m illiffl| J Bll >KBJQ8inBNflHK8RDMflPRSflQE ■■I n Hn HBffl HiBBIfflilm iJHSB IWBMBLIHBWi lilliM i «Jm7 ' /«- U r t^t.^ v ^> z 2^ 7rA*— CCi^t^: THE HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES ROUND CHURCH AT LITTLE MAPLESTEAD, ESSEX, FORMERLY BELONGING TO THE KNIGHTS HOSPITALLERS Of j&amt g}oijn of ^rugalem, (Afterwards known as the Knights ofWiodes, and now of Malta :) PRECEDED BY &M K]0§T@&0(gA[L §Kinr@IKI ©IF TTKII <§R(y)§Al>II§- BY WILLIAM WALL EN, F. S. A. Architect. Tk] J£y y LONDON: PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR, AND SOLD BY JOHN WEALE, ARCHITECTURAL LIBRARY, (late Taylor's,) 59, HIGH HOLBORN. MDCCCXXXVI. l i>V LONDON! Maurice, Clark, & Co., Howford Buildings, Fenchurch Street. TO THE REV. WILLIAM SOWERBY, CURATE OF ST. BRIDGET'S, BECKERMET, CUMBERLAND, THIS VOLUME IS INSCRIBED, WITH SENTIMENTS OF RESPECT AND ESTEEM, BY THE AUTHOR. ADDRESS. ■\-/^] <& long a period has elapsed since V/\ the announcement of this vo- i ime, that I feel it incumbent upon me to apologize to my numerous Subscribers for the delay that has occurred in its publication. Those who are accustomed to Topographical pursuits, will easily apprehend the difficulties that pre- sented themselves at the commencement of my undertaking, owing to the absence of any records of a parochial nature at Little Maplestead ; these difficulties have, however, been, in a great measure, removed by the Trustees of the Davis's Charity estates, who have kindly permitted me to publish several interesting documents in their possession connected with the ancient manor, and to whom I take this opportunity of expressing my thanks. To Sir Francis Palgrave I am also much indebted, for the facilities which he has afforded me of examining the records in the Augmentation Office. It is probable, that many may object to the union of so important a subject as that of the Crusades with the history of a parish church; the reasons, however, which have induced me to arrange the work in its present form, may be readily, and, I would fain hope, satisfactorily explained. VI ADDRESS. Of the Knights Templars, and their achievements in the Holy Land, few persons are altogether ignorant; but the character, the duties, and even the name of the Knights Hospitallers, are unknown to many readers, and have fre- quently been treated slightingly by eminent antiquaries. Of the importance of this Order we may form a correct opinion from the language of Henault, who says, " of all the Orders created during the wars in the Holy Land, that of Saint John is the only one which, preserving the spirit of its first institution, has always continued to defend the cause of religion." It will be readily perceived that necessity, no less than choice, induced me to notice the Knights Hospitallers in the history of a structure originally belonging to the Order, and it was impossible to do this without entering upon the subject of the Crusades : it is, however, desirable that the reader should regard the historical sketch appended to this volume as introduced with the sole view of exciting an increased interest in favour of the preservation of Little Maplestead Church,* which was reared by the hands of those who endeavoured, in this remarkable building, to perpetuate the form of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, for the defence of which they had so frequently shed their blood. * At a future period I hope to be enabled to complete the History and Antiqui- ties of the remaining Round Churches at London, Cambridge, and Northampton, to which will be annexed an account of the various Commanderies belonging to the religious-military Orders, distinguishing those which were transferred to the Knights Hospitallers from those which came into their hands after the suppres- sion of the Templars. The nature of the subject precludes the possibility of any promise being given, as to the exact period when these Essays will be published ; they will, however, appear in succession, (commencing with the Temple Church, London,) at intervals, which must evidently be regulated more by the success of my researches, than the ardour with which I shall enter upon this interesting subject. ADDRESS. Vll Desirous of evincing my grateful sense of the encourage- ment I have received, the letter-press has been extended considerably beyond the proposed limits ; and numerous graphic illustrations have been added to those originally promised in the prospectus. To my numerous Subscribers I take this opportunity of returning my acknowledgments, trusting that the circumstances to which I have already adverted, will exonerate me from the blame of having de- layed the publication of the work unnecessarily. It remains for me to testify my obligations to the following Gentlemen, who have taken an interest in the work, and referred me to various sources of information connected with the subject of my inquiries: — The Rev. W. Alder, B.A. ; Thomas S. Addington, Esq. ; John Britton, Esq., F.R.S., F.S.A.; James Brewster, Esq.; — Cole, Esq.; Edward Cresy, Esq., F.S.A. ; J. B.Gardiner, Esq.; and R. Thomp- son, Esq. William Wallen, 11, Spital Square, Feb. 10, 1836. LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. A Lady, Blackheath. Three Copies, Large Paper, Coloured Abraham, R., Esq., Architect, London Abraham, H. R., Esq , Architect, London Abraham, F., Esq., Architect, York Adderly, Thomas, Esq., Upper Clapton. Large Paper, Coloured Adlington, Thomas S. Esq., Augmentation Office, Westminster. Large Paper, Coloured Aikin, George, Esq. Ainger, Alfred, Esq., Architect, London Alder, Rev. William, B. A., Little Maplestead, Essex. Two Large and Two Small Paper Allason, Thomas, Esq., Architect, London Allen, George, Esq., Architect, London Allen, Mr. Allfree, George, Esq., Keunington. Large Paper Andrew?, G. T., Esq., Architect, York Angell, Samuel, Esq., Architect, London. Large Paper Architectural Society, (The) Two Copies, Large Paper Ashby, Mr. Large Paper, Coloured Ashwell, Mr. Thomas, Tottenham. Large Paper Ashwell, Mr. F., Tottenham. Large Paper Atkinson, Miss, Huddersfield. Large Paper Atkinson, Miss, Halifax. Large Paper Atkinson, Mrs. T., Bradley Mill, Huddersfield. Large Paper Atkinson, Charles, Esq., Huddersfield. Large Paper Atkinson, T. and B., Esqrs. Architects, York Atkinson, John, Esq. Large Paper Attwood, Matthias, Esq., M.P. Large Paper Attwood, Wolverly, Esq. Large Paper Ayres, John, Esq., Priory, Hertford Bailey, I., Esq. Bailey, G., Esq. Baker, Rev. C, Tilmanstone Rectory, Kent. Large Paper Banson, Mr. T. Large Paper Barrow, John, Esq., Basinghall-street. 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Large Paper, Coloured Lee, John, Esq., Upper Clapton, ditto Leicester, G. O., Esq., Architect Leschallas, John, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured Leschallas, William, Esq. Liddle, Mr., Birmingham Little, Thomas, Esq., Architect. Large Paper Little, Mr. R., Kingsland Lochner, J. C, Esq., Architect Lockwood, H. F., Esq., Architect, Doncaster Maclagon, G. S., Esq., F.S.A. Maddy, Rev. J., D.D., Somerton, Suffolk Mair, George, Esq., Architect Majendie, Ashurst, Esq., Hedingham Castle, Essex. Large Paper, Coloured. Two Copies Major, Mrs. Mason, Mr. J. Mason, Mr. Thomas Matthews, Mr. James Maurice and Co., Messrs. Large Paper, Coloured LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. XV May, Thomas, LL.D., Enfield. Large Paper Mee, Arthur, Esq., Architect, London Melansheg, Mr. G. Large Paper, Coloured Merriman, Dr. Miers, Thomas, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured Miller, Mr. James Mills, John, Esq. Mills, Mr. Millward, Capt., Dartmoor, Devonshire Monins, Rev. J., Rectory, Ringwold, Kent. Two Copies Moore, George, Esq., Architect, F.R.S., F.S.A. Moore, George, Esq. Architect Morgan, James, Esq., London Morice, John, Esq., F.S.A. Mortimer, Rev. Thomas, B.D., Myddelton-square, Islington Mountague, James, Esq., Architect, London Moyle, Mr. R. Mullholland, I., Esq., Architect, York Nash, John, Esq. Nash, Edwin, Esq. Nash, F., Esq., Architect. Large Paper Newman, John, Esq., Architect, F.S.A. Niblett, Mr., Mile End-road Nicholls, Thomas, Esq ^Architect Nicholls, John, Esq., Islington Nicholson, Mrs., Cheltenham Nixon, Samuel, Esq. Large Paper Noble, Mr. Samuel, Woolwich Noel, J., Esq. Large Paper Nokes, William, Esq., Rectory-place, Woolwich. Large Paper Novel, — , Esq., Farnley Wood, Almondbury, Yorkshire Oakley, Mr. George H. Oatley, Mr. Oddy, Mr. George, Upperthorpe, Yorkshire Oliver, Mr. Samuel. Large Paper Ord, William Henry, Esq., M.P. Large Paper Ousely, Sir Gore, Bart. Large Paper, Coloured Overton, William, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured Paine, William, Esq., Greenwich Hospital. Large Paper, Coloured Parker, Miss, Regent's-park. Large Paper Parke, Henry, Esq. Large Paper Parker, C. C, Esq., Woodham-Mortimer-place, near Maldon. Large Paper Parker, Charles, Esq., Greenwich Parkinson, T., Esq. Large Paper Perry, Ebenezer, Esq., Architect Perry, T. W., Esq. Petit, T. Le, Esq., Weymouth. Large Paper Phillips, Mr. R. E. Piccup, Rev. J., Manchester. Large Paper Pickersgill, William, Esq., York \VI LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. Pimm, Mr. Seven Copies Pinder, Rev. F. F., Gosford Rectory, Cumberland. Large Paper Pinhorn, J., Esq., Woolwich Plimpton, A., Esq. Poland, Sir W. H. Large Paper, Coloured Poland, Peter, Esq. ditto Powell, Walter, Esq.' Pownall, G., Esq , Architect, London Powis, John, Esq., Walworth Pratt, Rev. Josiah, B.D., Finsbury Circus. Large Paper, Coloured Prentice, Mr. W. Pring, T. W., Esq., Architect Pritchard Mr. Pugin, A. W., Esq., Architect Pulford, — , Esq., Architect Ralph, James, Esq. 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Savill, Mr., Little Hedingham, Essex Samuel, T., Esq. Large Paper Samwell, W. L. W., Esq., Upton Hall, Northamptonshire Scott, Mr., Carlisle Scott, G. G. Esq.. Architect, London Sewell, J., Esq., Salters' Hall. Large Paper, Coloured Shaw, Henry, Esq , F.S.A. Shelford, Rev. W. H., Lavenham, Suffolk LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. XVII Shepherd, J. B., Esq., Architect, London Sibley, R., Esq., Architect Simeon, Sir Richard G., Bart., M.P. Large Paper Simons, T., Esq. Sladen, J. B., Esq., Ripple-court, near Walmer. Large Paper, Coloured Slater, Joseph, Esq. Slater, Mrs. Slater, J., Esq., Jun. Srnallwood, Edward, Esq. Smith, Mrs , Cliff-house, near Sheffield Smith, William, Esq. Smith, C. J., Esq. Large Paper Smith, Thomas, Esq., Honeygate, Leicester Smith, J. Charles, Esq. Smith, William, Esq., Woolwich. Large Paper, Coloured Smith, Benjamin, Esq. Smith, George, Esq., Architect, Blackheath. 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Suter, Richard, Esq., Architect, London Syer, A. S., Esq., Sudbury, Suffolk Tanqueray, Thomas Butts, Esq. Large Paper Tarte, William, Esq. Two Copies, Large Paper Taylor, G. L., Esq., Architect, F.S.A. Teasdale, Mr. A. Thatcher, Miss — , Wackland, Isle of Wight. Large Paper XV111 LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. Thomas, C. E., Esq. Thompson, James, Esq., Manchester. Two Copies, Large Paper Thurston, S., Esq., Architect Tibbatts, John, Esq. Tillard, Rev. R., M.A., Bluntisham Rectory, Hunts. Large Paper, Coloured. Tillard, Philip, Esq., M.A., Ahvalton House, Hunts. Large Paper Tillard, James A. Esq., St. John's College, Cambridge. Large Paper Tippets, J. B., Esq., Hackney-terrace Tite, William, Esq., Architect, F.R.S., F.G.S. Totton, Rev. W. C, Bluebridge, Essex Town, J., Esq., Architect, New York Tracy, C. H., Esq., M.P., one of His Majesty's Commissioners appointed to inspect the Designs of the Houses of Parliament Travers, Joseph, Esq. Treherne, G., Esq. 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Large Paper, Coloured Waldy, Rev. R., Affpuddle, Dorset Walker, T. L., Esq., Architect. Large Paper, Coloured Walker, J. R., M.D., Huddersfield. Large Paper Wallen, John, Esq., Sen., Architect, Large Paper Wallen, William, Esq , Sen., Architect, ditto Ward, John, Esq., Manor-house, Plumstead, Kent. Large Paper Ward, Rev. J., Great Bod win, Wilts Ward, Rev. Thomas, Liverpool Warton, M., Esq., Jun., Architect. Large Paper Watkinson, Rev. R., Earl's Colne Vicarage, Essex Watson, James, Esq., Cheltenham. Large Paper Watson, Mr. H. LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. XIX Weale, Mr., Bookseller. Seventy-five Copies Small, and Two Large Paper, Coloured Webb, Rev. William, M.A., Sunderland Webster, George, Esq., Architect, Kendal, Westmoreland Weldon, W., Esq., Bramley-hall, Handsworth, Yorkshire Weldon, Thomas, Esq., Upper Clapton. Large Paper, Coloured Western Literarv and Scientific Institution, (The London). Two Copies Whewell, Rev. W., JVJ.A. F.R.S., &c. Trinity College, Cambridge Wilkinson, Rev. H. W., Sudbury Williams, Mr. J., Bookseller, London. Twenty-five Copies Small, and Three Large Paper, Coloured Williams, T. J., Esq., Hackney Williams, Samuel, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured Willis, Rev. Robert, M.A., Cambridge Willson, William, Esq. Large Paper Willson, R., Esq., Architect Willson, Mr. J. Windus, Thomas, Esq., F.S.A., Stamford-hill. Large Paper, Coloured Windus, Benjamin Godfrey, Esq., Tottenham-green. ditto Windus, Thomas, Esq., Jun., Stamford-hill Windus, Ansley, Esq., ditto Woodward, J., Esq. Woollam, J., Esq., Hampstead Wright, William, Esq., Architect Wyatt, T. H., Esq., Architect Young, Mr. J. LIST OF THE PLATES. View of Little Maplestead Church, from the North-west, to face Title."* View of Saint John's Gate, Clerkenwell p. 124"' Ground Plan of Little Maplestead Churcii 160 s " View from the South-east ib.~^ Longitudinal and Transverse Sections ib. Architectural Details of the Interior ib. ^ Elevation of one of the Windows of the Nave ib. ^ View of the Western Doorway . . . • ib. '-- WOOD ENCRAVINCS. Arms of Sir William Weston, and the Arms and Cross of the Order of Knights Hospitallers Title Page. Figure of a Knight Hospitaller p. 33 Figure of a Nun Hospitaller 40 Charge of the Hospitallers at the Battle of Acre 70 King Richard the First 72 Monument of a Crusader 106 Part of the Monument of Sir William Weston 123 Representation of the Skeleton of Sir William Weston . . . ib. Autograph of George Harper, Esq., &c 132 Arms of the Families of Harper 131 ,, Wiseman 133 „ Guyon 137 „ Bullock ib. View of the Chancel End of Little Maplestead Church .... 155 View of the Church of St. Jean le Rond, at Paris 157 Details of Little Maplestead Church 159 THE gfetorp mxb gntfqmtfed OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. CHAPTER I. AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE CRUSADES. f^15 persecutions experienced by the Christians during the first century were of the severest description ; many of them fell martyrs to the holy cause, and among others, James, the brother of our Saviour, and the apostles Paul and Peter. Their disciples, however, escaped the cruelties which were perpetrated by the Romans on their invasion of the Holy Land, by retiring from Jerusa- lem, having been warned by the predictions of our Saviour of its intended destruction. Even at this early period the Christians had stated places of public worship, and the church erected at Jerusalem served as the model for all others.* Whatever opinions may be entertained as to the causes which gave rise to the Crusades of a later period, it cannot be doubted that the early followers of the Cross were prompted by feelings of the purest devotion, in their desire to visit those places which had been consecrated by the * Sir George Wheler's Primitive Churches, p. 8. B Z SALE OF RELICS. death and passion of the Redeemer. If the desolation of the once all-destroying Babylon, the ruined condition of Per- sepolis, Baalbec, and Palmyra, the awful silence now reigning around the gigantic Pyramids of Egypt, and the decay that is gradually stealing over the beauteous temples of Greece and Rome, afford to the contemplative mind of the modem traveller many a train of profitable reflection, cold indeed must be that philosophy, which could steel the heart against the conflicting emotions arising at the sight of Mount Calvary, and of the prostrate condition of that city which was once "the beauty of holiness, and the joy of the whole earth ! " At the end of the second century, " it was a common prac- tice among Christians to go up to Jerusalem, to visit the sacred places;"* and, in the following century, the multi- tudes that crowded to the Holy Land were supplied with various relics by a wandering race of fanatics, termed Sara- baits, f who obtained a livelihood by their sale, and by the performance of fictitious miracles. Another circumstance contributing most powerfully to increase the number of reli- gious devotees, was the supposed approach of the Millen- nium : this idea was first promulgated by Papias ; but Origen, after many efforts, succeeded in throwing discredit upon it.J The Roman emperors, from Nero to Diocletian, § treated the Christians with unmitigated severity. It will, however, be unnecessary to enter into a detail of the various trials which the latter had to sustain during the ten persecutions : * Hardy's Notices of the Holy Land. Duod., 1835. ■f Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, — third century. $ " Origen himself says, that the idea of the approach of the Millennium was confined to those of the simpler sort, and had not yet come to the ears of the heathen. Eusehius, however, states that it met with general reception." — Wad- dingtons History of the Church, p. 40. See, also, Whitby's Treatise upon the Millennium. § " The beginning of the persecution in Diocletian's reign, was the destruction of the churches." — Whelers Primitive Churches, p. 10. THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE. 6 — their books were burnt, or otherwise destroyed — imprison- ment and slavery were inflicted upon them without hesita- tion, and death was not unfrequently the penalty paid by the strict adherents to the doctrines of the church. At length, the day-spring of religious liberty appeared. Constantine ascending the throne, Christianity was acknow- ledged by law, and its professors were encouraged and pro- tected ; the temples of the heathen gods were destroyed,* and on their site arose the sacred structures dedicated to the worship of the true God. Under the protection of this emperor, and his mother Helena, Jerusalem again assumed its wonted importance, as the glorious source whence the rays of religious knowledge were diffused throughout the world. The supposed discovery of the Holy Sepulchre, and of the true cross, added to the erection of numerous magnificent churches, not only in Jerusalem,^ but also in various other parts of the Holy Land, afforded additional inducements to the Christians of the western world to engage in pil- grimages. If we consider the state of society at this period, it cannot excite surprise, that the mere determination to visit the Holy Land rendered the pious devotee an object of veneration to all around him. The simplicity of his garb, the holy ob- ject in which he was engaged, and his meek dependance upon the protection of Heaven, secured for him the sympa- thy of the public ; and the return of the palmer J to his * Fleury, tome xi M sec. 33. t For the plan of the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, see Wheler, p. 39. " P. Barnardino published a plan of the Holy Sepulchre in 1619." Arclue- ologia, vol. vi., p. 168. " A description of the churches cf the early Christians may be found in Eusebius de Vita Constantini, M. lib. 3, cap. xxxv ; aud a plan of the church of the Holy Sepulchre, in Beverege's Adnotationes in Pandectas Canonum, lib. ii., p. 70."— Mosheim. t The character of the palmer is ably portrayed in Fosbroke's British Mona- chism, p. 421. See, also, Strutt's Dresses, and Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. B 2 * PILGRIMAGES TO THE HOLY LAND. native land, laden with relics,* was an event of no ordinary interest. " It would be a work of no mean service to the cause of religion/' says a modern writer, f "could it be proved that the monks and pilgrims are utterly in error ; and it is well the sacredness of the places can be called in question by arguments so powerful as those within our reach. They have ministered to folly, superstition, and actual crime. Whilst they have promised a plenary forgiveness of sin, they have added to that sin, rendered its stain deeper, and its punishment more severe ; and whilst they have professed to magnify the death and passion of our Lord, they have taken from them all their power, by substituting a personal visit to the supposed Calvary, in place of an application, by faith, to the Son of God in heaven. It was in mercy that the tomb of Moses was hidden from the knowledge of the Jews, and it has been in equal mercy that the exact situa- tion of the tomb of Jesus has been hidden from the know- ledge of the church; as it has thus been saved from the desecration of the thousand sins that have been committed under the sanctity of its holy name." During the fourth J and succeeding centuries, an additional value seems to have been placed upon every thing relating to the Holy Land. The bones of martyrs,^ the relics of * The same anxiety for the possession of relics was evinced at a later period. " Ladye. But is there no token that he hath sent, No token of love to me, — No relique o' the rood, or pearl orient, Or gaude o' the East countrie ? Palmer. Oh ! I've no relique or Eastern gaude, Fair ladye, to bring to thee." — the ladye and the palmer. Evans's Collection of Ballads, vol. iv., p. 112. t Hardy's Notices of the Holy Land. X " Before the end of the sixth century, the dangerous usages which had ori- ginated in the fourth, of exposing images of Saints, of the Virgin, and even of Christ, in places consecrated to worship, had taken as deep root in the western as in the eastern church." — Waddington, p. 151. $ " It is probable that the doctrine of paying honour to the bones of martyrs and pious people, was the occasion of changing the ancient custom, which never JULIAN THE APOSTATE. O the true cross,* and even the soilf itself, were said to be efficacious in the removal of diseases, and in securing the possessor from the assaults of the Tempter. It was well known to the attendants at the Holy Sepulchre, that there is no limit within which superstitious credulity can be con- fined ; so that the more general the demand became for the possession of some relic, connected either with the life or death of our Saviour, the more readily was it supplied. J The encouragement which the Christians had received from Constantine ceased at his death. Upon Julian the Apostate ascending the throne, he wrote a hypocritical letter to the various nations that had espoused Christianity, en- treating them to offer up prayers to Heaven that he might be victorious over the Persians, and be thereby enabled to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. This flagrant attempt to falsify a prophecy, upon the truth of which Christianity itself depended, was followed by a direct interposition of Providence. § No sooner had Alypius, the friend of the emperor, commenced this mighty undertaking, than a strange appearance presented itself in the heavens, and an earthquake, accompanied by subterranean fire, || consumed the materials and destroyed many of the workmen. ^f After the death of Julian, the Christians received protec- allowed the burial of Christians in churches." — Warner's Church History of England, book iii. * See Appendix A. t " Lalande (Voyage en Italie, torn, ii,) says, that at Pisa the cemetery called Campo Santo contains, according to report, five fathoms of Holy Land, brought in 1218 from Jerusalem by the Pisans." — Mills's History of the Crusades, vol. i. (See Appendix B.) t " The coffers of the church were enriched by the sale of relics, and the do- minion of the clergy became powerful in proportion to the growth of religious abuses and corruptions." — Mills, vol. i. } p. 9. § Vie de l'Empereur Julien, par l'Abbe Bletterie, p. 347. || See Appendix C. 1[ See Waddington's History of the Church for some interesting observations upon this subject. O MAHOMED. tion from his successors ; # but at length Jerusalem fell into the hands of the Persians, and William of Tyre relates, that upon this occasion not less than 36,000 Christians were put to death ;f the cross was borne off by the victors amidst the lamentations of the Christians, and the church of the Holy Sepulchre was destroyed. The Emperor Heraclius, finding himself unable to cope with the Persians, agreed to pay a heavy tribute in order to obtain peace; but whilst this tribute was being collected, he roused himself from his lethargy, entered Persia with a large army, and succeeded in throwing off the yoke. Regaining possession of the true cross, he returned with it to Jerusalem, and bore it with naked feet to the top of Mount Calvary. J During the seventh century, appeared the false prophet Mahomed ; and although it was long before his religion was generally received, its introduction caused a great change in the eastern world. § Boldly encouraging his followers to take up arms in order to promulgate his doctrines, he pro- ceeded to wreak his vengeance upon his opponents, by ex- terminating all those who disavowed the sacredness of his mission. To those who died fighting under his standard, he promised the joys of paradise, and condemned such as staid idly at home to the pains of hell. His cruelty was particularly directed against the Jews,|| seven hundred of * " Valentinian practised universal toleration. Theodosius published a famous edict against Polytheism ; and, in 388, Christianity was established by the Roman senate." — Waddington. In 364 the Roman empire was divided : Valentinian was the emperor of the western capital, Rome ; and Valens of the eastern capital, Constantinople. t Gul. Tyrrius. | Outlines of History, p. 166. Fuller's Holy War, p. 7. Yertot. § Stebbing's History of Chivalry and the Crusades, vol. i. || Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. 7. One of the verses of the Koran is as follows : — " Abraham was neither Jew nor Christian ; He was orthodox — a Mussulman — and An adorer of the one God." Le Coran, par M. Savary, tome i. THE CALIPH OMAR. 7 whom he is said to have buried alive at one time ; and the Christians also suffered in the midst of these barbarous excesses. " There can be little doubt/' says Mosheim, " that the terror of Mahomed's arms, and the repeated victories which were gained by him and his successors, were the irresistible arguments that persuaded such multitudes to embrace his religion, and submit to his dominion. Besides, his law was artfully and marvellously adapted to the corrupt nature of man, having a more particular reference to the manners and opinions of the eastern nations, and the vices to which they were naturally addicted. The duties it required were few in number, and not such as were incompatible with the empire of appetites and passions. " # During the reign of Aboo Beker,f who succeeded Maho- med, the Arabians living on the confines of Persia became tributary to the Moslems. Aboo Beker afterwards entered Syria with his troops, took the fortress of Bozra, and in- vested Damascus. The Damascenes being compelled to capitulate, it was agreed that such as were desirous of so doing, should be permitted to leave the city ; and that those who preferred remaining there should be allowed to carry on their usual occupation, upon the payment of a heavy capita- tion tax. This arrangement was not, however, carried into full effect, as those who had retired from Damascus were afterwards pursued by the Mahomedan leader, and cut in pieces. These successes on the part of the infidels were soon followed by others of greater importance ; and Persia, Arabia, and Syria, were subdued by the troops of the Caliph Omar. At the battle of Yermuk, J the Christians met with a complete reverse ; and in a short time the black standard of Mahomed was planted on the walls of Jerusalem. Upon * Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, — seventh century. Reland de Religione Mahumedica. Fuller's Holy War, p. 7. t Lardner's Cyclopaedia : Outlines of History, p. 173. Fuller's Holy War, p. 7. $ Vertot. — Histoire des Chevaliers Hospitaliers de St. Jean de Jerusalem. 8 INCREASE OF PILGRIMAGES. this occasion, the Caliph Omar entered the gates of the Holy City at the head of his victorious troops, but exhibited a degree of moderation and magnanimity which has seldom been equalled. Whilst the patriarch of Jerusalem, and others, were offering up their prayers within the church of the Sepulchre, the Caliph remained reverently without, un- willing to interfere with the religious duties of those, who had too much reason to feel anguish at the necessity to which they had been driven of giving up the Holy City into the hands of the Moslems : so severely indeed did the venerable patriarch feel his abject condition, that in a short time he died of a broken heart.* " After gaining possession of Jerusalem, the followers of Mahomed took Antioch and Aleppo. They then marched onward towards Constantinople, invaded Egypt, rushed along the northern shore of Africa, and eventually took possession of Carthage. Spain fell into their hands in the commencement of the eighth century, and their progress was not stopped until they had reached the heart of France, "f Although Jerusalem was wrested from the hands of the Christians, permission was still granted them, upon payment of a capitation tax, to continue their devotions at the sepul- chre of Christ. J " And true devoted pilgrims were not wanting, To measure acres with their feeble steps." The custom of making pilgrimages seems to have increased with the difficulties that presented themselves ; and those who were willing to encounter all the dangers which attended the Christian in his progress to Jerusalem through a hostile country, became the special favourites of the church. The relics, which were brought back to Europe, were eagerly * Vertot. t Waddington's History of the Church. X "The followers of Mahomed found it more politic to tolerate, than to exter- minate 5 so that Christianity was not immediately extirpated from any of the conquered countries : they proffered the alternative of the Koran, or tribute." — Waddington. DISSENSIONS IN THE CHURCH. y sought after; and the supposed discovery of the true cross by the Empress Helena, in the fourth century, gave rise to hundreds of impositions ; so that " every church in Chris- tendom was graced with some pretended relic of the Re- deemer and his Apostles." # Indeed it was ordained, at a subsequent period, by a council held at Constantinople, that no church should be consecrated without relics. f In the eighth century, the Christian world was divided upon the subject of the worship of images. Leo, the Isau- rian, determined upon suppressing the practice ; but the monastic orders of the west, incited by the Pope, resolutely opposed his efforts. His son Constantine, however, in 754, at a council held at Constantinople, at which were present three hundred and thirty-eight bishops, succeeded in effect- ing his object, and the destruction of images was solemnly determined upon. Those who were present at this council, and all such as espoused the same cause, were termed Icono- clasts, (or Image-breakers) ; and their opponents, Iconola- ters, (or I mage- worshippers.) The Empress Irene, having poisoned her husband in 780, and usurped the throne during the minority of her son, summoned a council at Nice in 786, by which the worship of images was restored, and severe punishment denounced against those who maintained that God was the only object of religious adoration. At this period, the whole of Christendom was convulsed by these dissensions, and a learned Englishman addressed a letter to Charlemagne, in the names of the kings and sovereigns of Europe, disapproving of the decisions of the council of Nice. Charlemagne himself was afterwards dis- tinguished as a mediator in the cause. He was, however, favourable to the opinions of the Iconoclasts ; and having summoned a council, consisting of three hundred bishops, at Frankfort on the Maine, in the year 794, the decree of the * Stebbiug's History of Chivalry and the Crusades, t Priestley's History of the Church, vol. i., p. 168. 10 CHARLEMAGNE. HAltUN AL RASCHID. council held at Constantinople against the worship of images was again confirmed. It will be unnecessary to pursue this subject further: enough has been said to point out one of the sources to which the differences between the Greek and Latin churches at this period may be correctly traced. In the year 799, Jerusalem was once more in the posses- sion of the Christians. The Caliph Harun al Raschid, admiring the talents and virtues of Charlemagne, and being willing to alleviate the sufferings of the pilgrims, presented the emperor with the keys of the Holy City. Charlemagne readily availed himself of the various privileges which resulted from this invaluable gift. A hospital and library were erected at Jerusalem, at his expense, for the use of the Christians ; and he gave other proofs of his liberality, although he did not visit the Holy Land himself.* The friendship that subsisted between these illustrious men was extremely beneficial to the church, and its effects were not obliterated for many years after their decease. " But afterwarde, for many a yeare, Christian men, both far and near, Yeden the way to Jerusalem, To the Sepulchre and to Bethlem, And to all other pilgrimage, Withouten harm or damage." At length, the caliphs of Bagdad, suffering severely from the open and avowed rebellion of the Turkish emirs, and having experienced some reverses in their contests with the Christians, became tributary to the throne of Constantinople ; but just at this important crisis, the Greek emperor was carried off by death. This circumstance was favourable to the Moslems; the * "In an old and marvellous history of his exploits, we find him honoured as the leader of a band of heroes to Jerusalem, and guided by miracle through pathless wilds aud forests, taking possession of the Holy City." — Stebbing, vol. ii., p. 30. ERECTION OF HOSPITALS AT JERUSALEM. 11 Caliph Hakem, who surpassed all his predecessors in cruelty towards the Christians and Jews, obtained possession of Jerusalem, and endeavoured to destroy every trace of the church of the Holy Sepulchre, although he subsequently promised to order its restoration. The dangers to which the Christians were continually exposed at the hands of the infidels, clearly evince the necessity that existed at this period for some permanent protection being obtained for the pilgrims from the west. Some rich merchants of Amain, a city in the kingdom of Naples, observing, in their commercial intercourse with the Holy Land, the hatred which the Moslems displayed towards the Christians, applied to the Caliph of Cairo for permission to erect a church at Jerusalem ; and this application was rendered eminently successful by the accompaniment of a costly present.^ The structure raised upon the spot appropriated to the use of the Christians, was dedicated to the Holy Virgin, under the title of. St. Mary ad Latinos. Two hospitals were also erected, each having a chapel attached, and these were respectively dedicated to St. John the Almoner, and St. Mary Magdalene. "These charitable establishments were open to the suffering of every persuasion, and even the Moslems received alms. The members of the Christian church were entertained without distinction of nation or condition. There they clothed again such as had been stripped by robbers ; there the sick were treated with care ; and every kind of misery found, in the charity of these Hospitallers, a new kind of mercy to relieve it- ,, + The promise made by the Caliph Hakem to restore the church of the Holy Sepulchre, was not fulfilled ; but after his death, the Christians, by the aid of the Greek emperors, rebuilt it. Christianity, however, soon had another enemy to contend with. The Turcomans, a barbarous people, destitute of every religious feeling, after having aided the * Vertot. t Ibid.. 12 SUFFERINGS OF THE CHRISTIANS. Arabians against their enemies, united themselves together, levied vast armies, and in a short time expelled the Egyptians from Jerusalem. In their eyes the Christians and the Egyp- tians were objects of equal detestation, and "they plunged their swords with undistinguished cruelty in the hearts of their hapless victims."* During these excesses, the hospital of St. John was plundered, and avarice alone prevented the destruction of the church of the Holy Sepulchre, as the annual revenue, arising from the capitation tax paid by the Christians, was too great to render it politic for the tempo- rary possessor of Jerusalem to cut off so great a source of wealth. The great changes that were constantly taking place in the Holy Land, and the continuance, or rather the increase, of suffering on the part of the Christians under each new master, could not pass unnoticed in the western world ; nor did the pilgrims, on their return to Europe, fail to give a mournful account of the privations they had endured, and the dangers they had escaped. The sympathy that was ex- cited in their behalf, soon gave way to the desire of vengeance upon their persecutors ; and the martial and enterprising spirit of the age strongly aided the project of a general crusade against the infidels. No circumstance, however, tended so strongly to promote this cause, as the idea that generally prevailed of the approach of the Millennium mentioned in the book of Revelations.-j- " Bernhard, a hermit of Thuringia, had promulgated, in 960, the certain assurance, that at the end of a thousand years the fetters of Satan would be broken; and that after the reign of anti-Christ was terminated, the world would be consumed by sudden conflagration. There was something plausible in the doctrine, and it was peculiarly suited to the * Mills. + " It was supposed, that the one thousand years mentioned in Scripture were accomplished, and that the Redeemer would manifest himself on Mount Zion." — Clarke's Vestigia Anglicana, p. 326. London, 8vo. 1826. PILGRIMAGES OF THE TENTH CENTURY. 13 gloomy superstition of the age : the clergy adopted it, it was diffused in every direction with astonishing rapidity, and embraced with an ardour proportioned to the obscurity of the subject, and the greediness of human credulity. The belief pervaded and influenced every rank of society, not as a cold and indifferent assent, but as a motive for the most important undertakings."* Ingulph, Abbot of Croyland, was among the most eminent pilgrims who left England during this period. He has given a most distressing account of the sufferings he endured, and thus alludes to his preparation. " At length, as it was noised abroad that many archbishops and bishops of the empire, and many other princes, meant to go to Jerusalem, I, among others, as well soldiers as clerks, with the consent of William Duke of Normandy, prepared myself." f This company, in passing through Lycia, was robbed and maltreated by the Arabs. On their arrival at Jerusalem, the pilgrims were received by the patriarch, who accompanied them in pro- cession to the Holy Sepulchre. They were much distressed at witnessing the destruction that had been made among the Christian churches by the unholy Hakem ; and Ingulph says, that such were the sufferings of his companions during their sojourn in the Holy Land, that of thirty knights who went out of Normandy suitably apparelled, only twenty returned, and those were in poverty and in ill health, and compelled to make the toilsome journey on foot. Pilgrimages were now made rather by stealth than openly, owing to the infidels continuing to place every obstruction in the way of those who visited the Holy Land. But Europe was preparing to avenge these cruelties. Pope Gregory the Seventh, having been applied to by the Greek Emperor Manuel for assistance against the Turks, soon raised an army of fifty thousand men, which he promised to lead in person against the infidels ; but this promise was never ful- * Waddington. t Historia Ingulphi (Rer. Anglic.) Oxonias, 1684. Stowe's Annals, Lond., 1631, p. 116. 14 PETER THE HERMIT. filled, owing to motives of prudence, which induced him to direct his attention to matters more deeply affecting the interests of the Latin church. Peter the Hermit, a native of Amiens, in France, was the chief instrument # in exciting the nations of Europe in favour of a general crusade. This extraordinary man — living in extreme poverty — his countenance worn by continual prayer and fasting — his exterior mean and unimposing — had little to recommend him but a persuasive eloquence, a lively imagination, and the highest degree of enthusiasm in the cause which he had espoused. Having himself visited the Holy Land, he had been subjected to the most ignomi- nious treatment by the Turks. Whilst at Jerusalem, the patriarch Simeon, hearing how deeply he was affected by the scenes which he witnessed, sent for him, and entered into conversation upon the subject. The hermit listened attentively to the painful details given by the patriarch, of the barbarous treatment which he had himself received at the hands of the Turks, and the sufferings endured by the Christians generally ; and being deeply affected by the re- cital, he inquired w T hy the Greek emperors tamely suffered these excesses to be committed, without making the slight- est effort to prevent their continuance. The patriarch explained that they were scarcely able to defend them- selves^ and that within a few years nearly half of their empire had been wrested from them by the Turks ; who, with extraordinary rapidity, had effected a mighty revo- lution in Asia, and whose victorious armies had even penetrated to the very heart of Europe. " I will rouse, " exclaimed the hermit, " the martial nations of the west in your cause ; J and if you will address a letter to the Pope, * Stowe's Annals, p. 132. Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis, lib. ii., p. 17. Gul. Tyrr. lib. i., c. 2. Fleury, tome xiii., p. 585. t " A peine peuvent ils se defendre eux-memes, toute leur force est tombee, et vous pouvez avoir appriz que depuis peu d'annees ils out perdu plus de la moitie de leur empire." — Fleury. X Gibbon. POPE URBAN. 15 I will be the bearer of it, and second your application by offering to preach the crusade throughout the provinces." The patriarch was equally struck with the vastness of the enterprise, and the personal insignificance of the individual with whom the idea originated. The searching glance of Peter's eye, # lit up by religious enthusiasm, could not, however, escape notice ; and the earnestness with which he expressed himself upon the subj ect of their conversation, soon caused the patriarch to decide upon the course he should pursue. He accordingly addressed a most touching letter to Pope Urban, imploring his assistance on behalf of the Christians in Palestine, and gave the necessary credentials to the holy hermit. A circumstance soon occurred which, according to Peter's own statement, hastened his departure for Italy. Whilst praying within the church of the Holy Sepulchre for the success of his project, he fell into a trance, during which Christ appeared to him, saying, " Rise, Peter, and execute your commission, — I will be with you; it is time the holy places were purified, and my servants pro- tected." No sooner had Peter awakened from this trance, than he took an affectionate leave of the patriarch of Jeru- salem, and proceeded on his mission. As soon as Pope Urban f became acquainted with the afflictions of the Christians in the east, he determined upon appealing to the princes of Europe in their behalf, — not openly avowing himself, in the first instance, as the prime mover of the crusade, but prudently allowing the hermit to preach upon the subject throughout the various parts of Europe, so as to enable him to ascertain whether the general feeling was favourable to the undertaking. Armed with the authority of the pontiff, Peter went forth * " Erat autem hie idem statura pusillus, et quantum ad exteriorem hominem, persona contemptibilis. Sed major in exigno regnabat car-pore virtus. Vivacis enim ingenii erat ; et oculum habens perspicacem, gratumque, et sponte fluens ei non deerat eloquium." — Gull. Tyrr., lib. i., c. xi., p. 637. (Gesta Dei.) t Annales de Margan. Mattbaeus Westmonasteriensis, lib. ii., p. 17. Stowe's Annals, p. 132. Speed's History of Great Britain, p. 461. Chronica de Mailros, p. 163. 16 PETER PREACHES THE CRUSADE. in the full assurance of success ; and the mournful picture which he drew of the excesses committed by the Turks, heightened in its effect by the vehemence of his gesture, drew tears from the multitudes that flocked around him. The emaciated state of his body, induced by long abstinence and prayer, his naked feet, the coarseness of his dress, and the insignificance of his person, were placed in striking contrast with the passionate appeals which he made to his auditory. If Pope Gregory had previously succeeded in directing the attention of Europe to the subject of the Crusade, Urban, by means of this enthusiastic missionary, at length convinced the nations that it was an indispensable duty # to wage a war of extermination against the infidels. The whole of Europe was thrown into a state of fanaticism by his preach- ing ; social duties and obligations were regarded as of secon- dary importance ; and such was the temper of the times, that it appeared as though the countless myriads of the west were about to be transferred to the shores of Asia. Where- ever Peter preached, conviction struck the hearts of his hearers, and it was not long before he returned to the Pope to give an account of the success that had attended his efforts. Urban now openly avowed himself favourable to the cause of the Crusade ;f and the council which he summoned at Placentia consisted of thirty thousand of the laity, and four thousand of the clergy, including no less than two hundred bishops. J The ambassadors of the Emperor Alexius were introduced for the purpose of appealing to the assembly in favour of their suffering brethren in the Holy Land ; and they did not fail to avail themselves of the opportunity which thus presented itself of enforcing the necessity, not * Brady's History of England, p. 223. Waddington, p. 304. t " The Popes were the only gainers by this great adventure ; and all other princes of Europe, when they cast up their audit, found themselves losers." — Fullers Holy War, p. 11. $ Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. THE COUNCIL OF CLERMONT. 17 only of checking any further inroads of the Turks upon the possessions of the Christian princes, but also of expelling them from their newly acquired territory in Syria. Tears flowed plentifully at the recital of the various cruelties in- flicted upon the pilgrims who visited Jerusalem, and at length it was determined to attempt the deliverance of the Holy City. The Pope dismissed the assembly with his blessing, and with the promise of summoning another coun- cil at Clermont, in the territories of the Duke of Auvergne; advising that, in the interim, the necessary preparation should be made for the approaching contest. At the council of Clermont, Urban proceeded to address his hearers in a style of eloquence admirably adapted to inflame their passions, and bring their minds over to the obj ect in which he was so deeply interested ; they were, however, previously acquainted with the purport of his ad- dress, if not with the varied arguments connected with it. The preacher, by his influence, arising in a great measure from the exalted station which he occupied in the church, had drawn around him a greater number of ecclesiastics than had attended the council previously held at Placentia.* He first described the recent acquisitions of the Turks in Asia and Africa, and mentioned the probability, that in some capricious moment they would again attempt to subjugate Europe. He then, by the introduction of a very ingenious argument, explained the cause of the supineness of the Greeks, and the necessity that existed for interference on the part of the nations of the west ; observing, with great naivete, that those who lived in the east were under the influence of a scorching sun, and had, therefore, little blood to spare ; and that it behoved those who lived in a different climate, " their blood flowing luxuriantly in their veins," to shed it freely for the sake of Christ. To those joining the Crusade, he promised plenary forgiveness of sin and hea- venly beatitude after death. The rich and the poor were * See the Acts of the Council of Clermont. — Concil. torn, xif., p. 829, &c. C 18 THE COUNCIL OF CLERMONT. addressed by arguments adapted to their different condi- tions ; and, after remarking that no ties of kindred were sufficiently strong to set aside the duty which he prescribed to them, he thus addressed the general assembly, in con- clusion : — " Do you, therefore, my dear brethren, arm yourselves with the zeal of God, march to the succour of your bre- thren, and the Lord be with you. Turn against the enemy of the Christian name, the arms which you employ in in- juring each other. # Redeem, by a service so agreeable to God, your pillages, conflagrations, homicides, and other mor- tal crimes, so as to obtain his ready pardon. We exhort you and enjoin you, for the remission of your sins, to have pity on the afflictions of our brethren at Jerusalem, and to repress the insolence of the infidels, who propose to subju- gate kingdoms and empires, and to extinguish the name of Christ.*!' Having confidence in the pity of the Almighty, and the authority of St. Peter, we remit the sins J of all those who will fight against the infidels, and those who die in true penitence need not doubt that they will receive the pardon of their offences, and an eternal reward. We take under the especial care and protection of the church and Saint Peter all those who engage in this holy enterprise ; and ordain that their persons and their goods be in per- fect safety." No sooner had the Pope concluded his address, than the * Whilst Pope Urban excited the nations of the west against the infidels, he seems to have forgotten " That God has formed Mankind to be one mighty brotherhood ; Himself our Father, and the world our home." — Coleridge. t Fleury, tome xiii., p. 587. Waddington. | The clergy also were authorized to remit the sins and to relieve from purga- tory those who assumed the cross. " Par Pautorite de Dieu tout puissant, de St. Pierre et de St. Paul, et de notre tres saint pere le Pape, a moi commise, je vous accorde la remission de tous vos peches confesses, oublies, ignores, et des peines du purgatoire." — Voltaire, Essai sur les Mozurs, tome ii., p. 529. A CRUSADE DETERMINED UPON. 19 multitude exclaimed, as with one voice, " God wills it ! " # " Yes, my dear brethren," said the sovereign pontiff, " God indeed wills it ; and this day is accomplished the saying of Jesus Christ, that where two or three are gathered together in his name, there is He in the midst of them ; for had you not been influenced from on high, you would not have thus expressed yourselves. Let this, therefore, be your war-cry —God wills it." Great numbers of the clergy and laity received the cross at the hands of the Pope, whom they entreated, but in vain, to march at their head. Adhelm, or Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, was appointed Legate to the Crusade ; and the Pope then enjoined those who had assumed the cross to be pre- pared to depart for the Holy Land by the 15th of August of the ensuing year, f * " Deus vult ! Deus vult ! was the pure acclamation of the clergy who under- stood Latin. By the illiterate laity, who spoke the provincial, or Limousin idiom, it was corrupted to Deus lo vult ! or Diex el volt!" — Gibbon. t It must not be understood, that all assuming the cross visited the Holy Land ; or that those promising- to aid the holy cause, by pecuniary or other grants, always performed their promises. Richard the First was authorized by the Pope to receive a consideration from those who had assumed the cross, in lieu of pilgrimage to the Holy Land (Rapin) ; and the following passage will fully prove to the reader, that the promise to assist in the Crusades was sometimes handed down from father to son, as an heir-loom. " Whereas I, Roger Beauchamp, am bound to do service on the Infidels by desire of my grandsire, Sir Walter Beauchamp, to the extent of 200 marks, — 1 will that Roger, son to Roger my son, shall perform the same when he comes of age." — Nicholas Testamenta Vetusta, p. 104. C 2 20 APPEAL TO THE PRINCES OF EUROPE. CHAPTER II. FIRST CRUSADE, 1096. WILLIAM RUFUS. C^^IB Urban* having dissolved the council of Clermont, the bishops and other ecclesiastics who had attended it, proceeded to preach the Crusade in their several dioceses ; the pontiff himself, being at the same time actively engaged in ad- dressing letters to the King of England,f and the other reigning princes of Europe, in favour of the project. These princes were, however, as little inclined as the Pope himself, to ven- ture their personal safety in the Holy War : — " Henry the Fourth, the emperor of the west, was not disposed to leave his dominions; Philip of France was occupied by his plea- sures ; William Rufus of England, by a recent conquest; the kings of Spain in a domestic war with the Moors; and the northern monarchs of Scotland, Denmark, Sweden, and Poland, were yet strangers to the passions and interests of the south. "J The holy cause was, however, warmly espoused by many * Fuller says, that the Pope's object in promoting the Crusades, was to make the eastern church a chapel of ease to the mother church of Rome. — Holy War, p. 11. -f- Hist. Lit. de la France, tome viii. Histoire Eccl6siastique, par M. Fleury, tome xiii., p. 567. X Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. vii. MOTIVES OF THE CRUSADERS. 21 illustrious princes of the second order; and the names of some of these religious military heroes # have descended to posterity. Such was the state of society at the period when Peter the Hermit preached the Crusade, that little surprise can be felt at the astonishing effects resulting from it. The learning which had characterised the preceding centuries was gradually dwindling away ; ignorance and its accompaniment — superstition, were once more gaining the ascendency over the minds of those who occupied the more elevated situations in life;y and the rumour of the ap- proaching Millennium, so well calculated to excite terror and dismay in uninformed minds, had for some time been gaining ground. The preaching of Peter, added to the powerful address of Pope Urban, threw the whole of Europe into a state of con- vulsion ; during which, the social fabric was shaken to its very foundations, and the ties of kindred were either for- gotten, or entirely disregarded. The love of warfare inflamed the minds of those who had long been familiar with the battle-field, whilst such as had hitherto enjoyed all the sweets of social and domestic happiness were induced to resign those blessings from a mistaken sense of duty. Parents tottering on the brink of the grave, and dependent upon their children for the common necessaries of life, were deserted without compunction, — their wretched offspring, with minds inflamed by a wild and ungovernable fanaticism, checking the rising appeals of na- tural affection by observing, that " they who would not leave father and mother for the sake of Christ, were unworthy of him." The husband, who had hitherto proved himself a pro- tector to his wife and children, turned a deaf ear to their en- * " The engrafting of the virtues of humanity and the practical duties of religion on the sanguinary qualities of the warrior, was a circumstance heneficial to the world."— Mills, vol. i. t p. 34. t " Eche was not lettred that then was a lorde, Nor eche a elerke that had a benefice ; All were not lawyers that did plees recorde, All those promoted were not fully wise." 22 MOTIVES OF THE CRUSADERS. treaties, and abandoned them to their hapless fate. "The monk and the recluse tired of their cells, and the peasant weary of his labour; and all blinded by the feeble glimmering of a false zeal, deserted their stations and their former calling : " * some engaged in the Crusade to escape the charge of cow- ardice, others merely for the sake of good companionship. If this sudden change took place in the minds of the more virtuous part of the community, how direful were its effects upon those who had already turned aside from the path of rectitude, and had thus become aliens from society ! f The murderer, whose hands had been imbrued in the blood of a fellow-Christian, was taught that Heaven would overlook the commission of a crime which had hitherto been unforgiven, and that the decrees of the Almighty would be reversed in his favour, if he would but sheathe his sword in the heart of the hapless Saracen. Debtors were released from their engagements upon assuming the cross, " and pi- rates, murderers, and robbers, were allowed to wash away their guilt in the blood of the infidels." J In short, by the promise of plenary forgiveness of sin, nations were urged, as if by the command of Heaven, to the commission of crimes which had been previously considered as equally subversive of individual and social happiness. § " Sex and age, Nation and language, jointly did engage Their motley forces to redress thy woes, Jerusalem, ravish'd by barbarous foes. * " II y eut des eVeques ; entre autres, Adhemar du Pui, L6gat pour la Croisade, et Guillaume Eveque d'Orange, quantite de pretres et d'autres clercs, quantite d 'abbes, et de moines, et meme des reclus, qui sortoient de leurs cellules." — Fleury, tome xiii., p. 601. t Fuller observes, that the first Crusade was the great sewer that carried off the impurities of Europe. t " Thousands, nay millions, of armed saints and sinners ranged themselves to fight the battles of the Lord."— Mills, vol. i., p. 61. § See Ducange (torn, ii., pp. 651, 652,) for the privileges aud immunities en- joyed by those who assumed the cross. PREPARATION FOR THE CRUSADE. 23 But soon, alas ! their valiant soldiers fell By th' angel, Turk, and death, heaven, earth, and hell. Those that escaped came home as full of grief As the poor purse is empty of relief; And many found their gains, alas ! no more Than crosses gules, instead of crosses or." — Fuller. But whilst the lower orders of society regarded the Cru- sade as the means of enabling them to acquire plunder and to indulge in every excess, the higher orders were influenced by nobler feelings ; and although ambition and the love of military renown may have influenced some in assuming the cross, many were prompted by feelings of devotion to engage in a war, which they considered as not only permitted, but even enj oined by Heaven. Of the princes who acted as leaders in the first Crusade, the following were the most illustrious. Godfrey de Bouil- lon ; his brothers, Eustace and Baldwin ; Robert Curthose, Duke of Normandy, # (brother of the King of England) ; Stephen, Earl of Albemarle; Roger de Clinton, Bishop of Lichfield ; Odo, Bishop of Bayeux and Earl of Kent ; Robert, Count of Flanders; Stephen, Count of Chartres; Adhelm, or Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, (the Pope's Legate) ; Raymond, Count of Thoulouse ; William, Bishop of Orange ; Hugh, Count of Vermandois ; Bohemund, the son of Robert Guiscard ; and his cousin, Tancred. These leaders, less influenced by the mere impulses of passion than the lower orders, availed themselves of the time allowed by the Pope for preparation for the Crusade, by making every arrangement for securing the success of the vast enterprise in which they had engaged. It was evident to them that great difficulties would arise in obtain- ing the provisions necessary for the support of the countless multitudes that had assumed the cross, more especially as they had to pass through countries which were inhabited * The monument of Rohert Duke of Normandy is in Gloucester cathedral ; for graphic illustrations of which, see " Britton's Gloucester Cathedral," and " Stothard's Monumental Effigies." 24 PRINCES SELL THEIR ESTATES. either by infidels or the mercenary soldiers of the Emperor Alexius ; after much consideration, it was determined that the croises should be separated into divisions according to the nations to which they respectively belonged, and that they should be under the control of their native chiefs, so as the more effectually to prevent those evils which would necessa- rily have arisen from such an immense concourse of persons leaving Europe in one mass. In order to meet the expenses of the Crusade, those of the richer class sold their possessions, many of which were eagerly bought up by the ecclesiastics. " Godfrey sold the duchy of Bouillon to the Bishop of Liege ; the town of Metz to the citizens ; and the castle of Sarteny and Mons to Richard, Bishop of Verdun."* Herpin, Earl of Bourges, disposed of his earldom to Philip, King of France ; Robert of Normandy mortgaged his duchy to his brother Rufus, the King of England; who, in order to raise the money, seized the chalices of the church, f — a circumstance de- serving of notice, as he had, upon his accession to the throne of England, restored to the clergy the plate and other property of which his father, William the Conqueror, had dispossessed them. J Eustace, the brother of Godfrey de Bouillon, sold all his possessions to the church ; and the other leaders of the Crusade acted in a similar manner, their example being imitated by persons of every rank in society. * Daniel's History of England. t " Much ado there was to raise the 10,000 marks, which William Rufus im- posed upon his great men. The bishops, the abbots, and abbesses brake the gold and silver ornaments of the churches ; and the earls, barons, and viscounts fleeced their villains." — Brady's History of England, Edit. 1685, p. 223. See, also, Sharpe's William of Malmesbury, p. 338 ; Matt. Westmonast., p. 17 ; Matt. Paris ; Chronica de Mailros, p. 162. $ " King William the Conqueror spared neither chalices nor shrines, appro- priating the property of the abbeys and monasteries to himself. Rufus, upon coming to the throne, gave up the gold gathered up by his father, to the monas- teries and parish churches." — Stow's Annals, p. 111. See, also, Chronica Walteri Hemingford, (Gale,) vol. ii., p. 459. WALTER THE PENNYLESS. 25 The lower orders were impatient to commence the Cru- sade, and before the arrival of the appointed day, Peter the Hermit, and his lieutenant, Walter the Pennyless, left France and Lorraine, accompanied by sixty thousand persons of both sexes. # These were followed by about twenty thou- sand Germans, under the guidance of a monk named Gode- schal, and the rear of the army was brought up by no less than two hundred thousand f of the vilest of the rabble, whose ostensible leaders were a goat and a goose, both of which were said to be influenced by the Holy Spirit. J Having made but few arrangements for the subsistence of their followers, owing to the impossibility of ascertain- ing their probable numbers, as multitudes were continually joining the crowd, Peter the Hermit and Walter soon found it necessary to separate. Walter led the van, passing through Hungary and Bul- garia. Those under his command found great difficulty in making their way over the Hungarian marshes ; but the inha- bitants, having a short time previously embraced the doc- trines of Christianity, § offered no opposition, so long as they refrained from committing any excesses. Such was their ignorance of the geographical position of Jerusalem, that upon approaching any considerable town, they supposed themselves to have arrived at theii journey's end. Being compelled by hunger to demand a supply of * " Women were not to go to the Crusades, unless with their fathers or bro- thers, who could answer for them, (qui en repondent) ; but little attention was paid to this injunction." — 'Fleury. t " Six millions of persons assumed the cross, but multitudes returned home ere they passed the sea." — Fulcherius Carnotensis. (Gesta Dei, per Francos., p. 387.) J " Anserem quendam divino spiritu asserebant afflatum, et capellam non minus eodem repletam et has sibi duces hujus secundae vise fecerant in Jerusa- lem." — Alberius Aquiensis, (Gesta Dei, per Francos) Hist. lib. i., cap. 36. § The circumstance of the Hungarians having embraced the Christian faith was extremely favourable to the cause of the Crusade, as they had, during the early part of the eleventh century, implored their sovereign to allow them to kill the bishops and other ministers of the Christian religion, and to return to their ancient form of worship. 26 EXCESSES OF THE CRUSADERS. provisions from the Bulgarians, and this demand not being complied with, the crusaders proceeded to plunder the vari- ous towns through which they passed ; and these outrages at length roused the indignation of the inhabitants, who attacked them with a formidable force, and completely routed them. Walter escaped through the forests of Bulgaria, and, after sustaining many privations, arrived with a few of his followers at Constantinople. Peter the Hermit followed the route of Walter # with about forty thousand men, women, and children, and met with equally severe reverses owing to the misconduct of his companions, over whom he had but little control ; but hav- ing entered into an arrangement with the Hungarians for a supply of provisions, the march of this division of the cru- saders was, for a time, unmarked by any atrocity. Upon their approach, however, to Malleville, they observed the weapons of those who had preceded them suspended from the walls of the town, as if to warn them not to indulge in simi- lar excesses. This sight inflamed their minds with a desire of revenge, and the thoughtless multitude, forgetting that they were surrounded by their enemies, took the town by assault, and massacred the inhabitants. Carloman, hearing of this out- rage, determined upon wreaking his vengeance upon the crusaders, who in the meanwhile were rioting in the town and committing crimes, the character of which clearly proves how little the true spirit of Christianity had found entrance into their hearts. The Hungarians burst upon them like a torrent, carrying destruction and dismay on every side. Some of the crusaders took refuge in the forests ; others passed into Bulgaria, where they were attacked by the Turcomans. Thousands perished in this contest ; but at length, Peter, with the miserable remains of his army, passed the river Maroe, and proceeded onward to Nissa. Here they obtained permission to purchase provisions, and re- * Roberti Monachi Historia, lib. i., p. 33. THE MONK GODESCHAL. 27 mained for some time upon good terms with the inhabitants ; but a quarrel arising respecting some trivial circumstance, the crusaders set fire to several houses, which so enraged the townsmen, that they commenced an indiscriminate slaugh- ter of the lawless rabble. Peter was panic-struck at this occurrence, and would have given himself up to despair, had he not been upbraided by some of his followers for want of confidence in the protection of that Being, under whose guidance he had professed to lead them to the Holy Sepul- chre of Christ. Peter being thus brought to a sense of his duty, collected together the survivors, and proceeded on his way to Philippopoli, and at length reached Constantinople. The followers of the monk Godeschal, thought to forward the cause of Christianity by exterminating the Jews. # At Worms, Verdun, Treves, Spires, and Mentz, thousands of this unhappy people were slaughtered in cold blood, their wealth falling into the possession of their heartless mur- derers. Pursuing a line of conduct still more criminal than that of their precursors, their numbers were considerably reduced before they reached Constantinople, where they joined the followers of Walter and Peter the Hermit. The Emperor Alexius, instead of receiving the succour he had anticipated from the Latins, found himself bearded within the walls of Constantinople by an ungovernable mob, whose only pleasure seemed to arise from the perpetration of the most shameful atrocities. Their continuance before the walls of Constantinople had become a source of uneasiness to him, owing to their irregularities ; but this feeling was considerably increased by his learning from Peter that six millions of Europeans had assumed the cross, and that three hundred thousand were on their way to Constantinople, * The crusaders, under Godeschal, thought the only way to establish Christi- anity, was by the extermination of the Jews and Moslems ; pursuing in this respect a similar line of conduct with the Romans on their invasion of Britain, whom Galgacus (Tacit. Agric. cap. xxx.) described as making a solitude, and calling it peace. 28 PETER PASSES THE BOSPHORUS. under the command of the most noble and most warlike princes of Europe. No sooner were the crusaders pressed by hunger, than they despoiled the churches and other public edifices of Constantinople, and sold the materials in order to procure a supply of provisions.* The Emperor Alexius, finding it use- less to attempt to prevent these outrages, at length effected by stratagem what he was unable to accomplish by open force. After many attempts, he prevailed upon Peter and his companions to pass over to the Asiatic side of the Bos- phorus; and having done this, they imagined themselves in the vicinity of Jerusalem, and marched forward unin- terruptedly, until they approached the plain of Nice, where their further progress was opposed by the infidels. A desperate engagement ensued, in which Walter the Pennyless fell, covered with wounds, together with nearly the whole of those brutal savages, whose progress through Europe had been marked by so much bloodshed. , The prudent Peter, however, escaped, having retired from the army and returned to Constantinople, f upon the pre- tence of arranging some matters of importance with the Emperor Alexius ; but in reality, to avoid the fate which he anticipated would befall his companions in arms. The Turks, having gained this victory, piled the bodies of the Christians in the form of a pyramid, and their bones were left to whiten on the plain of Nice, so as to overawe any other pilgrims who might pass that way to Jerusalem. The names of the various princes who engaged in the first Crusade have already been mentioned ; it will, however, be necessary to give a brief account of the circumstances attend- ing their progress to Constantinople, the appointed place of rendezvous for all those who purposed engaging in the war against the infidels. ♦ * Gesta Dei, per Fraucos, p. 1. t " Petrus vero Eremita abierat et Constantinopolim remeaverat." — Bob. Mon., p. 34. CRUSADERS UNDER HUGH THE GREAT. 29 Hugh, sumamed the Great, Count of Vermandois, # and brother to the King of France, accompanied by the two Roberts, Raymond Count of Thoulouse, and Adhelm, Bishop of Puy, passed through France into Italy, — many other princes joining their ranks, independently of countless mul- titudes of the middling and lower classes. They visited the Pope at Lucca, where they received his holy benediction and the golden standard of Saint Peter. The season of the year was extremely unfavourable for the embarkation of the troops, and the greater part of the chiefs were disposed to pass the winter in Italy ; indeed, the troops of the Duke of Normandy and the Count of Flanders were cantoned in the towns on the sea coast. The Count of Vermandois was, however, anxious to reach Constantinople as soon as possi- ble; he therefore sent forward, to Durazzo, messengers ar- rayed in golden armour, who requested the governor of that place to make the proper preparations for receiving the standard-bearer of the Pope, and soon afterwards em- barked from Italy himself; but his fleet was scattered by a tempest, and his own vessel was driven on shore at Durazzo. The lieutenant of the Emperor Alexius feigned great sor- row at this lamentable event, and treated Hugh with every outward mark of respect. The count was soon prevailed upon to proceed to Constantinople, where he remained vir- tually a prisoner, although Alexius, — too prudent to proceed to extremities until he had become acquainted with the in- tentions of the other leaders of the Crusade, refrained from placing him under actual restraint ; in fact, by affecting to deplore the misfortunes which had befallen the count, he succeeded in obtaining his confidence, and at length pre- vailed upon him to swear fealty to him. Godfrey de Bouillon, accompanied by his brother Baldwin, and many other noble princes from the banks of the Elbe and the Rhine, proceeded by the same route as Peter the Hermit, but took the precaution of arranging with the King * Rob. Mob., lib. i. 30 BOHEMUND JOINS THE CRUSADE. of Hungary for the necessary supply of provisions for the army, and gave his brother as a hostage for the good con- duct of those under his command. Having passed through Hungary, he proceeded onward to Constantinople by way of Bulgaria and Thrace. Hearing of the detention of the Count of Vermandois, Godfrey sent messengers to Constantinople to demand his liberation ; to this Alexius would not consent, and Godfrey then ordered his troops to devastate the country, which soon brought Alexius to a sense of his real danger, and induced him to liberate his prisoner, who immediately joined the Latin camp. Soon afterwards an invitation was sent to Godfrey to visit Alexius in the imperial palace, unaccom- panied by any troops ; this, however, he prudently declined, having been apprized of the dangerous character of the emperor. About this time the Bishop of Puy, Robert Duke of Normandy, and Robert Count of Flanders, reached Con- stantinople with their numerous followers. Bohemund, # the son of Robert Guiscard, was engaged in the siege of Amain at the time the Count of Vermandois and his companions were passing through Italy for the purpose of embarking their troops. Having sent to in- quire the object they had in view, the names of their leaders, and whether they were under strict military disci- pline, and being satisfied upon these points, he declared his intention of joining the Crusade, and tearing his splendid mantle in pieces, distributed crosses to his troops. He then raised the siege of Amain, and, turning to those under his command, implored them to return thanks to God, who had disposed the hearts of so many thousands of persons to assume the cross, declaring that they could not have been congregated together for such a purpose, and in so orderly a manner, but by the guidance of Heaven. In a short time, the most influential persons in Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily, * Rob. Mon., p. 35. COUNT ROBERT OF PARIS. 31 flocked to his standard ; old and young — rich and poor — masters and servants, were willing to place themselves under this valorous chief. " Fanaticism swept away all other considerations, and in the great effort for the redemption of the Holy Sepulchre, Italy might hope to benefit from the absence of her Norman scourges." Bohemund, having made the necessary preparations, led his followers through Bulgaria and Palagonia, and after having obtained various successes over the mercenary sol- diers of Alexius, reached Constantinople in safety, accom- panied by his cousin Tancred. Upon his approach to the city, Bohemund was met by the whole body of crusaders, who welcomed him with the greatest demonstrations of joy.* His previous successes over the troops of Alexius, were well known to the leaders of the Christian army, and the language in which he addressed his companions in arms, exhibited as much enmity towards the Greek emperor, as towards the infidels themselves. Alexius, seeing the daily increasing number of the crusaders, was struck with dismay ; and he, who had so frequently designed the destruc- tion of others, at length trembled for his own safety. This induced him to study the disposition of the various leaders of the Crusade, and by this means, he eventually succeeded in persuading nearly the whole of them to acknowledge his supremacy. Count Robert of Paris, how- ever, refused to do so,f and the emperor dismissed him without exhibiting any resentment: "indeed, he offered him some prudent advice, as to his conduct in the Turkish warfare." Alexius, ever alive to his own interest, promised to supply the camp of the crusaders until their arrival at Jerusalem, and by this means prevailed upon the chiefs, one by one, to pass the Bosphorus. Gibbon remarks, that the images of locusts, of leaves and flowers, of the sands of the sea, or the stars of heaven, would but imperfectly represent the * Gesta Dei, per Francos, p. 3. f See Sir Walter Scott's Robert of Paris ; also, Ducange, Note, p. 362. 32 SIEGE OF NICE. numbers of the crusaders, who pressed forward to Nice after their departure from Constantinople. 5 * The Sultan Soliman, having heard of their approach, had filled "the city with a powerful garrison, and sent his wife and family there for protection ; feeling* confident, from the strength of its fortifications, that it would stand the most prolonged siege, and that the inhabitants could receive pro- visions and succour as long as they were masters of the lake Ascanius. During this memorable siege, all the warlike engines of antiquity were brought into request ; but from want of concert among the chiefs of the besieging party, the solid walls of Nice withstood the shock of their battering rams, and the missiles discharged from their moveable towers were returned by showers of poisoned arrows, which falling per- pendicularly upon the heads of the soldiers, destroyed many of them. The Christians at length implored the Emperor Alexius to send them some vessels overland, so as to enable them to launch them on the lake Ascanius, and intercept the supplies which were carried to the inhabitants. He ac- cordingly complied with this request, and manned the vessels with the choicest of his archers. f In the mean time, the city was attacked at every vulnerable point by the crusaders, and the inhabitants were persuaded by a Greek emissary to throw themselves upon the protection of the emperor, as the wife and children of their sultan had already been captured, and they could hope for little mercy from the European chiefs who surrounded the city. At the very moment when the latter felt certain of victory, and were preparing to mount the ramparts, the standard of the emperor was seen floating over one of the towers ; and it at once became evident that the crafty Alexius, had secured the possession of the city to himself. The crusaders were loud in their * u Et quis poterat numerare tantam Christi militiam? Nullus ut puto, tot prudentissimorum milites, nee antea vidit nee ultra videre poterit." — Gesta Dei, per Francos, p. 5. ■f- Idem, p. 6. SIEGE OF ANTIOCH. 33 complaints of this ruse de guerre, but their resentment was removed by the costly presents which were given to them. The crusaders now proceeded towards Phrygia, and having arrived at Dorylceum, they were attacked on all sides by the Turks ; for a long time the event of the contest was doubtful, but at length the Christians were victorious, and the soldiers of the sultan retreated in every direction. The former now entered Syria, and commenced the siege of Antioch, which was no less memorable for its duration than for the sufferings of the Christian army. The city was at length taken, after a desperate resistance on the part of the infidels. Robert Duke of Normandy exhibited extraordinary valour upon this occasion; but no circumstance tended so much to rouse the spirits of the Christians, as the supposed discovery of the lance that pierced the side of our Saviour.* The sight of this valued relic reminded them of the grand object of the Crusade, — the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre; and being inspired with fresh vigour, and fully persuaded that Heaven was favourable to their designs, they attacked the city on all sides, and at length the gates were thrown open for the admission of the conquering soldiers. The Caliph of Egypt obtained some important advantages over the Turks, just at the period that the Christians were investing Antioch. Although he had previously promised to aid the latter in the recovery of the Holy City, he failed to do so, having, in fact, gained possession of it himself ; and knowing that the Christians were much weakened by disease and the fatigues attendant upon their repeated contests with the Turks, he declined to ratify the treaty which had been arranged with his ministers. The chiefs of the crusading army told him, that they would open the gates of Jerusalem with the same key which had given them possession of Nice and Antioch ; and they forthwith proceeded with their ar- rangements for accomplishing this object. It will be necessary to abridge the narrative of this im- * See Appendix E. 34 SIEGE OF JERUSALEM. portant siege. During its continuance, Gerard, or Conrad/ the superintendent of the hospital, is said to have been dis- covered by the infidels throwing bread to the Christians. He was seized, and taken before their general ; but when the supposed bread was exposed to view, it had been miracu- lously turned to stone. Gerard was dismissed and permitted to continue his former practice, and the stones which he threw from the city walls at the besiegers were converted into bread. Thus the Master of the Hospitallers was in favour with both parties. # After the siege had continued for five weeks, Godfrey de Bouillon entered the city by the assistance of a wooden tower, which was placed against the most neglected part of the walls. The other chiefs followed his example, and in a short time the city was in their possession.f The Moslems fled to the mosque of Omarf for safety, but they were followed by the victorious crusaders, who continued to butcher them for three days, until at length the whole city was inundated with blood, which in many places reached up to the horses' knees ! The unhappy Jews, equally the objects of hatred to the Christian and the Moslem, were slain without mercy ; after which the crusaders, wearied with these excesses, proceeded to the church of the Holy Sepulchre to offer up thanksgivings for their memorable victory ! " The example of the victorious Godfrey awakened the piety of his companions ; and the most ardent in slaughter and rapine were the foremost in the external observance of religion." * Dugdale's Monasticon, vol. vi., (new Edit.) part 3. t Chronica de Mailros, p. 162. Annales Monast : Burton, p. 248. t See Appendix F. GODFREY ELECTED KING OF JERUSALEM. 35 CHAPTER III. A. D. 1099. WILLIAM RUFUS. ffiaiMM&ILY had the Christians ob- tained possession of Jerusalem, when they proceeded to the election of a sovereign. The Duke of Normandy's taper having taken light spontaneously, whilst the chiefs of the Crusade were before the high altar of the church of the Holy Sepulchre, they offered to anoint him king, but he declined the honour \ and when the election eventually fell on Godfrey de Bouillon, that pious prince, though he acquiesced in the appointment, refused to wear the ensigns of royalty, saying, " It was too great arrogance for him to be crowned for glory in that city in which his Saviour had been crowned in mockery/' # and that he pre- ferred being styled Defender of the Holy Sepulchre, to King of Jerusalem. The important services rendered by the principal of the hospital to the crusaders, during the siege of Jerusalem, were not forgotten by Godfrey, who, immediately after his election, visited the hospital of Saint John, and expressed his warm approval of the manner in which the members treated the sick and wounded under their care, f * Sharpe's William of Malmesbury, p. 449. t Tanner's Notitia Monastica, xviii. Boisgelin's Malta, vol. ii,, Appendix ix., p. 219. D 2 36 ORIGIN OF THE HOSPITALS AT JERUSALEM. There are no less than three manuscripts quoted by Dug- dale, in his Monasticon, # in each of which a different origin is assigned to the hospitals at Jerusalem. In one, they are traced up to the time of Julius Caesar ; in a second, they are stated to have been " coeval with the Maccabees, and Christ himself is said to have taken all things in common there with his disciples ; " and in a third, the merchants of Amain, mentioned in a preceding chapter, are alluded to as the founders of these establishments. Godfrey conferred many privileges upon the Hospitallers, and, among other favours, granted them the lordship of Mont- baire, in Brabant. Gerard,f the principal of the hospital, feel- ing desirous of devoting the rest of his life to the service in which he had been so long engaged, applied to the patriarch of Jerusalem for permission to assume a regular habit. This wish was acceded to ; the members entered the order of Saint Augustine, and received the title of Hospitaller- Brethren of Saint John of Jerusalem. J Pope Paschal II. (A. D. 1113,) afterwards confirmed their privileges, and the order was taken under the special protection of Saint Peter. § Raymond Du Puy succeeded Gerard, and introduced the rules which were afterwards observed. Being desirous of extending the objects of the establishment, by affording to the Christians protection against the attacks of the infidels, he applied to the patriarch of Jerusalem for permission for the Hospitallers to become a military order, without relin- quishing the duties to which they had previously attended. || This request being granted, a general council was held, fresh laws If were drawn up, and the brethren took an oath to * New edition, vol. vi., part 3. t For a list of the masters of the order, see Appendix G. | Boisgelin, vol. i., p. 183. § Vertot. || Archaeologia, vol. ix., p. 128. " Jl faut bien que ces religieux, fondes d'abord pour servir les malades dans les hopitaux, ne furent pas en surete puisqu'ils prisent les armes." — Voltaire, Histoire des Croisades, tome i., p. 185. If These laws were confirmed by a papal bull. See Dugdale's Monasticon, (new edition,) vol. vi., part 3., p. 790. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ORDER. HENRY I. 37 defend the Holy Sepulchre, and to wage a war of extermina- tion against the infidels. Pope Boniface confirmed the rules of the order, and gave permission to the members to assume the title of Knights Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem. Upon their institu- tion as a military body, many of the crusaders joined them, so that it soon became necessary to separate the knights into different languages, or nations.* The languages were those of Provence, Auvergne, France, Italy, Arragon, England, and Germany. The Anglo-Bavarian language was afterwards substituted for that of England, and that of Castile added to the number. The Pope relieved the Hospitallers from all ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and in a short time their wealth increased, and they had possessions in every part of Europe. They were divided into three classes, — nobility, clergy, and serving- brothers ; and in order to effect a systematic arrangement of their possessions, their religious houses were divided into priories, bailiwicks, and commanderies, or preceptories. f The rules of the order were somewhat severe, and many of them applied to the dress of the knights. J The commanderies were smaller houses for the education of the young knights, and the surplus revenue of these establishments was forwarded, at stated periods, to the receiver of the chief priory, who was in like manner account- able to the receiver-general of the order at Jerusalem. § The first introduction of the Knights Hospitallers into England, took place A. D. 1101. || The chief priory, (of which the gate-house still remains) was situate in Clerken- well, described as being at that time " nigh London, "^f There * Boisgelin, vol. i., p. 186. t la the Cottonian Manuscript relating to Maplestead, the terms preceptor, commander, master, and prior, are used indifferently. $ See Appendix H. § Boisgelin, vol. ii., p. 296. Fuller's Holy War, book iv., chap. 5. || Tanner's Not. Mon. Dugdale's Warwickshire, vol. ii., p. 965. f " King Henry I. founded three houses for the Knights Hospitallers." — Tanner s Not. Mon,, pref. v. 38 HABIT OF THE KNIGHTS HOSPITALLERS. were in England no less than fifty-three commanderies (in- cluding those transferred to the order after the suppression of the Knights Templars) ; and it will be shown hereafter that, at various periods, when the Hospitallers in Palestine had been nearly annihilated by the infidels, the loss was quickly remedied by application to their different establishments in Europe. The knights wore a black robe having a white linen cross of eight points fastened on the left side; and took the vows of chastity, obedience, and poverty. They afterwards had a red military cloak, but this was not used in the house. KNIGHTS TEMPLARS. 39 The following ceremonies were performed at the creation of a knight. " 1st. A sword was given the novice, in order to show him that he must be valiant. 2nd. A cross hilt, as his valour must defend religion. 3rd. He was struck three times over the shoulder with the sword, to teach him patiently to suffer for Christ. 4th. He had to wipe the sword, as his life must be undefiled. 5th. Gilt spurs were put on, because he was to spurn wealth at his heels. 6th. He took a taper in his hand, as it was his duty to enlighten others by his exemplary conduct. 7th. He had to go and hear mass, where we'll leave him."* The Knights Templars were introduced into England some years after the Hospitallers, f but it was soon found here, as well as on the continent, that the similarity of the two orders gave rise to continual feuds. Brompton remarks, that the Templars were originally pupils of the Hospitallers, and that they merely escorted the pilgrims from the sea coast to Jerusalem, when requested so to do. This order, however, soon increased in wealth and power, so that it seemed as if the daughter would eclipse the mother. J Voltaire observes, that no sooner were the two military orders instituted, than they vied with each other ; the white habit of the Templars and the black robe of the Hospitallers being the signal for continual warfare, which * Fuller's Holy War. t " This order was founded 1119, and took its name from the knights dwelling in part of the temple at Jerusalem." — Rapin. Henry I. t Brompton, Hist. Anglic. Script., p. 1008. William of Malmeshury. 40 NUN HOSPITALLERS. was carried on with as much acrimony as against their com- mon enemy.* In addition to the knights, there were Nun Hospitallers, who had a separate establishment at Jerusalem, f The dress worn by them seems to have been somewhat similar in all the countries in which the order existed ; and the sub- j oined representation]: is submitted to the reader, not as the * Voltaire.— Hist, des Croisades, p. 73. t Dug. Monast., vol. vi., part 3. X This representation of the Nun Hospitallers is taken from a work entitled " Histoire des Ordres Monastiques, Religieux, et Militaires," 4to., Paris, 1715, tome iii., p. 121. The author has not been able to meet with any description or representation of the dress worn by them in this country. FEMALES FIGHT IN THE CRUSADES. 41 exact costume of the order, but as probably approaching to it in appearance. These nuns were introduced into England at the same period as the knights, to whom they were at first subject, although they afterwards acted quite independently of them. Very few particulars have been preserved respecting these female establishments ; but it may be presumed they were but few in number, as Henry the Second, in 1180, ordered the whole of the sisters to be collected together, and then gave them the preceptory of Buckland, in Somersetshire, for a place of residence, where they remained until the dissolution of the religious houses in 1540. # But the holy war seems to have called forth other feelings than those which actuated the nuns of the order of Saint John ; the religious zeal which glowed in the breasts of the crusaders having influenced many ladies, not only to visit Jerusalem for the purpose of pilgrimage, but also to engage in the battle fray. Fuller, whose gallantry is only equalled by his wit, thus addresses these modern Amazons : " March on, for the shrill trumpet and the fife Your tongues will serve ; and to secure your life You need no weapon, — every face and eye Carrieth sufficient artillery. " It appears extremely probable that the artillery of which Fuller speaks, would be equally as dangerous to the Chris- tians as the infidels; and it is certain that the duties in which the Nun Hospitallers were engaged, were much more befitting the character of the fair sex. The vow taken by these ladies upon their entrance into the order was as follows : — " I, N., promise and vow to Almighty God, to the Virgin Mary his immaculate mother, and to St. John the Baptist, to be perfectly obedient to my superior, to live without pri- * Boisgelin, vol. ii., Appendix ix., p. 217. Dug'» Monast., vol. vi., (new edit.) part 3. 42 DEATH OF GODFREY DE BOUILLON. vate property, and to preserve my chastity, according to the rules of the order." # Many of the princes of Europe who had engaged in the first Crusade, returned home after the deliverance of the Holy City from the hands of the infidels ; the brave Godfrey, however, remained, in order to secure to the Christian world its permanent possession. He did not long survive his elec- tion as sovereign; and on his death, his remains were in- terred within the church of the Holy Sepulchre.f Baldwin, the brother of Godfrey, succeeded to the throne, notwith- standing the opposition of the patriarch of Jerusalem to his election. He obtained various successes over the infidels in Egypt, where he was subsequently carried off by sudden death. His remains were embalmed, at his particular re- quest, and afterwards transferred to the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem. J In 1119, Roger, the guardian to Bohemund II., threw himself into Antioch, in order to withstand an incursion of the Turcomans ; and Baldwin du Bourg, who had ascended the throne of Jerusalem after the death of his cousin, pro- mised to send him immediate succour, but afterwards deter- mined upon heading the troops himself. The infidels having, in the meantime, slain Roger and many of his companions, and hearing of the approach of Baldwin, determined upon * See Appendix I. t " En ce moys de Juillet le vaillant Due Godeffroy, qui estoit gouvemeur du royaume de Jherusalem, eut une inalladie moult forte. L'en manda tous les medecins du royaume. Ilz mirent entour lui toutes les paines quils peuvent, mais riens rjy proumta, car le mal ne se cessoit d'augmenter. Puis il manda gens de religion, comme prelatz, cures, et aUtres preud hommes, pour le conseil de son ame. Moult fut bien confess^ et vrayement, a grans larmes, et en moult grant devocion. Ainsi se partit de ce siecle de certain nous devons penser que l'ame s'en alia avecques les angles, devant la face de Jhesu Crist. II trespassa le xii e iour de Juillet, l'an de l'incarnation nostre Seigneur, mil et cent, enterre fut en l'eglise du souldz le mont de Calvaire, ou nostre Seigneur fut mis en croix. Ce lieu, est garde moult honnestement pour enterrer les roys jusques a au jourdhuy." xx Royal MS. (Brit. Mus.) 15 E. I., pp. vi. xv., (135.) | See Appendix K. FULK OF ANJOU. 43 arresting his progress. A desperate engagement ensued, in which the knights of Saint John signalized themselves, and eventually the Christians succeeded in dispersing their ene- mies ; upon which Baldwin marched onward to Antioch, and filled the city with a strong garrison. He was, however, taken prisoner in an after conflict with the infidels, which circumstance dispirited the Christians so much, that many of them retired to Europe. The brave Hospitallers, however, took possession of Edessa, and preserved it for Jocelyn de Courtenay, who was also taken prisoner by the Turcomans. The Christians, by the aid of a Venetian fleet, soon re- covered from their misfortunes, and the King of Jerusalem was liberated by ransom. He did not however long survive ; his death was occasioned by a severe illness, rendered doubly painful by the misconduct of his only daughter, who, upon the death of Bohemund, her husband, disputed her father's authority over the provinces of Antioch. Fulk, (afterwards surnamed Plantagenet,) Count of An- jou, # who had visited the Holy Land from religious motives, having married Melesinda, the daughter of Baldwin du Bourg, succeeded to the throne after the death of his father- in-law, and was complimented upon the occasion by Pope Innocent II. ; who, at the same time, published a bull, declaring that the Knights Hospitallers were the firmest support of the throne of Jerusalem, and that he had taken this religious-military order under his special protection. Many pilgrims left England about this period ; and during the time that King Stephen was imprisoned by the Empress Maud, his queen, attended by many of the nobility, en- treated the empress to liberate him, promising to endeavour to prevail upon him to visit the Holy Land as a pilgrim. * " Fulk, the great Count of Anjou, being stung with remorse for some wicked action, in order to atone for it, went a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and, be- fore the Holy Sepulchre, was soundly scourged with broom twigs, which grew in great plenty there. Whence he ever after took the name of Plantagenet, or Broom Stalk, which was continued by his noble posterity." — Rapin, vol. i., p. 524. Note.— Richard III. 44 THE SECOND CRUSADE. STEPHEN. The Hospitallers were appointed to defend the city of Beersheba, so as to prevent the incursions of the Turcomans and Saracens, and the selection made of these brave war- riors for the defence of such an important post, fully proves the high estimation in which they were held. # The Chris- tians, in the course of a few years, had to lament the death of another sovereign, Fulk of Anjou having been killed by a fall from his horse whilst hunting. A. D. 1143. The princes who had engaged in the first Crusade being either dead or enervated by the luxuries of the east, an application was made to the nations of Europe for assistance against the infidels ; who, under the conduct of Zengui, the son of Malek Shah, had invested Damascus, and, after a resolute defence on the part of the Christians, had succeded in effecting a breach in the walls, and put the inhabitants to the sword. Louis the Seventh, of France, was the first sovereign of Europe who engaged actively in the Holy War. Having laid siege to the town of Vetri, in Parthos, and put the inha- bitants to the sword, without regard to sex or age, he sub- sequently felt compunction for this atrocious act of cruelty, and determined upon making a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, in order to expiate his crime.f About this period, the Bishop of Zabulon visited the French court for the purpose of soliciting aid in behalf of the Christians in the east, and the king no sooner heard of their sufferings, than he resolved upon engaging in a new Crusade. The sanction of Pope Eugenius the Third was soon procured, and Saint Bernard was appointed to preach the Crusade throughout France and Germany. Bernard, having succeeded in inflaming the minds of the multitude in favour of this enterprise, retired to a monastery ; but the effects of his preaching were so powerful, that per- sons of both sexes assumed the cross, and, according to his own description, " towns were deserted, or the only persons * See St. Bernard in Opp. torn, i., part 2, pp. 547 — 563. t See Appendix L. THE INFIDELS ATTACK JERUSALEM. 45 in them were widows and orphans, whose husbands and fa- thers were still living." # Conrad, the Emperor of Germany, j oined in this Crusade ; and Henry of Huntingdon states, that many persons left England for the same purpose. It will be unnecessary to enter into the details connected with their journey towards Jerusalem ; we shall therefore simply notice, that the French evinced the most heroic courage during the frequent attacks made upon them by the infidels, and that the Germans endured the severest afflictions, arising from disease and the want of provisions. No sooner had this succour arrived in the Holy Land, than the siege of Damascus was determined upon, the post of danger being claimed by the King of France and the knights connected with the two military orders, who are said to have been the best disciplined parts of the army. Owing to some intrigues in the Christian camp, the advantages which were at first gained over the infidels were not fol- lowed up ; but the siege was raised, and Conrad and Louis returned to Europe with their dispirited troops. The loss of the Christians during this short, but fatal Crusade, is esti- mated at 200,000 men. Saint Bernard being blamed for having been the cause of all these evils, referred his accusers to the Pope, whom he represented as his authority for preaching the Crusade. The hopes of the infidels revived with their recent suc- cesses, and their leader, Noradin, besieged and took the city of Antioch ; but the King of Jerusalem, (Baldwin the Third,) coming up to the assistance of the inhabitants, com- pelled him to retire, leaving the city once more in the pos- session of the Christians. During the absence of Baldwin from Jerusalem, the Arabs made a descent upon that city, expecting an easy conquest ; but the inhabitants, aided by such of the military orders as * Eleanora, Queen of France, who, after her divorce, was married to Henry- Duke of Normandy, (afterwards Henry II. of England), joined this Crusade with many ladies of the French court. 46 SIEGE OF ASCALON. HENRY II. were left in it, offered a most resolute defence, and under cover of the night the tents of the infidels were set on fire, and their troops put to flight. Baldwin met them the fol- lowing day making a precipitate retreat, and his troops attacked them with the most heroic courage, so that the enemy, being unable to escape, threw themselves into the river Jordan, and were drowned. Baldwin having determined upon attacking Ascalon, those princes who had taken part in the first Crusade, and re- mained in the Holy Land, felt their former courage revive, and gladly availed themselves of the opportunity of punish- ing the infidels for the numerous excesses which they had committed. At this important crisis fresh succours arrived from Europe, and the siege was commenced by the Chris- tians with every hope of a successful issue. The infidels sustained the siege with the greatest obsti- nacy, but they were at last much straitened for want of provisions, and were preparing to capitulate ; when an Egyp- tian fleet appeared in sight, consisting of seventy galleys, besides vessels of burden, laden with provisions. The admi- ral of the Christian fleet having only fifteen galleys, retired upon the appearance of a more powerful enemy, and thus enabled the Egyptians to land the provisions. A council was held by the croises, and many of the officers urged the necessity of retiring to Jerusalem ; but Raymond du Puy, the Master of the Knights Hospitallers, resolutely stated his determination to continue the siege, nothing daunted by the succours that the enemy had received, and at length his wishes were acceded to. Some of the Templars having observed a breach in the walls of the city, informed the master of their order of the circumstance ; and he, being an avaricious man, (concealing the matter from the rest of the Christian leaders,) effected an entrance into the city, and with his followers commenced plundering the houses. They were soon perceived by the inhabitants, who compelled them to retreat, by hurling upon them stones and every other missile that they could pro- DEATH OF BALDWIN THE THIRD. 47 cure, and the breach was soon afterwards repaired. This misconduct on the part of the Templars was soon known to the whole of the besiegers, and they were subjected to dis- grace ; whilst the Hospitallers, by their disinterested conduct, gained great applause from their companions in arms. The siege of Ascalon was one of the most important achievements of the croises, who, after a most resolute defence on the part of the infidels, obtained possession of the city. # The news of this victory soon spread through Europe, and language was wanting to express the gratitude that was felt for the noble conduct of the Hospitallers. The Pope (Adrian IV.) confirmed the privileges granted to them by his predecessors, and especially confirmed their exemp- tion from the jurisdiction of the clergy. Foucher, patriarch of Jerusalem, incensed at the increas- ing power of this religious order, complained to the Pope that the edifices belonging to it exceeded in magnificence his own church and palace. These disputes were at length carried to such an extent, that the Pope felt it necessary to decide between the parties, and his decision was given in favour of the Hospitallers.-f- The Christians of the east sustained a most severe loss, about this period, in the death of the Master of the Hospi- tallers ; and their afflictions were still further increased by that of King Baldwin the Third. The King of Jerusalem was generally supposed to have been carried off by poison ; and his loss was severely felt, owing to his great virtues. His character was held in esti- mation even by the infidels. Noradin, hearing of his death, and being advised to avail himself of the opportunity which seemed to present itself of extending his dominions, observed, " God forbid that I should take advantage of the miseries of the Christians, from whom, after the death of so great a prince, I have nothing more to fear." At Baldwin's death, there were some disputes as to the * See Appendix M, t See Appendix N. 48 THE SULTAN SANNAR. succession. Amaury, his brother, laid claim to the throne, but some of the chiefs disputed his right, affirming that valour, and not the ties of relationship, had hitherto given title to the crown. These disputes were carried to such a pitch, that the Master of the Hospitallers, (Auger de Bal- ben,) who was equally venerated for his virtues and great age, explicitly declared his opinion that dissensions among the Christians would only tend to promote the interests of the infidels, and enable them eventually to recover posses- sion of the Holy Land. Amaury was therefore declared king, and the various princes took the oaths of allegiance. The venerable Master of the Hospitallers died shortly after- wards, and was succeeded by Arnauld de Camps. The Egyptian caliphs, who were said to be descended from Mahomed, after a lapse of years appointed sultans, who acted as their prime ministers ; and it not unfrequently happened that the latter swayed the sceptre, whilst the former confined their attention to the harem. No sooner had Amaury ascended the throne, than his repose was disturbed by the Sultan Sannar, who not only refused to pay the contribution which his predecessors had been accustomed to do, for being exempted from the incur- sions of the Christians upon their territory, but even attacked the garrisons of Ascalon and several other places. The King of Jerusalem, anxious to punish this rebellious conduct, raised a large army, and both parties were preparing for hostilities, when the sultan's attention was called off by various disturb- ances in Egypt. Whilst Sannar was preparing for warfare with the Chris- tians, a conspiracy was raised against him by a chief named D'Hargan, who assumed the generalship of his army and proceeded by forced marches towards Jerusalem, expecting to surprise the inhabitants ; but owing to the heroic courage displayed by the Hospitallers and Templars, the Christians were enabled to repel this attack. Sannar, having taken refuge with Noradin, Sultan of Alep- po, besought his assistance against D'Hargan, and the latter AMAUKY BESIEGES ALEXANDRIA. 49 applied to the King of Jerusalem, who expressed his willing- ness to assist him, provided he agreed, in the event of success, to pay the customary tribute. To this D'Hargan acceded, but he died in the war that ensued. The situation of the Christians in the east still continued to occupy the attention of Europe ; and in 1166, and the four following years, Henry II. of England obtained grants from his barons for the use of the crusaders. A.D. 1 167. Siracon, (one of Noradin's captains,) the leader of the army which had been raised for the purpose of assist- ing Sannar to quell the insurrection of the rebel D'Hargan, had no sooner succeeded in that object, than his arms were employed against Sannar himself; who, now that he no longer needed the aid of the Turcomans, wished them to depart from Egypt. This conduct incensed Noradin, and Siracon had orders to punish Sannar for his ingratitude. The latter applied to the King of Jerusalem, who, after the rati- fication of a treaty, attacked Siracon, and compelled him to retire from Belbeis, into which town he had thrown his troops. Amaury afterwards besieged and took Alexandria, which was in the possession of the Turcoman general, and suc- ceeded in reinstating Sannar in his former authority; and the advantages thereby gained were so great, as to induce him to contemplate the subjection of Egypt, especially as Sannar evinced an anxiety, almost amounting to fear, at the continuance of the Christians in that country after they had rendered him the service which he had required of them. Amaury was, however, fully aware of the inadequacy of his forces to accomplish this vast enterprise ; and as he was urged to it rather by motives of avarice than by those of he- roic valour, he acted with great caution, that he might not weaken his power and influence in Palestine whilst endea- vouring to extend the territory of the Christians. He had, indeed, obtained a decided victory over the Turcomans at 50 SIEGE OF BELBEIS. Alexandria, but they were ready to avail themselves of the first opportunity of regaining their lost possessions. The due consideration of these circumstances induced him to apply to the Greek emperor for assistance; and William, Arch- deacon of Tyre, having been appointed ambassador to the court of Constantinople, succeeded in persuading Manuel to prepare a fleet to assist the King of Jerusalem in his enterprise against the Egyptians, upon the condition that he should receive a moiety of the possessions which might be acquired. The master of the hospital, Gilbert D'Assalit, was also gained over to the cause, by the specious assurance, on the part of Amaury, that the situation of the military order to which he was attached would be rendered more secure by the conquest of Egypt. It was, however, extremely difficult to convince the council of the order, that they were not depart- ing from the object of the original institution in entering upon such an undertaking ; but at length these scruples were silenced, if not overcome, and the Hospitallers agreed to assist Amaury, provided the town of Belbeis were given to them as soon as it had fallen into the hands of the Chris- tians. The Templars, to their credit, steadily refused to take any part in this matter, declaring it to be their duty to expel the infidels from the Holy Land, — not to wage war against them in other countries. A. D. 1169. The necessary arrangements having been made, Belbeis was besieged by the Christians ; and after a most resolute defence on the part of the infidels, the walls were scaled, and the Christians proceeded to wreak their vengeance on the garrison and the inhabitants. The Hos- pitallers having taken possession of the town, agreeably to the compact entered into between themselves and the King of Jerusalem, the latter proceeded onwards to Grand Cairo. Sannar now became, more than ever, sensible of his danger; and entered into a treaty, according to the terms of which ASSASSINATION OF SANNAR. 51 he was to pay a heavy ransom for his son and nephew, who had been taken prisoners at the siege of Belbeis ; upon their liberation, he paid a portion of the amount, but was quite indifferent as to the full performance of the treaty, and secretly applied to Noradin for aid against their common enemy, the Christians. To this application Noradin returned a favourable answer, and a large army was despatched to Egypt; the general receiving directions to avoid giving the King of Jerusalem battle, previously to the Turcoman army uniting with the forces of the Sultan of Egypt. Amaury, ignorant of the inten- tions of the Turcoman general, advanced into the interior of the country, and at length found himself in an almost helpless situation, his troops deserting him on all sides : to add to his distress, the fleet of the Greek emperor was nearly destroyed by a storm. He had, therefore, no other alternative than to retreat with all possible expedition, — his return to Jerusalem being marked by vexation and disgrace. The religious-military orders did not fail to throw the whole blame upon the Master of the Hospitallers, (Gilbert D'Assalit) ; who, unable to support the obloquy thrown upon him, tendered his resignation, and retired to Europe. On his arrival in Normandy, he had an interview with King Henry II., and was kindly received by that monarch. He afterwards set sail for England ; but the vessel was wrecked, and he was unfortunately drowned. We have now reached a most interesting period in con- nexion with the Crusades. The Christian army having retreated to Jerusalem, Sannar was extremely anxious to be relieved from the presence of the allied army furnished by Noradin ; but its departure was deferred under various pre- texts, and at length Sannar was invited to visit the Turkish camp, where he was assassinated. Siracon, (Noradin's general,) was now declared sultan in Sannar' s place ; but dying shortly afterwards, Noradin appointed Saladin, the nephew of Siracon, to the vacant post. Upon his appoint- ment, (Adhad, the last of the Fatamite caliphs, having been e 2 52 SALADIN, put to death by his order,) he applied to Mostadhi, the Abassidian caliph, and by him was formally invested with the government of the kingdom. # During the life-time of Noradin, Saladin acknowledged his authority, and even after his death the same deference was shown to his son, Alma- lech-al-Salchismael ; until Saladin, having married Noradin's widow, and finding his own power fully established by the bribes which he had given to the troops from the treasury of the murdered Adhad, threw off the mask, and wrested Aleppo from the hands of Noradin's son. Leaving Saladin in possession of Persia, Mesopotamia, and the greater part of Syria, the attention of the reader must now be directed to the events which were taking place in Europe at this period. A. D. 1170. Henry the Second having had various dis- putes with Thomas a Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, f for a long time refused to be reconciled to the prelate ; but being seized with sudden illness, and feeling compunction for his injustice, he promised, upon his recovery, to restore him to his former power and influence. The fulfilment of this promise was delayed by some trivial circumstance that occurred at an interview between these illustrious men : event- ually, however, their differences were arranged. During his disgrace, the archbishop had retired to the continent, and upon his return to England he suspended the Bishop of London, and excommunicated those of Durham and Exeter. These prelates went over to Normandy, and laid their complaints before the King of England, who observed, that among his numerous attendants he had none who were willing to resent the affronts he was continually receiving from the imperious a Becket. Upon hearing this, four of his attendants conspired together, and having passed * The Fatamite caliphs were descended from Fatima, the daughter of Mahomed; the Abassidian caliphs from Abassides, the uncle of Mahomed. The caliphs had continual conflicts with each other, and were styled the white and black parties, from the colours of their ensigns. f For an interesting account of Becket's character, see Turner's History of England, &c, vol. i., 4to. MURDER OF THOMAS A BECKET. 53 over to England, murdered the archbishop as he was offi- ciating at the high altar of the cathedral of Canterbury.* It was not probable that Henry would escape the opprobrium of having caused the commission of this murder ; indeed, the Pope immediately appointed a legate to inquire into the matter. The examination lasted for four months, and every endeavour was made to prove the king guilty, in order to enhance the value of the Pope's intended pardon of the offence; but the former denied being accessary to the mur- der^ although he acknowledged that the words he had dropped might have induced others to the commission of it. The charge was therefore withdrawn, upon his expressing sorrow at what had taken place, and entering into an agree- ment to support, at his own cost, two hundred soldiers, who were to fight against the infidels in Spain ; or, in lieu there- of, to lead an army to the Holy Land in person, and to remain there for three years. J Henry paid but little attention to the promises made to the Pope. Indeed, he even disputed his supremacy ; and when Cardinal Vivian visited Scotland and Ireland, as apostolical legate, for the purpose of inquiring into the administration of the affairs of the church in those parts, the Bishops of Ely and Winchester were sent by him to demand by whose authority he had entered England for such a purpose. A. D. 1182. The Pope (Lucius III.) being convinced of the necessity of another Crusade against the infidels, despatched two letters to the King of England, giving a most lamentable account of the condition of the Christians in the Holy Land, and urging upon him the duty of fulfilling the promise made after the death of Saint Thomas a Becket. The king accordingly, in presence of his nobles at Waltham, assigned 42,000 marks of silver, and 500 marks of gold, in aid of the holy cause,§ but resolutely refused to visit the * Chronica de Mailros. Hume. t " Nee prsecepi uec volui quo Arcbiep. Cant, occideretur." — Rog. Hoveden, Purgatio Henrici Regis. t Speed's Chronicles, p. 516. $ Stow's Annals, p. 156. 54 DISSENSIONS OF THE HOSPITALLERS AND TEMPLARS. Holy Land, or to accept the crown of Jerusalem, which had been offered to him as a lineal descendant of Fulk of Anjou.* At this time fresh disputes arose between the Hospitallers and Templars, which were afterwards adjusted by an agree- ment entered into by the parties. f BromptonJ remarks, that " although the Templars sprang from the Hospitallers, yet this branch, growing up to a great tree, seemed likely to smother the stock from which it was taken." The emulation between these military orders was frequently the forerunner of open ruptures, and their disputes had become so frequent, and so prejudicial to the cause in which both parties were engaged, as to call for the interference of the Pope, (Lucius III.,) who enjoined them to become more friendly, and to remember that, " although the institutions were different, yet it should appear, by that bond of charity which ought to unite them, that they were one and the same regular mili- tary order." § The ill success that had attended those who engaged in the second Crusade, had convinced the nations of Europe of the great danger and difficulty of making any further efforts to prevent the increasing power of the infidels in the Holy Land. Without altogether opposing the wishes of the Pope, the princes of Europe listened to his solicitations with suspicion, and exhibited little alacrity in attending to his orders. A. D. 1185. During this year, Baldwin, King of Jeru- salem, sent the Masters of the Hospitallers and Templars, together with patriarch Heraclius, into Europe, to solicit aid against the infidels. || These legates, upon their arrival in Italy, had an interview with the Pope and the Emperor Frederic I., at Verona. The latter felt little inclination to engage in a Crusade, but the Pope promised to recommend the matter to the serious consideration of the kings of * Speed's Chronicles, p. 519. t Rymer's Foedera, p. 61. Nichols's Leicestershire, fol., vol.iii., p. 945. $ Brompton, (Hist. Anglic. Scriptores,) p. 1008. § Vertot. || Roger Hoveden. HENRY II. AND HERACLIUS. 55 England and France,* and he afterwards addressed letters to them upon the subject-f- it should have been observed, that the Master of the Templars (one of the legates sent from the Holy Land,) did not reach England, having died on the way ; and owing to this circumstance, the situation of the Master of the Hos- pitallers was rendered extremely unenviable, on account of the haughty and imperious behaviour of the patriarch of Jerusalem. Upon the arrival of the legates in England, King Henry went as far as Reading to meet them ; and upon Heraclius presenting to him a letter from the Pope upon the subject of the contemplated Crusade, the king proceeded with them to London, and summoned the barons to meet him at the priory of Saint John, in Clerkenwell. " At this meeting, King Henry declared that Heraclius (then present,) had stirred compassion and tears at the rehearsal of the tragical afflictions of the eastern world, and had brought the keys of the places of Christ's Nativity, Passion, and Resurrection, — of David's Tower and the Holy Sepulchre ; and the humble offer of the kingdom of Jeru- salem, with the standard of the kingdom, as duly belonging to him (King Henry,) as grandson of Fulk of Anjou." j The barons, after deliberating upon the matter, determined that the king ought not to venture his person in the Crusade, but recommended a grant of money being made towards the same.§ Heraclius, displeased at the result of his application, broke out into open abuse against the king, saying, " Here is my head ; treat me, if you like, as you did my brother Thomas, (meaning a Becket); it is a matter of indifference to me, whether I die by your orders, or in Syria by the hands of the infidels, for you are worse than any Saracen." The king was afterwards advised by his barons to confer with * Stow's Annals, p. 157. See Appendix O. t During the time that the patriarch Heraclius was in England, he consecrated the circular part of the Temple church, and also the high altar of the church belonging to the priory of St. John, Clerkenwell. $ Speed's Chronicles, p. 522. $ Rapin. — Henry II. 56 INSOLENCE OF HERACLIUS. Philip of France, as to the propriety of their uniting together in a Crusade, and, in the mean time, to give free permission to his subjects to assume the cross. The Master of the Hospitallers was extremely hurt at the behaviour of the patriarch Heraclius, but the King of Eng- land took no notice of his insolence. At another interview, Henry having adverted to the subject of the subsidy that had been granted by his barons, Heraclius replied, that " it was not money he wanted, but an able general to conduct the war." Henry then observed, that although his son John (afterwards king) had declared, " he had rather in devotion conduct an army against the Turks, than in ambition take possession of the kingdom of England," he had reason to believe that the declaration was not sincere.* Heraclius, being incensed, again urged upon the king the propriety of his going to the Holy Land himself; the latter, however, declined, assigning as a reason that, in all probability, his sons would break out into open rebellion, if he w T ere to leave his kingdom. Upon hearing this observation, Heraclius addressed the king in the most insulting manner, saying, " Well, if it should happen so, it will be no wonder; for from the devil they came, and to the devil they will go !"f Not- withstanding these repeated insults, the King of England had too noble a spirit to exhibit any resentment ; and, upon the departure of Heraclius for the Holy Land, he even ac- companied him as far as Normandy. Whilst Heraclius was in England, and indeed for some years previously, the situation of the Christians in the east was extremely critical. Saladin, as already observed, being possessed of Persia, Mesopotamia, and part of Syria, turned * Speed's Chronicles, p. 572. Rapin. — Henry II. t The introduction of this anecdote may seem ohjectionable ; hut the following note from Rapin will explain the meaning of the remark made by Heraclius, which, as it will be seen, was not the result of mere angry feeling on his part : — «' Brompton says, that the patriarch gave the king very hard words, reflecting on an old story of a certain Countess ofAnjou, the king's great grandmother, who, being reckoned a witch, was said to have flown out of the window while she was at mass, against her will, and was never seen afterwards." PROGRESS OF SALADIN. 57 his eyes towards Palestine, which country separated several parts of his empire. It is natural to suppose that ambition prompted him in his desire to expel the Christians from Palestine. He attacked the castle of Daran, situated about four miles from Gaza, with an army of 40,000 men ; but meeting with a repulse, he retired upon Gaza itself. Here again his hopes were frustrated, and he therefore satisfied himself, at the time, with laying waste the surrounding country with fire and sword. The Hospitallers and Templars fought with the greatest heroism during these contests ; # but it was apparent to the King of . erusalem (Amaury) that he could not retain pos- session of the Holy Land, unless he were assisted. He therefore resolved upon making a personal application to the Emperor of the East. Upon his leaving Jerusalem, the government was placed in the hands of the Hospitallers and Templars, the masters of the two orders having an equal share of power. The lesser Armenia was at this time governed by Thodos, or Theodore, who allowed the religious-military orders of the Latins to have churches in his territory. He also mar- ried one of his sisters to a Christian prince, and declared Thomas, the fruit of this marriage, his successor. His bro- ther, Melier, who had actually become a Knight Templar, afterwards deprived Theodore of his throne, and engaged with Saladin against the Christians in an attempt to besiege Jerusalem. Whilst the Master of the Hospitallers felt it necessary to remain in Egypt, so as to prevent the depar- ture of Saladin's troops for the Holy Land, he directed his brethren to unite with the Templars against Melier. The cruelties inflicted upon the military orders by this recreant were frightful, as he caused his victims to be destroyed by the most lingering deaths. To add to the distress of the Christians, Amaury returned from Constantinople, after an unsuccessful application to the emperor, and died shortly * Vertot. 58 GUY OF LUSIGNAN. afterwards, being succeeded on the throne of Jerusalem by Baldwin the Fourth, surnamed the Leprous. A. D. 1174. In this year the Christians, though greatly inferior in numerical strength, gained a decisive victory over the troops of Saladin, in the plain of Ascalon, and the latter were compelled to retreat with considerable loss. In the following year, however, the former suffered severely in an engagement with Saladin, when the Master of the Hospitallers was wounded very seriously, and the Master of the Templars taken prisoner. The Hospitallers having afterwards fortified a castle on the confines of Judea, one of the generals of the caliph besieged it ; and although the knights sustained their usual character for valour, the castle was carried sword in hand, the master of the order was cast into a dungeon, where he died from starvation, and almost all the knights were put to death. Saladin having ravaged the open country around Jordan, as a return for certain injuries done by the Christians, the latter, feeling the uncertainty of the tenure upon which they held possession of the Holy Land, determined upon obtain- ing, if possible, fresh succours from the west. Baldwin, about this period, married his daughter to Guy of Lusignan, whom he nominated regent, being himself incapacitated, by a con- firmed leprosy, from governing his kingdom. Raymond, Count of Tripoli, opposed Lusignan's appointment, and en- tered secretly into an arrangement with Saladin. In 1186, the King of Jerusalem died, and also his nephew and successor, Baldwin the Fifth. Raymond was now, more than ever, determined that Lusignan should not ascend the vacant throne, and agreed with Saladin to become a Mus- sulman, provided he were allowed to enjoy the kingdom of Jerusalem in peace. Saladin, however, declined this pro- posal, and soon afterwards entered Palestine and invested Acre, the care of which had been previously committed to the Hospitallers and Templars. The immense army of the besiegers did not terrify these brave warriors, who sallied out in the night, " with the sword in one hand and fire in the REGINALD OF CHATILLON. 59 other, and destroyed the enemy's tents, giving no quarter to the infidels. " # Upon the dawn of day, Saladin, perceiving the inferiority of the Christians in point of numbers, reani- mated his soldiers, and a desperate battle ensued, in which the brave Master of the Hospitallers fell, covered with wounds. In this battle many of the Hospitallers were cut off, and no less than sixty of the Templars.f The loss of Saladin was also very severe, as he retreated without taking possession of Acre. After the battle, the body of the Master of the Hospitallers was sought for,J and his funeral solem- nized within the city, " amidst the tears of his knights, and the universal lamentation of the inhabitants." "After the death of Amaury," says Gibbon, "the sove- reigns, or the guardians, of the Holy City were — a leper, a child, a woman, a coward, and a traitor ; yet its fate was delayed by the valour of the military orders, and by the distant or domestic avocations of their great enemy." In 1187, Reginald of Chatillon seized a fortress belonging to the Moslems, and Saladin immediately entered the Holy Land, in order to revenge himself for this insult. He determined upon besieging Tiberias, and the perfidious Raymond prevailed upon Guy de Lusignan to throw into the place his choicest troops ; and having succeeded in this object, the traitor slunk away from the garrison, although the city belonged to himself, and Saladin, by his advice, attacked it with a powerful army. The infidels soon obtained possession of the place, taking the King of Jerusalem and Reginald of Chatillon (the cause of the invasion) prisoners. The former he treated honourably ; to the latter he offered the alternative of becoming a Moslem, or suffering immediate death. The noble prince refused to deny his religion, and perished by the hands of Saladin himself. " The trembling Lusignan was sent to Damascus, to an honourable prison and speedy ransom ; but the victory was stained by the * Contin. Gul. Tyrr. lib. i., c. 5. t Roger Hoveden, in Hen. TI. X Contin. Gul. Tyrr. lib. i., c. 5. 60 SACKING OF JERUSALEM. execution of two hundred and thirty Hospitallers, the intrepid champions and martyrs of their faith. The king- dom was left without a head, and of the two grand masters of the military orders, the one was slain and the other was a prisoner."* Saladin, after allowing his troops to relieve themselves from the fatigues they had endured, marched towards Jeru- salem, and besieged it ; f but the inhabitants flew to arms, and men, women, and children determined to die within the walls of the holy city, rather than submit to the infidel. Saladin himself, however, offered favourable terms to the besieged, having some ulterior object in view, which induced him to think that it was better to obtain Jerusalem by mild measures, than to cause its utter destruction. The reverence in which the city was held by the Moslems was doubtless a powerful motive in influencing his mind, as it was regarded as the centre of the earth, and the appointed place for the general resurrection ; and a prayer offered up within its walls, was considered equal to thirty thousand com- mon orisons ! The terms of capitulation being agreed upon, the Queen of Jerusalem, attended by the inhabitants, passed out of the city before the generous Saladin ; who, instead of insulting their misfortunes, paid every respect to the queen, and liberated many of the prisoners upon the intercession of their female relatives. By this event the spirit of the Chris- tians was completely broken, the holy city was again dese- crated by the Moslems, and the cross was dragged through the streets in awful mockery. But amidst these excesses, Saladin allowed one hundred of the knights of Saint John to remain in their hospital, having heard with pleasure of the tender care with which they treated the sick and wounded, of every country and every religion. A most affecting descrip- tion of the sufferings endured by the Christians upon this occasion, is contained in a letter addressed to Henry the Second, of England, by one of the Knights Templars. J * Chronica de Mailros. t Ibid. J Vertot. THE SALADINE TAX. 6i A. D. 1 1 87. The King of England* and Philip of France, together with the Count of Flanders, moved by the accounts received of their suffering brethren in the east, had a meeting at Guiennes, where they agreed to drop all private animosities, to assume the cross, and unite their forces against the Turks. The tax collected in England at this time was termed the Saladine Tax, and in order to raise it, the king held a parliament at Geddington, in Northampton- shire,f when it was determined that the whole realm should be laid under tribute, and towards it the Christians were made to contribute seventy thousand pounds, and the Jews sixty thousand. The Bishop of Norwich is said to have given one thousand marks to be relieved from joining the Crusade. Prince Richard, (afterwards Richard I.) strongly suspecting that his father wished to make John his successor, endea- voured, but in vain, to prevail upon the latter to join the Crusade. Henry died soon afterwards, at Chinon; — the re- bellion of Richard, and the treachery of John, his favourite son, combining with other reverses to accelerate his death. His corpse was treated with every mark of disrespect, even the covering being stolen from it by his mercenary attendants. He was buried at Font Everard, in Normandy, and a stately tomb was afterwards erected over his remains. J It is said, that when Richard approached the body as it lay in state, (if such a term can be used with propriety,) the blood gushed out from the nostrils of the deceased monarch; and that circumstance so deeply affected Richard, that he declared himself, by his unfilial conduct, to have been the cause of his father's death.§ * Annales de Margan. Rapin. Speed's Chronicles. Chronica de Mailros. t Stow's Annals, p. 157. $ See Stothard's Monumental Effigies. § Rapin. Hume. 62 THE THIRD CRUSADE. CHAPTER IV. A. D. 1189. RICHARD I. (Cceur de Lion) # succeeded to the throne of England upon the death of his father, but evinced no anxiety to leave the continent, where he remained for two or three months, in order that he might formally receive the ducal crown of Normandy, and pay homage to Philip, King of France. Almost the first act of his reign was to despatch messengers to England to liberate his mother, Queen Eleanora, f (who had been imprisoned for many years,) in whose hands he placed the reins of govern- ment during his absence. Prince John, whose irregularities were a source of great uneasiness to Richard, received undeserved favours at his hands, having no less than six earldoms given to him, toge- ther with other very extensive grants. The alteration in Richard's feelings towards his brother was not more remark- * " It is sayd, that a lyon was put to Kynge Richard, beynge in prison, to have devoured hym, and when the lyon was gapynge, he put his arme in his mouthe, and pulled him hy the harte so harde, that he slew the lyon ; aud there- fore some saye he is called Rycharde, Cure de Lyon ; but some saye he is called Cure de Lyon, because of his boldenesse and hardy stomacke." — Peter Langtofft's Chronicles. Note. t Queen Eleanora, upon her death, was buried by the side of Henry II., at Font Everard. For a graphic illustration of her tomb, see Stothard's Monu- mental Effigies. PREPARATIONS IN ENGLAND. 63 able than that which he evinced towards those who had been his own advisers and friends during his father's life time. Instead of loading them with favours commensurate with his ability, he discarded them from his presence, and, as if stung with remorse at his unfilial conduct towards his late parent, all the advisers of Henry enj oyed his special protec- tion and regard. "The king, (says Hume,) impelled more by a love of military glory than religion, acted from the beginning of his reign as if the sole purpose of his government had been the relief of the Holy Land, and the recovery of Jerusalem from the Saracens." In order to accomplish this purpose, he used every means of obtaining money, both by direct and indirect means.* The ecclesiastics preached the Crusade from their pulpits, and the confessors enjoined few penances but what tended to promote the great design of recovering the Holy Land.f Many persons in England having made vows to visit Jeru- salem, and then wishing to excuse themselves from their observance, Richard obtained authority from the Pope to sell them the liberty of violating their oath, and to apply the money thus raised to the purposes of the intended Cru- sade. The revenues of the crown were also sold ; the offi- cers of state were obliged to purchase their situations ; the richer subjects of the realm were compelled to lend money to the king; and the most oppressive taxes were imposed upon the people.^ The King of Scotland, upon payment of a comparatively small sum of money, had Berwick and Roxborough given up to him, Richard resigning, at the same time, all claims to the sovereignty of Scotland ; and the Bishop of Durham purchased the earldom of Northum- berland,^ upon which occasion the king boasted that he had * Clarke's Vestigia Anglicana, vol. i., p. 322. t Rapin. — Richard I. " Pope Gregory exhorted persons of every class to go to the Holy Land." — Chron. Walteri Hemingford, p. 459. t Roger Hoveden, p. 641. § Chron. Thomae Wykes. Stowe's Annals, p. 159. 64 FREDERIC BARBAROSSA. made a young earl out of an old bishop. At length, when his ministers upbraided him for sacrificing every other con- sideration to the support of the Crusades, he replied that he would sell London itself, if he could find a purchaser. # Fulk, a very eloquent preacher, who was inciting the Nor- mans to engage in the holy war, meeting with Richard, King of England, praised his piety and religious enthusiasm ; he however observed, that he had three pernicious passions, (these he termed Richard's three daughters,) which it would be well for him to part with : viz. — Pride, Avarice, and Luxury. Richard replied, smartly, that he would give the first to the Templars, the second to the Cistertian monks, and the third to the bishops of his dominions.^ The Emperor of Germany, (Frederic Barbarossa, nephew of Conrad,) although advanced in years, assumed the cross with his son, the Duke of Suabia. Having collected toge- ther 150,000 persons, they set out for Palestine from Ratis- bon ; but, on their way through the territories of the Greek emperor, were attacked on all sides. Frederic, however, succeeded in putting to flight the troops opposed to him, and at length reached Cilicia. Here, during the heat of sum- mer, he was tempted to bathe in the Cydnus ; but owing to his great age, the coldness of the stream affected him so much, that he lost his life. J After the death of their em- peror, the Germans, under the Duke of Suabia, proceeded to Jerusalem, but by the time they had arrived, their num- ber was scarcely a tithe of those that had originally left Germany. Richard, previously to leaving his dominions for the Holy Land, laid Prince John under an engagement not to enter the kingdom till his return ; and afterwards gave the reins of government into the hands of the Bishops of Durham and Ely. He then proceeded to the plains of Vezely, on the borders of Burgundy, where he met Philip of France. The two monarchs, after having entered into the most solemn * Simeon of Durham. t Vertot. t Annales de Margan. PHILIP VII. OF FRANCE. 65 engagements not to invade each other's dominions, either in person or by their subjects, during the existence of the Crusade, embraced each other with apparent affection, and parted ; Philip taking the road to Genoa, and Richard that to Marseilles, where their respective fleets were ordered to await their arrival.* The combined forces of the English and French before Vezely amounted to 100,000 men; and, although all of them put to sea, they were compelled by stress of weather to make for the harbour of Messina, in Sicily, where they remained the whole winter; and to this delay, Hume attributes all the evils that afterwards resulted from the misunderstanding between the two monarchs. "Richard and Philip," says he, "were, by the situation and extent of their dominions, rivals in power ; by their age and inclinations competitors for glory; and these causes of emulation, which, had the princes been employed in the field against the common enemy, might have stimulated them to martial enterprises, soon excited, during the present leisure and repose, quarrels between monarchs of such a fiery character." During the time they sojourned at Messina, a quarrel arose between the English and the Messinians ; the for- mer, after having gained the advantage, encamped within the city, and planted the royal standard of England on the walls. This conduct gave great umbrage to King Philip, which was still further increased by Richard's refusal to marry Alice, the sister of the French monarch, owing to her disreputable character. Philip left Messina when these differences had been arranged ; but Richard awaited the arrival of Berengeria, the daughter of the King of Navarre, (to whom he was afterwards espoused,) and then set sail for the Holy Land. The English squadron consisted of one hundred and fifty sail, fifty-two galleys, ten large ships of burden, laden with provisions, and many other smaller vessels ; but a storm arose, the fleet was dispersed between Rhodes and Cyprus, * Gul. Neub. p. 355. Aunales de Margan. ti(5 THE CAPTURE OF CYPRUS. and part of it was driven on shore at the latter place, which was then governed by Isaac Comnenus, whose avarice induced him to plunder the vessels.* Richard succeeded in collecting together that part of the fleet which had braved the storm, and at once sailed for Cyprus, where he soon heard of the outrage that had been committed by the cruel and avaricious Isaac. He demanded the instant liberation of those of his subjects who had been imprisoned, but no attention was paid to this request; he therefore attacked the Cypriots on the sea-shore, and com- pletely routed them. Roger Hoveden observes, that the barbed arrows of the English archers fell like showers of rain on the meadows. Richard afterwards attacked the city of Limisso, and took Isaac and his daughter prisoners. " The former he bound with silver fetters,^ with which he is said to have been much pleased, as he had entreated the conqueror not to put him in irons ; but the latter is suspected of having put chains of another description on Richard him- self, as he afterwards evinced great regard for this beautiful princess, and an increasing coolness towards Berengeria." Richard, before his departure from Cyprus, sold the island to the Templars, who accordingly took possession of it. A.D. 1191. Great joy was diffused throughout the Chris- tian army upon the arrival of the English at Acre. This place had been besieged by the Christians for nearly a whole year, and the troops of Saladin, by their continual attacks upon the besiegers, had nearly destroyed all their forces. The arrival of Philip and Richard awakened Saladin to a sense of his imprudence, in not previously attempting, by a bold effort, to relieve the city; as the immense armies of the kings of England and France now rendered the attempt almost hopeless. The Christians in Palestine, having received such impor- tant aid from Europe, were soon enabled, by the assistance of these illustrious leaders, to carry on a series of effective operations. The English and French each day occupied a * Chronica Walteri Hemingford, p. 523. t Chronicon Thoma 3 Wjkes. SIEGE OF ACRE. 67 particular post ; whilst the soldiers of one nation were en- gaged in leading the assault, those of the other guarded the trenches, and provided for the safety of the assailants. Vinesauf gives a most brilliant description of the appear- ance of the allied army before the walls of Acre ; it con- sisted, in fact, " of the noblest youths of Christendom, whose splendid tents, glittering weapons, and gorgeous cogni- zances, displayed every variety of national and individual peculiarity.' ' Nor was the appearance of the troops of Saladin less imposing. Acre was strongly garrisoned, and on the eminences overlooking the city were seen the Mos- lems of Egypt, Syria, Arabia, and other oriental provinces ; and the black banner of the Prophet floated on the walls of Acre, in proud defiance of the crimson standard of the cross.* During this memorable siege, the petty jealousies between the monarchs of England and France were continually reviving ; and the following circumstance may be referred to as increasing these feelings. The throne of Jerusalem, which originally belonged to the family of Bouillon, having descended to a female of that line, who married Fulk, Count of Anjou, (an ancestor of Henry II. of England,) was afterwards transmitted by title to his descendants. This race also ended in a female, named Sibylla ; and Guy de Lusignan, by marrying her, succeeded to the title of King of Jerusalem ; and although Saladin had deprived him of the throne, his title was still acknowledged by the Christians. Queen Sibylla and her children dying, Isabella, sister of the former, was persuaded to have the marriage between herself and Humphrey de Thoron annulled; and she afterwards married Conrad, Prince of Tyre, of the house of Mountserrat, who opposed Lusignan's further pretensions to the crown of Jerusalem. These disputes arose previously to the siege of Acre : Lusignan applied to Richard, who promised to support his pretensions ; Conrad obtained the aid of Philip, — so that a fruitful source of dispute arose even at the commencement of * Vinesauf, lib. i., c. 2. 68 THE FALL OF ACRE. the siege. It was natural that the same differences should prevail throughout the subordinate divisions of the army. The Hospitallers and Templars, as usual, attached themselves to different interests. * The Hospitallers, together with the Flemings and Pisans, sided with Richard and Lusignan; and the Templars, with the Germans and Genoese, took part with Philip and Conrad. The differences between the con- tending parties were, however, eventually arranged ; Lusig- nan remaining titular sovereign of Jerusalem, but Conrad, in right of his wife Isabella, being acknowledged indefeasible heir to the throne, f During the siege, Leopold, Duke of Austria, having taken one of the towers by assault, ordered his banner to be raised upon it, which Richard immediately had removed ; this conduct excited the deadliest hatred in the breast of the duke, which he afterwards took the opportunity of gratifying, by imprisoning Richard on his return to Europe. £ The infidels were not wanting in courage during the pro- tracted siege of Acre, which lasted more than two years; but at length the kings of England and France, being con- vinced of the impolicy of continuing their private animosities whilst an enemy was before them, became reconciled, and had nearly succeeded in taking the city by assault, when a capitulation was demanded by the Moslems, the terms of which were at length agreed upon. The besieged were allowed to leave the city upon pay- ment of a large sum of money, and the deliverance of one hundred Christian nobles and one thousand five hundred * " Robert d'Artois (during the eighth Crusade) upbraided the Master of the Templars, that it was the common speech that the Holy Land had long since been wonne, but for the collisions of the Hospitallers and Templars." — Fuller, book v., chap. 17. t Hume — Richard I. % " Richard, with pride and for humane respect, The Austrian colours he doth here deject With too much soorn ; behold, at length, how fate Makes him a wretched prisoner to that state ; And leaves him, as a mark of fortune's spite, When princes tempt their stars beyond their light." Ben Jeruon. LOSSES OF THE CRUSADERS. 69 inferior captives, together with the restoration of the true cross.* The privations endured by the ciusaders were ex- tremely severe ; and Vinesauf says, that 300,000 were killed by the enemy, and that many more died from disease, fatigue, and the unhealthiness of the climate. The Hospitallers par- ticularly distinguished themselves upon this occasion, so much so indeed as to induce many of the crusaders to enter their order; and upon application to the commanderies of Europe for recruits, it was observed, that the Hospitallers supplied a greater number than the Templars, who seemed more proud and haughty than was suitable to the character of a religious society, " so that all the world was for fight- ing under the banners of St. John of Jerusalem. "-f It is observed by many English historians, that the order of the Garter originated at the memorable siege of Acre, Richard the First having bound leathern thongs round the knees of those soldiers who displayed the greatest valour and particularly distinguished themselves in the assault. There is probably as little truth in the above statement, as in that which assigns the institution of the order to the gallantry of Edward III. ; although it must be admitted, with Hume, that unless the latter be the correct statement, " it is difficult to account for the seemingly unmeaning terms of the motto, or the peculiar badge of the order/' The reader will find much interesting matter connected with this subject in the Introduction to " Ashmole's Order of the Garter," by which it would appear to be the opinion of the learned author, that the order originated under circumstances which it is difficult, at the present day, to ascertain with any degree of correct- ness ; both of the preceding accounts being liable to many weighty objections. Upon the taking of Acre, it was agreed that the spoil should be equally divided between the French and English, * Speed's Chronicles, p. 535. t " The military orders, it seems, were augmented by the entrance of many nohle persons ahroad, after the departure of the two kings, (Richard and Philip,) which noble persons bestowed all their transmarine property on them." — Fas- ti role, p. 119. 70 BRAVERY OF THE HOSPITALLERS. and two commissioners (each attended by one hundred soldiers) were appointed to effect this object; but the dis- tribution was delayed so long, that many of the earls and barons were compelled to sell their weapons and return home. The recovery of Acre is celebrated in verse by a Floren- tine monk ;* and we are told that " the brave Hospitallers, seeing the Turks, in a sally, take a great number of prison- ers, dismounted from their horses, flew to the rescue, like a bear going to be robbed of her whelps, cut some of the Turks in pieces, and then mounting again, pursued the rest of the infidels to the walls of the city." No sooner had Acre fallen, than Philip of France exhi- bited great anxiety to return to Europe, under the plea of ill health ;f and Richard remarked, that if such were the real cause of his wish to leave the Holy Land, he had better go, as the climate was ill suited to valetudinarians. No doubt, Richard secretly suspected Philip's intention of interfering * " Hospitalis milites ab Equis descendunt, Ut ursa pro filiis, cum Turcis contendunt, Turci nostrum aggerem per vim bis contendunt, Hos sagittis fauciunt, hos igni succendunt, Et Hospitalarii Equos accenderunt, Et Turcos a latere manus invaserunt, Quos ad urbis mcenia per vim reduxerunt, Et ex his in foveis multos exciderunt." Mon. Florentin. de Recuperata PtoJemaide. t Annales Monast. Burton. THE HOSPITALLERS SETTLE AT ACRE. 71 with his possessions in Normandy, and of creating disturb- ances in England, as he bound him, previously to his depar- ture, under the most solemn engagements, to conform to his former protestations of friendship. Philip, however, no sooner reached Italy, than he endeavoured to obtain abso- lution from the Pope as to these engagements ; but his application was unsuccessful, as all those who had taken the cross were under the special protection of the court of Rome.* Philip pretended that Richard had driven him from the Holy Land; but this ridiculous statement was opposed by the circumstance of his own warlike character, and his having left part of his troops with the King of Eng- land, publicly ordering them to pay him the same allegi- ance as they had done to himself. After the departure of Philip, Richard put to death many of the prisoners in his possession, in consequence of Saladin refusing to complete his engagement to deliver up into the hands of the Christians the wood of the true cross. f Upon hearing of this act of cruelty, Saladin treated the Christian prisoners in the same manner. The walls of Acre were then repaired by the crusaders, and the altars of the various churches were re-consecrated by the Bishop of Salisbury, who had taken a very active part in the late contest. J A portion of the city was presented to the Knights Hos- pitallers, as a return for their noble conduct, and Acre became their principal place of residence,^ as they had been expelled from Jerusalem by Saladin, after the siege of that place. The Grand -Master of this religious-military order died within the walls of Acre,|| about a year after the Chris- * This circumstance will at once account for the great numher of persons assuming the cross. See Appendix O. t " Crucem tenent, qui crucifixum contemnunt." — Vinesauf, p. 253. (Gale.) t See Appendix P. § " Of the several courts and jurisdictions established in the great city of Acre, the tenth belonged to the Grand-Master of the Hospitallers." — Favine's Theatre of Heraldry, fol. , p. 389. || Roger Hoveden. Contin. Gul. Tyr., lib. i., cap. 5. 72 PROWESS OF RICHARD. tians had obtained possession Jof it. Among the English who fell in the third Crusade, were " William, Earl of Fer- rers ; Ralph, Archdeacon of Colchester ; Robert Scrope, of Barton ; Silvester, the seneschal of the Archbishop of Can- terbury ; Henry Pigot, seneschal of Lord Surry ; Walter Scrope, Mowbray, Talbot, and Saint John ;" and Vinesauf computes those who died at the siege of Acre at 300,000. Bohadin, however, doubles this number. The name of Richard, Cceur de Lion, had become so ter- rible in the east, that mothers used it for the purpose of silencing their refractory offspring, and this method is said to have been resorted to successfully. In the field of battle, Richard seemed to possess the attribute of ubiquity, as scarcely any part of the enemy's ranks escaped coming into collision with him. Wherever danger appeared, the King of England was sure to be engaged ; and he frequently retired from his own troops, and dashing into the opposing ranks of the infidels, CONQUESTS OF THE CHRISTIANS. 73 left ten or twenty breathless corpses to bespeak his mili- tary prowess and the effect of his tremendous battle-axe. Even the horses are said to have been sensible of his pre- sence, so that it became a common practice for the Moslem soldier to say to his restive steed, " You jade ! do you think that King Richard is on your back ?" # Being left in the Holy Land with 30,000 soldiers of various nations, and having arranged for his queen, Berengeria, to remain at Acre, Richard determined upon attempting the capture of the cities and towns on the sea-coast; and in order to effect this object the more readily, the ships be- longing to the Christians carried the provisions, and coasted along in sight of the army. The Christian forces were so closely packed in their march, that Vinesauf (the historian of this Crusade) says, if an apple had been thrown up into the air, it would have fallen on either man or horse. The cities on the sea-coast were successively abandoned by Saladin, after laying their walls prostrate ; and the march of the crusaders towards Jerusalem was a continued battle, as the infidels amounted in number to 300,000. On the plains of Arsura dreadful conflict took place, during which Richard displayed his usual valour and strength ; but although the enemy was superior in number, victory was declared on the side of the Christians. Similar success attended them as they proceeded onwards ; but the voice of envy exposing Richard to imminent danger, he felt desirous of entering into terms with the Moslems, and of returning to Europe. Saladin, however, refused to give up the true cross, and the proposals for peace were not again renewed for some time. The Christians, therefore, proceeded towards Ascalon, " the bride of Syria," and Saladin wept over the city as he ordered its destruction. As soon as the Chris- tians had obtained possession of this once magnificent place, Richard ordered his troops to repair the walls ; but many of the chiefs demurred, and the Duke of Austria, still thirsting with revenge for the indignity offered to him at Acre, sent * Join ville, tome i., p. 274. 74 prince John's rebellion. a sarcastic message to the king, stating that he was neither a mason nor a carpenter ! A. D. 1191. About this period, the prior of Hereford was despatched to the Holy Land, to inform Richard of the endeavour, on the part of Prince John, to usurp the crown of England.* This at once fixed the determination, on the part of the king, to leave the Holy Land ; but he was unwilling to do so, until a fresh leader had been ap- pointed for the Christian army. Conrad was eventually elected, and Richard displayed his magnanimity by assenting to the election of his deadliest enemy, thereby sacrificing his personal feelings at the shrine of public duty. Conrad was, however, soon carried off by the hands of an assassin, one of the disciples of the Old Man of the Moun- tain.f Richard lay under the imputation of this murder, but without the slightest reason. J Henry, Count of Champagne, was elected in Conrad's place, and arrived in the Holy Land, shortly afterwards, with 60,000 troops. The reco- very of Jerusalem was again determined upon, notwith- standing the intended departure of the King of England ; and a council was afterwards held, (consisting of five French barons, five barons of Palestine, five Hospitallers, and five Templars,) for the consideration of this plan, which was ultimately abandoned. § The Christian army was still opposed by the infidels, and nu- merous engagements took place, in most of which the former was victorious ; but many of the crusaders who had left Eng- land with Richard, were wearied by their exertions during this protracted Crusade, and expressed their anxiety to return to their native country. The king, listening to their solicita- tions, and fearing the consequences of Prince John's rebel- lious conduct, at length concluded a singular truce with Saladin for a term of " three years, three months, three days, and three hours ! " || Upon departing for England, * Vinesauf, p. 384. t See Appendix Q. t See a copy of the letter of accusation in Holinshed's Chronicles, p. 136. $ Vinesauf, (Gale,) pp. 372, 404. || Matt. Paris, p. 203. Richard's imprisonment. 75 Richard sent word to Saladin that he might depend upon seeing him again, to attempt once more the recovery of the Holy Land ; to which Saladin nobly replied, that he had rather be dispossessed of his dominions by the King of Eng- land, than by any other monarch in Christendom.* A. D. 1193. Richard passed through the possessions of the Duke of Austria in his way to England ; and, although disguised, he was discovered, seized, and imprisoned. f It is probable that he would never have regained his liberty, had not the place of his incarceration been discovered by the minstrel Blondel, who informed Queen Eleanora of the circumstance. The Emperor of Germany demanded 150,000 marks for Richard's ransom, and " His moder, dame Alienore, and the barons of England, For him travailed sore to bring him out of band." Peter Langtofft's Chronicle. Commissioners were appointed to raise the money, which was partly effected by imposing additional taxes upon the people, and by borrowing one year's wool of the Cistertian monks. In order to make up the deficiency, the plate belonging to the clergy was given up, and even the church chalices J were delivered to the queen, upon her promising to restore them when the king had obtained his freedom. § * Speed's Chronicles, p. 537. Vinesauf. — Kicardi Regis Iter. Hieros., p. 423, (Gale). t Annales de Margan. Chronica Walteri Hemingford, (Gale,) p. 535. " Queen Eleanora applied to the Pope to intercede for Richard's liberation, and stated that " the princes of the earth were agreed to destroy a Christian king, and yet the sword of St. Peter remained in its scabbard." — Rymer, i., p. 57, new edit. X Stavely's History of Churches. Gul. Neub. Matt. Paris. " Sacra etiam vasa altaris direpta sunt." — Annales de Margan. " Ecclesiarum calices vendebantur." — Chronicon Thom Henrici Regis, Richard Ryche. MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 133 The Manor of Little Maplestead was not long retained by Harper, as we find that within six weeks after the property had come into his possession, he disposed of the whole (including the ancient hos- pital, or commandery,) to John Wiseman,* Esq., and Agnes his wife. This deed being somewhat curious, and including a state- ment of the amount given for the manor in the year 1542, a copy of it is subjoined.f Wl)t% UkU^&tltMVt made the xxjth daye of Apryll, in the xxxiijth yere of the reigne of oure Soueraigne Lorde Kynge Henry the Eight, Betwene George Harper, Esquyer, on the one partie, and John Wiseman of Moche Canffelde in the countie of Essex, gentylman, on the other partye, SSJttiuggetJ), that yt is couenanted, condescended, and agreid betwene the said parties by thes presentes in manner and forme followinge, that is to wete, the said George Harper for the causes and considera- cions hereafter in thes presente Indentures expressed and declared, and for diverse other good causes and considera- cions, covenanteth, promyseth, and graunteth to and with the said John Wiseman and his heires, that he the said George Harper, before the feste of Pentecoste nexte comyng after the date of thes presentes, at the costes and charges of the said John Wiseman his heires or assignes, by deade suffi- cyent in the lawe or otherwise as shal be reasonablye advised or devised by the saide John Wiseman his heires or assignes, or by his or thair lernyd counsaill, shall and will conveye and make, or cause to be conveyed and made unto the said John Wiseman and Agnes his wif, and to the heires and assignes of the said John Wiseman, a good, sure, sufficient, and lawful estate in the lawe, in fee symple of and in the Manor of Maplested, with all and singular his rightes, mem- bres, and appurtenences in the countie of Essex, lately be- longing and apperteignynge to the late Pryorie or Hospytall * Sable : a chevron, ermine, between three cronels of tilting spears, argent. t This deed is in the possession of the trustees of the estates settled by Mr. Joseph Davis, upon trust, for the Sabbatarian Protestant Dissenters, as stated more fully in a subsequent page. 34 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. of Sayncte John Jerusalem in Englond, now dissolued, and being parcell of the possessions thereof. And all and sin- guler mesuages, granges, milles, landes, tenementes, medowes, leasues, pastures, comens, waters, fyshinges, mershes, woodes, vnderwoods, rentes, reu'sions, seruyces, advowsons, giftes and rightes of patronage of churches and chapelles, courtes leets, viewes of ftrankeplege, wardes, manages, escheates, releves, heriottes, waiffes, straies, pencions, porcions, tythes, oblacions, and all other rightes, proffittes, commodityes, emolumentes, and hereditamentes whatsoeu' thay be, with thair appurtenences sett, lying, and being in Maplested in the countie of Essex, or elsewhere in the said county of Essex, to the Manor of Maplested belonging or in anywise apper- teignyng, or which are hadde, knowen, accepted, vsed, reputed or takyn as members or parcell of the same manor. And also all and singular courtes leetes, viewes of ffrankeplege, waiffes, strayes, fire warrens, and all other rightes, proffittes, juris- dictions, commodities, and emolumentes which the said George Harp' hath or ought to haue within the saide manor and other the premysses or any parte or parcell thereof, as fully and holly and in as large and ample maner as the saide George Harper lately hadde and opteyned the said manor and other the premysses to hym his heires and assignes for ever, by and of the gifte and graunte of oure saide Soueraigne Lorde the Kynge, as by the lettres patentes of our sayde Soueraigne Lord the Kynge, bearing date at Westm' the eightene daye of Aprill, in the xxxiijth yere of the reigne of our sayed Soueraigne Lord Kinge Henry the Eighte, amonges other thinges therein conteyned more planely at large is shewed and may appere, 1Eo i)au* and to holde the said manor, landes, tenementes, rentes, reu'sions, seruices, and all the premysses, with thair appurtenences, vnto the said John Wiseman and Agnes his wif, and to the heires and assignes of the sayde John Wiseman for euer. $tnt) morcouo: the said George Harper covenantethe, promysseth, and graunteth by thes presentes, to and with the said Johh Wiseman, That the said manor, mesuages, landes, tenementes, and all other the premisses with thair appurtenences at thensealyng of thes presentes be or before the said ffeaste of Pentecoste nexte MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 135 comyng after the date herof, shalbe thereby discharged and exonerate of all and euery former bargaynes and sales, and of all other charges and incombrannces whatsoeu' thay be, hadde, made, or doone only by the said George Harper, (except such statutes, obligacions, and recognysannces wherein the said George standyth bounden, of the whiche statutes, obligacions, and recognysannces the same George and his heires and executors shall from tyme to tyme dis- charge, acquite, or save harmeles, as well the same John Wiseman his heires and assignes, as the said manor and other the premisses. And also excepte the seruyce and yerely rente of twentye and one shillinges and fowre pence reseruyd to the Kinges Highnes owte of the said manor by the said lettres patentes thereof made to the said George Harper in forme aforesaide.) &ntl ftutijermore the said George Harper for hym and his heires promyseth, covenanteth, and graunt- eth by thes presentes to and with the said John Wiseman and his heires, that he the same George and his heires shall and will at all tyme and tymes within the space of thre yeres nexte ensuying after the date of thes presentes, at the costes and charges of the said John Wiseman his heires or assignes, do and suffer to be done all and euery suche reasonable acte and actes, thinge and thinges, as shalbe reasonablie devised or aduised by the sayd John Wiseman his heires or assignes, or by his or thair lernyd counsell, for the ffurther and more better assurannce and makyng sure in the lawe of the said manor, mesuages, landes, tenementes, rentes, reuersions, seruices, and all other the premisses, with thair appurte- nences, to such vses and intentes, and in suche maner and forme as before in this presente Indenture is appoynted, lymyted, or agreid, be yt by ffyne, feoffament, recouery, deade or deades, enrollyd, releas, confirmacion, or otherwise, with warrantie only of the sayde George Harper, or of his heires, ageynste the same George and his heires, or otherwise with- owt warrauntie of the said George Harper. Slut) on this the same George Harper couenanteth and graunteth to and with the said J ohn Wiseman, that the said John Wiseman shall ffrom hensforth haue, holde, and enjoye to hym, to his heires and assignes, all evidences, wrytinges, and muny- mentes concernyng only the said manor and other the pre- 136 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. misses, or any parte or parcell thereof. 3In con£tDcradon of whiche premyssez, and of the covenantes, grauntes, articles, and aggrementes abouesaid, which on the parte and behalf of the said George Harper and his heires are to be obsyruyd, performed, and kepte in forme aforesaid, the said John Wiseman, at thensealing of this presente Indenture, hath well and truly contented, satisfiede, and paied to the said George Harper the some of one hundred fowrescore and twelue poundes sterling, of which said somme of one hun- dred fowrescore and twelue poundes sterling the said George Harper knowlegeth hymself by thes presentes to be well and truly contented, satisfied, and payde, and thereof and of every parcell thereof dothe thereby acquyte, discharge, and relase the said John Wiseman his heires, executors, and admynystratours by these presentes. 3rn fottneg wheareof the parties abovesaid to thes presente Indentures enterchangeably haue putt thair seales the daye and yere furste abouewrittyn. By me, George Harper, (L.S.) The Manor of Little Maplestead having come into the possession of John Wiseman, Esq. by purchase, was left by him in his will to Agnes his wife, (daughter of Philip Jocelyn, Esq.) during her life, and to his heirs in remainder. John Wiseman, Esq., the eldest son, succeeded to the estates, and married the daughter of Sir William Waldegrave, by whom he had a very numerous family. This property eventually came into the possession of the youngest son, Edmund Wiseman, Esq., an involuntary agent in the lament- able circumstances connected with the execution of the Earl of Essex, the celebrated favourite of Queen Elizabeth. It is well known that the earl wrote a letter to the queen previously to his execution, and that its contents were such that, had it been replied to, his life would, in all probability, have been saved. This letter was confided by the earl to Edmund Wiseman, who had long been known as a brave soldier and one of his faithful followers. Through some inadvertence, or more probably through igno- rance of the important contents of the letter, Wiseman MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 137 delayed its delivery until the unfortunate earl had perished on the scaffold. No sooner was he made acquainted with the importance of the document and the fatal consequences of his negligence, than he vowed never again to sleep in his bed ; and this eccentric being satisfied his conscience and performed his self-inflicted penance by having a tree cut into the form of a bed, upon which, until his decease, he was accustomed to repose. This Edmund Wiseman held several courts at Maplestead; after his death his estates passed into the hands of various branches of the same family ; but in 1670 they were sold by Sir William Wiseman, for the sum of 4000Z., to Sir Mark Guy on,* Knt., who, at his death, left them to his only son William, with the reservation, in the event of his dying without issue, that they should pass to his daughters Elizabeth and Rachel. In consequence of William dying child- less, the property afterwards passed to Edward Bullock,f- Esq., who had married the eldest daughter, Elizabeth. In the year 1691, Mr. Joseph Davis, a member of a church of Sabbatarian dissenters, meeting in Mill Yard, Goodman's Fields, purchased the meeting-house with some property adjoining, and a few years afterwards conveyed the same to nine trustees, for the use of the congregation. In 1 705, he also purchased the manor of Little Maplestead of Edward Bullock, Esq. ; and by his will, dated May 5, 1706, devised to seven trustees, members of the said church, an annual rent-charge upon the manor of 501. ; and subject thereto, he * Argeut : three bends, azure, on a canton, sable, a lion passant, guardant, or. t Gules : a chevron, ermine, between three bulls' heads, cabossed, argent, armed or. 138 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. devised the same manor and estate to his son Joseph Davis, for life, with remainder to all the children of his said son for their lives, with remainder to the last-mentioned trustees in fee ; and he devised to the same trustees fourteen houses in Shadwell. The trusts of the Maplestead and Shadwell pro- perty were for the benefit of the church in Mill Yard, and other churches in different parts of the kingdom, most of which have ceased to exist. Joseph Davis, the son, dying in 1731 without issue, the estates at Little Maplestead became vested in the trustees in lieu of the annuity. After this period, all the estates were conveyed to the same trustees, but upon the distinct trusts affecting the separate estates. The property in Essex being now blended with that in Mill Yard and Shadwell, under the common title of the estates belonging to Davis's Charity, it is impossible to give the reader a satisfactory account of the manner in which the proceeds from the Maplestead estates were from this time appropriated, without in some degree touching upon the history of the church of which Mr. Davis was a member; we therefore make no apology for inserting the following particulars.* The original deed of trust relative to Davis's Charity estates is not now in existence ; but it appears, by entries in the old trust-books, to have been the same as a deed executed in 1717, which provided that the meeting-house in Mill Yard should be for ever used and enjoyed by a certain congregation of dissenting Protestants (meeting and assembling themselves together for religious worship every seventh day, or Saturday,) free from rent, &c, and that out of the rents and profits of the other premises in Mill Yard, the meeting-house there should be repaired and the taxes paid, * The accuracy of this information may he relied on, as it has been kindly furnished (at the express request of the author) by Messrs. Holmes and Elsam, the solicitors to the trustees of Davis's Charity, to whom the author takes this opportunity of acknowledging himself much indebted, not only for the care- ful examination of the deeds in their possession relative to the ancient com- mandery of Little Maplestead, but also for having furnished him with a valuable statement of various particulars contaiued in them. MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 1.39 from time to time, as occasion might require ; also that 61. should be paid annually to the minister, preacher, or teacher of the chapel ; it was likewise declared, that the said Joseph Davis, during his life, should receive one third of the residue, and that the remaining two-thirds (and after his decease the whole) of the residue should be appropriated to the poor people of the congregation, according to the discretion of the trustees appointed, or the major part of them. The deed then contained a proviso, (which was also in the original deed of 1700,) that any seven or more of the trustees for time being, might revoke, alter, or make void all or any of the aforesaid trusts, and appoint any new or other trusts, as to them should seem meet; but which power they never took upon themselves to exercise. Towards the close of the last century, the church at Mill Yard had so dwindled by deaths and desertions, that it became impracticable to keep up the number of trustees, and the estates became vested, by survivorship, in three brothers, John Slater, Joseph Slater, and William Slater, all now deceased. They were at this time of about the value of 578Z. per annum, subject to the usual deductions for repairs, insurance, and other outgoings, including an annual payment of 10Z. to the perpetual curate of Little Maplestead. The money arising from the estates was at this time appro- priated in salaries to the ministers of different chapels,* and in allowances made to the widows of deceased minis- ters. Annual distributions were also made among the poor members of the different congregations, and occasional pre- sents were given to ministers and others who had suffered by the pressure of the times. Large expenses were also incurred in rebuilding and keeping in repair the meeting-house in Mill Yard, and other premises. In 1800, Joseph Slater (one of the trustees) being de- ceased, Joseph Slater, his son, was nominated in his stead by his two uncles. In the year 1809, an information was filed by the Attorney-General, on the relation of the last-men- * See Appendix V. 140 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. tioned Joseph Slater, (the present senior trustee,) against William Slater and Mary Slater, the administratrix of the aforesaid John Slater, praying (among other things) that an account might be taken of the charity estates, and of the re- ceipts and disbursements in respect thereof; that new trustees might be appointed to act with the said Joseph Slater, and that all necessary and proper directions might be given for the future conduct and management of the charity estates : and by a decree made Nov. 30, 1811, it was directed, that the Master should appoint proper persons to be trustees, according to the prayer of the information, and should ap- prove of a proper scheme for the future management of the charity estates. The relator's solicitor accordingly, in pursuance of the decree, drew up a scheme, which was submitted to Sir John Simeon, (the Master to whom the cause was referred,) but disapproved of by him for two reasons : first, that the property in question ought not to be applied to the support of such a sect as that for whose benefit it was originally given ; and se- condly, that if it were to be, the sums proposed by the scheme to be appropriated to the different objects, were too great. It was successfully argued before the Master by the relator's counsel, that the Master could not enter into the first point, the court having directed him to approve a scheme for the future management of the charity estates, from which it was to be inferred, that the court had no objection to such an application of the property; and as to the second point, that the reason why the sums in question had been proposed was, that unless the money were so distributed, it must accumulate to no purpose: the remaining objects of the charity being so few. In the report which was ultimately made by the Master in 1823, it was certified that, although by the trust-deed no salary had been expressly provided for the ministers or assist- ant teachers of the congregation in Mill Yard, beyond cer- tain small sums mentioned in the report, yet inasmuch as the surplus rents of the estates were devised for such pious and MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 141 charitable uses, as to the trustees for the time being should seem most fit and needful for promoting the cause of truth and relief of the household of faith, he was of opinion that competent salaries for maintenance of the teachers of the con- gregations was a proper application of them ; the Master also certified, that it would be beneficial that a receiver should be appointed with a proper salary ; and he finally approved of the scheme laid before him, after having made certain variations. By a separate report made in the said cause, bearing date July 18, 1823, the Master certified, among other things, that he found, by the affidavit of the said Joseph Slater, that although a trustee of the said charity estates, he was not a member of the congregation named in the trust-deed ; that to the best of his judgment and belief it was impos- sible to fill up the number of the trustees from the mem- bers of the said congregation as directed by the trust-deed, in consequence of all the members thereof being females ; that it would also, in the opinion of the said Joseph Slater, be injudicious to appoint the minister, preacher, or teacher of the congregation at Mill Yard a trustee, as directed by the said deed ; and that five trustees would be sufficient to conduct and manage the affairs of the said charity : the Master, therefore, having considered this statement of facts, appointed Isaac Vane Slater, Joseph Clover, Thomas Park,* and John James Park, Esquires, jointly with the said Joseph Slater, trustees of the said charity estates, in the room of the said William Slater; which report was confirmed by the Court, July 25, 1823. The present trustees of the estates belonging to Davis's Charity are Joseph Slater, sen., Esq. ; Isaac Vane Slater, Esq. ; Joseph Clover, Esq. ; and Joseph Slater, jun., Esq. The charity estates in Essex comprise the manor of Little Maplestead and the farm of Little Maplestead Hall, con- sisting of the hall, homestead, garden, and lands, altogether about three hundred and fifteen acres ; and also a farm called Bricks, consisting of a farm-house, homestead, and lands, containing about sixty-eight acres. Both these farms are held on lease by Mr. James Brewster ; and the trustees of * See Appendix W. 142 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. Davis's Charity estates, in addition to the foregoing property, are entitled to the great and small tithes of the parish, con- sisting of about one thousand acres, and which tithes are comprised in Mr. Brewster's lease of the two farms. The living is a perpetual curacy in the gift of the trustees. Having imparted to the reader all the information that can be obtained respecting the ancient manor, we proceed to make a few comments upon the commandery originally be- longing to the Knights Hospitallers, reserving our concluding remarks for the parish church, by far the most interesting object remaining in the now almost-deserted village of Little Maplestead. Morant says, that the Knights Hospitallers, after obtain- ing the gift of the manor of Maplestead from the Lady Ju- liana, erected a house called " Le Hopital," because belong- ing to the Knights of the Hospital of St. John, but now Little Maplestead Hall ; which, says he, is a very ancient edifice, as appears from the chimney-piece belonging to the parlour, and also the staircase. The ancient edifice here spoken of has been swept away, not by the hand of modern innovation, but owing to a due regard to the domestic comfort of its inmates, which this time- worn, crazy edifice could no longer afford. Morant mentions, with evident delight, that the building seen by him contained the still more ancient relics of the commanderies of Little Maplestead. " We too can gaze, and think it quite a treat, So they be old, on buildings grim and shabby." But, alas ! not a vestige of the ancient manorial hall ex- ists ; and we can add, upon the best authority, that there are no remains of the ancient hospital or commandery, — nor any indications on the land belonging to the manor of the site of any ancient structure ; and that in the present offices attached to the hall, there are no materials but such as are usually found in farm buildings. " Out upon Time ! he will leave no more Of the things to come, than the things before. Out upon Time ! who for ever will leave But enough of the past for the future to grieve." MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 143 In the " palmy days " of the Knights Hospitallers, the commandery of Little Maplestead was an establishment of some importance. This may be inferred from the fact, that in an ancient manuscript in the British Museum, containing an account of the various establishments belonging to this religious-military order, there are not less than five hundred and eighty-five grants* of land and other property (from persons residing in different parts of the country) to this commandery ,• whereas on other commandery has more than seventy grants of the same description. From what has already been mentioned, there can be little doubt that the present hall stands on the site of the ancient commandery ; it is immediately opposite to, and within a few hundred yards of, the church ; and although no longer inha- bited by the Hospitallers (whose duties were of an eleemo- synary character), it is the residence of a gentleman who retains all the noble feelings that influenced the minds of the ancient knights, — alleviating the wants of the poor belonging to the neighbourhood, and dispensing, with his own hands, the gifts of Christian charity, f It appears, by an entry made in the old rental-book be- longing to the manor, which was inspected by Morant, but is now lost, that previously to the suppression of the Knights Hospitallers, the priest who officiated at the commanderyj was called the Farry-clark, and that his stipend was drawn from the rental of lands and tenements in several parishes in the county of Essex ; the parish of Burnham was, how- ever, the chief source whence his income was derived, there being an entry in the rental-book to the following effect : " The vicar of Burnham payeth by yere to the Farry-clarke forty shillings, or else the Farry-clark may goe to Down-moe priory and take the challys and masse-book, or any other ornament for his dewte," — a privilege of which, we trust, he never availed himself. * See the titles of these grants in the Appendix X. t Mr. Brewster is the perpetual churchwarden and guardian of the poor of Little Maplestead. % For a list of the comraanderies in England, see Appendix Y. 144 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. The living of Little Maplestead is a donative, or perpetual curacy, now in the gift of the trustees of Davis's Charity estates. Newcourt, in his Repertorium, says, that it was entirely free from the control of the bishop up to the time of the dissolution. After Henry the Eighth disposed of the manor, the living continued in the gift of the different pro- prietors. The curate appointed to the church is now licensed by the bishop of the diocese, or his commissary ; but owing to its " being a donative, the curacy is not charged with any first fruits, tenths, procurations, or synodals." The stipend of the present incumbent (Rev. W. Alder, B.A.) is 521. per annum, 10Z. of which is paid by the trustees of Davis's Charity, 201. arises from the rental of about twenty acres of glebe, and the remainder from Queen Anne's Bounty.* The parish offices are held by Mr. James Brewster (of Little Maplestead Hall), who is churchwarden as well as guardian for the parish ; and Mr. Chatteris acts as constable and overseer. The number of inhabitants is about three hundred and thirteen. * Lewis, in his Topographical Dictionary, says, " The living of Little Ma- plestead is a donative, within the jurisdiction of the commissary of Essex and Herts, concurrently with the Consistorial Court of the Bishop of London, en- dowed with 2001. private benefaction, 6001. royal bounty, and 200/. parliament- ary grant." LITTLE MAPLESTKAD CHURCH. 145 CHAPTER VIII. LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. " My travels are at home, And Lumsden taught me to converse of Rome ; The arch Palladian and the Parian stone I love, — the pride of Chambers and of Soane ; And oft in spots with ruins overspread, Like Lysons, use the antiquarian spade." IREFIOSBSbll? to entering upon the description of Little Maplestead Church, it appears necessary to offer a few remarks relative to the struc- tures erected by the early Christians, in order to point out the circum- stances that seem to have induced them to give the preference to a circular form. Sir George Wheler, in his Account of the Primitive Churches, says, that even in the first century the Christians had stated places of public worship,* and his opinion is corrobo- rated by other authors : indeed, we are told that Peter and John, the disciples of our Saviour, erected a church at Lidda, or Lydda, during * " Saint Paul is most plain concerning the place, in 1 Cor. x., where, in the 18th verse, he seems very plainly to have respect to the place. "Xvuegxofiivap ifxcov iv 1y iKKX-ncia. When ye come together in the church. For, first, otherwise it would he a redundancy in words ; when ye come together would be enough. And next, he himself interprets that by the place, ver. 20, iir\ lb avlb. When ye come together therefore in one place, or rather in that, or the same place, with relation to 4KK\T](rla, for so the particle olv, therefore, doth joyn them." — Wheler s Churches of the Primitive Christians, p. 7. L 146 LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. the life-time of the Virgin Mary, and that her portrait, painted by St. Luke, formed one of its chief ornaments :* the same disciples are also said to have erected another church at Tortosa. There can be little doubt of the existence of churches in the. second century, even sup- posing their erection at an earlier period to admit of any ; as Clemens Alexandrinus says expressly, " I call not now the place, but the congregation of the elect, the church. ,"f Baptisteries may certainly be classed among the earliest structures connected with Christian worship, and of these many are attributable to the munificence of the Emperor Constantine, and of his mother Helena. The form generally adopted in these erections was octagonal, although some were polygonal, and a few circular. " As the first Christians always practised baptism by immersion, and wherever they formed a nucleus, wanted a building for this purpose, as much as for that of worship, Constantine no sooner gave his Basilica of the Lateran to Pope Sylvester, than he erected behind it a baptistery, to which he gave the octagonal shape, in order that the assist- ants might, from all sides, more easily view the cistern that served as a font." % This form or shape became in the course of time so hallowed, that almost every baptistery in Europe was built in imitation of the earlier erections raised by Con- stantine. Montfaucon mentions eight octagonal buildings in France, which were probably used as baptisteries. The adoption of the octagonal form, in preference to any other, for sacramental purposes, is clearly proved by the * " Prima denique in honorem Deiparae aedificata fuit Diospolitana sen Liddensis 18 miliarbus ab Hierosolymis, quam a SS. Petro et Johanne, ipsa adhuc vivente Deipara; et ut ejusdem in ea repositam imaginem a S. Luca. depictam, testatur Johannis Damasceni seu Orientalium Synodica ad Theophy- lline Imp. p. 115." t Ou vvv lov 16irov, d\\k lb a^poiff^ia 1wv fKKA^cn&JV, €KK\ri(riau Ka\a>. — Clem. Alex. Strom. 7. % Hope on Architecture. LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 147 inscription over the baptistery of St. Thecla, at Milan ;* (in which an allusion is also made to the salutary effects of baptism upon the Christian ;) and if any thing were wanting to show the reason of this preference being given, it would be sufficient to observe, that by a distinctive form being used in these structures, the character and purpose of their erection were clearly exhibited ; a circumstance that could not fail to excite in the minds of the faithful, a strong veneration for the important rites that were performed within their sacred walls. The various baptisteries now existing are distinct from, but adjoining, the churches to which they belong; and this appears to have been invariably the case, as Tertullian observes, "When we are come to the water to be baptized, we not only there, but also somewhat before, in the churchy under the hand of the minister, make a public declaration that we renounce the devil, his pomps and his angels." f Robinson states, that in the earliest ages, " the administrators and candidates were accustomed to descend into the bap- tismal font ; but subsequently the administrators ascended, and plunged the children into the water, without going in themselves.";}; The form of the churches of the early Christians was not less peculiar than that of their baptisteries. They were frequently circular on the plan;§ and, as many of the baptisteries corresponded with them in this respect, it has been pre- sumed, that in the various round churches now existing in Europe, and originally erected by the crusaders, this form was * " Ochtachorum sanctos templum surrexit in usus Octagonus fons est munere dignus eo Hoc munero decuit sacris baptismatis aulam Surgere quo populis vera salus rediit." Gruter, p.. 1166; Ciampini, P. ii., p. 22. t " Aquam adituri, ibidem, sed et aliquanto prius in Ecclesia, sub Antistitis mane contestamur, nos renunciare Diabolo et poropae et angelis ejus." — Tertull. de Coron. Mil. c. 3. ;i J Robinson on Baptism. § " The first metropolitan church, however, at Antioch, built under the orders of Constantine, was of octagonal form." — Christie. L 2 148 LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. adopted owing to the rite of baptism being performed, upon entrance into the religious-military orders ; but this is erro- neous, as the erections of the crusaders were not only used as places of sepulture, but were originally built in imitation of the church of the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem ; whereas " burial was not allowed in baptisteries."* We have already assigned a reason for the form of an octagon being selected for the ancient baptisteries; and as the supposed tomb of our Saviour was situate in the centre of the church at Jerusalem, the circular form was equally as well adapted as the octagonal, for a large assemblage of persons obtaining a distinct view of the object of their veneration. Although bathing for chivalrous purposes was indeed sometimes used in the baptisteries on the con- tinent, it appears evident that the round churches of the crusaders were merely intended to imitate the holy sepulchre. The baptisteries of the early Christians were attached only to the most important of their churches, and were erected at a time when baptism was performed at stated periods of the year.f The introduction of fonts J has set aside the * " In Baptisteriis mortui sepeliri vetantur iD Concilio Altisiodori." — Ducange, cap. 14. " Among the primitive Christians, burying in cities was not allowed for the first three hundred years, nor in churches for many ages after; the dead bodies being first deposited in the atrium, or church-yard, and porches and porticoes of the church. By our common law, the granting of burial within the church is the exclusive privilege of the incumbent ; except in cases where a burying- place is prescribed for as belonging to a manor-house, (Gibson, 453). The churchwardens, by custom, have, however, a fee for every burial there, as the parish 'is at the expense of repairing the floor.' (Watson's Clergyman's Law, cap. 39.)" — Rees' Cyclopaedia, art. Burial. t Ducange. f " The term font is of ancient use among the early fathers of the church, origi- nally applied to the fountain, or part wherein persons were immersed or baptized, afterwards to the vessel capable of admitting adults, and at last to the vessels of the present form to contain only the water. The baptistery at Canterbury cathedral, and the font in St. Martin's church-yard, were used for baptizing children or adults." — Archaologia, vol. x., p. 201. See also Stavely's History of Churches. LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 149 necessity of these erections, and the ancient decree which forbade the burial of persons in churches has also been annulled ; so that at the present time, the Christian rites of baptism and burial, are performed under the same roof, and in the round churches as well as in all others. The following observations by Boisgelin,* respecting the initiation of the Knights Hospitallers, will clearly prove that it was unconnected with the rite of baptism by immersion. " Many authors," says he, " have given very false ideas of the oath taken by the knights, owing perhaps to their never having read it in the original text. I shall therefore cite it, in order that it may be better understood. ' Those who are determined to dedicate themselves to the service of the sick, and to the defence of the catholic religion, in the habit of our order, are received at their profession in the following manner: — they ought to be perfectly well acquainted that they are about to put off the old man, and to be regenerated, by humbly confessing all their sins, according to the esta- blished custom of the church; and after having received absolution, they are to present themselves in a secular habit without a girdle, in order to appear perfectly free at the time they enter into so sacred an engagement, with a lighted taper in their hand, to hear mass, and to receive the holy communion, "f The novices were then presented to the person who was to perform the ceremony, and who addressed them in a short speech, enjoining them to be obedient to the rules of the order ; after which, they took the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, and were clothed with mantles, each having on it a white cross, as a symbol of the true cross upon which Christ suffered. The only part of the cere- mony at all referring to baptism, was the use of the lighted * History of Malta. t " After the Council of Nice, Christians added to baptism the ceremonies of exorcism and adjurations, to make evil spirits depart from the persons to be baptized. They made several signings with the cross, they used to light candles, &c. At that time, also, baptized persons wore white garments till the Sunday following." — Rees' Cyclopedia, art. Baptism. 150 LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. taper. " In the institution of baptisteries, a reference was made to the death and resurrection of our Saviour, and to the baptized Christians dying unto sin, and walking in new- ness of life." The same events were also signified by tapers and lamps, as Amalarius says, " All the lights remain extin- guished till the last litany, which belongs to the mass of the resurrection ; then the lights of the church are lighted up to show that the whole world was iLluminated by the resurrec- tion of Christ." Of the various round churches erected in England, only four remain, viz., the Temple Church, London, the churches of St. Sepulchre's at Cambridge and Northampton, and that of Little Maplestead ; of these, the last is the subject of our more immediate inquiry. The plan of Little Maplestead Church is very justly described as unique, having not only a circular west end, but also a semi-circular chancel. Dr. Stukely, Fosbroke, and others, have drawn their conclusions as to the anti- quity of many churches from the existence of this peculiar feature; on the other hand, Rickman, after noticing in terms of commendation the various parts of Maplestead Church, observes, that it exhibits the latest specimen of the kind. # The late Mr. Gough, in his Essay on Fonts,i- after observ- ing upon the great age of those at St. Martin's, Canterbury, and St. Peter's, Oxford, remarks, that " the font of Little Maplestead is still simpler," and therefore indicative of greater antiquity : so little, however, is known respecting Saxon archi- tecture, that we are not disposed to venture the opinion that the last-mentioned font is of that style ; but its simplicity, and the rudeness of its execution, prove it to be much more ancient than the church to which it is now attached. J These remarks lead us naturally, we had almost said ne- * Rickman's Attempt. t Archeeologia, vol. x. % " The font, (at Little Maplestead,) from its exterior arcades, appears very rude and ancient ; but the smallness of its basin implies that it was never used for baptismal immersion." — Britton's Architectural Antiquities, vol. i. LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 151 cessarily, to the expression of an opinion, that the present church is not that given to the Knights Hospitallers by the Lady Juliana Andelin. The charter of donation seen by Morant, was indeed without date ; but the confirmation of that charter by the husband of this lady is dated 1186, a period memorable in the annals of the Hospitallers, owing to the visit paid to England by the Grand-Master of their order, accompanied by Heraclius, the patriarch of Jerusalem ; upon which occasion the high altar of the priory at St. John's, Clerkenwell, was consecrated, and also the circular part of the Temple Church. The present church at Maplestead being decidedly built in imitation of the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem, must either have been erected by the Hospitallers themselves, or by the Lady Juliana for their use. If by the latter, it would indeed be remarkable that a church of so singular a form, and a copy from so celebrated a model, should not have been specially noticed in the charter of donation. The style of architecture in the Temple Church, London, (erected in the same year as that in which the manor of Maplestead was given to the Hospitallers,) is the early English; whereas that of the present church at Little Maplestead is the deco- rated, with flowing tracery and other indications of the style prevalent at a later period. From the above-mentioned fact, we conclude that the present church was erected by the Hospitallers, as nothing was more natural than that " there should be very early imitations (especially by the crusaders) of the church of the resurrection, within whose site the triumphs of the cross were rendered complete, and of which it was itself the splendid memorial :" and in proof of the correctness of this opinion, it should be noticed, that in most cases the churches erected by the Knights Hospitallers were dedicated to their patron, St. John the Baptist ; whereas those which came into their possession from the Knights Templars, retained the names of the saints to whom they were originally dedicated. The retention of the Norman font at the time of rebuilding the church, is a clear proof that 152 LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. this building, (whatever may have been the case in other instances,) was never used for the purposes of baptismal immersion. Dallaway, in his Discourses upon Architecture, observes, that " the whole of the four remaining round churches were originally merely circular, having received subsequent addi- tions of oblong naves, to which they are now vestibules.'' As regards Little Maplestead thh is incorrect, as will appear evident from the following remarks, which are the result of a careful investigation, made by the kind permission of the present incumbent. An examination having been made at various points of the building, it appeared that the founda- tions throughout are on one level, being three feet six inches below the surface of the soil. The lower part of the walls, to the height of two feet three inches from the bottom of the foundation, is of an increased thickness, owing to there being a set-off of six inches externally, which runs round the whole of the building ; and at the points where the circular portion of the building, at the west end, unites with the nave, there is not the slightest indication of any difference of work- manship or materials. In opening the ground at «, on the plan, (plate 1,) the remains of a buttress were discovered, (see plate 4, fig. 1,) the plinth of which is formed of regular masonry, with a chamfer on the top edge stopping on the returns against the face of the building. The discovery of this buttress naturally led to an examination of the opposite side of the building, and, as anticipated, a cor- responding buttress exhibited itself at b, on the plan. Prosecuting these researches, each buttress was examined separately, and it was clearly ascertained that the whole of the chamferred plinths to the buttresses are on the same level ; this tended to confirm the opinion that the different parts of the building are coeval. On taking up the paving internally, where the circular and straight portions unite, the materials and workmanship were found to correspond in every particular. It should also be observed, that the whole of the walls are formed of rubble work, (merelv LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 153 the dressings of the windows, doors, and the plinths and water tables of the buttresses, being stone,) that they are of exactly the same thickness throughout ; and that although the windows of the western part of the building, (the circular part,) are much larger than those of the nave, the width of the mullions in each case is precisely the same, the only difference arising in the necessary enlargement of the tracery to the larger windows. The stone is also similar, the jambs of the windows being formed of free stone, and the mullions and tracery of Caen stone. It is necessary that these par- ticulars should be mentioned in a critical notice of the build- ing under investigation, inasmuch as they seem to establish, beyond a doubt, the fact, that at least one of the round churches is an exception to the statement made by Dallaway. The singularity of the plan has already been commented upon ; with reference to the semicircular chancel, we may add to what has already been stated, that the font being Norman, and the form of the chancel peculiar to this round church, it is quite possible that when the more ancient struc- ture was demolished, this feature (so prevalent in Norman buildings) was retained. In the absence of historical proof of the age of the church, comparison is the only scale by which a correct judgment can be formed. The beautiful doorway at the west end, which is decorated with ornaments peculiar to the reigns of Henry III. and Edward I., enables us, by comparison with other buildings, to arrive at a very satisfactory conclusion as to the age in which the church was erected. The inlaying of quatrefoil compartments upon the jambs, arch, and label moulding of the doorway, very strikingly resembles that introduced upon Geddington Cross, Northamptonshire ; and it is especially deserving of notice, that trefoil compartments of a similar character are in each of these structures introduced in immediate con- nexion with quatrefoils. A similar kind of ornament occurs in the western front of Dunstaple Priory, Essex,. which, although originally Norman, has received some later 154 LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. insertions ; the part to which we refer, was probably intro- duced in 1273, in which year (according to the Chronicle of Dunstaple) the western front of the priory church was re- paired and beautified. In endeavouring to ascertain the age of these additions to the priory, Britton remarks, that " as a similar kind of orna- ment is introduced in both erections, the probability is that they are of the same age." Pursuing the same course of reasoning, we would observe, that as the date of erection of Geddington and Waltham crosses corresponds within a few years with that of the alteration in Dunstaple Priory, and as the style of decoration assimilates with that which is observ- able in the doorway of Little Maplestead Church, it is extremely probable that the whole of these buildings were erected at nearly the same period. But the reader is referred to the subjoined list, containing numerous examples of the peculiar ornament referred to ; of which it should perhaps be observed, that while that on the monument of Edmund Crouchback (Earl of Lancaster, and brother of Edward I.) is precisely similar to the one at Maplestead, the others exhibit slight variations ; though only such as may be accounted for by the fact, that not having been intended as exact copies, they merely display the style of decoration that was prevalent at the several periods of their erection. Quatrefoil compartments in spandrels of arches to nave and choir of Westminster Abbey . 1269 „ to the jambs of doorway from Westminster Abbey to the east cloister 1270 ,, to the west front of Dunstaple Priory 1273 „ on Geddington Cross ( erected to the me- 1 ,, on Waltham Cross (moryof Q.Eleanor $ ,, on the monument of Edmund Crouchback, Earl of Lancaster, and brother to Edw. I. 1 296 To the Architect, the plates introduced to elucidate the church require but little, if any, explanation ; but a few LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 155 remarks are necessary for the information of the general reader. The peculiar form of the plan is shown in plate 1. The general dimensions are as follow: — total length of the church internally, 62. ; diameter of circular part, west end, 29. 6; width of nave, 15 feet. It is much to be regretted that the view of the semi- circular chancel of the church is altogether excluded by the screen introduced to form the vestry, which from its shape and contracted dimensions is exceedingly incon- venient for the purpose to which it is applied. The con- struction of the roof having been very carefully examined, it appears that this screen might be removed, without inter- fering in the slightest degree with the stability of the build- ing; and the following alterations may be suggested, as likely to afford to the spectator an uninterrupted view of the chancel end, if not to restore this part of the building to its original condition. The present appearance of the chancel end will be readily apprehended, by reference to No. 1 of the subjoined engrav- ings. No. 2 represents the proposed alteration, which ^V,V^^ Ki yy ? /. y i ' i V \T \ \\ /y'//i i i \ \ \ \ X s No. i. No. 2. might be effected by the removal of the present screen, and the introduction of an arch at the point where the semi- ]56 LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. circular portion dies into the walls of the nave. Niches, similar to those represented, might be formed for the pur- pose of receiving the decalogue, &c. By a reference to the longitudinal section, plate 3, it will be seen, that by setting back the gable end of the roof beyond the line of the present screen, an opportunity would be afforded of introducing light through the semicircular curb, which receives the present rafters of the chancel roof. The effect produced by this light would, it is presumed, be extremely pleasing, as the arch, without obstructing the rays of light, would partially con- ceal the source whence it was derived. # The alteration sug- gested, would much improve the appearance of the church, as the continuance of the perspective is now lamentably in- terfered with, by the cumbrous and unsightly altar screen. The transverse and longitudinal sections, (plate 3,) are suf- ficiently explanatory to render it unnecessary to give any detailed observations respecting them. Carter, in his notice of this church says, that with the exception of the roof, the whole building presents one uniform style of architecture, and that it is impossible to imagine how the roof and the circular part at the western end were originally finished. We cannot but think these observations somewhat precipitate, as there are several pieces of masonry observable in the upper part of the walls of the nave, which seem to have belonged to a parapet. The form of the upper part of the west end was probably hexagonal, as that is the plan of the arches below ; it may, however, have been circular, and the annexed view of the church of St. Jean le Rond,f at Paris, will clearly show the manner in which this part of the building may have been finished originally. The similarity between * The effect, as regards the light, would be somewhat similar to that of the eastern end of the Catholic Chapel, Moorfields, which building was erected from the designs of John Newman, Esq., F.S.A, t This church was destroyed during the French revolution. The annexed representation is taken from a French work, in which it is described as having been a structure of the greatest interest, owing to its peculiar form, and the character of its details. LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 157 this church and that at Maplestead consists not only in the circular form, but also in the character of the buttresses. The views (plates 2 and 5) will convey to the reader an accurate idea of the appearance of the church externally ; it seemed unnecessary to introduce any elevations, inasmuch as the only interesting features are the doorway and windows, which are represented in plates 6 and 7. An erection has been raised at the west end of the church, (as represented in the frontispiece,) and appropriated to the use of the Sunday-school. This unseemly excrescence wholly conceals the beautiful doorway, which is much to be de- plored, its connexion with the church not being absolutely necessary ; as, owing to the small population of the parish of Little Maplestead, and the distance of the church from the residences of the cottagers, the school-room would be much more convenient if situated in the village. Its removal from its present situation would add very considerably to the appearance of the church ; independently of which, the orna- ments of the doorway would escape the gradual obliteration which they are now suffering from every additional coat of whitewash that the school-room receives. Dr. Franklin, in one of his essays, gives a ludicrous account of the annual whitewashings to which the houses are subjected in America, where the ladies turn their liege lords out of house and home, in order that they may in- dulge in their favourite propensity. Although this mania has not seized the ladies of our own country, it seems to be making rapid strides among those of the other sex, who are 158 LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. officially connected with our churches and cathedrals. No- thing is more common in entering such buildings, than to notice alternate streaks of yellow, black, and white, intro- duced to distinguish the various mouldings of the clustered pillars ; and not unfrequently the grotesque heads, introduced as corbels to support the roof, are made, by the assistance of the village painter, to look smilingly and contentedly under the superincumbent weight. This beautifying may please the vulgar, but it entirely removes the venerable aspect so impressively assumed by mouldering stone. The awe-inspiring grandeur of our cathedrals and churches, creates an instinctive feeling of their age and connexion with by-gone days ; but no sooner has the brush of the " improver " been passed over the graceful and delicate enrichments which characterise the Gothic style of architecture, than that sombre effect, which produces so powerful an impression upon the mind, is entirely destroyed. Denon, in speaking of the temples of Egypt, says, " they are open volumes, in the pages of which history is recorded, morality taught, and the useful arts practised ; " and the same observation may be applied with propriety to the venerable structures that adorn our native country. There are few persons, we should presume, who, upon entering a church and beholding the monumental brasses of their forefathers, do not feel disposed to remove their thoughts from the present, turn them back upon the past, and " Live — not in themselves, but become Portion of that around them." The structures of former ages are the text-books of the Architect and Antiquary; to them they are indeed open volumes, in the pages of which the history of their favourite science is recorded ; and if the whole structure form the vo- lume, its constituent parts may be regarded as the means by which the original architect possessed the power, even after death, of addressing himself in a language comprehensible to the initiated, though not so to the generality of mankind. LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 159 The importance of Architecture is so great, as to require no extraneous recommendation: it stands pre-eminently con- spicuous as the elder sister of the Arts, and as that from which every other art derives spirit and energy. These observations will prove to those who have the power of preserving the Architectural remains of former ages, that the wanton spoliation of any structure, and the obliteration of even a moulding, is an injury not only to the Architect, but to the nation ; since it is by the careful study of the details of a building that the student becomes conversant with the principles of his art, that he is enabled to imbibe the spirit which actuated the mind of the original Architect, and to imitate that, of which he would, under less favourable cir- cumstances, be merely the copyist. The preservation of those structures which are rendered venerable by their having become the depositories of departed virtue, cannot be too strongly insisted upon; indeed, an increasing desire has lately been evinced to effect this object, and if, by the present work, the attention of the public be directed to the dilapidated condition of the church at Little Maplestead, the object we have in view will be attained. There are not many such remains of antiquity, and for that reason we have here given some draughts of it ; to which we were the more inclined, because it is possible it may ere long be levelled, and not only the figure of it forgot, but the very place also where it stood. 'r t \ $ ■ s & t£J .< k y B i 5 > H ■-. ~ | < :: H ^ - 1 - * r K - <€ •> & ^ | H 1 ^ tq N 5 •s Details of Fcntt. Flan, JLITTILE MAPJLE STEAD CIMJIK.CM .ESSEX, J'rinted. ly 3roMt. LondcTL,hil'liskedDec r liH3S, by T'STVaUen,!' ^2^^^^^£^=^^^^^^^S^r^^. H— % ws-~-L\r "-3 Drawn "bj "William. Wallsn. . Ar - ' ! rcLit: E tclie d "b v Ge oroe Sawkin s >F S1IFT JOHN'S GATE, OLE FORMERLY BELONGING TO tele priory of the wwmm^$ wmsmsmmumM OF SAIOT JOJHLW OF JEJRFSA1EM. - '" :;■■_._•. Engraved T>j - - iittie ^ttPiESTEAD nEDTIRCIEr, ESSEX, : E VATl n ? NAVH . PL.VTL. - ■ •ft APPENDIX. A.-( P . 5.) Erasmus says, that " if the fragments of the cross were collect- ed together, enough would be found for the building of a ship ;" and the following extracts from various wills of eminent English persons in the middle ages seem to bear out this remark. Will of Elizabeth, Countess of Northampton, dated 1356.— " I do will to the church of Friar Preachers, London, the cross made of the very cross of our Saviour's cross, wherein is contained one of the thorns of his crown." — Nicholas's Testamenta Vetusta, vol. i., p, 60. Will of Thomas, Earl of Warwick, dated 1369.— " To the Bishop of Lichfield, a cross of golde, wherein is a part of the very cross of Christ : and to Sir J. Beauchamp, a cross of gold, wherein part of the very cross of Christes cross is contained, enamelled with the arms of England!" (p. 80.) Will of Thomas, Earl of Oxford, dated 1371.—" To Maud, my wife, all my reliques now in my own keeping, and a cross made of the very cross of Christ's cross." (p. 87.) Will of Philippa, Countess of March, dated 1378.—" To Ed- mund, my son, a gold ring, with a piece of the true cross, with this writing, ' In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti. Amen.' " (p. 101.) Will of William Wykeham, Bishop of Winchester, dated 1403. — " I bequeath to my church at Winchester, one cross of gold, with relics of the cross of our Lord." (vol. ii., p. 768.) B.-(p. 5.) " The space enclosed in the Campo Santo is filled to the depth of ten feet with earth brought from the Holy Land by the galleys M 162 APPENDIX. of Pisa in the twelfth century, and is supposed to have had the peculiar quality of corroding the bodies deposited in it, and destroying them in twice twenty-four hours" — Eustace's Classical Tour, vol. ii., p. 287. In Cresy and Taylor's excellent work on the Architecture of the Middle Ages, there is an interesting description of the Campo Santo at Pisa, in which it is said that, " according to common report, the sacred soil had the effect of reducing a corpse interred in it to dust, in the short space of fourteen hours ; this power has, however, long since been lost." C.-( P . 5.) " The question as to the circumstances under which Julian was deterred from rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem, is not yet exhausted ; a very plausible explanation of the phenomenon has been recently published, and received with an attention of which it is not undeserving. It may reasonably be supposed, that during the long period that intervened between Titus and Juliau, the vast caverns, by which the greater part of Jerusalem was un- dermined, being obstructed by rubbish, would remain untenanted, and probably unexplored ; and thus the workmen of Alypius, when they proceeded with torches to examine and penetrate the gloomy labyrinths, might be terrified, and expelled by frequent explosions of inflammable air." — Wadding ton 's History of the Church, p. 112. E.— (p. 33.) An interesting account of the discovery of the lance, and a very beautiful illumination representing the same, may be found in Eoyal MS. (Brit. Mus.) 15 E. 1. F.-( P . 34.) " Cette magnifique plate-forme, preparee sans doute par la nature, mais evidemment achevee par la main des hommes, etait le piedestal sublime sur lequel s'elevait le temple de Salomon ; elle porte aujourdhui deux mosquees Turques : l'une, El-Sakara, au centre de la plate-forme, sur l'emplacement meme ou devait s'etendre le temple ; l'autre, a l'extremite sud-est de la terrasse, touchant aux murs de la ville. La mosquee d'Omar, ou El- APPENDIX. 163 Sakara, edifice admirable d' architecture Arabe, est un bloc de pierre et de marbre d'immenses dimensions, a huit pans ; chaque pan orne de sept arcades terminees en ogive; au-dessus de ce premier ordre d'architecture un toit, en terrasse d'ou part tout un autre ordre d'arcades plus retrecies, terminees par un dome gracieux couvert en cuivre, autrefois dore. Les murs de la mosquee sont revetus d' email bleu; a droite et a gauche s'etendent de larges parois terminees par de legeres colonnades moresques correspondant aux huit portes de la mosquee. Au-dela de ces arches detachees de tout autre edifice, les plates-formes con- tinuent et se terminent, l'une a la partie nord de la ville (de Jerusalem) l'autre aux murs du cote du midi. De hauts cypres dissemines comme au hasard, quelques oliviens et des arbustes verts et gracieux, croissant ca et la entre les mosquees, relevent leur elegante architecture et la couleur eclatante de leurs mu- railles, par la forme pyramidale et la sombre verdure qui se de coupent sur la facade des temples et des domes de la ville." — Voyage en Orient, par M. Alphonse de Lamartine, tome ii., p. 170. The reader will also find a very interesting account of the mosque of Omar in the Modern Traveller, (volume on Palestine.) See also Clarke's Travels in Greece, Egypt, and the Holy Land, vol. ii., 4to., p. 601, and Dr. Richardson's Travels. G.— (p. 36.) List of Masters of the Knights Hospitallers. FROM DUGDALE's MONASTICON. 1. Gerard, who was guardian of the hospital of the poor in Jerusalem, and found there when Godfrey of Bologn and the Christians took Jerusalem, anno 1099. He held it nineteen years. 2. Raymond de Puy, who made the rule for the Hospitallers, and had it confirmed by Pope Eugenius, 1118, was Master thirty- two years. 3. Auger de Balben, a most religious man, 1 160, was Master three years. 4. Arnaud de Combs, a generous man and advancer of the order, 1163. 5. Gilbert Assali, or de Sailly, who did much good in his short time, 1167. m 2 164 APPENDIX. 6. Gaston, or Castus, of singular humility and goodness, for whose sake the order was much favoured, 1169. 7. Jubert, or Jobert, 1169. 8. Geoffrey de Druston, a very religious and good man, and a great lover of the brothers, and of the sick, 1179. 9. Hermengard d'Apt, in whose time Jerusalem was lost, 1181. 10. Roger de Molins, who made good statutes, and had the rule confirmed by Pope Lucius, 1185. 11. Gamier de Napoli, notable in feats of arms, 1193. 12. Alfonso, a Portuguese, 1194. 13. Geoffrey Rat, 1194. 14. Guerin de Montaigne, a very brave man, 1206. 15. Bertrand de Gexi, 1230. 16. Gerin, who heaped much treasure, 1234. 17. Bertrand de Comps, much increased the dominion of the order, 1244. 18. Peter de Villebride, 1248. 19. William de Chateauneuf, 1251. 20. Hugh de Revel, who much reformed the order, 1260. 21. Nicholas de Largue, in whose time a white cross and red armour were ordained, 1278. 22. Odo, through whose ill management the order suffered much, and the Pope intermeddled in their affairs, which had not been done before, 1288. 23. William de Villaret, 1296. 24. Fulk de Villaret, 1308. 25. Maurice de Pagnac, 1317. 26. Leon de Velleneufve, 1323. 27. Deodatus de Gozon, 1346. 28. Peter Cornillan, 1353. " The Monasticon goes no further, the rest shall be continued here from other authors." [Stevens.) 29. Roger de Pins, 1355. 30. Raymund Beranger, 1364. 31. Robert de Juliers, 1373. 32. John Ferdinand de Heredia, 1376. 33. Philibert de Naillac, 1396. 34. Antony Fluvinny, 1421. A.PPENDIX. J 65 35. John de Lastic, 1437. 36. James de Milly, 1454. 37. Peter Raymond Zacosta, 1461. 38. Baptist Ursin, 1467. 39. Peter d'Aubusson, Cardinal, 1476. 40. Emery d'Amboise, 1503. 41. Guy Blanchefort, 1512. 42. Fabricius de Carrette, 1513. 43. Philip de Villiers de l'lsle Adam, settled the order at Malta, in the year 1530, after the loss of Rhodes, was himself before enthroned in 1521. 44. Perrin du Pont, 1534. 45. Didier de St. Jaille, 1534. 46. John Diomede, 1536. 47. Claudius de la Sengle, 1556. 48. John de la Valette Pansot, 1557. 49. Peter du Mont, 1568. 50. John de la Cassicre, 1572. 51. Hugh de Loubens de Verdade, Cardinal, 1582. 52. Martin Garcia, 1595. 53. Adolphus de Vignacourt, 1601. 54. Alonso Mendez Vasconcelos, 1622. 55. Antony de Paula, 1623. 56. John Paul de Lascaris, 1636. 57. Martin de Redin, 1637. 58. Anet de Gesson, 1660. 59. Raphael Cotoner, 1660. 60. Nicholas Cotoner, brother to Raphael, 1663. H.-(p. 37). Rules of the Order of the Knights Hospitallers. FROM DUGDiLE's MONASTICON. 1. That they make and observe the three vows, of poverty, chastity, and obedience. 2. That they require nothing as their due but bread, water, and a poor garment. 3. That the clerks serve at the altar in white surplices. 4. That the priest carry the body of our Lord to the sick, with ]66 APPENDIX. a surplice on, the deacon or other clerk going before, with a light- ed candle in a lanthorn, and a sponge with holy water. 5. The brothers always to go abroad two or three together, at the appointment of the Master ; to do nothing that may give offence. 6. No woman to wash their heads or feet, or make their beds. 7. Both lay and clergy-men going a questing, to repair to churches, or modest people, and ask their diet for charity, and buy no more ; but if they find none to give sufficient, they may buy enough to subsist on. 8. To receive nothing but what they account for to the Master, and the Master to transmit the same to the poor. 9. The Master to retain the third part of all provisions and, if any thing be to spare, to send it to the poor of Jerusalem. 10. No brothers to go to quest, but such as are sent by the Master and the Chapter. 1 1 . The brothers to be satisfied with such diet, as the brothers where they go have, and to carry light with them. 12. That they wear no clothes misbecoming the order, nor any skins of wild beasts. 13. That the brothers eat only twice a-day, both on Wednesday and Saturday, and eat no flesh from Septuagesima till Easter, ex- cept the sick and infirm. 14. That they never lie naked, but with some sort of garment on. 15. If a brother commit fornication in private, let him repent privately, and have proper penance enjoined him ; but, if he be discovered by any, he is to be stripped the next Sunday after mass, in the church of the same town, and most severely scourged, and then expelled ; but, if he afterwards return penitent, he may be again received. He is to be enjoined penance, and be kept a whole year without ; and then, if he appear penitent, the brothers to do as they think fit. 16. If one brother quarrels with another, and the complaint be brought to the procurator of the house, he shall fast upon bread and water Wednesday and Friday, and eat on the ground, without a napkin, for seven days. 17. If one brother strikes another, to continue as above forty days. APPENDIX. 167 1 8. If any brother depart from his house or master, he must eat on the ground forty days, feed on bread and water Wed- nesdays and Fridays, and be as long out of the house as he was abroad, unless the chapter think fit to moderate the same. 19. The brothers to observe silence when eating, and in their beds, and not to drink after complin. 20. Any brother misbehaving himself, and not amending after two or three admonitions, to be sent a-foot to the Master to be corrected. 21. No brother to strike any servant. 22. Any brother keeping any thing of his own, and dying with- out revealing the same, to have his money tied about his neck, and be severely whipped in the presence of the rest. 23. Masses to be said during thirty days for all brothers in the houses where they die, and alms to be given for them, &c. 24. That they give righteous judgment in all cases. 25. Any such person to be received, to confess and communi- cate, and to be charitably entertained according to the ability of the house. 26. The Epistle and Gospel to be sung on all Sundays, a pro- cession to be made, and holy water sprinkled. Any brother be- stowing the money of the poor to make a party against the Master, to be expelled. 27. If two or three brothers live together, and one of them mis- behaves himself, the other to reprove him, without defaming ; if he amend not, then to call two or three brothers to correct him ; and if still he persist, then to transmit the matter in writing to the Master. 28. No brother to accuse another without good proof. 29. All the brothers to wear the cross on their breasts. I.— (p. 42.) " King Henry II. gave the lands and houses of the canons of Buckland, in Somersetshire, to Gamer de Neapoli, prior of Saint John in England, for the endowment of a priory of Sister Hospi- tallers for the benefit of the order of Saint John, under a stipula- tion that sisters of that order should never be received into any other of their houses in the kingdom. After which, the said Gamer called together the sisters from the several hospitals 168 APPENDIX. in England, and appointed nine to be the first sisters in Buck- land. "The office of the sisters in Jerusalem was to be nurses to the sick pilgrims, besides whom there were other charitable women, who, in several parts of Christendom, made it their business to assist and take care of sick and indigent people. The similarity of their vocations was probably the reason of their assuming the habit of the sisters of Jerusalem, and made them choose to reside in or near the preceptories of the Hospitallers. Of such of these, the first nine sisters established at Buckland were chosen."— Collinsoris History of Somersetshire, vol. iii., p. 96. K.-( P . 42.) " The tombs of Godfrey de Bouillon, and Baldwin his brother, (which drew forth the enthusiastic apostrophe of Chateaubriand in favour of his countrymen,) have been spitefully destroyed by their rivals the Greeks, so that not a vestige of them remains to mark even the spot whereon they stood." — BuckingJiam 's Travels in Palestine, p. 248. Dr. E. Clarke says, "the tombs were close by the entrance of the lower chapel of the Holy Sepulchre." The following is the trans- lation given by Fuller of the Latin inscription on Baldwin's tomb. 9$altJfotn* anotfjo; Jftaccafa* for mtgf)t ?^ope, i)t\v of fyt j£tate ano fcotf)'s tJcltg^t ; ©*0ar, fotti) lEggpt'g ^an of i)tm afrato, 9&louOg iBamagcug to i)tm tribute pa(t), &la$! \)txt in tins tomfo te lata. L.-(p. 44.) The leaders of the first, second, and third crusades, were in- duced to engage in those enterprises, in order to expiate their sins. Peter the Hermit had been dissolute in his youth, and visited the Holy Land as a penance. Louis VII., for having cruelly put to death the inhabitants of Vetri, determined to undertake the se- cond crusade, in order to atone for his crime. Henry II. was pardoned for the presumed murder of A'Becket, upon condition that he promised to undertake a crusade. His son, Richard, upon r APPENDIX. 169 his death, undertook to fulfil this promise, and was urged to this line of conduct from a desire to do penance for his unfilial con- duct towards his deceased parent. M.— (p. 47.) The conduct of the Hospitallers at the siege of Ascalon, called forth the commendation of the Pope, who, in a bull directed to the Grand-Master, speaks thus favourably of the order : — " As you, my brethren, make so worthy an use of your goods and possessions, employing them for the maintenance of the poor, and entertainment of pilgrims, we forbid all the faithful, of what dignity soever they are, to exact the tythe of your lands, or to publish any ecclesiastical sentence of interdict, suspension, or excommunication, in the churches belonging to you ; and in case of a general interdict laid upon whole countries, you may still continue to have divine service said in your churches, provided it be done with the doors shut, and without ringing of bells. We grant you likewise the liberty of admitting priests and clerks, as well into your principal house of Jerusalem, as into the other subordinate houses that depend upon it. And if any bishops or ordinaries oppose it, you may nevertheless, in virtue of the autho- rity of the holy see, receive them after proper testimonials of their conduct ; and such priests and clerks shall be absolutely exempted from their jurisdiction, and be subject only to the holy see and your chapter. You may likewise receive laiks of free condition for the service of the poor. And as for such brothers as have been once admitted into your society, we forbid them to quit it, or to enter into any other order, under pretence of greater regularity. And with regard to the dedication of your churches, the consecration of your altars, and the ordination of your clergy, you shall ayjply to the bishop of the diocese, if he be in com- munion with the holy see, and will confer holy orders gratis ; but if not, you are authorised by the holy see to chuse any bishop you shall see fit. Moreover, we confirm anew all grants of lands and seignories in the present possession of your house, or which you shall hereafter acquire on this side the sea or beyond it ; as well in Europe as in Asia. In fine, when it shall please God to take you to himself, we ordain that your brother-hospitallers shall 170 APPENDIX. have full and entire liberty to elect your successor, any force or con- trivance to the contrary whatsoever notwithstanding." — Vertot's History of the Knights of Malta. N.— (p. 47.) The subject of the disputes between Foucher, patriarch of Jerusalem, and the Knights Hospitallers is thus detailed in the Boyal MS. (Brit. Mus.) 15 E. 1, p. 294. cap. xiii. xiiij. (294). " Comment les prelats apres le complainte des Hospitalliers se partirent du JPappe sans pouvoir auoir aucun droit. " Le patriache et les autres prelats d'orient se presentment devant le sainct pere et les cardinaulx. Ilz ne leur furent mye trop bien receus. Aracois leur firent tous moult laide chiere tellement que des le premier iour de leur entree se peuvent au- cunement appercevoir a quelle fin leur besogne viendroit. Mais ilz estoient saiges hommes si n'en firent nul samblant et pour ce ne laisserent oncques a venir a la court, toutes les fois qu'ilz peurent entrer. De leurs besongnes parloient moult songneuse- ment aux cardinaulx et sie**oient le sainct pere par les eglises ou il alloit. " Maintes fois requirent qu'on les ouyst contre les hospital- liers adfin de leur faire droit. Beaucoup furent delayes mais au devrain leur donna Ten congie de racompter leur fait. Ceulx eurent asses saige conseil et fut leur raison moult bien contee. Apres ce iour on leur ordonna ung autre, puis le tiers, le quart, le quient, et moult estoient loing a loing. " Longuement eurent la demoure ne de riens n'estoient leurs besongnes avancees. Sy s'en commencerent a plaindre tant que bonnes gens vindrent au patriache qui eurent pitie de son travail et lui dirent que par leur conseil il ne se tarderoit plus la et le firent certain que les hospitalliers feroient contre lui et contre les eglises tout ce qu'ilz vOuldroient. Le bon homme qui bien le penssoit parce qu'il l'avoit veu le creut moult legierement. Sy prindrent congie lui et ses compaignons sans plus faire. Au retour se mist moult greve des cousts et des despens tout honteux. " De tous les cardinaulx ne peurent oncques trouver qui deuers eulx se tenissent par droit que deux. L'un d'eux avoit nom Octo- APPENDIX. 171 vien l'autre Jehan de Sainct Martin cestui avoit este archediacre de Sur quant le patriache en avoit este archevesque. Bien eussent voullu ces deux qu'on fist raison a ces preudhommes mais ilz n'avoient mye le povoir contre tous les autres. Le sainct pere se partit de Ferentine et passa champaigne tant qu'il vint a Benevent." 0.— (p. 55.) " The Earl of Albemarle, and others, went with the first cru- sade, and several English noblemen accompanied Louis VII. in the second ; but the cause was not national, nor by any means general." — Mills's History of the Crusades, vol. ii., p. 9. 0.-(p. 71.) The cross-legged figures which are so numerous on sepulchral monuments, are supposed to have been representations of those who assumed the cross, or contributed to the expense of the cru- sades, as well as of those who actually visited Palestine. P.-(p. 71.) " Hubert Walter, the fifth Bishop of Salisbury, was elected at Pipewell, September 15, 1188, and consecrated, according to Le Neve, at Westminster, October 22 following. In the year 1190, he accompanied King Richard the First on his expedition to the Holy Land ; and .soon after his return to England, he was elected to the archiepiscopal see of Canterbury, in 1193." — Brittons Salisbury Cathedral, p. 17. Q.-(p. 74.) " There had been settled for several ages, in the mountains of Phoenicia, between Tortosa (or Antaradus, as it was then called) and the town of Tripoli, a sort of banditti, who seemed to be Mahomedans, but in reality had scarcely borrowed any thing from that sect, but their hatred of the Christian name. Their com- mander took on him no title but that of OLD, or Senior, a term from whence, in those times, was derived that of Seignior, which, in bastard Latin, signifies the same thing ; and he was called * The Seignior, or Old Man of the Mountain,' on account of the mountainous country which these banditti inhabited. The 172 APPENDIX. Seignior of the Mountain made use of his followers to dispatch his particular enemies. Their palace was a sort of school of as- sassins, and it was not customary for these barbarians to carry any other arms than a poniard, called in the Persian language Has- sisin, from whence we have formed the word assassin." — Vertofs History of the Knights of Malta. R.— (p. 99.) " The Chronicle compiled at Saint Albans, anno 1483, printed by William Caxton, 1502, particularly relates the poysoning of King John. The Kyng came by the Abbey of Swynesheade, and there hee abode two dayes ; and as he sate at mete, he axed a Monke of the House, How moche that loaf was worth that was sette before hym uppon the table ? And the Monke said, That the loaf was worth but an halfpenny. said the King tho, Here is grete chepe of brede ; Now sayd he tho, an I may lyve ony while, such a loaf will be worth xx shillings or half a year be gone. And so when hee sayd this worde, moche hee thought, and often hee sighed, and toke and ete of the brede, and sayd ; By the worde that I have spoken it shall be soth. The Monke that stode before the Kynge was for this worde full sory at his herte, and thought rather hee would hymselfe suffre deth, and thought yf he might ordeyne therefore some manere remedye. And anone the Monke wente unto his Abbot and was shriven of hym, and tolde the Abbot all that the Kynge had sayd ; and prayed his Abbot for to assoyle him, for he would gyve the Kynge such a drynke, that all Englonde shold be glad thereof and joyfull. Tho yede the Monke into a gardeyne, and founde a grete Tode therein, and toke her up and put her in a cuppe, and prycked the Tode thorugh with a broche many tymes, tyll that the venym came out of every syde in the cuppe. And tho toke the cuppe and filled it with good ale, and brought it before the Kynge, knelynge sayenge ; Sir, sayd hee, wassayll, for never the dayes of all your lyfe dronke ye of so good a cuppe. Begyn Monke, sayd the Kynge ; and the Monke drank a grete draught, and toke the Kynge the cuppe, and the Kynge dranke also a grete draught and set down the cuppe. The Monke anone ryght went into fyrmerye and there dyed anone, on whoos soule God have mercy. Amen. And fyve Monke synge for his soul specially, APPENDIX. 173 and shall, whyle that the Abbaye standeth. The Kynge rose up anone full evyll at ease, and commanded to remove the table, and axed after the Monke; and men tolde hym that hee was dead, for his wombe was broken in sundre. Whan the Kynge herde this, he commaunded for to trusse, but it was for nought, for his belly began to swelle for the dryncke that he had dronke, and in the two days hee deyed ; on the morrowe after Saynt Luke's daye." — Prynne, p. 37. S.— (p. 109.) In the Retrospective Review, there are the following judicious remarks (in the review of a work entitled Nicolai Gutleri His- toria Templariorum, Jlmstelodam, 8vo., 1703,) upon the subject of the suppression of the order of the Knights Templars. " The quarrel of the French king with the sovereign pontiff, Boniface VIII., is the first circumstance of his reign which seems in any degree to elucidate this question. The imperious obstinacy and the unappeasable rancour of the French monarch, gave this contest a character of personal animosity, which raised in the mind of Philip an insuperable feeling of hatred towards all those who had rendered any assistance to his great enemy. The Templars, it seems, had been guilty of this offence. {Ventura Chron. Astense, c. xxvii. t. xi. p. 192, cited by Sismondi, Rep. Ital, vol. iv., c. 26.) " Although possessed of considerable revenues, Philip was always poor ; and to supply his wants, he resorted to means alike disgraceful to himself, and injurious to his subjects. But to accomplish the destruction of a noble and gallant order, whose riches and influence were alike to be dreaded, and who reckoned among their numbers some of the highest and the proudest of the land, was a task which required the most subtle contrivance. The golden reward, however, was sufficient to tempt the avarice of Philip, and his unfeeling and obstinate temper was a guarantee for his success. It is true, that by the decrees of the Council of Vienne, the estates of the Templars were all conferred on the order of St. John of Jerusalem ; but it was nearly ten years before the French king could be prevailed upon entirely to yield them up. It required the utmost exertion of the joint influence of the Pope and Philip to induce Edward II. of England to unite in this 174 APPENDIX. foul conspiracy. Strongly convinced of the innocence of the accused, he applied to the Pope in their behalf. He even addressed letters to several of the sovereigns of Europe, beseeching them not to give ear to the injurious aspersions which had been cast on the characters of this faithful and valiant soldiery. " But the malignity of Philip* would not be thus disappointed. He despatched ambassadors to the court of England, and his son- in-law, yielding at last to his repeated instances, consented to investigate the conduct of the order. The English Templars were cast into prison, but the atrocities which marked the proceedings against the order in France were not committed here, though the Pope, in the plenitude of his fatherly affection, mildly censured the English monarch for having forbidden the use of the torture." We refer the reader to the following works for further matter relating to the suppression of the Knights Templars : — Nicolai Gutleri Historia Templariorum ; Monumens Historiques relatifs a la Condemnation des Chevaliers du Temple, par M. Eaynouard; Mills's History of the Crusades ; Stebbing's History of Chivalry and the Crusades ; Fuller's Holy War, book v., c. 3 ; Wilkin's Concilia, ii., 329 ; Rymer's Fcedera, vol. ii., p. 10, &c. ; Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanum (new edit.) ; Proces contra Templar, cited in Raynouard, p. 60 ; Bower's History of the Popes, vol. vi., p. 402. T.— (p. 120.) " In addition to this present, Henry VIII. promised Villiers twenty thousand crowns, the value of which he afterwards paid in artillery and fire arms." U.— (p. 130.) Nuper Prior- Compota omnium et singulorum Ballivorum prsepo- atus sive Hos- -r-,. ~, •,, . ,. ~» • pitalis Sancti sl torum Jb irmarum Collectorum ac aliorum officiorum Johannis Jero- e t ministrorum quorumcunque omnium et singulorum solumm in j . Anglid. dommiorum manenorum terrarum tenementorum rec- toriarum decimarum pentionum portionum ac aliorum * The following was the respectful mode in which one of her most Christian sons addressed the head of the holy Catholic Church : " Philip, by the grace of God, &c. to Boniface, the pretended Pope, little greeting or uone. Be it known to your Supreme Foohhip," &c. (Sciat maxima tua fatuitas. Rayn. vii.) APPENDIX. 175 possessionum et hereditamentorum tarn temporalium quam spiritualium eidem nuper Prioratui sive Hos- pitali Sancti Johannis Jerusalem in Anglia praedicto' pertinentium sive spectantium. Quae dudum ad manus domini nostri nunc Henrici octavi Dei gratia Angliae et Franciae Regis fidei defensoris domini Hiberniae ac in terra supremi capitis Anglicanoe Ecclesiae existenti devenerunt ratione et praetextu ejusdam actus Parli- amenti inde edita et provisa tenta apud Westmonas- 5 ic> terium die mensis anno regni dicti domini Regis xxxii d0 prout in eodem actu apparer' poterit. Vide- licet de exitibus et reventionibus omnium et singu- lorum dominiorum maneriorum terrarum tenemento- rum et caeterorum praemissorum supra dictorum a festo Sancti Michaelis Archangeli anno regni dicti domini Regis xxxi mo usque idem festum Sancti Michaelis Archangeli extunc proximum sequens anno regni praedicti domini Regis xxxii do scilicet per unum annum integrum. Manerium de Compotus Henrici Hale firmarii ibidem per tempus Maplested in prsedictum> Comitatu Ls- c sexva. Arreragia. Nulla quia primus compotus pro domino ipsius nunc computant post dissolutionem dicti nuper prio- ratui. a Summa nulla. Firma. Set redditus de xl. xiiis. iiii^. de praedicto Henrico Hale pro firma manerii de Maplested praedicti cum omnibus terris et tenementis pratis pascuis et pasturis redditibus et serviciis cum omnibus proficuis com- moditatibus qualitercumque spectantibus et pertinen- tibus boscis subboscis wardis maritagiis et medietate omnium relevium finium et escaetriae advocationum ecclesiarum tantummodo except' sic ei dimiss' per indenturam sub sigillo communi nuper Prioratui Sancti Johannis Jerusalem in Anglia dat' xviii die Maii anno regni Regis Henrici octavi x m0 habend sibi et assignatis suis a festo Annunciationis Beatae 176 APPENDIX. Firma. Mariae Virginis ultimo praeterito ante dat praesentium usque ad finem et terminum xxix annorum extunc proximum sequentem et plenarie complend' reddend' inde per annum ad festa Annunciationis Beatae Mariae Virginis et Sancti Michaelis Archangeli equaliter ut supra ac supportand' omnia onera ordinaria et extra- ordinaria exeuntia de praedicto manerio cum perti- nentiis durante termino praedicto. Et dictus firmarius et assigiiati sui sufficienter reparabunt dictum mane- rium cum pertinentiis ut in sepibus fossatis et palis durante termino praedicto praeteria dictus firmarius et assignati sui habebunt sufficienter hedgebote ploughbote cartbote foldbote housebote et fyrebote in et de boscis subboscis eidem manerio pertinen- tibus rationabi liter et sine vasto expenden' durante eodem termino prout in eadem indentura plenius apparet. Summa firmae xl. xiiis. iiik?. de quibus exoneratur hie cvis. viiid. de et pro tanto denario per Williel- mum Weston militem nuper priorem prioratus prae- dict' receptor' pro firma manerii praedicti debit' ad festum Annunciationis Beatae Mariae Virginis ante tempus dissolutionis dicti nuper prioratus infra tem- pus hujus compoti acciden' per sacramentum dicti firmarii coram auditor' praestit. Et debet cvis. viiid. q' liberavit Mauricio Dennys armigero, receptore omnium terrarum et possessionum nuper prioratus praedicti xi die Novembris anno xxxii do domini Regis nunc Henrici octavi prout per billam inde super hunc compotum restitut' apparet. V._ (p. 139.) We are not aware of the number of chapels now belonging to the Sabbatarians, or the places where they are situate ; but it is collected from the deeds belonging to the Davis's Charity estates, that in the year 1706, there were chapels at London, Norwalston, Woodbridge, Chertsey, Braintree, Wallingford, Tewkesbury, Salisbury, and Sherbourn. In 1780, the chapels at the above places, with the exception of that at Tewkesbury, were left APPENDIX. 177 without congregations, but one existed at Nattin, near Tewkes- bury, and another at Cripplegate, London. We are informed, that there are only six members of the Sabbatarian persuasion connected at this time with the chapel in Mill Yard, London. W.— (p. 141.) Thomas Park, Esq., (a trustee of Davis's Charity estates,) for- merly F.S.A., died Nov. 26, 1835, at Church Eow, Hampstead. He was a poet, and well known editor of early literature. Among his original works are the following : — " Sonnets, and other small Poems;" "Poetic Illustrations to Cupid turned Volunteer;" several poetical articles in Nichols's Progresses of Queen Eliza- beth ; " Nugae Modernae, — Morning Thoughts and Midnight Musings, in prose and verse." In the introduction to this last volume, our author alluded to several parochial appointments held by him at Hampstead, and stated that he " indulged a conscien- tious persuasion, that the duties connected with them were " More befitting to a head grown grey, And heart much travell'd in affliction's way, Than UNCIAL characters of F.S.A." Mr. Park published several works of a religious character, viz. an excellent "Treatise on the Advantages of Early Rising;" " Solacing Verses for Serious Times, and for all Times," and some cards of " Christian Remembrance, or Plain Clue to the Gospel of Peace." The works edited by Mr. Park were as follows, viz. — " Nugse Antiquae;" " Walpole's Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors;" " Ritson's Collection of English Songs ;" and " Heliconia," con- sisting of poetry of the Elizabethan age. He was also engaged in superintending the reprint of the Harleian Miscellany, and was a coadjutor of Sir Egerton Brydges and the late Mr. Hazlewood in the Censura Literaria, British Bibliographer, and other bibliographical works. Mr. Park had an only son, the late John James Park, Esq., (also a trustee of Davis's Charity estates,) who held the chair of Professor of English Law and Jurispru- dence at King's College, London. When quite a youth, he pub- lished the Parochial History and Antiquities of Hampstead, — a work which would have conferred credit on an author of mature years, and which is indeed one of the most judicious and most N 178 APPENDIX. complete parochial histories that have ever been published. The following are among his other works : — a Tract on Tithes ; a Treatise on the Law of Dower ; Three juridical Letters, under the name of Eunomos, addressed to the Right Honourable Robert Peel, in reference to the Crisis of Law Reform ; an Opening Lecture on his appointment to the Chair of the Professor of Law and Jurisprudence at King's College, and several others inserted in the Legal Observer. Mr. Park was created a Doctor of Laws by the university of Gottingen. His merits were duly estimated by the few intimate friends with whom he associated, and with this he was satisfied. He died at Brighton, June 23, 1833, aged thirty-eight. The bereavement which Mr. Park, sen. suffered by the death of his highly talented and amiable son, was not merely an afflic- tion to his parental feelings, but it was also a serious deprivation to his pecuniary circumstances ; for he had advanced his means to the utmost towards assisting his son in his arduous profession, and the return which he had expected from his son's eminent talents was thus suddenly snatched from him. To this and every other dispensation of the Almighty, Mr. Park submitted without a murmur, for he was influenced by a deep sense of Christian piety. He has left four daughters, (one of them married,) the survivors of a numerous family. Condensed from the Obituary of the Gentleman's Magazine for 1833 and 1835. X.— (p. 143.) Register Munimentorum Nominum Magistrorum Prioratus Hospitalis Sancti Joan. Jerusalem in Anglia. BIBL. COTTON. NERO, E. VI. Mapeltrested. Folio 305, ^f viij. Confirmacio sive institutio in ecclesiam de parva Mapeltrestede per Episcopum Londonensis. Donacio ville de parva Mapeltrestede per Julianam filiam Roberti Dosnelli. Confirmacio Wilhelmi filij Aldelini de villa de parva Mapletres- tede. Carta Roberti de Ver Comitis Oxoniee de ij solidatis redditus ibidem. APPENDIX. 179 Carta hospitalis de uno mesuagio cum quadam crofta in villa de Markeshalla. Carta Hugonis de Hodyngges de una acra terre in parochia de Mapeltrestrede magna cum alijs. Folio 306. Carta Hugonis de Hodynges de Warino longo cum terra quam tenuit in Mapeltrestede. Quieta clamacio Kadulphi filij Hugonis de Hodynges de una libra cummini. Carta Johannis Dyn militis de dimidia acra pasture. Carta dominae Margerie Dyn de tribus acris una roda ac xiiij. perticates. Carta Johannis de Hodingges de terra sua in villa de Mapeltres- tede. Folio 307. Concordia fmalis de septem acris Alneti. Carta Abbatis et Conventus de Strateforde de quinque acris et una roda terre cum alijs in Mapeltrestede. Carta Stephani de Cameis de terra sua in Mapeltrestede. Folio 308. Carta Willielmi Joy de una roda terre cum pertinentijs. Carta Willielmi Joie de duobus denarijs datisa^ lumen Capelle de Mapeltrestede. Carta ejusdem Willielmi de quatuor acris terre in Mapeltrestede parva. Carta eiusdem Willielmi Joie de una pecia terre in parochia de parva Mapeltrestede. Carta eiusdem Willielmi de duabus acris terre ibidem. Convencio inter Willielmum Joie et Simonem Odwell de predictis duabus acris. Carta e Willielmo filio Willielmi Joie de terris suis in villis de Mapeltrestede, Hansted et Gestingthorpe. Folio 309. Carta Willielmi filij Willielmi Joie de una acra terre in parva Mapeltrestede. Carta Simonis de Fonte de Sexdecim denarijs annui redditus in eadem. n 2 180 APPENDIX. Carta Rogeri le Bockere de predictis sex denarijs annui redditus in eadem. Carta Walteri Lovedai de quodam crofto ibidem. Carta domini Osberti de Gladfen de connrmacione de tribus de- narijs redditus quos Walterus predictus dedit. Carta eiusdem de Warino longo cum sequela et terra sua. Carta Ricardi Gernun filij Osberti Gladefen de Waltero Lovedaie cum omnibus bonis suis. Folio 310. Carta Roberti de Herlane de quatuordecim denarijs redditus ibidem. Carta Roberti de Herlane de septem acris terre. Carta eiusdem Roberti de duodecim denarijs annui redditus in parva Mapeltrestede. Quieta clamacio Roberti de Herlane de redditu in Hokhofte. Carta Jobannis Herlane et vxoris sue de una particula prati ibidem. Carta Andree de Heliun de quatuor denarijs redditus de duabus acris in Holemedewe. Carta Johannis filij Lamberti de Bumstede de dimidia libra pipe- ris pro prato de Holemede. Folio 311. Carta Jocelini de Enfelt de una acra terre in parochia de Tilburi. Carta Cristine quondam vxoris Gilberti de Londonio de novem denarijs redditus in eadem villa. Carta Phillippi filij Acceline de terra in eadem villa. Carta Ide quondam filie Ricardi Utlaw de quinque acris terre et dimidia acra prati cum pertinentijs. Quieta clamacio dicte Ide de sex denarijs redditus et redditu duorum caponum. Quieta clamacio dicte Ide de quinque acris terre et dimidia acra prati predicti. Carta Ricardi Burre de Selewe de sex denarijs annui redditus in villa de Selewe. Folio 312. Carta Rogeri de Hanhaule de una acra terre in parochia de Se- lewes. APPENDIX. 181 Carta Rogeri Sweyn de viginti denarijs in villa de Ouitune pro quadam terra vocata Brecteslonde. Quieta clamacio Henrici de Ouynton de septem denarijs. Carta Mauricij de Olmestede de Gilberto filio Huberti de Swape- ham nativo cum sequela, &c. Carta Galfridi filij Willielmi de Swapham de uno mesuagio et decern acris terre in villa de Olmstede. Carta Willielmi Baldewine de Hamsted de duobus denarijs annui redditus. Quieta clamacio Johannis Cristemasse de Olmstede de una via ibidem. Folio 313. Carta Johannis filij Alfwini de obolo annui redditus. Carta Laurencij filij Hugonis de duobus denarijs in Mapeltrestede. Carta Walteri filij Hervei de tercia parte bonorum suorum et heredum suorum in obitu. Carta Miehaelis de Bencham de sex quarterijs frumenti et avenc. Quieta clamacio eiusdem Miehaelis de quodam tenemento in pa- rochia de Alfemastone. Quieta clamacio Henrici filij Johannis de Lamburne de diversis terris. Quieta clamacio dicti Johannis et vxoris sue de dictis terris. Carta prioris et fratrum Hospitalis de una Roda prati cum perti- nentijs in parochia de Mapeltrestede. Folio 314. Carta Ide de Gelham de Warino longo nativo cum sequela sua in Mapeltrestede parua. Carta dicte Tde de servicio dicti Warini longi in eadem villa. Carta dicte Ide de una libra Cumini in eadem villa. Quieta clamacio domini Willielmi Giffard Militis de tribus acris et una roda terre cum pertinentijs. Carta dicti Willielmi de octodecim denarijs in parochia de Rawere. Carta Walteri Pulaine de terra sua in parva Mapeltrestede. Quieta clamacio eiusdem Walteri de terra sua in eadem villa. Carta Willielmi Colum filij dicti Walteri de terra sua in eadem. Quieta clamacio predicti Walteri de terra ibidem quam habuit in escambio pro ecclesia de parva Maplestrestede. 182 'APPENDIX. Folio 315. Confirmacio Willielmi filij Walteri Poleine de terra quam pater suus dedit in parva Mapeltrestede. Carta Radulphi Gernun de redditu eujusdam tenementi in eadem villa. Carta Willielmi de Arde de terra sua et mesuagio in Mapeltres- tede magna. Carta Cristine filie Roberti de predictis terrae et mesuagio. Carta Prioris et fratrum Hospitalis de quodam Chimino in Mapel- trestede parva. Carta Mauricij Hurande de uno denario annualis redditus ibidem. Concordia inter Priorem Hospitalis et Warinum Pestur de decern et octo acris terre in eadem villa Folio 316. Carta Prioris et fratrum Hospitalis de terra in Quendene. Carta Ricardi Huggele filij Johannis de quinque solidis annui redditus in villa de Huggele. Carta Walteri filij Nigelli de duobus denarijs annui redditus pro dimidia acra terre in Lindesella. Quieta clamacio Godfridi de Liston de homagio, &c. que habuit in Waltero de Hanckwod et heredibus suis. Quieta clamacio Roberti de Heringeia de terra in parocbia de Bilichangre. Quieta clamacio Nigelli filij Willielmi de duodecim denarijs annui redditus in Esteforde. Quieta clamacio Galfridi de Sericho de duodecim denarijs in pa- rocbia de Assendona. Quieta clamacio Thome filij Michaelis Fifyde in uno denario annualis redditus. Folio 317. Carta hospitalis de quinque acris terre cum perthaentijs in parva Mapeltrestede. Carta Willielmi filij Willielmi de Stubleghe de octo denarijs. Carta Galfridi Gurray de Hanstede de sex denarijs annui redditus. Carta Radulphi Martin de sex denarijs annui redditus. Quieta clamacio Roberti de Shelton de Radulpho Attemere cum sequela sua. Quieta clamacio Roesie Lotricis de tenemento in parva Mapeltrestede. APPENDIX. 183 Carta Radulphi de Essoot de sex denarijs annuatim per ipsum solvendis Carta Willielmi filij Henrici de Halsted de quadraginta solidis solvendis. Carta Christine Produmes de terra quam tenuit de Hospitali in Mapeltrestede. Folio 318. Quieta clamacio Thome de la Brok de una pecia terre quam Walterus Pistor tenuit. Quieta clamacio domini Roberti le Oterer Militis de quodam tenemento. Carta Roberti filij Rogeri Fabri de quatuor denarijs annualis redditus. Carta Simonis de Nerforde de tribus denarijs redditus in villa de Pebners. Carta Willielmi de Warwik de tribus denarijs annui redditus. Carta Huberti de Munchenesy de duabus acris et una roda terre in parva Mapeltrestede. Carta Nicholae de Sancheuerelle de tribus denarijs redditus in villa de Newham. Carta Willielmi de Crikeshey de redditu in villa de Crikeshey. Folio 319. Conuencio inter Walterum nlium Dauid et Galfridum de Helum de sexdecim acris terre, &c. Carta Galfridi de Biskeleya de homagio et servicio de terra in villa de Mapeltrestede magna. Carta Johannis Fraunces de una pecia prati et una crofta in eadem villa. Quieta clamacio Roesie at Thorne de una virgata terre cum alijs in Mapeltrestede et Gestingthorpe. Convencio inter Radulphum de Wethirden et Robertum Wall de tenemento in Mapeltrestede. Carta Thome de Huntercombe de tercia parte prati sui in Mapel- trestede magna. Folio 320. Carta Sarre vxoris Radulphi Wethirden de tribus rodis terre in eadem villa. Carta eiusdem Sarre de una pecia terre in eadem villa. 184 APPENDIX. Carta Thome Harewarde de tribus denarijs annualis redditus in eadem. Acquietancia Thome Herewarde de quadraginta solidis pro terris in eadem villa. Quieta clamacio eiusdem Thome de tribus solidis et tribus denarijs in eadem. Carta eiusdem Thome de sex solidis et octo denarijs. Carta eiusdem Thome de predicto redditu sex solidorum et octo denariorum. Folio 321. Carta Johannis de Shepherde de duobus denarijs in Mapeltrested parua. Carta Roberti Perpounde de Centum et quatuor viginti acris terre cum alijs in Mapeltrestede. Carta Katerine de Panimere de uno mesuagio cum domibus super- edificatis in Mapeltrestede parva. Quieta clamacio Thome at Portweie de quodam cotagio in Mapel- trestede. Carta Johannis Forester vicarij de Mapeltrestede de tribus rodis terre in eadem villa. Carta Ricardi at Wode et Ricardi Frere de dictis tribus rodis terre in eadem villa. Folio 322. Convencio interPrioremetfratres Hospitalis et Robertum Muskam et Thomam Scwale de libera via inter Mapeltrestede et Mane- rium de Odwella. Carta E. Bolomensis Comitis de terra in Cristeshallia. Carta Roberti Lucy de eadem terra in Cristeshallia cum incre- manto. Carta eiusdem Roberti de terra ilia quam Odo tenuit in eadem villa. Confirmacio Roberti Lucy de lxxx acris ibidem. Carta Ricardi de Lucy de viginti solidis redditus in Angra. Carta Beatricis de Lucy de decern acris terre in Cristeshallia cum alijs decern in Elmedone. Carta Jordani de Avenilla de confirmacione dictarum decern acrarum in Elmedone cum alijs. Carta Prioris et fratrum Hospitalis de tota terra in Cristeshallia facta Jordano Camerario. APPENDIX. 185 Confirmacio Petri de Val. de terra de Lamburne quam Willielmus de Bosco dedit. Folio 323. Carta Johannis le Sawier et vxoris sue de terra sua cum alijs per- tinentijs in villa de Lamburne. Concordia finalis inter Priorem Hospitalis et Johannem le Sawyer de quindecim acris terre in villa de Lamburne. Carta Andree filij Philippi de duodecim denarijs redditus in villa de Lamburne. Carta Johannis Nasinge de uno denario redditus in parochia de Lamburne. Carta Edwardi Bisshop de una acra et dimidia terra cum uno mesuagio et curtilagio in Lamburne. Quieta clamacio Matildis filie Walteri Spark de decern acris terre in Lamburne. Quieta clamacio Cecilie filie Walteri Spark de quinque acris terre in eadem villa. Folio 324. Carta Rogeri filij Ricardi de una acra terre cum uno curtilagio et alijs in villa de Lamburne. Quieta clamacio eiusdem Rogeri de tota terra sua in eadem villa. Carta eiusdem Rogeri de una crofta terre cum pertinentijs in parochia de Lamburne. Confirmacio Mauricij de Totham de tribus solidis in villa de Totham magna. Carta eiusdem Mauricij de mansura et terra in eadem villa. Carta Roberti Jop de terra quam tenuit de priore de Newarc in Tholeshunt parva. Carta Rogeri Feringes Militis de terra quam habuit de dono dicti Ricardi in eadem villa. Folio 325. Carta Amicie filie Roberti de sex denarijs redditus in Tolles- hunte. Carta Radulphi de Bello Campo de quatuor acris terre in Bello Campo. Carta eiusdem de dictis quatuor acris terre. Carta Willielmi filij Ricardi de Homagio et servicio quod Gal- fridus clericus debuit de iij acris terre in eadem villa. 186 APPENDIX. Carta Thome Daunmartin de duabus acris terre in parochia de Beuchampe. Quieta clamacio Alexandri Bunche de uno denario redditus cum alijs in villa de Bello Campo. Carta Constancie Hovinge de sexdecim denarijs redditus in villa de Colecestria. Quieta clamacio eiusdem Constancie de Mesuagio cum edificijs in eadem villa. Folio 32b'. Carta Magistri de Mapeltrestede in domo in parochia sancti Nicholai Colcestrie. Quieta clamacio Constancie Hovinge de domo in predicta pa- rochia Colcestrie. Littera attornata Henrici de Lacy de tenemento cum alijs perti- nentijs in foro Colcestrie. Quieta clamacio Elie de Salcote de quodam mesuagio in parochia Sancti Nicholai Colcestrie. Carta Simonis Petri filij de sexdecim denarijs annui redditus in villa de Colcestria. Quieta clamacio Henrici Wensy et Gilherti Hardelli de tenemento in foro Colcestrie. Carta Simonis filij Godfridi de tribus soli datis redditus in suburbio Colcestrie. Folio 327. Carta Prioris et fratrum Hospitalis de tenemento quod Walterus Hovynge tenuit Colcestria. Carta Ricardi Bercholte de Mesuagio quod emit de domo Hos- pitalis sancti Nicholai Colcestria. Carta Johannis de Berholte et Thome filij Ricardi Clerici de seruicijs de quodam tenemento predicto in Colcestria. Carta Johannis filij Roberti de duabus Cameris in Colcestria. Carta Hospitalis de uno Mesuagio in Colcestria. Carta Ricardi filij Nicholai Medici de quatuor denarijs in suburbio Colcestrie extra portam orientalem. Folio 328. Carta Ambrosij de parva Perenden de Willielmo Potier de terra sua. Carta Roberti Perendune de terra quam Willielmus et Baldwinus tenuerunt. APPENDIX. 187 Quieta clamacio Petri Clerici de Westcomstowe de tenemento in villa de Perendone. Carta Reginaldi de Perendone de terra quam pater suus dedit cum alijs undecim acris terre. Carta Alexandri de Wikes de terra sua in Colcestria. Carta Ricardi de Essars de terra in Halsted. Confirmacio Roberti de Wateville de tribus acris terre quas Thebaldus et heredes sui dederunt. Carta Henrici de Essexia Constabulary Regis de una marca de Manerio suo de Estwod. Folio 329. Carta Willielmi de Canteleu et uxoris sue de quatuor acris terre. Carta Ingeleri de Cantelupo de sepi in parochia de Pebners. Carta eiusdem de eadem sepi et de quodam fossato ibidem. Carta eiusdem Ingeleri de quadam particula terre. Carta eiusdem de terra in villa de Pebners. Carta Willielmi de Canteleu de terra quam Hugo Broc dedit. Carta Radulpbi filij Walteri et Willielmi filij sui. Carta Ricardi de Badenen de decern acris terre in Acheleia. Carta Willielmi de Helum de quinque acris terre et dimidia cum mansura in Haverhille. Carta Fulcheri filij Willielmi de una acra terre in Benflete. Folio 330. Carta Lamberti de Kerlevilla de quatuor acris terre in Liverichie. Carta Roberti Monachi de tribus acris terre apud Cakesbrige. Carta Gilberti Anglici de duabus acris terre et vna roda terre. Carta Eutropij de Merk de una acra terre. Carta Hugonis de Buteneia de terra in Wahefennia. Carta Galfridi de Offintone de Johanne Wilde nativo et terra quam de ipso tenuit. Carta Willielmi dictus fades lupi de una acra terre et Humfrido nativo. Carta Hugonis Furrett de quinque acris terre in Haiden. Carta Roberti filij Henrici de duabus acris in Bradwella cum alijs ibidem. Carta Ricardi Whitinge de quatuor acris terre et una tofta. Carta Graelinge de Thame de terra sua. Carta Junij filij Eruisij de terra sua quam Peuerell tenuit. 188 APPENDIX. Carta Roberti filij Hamonis de una acra terre quam Gilbertus filius Angodi dedit. Carta domini Mahel Peverell et uxoris eius de vj acris terre, &c. Carta Eustachij de Cortun de terra de tenura de Tendringes. Folio 331. Carta Ricardi Wastenelli de una acra et una roda. Carta Baldewini Tirelli de una acra terre. Carta Warini Juvenis de terra Johannis de la Stane iuxta Whitwell. Carta Philippi filij Vitalis de Waltham de terra sua et duabus acris Carta Willielmi de Taiden et Beatricis uxoris sue de duabus acris in Wacheringe. Carta Willielmi de Capra de duodecim denarijs. Carta Ricardi Witinge de dimidia acra terre. Carta Gilberti filij Marie de una acra terre in Mesbury. Carta Hugonis de sancto claro de una virgata terre in Citona. Carta Radulphi de Marci de quinque acris terre in Langfare. Carta Turoldi de Barbam de terra in Smethet. Confirmacio Arnulfi de Curtenia de terra quam pater suus dedit in Bradfelde. Carta Willielmi filij Mabilie de terra de Hobrigges. Carta Willielmi de Clintuna de redditu trium solidorum in Stisted. Confirmacio Willielmi de Bosco de dimidia virgata terre in Taidena. Carta Willielmi de Bosco de undecim acris terre. Folio 332. Carta Petri de Bosco de servicio Ricardi filij Willielmi de Sudbury. Carta Roberti filij Gilberti de una acra terre. Carta Ricardi de Chippenham de una hoga. Carta Galfridi filij Rogeri de servicio quod frater suus sibi debuit. Carta Ade filij Warini de quadam terra in campo vocato Bin- nesley. Carta Willielmi filij Radulphi de terra apud Binnesleiam. Carta Roberti de la Marc de confirmacione doni patris sui in Perendune parva. Carta Walteri de Mandevilla de sex acris terre in Bromfelde. Confirmacio Galfridi Comitis de Mandevilla de quinque acris terre in Sabrightesworthe. APPENDIX. 189 Confirmacio Thome de Mandevilla filij Gilberti de Mandevilla de sex acris terre in Bromfelde. Confirmacio eiusdem Thome de decern denarijs redditus in campo vocato Bromcrofte. Folio 333. Carta Michaelis Beseuile de terra de Wrethewella in parochia de Sabrightes worth . Confirmacio Roberti de Helum de terra que fuit Godwini fabri de Sturmere. Confirmacio dicti Roberti de terra quam Willielmus frater suus dedit in villa de Sturmere. Carta Ailwardi Camerarij et uxoris sue de octo acris et dimidia terre et dimidia acra prati in Sturmere. Carta Damisele Roise de Helum de undecim acris terre in villa de Sturmere. Carta eiusdem de triginta acris terre in Sturmere et tribus solidis redditus. Carta Vincencij filij Willielmi filij Mabilie de tenemento in eadem villa. Carta Willielmi filij Mabilie de servicio quod Galfridus filius Spakingi debuit in eadem villa. Quieta clamacio Willielmi le White de quodam mesuagio cum domo cum terra in eadem villa. Quieta clamacio Isabelle Forolte de tercia parte unius pecie terre. Folio 334. Quieta clamacio dicte Isabelle de alia tercia parte pecie terre. Carta Walteri de Burhallia de uno denario in villa de Sturmere. Carta Frarici de Burnham de duobus denarijs in Sturmere. Carta Galfridi Monachi de quinque solidis redditus in villa sua de Aistana. Carta Baldewini de Witsand de Guidone cum dimidia acra terre. Carta eiusdem de tribus virgatis terre in Elvesham. Carta Roberti Hustard de una acra terre. Carta Roberti filij Roberti filij Godebaldi de terra quam Semarus Molendinarius tenuit. Carta Petri de Halstede de duabus acris terre in Bello Campo. Folio 335. Carta Silvestri filij Simonis de tribus acris terre in Hallingburne. 190 APPENDIX. Carta A. Peuer de terra Willielmi Diaboli cum xij denarijs. Carta Roberti de Besevile et Albre de Tresgod de terra in villa de Aspehallia. Carta Alani de Scredintune de tribus acris terre in Sortegraue. Carta Willielmi filij Galimi de terra in Bilichangre. Carta Walteri filij Roberti de dextrario et armis suis. Carta Galfridi Ailwarton de tofto in Euerwardeston. Carta Willielmi Faucelli de terra sua iacente inter nemus de Euchai et cheminum qui extenditur, &c. Confirmacio Idonis de Hispania de una acra terre et una pertica prati. Carta Ade de Berneford et vxoris sue de iiij ta parte dominij sui in Derneforde, &c. Folio 336. Carta Simonis del Hirste de duabus acris terre. Carta Baldewini Witsande de tribus virgatis terre in Elvesham. Carta Ricardi filij Mauricij de octo acris terre in parocbia sancte Osithe. Carta Osberti filij Willielmi de Gladfen de terra quam Reginaldus et Ailmarus tenuerunt. Carta Rogeri de Eiswello de mansura cum domo vbi Nigellus faber mansit. Confirmacio Petri Wastinelli de sex acris terre in Hatenho quas pater suus dedit. Carta Willielmi filij Otonis de Lewino Ledmeham nativo cum sequela sua. Carta Simonis de Roinges de duabus acris terre in Roinges sancte Margarete. Folio 337. Carta Elie filij Ricardi de una acra terre in Bridebrook. Carta Alexandri de Berkynges de Managio iuxta Lokesforde. Carta Triende Hugelli de mesuagio quod erat Hugonis patris sui. Convencio inter fratres Hospitalis et Fulconem de dimidia hida terre. Carta Mathei de Franktere de terra Radulphi mercatoris. Carta Roberti Bloy de terra in campo vocato Sparkehache. Carta Edeline de Tutbrigge de terra in villa de Samdona. APPENDIX. 191 Folio 338. Carta Bartholomei Faucilon de una acra terre in campo vocato Gravelinge. Carta Roberti Trinheye de duabus acris terre in parochia de Rauree. Carta Johannis de Bernes de iiij or denariatus redditus in Nastoke. Carta Walteri filij Johannis de terra iuxta Wakeringe. Carta Roberti de Trindeheye de terris in Ragere. Carta Ricardi Rokeleia de terra in bosco suo de Willinghele. Folio 339. Carta filij Mengi de Willingehale de septem acris terre. Carta Rogeri de Clare Comitis Hertfordiae de tenemento et iiij or acris terre in villa de Nortune. Carta Galiene de Turney de terra in villa Nortune. Carta Willielmi Baconi de tribus solidatis redditus in villa de Esthamma. Carta Oliveri filij Ernis de terra in villa de Edfelde. Carta Britonis de Chelveston de tercia parte decime dominij sui, &c. Carta Radulphi Brico de sex denarijs redditus in Chelvestona. Carta eiusdem Radulphi de Johanne Brett et alijs in eadem villa. Folio 340. Carta Algari de Pentelawe de duabus acris, &c. in Chelvestona. Carta Ernoldi le Enuise de una Mesuagio et tribus acris. Carta Gilberti Enuise de terra tota quam pater suus Willielmi Enuise tenuit. Carta Alicie vxoris Willielmi Hert de tribus acris terre. Carta Johannis de Marisco de acquietando Robertum de quercu Willielmi le Enuise et Matildam uxorem eius. Concordia finalis inter Willielmum le Enuise, &c. de xiiij denarijs et una placea, &c. De fine de quodam tenemento inter Robertum le Enuise et Willielmum le Enuise. Folio 341. Conuencio facta, &c. inter Robertum Goderiche et Willielmum le Enuyse, &c. Carta Willielmi filij Mabilie de terra quam dedit Helte. 192 APPENDIX. Carta Geroldi Marescalli de tribus acris terre in Wicham. Carta Hugonis de Lasrander de crofto cum pertinentijs in parva Wicham. Carta Hugonis Springolde de tribus denarijs in Waltham sancte crucis. Carta Adelize de terra in Uggeleia, Carta Galfridi de Estre de terra in villa de Estre. Carta Roberti de Besuile de una virgata terre et dimidia in villa de Pilcheden. Eolio 342. Carta Michaelis Besuile de quodam angulo terre in Plukeden, &c. Carta Ade de Claverham de duabus acris terre in parochia de Waltham sancte Crucis. Carta Johannis de Flatherwyk de homagio et servicio Walteri le Haiwarde in Hengham Castri. Carta Willielmi Rum de homagio et servicio de terra in parochia de Hengham. Carta Ricardi le Archer, &c. de duabus acris terre cum pertinentijs in villa de Hengham ad Castrum. Quieta clamacio dicti Ricardi le Archer de duabus acris terre quondam Jordani Pistoni in eadem villa. Folio 343. Carta Amicie at Grene de Hengham ad Castrum de predictis duabus acris terre in eadem villa. Carta Thome de Hundercombe de dimidia acra pastura et una pecia prati in eadem villa. Carta Thome at Parke de una crofta terre cum pecia prati in eadem villa. Carta Thome filij Thome at Parke de eadem terra. Carta Sarre Dyne de Gestingthorpe de eadem terra. Eolio 344. Carta Sarre Dyne de una pecia terre in parochia de Hengham ad Castrum. Carta Thome at Parke de Gestingthorpe de eadem terra. Quieta clamacio ejusdem Thome de eadem terra. Carta Thome at Parke de eadem terra. Carta ejusdem Thome de una crofta terre in eadem villa. APPENDIX. 193 Carta Roberti de Helion de quinquaginta acris terre et tribus acris prati in villa de Bumstede. Folio 345. Carta dicti Roberti Heliun de quindecim acris terre et duabus acris prati in villa de Bumstede. Carta eiusdem Roberti de una virgata terre cum mansura et alijs in eadem villa. Carta eiusdem Roberti Heliun de xx acris terre in eadem villa. Carta eiusdem Roberti de Willielmo filij Brighmeri. Carta eiusdem de octo acris terre in villa de Bumstede. Confirmacio eiusdem de mansura que fuit Brightmari in Bumstede cum duabus acris terre. Carta eiusdem de septem acris terre in eadem villa. Folio 346. Carta Gilberti de Baillun de una acra terra iuxta ecclesiam de Bumstede. Carta Hospitalis de quatuor acris terre in eadem villa. Carta Hospitalis de octo acris terre et alijs diversis in eadem villa. Quieta clamacio Ade Elwelli de quodam mesuagio in eadem. Convencio inter preceptorem de Mapeltrestede et Edelinam nuper vxorem Gilberti de Heliun. Carta Willielmi de Heliun de quinque acris terre in Bumstede. Carta Willielmi de Heliun de quatuor acris terre et dimidia cum dimidia acra prati in eadem. Folio 347. Carta Willielmi de Heliun de quinque acris terre in villa de Bumstede. Carta eiusdem Willielmi de duodecim denarijs redditus. Carta Amicie de Heliun de quieta clamacione de nonem acris terre. Quieta clamacio Angnes que fuit vxor Willielmi de Heliun de tercia parte quinque acrarum terre in Bumsted. Quieta clamacio Johannis la Lande de quodam tenemento in parochia de Bumstede. Quieta clamacio Ricardi Camm de duabus acris. Carta Andree de Heliun de viij acris terre et una acra prati. Carta eiusdem Andree Heliun de terra quam Johannes la Lande tenuit in Bumstede. o 194 APPENDIX. Folio 348. Carta Andree de Heliun de sex denarijs redditus in villa de Bumstede. Carta Andree de Heliun de sex acris terre in villa de Bumstede. Carta Isabelle filie Andree Heliun de confirmacione de sex acris terre quas pater suus dedit. Quieta clamacio Andree Heliun de predictis sex acris terre cum alijs in villa de Bumstede. Folio 349. Carta Michaelis Joce de servicio quod pater suus tenuit. Carta eiusdem Michaelis de campo suo in villa de Bumstede. Carta eiusdem Michaelis de duodecim acris terre in eadem villa. Carta eiusdem Michaelis de campo vocato Sibbesley. Carta eiusdem Michaelis de terra quam Osbertus Molendinarius tenuit in eadem villa. Carta eiusdem Michaelis de homagio et servicio que Willielmus films Radulphi tenuit in eadem villa. Carta eiusdem de quinque denarijs reddendis Hospitali de duabus acris terre. Folio 350. Carta eiusdem de tenemento suo quod Willielmus films Radulphi tenuit in eadem et de viginti et septem denarijs. Carta eiusdem de una acra prati in eadem villa cum alijs. Carta eiusdem de sex denarijs redditus in eadem villa. Quieta clamacio Alicie quondam vxoris Michaelis Joce de una acra terre in eadem villa. Quieta clamacio Alicie quondam vxoris Michaelis Joce de terra quam dictus Michael dedit. Carta quiete clamacionis eiusdem Alicie de terra dotis sue quam vir suus dedit Hospitali. Carta Gilberti Bailolli de una acra terre juxta ecclesiam de Bumstede. Confiraiacio Walteri Bailolli et vxoris sue de vna virgata terre. Folio 351. Carta Walteri Bailolli de duobus acris terre de feodo Hospitalis in Webcrofte. Carta eiusdem Walteri de tenemento suo in villa de Bumsted. Carta Roberti filij Radulphi de una acra prati in eadem villa. APPENDIX. 195 Carta eiusdem Roberti de sex solidatis terre in villa de Haverhilla. Carta Galfridi filij Radulphi de terra vocata Estwod. Carta Willielmi clerici Rectoris ecclesie de Campes de terra in campo vocato Stokwell in Bumstede. Folio. 352. Carta quiete clamacionis Hunrichi filij Galfridi de tribus acris terre in villa de Bumsted. Carta Johannis filij Ade de uno angulo terre in longitudine iiij°* perticarum. Carta Willielmi filij Radulphi de decern acris terre in villa de Bumstede. Carta Willielmi filij Radulphi de omnibus terris et redditibus suis in villa de Bumstede. Carta Matildis Watville de quindecim acris terre in eadem villa. Carta Hospitalis de v solidis annuatim solvendis Matilde de Watevilla et heredibus suis pro predictis terris. Confirmacio Hamonis Wateville de eisdem. Folio 353. Quieta clamacio Johannis filij Willielmi de Wateville de dictis quatuor solidis redditus in Bumsted. Carta Lancelini filij Radulphi de tribus acris terre in villa de Bumstede. Carta Hospitalis de quatuor acris terre et dimidia in villa de Bumsted ad Turrim. Folio 354. Quieta clamacio Willielmi filij Willielmi de Sturmere de viginti tribus acris terre, kc. in Bumstede. Carta Willielmi Huberde de dimidia terre quam tenuit de Mau- ricio de Bumstede. Convencio inter Galfridum filium Willielmi et Moricium de Olmestede de terra in Olmestede. Carta Johannis de Olmestede de tribus acris terre in Olmestede. Convencio inter preceptorem de Mapeltrestede et Johannem Ol- mestede de tenemento in Bumstede. , Folio 355. Carta Johannis filij Willielmi Alfwini et vxoris sue de una pecia terre in parochia de Bumstede. o2 196 APPENDIX. Quieta clamacio Willielmi Alfwini et vxoris sue de terra in parochia de Bumstede. Carta Hospitalis de uno mesuagio cum edificijs in villa de Olmestede et alijs ibidem. Carta Hospitalis de quodam mesuagio cum suis pertinentijs in villa de Bumstede. Folio 356. Quieta clamacio Willielmi Goldingham Militis de quodam me- suagio in Bumstede. Carta Agnetis filie Simonis Pecchese de mesuagio et alijs in Bumstede et Halstede. Convencio inter Hospitalem et Agnetem predictam de una acra et dimidia in Bumstede. Carta Cassiandrie filie Boberti de Insula de duabus acris terre in eadem villa. Folio 357. Quieta clamacio dicte Cassiandrie de tribus rodis terre in parochia de Bumstede. Quieta clamacio Alicie del Ydle de predictis tribus rodis terre et una acra prati in eadem. Convencio inter Hospitalem et Alexandrum filium Ricardi de London de terris in Bumstede. Folio 358. Concordia finalis inter Priorem Hospitalis et dictum Alexandrum et vxorem eius de triginta et septem acris terre cum alijs in Bumstede. Carta dictorum Alexandri et vxoris sue de predictis triginta septem acris terre cum alijs. Obligacio Prioris Hospitalis et fratrum de ix marcis solvendis. Carta Willielmi de Hiche de quatuor denarijs redditus in Bum- stede. Quieta clamacio Willielmi le Bloy de sex denarijs redditus in Stepelbumstede. Carta Ricardi Adgar de tenemento in eadem. Folio 359. Quieta clamacio Willielmi Luydy de Bumstede de terra in Bum- stede Heliun. APPENDIX. 197 Carta quiete clamacionis de sex denarijs et obolo redditus cum ij caponibus in eadem. Carta Hugonis filij Roberti de terra sua iuxta croftam Roberti Luydi. Carta Roberti filij Godwini Compaynun de una acra terre in Bumstede. Folio 360. De concordia facta inter Hospitalem Quieta clamacio Ricardi de Wintonia, &c. de una acra terre et dimidia in Bumstede. Quieta clamacio Olimpiadis de uno mesuagio et tribus acris terre in villa de Bumstede. Quieta clamacio Willielmi de Hoo de decern acris terre et dimidia acra prati in Bumstede. Carta Walteri de Hersam de uno mesuagio in Est-medewe. Carta Willielmi filij Rogeri filij Bernardi de terra sua in villa de Bumstede. Folio 361. Carta Willielmi filij Henrici de Halstede de mesuagio quondam Willielmi Pistoris in Bumstede. Carta Gilberti filij Rogeri de Helyun de dimidia acra terre. Carta eiusdem Gilberti de dimidia acra terre. Folio 362. Carta Alicie filie Willielmi de Hethe de tenemento in villa de Bumstede. Carta Prioris et fratrum Hospitalis de viij acris cum pertinentijs in villa de Bumstede. Carta Henrici filij Galfridi de vna acra et dimidia terre in Web- crofte. Carta Thome Mervile de eadem terra. Carta Henrici de Surnens de Bumstede de eadem terra. Folio 363. Carta Willielmi Brun de quatuor acris terre cum alijs in villa de Bumstede. Carta Willielmi Brun de quatuor acris et dimidia terre in Bum- stede. Carta Simonis de Bublowe de una acra terre in Bumstede magna. Carta eiusdem Simonis de eadem terra. 198 appendix. Folio 364. Carta eiusdem Simonis de dimidia acra terre in Bumstede magna. Carta Isabelle Bublowe de una acra terre ibidem. Carta Alani filij Galfridi de tribus acris terre in parochia de Bumstede magna. Folio 365. Carta Henrici filij Galfridi de duabus acris terre in Bumstede. Convencio inter Willielmum filium Badulphi et Henricum filium Galfridi de duabus acris terre ibidem. Quieta clamacio Agnetis Juliane, &c. de una acra terre et dimidia. Carta Walteri filij David de viij acris terre et alijs in Bumstede. Carta eiusdem Walteri de sexdecim acris terre in villa de Bum- stede. Folio 366. Carta eiusdem de duabus acris terre et grana ibidem. Carta eiusdem de terris et tenemento in Bumstede que tenuit de Willielmo Wateuile. Quieta clamacio eiusdem de tenemento tenuit de Matilda Wate- uile. Carta eiusdem de toto feodo quod tenuit de fratribus Hospitalis in Bumstede. Carta eiusdem de tenemento et servicio ac homagio Willielmi filij Radulphi in villa de Bumstede. Carta Hawisie filie Willielmi David de novem acris terre cum prato ibidem. Folio 367. Carta eiusdem de tenemento quod pater suus tenuit de fratribus Hospitalis in Bumstede. Carta Walteri filij David de terra quam Hawisia mater sua dedit Willielmo filio Badulphi. Confirmacio eiusdem de terra quam Hawisia mater sua dedit ibidem. Carta quiete clamacionis Beatricis quondam Walteri filij David de omnibus terris in Bumstede. Carta eiusdem de tercia parte vnius virgate terre in Bumstede. Carta Petri de Badua de terra de Badua cum alijs. Carta Boberti de Bodewe de decern acris terre in Akeleia cum alijs tribus acris. APPENDIX. 199 Folio 368. Carta Basilie de Begham de quadam divisa in Begham. Carta Roberti de Chelmesho de tribus denarijs annui redditus. Carta Galfridi Ridelli de Willielmo Colehose cum tota terra sua. Carta Radulphi de Offintonia de una acra et dimidia terre. Carta Ricardi de Harlan e Militis de sex denarijs redditus annui in parochia de Herlane. Folio 369. Carta Willielmi filij Arnoldi de quadam terra in magna Hokesleia, Carta Radulphi filij Willielmi de una acra cum pertinentijs in parochia Wrattyngges. Carta Radulphi de Buello de terra in tribus croftis cum alijs. Confirmacio Baldewini Filolli de una acra terre in Kenlenedon quam pater suus dedit. Carta Willielmi filij Ulnardi de sexdecim denarijs in Felstede. Carta Willielmi Glamrvile de duobus solidis annui redditus in eadem villa. Folio 370. Carta Ricardi Warelemunde duobus denarijs in villa de Felstede. Carta Alani de Creppinges de tribus acris terre in parochia de magna Teye. Carta Michaelis de Fordeham de tenemento cum pertinentijs in parochijs de Colun et Fordeham. Carta Arnoldi Anglici de terra in villa de Teye. Folio 371. Carta Willielmi filij Willielmi de vno mesuagio in villa de Teye et iiij acris terre cum alijs. Quieta clamacio Willielmi Goldyngham Militis cum duabus acris terre. Carta Willielmi filij Benedicti de Bromfelde de terra sua in villa de Pachinge Picott. Carta Cristine nuper vxoris Stephani Prudumme de terra vocata Hoxeneheye, &c. Folio 372. Carta Johannis Morey de uno denario dato ad fraternitatem Hos- pitalis in ecclesia de Bolbyngeworthe. Quieta clamacio Walteri filij Roberti de Roberto Ailwardo cum tota sequela. 200 APPENDIX. Carta Ade de Herthilla de tofto in villa de Balidene. Quieta clamacio Johannis filij Roberti de Hertford de tenemento in Eppingges. Carta Ricardi filij Willielmi Midelton de dimidia acra terre in parochia de Midelton cum alijs. Carta Roberti Ribbelesdale de duabus bonatis terre in Scardecline. Folio 373. Carta Ade filij Alani de tresdecim denarijs in Southerton. Carta Mabilie filie Rogeri de uno mesuagio in villa de Horseia. Carta Galfridi filij Petri de duodecim denarijs redditus in villa de Stepeltona. Carta Petri filij Alelini de tribus acris terre in campo vocato Livingeslanda. Carta Galfridi filij Willielmi de quinque rodis terre in Col- lingehoo. Folio 374. Carta Rogeri le Gardiner de vna acra terre in magna Berdefenda. Carta Simonis de Coppeforde de una acra terre in parochia de Berdefelde. Quieta clamacio Agnetis de Weninton de terra in parochia de Sudbery. Folio 375. Carta Stephani del Helle de duobus solidis redditus in Sodbery. Carta Roberti filij Ricardi Longi de mesuagio in parochia omnium sanctorum in eadem villa. Carta Alicie de Barham de quatuordecim solidatis redditus in eadem villa. Folio 37b". Quieta clamacio Radulphi de Cruce de quodam mesuagio in eadem villa. Carta Ade de Berdfelde de prato de Brademade. Carta Nicholai de Hadle de terra quam Adam Berdefelde tenuit vocata Wiggefelde. Carta Johannis Warrewik de una placea terre in Fenne. Folio 377. Carta Henrici filij Henrici Sirewelli de terra in StifForde. Carta Rose de Bradfote de terris et tenementis cum quadan domo in parochia de Himbeshot. APPENDIX. 201 Carta Magistri Godwini de una acra terre. Carta Huberti de Bottingham de domibus, &c, in Coppeford Briche et Estorpe. Quieta clamacio Radulphi filij Willielmi de Briche de terra de Impheo. Folio 378. Carta Hamonis de sancto Quintino de confirmacione in magna Briche. Carta Huberti de Munchannsi de sex denarijs redditus. Carta Thome filij Nicholai de Homagio et servicio de dimidia acra prati. Carta Galfridi le Chinaler de uno mesuagio cum alijs in villa de Bolmere. Carta Rogeri le Denys de duobus solidis annui redditus in villa de Bolmere. Folio 379. Carta Huberti filij Roberti de tribus obolis annui redditus in parochia de Bolmere. Quieta clamacio Albrede filie David de particula terre in parochia de Bolmere. Carta Ade Coppe de una virgata terre in Edringhale. Confirmacio Ade Coppe de predicta acra terre. Carta eiusdem confirmacionis et de redditu octo solidorum in dicta villa. Folio 380. Carta Edithe le Seler de Curtilagio in villa de Reileghe. Carta Thome Doo de quodam stagno. Convencio inter Ricardum Mussegrose et Agnetem de Planes de dominico suo in Esthaddone. Folio 381. Carta Huberti filij Willielmi de terra de Shortemerse. Carta R. de Marcy de terra sua in Bullefan. Carta Willielmi filij Ade de terra sua in villa de Cokesfelde. Carta Thome Tostoke de vno mesuagio in villa de Tostoke cum terra ibidem. Carta Godfridi de Bulun de sex denarijs et obolo redditus cum alijs. Folio 382. Carta Gilberti de Odwell de terra in parochia de Briddebrok. 202 APPENDIX. Carta Rogeri Molendinarij de Curtilagio et cum crofto in Nor- tona. Carta Willielmi filij Johannis de eiusdem mesuagio cum crofto. Carta Johannis Cok de quinque acris in Wathele. Folio 383. Quieta clamacio Willielmi Hanewode de uno mesuagio cum crofto in Hambury. Carta Roberti de Watervilla de terra que fait Elrici in Hampstede. Quieta clamacio Willielmi de Waterville de una acra et dimidia terre in Hampstede. Carta Petri filij Ricardi de redditu et homagio Edmundi filij Fullonis. Carta Petri filij Ricardi de homagio et servicio Alicie de Stubley in Halstede. Carta eiusdem Petri de homagio et servicio Willielmi de la Brake in eadem. Folio 384. Carta eiusdem Petri de terra quam Augustinus tenuit in eadem villa. Carta eiusdem Petri de uno mesuagio cum pertinentijs in eadem villa. Carta Petri de Halstede de duabus acris terre in Bello Campo. Carta eiusdem de terra Simonis Clerici ad pontem de Halstede. Carta Petri de Halstede de donacione terre predicti Simonis cum redditu ad pontem ibidem. Quieta clamacio Ricardi filij Petri de redditu et servicio de dono patrissui. Folio 385. Carta Gilberti filij Radulphi de una particula terre in parochia de Halstede. Carta eiusdem Radulphi de predicta particula terre ibidem. Carta Gilberti filij Radulphi de quadam parte terre sue in Halstede. Quieta clamacio dicti Gilberti de terra vocata Senleyga in parochia de Halstede. Folio 386. Carta Willielmi filij Astelote de Alneto iuxta Halstede. Carta Ailmari de Fraxino de terra in Alurichesley. APPENDIX. 203 Carta Gilberti filij Radulphi de servicio quod Ricardus Richer debuit. Carta eiusdem Ailmari de duabus acris terre in parochia de Halstede. Folio 387. Carta eiusdem de una grana ac duabus acris terre et vna roda in eadem. Carta Ricardi filij Ailmari de vna acra et dimidia terre in eadem parochia. Carta Johannis Bidoy de quatuor denarijs redditus. Carta dicti Johannis de tenemento cum pertinentijs in villa de Halstede. Folio 388. Carta Gilberti filij Henrici de uno mesuagio in villa de Halstede. Carta eiusdem Gilberti de tenemento quondam Johannis Biddoy in eadem villa. Carta Walteri filij Gilberti de una placea terre in villa de Hal- stede. Carta Ricardi filij Gilberti de parte mesuagij Walteri fratris sui. Folio 389. Carta Ricardi filij Gilberti de redditu duodecim denariorum in eadem. Carta eiusdem Ricardi de uno denario redditus in eadem parochia. Carta Willielmi filij Johannis Longe de uno mesuagio cum per- tinentijs in eadem villa. Carta Petri Albre de Halstede de septem solidis et vndecim denarijs in eadem. Folio 390. Carta Roberti filij Rogeri de Suandone de pastura et bosco in villa de Halstede. Carta Hospitalis de una pecia terre in eadem villa. Carta Hospitalis de parte mesuagij cum domibus quondam Rogeri Fraunceis. Quieta clamacio Mauricij Hurannt de terris et tenementis que Rogerus Fraunces quondam tenuit. Folio 391. Quieta clamacio Mauricij Hurannt et Johannis filij eius de qua- dam pastura in eadem. 204 APPENDIX. Convencio inter Preceptorem de Mapeltrestede et dominum Wil- lielmum Hauyngefelde de predicta pastura. Carta Willielmi le Wright de uno Alneto in villa de Halstede. Folio 392. Carta Roberti Moyne de duabus acris terre in villa de Hampstede et de xiij denarijs. Carta Gilberti Moyne de quatuor denarijs redditus, &c. in villa de Hampstede. Carta Hospitalis de mesuagio et duabus acris terre et tribus rodis prati in eadem villa. Folio 393. Carta Mathei le Moyn de terris et tenementis in villa de Lanncynge. Carta Rogeri filij Petri de duodecim denarijs redditus in villa de Halstede. Carta Rogeri filij Petri de uno mesuagio in Stubleya in parochia de Halstede. Carta Walteri de la Hoo de terra redditu et homagio in eadem parochia. Folio 394. Carta Hospitalis de vna crufta terre cum uno mesuagio in Halstede. Carta Ricardi filij Petri de uno denario annui redditus in Halstede. Quieta clamacio eiusdem Ricardi de homagio et servicio Johannis Walebrunni in eadem. Convencio inter Aliciam Gladefen, &c. de terra in Alfameston. Folio 395. Carta Radulphi Geruni de tribus acris terre in villa de Halstede. Carta Osberti Gladfen de tenemento quod Alicia Longe tenuit. Carta Roberti filij Ricardi de servicio et homagio quod Edmundus Fullonus tenuit. Quieta clamacio Willielmi filij Edmundi de uno mesuagio in eadem villa. Carta Laurencij filij Willielmi de tresdecim denariatis redditus cum obolo in eadem. Folio 396. Littera attornata predicti Laurencij ad liberandam seisinam de predicto redditu xiij denariorum oboli. Quieta clamacio Roberti de Chippenham de vna acra terre et dimidia in eadem. APPENDIX. 205 Quieta clamacio Petri de Halstede de crufta quam pater suus tenuit in eadem. Quieta clamacio Ade Forestarij de tribus acris terre cum mesuagio in Hamstede. Carta Kicardi Westhey de redditu unius crofte et unius denarij in Halstede. Folio 397. Carta Saheri de duobus denarij s redditus in eadem. Carta Willielmi filij Ricardi de uno denario redditus in parochia de Halstede. Carta Ricardi filij Rogeri hominis de quatuor denarijs redditus in eadem. Carta Roberti Wolnorth de duobus denarijs redditus in eadem. Folio 398. Quieta clamacio Walteri Togod de tribus denarijs redditus in eadem. Carta Ricardi filij Rogeri de duabus acris terre in eadem. Folio 399. Carta Johannis Alwyne de terra vocata Gerardeslonde. Carta Johannis Nunthey de quadam crofta ibidem. Carta Martini Polle de duabus acris terre in eadem. Folio 400. Carta Andree Polley de terris et tenementis que fuerunt Johannis Enefelde in eadem. Carta fratrum Hospitalis de vno mesuagio et vna acra terre. Carta Prioris Hospitalis de dictis mesuagio et acra terre. Carta Willielmi de Coggeshale de crofta vocata Woodstratecrofte in eadem. Folio 401. Carta Simonis Warde de tenemento suo in Halstede. Y.— (p. 143.) " The cells, or subordinate foundations to the great house of the Hospitallers were properly called Commanderies ; but, like those of the Templars, they were almost as frequently called Precep- tories. A few of these had the appearance of being separate corporations, so much so as to have a common seal; but the greater part were no more than farms, or granges. 206 APPENDIX. " It is possible that some few Preceptories existed, which may not be included in the present enumeration. Preceptories of the Hospitallers. 1. Ansty, in the county of Wilts. 2. Aslakeby, in the county of Lincoln. 3. South Badeisley, in Hampshire. 4. Balshall, in Warwickshire. 5. Barrow, in Cheshire. 6. Batisford, in Suffolk. 7. Beverley, in Yorkshire. 8. Brimpton, in Berkshire. 9. Bruern, or Temple Bruer, in Lincolnshire. 10. Carbroke, in Norfolk. 11. Chippenham, in Cambridgeshire. ] 2. Temple Comb, in Somersetshire. 13. Temple Cowley, or Sandford, in Oxfordshire. 1 4. Temple Cressing, in Essex. 15. Dalby, in Leicestershire. 16. Dingley, in Northamptonshire. 17. Dynmore, in Herefordshire. 18. Temple Dynnesley, in Hertfordshire. 19. Egle, or Aquilse Ballivatus, in Lincolnshire. 20. Gilsingham, in Suffolk. 21. Godesfield, in Hampshire. 22. Gosford, in the parish of Kidlington, in Oxfordshire. 23. Halston, or Hawston, in Norfolk. 24. Hampton, in Middlesex. 25. Hether, in Leicestershire. 26. Hogshaw, in Buckinghamshire. 27. Maltby, near Lowth, in Lincolnshire. 28. Little Maplestead, in Essex. 29. Mayne, or Fryer-Mayne, in Dorsetshire. 30. Melchburn, in Bedfordshire. 31. Mere, in Lincolnshire. 32. Mount St. John, in the deanery of Bulmer, and arch- deaconry of Cleveland, in Yorkshire. 33. Newland, in the deanery of Pontefract, in Yorkshire. 34. Little, or West Peccham, in Kent. APPENDIX. 207 35. Pooling, in Sussex. 36. Queinington, in Gloucestershire. 37. Ribstane, in the West Riding of Yorkshire. 38. Temple Rockley, in Wiltshire. 39. Rotheley, in Leicestershire. 40. Shengay, in Cambridgeshire. 41. Skirbeke, in Lincolnshire. 42. Slebach, in Pembrokeshire. 43. Standon, in Hertfordshire. 44. Sutton at Hone, in Kent. 45. Swinford, in Leicestershire. 46. Swingfield, in Kent. 47. Trebigh, or Turbigh, in Cornwall. 48. Waingrif, near Rippele, in Derbyshire. 49. Warwick, in Warwickshire. 50. Great Wilburgham, in Cambridgeshire. 51. Wileketone, in Lincolnshire. 52. Witham, or South Wytham, in Lincolnshire. 53. Yeveley, alias Stede, in Derbyshire. " The Messrs. Lysons, in their Magna Britannia for Berkshire, vol. i., p. 387, mention Greenham, in the parish of Thatcham, as a Preceptory for Knights Hospitallers ; but the present editors know no more of this foundation." — DugdaWs Monasticon. THE END. ldnujx : Mauricb & Co., Howfonl Buildings, Fenchurch Street. aaa a m m m SB ^ r-ff B . 'W BffiMilPH . BBSHmH iliil JmJEBlnofflM Iliil $1 H llllll S HI mm HL 111111 iliil