject which naturally take their rise from an undue love of system, the following inquiries proceed on an arrange- ment which has, in all ages, recommended itself to the good sense of mankind. This arrangement is founded on the different objects to which our duties relate. 1st. The Deity. 2d. Our Fellow- Creatures. And, 3d. Ourselves. CHAPTER I. OF THE DUTIES WHICH RESPECT THE DEITY. I. The Duty of Relisrious Consideration.] It is scarcely possible to conceive a man capable of reflec- tion, who has not, at times, proposed to himself the following questions; — Whence am I? and whence the innumerable tribes of plants and of animals which I see, in constant spccession, rising into existence? Whence the beautiful fabric of this universe ? and by what wise and powerful Being were the principles of my constitution so wonderfully adapted to the various objects around me ? To whom am I indebted for the 28 326 DUTIES TO GOD. distinguished rank which I hold in the creation, and for the numberless blessings which have fallen to my lot? And what return shall I make for this profusion of goodness ? The only return I can make is by ac- commodating my conduct to the will of my Creator, and by fulfilling, as far as I am able, the purposes of my being. But how are these purposes to be discovered? The analogy of the lower animals gives me here no infor- mation. They, too, as well as I, are endowed with va- rious instincts and appetites ; but their nature, on the whole, exhibits a striking contrast to mine. They are impelled by a blind determination towards their proper objects, and seem to obey the law of their nature in yielding to every principle which excites them to ac- tion. In my own species alone the case is different. Every individual chooses for himself the ends of his pursuit, and chooses the means which he is to employ for attaining them. Are all these elections equally good? and is there no law prescribed to man? I feel the reverse. I am able to distinguish what is right from what is wrong; what is honorable and becoming from what is unworthy and base ; what is laudable and meritorious from what is shameful and criminal. Here, then, are plain indications of the conduct I ought to pursue. There is a law prescribed to man as well as to the brutes. The only -difference is, that it depends on my own will whether I obey or disobey it. And shall I alone counteract the intentions of my Maker, by abusing that freedom of choice which he has been pleased to bestow on me, by raising me to the rank of a rational and moral being ? This is surely the language of nature; and which could not fail to occur to every'man capable of serious thought, were not the understanding and the moral feelings in some instances miserably perverted by relig- ious and political prejudices, and in others by the false refinements of metaphysical theories. How callous must be that heart which does not echo back the reflections which Milton puts into the mouth of our first parent ? DUTIES TO GOD. 327 " Thou sun, said T, fair light, And thou, enlightened earth, so fresh and gay, Ye hills and dales, ye rivers, woods, and plains, And ye that live and move, fair creatures, tell, Tell, if you saw, how came I thus, how here ; Not of myself ; by some great maker then, In goodness, as in pbwer, preeminent ; Tell me how I may know him, how adore, From whom I have, that thus I move and live. And feel that I am happier than I know." 11. The Duty of Piety.] If the Deity be possessed of infinite moral excellence, we must feel towards him, in an infinite degree, all those affections of love, grati- tude, and confidence, which are excited by the imper- fect worth w^e observe among our fellow-creatures. Now it is only by conceiving all that is benevolent and amiable in man raised to the highest perfection, that we can form some faint notion of the Divine nature. To cultivate, therefore, an habitual love and reverence of the Supreme Being may be justly considered as the first great branch of morality ; nor is the virtue of that man complete, or even consistent with itself, in whose mind those sentiments of piety are wanting. Piety seems to' be considered by Mr. Smith as found- <»d in some degree on those principles of our nature which connect us with our fellow-creatures. The de- jection of mind which accompanies a state of complete solitude ; the disposition we have to impart to others our thoughts and feelings ; the desire we have of other inteUigent and moral natures to sympathize with our own, — all lead us, in the progress of reason and of moral perception, to establish gradually a mental inter- course with the Invisible Witness and Judge of our conduct. An habitual sense of the Divine presence comes at last to be formed. In every object or event that we see, we trace the hand of the Almighty, and in the suggestions of reason and conscience we listen to his inspirations. In this intercourse of the heart with God, (an intercourse which enlivens and gladdens the most desolate scenes, and which dignifies the duties of the meanest station,) the supreme felicity of our na- ture is to be found ; and till it is firmly established, 328 DUTIES TO GOD. there remains a void in every breast which nothing earthly can supply ; — a consideration which proves that religion has a foundation in the original principles of our constitution, while it affords us a presage of that immortal happiness which Providence has destined to be the reward of virtue.* III. Religion necessary as a Support p Public and Private Virtue.] Although religion can with no pro- priety be considered as the sole foundation of morality, yet, when we are convinced that God is infinitely good, and that he is the friend and protector of virtue, this belief affords the most powerful inducements to the practice of every branch of our duty. It leads us to consider conscience as the vicegerent of God, and to attend to its suggestions as to the commands of that Being from whom we have received our existence, and the great object of whose government is to promote the happiness and the perfection of his whole creation. These considerations not only are addressed to our gratitude, but awaken in the mind a sentiment of uni- versal benevolence, and make us feel a relation to every part of the universe. In doing our duty, we conceive ourselves as fellow- workers with the Deity, and as will- ing instruments in his hands for promoting the benev- olent purposes of his administration. This is that sub- lime sentiment of piety and benevolence which we meet with so often in the writings of the ancient Stoics. " Shall any one say," observes Antoninus, " ' O be- loved city of Cecrops! ' and wilt not thou say, ' O be- loved city of God'?" In this manner it appears that a sense of religion is favorable to the practice of virtue in two respects ; first, by leading us to consider every act of duty as an ex- pression of gratitude to God ; and, secondly, as leading us to regard ourselves as parts of that universal system * For a further consideration of this important subject, see Butler's two Sermons Upon Piety^ or the Love of God. Also, his Analogy, Part H. Chap. L— Ed. DUTIES TO GOD. 329 ot which he is the Author and Governor. There is another respect in which it is calculated to influence our conduct very powerfully, as it is addressed to our hopes •^ind fears. In this view religion is a species of authoritative law^ enforced by the most awful sanctions, and of which it is impossible for us, by any art, to elude the penalties. In the case of the lower orders of men, who are incapable of abstract speculation, and whose moral feelings cannot be supposed to have re- ceived much cultivation, it is chiefly this view of re- ligion, as addressed to their liopes and fears., that se- cures a faithful discharge of their duties as members of society. In vain would the civil magistrate attempt to preserve the order of society by annexing the penalty of death to heinous offences, if men in general appre- hended that there was nothing to be feared beyond the grave. And it is of importance to remark, that this ob- servation applies with peculiar force to the lower orders, who have commonly much less attachment to life than their superiors. Of this truth, all wise legislators, both ancient and modern, have been aware, and have seen the necessity of maintaining a sense of religion among their fellow-citizens, as the most powerful of all sup- ports to the political order. " Ut aliqua in vita formido improbis esset posita, apud inferose jusmodi quaedam illi antiqui supplicia impiis constituta esse voluerunt; quod videlicet intelligebant his remotis, 'non esse mor- tem ipsam pertimescendam." * They, on the other * Cic. Cati]. IV. " For it was on this account that the ancients invented those infernal punishments of the dead, to keep the wicked under some awe in this Hfe, who, without them, would have no dread of death itself." With these views, it is not surprising that some of the wisest of the heathen writers should have expressed themselves so very strongly con- cerning the guilt incurred by those who, by exposing to ridicule the fabu- lous mythology which formed the popular creed among their contempora- ries, endangered the authority of those moral principles which were iden- tified with it in the vulgar belief. There is good reason for thinking that the secret communicated to the initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries was ihe unity of God; a truth too sublime to be disclosed at once to the unin- formed multitude, as it struck at the root of all those fables which were incorporated with their habits of thinking and feeling on the most impor* iant subjects. On this supposition we have a satisfactory explanation of a 28 * 830 DUTIES TO GOD. hand, who have labored to loosen the bands of society, have found it necessary to begin with perverting or de- stroying the natural sentiments of the mind with respect to a future retribution. In ages when the religious principles of the multitude were too firmly riveted to be entirely eradicated, they have inculcated theological dogmas subversive of moral distinctions, as in the case of the antinomian teachers during our own civil wars. In other and more recent instances, they have avow- edly attempted to establish a system of atheism. So true is the old observation, that the extremes of super- stition and of infidelity unite in their tendency, and so completely verified are now the apprehensions which were expressed eighty years ago by Bishop Butler, that the spirit of irreligion (which, in his time, was begin- ning to grow fashionable among the higher ranks) might produce some time or other political disorders similar to those which arose from religious fanaticism in the preceding century. " Is there no danger that all this may raise somewhat like the levelling spirit upon atheistical principles, which, in the last age, prevailed upon enthusiastic ones, — not to speak of the possi- bility that different sorts of people may unite in it upon these contrary principles?" * A prediction by a later writer of genius and discern- ment, and one well acquainted with the principles and manners of the world, is not unworthy of attention in the present times, in which we have seen it very re- markably verified in numberless instances. " I shall say nothing at present of the lower ranks of mankind. Though they have not yet got into the fashion of noted passage in Horace, between which and the preceding lines it seems not easy at first to trace any connection. Est et fideli tuta silentio Merces. Vetabo, qui Cereris sacrum Vulgarit arcana^, sub isdera Sit triibibus, fragilemve mecum Solvat phaselum. Carm. Lib. III. Ode JL * Sermon preached before the House of Lords, January 30, 1 740. DUTIES TO GOD. 33\ laughing at religion, and treating it with scorn and contempt, and I believe are too serious a set of crea- tures ever to come into it, yet we are not to imagine but that the contempt it is held in by those whose ex- amples they are too apt to imitate will in time utterly shake their principles, and render them, if not as pro- fane, at least as corrupt, as their betters. When this event happens, and we begin to feel the effects of it in our dealings with them, tlioiie who have done the mis- chief will tind the necessity at last of turning religious in their own defence, and (for want of a better princi- ple) to set an example of piety and good morals for their own interest and convenience." * Nor is it merely in restraining men from grosser out- rages, that a sense of religion operates as a compulsory law. Without a secret impression (of which it is im- possible that the human mind can divest itself), that there is at all times an invisible witness of our thoughts, it is probable that the virtue of the best men would of- ten yield to temptation. Even amidst the darkness of the heathen world, Xenophon had recourse to this im- pression to account for the indexible integrity of Soc- rates, when he sat as on^e of the judges in the celebrat- ed trial of the naval commanders. " Having taken," says Xenophon, " as was customary, the senatorial oath, by which he bound himself to act in all things conform- ably to the laws, and arriving in his turn to be presi- dent of the assembly of the people, he boldly refused to give his suffrage to the iniquitous sentence which con- demned the nine captains, being neither intimidated by the menaces of the great, nor the fury of the people, but steadily preferring the sanctity of an oath to the safety of his person. For he was persuaded the gods watched over the affairs of men, in a way altogether different from what the vulgar imagined ; for while these limited their knowledge to some particulars only, Socrates, on the contrary, extended it to all, firmly oersuaded that they are everywhere present, and that * Sterne's Sermons. 332 DUTIES TO GOD. every word, every action, nay, even our most retired de« liberations, were open to their view."* In the last place, a sense of religion, where it is sin- cere, will necessarily be attended with a complete res- ignation of our own will to that of the Deity, as it teaches us to regard every event, even the most af- flicting, as calculated to promote beneficent purposea, which we are unable to comprehend, and to promote, finally, the perfection and happiness of our own nature. This is the best, and, indeed, the only rational founda- tion of fortitude. Nay, it may be safely aflSirmed (as Socrates long ago observed in the Phcedo of Plato), that whoever founds his fortitude on any thing else is only valiant through feair. In other words, he exposes himself to danger, merely from a regard to the opinion of others, and, of .con sequence, wants that internal prin- ciple of heroism which can alone arm the mind with patience under those misfortunes which it is condemned to bear in solitude, or under sorrows which prudence conceals from the public eye. But to the man who be- lieves that every thing is ordered for the best, and that his existence and happiness are in the hands of a Being who watches over him with the care of a parent, the difficulties and dangers of life only serve to call forth the latent powers of the soul, by reminding him of the prize for which he combats, and of that beneficent Providence by which the conflict was appointed. Safe in the hands of one disposing Power, Or in the natal or the mortal hour. IV. Religion the First and Chief Branch of Moral Duty.] The view which I have given of religion, as forming the first and chief branch of moral duty, and as contributing in its turn most powerfully to promote the practice of every virtue, is equally consonant to the spirit of the Sacred Writings, and to the most obvious dictates of reason and conscience ; and accordingly it is sanctioned by the authority of all those philosophers * Mcmor. Lib. I. Cap. I. DUTIES TO GOD. 33$ of antiquity who devoted their talents to the improve- ment and happiness of mankind. " It should never be thought," says Plato in one of his Dialogues, "that there is any branch of human virtue of greater impor- tance than piety towards the Deity." The chief article of the unwritten laiv mentioned by Socrates is, " that the gods ought to be worshipped." " This," he says, " is acknowledged everywhere, and received by all men as the first command." * And to the same purpose Cicero, in the first book of his Offices, places in the first rank of duties those we owe to the immortal gods. " In ipsa communitate sunt gradus officiorum ex qui- bus, quid cuique prsestet, intelligi possit: ut prima Diis immortalibus ; secunda, patriae; tertia, parentibus, de- inceps gradatim reliquis debeantur." f The elevation of mind which some of the most illus- trious characters of antiquity derived from their relig- ious principles, however imperfect and erroneous, and the weight which these principles gave them in their public and political capacity, are remarked by many ancient writers ; and such, I apprehend, will always be found to be the case when the personal importance of the individual rests on the basis of public opinion. " But he," says Plutarch, " who was most conversant with Pericles, and most contributed to give him a grand- eur of mind, and to make his high spirit for governing the popular assemblies more weighty and authorita- tive, — in a word, who exalted his ideas, and raised, at the samxC time, the dignity of his demeanour, — the person who did this was Anaxagoras the Clazomenian, whom the people of that age reverenced as the first who made mind or intellect (in oppositign to chance) a principle in the formation and government of the uni- verse." J * Xen. Memor. Lib. IV. Cap. IV. t Lib. I. Cap. ult. " In society itself our duties are of different degrees, in which the proper order of preference is readily understood : — first oi all, our duties to the immortal gods; secondly, to our country; thirdly to our parents, and, after them, to other men in their several gradations." X Vit. Peric. 334 DUTIES TO GOD. The extraordinary respect which the Romans, during tlieir period of greatest glory, entertained for religion, (false as their own system was in its mythological foundations, and erroneous in many of its practical tendencies,) has been often taken notice of as one of the principal sources of their private and public virtues. " The Spaniards," says Cicero, " exceed us in numbers ; the Gauls in the glory of war ; but we surpass all na- tions in that wisdom by which we have learned that all things are governed and directed by the immortal gods." * In the latter periods of their history, this reverence for religion, together with the other virtues which gave them the empire of the world, was in a great measure lost; and we continually find their orators and histo- rians drawing a melancholy contrast between the de- generacy of their manners and those of their ancestors. In the account which Livy has given of the consulate of Q. Cincinnatus, he mentions an attempt which the tribunes made to persuade the people that they were not bound by their military oath to follow the consul to the field, because they had taken that oath when he was a private man. But, however agreeable this doc- trine might be to their inclinations, and however strong- ly recommended to them by the sanction of their own popular magistrates, we find that their reverence for the religion of an oath led them to treat the doctrine as nothing better than a cavil. Livy's reflection on this occasion is remarkable. " Nondum hsec, quse nunc tenet seculum, negligentia Deum venerat: nee interpretando sibi quisque jusjurandum leges aptas faciebat, sed suoa potius mores ad ea accommodabat." f * Oral de ffarusp. Respon., Cap. IX. t Lib. III. Cap. XX. " But that disregard of the gods, which prevails in the present age, had not then taken place ; nor did every one, by his own interpretations, accommodate oaths and the laws to his particular viewa^ but rather adapted his practice to them." J DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. 835 CHAPTER II. OF THE DUTIES WHICH RESPECT OUR FELLOE- CREATURES. Under this title it is not proposed to give a complete enumeration of our social duties, but only to point out some of the most important, chiefly with a view to show the imperfections of those systems of morals which attempt to resolve the whole of virtue into one particular principle. Among these, that which resolves virtue into benevolence is undoubtedly the most amia- ble ; but even this system will appear, from the follow- ing remarks, not only to be inconsistent with truth, but to lead to dangerous consequences. Section I. OF benevolence. I. Hutcheson resolves all Virtue into Benevolence.] Benevolence is so important a branch of virtue, that it has been supposed by some moralists to constitute the wbole of it. According to these writers, good-will to mankind is the only immediate object of moral appro- bation ; and the obligation of all our other moral duties arises entirely from their apprehended tendency to pro- mote the happiness of society. Among the most eminent partisans of this system in modern times, Mr. Smith mentions particularly Dr. Ralph Cudworth, Dr. Henry More, and Mr. John Smith of Cambridge ; " but of all its patrons," he observes, " ancient or modern, Dr. Francis Hutcheson was un- doubtedly beyond all comparison the most acute, the most distinct, the most philosophical, and, what is o{ the greatest consequence of all, the soberest and most judicious." * * Thecyry of Moral Sentiments, Part VII. Sect. II. Chap. HI. 336 DUTIES TO OUIl FELLOW-MEN. In favor of this system, Mr. Smith acknowledges that there are many appearances in human nature which at first sight seem strongly to support it ; and of some of these appearances Dr. Hutcheson avails himself with much acuteness and plausibility. First, whenever, in any action supposed to proceed from benevolent affec- tions, some other motive is discovered, our sense of the merit of this action is just so far diminished as this motive is believed to have influenced it. Secondly, when those actions, on the contrary, which are com- monly supposed to proceed from a selfish motive are discovered to have arisen from a benevolent one, it generally enhances our sense of their merit. Lastly, it was urged by Dr. Hutcheson, that, in all casuistical disputes concerning the rectitude of conduct, the ulti- mate appeal is uniformly made to utility. In the later debates, for example, about passive obedience and the right of resistance, the sole point in controversy among men of sense was, whether universal submission would probably be attended with greater evils than temporary insurrection when privileges were invaded. Whether what, upon the whole, tended most to the happiness of mankind was not also morally good, was never once made a question. Since benevolence, therefore, was the only motive which could bestow upon any action the character of virtue, the greater the benevolence which was evidenced by any action, the greater the praise which must be- long to it. In directing all our actions to promote the greatest possible good, — in submitting all inferior affections to the desire of the general happiness of mankind, — in regarding one's self as but one of the many, whose prosperity was to be pursued no further than it was consistent with, or conducive to, that of the whole, — consisted the perfection of virtue. Dr. Hutcheson held, further, that self-love was a prin- ciple which could never be virtuous in any degree or in an} direction. This maxim he carried so far aa to assert, that even a regard to the pleasure of self 1 BENEVOLENCE. 3-5? approbation, to the comfortable applauses of our own consciences, diminishes the merit of a benevolent ac- tion. " In the common judgments of mankind, how- ever," says Mr. Smith, " this regard to the approbation of our own minds is so far from being considered as what can in any respect dimi;iish the virtue of any ac- tion, that it is rather looked upon as the sole motive, which deserves the appellation of virtuous." Of the truth and correctness of these principles Di*. Hutcheson was so fully convinced, that, in conformity to them, he has offered some algebraical formulas for computing mathematically the morality of actions. Gi this very extraordinary attempt, the following axioms, which he premises to his formulas, may serve as a sufficient specimen. 1. The mo7'al importance of any agent, or the quan- tity of public good produced by him, is in a compound ratio of his benevolence and abilities, or M (moment of good) = B X A. 2. In like manner, the moment of private good or interest produced by any person to himself is in a compound ratio of his self-love and ability, or 1= 8 X A. 3. When, in comparing the virtue of two agents, the abilities are equal, the moment of public good pro- dnced by them in like circumstances is as the benevo lence, or M = B X 1. 4. When benevolence in two agents is equal, and other circumstances alike, the moment of public good is as the abilities, or M^ A X 1. 5. The virtue, then, of agents, or their benevolence, is always directly as the moment of good produced in like circumstances, and inversely as their abilities, or B = ^.* 11. Objections to this Theory,] As Dr. Hutcbeson's example in the use of these formulas has not been fol- * Hutcheson's Inquiry into the Original of our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue^ Treatise II. Sect. III. 29 *'33 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOVZ-MEN. fowed by any of his successors, it is unnecessary to employ any arguments to expose the absurdity of this unsuccessful innovation in the usual language of ethics.* It is of more consequence to direct our attention to the substance of the doctrine which it was the great object of the ingenious author to es- tablish. And, in the first place, the necessary and obvious consequences to which this account of virtue leads seem to furnish a satisfactory proof of its unsoundness. For if the merit of an action depends on no other cir- cumstance than the quantity of good intended by the agent, then the rectitude of an action can in no case be influenced by the mutual relations of the parties ; — a conclusion contradicted by the universal judgment of mankind in favor of the paramount obligation of various other duties. It is sufficient to mention the obligations of gratitude, of veracity, and of justice.f Unless we admit these duties to be immediately obliga- tory, we must admit the maxim, that a good end may sanctify any means necessary for its attainment; or, in other words, that it would be lawful for us to dis- pense with the obligations of veracity and justice when- ever, by doing so, we had a prospect of promoting any of the essential interests of society. With respect to this maxim, I would only ask, Is it probable, a priori, that the wise and beneficent Author of the universe should have left the conduct of such a fallible and short-sighted creature as man to be regu- lated by no other principle than the private opinion of each individual with respect to the expediency of his actions ? Or, in other words, by the conjectures which the individual might form on the good or evil resulting, on the whole, from an endless train of future contin- * Dr. Hutcheson's attempt to introduce the language of mathematics into morals gave occasion to a valuable Essay on Quantity, by the late Dr. Reid. This essay may be found in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London for the year 1748. [It is reprinted in Sir W. Hamilton's edition of Dr. Reid's Works.] t See Butler's Essay on the Nature of Virtue^ at the end of his Analogy. BENEVOLENCE. SU^ gencies ? "Were this the case, the opinions of mankind concerning the rales of morality would be as various as their judgments concerning the probable issue of the most doubtful and difficult determination in politics. Numberless cases might be fancied, in which a person would not only claim merit to himself, but actually pos- sess it, in consequence of actions which are generally regarded with indignation and abhorrence. Even meii of the soundest judgment and most penetrating sagaci- ty might frequently be led to the perpetration of enor- mities, if they had no other standard of right and wrong but what they derived from their own uncertain anticipations of futurity. And when we consider how small the number of such men is, in comparison with those whose understandings are perverted by the prej- udices of education, and by their own selfish passions, it is easy to see what a scene of anarchy the world would become. Surely, if the Deity intended the hap- piness of his creatures, he would not build the order (I may say the existence) of society on so precarious a foundation. And here it deserves particularly to be mentioned, that one of the arguments commonly pro- duced in support of the scheme is drawn from the benevolence of God. Benevolence, we are told, in- duced the Deity to call the universe into existence, and benevolence is the great law of his government; and as virtue in man must consist in conformity to the will of God, in imitating his moral perfections to the utmost of our power, it is concluded that virtue and benevo- lence are the same. But the premises here lead to a conclusion directly opposite ; for if the happiness of mankind be the great end for which they are brought into being, it is presumable that the rules of their con- duct are of such a nature as to be obvious to the capacities of all men of sincere and well-disposed minds. Accordingly, we find, (and the fact is in a peculiar degree worthy of attention,) that, while the theory of ethics involves some of the most abstruse questions which have ever employed the human facul- ties, the moral judgments and moral feelings of' the 340 DUTIES TO OOR FELLOW-MEN. most disiant ages and nations, with respect to all the most essential duties of life, are one and the same.* The reasonableness of the foregoing conclusion will be much confirmed, if we consider how much the hap- piness of mankind is often left to depend on the will of one or of a few individuals. The best men, in such circumstances, when invested with absolute poweri might be rendered curses to the world by sanguine plans of beneficence; and the ambitious and designing would be supplied with specious pretences to justify the most cruel and tyrannical measures. In truth, it is this very plea of benevolent intention which has been em- ployed to palliate, or rather to sanctify, the conduct of the greatest scourges of the human race. It is this very plea which, in former times, lighted up the fires of the Inquisition, and which, in our own age, has fur- nished a pretence for outrages against all the principles of justice and all the feelings of humanity.f It may perhaps be urged, that the principle of be- nevolence, or a regard to utility, would lead to an in- variable adherence to the rules of veracity, gratitude, and justice, because in this way more good is produced on the whole than could be obtained by any occasional deviations from them ; that it is this idea of utility which first leads us to approve of these virtues ; and that afterwards habit, or the association of ideas, makes us observe their rules without thinking of con- sequences. But is not this to adopt that mode of rea- soning which Hutcheson censures so severely in the selfish philosophers ? According to them, we labor to promote the public prosperity, because we believe our own to be intimately connected with it. They ac- knowledge, at the same time, that we often make a * " Si quid rectissimum sit quaerimus, perspicuum est. Si quid maxime expediat, obscurum." — Cic. Ep. ad Fam., IV. 2. t See the remarks on Paley's scheme of morals in Gisborne's Principle* of Moral Philosophy, wliere these arguments are urged with great force [They are replied to by Wainewright, in his Vindication of Dr. PaLexf Theory of Morals, Chap. II.J BENEVOLENCE. 841 real sacrifice of private to public advantage, and that we often exert ourselves in the public service without once thinking of our own interest. But all this they explain by habits and associations, which operate in this case as they do in the case of the miser, who, although his attachment to money was originally founded on the consideration of its uses, yet contin- ues to accumulate wealth without once thinking of the ends to which it is subservient, and indeed long after he is able to enjoy those comforts which it can purchase. Now, as I have said, the fallaciousness of this mode of reasoning has been pointed out by Dr. Hutcheson with great clearness and force ; and the arguments he employs against it may with great justice be turned against himself. In general, the safest rule we can follow in our inquiries concerning the principles of human conduct is to acquiesce, in the first instance, in the plain and obvious appearance of facts ; and if these conclusions are inaccurate, to correct them grad- ually, in proportion as a more attentive examination of our subject discovers to us the prejudices which education and accidental associations have blended with the truth. It is at least a presumption in favor of any system concerning the mind, that it falls in with the natural apprehensions of mankind in all countries and ages ; — and I believe it will commonly be found that these are the systems which, in the progress of human reason, are justified by the most profound and enlightened philosophy. I state this observation with the greater confidence, as it coincides with the follow- ing admirable remark of Mr. Hume, — an author who had certainly no interest in inculcating such a doctrine, as he seems to have paid very little attention to it in the course of his own speculations. " The case is not the same in moral philosophy as in physics. Many an hypothesis in nature, contrary to first appearances, has been found, on more accurate scrutiny, solid and satisfactory. Instances of this kind are so frequent, that a judicious as well as witty phi 29* 342 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. losopher* has ventured to affirm, if there be more than one way in which a phenomenon may be produced^ that there is a general presumption for its arising from the causes which are the least obvious and familiar But the presumption always lies on the other side in all inquiries concerning the origin of our passions, and of the internal operations of the human mind. The simplest and most obvious cause which can there be assigned for any phenomenon is probably the true one. When a philosopher, in the explication of his system, is obliged to have recourse to some very intricate and refined reflections, and to suppose them essential to the production of any passion or emotion, we have reason to be extremely on our guard against so fallacious an hypothesis. The affections are not susceptible of any impression from the refinements of reason or imagina- tion ; and it is always found, that a vigorous exertion of the latter faculty necessarily, from the limited ca- pacity of the human mind, destroys all activity in the former. Our predominant motive or interest is indeed frequently concealed from ourselves when it is mingled and confounded with other motives, which the mind, from vanity and self-conceit, is desirous of supposing more prevalent ; but there is no instance that a con- cealment of this nature has ever arisen from the ab- struseness and intricacy of the motive. A man that has lost a friend and patron may flatter himself that all his grief arises from generous sentiments, without any mixture of narrow or interested considerations ; but a man that grieves for a valuable friend who needed his patronage and protection, how can we suppose that his passionate tenderness arises from some metaphysi- cal regards to a self-interest which has no foundation in reality ? We may as well imagine that minute wheels and springs, like those of a watch, give motion to a wagon, as account for the origin of passion from Buch abstruse reflections." f * Fontenelle. t Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals, Appendix II. BENEVOLENCE. 343 III. The same Objections applicable to the Doctrine of Utility , as held by Hume, Godwin, and Paley.] The re- marks which I have now made with respect to Dr. Hutcheson's philosophy are applicable, with some slight alterations, to a considerable variety of moral systems? which have been offered to the world under very differ- ent forms, but which agree with him and with each oth- er in deriving the practical rules of virtuous conduct from considerations of utility. All of these systems are but modifications of the old doctrine which resolves the whole of virtue into benevolence. This theory of utility (which is of a very ancient date, and which in modern times has derived much ce- lebrity from the genius of Mr. Hume) has been revived more recently by Mr. Godwin, and by the late Dr. Pa- ley. Widely as these two writers differ in the source whence they derive their rule of conduct, and the sanc- tions by which they enforce its observance, they are per- fectly agreed about its paramount authority over every other principle of action. " Whatever is expedient,^' says Dr. Paley, " is ri^ht. It is the utility of any mor- al rule alone which constitutes the obligation of it." * " But then it must be expedient on the whole, at the long run, in all its effects, collateral and remote, as well as those which are immediate and direct, as it is obvi- ous that, in computing consequences, it makes no dif- ference in what way or at what distance they ensue." f * Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy, Book II. Chap. VI. t Ibid. Chap. VIII. In another part of this work, Book VI. Chap. XII., Dr. Paley explicitly asserts that ei)ery moral rule is liable to be su- perseded in particular cases on the ground of expediency. " Moral Phi- lo>;ophy cannot pronounce that any rule of morality is so rigid as to bend to no exceptions ; nor, on the otlier hand, can she comprise these excep- tions within any previous description. She confesses that the obligntion of every law depends upon its ultimate utility; that, this utility havmg a finite and determinate value, situations may be feigned, and consequently may possibly arise, in which the general tendency is outweighed by the enormity of the particular mischief." In such an event, ultimate utility would render it as much an act of duty to break the rule as it is on other occasions to observe it. [Some have contended that Paley's criterion of right is not liable to the same objections with that of other selfish systems, because he does not make it turn on a calculation of the probable consequences of tlie particu- lar action in hand, but on what is called " the doctrine of general conse 344 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. Mr. Godwin has nowhere expressed himself on this fundamental question of practical ethics in terms more decided and unqualified. Oi this theory of utility, so strongly recommended to some by the powerful talents of Hume, and to others by the well-merited popularity of Paley, the most satis- factory of all refutations is to be found in the work of Mr. Godwin. It is unnecessary to inquire how far the practical lessons he has inculcated are logically inferred from his fundamental principle ; for although I appre- quences." " The general consequence of any action may be estimated," he says, " by asking what would be the consequence if the same sort of ac tions were generally permitted." — Moral Philosophy, Book II. Chap. VIII But to this Coleridge, in The Friend, Vol II. Essay XI., replies: — 1 . " Here, as in all other calculations, the result depends on that faculty of the soul in the degrees of which men most vary from each other, and which is itself most affected by accidental advantages or disadvantages of education, natural talent, and acquired knowledge, — the faculty, I mean, of foresight and systematic comprehension. But surely morality, which is of equal importance to all men, ought to be grounded, if possible, in that part of our nature which in all men may and ought to be the same : in the conscience and the common sense." 2. " This criterion confounds morality with law ; and when the author adds, that in all probability the Divine justice will be regulated in the final judgment by a similar rule, he draws away the attention from the will, that is, from the inward motives and impulses which constitute the es- sence of morality, to the outward act, and thus changes the virtue command- ed by tlie Gospel into the mere legality which was to be enlivened by it. One of the most persuasive, if not one of the strongest, arguments for a future state rests on the belief, that, although by the necessity of things our outward and temporal welfare must be regulated by our outward actions, which alone can be the objects and guides of human law, there must yet needs come a juster and more appropriate sentence hereafter, in which our intentions will be considered, and our happiness and misery made to accord with the grounds of our actions. Our fellow-creatures can only judge wliat we are by what we do ; but in the eye of our Maker what we do is of no worth, except as it flows from what we are." 3. " The criterion is also nugatory. The individual is to imagine what the general consequences woidd be, all other things remaining the same, if all men were to act as he is about to act. 1 scarcely need remind the read- er what a source of self-delusion and sophistry is here opened to a mind in a state of temptation. Will it not say to itself, ' I know that all men will not act so; and the immediate good consequences, which I shall ob- tain, are real, while the bad consequences are imaginary and improbable' 'i Tihcn the foundations of morality have once been laid in the outward con- sequences, it will be in vain to recall to the mind what the consequences would be were all men to reason in the same way ; for the very excuse of this mind to itself is, that neither its action nor its reasoning is likely to have any consequences at all. its immediate object excepted." BENEVOLENCE. 345 hend much might be objected to these, even on his own hypothesis, yet if such be the conclusions to which, in the judgment of so acute a reasoner, it appeared to lead with demonstrative evidence, nothing further is r(;quisite to illustrate the practical tendency of a sys- tem which, absolving men from the obligations imposed on them with so commanding an authority by the mor- al constitution of human nature, abandons every indi- vidual to the guidance of his own narrow views cor - cerning the complicated interests of political society. 4. " But suppose the mind in its sanest state. How can it possibly form a notion of the nature of an action considered as indefinitely multiplied, unless it has previously a distinct notion of the nature of the single action itself which is the multiplicand 1 If I conceive a crown multiplied a hun- dredfold, the simple crown enables me to understand what a hundred crowns are ; but how can the notion hundred teach me what a crown is ? " 5. "I confess myself unable to divine any possible use, or even meaning, in this doctrine of general consequences, unless it be that in all our ac- tions we are bound to consider the effect of our example, and to guard as much as possible against the hazard of their being misunderstood. I will not slaughter a lamb, or drown a litter of kittens, in the presence of my child of four years old, because the child cannot understand my action, but will understand that his father has inflicted pain, and taken away life from beings that had never offended him. All this is true, and no man in his senses ever thought otherwise. But methinks it is strange to state that as a criterion of morality which is no more than an accessory aggra- vation of an action bad in its own nature, or a ground of caution as to the mode and time in which we are to do or suspend what is in itself good and innocent." 6. " The duty of setting a good example is no doubt a most important duty ; but the example is good or bad, necessary or unnecessary, accoi d- ing as the action may be which has a chance of being imitated. I once knew a small, but (in outward circumstances at least) respectable congre- gation, four fifths of whom professed that they went to church entire/j/ for the example's sake; in other words, to cheat each other and act a common lie ! These rational Christians had not considered that example may m- crease the good or evil of an action, but can never constitute either." 7. "To the objection, that the doctrine of general consequences was stated as the criterion of the action, not of the agei^t, I might answer, th.it the author himself had in some measure justified me in not noticing this distinction, by holding forth the probability, that the Supreme Judge will proceed by the same rule. The agent may then safely be included in the action, if both here and hereafter the action only and its general conse- quences will be attended to. But my main ground of justification is, that the distinction itself is merely logical, — not real and vital. The character of the agent is determined by his view of the action ; and that system of morality is alone true and suited to human nature, which unites the inten- tion and the motive, the warmth and the light, in one and the same act of mind."] 346 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. Among the practical consequences which Dr. Paley deduces fronn the same principle, there are some which to my mind are not less revolting than those of Mr. Godwin. Sach, for example, is the argument by which he controverts the received maxim of criminal jurisprudence, that it is better for ten guilty persons to escape than for one innocent man to suffer. But on this subject I need not enlarge. The sophistry, and, I am sorry to add, the reckless inhumanity displayed in this part of Paley's work, have been triumphantly exposed by that great and good man. Sir Samuel Romilly ; — a man whom, long before his talents and worth were known to the public, I admired and loved, and whose memory I shall never cease to revere.* * Obsei-vations on the Criminal Law of England. See, in particular, Note D. [For some account of the writings and influence of Godwin, see the thirty-sixth Lecture of Professor Smyth, On the French Revolution. He be- gins his notice by observing, with reference to the time of the first French Revolution, — "I would wish to afford you some general notion of the sort of mental intoxication which then prevailed among those who sl)ould have been the guides and instructors of mankind. And looking round for this purpose, I shall select from the rest, as a memorable S})ecimen of the whole," the once celebrated work of Mr. Godwin. The influence of the work I can myself remember. In any ordinary state of the world, it must have fallen lifeless from the press : highly metaphysical, continually run- ning into general abstractions, into disquisitions never ending, still begin- ning, nothing was ever less fitted to attract a reader than the repulsive Liffuirij concerning Political Justice ; and if the state had not been out of joint, most assui*edly scarce a reader would have been found. Some years afcer, wlien the success of the work had been established, Mr. Burke was asked whether he had seen it. ' Why, yes, I have seen it,' was the answer, 'and a mighty stupid-looking book it is.' No two words could better have described it. The late excellent Sir Samuel Romilly, who had then leisure to read every thing, told a friend who had never heard of it, that there had iust appeared a book by far the most absurd that had ever come within his knowledge ; this was the work of Godwin. Mrs. Barbauld, also, who at length by tlie progress of its doctrines was compelled to look at it, de- clared that what was good in the book was chiefly taken from Hume j that it was ' borrowed sense and original nonsense.' The work, however, pros- pered ; this ' original nonsense' was then in great request, and at a high premium. Mr. Godwin had his admirers, had his school ; there Avere God- winians in those days, as well as Whigs and Tories, more particularly in the Inns of Court, and among the young lawyers ; and this borrower of sense and retailer of nonsense, this dreamer of dreams and seer of visions, was suddenly transformed from a Dissenting clergyman, dissatisfied with his profession, and unknowing and unknown, into a person pointed at, as BENEVOLENCE. 347 That the practice of veracity and justice, and of all our other duties, is useful to mankind, is acknowledged he walked in the metropolis of England, as a disturber of empires and a re- former of the world." According to Mr. Godwin, every thing is to be referred to justice. Gen- eral utility is the criterion of justice, and one of his extravagances consists in maintaining that all private affections and personal obligations are to be sacrificed to it. Professor Smyth goes on : — " ' But justice,' says Mr. Godwin, ' is no respecter of persons' ; — very well. The illustrious Bishop of Cambray, for instance, was of more worth than his valet, and there are few of us, says Mr. Godwin, that would hesi- tate to pronounce, if the Bishop's palace were in flames, which of the two should be preserved. But again : — " ' Suppose I had been myself the valet,' says Mr. Godwin ; ' I ought to have chosen to die, rather than Fenelon should have died. To have done otherwise would have been a breach of justice.' Somewhat alarm- ing this, but let it pass; — very well. Again: — 'Suppose,' says Mr. Godwin, ' the valet had been my brother, or my father, or my benefactor ; — this would not alter the truth of the proposition : the life of Fenelon would still be more valuable than that of the valet; and justice, pure, una- dulterated justice, would still have preferred that which was most valua- ble ; justice would have taught me to save the life of Fenelon at the ex- pense of the other. What magic is there in the pronoun my to overturn the decision of impartial truth 1 My brother, or my father, may be a fool or a profligate, malicious, lying, or dishonest. K they be, of what conse- quence is it that they are mine ? ' " This, then, was the result that was wanted, — fihal duty at an end. The poor father was to see his son helping another pei'son out of the flames, and be left himself to perish ; — all upon the principle of justice, the foundation of all morality. Mathematicians, when their reasonings conduct them to some unnatural position, — that the greater is equal to the less, or the less to the greater, — immediately stop short, produce their phrase quod est absurdum, and think it high time to begin again " The logic by which Godwin reasons away the obligation that exists be- tween parent and child reminds Professor Smyth of the following passage in Tristram Shandy : — " In that most entertaining performance, the lawyers are supposed dis- cussing a law question before Yorick and my Uncle Toby. ' In the reign of Edward VI.,' says one of them, ' in the famous case, commonly known by the name of the Duke of Suffolk's case, as it was a great cause, and much depending upon its issue, and as many causes of great property were likely to be decided in times to come by the precedent to be then made, the most learned, as well in the laws of this realm as in the civil law, were consulted together ; and not only the temporal lawyers, but the church lawyers, the jurisconsulti, the jurisprudentes, the civilians, the ad- vocates, the commissaries, the judges of the consistory and prerogative courts of Canterbury and York, with the Master of the Faculties, were all unanimously of opinion, that the mother, the Duchess of Suffolk, was not of kin to hcV child.' " ' And what said the Duchess of Suffolk to it ? ' said my Uncle Toby. This was an unexpected question, it seems ; and as nothing could oe made of it, the lawyers voted the order of the day, and went on with 348 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. by moralists of all descriptions ; and there is good rea- son for believing, that, if a person saw all the conse- quences of his actions, he would perceive that an ad- herence to their rules is useful and advantageous on the whole, even in those cases in which his limited views incline him to think otherwise. The same ob- servation may be applied to self-interest^ that the most effectual way of promoting it is to observe religiously the obligations of morality ; and these are both very striking instances of that unity of design which is con- spicuous alike in the moral and natural world. This makes it an easy matter for a philosopher to give a plausible explanation of all our duties from one prin- ciple, because the general tendency of all of them is to determine us to the same course of life. That benevo- lence maij he the sole principle of action in the Deity is possible (although when we affirm that it is so we go beyond our depth) ; but the case is obviously very different with mankind. If the hypothesis be just with respect to the Deity, we must suppose that he enjoined the duties of veracity and justice, not on account of their intrinsic rectitude, but of their utility. But still, with respect to man they are indispensable laws, for he has an immediate perception of their rectitude. And indeed, if he had not, but were left to deduce their rectitude from the consequences which they have a tendency to produce, we may venture to affirm that there would not be enough of virtue left in the world to hold socif^y together. It is remarked by Mr. Smith, in a passage which theii- law argument : this, when they had finished it, left the Duchess, as before, not of kin to her own child. " " ' Let the learned say wliat they will, there must certainly,' quoth my Uncle Toby, 'be some manner of consanguinity between the Duchess of .Suffolk and her son' " ' The vulgar are of the same opinion to this hour,' quoth Yorick " There is a remarkabh coincidence in some of the definitions and specu- lations of Edwards and the Hopkinsian divines in this country, and those ot Godwin. For references, see Ely's Contrast between Calvinism and Hop- ki'isianism, Chap. XI. See likewise Robert Hall's celebrated sermon 'Modern Injidelity considered with respect to its Influence on Society ; and Dr Parr's Spital Sermon, especially the Notes. — En.] BENEVOLENC1S-. 849 cannot be too frequently recalled to the reader's atten- tion, that " although, in accounting for the operations of bodies, we never fail to distinguish the efficient from the final cause, in accounting for those of the mind we are very apt to confound these two different things with one another. When by natural principles we are led to advance those ends which a refined and enlightened reason would recommend to us, we are very apt to im- pute to that reason, as to their efficient cause, the sen- timents and actions by which we advance those ends, and to imagine that to be the wisdom of man which in reality is the wisdom of God. Upon a superficial view, this cause seems sufficient to produce the effects which are ascribed to it, and the system of human na- ture seems to be more simple and agreeable when all its different operations are in this manner deduced from a single principle." IV. Reasons which have induced some Writers to re solve all Virtue into Benevolence.] To the strictures already offered on Hutcheson's writings I have only to add, that he seems to consider virtue as a quality of our affections, whereas it is really a quality of our ac- tions ; or (perhaps in strict propriety) of those disposi- tions from which our actions immediately proceed. Our benevolent affections are always amiable, but, in so far as they are constitutional, they are certainly in no respect meritorious. Indeed, some of them are com- mon to us with the brutes. When they are possessed in an eminent degree, we may perhaps consider them as a ground of moral esteem, because they indicate the pains which has been bestowed on their cultivation, and a course of active virtue in which they have been ex- ercised and strengthened. On the contrary, a person who wants them is always an object of horror; chiefiy because we know they are only to be eradicated by long habits of profligacy, and partly in consequence of the uneasiness we feel when we see the ordinary course of nature violated, as in a monstrous animal produc- tion. It is from these two facts that the plausibility of 30 850 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. Dr. Hutcheson's language on this subject in a great measure arises; but if the facts be accurately examined, they will be found perfectly consistent with the doctrin^^ already laid down, that nothing is an object of moral praise or blame, but what depends on our own volun- tary exertions ; and of consequence, that these terms are not applicable to our benevolent or malevolent af- fections, so far as we suppose them to result necessaril)' from our constitutional frame. In order to think with accuracy on this very impor- tant point of morals, it is also necessary to distinguish those benevolent affections which urge us to their re- spective objects by a blind impulse, from that rational and enlightened benevolence which interests us in the happiness of all mankind, and indeed of all the orders of sensitive being. This divine principle of action appears but little in the bulk of our species ; for, al- though the seeds of it are sown in every breast, it requires long and careful cultivation to rear them to maturity, choked as they are by envy, by jealousy, by selfishness, and by those contracted views which origi- nate in unenlightened schemes of human policy. Clear away these noxious weeds, and the genuine benevo- lence of the human heart will appear in all its beauty. No wonder, then, that we should regard with such peculiar sentiments of veneration the character of one whom we consider as the sincere and unwearied friend of humanity ; for such a character implies the existence of all the other virtues; more particularly, candid and just dispositions towards our fellow-creatures, and a long course of persevering exertion in combating preju- dice and in eradicating narrow and malignant pas- sions. The gratitude, besides, which all men must feel towards one in whose benevolent wishes they know themselves to be comprehended, contributes to enliven the former sentiment of moral esteem ; and both to- gether throw so peculiar a lustre on this branch of duty, as goes far to account for the origin of those sys- tems which represent it as the only direct object of moral approbation. BENEVOLENCE. 851 It may be worth while to add, before leaving the subject, that, when a rational and habitual benevolence forms part of a character, it will render the conduct per- fectly uniform^ and will exclude the possibility of those inconsistencies that are frequently observable in indi- viduals who give themselves up to the guidance of par- ticular affections, either private or public. How often, for example, do we meet with individuals, who have great pretensions to public spirit, and even to humani- ty, on important occasions, who affect an habitual rude- ness in the common intercourse of society ! The pub- lic spirit of such men cannot possibly arise from genu- ine benevolence, otherwise the same principle of action would extend to every different part of the conduct by which the comfort of other men is affected ; and in the case of most individuals, the addition they are able to make to human happiness, by the constant exercise of courtesy and gentleness to all who are within the sphere of their influence, is of far greater amount than all that can result from the more splendid and heroic exertions of their beneficence. A similar remark may be applied to such as are possessed of strong private attachments and of humanity to objects in distress, while they have no idea of pubhc spirit; and also to those who lay claim to a more than common portion of patriotic zeal, while they avow a contempt for the general interests of humanity. In truth, all those offices, whether appar- ently trifling or important, which contribute to aug- ment the happiness of our fellow-creatures, — civihty, gentleness, kindness, humanity, patriotism, universal benevolence, — are only diversified expressions of the same disposition, according to the circumstances in which it operates, and the relation which the agent bears to others. 352 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. Section II. OF JUSTICE. I. Definition and Origin of the Sense of Justice.] The. word pistice, in its most extensive signification, denotes that disposition which leads us, in cases where our own temper, or passions, or interests are concerned, to determine and to act without being biased by partial considerations. I had occasion formerly to observe, that a desire of our own happiness is inseparable from our nature as sensitive and rational beings ; or, in other words, that it is impossible to conceive of a being capable of form- ing the ideas of happiness and misery, to whom the one shall not be an object of desire and the other of aversion. On the other hand, it is no less evident that this desire is a principle belonging to such beings ex- clusively ; inasmuch as the very idea of happiness, or of what is good for man on the whole, presupposes the ex- ercise of reason in the mind which is able to perform it, and as it is only a being possessed of the power of self-government which can pursue steadily this abstract conception, in opposition to the solicitations of present appetite and passion. This rational self-love (or, in other words, this regard to what is good for us on the whole) is analogous, in some important respects, to that calm benevolence which has been already illus- trated. They are both characteristical endowments of a rational nature, and they both exert an influence over the conduct, in proportion as reason gains an as- cendant over prejudice and error, and over those appe- tites which are common to us and to the brutes. The inferior principles of action in our nature have all a manifest reference to one or other of these rational principles; for, although they operate without any re- flection on our part, they all lead to ends beneficial to the individual or to society. Of this kind are hunger, thirst, the desire of kno\V^ledge, the desire of esteem. JUSTICE. 353 pity to the distressed, natural affection, and a variety of others. Upon the whole, these two great principles of action, self-love and benevolence^ coincide wonder- fully in recommending one and the same course of con- duct; and we have great reason to believe, that, if we were acquainted with all the remote consequences of our actions, they would be found to coincide entirely. There are, however, cases in which there seems to be an interference between them ; and, in such cases, the generality of mankind are apt to be influenced more than they ought to be by self-love, and the principles which are subsidiary to it. These sometimes lead them to act in direct opposition to their sense of duty ; but much more frequently they influence the conduct by suggesting to the judgment partial and erroneous views of circumstances, and by persuading men that the line of their duty coincides with that which is prescribed by interest and inclination. Of all this every man capable of reflection must soon be convinced from ex- perience, and he will study to correct his judgment in cases in which he himself is a party, either by recollect- ing the judgments he has formerly passed in similar circumstances on the conduct of others, or by stating cases to himself, in which his own interest and pre- dilections are perfectly left out of the question. Now I use the word justice to express that disposition of mind which leads a man, where his own interest or passions are concerned, to determine and to act accord- ing to those judgments which he would have formed of the conduct of another placed in a similar situation. But although I believe that expedients of this sort are necessary to the best of men for correcting' their moral judgments in cases in which they themselves are par- ties, it will not therefore follow, (as I have before ob- served,*) that our ideas of right and wrong with respect to our own conduct are originally derived from our sentiments with respect to the conduct of others. If I had had recourse to no such expedient for correcting * See p. 248. 30* 354 . DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. my first judgment, I should still have formed some judgment or other of a particular conduct, as right, wrong, or indifferent, and the only difference would have been, that I should probably have decided improp- erly, from a false or a partial view of the case. It is observed by Mr. Smith, as an argument against the existence of a moral sense or moral faculty, that these words are of very recent origin, and that it must appear very strange that a principle, which Providence undoubtedly intended to be the governing one of hu- man nature, should hitherto have been so little taken notice of, as not to have got a name in any language. If this observation is levelled merely at these two expressions, I do not take upon me to defend their propriety. I use them because they are commonly employed by ethical writers of late, and because I do not think them liable to misinterpretation after the explanation of them I formerly gave. I certainly do not consider them as expressing an implanted relish for certain qualities of action analogous to our relish for certain tastes and smells. All I contend for is, that the words right and wrong, ought and ought not, express simple ideas ; that our perception of these qualities in certain actions is an ultimate fact of our nature ; and that this perception always implies the idea of moral obligation. When I speak of a moral sense or a moral faculty, 1 mean merely to express the power we have of forming these ideas ; but I do not suppose that this l)ears any more analogy to our external senses than the power we have of forming the simple ideas of number, of time, or of causation, all which arise in the mind, we cannot tell how, when certain objects or certain events are perceived by the understanding. If those ideas were as important as those of right and wrong, or had been as much under the review of philosophers, we might perhaps have had ^ sense of time, a sense oj nwiiber, and a sense of causation. And, in fact, some- thing very like this language occurs in the writings of Lord Kames. But if Mr. Smith meant to be understood as imply* JUSTICE. 355 Ing that the words right and ivrong^ ought and ought not, do not express simple ideas, I must take the liberty of remarking, in opposition to it, that, although the words morat sense and moral faculty, considered as indicating their source, are of late origin, this is by no means the case with the word conscience. It is indeed said, that conscience " does not immediately denote any moral faculty, by which we approve or disapprove, — that it supposes, indeed, the existence of some such faculty, but that it properly signifies our consciousness of having acted agreeably or contrary to its directions."* But the truth I take to be this, that the word conscience coincides exactly with the moral faculty, with this difference only, that the former refers to our own con- duct alone, whereas the latter is meant to express also the power by which we approve or disapprove of the conduct of others. Now if this be granted, and if it be allowed that the former word is to be found in all languages, and that the latter is only a modern inven tion, is it not a natural inference, that our judgments, with respect to our own conduct, are not merely ap- plications to ourselves of those we have previously formed with respect to the conduct of our fellow-crea tures ? II. The Duty of Candor ; or Justice in our Apprecia- tion of other Men.] It would be endless to attempt to point out all the various forms in which the disposition formerly defined will display itself in life. I must con- tent myself with mentioning one or two of its more remarkable effects, merely as examples of the influence it is likely \o have on the conduct. One of the more important of these is that temper of mind we express by the word candor, which prevents our judgments with respect to other men from being improperly biased by our passions and prejudices. This, although at bottom the disposition is the same, may be considered in three lights : — 1st. As it is displayed in appreciating * Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments, Part VII. Sect. III. Chap. III. 356 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. the talents of others. 2d. In judging of their intentions. 3d. In controversy. 1. There is no principle more deeply implanted in the mind than the love of fame and of distinction, and there is none which, when properly regulated, is sub- ^*Tvient to more valuable purposes. It is, at the same time, a principle which it is perhaps as difficult to restrain within the bounds of moderation as any other. In some ungoverned minds, it seems to get the better of every other principle of action, and must be a source to the possessor of perpetual mortification and disgust, by leading him to aspire at eminence in every different line of ambition, and to repine if in any one of them he is surpassed by others. In the midst of the astonishing projects which employed the sublime genius of Riche- lieu, his peace of mind was completely ruined by the success of the Cid of Corneille. The first appearance of this tragedy (according to Fontenelle) alarmed the Cardinal as much as if he had seen the Spaniards at the gates of Paris ; and the most acceptable flattery which his minions could offer was to advise him to eclipse the fame of Corneille by a tragedy of his own. Nor did he aim merely at adding the fame of a poet to that of a statesman. Mortified to think that any one path of ambition was shut against him, he is said, when on his death-bed, to have held some conversation? wdth his confessor about the possibility of his being canonized as a saint. In order to restrain this violent and insatiable desire within certain bounds, there are many checks appointed in our constitution. In the first place, it can be com- yleielij gratified only by the actual possession of those qualities for which we wish to be esteemed, and ol those advantages which are the proper grounds of dis- tinction. A good man is never more mortified than when he is praised for qualities he does not possess, oi for advantages in which he is conscious he has no merit. Secondly, although the gratification of this principle consists in a certain superiority over other men, we feel that we are not entitled to take undue JUSTICE. 357 advantages of them. We may exert ourselves to the utmost in the race of glory, but we are not entitled to obstruct the progress of others, or to detract from their reputation in order to advance our own. All this will be readily granted in general ; and yet in practice there is surely nothing more difficult than to draw the line between emulation and envy, or to check that self- partiality which, while it leads us to dwell on our own advantages, and to magnify them in our own estima- tion, prevents us either from attending sufficiently to the merits of others, or from viewing them in the most favorable light. Of this difficulty a wise and good man will soon be satisfied from his own experience, and he will endeavour to guard against it as far as he is able, by judging of the merits of a rival, or even of an enemy, as he would have done if there had been no interference between them. He will endeavour, in short, to do justice to their merits, not merely in words, but in sincerity, and bring himself, if possible, to love and to honor that genius and ability which have eclipsed his own. Nor will he retire in disgust from the race because he has been outstripped by others, but will redouble all his exertions in the service of mankind; recollecting, that, if Nature has been more partial to others in her intellectual gifts than to him, she has left open to all the theatre of virtue, where the merits of individuals are determined, not by their actual attain- ments, but by the use and improvement they make of those advantages which their situation has afforded them. 2. Candor in judging of the intentions of others. 1 have before mentioned several considerations which render it highly probable that there is much less vice or criminal intention in the world than is commonly im- agined, and that the greater part of the disputes among mankind arise from mutual mistake and misapprehen- sion. Every man must recollect many instances in which his own motives have been grossly misapprehend- ed by the world ; and it is but reasonable for him to conclude, that the case may have been the same with 358 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. other men. It is but an instance, then, of that justice we owe to others, to make the most candid allowances for their apparent deviations, and to give every action the most favorable construction it can possibly admit of. Such a temper, while it renders a man respect- able and amiable in society, contributes perliaps more than any other circumstance to his private happiness. " When you would cheer your heart," says Marcus Antoninus, " consider the excellences and abilities of your several acquaintance ; the activity of one, the high sense of honor and modesty of another, the liberality of a third, and in other persons some other virtue. There is nothing so delightful as virtue appearing in the con- duct of your contemporaries as frequently as possible. Such thoughts we should still retain with us." * 3. Perhaps there is no temper which so completely disqualifies us for the search of truth, as that which we experience when provoked by controversy or dispute. Some men undoubtedly are more misled by it than others ; but I apprehend there is no one, however modest and unassuming, who will not own that, upon such occasions, he has almost always felt his judgment warped, and a desire of victory mingle itself, in spite of all his efforts, with his love of truth. Hence the aversion which all such men ft^el for controversy, — convinced from experience how likely it would be to betray themselves into error, and unwilling to afford an opportunity for displaying the envious and malignant passions of others. This amiable disposition has been olten mentioned by the friends of Sir Isaac Newton as one of the most marked features in his character ; and we are even told that it led him to suppress, for a course of years, some of his most important discoveries, which he knew from their nature were likely to provoke opposition. " He was indeed," says one of his biogra- phers, " of so meek and gentle a disposition, and so great a lover of peace, that he would have rather chosen to remain in obscurity than to have the calm of life * Book VI. c. 48. JUSTICE. 359 ruffled by those storms and disputes which genius and learning always draw upon those who are most emi- nent for them. From his love of peace arose, no doubt, that unusual kind of horror which he felt for all dis- putes. Steady, unbroken attention, free from those frequent recoilings incident to others, was his peculiar felicity. He knew it, and he knew the value of it. When some objections, hastily made to his discoveries concerning light and colors, induced him to lay aside the design he had taken of publishing his Optical Lectures, we find him reflecting on that dispute, into which he had unavoidably been drawn, in these terms : — ' I blamed my own imprudence for parting with so real a blessing as my quiet, to run after a shadow.' In the same temper, after he had sent the manuscript to the Royal Society, with his consent to the printing of it, upon Hooke's injuriously insisting that he had himself solved Kepler's problem before our author, he deter- mined, rather than be involved again in a controversy, to suppress the third book ; and he was very hardly prevailed on to alter that resolution." * I shall only add farther on this head, that a love of controversy indicates, not only an overweening vanity and a disregard for truth, but in general, perhaps al- ways, it indicates a mediocrity of genius; for it arises from those feelings of envy and jealousy which provoke little minds to depreciate the merit of useful discoveries. He who is conscious of his own inventive powers, and whose great object is to add to the stock of human knowledge, will reject unwillingly any plausible doc- trine till after the most severe examination, and will separate, with patience and temper, the truths it con- tains from the errors that are blended with them. No opinion can be more groundless than that a captious and disputatious temper is a mark of acuteness. On the contrary, a sound and manly understanding is in no instance more strongly displayed than in a quick per- ception of important truth, when imperfectly stated and * Hutton'vS Mathematical Dictionary, Art. Newton {Sir Isaac). 360 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. blended with error; — a perception which may not be sufficient to satisfy the judgment completely at the time, or at least to obviate the difficulties of others, but which is sufficient to prevent it from a hasty rejection of the whole, from the obvious defects of some of the parts. Hence the important hints which an author of genius collects among the rubbish of his predecessors ; and which, so far from detracting from his own origi- nality, place it in the strongest possible light, by show- ing that an idea which was already current in the world, and which had hitherto remained barren and useless, may, in the mind of a philosopher, become the germ of an extensive system. I cannot help taking this opportunity of remarking (although the observation is not much connected with the subject in which we are engaged), that something similar to this may be applied to our critical judgments in the fine arts. It is easy to perceive blemishes, but it is the province of genius alone to have a quick per- ception of beauties, and to be eager to applaud them. And it is owing to this, that, of all critics, a dunce is the severest, and a man of genuine taste the most in- dulgent. III. The Duty of Honesty ; or Justice in respect to the Interests and Rights of other Men.'] The foregoing illustrations are stated at some length, in order to cor- rect those partial definitions of justice which restrict its province to a rigorous observance of the rules of integ- rity or honesty in our dealings with our fellow-creatures. So far as this last disposition proceeds from a sense of duty, uninfluenced by human laws, it coincides exact- ly with that branch of virtue which has been now de- scribed under the title of candor. In the instances hitherto mentioned, the disposition of justice has been supposed to operate in restraining the partialities of the temper and passions. There are, however, no instances in which its influence is more necessary than where our interest is concerned ; or, to express myself more explicitly, where there is an appar- JUSTICE. 361 cnt interference between our rights and those of other men. In such cases, a disposition to observe the rules of justice is called integrity or honesty^ — which is so important a branch of justice that it has, in a great measure, appropriated the name to itself. The obser- vations made by Mr. Hume and Mr. Smith, on the dif- ferences between justice and the other virtues, apply only to this last branch of it ; and it is this branch which properly forms the subject of that part of ethics which is called natural jurisprudence* In what remains of this chapter, when the word justice occurs, it is to be understood in the limited sense now mentioned. The circumstances which distinguish this kind of justice from the other virtues are chiefly two. In the first place, its rules may be laid down with a degree of accuracy of which moral precepts do not in any other instance admit. Secondly, its rules may be enforced, inasmuch as every breach of them violates the rights of some other pe.rson, and entitles him to employ force for his defence or security. Another distinction between justice and the other vir- tues is much insisted on by Mr. Hume. It is, accord- ing to him, an artificial and not a natural virtue, and derives all its obligations from the political union, and from considerations of utility. The principal argument alleged in support of this proposition is, that there is no implanted principle, prompting us by a blind im- pulse to the exercise of justice, similar to those affec- tions which conspire with and strengthen our benevo- lent dispositions. But, granting the fact upon which this argument proceeds, nothing can be inferred from it that makes an essential distinction between the obliga- tions of justice and of beneficence; for, so far as we act merely from the blind impulse of an affection, ojir conduct cannot be considered as virtuous. Our affec- tions were given us to arrest our attention to particular objects, whose happiness is connected with our exer- tions, and to excite and support the activity of the • Thecrry of Moral Sentiments, Part VII. Sect. VI. 31 362 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. mind, when a sense ol duty naight be insufficient for the purpose ; but the propriety or impropriety of our conduct depends, in no instance, on the strength or weakness of the aifection, but on our obeying or dis- obeying the dictates of reason and of conscience. These inform us, in language which it is impossible to mis- take, that it is sometimes a duty to check the most amiable and pleasing emotions of the heart ; — to with- draw, for example, from the sight of those distresses which stronger claims forbid us to relieve, and to deny ourselves that exquisite luxury which arises from the exercise of humanity. So far, therefore, as benevolence is a virtue, it is precisely on the same footing with jus- tice ; that is, we approve of it, not because it is agree- able to us, but because we feel it to be a duty. It may be further remarked, that there are very strong implanted principles which serve as checks on injustice ; the principles, to wit, of resentment and of indignation, which are surely- as much a part of the human consti- tution as pity or parental affection. These principles imply a sense of injustice, and consequently of justice. In the case of justice, also, there is always a ri^ht on one hand corresponding to an obligation on the other. If I am under an obligation, for example, to abstain from violating the property of my neighbour, he has a right to defend by force his property when invaded. It therefore appears that the rules of justice may be laid down in two different forms, either as a system of duties or as a system of rights. The former view of the sub- ject belongs properly to the moralist, the latter to the lawyer. It is in this last form, accordingly, that the principles of justice have been stated by the writers on natural jurisprudence. So far, there is nothing to be reprehended in the plan they have followed. On the contrary, a considerable advantage was gained in point of method by adopting that very comprehensive and accurate division of our rights which the civilians had introduced. As the whole object of law is to protect men in all that they may lawfully do^ or possess^ or demand^ civilians have RIGHT OF PROPERTY. S63 defined the word jus^ or rights to be facultas uliquid agendi^ vel possidendi, vel ab alio consequendi. — a law- ful claim to do any thing, to possess any thing, or to demand something from some other person. The first of these may be called tlie riglil of liberty^ or the right of employing the powers we have received from na- ture in every case in which we do not injure the rights of others; the second, the right of property ; the third, the rights arising from contract. Th& last two were further distinguished from each other by calling the former (to wit, the right of property) a real right, and the latter (to' wit, the rights arising from contract) per- sonal rights, because they respect some particular per- son or persons from whom the fulfilment of the con- tract may be required. This division of our rights appears to be comprehen- sive and philosophical, and it affords a' convenient ar- rangement for exhibiting an indirect view of the differ- ent duties which justice prescribes. " What I have a right to do it is the duty of my fellow-creatures to al- low me to do, without molestation. What is my prop- erty no man ought to take from me, or to disturb me in the enjoyment of it. And what I have a right to demand of any man it is his duty to perform." * Such a system, therefore, with respect to our rights, exhibits (though in a manner somewhat indirect and artificial) a system of the rules of justice. Section III. OF THE RIGHT OF PROPERTY. I. The Right of Property.'] The following observa- tions on the right of property are introduced here chief- ly with a view to show that men possess rights antece- dent to the establishment of the political union. It cannot, I apprehend, be doubted, that, according to the notions to which we, in the present state of so* * Beid, On the Active Powers, Essay V. Chap. III. 364 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. ciety, are habituated from our infancy, the three follow* ing things are included in the idea of" property. 1. A right of exclusive enjoyment. 2. A right of inquiry after our property, when takerj away without our consent, and of reclaiming it wher- ever found. 3. A right of transference. We do not consider our property in any object to be complete, unless we can exercise all these three rights with respect to it. Lord Kames endeavours to show that these ideas are not agreeable to the apprehensions of the human mind in the ruder periods of society, but imply a refinement and abstraction of thought which are the result of im- provement in law and government. The relation (in particular) of property, independent of possession, he thiuks of too metaphysical a nature for the mind of a savage. " It appears to me," says he, " to be highly probable, that among savages, involved in objects of sense, and strangers to abstract speculation, property, and the rights or moral powers arising from it, never are with accuracy distinguished from the natural pow- ers that must be exerted upon the subject to make it profitable to the possessor. The man who kills and eats, who sows and reaps, at his own pleasure, inde- pendent of another's will, is naturally deemed proprie- tor. The grossest savages understand power without right, of which they are made sensible by daily acts of violence ; but property without possession is a concep- tion too abstract for a savage, or for any person who has not studied the principles of law."* With this remark I cannot agree; because I think the right of property is founded on a natural sentiment, which must be felt in full force in the lowest state of society. The sentiment I allude to is that of a moral connection between labor and a right of exclusive en- joyment to the fruits of it. This connection it will be proper to illustrate more particularly. * Historical Law Tracts, Tract III. RIGHT OF PROPERTY. 365 Let US suppose, then, a country so fertile as to pro- duce all the' necessaries and accommodations of life without any exertions of human industry; it is mani- fest, that, in such a state of things, no man would think of appropriating to himself any of these necessaries or accommodations, any more than we in this part of the globe think of appropriating air or water. As this, however, is not, in any part of the earth, the condition of man, doomed as he is, by the circumstances of his birth, to eat his bread in the sweat of his brow, it would be reasonable to expect, a priori^ that Nature would make some provision for securing to individuals the fruits of their industry. In fact, she has made such a provision in the natural sentiments of mankind, which lead them to consider industry as entitled to reward, and, in particular, the laborer as entitled to the fruit of his own labor. These, I think, may be fairly stated as moral axioms, to which the mind yields its assent as immediately and necessarily as it does to any axiom in mathematics or metaphysics. How cruel is the mortification we feel when we see an industrious man reduced by some unforeseen misfor- tune to beggary in old age ! We can scarcely help com- plaining of the precarious condition of humanity, and that man should be thus doomed to be the sport of ac- cident ; and we feel ourselves called on, as far as we are able, to repair, by our own liberality, this unjust distri- bution of the goods of fortune. On the other hand, it is difficult to avoid some degree of dissatisfaction when we see the natural and deserved reward of industry ac- quired all at once by a prize in the lottery or by gam- ing, although in this instance the uneasiness (as might be expected from the natural benevolence to the human mind) is trifling in comparison to what it is in the oth- er case. Our dissatisfaction in particular instances is much greater when we see the laborer deprived by ac- cident of the immediate fruit of his own labor ; — when, for example, he has nearly completed a complicated machine, and some delicate part of it gives way, and renders all his toil useless. 31*. 366 DUTIES TO OUR FELI.OW-MEN. If another person interferes willi the fruit of his in- dustry, our dissatisfaction and indignation are still more increased. We feel here a variety of sentiments. 1. A dissatisfaction that the laborer does not enjoy that reward to which his industry entitled him. 2. A dis- satisfaction that another person, who did not labor, should acquire the possession of an object of value. And 3. An indignation against the man who deprived Ihe laborer of his just reward. This sentiment, that " the laborer deserves the fruit of his own labor," is the chiefs or rather (abstracting positive institution) the only, foundation of the sense of property. An attempt to deprive him of it is a species of injustice which rouses the indignation of every impartial spectator ; and so deeply are these prin- ciples implanted in our nature, that we cannot help feeling some degree of remorse when we deprive even a hive of bees of that provision which they had in- dustriously collected for their own use. The writers, indeed, on natural law ascribe in gen- eral the origin of property to priority of occupancy, and have puzzled themselves in attempting to explain how this act should appropriate to an individual what was formerly in common. Grotius and PufFendorf insist that this right of occupancy is founded upon a tacit but understood assent of all mankind, that the first occupant should become the owner. And Barbeyrac, Locke, and others, that the very act of occupancy alone, being a degree of bodily labor, is, from a prin- ciple of natural justice, without any compact, a suf- ficient foundation of property. Blackstone, although he thinks that the dispute about the manner in which occupancy conveys a right of property savors too much of scholastic refinement, expresses no doubt about its having this effect independent of positive institutions.* Some later philosophers have founded the right of property on the general sympathy of mankind with * See his Commentaries, Book II. Chap. I. RIGHT OF PROPERTY 367 fche reasonable expectation which the occupant has fojiiied of enjoying unmolested the object he has got possession of, or of which he was the first discoverer ; and on the indignation felt by the impartial spectator when he sees this reasonable expectation disappointed. This theory (which I have been assured from the best authority was adopted by Mr. Smith in his lectures on jurisprudence) seems to have been suggested by a pas- sage in Dr. Hutcheson's Moral Pkilosophy^ in which he says, that " it is immoral, when we can support our^ selves otherwise, to defeat any innocent design of an- other ; and that on this immorality is founded the re- gard we owe to the claims of the first occupant." In this theory, too, it is taken for granted that priority of occupancy founds a right of property, and that such a right may even be acquired by having accidentally seen a valuable object before it was observed by any other person. In order to think with accuracy on this subject, it is necessary to distinguish carefully the complete right of property which is founded on labor, from the transient right of possession which is acquired by mere priority of occupancy. Thus, before the appropriation of land, if any individual had occupied a particular spot for repose or shade, it would have been unjust to deprive him of the possession of it. This, however, was only a transient right. The spot of ground would again become common the moment the occupier had left it ; that is, the right of possession would remain no longer than the act of possession. Cicero illustrates this hap- pily by the similitude of a theatre. " Quemadmodum theatrum, cum commune sit, recte tamen dici potest ejus esse eum locum quem quisque occuparit." * The general conclusions which I deduce from the foregoing observations are these : — 1. That, in every state of society, labor, wherever it is exerted, is understood to found a right of property. * De Finibus, Lib. III. 20. " As in a theatre the seats are all for common nsc, yet every man's place is his own when he has taken it." 368 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. 2. That, according to natural law, (in the sense at least in which that phrase is commonly employed by writers on jurisprudence,) labor is the only original way of acquiring property. 3. That, according to natural law, mere occupancy founds only a right of possession ; and that, wherever it founds a complete right of property^ it owes its force to positive institutions. II. Origin and History of Property.'] An attention to these conclusions, in particular to the distinction be- tween the transient right of possession founded on oc- cupancy^ and the permanent right of property founded on labor, will, if I mistake not, clear up some of the difficulties which involve the first steps in the history of property, according to the view of the subject" given by Lord Kames ; and it was with this view I was led to premise these general principles to the slight histori- cal sketch I am now to offer. With respect to that system which refers the origin of property to the political union and to considerations of utility, it seems sufficient to observe, that, so far is government from creating this right, its necessary effect is to subject it to certain limitations. Abstraction made of political confederation, every man's property is sole- ly at his own disposal. He is supreme judge in his, own cause, and may defend what he conceives to be his right as far as his power reaches. In the state oi civil society his property is regulated by positive laws, and he must acquiesce in the judgnient of his superiors with respect to his rights, even in those cases where he feels it to be unjust. From the passage already quoted from Kames, it appears that he conceived the idea of property without possession to be of too abstract and metaphysical a nature to be apprehended by a savage ; and he has collected a variety of facts to prove, that, according to the common notions of mankind, in the infancy of jurisprudence, the right of property is understood to cease the moment that possession is at an end. But RIGHT OF PROPERTY. '369 311 a more attentive examination of the subject, I ap- prehend it will be found that the ideas of savages, with respect to property, are the same with ours ; that mere occupancy without labor founds only a right of pos- session ; and that labor, wherever it is employed, founds an exclusive and permanent right to , the fruits of it. Lord Kames's theory has obviously been suggested by the common doctrine with respect to the right of prop- erty being founded in priority of occupancy, compared with the acknowledged fact, that among rude nations occupancy does not establish a permanent right. The other arguments which he has alleged in support of his opinion will be found to be equally inconclusive. Before I proceed to the consideration of these, it may be proper to observe, that we must not always form an idea of the sentiments of men from the defects of their laws. The existence, indeed, of a law is a proof of the sentiments which men felt when the law was made ; but the defects of a law are not always proofs that men did not feel that there were disorders in the state of society which required correction. The laws of a country may not make provision for repara- tion to the original proprietor in the case of theft ; but it will not follow from this that men do not apprehend the original proprietor to have any right when his property has been stolen from him. The application of this general remark to some of the arguments I am now to consider will, I hope, be so obvious, as to render it unnecessary for me to point it out particularly. Among these arguments, one of the most plausible is founded on a general principle, which appears, frOm a variety of facts quoted by Kames, to run through most rude systems of jurisprudence, that, in the case of stolen .goods, the claim of the bona fide purchaser is preferable to thit of the original proprietor. This he accounts for from the imperfect notions they have of the metaphysi- cal nature of property when separated from possession. But if this were the case, the same laws should support the claim of the thief against the original proprietor: or rather, indeed, neither the original proprietor, nor 370 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. any one else, could conceive that he had any connection with the object stolen the moment after it was out of his possession. The fact is, that this respect paid to the bond fide purchaser is a proof, not of any misapprehen- sion with respect to the idea of property, but of a weak government and an imperfect police. Where thefts are easily committed, and where no public fairs or markets are established, it would put a complete end to all transferences of property, if the bond fide purchaser A^ere left exposed to the claims of former proprietors. Such a practice would be attended with still greater inconveniences than arise from the casual violations of property by theft ; not to mention that the regard shown to the bond fide purchaser must have a tendency to repress theft, by redoubling the attention of indi- viduals to preserve the actual possession of their prop- erty. That these or some other views of utility were the real foundation of the laws quoted by Karnes is confirmed by. an old regulation in our own country, prohibiting buying and selling, except in open market, — a regulation which had obviously been suggested by the experience of the inconveniences arising from the latent claims of former proprietors against bond fide purchasers. Another argument mentioned by Karnes in support of his theory is founded on the shortness of the term which completes prescription among rude nations ; a single year, for example, in the case of movables, by the oldest law of the Romans. This law, he says, testifies that property, independent of possession, was considered to be a right of the slenderest kind. It is evident, that, upon his own principles, it should not in that state of society have been considered as a right at all. If it was conceived to subsist a single day after the possession w^as at an end, the metaphysical diffi- culty which he magnifies so much was obviously sur- mounted. In every society, it will be found expedient to fix some term for prescription, and the particular length of it must be determined by the circumstances of the society at the time. In general, as law itn- I RIGHT OF PROPERTY. 371 proves, and government becomes more effectual, a greater attention to the stability of property, and con- sequently a longer term for prescription, may be ex- pected. The community of goods, which is said to take place among some rude nations, will be found, on examina- tion, to be perfectly consistent with the account I have given of their ideas on the subject of property. Where the game is taken by a common effort, the natural sense of justice dictates that it should be enjoyed in common. And indeed, abstracting all considerations of justice, the experience of the precarious fortune of the chase would soon suggest to the common sense of mankind the expediency of such an arrangement. This, however, does not indicate any imperfection in their idea of property ; for even in this state of society there are always some articles which are understood to be the ex^cdusive property of the individual, such as his bow and arrows, and the instruments he employs in fishing. I am confirmed in these conclusions by the account given by Dr. Robertson of the American Indians ; and the more so, as the facts he mentions, and even his reasonings, stand in opposition to his own preconceived opinion. " Nations,^^ he says expressly, " ivhicli depend upon hunting are strangers to the idea of property " ; and yet, when he comes to explain himself, it appears that, even in the present age of metaphysical refine- ment, if our physical circumstances were the same, we should feel and judge exactly as they do. " As the animals," he continues, in the passage immediately following the last sentence I have quoted, " on which the hunter feeds are not bred under his inspection, nor nourished by his care, he can claim no rigJit to them while they run wild in the forest. Where game is so plentiful that it can be caught with little trouble, men never dream of appropriating what is of small value, or of easy acquisition. Where it is so rare that the labor or danger of the chase requires the united efforts of a tribe or village, what is killed is a common stock, be 372 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. longing equally to all who, by their skill or their cour- age, have contributed to the success of the excursion. The forest or hunting-grounds are deemed the property of the tribe, from which it has a title to exclude every rival nation. But no individual arrogates a right to any district of these in preference to his fellow-citizens. They belong equally to all, and thither, as to a general and undivided store, all repair in quest of sustenance. The sanie principles by which they regulate their chief occupation extend to that which is-subordinate. Even agriculture has not introduced among them a complete idea of property. As the men hunt, the women labor together, and after they have shared the toils of the seed-time, they enjoy the harvest in common." * In the notes and illustrations at the end of his Histo- ry, Dr. Robertson seems to have been aware that he had expressed himself somewhat too strongly on this subject, and he has even gone so far as to intimate his suspicions that the common facts are not very accu- rately stated. " I strongly suspect that a community of goods, and an undivided store, are known only among the rudest tribes of hunters, and that, as soon as any species of agriculture or regular industry is known, the idea of an exclusive ..right of property to the fruits of them is introduced." In support of this opinion. Dr. Robertson refers to accounts which he had received concerning the state of property among the Indians in very different regions of America. '' The idea of the natives of Brazil," says the Chevalier de Pinto, who writes on this subject from personal observation, " concerning property is, that, if any person cultivate a field, he alone ought to enjoy the produce of it, and no other has a title to pretend to it. If an individual or a family go a hunting or fish- ing, what is caught belongs to the individual or family, and they communicate no part of it but to their Ca- zique, and such of their kindred as happen to be in- disposed. * History of America^ Book IV. § 66. RIGHT OF PROPERTY. 373. " If any person in the village come to their hut, he may sit down freely and eat without asking liberty. But this is the consequence of their general principle of hospitality; for I never observed any partition of the increase of their fields, or the produce of the chase, .which I could consider as the result of any idea con- cerning the community of goods. On the contrary, they are so much attached to what they deem to be their property, that it would be extremely dangerous to encroach on it. As far as I have seen or can learn, there is not one tribe of Indians in South 'America among whom that community of goods, which has bcQU so highly extolled, is known. The circumstance in the government of the Jesuits most irksome to the Indians of Paraguay was the community of goods which those fathers introduced. This was repugnant to the original ideas of the Indians. They were ac- quainted with the rights of private exclusive property, and they submitted with impatience to the regulations which destroyed them." '' Actual possession," says a missionary who resided several years among the Indians of the Five Nations, "gives a right to the soil; but, whenever a possessor sees fit to quit it, another has as good a right to take it as he who left it. This law or custom respects not only the particular spot on which he erects his house, but also his planting ground. If a man has prepared a particular spot of ground, on which he proposes in future to build or plant, no man has a right to incom- mode him, much less to the fruit of his labors, until it appears that he voluntarily gives up his views. But I never heard of any formal conveyance from one Indian to another in their natural state. The limits of every canton are circumscribed, that is, they are allowed to hunt as far as such a river on this hand, and such a mountain on the other. This area is occupied and im- proved by individuals and their families. Individuals, not the community, have the use and profit of their own labors, or success in hunting." 32 374 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. III. Property when rightfully created or recognized by Positive Laws not less Sacred.] It must not, how- ever, be inferred from what has been said, that in a civilized society there is any thing in that species of property which is acquired by labor to which individu- als owe a more sacred regard than they do to every other species of property created or recognized by posi- tive laws. Among these last there are many which have derived their origin from a principle no less ob- ligatory than our natural sense of justice^ a clear per- ception in the mind of the legislator (sanctioned per- haps by the concurrent experience of different ages and nations) of general utility ; and to all of them, while they exist, the reverence of the subject is due, on the same principle which, binds him to respect and to maintain the social order. Nature has provided for human happiness, in this instance, in a manner pre- cisely analogous to her general economy. Those sim- ple and indispensable rules of right and wrongs of just and unjust, without which the fruits of the earth could not be converted to the use of man, nor his existence maintained even in the rudest form of the social union^ she has engraved on the heart as an essential part of the human constitution, — leaving men, as society ad- vances, to employ their gradually im^proving reason in fixing, according to their own ideas of expediency, the various regulations concerning the acquisition, the alienation and transmission of property, which the more complicated interests of the community may require. It is also beautifully ordered, that, while a regard for legal property is thus secured, among men capable of reflection, by a sense of general utility, the same efiect is accomplished, in the minds of the multitude, by habit and the association of ideas ; in consequence of which, all the inequalities of fortune are sanctioned by mere prescription, and long possession is conceived to found a right of property as complete as that which, by the law of nature, an individual has in the fruits of his own industry. RIGHT OF PROPERTY. 375 In such a state of things, therefore, as that with which we are connected, the right of property must be understood to derive its origin from two distinct sources : the one is that natural sentiment of the mind which establishes a moral connection between labor and an exclusive enjoyment of the fruits of it ; the other is the municipal institutions of the country where we live. These institutions everywhere take rise partly from ideas of natural justice, and partly (perhaps chief- ly) from ideas of supposed utility, — two principles which, when properly understood, are, I believe, always in harmony with each other, and which it ought to be the great aim of every legislator to reconcile to the ut- most of his power. Among those questions, however, which fall under the cognizance of positive laws, there are many on which natural justice is entirely silent, and which, of consequence, may be discussed on prin- ciples of utility solely. Such are most of the questions concerning the regulation of the succession to a man's property after his death ; of some of which it may per- haps be found that the determination ought to vary with the circumstances of the society, and which have certainly, in fact^ been frequently determined by the caprice of the legislator, or by some principle ultimate- ly resolvable into an accidental association of ideas. Indeed, various cases may be supposed, in which it is not only useful, but necessary, that a rule should be fixed ; while, at the same time, neither justice nor utility seems to be much interested in the particular decision. In examining the questions which turn on consider- ations of utility^ some will immediately occur, of which the determination is so obvious, and which, at the same time, are so universal in their application, that the laws of all enlightened nations on the subject may be ex- pected to be the same. Of this description are many of the (juestions which may be stated with respect to the effects of priority of occupancy in establishing perma' nent rights. These questions are of course frequently confounded with questions of natural law ; and in one 376 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. sense of that phrase they may not improperly be com- prehended under the title, but the distinction between them and the other class of questions is essential ; for wherever considerations of utility are involved, the po- litical union is supposed, whereas the principle oi jus- tice, properly so called (of that justice, for example, which respects the right of the laborer to enjoy the fruit of his own industry), is inseparable from the human frame.* Section IV. OF veracity. I. Importance and Foundation of Veracity. ~\ The im- portant rank which veracity holds among our social du- ties appears from the obvious consequences that would result if no foundation were laid for it in the constitu- tion of our nature. The purposes of speech would be frustrated, and every man's opportunities of knowledge would be limited to his own personal experience. Considerations of utility, however, do not seem to De the only ground of the approbation we bestow on this disposition. Abstraction made of all regard to consequences, there is something pleasing and amiable in sincerity, openness, and truth, — something disagree- able and disgusting in duplicity, equivocation, and false- hood. Dr. Hutcheson himself, the great patron of that theory which resolves all moral qualities into benevo- lence, confesses this ; for he speaks of a sense which leads us to approve of veracity, distinct from the sense which approves of qualities useful to mankind.f As this, how- ever, is at best but a vague way of speaking, it may be proper to analyze more particularl}^^ that part of oui * On the right of property and its limitations, see Mill's Principles of Political Economy, Part II Chap. I., II. — Ed t Pkilosopkice Moralis Institutio Cotnpendiaria, Lib. II. Capp. IX., X. Aristotle expresses himself nearly to the same purpose. Ethic. Nico- mack., Lib, IV. Cap. VIL Various passages of a similar import occur in Cicero. VERACITY. 377 constitution from which our approbation of veracity arises. That there is in the human mind a natural or instinc- tive principle of veracity has been remarked by many authors, the same part of our constitution which prompts to social intercourse prompting also to sin- cerity in our mutual communications. Truth is always the spontaneous and native expression of our senti- ments ; whereas falsehood implies a certain violence done to our nature, in consequence of the influence of some motive which we are anxious to conceal. II. Truth and the Love of Truth.'] With respect to the nature of truth various metaphysical speculations have been offered to the world, and various definitions have been attempted, both by the ancients and moderns. These, however, have thrown but little light on the sub- ject, which is not suprising, when we consider that the word truth expresses a simple idea or notion, of which no analysis or explication is possible. The same obser- vation may be made with respect to the words knowl- edge and belief All of them express notions which are implied in every judgment of the understanding, and which no being can form who is not possessed of a rational nature. And, by the way, these notions deserve to be added to the list formerly mentioned, as exemplifications of the imperfection of the account commonly given of the origin of our ideas. They are obviously not derived from any particular sense ; and they do not seem to be referable to any part of our constitution, but to the understanding^ ; or, in other words, to those rational powers which distinguish man from the brutes. This language, I know, will appear to be very loose and inaccurate to those who have fa- miliarized their minds to the common doctrine ; but it is a plain and indisputable statement of the fact. To acquire knowledge or to discover truth is the proper object of curiosity ; — a principle of action which is coeval with the first operations of the intellect, and which in most minds continues through life to have a 82* 378 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. powerful influence, in one way or another, on the char- acter and the conduct. It is this principle which puts the intellectual faculties in motion, and gives them that exercise which is necessary for their development and improvement; and which, according to tlie direc- tion it takes, and the particular set of faculties it exer- cises, is the principal foundation of the diversities of genius among men. And as the diversities of genius proceed from the different directions in which curiosity engages the attention, so the inequaiities of genius among individuals may be traced in a great measure to the different degrees of ardor and perseverance with which the curiosity operates. When I say this, I would not be understood to insinuate that the different capa- cities of individuals are the same; a supposition contra- dicted by obvious facts, and contrary to what we should be led to conclude from the analogy of the body. I only wish to impress on all those who have any con- nection with the education of youth the great impor- tance of stimulating the curiosity, and of directing it to proper objects, as the most effectual of all means for securing the improvement of the mind : I may add, as one of the most effectual provisions ,that can be made for the happiness of the individual, in conse- quence of the resources it furnishes when we are left to depend on ourselves for enjoyment ; and in conse- quence, also, of the progressive vigor with which it operates to the very close of life, in proportion to the enlargement of our experience and the extent of our information. In order, however, to prevent misapprehensions of my meaning, it is necessary for me again to remark, that the curiosity on which I lay so great a stress is that curiosity alone which has truth for its -object. '' There are many men," says Butler, " who have a strong curiosity to know what is said, who have no curiosity to know what is true''^ ; — men who value knowledge only as furnishing an employment to their memory, or as supplying a gratification to their van- ity in. their intercourse with others. It is a weakness VERACITY. 379 which we may presume has prevailed more or less in all ages, but which has been much encouraged in mod- ern Europe by that superstitious admiration of antiq- uity which has withdrawn so much genius and indus- try from the pursuits of science to those of erudition. No prejudice can be conceived more adverse to the progress of usefu? knowledge, not only as it occasions an idle wastr of time and labor which might have been more profitably employed, but as it contributes power- fully to destroy that simplicity and modesty of temper which are the genuine characteristics of the true phi- losopher. I think it of importance to add, that the love of truth, where it is the great motive of our intellectual pursuits, gains daily an accession of strength as our knowledge advances. I have already said, that it is an ultimate fact in our nature, and is not resolvable into views of utility. Its extensive effects on human hap- piness are discovered only in the progress of our ex- perience ; but when this discovery is once made, it superadds to our instinctive curiosity every stimulus which self-love and benevolence can furnish. The con- nection between error and misery, between truth and happiness, becomes gradually more apparent as our inquiries proceed, and produces at last a complete con- viction, that, even in those cases where we are unable to trace it, the connection subsists. He who feels this as he ought will consider a steadfast adherence to the truth as an expression of benevolence to man, and of confidence in the righteous administration of the uni- verse, and will suspect the purity of those motives which would lead him to advance the good of his' ijpecies, or the glory of his Maker, by deceit and hy- pocrisy. III. Means of inculcating; and enforcing the Duty of Veracity,] In offering these remarks, I shall no doubt be thought to have taken a very wide circuit in order to illustrate the nature of that veracity whidh is incum- bent on us in our intercourse with our fellow-creatures. 380 DUTIES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. But it appears to me that the most solid of all founda- tions for the uniform and the scrupulous exercise of this virtue is to cherish the love of truth in geueral, and to impress the mind with a conviction of its important effects on our own happiness and on that of society. There is, indeed, a sort of gross and ostensible prac- tice of this duty, which is secured by what we call the point of honor in modern Europe, which brands with infamy every palpable deviation from the truth in mat- ters oi fact. The law of honor here operates in the case of veracity, in some measure, as the law of the magistrate operates in the case of justice. But as in the latter case a man may be unjust in the sight of God and of his own conscience without transgressing the letter of any statute, so, in the former, without for- feiting his character as a gentleman, he may often incur all the guilt of a liar and an impostor^ Is it, in a moral view, more criminal to misrepresent a fact, than to im- pose on the world by what we know to be an unsound or a fallacious argument? Is it, in a moral view, more criminal to mislead another by a verbal lie, than by actions which convey a false idea of our intentions ? Is it, in a moral view, more criminal, or is it more in- consistent with the dignity of a man of true honor, to defraud men in a private transaction by an incorrect or erroneous statement of circumstances, than to mis- lead the public to their own ruin by those wilful devia- tions from truth into which we see men daily led by views of interest or ambition, or by the spirit of politi- cal faction ? Numberless cases, in short, may be fan- cied, in which our only security for truth is the virtuous disposition of the individual, and where the restraint of public opinion has little or no influence. Perhaps I should not go too far were I to affirm, that, as there is no duty of which the gross and ostensible practice is so effectually secured by the manners of modern times, so there is none to the obligation of which mankind seem in general to be so insensible, considered as moral agents, and accountable to God for their thoughts and intentions. VERACITY. 381 Among the various causes which have conspired to relax our moral principles on this important article, the facility which the press affords us in modern times of addressing the world by means of anonymous publica- tions is p.'obably one of the most pow^erful. The sal- utary restraint which a regard to character imposes, in most cases, on our moral deviations, is here withdrawn ; and we have no security for the fidelity of the writer, but his disinterested love of truth and of mankind. The palpable and ludicrous misrepresentations of facts, to which we are accustomed from our infancy in the periodical prints of the day, gradually unhinge our faith in all such communications; and what we are every day accustomed to see, we cease in time to re- gard with due abhorrence. Nor is this the only moral evil resulting from the licentiousness of the press. The intentions of nature in appointing public esteem as the reward of virtue, and infamy as the punishment of vice, are in a great measure thwarted ; and while the fairest characters are left open to the assaults of a calumny which it is impossible to trace to its author, the opinions of the public may be so divided by the artifices of hireling flatterers, with respect to men of the most profligate and abandoned lives, as to enable them, not only to brave the censures of the world, but to retaliate with more than an equal advantage on the good name of those who have the rashness to accuse them. In a free -government like ours, the liberty of the press has been often and justly called the palladium of the constitution ; but it may reasonably be doubted whether this liberty would be at all impaired by a reg- ulation, which, while it left the press perfectly open to every man who was willing openly to avow his opinions, rendered it impossible for any individual to publish a sentence without the sanction of his name. Upon this question, however, considered in a political point of view, I shall not presume to decide. Con- sidered in a moral light, the advantages of such a regu- lation appear to be obvious and indisputable, and the 382 DUTIjES TO OUR FELLOW-MEN. effect could scarcely fail to have a most extensive in fluence on national manners.* Besides that love of truth which seems evidently tc be an original principle of the mind, there are other laws of our nature which were plainly intended to se- cure the practice of veracity in our intercourse w^th our fellow-creatures. There are others, too, which, as they suppose the practice of this virtue, may be re- garded as intimations of that conduct which is con- formable to the end and destination of our being. Such is that disposition to repose faith in testimony, which is coeval with the use of language. Without such a disposition, the education of children would be impracticable; and accordingly, so far from being the result of experience, it seems to be, in the first instance, unlimited, — nature intrusting its gradual correction to the progress of reason and of observation. This re- mark, which I think was first made by Dr. Reid, has been since repeated and enforced by Mr. Smith, in his Theory of Moral Sentiments. This author observes, further, that, " notwithstanding the lessons of caution communicated to us by experience, there is scarcely a man to be found who is not more credulous than he ought to be, and who does not, upon many occasions, give credit to tales which not only turn out to be per- fectly false, but which a very moderate degree of re- flection and attention might have taught him could not well be true. The natural disposition is always to believe. It is acquired wisdom and experience alone that teach incredulity, and they very seldom teach it enough. The wisest and most cautious of us all fre- quently gives credit to stories which he himself is after- wards both ashamed and astonished that he could pos- sibly think of believing." This disposition to repose faith in testimony bears a striking analogy, both in its origin and in its final cause, to our instinctive expecta- tion of the continuance of those laws which regulate the course of physical events. * For the political aspects of this subject, see Lord Brougham's Politt cat Philosophy, Part III. Chap. XXI. — Ed. DUTIES TO OURSELVES. 383. In infancy the principle of veracity is by no means so conspicuous as that of credulity, and it sometimes happens that a good deal of care is necessary to cherish it. But in such cases it will always be found that there is some indirect motive combined with the desire of social communication, such as fear, or vanity, or mischief, or sensuahty. The same principle which prompts to social intercourse and to the use of speech prompts also to veracity. Nor is it probable that there is such a thing as falsehood uttered merely from the love of falsehood. If this remark be just, it suggests an important prac- tical rule in the business of education; — not to at- tempt the cure of lying and deceit by general rules concerning the duty of veracity, or by punishments inflicted upon every single violation of it, but by study- ing to discover and remove the radical evil from which it springs, whether it be cowardice, or vanity, or mis- chief, or selfishness, or sensuality. Either of these, if allowed to operate, will in time unhinge the natural constitution of the mind, and produce a disregard to truth upon all occasions where a temporary convenience can be gained by the breach of it. From these imperfect hints, it would appear that every breach of veracity indicates some latent vice or some criminal intention, which an individual is ashamed to avow. And hence the peculiar beauty of openness or sincerity, uniting in some degree in itself the graces of all the other moral qualities of which it attests the existence. CHAPTER III. OF THE DUTIES WHICH RESPECT OURSELVES. Prudence, temperance^ and fortitude are no less req- uisite for enabling us to discharge our social duties 3S4 DUTIES TO OURSELVES. than for securing our own private happiness ; but as they do not necessarily imply any reference to our fel- low-creatures, they seem to belong most properly to this third branch of virtue. An illustration of the nature and tendency of these qualities, and of the means by which they are to be improved and confirmed, although a most important article of ethics, does not lead to any discussions of so abstract a kind as to require particular attention in a work of which brevity is a principal object. It is sufficient here to remark, that, independently of all con- siderations of utility, either to ourselves or to others, these qualities are approved of as right and becoming. Their utility, at the same time, or rather necessity, for securing the discharge of our other duties, adds greatly to the respect they command, and is certainly the chief gi'ound of the obligation we lie under to cultivate the habits by which they are formed. A steady regard^ in the conduct of life^ to the happi- ness and perfection of our own nature^ and a diligent study of the means by which these ends may he attained^ is another duty belonging to this branch of virtue. It is a duty so important and comprehensive, that it leads to the practice of all the rest, and is therefore entitled to a very full and particular examination in a system of moral philosophy. Such an examination, while it leads our thoughts " to the end and aim of our being," will again bring under our review the various duties already considered ; and, by showing how they all con- spire in recommending the same dispositions, will il- lustrate the unity of design in the human constitution, and the benevolent wisdom displayed in its formation. Other subordinate duties, besides, which it would be tedious to enumerate under separate titles, may thus be placed in a light more interesting and agreeable. Pt^St/lf of HAPflNES^. Section I. OP THE DUTY OF EMPLOYING THE MEANS WE P0SSES5 TO SECURE OUR OWN HAPPINESS. According to Dr. Hutcheson, our conduct, so far as it is influenced by self-love, is never the object of moral approbation. Even a regard to the pleasures of a good conscience he considered as detracting from the merit of those actions which it encourages us to perform. That the principle of self-love (or, in other words, the desire of happiness) is neither an object of appro- bation nor of blame is sufficiently obvious. It is in- separable from the nature of man as a rational and a sensitive being. It is, however, no less obvious, on the other hand, that this desire, considered as a principle of action, has by no means a uniform influence on the conduct. Our animal appetites, our affections, and the other inferior principles of our nature, interfere as often with self-love as with benevolence, and mislead us from our own happiness as much as from the duties we owe to others. In these cases, every spectator pronounces that we deserve to suffer for our folly and indiscretion ; and we ourselves, as soon as the tumult of passion is over, feel in the same manner. Nor is this remorse merely a sentiment of regret for having missed that happiness which we might have enjoyed. We are dissatisfied, lot only with our condition, but with our conduct, — with our having forfeited by our own imprudence what we might have attained.* It is true, that we do not feel so warm an indigna- tion against the neglect of private good as against per- fidy, cruelty, and injustice. The reason probably is, that imprudence commonly carries its own punish- ment along with it, and our resentment is disarmed by pity. Indeed, as that habitual regard to his own hap- * See Butler's Dissertation on the Nature of Virtue. 33 386 DUTIES TO OURSELVES. piness, which every man feels, except when under the influence of sorae violent appetite, is a powerful check on imprudence, it was less necessary to provide an ad- ditional punishment for this vice in the indignation of the world. From the principles now stated, it follows, that, in a person who believes in a future state, the criminality of every bad action is aggravated by the imprudence with which it is accompanied. It follows, also, that the punishments annexed by the civil magistrate to particular actions render the com- mission of them more criminal than it would otherwise be ; insomuch, that, if an action, in itself perfectly in- different, were prohibited by some arbitrary law, under a severe penalty, the commission of that action (unless we were called to it by some urgent consideration of duty) would be criminal, not merely on account of the obedience which a subject owes to established authori- ty, but on account of the regard which every man ought to feel for his life and reputation. To forge the handwriting of another with a fraudulent intention is undoubtedly a crime, independently of positive insti- tutions ; and it becomes still more criminal in a com- mercial country like ours, on account of the extensive mischiefs which may arise from it. It is a crime, how- ever, not of greater magnitude than many other kinds of commercial fraud that might be mentioned. If the king, for example, grants his patent to a subject for a particular invention, and another counterfeits it, and makes use of his name, stamp, and coat of arms, he not only injures an individual, but imposes on the pub- lic. Abstraction made, therefore, of positive law, the criminality of the latter act is fully as great as that of the former. As the law, however, has made the one act capital, and the other not, but only subjected the person who commits it to pecuniary damages to the individual he has injured, the forgery of a deed be- comes incomparably more criminal, in a moral view, than the counterfeit of a patent invention. A good man, indeed, will neither do the one nor the other. THEORIES OF HAPPINESS. THE EPICUREAN. 387 But the man who adds to a fraudulent disposition an imprudent disregard to his own life and character is, undoubtedly, the more guilty of the two, and meets his fate with much less sympathy from others than he would receive if he had committed the same act with- out knowing its consequences. Section II. OF THE DIFFERENT THEORIES OF HAPPINESS. I. General Observations.] The most superficial ob- servation of life is sufficient to convince us that happi' ness is not to be attained by giving every appetite and desire the gratification it demands ; and that it is ne- cessary for us to form to ourselves some plan or system of conduct, in subordination to which all other objects are to be pursued. To ascertain what this system ought to be is a prob- lem which has, in all ages, employed the speculations of philosophers. Among the ancients, the question concerning the sovereign good was the principal sub- ject of controversy which divided the schools ; and it was treated in such a manner as to involve almost ev- ery other question of ethics. The opinions maintained with respect to it by some of their sects comprehend many of the most important truths to which the inquiry leads, and leave little to be added but a few corrections and limitations of their conclusions. These opinions may be all reduced to three : those of the Epicureans, of the Stoics, and of the Peripatetics ; and, indeed, it does not seem possible to form a concep- tion of any scheme of happiness which may not be re- ferred to one or other of these three systems. IT. (1.) The Epicurean.'] The fundamental princi- ple of the Epicurean system was, that bodily pleasure and pain were the sole ultimate objects of desire and aversion. These were desired and shunned on their own account; every thing else, from its tendency to 388 DtTTIES TO OURSELVES. procure the one of these or to save us from the other. Power ^ for example, riches^ reputation^ even the virtues themselves, were not desirable for their own sake, but were valuable merely as being instrumental to procure us the objects of our natural desires. " They who place the sovereign good in virtue alone, and who, daz- zled by words, overlook the intentions of nature, will be delivered from this greatest of all errors, if they will only listen to Epicurus. As to these rare and excellent qualities on which you set so high a value, who is there that would consider them as objects either of praise or of imitation, unless from a belief that they are in- strumental in adding to the sum of our pleasures ? For as we prize the medical art, not on its own account, but as subservient to the preservation of health, and the art of the pilot, not for the skill he displays, but as it diminishes the dangers of navigation, so, also, wis* dom, which is the art of living, would be coveted by none if it were altogether unprofitable, whereas now it is an object of general pursuit, from a persuasion that it both guides us to our best enjoyments, and points out to us the most effectual means for their at- tainment." * All the pleasures and pains of the mind (according to Epicurus) are derived from the recollection and an- ticipation of bodily pleasures and pains ; but this recol- lection and anticipation he considered as contributing much more to our happiness or misery on the whole, than the pleasures and pains themselves. His philoso- phy was, indeed, directed chiefly to inculcate this truth, and to withdraw our solicitude from the pleasures and pains themselves, which are not in our power, to the regulation of our recollections and anticipations, which depend upon ourselves. He placed happiness, there- fore, in ease of body and tranquillity of mind^ but much more m the latter than in the former, insomuch that he affirmed a wise man might be happy in the midst oi bodily torments. " Hear," says Cicero, " the language * Cicero, De Fin., Lib. I. 13. I THEORIES OF HAPPINESS. THE EPICUREAN. 381^ of Epicurus on his death-bed. ' Epicurus to Hernia chus, greeting. — While I am passing the last day oi my life, and that the happiest, I write this epistle, op- pressed, at the same time, with so many and such acute maladies, that it is scarcely possible to conceive that my sufferings are susceptible of augmentation. All these, however, are amply compensated by the mental joy I derive from the recollection of the reason- ings and discoveries of which I am the author.' " The concluding sentence of this letter does more honor to Epicurus than any other part of it. " But you, as is w^orthy of your good-will towards me and philosophy, let it be your business to consider yourself as the guar- dian and protector of the children of Metrodorus." * Epicurus himself is represented as a person of inof- fensive and even amiable manners. He is said to have taught his philosophy in a garden, where he lived a temperate and quiet life, enjoying what Thomson calls "the glad poetic ease of Epicurus, — seldom un- derstood." He died at an advanced age, and was so much beloved and esteemed by his followers, that his birthday was annually celebrated as a festival. His private virtues, however, were probably, in a great measure, the effect of a happy natural constitution ; for his philosophy, besides destroying all those supports of morality that religion affords, tended avowedly to rec- ommend a life of indolent and selfish indulgence, and a total abstraction from the concerns and duties* of the world. Accordingly, we find that many of his disci- ples brought so much discredit on their principles by the dissoluteness of their lives, that the word Epicurean came gradually to be understood as characteristical of a person devoted to sensual gratifications. The influence which these principles had on the manners of the later Romans has been remarked by many writers ; and it is not a little curious, that it was clearly foreseen, ages before, by their virtuous and en- * De Fin., II. 30. The same letter is also found in Diogenes Laertius, Lib.X. 33* 890 DUTIES TO OURSELVES. lightened progenitors. This fact, which has not been sufficiently attended to, deserves the serious considera- tion of those who are disposed to call in question the effect of speculative opinions on national character. It was in the year of Rome 471, and during the con- sulate of Fabricius, that the Romans seem to have re- ceived the first notice of the Epicurean doctrines. At that period the Tarentines had the address to instigate the Samnites, and almost all the other Italian states, to take arms against the republic, and also prevailed on Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, to give them his assistance. In the course of the war, Fabricius, with two other per- sons of high rank, was sent to Pyrrhus's court, to treat with him about an exchange of prisoners ; and it was at a public entertainment given to them upon that oc- casion that Cineas, his minister and favorite, gave the Roman ambassadors a general idea of the philosophi- cal principles which Epicurus had begun to teach at Athens about twenty years before. The effect which this conversation had on the minds of the Roman am- bassadors is an instructive fact in the history of philos- ophy. " I have frequently heard from some of my friends, who were much my seniors," says Cato to Scipio and Lselius, " a traditionary anecdote concerning Fabricius. They assured me, that, in the early part of their life, they were told by certain very old men of their ac- quainfence, that, when Fabricius was ambassador at the court of Pyrrhus, he expressed great astonishment at the account given him by Cineas of a philosopher at Athens, who maintained that the love of pleasure was universally the leading motive of all human ac- tions. My informer added, that, when Fabricius relat- ed this fact to M. Curius and Titus Coruncanius, they both joined in wishing that Pyrrhus and the whole Samnite nation might become converts to this extraor- dinary doctrine, as the people who were infected with such unmanly principles could not fail, they thought, of proving an easy conquest to their enemies. M. Cu- rius had been intimately connected with Publius Decius, THEORIES OF HATPrXESS. THE STOlC. 891 who in his fourth consuldte (which was five years be- fore the former entered upon that office) gloriously sac- rificed his life to the preservation of his country. This generous patriot was personally known both to Fa- bricius and to Coruncanius ; and they were convinced, by what they experienced in their own breasts, as well as by the illustrious example of Decius, that there is in certain actions an intrinsic rectitude and obligation which, with a noble contempt of what the world calls pleasure^ every great and generous mind will steadily keep in view as a sacred rule of conduct, and as the chief concern of life." * III. (2.) The Stoic] In opposition to the Epicurean doctrines already stated on the subject of happiness, the Stoics placed the supreme good in rectitude of con- duct^ without any regard to the event. They did not, however, as has been often supposed, recommend an indifference to external objects, or a life of inactivity and apathy. On the contrary, they taught that nature pointed out to us certain objects of choice and of re- jection, and amongst these some to be more chosen and avoided than others ; and that virtue consisted in choosing and rejecting objects according to their in- trinsic value. They admitted that health was to be preferred to sickness, riches to proverty ; the prosperity of our family, of our friends, of our country, to their adversity; and they allowed, nay, they recommended, * Cicero, De Senect. The system of morals generally ascribed to Epicu- rus is said to have been borrowed from Aristippus, who also tauglit that happiness consisted in bodily pleasure ; but it is probable, as Mr. Smith observes, that his manner of applying; his principles was altogether his own. Indeed, we have the testimony of Diogenes Laertius that Aristippus taught that happiness consisted in the present pleasures of the body, and not in any mental refinements on these pleasures, according to the system of Epicurus. — Lib. II. 187. The life of Epicurus has been written in modern times by Gassendi (who also attempted to revive his philosophv, Sijn!a(//na Fhilosop/me Epicuri), and by Bayle. Hcineccius also mentions a booic entitled, Jacob Rondelhi^, De Vita et de Morilms Epicuri which has never fallen in my way. [For more modern authorities, see the general histories of philosophy by Tennemann, Ritter, and Degerando. Also, Warnekros, Apologie und Leben Epicurs. Steinhart in Ersch u. Gruher All'j>'m. Enci/dop., Yo\. XXXV. p. 459 et seq.] 392 DUTIES TO OURSELVES. the most strenuous exertions to accomplish these de- sirable ends. They only contended that these objects should be pursued, not as the constituents of our hap- piness, but because we believe it to be agreeable to nature that we should pursue them ; and that, therefore, when we have done our utmost, we should regard the event as indifferent. That this is a fair representation of the Stoical doc- trine has been fully proved by Mr. Harris, in the very learned and judicious notes on his Dialog'ue concern- ing Happiness ; a performance which, although not en- tirely free from Mr. Harris's peculiarities of thought and style, does him so much honor, both as a writer and a moralist, that we cannot help regretting, while we peruse it, that he should so often have wasted his ingenuity and learning upon scholastic subtilties, equal- ly inapplicable to the pursuits of science and to the biisiness of life. '' The word rrdOos,''^ he observes, " which we usually render a passion^ means, in the Stoic sense, a perturba- linn, and is always so translated by Cicero ; and the epithet dnadrjSy when applied to the wise man, does not mean an exemption from passion, but an exemption from that perturbation which is founded on erroneous opinions. The testimony of Epictetus is expressed to this purpose. ' I am not,' says he, ' to be apathetic like a statue, but I am withal to observe relations, both the natural and the adventitious ; as the man of relig- ion, as the son, as the brother, as the father, as the citizen.' And immediately before, he tells us, that ' a perturbation in no other way ever arises, but either w^hen a desire is frustrated, or an aversion falls into that which it should avoid.' In which passage," says Harris, " it is observable that he does not make either desire or aversion Trddrj, or perturbations, but only the cause of perturbations when erroneously conducted." From a great variety of passages, which it is unne- cessary for me to transcribe, Harris concludes that " the Stoics, in the character of their virtuous man, included rational desire, aversion, and exultation ; included love THEORIES OF HAPPINESS. THE STOIC. 303 and parental affection, friendship, and a general benev- olence to all mankind ; and considered it as a duty arising from our very nature not to neglect the welfare of public society, but to be ever ready, according to our rank, to act either as the magistrate or as the private ciiizen." Nor did they exclude wealth from among the objects of choice. The Stoic Hecato, in his treatise Of Offices, quoted by Cicero, tells us, that " a wise man, while he abstains from doing any thing contrary to the customs, laws, and institutions of his country, ought to attend to his own fortune. For we do not desire to be rich for ourselves only, but for our children, relations, and friends, and especially for the commonwealth, inas- much as the riches of individuals are the wealth of a state." * " Nay," says Cicero, on another occasion, " if the wise man could mend his condition by adding to the amplest possessions the poorest, meanest utensil, he would in no degree contemn it." f From these quotations it sufficiently appears that the Stoical system, so far from withdrawing men from the duties of life, was eminently favorable to active virtue. Its peculiar and distinguishing tenet was, that our hap- piness does not depend on the attainment of the objects of our choice, but on the part that we act; but this principle was inculcated, not to damp our exertions, but to lead us to rest our happiness only on circumstances which u^e ourselves could command. " If I am going to sail," says Epictetus, " I choose the best ship and the best pilot, and I wait for the fairest weather that my circumstances and duty will allow. Prudence and propriety, the principles which the gods have given me for the direction of my conduct, require this of me, but they require no more; and if, notwithstanding, a storm arises, which neither the strength of the vessel nor the skill of the pilot is likely to withstand, I give myself no trouble about the consequences. All that I had to do is done already. The directors of my con* * De a0\ III. 15. \ De Finibus, IV. 12. 394 DUTIES TO OURSELVES. duct never command me to be miserable, to be anxious, desponding, or afraid. Whether we are to be drowned or come to a harbour is the business of Jupiter, not mine. I leave it entirely to his determination, nor ever break my rest with considering which way he is likely to decide it, but receive whatever comes with equal in- difference and security." We may observe further, in favor of this noble sys- tem, that the scale of desirable objects which it exhib- ited was peculiarly calculated to encourage the social virtues. It represented, indeed (in common with the theory of Epicurus), self-love as the great spring of hu- man actions ; but in the application of this erroneous principle to practice, its doctrines were favorable to the most enlarged, nay, to the most disinterested be- nevolence. It taught that the prosperity of two was preferable to that of one; that of a city to that of a family; and that of our country to all partial consid- erations. It was upon this very principle, added to a sublime sentiment of piety, that it founded its chief argument for an entire resignation to the dispensations of Providence. As all events are ordered by perfect wisdom and goodness, the Stoics concluded that what- ever happens is calculated to produce the greatest good possible to the universe in general. As it is agreeable to nature, therefore, that we should prefer the happi- ness of many to a few, and of all to that of many, they concluded that every event which happens is pre- cisely that which we ourselves would have desired, if we had been acquainted with the whole scheme of the Divine administration. " In what sense," says Epic- tetus, " are some things said to be according to our na- ture, and others contrary to it? It is in that sense in which we consider ourselves as separated and detached from all other things. For thus it may be said to be the nature of the foot to be always clean. But if you consider it as a foot, and not as something detached from the rest of the body, it must behoove it sometimes to trample in the dirt, and sometimes to tread upon thorns, and sometimes, too, to be cut off for the sake THEORIES OF HAPPINESS. THE STOIC. 395 of the whole body; and if it refuses this, it is no longer a foot. Thus, too, ought we to conceive with respect to ourselves. What are you? A man. If you con- sider yourself as something separated and detached, it is agreeable to your nature to live to old age, to be rich, to be in health. But if you consider yourself as a man, and as a part of the whole, upon account of that whole it will behoove you sometimes to be in sickness, some- times to be exposed to the inconveniency of a sea voy- age, sometimes to be in want, and at last, perhaps, to die before your time. Why, then, do you complain ? Do you not know that by doing so, as the foot ceases to be a foot, so you cease to be a man." In the writings, indeed, of some of the Stoics, we meet with some absurd and violent paradoxes about the perfect felicity of the wise man on the one hand, and the equality of misery among all those who fall short of this ideal character on the other. " As all the actions of the wise man were perfect, so all those of the man who had not arrived at this supreme wisdom were faulty, and equally faulty. As one truth could not be more true, nor one falsehood more false, than another, so an honorable action could not be more hon- orable, nor a shameful one more shameful, than an- other. As, in shooting at a mark, the man who had missed it by an inch had equally missed it with him who had done so by a hundred yards, so the man who, in what appeared to us the most insignificant action, had acted improperly, and without a sufficient reason, was equally faulty with him who had done so in whut appeared to us the most important; the man who h;i. 690. 36* 426 NATURE AND ESSENCE OF VIRTUE. in the mind of a good man, even where there is no op portunity of exercising then^i. And what is it in tht» mind which we can call the virtue of justice when it \^ not exercised ? It can be nothing but a fixed purpose or determination to act according to the rules of justice when there is opportunity." With all this I perfectly agree. It is the fixed pur pose to do what is rig-ht, which evidently constitute,^ what we call a virtuous disposition. But it appears to me that virtue, considered as an attribute of character is more properly defined by the habit which the fixec^ purpose gradually forms, than by the fixed purpose it- self It is from the external habit alone that other men can judge of the purpose; and it is from the uniformi ty and spontaneity of his habit that the individual him self must judge how far his purposes are sincere and steady. These observations lead to an explanation of what has at first sight the appearance of paradox in the ethical doctrines of Aristotle, that where there is self-denial there is no virtue. That the merit of particular actions is increased by the self-denial with which they are ac- companied cannot be disputed ; but it is only when we are learning the practice of our duties that this self- denial is exercised (for the practice of morality, as wel/ as of every thing else, is facilitated by repeated acts) : and therefore, if the word virtue be employed to express that habit of mind which it is the great object of a good man to confirm, it will follow, that, in proportion as he approaches to it, his eftbrts of self-denial must diniinish, and that all occasion for them would cease il his end were completely attained. The definition of virtue given by Aristotle, as con- sisting in " right practical hoJoits, voluntarf/ in their ori- gin,'^' is well illustrated by what Plutarch has told us of the means by which he acquired the mastery over his irascible passions. " I have always approved," says he, "of the engagements and vows imposed on them- selves from motives of religion, by certain philosophers, to abstain from wine, or from some other favorite in- DEFINITION OF VIRTUE. 427 dulgence, for the space of a year. I have also approved of the determination taken by others not to deviate from the truth, even in the lightest conversation, during a particular period. Comparing my own mind with theirs, and conscious that I yielded to none of them in reverence for God, I tasked myself, in the first instance, not to give way to anger upon any occasion for several days. I afterwards extended this resolution to a month or longer; and having thus made a trial of what I could do, I have learned at length never to speak but with gentleness, and so carefully to watch over my temper as never to purchase the short and unprofitable gratification of venting my resentment at the expense of a lasting and humiliating remorse."* I must not dismiss this topic without recommending, not merely to the perusal, but to the diligent study, of all who have a taste for moral inquiries, Aristotle's Nicomachean Elides^ in which he has examined, with far greater accuracy than any other author of antiquity, the nature of habits considered in their relation to our moral constitution. The whole treatise is indeed of great value, and, with the exception of a few passages, almost justifies the warm and unqualified eulogium pronounced upon it by a learned divine (Dr. Rennel) before the University of Cambridge; in which he goes so far as to assert, that " it affords not only the most perfect specimen of scientific morality, but exhibits also the powers of the most compact and best constructed system which the human intellect ever produced vpon any subject; enlivening occasionally great severity of method, and strict precision of terms, by the sublimest, though soberest, splendor of diction." f * Delra. t We have several English translations of this work ; one by Dr. Gillies ; another by Thomas Taylor ; another, the best, by R. W. Browne, in Bohu's Classical Library. — Ed. 428 NATURE AND ESSENCE OF VIRTUE. CHAPTER II. ON AN AMBIGUITY IN THE WORDS RIGHT AND WRONG, VIRTUE AND VICE. The epithets 7'i(^]it and wrongs virtuous and vicious^ are applied sometinies to external actions^ and sonne- times to the mtentions of the agent. A similar arnbi- goity nnay be remarked in the corresponding words in other languages. This ambiguity is owing to various causes, which it is not necessary at present to trace. Among other cir- cumstances, it is owing to the association of ideas, which, as it leads us to connect notions of elegance or of meanness with many arbitrary expressions in lan- guage, so it often leads us to connect notions of right and wrong with external actions, considered abstractly from the motives which produced them. It is owing (at least in part) to this, that a man who has been in- voluntarily the author of any calamity to another can hardly by any reasoning banish his feelings of remorse; and, on the other hand, however wicked our purposes may have been, if by any accident we have been pre- vented from carrying them into execution, we are apt to consider ourselves as far less culpable than if we had perpetrated the crimes that we had intended. It is much in the same manner that we think it less crimi- nal to mislead others b}^ hints, or looks, or actions, than by a verbal lie ; and, in general, that we think our guilt diminished if we can only. contrive to accomplish our ends without employing those external signs, or those external means, with which we have been accustomed to associate the notions of guilt and infamy. Shak- speare has painted with philosophical accuracy this nat- ural subterfuge of a vicious mind, in which the sense of duty still retains some authority, in one of the ex- quisite scenes between King John and Hubert: — "Hadst tliou but shook thy head, or made a pause, When I spake darkly what I purposed j ABSOLUTE AND RELATIVE RIGHT. 429 V^. APPENDIX TO BOOK IV. Since the publication of Mr. Stewart's work, two theories on the nature of virtue have appeared and at- tracted considerable notice in England and this coun- try ; one by Sir James Mackintosh, and the other by Jouffroy. A succinct account of each will be given in this Appendix.f Section I. SIR JAMES mackintosh's THEORY OF MORALS. I. His Distinction betiveen the Theory of Moral Sem timents and the Criterion of Morality.] Mackintosh has, with great propriety, insisted upon the importance of a distinction of two parts of moral philosophy which * Memor.^ Lib. I. Cap I. 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