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 ^opy 1 
 
 1st series No. 51 
 
 JUNE 15, 1921 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF IOWA 
 STUDIES 
 
 HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 VOLUME II 
 
 NUMBER 1 
 
 HENGEST 
 
 A STUDY IN EARLY ENGLISH HERO LEGEND 
 
 BY 
 
 Nellie Slayton Aurner 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY, IOWA CITY 
 
 Issued semi-monthly throughout the year. Entered at the postof&ce at Iowa City as 
 second class mail matter. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage provided 
 for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917, authorized on July 3, 1918. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF IOWA 
 HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 Continuation of Studies in Language and Literature 
 
 VOLUME I 
 1907-1918 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF IOWA, IOWA CITY 
 1921 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 VOLUME I 
 
 No. 1 Bale, C. E. Syntax of the genitive case in fhe Lindis- 
 farne gospel. 
 
 No. 2 Flom, F. T. a history of Scandinavian studies in 
 American nniversities. 
 
 No. 3 Foster, F. M. The divisions in the plays of Plautns 
 and Terence. 
 
 No. 4 Van Horne, John. Studies on Leopardi. 
 
 No. 5 Vannoy, C. a. Studies on the Athena Parthenos of 
 Pheidias. 
 
 No. 6 AuRNER, N. S. An analysis of the interpretations of 
 the Finnsburg documents. 
 
 No. 7 IvREHBiEL, A. R. Gottfried Keller's attitude toward 
 literarv criticism and theory. 
 
.3 
 
 6'^ 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 FOREWORD 5 
 
 INTRODUCTION 7 
 
 Permanent interest in Hengest — Jefferson's proposal for a United 
 States seal — numerous Hengest legends — his place in Arthurian 
 legend — Merlin — reasons why Hengest has not been the sub- 
 ject of great literature 
 
 CHAPTER I. EARLY ENGLISH CHRONICLES 10 
 
 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle — Bede — Nennius — Aethelweard — Wil- 
 liam of Malmesbury — Henry of Huntingdon — Geoffrey of 
 Monmouth 
 
 CHAPTER II. FROM GEOFFREY TO MILTON 22 
 
 Influence of Geoffrey — classification of his followers : Ralph de 
 Diceto, John of Fordun, Richard Grafton, Higden's Polychroni- 
 con — Chroniques d 'Anjou et du Maine — Holinshed 's chronicles 
 — Milton 's history 
 
 CHAPTER III. HENGEST IN ROMANCE AND VERSE..30 
 
 Gaimar — Wace — Layamon — French prose Brut d 'Engleterre — 
 Merlin of Robert de Boron — Middle English translation of Mer- 
 lin — Henry Lonelich 's Merlin — Drayton 's Polyolbion — Spen- 
 ser 's Faerie Queene 
 
 CHAPTER IV. IN FRISIAN TRADITION 44 
 
 Suffridus Petrus ' account of Frisian historical writers — of Hen- 
 gest — mythical beginnings of Friesland — Bernardus Furmeri- 
 us, Annalium Phrisicorum Libri Tres — Martinus Hamconius — 
 Cornelius Kempius — oral tradition — affinity of English and 
 Frisian languages 
 
 CHAPTER V. IN OLD ENGLISH POETRY 56 
 
 Beowulf episode — Grundtvig 's view — Kemble 's translation — 
 "Wackerbarth 's objection — Grein's influence — Chadwick's sug- 
 gestion — contributions of Huchon, Clark Hall, and Imelman — 
 folk lore of the island of Sylt — general evidences of identity 
 
 APPENDIX 68 
 
 Discussion of tabulation _ 68 
 
 Bibliography 75 
 
 Chart 78 
 
 3 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 The following study was completed in 1917, but owing to 
 conditions growing out of the war has remained unpublished. 
 It grew out of an attempt to produce a satisfactory interpreta- 
 tion of the Finnsburg documents in Old English literature. An 
 investigation of what scholarship had already accomplished in 
 the field resulted in the publication of a monograph in which the 
 various interpretations that had been suggested were analyzed 
 and classified, and a complete bibliography was presented. This 
 analysis made clear the necessity of numerous detailed investi- 
 gations before any reliable interpretation could be worked out. 
 The point most under discussion seemed to be the relation of 
 Hengest to the events and persons of the texts. Accordingly, 
 the field of research was narrowed to this point and an effort 
 was made to bring together all that language, folk-lore, history, 
 and legend could contribute to throw light upon the subject. 
 
 This effort resulted in bringing together an unexpectedly 
 large body of heroic legends gathered about the figure of 
 Hengest. The way in which various details were added, and 
 i'neidents grew and were combined furnishes an illuminating 
 example of the method of growth in epic material. The query 
 that led to the whole investigation — the question of what light 
 this material may throw upon the interpretation of the Finnsburg 
 passages — has been answered, naturally, in terms of my own 
 personal reaction to the findings. To me the conclusion pre- 
 sented seems practically inevitable, but I trust that the warmth 
 of my conviction will not give the impression that the usefulness 
 of the work depends entirely or even principally upon the estab- 
 lishment of this conclusion. The material here brought together 
 in convenient form lends itself readily to interpretation by those 
 whose wide range of knowledge and technical skill fit them to 
 make important suggestions, but who might not be willing or 
 able to take the time to carry out all the preliminary 
 investigation. 
 
 The work of this dissertation together with the monograph 
 
6 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 which preceded it owes its existence to Professor Clarke Fisher 
 Ansley. To his careful and accurate scholarship, vitalized by 
 the power of his exceptionally stimulating appreciation of Old 
 English life and literature, is due not only the original impulse 
 but also the sustained interest which has brought pleasure even 
 from the drudgery of uninteresting translation and the routine 
 of comparison and classification. Unfortunately his connection 
 with the University of Iowa was broken before this study began 
 to assume defi'nite form ; doubtless it would have been better in 
 many ways if worked out in direct contact with his stimulating 
 mind. For none of its faults is he responsible since he will see 
 it first in this publication. 
 
 I wish to thank Associate Professor Percival Hunt for help 
 derived from his keen sense of form, and Assistant Professor 
 J. H. Scott for the suggestion of the tabular appendix. Tha'nks 
 also are due to Doctor Luebke, Doctor Henning Larsen, and to 
 Professors Charles Bundy Wilson a'nd Franklin Potter for help- 
 ful suggestions and for valuable assistance in the work of 
 translation. 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 HENGEST 
 
 In the inherited traditions of the English race the figure of 
 Saxon Hengest stands second only to that of British Arthur, but 
 the fates of the two in literature have been very different. 
 Everyone recognizes the importance of the legends that have 
 gathered about the person of Arthur, while very little apparent 
 consideration is given to the tales that have made the name of 
 Hengest live, although this name has aroused a mental thrill 
 from the first mention of the Anglo-Saxon conquest to the day 
 when Thomas Jefferson, proposing his device for a United States 
 Seal, wrote, ''and on the other side Hengist and Horsa, the 
 Saxon chiefs from whom we claim the honor of being descended, 
 and whose political principles and form of government we have 
 assumed." Although Jefferson's idea was not adopted, the new 
 world has been by no means without interest in the Saxon chief 
 he wished to honor. It was the vice-president of the College of 
 the City of New York who wrote: "This crafty and valiant 
 prince has left a legend on every coast between Jutland and the 
 Cornish Promontory. All the old stories are fastened on his 
 name . . . Hengest seems to be ubiquitous and fills all sorts of 
 characters."^ 
 
 In all the chronicles that have preserved Arthurian material 
 we find Hengest playing an important role as the chief of the 
 heathens. This leading position is kept in the earlier forms of 
 the romances dealing with the matter of Britain, but is gradually 
 made subordinate and finally lost sight of as the interest is 
 centered upon Arthur and his knights and the imaginative con- 
 ception of the Holy Grail. A significant illustration of this 
 tendency is found in the Old French prose "Merlin." In order 
 to account for the building of Vortigern's tower the narrator 
 explains as briefiy as possible that among the Saxons called to 
 his aid there was one named Hangus much more proud than the 
 
 iRoemer: "Origins of the English People and of the English Language," p. 69. 
 
 7 
 
8 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 rest. This Hangus had served Vortigern so long and so well that 
 the British king was victorious in war. Vortigern had married 
 a daughter of Hangus and by placing himself in the power of 
 the Saxons had made his own people despise him. Fearing dis- 
 loyalty, he attempted to build a tower of such impregnability 
 that it should need no defence. The author describing the 
 building of the tower and eager to develop the incidents that 
 lead to the discovery of Merlin, chafes even at the meagre 
 details he finds it necessary to give and exclaims, ''Now I will 
 say no more of Hangus or of things related to him. ' '^ 
 
 Why, one might ask, if the memory of Hengest has been so 
 persistent and tales of his valor so wide spread, has he not been 
 made the hero of some poetic cycle, — the central figure, perhaps, 
 of the matter of the Saxon Shore as Arthur was of Britain, 
 Charlemagne of France, and Siegfried the Volsung of the North ? 
 It has been conjectured^ that he did appear as such a figure in 
 an Old English ''Hengestlied" which has been lost as a whole 
 but has in part been woven with other material into the Finn 
 episode of Beowulf. This, however, is pure conjecture and can 
 not be used as evidence. There are reasons, however, why 
 Hengest has not become the central theme in any great work of 
 literature. Practically all the Old English poetry that has been 
 preserved is from the Anglian tribes that settled in the north 
 and they naturally sang of their own heroes or used material 
 that came to them as race tradition. To Celtic writers Hengest 
 was a hated name, bearing much the significance that Hun or 
 Boche does to the Frenchman of to-day. He appears in the 
 tales of the Latin chroniclers — who were all Christian, some of 
 them Celtic — as the embodiment of craft, treachery, and de- 
 structive power. He is the adversary, the leader of the pirates, 
 whose only virtue was that he called forth the power of Arthur 
 who 
 
 ''Fought, and in twelve great battles overcame 
 The heathen hordes, and made a realm and reigned. ' ' 
 
 In the continental legends that have gathered about his name 
 he is given a more favorable character. He appears to advantage 
 
 2 Merlin, Robert de Boron, Societe des Anciens Textes Francais, Vol. I, p. 38. 
 SMcller: "Das altenglisehe Volksepos," p. 64. 
 
HENGEST 9 
 
 in Frisian tradition where he is claimed as a prince of the ruling 
 race, possessed of all the virtues and driven by fate into hardship 
 and adventures that demand the exercise of these virtues. But 
 not even among these admirers has he proved a stimulus to great 
 literary creation or even the subject of special study. A figure 
 that has provoked allusion from the beginnings of our literature 
 to the present time without having been made the definite focus 
 of literary treatment certainly deserves special investigation. 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 EARLY ENGLISH CHRONICLES 
 
 It is probably safe to state that the earliest mention of Hengest 
 is the account in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Of course the 
 Chronicle in its present form was drawn up in the time of 
 Alfred, but it is generally admitted that records existed from 
 which Bede drew materials for his work. The references to 
 Hengest a'nd his time bear all the appearance of original records, 
 but, since they are in substantial agreement with Bede, it really 
 matters little which is regarded as the earlier. The Chronicle 
 account relates that in the year 449. Hengest and Horsa, invited 
 by Vortigern, as aid against his enemies, landed at Wippidsfleet. 
 Victorious in their battles with the Picts, they were given lands 
 and were soon joined by large forces of their people "from the 
 Old Saxons, from the Angles, from the Jutes." In 455 the two 
 brothers turned their forces against the Britons and met Vor- 
 tigern in battle at Aylesford. Horsa was slain but the battle 
 was won by the Teutons for "after that Hengest obtained the 
 kingdom and Aesc his son. ' ' In the 'next year Hengest and Aesc 
 won another battle against the Britons at Crayford which was 
 followed in 457 at the same place by a victory so decisive that 
 "the Britons then forsook Kent, and in great terror fled to 
 London. " Eight years later, and again after an interval of eight 
 years Hengest and Aesc fought the Welsh and "the Welsh fled 
 from the Angles like fire." This is the last direct mention of 
 Hengest although his death is inferred from the entry for 488, 
 "This year Aesc succeeded to the Kingdom," 
 
 Bede's narration develops the same events with more detail. 
 King Vortigern, urged by his people to seek help against the 
 cruel and frequent incursions of the northern nations called in 
 "the nation of the Angles, or Saxons." These arrived "with 
 three long ships" and were assigned land in the eastern part of 
 the island. They advanced against the enemy from the north 
 and won such a victory that the fame of their deeds, carried with 
 
 10 
 
HENGEST 11 
 
 reports of the fertility of the country and the cowardice of the 
 Britons attracted great numbers of their countrymen, which 
 Bede says "being added to the former, made up an invincible 
 army." The nations concerned in this invasion are called by 
 Bede the three most powerful nations of Germany — Saxons, 
 Angles, and Jutes. Their descendants are traced in the England 
 of Bede 's own time, and the names of their leaders are given as 
 Hengist and Horsa with the additional statement that Horsa, 
 afterwards slain in battle by the Britons, ''was buried in the 
 eastern parts of Kent, where a monument bearing his name is 
 still in existence. ' ' It was not long until the new settlers found 
 excuse to turn against the Britons. Their demands for increased 
 provisions resulted in ravaging expeditions in which they 
 plundered the country and put its inhabita'nts to flight. Rally- 
 ing under the leadership of Ambrosius Aurelius, the Britons at 
 last gained a victory, and fought against their invaders with 
 varying success from that day until the siege of Baddesdotvn 
 Hill forty-four years after the landing of Hengest. 
 
 Bede's history, written in the seccnd quarter of the eighth 
 century, was perhaps preceded by that section of the "Historia 
 Britonum ' ' which deals with the Saxon conquest, but the version 
 which we have in the compilation of Nennius seems to date from 
 the close of the eighth century. 
 
 Nennius begins his story of the Saxons by explaining can- 
 ditions in the realm of Vortigern. His subjects were in constant 
 fear, not only from the Scots and Picts but from the Romans 
 and particularly from Ambrosius. In the midst of this uneasi- 
 tness (447) arrived three vessels, exiled from Germany and 
 commanded by two brothers, Hengist and Horsa, sons of 
 Wihtgils. Vortigern, receiving them as friends, made over to 
 them the island of Thanet, and after they had occupied the 
 island for some time, he promised to supply them with provisions 
 and clothing if they would agree to fight against his enemies. 
 The Saxons, however, increased so rapidly in -numbers that the 
 Britons, unable to fulfill their promise, declared that they no 
 longer needed Saxon assistance and begged their troublesome 
 guests to return home since it was impossible to support them. 
 But Hengist, "in whom," Nennius says, "united craft and 
 penetration," vowed that if he were allowed to send for more 
 
12 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 forces they would take the field against Vortigern's enemies and 
 gain their own support. Vortigern assented a'nd Hengist sent 
 out messengers who returned with troops filling sixteen vessels. 
 Among the new arrivals was the beautiful daughter of Hengist. 
 In order to gain the greatest advantage from her presence the 
 Saxon chief invited the king, his officers, and Ceretic his inter- 
 preter to an entertainment during which his daughter served 
 them so generously with wine and ale that they all became 
 intoxicated. Vortigern, carried away by the beauty of the girl, 
 promised to give whatever he was asked for her. Hengist, with 
 the counsel of the elders ''of the Aghgul race" asked and was 
 gra'nted the province of Kent in spite of the indignation of 
 Vortigern's subjects. Hengist 's influence was now established 
 and he strengthened his power by sending for his son and his 
 brother, Octa and Ebusa, who came with forty ships. But this 
 was not the end ; ships continued to arrive until ' ' some islands 
 whence they came were left without inhabitants." 
 
 Vortigern's crimes, however, were not yet complete. In 
 addition to betraying the interests of his own people he com- 
 mitted domestic sins that brought upon him the wrath of St. 
 Germanus and the hatred of his subjects. But his son Vortimer 
 gathered an army and drove Hengist and his followers back to 
 the island of Thanet. Four battles, Nennius declares, were 
 fought by the forces of Vortimer and Hengist; the o'ne just 
 mentioned, a second on the river Darent ; the third at Epsford 
 where Horsa fell, and Catigern a son of Vortigern; and the 
 fourth ' ' near the Stone on the shore of the Gallic sea, where the 
 Saxons being defeated, fled to their ships." Shortly after this 
 Vortimer died and the Saxo'ns once more, taking advantage of 
 the weaknesses of Vortigern, laid plans to regain their lost 
 territory. With offers of peace and perpetual friendship Hengist 
 once more prepared an entertainment to which he invited King 
 Vortigern, his nobles, and his military officers to the number of 
 about three hundred. Three hundred Saxons were ordered each 
 to be prepared with a concealed knife and to take his place next 
 to one of the enemy. When they were all much intoxicated, 
 Hengist suddenly called out, ''Nimed eur Saxes!" The knives 
 flashed forth and three hundred of Vortigern's leaders were 
 slain. The king bought his own safety by giving over ''the 
 
HENGEST 13 
 
 three provinces of East, South, a'nd Middle Sex, besides other 
 districts at the option of his betrayers. ' ' 
 
 After this the Saxons greatly increased in Britain, and after 
 the death of Hengist, Octa came to the kingdom of Kent and 
 from him descended the kings of that province. 
 
 The three accounts just summarized represent the body of 
 clerical tradition in England that had gathered about the name 
 of Hengest by the year 800. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and 
 Bede relate events briefly without marked bias or the heat of 
 indignation, but Nennius writes with the bitterness of a Briton 
 and a Christian against the paga-n Teuton. In his pages we note 
 the growth of legend ; we find events of other times and places 
 attaching themselves to the name of the hated Saxon leader. It 
 is evident from the language used in representing the infatuation 
 of Vortigern for Hengest 's daughter that the 'narrator had in 
 mind the episode of Herod and Salome, and the trick practised 
 at the second entertainment is a close parallel to the one used 
 by the Saxons against the Thuringians, as related by Widukind.* 
 
 Between the ninth and the twelfth centuries very little change 
 can be noted in the incidents of the Hengest story. The chronicle 
 of Aethelweard, dating from the end of the tenth century, omits 
 many of the events told by Nennius a'nd gives an entirely differ- 
 ent tone to the whole account. Himself a descendant of the 
 invaders, he sees in them a band of noble adventurers rather 
 than a horde of savage and treacherous barbarians. His 
 narrative may be summed up in brief space : — 
 
 The Britons, harassed on all sides by enemies which they were 
 too weak to repel, heard of the activity of the Saxons as pirates 
 along the whole coast from Denmark to the Rhine and were 
 greatly impressed by their strength in all matters pertaining to 
 war. Accordingly they sent messengers with rich gifts to ask 
 their help, promising a peaceful alliance after their enemies 
 were driven out. Hengist and Horsa, two young men already 
 preeminent in Germany, the grandsons of Woden, came in 
 answer to the petition of King Vurthern and his senate with 
 three vessels loaded with arms and military stores. Not long 
 after they were sent against the Scots and succeeded in driving 
 them from the field. For this they were rewarded by the Britons 
 and, strengthened by the arrival of large numbers of their 
 countrymen from Germany, they engaged to protect the Britons 
 
 4 Mon. Germ. Hist., Script., Ill, ed. 1839, p. 419. 
 
14 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 and allow them to remain at ease in return for suitable gifts 
 and stipends. But the Britons before long broke their compact 
 and tried to drive them out of the country. As a result a battle 
 was fought in which the Saxons were victorious. Large multi- 
 tudes now came over from every province of Germany and 
 carried on war with the Britons, ever remaining masters of the 
 field. So greatly did the 'number of invaders increase that they 
 gradually wiped out all memory of the former inhabitants and 
 drove the Britons into certain narrow isthmuses of the island 
 and held possession of the island from sea to sea. 
 
 In the chapter following this narrative Aethelweard gives a 
 list of events which practically duplicates the Anglo-Saxon 
 Chronicle. His account of the provinces from which the tribes 
 came and the ancestry of Hengest follows Bede. The importance 
 of his record lies in the slight details which show a viewpoint 
 very different from that of Nennius and indicate a body of 
 tradition developing in a different direction from that of 
 Nennius. 
 
 The twelfth century added important contributions to the 
 Hengest legend. William of Malmesbury, who finished his 
 ''Gesta Regum Anglorum" in 1125, began his history with an 
 account of the Saxon conquest. After describing the helpless 
 condition of the Britons under Vortigern he relates in much the 
 manner of Aethelweard their invitation to the German tribes. 
 He adds that the Britons believed the roving life of these without 
 any certain habitation would lead them to accept gladly even an 
 unproductive soil that would give them a stationary residence, 
 and gratitude for the kindness shown them would prevent them 
 from ever entertaining designs against the country. William's 
 description of the country from which the invaders came is a 
 very interesting addition to previous accounts. He says : — 
 
 ''Almost all the country lying to the north of the British 
 ocean, though divided into ma'ny provinces, is justly called 
 Germany, from its germinating so many men. And as the pruner 
 cuts off the more luxuriant branches of the tree to impart a 
 livelier vigor to the remainder, so the inhabitants of this country 
 assist their common parent by the expulsion of a part of their 
 members, lest she should perish by giving sustenance to too 
 numerous an offspring; but in order to obviate discontent, they 
 cast lots who shall be compelled to migrate. Hence the men of 
 this country have made a virtue of necessity, and, when driven 
 
HENGEST 15 
 
 from their native soil, they have gained foreign settlements by 
 force of arms." 
 
 Such a band of exiles by lot, he suggests by inference, was the 
 company that came to Britain under the leadership of Hengest 
 and Horsa, "two brothers of suitable disposition, and of noble 
 race in their own country. ' ' Throughout his narrative William 
 differs from previous chronicles by calling the invaders Angles. 
 With more vividness of detail than former writers he describes 
 their arrival and reception and their first battle with the Scots 
 in which, he says, the Scots were put to flight ''whilst the 
 cavalry pursued and destroyed the fugitives." In later en- 
 counters, he states, victory constantly sided with the Angles 
 until the Scots ' ' avoided nothing so cautiously as an engagement 
 with them." 
 
 Nennius's account of Hengest 's schemes for increasing his 
 power is repeated by William with fuller details, but the results 
 of the battles between Vortimer and Hengest are given differ- 
 ently ; the first is reported as closing on equal terms, but all the 
 others resulted in victory for the Angles. "After the death of 
 Vortimer, Ambrosius with the powerful aid of warlike Arthur 
 . . . long upheld the sinking state and roused the broken spirit 
 of his countrymen to war." Hengest, however, strengthened 
 by the continual arrival of new forces, gained a decisive victory 
 by his treachery in slaying three hundred leaders at the banquet. 
 William's story of this entertainment is not an exact reproduc- 
 tion of the Nen-nius tale. He relates that after they had all 
 drunk much more than usual, Hengest artfully incited them to 
 quarrels and made it appear that the Britons were killed in a 
 fight brought on by themselves. Hengest 's death is recorded as 
 following closely this event. 
 
 Eight years after the history of William of Malmesbury, 
 appeared (1133) the "Historia Anglorum" of Henry of Hunt- 
 . ingdon. In this chronicle the only significant changes in the 
 story of Hengest appear in the details of the various battles 
 fought. The first battle fought by the Saxons against the Scots 
 and the Picts was placed at Stamford in Lincolnshire, forty 
 miles from the town of that name. The Saxons are said to have 
 used battle-axes and long swords which proved far superior to 
 the darts and spears of the Northerners. A vivid picture is 
 
16 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 given of the pitiable condition of the Britons after the Saxons 
 had increased in numbers and turned against them : — 
 
 ''Public and private buildings were levelled to the ground; 
 the priests were everywhere slain before the altars ; the prelates 
 and the people without respect of persons, were destroyed with 
 fire and sword ; nor were there any to bury those who were thus 
 cruelly slaughtered. Some who were taken in the mountains 
 were instantly butchered; some exhausted by famine, delivered 
 themselves up to the enemy, willing to undergo perpetual slavery 
 in return for food, if they escaped slaughter on the spot. Some 
 with grief sought refuge beyand the sea ; others cleaving to their 
 native country, prolonged a wretched existence among the 
 mountains, woods, and inaccessible cliffs, in want of everything 
 and continually trembling for their lives." 
 
 After the Saxons, thinking the country subdued, turned their 
 attention to developing their own provinces, the Britons taking 
 heart once more, gathered under the leadership of Ambrosius 
 Aurelian, a ma'n of noble Koman parentage. Vortigern, who 
 had met a disgraceful death in the rout of his people, had left 
 two sons, Gortimer and Catiger, who acted as generals under 
 Ambrosius. A battle followed in the seventh year after the 
 arrival of the Saxons. At first "Horsa charged the troops of 
 Catiger with such fury that they were scattered like dust before 
 the wind, and the king's son was dashed to the earth and slain. 
 Meanwhile his brother Gortimer, a most resolute soldier, throw- 
 ing himself on the flank of Horsa's ba'nd, routed it, and their 
 brave leader being slain, compelled the survivors to retreat on 
 the division of Hengist, which was engaged unbroken with the 
 van of the British army commanded by Ambrosius . . . who, 
 straitened by the skilful advance of Gortimer, though he made 
 a long resistance and caused a great loss to the Britons, at 
 length — what he had never done before — fled. "* In the following 
 year Gortimer died ''and with him ended the victories, and 
 hopes of his countrymen." Hengest and his son Ease were 
 victorious in war and reigned in the kingdom of Kent. 
 
 Thus far the story of Hengest has developed slowly with but 
 slight changes of detail and, except in the account of Nennius, 
 with but little additional material. But in the pages of Geoffrey 
 of Monmouth's "Historia Regum Britanniae" (1139) we come 
 
 *Trans. Thomas Forester, Bohn ed. pp. 40-1. 
 
HENGEST 17 
 
 upon a full and detailed legend including material that had 
 existed before probably in oral tradition only. Geoffrey like 
 Nennius made free use of floating legend and presented all 
 events from a Celtic point of view. His treatment of Hengest 
 is important enough to be summarized in full : — 
 
 Const antine, king of the Britons, had three sons, Constans, 
 Aurelius Ambrosius, and Uther Pendragon. Constans had been 
 given over to the church at Winchester in order to be made a 
 monk, but at the death of his father he was persuaded by 
 Vortigern, an ambitious Earl, to assume the royal authority 
 with Vortigern as chief counsellor and governor of the whole 
 kingdom. The crafty Vortigern was soon established in full 
 poAver since Constans proved but the shadow of a king and his 
 two brothers were not yet out of the cradle. Pictish soldiers 
 employed as mercenaries at the Court of Constans, led on by 
 Cunning speeches of Vortigern, broke into the king's sleeping 
 chamber and struck off his head. Vortigern, pretending great 
 sorrow, ordered the soldiers to be seized and executed as traitors 
 and, since there Avas no opposing force, assumed the crown him- 
 self. Aurelius Ambrosius and Uther Pendragon were hurried 
 by their faithful guardians into little Britain a'nd given over to 
 the care of King Budec. The reign of Vortigern, though it met 
 with no effective resistance, was troubled by incursions from the 
 Picts in revenge for the fate of their countrymen and by a 
 growing dread of the sons of Constantine, who were rapidly 
 growing to manhood. Such was the situation when news was 
 brought to Vortigern at Canterbury of the arrival of three long 
 boats containing armed warriors, big of stature. When they 
 appeared before him in answer to his summons he was particu- 
 larly struck by their captains Hengist and Horsus who surpassed 
 all the others in dignity and comeliness. In response to the 
 king's inquiries Hengist "for that he was of riper years and 
 readier wit than the others," declared that they came from the 
 Saxon land to seek service under some prince. They had been 
 banished from their country by the casting of lots to relieve 
 their 'native land of an overburden of population. Since he and 
 his brother were of the family of dukes they had led the expedi- 
 tion under the guidance of Mercury, whom in their tongue they 
 called Woden. 
 
 Vortigern, although feeling an orthodox shudder at their 
 belief, rejoiced at their coming: "For mine enemies do oppress 
 me on every side, and so ye make common cause with me in the 
 toils of fighting my battles, ye shall be worshipfully retained in 
 my service withrn my realm, and right rich will I make ye in 
 all manner of land and fee. ' ' Gladly accepting the king 's offer, 
 
18 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 the Saxons advanced to meet an inenrsion of the Picts from the 
 north and defeated them ' ' on the further side Humber. ' ' Hen- 
 gist, ' ' a politic man and a crafty, ' ' took advantage of the king 's 
 gratitude a'nd his fear of Aurelius Ambrosius to ask permission 
 to send for more men of Saxon race. Vortigern freely granted 
 his request whereupon he asked farther for a castle so that he 
 might be considered in this new land of rank equal to that he 
 had held in the land from which he came. Vortigern regretfully 
 admitted that since he was a foreigner and a heathen it was 
 impossible to give him the rank of earl or prrnce. Thereupon 
 Hengist modestly asked for a plot of ground, "so much only 
 as may be compassed round about by a single thong ... So I 
 may build me a high place therein whereunto if need be I may 
 betake me. ' ' The king granted his petition and Hengist, taking 
 a bull's hide cut it as fine as possible into a single thong and 
 surrounded with it a stony place cunningly chosen and built the 
 castle afterwards called in British Kaercorrei, but in Saxon, 
 Thongceaste. 
 
 The envoys soon returned from Germany with eighteen ships 
 full of chose'n warriors and Hengist 's daughter Rowen, famous 
 for her beautj^ At an entertainment in the new castle King 
 Vortigern praised the swiftness of the building and greeted the 
 new soldiers. Rowen then came forth bearing a golden cup 
 filled with wine, and bending her knee to the king said : ' ' Laverd 
 King, wacht heil!" The king delighted with her beauty was 
 instructed by his interpreter to reply ' ' Drinc heil. ' ' The damsel 
 then drank and gave the cup to the king who kissed her and 
 drank, and ever since this custom has remained in Britain. 
 Rowen became the wife of Vortigern in return for the province 
 of Kent, and by this arrangement the king displeased his sub- 
 jects and his own sons, Vortimer, Katigern, and Pascentius. 
 Hengist now proposed to send for ''my son Octa and his brother 
 Ebissa, ' ' who were to be given the borderland between E'ngland 
 (Deira) and Scotland so that they might bear the brunt of 
 northern assaults. Vortigern willingly consented, and others 
 kept coming until the numbers of Hengist 's followers increased 
 so greatly that the Britons began to fear them and to urge the 
 king to dismiss them. Finding that Vortigern payed no attention 
 to their plea, they turned to his son Vortimer who willingly 
 acted as their leader and fought against the foreigners four 
 pitched battles ; the first on the river Derwent ; the second at the 
 ford of Episford, where Horsus and Katigern fell each wounded 
 to death by the other ; and a third, on the sea coast, which ended 
 in defeat for the Saxons, who fled ''sneaking away like women 
 to their ships and taking refuge in the Isle of Thanet," where 
 (fourth battle) they were besieged by Vortimer until they finally 
 
HENGEST 19 
 
 slipped in their boats back to Germany leaving their women and 
 children. 
 
 Vortimer at once began restoring property to his countrymen, 
 repairing churches, and otherwise bringing back former con- 
 ditions, but Rowen, determined to work his destruction, bribed 
 a person whom he trusted to give him a poisoned drink. The 
 great valor of Vortimer was shown while he was in the agonies 
 of death. He ordered that a brazen pyramid should be erected 
 on the coast where the Saxons land and his body should be 
 placed on the top so the barbarians might not dare to return; 
 but the Britons disobeyed him and buried his corpse at Trino- 
 vantum. Hengist, learni'ng by a messenger from Eowen of 
 Vortimer 's death, raised an army of three hundred thousand 
 armed men and fitted out a fleet. Vortigern and his princes, 
 terrified at the news of his preparations, resolved to give battle 
 and notice of this determination was sent by Rowen to her 
 father. Hengist now made known to the king that his prepara- 
 tions had been made on the supposition that Vortimer was still 
 alive but since learning of his death, he felt safe in leaving the 
 matter of numbers with Vortigern. He asked the king to name 
 a day and a place of meeting so that the matter might be settled. 
 Vortigern, well pleased, promised to meet Hengist and a band of 
 his men near the monastery of Ambrius on the Kalends of May. 
 Before the meeting Hengist commanded each of his men to have 
 a long knife hidden along the sole of his boot, and announced 
 that when the Britons without suspicion were discussing the 
 business of the meeting, he himself would give the signal, 
 ' ' Nemet oure saxas, ' ' at which each should cut the throat of the 
 Briton standing next him. All went according to the directions 
 of Hengist and four hundred and sixty of the barons and earls 
 of Vortigern were slain and their bodies buried by the blessed 
 Eldad at Salisbury near the monastery of Abbott Ambrius. In 
 spite of the fact that the Britons had come unarmed, not sus- 
 pecting treachery, they defended themselves bravely, snatching 
 stones and sticks from the ground and putting to death many of 
 their betrayers. Among those who bravely resisted was Eldol, 
 Earl of Gloucester, who caught up a stake and broke heads, 
 arms, and legs, until he had killed seventy men, and finally 
 escaped to his own city. Vortigern was bound and made to give 
 up his cities and strong places as a ransom for his life. The 
 Saxons then took London, York, Lincoln, and Winchester and 
 ravaged the country at will, while Vortigern fled to Wales. 
 
 At this point Geoffrey tells at great length of the building of 
 Vortigern 's tower, the discovery of Merlin, and Merlin 's prophe- 
 cies, all of much value as Arthurian material but only indirectly 
 
20 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 concerned with the Hengest story. At the close of the prophecies 
 Vortigern asked Merlin to reveal the ending of his own life and 
 received in answer : ' ' Two deaths await thee, nor is it clear which 
 one of the twain thou mayst first escape. For upon the one side 
 the Saxons will lay waste thy kingdom and will seek to compass 
 thy death. Upon the other the two brethren Aurelius and 
 Uther Pendragon will enter into thy land seeking to revenge 
 their father 's death upon thee. ' ' 
 
 The next morning Aurelius Ambrosius and his brother landed 
 with ten thousand warriors. The scattered Britons flocked to 
 the standard and the clergy anointed Aurelius as king. The 
 new king with Eldol, Duke of Gloucester, who had so remarkably 
 defended himself and escaped from the Saxons, besieged Vorti- 
 gern and, not being able to storm the castle, burned it to the 
 ground. The news of this deed struck Hengest and his Saxons 
 with fear of Aurelius. They withdrew beyand the Humber and 
 garrisoned the cities and castles of those parts. Aurelius fol- 
 lowed them and the two forces met at a field called Maesbeli. 
 Arrangements for the battle on both sides are described with 
 much detail; especial stress is laid upon the desire of Eldol, 
 Duke of Gloucester, to meet Hengest man to man and punish 
 him for his treachery. But Hengest, after the battle had raged 
 for some time saw the Britons gaining the mastery and fled to 
 the Castle of Knaresborough. Aurelius pursued, and Hengest 
 turned once more to meet him. At last Eldol and Hengest met 
 and their conflict is described in vivid words. For a long time 
 the issue was doubtful, but at last Eldol gripping Hengest by 
 the nose piece of his helmet, put forth all his force and dragged 
 him into the midst of the Britons crying out: "God hath ful- 
 filled my desire ! Up men and down with these Ambrons before 
 ye ; in your hands is the victory, for in conquering Hengest we 
 have conquered them." The Saxons were soon put to flight, 
 and Eldad, Bishop of Gloucester and brother of Eldol, advised 
 that Hengest be hewed to pieces with the sword, as was Agag 
 at the command of the prophet Samuel. ''Accordingly Eldol 
 took his sword, led Hengest without the city and sent him unto 
 hell with his head smitten off." 
 
 Aurelius turned at once to the work of restoration, and among 
 other results of this reign was a suitable monument to those 
 
HENGEST 21 
 
 victims of Hengest's treachery buried at Salisbury. Through 
 the agency of Merlin a group of immense rocks called the 
 "Dance of the Giants" were brought from a mountain in Ireland 
 and set up on the plains of Salisbury in a circle about the buried 
 bodies. Thus Stonehenge stands as monument of Hengest's 
 treachery. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 FROM GEOFFREY TO MILTON 
 
 One result of the Norman conquest was a greatly quickened 
 interest in the keeping of records. Chronicles, written in Latin, 
 occasionally in French, and later in the English vernacular, 
 filled an important place in literature until they were superseded 
 by the work of the critical historian. The twelfth and thirteenth 
 centuries were the great period of the Latin chronicle. Inspired 
 by the feeling of patriotism carefully fostered by Norman rulers, 
 and supported by royal and aristocratic patronage, English 
 writers put forth records of events so detailed, so varied in 
 interest and so ample in range that Stubbs declares, "It is from 
 the English chroniclers of this period that much of the German 
 history of the time has to be written. ' '^ Every important monas- 
 tic house kept its chronicle, and many individual writers 
 compiled histories of the past and interpreted the life of their 
 own times in their narratives of contemporary affairs. 
 
 Naturally these chronicles differed very much in style. Most 
 of them perhaps were mere dry repositories of facts, — compila- 
 tions from the past and annalistie records of the present, — but 
 many of them deserve to ra'nk as real literature. Such a work 
 as that of Geoffrey of Monmouth had all the charm of imagina- 
 tion and romance added to the serious appeal of history. Its 
 influence can scarcely be exaggerated. Alfred of Beverly, 
 writing shortly after its appearance, states that the "Historia 
 Britonum" was so universally the subject of conversation that 
 anyone ignorant of its stories was considered a mere clown. 
 Henry of Huntingdon in a letter to his friend Warimes declared 
 he was amazed (stupens inveni) when he discovered the work, 
 and proceeded to summarize its contents and add them to his 
 own history. 
 
 But the work was not without its critics. William of New- 
 burgh, whom Freeman calls the father of historical criticism. 
 
 5 Stubbs: Lectures on Medieval and Modern History, p. 125. 
 
 22 
 
HENGEST 23 
 
 denounced it as written either ' ' from an inordinate love of lying 
 or for the sake of pleasing the Britons." That at least one 
 Briton was not pleased is evident from the remark of Giraldus 
 Cambrensis, who referred to the "Historia" as not worth con- 
 sideration and illustrated its falsity by relating the experience 
 of a certain Meilerius. This unfortunate individual was so devil 
 ridden that he immediately recognized anything false that ap- 
 proached him. When the Gospel of John was brought near him 
 the devils vanished, but when he was given Geoffrey's history 
 they immediately returned in greatly increased 'numbers. How- 
 ever, notwithstanding the scorn of Giraldus for Geoffrey's 
 historical accuracy, he does not hesitate to use many incidents 
 related in the "Historia Britonum." In fact no writer before 
 the days of modern criticism departs from Geoffrey's version 
 of history except to check and modify it by the accounts of 
 other writers. 
 
 His version of the Saxon Conquest became the accepted story 
 of Hengest in England; even his enemies accepted it; William 
 of Newburgh, his most severe judge, declared he "disguised 
 under the honorable name of history, thanks to his Latinity, the 
 fables about Arthur which he took from the ancient fictions of 
 the Britons and increased out of his own head ... I pass by 
 all the things about the Britons before the time of Julius Caesar 
 which this fellow invented, or adopted after they had been 
 invented by others, and wrote down for true ... It is manifest 
 that everything which this person wrote about Arthur and his 
 successors and his predecessors after Vortigern, was made up 
 partly by himself and partly by others. " It is evident that even 
 the critical William did not include the tale of Hengest in his 
 denunciation. 
 
 Writers of English history from the twelfth to the seventeenth 
 century have been carefully classified by Fletcher^ on the basis 
 of their treatment of the Arthurian material in Geoffrey. Since 
 the Saxon conquest forms a section of this Arthurian material 
 it is unnecessary to do more than to refer to this work of 
 Fletcher for the detailed characterization of the long list of 
 chroniclers extending through this period. An illustration, 
 perhaps, of each of the four classes as outlined by Fletcher will 
 
24 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 give a clear understanding of the nature and extent of the 
 modifications that were made. 
 
 The first and most numerous class consists of those who make 
 incidental use of very brief extracts brought in with other 
 material at what the author regards as the proper point in time. 
 Ralph de Diceto, Dean of St. Pauls, who lived in the stormy 
 times of Thomas Becket, serves as a good illustration of this 
 class. In his " Abbreviationes Chronieorum" he quotes from 
 Bede the letter sent to Aetius containing "the groans of the 
 Britons." Failing to gain help from the Romans, the Britons 
 agreed with their ki'ng Vortigern to call to their aid the Saxon 
 tribe from beyond the sea. He further quotes Bede's account 
 of the invasion of the Saxons and of the three German tribes 
 who colonized Britain, In a note he explains the term Germaniae 
 thus: ''Omnis terra quae sub septemtrione jacet Germania 
 vocatur, quia tantum virorum germinat; et Angli et alii multi 
 dicuntur Germani. " The leaders of these tribes, he concludes, 
 were Horsa and Hengest. Horsa, killed by the Britons, has a 
 monument in Kent. 
 
 The second class is made up of writers who include most of 
 Geoffrey's narrative but break it up and tell of other things in 
 connection with it. For that section of the material dealing 
 with Hengest, John of Fordun offers an interesting example of 
 this class. He also serves as an excellent type of the Scotch point 
 of view. In the ' ' Scotichronikon " of this man whom Fletcher 
 terms ' ' the discriminating father of Scottish history ' ' — written 
 about 1385 — the following details appear as in Geoffrey, but 
 correlated with parallel events in the annals of Scotland: Vor- 
 tigern 's invitation to the Saxons, the arrival of Hengest and 
 Horsa with their forces in three long boats, later arrivals from 
 the three tribes (Angles, Saxons, Jutes), Hengest 's defeat of 
 the northern attacks, Vortigern 's marriage to Rowen and his 
 infatuation for the Saxons, the turning of the Britons from 
 Vortigern and their choosing Vortimer as king, Vortimer's 
 victorious campaign against Hengest in which Horsa was slain 
 and Hengest was driven to the island of Thanet from whence 
 he and his men escaped to Germany leaving the women and 
 children, the death of Vortimer by poison at the hands of Rowen, 
 the restoration of Vortigern and the consequent return of Hen- 
 
HENGEST 25 
 
 gest, and finally a fairly full account of Hengest's treacherous 
 slaying of the Saxons at Salisbury. An interesting point in 
 this last account is the form of Hengest's war cry: "Zonre 
 Sexes," — a very peculiar rendering of Geoffrey's phrase. 
 
 Another interesting example of class two is the London printer 
 Richard Grafton, whose ''Chronicle or History of England" 
 appeared about two centuries later. Grafton's account includes 
 all the principal details of Geoffrey in much fuller form than 
 that of John of Fordun, and although matter is brought in from 
 other sources, it is slight and of minor importance. The para- 
 graphs describing the slaughter of the Saxons illustrate well the 
 way in which he handles his sources: ''Ganfride" is paraphrased 
 and quoted until the incident of Vortigern's remaining with 
 Hengest as a prisoner is cited from Fabian, after which Grafton 
 continues: "But the said Ganfride writeth more fuller hereof 
 in this wise," and the incident is carried to its conclusion. 
 
 Writers of the third class take from Geoffrey practically 
 everything that they say of the whole period. Their work con- 
 sists either of a summary of his account or of a close reproduc- 
 tion. Fletcher^ cites Walter of Coventry and Bartholomew de 
 Cotton as representatives and they will serve as well as others, 
 since mere imitations scarcely need illustration. 
 
 In the fourth class the chroniclers use practically all of 
 Geoffrey but also draw generously upon other writers and make 
 additions and correctians. Higden's ''Polychronicon" (1354) 
 was perhaps the most popular of this class. Higden gives a 
 general account of conditions in Britain under Vortigern and 
 then cites specific passages from Geoffrey, Bede, and William 
 of Malmesbury telling of the summoning of the Saxons. The 
 passage from Bede relating the reinforcements from the three 
 tribes follows. Henry of Huntingdon is quoted for the account 
 of the first battle between the Saxons and the Scots and Picts. 
 The building of ''Thuancastre" is drawn from Geoffrey and the 
 compact of British food and supplies for Saxon aid in war is 
 quoted from Bede. William of Malmesbury is allowed to supply 
 the story of Vortigern's infatuatian for Hengest's daughter. 
 The statement that Vortigern put away his legitimate wife, the 
 
 6 Fletcher: "Arthurian Material in the Chronicles," Ch. VT. Harvard Stndies and 
 Notes in Phil, and Lit. 
 
26 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 mother of his three sons, Vortimer, Categirn, and Pascent, 
 although attributed by Higden to Geoffrey, does not occur in 
 Geoffrey's narrative and must be supplied either from Alfred 
 of Beverley or by Higden himself. 
 
 Bede's statement that the Saxons turned against the Britons, 
 dema'nding more pay and larger supplies, is followed by Geof- 
 frey's assertion that the Britons, burdened by the multitude of 
 Saxons, urged the king to send them away and, when he would 
 not, made Vortimer king in his stead. The battles of Vortimer 
 with Hengest, Vortimer 's death and Hengest 's subsequent return 
 and death are given mainly from Geoffrey a'nd William with a 
 summing up by Higden himself. As a rule Higden accepts 
 Geoffrey's narrative, questioning only the evidently fabulous 
 sections. He puts aside the story of Vortigern's tower, the 
 fantastic birth of Merlin and his prophecies, saying they were 
 contained only in "the British book," and yet he says he would 
 add them to his history if he believed them true. 
 
 Many variations from Geoffrey's narrative by later chroniclers 
 are doubtless due to carelessness and wrong interpretation as 
 well as to intentional change. Hengest 's command in the slaugh- 
 ter at Salisbury is given in various ways: compare John of 
 Fordun's "Zonre Sexes" and Richard Grafton's "Nempnith 
 your sexes " ; all the proper names are given in many different 
 forms, but when one considers the chances for error in the 
 numerous manuscripts and the varying language equipment of 
 the writers, the surprising thing is not the variations but the 
 uniformity of the accounts touching this period. 
 
 One of the most interesting of these variations is found in 
 Jehan de Bourdigne "Chroniques d'Anjou et du Maine." In 
 his efforts to set forth all the notable exploits of Angevine he 
 produces " Bortegrimus, " "occupateur du pays d'Anjou." He 
 does not hesitate to make incidents fit his purpose and to connect 
 the whole story with Anjou. He says that Vortigern's gift to 
 Hengest was "la ville d'Angiers et le consulat d'Anjou." Evi- 
 dently he has interpreted the name "Anglous" (Hengest is 
 frequently called an Angle) as referring to Angevine. Because 
 Hengest is connected with Anjou his character is presented in 
 a more favorable light than usual. His treachery at Salisbury 
 
HENGEST 27 
 
 is interpreted as an act of vengeance brought upon themselves 
 by the ingratitude of the British. 
 
 Among later chroniclers Holinshed is of special interest 
 because of his influence on literature and especially because he 
 furnished so much material to Shakespeare. The debt of Holin- 
 shed 's chronicle to Geoffrey's "Historia" may be estimated 
 from the headings of the chapters telling of the Saxon con- 
 quest : — * 
 
 ' ' Constantius the eldest sonne of Constantine having been a 
 monke is created king, the ambitious & slie practises of duke 
 Vortigerne to aspire to the government, he procureth certeine 
 Picts and Scots to kill the king who had reteined them for the 
 gard of his person, his craftie devises and deepe dissimulation 
 under the pretense of innocencie, he winneth the people's harte, 
 and is chosen their king. 
 
 II 
 
 ''Vortigerne furnisheth the tower with a garrison, he be- 
 wraieth his crueltie, Aurelius and Pendragon brethren to the 
 late king Constantius flie into Britaine Armorike, what common 
 abuses and sinnes did universally concurre with a plentiful 
 yeere, the Scots and Picts revenge the death of their countrimen, 
 Vortigerne is in doubt of his estate, the Britains send for suc- 
 cour to the Saxons, they come under the conduct of Hengist and 
 Horsus two brethren, where they are assigned to be seated, they 
 vanquish the Scots, disagreement in writers touching the Saxons 
 first comming into this Hand. 
 
 Ill 
 
 "Hengistus the Saxon shooteth at the crowne and scepter of 
 the kingdome by craftie and subtile practises, a great number of 
 forren people arrive in Britaine for the augmentation of his 
 power, of the faire ladie Rowen his daughter, whereof Wednes- 
 daie and Fridaie took their name, of the Jutes, Saxons, and 
 Angles, Vortigerne being inflamed with the love of Hengist 's 
 daughter forsaketh his owne wife and marrieth hir, Vortigerne 
 giveth Hengist all Kent, the Saxons come over by Heaps to 
 inhabit the land, the British nobilitie move the king to avoid 
 them, he is deprived of his kingdom, the miserable destruction 
 made by the Saxons in this land, skirmishes betwixt them and 
 the Britains. 
 
 *Holinshed's Chronicles, I, Bk. 5, pp. 551 ff. 
 
28 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 IV 
 
 "Vortimer is created king in the roome of his father Vorti- 
 gerne, he giveth the Saxons sore and sharpe battels, a combat 
 fought between Catigerne the brother of Vortimer, and Horsus 
 the brother of Hengist, wherein they were both slaine, the 
 Britains drive the Saxons into the He of Tenet, Rowen the 
 daughter of Hengist procureth Vortimer to be poisoned, the 
 Saxons return into Germanic as some writers report, they joine 
 with the Scots and Picts against the Britains and discomfit them. 
 
 V 
 
 ''Vortigerne is restored to his regiment, in what place he 
 abode during the time of his sonnes reigne, Hengist with his 
 Saxons re-enter the land, the Saxons and Britains are appointed 
 to meet on Salisburie Plaine, the privie treason of Hengist and 
 his power whereby the Britains were slaine like sheepe, the man- 
 hood of Edol earle of Glocester, Vortigerne is taken prisoner, 
 Hengist is in possession of three provinces of this land, a 
 description of Kent." 
 
 The remaining chapters treat of the Pelagian heresy, Vorti- 
 gern's tower, and other matters but distantly connected with 
 Hengest, noting the death of Hengest as related by Geoffrey 
 and citing also varying accounts of other writers. It is inter- 
 esting to note how nearly his account agrees throughout with 
 Geoffrey's. 
 
 We find even the critical mind of Milton following i'n the main 
 the line of established tradition. His ''History of England to 
 the Norman Conquest," written in 1639 soon after he became 
 blind, falls under the fourth class of chronicles, those which like 
 Higden's " Polychronico'n, " make much use of Geoffrey but 
 check and curb his account by passages from other writers. 
 Milton begins the section we are considering with the statement : 
 "Vortigern who at the time was chief rather than sole king 
 ... is said by him of Monmouth to have procured the death 
 first of Constantine, then of Consta'ns his son, who of a monk 
 was made king, and by that means to have usurped the crown. ' '^ 
 This statement is checked by reference to Roman history and, 
 throughout the entire account, Bede, Nennius, Ethelwerd, 
 Malmesbury are called upon and the Anglo-Saxon chronicle is 
 quoted for the events it registers. He closes by recording (in 
 
 7 Page 74. 
 
HENGEST 29 
 
 489) the death of Hengest, "the first Saxon king of Kent noted 
 to have attained the dignity by craft as much as valour, and 
 giving scope to his own cruel nature, rather than proceeding by 
 mildness a'nd civility." 
 
 Only a few of the long list of chroniclers following Geoffrey 
 have been brought forward in this section, but a better under- 
 standing of the treatment given the Hengest story may be gained 
 from the illustrations of Fletcher's four classes cited above, 
 than could possibly be gathered from a bewildering number of 
 miscellaneous quotations. The difficulty of presenting any co- 
 herent idea from such a mass of material has been well expressed 
 by Holinshed: "But diverse such maner of contrarieties shall 
 ye find, in perusing of those writers that have written the chron- 
 icles of the Britains and Saxons, the which in every point to 
 recite, would be too tedious and combersome a matter, and there- 
 fore we are forced to passe the same over, not knowing how to 
 bring them to a'nie just accord for the satisfieing of all mens 
 minds, speciallie the curious, which may with diligent search 
 satisfie themselves happilie much better, than anie other shall 
 be able to doo in uttering his opinion never so much at large, 
 and agreeable to a truth. This therefore have we thought good 
 as it were by the waie to touch what diverse authors doo write, 
 leaving it so to everie mans judgement to construe thereof, as his 
 affection leadeth him." 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 IN ROMANCE AND VERSE 
 
 Milton took pains to explain that the fabulous early history 
 of Britain contained at best only ' ' relics of something true ' ' and 
 yet he declared, ''I have determined to bestow the telling over 
 of these reputed tales; be it for nothing else but in favour of 
 our English poets, and rhetoricians, who by their art will know 
 how to use them judiciously. ' ' There is no evidence that Milton 's 
 history served as an inspiration to poets and romancers, but 
 Geoffrey's certainly did, and the figure of Hengest plays a part 
 in metrical chronicles written with the spirit of the chanson de 
 geste, in romances such as the Brut and Merlin, and in verse, — 
 even in such verse as Spenser's Faerie Queene. 
 
 As early as 1150 Geoffrey Gaimar, an Anglo-Norman living 
 in the north of England, paraphrased Geoffrey of Monmouth 
 in his ''L'Estorie des Engles." He begins, however, with the 
 arrival of Cerdic and refers only to ''Hengis" as a "Seisne." 
 
 Five years later Wace completed his ' ' Roman de Brut ' ' ; also 
 a Norman French verse romance based upon Geoffrey's "His- 
 toria." Wace made no pretense of confining his work to the 
 statements of previous writers ; he described scenes, characterized 
 persons, and filled in details that seemed needed for literary 
 effect. Instead of the mere statement of Constantine 's death he 
 gives a vivid picture of a treacherous Pict employed in the 
 king's household who drew the king aside into a garden on pre- 
 tence of revealing some secret matter and approaching close to 
 the king's ear, drew a knife "and smote him so shrewdly that 
 he died, ' ' Among the councillors of the realm, uncertain whom 
 to choose as ki'ng since Constant was a monk and Aurelius and 
 Uther were infants, Vortigern appears with a definite plan. He 
 is characterized as a Welsh earl, strong in body, rich in goods 
 and kin, courteous in speech and prudent in counsel; skill in 
 intrigue is suggested in the statement, "long since had he made 
 straight the road that he coveted to tread." He boldly offered 
 
 30 
 
HENGEST 31 
 
 to take upon his soul alone the sin of drawing Constant from 
 his abbey, rode swiftly to Winchester, and drew the willing 
 monk "with a strong hand" from the monastery, none daring 
 to gainsay his deed. Passing immediately to London, without 
 the aid of Bishop or holy oil he crowned his puppet king. 
 
 Constant is presented as very desirous of reigning: ''Little 
 love had he for his abbey. Right weary was he of choir and 
 psalter." Yet he makes no attempt to be a real ruler or to 
 perform any of the duties of a king, but puts everything into 
 Vortigern 's hands and adopts without question every suggestion. 
 He is weak, pleasure loving, a'nd absolutely without training 
 except that of the cloister. His incapacity as a ruler is shown 
 in his words to Vortigern : ' ' Thou art wiser than I. I give you 
 all the realm to thy keeping . . . Cities and manors, goods and 
 treasure, they are thine as constable. Thy will is my pleasure. ' ' 
 
 But not content with being the real ruler, Vortigern desired 
 the crown for himself. His plan as developed by Wace was one 
 of clever subtlety. He summoned a body of Picts from Scotland 
 under the pretence of making them a protection against ''the 
 sea-folk from Norway and from the country of the Danes" who 
 are threatening to descend upon the kingdom. After the Picts 
 became a part of the king's household, Vortigern used every 
 device to attach them to himself, until the rude warriors declared 
 openly that he was better fitted for the throne than was the 
 king. Finally one day when they had sat long at their cups 
 Vortigern came to them sadly, pretending that he must leave 
 them and seek his fortune in distant lands since he had spent all 
 he had upon their support and the king allowed him so little 
 that he had nothing left to give them; but if fortune favored 
 him he would seek them out and share his means with them 
 again. As soon as he left them his suggestions began to take 
 effect. "Let us slay this renegade monk, this shaveling, and 
 raise Vortigern to his seat;" and they rushed into the king's 
 chamber and struck off his head. Hurryi-ng after Vortigern, 
 they displayed the head of the king, crying, "We forbid you to 
 go from amongst us. Take now the crown and become our 
 king. ' ' Vortigern no longer needing the good will of the Picts, 
 pretended great sorrow and anger and, summoning the council- 
 lors, caused at once all the heads of the Picts to be struck off. 
 
32 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 Thereupon, in spite of secret suspicion against him which was 
 indicated by the flight of Aurelius and Uther, Vortigern became 
 king. 
 
 Thus far Vortigern is characterized by Wace as a clever 
 though unscrupulous schemer and a man bold a'nd strong in 
 action. From this point he degenerates and becomes the victim 
 of conditions he has created and Hengest becomes the hero who 
 bends circumstances to his will. The Saxons are described as 
 fair of face and comely of person; Hengest and Horsa as "two 
 brethren of mighty stature a'nd outland speech. They came into 
 the king's presence and did reverence with a proud bearing 
 . . . Shapely were they of body, taller and more comely than 
 any youth he knew." Hengest is called the elder and mightier 
 of the brethren. His strength and craftiness are developed with 
 more fullness and consistency than were the same qualities in 
 Vortigern and without the stigma of disloyalty. In fact, Wace 
 pauses for the direct comment that Hengest 's seeking to turn 
 affairs to his own profit "was his undoubted right." Hengest 
 is given the characteristic qualities of a Norman baron; Thong- 
 castle is a Norman keep with "towers, strong a'nd fair" con- 
 structed by "good masons." Even the slaying of the Britons 
 leaves no stain on Hengest 's honor as a knight, since they are 
 his professed enemies and deceiving them is military strategy. 
 With a thrifty combination of loyalty and personal profit he 
 stands between the Saxons and Vortigern, crying, "Harm not 
 the king, for nothing but good have I received at his hand, and 
 much has he toiled for my profit. How then shall I suffer my 
 daughter's lord to die such a death! Rather let us hold him to 
 ransom, and take freely of his cities and walled places in return 
 for his life." 
 
 Rowena is visualized as "a maiden yet unwed, and most 
 marvelously fair . . . sweetly arrayed and right dainty to see, 
 bearing in her hand a brimming cup of wine." She was "gra- 
 cious of body and passing fair of face, dainty and tall and plump 
 of her person. She stood before the king in a web of fine raiment 
 and ravished his eyes beyond measure. ' ' 
 
 Vortimer's characterization is very slight. He is the typical 
 soldier patriot who rouses the Britons and clears the country 
 of its oppressors. He is easily entrapped by Rowena and has 
 
HENGEST 33 
 
 not made sufficient impression on his followers to make them 
 fulfill his dying command. 
 
 Many details are supplied by Wace to make the story plausible 
 and vivid. Vortigern's wife had long been "dead and at 
 peace. ' ' In the meeting at Salisbury plain ' ' those who gripped 
 the knives thrust the keen blades through cloak and mantle, 
 breast and bowels, till there lay upon back or belly in that place 
 nigh upon four hundred and sixty men of the richest and most 
 valiant lords in the kingdom." ''Eldof, Earl of Gloucester got 
 a great club in his right hand, which he found lying at his feet. ' ' 
 When Aurelius was besieging Vortigern "Aurelius and Eldof 
 laced them i'n their mail. They made the wild fire ready and 
 caused men to cast timber in the moat, till the deep fosse was 
 filled. When this was done they flung wild fire from their 
 engines upon the castle. . . . The castle flared like a torch ; the 
 flames leaped in the sky; the houses tumbled to the ground; 
 . . . the king was burned with fire . . . and the king's wife 
 who was so marvelously fair. ' ' In the final battle between Eldof 
 a'nd Hengest, ''The two closed together with naked brands and 
 lifted shields, smiting and guarding. Men forgot to fight, and 
 stared upon them, watching the great blows fall and the gleaming 
 swords. " 
 
 But even more than Wace amplified and developed Geoffrey's 
 narrative, Layamon enlarged upon the work of Wace. His 
 ' ' Brut, ' ' finished in 1205, took up the story of Hengest with the 
 same incident used by Wace, — the killing of Constantine by a 
 treacherous Pict; but Layamon, not satisfied with merely relat- 
 ing the incident, makes it dramatic; he gives action, speech, 
 manner ; and works up the details to the tragic end. More detail 
 also is used to picture the canf usion that followed : ' ' mickle 
 sorrow spread to the folk ; then were the Britons busy in thought ; 
 the king's two sons little they were both, — Ambrosie could 
 scarcely ride on horse and Uther his brother still sucked his 
 mother; Constance, the eldest, wore monk's clothes in Winches- 
 ter; the landfolk came to London to their busting; then chose 
 they Aurelia Ambrosie. ' ' 
 
 At this crisis Vortiger is made to appear. Layamon 's charac- 
 terization of him differs from that of Wace i'n laying less 
 emphasis on his strength and stressing more his craftiness and 
 
34 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 evil nature. Almost with the regularity of a refrain such lines 
 follow the mention of ''Vortiger" as "gep man and swithe 
 war," or ''he was wis and sw^ithe war," or ''of moehe uvele he 
 was war. ' ' And Layamon does not depend on direct statement 
 to carry conviction but he shows Vortiger working out his evil 
 plots. He makes the Welsh earl complete his plan to make 
 Constance king by trickery rather than by straightforward force 
 of will. First Vortigern persuades the council to wait two weeks 
 before they crown Ambrosius; then riding to Winchester he 
 pretends great affection for Constance and wins his consent to 
 forsake his vows and take up the sceptre. The scene in the 
 monastery is very definitely pictured, Vortiger causes Con- 
 stance to exchange garments with one of the forty knights in his 
 retinue and then he holds the false monk in conversation in the 
 "speech house" while Constance escapes. "Monks passed up- 
 ward, monks passed downward ; they saw by the way the swain 
 with monk's clothes; the hood hanged down as if he hid his 
 crown ; they all weened that it were their brother, who sat there 
 so sorry in the speech house in the daylight, among all the 
 knights." At last, when Constance was safely away, Vortiger 
 departed. The monks found the heap of garments by the wall 
 and the abbot leaped on his horse and overtook the Earl. 
 Vortiger swore to hang the abbot unless he consented to unhood 
 Constance, and his threats prevailed. 
 
 No less dramatic is the way in which Vortiger presents 
 Constance to the council. Dressed in royal garments and hidden 
 with twelve knights, the unfrocked monk waited his cue to 
 appear. Vortiger allowed the Britons to weary themselves with 
 debate, then quickly and sharply told what he had done, had 
 monks ready to witness that Constance had been freed from his 
 vows and held out the crown to Constance, who had instantly 
 appeared, and cried "Whoso will this withsay, he shall buy it 
 dear ! ' ' 
 
 Layamon 's treatment of this incident is typical of the way he 
 makes use throughout of Wace's account. He is fuller, more 
 concrete, and much more dramatic. He gives more direct dis- 
 course, and the speeches are longer and characterize the speakers 
 more definitely. He!ngest is presented with much the same 
 qualities that Wace gives him. The Old English device of 
 
HENGEST 35 
 
 epithet is used to accompany his name as well as that of Vortiger ; 
 he is ' ' Hengest, cnihten aire hendest, " or " cnihten aire f eirest ; ' ' 
 or with lengthening to three lines ''fairest of all knighte, . . . 
 in all this kingdom is not a knight so tall 'nor so strong," and 
 "fairest of all knights who lived of heathen law in those days." 
 
 Hengest's rank is stressed and his courage and subtlety are 
 emphasized by many details. In going to court, ' ' Hengest went 
 before, and Hors next of all to him, then the Alemainish men, 
 who were noble in deeds, and afterwards their brave Saxish 
 knights, Hengest 's kinsmen of his old race ; ' ' and again : ' ' There 
 came Hengest, there came Hors, there came many a man full 
 brave. ' ' In battle against the Picts, it was safety to the Britons 
 that Hengest was there. . . . "for very many Peohtes they 
 slew in the fight; fiercely they fought, the fated fell! When 
 the noon was come the Peohtes fled ; on each side they forth fled, 
 and all day they fled, many and without number." But it was 
 not bravery alone that gave Hengest his ascendency over Vor- 
 tiger, for he outdid even that crafty Briton in subtlety, and 
 Layamon furnishes details that make his subtlety very con- 
 vincing. In gaining land for his castle, "He had a wise man 
 who well knew of craft, w^ho took his hide, and laid it on a 
 board, and whet his shears ... of the hide he carved a thong 
 very small and very long ... as it were a thread of twine; 
 when the thong was all slit, it was wondrously long; about 
 therewith he encompassed a great deal of land." Of course 
 the trick is the same as given by Geoffrey and Waee, but the 
 process here is shown so clearly that we are much more impressed 
 by its cleverness. 
 
 In describing "Eouwenne,r" Layamon does not give all the 
 personal details that are found in Wace, but he calls her fairest 
 of women and adds that she was clad with excessive pride, her 
 clothes were embroidered with gold, and the wine bowl was of 
 gold. In the poisoning of Vortimer her procedure is given 
 minutely with details befitting a Borgia, She filled from a tun 
 of the most precious wine (while men were drinking and harps 
 were resounding i'n the hall) a bowl of red gold and advancing 
 to the king before all the company, greeted him thus: "Lord 
 king, Wassail, for thee I am most joyful." Then she drank 
 half of the wine and, as she finished drinking, secretly emptied 
 
36 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 into it the contents of a golden phial filled with poison which 
 she had carried in her bosom. As she passed the bowl to the 
 king immediately after taking it from her lips, he drank without 
 suspicion and did not know that he was poisoned until the com- 
 pany had dispersed and Rowenne had fled and was fast enclosed 
 in her own castle. 
 
 Another characteristic of Layamon's romance is the remark- 
 able way in which it retains the spirit of Old English verse. 
 Especially is this true of the battle passages. At times the very 
 language seems an echo of the older phrasing. When during 
 the slaughter of the Britons the fate of Vortigern is described — 
 "woe was the king alive , . . Hengest grasped him with his 
 grim grip" — we are reminded of Grendel in the terrible hand 
 grip of Beowulf or of Finn who in his own haU experienced the 
 grim grip of vengeance. Hengest 's last battle might, except for 
 the rhyme, be mistaken for a passage of Old English heroic 
 verse. Before the forces meet, Hengest makes his ' ' gylp- 
 spraec;" "Better are fifty of us than of them five hundred, — 
 that they many times have found. ' ' Aldolf makes a vow to the 
 ruler of dooms to avenge his kindred slain by the long saexes at 
 Ambresbury. Scarcely are his words spoken when Hengest and 
 his host appeared over the down; "fiercely they marched; 
 together they came ; terribly they slew. Helms resounded ; war- 
 riors fell, steel struck against bone; streams of blood flowed in 
 the ways, the fields were stained, the grass made fallow." At 
 last Aldolf comes upon Hengest and smites so mightily that 
 Hengest 's shield is shivered in two. "Then Hengest leaped 
 like a lion and smote upon Aldolf 's helm so that it parted. Then 
 heAved they with swords, — the strokes were grim ; fire flew from 
 the steel." When Hengest is finally taken Aldolf shouts in 
 triumph : ' ' Hengest, it is not so merry for thee now as it was by 
 Ambresbury, where thou drewest the saexes, and slew my 
 kindred ! ' ' 
 
 All of the qualities that have been spoken of as peculiar to 
 Layamon appear in his account of Stonhenge. Many concrete 
 details are added in relating the efforts of Aurelius to provide a 
 suitable monument for the fallen Britons. A dramatic interview 
 between the king and Merlin resulted in the decision to send an 
 army of fifteen thousand knights with "Uther the good" as 
 
HENGEST 37 
 
 leader to Ireland. '* And the brave knights took the haven ; they 
 went upon the sea strand and beheld Ireland. Then spake 
 Merlin : ' See ye now, brave men, the great hill so exceeding high 
 that it is full nigh to the welkin. That is the marvelous thing; 
 it is named the giant's ring (Eotinde Ring), to each work 
 unlike, — it came from Africa.' " But Gillomaur, king of Ire- 
 land, who was most strong, heard that Britons had come to fetch 
 the stones and "made mickle derision and scorn" and swore by 
 St. Brandan they should not ' ' carry away our stone ' ' but should 
 "spill the blood out of their bellies" and so be taught to seek 
 stones; "And afterwards I will go into Britain and say to the 
 king Aurelie, that my stones I will defend and unless he do as 
 I will, I will carry the fight into his land; make him waste 
 paths and wildernesses many; widows enow, — their husbands 
 shall die, ' ' — a very fair ' ' gylp-spraec ' ' but one destined not to 
 be carried out. The armies came together and fought fiercely, — 
 the fated fell, but the Irish were defeated and the king was 
 shamed ; thus ended his boast, — he fled to the wood and let his 
 folk fall: seven thousand lay deprived of life. The Britons 
 went to their tents and worthily took care of their good weapons 
 and rested as Merlin counseled them. On the fourth day a 
 thousand picked knights approached the hill and viewed the 
 marvelous work ; then with strong sailropes and trees great and 
 long they wreathed with utmost strength one stone ; they labored, 
 with mickle strength but they had not power to make one stone 
 stir. After this Merlin caused Uther to assemble all the knights 
 and draw them back so that none should be near the stones ; and 
 Merlin went thrice about, within and without, and moved his 
 tongue as if he sung his beads; next he called Uther and his 
 knights to come quickly and lift all the stones. They obeyed 
 and carried the stones like featherballs to the ships and brought 
 them to Ambresbury where Merlin reared them as they stood 
 before; never any other man could do the craft. "Then was 
 the king wondrous blithe and on Whitsunday he made there a 
 feast. There on the weald, over the broad plain tents were 
 raised, — nine thousand tents and the place was hallowed that 
 was formerly called Aelinge but now hight Stonehenge. " 
 
 With Layamon the Hengest legend in England is practically 
 complete. The various treatments that follow belong to what 
 
38 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 may be called the period of translation and imitation. There 
 are many interesting variations and modifications of Layamon 's 
 version, but Hengest is no longer the center of interest; the 
 romancers turn their attention to Arthur and Merlin and there 
 is no more expansion of details relating to Hengest, — on the 
 contrary he is made a'n increasingly subordinate figure until he 
 is gradually dropped altogether from the Arthurian cycle. He 
 does, however, retain a fairly important position in all the Brut 
 manuscripts and one of some interest in the various Merlin 
 romances. 
 
 The most important form of the Brut after Layamon is the 
 French prose "Brut d 'Engleterre, " composed about 1272 and 
 translated into English in the early part of the fifteenth cen- 
 tury.* In this very popular romance king Vortiger was not 
 only beset by Picts but was at the same time threatened by a 
 host assembled under Aurilambros and Uter when tidings were 
 brought him that a great navy of strangers had arrived in Kent. 
 Messengers sent to them by the king were received by "two 
 brethren, prynces and maistres," one called Engist and the 
 other Horn. These leaders said that they came from Saxoyne, 
 the land of Germayne, where it was the custom, because of the 
 many people, to send out the boldest and best after giving them 
 "horse and harneyse, armure, and al thing that have nedeth," 
 into other countries to find homes for themselves as their ances- 
 tors did before them. "And therfore, sire king," they con- 
 cluded, "if ye have ought to done with oure company, we bene 
 comen into youre lande ; and with gode wille you wil serve, and 
 your lande helpe, kepe, & defende from youre enemys, if that 
 you nedeth." 
 
 Vortiger gladly accepted the proffered service and the 
 strangers "delyverede the lande clene of here enemys." After 
 this follows the Thongcastle incident, the wassail incident with 
 Vortigern's giving of Kent for Rowene, and the crowning of 
 Vortimer by the Britons. Three battles are mentioned against 
 the Saxons; "the ferst was in Kent . . . the secunde was att 
 Tettef ord ; and the thridde was in a shire a this half Cool, in a 
 more. & in this batail ham mette Cattegren and Horn, Engistes 
 
 *"The Brut." E. E. T. S., Grig. Series, Vol. 131. 
 
HENGEST 39 
 
 brother, so that everyche of ham slough other; but forasmuche 
 as the contre was geven longe bifore to Horn through Vortyger, 
 tho he hade spousede his cosyn; there he hade made a faire 
 castel that men callede Horncastel, after his owen name." In 
 revenge for his brother's death, Vortimer destroyed this castle 
 and drove Hengest and his people out of the land. 
 
 "Konewenne the Queue," after bribing servants to poison 
 Vortimer, "sent prively by lettre to Engist . . . that he shulde 
 come ageyne into that land, wel arraide with miche peple, forto 
 avenge him uppon the Britons, and to wynne his land ageyne. ' ' 
 The traditional trick of Hengest in the slaughter of Salisbury 
 is repeated with the consequent subjugation of the land by the 
 Saxons. The statement is also made that Hengest caused the 
 name to be changed from "Britaig'ne" to ''Engistes land" and 
 divided the country into seA'^en kingdoms each under its own 
 king in order that it might be so strongly protected ''that the 
 Britons shulde never after come therein." The remainder of 
 the tale follows tradition without going into detail; it is even 
 briefer tha'n the account in Geoffrey. 
 
 In the Merlin romances there is a noticeable tendency, as in 
 the instance previously cited (Ch. I, notes 2 to 3), to subordinate 
 Hengest and his affairs. The Middle English prose romance, 
 translated about 1450 from the French prose of Robert de Boron, 
 referring to him as a Dane calls him Angier and says of him 
 only that he served the king "trewly till he had made ende of 
 his werre" and that Vortiger "took oone of Anglers doughters 
 to his wif." Later in the tale after Pendragon is made king, 
 we learn that "the Danoys that Vortiger had brought in to the 
 lande werred sore upon the erislen people. And Pendragon 
 beseged Aungier in the eastell of the Vyses." When they 
 sought counsel of Merlin they were told: "Go to your prynce, 
 and telle him that he shall never wynne the Castell till Aungier 
 be slain." Later Avhen the king was anxiously awaiting mes- 
 sengers from Merlin, a comely man appeared before him and 
 announced: "Wite thow wele that Aungier is ded, for thy 
 brother Uter hath hym slayne." Soon after messengers arrived 
 who told how Uter had slain Aungier. When Merlin was finally 
 found and questianed as to how he had gained his knowledge he 
 replied: "Anoon as ye were departed fro your oste, to come 
 
40 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 hider, Aungiers wolde have morderid thi brother in his teinte. 
 And I went to the brother, and warned him of Aungiers purpos, 
 and of his strengthie, and how he wolde come by nyght hym-self 
 to his teynte, formeste of his company. And the brother dide 
 not mystruste me, but made good waieche all that nyght, sole be 
 him-self, till that Aungiers com with a knyf in his honde, to see 
 thi brother. And Uter let him entre into his teynte, and serched 
 aboute; but he fonde not Uter ther-in, Wherefore he was sory. 
 And at the comynge owte, thi brother fought with hym, and 
 slowe hym with his owne handes. ' ' 
 
 About the same time (1450) a rhyming version of the French 
 prose Merlin was made by Henry Lonelich (or Herry Lovelich, 
 E. E. T. S. Extra Series XCIII), skinner and citizen of London. 
 The details given are practically the same as those just cited. A 
 good idea of the relation it bears to the English prose Merlin 
 may be gained from comparing the passages describing Hengest's 
 death : — 
 
 ' ' Sire, quod Merlyne, as it 'not ben scholde, 
 Augwys uter mordred han wolde, 
 Anon to thy brother i wente in hye, 
 and told hym al his purpos utterlye, 
 and how that augwys hym ordey'nede to slet; 
 al this i told hym, ful Sykerle, 
 and yit he ne wolde not me beleve, 
 tyl that the sothe him-selve dede preve. 
 so that yowre brothir wook alone al nyht, 
 tyl that the sothe he preven myht, 
 and evere awayted the comenge 
 of Augwis, that was so crewel a kinge. 
 thanne atte laste cam this haugwis 
 into uteris pavyloun, that was of prys. 
 and youre brothir let hym entren anon, 
 with a scharpe knyf drawen, into his won, 
 hym forto haven slayn verayment. 
 so that uter he sowhte a abowtes the tent, 
 but he ne cowde hym not Fjoide, 
 wherfore he mornede in his mynde. 
 and owt agen he wolde han gon, 
 
HENGEST 41 
 
 but youre brothir mette with him anon. 
 
 So there fowten they to-gederis, in certayn, 
 
 that uter, youre brothir, hath hym slayn. ' ' 
 
 In the age of Shakespeare we find the story of Hengest 
 embedded in two very interesting verse forms: Drayton's 
 "Polyolbion" and Spenser's "Faerie Queene." The ''Polyol- 
 bion" (1622) attempts to ''digest into a poem" a ' ' chorographi- 
 cal description" of Great Britain "with intermixture of the 
 most Remarkeable Stories, Antiquities, Wonders, Rarities, 
 Pleasures, and Commodities of the same." In his fourth book 
 Drayton imagines a musical tournament between England and 
 Wales. The English first turn to Glastonbury 
 
 ' ' And humbly to Saint George their Country 's Patron pray 
 To prosper their design now, in this mighty day." 
 
 The Britons, fully as devout address their petitions to St. David 
 and 
 
 "Thus either, well-prepar 'd the other's pow'r before. 
 Conveniently being placed upon their equal shore ; 
 The Britons to whose lot the onset doth belong. 
 Give signal to the foe for silence to their song. ' ' 
 
 Their song, of course, is of Arthur, "their most renowned 
 knight ' ' ; — of his sword ' ' Escalaboure ' ' ; his spear ' ' Rone ' ' ; and 
 his shield "Pridwin" ; of his round table, his wars, and especially 
 
 "The several twelve pitched Fields he with the Saxons fought 
 The certain day and place to memory they brought." 
 
 The English, attempting to interrupt, are overborne by the 
 courageous spirit of the bards who bend to their " well-tun 'd 
 Harps" and sing 
 
 ' ' How Merlin by his skill, and magic 's wondrous might, 
 From Ireland hither brought the Stonendge in a night." 
 
 But at last they finish and the English 
 
 "that repin'd to be delay 'd so long. 
 All quickly at the hint, as with one free consent, 
 Strook up at once and sung each to the instrument ; 
 
42 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 Of Germanic they su'ng the long and ancient fame, 
 From whence their noble Sires the valiant Saxons came, 
 Who sought by sea and land adventures far and near ; 
 And seizing at the last upon the Britons here, 
 Surpriz'd the spacious Isle, which still for theirs they hold. 
 
 And as they boast themselves the Nation most unmix 'd, 
 Their language as at first, their ancient customs fix'd. 
 The people of the world most hardy, wise and strong ; 
 So gloriously they show, that all the rest among 
 The Saxons of her sorts, the very noblest were." 
 
 In the "Eleventh Song" the praise of the Saxons is given in 
 more detail: — 
 
 "Nor were the race of Brute, which ruUd here before. 
 More zealous to the Gods they brought unto this shore 
 Than Hengist's noble heirs; their idols that to raise. 
 Here put their German names upon our weekly days. 
 These noble Saxons were a nation hard and strong. 
 On sundry lands and seas in warfare nuzzled long; 
 Affliction thoroughly knew; and in proud Fortune's spite, 
 Even in the jaws of Death had dar'd her utmost might: 
 Who under Hengist first, and Horsa, their brave Chiefs, 
 From Germany arriv'd, and with the strong reliefs 
 Of th' Angles and the Jutes, them ready to supply. 
 Which anciently had been of their affinity. 
 By Scythia first sent out which could not give them meat, 
 Were forc'd to seek a soil wherein themselves to seat. 
 Them at the last on Danah their ling 'ring fortune drave, 
 AVhere Hoist unto their troops sufficient harbour gave. 
 These with the Saxons went, and fortunately wan : 
 Whose Captain, Hengist, first a kingdom here began 
 In Kent; where his great heirs, ere other Princes rose 
 Of Saxony's descent, their fulness to oppose, 
 With swelling Humber's side their empire did confine." 
 
 But Drayton's references to Hengest although interesting do 
 
HENGEST 43 
 
 not give us so connected an account as is found in the Faerie 
 Queene, In the second book toward the close of canto IX Sir 
 Guyon and his companion have found in the chamber of Eum- 
 nestes "an au'ncient booke, hight Briton Moniments" and 
 *' burning with fervent fire their country's ancestry to under- 
 stand," they are given permission by the lady Alma to read. 
 Here they find the story of Vortigern who 
 
 ' ' sent to Germany strange aid to rear ; 
 From whence eftsoons arrived here three hoys 
 Of Saxons, whom he for his safety employs. 
 
 ' ' Two brethren were their capitains, which hight 
 Hengist and Horsus, well approv'd in war, 
 And both of them men of renowned might ; 
 Who making vantage of their civil jar, 
 And of those foreigners which came from far 
 Grew great, and got large portions of land. 
 That in the realm ere long they stronger are 
 Than they which sought at first their helping hand, 
 And Vortiger enforc'd the kingdom to aband. 
 
 ' ' But by the help of Vortimere his son. 
 He is again unto his rule restored; 
 And Hengist seeming sad for that was done. 
 Received is to grace and new accord. 
 Through his fair daughter's face and flatt'ring word. 
 Soon after which, three hundred lords he slew 
 Of British blood, all sitting at his board ; 
 Whose doleful monuments who list to rue, 
 Th ' eternal marks of treason may at Stonehenge view. 
 
 ''By this the sons of Consta'ntine, which fled, 
 Ambrose and Uther, did ripe years attain. 
 And, here arriving, strongly challenged 
 The crown which Vortiger did long detain ; 
 Who, flying from his guilt, by them was slain ; 
 And Hengist eke soon brought to shameful death 
 Thenceforth Aurelius peaceably did reign. 
 Till that through poison stopped was his breath ; 
 So 'now entombed lies at Stonehenge by the heath." 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 IN FRISIAN TRADITION 
 
 Toward the close of the sixteenth century a considerable body 
 of tradition had been connected with the name of Hengest by 
 Frisian writers. According to them he was the son of Udolphus 
 Haron, the last duke of the Frisians. Suffridus Petrus, who 
 appears to have been one of the foremost historians in North 
 Holland at the beginning of the seventeenth century, gives the 
 following account of Frisian history and historical writers.^ 
 Hancon Fortemannus, a Frisian in the time of Charlemagne 
 wrote commentaries upon his expeditions through Greece, Anglia, 
 Scotia and other places. A little earlier under the same emperor, 
 Sulco Fortemannus, a man of nobility, excellent in learning and 
 ability to write, composed a historical work in the Latin tongue 
 including the history of all the tribes from Frise to Radbod II. 
 On account of his frankness of statement (he praised Gundebald 
 the Christian brother of the king more than the monarch him- 
 self) he was thrown into prison by Radbod but was afterwards 
 liberated by Charlemagne. This work, burned in the presence 
 of the author, was not passed on to posterity entire, but certain 
 scraps and torn fragments, saved from the flames were collected 
 by Occo Scharlensis, his direct descendant, and were put in 
 order and filled out. 
 
 After these Cappidus of Stavora, {ca. 920) a priest, wrote the 
 whole history of his race collected from all the Frisian writers 
 before named and many others. Of this work, which was lost 
 as a whole, some parts were preserved by a certain Andreas 
 Gryphius, who lived about 1574 A. D. Then Occo Scharlensis, 
 (of Scarl in the district of Geestano) a member of the noble 
 family of Takema, having carefully collected What he could find 
 of the writings of his ancestor Sulco Fortemannus, reduced them 
 to order and as far as he was able by learning and industry 
 
 8 Cf . Ubbo- Emmius: "De Origine atque Antiquitatibns Frisiorum, contra Suffridi 
 Petri & Bernard! Fnrmerii," etc., p. 14ff. 
 
 44 
 
HENGEST 45 
 
 filled out the gaps and supplemented them by later occurrences. 
 Thus he produced in the Latin language a continuous series of 
 events from, the earliest people to his own time. He wrote 
 about 970. His work lay unknown and unpublished among the 
 possessions of the Takema family for four hundred years when 
 John Vlieterpius (1370), who had himself collected material con- 
 cerning the antiquities of his native la'nd, came upon it and used 
 it to produce a work giving a continuous history in the Belgic 
 tongue to the year 1370, his own time. This volume, unknown 
 and so carelessly kept that parts of it became almost illegible, 
 fell at last into the hands of Andreas Cornelius, who will be 
 spoken of later. 
 
 Thirty years after Vlieterpius, M. Alvi'nus Snecanus wrote in 
 the Belgian tongue a compendium (in rhyme) of Frisian history 
 from the origin of the people to the time of Charlemagne. A 
 hundred years later, — that is, about 1500 — Folckerus Simonis, 
 rector of the School at Sneca, compiled a chronicle of the 
 Frisians in Latin, and about the same time Suffridus Rodolfus 
 Sterkenburgius collected the antiquities of Friesland from the 
 earliest times and wrote a complete history to his own times. 
 This latter work was scattered after the death of its author and 
 only torn relics of it were recovered by his grandson Suffridus 
 Petrus. 
 
 About the same time also (1500) Martinus Carmelita wrote 
 an * ' elogia nobilium Frisionum ; ' ' and a little later two Taborita 
 monks, Henry and Vorperus, wrote records of Frisian affairs 
 from the beginning to their own age ; the first closing with the 
 year 1508, the latter 1530. Idsard Gravius also composed a 
 chronicle of his people in the interval between that of Henry 
 and that of Vorperus. 
 
 Finally Andreas Cornelius, organist at Harlingen, who died 
 in this same town in 1589, prepared in 1566 a volume in Belgic 
 on Frisian affairs from the earliest times to his own, in which 
 he made use of these earlier writers. It is this succession of 
 writers, Suffridus would have us believe, to whom we owe a 
 knowledge of Frisian affairs in the early centuries of our era. 
 Writing of Hengest, Suffridus attempts to reconcile the British 
 chronicles, which call him a Saxon, and Frisian accounts, which 
 claim him as a Frisian prince, by explaining that the genealogy 
 
46 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 given by Bede applied to his maternal ancestry. Vergistus (the 
 son of Vitta, the son of Vecta, the son of Voden) was the father 
 of Suana, Hengest's mother, 
 
 Udolphns Haron was se'nt by his father Odibold, the governing 
 duke of Frisia, into Angria to be trained by Yglo Lascon in the 
 exercise of arms in real battles. At this time there was living 
 near Hamburg the satrap Vergistus, and Udolphus Haron, visit- 
 ing Saxony, met Suana the daughter of Vergistus, and married 
 her with the consent of her parents. 
 
 Shortly after, upon the death of his father Odilbald, he 
 became the seventh and last duke of the Frisians, since his 
 successor Richoldus Uffo, proud of his triumphs over the Danes, 
 assumed the title of king. To Duke Udolphus were born two 
 sons, the elder of whom was named Hengest and the younger 
 Horsus in memory of two brothers of Suana who had died before 
 her marriage. Vergistus adopted these two grandsons in the 
 place of the sons he had lost ; hence it is not surprising, especially 
 in view of their later career, that they became known as Saxons. 
 
 Their natural father Udolphus sent them, as soon as they 
 were of suitable age, to the court of the emperor Valentinian to 
 be trained in letters and to be disciplined in arms and in all 
 matters pertaining to war. Their period of service ended, they 
 returned to their father, who, in order that they might not grow 
 idle, sent them into Angria to assist Yglo Lascon to keep within 
 bounds the restless spirits of that turbulent country. Here they 
 maintained and increased their military prowess and became 
 renowned for their valor among subject tribes and neighboring 
 people; especially were they recognized and esteemed among 
 the Saxons. 
 
 But misfortune overtook them soon after they returned to 
 their own land. Complaint arose among the people that their 
 small country was no longer able to support the great number 
 of people to which the population had increased. They demanded 
 that in accordance with the customs of their fathers and an 
 ancient law of the Frisians a colony should be sent forth. The 
 duke having received the complaint, summoned by proclamation 
 the strongest and best known in deeds of war from every district 
 and state of his territory that a band might be sent forth, which 
 by their departure might relieve the straitened condition of the 
 
HENGEST 47 
 
 country, and by their valor seek out and settle new territory. 
 In this summons not even his own sons were spared. The band 
 to be exiled was selected by lot from the best youth of the 
 country thus congregated, and the ''black lot" fell upon both 
 sons of the duke, who were at once chosen as leaders of the 
 expedition. 
 
 On the day of departure all gathered near Dockenburg, now 
 called Doccum. Fitted out with arms and equipped with all 
 necessary supplies, they weighed anchor and through the river 
 Lavica they arrived at Esonstadium, a territory then at the 
 extreme north of Frisia, opposite an island called ' ' Monachorum 
 Ogya" which offered a convenient port to the Laviean sea of 
 which, now SAvallowed up together with a great part of the land 
 by inundation of the ocean, no trace remains except in letters. 
 From this place, taking leave of their country, they were carried 
 into A!nglia, a region nearest the Jutes, where they found safe 
 landing places and took advantage of their opportunity to 
 occupy some provinces in which they fixed settlements. 
 
 This locality possessed convenient ports for conducting sea 
 raids, and the two brothers joined themselves to the Saxons 
 among whom they were already so well and favorably known, 
 and became active in the celebrated Saxon piratical expeditions. 
 For many years they vexed the regions of Brittany and Armor- 
 lea in company with Angles and Saxons until they were invited 
 to turn their forces into the service of the king of Britain. 
 
 Suffridus states that Geoffrey of Monmouth incorrectly makes 
 Octa and Ebissa the sons of Hengest whereas they were his 
 grandsons. Their father Orichius, who became king of Kent 
 after the death of Hengest, kept his elder son, Octa, with him 
 as his successor in the kingdom but sent the younger, Ebissa, 
 back to Friesland Avhere he became ruler of all Angrivari and 
 a good part of Vesualia and adopted as his coat of arms the 
 device of a black horse. From Ebissa sprang the Angrivarian 
 dukes of Vesualia, descending in direct line to Vitekind the 
 Great. 
 
 These Frisian chronicles, like the mythical history of the 
 Britons, agree in their essential outlines, although there are 
 interesting differences of detail. They all make He'ngest derive 
 his natural descent (as opposed to his adopted Saxon ancestry) 
 
48 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 from Friso, the eponymous founder of his race. Three brothers, 
 Saxo, Bruno, and Friso, landed with their followers on the 
 western coast of the North Sea. They agreed each to found a 
 separate colony. Friso established his company along the low- 
 lands of the coast, Saxo went east and settled the region about 
 the Elbe, and Bruno went up the AVeser and built the tower of 
 Brunswick. From Friso there descended the princes of Frisia : 
 Adel, Ubbo, Asinga Ascon, Diocarus Segon, Dibbaldus Segon, 
 and Tabbo; then with the title of dukes: Asconius, Adelboldus, 
 Titus Bojocalus, Ubbo, Haron Ubbo, Odilbaldus, and Udolphus 
 Haron. Since Hengest and Horsa, the only direct heirs of 
 Udolphus, were banished from their country by the black lot, 
 the ' ' seventh and last duke ' ' was succeeded by his brother-in-law 
 Eicholdus Uffo who, through pride in his victorious struggles 
 with the Danes, assumed the title of king. 
 
 There are, however, some variations in the details of these 
 narratives. Bernardus Furmerius in his "Annalium Phrisi- 
 corum Libri Tres" (1609) does not spend so much time in 
 controversy with other writers and gives a fuller story than 
 does Suffridus. He explains that the dukes were elected by the 
 suffrage of the orders of the state and that Udolphus Haron, 
 thus elected (in 360) as the successor of his father Odilbald, 
 was a man most eager for glory in war and ever intent on 
 extending his sway as far as possible. 
 
 In the year 368 Yglo Lascon, under whom, as we have seen, 
 Udolphus Haron had received his training in arms, was attacked 
 by powerful forces of Sicambrians, Angrians, and Westphalians 
 so that there seemed danger of losing the territory under his 
 control. Duke Udolphus, aroused by this danger, immediately 
 prepared a great army and went to his assistance. He devas- 
 tated and plundered the fields of the Sicambrians, and, taking 
 possession of a great part of the country, placed a garrison in 
 charge and returned to Frisia. Shortly afterwards Yglo Lascon 
 sent to his Lord Udolphus from Angria a marvelously strange 
 wolf with several heads and a body of strangely variegated 
 colors. This wolf was later sent by Udolphus to the Emperor 
 Valentinian and was prized by him as a great marvel. 
 
 The sending of Hengest and Horsa to Valentinian is given 
 
HENGEST 49 
 
 by Furmerius ti.s in 374, and he states that the Emperor received 
 the youths willingly and "maintained them with all care and 
 watchfulness in his hall among equals." 
 
 Two years after he had sent his sons to the Emperor, Duke 
 Udolphus collected a strong force and invaded the neighboring 
 la'nds which extended south and southeast from Friesland. After 
 conquering the country, he erected fortifications and placed 
 garrisons within them to make his conquest permanent. Then 
 the energetic Duke, having brought peace to his borders, turned 
 to affairs within his realm and rebuilt, in 377, the city (civitas) 
 of Warden. This place, situated on the sea in the bay of Lavica 
 had been destroyed in a great fire. After reconstruction it was 
 given the name of Aesonstadius. 
 
 After an absence of nine years, Hengest and Horsa returned 
 to their own country. They had served the Emperor Valentinian 
 and his son until the year 380 and in all undertakings, especially 
 in military expeditions, they had borne themselves most com- 
 mendably. When after the death of Valentinian they were 
 returning to their own land, they passed through the territory 
 of the Duke of Brabant and were persuaded by his entreaties to 
 remain with him for three years. At this time Brabant was 
 ruled by Carolus Taxander, its tenth Duke. In his service 
 Hengest and Horsa daily performed deeds of valor, for which 
 they continually burned with the greatest zeal. 
 
 Returning to Friesland, they were received with great joy 
 by their father, who kept them and their distinguished band of 
 followers with him for a year with great affection and admira- 
 tion. Then in the year 384 he sent them to Yglo Lascon his 
 governor in Angria that they might share with him the adminis- 
 tration of the provinces. In these duties they bore themselves 
 in the best possible manner. 
 
 But they had been in Angria only a year when they were 
 recalled by trouble in Friesland. A complaint had come up 
 from the people that Frisia was so greatly burdened by the 
 multitude of inhabitants that it was no longer able to support 
 them all. Therefore the duke was asked by vote of the orders 
 of state that he carry out the will of the people according to 
 the decrees established by the praiseworthy custom of their 
 forefathers and, following this custom, select by lot those most 
 unhampered by age and most distinguished in strength of mind 
 
50 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 and of body to leave the fatherland and, with valor as leader 
 and fortune as companion, seek for themselves new lands, and 
 make by their withdrawal a place more spacious for those re- 
 maining and a living more easily obtained. This course was 
 pointed out clearly by the example of their founders (Saxo and 
 Bruno both led colonies beyond the borders of Frisia, and Vitho 
 or lutho, the son of Friso, had thus founded the race of Jutes) 
 and also by the procedure of bees who, overburdened by too 
 great a throng of progeny, lead forth colonies. Duke Udolphus 
 at once sent forth a proclamation, not only throughout Frisia 
 but also through all other provinces that were subjected to his 
 sway, and assembled from all villages, communities, and towns 
 the flower of youth and valor, that from these the casting of lots 
 might decide who should go forth and seek new homes. With 
 such justice did Udolphus Haron carry out this duty that not 
 even his own sons were spared ; and thus the black lot fell upon 
 Hengest and Horsa who were at once appointed dukes and 
 captains by the others upon whom the decree of chance fell. 
 
 After fitting out a fleet furnished with all necessary things, 
 Duke Udolphus dismissed his sons and their followers with invo- 
 cations for their success. They loosed anchor and, making use 
 of favorable winds, arrived in a region almost unoccupied this 
 side of the Eider, a river of the Danes. This region they named 
 Frisia in memory of their fatherland, but Minor in respect to 
 magnitude ; for this Saxo Grammaticus* and Albertus Crantzius 
 are authorities. Since this land was not unlike the one they had 
 left, being low and intersected with various streams of the ocean 
 and conveniently furnished with ports, it was so pleasing to the 
 dukes that they determined to found a colony there. They 
 therefore built embankments and proceeded to make it habitable. 
 At this time Hengest was twenty-four and Horsa twenty-one 
 years of age. These two princes, with followers loyal to them 
 and hardy and accustomed to warfare, subjected the country 
 without difficulty, because the Jutes and the Angles were of 
 origin similar to the Frisians and their first colonies had been 
 sent out by the Frisians under Ubbo the son of luto in the time 
 of Adel, prince of the Frisians. Moreover of these colonies 
 
 *Saxo GrammaticTis, ed. Holder, Bk. xiiii, pp. 464-5. Tran.s. Elton, p. 7. 
 
HENGEST 51 
 
 Crantzius wrote : ' ' The community is a witness in name and in 
 language that it was founded by a tribe of Frisians to whom 
 seeking by lot new homes the land offered itself ; which, marshy 
 and low at first, they hardened by long culture." In Frisia 
 Minor, then, Hengest a'nd Horsa founded their colony, took 
 wives from the neighboring people, and reared families. Their 
 love of war they satisfied in piratical expeditions, carried on not 
 only among the hostile people to the north but extending even 
 to Greece and Asia. Such expeditions were formerly not con- 
 sidered wrong if we may believe Herodotus and Thucydides. 
 
 For the latter part of Hengest 's life Furmerius manifestly 
 uses the account of Geoffrey or of Nennius, although he quotes 
 Bede in several places and endeavors to correct the English 
 chroniclers by appealing to the chronicles of his own country. 
 That Hengest was a Frisian he considers proved by the fact of 
 the wassail custom. The habit of presenting the bowl with a 
 kiss as Rowena did is, he claims, a custom found only i'n England 
 and his own country. This fact with the close likeness of 
 language he regards as proof that the invaders of England were 
 at least partly Frisian. The same point is stressed by Pierius 
 Winsemius, historiographer to the states of Friesland in 1622 
 who stated that ''the pleasant custom of kissing was utterly im- 
 practical and unknown in England until the fair Princess Ronix, 
 the daughter of King Hengist of Friesland pressed the beaker 
 with her lipkins (little lips)) and saluted the amorous Vorti- 
 gern with a kusjen, according to the practice of our (Frisick) 
 nation. ' '* 
 
 In 1620 Martinus Hameonius put forth a volume on the 
 illustrious men and deeds of Frisia with a preface written by 
 ''Pierius Winsemius Historicus." This was a book not of con- 
 tinued narrative but of gleanings gathered into attractive forms 
 of Latin prose and verse. In his pages we find some variations 
 in the Hengest story from the accountsi given above. For 
 instance, he states that when the colony was sent out, Hengest 
 and Horsa turned first to their maternal grandfather Vergistus, 
 who adopted them as sons and gave them the province of old 
 Anglia for their settlement. Afterwards they were called into 
 
 *Edinburgh Review, 52: 4-5. 
 
52 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 Britain by king Vortigern. Hameonius also tells us that Ebissa 
 accepted as a coat of arms from the king of Frisia a black horse 
 in memory of his grandfather Hengest; black because of the 
 black lot that had deprived him of the kingdom of Frisia. This 
 device was borne by Vitekind before his baptism but as he 
 stepped from the font it was changed by Charlemagne to a white 
 horse to signify his conversion. 
 
 Of Hengest 's struggles with the Britons, Hameonius writes 
 that his brother Horsa having been killed ''per invidiam" and 
 fortune having turned against him, he fled to the continent 
 where he founded Western Frisia, building as his stronghold the 
 tower of Ley den which in later years became the city of Ley den. 
 From this place he returned, stronger than before, to accomplish 
 the subjugation of the Britons. 
 
 Both Hameonius and Furmerius call attention to the fact 
 that AVillebrord, apostle to the Frisians and later their arch- 
 bishop, was a direct descendant of Hengest. Furmerius gives 
 the details of his descent : Orichius, Hengest 's successor as king 
 of Kent, left three sons: Octa, Ebissa, a'nd Edelredus. Ostrida 
 the daughter of Edelred had two daughters, Oronia and Berta. 
 From Oronia who married Villegis, a noble and pious man, was 
 born Willebrord; and Berta, married to Sigebert, was the 
 mother of Svidbert. Thus from Hengest, who destroyed Chris- 
 tianity in England, sprang the apostle who carried Christianity 
 to his native Friesland ; a'nd on account of their kinship in race 
 they were able to preach in the tongue of their listeners, as both 
 Marcellinus and the Venerable Bede testify. 
 
 Cornelius Kempius of Doccum, in his book published 1588, 
 explains that the name "Engellandt" was derived from Engist 
 the Frisian, because it was commonly called "Engeslandt after 
 he had gained sway over it, and soon the name was corrupted to 
 Engelant. " Kempius is not alone in this conjecture; it was 
 generally accepted by Frisian writers and was also held by a 
 number of writers in England. Even some of those who derived 
 the name from Angle considered that the term Angle-land was 
 selected because Hengest was of that race. 
 
 Ubbo Emmius appears to be the first really critical historian 
 in Friesland. He was made head of the University of Groningen, 
 when that institution became a university in 1614, and Professor 
 
HENGEST 53 
 
 of History and Greek. In a spirited controversy with Suffridus 
 and Furmerius he declared that their histories were no better 
 than old wives' tales a'nd that the much treasured early history 
 of Friesland was a tissue of fables. The celebrated Occo Scarlen- 
 sis he regarded as a myth and the chronicles based upon his 
 work as worthy of no more consideration than the writings of 
 Hunibald, Geoffrey, or Saxo. And yet even he, although he 
 does not insist upon the point, believed that Hengest was a 
 Frisian. In his "Rerum Frisicarum Historia, "^ he brings out 
 the fact that the name Saxon had become widespread and was 
 commonly applied to all those who dwelt along the coast between 
 the Rhine and the Eider, or in the vicinity of the Elbe, the 
 Weser, and the Ems. Especially was the term Saxon used to 
 designate bands of sea raiders. Thus among other tribes, the 
 Frisians were often referred to as Saxons by ancient writers. 
 This being true, he thinks some weight should be given to the 
 strongly established Frisian tradition that Hengest and Horsa 
 were of Frisian blood. He also draws attention to the close 
 resemblance of the English and Frisian languages and to the 
 fact that Wilfrid, Willibrord, and other descendants of Hen- 
 gest 's band went without interpreters as evangelists to the 
 Frisians, preaching as Frisians to Frisians. 
 
 But it is not alone among the chroniclers that we find in 
 Friesland traces of Hengest; oral tradition also has something 
 to contribute. In popular descriptions of Holland like that of 
 Edmondo de Amicis occur such remarks as the following : ' ' This 
 castle, (in the middle of the city of Leyden) called by the Dutch 
 the Burg, is simply a large round empty tower, built, according 
 to some, by the Romans, according to others by a certain Hen- 
 gist, the leader of the Anglo-Saxons. "^° Baedeker's volume on 
 Holland and Belgium also refers to the same tradition. Again, 
 on the island of Sylt there is firm conviction that the invaders 
 of England went from its shores to Ebbsfleet. W. G. Black in 
 his "Heligoland a'nd the Islands of the North Sea" says: ''The 
 history of Friesland is a confused one ; but the great fact which 
 makes its lonely sands more attractive than the glows and glories 
 of the broad belt of the world is that it was the cradle of the 
 
 9 Ubbo Emniius: "Remm Frisicomm Historia, Liber III." 
 
 10 "Holland:" Edmondo de Amicis — ^trans, Helen Zimmern, Vol. II, p. 16. 
 
54 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 English race."" Black calls attention to the fact that Green in 
 his "History of the English People" remarks that it is with 
 the landing of Hengist and his war-band at Ebbsfieet on the 
 shore of the Isle of Thanet that English history begins: " 'No 
 spot in Britain can be so sacred to Englishmen as that which 
 first felt the tread of English feet.' As I stood the other day, 
 on the sandy shore of the rift in the dune which local tradition 
 i'n Sylt points to as the ancient harbors of the Frisians, from 
 which Hengist sailed to the conquest of Britain, I felt that this 
 spot was scarcely less sacred." Mr. Black also states that the 
 language of these north Frisian islands is so similar to English 
 in its word sounds that he was often unable from a distance to 
 tell whether boatmen were speaking English or the dialect of the 
 islands. In written forms the likeness is not so noticeable be- 
 cause of differences in spelling. He quotes a well-known 
 couplet : — 
 
 "Buwter, breat ene greene tzies, 
 Is guth Inglish en guth Friesch. " 
 
 If one should attempt to compare the treatment given to 
 Hengest by the chroniclers of England and of Friesland* the 
 most striking difference found would be the spirit in which he 
 is regarded. By the British he is considered "the wickedest of 
 pagans "^^ (John of Wallingford) and no detail is neglected to 
 emphasize his cruelty and treachery. Although an occasional 
 writer found in him qualities to admire — as in Layamon's 
 "fairest of knights," — the body of E'nglish tradition is voiced 
 by Milton who, in recording his death as king of Kent, says that 
 he ' ' attained that dignity by craft as much as valour, and giving 
 scope to his own cruel nature, rather than proceeding by mild- 
 ness and civility." 
 
 But to the Frisian writers he was all that a war leader in the 
 heroic age should be. Furmerius says: "Hengist a'nd his men 
 were great in spirit, strong in body, and enduring in labor ; they 
 were the bravest of the Germans, most feared by the Romans, 
 terrible in valor and in swiftness." Wherever he appears in 
 
 *In this statement the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is not included. 
 
 11 Chapter LV, p. 66. 
 
 12 John of Wallingford in Gale : Script. 
 
HENGEST 55 
 
 their tradition, Hengest is the ideal of the ''free Friese," a 
 leader of men, bold and ambitious, but loyal to the customs of 
 his fathers even to the extent of depriving himself of his heredi- 
 tary right to rule and going forth an exile from his country. 
 He has genuine qualities of leadership ; a flair for the right 
 place, as witnessed by his settlement near the Eider and his 
 landing in Britain; boldness and initiative combined with the 
 habit of looking beyond the immediate consequences ; and mother 
 wit that won victories which mere fighting could never have 
 gained. It was worth while to follow such a leader. Even his 
 enemies admitted his power. Eldol, his mortal foe, cried out in 
 their last battle, ' ' In conquering Hengest we conquer all. ' ' And 
 this power, feared and hated by the Britons, was admired and 
 praised among the Frisians and its possessor was held as an 
 illustrious type of the heroic age, — a war-leader who embodied 
 the qualities of his race. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 IN OLD ENGLISH POETRY 
 
 Thus far there had been no question of the identity of the 
 Hengest under discussion, but when we turn to Old English 
 poetry, such a question does arise. In two of the best known 
 Old English poems — BeoAvulf and the Fight at Finnsburg — Hen- 
 gest is a prominent figure. He appears in the service of Hnaef 
 and is one of the leaders in the Fight at Finnsburg. After the 
 death of Hnaef he assumes leadership of the Danish forces. 
 From this point the" episode is given in Beowulf as follows (lines 
 1080-1159) :— 
 
 '' "Warfare took off all Finn's officers save only a few, so that 
 he might not in any way offer battle to Hengest on that meeting- 
 place, nor save the sad survivors from the prince's general by 
 fighting; but they (the Frisians) offered them (the Danes) 
 terms, that they would give up to them entirely another hall, a 
 chamber and a seat of honour, that they might share equal pos- 
 session of it with the sons of the Eotens, and that at givings out 
 of pay the son of Folcwalda (Finn) would each day bear in the 
 mind the Danes, — would gratify with rings the troop of 
 Hengest, even with just so much costly treasure of plated gold 
 as he would cheer the Frisian race with in the beer-hall. 
 
 ''Then on both sides they ratified a treaty of fast friendship. 
 Finn certified Hengest with oaths, absolutely and unreservedly, 
 that he would treat the defeated remnant honourably according 
 to the ordinance of his counsellors ; provided that no man there 
 broke the covenant by word or deed, or although, being without 
 a leader, they had followed the murderer of their ri'ng-giver, 
 ever mourn for it with false intent — for it was forced upon 
 them thus; and (on the other hand) if any of the Frisians 
 should call to mind the blood-feud by provoking words, then 
 the edge of the sword should settle it. The oath was sworn, and 
 treasure of gold was brought up from the hoard. 
 
 "The best of the War-Scyldings, the battle-heroes, was ready 
 on the funeral pile. At the pyre the blood-stained corslet, the 
 swine-image all-golden, the board hard as iron, and many a 
 noble killed by wounds, — for several had sunk in death — were 
 visible to all. Then Hildeburh ordered her own offspring to be 
 
 56 
 
HENGEST 57 
 
 given over to the flames at Hnaef's funeral pile — his body to 
 be burned and put upon the pyre. The unhappy woman sobbed 
 on his shoulder, and lamented him i'n dirges. The war-hero 
 ascended. The greatest of bale-fires curled (upwards) to the 
 clouds, roared above the grave-mound; heads were consumed, 
 gashes gaped open : then the blood sprang forth from the body, 
 where the foe had wounded it. The fire, greediest of spirits, had 
 consumed all of those whom war had carried off, of either nation 
 — their flower had passed away. 
 
 "Then the warriors, deprived of their friends, went off to 
 visit their dwellings, to see the Frisian land, their homes and 
 head borough. Hengest still, however, stayed the dead, for- 
 bidding winter through with Finn, altogether without strife; 
 his land was in his thoughts, albeit he might not guide over the 
 sea a ring-prowed ship (the ocean heaved with storm, contended 
 with the wind; winter locked the waves in its icy bond), until 
 a ncAV year came round to the homes of men, and the seasons 
 gloriously bright, regularly observing their order, as they still 
 do now. 
 
 "Then the winter was past, the bosom of the earth was fair, 
 the stranger-guest hastened from his quarters, yet he (Hengest) 
 thought rather about vengeance than sea-voyage, whether he 
 could not bring about an altercation, in which he might remem- 
 ber (for evil) the sons of the Eotens. Hence he did not run 
 counter to the way of the world, when the son of Hunlaf gave 
 into his possession Hildeleoma, best of swords.^^ Thus its edges 
 became well known among the Eotens. Moreover, cruel death 
 by the sword afterwards befell the daring-minded Finn at his 
 own homes, when Gruthlaf and Oslaf made sad complaint, after 
 their sea-voyage, about the fierce attack, — blamed him for their 
 share of woes. His flickering spirit could not keep its footing in 
 his breast. 
 
 ' ' Then was the hall reddened with corpses of the foes ; Finn, 
 the king, likewise was slain among his guard, and the quee'n 
 taken. The bowmen of the Scyldings bore to the ship all the 
 belongings of the country's king,— whatsoever they could find 
 at Finn's homestead of necklaces and curious gems. They 
 brought the noble lady over the sea-path to the Danes, and led 
 her to her people."^* 
 
 In the earlier translations of these poems it was generally 
 taken for granted that this Hengest was identical with the well- 
 known figure in the chronicles. Grundtvig, the first to give a 
 complete interpretation of these passages, assumed as a matter 
 
 13 For varying interpretations of this passage see analysis referred to in note 15. 
 
 14 Clark Hall: "Beowulf." 
 
58 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 of course that the Hengest in the tale was the only Hengest 
 referred to in heroic tradition, just as a scholar to-day if a 
 manuscript should be discovered celebrating a battle waged by 
 Roland somewhere in the region of the Pyrenees in the time of 
 Charlemagne, would without hesitation add the exploit to the 
 legends gathered about the hero of Roncesvalles. The burden of 
 proof would fall upon the person who believed that this Roland 
 was a new and hitherto unheard of person. G-rundtvig not only 
 saw in Hengest the historical first king of Kent but he also 
 thought it quite possible that Eaha (line 17 of the "Fight") 
 was Occa, his son, whose name, spelled in various ways, appears 
 in many records as successor to his father as ruler of Kent. 
 
 This understanding of Hengest 's identity was not only 
 accepted but was definitely reaffirmed by Price and Kemble. 
 Kemble, however, changed the translation of the important lines 
 1142-1144, making them tell of the death of Hengest, who was 
 set upon and slain by the followers of Finn. It was this trans- 
 lation apparently, that raised the first doubt of Hengest 's 
 identity. Wackerbarth, in 1848, accepted Kemble 's translation 
 but thought that Hengest could not be the invader of Britain, 
 since, he says, "I am not aware that any writer states Hengist, 
 the first King of Kent to have died in Friesland,- whereas 
 Matthew of Westminster (ad an. 489) declares that, being 
 defeated and made prisoner by Aurelius Ambrosius, he was at 
 the instance of Eldad, Bishop of Gloucester, beheaded. ' '^^ 
 
 But it was the compelling influence of Grein that caused 
 general acceptance of the theory that the Hengest of the Finns- 
 burg tragedy was a person entirely distinct from the one in 
 Bede and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Grein adopted Kemble 's 
 reading but agreed with Wackerbarth in thinking him mistaken 
 in seeing the death of the historic Hengest in lines 1142-1144, 
 although he admitted that the two Hengests must have lived at 
 about the same time. From the time of Grein 's article in 
 Ebert's Jahrbuch (1862) until the present the Grein point of 
 view has been largely accepted as the orthodox attitude of schol- 
 arship and the burden of proof has been cast upon anyone 
 venturing to suggest a different interpretation. 
 
 15 For a full discussion of the various interpretations of these poems see Aurner: 
 "An Analysis of the Interpretations of the Finusburg Documents," University of Iowa 
 Humanistic Series, 1917. 
 
HENGEST 59 
 
 Within the last ten years, however, there has been a distinct 
 tendency to return to the original view, regarding the historic 
 Hengest as the one whose deeds were sung by the scop of 
 Hrothgar. This view has been put forth as a discovery. It was 
 suggested by Chadwick (1907) in his "Origin of the English 
 Nation" who worked out a series of arguments in its favor, 
 cautiously concluding it ''more probable than not that the two 
 Hengests were identical. ' ' One real addition to material helpful 
 in forming an opinion was furnished by Chadwick when he 
 called attention to a statement in the Skioldunga Saga (chap. 4 
 in Arngrim Jonsson's epitome) that a Danish king named 
 Leifus had seven sons, three of whom were called Hunleifus, 
 Oddleifus, and Gunnleifus. It is difficult to escape Chadwick 's 
 conclusion that we have here a key to the Hunlafing of Beowulf. 
 By the law of chances one would scarcely find three names 
 apparently bearing exactly the same relation to each other in 
 two different tales of the same age, but referring to entirely 
 different persons. Of course, as Professor Lawrence has brought 
 out in his recent article on "Beowulf and the Tragedy of 
 Finnsburg, ' '^^ a proper name in Germanic story does not by any 
 means indicate that the same name in another story refers to the 
 same hero or heroine. However, if one should find in different 
 stories two names bearing exactly the same relation to each other 
 in both, and if these names should represent the same kind of 
 characters in each, placed in similar circumstances and at the 
 same period of time, it would be hard to believe that they were 
 not intended to refer to the same people. Now three names 
 occurring together in this way increase the probabilities of 
 identity so greatly that definite proof to the contrary would be 
 necessary to call it in question. 
 
 The identification of the three names in the Skioldunga Saga 
 with the three heroes mentioned in Beowulf, — making Hunlafing 
 the brother of Ordlaf and Guthlaf instead of a sword as Chad- 
 wick had supposed — was pointed out by Rene Huchon in the 
 Revue Germanique in 1908. Later, J. R. Clark Hall showed 
 that Hunlaf and not Hunlafi-ng would be the name of the brother 
 of Guthlaf and Oslaf." Since the ending "ing" was regularly 
 
 16 P. M. L. A., June, 1915, p. 372 ff. 
 
 IT "A Note on Beowulf," Modern Language Notes, XXV 113-114. 
 
60 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 used to indicate a son or descendant of, Hunlafing would be a 
 son of Hunlaf the oldest of the seven brothers (as the order of 
 the names would suggest) ; a'nd if, as Clark Hall thinks probable, 
 Hunlaf had been killed by the followers of Finn, there would 
 be no need to seek further for a motive .in Hunlafing's giving 
 the famous sword to Hengest or for a reason why Guthlaf and 
 Oslaf instead of Hengest are mentioned as leaders in the 
 vengeance taken upon Finn. 
 
 The identification of Hunlafing as a Dane would, as Professor 
 Lawrence has stated in the article cited above, show clearly the 
 incorrectness of Kemble's translation of lines 1142-1144. Now 
 it is the supposed death of Hengest, based upon the Kemble and 
 later the Grein translation of these lines, that furnishes the chief 
 argument against identifying him with the conqueror of Britain, 
 and with this supposition removed there would seem to be no 
 reason why the original interpretation should not stand. 
 
 But it is 'not in Beowulf only that we find the name of Hengest 
 associated with that of Hunlaf. Dr. Imelmann of Bonn called 
 attention, in 1909,* to a passage from a late Brut version: 
 (Cott. Vesp. D. IV, fol. 139b.) ''In diebus illis, imperante 
 Valentiniano, regnum barbarorum et germanorum exortum est, 
 turgentesque populi et nationes per totam Europam consederunt. 
 Hoc testantur gesta Rodulphi et Hunlapi, Unwini et Widie, 
 Horsi et Hengesti, Waltef et Hame, quorum quidam in Italia, 
 quidam in Gallia, alii in Brittania, ceteri vero in Germania 
 armis et rebus bellicis claruerunt. "^^ In this passage we find 
 the names of four of the heroes mentioned in Beowulf : Hrothulf , 
 Hunlaf, Hengest, and Hama. Such a striking parallel leaves 
 little room to doubt the identity of these heroes of the Volker- 
 wanderung. It is worth noting, also, that here at least, there 
 can be no question of Hengest 's identity, for he is definitely 
 associated with Horsa and his achievements in Britain are 
 specifically referred to. 
 
 Another link connecting the historical Hengest with the 
 Finnsburg warrior is the fact that both Finn and Hengest are 
 names firmly fixed in the tradition and folk-lore of the island of 
 Sylt. As detailed rn the chapter preceding this, local tradition 
 
 *In Deutsche Literaturzeitung, Apr. 17. 
 18 Holthausen Beowulf II, p. XXVIII. 
 
HENGEST 61 
 
 has fixed a definite place on the shore of the island as the ancient 
 Frisian harbor from which Hengest sailed on the memorable 
 expedition which led to the Germanic conquest and settlement 
 of England. Another favorite tale, discussed fully in C. P. 
 Hansen's ''"Westerla'nd auf Sylt,"^^ is the story of Finn and the 
 great war between the dwarfs and the giants. Hansen sees in 
 this tale, as does also Moller in his " Altenglische Volksepos, "^^ 
 a dim remembrance of the story referred to in Beowulf, overlaid 
 with the popular features of fairy and folk lore. Finn, king 
 of the dwarfs, who dwelt beneath the largest mound on the 
 isla'nd, had succeeded in gaining a maiden of Braderup for his 
 queen. Her brothers, called together the forces of the island, 
 waged bitter war against Finn and his followers. Finn was 
 defeated and deprived of his bride. This general outline, 
 although richly embroidered with fantastic detail, is certainly 
 suggestive of the Finn episode in Beowulf. Neither of these 
 tales was put in written form until the second half of the nine- 
 teenth century. Of course purely oral tradition cannot be relied 
 upon as definite proof, but, taken together with many other 
 indications pointing toward the same conclusion, it increases 
 the strength of one's general conviction. 
 
 A considerable literature of controversy has grown up around 
 the figure of Hengest in Old English poetry. Discussion has 
 largely cen^Ared upon details of translation, which details do not 
 seem to be significant enough in themselves to serve as a safe 
 basis for drawing conclusions. As Professor Lawrence has wisely 
 pointed out in the article cited above, ''decision in regard to 
 any one passage is likely to depend upon the view taken of other 
 passages, and of the personal and ethnographical relationships 
 of the different characters." Might it not be well to withdraw 
 from the heat of battle, to step aside, as it were, from the din 
 of discussion and ask oneself calmly what would be the natural 
 understanding of an Old English audience listening to the hero 
 tales of their race if they heard the words chanted: "Then to 
 the doors two noble warriors went, Sigeferth and Eaha, and 
 drew their swords, and at the other doors Ordlaf and Guthlaf ; 
 and Hengest himself turned him upon their track. "^° Would 
 
 19 Moller : "Altenglische Volksepos," p. 82ff . 
 
 20 Fight at Finnsbiirg, 11, 18-19. 
 
62 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 not the words "Hengest himself" (unless it can be definitely 
 proved that there was another Hengest famous enough to be 
 thus referred to) inevitably call up to them the hero to whose 
 leadership they owed their English heritage? There must have 
 been adventure and accomplishment in his life before the expe- 
 dition to Britain, and what more natural than that such 
 adventure should furnish telling allusion in epic tale? 
 
 Personally, I see no sufficient reason for refusing a place in 
 the legend of Hengest to the passage recorded in Old English 
 poetry. One might ask why Gruntvig's identification of Hygelac 
 with the Choehilaicus in Gregory of Tours should be unques- 
 tioningly accepted and used as one of the means to establish the 
 date of the poem, while his identification of Hengest is east 
 aside without satisfactory proof. I believe the answer to this 
 query is that Grein's emphatic assertion that the Old English 
 Hengest was not the conqueror of Britain has been generally 
 adopted without inquiring carefully into his reasons for making 
 this statement. In my "Analysis of the Interpretations of the 
 Finnsburg Documents "^^ I have shown the very inadequate 
 grounds on which this assertion is based. Until proof can be 
 offered that a second Hengest existed of sufficient fame to become 
 a great figure in the Germanic hero cycle, it seems to be the 
 natural and sensible thing to include the Beowulf episode and 
 the Fight at Finnsburg among the tales that make up the legend 
 of Hengest. 
 
 The question might be asked why is there no reference in the 
 chronicles or romances to Hengest 's part in the Finnsburg 
 tragedy if that was so well known as to furnish one of the epic 
 themes in the folk wandering period. This entire lack of allusion 
 might be taken as evidence against the identity if there could be 
 discovered anywhere in the chronicles reference to other events 
 in Beowulf or to any event in the life of Hengest before his 
 arrival in England. As a matter of fact, all the chronicles treat 
 the Teutonic conquerors of Britain (except for mythological, 
 genealogies) as if their histories began with this conquest. Of 
 course, there must have been experiences in Hengest 's past 
 worthy to be sung, for we find him everywhere referred to as a 
 mature and capable warrior, skillful in devices as well as power- 
 
 21 Cf. Note 15 op. cit., pp. 15-17. 
 
HENGEST 63 
 
 ful in combat, and the fact that he was the leader of a large 
 band of adventurers is evidence that he had gained reputation. 
 The part that he takes in both forms of the Finnsburg story, 
 the fight and the episode, is precisely what might have happened 
 just before his descent upon England. 
 
 The story as told in Beowulf is the tragedy of Hnaef and the 
 vengeance taken by his kinsman for all their woes. Hengest 
 appears as a thane who does faithful and efficient service in 
 keeping together the Half Danes after the fall of their leader 
 until they are able to return home and get together a sufficient 
 force to obtain the vengeance they long for. If the story had 
 been told from a different point of view, — if it had been 
 Hengest 's story, we might have learned many things that puzzle 
 us now. It has been Hengest 's fate always to be just outside 
 the center of literary interest ; in Old English Hnaef and Finn 
 form the main theme and in Middle English Vortigern and the 
 ancestors of Arthur. Except in the Frisian chronicles — which 
 hardly deserve to be classed as literary — he has always played 
 a secondary, although very vigorous role. 
 
 In the episode there is no direct evidence as to the tribe of 
 Hengest except that, for the time, he was in the service of 
 Hnaef. He might well have been acting in the same relation 
 that we find him taking later toward Vortigern. We learn from 
 the fight fragment that Hnaef 's band included well known, war- 
 riors outside of the tribe of the Half Danes ; Sigeferth, prince of 
 the Secges, proclaims before the striking of blows that he is a 
 warrior widely known, who has experienced many woes, many 
 hard battles.^^ The band must have been made up of redoubt- 
 able champions, for in the episode Sigeferth, important as he 
 must have been, is not mentioned. It is clearly implied that 
 Hnaef has gathered to accompany him to the court of Finn a 
 picked group of men known for doughty deeds. Hengest was 
 certainly the most famous of these, for we find him assuming 
 unquestioned leadership after the fall of Hnaef. And yet 
 Hengest seems not to have possessed any land of his own, since 
 in Widsith he is not mentioned, although Finn, Hnaef, and 
 Sigeferth (Saeferth) are spoken of as ruling over the tribes 
 ascribed to them in the fight and the episode. If Hengest, who 
 
 22 Fight at Finnsburg, 11, 26-28. 
 
64 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 ranked above Sigeferth in the same company, had ruled a land 
 or people of his own, Widsith would doubtless have included 
 him in the catalogue. 
 
 One of the points which has been stressed by those who argue 
 in favor of interpreting lines 1142-1145 as telling of Hengest's 
 death is that he is not mentioned as leader of the band when it 
 returned, — that Guthlaf and Oslaf are the ones who wreak 
 vengeance upon Finn. If, as seems probable, Hengest was not 
 of Hnaef's kin there is no reason why he should lead the 
 avenging expedition. He had performed his full service in 
 extricating Hnaef's followers from a dangerous situation. In 
 fact, it would have been humiliating to folk pride, the vengeance 
 would have been very imperfect, if an outsider had been the 
 leader. According to the Skioldunga Saga, Guthlaf and Oslaf 
 were Danes and certainly if their brother Humlaf had fallen at 
 the hands of Finn, they would permit no one else to take 
 vengeance upon the slayer of their brother as well as of their 
 prince. 
 
 It seems safe to conclude then, on the whole, that since the 
 chroniclers indicated no knowledge of any of the events in the 
 personal history of the leaders of the Germanic tribes previous 
 to their settlements in England, the lack of allusion to Hengest 's 
 part in the Finnsburg tragedy is no indication that the Hengest 
 there mentioned is another person. When we consider that the 
 Hengest of the episode must have been a contemporary of the 
 Hengist of Bede, that the scene of the fight is in the neighbor- 
 hood from which the historic Hengest is said to have come, and 
 that the character and situation seem to be the same in each 
 ease, it is hard to escape the conviction that Beowulf and Bede 
 have preserved different events in the life of the same man. 
 When we add the various indications cited in this chapter — 
 slight, perhaps, in themselves but taken together forming a 
 strong presumption in favor of the same conclusion — there 
 seems ample justification for including the winter with Finn 
 among the adventures of Hengest, founder of the kingdom of 
 Kent. 
 
 Summing up the points made in the preceding discussion, we 
 have the following conclusions: — 
 
HENGEST 65 
 
 1. Hengest was a heroic figure about Avhich a great body of 
 legend accumulated. 
 
 2. The development of the Hengest legend furnishes an 
 interesting illustration of the manner in which an epic subject 
 grows into literary form. 
 
 3. Hengest forms a connecting link between Old a'nd Middle 
 English literature. 
 
 4. The historic leader in the conquest of England and the 
 Hengest of the Finnsburg documents belonged to the same time, 
 the same locality, and manifested the same characteristics. 
 
 5. Contributory facts from various sources give strong 
 evidence of the identity of the two. 
 
 6. Such identity would carry with it two very important 
 results: (a) the interpretation of an important passage in 
 Beowulf, and (b) a valuable glimpse of the leader of the Anglo- 
 Saxon conquest before his appearance in England. 
 
 There are disadvantages that come from living in a critical 
 age. The constructive instinct is checked ; the rebuilding of the 
 past is not allowed to proceed until every element is subjected to 
 searching analysis and tests. Such conditions are favorable to 
 accuracy and clearness in the grasp of facts but are not con- 
 ducive to imaginative reconstruction or the understanding spirit. 
 In finishing the survey of what has been written and sung of 
 Hengest, one is tempted to forget for a time the scientific attitude 
 and allow the spirit of a thirteenth century chronicler to hover 
 over the field. 
 
 Roger of Wendover, perhaps, pottering about in the garden 
 of Latinity with a keen eye for blossoms to add to his "Flores 
 Historiarum" would be delighted with the discovery of the 
 Frisian material. Turning to the "Historia" of Geoffrey, kept 
 at his elbow, he would finger the pages until he reached the 
 question of King Vortigern as to who the strangers were and 
 from whence they came. Here he would decide to insert the 
 tale of Frisian birth and training, banishment by the black lot, 
 marriage and Saxon adoption, and the various attempts to gain 
 fame and fortune — all in Hengest 's reply. Weaving together 
 the accounts of Occa Scarlensis, Suffridus Petrus, Bernardus 
 Furmerius, and others, he would make a connected narrative, 
 
66 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 omitting, perhaps, contradictory statements, filling in or changing 
 dates if 'necessary, and supplying sentences to round out a story 
 or explain a situation. No critical doubts would hinder him in 
 the use of this material, for was it not written in Latin as fairly 
 transcribed at times as the pages of Bede; and were not the 
 writers men of learning, some of them monks like himself? 
 Possibly he would lay aside, however, the episode in Beowulf 
 and the exultant song of the fight at Finnsburg. The old heathen 
 verse would repel him and he would not care to encourage the 
 fierce joy in vengeance that it expressed ; better, then, omit this 
 event and enlarge and embellish others that might convey an 
 edifying moral. 
 
 But if the spirit should happen to be that of Layamon 'no such 
 scruples would be evident. The joy of battle would fire his pen 
 so that the fight at Finnsburg and the winter with Finn would 
 ring out grandly as the culmination of Hengest's adventures. 
 How could Vortigern doubt that this was the man to deliver him 
 from his foes when he listened to the narrative of the leader in 
 the fight that ''swept away all the thanes of Finn except a 
 few." Surely the general that had brought away safely the 
 followers of Hnaef after the dreary winter with Finn would be 
 able to direct the British forces and overcome the dread Scots 
 and Picts. Double assurance lay in the fact that this leader 
 had been joined by his brother Horsa, second only to himself in 
 strength a'nd valor, who, perhaps, had been left in charge of the 
 settlement in Old Anglia while Hengest joined the expedition of 
 Hnaef. Who can doubt that Layamon would have been delighted 
 to incorporate this section of Hengest's life if he had been as 
 familiar with the saga cycles of the North Sea as he was with 
 the body of Celtic tradition? 
 
 But in the twentieth century it is impossible to use the method 
 of chronicle and romance. A scientific summary must follow 
 reason alone and examine microscopically the whole body of 
 evidence available. The present study has aimed to bring 
 together all the materials that treat of the name Hengest in the 
 heroic age of the Germanic people. These materials have been 
 presented chronologically except in the case of the Old English 
 passages, which were placed last because they are not universally 
 regarded as referring to the same subject a'nd it seemed best to 
 
HENGEST 67 
 
 have all the evidence in mind before proceeding to a discussion 
 of this much disputed point. The interpretation set forth in 
 the preceding chapter is my own reaction to what has been dis- 
 covered in going over the work of this field. Of course it is the 
 privilege of every scholar to examine the facts for himself and 
 interpret them as he sees fit. The present work will be justified 
 if it serves to bring these facts to light and to present them in 
 useful and convenient form. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 The following tabulation has been arranged to present in 
 graphic form the growth of the Hengest legend. All the events 
 ascribed to Hengest from whatever source have been noted as 
 nearly as possible in their chronological order. Such arrange- 
 ment, where it is not clearly indicated in the source, is purely 
 conjectural, but in each case the event and the exact reference 
 from which it is cited are clearly pointed out. So far as I have 
 been able to discover, all the significant allusions to Hengest in 
 writings previous to the seventeenth century have been brought 
 together. 
 
 No attempt has been made at an exhaustive critical discussion 
 of the chroniclers and romance writers, since this work has been 
 done so carefully by E. H. Fletcher in his work an. the Arthurian 
 material in the chronicles that going over the field again would 
 be a work of supererogation. Of course many of the writers 
 included by him have little or nothing to say of Hengest, and a 
 number who speak of Hengest make no reference to Arthur. 
 The Old English and the Frisia'n material would come in the 
 latter class and their claims for consideration have been treated 
 in the chapters devoted to them. Many minor chroniclers who 
 merely mention Hengest 's name or refer to some fact that has 
 been wearisomely echoed by scores of others have been omitted. 
 In fact, a glance over the tabulation will show that much of the 
 matter included is mere repetition, but this repetition when 
 made by writers of some importance, especially if accompanied 
 by slight variations and additions, has a value of its own. In 
 no other way could be shown more vividly the natural growth 
 and development of an epic theme. First we have a few striking 
 facts and deeds attached to a heroic figure : his name, the tribes 
 under his leadership, his compact with Vortigern, the battles 
 against the Scots a'nd Picts and then against the Britons, and, 
 finally, his death. Later writers fill in explanations and add 
 picturesque details and dramatic events. The two periods most 
 prolific in such additions were the thirteenth century in England 
 
HENGEST 69 
 
 and the sixteenth in Friesland. If the Old English poetic 
 passages be considered as referring to the same person as the 
 one treated in the chronicles they must be regarded as an allusion 
 to actual events rather than as products of the imagination. 
 Taken as a whole then, the appended table gives a clear repre- 
 sentation of the way in which tradition gathers about a center 
 of historic fact. If the tale of Hengest had happened to appeal 
 to some genius such as the one that produced Beowulf or the 
 Chanson de Roland, doubtless more striking marvels would have 
 been introduced and the whole fused together with vivid emotion 
 and some great theme. As it stands we have epic materials in 
 the natural state not transformed by genius. 
 
 It is interesting to note the nature of the variations introduced 
 by different writers. The name appears in many forms. Follow- 
 ing Bede and the 0. E. Chronicle, most of the Latin writers use 
 Hengist or Hengistus although Florence of Worcester has 
 Hengst, Cornelius Kempius, Engist, and IJbbo Emmius, 
 Engistus. In the English vernacular we find the form Hengest 
 in Beowulf, the Fight fragment, and Layamon; Engist in the 
 Brut of England and Hardyng's Chronicle; Hungast in 
 Stewart's Boece; Angier, Angys, a'nd Angwys in the Merlin 
 romances; and, in old French accounts, Hengis, Hangist; 
 Englist in Gaimar, Wace, and Waurin. 
 
 The tribe from which he springs is most uncertain. Bede 
 makes no definite statement but implies that he was a Jute; 
 Nennius states that he was Saxon; Aethelward and William of 
 Malmesbury, although not very clear, lead us to infer that he 
 was an Angle. Most later writers follow Geoffrey of Monmouth 
 who called him Saxon, but there are many exceptions to this 
 rule. In Layamon he is an Angle, in the Merlin romances a 
 Dane or a Saracen (the two terms are used synonymously), and 
 in all Frisian accounts he is a Frisian prince. 
 
 Most versions agree in describing him as an exile from his 
 own country; in Beowulf he is termed wrecca. Nennius de- 
 scribes him as driven into exile and Geoffrey of Monmouth 
 supplies the explanation that this exile is for the purpose of 
 relieving his native land (Germany — so called from its aston- 
 ishing facility in germinating men, according to William of 
 Malmesbury) of its surplus population. This exile by lot is 
 
70 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 described in various ways by nearly all the later writers who 
 do not seek to abbreviate or subordinate the events connected 
 with Hengest. 
 
 Little variation is found in the records of arrival. Practically 
 all state that a band came in three long ships; some fail to 
 mention the number; the ''Brut" speaks of a great navy; one 
 of the Merlin romances makes "Angys" invade Britain with 
 100,000 men, and William Stewart's Boece makes him come 
 with thirty ships and 10,000 men, but on the whole the accounts 
 are surprisingly uniform. 
 
 Three reasons for coming are given: chance, Vortigern's 
 invitation, and the necessity of seeking a new land on account 
 of exile. In several places the first two or the last two are 
 combined. 
 
 The compact with Vortigern and the first battle with the 
 Scots and Picts appear the same throughout in their essential 
 features. Many writers, however, amplify the simple statements 
 of Bede and add picturesque details, especially in the accounts 
 of the battle. This latter class make much of the astuteness of 
 Hengest in using the power thus gained over Vortigern to bring 
 reinforcements from among his own people or those anxious to 
 follow him. The building of Thongcastle and the summoning of 
 his family belong among the traditions introduced here. The 
 marriage of Vortigern and Eowena forms a part of most of the 
 accounts after Nennius, about half of them repeating the wassail 
 incident first found in Geoffrey. Octa and Ebissa are mentioned 
 by about two-thirds of those who give a comparatively full 
 narrative, Cerdic being included by a few. In all cases these 
 are regarded as members of Hengest 's family, but the relation- 
 ship ascribed varies widely. Sometimes Octa is the son and 
 Ebissa the brother of Hengest ; again Octa and Ebissa are both 
 sons or Octa the son and Ebissa the son-in-law; others make 
 Octa and Ebissa grandsons of Hengest and sons of Orichius 
 or Aesc. Their names show as much variation in form as the 
 names of Hengest and Eowena. 
 
 Vortimer, first mentioned by Geoffrey, appears in more than 
 half of the tales as leader of the revolt against Vortigern after 
 the marriage with Eowena. The crowning of Vortimer supplies 
 a plausible motive for the break between Hengest and the ruler 
 
HENGEST 71 
 
 of Britain. A dramatic element is added and Celtic pride is 
 gratified by the enumeration of the battles in which Vortimer 
 won back the land taken by Hengest and finally drove the hated 
 Saxons in precipitate flight to the continent. Gratifying, too, 
 was the fact that Vortimer 's death could be brought about only 
 by treachery and that his memory alone was so terrifying that 
 the Saxons would never have returned had his dying injunction 
 been heeded. 
 
 The founding of the tower of Leyden is given in two forms. 
 The one quoted by Milton makes it a Celtic fortification built 
 by the Britons who fled in terror from the Saxons. The one 
 more widely spread through Holland, however, is that it was 
 built by Hengest for a safe retreat after he fled from Vortimer. 
 From this point he proceeded to collect the army that returned 
 with him upon the news of Vortimer 's death. 
 
 Hengest 's arrangement with Vortigern for a meeting to settle 
 upon peace terms between the Britons and Saxons and the suc- 
 cessful trick by which he seized power over the whole country 
 through the slaughter of British chiefs on Salisbury plain is an 
 effective addition to history and one generally retained until 
 the critical spirit began separating flction from fact. Both 
 Nennius and Geoffrey tell the story, and it is without question 
 Celtic in origin. It is interesting to note the struggle various 
 writers make to reproduce the words of Hengest 's signal. These 
 words though varying in form, are evidently intended for the 
 same expression except in the ''Brut of England" alone. Here 
 the signal is quite different in meaning, ''now is tyme for to 
 speke of love and pees" — a change which certainly introduces 
 the element of irony into the situation. 
 
 The full conquest and settlement of Britain by the followers 
 of Hengest is given in most accounts with varying details. It is 
 at this point that the Hengest story is brought into connection 
 with the Arthurian legend. Vortigern, fleeing into Wales, 
 undertakes to build the tower which causes the discovery of 
 Merlin and the putting forth of his prophecies. Aurelius Am- 
 brosius and Uther Pendragon, rallying the Christian Britons 
 against the heathen invaders, bring us well into the Arthurian 
 cycle. Merlin again appears after the death of Hengest as 
 adviser and director in the plan to make Stonehenge a monument 
 
72 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 to the slaughtered British chieftains. Until comparatively 
 recent times the etymology of "Stonehenge" has been regarded 
 as "the stones of Hengest"^^ — a reminder of the treachery and 
 cruelty of the Saxon leader. It is interesting to note that if we 
 agree to consider the Hengest of Beowulf and of Layamon the 
 same man, we have one figure that forms a connecting link 
 between Old and Middle English poetry. The same character 
 plays an active though minor part in the greatest epic of the 
 earliest period and in the most important cycle during the 
 flourishing of romance. Of course in the later forms of the 
 Arthurian story, Hengest disappears, and here again we have 
 an interesting illustration of the way what is accepted as fact 
 is overlaid by fiction through a gradual shifting of emphasis and 
 change i'n point of view as well as by the annexing of outside 
 material. 
 
 No subject in the entire table is more interesting than the 
 family tree of Hengest. The Old English Chronicle and Bede 
 trace his ancestry back to Woden, the Chronicle placing Witta 
 between Wecta and Wihtgils. Later writers follow the Chronicle 
 for the most part, although a number, like Bede, make him the 
 great grandson of Woden. Nennius goes back five generations 
 beyond Woden to the mythical Geat ; and Henry of Huntingdon, 
 trying to do the same thing, evidently confuses some story that 
 has connected the names of Finn and Hengest as in the Beowulf 
 episode, for he introduces ''Flocwald" just after Finn, where 
 Godwulf should appear. Such a mistake, together with the 
 many place names^* that recall Finn, Hnaef , and other persons 
 connected with the Finnsburg episode, suggests that the story 
 was current in an early day but, along with other heathen tales, 
 was forgotten in the spread of Christianity. The Frisian chroni- 
 clers make him a descendant of the reigning family in Friesland 
 and ascribe his Saxon ancestors to his mother or to his wife. 
 Some writers merely refer to him as the son of a king, of duke 's 
 kin, or of noble blood in Germany. Much variation is likewise 
 shown in the list of his descendants. Aesc is mentioned in the 
 0. E. Chronicle as his son who succeeded him. Nennius makes 
 
 23 Cf. New English Dictionary. 
 
 24 G. Binz: "Zeugnisse zur Germanischen Sa. in England." Paul und Braunes 
 Beitrage, XX, 179-186. 
 
HENGEST 73 
 
 Oeta and Ebissa survive him. William of Malmesbury gives 
 Eise, Otha, and Ermenrie without making their exact relation- 
 ship clear. Most later writers who say anything about his heirs 
 mention two, giving their names in various forms. In the 
 Frisian chronicles, however, more details appear, although these 
 details do not always agree. The point most clearly brought 
 out in them is that Willibrord, the first to succeed in bringing 
 Christianity among the Frisians, was a direct descendant of 
 Hengest. Naturally the Frisian writers were interested in 
 emphasizing the important place the Frisian race occupied in the 
 early history of England and the part England played in 
 continental affairs. 
 
 Doubtless, if one knew where to find them, many minor legends 
 could be recognized as springing from the Hengest tradition. 
 The following is an illustration of such an offshoot. In the 
 chronicles of the Monastery of Abingdon we are told that Aben, 
 the son of a certain noble who fell at Salisbury ' ' seduced by the 
 treachery of the most wicked pagan Hengist," escaped from 
 the slaughter with great difficulty. Driven by fear, he fled to a 
 certain wood in the eastern part of Oxonia and lived among the 
 wild animals, maintaining his life with herbs and roots. Lacking 
 Avater, he prayed and God gave him a fountain which may be 
 seen to-day. Men hearing of his sanctity gathered to listen to 
 his words. Then they built for him a chapel to St. Mary. He 
 withdrew to Ireland, but the hill where he dwelt was called 
 from him Abendun. 
 
 Even the name of England has been widely held as an echo 
 of the fame of Hengest. In the conquest and settlement that 
 followed the slaughter of the British chiefs, Hengest is repre- 
 sented in the Brut as going through the land, seizing every part 
 of it and giving it the name of Engistes land, from which came 
 the later form England. This tradition appears rather per- 
 sistently until the seventeenth century. John Hardyng in his 
 rhymed chronicle says : — 
 
 "After Engest it called was Engestes land, 
 By corrupt speach Englande it hight therefore. 
 And afterwards so that name it ever bore. ' ' 
 
 Not every narrative that speaks of Hengest is included in the 
 
74 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 following table. The account of the Anglo-Saxon conquest given 
 by Gottfried of Viterbo in his ''Pantheon" of universal history^^ 
 changes and confuses events so that it is impossible to fit it into 
 the tabular scheme arranged. Its omission is of no importance, 
 however, for it has no significance in the development of the 
 legend and such interest as attaches to it is of curiosity merely. 
 The table has been prepared to give a clear and adequate idea 
 of the growth of the Hengest legend and it is hoped that no 
 element of importance to this end has been omitted. 
 
 25 Ed. Migne : "Patrol. Lat. CXCVIII." 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 ENGLISH 
 
 "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle." 
 
 ''Beowulf." 
 
 "The Fight at Finnsburg." 
 
 Layamon. "Brut." Ed. Madden. 
 
 "The Brut or the Chronicles of England." E. E. T. S. 1906. 
 
 "Merlin." E. E. T. S. 1875. 
 
 ' ' Merlin. ' ' Ellis. ' ' Specimens of Early Eng. Metrical Eomance. ' ' 
 
 Lonelich. "Merlin." E.E.T.S. Extra Series XCIII. 
 
 Eobert Fabyan. "Fabyan's Chronicles." Ed. Henry Ellis. 
 
 Eichard Grafton. ' ' Grafton 's Chronicles. ' ' London, 1809. 
 
 Eaphael Holinshed. "Holinshed's Chronicles." London, 1809. 
 
 Milton. ' ' History of Britain. ' ' 
 
 Spenser. "Faerie Queene." 
 
 Drayton. ' ' Polyolbion. ' ' 
 
 John Hardyng. "Chronycle of John Hardyng." 
 
 William Stewart. "Boece, Metrical Chronicle of Scotland." Bolls Series, 
 
 V. 6. 
 
 Eobert Manning. "Chronicles of Eobert Manning of Brunne." Bolls 
 
 Series, V. 87. 
 Eobert of Gloucester. "Chronicle of Eobert of Gloucester." Bolls Senes, 
 
 V. 86. 
 
 LATIN 
 
 Bede. "Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum." Ed. Plummer. Trans. 
 
 Everjonan's Library, V. A. Scudder. 
 Nennius. "Historia Britonum," Gale, "Script." L Trans. Giles. "Six 
 
 O. E. Chronicles." Bohn ed. 
 Aethelweard. Mon. Hist. Brit. Trans. Giles. "Six O. E. Chronicles." 
 
 Bohn ed. 
 William of Malmesbury. "Gesta Eegum Anglorum," Bolls Series. Trans. 
 
 Giles. Bohn ed. . 
 
 Henry of Huntingdon. "Historia Anglorum." Bolls Series. Trans. 
 
 Forester. Bohn ed. , 
 
 Geoffrey of Monmouth. "Historia Eegum Brittaniae." Bolls Senes. 
 
 Trans. Giles. "Six O. E. Chronicles." Bohn ed. 
 Eadulfi de Diceto. Bolls Series, Vol. 68. 
 Polyehronicon Eanulphi Higden. Bolls Series, Vol. 41. 
 Florence of Worcester. "Chronicon ex chronicis." Mon. Hist. Brit. 
 "Annales Pietorum." Eitson's Annals, Vol. I. 
 
 75 
 
76 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 
 
 Polydore Virgil. ''Anglicae Historiae Libri XXVI." Cf. Polydore 
 
 Vergil's History, Vol. I. Camden Soc. No. XXXVI. 
 Cornelius Kempius. "De Origine Situ, Qualitate et Quintate Frisiae." etc. 
 Suffridis Petrus. "De Frisiomm, Antiquitate et Origine." etc. 
 Bernardus Furmerius. ''Annalium Phrisicorum. " 
 
 Martinus Hamconius. ' ' Frisia Seu De Viris Eebusque Frisiae lUustribus. ' ' 
 Ubbo Emmius. ''Rerum Frisicarum Historia." 
 Vorperas Thaboritas. "Vorperic Theboritae Chronicon Frisiae." 
 Eichard of Cirencester. "Eieardi de Cirencestris Speculum Historiale." 
 
 Bolls Series, V. 30. 
 Bartholomew de Cotton. "Bartolomei de Cotton Historia Anglicana." 
 
 Bolls Series, V. 16. 
 John of Oxnead. ''Chronica Johannis de Oxenedes." Bolls Series, V. 
 
 XIII. 
 Thomas of Malmesbury. "Eulogium Historiarum. " Bolls Series, V. 9. 
 Walter of Coventry. "Memoriale Walteri de Coventria." Bolls Series, 
 
 V. 58. 
 Matthew of Paris. "Chronica Majora." Bolls Series, V. 57. 
 Matthew of Westminster. ' ' Flores Historiarum. ' ' Bolls Series, V. 95. 
 John of Wallingford. Gale, " Scriptores. " 
 John of Fordun. "Chronica Gentis Scotorum" or " Scotichronicum. " 
 
 FEENCH 
 
 Geoffrey Gaimar. "L'Estorie des Engles." Bolls Series. 
 
 Wace. " Le Roman de Brut. " Ed. Le Eoux de Lincy. Trans. Everyman's 
 
 Lib. 
 Pierre de Langtoft. "Chronicle." Bolls Series, V. 47. 
 "Livere des Eeis de Brittanie" etc. Bolls Series, V. 42. 
 Robert de Boron. "Merlin." Societe des Aneiens Textes Fran§ais. 
 Jehan de Wavrin. "Eecueil des Chroniques d 'Engleterre. " Bolls Series, 
 
 V. 40. 
 
 GENERAL 
 
 Roemer. "Origins of the English People and of the English Language." 
 
 Moller. "Das Altenglische Volksepos." . 
 
 Monumenta Germ. Hist., Scriptores III. ed. 1839. 
 
 Stubbs. "Lectures on Medieval and Modern History." 
 
 Edmondo de Amieis. "Holland." 
 
 Clark Hall. "Beowulf." 
 
 Aurner. "Analysis of the Interpretations of the Finnsburg Documents." 
 
 Univ. of Iowa Humanistic Series, 1917. 
 Publications of the Modern Language Association, June, 1915. 
 W. G. Black. ' ' Heligoland and the Islands of the North Sea. ' ' 
 Grundtvig. "Bjowulfs-Drape." 
 Chadwick. "Origin of the English Nation." 
 C. F. Hansen, "Westerland auf Sylt." 
 
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 WORCESTER (1118) 
 
 Ref., Mon. Hist. 
 
 Brit. ; Chronicon 
 
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 (1352) 
 
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 Ranulphi Higden, 
 
 R. S., Vol. 41, Pt. 5, 
 
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 9, Pt. 2, Bk. Y, Oh. 
 
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 ROBERT MANNING 
 
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 (ca. 1338) 
 
 Ref., Chronicles, 
 
 R. S., Yol. 87, Pt. 1, 
 
 pp. 256-312 
 
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 WESTMINSTER 
 
 (ca. 1327) 
 
 Ref., Flores Histori- 
 
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 Pt. 1, pp. 216-246 
 
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 (ca. 1307) 
 
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 Yol. 47, Pt. 1, pp. 
 
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 75-81, 
 
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 110- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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SUFFRIDUS 
 
 PETRUS (1590) 
 
 Bef., De Fris. Antiq. 
 
 et Grig., Bk. II, 
 
 Ch. XV 
 
 J 
 
 'Si 
 
 Son of Udolphus 
 Haron and Swana, 
 daughter of Vetgist, 
 the Saxon Satrap 
 
 
 .2 
 
 Sent to the emperor 
 to be educated in his 
 hall and trained in 
 military discipline 
 
 On his return sent 
 into Angria to assist 
 Yglo in war — gained 
 great fame among 
 neighboring tribes — 
 especially Saxons 
 
 Banished by lot ac- 
 cording to custom to 
 relieve stress of over- 
 population 
 
 CORNELIUS 
 
 KEMPIUS (1588) 
 
 Ref., De Origine etc., 
 
 Bk. I, Ch. XV, Bk. 
 
 II, Gh. XXI, XXII 
 
 'Si 
 
 
 |3 
 
 'S 
 
 
 
 
 DRAYTON 
 Bef., Polyolbion, Vol. 
 
 II, pp. 72-74 
 (eleventh song) Ed. 
 Hooper, London, 1876 
 
 
 
 
 r! 
 o 
 X 
 
 
 
 
 51^ 
 
 PM<CQ 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 03 
 
 
 
 
 JOHN MILTON 
 
 Ref., History of 
 
 Britain, Reprint 
 
 London, 1870, 
 
 pp. 74-81 
 
 'So 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 M 
 
 III 
 
 
 o 
 X 
 
 
 
 
 RAPHAEL 
 
 HOLINSHED 
 
 Ref., Chronicles, pp. 
 
 551-567; London, 
 
 1807, Vol. I 
 
 
 05 
 O 
 
 !> 
 
 J 
 
 .2 13 
 a; o 
 
 o 
 
 3 2 
 T 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 « 
 CO 
 
 
 
 Given as reported by 
 some writers 
 
 
 "A 
 
 *s 
 
 o 
 
 _o 
 
 a 
 o 
 'bJa 
 
 1 
 
 3> 
 
 Eh 
 
 p 
 
 o 
 
 -a 
 
 0) 
 
 03 
 1 
 
 
■Fleet directed to An- 
 glia, nearest to the 
 Jutes — took posses- 
 sion of considerable 
 land without difficulty 
 
 13 
 
 a 
 <ij d 
 
 .g « 
 
 O (^ 
 1-5 OO 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 •s 
 
 §.2 
 
 O lH) 
 O U 
 
 „ O 
 
 .3 « 
 
 WW 
 
 Eaofl 
 
 H 
 
THE FIGHT AT 
 FINNSBURG 
 
 03 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 W 
 
 03 
 
 tao 
 
 03 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 VORPERUS 
 
 THABORITAS 
 
 Ref., Chronieon 
 
 Frisiae, Bk. I, 
 
 Chs. VII and YIII 
 
 '& 
 
 a 
 
 03 
 
 a 
 
 1 
 
 OS 
 
 1 
 
 05 
 
 
 .2 
 'S 
 
 
 
 
 
 UBBO EMMIUS 
 
 (1616) 
 
 Ref., Rerum Frisica- 
 
 rum, Historia, Bk. Ill 
 
 EC 
 
 o 
 
 ^< 0) 
 
 fMffl 
 
 
 .2i 
 
 MCE 
 
 "'S-5 
 2 e'o 
 
 
 
 
 
 MARTINUS 
 
 HAMCONIUS(1625) 
 
 Eef., Frisia Seu De 
 
 Viris Rebusque 
 
 Frisiae 
 
 _g 
 'Si 
 
 |l| 
 
 a o 
 
 eS 
 
 a 
 .2 
 !" 
 
 'S 
 
 2 
 
 03 
 
 O M^ 
 fH 03"^ 
 
 -w o a) 
 Cm" 
 
 First went to mater- 
 nal grandfather in 
 old Anglia near the 
 Jutes 
 
 BERNARDUS 
 PURMERIUS (1609) 
 Ref., Annal. Phris., 
 Bk. I, Oh. 7, Bk. Ill 
 
 'El 
 
 03 
 
 Son of Udolphus 
 Haron, adopted son 
 of Vergist his Saxon 
 father 
 
 (3 
 
 tts 
 03 
 
 el 
 .5 
 
 'C 
 
 Sent to court of Val- 
 entinian to be trained 
 in arms and letters 
 (374) 
 
 Served three years 
 (380-383) Carolus 
 Taxander, Bute of 
 Brabant — for a year 
 with Yglo Lascon of 
 Angria 
 
 S « 
 
 « 03 
 
 ^: 
 
 73 » 03 
 0) " 
 
 Landed near river 
 Eider in region of 
 Old Anglia — called 
 settlement Frisia 
 Minor 
 
 
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 6C-- 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 BARTHOLOMEW 
 
 DE COTTON 
 
 (ca. 1298) 
 
 Bef., Historia Angli- 
 
 cana, li. S., Vol. 16, 
 
 pp. 1-2 
 
 S5i § 
 O o « 
 
 Pitrj 
 
 ® * r/, 
 
 .3 O 
 
 
 'i 
 
 o 
 
 1 
 g 
 
 ii 1 
 

 si 
 
 Came in three long 
 ships — settled in 
 eastern part of island 
 
 d 
 
 tH 
 ID 
 
 jp 
 
 o 
 > 
 
 ■a 
 V 
 
 5 
 
 As above 
 
 At Stamford in Lin- 
 colnshire — Northern- 
 ers fought with darts 
 and spears, Saxons 
 with battle axes and 
 longswords — Saxons 
 gained victory 
 
 A larger fleet with a 
 greater body of men 
 came over 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 O «J 
 
 >> 
 
 CD 
 
 d M 
 o S 
 
 d|^ 
 H-g o 
 
 M 1 ^H 
 
 Scots advanced — An- 
 gles defeated them — 
 cavalry pursued and 
 destroyed fugitives 
 
 Hengest with Vorti- 
 gern' s consent sent 
 for countrymen — they 
 came with 16 vessels 
 Ijringing Rowena 
 
 
 
 .1 
 
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 EH 
 
 ft 
 
 1 
 
 d 
 
 .■§ 
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 03 
 
 ^ d 
 
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 ^.2 
 
 Fought against Scots 
 — remained masters 
 of field — King hon- 
 ored them with a 
 triumph 
 
 A large fleet and 
 army of their coun- 
 trymen joined them, 
 hearing of their 
 success 
 
 d 
 
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 Vortigern gave isle of 
 Thanet and promised 
 provisions in return 
 for help 
 
 
 Hengest with Vorti- 
 gern' s consent sum- 
 moned 16 vessels of 
 armed warriors to as- 
 sist him; brought 
 Rowena 
 
 
 
 Vortigern at banquet 
 infatuated promised 
 to give what was 
 asked for Rowena to 
 the half of his king- 
 dom. Hengest asked 
 and received Kent 
 
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 Given land in East- 
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 return for military 
 service 
 
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 News of success, fer- 
 tility of island, and 
 cowardice of Britons 
 brought a large fleet 
 
 Saxons, Angles, 
 Jutes; (Anglia now 
 desert between 
 Saxons and Jutes) 
 Book V, Chapter IX, 
 elsewhere gives Fre- 
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 Hunni, Angli, Sax- 
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 Gives Bede's account 
 in Ch. VII; in Ch. 
 VIII, says he was 
 driven into exile 
 (Nennius?) 
 
 •1? 
 II 
 
 _&^ 
 
 o 
 
 TS o 
 
 2 
 '3 
 
 03 
 
 a 
 
 03 
 
 a 
 
 03 
 
 !> 
 
 s 
 
 
 With consent of King 
 sent to Frisia and 
 collected Frisians in 
 multitude ; also wife 
 and son Ocha and 
 daughter 
 
 
 Banquet and infatua- 
 tion described — east- 
 ern part of Britain 
 given for H's 
 daughter 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 fP 
 
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 03 
 
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 SI 
 
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 >• 
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 o o 
 
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 than the first both of 
 men and women came 
 as if to settle rather 
 than fight 
 
 
 
 
 
 .5? 
 
 03 
 
 03 
 
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 00 to 
 
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 5-2 
 
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 (S o 
 
 Vortigern, at Canter- 
 bury, sent enquiries 
 and offered homes 
 and reward if they 
 would fight for him 
 
 Not long after arriv- 
 al, they met the 
 snemy and drove them 
 from the country 
 
 H. called more forces 
 from the fatherland 
 and neighboring 
 regions 
 
 .5 
 
 03 TS 
 
 ,03 
 m 
 
 H. asked land from 
 the king and built a 
 tower for safety of 
 himself and family 
 
 King invited to view 
 tower — at feast, Ro- 
 venna, according to 
 Frisian custom bore 
 bowl to king, knelt, 
 etc., as above 
 
 
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 o ^ 
 

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 pay- 
 
 iance 
 drove 
 nd to 
 er 
 
 ought 
 after 
 drove 
 
 ships 
 
 ©5 ? d =* 
 
 fought 
 
 chief 
 
 — Brit- 
 
 d Esc 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 orce 
 port 
 al 
 nd 
 isla 
 ,helt 
 
 
 and C 
 
 under 
 
 made 
 
 Hengis 
 
 t Aeill 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 •« ft ^ =0 g " 
 
 o S =^_2 P'2 
 
 ■■3 oi_ o^^ 
 
 H. and E 
 British led 
 (many deta 
 ish fled; H 
 ruled Kent 
 
 
 !z;h 
 
 
 
 
 «t-i S 
 
 g^-S-co 
 
 &'«.'* 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Saxons 
 ment o: 
 formed 
 with Pj 
 British 
 woods 
 
 Says G 
 three 
 Aylesfo 
 Saxons 
 (Sec. 3 
 
 Gortim 
 
 general 
 
 brosius 
 
 against 
 
 Horsa 
 
 in 455 
 
 
 
 .., ., , I'm 1 ^ •- to-O 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ; for his 
 ther (no 
 y settled 
 ria 
 
 
 o 
 c! a 
 
 named 
 
 a draw 
 
 Katigi 
 
 s gaine 
 
 battles 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Hengest sen 
 son and bro 
 named) — the 
 in Northumt 
 
 
 .2 5 
 
 bo 
 
 First (not 
 resulted in 
 Horsa anc 
 fell ; Angle 
 other three 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 'd 1 xi 1 
 
 fl 1 IS 
 
 1^ 
 
 SO 
 
 •- tH fe 0,„ 
 
 d *^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 © 1 W tS 
 
 Hengest and Ho 
 fought against Vo 
 gem. Horsa a 
 killed. Hengest 
 tained kingdom (4 
 
 
 M 
 
 > 
 
 M 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 They demand stip 
 — Britons refuse— 
 they take up arm 
 drive Britons out 
 take possession oi 
 island 
 
 (473) Hengist 
 Aesc gained vie 
 over Britons — im- 
 mense spoils 
 
 (457) Hengest 
 Aesc put Briton 
 flight 
 
 !Z! 
 
 
 
 ■ig^i-sii 
 
 
 S 1 ►i'S^iiS 
 
 (1) Vortimer fought 
 Hengest and Horsa, 
 drove them to the isle 
 of Thanet, and be- 
 sieged them. (4) Fin- 
 ally near the stone by 
 the Gallic sea, Saxons 
 defeated, fled to ships 
 
 
 
 i^ 
 
 
 
 
 ,o 1 ca cs n C 
 
 
 
 O 
 O 
 
 02 
 
 s 
 s 
 
 M 
 !2i 
 
 
 Hengest with Voi 
 gem's consent su 
 moned his son 
 and Ebissa, "fratu 
 suo." They sett 
 and held land 
 tween England a 
 Scotland 
 
 
 Britons grew una 
 to fill agreement 
 tried to dismiss S 
 ons (before calling 
 Octa and Ebiss 
 Saxons continually 
 ceived reinforceme 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 
 
 
 
 ague 
 rned 
 
 oyed 
 
 sses- 
 
 the 
 ttle; 
 Kent 
 ment 
 e 
 
 
 
 W 
 
 Q 
 
 
 
 
 into le 
 ts and tu 
 Britons— 
 d, destr 
 >, took po 
 country 
 
 slain by 
 in Be 
 ried in 
 a monu 
 his nam 
 nds 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 T3.2 ^ f^ ©«j 
 
 to s to»s 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Entere 
 with P 
 agains 
 plunde 
 church 
 sion 
 
 Horsa 
 Briton 
 was b 
 where 
 bearin 
 still St 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 T3 1 
 
 w 1 M 
 
 IS O t. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ce^.d 
 
 Sd> 
 
 5 »n M 
 <H T« d 
 
 
 o 
 
 M 
 (Zi 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 bo 
 
 d H 
 rtiger 
 , He 
 Dtain 
 55 
 
 nd 
 roops 
 
 6); ( 
 Brito 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 OfS^m 
 
 Hengist an 
 against Vo 
 Horsa slain 
 and Aesc o 
 kingdom, 4 
 
 '^O 1 
 
 
 o 
 d 
 
 
 
 
 
 (473) H 
 Aesc foug 
 took spoil 
 fled 
 
 Hengist 
 slew 4 
 Britons ( 
 slew 400 
 
 
 
 "S 
 
 <3 
 
 
 d 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
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JOHN OF FORDUN 
 (1385) 
 
 
 Hengistus calls Oc- 
 tave and his son Eu- 
 busum after the death 
 of Vortigern to aid 
 him against Aurelius 
 
 ■US 
 
 S 
 
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 s 
 
 
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 Otta, Ebissa, and 
 Cherdich secretly sum- 
 moned by H. to help 
 him against Vortimer 
 — came with 300 
 ships 
 
 People deposed Vorti- 
 gern because of his 
 marriage with Ron- 
 wen — crowned 
 Vortimer 
 
 ^.2 
 
 ft^ 
 
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 ^2 
 
 (Third battle was on 
 the sea-shore, the 
 fourth in Cancia 
 where he put all to 
 flight) 
 
 
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 11 
 
 Octa, Ebsa, Kerdyk 
 summoned — came 
 with 30 ships — after 
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 groups 
 
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 (3) In Kent — Saxons 
 fled to "Yle of Than- 
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 Thanet — Saxons fled 
 to Germany 
 
 
 
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 Met Saxons at Ailles- 
 pord and defeated 
 them. Soon after in 
 battle Horsa killed 
 Katigern and Vorti- 
 mer slew Horsa — put 
 Her gist to flight 
 
 PIERRE DE 
 LANGTOFT 
 {ca. 1307) 
 
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 (A large section ap- 
 pears to have been 
 missed — tale passes 
 from Vortimer's 
 crowning to his death) 
 
 LIVERE DES REIS 
 
 DE BRITTANIE 
 
 {ca. 1300) 
 
 P 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 ca 
 
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 to 
 
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 a 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 Portager made war 
 against Hengest so 
 successfully Siat H. 
 promised never to in- 
 vade Britain again 
 and embarked for 
 Germany 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 The Danes that Vor- 
 tiger had brought in 
 warred sore against 
 the Christians 
 
 
 
 
 05 
 
 12; 
 
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 l> 03 p 
 
 
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 02 C5 [. 
 
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 « OX! 
 
 First in Kent, second 
 at Tetteford, third 
 Cattagren and Horn 
 killed each other. 
 Vortymer destroyed 
 "Horncastle" in Kent 
 and drove Saxons out 
 of land 
 
 
 
 EhCO 
 
 ^w - 
 
 
 6 
 
 OS 
 1 P 
 
 SO 
 0$ 
 
 Bishop of London 
 slain by Occa for re- 
 proving Vortigern's 
 marriage with R. 
 Britons revolted from 
 Vortigern, crowned 
 Vortimer 
 
 .~'d 
 
 "ci S 
 
 03 ^ ^ 
 
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 g ^ 03 
 
 !>SPh 
 
 Vortimer with help of 
 the Scots restores 
 Christianity — sum- 
 mons St. Germanus 
 and St. Lupus 
 
 
 
 Qlzjin 
 
 'S 
 
 Cocta and 300 ships 
 called to increase 
 power against Scots 
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 Vortimer in second 
 battle at Aillepord 
 overcame a vast 
 multitude 
 
 Not long after a great 
 battle was foiight in 
 which Katigern and 
 Horsa were killed 
 
 
 03 
 
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 Hengist sent for 
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 brought 300 ships of 
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 Vortimer, son of Vor- 
 tigern's first wife, in- 
 dignant at marriage 
 with Rowena, waged 
 war against H. in 
 which Horsa fell 
 
 In second battle Vor- 
 timer' s brother fell ; 
 in third he drove 
 Frisians to ships 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 Saxons mastering the 
 field drove the Brit- 
 ons beyond the Sev- 
 erne into Wales and 
 Cornwall 
 
 
 
 02 
 OS 
 
 
 
 
 By the help of his 
 son, Vortimer, Vorti- 
 ger regains his king- 
 dom 
 
 
 
 "A 
 O 
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 tJ 
 
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 t-5 
 
 
 H. gained consent of 
 V. to send for Octa 
 and Ebissa, his own 
 and his brother's son 
 
 
 Saxons complain that 
 they are not paid for 
 service — Guortimer at 
 head of Britons tries 
 to drive them out 
 
 
 .3 
 "3 
 
 'S c 
 
 
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 Great number of Sax- 
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 — ^Vortimer made war 
 on Saxons 
 
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in 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 Gortenir, indignant at 
 encroachments, waged 
 war against H. and 
 H. 
 
 Fought a battle in 
 which the brother of 
 Hengist and many 
 others were killed 
 
 5 « 
 £ o 
 
 03 fi to 
 
 02 
 
 1— ( 
 
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 pq 
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 BERNAR.DTJS MARTINUS 
 FURMERIUS (1609) HAMCONIUS (1625) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c8-r1 
 
 Ochta and Ebissa, 
 brothers, had come 
 with Hengist his 
 f.randsons, sons of 
 Orichius — others call 
 them sons of Hengist 
 
 The people fearing 
 the encroacliment of 
 H. and his followers 
 deposed Vortigern 
 and set up Vortimer 
 
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 Esc ag 
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 andards 
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 Gortimer fell sic' 
 died after batt 
 Aylesf ord — tliis 
 couraged Briton 
 battle of Crayfo: 
 
 
 
 
 
 12; tH 
 
 H. and 
 British u 
 chiefs — ] 
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 As in Ner 
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 Hengist with a great 
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 number slain 450 — but does not tell it 
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 V. gained victory in 
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 pisford. H, retired 
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HENRY OF 
 HUNTINGDON 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Hengist died in the 
 forty-fifth year after 
 his invasion of 
 Britain 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ambrosius Roman 
 King after "Vortigern 
 — with aid of warlike 
 Arthur quelled 
 barbarians 
 
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 After death of his 
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 Hengest took all this rich kingdom — di- 
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 chamberlain Middlesex — ^Vortiger gave up 
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 Final battle given in full detail — Hengest 
 taken by Aldof (as in Geoffrey) and be- 
 headed. Hengest buried according to his 
 pagan rites 
 
 Aurelie called counsel at Merlin's advice to 
 decide upon monument. Merlin's sugges- 
 tion followed. Merlin and Uther in charge 
 of expedition — overcame king Gillomaur — 
 brought stones back and set them up 
 
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 Vortigern granted 
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 Middlesex as ransom 
 in addition to Kent 
 
 Aurelius rallied the 
 Britons and marched 
 north against Hengist 
 who was trying to get 
 help from Scotland 
 
 fi 
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 Aurelius called ma- 
 sons to build monu- 
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 send for Merlin — 
 moving of Giant's 
 Dance as in Geoffrey 
 with addition of bat- 
 tle of king of Ireland 
 to get the stones 
 
 Octa, son, Ossa (cou- 
 sin of Octa), Ebissa 
 (cousin-nephew of 
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 Saxons took London and afterwards York, 
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 do sheep 
 
 Aurelius Ambrosius and his brother with 
 10,000 men returned — British rallied about 
 them — crowned Aurelius, burned V. in his 
 tower — advanced against Saxons 
 
 Hengist defeated at field of Mausbeli — fled 
 to Cunungeburg (Conisburg). He was 
 taken by Eldol — Later by advice of Bishop 
 Eldad, was beheaded by Eldol 
 
 Aurelius, to get a monument for the 
 slaughtered Britons, buried on Salisbury 
 plain, commissioned Merlin to bring from 
 Mt. Killaraus in Ireland the great stones 
 known as the Giant's Dance — By his art 
 Merlin accomplished this feat — he set up 
 the stones in their original form about the 
 burial place. They were dedicated with 
 great ceremony by king and people 
 
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 Under leadership of 
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 regained 
 
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 ROBERT MANNING 
 
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 Aurelius and Uther 
 besiege and burn V. 
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 of Scots and Picts 
 
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 London, Lincoln, 
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 Pagans 
 
 Edol took H. — by 
 judgment of army 
 "cut off the head of 
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 tion omitted — narra- 
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 how country was di- 
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 kingdom in Kent, and 
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 (1) taken in battle 
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