I I ■ * r ** s\> c -Z- • *% ^ r b ' ?v ^ ■% < &<& 1 ■ « ;^ %»•*. '- k v "^ ,0 o r * v, [ ^ w V<* v - -A 'II ' o. "o X *> V * A V.r> * ofr' ^ '^. % ""V:* . ^ . \ ^ • A *,. <* v% x° °,. $ >, <* l ' • 4 I x> V ' * o V vO >■% £ ■** jo 01 dire a mon pere, Bien m'en sovint, mais varlet ere ; and it has been in consequence supposed that he intended to represent his father as a cotemporary and even an eye witness of the expedition. It will, however, be easily seen that this is extremely im- INTRODUCTION. XVII probable. Wace lived and wrote as late as at least 1 173, and could hardly have been born earlier than the commencement of the eleventh century. The assumption that his father was adult in 1066 would give to the latter an improbable age at his son's birth, and a very great one at the time when the ' varlet' could have listened to the tale of his pa- rent's experience. The probability, therefore, is, that Wace only meant to refer to his father as a suitable authority, conveying information which he might easily have derived from living among those w io actually shared in the expedition. It is clear, •wever, that in another place, p. 115, he directly asserts his own communication with persons adult at the conquest; for, in speaking of the comet that preceded it, he refers to the report of eye-witnesses as his personal authority : Asez vi homes ki la virent, Ki ainz e poiz lunges veskirent. Master Wace tells us that he was born in Jersey; — probably soon after 1100. He was taken young to be educated at Caen, and proceeded thence to the proper dominions of the king of France ; return- ing eventually to Ca~n, where he betook himself to writing ' romanz.' He says that he finished his * Roman de Brut ' (now in course of publication at Rouen) in 1155 ; and that he lived under three Henries ; namely Henry I. and II. of England, and the latter's son Henry, who died young. His principal patron was Henry II. who gave him a prebend of the cathedral of Bayeux. It appears, b XV111 INTRODUCTION. we are told, from the archives of that church, that he held the office nineteen years. We learn from him, however, that he did not consider his reward equal to his desert ; and he dwells on further pro- mises, which would have been more acceptable if followed by performance. His chronicle (which he says he wrote in 1160) continues down to 1106 ; and ends in apparent ill humour at Benoit de Sainte-More's being employed upon a similar task. His concluding words are, Ci faut li livre maistre Wace, Qu' in velt avant fere — s'in face ! He is reported to have died in England as late as 1 184. He certainly wrote after 1 173, for his ascend- ing chronicle of the dukes of Normandy speaks of events which occurred in that year. The earlier portions of his chronicle, like the pages of Ordericus Vitalis, teem with wonders. His principal sources of these materials were Dudo de St. Quintin, and William of Jumieges. But, as M. Guizot observes in vindication of the latter, the re- proach is certainly not, that having truth and error within his reach he selected the latter, but that with no choice about the matter he used the only materials that were in his power. When he reached the era of the conqueror, more complete and au- thentic information was within his reach ; and the perusal of this later portion of his work will perhaps leave no unfavorable impression as to the judgment and fidelity with which he has used his materials, especially with regard to the narrative of the groat INTRODUCTION. XIX english expedition. There is an obvious desire to represent the truth, and to state the doubt when certainty was not attainable; and it may not escape the reader, that though Wace is far from wanting in poetic spirit, he sometimes rejects precisely those ornaments of his story which were most attractive for a poet's purpose, and for the use of which grave example might be pleaded. He is particularly interesting whenever his sub- ject leads to local description applicable to his more immediate neighbourhood. From that part of Normandy in particular his list of the chiefs present at the battle of Hastings has its principal materials. The allusions, in which he abounds, to the perso- nal history and conduct of many of these leaders give great value to this portion of his chronicle. Anachronisms no doubt are easily to be discovered, from which none of the chroniclers of the day were or could be expected to be exempt. His christian names are sometimes incorrect ; an error which he certainly might have avoided had he folio wed the safer policy of Brompton, who covers his inability to enter upon that branch of his work, by roundly asserting that truth was unattainable. If Wace is followed on the map, it will readily be seen to what extent the fiefs in his own dis- trict of Normandy predominate in his catalogue. He even commemorates the communes of neigh- bouring towns ; and the arrangement throughout is determined by circumstances of propinquity, by rhyme, or other casual association. XX INTRODUCTION. But with all the drawbacks which may be claim- ed, W ace's roll, partial and confined in extent as it is, must always be considered an interesting and valuable document. Even if it be taken as the mere gossip and tradition of the neighbourhood, it be- longs to a period so little removed from that of the immediate actors, that it cannot be read with indif- ference. It bears a character of general probability in the main, of simplicity and of absence of any purpose of deception, ft puts together much local and family information, gathered by an intelligent associate of those whose means of knowledge was recent and direct ; and it may be read, so far as it goes, with far less distrust, and is in fact supported by more external authority both positive and ne- gative, than those lists which were once of high pretension, but are now universally abandoned as fabricated or corrupt.* The narrative of the english expedition is the main object of the present volume : but it seemed desirable to prefix the leading passages of William's early history ; not only for the purpose of introdu- cing many of the persons with whom the reader is afterwards to become better acquainted, but with the view of exhibiting a lively picture of the dif- * The list in the printed ' Chronique de Normandie,' though very inaccurately given, is based upon Wace's. It may be found much more correctly in the fine MS. Chronicle of Normandy, (which ought to be printed.) in the British Museum, Bibl. Keg. 1 r > E. vi. fol. ccccx. INTRODUCTION. XXI Acuities attending William's opening career — of the energy with which he triumphed over his enemies, and directed his turbulent subjects to useful pur- poses — and of the hazards he incurred, in attempt- ing so bold an expedition in the presence of such dangerous neighbours. The narratives of the revolt quelled at Valdesdunes, and of the affairs of Arques, Mortemer, and Varaville, are among the most pic- turesque and graphic portions of Wace's chronicle, and derive much interest from their bearing upon local history and description. The division into chapters, it may be proper to observe, is a liberty taken with the original by the translator; and his further liberties are those of omitting portions of the duke's early adventures, and of restoring, in one or two cases, the proper chronological arrangement, which Wace does not always observe. It may be asked, why the version is prose? The answer may be, that the translator's wish was to place before the english reader a literal narrative, and not to attempt the representation of a poetical curiosity; if conscious of the power of so doing, to which however he makes no pretension. To those, who wish to judge of the style and diction of the ori- ginal chronicle, it is easily accessible in the Rouen edition; and occasional extracts will be given, which may answer the purpose of most readers. It was considered to be an idle attempt to pretend to re- present such a work in modern english verse. In so doing, the fidelity of the narrative must have XX11 INTRODUCTION. been more or less sacrificed, especially if rhyme had been attempted ; and without rhyme there could hardly have been much resemblance. The object in view has been to represent the au- thor's narrative simply and correctly ; but the printed text is obviously inaccurate, and its want of precision in grammar often creates difficulty in translation. The lapse of words, and even of lines, defects in the rhymes, and other circumstances noticed in M. Raynouard's observations, betray the inaccuracy of the MS. from which it was taken. Nevertheless, this MS. — the one of the British Museum, MS. Reg. 4. C. xi., — appears to be, on the whole, the best of the existing transcripts. It is of the date of about 1200; its style is anglicized, the grammar loose, and parts of it are lost. It has one peculiar interest, that of having belonged to the library of Battle abbey, for which it was no doubt made; it bears the inscription, * liber abbati;e SANCTI MARTINI DE BELLO.' The plan and extent of this volume did not admit of discussions concerning the many disputed histo- rical questions as to the respective rights, wrongs, pretensions or grievances of the great rivals, whose fates were decided by the expedition. Abundant materials are now open for the english reader's judgment, in the historical works adapted to such inquiries. Wace's account, published at a norman court, and under the patronage of the conqueror's family, may be expected to represent the leading- facts in a light favourable to norman pretensions ; INTRODUCTION. XXlll but on the whole, the impression left on a perusal of his report will probably be, that it is fair, and creditable to the author's general judgment and fidelity as an historian. Notes are appended to the text, directed mainly to local and genealogical illustrations, and particu- larly to that species of information which is, in a great degree, new to the english reader, — the pointing out the cradles of great norman families, whose representatives are stated to have been pre- sent at the expedition. Much of the material for this purpose was supplied in the truly valuable and interesting no£es to the Rouen edition, written by M. AugusteLePrevost, a resident antiquary of great and deserved reputation, who has also obliged the translator by additional illustrations in MS. Further information has been sought in various other quar- ters. The translator's wish has been to keep the branch of his work within reasonable limits; though the result may after all be, that he will be thought too diffuse on these points for the general reader, and too brief for the satisfaction of those whose pursuits lie in the direction of such inquiries. Wherever notes, borrowed substantially from M. Le Prevost, may be considered as turning on his per- sonal or local information, his authority is cited by adding his initials, A.L.P. It was believed that all were likely to attach importance on doubtful sub- jects to the testimony or opinion of an active and intelligent local inquirer. But, on the other hand, the translator has not scrupled on all occasions to XXIV INTRODUCTION. use his own judgment, and the assistance derived from other sources ; and these have sometimes led him to different conclusions from those of his pre- decessors. He has particularly to acknowledge his great obligations to Mr. Stapleton, for supervision of his notes on chapters 22 and 23. Those who know the extent and accuracy of that gentleman's acquaintance with these subjects, will appreciate the great value of his assistance. In the notes on those chapters, the translator's design has mainly been to trace the locality of the fiefs in question, and to refer to other evidence, such as that of Domesday, with regard to each holder's share in the expedition ; adding, where it could be done, the state and ownership of such fiefs at the time of the compilation of the roll of Hen. II. co- pied into the Red book of our exchequer. The en- glish history of these families has not been dwelt upon. Those who wish to follow up that branch of the subject, can at once refer to Dugdale's Ba- ronage, and other authorities easily accessible. In the references to Domesday book, the obviously convenient method has been to have recourse to the very useful Introduction to that record, published in 1833, under the direction of the Record-com- missioners. In the orthography of the proper names, that of Wace has been strictly observed in the translator's text ; his notes generally giving what is conceived to be the proper or more modern version of each. The necessity for this precaution is abundantly INTRODUCTION. XXV shown by the confusion and mistakes that have arisen from modernizing names, (of the true relation or derivation of which a translator is sometimes scantily informed,) without supplying at the same time the opportunity of correction, by a faithful quo- tation of the original. The translator here begs to express his fear lest he has in one respect violated his own rule, by the use he has made of Fitz as a prefix. It is right the reader should bear in mind, that throughout the original the term used is filz, — such as ' le filz Osber de Bretuil/ &c. ; and it might have been better, by a literal translation, to have avoided the appearance of an anachronous use of the patronymic form afterwards so common. The proper completion of the notes would consist in tracing the identity and possession of the fiefs, from the Red book roll of the exchequer down- wards, to the lists formed, after the general confis- cation of the estates of king John's adherents, by Philip Augustus. The translator has only had ac- cess to the former, as to which a few words may be said. It is a beautiful transcript from a roll, a por- tion of which still exists, according to the report of Mr. Stapleton, in the Hotel Soubise at Paris. Du- carel has printed, though very incorrectly, a tran- script from our exchequer record.* The roll itself was probably completed between the twentieth and thirtieth years of Hen. II. ; but that part of it which * A much more correct copy is printed in the french transla- tion of Ducarel, published in 1823. XXVI INTRODUCTION. relates to the fees of the cathedral church of Ba- yeux is an abstract of an inquest of an earlier date, namely, of about 1 133, taken on the death of Richard Fitz- Samson the bishop, and lately printed in the 8th vol. of the ' Memoires des antiquaires de Nor- mandie.' This circumstance creates anachronisms in the roll, that are still more apparent in the one pub- lished — also incorrectly — in Duchesne's Scriptores, from a MS. now in the King's library at Paris. The roll of Hen. II. is only the basis of Duchesne's; which was obviously compiled after the confisca- tions of Philip Augustus; to whose era, and the then existing state of things, the entries are made to conform. Some who have not examined into the minutiae of these records, have supposed that the list, with which they close, of men who neither ap- peared nor made any return, refers to those who ad- hered to John ; instead of its being, as the fact is, a mere record of defaulters under Hen. II. There are historical traces of attempts under that monarch, to form a sort of norman Domesday, for purposes, no doubt, of revenue. It would seem that this design was resisted, and perhaps was only imperfectly executed in the form we find the exist- ing roll. Philip Augustus afterwards caused much more complete registers of the Fceda Normannorum to be formed. Transcripts of these are in the King's library, and at the Hotel Soubise, and partially in the Liber-niger of Coutances which M. de Gerville quotes. The 'Fceda Normannorum' in Duchesne seems part of a document of this later period. INTRODUCTION. XXVll While this volume was in progress, and after the notes had been prepared, the 7th and 8th vols, of the ' Memoires des antiquaires de Normandie' reached the translator. They contain a calendar and ana- lysis of a vast number of charters to religious houses within the department of Calvados, and furnish a perpetual recurrence of the names of the early owners of the principal fiefs in that district. Another great addition has at the same time been made to the stock of materials for the illustration of Wace, in the publication at Rouen of the first vol. of the ' Chroniques Anglo-Normandes,' comprising such portions of Gaimar, of the Estoire de Seint iEdward le Rei, of the continuation of Wace's Brut d'Angleterre, and of Benoit de Sainte-More, as re- late to the norman conquest. They had all been pre- viously resorted to in MS. and more copious extracts would have been added, if they had not been made so accessible by the publication referred to. Its continuation will add other valuable historic docu- ments relative to the period in question. For the graphic illustrations of the volume re- course has been had to a few of the illuminations of the beautiful Cambridge MS. of the Estoire de Seint iEdward le Rei. Several other subjects, that appeared appropriate, have been added from va- rious sources. But the principal storehouse of the illustrations has been that noble and exquisite relic of antiquity, the tapestry of the cathedral of Ba- yeux. To this series of pictures the chronicle of Wace, (a prebend of that church, as already ob- XXV111 INTRODUCTION. served,) would almost seem to have been intended as what, in modern times, would be called the letter press. The controversies long carried on, as to the age of this interesting piece of workmanship, and as to the identity of the Matilda to whom it may owe its origin, need not be reviewed here. The reader will find in Ducarel, in the observations of M. H. F. Delauney annexed to the French trans- lation of Ducarel, in the Archaeologia, in Mr. Daw- son Turner's Letters, Dr. Dibdin's Tour, and other modern works, ingenious and ample d iscussions upon what is known or conjectured on the subject. Speculations have been hazarded, with the view of testing the era of the tapestry by Wace's sup- posed want of agreement with the story of the for- mer. It seems assumed that this variance would not have occurred, had the tapestry been in exist- ence when he wrote. It is not clear, however, that there is any material variance; but if there be, it is surely somewhat hasty to assume on that ac- count, either that Wace preceded, or that he was unacquainted with the worsted chronicle. He ob- viously sought his authorities in various quarters; and he might very well have known and rejected the testimony of the tapestry, on any matter of fact regarding which there were conflicting accounts. It is very curious that two such monuments of an- tiquity should be connected with the same church; but it is left to others to speculate whether this was accidental, or what influence, if any, the work of either party had on that of the other. I NTH') f) I < I M> V Lastly, a small mapof Normandy has been added, for the illustration of Wace's work and of the ac- companying notes. With the exception of the lead- monastic establishments, (which were consi- dered a convenient addition, though many of them were founded at a later period), little is shown upon the map beyond the towns and fiefs introduced by Wace ; and these are laid down so far as the means of knowledge or probable conjecture presented them- selves. In the execution of this little map, no pre- tension is made to strict geographical or even chro- nological accuracy ; neither has uniformity been preserved in the language of the names; but such as it is, it will probably be found sufficiently full and precise to answer the general purpose for which it is designed. XXVlll INTRODUCTION. served,) would almost seem to have been intended as what, in modern times, would be called the letter press. The controversies long carried on, as to the age of this interesting piece of workmanship, and as to the identity of the Matilda to whom it may owe its origin, need not be reviewed here. The reader will find in Ducarel, in the observations of M. H. F. Delauney annexed to the French trans- lation of Ducarel, in the Archaeologia, in Mr. Daw- son Turner's Letters, Dr. Dibdin's Tour, and other modern works, ingenious and ample d iscussions upon what is known or conjectured on the subject. Speculations have been hazarded, with the view of testing the era of the tapestry by Wace's sup- posed want of agreement with the story of the for- mer. It seems assumed that this variance would not have occurred, had the tapestry been in exist- ence when he wrote. It is not clear, however, that there is any material variance; but if there be, it is surely somewhat hasty to assume on that ac- count, either that Wace preceded, or that he was unacquainted with the worsted chronicle. He ob- viously sought his authorities in various quarters; and he might very well have known and rejected the testimony of the tapestry, on any matter of fact regarding which there were conflicting accounts. It is very curious that two such monuments of an- tiquity should be connected with the same church; but it is left to others to speculate whether this was accidental, or what influence, jf any, the work of either party had on that of the other. INTRODUCTION. XXIX Lastly, a small map of Normandy has been added, for the illustration of Wace's work and of the ac- companying notes. With the exception of the lead- ing monastic establishments, (which were consi- dered a convenient addition, though many of them were founded at a later period), little is shown upon the map beyond the towns and fiefs introduced by Wace ; and these are laid down so far as the means of knowledge or probable conjecture presented them- selves. In the execution of this little map, no pre- tension is made to strict geographical or even chro- nological accuracy ; neither has uniformity been preserved in the language of the names; but such as it is, it will probably be found sufficiently full and precise to answer the general purpose for which it is designed. THE CHRONICLE. ROU, or ROLLO. I WILLIAM I. I Emma=RICHARD I.=Gunnor. Popia=^RICHARD II.=pJudith. CANUTE=Enimsfc=ETHELRED. r i Mauger. Will, of Arques. RICHARD ROBERT... Arietta 71 Adeliz III. Herluin. Rainald. I ' Edmund EDWARD Confessor. Maud=|=WILLIAM Conqueror. II II Adeliz=pEnguer- Odo. Muriel. Guy Edward. rand of Robert of Bur- Ponthieu. gundy. ROBERT. WILLIAM. HEN. 1. Adeliz=Odo. Judith=Waltheof. EDGAR. ROLOGUE CONCERN- ING THE AUTHOR OF THIS BOOK, SETTING FORTH HIS INTENT AND DEGREE. TO commemorate the deeds, the say- ings, and manners of our ancestors, to tell the felonies of felons and the ba- ronage of barons 1 , men should read aloud at feasts the gests and histories of other times ; and therefore they did well, and should be highly prized and rewarded who first wrote books, and recorded therein concerning the noble deeds and good words which the barons and lords did and said in days of old. Long since would those things have been forgotten, were it not that the tale thereof has been told, and their history duly recorded and put in re- membrance. 1 In the phrase ' Li barnage des baruns,' barnage seems to be used with reference to those noble qualities which ought to adorn 2 PROLOGUE. Many a city hath once been, and many a noble state, whereof we should now have known nothing; and many a deed has been done of old, which would have passed away, if such things had not been writ- ten down, and read and rehearsed by clerks. The fame of Thebes was great, and Babylon had once a mighty name ; Troy also was of great power, and Nineveh was a city broad and long ; but whoso should now seek them would scarce find their place. Nebuchadnezzar was a great king ; he made an image of gold, sixty cubits in height, and six cubits in breadth ; but he who should seek ever so care- fully would not, I ween, find out where his bones were laid : yet thanks to the good clerks, who have written for us in books the tales of times past, we know and can recount the marvellous works done in the days that are gone by. Alexander was a mighty king; he conquered twelve kingdoms in twelve years: he had many lands and much wealth, and was a kino- of oreat power ; but his conquests availed him little, he was poisoned and died. Caesar, whose deeds were so many and bold, who conquered and possessed more the true baron, — the ' gentil ber' of our poet. 2 The present prologue is not, in the original, immediately prefixed to the por- tion of the chronicle here translated. In fact, Waco introduces it twice in nearly the same words; but it forms a suitable intro- duction, omitting what intervenes. The original of this passage may be given as a specimen of Wace's style : PRO LOG UR. d of the world than any man before or since could do, was at last, as we read, slain by treason, and fell in the capitol. Both these mighty men, the lords of so many lands, who vanquished so many kings, after their deaths held of all their posses- sions nought but their bodies' length. What availed them, or how are they the better for their rich booty and wide conquests ? It is only from what they have read, that men learn that Alexander and Caesar were. Their names have endured many years ; yet they would have been utterly forgotten long ago, if their story had not been written down. All things hasten to decay ; all fall ; all perish ; all come to an end. Man dieth, iron consumeth, wood decay eth ; towers crumble, strong walls fall down, the rose withereth away ; the war-horse waxeth feeble, gay trappings grow old ; all the works of men's hands perish 2 . Thus we are taught that all die, both clerk and lay; and short would be the fame of any after death, if their history did not endure by being written in the book of the clerk. The story of the Normans is long and hard to Tote rien se tome en declin ; Tot cliiet, tot muert, tot vait a fin ; Horn muert, fer use, fust porrist, Tur font, mur chiet, rose flaistrit ; Chcval tresbuche, drap viesist, Tot owe fet od maim perist. PROLOGUE. put into romanz. If any one ask who it is that tells it and writes this history, let him know that I am Wace, of the isle of Jersey, which is in the western sea, appendant to the fief of Normandy. I was born in the island of Jersey, but was taken to Caen when young ; and, being there taught, went afterwards to France, where I remained for a long time. When I returned thence, I dwelt long at Caen, and there turned myself to making ro- mances, of which I wrote many. In former times, they who wrote gests and his- tories of other days used to be beloved, and much prized and honoured. They had rich gifts from the barons and noble ladies ; but now I may pon- der long, and write and translate books, and may make many a romance and sirvente, ere I find any one, how courteous soever he may be, who will do me any honour, or give me enough even to pay a scribe. I talk to rich men who have rents and 3 These laments are frequent in the minstrels' songs of that age in all countries. Walther von der Vogelweide, the German min- nesinger, by far the most varied and interesting port of his day, is often very plaintive in his lamentations; ' Hie vor do was diu welt so schblie, Nu ist si worden also hone.' The world was once so beautiful, And now so desolate and dull. See notice of his life and works in Lays of the Minnesingers, London, 1825. At the conclusion of his Chronicle, Waco men- tions Maistre Beneit (de Sainte-More) as commissioned to under- PROLOGUE. money ; it is for them that the book is made, that the tale well told and written down ; but noblesse now is dead, and largesse hath perished with it 3 ; so that I have found none, let me travel where I will, who will bestow ought upon me, save king Henry the second. He gave me, so God reward him, a prebend at Bayeux 4 , and many other good gifts. He was grandson of the first king Henry, and father of the third 5 . Three kings — dukes and kings — dukes of Normandy, and kings of Eng- land — all three have I known, being a reading clerk in their days. In honour of the second Henry, of the line of Roul, I have told the tale of Roul, of his noble parentage, of Normandy that he conquered, and the prowess that he showed. I have recounted the history of William Lunge-espee, till the Flemings killed him by felony and treason ; of Richard his son, whom he left a child ; [of the second Rich- take a similar task, and expresses himself by no means satisfied with his patron, Henry II. Mult me duna, plus me pramist : E se il tot dune m'eust Qo k'il me pramist, mielx me fut. 4 The names and values of the forty-nine prebends of Bayeux appear in the Memoires desAntiq. Norm. viii. 458-467. Seven of them were created by Bishop Odo, out of the forfeited lands of Grimoult du Plessis after mentioned. 5 These three Henrys were Henry I. and Henry II. of England, and Henry the lat- ter's son, who died in 1182, in his father's lifetime, but was living PROLOGUE. ard, who succeeded him ; of his son the third Richard ; who was soon followed by Duke Robert his brother, who went to Jerusalem, and died by poison; and now the tale will be of William his son, who was born to him of the ' meschine, Arlot of Faleise 6 .'] when Wace wrote. He was expectant heir of England and Nor- mandy, and was then in the possession or government of the lat- ter, so as in some measure to justify Wace's epithets. 6 Roul is of course the personage usually called Rollo. The sentence in brackets comprises a few words, added by the translator; con- densing the intervening part of the Chronicle, so as to introduce that portion of the work which he proceeds to translate. ^ft :; -- - ~- '. A MA-p 01' ILLUSTRATIVE OF WACE it//// the principal Relig'io as estab] Lslim ei Lt s ( marked, +) CHAPTER I. HOW WILLIAM BECAME DUKE, AND HOW HIS BARONS REVOLTED AGAINST HIM. The mourning for Duke Robert was great and lasted long; and William his son, who was yet very- young, sorrowed much. The feuds against him were many, and his friends few ; for he found that most were ill inclined towards him ; those even whom his father held dear he found haughty and evil disposed. The barons warred upon each other; the strong oppressed the weak ; and he could not prevent it, for he could not do justice upon them THE CHRONICLE all. So they burned and pillaged the villages, and robbed and plundered the villains, injuring them in many ways. A mighty feud broke out between Walkelin de Ferrieres 1 , and Hugh Lord of Montfort 2 ; I know not which was right and which wrong ; but they waged fierce war with each other, and were not to be reconciled ; neither by bishop nor lord could peace or love be established between them. Both were good knights, bold and brave. Once upon a time they met, and the rage of each against the other was so great that they fought to the death. 1 know not which carried himself most gallantly, or who fell the first, but the issue of the affray was that Hugh was slain, and Walkelin fell also ; both lost their lives in. the same affray, and on the same day. William meantime grew, and strengthened him- self as his years advanced; yet still he was forced 1 This combat is mentioned by William of Jumieges. Vau- (juelin or Vauclin is a name still common in Normandy. See as to Ferrieres Memoires des Antic]. Norm. iv. 434. Yauqnelin de Ferrieres left two sons, William and Henry, who distinguished themselves at the conquest, and were liberally rewarded. We shall find the name hereafter. 3 The Montforts will be noticed after- wards. 3 See as to this state of anarchy William of Jumieges, and Ordericus Vitulis. We pass over a portion of the Chronicle, as to the French king's demand of the destruction of Tillieies, and Gilbert Crespin's defence of it, and other disputes with the king. 1 This date is correct; Weel de Saint Sauveur, Viscount of the OF THE CONQUEST. 9 to hear and see many a deed which went against his heart, though he could do nothing to prevent it. The barons' feuds continued ; they had no regard for him. Every one according to his means made castles and fortresses. On account of the castles wars arose, and destruction of the lands ; great affrays and jealousies ; maraudings and challeng- ings ,• while the duke could give no redress 3 to those who suffered such wrongs. Still as he advanced in age and stature he waxed strong; for he was prudent, and took care to streng- then himself on many sides. He had now held the land twelve years, when the country was involved in war, and suffered greatly through Neel de Cos- tentin 4 and Renouf de Beessin, two viscounts of great power, who had the means of working much mischief. William had about his person Gui, a son of Reg- inald the Burgundian 5 , who had married Aeliz, Cotentin, will be further noticed hereafter. Renouf, Viscount of the Bessin, is afterwards called by Wace Renouf de Brica- sard, from the castle of Bricasard, which formed the caput of the barony of the viscounts of the Bessin. Either this Renouf, or a son, married the sister of Hugh Lupus; and their son Ranulph, of Bayeux or Bricasard, succeeded to the earldom of Chester and other possessions of the Avranche family, on the death of Earl Richard, about 1121. As to the cry of St. Sever, it looks very like an anachronism ; unless this Renouf was the one who married the sister of Hugh Lupus, and, being already so married, was sufficiently connected with St. Sever to adopt that war-cry. 10 THE CHRONICLE the daughter of Duke Richard, and had two sons by her. Gui was brought up with William. When he was a young varlet, and first began to ride and to know how to feed and dress himself, he was taken into Normandy and brought up with Wil- liam, who was very fond of him, and when he had made him a knight, gave him Briune 6 and Ver- nun, and other lands round about. When Gui had got possession, and had strengthened them till they had become good and fair castles, he became very envious of William, who had seigniory over him, and began to annoy him, and to challenge Nor- mandy itself as his own right, reproaching William for his bastardy, and feloniously stirring up war against him ; but it fell out ill for him, for in try- ing to seize all he lost the whole. He assembled and talked with Neel and Renouf, and Hamon-as- dens 7 , and Grimoult del Plesseiz 8 , who served William grudgingly. " There was not," he said, " any heir who had a better right to Normandy 5 Guy of Burgundy, or of Macon, see Wace, i. 352. 6 Bri- onne,a small town in the arrondissement of Bernay. An account of it and its possessions, and of the acquisition of the castle by Guy of Burgundy, may be seen in Mem. Ant. Norm. iv. 415. It is also described in William of Poitiers. 7 Hamon with the teeth, Lord of Thorigny, in the arrondissement of Saint Lo, father or grandfather of Robert Fitz Ilamon, who settled in England, and held lands there. In the roll of Norman fees tinder Henry 11. in the red book of the Exchequer, we find, among the knights of the set 1 of Bayeux, ' Robertas tilius Ham. OF THE CONQUEST. 1 1 than himself. Richard was father to his mother ; lie was no bastard, but born in wedlock ; and if right was done, Normandy would belong to him. If they would support him in his claim, he would divide it with them." So, at length, he said so much, and promised so largely, that they swore to support him according to their power in making- war on William, and to seek his disherison by force or treason. Then they stored their castles, dug fosses, and erected barricades, William knowing nothing of their preparations. He was at that time sojourning at Valognes, for his pleasure as well as on business; and had been engaged for several days hunting and shooting in the woods. One evening late his train had left his court, and all had gone to rest at the hostels where they lodged, except those who were of his house- hold ; and he himself was laid down. Whether he slept or not I do not know, but in the season of the first sleep, a fool named Golet 9 came, with a stafT 10 mil. tenebat de honore Ebr.' See as to Thorigny M. de Ger- ville's Recherches in the Mem. Ant. Norm. v. 220. 8 Gri- moult du Plessis, lord of the place still called Plessis-Grimoult, in the arrondissement of Vire. M. de Gerville, in his Re- cherches, states that besides this Plessis the fief and castle of Plessis in the arrondissement of Coutances, also belonged to Grimoult. He does not determine which of the two gave him his name. We know nothing of his family, except that his sister married William de Albini, great grandfather of the first Albini, Earl of Arundel, whose Cotentin estates were near Plessis. 12 THE CHRONICLE slung at his neck, crying out at the chamber door, and beating the wall with the staff; " Ovrez !" said he, " Ovrez ! ovrez ! ye are dead men : levez . levez ! Where art thou laid, William ? Wherefore dost thou sleep ? If thou art found here thou wilt die ; thy enemies are arming around ; if they find thee here, thou wilt never quit the Cotentin, nor live till the morning !" Then William was greasy alarmed ; he rose up and stood as a man sorely dismayed. He asked no further news, for it seemed unlikely to bring him any good. He was in his breeches and shirt, and putting a cloak around his neck, he seized his horse quickly, and was soon on the road. I know not whether he even stopped to seek for his spurs, or whether he took any companion of his flight, but he hasted on till he came to the fords nearest at hand, which were those of Vire, and crossed them by night in great fear and anger. From thence he bent his way to the church of St. Clement 10 , and prayed God heartily, if it were his will, to be his 9 William of Jumieges calls him Gallet ; and says he was of Bayeux. 10 The church of St. Clement, a commune at the embouchure of the Vire, near Isigny. The fords of Vire are also mentioned by Wace again in narrating William's rapid journey from Valognes to Aiques. lie seems to have crossed by the route (abandoned under Louis XIV.) called the Grand-vey (ford), by Montebourg, Kmondeville, Surqueville, the (.'luuissee d'Audou- ville, and St. Marie du Mont, whore the water was entered near OF THE CONQUEST. 13 safe conduct, and let him pass in safety. He dared not turn towards Bayeux, for he knew not whom to trust, so he took the way which passes between Bayeux and the sea. And as he rode through Rie before the sun rose, Hubert de Rie n stood at his gate, between the church and his castle 12 , and saw William pass in disorder, and that his horse was all in a sweat. " How is that you travel so, fair sire ?" cried he. " Hubert," said William, "dare I tell you ?" Then Hubert said, " Of a truth, most surely ! say on boldly !" "I will have no secrets with you ; my enemies follow seeking me, and menace my life. I know that they have sworn my death." Then Hubert led him into his hostel, and gave him his good horse, and called forth his three sons. " Fair sons," said he, " muntez ! mun- tez ! Behold your lord, conduct him till ye have lodged him in Falaise. This way ye shall pass, and that; it will be ill for you to touch upon any town." So Hubert taught them well the ways and turnings ; and his sons understood all rightly, Brucheville for Saint Clement, and thence to Rye. Froissart mentions it as the road by which the Earl of Arundel returned to Cherbourg in 1388, after ravaging the Bessin. The great Talbot narrowly escaped by the same road, from an unfortunate expedition. Mem. Ant. Norm. v. 295. u Rye, three leagues north of Bayeux. The church of Rye is very ancient and curi- ous. Hubert was the father of five sons — Ralf, Hubert, Adam, Eudo (called Eudo the Dapifer in Domesday,) and Robert, a 14 THE CHRONICLE and followed his instructions exactly. They crossed all the country, passed Folpendant 13 at the ford, and lodged William in Falaise. If he were in bad plight, what matters so that he got safe ? Hubert remained standing on his bridge ; he looked out over valley, and over hill, and listened anxiously for news, when they who were pursuing William came spurring by. They called him on one side, and conjured him with fair words to tell if he had seen the bastard, and whither and by what road he was gone. And he said to them, " He passed this way, and is not far off; you will have him soon; but wait, I will lead you myself, for I should like to give him the first blow. By my faith, I pledge you my word, that if I find him, I will strike him the first if I can." But Hubert only led them out of their way till he had no fear for William, who was gone by another route. So when he had talked to them enough of this thin?* and that, he returned back to his hostel. The Cotentin and the Bessin were in great dismay that day, for the alarming news soon went through the country of William's being betrayed, and how he was to have been murdered by night. Bishop. I2 ' Entre li mostier es a mote,' the mound or eleva- tion on which the castle or mansion of Hubert stood; a sense very different from that in which we use the word moot, namely, the surrounding fosse. I3 What spot or stream is here indicated OF THE CONQUEST. 15 Some said he was killed; others that he was taken ; many said that he had fled : — " May God protect him," said all. Between Bayeux and the fords 14 the roads were to be seen covered with those who came from Valognes, holding themselves as dead or disgraced men, for having lost their lord, whom they had safe overnight. They know not where to seek their lord, who had been among them but last evening : they go enquiring tidings of him around, without knowing whither to repair. And heavily do they curse Grimoult del Plesseiz, and those who trust in him; for they vehemently suspect that he has done foul treason by his lord. Thus all Normandy was frightened and troubled at what had happened. The viscounts hated the duke; they seized his lands, and omitted to lay hold of nothing which they could reach. They plundered him so com- pletely, that he was unable to do any thing, either for right or wrong. He could not enter the Bes- sin, neither demand rent or service ; so he went to France, to King Henry 15 , whom his father Robert served, and complained against Neel, that he had injured him, and had seized his rents. He corn- is now, we believe, unknown. It is said there is a Foupendanl in the environs of Moutiers, but that there is no stream there. M OfVire. ,5 It was, according to Ordericus Vitalis, at Poissy (Pexeium), that William met the King of France, to seek his aid. 16 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUESJ\ plained also of Hamon-as-dens, and of Guion le Burgenion ; of Grimoult, who would have betrayed him, and whom he might well hate more than any other; and of Renouf de Briquesart, who took and spent his refits ; and of the other barons of the country who had risen up against him. CHAPTER II. HOW THE KING OF FRANCE CAME; AND OF THE BATTLE THAT WAS FOUGHT AT VAL DES DUNES. The King of France, upon hearing the words that William spoke, and the complaints he made, sent forth and summoned his army, and came quickly into Normandy. And William called together the Cauchois, and the men of Roem, and of Roumoiz 1 , and the people of Auge, and of the Lievin 2 , and those of Evreux, and of the Evrecin. In Oismeiz also they quickly assembled when the summons reached them. 1 Rouen, and the district attached. 2 The pays de Lisieux. ( 18 THE CHRONICLE Between Argences and Mezodon 3 , upon the river Lison 4 , the men of France pitched their tents; and those of the Normans, who held fast to Wil- liam, and came in his cause, made their camp near the river Meance, which runs by Argences 5 . When the Viscount of the Costentin, and the Vis- count of the Bessin knew that William was com- ing, and was determined to fight, and had brought with him the King of France, in order to conquer them with his aid, they gave heed to evil counsel ; and in the pride of their hearts, disdained to res- tore to him his own, or to seek peace or accept it. They sent for their people, their friends and rela- tions, from all quarters; the vavassors and the barons, who were bound by oath to obey their com- mandment, were all sent for and summoned. They passed by various rivers and fords, and assembled at Valedune. Valedune is in Oismeiz, between Argences and Cingueleiz 6 ; about three leagues from Caen, accord- ing to my reckoning. The plain is long and broad, Oismeiz is the pays d'Exmes. J Argences and Mezidon, both situate in the pays d'Auge. 4 Laison. 5 All the topogra- phical details concerning this battle of Yai-des-dunes are stated to be perfectly correct, and to show W ace's acquaintance with tin neighbourhood. c A small district, of which llarcourt- Tinny is the principal place. 7 Valmeray, near Croissanville. 8 ' Li cumunes,' the troops broughl by the barons from their villages and towns. See the very curious passage in Wace, vol. i. page OF THE CONQUEST. 19 without either hill or valley of any size. It is near the ford of Berangier, and the land is without either wood or rock, but slopes towards the rising sun. A river bounds it towards the south and west. At Saint Brigun de Valmerei 7 , mass was sung before the king on the day of that battle, and the clerks were in great alarm. The French armed and arranged their troops at Valmerei, and then entered Valedune. There the communes 8 assem- bled well equipped, and occupied the river's bank. William advanced from Argences, and passing at the ford of Berangier, followed the river's course till he joined the French. His men were on the right, and the French on the left hand, with their faces towards the west, for their enemies came from that quarter. Raol Tesson de Cingueleiz 9 saw the Normans and French advancing, and beheld William's force increasing. He stood on one side afar off, having six score knights and six in his troop ; all with their lances raised, and trimmed with silk tokens 10 . 307, as to another sense of ' cumune,' in his account of the popular insurrection against Duke Richard II. 9 One of the greatest proprietors in Normandy : we shall find his son subse- quently, as one of those present at Hastings. 10 Tuit aloent lances levees Et en totes guimples fermees. M. Pluquet in his notes interprets guimples as ' cornettes de taffetas attachees a la lance :' for which purpose the knights may 20 THE CHRONICLE The king and Duke William spoke together; each armed, and with helmet laced. They divided their troops, and arranged their order of battle, each holding in his hand a baston ; and when the king saw Raol Tesson with his people standing far off from the others, he was unable to discover on whose side he was, or what he intended to do. " Sire," said William, " I believe those men will aid me ; for the name of their lord is Raol Tesson, and he has no cause of quarrel or anger against me." Much was thereupon said and done, the whole of which I never heard ; and Raol Tesson still stood hesitating whether he should hold with William. On the one hand the viscounts besought him, and made him great promises ; and he had before pledged himself, and sworn upon the saints at Bayeux, to smite William wherever he should find him. But all his men besought and advised him for his good, not to make war upon his lawful lord, whatever he did ; nor to fail of his duty to him in any manner. They said William was his natural lord ; that he could not deny being his man ; that he should remember having done him homage before his father and his barons; and that the man who would fight against his lord had no have already learned lo adopt the colours or tokens of their ladies. " ' Thor-aide/ according to M. Pluquet, which \\e considers may have been derived from the ancient North-nun. OF THE CONQUEST. 21 light to fief or barony. "That I cannot dispute/' said Raol; "you say well, and we will do even so." So he spurred his horse forth from among the people with whom he stood, crying Tur aie 11 ; and ordering his men to rest where they were, went to speak with Duke William. He came spurring over the plain, and struck his lord with his glove, and said laughingly to him, " What I have sworn to do that I perform ; I had sworn to smite you as soon as I should find you; and as I would not perjure myself, I have now struck you to acquit myself of my oath, and henceforth I will do you no further wrong or felony/' Then the duke said, " Thanks to thee !" and Raol thereupon went on his way back to his men. William passed along the plain, leading a great company of Normans, seeking the two viscounts, and calling out on the perjured men to stand forth. Those who knew them pointed them out on the other side among their people. Then the troops were to be seen moving with their captains; and there was no rich man or baron there who had not by his side his gonfanon, or other enseigne, round which his men might rally ; Another MS, reads * Turie :' and M. Le Prevost considers the latter to be the true reading, and that the cry was really Thury, and most probably referred to the chief seat of Raol Tesson. 22 THE CHRONICLE and cognizances or tokens, and shields painted in various guises 12 . There was great stir over the field ; horses were to be seen curvetting, the pikes were raised, the lances brandished, and shields and helmets glistened. As they gallop, they cry their various war cries: those of France cry, Mont- joie ! the sound whereof is pleasant to them. William cries, Dex Aie ! which is the signal of Normandy ; and Renouf cries loudly, Saint Sever, Sire Saint Sevoir 13 ; and Dam as-denz goes crying out, Saint Amant ! Sire Saint Am a nt 14 !" Great clamour arose in their onset; all the earth quaked and trembled ; knights were pricking along, some retiring, others coming up ; the bold spurring forward, the cowards shrinking and trembling. Against the King of France and the Frenchmen came up the body of the Costentinese ; each party closing with the other, and clashing with levelled lances. When the lances broke and failed, then they assailed each other with swords. Hand to hand they fight, as champions in the lists, when two knights are matched ; striking and beating each other down in many ways ; wrestling and 12 Congnoissances u entre-sainz, De plusors guises escuz painz. ,: ' The cry of Saint Sever! has been noticed in a preceding note. 14 The church of the commune called le vieux Thorigri) is stated to have been dedicated to St. Amand : but see the observations OF THE CONQUEST. 23 pushing and triumphing whenever any one yields. Each would be ashamed to flee, each tries to keep the field, each one boasts of his prowess with his fellow; Costentinese 15 and French thus contending with each other. Great is the clamour and hard the strife ; the swords are drawn, the lances clash. Many were the vassals to be seen there fighting, Serjeants and knights overthrowing one another. The king him- self was struck and beat down off his horse. A Norman whom no one knew had come up among them; he thought that if the king should fall, his army would soon be dispersed ; so he struck at him ' de travers,' and overthrew him, and if his hauberk had not been very good, in my opinion he would have been killed. On this account the men of that country said, and yet say, jeering, From Costentin came the lance That struck down the King of France 16 . and if their knight had got clear away, they might well pass with their jeer. But when he tried to go off, and his horse had begun its course, a knight came pricking, and hit him, striking him with such in Mem. Ant. Norm. v. 221. 15 Men of the Cotentin, a dis- trict comprehended in, though not so large as, the present de- partment of La Manche. 16 De Costentin iessi la lance, Ki abati le rei de France. 24 THE CHRONICLE violence as to stretch him out at full length. And he soon fared still worse than even that ; for as he recovered himself, and would have mounted his horse, and had laid his hand on the saddle bow, the throng increased around, and bore him from the saddle, throwing him down ; and the horses trod him underfoot, so that they left him there for dead. There was great press to raise the king up, and they soon remounted him. He had fallen among his men, and was no way hurt nor injured : so he arose up nimbly and boldly ; never more so. As soon as he was on horseback, many were the vas- sals who were again to be seen striking with lance and sword ; Frenchmen assaulting Normans, and Normans turning, dispersing, and moving off the field : and the king shewed himself every where in order to encourage his men, as he had been seen to fall. [Then Hamon-as-denz was beaten down, and I know not how many of his kindred with him, who never returned home thence, save as they might 17 Maissy, arrondissement. of Bayeux. I8 Creully, Croleium, or Credolium, in the arrondissement of Caen ; celebrated for its castle, and the lords of the name, who also held among others the chateau de Gratot. Mem. Ant. Norm. ii. 251. Thorigny and Creully passed with one of Robert Fitz ITamon's daughters to Robert, Earl of Gloucester, natural son of Henry I. |; ' The Chronicle of Normandy says it was Guillesen, uncle of Hamon, OF THE CONQUEST. 25 be borne home on their biers. Dan as-denz was a Norman, very powerful in his fief, and in his men. He was Lord of Thorigny, of Mezi 17 , and of Croillie 18 . He had fought on all day, striking down the Frenchmen, and crying out Saint Am ant ! but a Frenchman marked him carrying himself thus proudly; so he stood still on one side, and watched him until he came near ; and when he saw him turn and strike the king 19 , the Frenchman charged forward with great force, and struck him gallantly, so that he fell upon his shield. I know not exactly how he was wounded, but only that he was carried away on his shield dead ; and was borne thence to Esquai 20 , and buried before the church. Many were the people who saw this feat done ; how Hamon struck the king, and beat him off his horse, and how the French killed him for it, taking vengeance for their king.] Raol Tesson stood by and looked on, till he saw the two hosts meeting, and the knights jousting; then he rode forward, and his course was easy to be marked. I know not how to recount his high who overthrew the king ; William of Malmesbury says it was Hamon himself. There is some obscurity in the account of this assault on the king. The passage marked with brackets looks like merely another version of the incident just before related ; thus incorporating perhaps the various readings of two MSS. in- stead of selecting one. 20 Notre dame d'Esquai is on the banks of the Orne, near Vieux. There is, however, another Esquai, a 26 THE CHRONICLE deeds, nor how many he overthrew on that day. Renouf the Viscount (I will not dwell long on the story) had with him a vassal named Harde 21 , born and bred at Bayeux, who rode in the front of all, and gloried much in his prowess ; William rushed against him, sword in hand, and aiming his blow aright, drove the trenchant steel into his body below the chin, between the throat and the chest, his armour not saving him. The body fell backward to the earth, and the soul passed away therefrom. Renouf saw how the combat raged ; he heard the clamour, the cry of war, and the clashing of lances ; and he stood still, and was astounded, like one whose heart is faint. He feared much lest he were betrayed, and lest Neel had fled ; and he was greatly afraid of William, and of the people who were with him. Evil betide him, he thought, if he were taken, and worse still would it be to be killed. He repented of having put on his armour, and was eager to get out of the battle ; so he wan- dered in front and in rear, and at last, separating himself from his companions, determined to flee. Accordingly he threw away his lance and shield, and took to flight, running off with outstretched neck. Those about him who were cowards accom- league from Bayeux. 2I The Chronicle of Normandy calls him Bardon; Dumoulin says he was nephew to Grimoult. Another or THE CONQUEST. 27 panied his flight, complaining much more than they had any occasion. But Neel fought on gallantly ; and if all had been like him, the French king would have come in an evil hour, for his men would have been dis- comfited and conquered. He was called on ac- count of his valour and skill, his bravery and noble bearing, Chief de Faucon; — Noble Chief de Faucon was his title. He gave and received many a blow, and did all that lay in his power ; but his strength began to fail ; he saw that many of his men were lying dead, and that the French force increased on all sides, while the Normans fell away. Some fell wounded around him ; some took fright and fled ; and Neel at length quitted the field with more regret than he had ever before felt. I will not tell, and in truth I do not know, (for I was not there to see, and I have not found it written) which of those present fought best ; but this I know, that the king conquered, and that Renouf fled from the field. The crowd of fugitives was great, and the press of the pursuers was great also. Horses were to be seen running loose, and knights spurring across the plain. They sought to escape into the Bessin, but feared to cross the MS. reads Hardre\ 22 The Orne. - 3 Allemagne and St. Andre de Fontenay, boih in the arrondissement of Caen. There 28 THE CHRONICLE Osgne 22 . All fled in confusion between Alemaigne and Fontenai 23 ; by fives, by sixes, and by threes, while the pursuers followed, pressing hard upon and destroying them. So many of them were driven into the Osgne, and killed or drowned there, as that the mills of Borbillon 2t , they say, were stopped by the dead bodies. And the king then gathered together his men, to return each into his own land. The sick and wounded were carried away, and the dead were buried in the cemeteries of the country. William remained in his own land, and for a long while there w T as no more war. The barons came to accord with him, and paid such fines, and made him such fair promises, that he granted them peace, and acquittance of all their offences. But Neel could not come to an arrangement with him, and dare not stay in the land ; so he remained long- in Brittany before any accord was come to. Gui retreated from Valedune and fled to Brione ; and William followed hard after him, and shut him up in a strong castle. In those days there was a for- tress standing on an island of the river Riste 25 , was an abbey of ancient foundation at the latter. 54 The Chronicle of Normandy reports the same. ^ Brionne is on the Risle. The castle here described must not be confounded with the one whose remains still exist. There is no vestige of the old castle on the island. See an article on Brionne in Man. Ant. Norm; iv. 415. Ordericus Yitalis says the siege lasted OF THE CONQUEST. 29 which surrounds the fortress and the mansion. And there, in Brione, Gui was shut up ; but lie had neither peace nor rest, and was in great bodily fear. The duke built up two castles near ; so that provisions failing, and the besiegers pressing him hard, Gui surrendered up Brione and Vernun, when he could get no better terms. He might have re- mained with the duke, who would have provided for him ; but he did not stay long ; there was no friendship between them ; so he went away to Bur- guine- 6 , to the country where he was born. When the other Norman barons saw that the duke had obtained the upper hand of them all, they delivered hostages to keep the peace, and did fealty and homage to him. They obeyed him as their lord, and pulled down the new castles, and willingly or unwillingly rendered their service. He seized Grimoult del Plesseiz, and put him in pri- son at Rouen ; and he had very good cause for so doing ; for Grimoult would have murdered him traitorously, as we have said, at Valognes, had not Golet the fool given him warning. Grimoult con- fessed the felony, and accused of fellowship in it three years. 2G Burgundy. " The name Salle and Saulz occurs in this district in Gallia Christiana. There is a Saulx- mesnil near Valognes, the scene of the treachery planned against William. 28 The charter of donation to Bayeux is in Gallia Christiana, and is dated 1074. Among the witnesses are Robert Fitz Ilamon, son of one of the traitors, and Eudo Dupifcr, one 30 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. a knight called Salle 27 , who had Huon for his father. Salle offered to defend himself from the charge, and a single combat was thereupon ar- ranged between them ; but when the appointed day came, Grimoult was found dead in the prison. It occasioned great talk ; and he was buried, chained as he was, with the irons on his legs. At Bayeux, when the church was dedicated, part of Grimoult's lands was granted to Our Lady the Blessed Mary; and part divided in the abbey, to each his share 28 . of Hubert de Rie's sons. The curious inquest of the possessions of the see of Bayeux, (taken temp. Hen. I. and printed in Mem. Ant. Norm. vol. viii.) of which the list of Bayeux knights in the Norman Roll of the Red book is only an abridgement, says, in speaking of Grimoult, * in carcere regis apud Rothomagum mor- tuus est ; et sepultus in cimiterio Sti. Gervasii extra villam ; habens adhuc tibias in compedibus ferreis, in signum proditionis, de qua erat ab ipso rege accusatus.' In the roll, which agrees with the inquest, is this entry, ' Feodum Grimundi de Plesseiz erat fcedum 8 mil. cum terra de Bougeio et de Danvou, quam Grimundus dederat Willelmo de Albinneio cum sorore sua in maritagio.' Further particulars are given in the inquest, and in the Bull of Eugenius III. 1144, also printed in Mem. Ant. Norm. viii. The word 'abbey' is probably only used here by Wace to suit his rhyme ; though the Chronicle of Normandy, improving upon the error, says the abbey of Caen. Wace meant to allude to an appropriation of Grimoult's lands among the pre- bends ; and in fact, in the Bayeux inquest, it is stated that Odo created out of them seven prebends; retaining in demesne Plessis, and the forest of Montpinpon, CHAPTER III. HOW CANUTE DIED, AND ALFRED FELL BY TREASON ; AND HOW EDWARD AFTERWARDS BECAME KING. He who made the history of the Normans, tells us that in those days * Kenut, who was father of Har- dekenut, and had married Emma, the wife of Ai- red 2 , the mother of Edward and of Alfred, died at Winchester. Hardekenut, during the lifetime of his father, by the advice of his mother Emma, had gone to Denmark, and became king there, and was much honoured. On account of Hardekenut's ab- sence, and by an understanding with her, England fell to Herout 3 , a bastard son of Kenut. Edward and Alfred heard of Kenut's death, and were much rejoiced ; for they expected to have the kingdom, seeing that they were the nearest heirs. So they provided knights and ships, and equipped 1 Canute died 12th November, 1035, or four months and a half after Duke Robert; so that Wace here retraces his steps to take up English affairs. 2 Ethelred. Edward and Alfred are spelt by Wace, Ewart and Alvred. 3 Harold. 4 Bar- n 34 THE CHRONICLE their fleet; and Edward, having sailed from Barbe- flo 4 , with forty ships, soon arrived at the port of Hantone, hoping to win the land. But the English- men, who were aware that the brothers were coming, would not receive them, nor suffer them to abide in the country. Whether it was that they feared Herout the son of Kenut, or that they liked him best ; at any rate they defended the country against Edward; and the Normans on the other hand fought them, taking and killing many, and seizing several of their ships. But the English force in- creased ; men hastened up from all sides, and Ed- ward saw that he could not win his inheritance without a great loss. He beheld the enemy's force fast growing in numbers, and that he should only sacrifice his own men ; so fearing that, if taken, he himself might be killed without ransom, he order- ed all his people to return to the ships, and took on board the harness. He could do no more this time, so he made his retreat to Barbeflo. Alfred meantime sailed with a great navy from Wincant 5 ; and arriving safely atDovre, proceeded thence into Kent. Against him came the earl God- win 6 , who was a man of a very low origin. His wife was born in Denmark, and well related among fleur. This expedition took place in 1036. Hantone is Hamp- ton, probably Southampton. 5 This port seems to have been Wissant, between Calais and Boulogne : see William of OF THE CONQUEST. 35 the Danes, and he had Heraut, Guert, and Tosti for his sons. On account of these children, who thus came by a Dane, and were beloved by their countrymen, Godwin loved the Danes, much better in fact than he did the English. Hearken to the devilry that was now played; to the great treason and felony that were committed ! Godwin was a traitor, and he did foul treason ; a Judas did he show himself, deceiving and betray- ing the son of his natural lord, — the heir to the honor (lordship), — even as Judas sold our Lord. He had saluted and kissed him ; he had eaten too out of his dish, and had pledged himself to bear faith and loyalty. But at midnight, when Alfred had laid down to rest and slept, Godwin surprised and bound him; and sent him to London to king He- rout, who expected him, knowing of the treason. From thence he sent him to Eli, and there put out his eyes and murdered him dishonourably, and by treachery which he dared not to avow. Those too who came with Alfred (hearken to the foul cruelty !) were bound fast and guarded ; and taken to Gede- fort 7 , where all, except every tenth man, lost their heads and died miserably. When the English had numbered them, setting them in rows, they then de- Jumieges and the Encomium Emma. Alfred went by land to the Boulognese. 6 Spelt Gwine by Wace. 7 Guildford, in •Surrey. 8 Hardicanute died 10th July, 1042. Edward's CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 37 cimated them, making every tenth man stand on one side, and striking off the heads of the other nine; and when the tithe so set apart amounted to a considerable number, it was again decimated, and all that was at last saved was this second tithe. Herout soon after died, and went the way he de- served ; whereupon the men of England assembled to consider about making a king in his place. They feared Edward who was the right heir, on account of the decimation of the Normans, and the murder of his brother Alvred ; and at last they agreed to make Hardekenut king of England. . So they sent for Hardekenut, the son of Emma and Kenut, and he repaired thither from Denmark, and the clergy crowned him : but he sent for Edward his brother, the son of Emma his mother, and kept him in great honour at his court, and was king over him only in name. Hardekenut was king twelve years, and then fell ill. He did not languish long, but soon died. His mother lamented over him exceedingly; but it was a great comfort to her that her son Ed- ward was come ; and he obtained the kingdom 8 , the English finding no other heir who was entitled to the crown. Edward was gentle and courteous, and establish- ed peace and good laws. He took to wife Godwin's conduct to his mother was not consistent with any sense of ob- ligation towards her, nor indeed with his own generally received 38 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. daughter, Edif 9 by name. She was a fair lady, but they had no children between them, and people said that he never consorted with her ; but no man saw that there was ever any disagreement between them 10 . He loved the Normans very much, and held them dear, keeping them on familiar terms about him ; and loved duke William as a brother or child. Thus peace lasted, and long will last, never I hope to have an end 11 . character. See an anecdote in Roger Hoveden, 1043. 9 Or Editha. ' Sicut spina rosam genuit Godwinus Editham.' In- gulfs account of her kindness, literary tastes, and liberality, in giving him money, as well as access to the royal larder, may be seen in his chronicle, and is quoted in the collection of Norman historians by Mascres. As to her matrimonial position with her husband, Wace's words are E co alouent la gent, disant Ki charnelment od li ne jut, Ni charnelment ne la conut : Maiz unkes horn ne 1'aparcut, Ne mal talent entrels ne fut. 10 Wace seems not aware that Editha, at the time of the disgrace of her family, was stripped of all she had, and sent to a convent. 11 Wace would appear here to be merely translating some co- temporary chronicle; — perhaps the same, as he begins this part of his story by quoting. CHAPTER IV. THE REVOLT OF WILLIAM OF ARQUES ', AND HOW HE AND THE KING OF FRANCE WERE FOILED BY DUKE WILLIAM. William of Arches was a brave and gallant knight 1 , brother to the archbishop Maugier, who loved him well. He was also brother on one side to duke Robert, being the son of Richard and Papie, and uncle of William the bastard. He was versed in many a trick and subtlety, and plotted mischief against the duke, claiming a right of inheritance, inasmuch as he was born in wedlock. On account of his relationship, and to secure his fealty, the duke had given him, as a fief, Arches and Taillou 2 ; and he received them and became the duke's man; promising fealty, though he ob- served it but for a very brief space of time. To enable him the better to work mischief to his lord, he built a tower above Arches, setting it on the 1 The adventure of William of Arques is out of chronological order in Wace, who, however, follows William of Jumicges. a Arques is the capital of the district around, formerly called Tallou, Tellau, or Tallogium. 3 The MSS. differ ; we follow 42 THE CHRONICLE top of the hill 3 , with a deep trench around on every side. Then confiding in the strength of his castle, and in his birth in wedlock, and knowing that the king of France had promised to succour him in case of need, he told William he should hold his castle free from all service to him ; that he was in wrongful possession of Normandy, being a bastard and without any title of right. But the duke had now great power ; for he was very prudent, and no man is weak who possesses wisdom. He sent for William of Arches, and sum- moned him to attend, and do his service : but he altogether refused, and defied the bastard, relying on aid from the king of France. He plundered the country round of provisions and stores of every sort, heeding little whence it came, and thus sup- plied his castle and tower. The duke bore with this behaviour but a very little while, and without further ' parlement ' sent for his people from all sides. Then with ditches and stakes and palisades he quickly formed a fort 4 , at the foot of the hill in the valley, so as to command all the country round, and prevent those in the castle from obtaining either ox, or cow, or calf: and the fort was so strong, and was garrisoned by so many knights, the best of the chivalry of all Normandy, Duchesne's. M. Pluquet's text reads ' La tur fut fete el pic del raunt.' ' 'Chastetttan,' afterwards * Chastelet.' ■ St. Aubin- OF THE CONQUEST. 43 that no effort of either king or earl to take it, was likely to be of any avail. So the duke, having thus completed his work, went his way to attend to his affairs elsewhere. The king of France soon knew that the duke had fortified his post, and blockaded the tower, so that no provisions could enter therein. Then he assembled a great chivalry, and got together much store of provisions and arms, intending to relieve the tower of Arches, where the supply of corn be- gan to fail. Having reached Saint- Albin 5 , with an ample store both of corn and wine, the king made a halt, ordering sumpter horses to be made ready to carry the stores onward, and providing a troop of knights to form the convoy. Those in the besiegers' fort soon heard of the great preparations waiting at Saint-Albin to provi- sion and relieve Arches. Then they selected their strongest and best fighting men, and privily formed an ambuscade in the direction of Saint-Albin. Having done this, they sent out another party with orders to charge the king's force, and then to turn back, making as if they would flee. But when they had passed the spot where the ambuscade lay, they turned quickly round on those who were pursuing, and fiercely attacked the French ; those le-Cauf, on the other side of the valley. There is another St. Aubin, south of Arqnes. " Hugh Bardolf, a distinguished 44 THE CHRONICLE also who were lying in ambuscade riding forth, and joining in the assault. The Frenchmen were thus grievously taken in; and being separated from the rest of their army, the Normans charged them boldly, and took and killed many. Hue Bardous 6 was taken early in the af- fray; Engerrens count of Abevile 7 , was killed, and all suffered greatly. The king of France was in great grief; he mourned heavily, and was sorely vexed for the knights that had been thus surprised, and for his brave barons who had fallen. He made ready the baggage horses, and carried the stores to the town of Arches; and when he had so done, he returned back to Saint-Denis with no small shame and disgrace, as it seems to me. The duke was sojourning at Valognes, for the sake of the woods and rivers which abound there, and on other affairs and business of his own, when a messenger came spurring on with pressing speed, and hastening unto him, cried out and said, " Bet- ter would it be for thee to be elsewhere ! they who name in Norman and English history. In the roll of Norman fees in the red book of the Exchequer, we find Doon Bardulf returned as one of those, ' qui non venerunt nee miserunt nee aliquid dixerunt.' 7 Enguerran, count of Ponthieu, the second of the name, nephew of Guy the bishop, who afterwards wrote the latin poem on the battle of Hastings, which is now in the press at Rouen. He succeeded his father, Hugh II. in 1052; and was himself succeeded by his brother Guy, afterwards taken prisoner at the battle of Mortemer, their brother Yaleran being OF THE CONQUEST. 45 guard the frontiers have need of thy aid ; for thy uncle William of Arches hath linked himself by oath and affiance to king Henry of France. The king hasteth to relieve and store Arches, and Wil- liam will do him service for it in return." Then the duke tarried not till the varlet should speak further, nor indeed till he had well said his say ; but called for his good horse. " Now I shall see/' said he, " who of you is ready, now I shall see who will follow me." And he made no other pre- paration, but forthwith crossed the fords 8 , passed Baieues and then Caen, and feigned as though he would go to Rouen. But when he came to Punt- Audumer, he crossed over to Chaudebec, and from Chaudebec rode on to Bans-le-Cunte. What need of many words ? He hasted and galloped on till he joined his people before Arches; but none of those who took horse at the same time at Valognes kept up with him ; and all wondered how he had come so soon from such a distance, when no one else had been able to do as much 9 . killed there. Mr. Stapleton has, in the Archaologia, vol. 26, shown that this Enguerran married Adelidis, sister of the whole blood to the Conqueror ; and that Adelidis, wife of Odo, Count of Champagne, was one of her daughters; the other being Judith, wife of Waltheof. 8 The fords of St. Clement, which have been before noticed. The places next mentioned are Bayeux, Pont-Audemer, Caudebec, and Bans or Baons-le-Comte, near Ivetot. 9 William of Poitiers varies somewhat from Wace's account; he gives William six attendants on this occasion. 46 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. Then he rejoiced greatly to learn what had hap- pened; how the French had been discomfited, and their people routed and taken prisoners. William of Arches however kept close, defending his castle bravely and long ; and he would have held it longer still, had not provisions failed him. So at length he abandoned land, and castle, and tower ; and surrendering all up to duke William, fled to the king of France. CHAPTER V. HOW THE KING OF FRANCE INVADED NORMANDY, AND WAS BEATEN AT MORTEMER. The French had often insulted the Normans by injurious deeds and words, on account of the great dislike and jealousy which they bore to Normandy. They continually spoke scornfully, and called the Normans Bigoz and Draschiers 1 ; and often re- monstrated with their king, and said, "Sire, why do you not chase the Bigoz out of the country ? Their ancestors were robbers, who came by sea, and stole the land from our forefathers and us." By the persuasion of these felons, who talked thus because they hated the duke, the king undertook the en- terprise 2 ; though it was disliked by many of his 1 Bigot has been supposed to have its origin in the By-God of a northern tongue ; and to have been used as a war cry by early Normans, answering to the later Dex-aie. Anderson, in his Genealogical Tables, says, without quoting his authority, that Rollo was called By-got, from his frequent use of the phrase. See our subsequent note on Bigot as a family name. Draschiers is understood to mean consumers of barley, probably as the ma- terial of beer. 2 The affair at Mortemer, next related, took place in 1054, after the siege and retreat of Arques; which this 48 THE CHRONICLE men. He said he would go into Normandy, and would conquer it; he would divide his army into two parts, and invade in two directions. And what he said, he endeavoured to execute ; summoning his people from all sides. He collected them in two positions, according as the river Seine divided them ; those of Reins and those of Seissons, of Leun 3 , and of Noions; those of Melant 4 , and of Vermandeiz; of Pontif 5 and of Amineiz ; those of Flanders and of Belmont 6 ; of Brie and of Provens. All these, who are beyond Seine he assembled by twenties, by hundreds, and by thousands, in Belveisin, meaning to enter the pays de Caux from that side. To the Conestable and Guion 7 , he sent his brother Odo 8 , and direct- ed them to enter by Caux, and ravage all the land around. And he summoned all the rest of his people, according as the river Seine divides them from the others, to meet him at Meante 9 ; those of To- roigne and of Bleis ; of Orlianz and of Vastineis ; attack was probably meant to revenge. 3 Laon. 4 Meulan. 5 Ponthieu, and the country of Amiens. 6 Beaumont-sur- Oise. 7 Guy, count of Ponthieu, successor of the one killed at Arques. 8 Eudes, or Odo, fourth son of King Robert. 9 Mantes,Touraine,Blois,Orleans, Gatinais. 10 Bourges. "The country of Evreux, of Rouen and Lisieux, and of Auge, not that of Eu ; the latter, being called in Latin Augum, is sometimes confounded with Auge. I3 Walter GlFFARD,wbo will be fur- OF THE CONQUEST. 49 of the Perchc and of the Chartrain ; of the bocage and of the plain ; those of Boorges 10 , of Berri ; of Estampes and of Montlheri ; of Grez and of Chas- teillun ; of Senz and of Chastel-Landun, the king- ordered to come to Meante. And he menaced the Normans, and boasted much that he would destroy Evrecin, Rosmeis, and Lievin 11 , and would ride even as far as the sea, returning by Auge. William was in great alarm, for he was much afraid of the king's power ; and he also formed his men into two companies. About Caux, he placed Galtier Giffart 12 , and the men of that country ; Robert, count d'Ou, and old Huon de Gornai; and with these he ranged William Crespin 13 , who had much land in Velquessin u . These had under them the people of the country around them, their relations and friends. The duke retained the other company under his own command, to oppose the king. He assembled the men of the Beessin, and the barons of the Costentin, and those of the valley of Moretoing 15 ; and of Avranches, which is beyond ther noticed hereafter. 13 William Crespin, son of Gilbert I. and eldest brother of Gilbert II. whom we shall meet at the battle of Hastings. Wace does not mention Roger de Mortemer , who was a prominent leader in this affair, according to Ordericus Vitalis, p. 657 ; and fell into disgrace with the Duke, on account of the favour shown by him to Itaol de Montdidier,one of the French leaders. See note below on Hue de Mortemer. M The Vexin, 15 Mortain, in La Manche. 16 The pays d'Hy ernes or Exmes. E 50 THE CHRONICLE it ; Raol Tesson of Cingueleis, and the knights of Auge and of Wismeis l6 ; all these the duke sum- moned to meet him. He would, he said, be close upon the king, and encamp hard by him, looking keenly after the foragers, that they should not stray far without having some damage, if he could help it; and he caused all provisions to be removed from the way by which the king must pass ; and drove the beasts into the woods, and made the villains keep watch over them there. The barons who were stationed in Caux, to de- fend that part of the country, kept themselves to the woods and forests till the people of the country could be got together ; and passed from wood to wood, concealing themselves in the thickets. But the men of Franee marched on, and encamped at Mortemer. They remained there one night for the convenience of the hostels ; expecting that they could roam as they pleased over the whole country, without meeting any knights who would dare to encounter, or bear arms against them ; for they believed that all the Norman knights were gone towards Evreues with their lord, and that he had retreated thither from fear of the kino-. The Frenchmen demeaned themselves insolently, and with great cruelty. Wherever they had passed, they destroyed all they found, ravaging the villages and manors, burning houses, and plundering them of the furniture; seizing the villains, violating tlie OF THE CONQUEST. 51 women, and keeping whatever they pleased ; till they had come to Mortemer, where they found fair quarters in the hostels. By day they delivered the country up to pillage, and devoted the night to revelry, searching out the wine and killing the cattle, eating and drinking their fill. The Normans knew well from their spies where the French lay, and what their plans were ; so they assembled their men together during the night, summoning their friends and companions ; and in the morningbefore day-break,while the French were yet sleeping, behold ! they surrounded Mortemer, and set fire to the town. The flames spread from one hostel to another, till the fire raged through all the streets. Then the Frenchmen were to be seen in consternation: the whole town was in confusion, and the melee became fierce ; they rushed from the hostels, seizing such arms as they could find, and were grievously discomfited, for the Normans stopt them at the barriers. One man endeavours to mount his horse, but cannot find the bridle ; and another would quit his hostel, but is unable to reach the door. The Normans guard all the issues, and the heads of the streets ; and there the encounters are rudest, and the feats of arms the fairest. From the rising of the morning's sun, till three in the afternoon, the assault lasted in its full force, and the battle continued to be hot and fierce. The French could not escape, for the Normans would CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 53 let no one pass. The first who quitted the field and fled was Odes ; and the Normans took Guion, the count of Pontif, alive and in arms; but they killed Valeran his brother, a very brave and va- liant knight. There was no varlet, let him be ever so mean, or of ever so low degree, but took some Frenchman prisoner, and seized two or three horses with all their harness; nor was there a prison in all Normandy, which was not full of Frenchmen. They were to be seen fleeing around, skulking in the woods and bushes ; and the dead and wounded lay amidst the burning ruins, and upon the dung- hills, about the fields, and in the by-paths. That same night, the news passed quickly to where the duke lay with his army ; how that the French were discomfited, and the invasion stayed. News travels fast, and is swift; and whoso bears good tidings may safely knock at the gate 17 . The duke rejoiced greatly at the discomfiture of his enemies ; and he sent a man, whether varlet or es- quire I know not, to the place where the king was encamped, and had retired to his bed. He ordered the man to climb up into a tree, and all night to cry aloud, "Frenchmen, Frenchmen, arise ! arise! 17 C'est une chose ke novele, Ki mult est errant et isnele, E ki bone novele porte Seurement bute a la porte. 54 THE CHRONICLE make ready for your flight, ye sleep too long ! Go forth at once to bury your friends, who lie dead at Mortemer 18 ." As the king heard the cry, he marvelled much, and was sorely dismayed. So he sent out for his friends, and besought and conjured them to tell him if they had heard any such tidings as the man pro- claimed from the tree. And whilst they yet talked and conversed with the king, concerning what had happened, behold the news came and spread all around, how that the best of their friends lay dead at Mortemer, and how they who had escaped alive were made captive, and were in chains and in prison in Normandy. The French were greatly moved and troubled at the news, and went crying out that they tarried too long. They seized the palfreys and war-horses, 18 Mortuum-mare in the latin of the day. The chronicle of Nor- mandy and Dumoulin cite the following verses, as popular on the subject of this battle : Reveillez vous et vous levez, Francois, qui trop dormi avez ! Allez bientot voir vos amys, Que les Normans ont a miort mys, En tie Ecouys ct Mortemer ! La vous convient les inhumer. Rut it seems admitted that the battle nevertheless was not at Mor- temer-en-Lyons near Ecouys, where the abbey was, but at Moi- temer-sur-Eaulne, in the arrondissement of Neufchatcl. Wace's account of the proclamation by the varlet— or herald, as others call him — (William of Jumieges naming him Half deToeny), runs in OF THE CONQUEST. 55 harnessed and loaded the baggage horses, set fire to the tents and huts, emptied them of every thing, and sent all on forward ; and the king went off on his way homeward, looking cautiously around him. Had the duke wished to pursue, he might have in- jured him much, but he did not desire to annoy him more. " He has had quite enough," said he, " to trouble and cross him ;" and he would not add more to his annoyance. The king returned to Paris, the barons to their homes, and the great people whom he had led forth returned to their own countries. But his wrath against the Normans was very great, on account of those whom they had taken prisoners, and still more for those who were killed. The dead he could not recover, but he wished to redeem those who were prisoners ; so he sent word to the duke, that if he the original thus : La u li reis fu herbergiez, Ki en sun liet ert ja cochiez, Fist un home tost enveier, Ne sai varlet u esquier ; En un arbre le fist munter E tute nuit en haut crier — ' Franceiz ! Franceiz ! levez ! levez ! * Tenez vos veies, trop dormez ! ' Alez vos amiz enterrer, ' Ki sunt occiz a Mortemer !' Li reis 6i ke cil cria, Merveilla sei, mult s'esmaia ; 56 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. would release his prisoners, he would make truce and peace with him till other cause of difference should arise; and that whatever the duke had taken or might take from GifTrei Martel, should never be a cause of war between them, or be alleged as a griev- ance against him. And thereupon accordingly was done as I tell you ; the duke restored the Frenchmen who were prisoners, but the harness was left to those who had won it; and the prisoners repaid to their captors the charges they had occasioned to them. Par eels ke li plout enveia, Demanda lor e conjura S'il unt nule novele oie, De co ke cil en l'arbre crie. Endementres k'al rei parloent, E des noveles demandoent, Eis vus ! la novele venue E par tute terre espandue, Ke tut li mielx de lor amiz Esteit a Mortemer occiz ; E cil ki erent remez vif En Normendie erent chetif, Miz en anels et en gaoles. -HblCsWILLELM CHAPTER VI. HOW THE KING 01? FRANCE CAME AGAIN AGAINST DUKE WILLIAM, AND WAS DEFEATED AT VARAVILLE. Duke William carried himself gallantly, and tri- umphed over all his enemies ; he was loved for his liberality, and feared for his bravery. He conquer- ed many and won over many, lavishing his gifts around, and spending much ; till the French be- came very jealous of his chivalry; of the troops that he had, and of the lands he conquered. Their king- moreover could never be reconciled to the Normans ; but said that he would sooner perjure himself, than not have his revenge for the battle of Mortemer. Then under the advice of GifTrei Martel 1 , before We have seen that after the battle of Mortemer, the king of 58 THE CHRONICLE August, when the corn was on the ground, he sum- moned together all his barons, and the knights who held fiefs of him, and owed him service, and enter- ed Normandy, passing by Oismes 2 , which they assaulted without tarrying before it long. From thence they traversed all Oismes, and through the Beessin as far as the sea coast; burning the villages and bourgs, and ruining and plundering both men and women, till at length they came to St. Pierre- sor-Dive. The town was completely garrisoned by them, and the king lay at the abbey 3 . The duke was with his people at Faleise, when the news came, concerning the wrong the king was doing him ; and it grieved him sorely. So he sent out and assembled his knights, and strengthened his castles, cleansing the fosses, and repairing the walls ; being determined to let the open country be laid waste, if he could maintain his strong places. He could easily, he said, recover the open lands, and repair the injury done to them. So he did not shew himself at all to the French, but let them wan- der over the country, intending to give them scurvy France abandoned Jeffery Martel ' un quens d'Angou,' a deadly enemy to the duke. Wace narrates the feuds between them; and among the rest William's terrible revenge on those who, in defend- ing Alencon, had annoyed him by allusions to his birth, crying out, ' La pel, la pel al parmentier !' These passages of the chro- nicle we pass over as not material to our present purpose. 2 Ily- emes or Ex&mes, now in the arrondissement of Armenian. ;; The OF THE CONQUEST. 59 usage on their return back from their expedition. The king meantime went on with his project. He would go, he said, towards Bayeux, and ravage the whole of the Beessin,andon his return thence would pass by Varavile 4 , and lay waste Auge and Lievin. Accordingly the French overran the Beessin, as far as the river Seule 5 ; and returned from thence to Caen, where they passed the Ogne 6 . Caen was then without a castle, and had neither wall nor fence to protect it 7 . When the king left Caen, he proceeded homeward by Varavile, as he had pro- posed. His train was great and long, so that it could not all be kept together; and the press was great to pass the bridge, every one wanting to be the foremost. The duke, knowing some how or another all that was going on, and by what route the king would pass, hastened upon his track with the great body of troops that he led, and conducted his people in close order along the valley below Bavent 8 . All over the country he sent out word, and summoned the villains to come to his aid as quickly as they abbey of St. Pierre-sur-Dives was founded before 1040, by Les- celine, wife of William, count d'Eu. 4 In the arrondissement of Caen, near the Dives. 5 A small river passing near Bayeux to the sea at Bernieres. 6 The Orne. 7 Huet cites this passage in his Origines de Caen. Quesnel (translated abovefence) seems properly a wooden barricade, being derived from quesne,or chene. 8 A little south of Varaville, along the Dives. 60 THE CHRONICLE could, with whatever arms they could get. Then from all round the villains were to be seen flocking in, with pikes and clubs in their hands. The king had passed the river Dive, which runs through that country, together with all those of his host who had taken care to move quickly forward. But the baggage train was altogether, and far be- hind, extending over a great length. The duke, seeing that all who were thus in the rear were cer- tain to fall into his hands, pressed on his men from village to village ; and when he reached Varavile, he found those of the French there who remained to form the rear guard. Then began a fierce melee, and many a stroke of lance and sword. The knights struck with their lances, the archers shot from their bows, and the villains attacked with their pikes ; charging and driving them along the chaussee, over- whelming and bearing down numbers. The Nor- mans kept continually increasing in numbers, till they became a great force, and the French pressed forwards, one pushing the other on. The chaussee incommoded them very much, being long and in bad repair, and they were encumbered by their plunder. Many were to be seen breaking the line, and get- ting out of the track, who could not retrace their steps, nor reach the main road again. The great press was at the bridge, every one be- ing eager to reach it. But the bridge was old, the boards bent under the throng, the water rose, and the OF THE CONQUEST. 6\ stream was strong; the weight was heavy, the bridge shook and at length fell, and all who were upon it perished. Many fell in close by the bridge foot where the water was deep ; all about harness was to be seen floating, and men plunging and sinking; and none had any chance of life save skilful swimmers. The cry arose that the bridge was broken. Grie- vous and fearful was that cry, and no one was so brave or bold as not to tremble for his life when he heard what had happened, and to see that his hour of exultation was gone by. They see the Normans meanwhile pressing on from behind, but there was no escape ; they go along the banks of the river, seeking for fords and crossings, throwing away their arms and plunder, and cursing their having brought so much. They go straggling and stumbling over the ditches, helping each other forward, the Nor- mans pursuing and sparing no one, till all those who had not crossed the bridge were either taken pri- soners, killed, or drowned. Never, they say, were so many prisoners taken, or such great slaughter made in all Normandy. And William glorified God for his success. The river and the sea also swept away numbers, the king looking on in sorrow and dismay. From the height of Basteborc, he looked down and saw Varavile and Caborc ; he beheld the marshes and the valleys, which lay long and broad before him, the wide stream, and the broken bridge ; he gazed 62 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. upon his numerous troops thus fallen into trouble; some he saw seized and bound, others struggling in the deep waters ; and to those who were drown- ing he could bring no succour, neither could he rescue the prisoners. In sorrow and indignation he groaned and sighed, and could say nothing ; all his limbs trembled, and his face burned with rage. Willingly, he cried, would he turn back, and en- deavour to find a passage, if his barons would so counsel, but no one would give such advice. " Sire," said they, " you shall not go ; you shall return an- other time and destroy all the land, taking captive all their richest men." Then the king went back into France, full of rage and heaviness of heart, and never after bore shield or lance ; whether as a penance or not I know not. He never again entered Normandy : nor did he live long,butdidasallmenmustdo; from dust he came, to dust he returned. At his death he was greatly lamented, and his eldest son Philip 9 was crowned king in his stead. 9 Philip I. was, at Henry's death, in 1060, an infant of seven years old. Baldwin, count of Flanders, "William's father-in-law, was Philip's guardian; having married Henry's sister. Wace calls her Constance, instead of Adela; but Constance was in fact the name of her mother, king Robert's queen. See Chap. VII. CHAPTER VII. HOW WILLIAM PROSPERED, AND HOW HE WENT TO ENGLAND TO VISIT KING EDWARD; AND WHO GODWIN WAS. The story will be long ere it close, how William became a king, what honour he reached, and who held his lands after him. His acts, his sayings and adventures that we find written, are all worthy to be recounted ; but we cannot tell the whole. In his land he set good laws ; he maintained justice and peace firmly, wherever he could, for the poor peo- ple's sake, and he never loved the knave nor the company of the felon. f 64 THE CHRONICLE By advice of his baronage he took a wife 1 of high lineage in Flanders, the daughter of count Baldwin, and the granddaughter of Robert king of France, being the daughter of his daughter Constance. Her name was Mahelt 2 , related to many a noble man, and very fair and graceful. The count gave her joy- fully, with very rich appareillement, and brought her to the castle of Ou 3 , where the duke espoused her. From thence he took her to Roem, where she was greatly served and honoured. At Caem the duke built two abbeys, endowing them richly. In the one, which was called Saint Stephen, he placed monks ; Mahelt his wife took charge of the other, which is that of The Holy Trinity ; she placed nuns there, and was buried in it as she had directed in her life, from the love 1 The marriage was, it is supposed, in 1053. See the last note to Chapter VI. 2 Matilda. The anonymous continuer of Wace's Brut says of her; Ceste Malde de Flandres fu nee, Meis de Escoce fu appelee, Pur sa mere ke fu espuse Al roi de Escoce ki Tout rove ; Laquele jadis, quant fu pucele, Ama un conte d'Engleterre. Brictrich-Mau le 6i nomer, Apres le rois ki fu riche ber. A lui la pucele enveia messager Pur sa amur a lui procurer : Meis Brictrich Maude refusa, Dunt ele mult se coruca. OF THE CONQUEST. 65 which she had always used to bear towards it 4 . And the duke did what, I believe, no one before or after did. He sent 5 for all his bishops to assem- ble, with his earls, abbots, and priors, barons and rich vavassors, at Caem, there to hear his command- ment ; and caused the holy bodies, wherever he could find them, to be brought thither, whether from bishopric or abbey, over which he had seigniory. He had the body of St. Oain 6 taken from Roem to Caem in a chest; and when the clergy, and the holy relics, and the barons, of whom there were many, were assembled on the appointed day,. he made all swear on the relics to hold peace and maintain it from sunset on Wednesday to sunrise on Monday. This was called the truce, and the like of it I be- lieve is not in any country. If any man should beat Hastivement mer passa E a Willam bastard se maria. He then relates that after the conquest, Matilda revenged herself on this Brictrich-Mau, by seizing him 'a Hanelye, a sun maner,' and carrying him to Winchester, where he died ' par treison.' See, as to this Brictrich, Dugdale, Monasticon, title Tewkesbury ; and Palgrave, English Commonwealth, vol. i. ccxciv. 3 Eu. 4 The churches of each of these celebrated foundations remain ; we shall find William interred in his church; while Matilda's remains rested in the other. 5 The ' Truce of God' was introduced in Normandy in 1061. If Wace meant to assert that the institution originated there, it is of course erroneous. It had existed in other countries twenty years before; but the Normans resisted its intro- duction among them, till enforced by William's authority, as a measure of restraint on their excesses. See Jolimont, Monu- F 66 THE CHRONICLE another meantime, or do him any mischief, or take any of his goods, he was to be excommunicated, and amerced nine livres to the bishop. This the duke established, and swore aloud to observe, and all the barons did the same ; they swore to keep the peace and maintain the truce faithfully. To commemorate this peace through all time, that it might endure for ever, they forthwith built a min- ster of hewed stone 7 and mortar, on the spot where they swore upon the relics which had been brought to the council. Many who had assisted at found- ing the minster called it Toz-sainz 8 , on account of so many holy relics having been there; but it plea- sed many men to call it Sainte-paiz, on account of the peace sworn to when it was built : at least I have heard it called both Sainte-paiz and Toz- sainz. Close by they built a chapel called Saint- Oain's,on the spot where his bones had rested while the council sat. William was generous, and the strangers who knew him, cherished him much. He was very gen- tle and courteous, therefore king Edward loved him well ; great indeed was their love, each holding the other his lord. The duke went to see Edward and meats de Calvados, page 42, and plate xx, as to the ruins of the church of St. Paix. 6 Saint Ouen. 7 Carreau, or carrel — squared, quadrated, or quarried stones, for which the neigh- bourhood of Caen became celebrated. B All-Saints. 9 This OF THE CONQUEST. 67 know his mind; and having crossed over into Eng- land 9 , Edward received him with great honour, and gave him many dogs and birds, and whatever other good and fair gifts he could find, that became a man of high degree, f He did not tarry long, but returned into Normandy ; for he was engaged with the Bre- tons, who were at that time disturbing him. Godwin had great wealth in England ; he was rich in lands, and carried himself proudly. Edward had his daughter to wife; but Godwin was fell and false, and brought many evils on the land ; and Ed- ward feared and hated him on account of his bro- ther whom he had betrayed, and of the Normans whom he had decimated, and many other mischiefs plotted by him. And thus, both in words and deeds, great discord arose between them, which was never thoroughly healed. Edward feared Godwin much, and banished him from the land ; swearing that he should never come back, or abide in his kingdom, unless he swore fealty to him, and delivered him hostages, and pledges for keeping the peace during his life. Godwin dared not refuse, and as well to satisfy the king, as for the sake of his relations, and the protection of his men, he delivered one of his journey took place in 1051, during the exile of Godwin and his sons; see Higden, Poly chronic on. Most of the old historians are silent about it; but it admits of little question, and had im- portant influence on subsequent events. See Thierry, i. 220. 68 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. nephews and one of his sons 10 as hostages to the king. Edward sent them to Duke William in Nor- mandy, as to one in whom he placed great trust, and desired him to keep them safe till he should himself demand them. This looked, people said, as if he wished William always to keep them, for the purpose of securing the kingdom to himself in case of Edward's death. On these terms the king suf- fered Godwin to remain at home in peace. I do not know how long this lasted, but I know that God- win in the end choked himself, while eating at the king's table during a feast. King Edward was debonaire ; he neither wished nor did ill to any man ; he was without pride or avarice, and desired strict justice to be done to all 11 . He endowed abbeys with fiefs, and divers goodly gifts, and Westminster in particular. Ye shall hear the reason why. On some occasion, whether of sick- ness or on the recovery of his kingdom, or on some escape from peril at sea, he had vowed a pilgrimage to Rome, there to say his prayers, and crave pardon for his sins ; to speak with the apostle, and re- ceive penance from him. So at the time he had ap- pointed, he prepared for his journey; but the barons In 1052. " Benoit de Sainte-More thus describes Edward : Ewart li juz e li verais, Qui Engleterre tint en pais, Cumehauz reis,veirs crestiens, Pleins de ducui el de toz biens. 70 THE CHRONICLE met together, and the bishops and the abbots con- ferred with each other, and they counselled him by no means to go. They said they feared he could not bear so great a labour; that the pilgrimage was too long, seeing his great age ; that if he should go to Rome, and death or any other mischance should prevent his return, the loss of their king would be a great misfortune to them ; and that they would send to the apostle 12 , and get him to grant absolu- tion from the vow, so that he might be quit of it, even if some other penance should be imposed in- stead. Accordingly they sent to the apostle, and he absolved the king of his vow, but enjoined him by way of acquittance of it, to select some poor ab- bey dedicated to St. Peter, honoring and endowing it with so many goods and rents, that it might for all time to come be resorted to, and the name of St. Peter thereby exalted. Edward received the injunction of the apostle in good part. On the western side of London, as still 12 The pope. ,3 W ace's Saxon, where it occurs, is very im- perfect, and probably his French transcribers (we having no ori- ginal MSS.) have made it worse than it was. Zonee or Zon-ey is of course Thorn-ey ; the Saxon 'th' being turned into 'z.' An old Latin chronicle, quoted by M. Pluquet, has, 'in loco qui Thomie tunc dicebatur, et sonat quasi — spinarum insula.' One of William's first religious donations was to this his predecessor's favourite establishment; and he records in the charter his title to the kingdom of England, and the mode he adopted for vindicating OF THE CONQUEST. 71 may be seen, there was an abbey of St. Peter, which had for a long time been greatly impoverished ; it is situate on an island of the Thames called Zonee (Thorn-ee) 13 , so named because there were plenty of thorns upon it, and water around it ; for the English call an island l ee,' and what the French call 'espine' they call ' zon' (thorn); so that CHAPTER XV. WHAT FURTHER PARLEY WAS HAD BETWEEN THE KING AND DUKE WILLIAM BEFORE THE BATTLE. Then the duke chose a messenger, a monk learned and wise, well instructed and experienced, and sent him to king Harold. He gave him his choice, to take which he would of three things. He should either resign England and take his daughter to wife; or submit to the good judgment of the apostle and his people ; or meet him singly and fight body to body l , on the terms that he who killed the other, or could conquer and take him prisoner, should have England in peace, nobody else suffering. Harold said he would do neither; he would neither perform his covenant, nor put the matter in judgment, nor would he meet him and fight body to body. 1 William of Poitiers mentions only the last of these propo- sals, and says that it greatly alarmed Harold ; on the same grounds, no doubt, as Gurtli had urged, against a vassal's coming into per- sonal conflict with one to whom he was bound in fealty, espe- cially when ratified by an oath ; notwithstanding an entirely frau- dulent creation of the pledge in the first instance. 150 THE CHRONICLE Before the day of the battle, which was now become certain, the duke of his great courage told his ba- rons, that he would himself speak with Harold; and summon him with his own mouth to render up what he had defrauded him of, and see what he would answer ; that he would appeal him of perjury, and summon him on his pledged faith ; and if he would not submit, and make reparation forthwith, he would straightway defy, and fight him on the morrow ; but that if he yielded, he would, with the consent of his council, give up to him all beyond the Humber to- wards Scotland. The barons approved this, and some said to him, " Fair sir, one thing we wish to say to you ; if we must fight, let us fight promptly, and let there be no delay. Delay may be to our injury, for we have nothing to wait for, but Harold's people increase daily ; they come strengthening his army con- stantly with fresh forces." The duke said this was true, and he promised them that there should be no more delay. Then he made a score of knights mount upon their war-horses. All had their swords girt, and their other arms were borne by the squires who went with them. A hundred other knights mounted next, and went riding after them, but at a little distance; and then a thousand knights also mounted and followed the hundred, but only so near as to see what the hundred and the twenty did. Of THE CONQUEST. 151 The duke then sent to Harold, whether by monk or abbot I know not, and desired him to come into the field, and speak with him, and to fear nothing, but bring with him whom he would, that they might talk of an arrangement. But Gurth did not wait for Harold's answer, and neither let him speak, nor go to talk with the duke ; for he instantly sprang up on his feet, and said to the messenger, " Harold will not go ! tell your lord to send his message to us hither, and let us know what he will take, and what he will leave, or what other arrangement he is willing to make." Whilst the messenger returned to carry this an- swer, Harold called together his friends and his earls, all by their names, to hear what message the duke would send back. And he sent word to Harold, that if he would abide by his covenant, he would give him all Northumberland, and whatever belonged to the kingdom beyond Humber ; and would also give to his brother Gurth the lands of Godwin their fa- ther. And if he refused this, he challenged him for perjury in not delivering up the kingdom, and not taking his daughter to wife, as he ought : in all this he had lied and broken faith; and unless he made reparation he defied him. And he desired the Eng- lish should know and take notice, that all who came with Harold, or supported him in this affair, were excommunicated by the apostle and the clergy. At this excommunication the English were much trou- 152 THE CHRONICLE bled; they feared it, greatly, and the battle still more. And much murmuring was to be heard on all hands, and consulting one with the other ; none was so brave, but that he wished the battle might be prevented. " Seignors," said Gurth, " I know and see that you are in great alarm ; that you fear the event of the battle, and desire an arrangement : and so do I as much, and in truth more, I believe ; but I have also great fear of duke William, who is very full of treachery. You have heard what he says, and how low he rates us, and how he will only give us what he likes of a land which is not his yet. If we take what he offers, and go beyond the H umber, he will not long leave us even that, but will push us yet further. He will always keep his eye upon us, and bring us to ruin in the end. When he has got the uppermost, and has the best of the land, he will leave little for us, and will soon try to take it all. He wants to cheat us into taking instead of a rich coun- try, a poor portion of one, and presently he will have even that. I have another fear, which is more on your than on my own account, for I think I could easily secure myself. He has given away all your lands to knights of other countries. There is nei- ther earl nor baron to whom he has not made some rich present: there is no earldom, barony, nor cha- telainie, which he has not given away : and I tell you for a truth, that lie has already taken homage OF THE CONQUEST. 163 from many, for your inheritances which he has given them. They will chase you from your lands, and still worse, will kill you. They will pillage your vas- sals, and ruin your sons and daughters: they do not come merely for your goods, but utterly to ruin you and your heirs. Defend yourselves then and your children, and all that belong to you, while you may. My brother hath never given away, nor agreed to give away the great fiefs, the honors, or lands of your ancestors ; but earls have remained earls, and barons enjoyed their rights; the sons have had their lands and fiefs after their fathers' deaths : and you know this to be true which I tell you, that peace was never disturbed. We may let things remain thus if we will, and it is best for us so to determine. But if you lose your houses, your manors, demesnes, and other possessions, where you have been nou- rished all your lives, what will you become, and what will you do? Into what country will you flee, and what will become of your kindred, your wives and children ? In what land will they go begging, and where shall they seek an abode ? When they thus lose their own honour, how shall they seek it of others V By these words of Gurth, and by others which were said at his instance, and by pledges from Ha- rold to add to the fiefs of the barons, and by his pro- mises of things which were then out of his power to give, the English were aroused, and swore by 154 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. God, and cried out, that the Normans had come on an evil day, and had embarked on a foolish matter. Those who had lately desired peace, and feared the battle, now carried themselves boldly, and were eager to fight ; and Gurth had so excited the coun- cil, that no man who had talked of peace would have been listened to, but would have been reproved by the most powerful there 2 . 2 Benoit follows the story that Harold had planned a surprise on William's army, and had sent another force round by sea to in- tercept his retreat. La nuit que li ceus fu teniegres, Soprendre quidout l'ost Normant En la pointe del ajornant, Si qu'el champ out ses gens armees E ses batailles devisees : Enz la mer out fait genz entrer Por ceus prendre, por ceus garder Qui de la bataille fuireient, E qui as nefs revertireient. Treis cenz en i orent e plus. Des ore ne quident que li dux Lor puisse eschaper, ne seit pris, Ou en la grant bataille occis. ODOEPS OTBERT* CHAPTER XVI. HOW BOTH HOSTS PASSED THE NIGHT AMD MADE READY FOR BATTLE J AND HOW THE DUKE EXHORTED HIS MEN. The duke and his men tried no further negotiation, but returned to their tents, sure of fighting on the morrow. Then men were to be seen on every side straightening lances, fitting hauberks and helmets ; making ready the saddles and stirrups; filling the quivers, stringing the bows, and making all ready for the battle. I have heard tell that the night before the day of battle, the English were very merry, laughing much and enjoying themselves. All night they ate 156 THE CHRONICLE and drank, and never lay down on their beds. They might be seen carousing, gambolling and dancing, and singing; bublie they cried, and weissel, and laticome and drincheheil, drinc-hindre- WART and DRINTOME, DRINC-HELF, and DRINC- tome 1 . Thus they bemeaned themselves; but the Normans and French betook themselves all night to their orisons, and were in very serious mood. They made confession of their sins, and accused 1 We make no attempt to translate Wace's Saxon ; for which a previous examination of his original MS. not now in existence, would certainly be a necessary preliminary. The existing copies are obviously the work of French transcribers, wholly ignorant, no doubt, of the Saxon. The MS. of Duchesne is said to read, for the two first words, ' bufler ' and ' welseil.' Three of the words sound at least like ' wassail/ ' drink to me, ' and ' drink health' or l half.' In the appendix to M. Raynouard's observations on Wace, some suggestions are given from high English authority ; but they throw very little light upon the matter. See Jeffrey of Monmouth'' s story of Vortigem and Rowena. Robert de Brunne, in translating the passage, makes Rowena give this explanation of the Saxon custom : This is ther custom and ther gest Whan thei are at the ale or fest ; Ilk man that loves where him think Sail say wassail, and to him drink. He that bids sail say wassail ; The tother sail say again drinhhail ; That said wassail drinkes of the cup, Kissand his felow he gives it up ; Drink/tail, HE says, and drinkes thereof, Kissand him in bord and skof. OF THE CONQUEST. 157 themselves to the priests; and whoso had no priest near him, confessed himself to his neighbour. The day on which the battle was to take place being Saturday, the Normans, by the advice of the priests, vowed that they would nevermore while they lived eat flesh on that day. GifFrei 2 , bishop of Cou- tanes, received confessions, and gave benedictions, and imposed penances on many; and so did the bishop of Bayeux, who carried himself very nobly. The king said, as the knight gan ken, Drinkhail, smiland on Rouwen ; Rouwen drank as hire list, And gave the king, sine him kist. Ther was the first wassail in dede, And that first of fame gede ; Of that wassail men told grete tale, &c. 2 Jeffery de Moubray, — Molbraium in Ordericus Vitalis, — chief justiciary of England. See in Cotman's Normandy, vol. i. p. Ill, details concerning the munificent spirit of this prelate; and of the cathedral of Coutances, to the erection of which he de- dicated his immense wealth. See also Ellis, Domesday, i. 400. The Moubray family at the conquest consisted of the bishop, his brother Roger, whom we shall find noticed below, and a sister Amy, married to Roger d'Aubigny, or de Albini, ancestor of the earls of Arundel. Roger Moubray 's son Robert succeeded to the bi- shop's estates, comprising, it is said, 280 manors in England, and he became earl of Northumberland. At his disgrace not only his estates, but his wife passed to his cousin Nigel d'Aubigny, Amy's son, whose descendants took the name of Moubray. The scite of the castle of Monbrai is in the arrondissement of St. Lo. In the Norman Roll, red book of the Exchequer, we find ' Nigellus CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 159 He was bishop of the Bessin, Odes by name, the son of Herluin 3 , and brother of the duke on the mother's side. He brought to his brother a great body of knights and other men, being very rich in gold and silver. On the fourteenth day of October was fought the battle whereof I am about to tell you. The priests had watched all night, and besought and called on God, and prayed to him in their cha- pels which were fitted up throughout the host. They offered and vowed fasts, penances, and orisons; they said psalms and misereres, litanies and kyriels ; they cried on God, and for his mercy, and said pater- nosters and masses; some the spirit us do mini, others salus populi, and many salve sancte parens, being suited to the season, as belonging to that day, which was Saturday. And when the masses were sung, which were finished betimes in the morning, all the barons assembled and came to the duke, and it was arranged they should form three divisions, so as to make the attack in three places. The duke stood on a hill, where he could best see his men ; the barons surrounded him, and he spoke to them proudly : " Much ought I," said he, " to love you all, and much should I confide in you; much ought and will et ad servituurn suum xi mil. quart, et octav.' a Odo, the bishop of Bayeux; son of Herluin, the knight who married Ar- 160 THE CHRONICLE I thank you who have crossed the sea for me, and have come with me into this land. It grieves me that I cannot now render such thanks as are due to you, but when I can I will, and what I have shall be yours. If I conquer, you will conquer. If I win lands, you shall have lands ; for I say most truly that I am not come merely to take for myself what I claim, but to punish the felonies, treasons, and falsehoods which the men of this country have always done and said to our people. They have done much ill to our kindred, as well as to other people, for they do all the treason and mischief they can. On the night of the feast of St. Bricun, they committed horrible treachery ; they slew all the Danes in one day; they had eaten with them, and then slew them in their sleep ; no fouler crime was ever heard of than in this manner to kill the people who trust- ed in them. " You have all heard of Alwered 4 , and how God- win betrayed him ; he saluted and kissed him, ate and drank with him ; then betrayed, seized and bound him, and delivered him to the felon king, who confined him in the Isle of Eli, tore out his eyes, and afterwards killed him. He had the men of Nor- lette, William's mother. 4 These transactions have been no- ticed in an earlier portion of our Chronicle, see page 35. 5 Guild- ford. 6 Henri/ of Huntingdon puts quite a different speech into William's mouth, reminding the Normans of their capture and detainer of the king of France, till he delivered Normandy to duke OF THE CONQUEST. 161 mandy also brought to Gedefort 5 , and decimated them ; and when the tenth was set apart, hear what felony they committed! they decimated that tenth once more, because it appeared too many to save. These felonies, and many other which they have done to our ancestors, and to our friends who de- meaned themselves honourably, we will revenge on them, if God so please. When we have conquered them, we will take their gold and silver, and the wealth of which they have plenty, and their manors, which are rich. We shall certainly easily conquer them, for in all the world there is not so brave an army, neither such proved men and vassals, as are here assembled 6 ." Then they began to cry out, " You will not see one coward ; none here will fear to die for love of you, if need be." And he answered them, " I thank you well. For God's sake spare not; strike hard at the beginning; stay not to take spoil; all the booty shall be in com- mon, and there will be plenty for every one. There will be no safety in peace or flight ; the English will never love or spare Normans. Felons they were and are ; false they were and false they will be. Shew Richard, and (as the chronicler states) assented to the stipulation, that in conferences between the king and the duke, the latter should wear his sword, but the king not even a knife. UEstoire de Seint AZdward le rei makes William use similar expressions, but on a different occasion, that of rallying his men. M 162 TF1E CHRONICLE no weakness towards them, for they will have no pity on you ; neither the coward for his flight, nor the bold man for his strokes, will be the better liked by the English, nor will any be the more spared on that account. You may fly to the sea, but you can fly no further ; you will find neither ship nor bridge there ; there will be no sailors to receive you ; and the English will overtake you and kill you in your shame. More of you will die in flight than in bat- tle; flight, therefore, will not secure you; but fight, and you will conquer. I have no doubt of the vic- tory ; we are come for glory, the victory is in our hands, and we may make sure of obtaining it if we so please." As the duke said this, and would have said yet more, William Fitz Osber rode up, his horse being- all coated with iron 7 ; " Sire," said he to his lord, " we tarry here too long, let us all arm ourselves. "Allons! allons!" Then all went to their tents and armed themselves as they best might ; and the duke was very busy, giving every one his orders ; and he was courteous 7 A 90 ke Willame diseit, Et encore plus dire voleit, Vint Willame li filz Osber, Son cheval tot covert dej'cr ; " Sire," dist-il," trop demoron, " Armons nos tuit; allon ! allon !" [ssi sunt as tentes ale, &c. OF THE CONQUEST. 163 to all the vassals, giving away many arms and horses to them. When he prepared to arm himself, he called first for his good hauberk, and a man brought it on his arm, and placed before him; but in putting his head in, to get it on, he inadvertently turned it the wrong way, with the back part in front. He quickly chan- ged it, but, when he saw that those who stood by were sorely alarmed, he said, " I have seen many a man who, if such a thing had happened to him, would not have borne arms, or entered the field the same day ; but I never believed in omens, and I never will. I trust in God ; for he does in all things his pleasure, and ordains what is to come to pass, according to his will. I have never liked fortune- tellers, nor believed in diviners; but I commend my- self to our Lady. Let not this mischance give you trouble. The hauberk which was turned wrong, and then set right by me, signifies that a change will arise out of the matter we are now moving. You shall see the name of duke changed into king. Yea, a king shall I be, who hitherto have been but duke 8 ." See the observations of M. Deville on this description, in Mem. Ant. Norm, v. 81. Such an equipment of a horse at so early a period has no other authority, and is probably an anachronism. But it may be observed that Wace's description at least shows that the practice was already in existence in his day, which we be- lieve could not be otherwise proved. 8 This circumstance is also told by William of Poitiers. In the Estoire de Seint Md- 164 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. Then he crossed himself, and straightway took his hauberk, stooped his head, and put it on aright; and laced his helmet and girt his sword, which a var- let brought him. ward le rei the scene of the reversed hauberk is thus described Li dues, ki s'arma tost apres, Sun hauberc endosse en vers. Dist ki l'arma, " Seit tort u dreit Verruns ke li dues rois seit." ' Li dues, ki la raisun ot, Un petit surrist au mot, Dist, " Ore seit a la devise Celui ki le mund justise !'' CHAPTER XVII. WHO WAS CHOSEN TO BEAR THE DUKES GONFANON IN THE BATTLE. Then the duke called for his good horse; a better could not be found. It had been sent him by a king of Spain as a token of friendship K Neither arms nor throng did it fear, when its lord spurred on. Galtier Giffart, who had been to St. Jago, brought it. The duke stretched out his hand, took the reins, put foot in stirrup and mounted; and the good horse pawed, pranced, reared himself up, and curvetted. The viscount of Toarz saw how the duke bore him- self in arms, and said to his people that were around him, " Never have I seen a man so fairly armed, nor one who rode so gallantly, or bore his arms, or became his hauberk so well ; neither any one who bore his lance so gracefully, or sat his horse and manoeuvred him so nobly. There is no other such knight under heaven ! a fair count he is, and fair king 1 Sent perhaps on the occasion of thebetrothmentof William's daughter to the king of Gallicia, which has been before men- 168 THE CHRONICLE he will be. Let him fight and he shall overcome ; shame be to him who shall fail him !" The duke called for horses, and had several led out to him; each had a good sword hanging at the saddlebow, and those who led the horses bore lances. Then the barons armed themselves, the knights and the lancemen 2 ; and the whole were divided into three companies ; each company having many lords and captains appointed to them, that there might be no cowardice, or fear of loss of member or life. The duke called a serving man, and ordered him to bring forth the gonfanon which the pope had sent him ; and he who bore it having unfolded it, the duke took it, reared it, and called to Raol de Conches 3 ; " Bear my gonfanon/' said he, " for I would not but do you right ; by right and by ancestry your line are standard bearers of Normandy, and very good knights have they all been." "Many thanks to you," said Raol, "for acknowledging our right; but tioned. a ' Gueldon' is Wace's word here and elsewhere ; which M. Pluquet interprets — a peasant armed with a long lance or pike. 3 Ralf de Coaches, in the arrondissement of Evreux, — some- times called de Tony, or Toeny, which is in the commune of Gaillon, arrondissement of Louviers, — son of Roger de Tony, he- reditary standard bearer of Normandy. Ralf is a landholder in Domesday; Saham-Tony in Norfolk still records the name. His father founded the abbey of Conches. See Ellis, Introduction to Domesday, i. 493. In the Norman roll in the Red book of the Exchequer, we find, ' de honore de Conches et de Toeneio 44 mil. et 6 mil. quos Matheus de Clara tenet: preter hoc quod OF THE CONQUEST. 169 by my faith, the gonfanon shall not this day be borne by me. To-day I claim quittance of the service, for I would serve you in other guise. I will go with you into the battle, and will fight the English as long as life shall last, and know that my hand will be worth any twenty of such men." Then the duke turned another way, and called to him Galtier Giffart 4 . " Do thou take this gonfa- non," said he, "and bear it in the battle." But Gal- tier Giffart answered, " Sire, for God's mercy look at my white and bald head; my strength has fallen away, and my breath become shorter. The standard should be borne by one who can endure long la- bour ; I shall be in the battle, and you have not any man who will serve you more truly ; I will strike with my sword till it shall be died in your enemies' blood." Then the duke said fiercely, " By the splendour of God 5 , my lords, I think you mean to betray and comes de Albamara, et comes Hugo Bigot, et Hugo de Mortuo- mari tenent de foedo illo : ad servitium vero regis nesciunt quot.' 4 Walter Giffart, lord of Longueville, in the arrondissement of Dieppe, son of Osbern de Bolbec, and Aveline his wife, sister of Gunnor, the wife of duke Richard I. In reference to the allu- sions in the text to Walter Giffart's age, M. Le Prevost observes that it was his son, a second of the name, who lived till 1 102, hav- ing been made earl of Buckingham. See Inlrod. Domesday, vol. i. 484; also vol. ii. 23, as to an Osbern Giffart. In the Norman roll of the Red book, ' De honore comitis Giffardi 98 mil. et dim. et quartam partem et 2 part, ad serv. com.' He is also among the 170 THE CHRONICLE fail me in this great need." " Sire," said GifFart, " not so ! we have done no treason, nor do I refuse from any felony towards you ; but I have to lead a great chivalry, both soldiers and the men of my fief. Never had I such good means of serving you as I now have ; and if God please, I will serve you : if need be, I will die for you, and will give my own heart for yours." "By my faith," quoth the duke, "I always loved thee, and now I love thee more ; if I survive this day, thou shalt be the better for it all thy days." Then he called out a knight, whom he had heard much praised, Tosteins Fitz Rou le blanc 6 , by name, whose abode was at Bec-en-Caux 7 . To him he delivered the gonfanon; and Tosteins took it right cheerfully, and bowed low to him in thanks, and bore it gallantly, and with good heart. His kindred still have quittance of all service for their inherit- knights holding of the church of Bayeux ' 1 mil.' 5 William's customary oath. Wace has before said, vol. ii. 51 : Jura par la resplendor De, Qo ert suvent sun serement. 6 Turstin us filius Rollonis vexillum Normannorum portavit: Ordcric. Vit. Several Normans bore the name of Toustain or Tur- stin as a baptismal name : but it afterwards became the family name of a noble house in upper Normandy ; who, in memory of the office performed at Hastings, took for supporters of their arms, two angels, each bearing a banner. A. L. P. Turstin Fitz- Rou re- ceived large English estates in England. Besides Turstin there is a Robert Fitz-Rou in Domesday, possibly his brother. See our subsequent note on Gilbert Crespin and his family, to which OF THE CONQUEST. 171 ance on that account, and their heirs are entitled so to hold their inheritance for ever. William sat on his warhorse, and called out Ro- gier, whom they call de Montgomeri 8 . " I rely much on you," said he; "lead your men thitherward, and attack them from that side. William, the son of Osber 9 , the seneschal, a right good vassal, shall go with you and help in the attack, and you shall have the men of Boilogne and Poix 10 , and all my soldiers 11 . Alain Fergant and Aimeri shall attack on the other side; they shall lead the Poitevins and the Bretons, and all the barons of Maine ; and I with my own great men, my friends and kindred, will fight in the middle throng, where the battle shall be the hottest." The barons and knights and lancemen 12 were all now armed ; the men on foot were well equipped, each bearing bow and sword : on their heads were Turstin belonged ; and see Introd. Domesday, i. 479, 497. 7 Bec- aux-Cauchois, in the arrondissement of Ivetot; not Bec-Cres- pin, in that of Havre. 8 Roger, son of Hugh de Mont- gomeri. He was lord of Montgomeri, in the arrondissement of Lisieux; of Alen9on and of Bellesme, in right of his wife Mabel ; he became earl of Shrewsbury, of Chichester and Arundel, and died 1094. See Introd. Domesday, i. 479. According to Ordericus Vitalis, A. D. 1067, Roger remained in Normandy during the expedition. 9 Lord of Breteuil ; seneschal of the duke as has been before mentioned. ,0 Poix in Picardy, and Boulogne- sur-mer. Wace seems to omit Eustace of Boulogne, conspi- cuous in other historians. Aimeri was viscount of Thouars. 11 ' Soldciers' is used by Wace in its strict sense, of men serving 172 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. caps 13 , and to their feet were bound buskins 1 *. Some had good hides which they had bound round their bodies ; and many were clad in frocks 15 , and had quivers and bows hung to their girdles. The knights had hauberks and swords, boots of steel and shining helmets; shields at their necks, and in their hands lances. And all had their cognizances 16 , so that each might know his fellow, and Norman might not strike Norman, nor Frenchman kill his country- man by mistake. Those on foot led the way, with serried ranks, bearing their bows. The knights rode next, supporting the archers from behind. Thus both horse and foot kept their course and order of march as they began ; in close ranks at a gentle pace, that the one might not pass or separate from the other. All went firmly and compactly, bearing themselves gallantly; and in each host stood archers ready to exchange shots. merely for hire. 12 'Gueldon,' as before. l3 * Chapels,' perhaps hoods. w ' Panels.' 15 ' Gambais.' ,6 See be- fore, page 22, as to cognizances and banners. F^ngj ) CHAPTER XVIII. HOW THE MEN OF ENGLAND MADE READY, AND WHO THEY WERE. Harold had summoned his men, earls, barons, and vavassors, from the castles and the cities ; from the ports, the villages, and boroughs. The villains were also called together from the villages, bearing such arms as they found ; clubs and great picks, iron forks and stakes. The English had enclosed the field where Harold was with his friends, and the 174 THE CHRONICLE barons of the country whom he had summoned and called together. Those of London had come at once, and those of Kent, of Herfort, and of Essesse ; those of Suree and Sussesse, of St. Edmund and Sufoc; of Norwis and Norfoc ; of Cantorbierre and Stanfort ; Bedefort and Hundetone 1 . The men of Northan- ton also came ; and those of Eurowic and Bokin- keham, of Bed and Notinkeham, Lindesie and Nichole. There came also from the west all who heard the summons ; and very many were to be seen coming from Salebiere and Dorset, from Bat and from Sumerset. Many came too from about Glo- cestre, and many from Wirecestre, from Wincestre, Hontesire, and Brichesire ; and many more from other counties that we have not named, and cannot indeed recount. All who could bear arms, and had learnt the news of the duke's arrival, came to de- fend the land. But none came from beyond Hum- bre, for they had other business upon their hands ; the Danes and Tosti having; much damaged and weakened them. Harold knew that the Normans would come and attack him hand to hand: so he had early enclosed 1 Huntingdon. When Wace's orthography is peculiar, we fol- low it. For Bed, which seems a repetition of Bedford, M. de la Rue's MS. reads Bedi. Eurowic is York; Nichol — Lincoln; Salebiere — Salisbury ; Bat — Bath ; Hontesire— Hampshire ; Brich- esire — Berkshire. 2 ' Vassal.' 3 'Gisarmes.' " Wace mentions the gisarme as an exceedingly destructive weapon, used by the OF THE CONQUEST. 173 the field in which he placed his men. He made them arm early, and range themselves for the battle ; he himself having put on arms and equipments that be- came such a lord. The duke, he said, ought to seek him, as he wanted to conquer England ; and it be- came him to abide the attack, who had to defend the land. He commanded his people, and counsell- ed his barons to keep themselves all together, and defend themselves in a body ; for if they once sepa- rated, they would with difficulty recover themselves. "The Normans/' said he, "are good vassals 2 , valiant on foot and on horseback; good knights are they on horseback, and well used to battle ; all is lost if they once penetrate our ranks. They have brought long lances and swords, but you have pointed lances and keen edged bills 3 ; and I do not expect that their arms can stand against yours. Cleave whenever you can ; it will be ill done if you spare aught." Harold had many and brave men that came from all quarters in great numbers; but a multitude of men is of little worth, if the favour of Heaven is wanting. Many and many have since said, that Ha- rold had but a small force, and that he fell on that Saxons at the battle of Hastings : but by the Gisarme he evi- dently means the ' by],' to which he gives a Norman name :" — see Hist, of British costume, 1834, page 33. The Saxons used also the bipennis, or ' twy-byl.' The bill was an axe with long handle. Benoit mentions ' haches Danoises/ which probably were the double axes. See also Maseres's note on Will lam of Poitiers, 176 THE CHRONICLE account. But many others say, and so do I, that he and the duke had man for man. The men of the duke were not more numerous ; but he had cer- tainly more barons, and the men were better. He had plenty of good knights, and great plenty of good archers. The English peasants 4 carried hatchets 5 , and keen edged bills 6 . They had built up a fence before them with their shields, and with ash and other wood ; and had well joined and wattled in the whole work, so as not to leave even a crevice; and thus they had a barricade in their front, through which any Nor- man who would attack them must first pass. Being covered in this way by their shields and barricades, their aim was to defend themselves ; and if they had remained steady for that purpose, they would not have been conquered that day ; for every Norman who made his way in, lost his life in dishonour, either by hatchet or bill, by club or other weapon. They wore short 7 and close hauberks, and helmets that over hung their garments 8 . King Harold issued orders and made proclama- 129. Wace afterwards says of the hache of an English knight : Hache noresche out mult bele, Plus de plain pie out l'alemele. 4 'Geldon.' 5 'Haches.' 6 'Gisarmes.' 7 Even down to the fifteenth century the Normans are said to have called the En- glish l courts vestus.' See the songs at the end of the Vaur-dc- vires of Olivier Basselin. 8 This seems further explained OF THE CONQUEST. 177 tion round, that all should be ranged with their faces toward the enemy ; and that no one should move from where he was ; so that whoever came might find them ready; and that whatever any one, be he Norman or other, should do, each should do his best to defend his own place. Then he ordered the men of Kent to go where the Normans were likely to make the attack; for they say that the men of Kent are entitled to strike first ; and that whenever the king goes to battle, the first blow belongs to them. The right of the men of London is to guard the king's body, to place themselves around him, and to guard his standard ; and they were accordingly placed by the standard, to watch and defend it. When Harold had made all ready, and given his orders, he came into the midst of the English, and dismounted by the side of the standard. Leofwin and Gurth, his brothers, were with him; and around him he had barons enough, as he stood by his gonfanon, which was in truth a noble one, sparkling with gold and precious stones. After the victory William sent it to the apostle, to prove and commemorate his great afterwards by the description of the English knight's helmet : Un helme aveit tot fait de fust, Ke colp el chief ne receust; A sez dras l'aveit atachie, Et envirun son col lacie. But the text is often so imperfect, and at such variance from the ordinary rules of Norman French grammar, that it is frequently N 178 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. conquest and glory. The English stood in close ranks, ready and eager for the fight; and they had moreover made a fosse, which went across the field, guarding one side of their army 9 . hard to be certain as to the fidelity of a translation. 9 Orde- ricus Vitalis states that the spot where the battle was fought was anciently called Sen lac. That word certainly sounds very like French, and as originating in the blood which flowed there : but his expression has been thought to carry the antiquity of the name, in his opinion at least, much earlier than the date of the battle. We think it right to subjoin Wace's original record of the privileges of the men of Kent and London ; as to which see Pal- grave's Rise and progress of the English Common-wealth, I. ccclxxii. Kar po dient ke cil de Kent Deivent ferir primierement ; U ke li reis auge en estor, Li premier colp deit estre lor. Cil de Lundres, par dreite fei, Deivent garder li cors li rei ; Tut entur li deivent ester, E l'estandart deivent garder. CHAPTER XIX. HOW THE THREE NORMAN COMPANIES MOVED ON TO ATTACK THE ENGLISH. Meanwhile the Normans appeared, advancing over the ridge of a rising ground ; and the first di- vision of their troops moved onwards along the hill and across a valley. As they advanced king Ha- rold saw them afar off, and calling to Gurth, said, " Brother, which way are you looking ? See you the duke coming yonder ? Our people will have no mischief from the force I see yonder. There are not men enough there to conquer the great force we have in this land. I have four times a hundred thousand armed men, knights and peasants." "By my faith," answered Gurth, " you have many men ; but a great gathering of vilanaille is worth little in battle. You have plenty of men in every day clothes, but I fear the Normans much ; for all who have come from over sea are men to be feared. They are all well armed, and come on horseback, and will trample our people under foot ; they have many lances and shields, hauberks and helmets ; glaives and swords, bows and barbed arrows that are swift, and fly fleeter than the swallow." 182 THE CHRONICLE " Gurth, ,, said Harold, " be not dismayed, God can give us sufficient aid, if he so pleases ; and there certainly is no need to be alarmed at yonder army." But while they yet spoke of the Normans they were looking at, another division, still larger, came in sight, close following upon the first ; and they wheeled towards another side of the field, forming- together as the first body had done. Harold saw and examined them, and pointing them out to Gurth, said to him, " Gurth, our enemies grow ; knights come up thickening their ranks; they gather toge- ther from all around ; I am dismayed, and was never before so troubled : I much fear the result of the battle, and my heart is in great tribulation. " " Harold," said Gurth, " you did ill when you fixed a day for the battle. I lament that you came, and that you did not remain at London, or at Win- chester : but it is now too late ; it must be as it is." " Sire brother," replied Harold, "bygone counsel is little worth • let us defend ourselves as we can ; I know no other remedy." " If," said Gurth, " you had stayed in London, you might have gone thence from town to town, and the duke would never have followed you. He would have feared you and the English, and would have returned or made peace; and thus you would have saved your kingdom. You would not believe me, nor value the advice I gave ; you fixed the day of battle, and sought it of your own free will.* OF THE CONQUEST. 183 " Gurth," said Harold, " I did it for good ; I named Saturday because I was born on a Saturday; and my mother used to tell me that good luck would attend me on that day." " He is a fool/' said Gurth, " who believes in luck, which no brave man ought to do. No brave man should trust to luck. Every one has his day of death ; you say you were born on a Saturday, and on that day also you may be killed." Meanwhile, a fresh company came in sight, co- vering all the plain ; and in the midst of them was raised the gonfanon that came from Rome. Near it was the duke, and the best men and greatest strength of the army were there. The good knights, the good vassals and brave warriors were there ; and there were gathered together the gentle barons, the good archers, and the lancemen, whose duty it was to guard the duke, and range themselves around him. The youths and common herd of the camp, whose business was not to join in the battle, but to take care of the harness and stores, moved off to- wards a rising ground. The priests and the clerks also ascended a hill, there to offer up prayers to God, and watch the event of the battle. Harold saw William come, and beheld the field covered with arms, and how the Normans divided into three companies, in order to attack at three places. I know not of which he was most afraid ; but his trouble was so great that he could scarcely 184 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. say, " We are fallen on an evil lot, and I fear much lest we come to shame. The count of Flanders hath betrayed me : I trusted to him, and was a fool for so doing ; when he sent me word by letter, and as- sured me by messages that William could never col- lect so great a chivalry. On the faith of his report I delayed my preparations, and now I rue the delay." Then his brother Gurth drew near, and they placed themselves by the standard ; each praying God to protect them. Around them were their kins- men, and those barons who were their nearest friends; and they besought all to do their best, see- ing that none could now avoid the conflict. Each man had his hauberk on, with his sword girt and his shield at his neck. Great hatchets were also slung at their necks, with which they expected to strike heavy blows. They were on foot in close ranks, and carried themselves right boldly ; yet if they had foretold the issue, well might they have bewailed the evil fate — cruel and hard of a truth — that was approaching. Olicrosse 1 they often cried, and many times repeated Go d em it e 2 . ' Oli- crosse' is in English what ' Sainte Croix' is in French, and 'Godemite' the same as ' Dex tot poissant* in French. The Normans brought on the three divisions of 1 Holy cross. M. de la Rue's MS. reads < Alicrot.' 2 God Almighty. 186 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. their army to attack at different places. They set out in three companies, and in three companies did they fight. The first and second had come up, and then advanced the third, which was the greatest ; with that came the duke with his own men, and all moved boldly forward. As soon as the two armies were in full view of each other, great noise and tumult arose. You might hear the sound of many trumpets, of bugles and of horns j and then you might see men rang- ing themselves in line, lifting their shields, raising their lances, bending their bows, handling their ar- rows, ready for assault and for defence. The Eng- lish stood steady to their post, the Normans still moving on ; and when they drew near, the English were to be seen stirring to and fro ; men going and coming; troops ranging themselves in order; some with their colour rising, others turning pale ; some making ready their arms, others raising their shields; the brave man rousing himself to the fight, the cow- ard trembling at the approaching danger. CHAPTER XX. HOW TAILLEFER SANG, AND THE BATTLE BEGAN. Then Taillefer x who sang right well, rode mounted on a swift horse before the duke, singing of Karle- maine, and of Rollant, of Oliver and the vassals who died in Renchevals 2 . And when they drew nigh to the English, a A boon, sire !" cried Taillefer; u I 1 Bishop Guy, in his Carmen de hello Hastingensi, thus des- cribes Taillefer, ' Incisor ferri mimus cognomine dictus/ He is there also called 'histrio,' but his singing is not mentioned. ' Hortatur Gallos verbis, et irritat Anglos ; Alte projiciens ludit et ense suo.' An Englishman starts out of the ranks to attack him, but is slain by the ' incisor ferri,' who thus 1 — belli principium monstrat et esse suum.' Nothing is said as to his fate, which Wace also passes over. 2 It has been contended that Wace misunderstood Taillefer's song, which the Latin historians call ' Cantilena Rollandi ;' and it has been further conjectured that what was meant was a song of Rollo, or possibly of Rognavald his father ; that out of this latter name the French minstrels formed Rolland ; and that Wace con- founded him with Charlemagne's Paladin. See Sharon Turner's History of England ; the Abbe de la Rue's late work, vol. i. 143 ; 190 THE CHRONICLE have long served you, and you owe me for all such service. To-day, so please you, you shall repay it. I ask as my guerdon, and beseech you for it ear- nestly, that you will allow me to strike the first blow in the battle!" And the duke answered, " I grant it." Then Taillefer put his horse to a gallop, charging before all the rest, and struck an Englishman dead, driv- ing his lance below the breast into his body, and stretching him upon the ground 3 . Then he drew his sword, and struck another, crying out " Come on ! come on! What do ye, sirs? lay on ! lay on !" At the second blow he struck, the English pushed for- ward and surrounded him 4 . Forthwith arose the noise and cry of war, and on either side the people put themselves in motion. The Normans moved on to and M. Michel's Examen critique du roman de Berte aux grans pies, Paris, 1832. We must refer the reader to these authorities on the controversy. The probability we must say, however, ap- pears to us to be, that the minstrelsy selected by a French jugleor, to stimulate the army, (great part of which was, in fact, strictly French,) would be French, both in subject and language. Wace perfectly well knew the race of jogleors and their themes, which he quotes ; as in the case of William Longue-espee, of whose deeds he says, ' a jogleors 01 en m'effance chanter.' 3 It has been remarked, as somewhat singular, that Wace should omit a cir- cumstance calculated to add to the poetic effect of his story ; namely, Taillefer's slight of hand exhibition, related by other his- torians as having been played off by him in front of the two armies. Perhaps Wace's abstinence, in this and other cases which might OF THE CONQUEST. 191 the assault, and the English defended themselves well. Some were striking, others urging onwards ; all were bold, and cast aside fear. And now, behold ! that battle was ga- thered WHEREOF THE FAME IS YET MIGHTY. Loud and far resounded the bray of the horns ; and the shocks of the lances ; the mighty strokes of clubs, and the quick clashing of swords. One while the Englishmen rushed on, another while they fell back ; one while the men from over sea charged onwards, and again at other times retreat- ed. The Normans shouted hex aie, the English people ut 5 . Then came the cunning manoeuvres, the rude shocks and strokes of the lance and blows of the sword, among the Serjeants and soldiers, both English and Norman. When the English fall, the be noticed, (after his history reaches the boundary of more authen- tic evidence than his earlier chronicle had had to deal with), is in favour of his credibility, under circumstances where he had the means of obtaining accurate information. 4 What Benoit de Saintc-More says on the subject of Taillefer's exploit will be found in our appendix. Gaimar's account, which will be found there also, is blended m the English paraphrase given in the Archao- logia, vol. xii. which is a compound of the two chroniclers. 5 Out. In the MS. of the British Museum, a letter has evidently been erased before ' ut,' the present reading. An addition to the text, which is found in the MS. 6987 of the Bib. Royale at Paris, seems to determine what word is meant : Cou est l'ensegne que jou di Quant Engles saient hors a cri. CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 193 Normans shout. Each side taunts and defies the other, yet neither knoweth what the other saith ; and the Normans say the English bark, because they understand not their speech. Some wax strong, others weak; the brave exult, but the cowards tremble, as men who are sore dis- mayed. The Normans press on the assault, and the English defend their post well; they pierce the hau- berks, and cleave the shields ; receive and return mighty blows. Again some press forwards ; others yield, and thus in various ways the struggle proceeds. In the plain was a fosse 6 , which the Normans had now behind them, having passed it in the fight with- out regarding it. But the English charged and drove the Normans before them, till they made them fall back upon this fosse, overthrowing into it horses and men. Many were to be seen falling therein, rolling one over the other, with their faces to the 5 Though the details vaiy much, all the historians attribute great loss to circumstances of this sort. William of Poitiers distin- guishes, — and perhaps Wace also meant to do so, — between the fosse which guarded the English camp, and other fosses into which the Normans fell in the pursuit. The Chronicle of Battle Abbey (MS. Cott. Dom. ii.), speaking of the principal fosse, says 'quod quidem baratrum, sorjito ex accidenti vocajDUlo, Maljossed hodie- que nuncupatur.' Benoit attributes great loss to a report of Wil- liam's fall, whereupon he, Son chef desarme en la bataille E del heaume e de la ventaille. Count Eustace is here introduced by Benoit as strongly exhorting the duke to escape from the field, considering the battle ns lost o 194 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. earth, and unable to rise. Many of the English also, whom the Normans drew down along with them, died there. At no time during the day's battle did so many Normans die, as perished in that fosse. So those said who saw the dead. The varlets who were set to guard the harness be- gan to abandon it, as they saw the loss of the French- men, when thrown back upon the fosse without power to recover themselves. Being greatly alarm- ed at seeing the difficulty in restoring order, they began to quit the harness, and sought around, not knowing where to find shelter. Then Odo, the good priest, the bishop of Bayeux, galloped up, and said to them, " Stand fast! stand fast! be quiet and move not ! fear nothing, for if God please, we shall conquer yet." So they took courage, and rested where they were ; and Odo returned galloping back to where the battle was most fierce, and was of great service on that day. He had put a hauberk on, over a white aube ; wide in the body, with the sleeve tight; and sat on a white horse, so that all might recognise him. In his hand he held a mace, and wherever he saw most need, he led up and stationed the knights, and often urged them on to assault and strike the enemy. beyond recovery. He however rallies his men, and triumphs over the English, whose ranks had broken in the pursuit. No stra- tagem in this respect is noticed by Benoit . CHAPTER XXI. HOW THE ARCHERS SMOTE HAROLD'S EYE; AND WHAT STRATAGEM THE NORMANS USED. From nine o'clock in the morning, when the com- bat began, till three o'clock came, the battle was up and down, this way and that, and no one knew who would conquer and win the land 1 . Both sides stood so firm and fought so well, that no one could guess which would prevail. The Norman archers with their bows shot thickly upon the English ; but they covered themselves with their shields, so that the arrows could not reach their bodies, nor do any mis- chief, how true soever was their aim, or however well they shot. Then the Normans determined to shoot their arrows upwards into the air, so that they might fall on their enemies' heads, and strike their faces. The archers adopted this scheme, and shot 1 The author of the continuation of Wace's Brutd'Angleterrc, lys, as to the duration of the battle, La bataille ad bien dure Dc prime dekes a la vespw 198 THE CHROMICLE up into the air towards the English ; and the ar- rows in falling struck their heads and faces, and put out the eyes of many ; and all feared to open their eyes, or leave their faces unguarded. The arrows now flew thicker than rain before the wind ; fast sped the shafts that the English call ' wibetes V Then it was that an arrow, that had been thus shot upwards, struck Harold above his right eye, and put it out. In his agony he drew the arrow and threw it away, breaking it with his hands : and the pain to his head was so great, that he lean- ed upon his shield. So the English were wont to say, and still say to the French, that the arrow was well shot which was so sent up against their king; and that the archer won them great glory, who thus put out Harold's eye. The Normans saw that the English defended themselves well, and were so strong in their posi- tion that they could do little against them. So they consulted together privily, and arranged to draw off, and pretend to flee, till the English should pursue and scatter themselves over the field ; for they saw that if they could once get their enemies to break their ranks, they might be attacked and discomfited much more easily. As they had said, so they did. Unkes home ne saveit Ki serreit trencu, ne ki venerea. This word seems used in a metaphorical sense. In the Fables OF THE CONQUEST. 199 The Normans by little and little fled, the English following them. As the one fell back, the other pressed after ; and when the Frenchmen retreated, the English thought and cried out, that the men of France fled, and would never return. Thus they were deceived by the pretended flight, and great mischief thereby befell them ; for if they had not moved from their position, it is not likely that they would have been conquered at all ; but like fools they broke their lines and pursued. The Normans were to be seen following up their stratagem, retreating slowly so as to draw the En- glish further on. As they still flee, the English pur- sue ; they push out their lances and stretch forth their hatchets: following the Normans, as they go rejoicing in the success of their scheme, and scat- tering themselves over the plain. And the English meantime jeered and insulted their foes with words. " Cowards/* they cried, " you came hither in an evil hour, wanting our lands, and seeking to seize our property, fools that ye were to come! Normandy is too far off, and you will not easily reach it. It is of little use to run back ; unless you can cross the sea at a leap, or can drink it dry, your sons and daughters are lost to you." of Mark dc France, vol. ii. 243, we find Ne grosse mouske, tie wibet, Ne longe wespe, nc cornet. 200 THE CHRONICLE The Normans bore it all, but in fact they knew not what the English said ; their language seemed like the baying of dogs, which they could not un- derstand. At length they stopped and turned round, determined to recover their ranks ; and the barons might be heard crying dex aie ! for a halt. Then the Normans resumed their former position, turn- ing their faces towards the enemy ; and their men were to be seen facing round and rushing onwards to a fresh melee; the one party assaulting the other; this man striking, another pressing onwards. One hits, another misses; one flies, another pursues: one is aiming a stroke, while another discharges his blow. Norman strives with Englishman again, and aims his blows afresh. One flies, another pursues swiftly : the combatants are many, the plain wide, the battle and the melee fierce. On every hand they fight hard, the blows are heavy, and the struggle becomes fierce. The Normans were playing their part well, when an English knight came rushing up, having in his company a hundred men, furnished with various arms. He wielded a northern hatchet 3 , with the blade a full foot long ; and was well armed after his manner, being tall, bold, and of noble carriage. In the front of the battle where the Normans thronoed most, he came bounding on swifter than the stag, :( ' Hache noresche.' Sei note before al page 17">. OF THE CONQUEST. 201 many Normans falling before him and his company. He rushed straight upon a Norman who was armed and riding on a warhorse, and tried with his hat- chet of steel to cleave his helmet ; but the blow mis- carried, and the sharp blade glanced down before the saddle bow, driving through the horse's neck down to the ground, so that both horse and master fell together to the earth. I know not whether the Englishman struck another blow; but the Normans who saw the stroke were astonished, and about to abandon the assault, when Rogier de Montgomeri came galloping up, with his lance set, and heeding not the long handled axe 4 , which the Englishman wielded aloft, struck him down, and left him stretch- ed upon the ground. Then Rogier cried out,"French- raen strike ! the day is ours !" And again a fierce melee was to be seen, with many a blow of lance and sword; the English still defending themselves, kill- ing the horses and cleaving the shields. There was a French soldier of noble mien, who sat his horse gallantly. He spied two Englishmen who were also carrying themselves boldly. They were both men of great worth, and had become com- panions in arms and fought together, the one pro- tecting the other. They bore two long and broad bills 5 , and did great mischief to the Normans, kill- ing both horses and men. The French soldier look- 4 ' Coignie.' ' ' Gisarmes.' " ' Gibet.' 202 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. ed at them and their bills, and was sore alarmed, for he was afraid of losing his good horse, the best that he had ; and would willingly have turned to some other quarter, if it would not have looked like cow- ardice. He soon, however, recovered his courage, and spurring his horse gave him the bridle, and gal- loped swiftly forward. Fearing the two bills, he raised his shield by the l enarmes,' and struck one of the Englishmen with his lance on the breast, so that the iron passed out at his back. At the mo- ment that he fell, the lance broke, and the French- man seized the mace 6 that hung at his right side, and struck the other Englishman a blow that com- pletely fractured his skull. CHAPTER XXII. THE ROLL OF THE NORMAN CHIEFS; AND TIIF.IR DEEDS. LES NONS DE GRAUNTZ DELA LA MER QUE VINDRENT OD LE CONQUEROUR WILLIAM BASTARD DE GRAUNT VIGOURE 1 . Old Rogier de Belmont 2 attacked the English in the front rank ; and was of high service, as is plain by the wealth his heirs enjoy : any one may know that they had good ancestors, standing well with 1 From Brampton. A few names have already occurred, such as Fitz Osbern, Ralf de Conches, Walter Giffart, Roger de Mongomeri, the counts d'Ou and of Mortain, Roger de Beaumont,Turstin Fitz Rou, the sire de Dinan, Fitz Ber- tkan de Peleit, and Aimeri of Tiiouars. The only chiefs mentioned by the Latin historians, and apparently omitted by Wace, are Eustace, count of Boulogne, and William, son of Richard count of Evreux. The case is doubtful as to Jeffrey, son of 206 THE CHRONICLE their lords who save them such honors. From this Rogier descended the lineage of Mellant. Guillame, whom they call Mallet 3 , also threw himself boldly into the fray, and with his glittering sword created great alarm among the English. But they pierced his shield and killed his horse under him, and he would have been slain himself, had not the Sire de Rotro count of Mortagne — comes Moritoniae ; not to be con- founded with Robert, count of Mortain — comes Moritolii. Jef- frey is perhaps mentioned by Wace; see our note below on Jef- frey de Mayenne. 2 Roger de Beaumokt; see as to him the former note, p. 102. William of Poitiers states that he did not join the expedition, but remained in Normandy. According to that historian and Ordericus Vitalis, the one present at the battle was Roger's son — the ' tyro' Robert — who, by inhe- ritance, took the title of count of Mellent. The British Museum MS. of Wace in fact reads Robert; though the epithet 'le viel' is not appropriate to his then age. By their alliance with the Fitz Osberns, the earls of Leicester and Mellent acquired a portion of the Norman lands of that family. In the Red book roll we have, 1 comes Mell. 15 mil. et ad servitium suum 63 mil. et dim.' < comes Leycestr. 10 mil. de honore de Grentemesnil, et ad ser- vitium suum 40 mil. Idem 80 mil. et 4 m . part, quos habet ad servitium suum de >onore de Britolio : et faciet tantum quod ho- nor sit duci et com. in Fales/ 3 William Malet died before Domesday, which says,' W. Malet fecit suum castellum ad Eiam,' in Suffolk. His son Robert then held the honor of Eye, ' olim nobile castellum,' (where he founded a monastery), and other estates. Introd. Dom. i. 449. 4 MoNTFORTSuRRiLLE,arron- dissement of Pont-Audemer. Four lords of this place successively bore the name of Hugh. It is presumed the conqueror's attendant was Hugh II. — son of Hugh ' with the beard,' (the son of Turstan de Bastenberg) mentioned before at page 8. He was one of the OF THE CONQUEST. 207 Montfort 4 , and Dam Willianie de Vez-pont 5 , come up with their strong force and bravely rescued him, though with the loss of many of their people, and mounted him on a fresh horse. The men of the Beessin 6 also fought well, and the barons of the Costentin ; and Neel de St. Sal- veor 7 exerted himself much to earn the love and barons to whom William, when he visited Normandy in 1067, left the administration of justice in England. The scite of the castle is still visible near the bourg of Montfort. Mem. Ant. Norm. iv. 434. Dugdale's Baronage, and the Introd. to Domesday, i. 454, treat Hugh 'with the beard' himself as having been William's attendant. See the pedigree prefixed to Wiffen's History of the Rnssells, and that in Duchesne. In the Bayeux Inquest of 1133 [Mem. Ant. Norm, viii.) ' Hugo de Monteforte tenet feodum viii mil.' The same appears in the Red book roll; where we also find ' de honore de Monteforte 2 1 mil. et dim. et duas partes et 4 ni . part.' with other particulars. 5 Dam, or Dan — Dominus — is often used by Wace. Robert, not William, lord of Yieux- pont, appears to have been at Hastings. In 1073 he was sent to the rescue of Jean de la Fleche. He came probably from Yieux- pont-en-Auge, arrondissement of Lisieux. The name, afterwards written Yipount, is known in English history. A.L.P. In the Red book roll, ' Fulco de Veteri Ponte 2 *nil. et ad servitium suum 10 mil. et quartam partem.' ' Willmus de Yeteri Ponte 2 mil. et ad sen it. suum xi mil. et 4 part. 6 The Brit. Mus. MS. reads ' cil de Beessin,' not eels. If this be correct, Wace may here mean the viscount of the Bessin, Ranoulf de Bri- CASAiiT,whom we have met atValdesdunes. 7 Wace's annotator, M. Le Prevost, is incredulous as to the fact of Neel de Saint Sauveur-le-vicomte (near Yalognes) having been at the con- quest. He was banished after his rebellion atValdesdunes, and was subsequently pardoned, as his family afterwards held his es- 208 THE CHRONICLE good will of his lord, and assaulted the English with great vigour. He overthrew many that day with the poitrail of his horse, and came with his sword to the rescue of many a baron. The lord of Felgieres 8 also won great renown, with many very brave men that he brought with him from Brittany. Henri the Sire de Ferrieres 9 , and he who then held Tillieres 10 , both these barons brought large tates ; but no particulars or time are known. His presence at Hast- ings is vouched by no one else; not even by Brompton's list, where Sanzaver seems a variation of Saunzaveir or Sans-avoir, a family which settled in England. See M. de Gerville's Recherches, in Mem. Ant. Norm. Domesday is silent; but this does not ap- pear conclusive, as he might have died in the interval; and M. deGerville quotes on the subjectM. OdolentDesnos, Hist.cTAlcn- con, i. 149; where it is stated, though without quoting the autho- rity, that Neel was killed in 1074, in battle near Cardiff. The last Neel de St. Sauveur died in 1092 ; as appears by an account of his relation, bishop Jeffery de Moubray's desire to attend his funeral : Mem. Ant. Norm. i. 286, ii. 46. One of his two daugh- ters and heiresses married Jourdain Tesson ; the other was mother to Fulk de Pratis; Hardy's Rot. Norm. 16. 8 Raoul, son of Main, second of the name, lord of Fougeres in Brittany. He, or a second Raoul, founded Savigny in 1112. A Ralf held large possessions in England at Domesday; and a William held in Buckinghamshire; Introd. Domesday, i. 418. 9 IIinky lord of St. Hilaire de Ferrieres, arrondissement of Bernay,son of Walkelin de Ferrieres, ante page 8. The scite of the castle is still visible. In England, Henry de Ferrieres received the castle ofTutbury, and other large estates; see the Introd. Domesday, i. 418, and the Ferrers pedigree in Dugdale's Baronage. In the Red book Roll, ' Walkelinus de Ferrariis 5 mil. et ad servitium suum 42 mil. et 3 quartas — et 4 mil. cum planis armis.' ,0 GlL- OF THE CONQUEST. 20 ( J companies, and charged the English together. Dead or captive were all who did not flee before them, and the field quaked and trembled. On the other side was an Englishman who much annoyed the French, continually assaulting them with a keen edged hatchet. He had a helmet made of wood, which he had fastened down to his coat, and laced round his neck, so that no blows could bert Crespin was then lord of Tillieres, arrondissement of Evreux. The building of the castle is described by Wace,i. 335. He is considered to have been a younger son of Gilbert I. men- tioned before by Wace,vol. ii. 3. 5; and must not be confounded with Gilbert earl of Brionne, guardian to the duke. In the Red book, 'Gilbertus deTeuleriis 3 mil. et ad servitium suum 4 mil.' With reference to this family, (embracing Turstin Fitz-Rou above mentioned, and William Crespin, who will soon occur) Mr. Gri- maldi has given in the Gentleman a Mag. Jan. 1832, some cu- rious materials ; bearing also on the probable origin of the Mares- chals. His pedigree is as follows : Grimaldus, prince of Monaco=j=CRisPiNA, daughter of Rollo. I 1 1 Guido, of Giballinus. Heloise, of Guynes=j=CRispiNus, ba- Monaco. and Boulogne. ron of Bee. ( (Ansgothus.) , x r , 1 , Herluin, ab- Gilbert Crespin I. Odo. Roger. Rollo, or bot of Bee. baron of Bee. Rou. I I 1 1 ' 1 i ■ William Gilbert Milo Cres- Goisfrid de Bf.c Turstin Fitz- Crespin Crespin II. pin (Domes- or Marescal Rou (Domes- (Hastings). (Hastings), day). (Domesday). day.) This pedigree differs, it will be seen, from the usually received ac- counts, and in some respects from the genealogy in the appendix to Lanfranci opera by D'Achery. Whether the latter is entitled P 210 THE CHRONICLE reach his head u . The ravage he was making was seen by a gallant Norman knight, who rode a horse that neither fire nor water could stop in its career, when its lord urged it on. The knight spurred, and his horse carried him on well till he charged the Englishman, striking him over the helmet, so that it fell down over his eyes ; and as he stretched out his hand to raise it and uncover his face, the Nor- man cut off his right hand, so that his hatchet fell to the ground. Another Norman sprung forward and eagerly seized the prize with both his hands, but he kept it little space, and paid dearly for it ; to more weight than most of these monastic genealogies we do not pretend to decide. According to that authority, however, Wil- liam Crespin had a sister Hesilia, who was mother of William Malet, who, it states, died an old man at Bee. She would thus appear to be the wife of Turstin Fitz-Rou, the grandfather of Vau- quelin Malet. ll See note, page 177, as to the English helmets. 13 ' Coignie.' 13 Anisy and Mathieu, two leagues from Caen. 14 Aumale or Albamale. See, in the Archaologia vol. 26, the materials furnished by Mr. Stapleton for the pedigree of the family holding Aumale during the eleventh century. Unless Odo, count of Champagne, was married before this time, — as he probably was, — to Adelidis, niece of the conqueror (and daughter of Enguerrand, count of Ponthieu, and Adelidis his wife, mentioned before, page 44), and was then possessed in her right of Aumale, we know no lord or holder of that fief at the conquest. Is it probable that Guy her uncle, who was released two years after the battle of Mortemer on doing ho- mage to William, held Aumale during her minority, which pos- sibly extended to 1066 ? Either assumption implies that Enguer- ran's widow was then dead, or that she did not hold Aumale, or OF THE CONQUEST. 211 for as he stooped to pick up the hatchet, an Eng- lishman with his long; handled axe 12 struck him over the back, breaking all his bones, so that his entrails and lungs gushed forth. The knight of the good horse meantime returned without injury; but on his way he met another Englishman, and bore him down under his horse, wounding him grievously, and tram- pling him altogether underfoot. The good citizens of Rouen, and the young men of Caen, Faleise and Argentoen, of Anisie and Ma- toen 13 , and he who was then sire d'Aubemare 14 , and dam Willame de Romare 15 , and the sires de at least that she did not after her daughter's marriage. The char- ter printed in the Archaologia treats the widow as having suc- ceeded to the possession, (whether from having dower in it, or as guardian of her daughter, does not appear), and her daughter as following her. Of course the most likely solution of this diffi- culty, and of Wace's vague statement, is that he was ignorant of the facts; in which he is not singular; Ordericus Vitalis also is in- correct in his statements as to the family. No particulars of the fief of Aumale are in the Red book ; the comes de Albamara being one of those, who ' nee venerunt nee miserunt, nee ali- quid dixerunt.' 15 Roumare — Rollonis Mara — arron- dissement of Rouen. There were three Williams de Romare: — the first was earl of Lincoln; the second was probably the one in possession when Wace wrote : but the name of their ancestor, the lord who must have held at the conquest, was Roger. In the Red book roll, ' Willmus de Romara 14 mil. in Romeis, apud novum mercatum : et si dux mandaverit eum alibi, ibit cum 3 mil. vel cum 4.' ,6 Lithaire, commune of Haie-du- Puits, in the Cotentin, on the coast opposite Jersey; probably a Roman castellum exploratorium, according to M. de Gerville, 212 THE CHRONICLE Litehare lG , Touke 17 , and La Mare 18 , and the sire de Neauhou 19 , and a knight of Pirou 20 , Robert the Recherches, No. 39. He states that Lithaire formed part of the estates of the Albinis; but it appears that after having belonged to Eudo cum capello, (before, p. 103) it passed to the Haies and Orvals in succession, or possibly to the latter at once ; see sub- sequent notes on those names. Possibly M. de Gerville's error arose from the family connection between the Haies and Albinis; Ralf de Haya having married the daughter of William de Albini, pincerna. ,7 Touques, arrondissement of Pont l'Eves- que, at the mouth of the river so called. In the Monasticon are found the names of Jourdain, Roger, Robert, and Henry de Tou- ques. 18 Probably Hugh de la mare. The family re- mained both in Normandy and England ; and is supposed to have sprung from the fief of la Mare, in the commune of Autretot, near Ivetot. A charter of St. Louis, of 1259, gives to Jumieges all that had fallen to that prince of the tenement of William de la Mare, knight, and of other tenements in the valley of la Mare ; but the historian of the abbey is ignorant where that valley was. A.L.P. Mr. Stapleton observes, in correction of this statement, that the great fief of La Mare was at St. Opportune, arrondisse- ment of Pont Audemer; the castle being built upon piles near the lake, still called Grand-mare. ,9 Nehou, in the arron- dissement of Valognes — Neel's hou or holm, (place surrounded by water, or liable to be so, as in this case) — ' Nigelli humus' in charters ; see Gallia Christ, xi. This fief belonged to the Neel or St. Sauveur family, and afterwards passed to that of Reviers, and Reviers-Vernon ; with whom it remained till the end of the thirteenth century; see M. de Gerville's Recherches, No. 17. Ei- ther the same person is again enumerated below by Wace as Re- viers ; or some vassal or junior member of the family held one of the fiefs at the conquest. In the Red book roll, ' Richardus de Yer- none 10 mil. de honore de Nehalhou, et ad servitium suum 30 mil. in Constant : idem de com. Mort. 5 mil : idem 16 mil. de honore OF THE CONQUEST. 213 sire de Belfou- 1 , and he who was then sire de Al- nou 22 , the chamberlain of Tancharvile 23 , and the Vernone, ad custodiam castri de Vernone.' 20 Pirou, near Lessay, in the Cotentin; see M. de Gerville's Recherches, No. 48. William de Pirou signs as ' dapifer' in a charter of Hen. I. A charter to Lessay in Gall. Christ, (temp. Hen. II. not lien, I. as there called) names several lords of Pirou. See Introd. Domesday, ii. 347. 21 Beaufoy, Beaufou, or Belfai — Bellus fagus. The scite of the caput of this barony is in the en- virons of Pont l'Evesque. The lords of Beaufou descended in the female line from Ralf, count d'lvry, uterine brother of duke Richard I. The Beaufou of the conquest is called Robert both in Wace and William of Poitiers, but Raoul in contemporary documents; so also in Domesday we find Radulf de Bellofago; see Introd. Domesday, i. 379, 380. In the Red book, ' Richar- dus de Belphago 2 mil. et ad servitium suum 6 mil. et tres partes.' 22 Fulk d'Aunou, one of the numerous family of Baudry-le- Teuton, by a daughter of Richard de Bienfaite, mentioned below. The place in question is probably Aunou-le-Faucon (or Foulcon ?), arrondissement of Argentan. See Duchesne, 1046; and some ob- servations on the pedigree, in the additional notes on Wace at the end of M. Raynouard's observations. Aulnay is a distinct fief, and will be found afterwards. There was also in earlier times (see Duchesne, p. 1083) a Fulk de Aneio, or Aneto; who was of the Vernon family (the son of Osmund de Centumvillis, and of one of Gunnor's sisters), and derived his name from Anet, a little south of Ivry. The two Fulks or their families seem to have been sometimes confounded ; they are so by M . Le Prevost, in his ad- ditional notes. In the Red book roll, ' Fulco de Alnou 4 mil. et ad servitium suum 24 mil. et dim.' The fiefs Danet and de Al- neto appear there also separately. M The lord of Tan- carville, in the arrondissement of Havre, hereditary chamberlain of Normandy. His presence is vouched by no other authority. M. Le Prevost rather inconclusively observes that Ralf having been 214 THE CHRONICLE sire d'Estotevile 24 , and Wiestace d'Abevile 25 , and the sire de Magnevile 26 , William whom they call Crespin 27 , and the sire de St. Martin c8 , and dam William's guardian was too old, and his children too young to be so engaged. Three sons have, however, been commonly reputed to have been at Hastings ; from one of whom the Clintons have claimed descent, but probably without sufficient evidence. Ralf's age is hardly of itself a competent contradiction to Wace's state- ment; for his charter, giving the church of Mireville to Jumieges, shows that he was living in 1079. William, his son and succes- sor as chamberlain, so appears in 1082. See as to this family M. Deville's St, Georges de Bocherville, p. 100. In the Red book, ' Camararius de Tankervill 10 mil. et ad servitium suum 94 et 3 partes. ^ There are two Etoutevilles ; the one meant appears to be near Ivetot, not that near Cailli. The received opinion is that it was Robert, the first of the name, called also Grand-Bois, who was at Hastings. He must have been young, if he was the same as fell forty years after at Tenchebrai, accord- ing to Ordericus Vit. 817. The Etoutevilles were established in England ; principally in Yorkshire. A. L. P. In the Red book, 1 In ballia Willi de Malepalet,' there are two of the name, * Ni- chus de Stotevill 1 mil. de fcedo de Logis, et pco, et 7 hospit. quos habet apud Fiscan;' and ' Willmus de Stotevill 1 mil. de fcedo de Dodearvill;' among those who made no appearance or return is ' Robertus de Estotevill.' K Eustace of Abbeville. There is a commune so named in the arrondisse- ment of Lisieux, but M. Le Prevost thinks it more probable that Abbeville in Ponthieu is intended. Is it clear that Wace did not mean, — however incorrect the geography, — Eustace of Boulogne ? It would be singular that he should not at all mention so impor- tant a person ; yet he does not, unless he is intended here. Eus- tace of Boulogne appears in Domesday; see Introduction,']. 41and, archbishop, 264, 266 Suffolk, 174 Summerset, 174 Surrie, 174 Sussex, 174 Taillefer's exploits, 189, 299 Taillou, 41 314 INDEX. Tancharville, chamberlain of, 213, 301 Tateshall, Sir Robert, 229, 301 Taylor's MS. list of Norman ships, 108, 123 Tesson, Raol, 19, 50, 223, 239 Tesson, Jourdain, 208 Thames, 71, 266 Thorigny, 10, 22, 25 Thorn-ei (Westminster), 71 Tillieres, the holder of, 208 Toarz, viscount of, 118, 167, 171, 218, 295 Tony, Raol de, 168 Torneor, lord of, 231 Tornieres, de, 232 Toroigne, 48 Tosti, 35; killed, 134, 174, 296 Tostein, Fitz Rou, 170, 244 Touke, sire de, 212 Toz-Sainz, church of, 66 Tracie, sire de, 220 Tregoz, lord of, 232 Trinity abbey at Caen, 64 Trossebot, lord of, 237 Truce of God, 65 Tur-aie, cry of, 21 Turstain-Goz, 244 Turstain Halduc, 103, 235 Turstain Fitz Rou, 170, 244 Urinic, lord of, 23 Vaacie, lord of, 231 Val de Saire, sire de, 220 Val deroil (Vaudreuil), 226 Valeran, brother of Guy of Pon- thieu, 53 Valeri, St. meeting at, 117 ; re- liques of, 120 ; sire de, 246 Valdesdunes, battle of, 18 Valmerei, St. Bricun de, 19 Valognes, William's flight from, 11, 29 ; journey from to Ar- ques, 44 Varaville, rout of, 59, 289 Varham (for Waltham), 259 Varemna, river, 217 Varenne, hamlet of, 217 Vastineiz, 48 Velquesin, 49 Vernon, 10, 29, 212, 213 Vermandeiz, 48 Vez-pont William de, 207 Vihot, Vigot, &c, 235 Yimou, 101, 117 Vire, the fords of, 13, 45 Vitrie, lord of, 220, 236, 301 Vortigern and Rowena, 156 Vow of the Normans before the battle, 157 Wac, Hugh, 242 ; Jeffry, 244 Wace, his prologue and history, 4 ; his father's account of the ships, 120 ; information as to the comet, 115 ; fairy hunting in Brittany, 119 ; testimony as to comparative strength of the armies, 175 Walkelin de Ferrieres, 8 Wallingford, 266 Waltham abbey, 259, 298, 303 Walther von der Vogelweide, 4 Walter Flandrensis, 113 Warren, William, 217, 238, 243, 295 Wassail, 156 Westminster abbey restored, 70 ; William's charter to, 71 ; its organ, 289 Wibetes, 198 Wiestace d'Abeville, 214 William the duke, passim — see table of contents. Wincaatj 34 Winchester, 33, 174, 182 Worcester, 174 Wisnit'is, 50 FINIS. C. WHITTINOHAM, TOOKS COURT, CUANCBR1 L&NB. u n 'II fi^. <> * , ^ BV- O- V \> A ■ *X5 ,,/ : W fi v ^ • ■ 1 ! <*>■% -V , '<*. $ * r +_ v v > -..i '•%. V £ .** >' !?»- 2, ' o , v * -O ,v> % \0 W \\ LIB. < ^ s- '->-- 0^ , - > : £ "% * LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 020 680 162 1 >.',(, <:l'i ■