I$f7~t>1 HB 161 .C255 Copy 1 / REVIEW OF THE DECADE 1857-67. BY H. 0. OAEET. PHILADELPHIA: COLLINS, PRINTER, 705 JAYNE STREET, 1867. Called upon to furnish a Preface to a new edition of one of the German translations of his work on Social Science, its author has availed himself of the opportunity thus presented for comparing with his theory the facts that have occurred in the remarkable decade that has elapsed since the date (1857) of its first appearance. Philadelphia, June 22, 1S67. REVIEW. § 1. Desiring fully to understand and properly to appreciate the men around us we study their antecedents, and thereby, in some measure, qualify ourselves for predicting their probable future. So is it, too, with nations. That we may understand the direction in which they are moving, whether toward civilization, wealth, and power, or toward barbarism, poverty, and weakness, it is needed that we compare their present with their past and satisfy ourselves as to whether their policy has tended in the direction of developing those qualities which constitute the real man, the being made in the image of his Creator, fitted for be- coming master of nature and an example worthy to be followed by those around him, or those alone which he holds in common with the beasts of the field, and which fit him for taking place among men whose rule of conduct exhibits itself in the robber chieftain's motto, " that those may take who have the power, and they may keep who can." Such was the design of the work that is now to be reproduced, and to which its author has been requested to furnish this present preface. That by such a mode of inquiry, and such alone, could he have expected to arrive at anything approaching to correct results, will be obvious to all who reflect how wholly useless would be any calculations as to the time or place of arrival of a ship based upon a mere statement of her actual position at any given moment, unaccompanied by information as to the rate of movement in the past, or the direction in which she was heading in the present. A decade having now elapsed since the date of the observations that then were taken and the predictions that then were furnished, and the various ships of state having steadily been moving in their various directions, opportunity is now afforded for further obser- vations with a view to determining how far their several movements have been in accordance with the anticipations that then were made, and for thus subjecting to the severe test of actual practice the principles upon which the work itself was based. That it is which its author proposes now to do, but, preparatory thereto, he desires to ask the reader's atten- tion to a brief exposition of the gradual development to which, and almost insensibly, he has been led, of the grand idea of the unity op law, so soon, as he believes, to be adopted as the necessary complement of the great one so recently developed, but already so almost universally ad- mitted, that Of UNITY OF FORCE. The first step, so far as regarded Societary Science, ever made in that direction, consisted in furnishing a theory of value so simple that, in the words of one of the highest authorities in economical science, "there I could not arise a case in which a man should determine to make an exchange in which it would not be found to apply."* Up to that date, amid the many suggestions as to the " nature, measure, and causes of value," there had been none, to quote again from the same high authority, that had not proved to be " liable to perpetual exceptions." The law then furnished was that of the labor saved, the limit of value being found in the cost of reproduction.^ Subsequently adopted by an eminent French economist,! it has been made known to tens of thousands who had never seen, or even heard of, the work in which it first was published. Simultaneously therewith was demonstrated the existence of a natural law of distribution applicable to auy and every case that could by any possibility occur, whether between the landlord and his tenant, the laborer and his employer, the lender of money and its borrower, the owner of ships and the man who sought to freight them. Likewise adopted by M. Bastiat, and characterized by him as " the great, admirable, consoling, necessary, and inflexible law of capital, "§ it constitutes the second step in the direction of proving that in each department of the social relations there is perfect unity, and that the whole are as much subjected to law, absolute and inflexible, as are those of inorganic matter. Ten years later, another step in the same direction is found in the proof that then was furnished, that in the great work of developing the powers of the earth at large man had always, and necessarily, pursued a course identical with that he is seen to have pursued in reference to each anil every of its parts, passing from the poorer to the richer soils precisely as he had passed from the use of stone to that of copper, from copper to iron, and thence to steel ; and from the use of mere human power as the exclusive means of transportation, through the ox and the horse, the cart and the wagon, until at length he had reached the railroad car. "|| Here again we have a unity of law and a harmony among men, directly * "Carey, and after him Bastiat, have introduced a formula li, that poor-house gave outdoor parochial relief to 4340 persons, as compared with 1974 in the last week of 1865. This establishment," it says, " is now giving relief to its utmost capacity, and this fact, together with the announcement that nearly all the funds have been drawn out of the London savings banks — the working classes having been from four to six months without regular wages — shows that at present there is greater distress in London than has been known for a long time." Turning now to another high authority, the Saturday Review, we find the effects of instability thus exhibited : — " London Street contains no less than 250 families, no one of which, however numerous, occupies, as a rule, more than one room. Father, mother, and, it may be, six or seven children, somehow contrive to sleep together in one bed, and, in the absence of sheets and blankets, which are being taken care of by the pawnbroker, probably find some compensation for the discomfort of overcrowd- ing in the luxury of animal warmth — a luxury all the more prized from the difficulty, in cold weather, of procuring it anywhere but in bed. The plan is cheaper for the moment than either blanket or coals, and unhappily the British * " Belgium is Paradise Regained for everybody except the dogs in the carts, and even for them the supply of bones is perennial." Fisher. Food Supply of Western Europe. London, 18(jb'. 35 laborer has yet to learn how much more it costs him in the long run. Enter one of these rooms at random, and the chances are that you find it tenanted by a dock-yard laborer, who, like the engineer in the Pall Mall Gazette, made quite enough to keep himself and family in what they consider comfort until he was thrown out of work. Now, all the work he can get is the dignified employment for Lord Palmerston's Civis Romarius of oakum picking at the work-house, and this procures each hungry child a slice of bread. If the wife is a good needle- woman, she can earn 4.]d. a day, by nine hours of shirt making ; so long, that is, as her health stands one of the most trying, both mentally and physically, of all sedentary occupations. This pays the rent. A family fortunate enough to be able thus to provide for bread and shelter, the stoic's two necessaries of life, can secure its superfluous luxuries by a little begging, a little borrowing, and a good deal of pawning. The wife in that case does not sacrifice more than half her petticoats, and the husband is not obliged to be in bed while she washes his one shirt." On a recent occasion the Archbishop of York referred to the sad con- dition, physical, mental, and moral, of an extensive district of London, closing his statement with the following facts : " Not half the Gentile adults can read. Half the women cannot handle a needle. Our Mothers' Meeting has seventy members, half of whom, though living with men and having families, are unmarried, and this is the proportion throughout the Gentile district. Nine families out of ten have but one small room in which to live, eat and sleep. Not one family in six possesses a blanket or a change of clothing. Not one in four has any bedding beyond a sacking, containing a little flock or chopped straw (a miserable substitute for a mattress)! Not one in twenty has a clock — not one in ten a book. Many of the houses are in the most wretched condition of dirt and filth— walls, ceilings, floors, and staircases broken and rotting. Drunkenness, brawling, blasphemy, and other sins are fearfully prevalent." Speaking of one of the London poorhonses a journalist tells his readers of "naked misery wallowing in its filth, of human creatures massed together more disgustingly than hogs in a stye," thereto adding that the Poor Law Commission had expressed regret at having no power to compel remedy of the "disgraceful nuisance."* Why is it that such things are ? Because the policy of England looks to underworking the local manufacturers of the world — to driving the poor Hindoo from the loom to the field— and for that reason needs low priced labor. Because man is there daily more and more regarded as a mere instrument to be used by trade. Because, according to a writer in the Times, " every advance on the present rate of wages is a certain retrograde step in the direction of Protection. Let Freetraders, then," as he adds, " take care that in advocatiug the ' rights of labor' they are not digging a grave for free trade." It is thus the trade that is to be protected, not the people. The position of England is now a very unfortunate one. So long as she controlled in a great degree the supply of coal and iron for the world, and monopolized the use of steam, she remained almost mistress of the world. Just, however, as intelligence becomes more and more dissemi- * Since writing the above the author has had, for the first time in many years, occasion to visit the asylum provided by the city in which he lives for its blind and its lame, its lunatics and its drunkards, its infants and its aged, dependent on the public for support, and has been greatly gratified at witness- ing the scrupulous neatness everywhere evident, and the manifestation through- out of a Christian charity scarcely to be believed by those who have not seen it. 36 nated the sceptre passes from her hands. France aud Belgium are rivalling her with regard to engines, and even in her own market. Ger- many passes ahead of her in reference to steel, and America furnishes locomotives that command the admiration of Europe at the Paris exhi- bition. Steam gave her power to make the law of the ocean, but steam in other hands has now, in effect, destroyed that British navy upon whose creation hundreds of millions have been wasted.* With every step else- where made in the development of mind her power has declined, and the tendency in that direction must increase with wonderful rapidity should success attend the present efforts at substituting fluid hydro-carbons, readily susceptible of transportation, for the bulky and expensive solid the supply of which for the world has so long been almost monopolized by Britain. Little more than half a century since Britain dictated the law of the ocean, doing then the same on the laud, and doing it by means of armies that compared favorably with those of any country in the world — the joint contributions of Ireland, the Scottish Highlands, the statesmen of northern English counties, and little proprietors everywhere. Forty years later, shortly before the opening of the last decade, it was with difficulty that she raised the little force required for service in the Crimean war. To-day, judging from statements in the public journals, it is found almost as difficult to keep on foot the forces required for maintaining order in Ireland and India. Seeking now the cause of the remarkable change that, as regards both quantity and quality, has so obviously oc- curred, we find it in the facts, that famine and pestilence have combined for rendering Ireland a place so entirely unfit for human occupation as to threaten its abandonment by all but those who by reason of disease, decrepitude, and poverty, are deprived of power to emigrate ;f that the Highlanders, so long renowned for feats of arms, have been dis- placed by flocks of sheep ; that the important class of small proprietors, intermediate between the mere laborer and the great landlord — that class which furnished Cromwellian armies and since has given to the country so large a portion of its most valuable men — has been replaced by the mere day laborer, recipient of wages in the factory or in the field. J The source of supply having been thus dried up, diminution of mental, moral, and physical force now presents itself as the necessary conse- quence. That her position before the world of Europe has greatly deteriorated * "Our great wooden fleet, so long the pride of Britain, the terror of the world, lies stored up in I'ortsniouth harbor, of no earthly use in maintaining any maritime contest. Those noble three-deckers, such as the Duke of Wel- lington, would be sent to the bottom by a single gun carrying a three hundred pound ball. We have, at one blow, virtually lost the fleet which had been growing up for two hundred years." — Sir A. Allison. f In the six years ending 1863, the quantity of land in cultivation diminished to the extent of 350,000 acres. Last year, 1866, the diminution was 129,000, emigration having carried off 102,000 persons, a larger proportion of whom than usual were males. X " Great Britain is the only country of the world in which the majority of the inhabitants subsist on wages, and consequently there is no other country in which the government by the greatest number would be so dangerous to pro- perty." — Saturday Revieio. 37 has been fully shown by one of her own ablest writers, Mr. Matthew Arnold.* The reason for the change he has described may be found in the expression of Mirabeau hereinbefore quoted, to the effect, that "when the head is allowed to grow too large, the body becomes apoplectic and wastes away"— the state of things precisely that has, under the system denounced by Adam Smith, grown up in Britain. The head is there found in a small district embracing perhaps a fifth of the United King- dom, the body extending throughout the world and embracing hundreds of millions of people, all of whom have been so wholly deprived of the exercise of Will that, as in the case of the salt manufacture of India, they have been compelled to remain idle when they would have wished to work, and to buy from abroad commodities the raw materials of which they have seen going to waste at home. England's essential difficulty is to be found in the entire absence of a national conscience. "In the eyes of her people," says M. de Tocque- ville, "that which is most useful to England is always the cause of justice," the "criterion of what is right, or noble, or just," being "to be found, in the degree of favor or opposition to English interests." Such being her standard it affords no cause for wonder that she should, in her foreign relations, have adopted the Jesuit maxim that " the end sanctifies the means," publicly proclaiming that "the smuggler was the great re- former of the age; that the illicit trade in opium must be maintained even at the cost of stirring up anarchy among the hundreds of millions of Chinese people ; and that, in the interests of trade, it was needed to break up the Union of these American States, even at the cost of setting at defiance well-known principles of public law. That the " balance of power" may continue to be held by any nation there is required, as the reader has seen in a passage already quoted from the Westminster Review, not only development of its material resources, but also "an honest and constant allegiance to the laws of morality in its domestic policy and in its foreign relations." How far that condition is being even now complied with is shown in the following passage from a recent work already more than once referred to : — "With regard to the foreign jurisdiction, it may be said that this system is the chief cause of wars, and that it is inexpedient for any State to incur the risks of war for the sake of securing license and impuuity to the criminal class— for well-behaved people do not require the inter- vention of the consuls. Earl Grey has set forth in the House of Lords, what has been generally admitted, that. our war with China, undertaken for the purpose of enforcing the importation of opium, weakened the government of China, so as to produce the anarchy which now desolates that country. Lord Grey pointed out last session that the foreign juris- diction was producing the same effects in Japan, by stimulating the license of the European community, who find themselves released from all restraint ; that this trampling upon the self-respect of the Japanese must lead to war ; and that, after much bloodshed and expenditure, we shall perhaps reduce Japan to a state of anarchy like that we have brought about in China, "f * Cornhill Magazine, February 10, 1866, article My Countrymen. f The East and the West, or our Dealiugs with our Neighbors. The "balance" of material power is no longer in Britain's hands. That what yet remains of moral influence must speedily pass away will be obvious to all who reflect on the fact that the moral feeling of the world has been and is now being daily more and more offended — By the spectacle of overgrown wealth at home side by side with a destitution the most complete : By the pro-slavery tendencies of a system that at home produces a necessity for cheapening labor, and has elsewhere led to advocacy of negro slavery as the only mode by which to obtain cheap cotton : By the spectacle of a neighbor nation — one that in the past had given to Britain her ablest statesmen and most distinguished soldiers — now passing rapidly out of existence : By the tyranny over hundreds of millions of Asiatics, feeble as they are, that is daily exercised, and recently so well described by Earl Grey in the passage that has above been given. Of all, however, that has occurred throughout the decade, there is nothing that, equally with the alliance between the governing portion of the British people and that portion of the American one which was engaged in the effort to establish a slave republic, has tended to destroy that moral force which constitutes so essential a portion of the capital of an individual or a nation. " A nation," says a reflecting British writer, " which resists in principle the just social impulses natural to its history and position — which dis- courages those honorable social emotions with which men regard the proceedings of men — is sure to find, sooner or later, that the forces which she has thus kept back from their regular modes of expansion have found outlets and channels within her own borders less regular, and therefore more perilous and uncertain. Adherence simply to negative precepts [laisser faire] seldom obtains in any sphere of policy without being, in a greater or less degree, the mark of all the rest. Aud it is so here. * * * We fail to set to work with will and indomitable resolution at the task of relieving Ireland from anarchy. We fail to perform, or even to see clearly the pressing necessity of performing, the positive duty of devising some means, and means there must be somewhere in the minds of men, for finally uniting Ireland to ourselves and removing our heaviest reproach in the eyes of Europe. We are innocent, again, of wishing the poor and ignorant any ill, but there is no sign of a diligent and determined national action to ameliorate their condition and diminish their numbers. And so on throughout all the spheres of government. To that watery self-satisfaction which comes of the discharge of negative duties we are entitled. * * * An energetic, full-blooded, and gener- ous initiative is no more seen. Under our present set of social concep- tions it is forever impossible. The idea of the two great functions of the State is torpid or extinct. The nourishment of a strong and harmonious national life, in the first place; in the second, the maintenance of a wise, unselfish, and upright international life ; these are the two ideas at present fatally wanting in English policy. * * * If anybody thinks that we are playing that powerful and beneficent part in our relations with Europe to which our material strength and moral disinterestedness entitle us, or rather which they demand from us, let him reflect that the counsels which Lord Stanley is said to be pressing both at Berlin and Paris count for 39 about as rauch as if they came from the cabinet of Sweden or of Po gal." — Morley. Fortnightly Review, May, 1867. More than thirty years since there was in Britain what was callec "Reform," but it was limited to changes of form, leaving the polit untouched. The result is seen in the facts here given. Now again, ther is to be a great reform. Will it, however, prove more successful than the former one ? Most certainly not, if the cheap labor system is to be maintained. Not, if the laws of morality are to be, as now, daily set at defiance in the treatment of the 500,000,000 of Asiatics so much subjected to British influence. Not, if all the poor and weak communities of the world are to be driven, at the point of the bayonet, to confining themselves to the work of raising raw produce for distant markets, the proper work of the barbarian and the slave, and of them alone. Not, if Britain shall continue to have for her motto, in all international rela- tions, that "the end sanctifies the means." Not, certainly, if British policy shall continue to set at defiance, as it now daily does, that great law of Christianity which teaches that duty to our Creator and to our fellow men demands that we do unto others as we would that they should do unto us. § 13. The decade whose history has above been sketched is of all re- corded in the world's annals the most remarkable, yet are the changes there exhibited but preparation for new and greater in the future — such changes as must not only greatly affect the relative positions of the com- munities that have been named, but also the future of all mankind. Their character will, as the writer thinks, be clearly obvious to those who may have studied his "Principles," published ten years since, and with their aid have studied this review of what has since transpired. To all such it must be plain — That the system which looks to having but one " workshop for the world" is unchristian, aud can but little longer be maintained : That England has passed her zenith, and that, in common with Tyre, Carthage, Venice, Holland, and all other merely trading communities that had preceded her, she is destined, and that at an early day, to take her place among the great powers of the past : That France, under the centralizing system of the empire, must in- evitably follow in the same direction : That, in accordance with a great law from the study of which we learn that the richest soils are always last to be brought under cultivation, the great powers of the future must be Germany, Russia, and these United States : That, to the end that they may attain the position now so clearly within their reach, it is essential that they recognize the facts, that agri- culture is the great pursuit of man and therefore always last to attain development ; that for attainment of that development it is indispensa- ble that there be a proper co-ordination of the societary positives and negatives, producers and consumers being brought in close proximity with each other ; that the closer their relations the greater must be the rapidity of circulation ; and that — The more rapid the circulation the more thorough becomes the development of the christian man, the more rapid the growth of wealth, and the greater the societary force. 40 013 607 793 4 14. Materialism, elsewhere described as the " Philosophy of declining; terns," is the essential characteristic of that one which seeks to make Britain the single " workshop of the world." Looking; to the things odnced, and the wagons, cars, and ships by which they are carried, it holly rejects consideration of the beings by whom they are produced. Regarding trade as the one thing needful it sanctions all the immorali- ties by which traffic may be promoted, careless of the fact that their con- stant perpetration tends necessarily towards sinking man to a level with the brute. Looking always to development of the real man Adam Smith de- nounced the " mercantile system" upon which Britain so long has prac- tised. Following in the same direction the system here given presents to view the grand and harmonious laws by means of which it was pro- vided that man should ultimately become master of nature — master over himself — a being capable of the exercise of Will and fitted to "look through nature up to nature's God" — becoming daily more and more con- scious of the facts, that duty required him to do to others as he would that they should do unto him ; and, that for the proper use of the power with which he had been intrusted he must hold himself responsible, here and hereafter, to his fellow men and to the great Author of his being. For the accomplishment of that object the societary laws were instituted, aud thus was society made the instrument by means of which man — the real man — was to be developed, to become the subject of that higher branch of knowledge which treats of the human soul and its relations, and known as psychological science. Quite recently the author has made acquaintance with Oersted's work, entitled " Soul in Nature,"* and has been greatly gratified to find that, starting from a point directly opposite, so illustrious a philosopher had been led to arrive at the same conclusions, to wit, that "the laws of nature hold good throughout the universe ;"f and that, as " the truths of natural science continually approach nearer those of Religion," both " must at last be united in the most intimate connection."! * Loudon, 1852. Of this eminent man, Sir John Herschell, now thirty years since, at a meeting of the British Association, spoke as follows : — " In science there was hut one direction which the needle would take, when pointed towards the European continent, and that was towards his esteemed friend, Professor Oersted. He knew not how to speak of him in his presence without violating some of that sanctity by which, as an individual, he was surrounded. To look at his calm manner, who could think that he wielded such an intense power, capable of altering the whole state of science, and almost con- vulsing the knowledge of the world. * * * * The electric telegraph, and other wonders of modern science, were but mere effervescences from the surface of this deep recondite discovery, which Oersted had liberated, and which was yet to burst with all its mighty force upon the world. If he were to characterize by any figure the advantage of Oersted to science, he would regard him as a fertilizing shower descending from heaven, which brought forth a new crop, delightful to the eye and pleasing to the heart." t Ibid., p. 92. % Ibid., p. 109. Erratum. — Page 12, line 16 from foot— -for " national" read " material." LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 013 607 793 4