E375 
 
 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 0DDD5D7TE0a ^ 
 

 
 
 
 - ^' 
 
 ' " 
 
 .. *o 
 
 
 
 
 K'. '-n.. 0^ o , 
 
 • > 
 
 
 
 ^^. cV^ - 
 
 
 
 
 
 -> 
 
 !OV. -y * 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 '^ \ 
 
 %*^''*/ V'^\/ %*^'-*/ 
 
 o 
 
 I X 
 
 -. ^ 
 
 "^^.r. 
 
 .0 -^ 
 
AN 
 
 
 TO 
 
 THE PEOPLE OF OHIO, 
 
 ON THE IMPORTANT SUBJECT 
 
 OP THE 
 
 JVEXT PRESIDENCY: 
 
 BY 
 
 " THE COMMITTEE 
 
 JiPPOIJSrTED FOR THAT PURPOSE, 
 
 AT A 
 
 COXYEXTIOX 0¥ l>ElLEaATT?lS 
 
 FROM THE DIFFERENT SECTIONS OF THE STATE, \ 
 
 ASSEMBLED AT COLUMBUS, 
 
 
 ON 
 
 Wednesday, t\\e l^tVi day ol 3\iVy, 182.4?. 
 
 CINCINNATI: 
 L»oker & Reynoldf^ Printers. 
 
% 
 
 THE PEO PLE^ TICKETr^"^ 
 
 FOR PRESIDENT, 
 
 ^.NDREW JACKSON: 
 
 Recommended to the People of tlie United States, by 
 
 bis i)Lue Democratic Principles. Stern Integrity, 
 
 Long Experience, Eminent Talents, and 
 
 Transcendent Services to his Country. 
 
 "Jackson, all hail I onr country's pride and boast. 
 "Whose mind's a council, and whose arm's a host! 
 Remembrance lon^ shall keep alive thy fame, 
 And future ages venerate thy name." 
 
 " Freemen, cheer the Hickory Tree, — 
 In storms its boughs have sheltered thee; 
 O'er Freedom's Land its branches wave, 
 ''J was planted on the Lion's Grave." 
 
 FOR VICE PRESIDENT, 
 
 JOH^ C. CALH OLW. 
 
 OHIO SAC^K^OX eO^CYEXTlOX. 
 
 At a convention of Delegates from different sections of the state, held 
 at Columbus, pursnant to public notice, on Wednesday the I4th of July, 
 1824, for the purpose of formiuiT a full ticket of Electors of President and 
 Vice-President, for the state of Ohio, who would vote for General AN- 
 DREW JACKSON as President, and John C. Calhoun as Vice-Presi- 
 dent of the United States, — Thomas Rigdcii, of Knox county, was ap- 
 pointed Chairman, and H. H. Leavitt^ of Jefferson county, was chosen 
 Secretary ; when it was unanimously agreed to support the following 
 
 ELECTOItiL TICKET: 
 
 ROBERT l.VCAS.ofPikecowUi/; JOSEPH BARKER, Washington; 
 
 BENJAMLN JONES, Wayne; JOHN M'ELVAIN, Frankhn; 
 
 WILLIAM PIATT, Hamilton; GEORGE TROUT, Perry; 
 
 JOSEPH HOUGH, Bulltr; GEORGE SHARP, Belmont; 
 
 JOHN DEVOR, Dark;* JOHN PATTERSON, Jefferson; 
 
 THOMAS GILLESPIE, Green; GEORGE M'COOK, Columbiana; 
 
 ROBERT MORRISON, ^rfaw5; WILLIAM RAYEN, Trumbull; 
 
 VALENTINE KEFFER, Piekaway; HUGH M'FALL, Richland. 
 
 Resolved., That Elijah Hayward, of Cincinnati, and Joseph M. Hays 
 and Caleb Atvvater, of CirclevJllc,be a Committee of Correspondence, 
 and that they liavc power to fill any vacancies which may occur in the 
 foregoing ticket. 
 
 _ Resolved, That said Committee be requested to projiarc and publish an 
 address to the people of Ohio, on the approaehing Presidential Election. 
 
 THOMAS RIG DON, Chairman. 
 H. IL Leavitt, Secretary. 
 
 'Philip Gunckle, Esq. of Montgomery county, was nominated by 
 the Convention, but having declined serving, the Committee have su)ij)lied 
 his place by John Ukvor, a soldier of 70', an undeviatiug Rcpublican> 
 and a zealous advocatg and supporter of Gcueral JACKSON. 
 
TO TlllE TEOTliE, 0¥ ORIO 
 
 Fellow-Citizens, — 
 
 . It was not from any peculiar attachment to his person, nor 
 from any interested views (o his individual benefit and advantage, 
 that a numerous and respectable portion of the American People 
 have brought forward, as a candidate for the next Presidency, 
 General ANDREW JACKSON; but it has been from a full and 
 solemn conviction that his great talents, stern political integrity, 
 unfeigned republicanism, and long and faithful services in both 
 civil and military capacities, pre-eminently qualify him, above 
 all others, for that high and responsible station. Born for his 
 country, and from his infancy devoted to its liberty and inde- 
 pendence, he was early distinguished for ardent and unshaken 
 patriotism, for a strong and vigorous intellect, and for thoee 
 powers of mind and active virtues, which have subsequently 
 contributed so essentially, to sustain the honour and promote the 
 prosperity of the nation. Even in youth, he was not unknown to 
 fame; for he is almost as old in glory as he is in yeara. 
 
 When, therefore, the period had arrived, that it became 
 necessary fjr the people of the United States to select from 
 among themselves, the man most worthy to fill the Executive 
 chair of government, as successor to the venerable Monroe, one 
 whose past conduct furnished the strongest assurances of a 
 mind capable of embracing tlie great concerns of the nation; 
 public sentiment, public policy, a deep sense of duty, gratitude, 
 honour and patriotism, pointed to JACKSON as possessing the 
 highest claim to the confidence and support of his country. 
 Impressed with these views and sentiments, the citizens of Penn- 
 «ylvania, alike distinguished for their republican principles and a 
 warm and steady attachment to our federal Union, with an 
 unanimity unprecedented, and a magnanimity pure as it was 
 liberal, announced to their fellow citizens of other states, a de- 
 cided preference for the Hero of New-Orleans. The nomination 
 
4 
 
 of General JaclcRon, at the Harri?biirs:h Convention, was imme- 
 diately followed by similar expressions of public opinion, in 
 various parts of the United States, emanating from the primary 
 assemblies of the people, until it became manifest to every im- 
 partial observer, that whatever might.be the result of the present 
 contest for the Presidency, General Jackson was the prominent 
 and most popular candidate. 
 
 It is not unknown to you, that a year ago last winter, an attempt 
 was made by certain members of our State Legislature, to pre- 
 possess your minds on the subject of the next Presidency, and, 
 through the influence of their official stations, aided by the im- 
 posing character of a Legislative cavcus, secure the votes of Ohio 
 to Mr. Clay. The dangerous consequences which flow from 
 Legislative interference with popular elections, in producing an 
 undue bias U|»on the public mind and in affording facilities to 
 intrigue and corruv tion, has rendered that mode of nomination 
 to public office, peculiarly objectionable. In addition to its 
 evil tendency, in producing faction, discord and domestic divisions, 
 it is predicated on principles totally inconsistent with our repub- 
 lican institutions, and subversive of the rights of the citizen. 
 There is an implied acknowledgment, in every such measure, 
 that the people are not capable of judging for themselves, of 
 ttiatters in which they only are concerned, and are unworthy of 
 the inestimable privileges which have been secured to them by 
 the constitution. That Legislative caucusing .s pernicious in its 
 influence and effects upon the moral character and public reputa- 
 tion of a state abroad, and upon the peace and tranquillity of 
 society at home; we have the most irrefragable proof in the 
 political history of NeW'York, for the last ten years. We have 
 there seen the members of her Geneial Assembly, dictating to 
 the people and directing and controling every important state 
 election, and creating parties and dissensions of the most malig- 
 nant and alarming character, until that great and powerful state 
 has lost its weight and influence in the Union, and become a prey 
 to the worst species of despotism. Legislative usurpation. 
 Shall it be said, that Ohio has also become the sport of intriguing 
 demagogues, and like New-York, subject to the wickedness and 
 distraction of an organized system of oflice brokerage, and aristo- 
 cratic domination? The power to prevent it is in your hands; 
 and it is not doubted, you possesii the will and the energy neces- 
 sary to preserve the state from so humble and degrading a con- 
 dition. 
 
5 
 
 It was wisely provided, by the framera of the National com- 
 pact, that to preserve the sdoam of Legislation pure and uncon- 
 taminated,and fo guard against corruption and the intrigues which 
 naturally grow out of Cabinet iiilluence and patronage, no Sena- 
 tor or llepresentative should be an Elector of President and Vice 
 President. This express inhibition to the interference of the 
 members of Congress, in the election of our chief Executive 
 magistrate, except in the case provided for in the constitution, 
 cannot be misunderstood without design, nor violated without 
 usurpation. "The constitution of our country, like the Book of 
 the Law and the Testimony of the Hebrews, is in language so 
 plain as to rest on a level with every capacity. Place it in the 
 hands of a man of common and ordinary intelligence and under- 
 standing, and although he may not be able to give the various 
 constructions of particular words, or the difl'erence which would 
 arise with the alteration of a comma here, and a colon there, yet 
 he would present you with its plain and obvious meaning.''' He 
 would tell you, that the constitution was formed by those who 
 had long been coi tending against tyranny and oppression; that 
 the object was to establish a government p?«-e/?/ Republican^ and 
 to make the election of President dependent on the voice of the 
 people; and that the members of Congress could not laufuUy 
 take any part in -such election, until it was ascertained that no 
 choice had been made by the Colleges of Electors. — And yet, in 
 direct hostility to this principle, and in open defiance of the pub- 
 lic sentiment, a minority of the members of Congress, less than 
 one fourth of the whole number, on the 14th day of February 
 last, went into CAUCUS, and nominated William H. Crawford, 
 the Secretary of the Treasury, for President, and Albert Gallatin, 
 ihe. former Secretary of the Treasury, {ov Vice President; — and 
 this daring attempt to direct and control the most important elec- 
 tion in any country, and under any government, has been urged 
 upon your consideration as republican, as a Regular nomination, 
 by its principal managers and the partisans of the Treasury can- 
 didates! The lame and impotent argument, founded on the 
 assertion that the members of Congress, in making these nomi- 
 nations, acted in their private capacity and not as members of 
 Congress, can only be considered as a pitiful quibble; for it is from 
 their official character, and from that aione, they claim influence 
 and authority for their proceedings. This is not idle declama- 
 tion; it is fact, and has become incorporated with the events of 
 the age, into the political history of the country. 
 
6 
 
 V Whenever the national Legislature overlenp the barriers of 
 the conslitutioo and interfere with the elections of the people, it 
 becomes a corrupt and arrogant Aristocracy, dictatorial and 
 arbitrary, restrained by no law and governed by no rule, consistent 
 with the rights of man, or warranted by the principles of our 
 government. That spirit of faction which is directed to private 
 objects and personal aggrandizement, exclusive of the public 
 good, swept from the old world the Republics of former times, 
 polluted the temple of Liberty, and introduced the evils and 
 eurses of that appalling despotism which now pervades the eas- 
 tern continent, and enslaves the people. If a general system of 
 Legislative dictation, as that adopted by the advocates of Mr. 
 Crawford, is sufl'cred to prevail and control the public voice, and 
 influence the exercise of our most important rights, such, too, 
 u ill be the fate of .America. But if we regard our highest inter- 
 ests, if we venerate that inheritance of freedom which has 
 descended to us from the fathers of the Revolution, and would 
 preserve it unj)olluted for our children and for posterity, we must 
 resist every attempt to corrupt the purity of our elections. We 
 must promptly resist every measure which is calculated to in- 
 crease the power and influence of the Legislature, at the expense 
 of the constitutional rights and sovereignty of the people, in 
 this there can be no middle neutral ground. The advocates and 
 supporters of Congressional and Legislative caucusing, are with- 
 out excuse. Their conduct is at war with the fundamental prin- 
 ciples of all our governments, and hostile to those republican 
 maxims by which our whole political system is sustained.-' It 
 is for the citizens of Ohio to determine, whether they will pas- 
 sively submit to the dictation of a power, essentially aristocratic 
 and concentrated, a power which disregards right, and formed 
 to promote the objects of private ambition and personal aggran- 
 dizement; or, by a firm and vigorous eflbrt, throw ofl' the de- 
 grading imputation, stand forth in all the glorious attributes of 
 freemen, prostrate the enemies of the right of s'lffrage, and 
 honourably contribute to preserve the Democracy of the nation. 
 There are now before the public, four candidates for the 
 Presidency; — Mr. Crawford, Mr. Adams, Mr. Clay, and General 
 Jackson. In addition to the consideration of their respective 
 merits, their ability and (itncss for so exalted a station, and the 
 means which have been employed to promote their election, it 
 rs highly proper and important, at this time, to enquire into the 
 propriety and expediency of selecting the first olUcer of the 
 
7 
 
 Republic from the principal Secietaries of the government. 
 The great power and immense patronage which is absolutely 
 vested in, or indirectly exercised by, the heads of the State and 
 Treasury Departments, atford opportunities for intrigue and 
 electioneering, no where else to be found in the nation, at all 
 times sufficient to create the most powerful parties, and distract 
 and paralyse the operations of government. It is from the 
 exercise of this power and patronage, in the hands of Mr. Craw- 
 ford and Mr. Adams, while the ambition of each has been 
 directed to the Presidential chair, we musit impute that bitter 
 animosity and vindictive temper, which prompts and inspires 
 their respective partizans, in their conduct towards each other. 
 Already these parties have assumed the attitude and character 
 of factions, as hostile and malignant as any that has ever existed 
 in the country, since the adoption of the Federal constitution. 
 And it is now too apparent to the whole Union, any longer to be 
 concealed or disguised, (hat if either of these gentlemen should 
 succeed to the Presidency, the nation would be literally distracted 
 with two contending parties, losing sight of the interests of the 
 people, in a virulent nnd selfish contest for power. How impor- 
 tant then it is, that we bestow our suffrages ou some other indi- 
 vidual; one who is alike distinguished for his talents, his firmness 
 and experience, and standing aloof from the intrigues and cabals 
 of the day, will administer the government as his judgment and 
 prudence shall dictate; and being pledged to none, will call into 
 the public service the most intelligent and virtuous part of the com- 
 munity! Whatever, therefore, may be the separate merits and 
 qualifications of these cabinet candidates, ii is submitted to your 
 serious and deliberate consideration, Avhether, under the jjeculiar 
 circumstances in which Mr. Crawford and Mr. Adams are now 
 supported for the Presidency, and the relation in which they have 
 long stood to the government and to each other, it is not your 
 imperious duty, as «he sacred and respo'^sible guardians of the 
 public freedom, to bestow your votes on a man who has no attach- 
 ments but those for his counUy, and has been concerned in do 
 intrigues, but those to defeat its enemies. 
 
 The efforts which have been made and are yet making, to 
 place Mr. Clay at the head of the government, has unfortunately 
 produced a division among those who entertain the same senti- 
 ments, as to a national policy, and who advocate the same system 
 of measures. This division has become a sul)ject of very general 
 regret, and ought no longer to continue, as the supporters of Mr. 
 
8 
 
 Clay have publicly announced they do not calculate on his elec 
 tion, except through the dangerous medium of the House of 
 Representatives; — and since the late refusal of the Legislature 
 of New-York, to give the choice of electors of that state to the 
 people, no reasonable expectation can be entertained, that he 
 will receive sufficient support (in the event of no choice by the 
 colleges of electors) to be one of the three highest candidates. 
 There is another and equally powerful reason to regret the 
 exertions which are making in his support, and which we think 
 must have considerable weight with every candid and reflecting 
 mind. Mr, Clay is much younger than either of his competitors, 
 and eight years hence, will be younger than the present or any 
 former President, when first entering on the duties of that office. 
 He is not so old as General Jackson by eight or nine years, and 
 belonging to the same section of the Union, it would be invidious 
 to suppose, he is very solicitous to supplant that soldier of the 
 Revolution, and the Hero and devoted Patriot of trco Wars, in 
 the honors or the aflections of his country. But whatever may 
 have been the motives of his advocates, in tirst bringing him 
 forward as a candidate, and whatever may now be their policy 
 in continuing to urge his claims and pretensions upon the public, 
 we do not, at this time, perceive any benefit which can possibly 
 result to himself or his friends, by any further exertions in his 
 favor. U has ever been the policy, as it has been the settled 
 practice of the American people, to select the Chief Magistrate 
 of the Republic, from the venerable sages of tue nation; and 
 in making the selection, to prefer that man, whose age, long 
 experience, and great public services, give a commanding dignity 
 to office, and are calculated to insure the respect of foreign 
 powers. This policy is founded in the soundest maxims of polit- 
 ical expediency, and as its practical operation has largely con- 
 tributed to raise the nation to a high rank in the contemplation 
 of the world, it can no longer be doubted, that it comports with 
 the genius and stability of our government. A departure from 
 it, therefore, at this time, when sectional prejudices and local 
 interests, with the passions and partialities of man, have been 
 marshalled and brought forth in hostile array, to promote the 
 objects of personal ambition, would be certainly presumptuous, 
 if not' hazardoift in the extreme. But we cannot doubt, that 
 the good sense of the people will prevail, and that the intelli- 
 geucc and patriotism of the country will triumph over evoy 
 innovation upon the settled usages of the republip, and preserve 
 the constitution. 
 
9 
 
 To General Jackson none of these objections will af)ply. 
 Full of years and of glory, "by a life devoted to honourable 
 pui"suits," he is not only older than any of his competitors, but he 
 
 IS THE LAST OF THAT VENERABLE BAND OF REVOLUTIONARY 
 
 Patriots, who can or ever will be offered to the nation, as a 
 candidate for the highest office in her gift. Standing exclusively 
 upon his own merits and upon the affections and gratitude of his 
 country, for whose liberty he h-.v^ fought and bled, and for whose 
 security and independence he has conquered; no Congressional 
 Caucus has been held to sustain and give character to his cause; 
 — no Cabinet influence and patronage has been employed to pro- 
 mote his election. But, unaided by any such or other improper 
 means, and opposed by an organised corps of Leading men and 
 intriguing politicians, in almost every state of the Union, he is 
 emphatically the CANDIDATE OF THE PEOPLE; to whom 
 alone he looks for support, and from whom alone do his friends 
 expect success, and anticipate his elevation to the head of the 
 government. 
 
 General Andrew Jackson* was born at Waxsaw, in the state 
 of South Carolina, on the 15th of March, 1767, two years after 
 his parents with a young family, consisting of two sons, emigrated 
 to that place from Ireland. While an infant, he had the misfor- 
 tune to lose his father, who died at the close of the year 1767, 
 when he and his elder brothers were left to the slender protec- 
 tion and tender solicitude of their mother. Notwithstanding the 
 very limited resources of the family, his anxious parent struggled 
 with her circumstances, and contrived to keep her youngest son 
 at an academical institution, in which the learned languages and 
 the higher branches of education were taught, until he was 
 fourteen years of age. At this period, the Vandal progress of 
 the British arms, in the revolutionary war, had penetrated 
 to that section of country, and the youthful Jackson, fired with 
 the spirit of the times and the wrongs of a bleeding country, left 
 his school, and with his surviving brother, enrolled himself in the 
 army of the republic and became one of its active and suffering 
 defenders. Previous to this, his eldest brother had joined the 
 American Standard, and lost his life at the battle of Stono. Soon, 
 however, the superior power of the British forces overrun and 
 subjugated that portion of the state, and the two young Jackson's 
 
 *This brief sketch of the life of Gen. Jackson, has been principally 
 digested from Mr. Waldo's memoirs of that officer. 
 
 B 
 
10 
 
 were made prisoners of war. His brother died of the woand* 
 he had received from a haughty and tyrannical British officer, 
 after they had been made prisoners; and his mother, disconso- 
 late and broken hearted at the accumulated misfortunes of her 
 family, soon followed her two eldest sons, and sunk into the grave. 
 Thus was Andrew Jackson, now the pride of the nation and the 
 terror of its enemies, at the age of fifteen years, left alone in 
 the world, with no human being in his native country of whom 
 he could claim atTinity or relationship. With a constitution 
 greatly impaired with the toils and fatigue of a camp, and the 
 sufferings of a cruel imprisonment, as if to make the cup of his 
 calamity overflow, he was violently seized with the small pox, 
 and narrowly escaped that grave to which all his family had 
 been consigned. At the age of sixteen, when the Revolutionary 
 struggle was over and the independence of the country secured, 
 he returned to his literary studies, and continued at the schools 
 until he had completed that education which qnalitied him for 
 those noble and patriotic pursuits, so fruitful of glory to his 
 country and of fame and honour to himself. Having studied the 
 profession of the law, in the year 1788 he emigrated to the 
 state of Tennessee, then under the particular government of 
 the United States, and called the south west Territory. In this 
 Territor) he was early app> inted Attorney General, which office 
 he held for many years with great reputation to himself, and with 
 advantage to the impartial administration of justice. When 
 that state was admitted into the American Union, in 179G, An- 
 drew Jackson, who had been a leading member of the Convention 
 which formed its constitution, was appointed Major General of 
 all the militia of the state, and by its citizens elected their first 
 member of Congress. In 1797, his constituents, sensible of his 
 superior qualifications as a legislator, raised him to the higher 
 and more responsible station of Senator in Congress. At this 
 period, the two great political parties of the republic were in 
 array against each other, and being a zealous republican and of 
 course in the minority, he could not brook the idea of being com- 
 pelled to encounter the plots of political intrigue, and the domi- 
 nation of an arrogant majority; and in 1799, resigned his seat in 
 the Senate and returned to the rank of a private citizen. Scarcely, 
 however, had he reached Tennessee, when he was called upon to 
 perform the duties of one of the most important offices under the 
 state government, that of Judge of the Supreme Court, to which 
 
11 
 
 he had been appointed without his knowledge and contrary to 
 his wishes and inclination. This office he also resigned, after 
 discharging the duties of it for a short period, and retired to his 
 estate on the banks of the Cumberland, where for many years he 
 enjoyed in the bosotn of his family, (hat domestic felicity, and 
 social happiness, which is always produced by an attachment 
 for private worth, mingled with respect for dignity of character. 
 Thus have we seen him, at the age of twenty two, Attorney 
 General of a District; — at twenty nine, a member of the Conven- 
 tion which formed the constitution of an independent st^.te; at 
 the same age, Major General of all the Militia of Tennessee, and 
 a Representative in Congress; — at thirty, a Senator in Congress; 
 and at thirty two, a Judge of the Supreme Court of the State, 
 The history of our country presents but few instances, if any, 
 of an individual who has, so early in life, been called to till so 
 many important oflices, and in such rapid succession. But those 
 who knew him intimately were best qualitied to form a just 
 estimate of his talents, and those high attributes of mind, which 
 have given him distinction in whatever station and under what- 
 ever circumstances he has been placeil. 
 
 But however honorable and successful has been his career in 
 civil life, it is almost forgotten by his countrymen, in the con- 
 templation of his brilliant military achievments. The mind of 
 Jackson, and that energy of character and promptness of decision 
 which has supported him and sustained the cause of his country, 
 in situations of peculiar difficulty and danger, seem to have been 
 formed for the public service, and to have been singularly adapted, 
 to the strong necessities of the nation. On the breaking out of the 
 late war between the United States and Great Britain, in 1812, 
 being still Major General of the Tennessee iMilitia, he was called 
 by the dictates of duty and of patriotism, to defend in the field, 
 those great national interests, he had long and ably advocated in 
 the Cabinet. From this period, he has constantly engrossed the 
 attention of the whole nation, as one of the most distiaguished and 
 illustrious of her sons. — From this time, his deeds of patriotism 
 and of glory have become subjects of public history, and will 
 descend with those of Washington, as the brightest in the annals 
 of freemen, to the latest posterity. Who, then, can contemplate 
 the life of Andrew Jackson, and the services he has rendered to 
 his country, without feeling the deepest interest in his welfare, 
 and the most profound respect and veneration for his fame and 
 
IS 
 
 character? Born in comparative ob<icurity, and nurtured in the 
 lap of the revohition. where his youtht'ul breast was early inspi- 
 red with those exalted principles of public virtue, and that heroic 
 love of liberty, which led him to encounter danger, privations 
 and suffering, that his country might be free and happy; is it 
 siranire, that the people of these United States should feel the 
 warmest attachment to his person, a grateful sense of the bles- 
 sings he has conferred upon them, and the strongest desire to 
 m.ike him the first officer in their government? 
 
 The universal satisfaction which General Jackson has given 
 to the nation, in the performance of hi? public duties, is a suffi- 
 cient pledge of his future rectitude and fidelity, and the faithful 
 discharge of those trusts which bis country may think fit to repose 
 in him. As a statesman, his extensive knowledge of public law, 
 his intimate acquaintance with the principles of our government 
 and with the great interests of the nation, and his views of public 
 policy, as to internal improvement and protection to domestic 
 manufactures, eminently qualify him for the chief seat in our 
 national councils. With these abilities, he possesses a vigour of 
 mind and body seldom united in the same person; and his well 
 known firmness and decision of character, at once designate him 
 as the most proper object for the national suffrage, at the ensuing 
 election of President. The times call for such a choice, and the 
 situation of the country requires it. The vital interests of repub- 
 lican freedom throughout the world, demand it: for who can tell 
 how soon we may be called upon to defend our goodly heritage, 
 against the combined forces of the Holy Alliance? The deep 
 rooted hostility which has long been manifested by the crowned 
 heads of Europe, to the rights of man and the independence of 
 free governments, will not be restrained by natural boundaries, 
 nor the storms of the Atlantic. Jealous of the high rank which 
 we now hold among the nations of the earth, and fearing the des- 
 tructive influence which our political institutions must have upon 
 the thrones of despots and the foundations of regal power, they 
 have too much at stake not to improve the first opportunity, 
 which chance or favorable circumstances may throw in their 
 way, to destroy the temple of liberty which has been here 
 erected; or, if that be a lost hope, to cripple the energies and 
 check the rising greatness of our country. It is, therefore, in- 
 dispensably necessary, that the President of these United States 
 should be a man of energetic mind, of enlarged and liberal views. 
 
13 
 
 of commanding nnil dignified deportment, of honorable and manlji 
 feelings, and as efficient in maintaining, as sagacious in discern- 
 ing, the rights of the nation, and what belongs to its honor and 
 the character of our government. Such a man, it is confidently 
 believed, is ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 It has been the fate of sages and patriots, to be calumniated and 
 denounced. In the old world, Aristides was banished for his un- 
 yielding integrity, and just administration of the public i'unds; — 
 Columbus was chained in a dungeon for discovering America; — 
 Epaminondas was condemned to death for preserving the liber- 
 ties and independence of Thebes; and Socrates was poisoned for 
 teaching the immortality of the soul, and the unity of the Divine 
 being. In our own country, Washmgton was charged with an 
 austerity and reserve unbecoming the character of a republican, 
 and with a predilection for British mannei's and customs, incon- 
 .sistent with the simplicity of our government; — Jefferson has 
 been denounced, as an enemy of our holy religion, of order, and 
 of civil liberty; — and Jackson, yes, JacA-*o«, who when our coun- 
 try was in danger and every heart trembled for its safety, devoted 
 himself to its service, and in the heat of battle achieved for him- 
 self and the nation immortal honor, has been denounced as a 
 mere military man — no statesman — a good general, but unfit to 
 administer the civil government! Yes, and by those too, who, 
 when the storm of war gathered around us and was bursting in 
 terror and dismay upon the country, — when the cannon's mouth 
 was to be faced and the pointed bayonet breasted, and Jackson, 
 like some guardian angel, was seen amidst the tempest, with al- 
 most super-human energies, defending, protecting and saving his 
 country, — were enjoying the Inxuries of wealth and security, or, at 
 a salary of nine thousand dollars a year, mingling in the gay cir- 
 cles of pleasure, at London, Paris or Ghent. There are some of 
 you, fellow citizens, who well remember that objections like these 
 were once raised against General Washington. But of Jackson 
 it may, and w^e trust it will be said, as it has been remarked of the 
 illustrious father of his country: — "Mars and Minerva bad been 
 his tutors, but with the Graces he had never studied; yet the 
 people did not hesitate to confide in him the direction ot their af- 
 fairs. They did it from no particular knowledge of his talents as 
 a civilian; but from a belief, that a good soldier could readily 
 make a good statesman; that the pilot who could guide his ship 
 through a perilous storm, might well be confided in, when the 
 
14 
 
 tempest had ceased, and a calm prevailed. The trial proved 
 their hopes correct, and in peace he was ascertained to be the 
 same able and faithful guardian he had been in war." The evi- 
 dence of General Jackson's abilities, as a statesman, are, at least, 
 eiqually strong and concli.'sive. With more experience in the 
 civil departments of government, like Washington, he has met 
 and conquered the embattled enemies of his country, secured the 
 rich blessings of peace by protecting and preserving the honor of 
 the nation, and acquired a fame as imperishable as it is brilliant, 
 and lasting as the gratitude and glory of freemen. 
 
 In laying before you a brief view of the merits and character 
 of General Jackson, as a candidate for the next Presidency, it is 
 right and proper we should say something of the prospects of his 
 success. On this subject, we assure you, that his cause has ad- 
 vanced, with a steady and rapid pace, beyond the calculations of 
 his most zealous friends; and the anxiety for the linal result, has 
 considerably diminished within the last three months. From the 
 numerous indications of the public sentiment in his favor, there 
 is strong reasons for believing, that he will receive the electoral 
 votesof New-Jersey, 8; Pennsylvania, 28; inMaryland,7; Del- 
 aware, 3; North Carolina, 15; South Carolina, 11; Alabama, 5; 
 Louisiana. 5; Mississippi, 3; Tennessee, 1 1 ; Illinois, 3; Indiana, 6; 
 and Ohio, 16; in all, 120. If, however, Mr. Clay should be with- 
 drawn, as it is possible, and not altogether improbable, we con- 
 sider the votes of Kentucky, 14; and those of Missouri, 3; in 
 such an event, as certain for General Jackson, which would give 
 him 137; six more than a majority of all the votes, and secure 
 his election by the Colleges of Electors. Mr. Adams will proba- 
 bly obtain, though not without a strong and powerful opposition^ 
 the votes of Maine, 9; New-Hampshire, 8; Vermont, 7; Massa- 
 chusetts, 15; Connecticut, 8; Rhode Island, 4; and in Maryland, 
 4; in all 55; — and since the rejection of the electoral law in 
 New-York, the votes of that state, 36; with those of Virginia, 24; 
 and Georgia, 9; in all, 69; must be placed to Mr. Crawford. It 
 is believed, from present appearances, that Mr. Clay will not re- 
 ceive any votes, except those ol Kentucky and Missouri; and 
 even Missouri may be considered doubtful. But if all the can- 
 didates should continue before the public, to the end of the con- 
 test, and if the election should finally be thrown into the House 
 of national Representatives, the contest would there be between 
 General Jackson, Mr. Crawford, and Mr. Adams. What would 
 
15 
 
 be the result of an election by the House of Representatives, it is 
 impossible to say; but from the general impression which pre- 
 vails, that that body would elect the candidate who had received 
 the greatest number of electoral votes, and not incur the respon. 
 sibility and obloquy of selecting one less popular with the peo- 
 ple, it is believed that General Jackson vvould there be chosen. 
 On the whole, therefore, we consider the success of General 
 Jackson, if not certain, as more probable, and resting on firmer 
 and broader ground, than that of any other candidate. 
 
 The Hon. John C. Calhoun, the present Secretary at War, is 
 recommended to your consideration as a candidate for the Vice- 
 Presidency. Mr. Calhoun possesses talents of the first order, 
 and an independence of sentiment, on national subjects and pub- 
 lic measures, which do honor to his head and heart. He has 
 long been distinguished as an able and intrepid advocate of an 
 extensive system of internal improvement, of roads and canals 
 and of a judicious and liberal protection of domestic manufac- 
 tures. From his first appearance as a public man, he has been 
 an undeviating republican, and universally considered as one of 
 the most liberal and enlightened politicians of the government. 
 The magnanimity which he displayed, in withdrawing from the 
 contest, as a candidate for the Presidency, gives him a claim 
 upon the friends of General Jackson, which we trust will be duly 
 appreciated and liberally honored. Of his success, no reasonable 
 doubt can now be entertained. He will be very generally sup- 
 ported by those who advocate General Jackson, and those also 
 who support Mr. Adams for the Presidency. The union of 
 JACKSON and Calhoun, on the same National Ticket, for Pre- 
 sident and Vice-President, is auspicious to the future happiness 
 and prosperity of the country. With the same views of public 
 policy, for the internal government of the Union and for the 
 regulation of our foreign affairs, the utmost harmony may be 
 expected in the national administration, and supported, as it 
 would be, by the first talents and virtues of the country, the 
 happiest and most beneficial effects might be confidently an- 
 ticipated. 
 
 There is no state in the Union more interesting, at this time, 
 to the moial and political philosopher, and to the American pat- 
 riot, than Ohio. Within thirty years, she has risen from the ob- 
 scurity of a savage wilderness; from the humble condition of a 
 Colony and the dependeace of a Territorial government; to the 
 
16 
 
 digniried standing of au independent state; lo the permanent 
 advantages of agriculture and the mechanic arts, and to the 
 fourth rank in the national scale of political power. So rapid 
 and astonishing has been her growth, that some of her sister 
 States already contemplate her greatness with feelings of mor- 
 titied pride, and with jealous apprehensions of her future influ- 
 ence in the councils of the nation. With a free population, 
 exceeding 700,000, a hardy, enterprising, and intelligent yeo- 
 manry, republican in all their habits and principles, Ohio has no 
 views, in relation to the next Presidency, but those of a liberal 
 and enlightened character. Disclaiming a selfish and contrac- 
 'ted policy, she has no local prejudices to gratify, nor projects of 
 ambition to promote. Unpledged to any man or set of men, she 
 offers no candidate of her own for the highest honours of the 
 government; but standing aloof from the intrigues of the ambi- 
 tious, and uninfluenced by any considerations other than those 
 which belong to a wise and just administration of the general 
 government, it cannot be doubted, that her Presidential votes 
 will be given with a single eye to the public £;ood and the gene- 
 ral welfare. In this situation, the respective merits and qualifi- 
 cations of ANDREW JACKSON, and John C. Calhoun, are 
 respectfully submitted to the candid examination and impartial 
 judgment of her CITIZENS. And whatever may be the fi- 
 nal DECISION, THE FRIENDS OF GENERAL JACKSON DO 
 NOT DESIRE HIS ELECTION TO THE NEXT PRESI- 
 DENCY, BUT THROUGH THE FREE SUFFRAGES OF 
 THE PEOPLE. 
 
 ELIJAH HAYVVARD,) Jackson Commhtee of 
 JOSEPH M. HAYS, > Correspondence for 
 CALEB AT WATER, \ the State of Ohio 
 
 September 13, 1824 
 
 39 W 
 
-ftp *!i;i:* '^ V .'•<>, ^cv .0^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ * 
 •i^ * 
 
 
 

 
 A^'\^^^^:\ c°^.^>o /w^-.\ < 
 
 ^^0^ 
 
 '/ .^*^°- 
 
 
 
 
 
 anlv 
 

 
 B?^»ftiil5aWS3ffl