E 691 
 .G26 
 Copy 1 
 
 3^i' 
 
 ^ 
 
 By James Gauley. 
 
 FOR SALE B^ ALL NEWSDEALERS. THE TRADE 
 SUPPLIED BY THE S. F. NEWS CO. 
 
 PRICE TEN CEN T.^ 
 
 ' {( JUL 8 k 
 
 
 San Fkancisco: 
 Printed by W. M. Hinton & Co., 
 
 1882. 
 
 )p \A/ - ^- 
 
Entere', according to Act of Congress, in the Office of the Librarian at Wash 
 ington, D. C, by JAMES GAULEY, June, 1882. 
 
** There is no subject talked about so much as Potitics, and yet 
 so little understood. 
 
 ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.'' 
 
 »; 
 
^l'> 
 
k POLITICAL CATECHISM. 
 
 Question — What is the object of government ?j 
 
 Answer — -To protect the weak against the strong. Or, in 
 other words, to protect the minority against the tyranny of 
 the majority. If the majorities would do right, there would 
 be no necessity for gov^ernment. 
 
 Question — Wherein does American democracy differ from 
 European democracy ? 
 
 Answer — American democracy is a democracy of checks 
 and balances. European democracy has neither the one 
 nor the other. 
 
 Question — Why are you a Democrat ? 
 
 Answer — Because I believe that government should be 
 administered for the greatest good of the greatest number, 
 without injury to any. I also believe in the right of local 
 self-government, and not in throwing all the Stater, into o/ie, 
 monarchizing it, " and bottoming that on corruption." 
 
 Question — What brought the Democratic party into be- 
 ing? 
 
 Answer — The General Government usurping power which 
 had never been delegated to it. 
 
 Question — When did the General Government usurp 
 powers which had never been delegated to it ? 
 
[6] 
 
 Answer— When it established the alien and sedition 
 laws. 
 
 Question— What were the nature of those laws ? 
 
 Answer — Sending persons out of the country without trial 
 by jury, and exercising a censorship over the press. 
 
 Question— Who repealed those laws ? 
 
 Answer — ^The Democrats, during Jefferson's administra- 
 tion. 
 
 Question — -Then we are indebted to the Democrats for 
 liberty of the press and trial by jury, are we not ? 
 
 Answer — Certainly. As constitutional provisions, when 
 not supported by public sentiment, have but little force. 
 
 Question— Has there ever been a monarchical party in 
 this country ? 
 
 Answer — Yes. From its earliest settlement to the pres- 
 ent day. 
 
 Questi on — How has that monarchical spirit been dis- 
 played ? 
 
 Answer — It displayed itself in the Convention that formed 
 the Federal Constitution ; in the Hartford Convention, and 
 in the Chicago Convention that cast 306 votes for General 
 Grant. 
 
 Question — How many "elements" are there in the so- 
 called Republican party, and how are they designated ? 
 
 Answer — There are three elements in that party; which 
 are called the Monarchical, the " Goody-Goody," a^id the 
 Know Nothing. 
 
 Question — Which of these elements controls and directs 
 the actions of that party? 
 
 Answer — The monarchical element. And it has been re- 
 cently evidenced by Senator Miller introducing a resolution 
 uthorizing the President to declare martial law in Alaska. 
 
1 7 ] 
 
 Question — But is it not reasonable to assume that Senator 
 Miller was governed more by the love of gain m introducing 
 that resolution, than he was in establishing a precedent for 
 "strong government ?" 
 
 Answer — It is true that he evidently was controlled, to ^ 
 very great extent, by pecuniary considerations, as he is a 
 prominent member of the Alaska Fur Company, and that 
 company is desirous of obtaining a " new lease" for their 
 gigantic monopoly. 
 
 Question — Did the Democratic party ever accord such 
 privileges to any company, as those accorded to the Alaska 
 Fur Company ? 
 
 Answer — No. The Democratic party "gave to all the 
 free occupation of gold bearing lands, and gave farms and 
 houses in broad and productive agricultural valleys. It gave 
 free forests a.ndjis/ien'es, and in a brief time threw over city 
 plain and mountain the protection of free government. 
 California, Oregon and Nevada, for examples. 
 
 Question — What other evidence have we of the Republi 
 can party being a monarchical party ? 
 
 Answer — The evidence is so cumulative that the question 
 cannot be answered in brief. Suffice it to say for the pres- 
 ent, that the advocacy of the Hamiltonian and paternal 
 theory of government and the destruction of State Rights, 
 is sufficient proof that it is the design of the Republican 
 party to throw all the States into one, and monitrchize that, 
 and ''base that one on corruption." 
 
 Question — Did Alexander Hamilton advocate a govern- 
 ment bottomed on corruption ? 
 
 Answer — Thomas Jefferson says in his writings that 
 "Alexander Hamilton declared in his presence, and also in- 
 
[ 8] 
 
 the presence of John Adams, that the corruption existing in 
 the British Government was the best feature in UP 
 
 Question — What reason could Alexander Hamilton have 
 had for entertaining such an idea ? 
 
 Answer — He saw that corruption in government made it 
 ^'strong." 
 
 Question — In what way ? 
 
 Answer^Because if the government granted exclusive 
 privileges to a "few families" or corporations, it would be 
 stre)igthe7iing its own poive7% and weakening the power of the 
 masses, as those families, or corporations, which had re- 
 ceived subsidies would naturally prove loyal to the "strong 
 government" which had built them up at the expense of the 
 masses. And Horace Greeley, who was a great advocate of 
 the Hamiltonian theory of government, declared in the New 
 York Tribune^ — previous to his receiving the Presidential 
 
 * When greenbacks were worth only forty cents on the dollar, 
 Horace Greeley said in the New York TrrbunQ, that "a few families 
 ought to be built up." 
 
 nomination — that a "few famiHes ought to be built up." And 
 
 General Garfield declared from the stump, during the last 
 
 Presidential campaign, that the '•' Hamiltonian theory of 
 
 government ought to prevail." 
 
 Question — Could General Garfield have had any selfish 
 motive in making such a declaration ? 
 
 Answer — Yes. The declaration was tantamount to say- 
 ing to the great corporations of the country, " If you will 
 contribute liberally to the campaign fund I will see that you 
 will be amply repaid through the 'New Nation' granting you 
 additional privileges, and granting you a 'new lease' on those 
 you have already ac<juired." 
 
[9] 
 
 Question — How did the great corporations respond to 
 General Garfield's declaration ? 
 
 Answer — The national banks responded by suffering them- 
 selves to be assessed three different times. And in consid- 
 eration of the banks' liberal contributions to that campaign 
 fund, a Republican Congress has renewed for "twenty 
 years" the banks' power for plundering the laboring classes. 
 
 Question — How has the " Paternal Government," which 
 has been created and consolidated in the interest of the 
 great railroad corporations, rewarded those corporations for 
 their excessive loyalty to it ? 
 
 Answer — By giving them two- thirds of the public domam; 
 the " paternal government" accepting " second for firsi 
 mortgage bonds;" defeating the "Reagan Bill," and creating 
 a Board of Railroad Commissioners that can be as effect- 
 ually controlled by railroad mfiuence as the Board of Rail- 
 road Commissioners in California has been, and is con- 
 trolled by the Central Pacific Railroad. And the following 
 extract^, taken from the Argonaut of May 6th, go to prove 
 the truth of the answer. The PTon. Frank Pixley, who has 
 • been a Republican since '56, says in the number of his pa- 
 per spoken of, that " The Republican party has not escaped 
 the fate of all parties entrusted with long exercise of political 
 power. It has abused it. In a thousand ways and in a 
 thousand instances the party has been guilty of unworthy 
 acts. It has fallen under the control of ambitious leaders 
 who have been destitute of patriotism and honest purpose. 
 It has yielded to the influence of thieving partisans and 
 scheming rings, who have carried their acts of plunder to all 
 the departments of government, while the shameful fact is 
 apparent that, during the second term of Grant's administra- 
 
[10] 
 
 tion, these crimes were perpetrated under the very shadow 
 of the Republican throne, with more than a presumption 
 that they enjoyed its protection. ^ * * * Never in the 
 world's history had there been such gigantic strides in the 
 accumulation of wealth. Corporations and individuals 
 amassed fortunes in comparison with which all preceding 
 enterprises seem insignificant. Money has neither con- 
 science, patriotism nor principle. It has one single object, 
 and that is self-protection. National banks, great railway 
 companies, great oil companies, and great telegraph compa- 
 nies unite and combine for their own protection. Political 
 power is a necessity to them. There has been formed at 
 Washington a political lobby that is most formidable, and 
 whenever one is endangered all other interests rush to its 
 rescue. If a national navy is to be built, John Roach has 
 power to take its construction from the national navy yards 
 to his own private establishment. When the writer was 
 recently in Washington, this man was permitted to entertain 
 with wines and dinners the Congressional Committee who 
 were to determine whether he or the nation should have the 
 disbursements of the millions necessary to provide for the 
 nation's defence. His paid attorney and lobbyist is appointed 
 Secretary of the Navy. National bankers control the na- 
 tional currency. Railway and telegraph companies are 
 stronger than the government. Corporation attorneys, hold- 
 ing seats in the national legislature, openly act as attorneys 
 in the Supreme Courts of the United States. The last Na- 
 tional Republican party convention was largely dictated to 
 by a railway millionaire. There is not a Republican State 
 where the influence of the millionaire is not largely felt- 
 There is not a city or State where the political agent of these 
 
[ 11] 
 
 wealthy combinations is not a recognized authority and a 
 formidable power. The Supreme Court of the nation, the 
 Supreme Court of the States, the Senate, Congress, the 
 Cabinet, the executives of States, the legislatures, and the 
 boards^of supervisors are dominated and controlled by them. 
 There is not a primary election in San Francisco or New 
 York; there is not a State government from Nevada to 
 Pennsylvania, where political power is not exercised by 
 organized capitalists in the interest of associated capital. 
 Since the Republican party has been in power in this coun- 
 try there has grown up an aristocracy of wealth, stionger 
 and more formidable in its exercise of political power th.-n 
 in England in two centuries of time. The Republican party 
 stands to-day as the representative and servant of a combined 
 money power, and is gravitating every hour to a concen- 
 tranng point. No bill in opposition to the interests of 
 capital can pass the Senate of the United States without a 
 struggle, and any bill inimical to the moneyed interest is 
 in danger of a Presidential veto. An act, like that in 
 Germany, to give the government control of railway trans- 
 portation would be treated with contempt in Congress. 
 An act to permit the government to control telegraphic com- 
 munication, as in England, could not possibly pass. It is 
 not within the power of Congress to regulate the national 
 banks or control the currency of the nation. The revenue 
 laws of the government are framed in the interest of rich 
 manufacturers; the navigation laws in the interest of ship- 
 builders. " 
 
 Question — If Mr. Pixley's statements be correct, and they 
 undoubtedly are, how came so many large corporations to 
 acquire such tremendous power over the people and their 
 
[ 12] 
 
 different governments since the so-called Republican party 
 came into power? 
 
 Answer — Ever since the formation of the general govern- 
 ment and up to the evil hour that the so-called Republican 
 party came into power, an irrepressible conflict existed be- 
 tween the capitalists of the South, who had labor for sale, 
 and the capitalists of the North, who had it to buy, and it 
 was the destruction of that conflict which created a unity of 
 ijiterests betiueen the capitalists befoi'c jnentiojied, that has come 
 very near converting a government of united states into a 
 government of united corporations, which, if not checked by 
 the Democratic party coming into power, will establish such 
 a "paternal government" for the exclusive benefit of a ''few 
 families" and the farther enslavem.ent of the masses, as Rus- 
 sia witnessed before the emancipation of her serfs. 
 
 Question — But did not the Republican party force the 
 ballot upon the colored man in order to protect him from 
 becoming the slave of capital? 
 
 Answer — No. But on the contrary, to make him still 
 further the slave of capital, and, as Senator Wilson of Mas- 
 sachusetts declared on the floor of the United States Senate, 
 to "perpetuate the Republican ^Miy permanently in power." 
 
 Question — Was that the only motive that actuated the 
 leaders of the Republican party in extending the elective 
 franchise ? 
 
 Answer — No. The know-nothing and monarchical ele- 
 ments in the partyideclared that"the elective franchise ought to 
 be extended to the colored man in order to negative the foreign 
 vote," and the monarchical element declared also that "the 
 farther they extended the elective franchise the quicker they 
 would be able to restrict it, and to establish property quali- 
 fication." 
 
[ 13 J 
 
 Question — What was the real intention of the Republican 
 party in striking the word ivhite out of the Naturalization 
 Laws ? 
 
 Answer — Merely to bring those laws into contempt, by 
 making the Chinaman and European " equal before the 
 law;" which is in perfect keeping with the y^n'/ principle 
 upon which the Republican creed is based. 
 
 Question — What motive induced the astute leaders in the 
 Republican party to lay down such a foolish principle as 
 " perfect equality before the law ? " 
 
 Answer — The adoption of the principle was forced upon 
 the " astute " element by the " goody-goody " element ; and 
 the " astute " or monarchical element, knowing that they 
 would have the construing of the law, pandered to the weak- 
 ness of the " goodey-goodies " m its adoption; which forces 
 representative Republicans like Messrs. Miller, Page, and 
 Pacheco to stultify themselves by repudiating the first prin- 
 ciple in their political creed, and also the second principle 
 in it, which is based on the " common brotherhood of man." 
 When the horse and the ass shall be found to match in 
 double harness the white man and the Chinaman will pull 
 together under the same regime;" and we opine that Mr. 
 Pixley is not far from holding the same opinion when he says: 
 "The conduct of the Republican President, and of the 
 Republican senatorial leaders, has, upon this Chinese ques- 
 tion, given the party away as a friend of free labor; and 
 when the next presidential election comes around. Republi- 
 can orators and writers and candidates for office will find it 
 difficut to explain the party's courso. When national banks, 
 New York merchants, the club of aristocratic Republican 
 rich men of the city of New York, and all the rich corpora-' 
 
f 14] 
 
 tions, lobbyists, and railway millionai ire found banded 
 together to sustain Chinese importt :' )ntract laborers, in 
 opposition to free white labor, how w' i honest Republi- 
 can speaker or writer explain to an ligent audience of 
 working men that the Republican pa^ • honestly and ear- 
 nestly the friend of labor ? This que- must be discussed 
 in every community where the vote c le working man is 
 demanded, and whether we get a bill ^. rioting Chinese im- 
 migration or not, the conduct of cert. arty leaders will be 
 difficult to explain." 
 
 Question — " When national bank; iw York merchants, 
 the club of aristocratic Republicans, ' jbyists, and railway 
 millionaires are found in oppositic.i 3 free white labor," 
 what better course can the laborer, the business man, or the 
 small property holder pursue than to rally to the support of 
 that grand old party which, to the extent of its ability, has 
 always protected them and our adopted citizens in their lib- 
 erty, property, and the pursuit of happiness? 
 
 We leave it for them to . answer, and also to reflect upon 
 the following tribute paid by Mr. Pixley to that grand old 
 party, that was never known to ask for that which was not 
 right, and never known to submit to that which was wrong.- 
 The tribute spoken of reads as follows: 
 
 " The national Democratic party has done us grand ser- 
 vice. It came to our relief in a time of need. In our 
 necessity it came as a merciful providence to rescue us from 
 one of two evils — either an invasion of Chinese or an upris. 
 ing against the law. We ought to be grateful to the national 
 Democratic party. Not only are we sneered at by Republi- 
 can party journals and party leaders, but, when we found 
 ourselves threatened wdth an invasion of barbarians, and we 
 
1 15 ] 
 
 demanded of our 
 made in a nations 
 down upon us, and i 
 and all the trading j- • 
 us out, that they n 
 money out of our de 
 In conclusion, we 
 many self-evident tru 
 also to reflect that 
 the reader is protectir. 
 upon the earth; and 
 —which is making sv. 
 as to excite the fears 
 slaying himself, his 
 
 : y leaders the fulfillment of promises 
 
 onvention, they all (save three) fell 
 
 ' the praying East went back on us, 
 
 )pers of the Atlantic would have sold 
 
 . I !: profit by our calamity and make 
 
 ction." 
 
 ihe reader again to reflect upon the 
 
 > contained in the above extract, and 
 
 supporting Jeffersonian Democracy 
 
 imself and everything he holds dear 
 
 •jpporting so called Republicanism 
 
 •1 rapid strides towards monarchism 
 
 ' ,11 lovers of their country — he is en- 
 
 jliiidren, his childrens' children, and 
 
 generations upon generations yet unborn. 
 
LIBKHKY UH LUNUKhbb 
 
 I 
 
 013 785 802 2 ^ 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 013 785 802 2