P 483 
 .C37 
 
 Copy 1 
 
 / (. ■>,.- ■- ., - 
 
 f . nl Dc£ianGe Centennial, 
 
 August 7, 8 and 9, 1894. 
 
 )Hi3torlc;ai '^oiiy<(r)\T 
 
 '■S'^r^ .^r-.^ .-^ISL; ^^^ <?ii6 
 
 „ o j ip 
 
 
 
 OF^ 
 
 ort'? * defiance 
 
 T- 
 
 T\)e l^l^'^^huyest Jerritory. 
 
■.C37 
 
 a.'i/.'ii 
 
MAIOK i.KNKRAI, ANTHON 
 
TTO 
 
 ']\)e Order of pi^{\)OT)y U/aypi^, 
 
 THE 
 
 Laudable Object of Which Organization is 
 to Keep Green the Memory of the 
 
 Heroic Soldier, Anthony Wayne, 
 
 AND 
 
 To Re-consecrate, bj^ Lo3'al, Loving Service, the 
 Spots Made Sacred bj^ his Patriotic Devotion 
 
 One Hundred Years and More floo. 
 
 This Volume is Dedicated. 
 
 DAILY CRESCENT PBINT, 
 
 OEFIANOE, OHIO. 
 
PRKFACK. 
 
 This modest volume is a compilation made principallj' from 
 Howe's History of Ohio, Ktiapp's Historj? of the Maumee Valley, the 
 work of Charles J. Stille, President of the Historical Society of Penn- 
 sylvania, entitled "Major General Wayne and the Penns}lvania Line," 
 and manuscript accessible to the compilers. 
 
 The design has been to present to the reader a brief outline of the 
 troul)ulous times on the American frontier, prior to, and including 
 General Waj'ue's campaign in 1794 in the narrowest possil^le compass. 
 
 If this result has, in the following pages, been accomplished we are 
 satisfied. 
 
 WILLIAM CARTER, 
 HENRY G. BAKER. 
 
 iLc.-ii 
 
 'P 
 
E7XRUV HISTORV. 
 
 CHAPTER I. ^^^^ 
 
 Famed in song and story, the beautifnl Manmee, or, the "Miami of 
 the Ivakes," flows its even course to its outlet, Lake Erie. Its verdure 
 clad banks now echo no sound more harsh than the voice of multi- 
 plied industry by day, and the peaceful hum of contented civilization 
 by night. Phantoms of a century ago float before us, picturing savage 
 scenes of barbaric cruelty, or the peaceful wigwam of the semi-civilized 
 redman ; but we awake from the dream to view a country, mapped up- 
 on whose surface is a new picture, of peace and plenty, made so by the 
 brain and brawn of artisan, mechanic and husbandman. Calmly like a 
 mistress of the scene, sits Fort Defiance, at the confluence of 
 the Maumee and Auglaize, witnessing the wedding of their placid wa- 
 ters. Nature, often lavish in her gifts, has blessed this spot, so often 
 the theme of the artist and inspiration of the poet. The Great Spirit 
 of the ages, implanted in. the savage breast an appreciation of- the 
 beauty of the streams, the fertility of the valleys, and commanding 
 position of the site, a century later to be loved, admired and blessed 
 by a higher and better civilization. 
 
 In the year i6So was undertaken the first settlement of that por- 
 tion of the United States now forming the jurisdiction of Ohio. Pru- 
 dence in all instances, dictated fortifications as a shelter against savage 
 foes surrounding these settlements. In the Autumn of this year, the 
 brave and intrepid La Salle erected at the confluence ot the St. Mary's 
 and St. Joseph rivers, on ground now occupied by Fort Wayne a forti- 
 fication of which he retained possession for a short period. 
 
 In 1679 the Count de Frontenac, Governor of Canada, pressed upon 
 the Monarch of the French the advisability of erecting forts and trad- 
 ing posts along the lakes and rivers of the then western frontier, and 
 though his advice was unheeded, Frontenac, full of energy and ability, 
 proceeded upon tfliese lines to take possession of the country in the 
 name of his government. We are informed that one of the parties 
 sent forth by this French representative in 16S0 erected a small stock- 
 ade somewhere below Maumee City, which afterwards becoming an 
 
 —3— 
 
important trading point, was finally abandoned for a more desirable 
 location at or near the city of Fort Wayne. 
 
 In 1690 Count de Fronteuac was desired by the French Monarch to 
 secure and maintain the supremacy of the French Government upon 
 the Western boundaries previously established by the Governor in 
 1679. The expression of this desire of the French Government at this 
 time was due largely to the fact of war having broken out between 
 England and France. 
 
 English traders lirst began to establish themselves permanentlj- 
 in the West in 1698 and 1699. The following year, the French, not to 
 be encroached upon in their acquired territory, together with their 
 Indian allies began to breathe forth threatenings against the encroach- 
 ing English, the result of which was much bad feeling, which in later 
 years was the cause of untold trouble to the English. 
 
 In the year 1700 the Iroquois, after years of bitter hostility, made a 
 treaty with the French, by which the missionaries and traders were 
 allowed in all portions of the western country. 
 
 About this same time it is said that a party of factors from Detroit 
 built a small trading post where Toledo now stands. From the last 
 named date, to as late as 1716, constant negotiations with the diifereut 
 Indian tribes were carried on by the English and F'reuch, looking to 
 their active support and co-operation in obtaining control of, or main- 
 taining the possession and supremacy that either had from time to 
 time obtained by their former settlements. In 1716 the English sent 
 agents among the Ohio Indians, over whom the French had obtained 
 control, seeking an alliance ; but notwithstanding pleasant speeches 
 and gifts presented, were unsuccessful. In 1720 French traders were 
 in active operation on the Ohio River. In 1722 a treaty was made at 
 Albany, New York, the contracting parties being the Iroquois and Eng- 
 lish, by which lands west of the Alleghany mountains were acknowl- 
 edged to be in the possession of the Iroquois, by reason of their con- 
 quests over other Indian tribes. 
 
 Baron de Longueuil, who was made Governor of Canada in 1725, 
 shortly afterwards stated that the English had built some houses 
 and .stores on a small stream flowing into the Wabash, where 
 they traded with the Mianiis and Ouyatanons. Later in the year 
 172S Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor of Canada, advised the erec- 
 tion of a fort on the South shore of Lake Erie, to serve as Winter 
 quarters for vessels he then proposed to build upon the lake, his 
 idea being, the English would be prevented from sending canoes 
 loaded with brandy and merchandise to the head of Lake Erie. His 
 
 —4— 
 
reconimciulation was iguured by the French Kling. Pamphlets were 
 issued ill London in 1729, urging the planting of colonies by the Eng- 
 lish Government in the Western country, and a year later, strong 
 pressure was brought to bear upon the ministers in England, urging 
 the advantages to accrue to the British Government by obtaining con- 
 trol of thai portion of America west of the mountains. In 1731 a com- 
 missioner, by tlie direction of the Governor of Canada, visited the 
 Shawanese, located upon the Ohio and its branches, desiring to secure 
 their friendship and alliance. Vincennes upon the Ohio was destroyed 
 by the savages in 1736. Three years later, M. de Longueuil constructed 
 a road from Detroit to the Ohio River, which crossed the Mauniee at 
 the foot of the rapids, being thereafter a much used thoroughfare be- 
 tween those points. In 1747 a conspiracy, headed by Chief Nicholas of 
 the Hurons, in wnich were joined mau}' of the strong tribes ol the 
 western country, was formed for the capture of Detroit, and the upper 
 French posts, anil also having for its object the breaking of French 
 dominion and authority in the west. 
 
 It is said that every Indian nation, excepting those of the Illinois 
 country, was a party to the conspiracy, and entered into the work 
 thereof aggressively ; plans were well laid and the most subtile strat- 
 egy employed to obtain possession of the posts and massacre the in- 
 habitants. Fortunately the plot was discovered in time to avert the 
 terrible catastrophe. The relations of France and England, each of 
 which was jealous oi the other's encroachments upon the coveted 
 territory, brought about in 1754 a conflict between the two countries, 
 but war was not declared until two years later. A proposition was 
 made by the Trench government to the British, to settle their griev- 
 ances by restoring the western country to the same condition it was 
 in before 1745. Tater a reply was received from the English that the 
 west of North America must be left as it was before the peace of 
 Utrecht. To this response France, answering said, that the old claims 
 in America were not tenable, and tendered as a compromise that the 
 English vacate that portion of the territory west of the Alleghanies, 
 they, the French, to remain in possession of that portion west of the 
 Ohio river. This proposal was agreed to by the English, upon condi- 
 tion that the French should demolisli all their torts on the Ohio and 
 its branches. The latter condition, the French declined to accede 
 to, and thereupon negotiations ended. The war between F'rance and 
 Engkmd terminated hnally in the treaty of Fans, in 1763, which gave 
 to England all the territory east of the Mississippi, except two small 
 islands south of Newfoundland, and the former Spanisli territory of 
 Florida. 
 
 -5— 
 
Ponliac, the great Chief of the Ottawas, who it is claimed by his- 
 torians was bora upon the site of Fort Defiance, was*opposed to Eng- 
 lish dominion, but the French were in high favor with him, A feder- 
 ation was formed by this wily chieftan of all the Indian tribes,°extend- 
 ing from the northern lakes to the frontiers of North Carolina, the 
 object of which was to fall upon the whole line of British posts and 
 annihilate the white inhabitants. Under the leadership of this power- 
 ful chieftain hostile feelings thitherto existing between the tribes 
 were buried, and union in this gigantic enterprise was general, Pon- 
 tiac's war cry being "Why do you suffer these dogs in red clothing to en- 
 ter your country and take the land 1 have given you ? Drive them from 
 it ! Drive them ! When you are in distress I will help you." While 
 the results of this coalition were brutal and far reaching in the ex- 
 treme, yet the work accomplished by the Indians was not allowed to 
 attain the magnitude desired by Pontiac. Traders everywhere were 
 seized, their wares taken from them ; scores of them were put to 
 death ; nine British forts tell easy prey ; the gory struggle was made 
 very much more atrocious in that the captors drank of the blood 
 of their victims. Among the forts taken was Fort Miami upon the 
 Maumee. 
 
 Of the English fortresses in the west, Forts Detroit, Pitt and Ni- 
 agara were the most important, and those the confederated tribes had 
 failed to attack. The failure to attack these points of vantage was a 
 source of discouragement to the tribes. Dissension sprang up among 
 them which threatened the life of the coalition and the ultimate down- 
 fall of the plot. 
 
 Among the tribes participating under the leadership of Pontiac, 
 were the Chippewas, Ottawas, Wyandots, Miamis, Shawnees Dela- 
 wares and Mingoes. A treaty was finally made with Pontiac at Presque 
 Isle August 6th, 1764. In 1765 George Croghan, of Pennsylvania, a sub" 
 commissioner of Sir William Johnston, made a visit to the west, his 
 object being the establishment of more friendly relations between the 
 English and the more distant western tribes, and found the Miamis 
 and other tribes inclined to friendly feelings toward the British, In 
 1 761 Frederick Post, a courageous Moravian missionary, first visited 
 Ohio, and the following spring, in connection with his co-laborer Heck- 
 welder, begau the task of educatijtg and converting the Indians to the 
 Christian faith, the objects of his labor being'the Indians of the Musk- 
 ingum. Later on, in ihe same year he was warned to leave the country 
 in view of impending war. A similar mission was established late in 
 1767 near Allegheny, and though the work was met by strong opposi- 
 
 _6— 
 
tion, their efforts were crowned with the conversion of many of the 
 leading Indians. In 1772 Treisberger, with twenty-seven of his native 
 disciples, established Shoenbrnn on the Muskingum, which is said to 
 have been the first Christian settlement in Ohio. To this place re- 
 moved the Christian Indians of the Susquehanna and Big Beaver. 
 
 Peace and prosperity smiled upon them, but during the wars between 
 the northwest savages and Pennsylvania and Virgina frontiersmen, 
 these Christian disciples were subjects of suspicion and jealousy, so 
 much so that in 1779 active measures were taken to remove them from 
 the American borders. In 1765, the tribes abandoned their towns on 
 the great Miami and settled on the Maumee, St. Joseph and Wabash 
 rivers, and established thriving villages. Heckewelder states that the 
 "Miami of the lake," at the Junction of the Auglaize with that river, was 
 the place of abode and refuge in 1781 for a remnant of of the Moravian 
 Christian Indians, after the massacre on the Muskingum. In 17S0 
 during the war of the Revolution an expedition under Col. Byrd fitted 
 out at Detroit, consisting of six hundred men, including Indians and 
 Canadians, with two pieces of artiller}', destined for the invasion of 
 Kentucky, took Auglaize on their route, and it is inferred erected a 
 stockade here and rested thereat both going to and returning from 
 Detroit." 
 
 In 1781 great hardship and cruelty were inflicted upon the Chris- 
 tian missionaries, death often resulting therefrom, and strange to say, 
 in 1782 some of the Moravians, to the number of aboyt forty meni 
 twenty women and thirty-four children, who had been driven from 
 their former homes, returning to claim the portable property left be- 
 hind them, were miirdered in cold blood by a party of Americans. Still 
 another expedition was at once organized against the Moravian Dela- 
 wares and Wyandots upon the Sandusky, led by Col. William Crawford 
 over whom floated the black flag, and whose battle cry was "No quar- 
 ters." Crawford was defeated and subsequently died at the stake. 
 
 From a very early time Defiance has been an important historical 
 point. It was the site of the ancient Tu-en-da-wie of the Wyandot, 
 and En-sa-woc-sa of the Shawnee. It became and was the heart of the 
 Indian Nations, the great center to which the races 'came to live and 
 trade and counsel. Its fertile valleys gave promise of reward to the 
 husbandman, the situation charmed the e)^e, and here was held the 
 greatest Indian councils ever held upon the American continent. 
 
 After the cessation of hostilities between ths EInglish and the col- 
 onies, in 1783, the savages continued to keep up depredations upon the 
 frontier. 
 
 -7— 
 
How to open up the country and free it from Indian hostiKties be- 
 came the stud}' of the ablest statesmen of the time. Emigration bep;an 
 to force its wa^^ across the Allejjhenies, only to meet with barbarous 
 cruelty at the hands of ambushed foes. President Washington became 
 solicitous in the extreme and urged the necessity for compact settle- 
 ments, suggesting stringent laws against settling upon the surveA'ed 
 lands west of the line which might extend from the mouth of the 
 Great Miami to Mad river, thence to F^ort Miami, thence northward 
 so as to include Detroit, or perhaps fiom the Fort down to Lake Erie; 
 suggesting also the propriety' of excluding Indian agents from all share 
 in the trade with the red men and prohibiting the purchase of lands 
 from the Indians except bj' congress or state legislation. Unless these 
 or similar maesures were taken he phrophesied renewed violent bor- 
 der wars. 
 
 On the 22nd of September, 1763, Congress, in pursuance of these 
 suggestions, forbid the purchase of or the settlement on any lands, 
 and the commissioners sent to treat with the natives were instructed 
 first to require the delivery of all prisoners; second, to inform the In- 
 dians of the boundaries between the British possessions and the United 
 States ; third, to dwell upon the fact that the red men had not been 
 faithful to their agreements ; fourth, to negotiate for all the land east 
 of the line proposed by Washington, namely: from the mouth of the 
 Great Miami to Mad River, thence to Fort Miami on the Maumce, 
 thence down tjie Mauniee to the lake : fifth, to hold, if possible, one 
 convention with all the tribes ; sixth, to learn all they could about the 
 French, the Kaskaskia, etc. ; seventh, to confirm no grants bj' the 
 natives to individuals ; ninth, to look after American stragglers beyond 
 Ohio, to signify the displeasure of Congress at the invasion of the In- 
 dian lands and to prevent all further intrusions. 
 
 Upon the 9th of the following March, the fourth and fifth of these 
 instructions were entirely changed, at the suggestion of the committee 
 headed by Mr. Jefferson, the western boundary line being made to run 
 due north from the lowest point on the falls of the Ohio, the northern 
 limits of the United States, the commissioners being told to treat 
 with the natives at various places and at different times. 
 
 The treaty of 1783, which terminated the war of the Revolution in- 
 cluded Ohio within the boundaries of the United States, and the 7th 
 article of that treaty agreed that the king of Great Britian would "with 
 all convenient speed withdraw all his forces, garrisons and fleets from 
 the United States, and from every post, place and harbor within the 
 same." It is true, however, that military posts or garrisons were 
 
maintained b^- the British inside of the bonndaries a,<4:rced upon for 
 many years after that date. 
 
 Preparatory to taking possession of the territory and in order to 
 avoid bad feeling and collision with the Indian tribes who owned the 
 soil, treaties were made with them from time to time by which they 
 ceded to the United States the title to their lands. The United States 
 government, though having the title to these lands, were bj' a species 
 of trickery deprived of the use and benefit of the same by the British 
 government, the latter urging as an excuse therefor the failure of the 
 Americans to fulfill that part of the treaty protecting the claims of 
 British subjects against citizens of the United States, but the subse- 
 quent aid and comfort given the tribes by the British showed the in- 
 sincerity of the claim, the real reasons for withholding the American 
 rights to these lands being a desire to continue in control of all the 
 territory north of the river Ohio, thereby securing to the British the 
 fur and other trade which they possessed therein. 
 
 That portion of the territory north of the Ohio river upon the 
 western boundary-, south and east of the Mississippi river was, in 1787, 
 created the Northwest Territory. Toward the close of the period, imme- 
 diately preceeding its organization, Virginia, North Carolina and 
 Georgia had extended to the Mississippi. This was 'he first attempt 
 at the organization of territorial government in the American svstem. 
 
 —9— 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 HT^RTU^KR'S CK7UTPKIGN. 
 
 This leads us up to the spirited campaign of 1790, '91 and '94. A 
 short time prior to 1790, the Indian warfare, which had been upon the 
 part of the Indians of a desultory character assumed a more forbidding 
 and determined aspect. Formerly there does not seem to have been a 
 concerted effort to stamp out the encroachments of the white man, but 
 in their minds sentiment was fast crj-stalizing that a determined stand 
 must be made in order that the ambitious American should be expelled 
 from the territory. When they found the white settlers entrenching 
 themselves in strong fortresses, encroaching more and more upon their 
 favorite hunting grounds, pressing them further and further toward 
 the setting sun, the Indians inspired by the British, who still en- 
 croached upon the territory acquired by Americans by treaty, resolved 
 if possible to make a determined stand for race supremacy. Treaty 
 after treaty had been made between the Indians and Americans, look- 
 ing to the protection of the frontier, only to be broken. 
 
 The American Government, then just going into operation, sent 
 to the frontier three hundred and twentj' regular troops, enlisted in 
 New Jersey and Pennsylvaniafor the protection of the settlers, the com- 
 mand of which devolved upon Josiah Harmar, who had borne arms as 
 a superior officer during the Revolutionary struggle. Another army 
 of 11^3 drafted militia of Pennsylvania and Kentucky was also placed 
 under Harmar's command. The regulars consisted of two battalions 
 commanded respectively by Majors Wyllye and Doty and a companj'^ of 
 artillery under Capt. Ferguson, with three pieces of ordnance. Col. 
 Hardin of Kentucky was in command of the militia m which Colonels 
 Trotter and Paul, and Majors Hall and McMillan held subordinate com- 
 mands. General Hamar's orders were to march on to the Indian towns 
 bordering the lakes and inflict on them such punishment as should 
 protect the settlements from their further depredations. This plan it 
 seems had been advised by Washington himself, who was not unfamiliar 
 with IndwMi character, as well as of the condition of the western covm- 
 try. The wisdom of Washington in the selection of Hamar and his 
 subsequent selection of St. Clair had been questioned, inasmuch as 
 these appointees were men unfamiliar with border warfare, while so 
 many p«Bctical Indian fighters were to be had. General Hamar ar- 
 
rived at Cincinnati, December 29th, 17S9. He had been stationed for 
 some months prior at the mouth of the Muskingum, awaiting supplies 
 and further militia forces, and the completion of Ft Washington, then 
 in process of construction by Major Doty. His time was employed in 
 making ready for the expedition until September 30th, 1790, upon 
 which day he started for the frontier with the regulars, the militia un- 
 der Col. Hardin having preceded them. On the 12th day of October he 
 reached the headwaters of the Auglaize near lyoramie's Creek. Upon 
 the next day he was joined by reinforcement from Cincinnati with ama» 
 nition. Upon the 14th Col. Hardin was sent forward with a detach- 
 ment of one company of regulars, and six hundred militia. They pro- 
 ceeded in advance of the main body, their mission being the destruc- 
 tion of the towns at the forks of theiMaumee. Upon the arrival of this 
 detachment at their destination they found the towns abandoned by 
 the Indians and in part burned. Hamar proceeded on his course, and 
 joined Hardin at the village now called Hamar's Ford, being the same 
 town burned and abandoned by the savages. Seven villages are said to 
 have been located at or about the forks of the St. Mary's and St. 
 Joseph. All the houses of the villages were burned by the army ; also, 
 many thousand bushels of corn discovered in various hiding places; 
 also property belonging to French traders. On the 18th the main body 
 of the troops was moved to Chillicothe, the principal town of the 
 Shawanese, General Hamar having before that time detached a partj' 
 of militia and regulars in pursuit of the Indians who had disappeared 
 to the west across the St. Joseph after the burning by themselves of 
 Omeetown. Capt. John Armstrong, was in command of the regulars, 
 and Col. Trotter of the Kentucky militia of the entire detachment. 
 They overtook and cut off a few Indian stragglers, but did not over- 
 take the main body, being recalled to camp by signal late in th^e even- 
 ing. The next morning the same detachment was sent out anew under 
 command of Col. Hardin, who pursued the same route in search of the 
 savages. He soon found himself in the vicinity of the enemy 8<hd de- 
 tached Capt. Faulkner of the Pennsylvania militia to form on his left, 
 which he did at such distance as to render his corupany of no service 
 in the engagement about to be had. The command under Hardin 
 pressed forward toward the encampment of the Indians which was 
 flanked by a dense morass on each side as well as by ouie in front; 
 this was quickly crossed by the troops, which now were reduced to less 
 than two hundred men, but before they had time to form, an unex- 
 pected fire was received by them from a large body of savages. The 
 militia were thrown into consternation. The advance being so sud- 
 denly checked, a general flight was the result. All efforts of tte offices 
 
iu couiuiaiid Ijeiug unavailing to rally them, lifty-two of the retreating 
 AniericanSiWere left behind the retreating column. The enemy pur- 
 sued until Major Fountain, who had been sent to hunt up Faulkner 
 and his company, returning with them, compelled the Indians to re- 
 tire, and thus the survivors of the detachment arrived safe in camp. 
 The regulars under Armstrong bore the brunt of this affair, his loss 
 being one sargeant and twenty-one privates. The exact number of 
 savages engaged in this conflict is unknown, but is estimated by one 
 authority at about one hundred, and by another about seven hundred. 
 The Indians had the advantage of position, added to which, cowardice 
 has been imputed to the militia. This battlefield was located 
 about twelve miles west of the site of Fort \Va3ne. , 
 
 On the 2ist the army left its position, intent upon return to F't. 
 Washington. Col. Hardin arrived at Omeetown early in the morning 
 of the 22nd. Prior to this time his force had been divided into two 
 parties, the left division of which was to have formed down the St. 
 Mary's and cross at the ford, after which they were to rest until 
 daylignt and cross the St. Joseph and commence an attack on the In- 
 dians in front who had camped on or near the ruins of their town. 
 
 The right division was under Hardin and Wyllys, and were to pro- 
 ceed to Hamar's Ford on the Maumee, was to remain until McMillan 
 had reached the river, and commenced the attack which was to be the 
 signalj for them to cross the Maumee and attack the Indians in the 
 rear. McMillan, however lost his waj- in the thickets, due to the 
 treachery or ignorance of the guides, and travelling all night did not 
 reach the ford until daylight. The Indians encamping about the 
 ruins of their town, discovered Hardin's men and began to rally for the 
 fight. Hardin discovering that unless he crossed immediately, he 
 would be compelled to tlo it in the face of superior numbers, and 
 expecting momentarily to be reinforced by McMillan's forces, gave 
 orders to cross the river; but before two thirds of his forces could 
 mass upon the opposite side, the battle was on. 
 
 The engagement was hotly contested, the savages being desperate 
 in the extreme. The greater part throwing down their arms, rushed 
 madly into the poised bayonets of the soldiers, tomahawk in hand, 
 rendering everything useless but the rifles of the militia, and carrying 
 destruction everywhere in their advance. 
 
 During this time Indian riflemen were busily engaged picking 
 off the officers. Majors F'aulkner and Wyllys were killed in the engage- 
 ment, while fifty one of Wyllys' regular soldiers shared his fate. Mc- 
 Millan's force arrived too late to be of service, except to enable the 
 
troops remainiiij^ to retire in comparative good order. And thus, after 
 a signal defeat, Harniar returned to Ft. Washington, arriving there 
 November vh His miHtarj' career was, by his own action and choice, 
 terminated. He died about 1S03 on the banks of the Schu\lkill. 
 
 In this last serious engagement, so disastrous to the American 
 cause, the sagacious, wil)', statesmanlike Little Turtle was chief in 
 command of the Indians. 
 
 —13— 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 ST. CLKIR'S CK7UTPKIGN. 
 
 This disastrous defeat thoroughly alarmed the government, and 
 active steps were at once taken to retrieve the ground lost by its arms. 
 The solicitude of Washtngton may be seen in the voluminous instruc- 
 tions given Gen. Arthur St. Clair at the time of his commission as 
 major general. It was the idea of the commander-in-chief to estab- 
 lish a chain of militar}' posts, extending from Fort Washington to the 
 head of theMaumee. Among the instructions received by St. Clair was 
 the following : 
 
 '■In the execution of the duties of your station, circumstances which cannot now be fore- 
 seen, may arise to render material deviations necessary. Such circumstances will require 
 the exercise of your talents. The government possesses a guarantee in your character and 
 mature experience, that your judgement will be proper on all occasions. You are well in- 
 formed of the unfavorable impressions which the issue of the last expedition has made on the 
 public mind, and you are also aware of the expectations which are formed of the successor 
 the ensuing campaign. 
 
 "An Indian war, under any circumstances, is regarced by the great mass of the people 
 of the United States, as an event which ought, if possible, to be avoided. It is considered 
 that the sacrifices of blood and treasure in such a war far exceed any advantages which can 
 possibly be reaped by it. The great policy, therefore, of the general government is to estab. 
 lish a just and liberal peace with the Indian tribes within the limits and in the vicinity ot the 
 territory of the United States. Your intimations to the hostile Indians, immediately after 
 the late expedition through the Wyandots and Delawares, the arrangements with the Seii- 
 ecas, who were lately in this city, that part of the Six Nations should repair to the said hos- 
 tile Indians, to influence them to pacific measures; together with the recent mission of Col. 
 Procter, for the same purpose, will strongly evince the desire of the general governmenl to 
 prevent the effusion of blood, and to quiet all disturbances. And when you shall arrive 
 upon the frontiers, if any other or further measures to effect the same object should present, 
 you will eagerly emb. ace them, and the reasonable expenses thereof shall be defrayed by 
 the public. But if all the lenient measures taken, or which may be taken, should fail to 
 bring the hostile Indians to a just sense of their situation, it will be necessary that you 
 should use such coercive means as you shall possess, for that purpose. It is contemplated 
 that the mass of the regulars and levies may be recruited and rendezvous at Fort Washing- 
 ton, by the lUth of July. In this case you will have assembled a force of three thousand 
 effectives at least, besides leaving small garrisons on the Ohio in order to perform your main 
 expedition, hereinafter mentioned. But, in the meantime, if the Indians refuse to listen to 
 the messengers of peace sent to them, it is most probable they will, unless prevented, spread 
 themselves along the line of frontiers, for the purpose of committing all tlie depredations in 
 their power. 
 
 "Ill order to avoid so calamitous an event, Brigadier-General Charles Scott, of Ken- 
 tucky, has been authorized by me, on the part of the President of the United States, to make 
 an expedition against the Wea or Uuiatanon towns with mounted volunteers or militia from 
 Kentucky, not exceeding the number of seven hundred and fifty, officers included. You wi' 
 
 —14— 
 
perceive by the instructions to Rrigarlier-Gencral Scott that it is confided to your discretion, 
 whether there should be more than one of the said expeditions of mounted volunteers or 
 militia. Your nearer view of the objects to be effected by a second desultory expedition, will 
 enable you to form a better judgement than can at present be'formed at this distance. The 
 propriety of a second operation would, in some degree, depend on the alacrity and good 
 composition of the troops of which the first may have been formed : of its success ; of the pro- 
 bable effects a second similar blow would have upon the Indians, with respect to its influenc- 
 ing them to peace ; or, if they should be still hnstilely disposed, of preventing them from 
 desolating the frontiers by their partiis. 
 
 "You will observe in the instructions to Brigadier-General Scott, which are to serve 
 as a basis for the instructions of the commanders who may succeed him, that all captives 
 are to be treated with great humanity. It will be sound policy to attract the Indians by 
 kindness, after demonstrating to them our power to punish them, on all occasions. 
 While you are making such use of desultory operations as in your judgment the 
 occasion may require, you will proceed vigorously, in every operation in your power, 
 for the purpose ot the main expedition; and having assembled your force, and all 
 things being in readiness, if no decisive indications of peace should have been pro- 
 duced, either by the messengers, or by the desultory operations, you will commence your 
 march for the Miami village, in order to establish a strong and permanent military post at 
 that place. In your advance you will establish such posts of communication with Ft. 
 Washington, on the Ohio, as you may judge proper. The post at the Miami village is in- 
 tended for the purpose of awing and curbing the Indians in that quarter, and as the only 
 preventive of future hostilities. It ought, therefore, to be rendered secure against all at- 
 tempts and uisult> of the Indians. The garrison which should be stationed there ought not 
 only to be sufficient for the defense of the place, but always to afford a detachment of five or 
 six hundred men, either to chastise any of the Wabash, or other hostile Indians, or to se- 
 cure any convoy of provisions. The establishment of such a post is considered as an im- 
 portant object of the campaign, and is to take place in all events. In case of a previous 
 treaty, the Indians are to be conciliated upon this point, if possible; and it is presumed 
 good arguments may be offered to induce their acquiescence. The situation, nature, and 
 construction of the works you may direct, will depend upon your own judgment. Major 
 Ferguson, of the artillery, will be fully capable of the execution. He will be furnished with 
 three five and a half inch howitzers, three six pounders, and three three pounders, all brass^ 
 with a sufficient quantity of shot and shells for the purpose of the expedition. The appro- 
 priation of these pieces will depend upon your orders. 
 
 "Having coiTimenced your march upon the main expedition and the Indians continuing 
 hostile, you will use every possible exertion to make them feel the effects of your superor- 
 ity; and after having arrived at the Miami village, and put your works in a defensible state, 
 you will seek the enemy with the whole ot your remaining force, and endeavor, by all pos- 
 sible means, to strike them with great severity. It will be left to your discretion whether to 
 employ, if attainable, any Indians of the Six Nations, and the Chickasaws or other North- 
 ern nations. Most probably the emyloyment of about fifty of each, under the direction of 
 some discreet and able chief, would be advantageous, but these ought not to be assembled 
 before the line of march was taken up, because they are soon tired, ami will not be de* 
 tained. 
 
 "The force contemplated for the garrison of thr Miami village and the communica- 
 tions has been from a thousand to twelve hundred non-commissioned officers and privates. 
 This is mentioned as a general idea, to which you will adhere, or from which you will 
 deviate, as circumstances may require. The garrison stationed at the Miami village, and 
 its communications, must have in store at least six months' good salted meal, and flour in 
 proportion. 
 
 — 15— 
 
"It is hardly possiblr, if the Indians continue hostile, that yon will be suffered quietly 
 to establish a post at the Miami village; conflicts, therefore, may be expected; and it is to be 
 presumed that disciplined valor will triumph over the undisciplined Indians. 
 
 'In this event it is probable that the Indians will sue for peace. If this should be the 
 case, the dignity of the United States wdl require that the terms should be liberal. In 
 order to void future wars, it might be proper to make the Wabash, and thence over to tne 
 Miami, and down the same to its mouth, at Lake Krie, the boundary, excepting so far as 
 the same should relate to the Wyandots and Delawares, on the supposition nf their continu- 
 ing faithful to the treaties. 
 
 "But if they should join in the war against the United States, and your army be vic- 
 torious, the said tribes ought to be removed without the boundary mentioned. \oii will also 
 judge whether it would be proper to extend the boundary, from the mouth ot the river an 
 Pause of the W'abash, in a due west line to the Mississippi. Few Indians, besides the Kick- 
 apoos, would be affected by such a line; this ought to be tenderly managed. The modifica- 
 tion of the boundary must be confided to your discretion, with this single observation, that 
 the policy and interest of the United States dictate their being at peace with the Indians, 
 This is of more value than millions of uncultivated acres, the right to which may be conceded 
 by some, and disputed by others. The establishment of a post at the Miami village, will 
 probably be regarded, by the British officers on the frontier as a circumstance of jealousy. 
 
 "It may, therefore, be necessary that you should, at a proper time, make such inti- 
 mations as may remove all such dispositions. This intimation had better folHw than precede 
 the possession of the post, unless circumstances dictate otherwise. As it is not the inclina- 
 tion or interest of the United States to enter into a contest with Great Britain, every meas- 
 ure tending to any discussion or altercation must be prevented. The delicate situation ot 
 affairs may, the. efore, render it improper at present to make any naval arrangement upon 
 Lake Erie. After you shall have effected all the injury to the hostile Indians of which your 
 force may be capable, and after having established the posts and gairisons at the Miami 
 village and its communications, and placing the same under the orders of an officer worthy 
 of such high trust, you will return to Fort Washington on the Ohio." 
 
 Armed with these minute and particular instructions, shining forth 
 from which was that humanity which was the crowning glory of Wash- 
 ington's career, St. Clair proceeded in great haste to execute his com- 
 mission, reaching Pittsburg where the soldiery, horses and supplies 
 were being gathered, near the first otf May. He arrived at Ft. Wash- 
 ington, May 15th, finding the means of carrying his instructions into 
 execution scant, indeed. Two hundred and sixty four non commis- 
 sioned officers and prfvates comprehended the force available. After 
 two months delay at this place, he was reinforced by two hundred and 
 ninety-nine men of the first regiment, also a few of General Butler's 
 recruits; but money and supplies of all kinds were scarce, and long in- 
 activity of the soldiers had brought aljout demoralization and intem- 
 perance, necessitating the removal of the army to Ludlow station, six 
 miles from Ft. Washington. 
 
 September 17th, the array numbering twenty three hundred moved 
 forward and constructed, on the Great Miami, Fort Hamilton, fortj- 
 miles further to the north. Upon October 12th, was built Fort Jeffer- 
 son, about six miles south of Greenville, in Darke county. 
 
 —16— 
 
They advancefl still further northward through an almost impene- 
 trable wilderness, over impassable roads, suffering bv reason of insuf- 
 ficient rations, and sickness, and desertion in great numbers until 
 upon November 3rd, when thej' reached a branch of the Wabash, a 
 little south of the St. Mary's, for which St. Clair mistook the stream; a 
 spot which in 1 794 was to become famous as the location of Ft. Recovery, 
 now in Mercer county. 
 
 The details of the encampment here, and the terrible defeat ex- 
 perienced by St.Clair, are taken from his letter forwarded the Secretary 
 of War from Ft. Washington, upon his return thereto : 
 
 "The right wing, composed of Butler's, Clark's and Patterson's battalions, commanded 
 by Major General Butler, formed the first line; and the left wing, consisting of Bedinjier's 
 and (5aither's batallions. and the second regiment, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel 
 Darke, formed the second line, with an interval between them of about seventy yards, which 
 was all the ground would allow. The right flank was pretty well secured by the creek; a 
 steep bank and Faulkner's corps, some of the cavalry, and their picquets covered the left 
 flank. The militia were thrown over the creek, and advanced about a quarter of a mile, and 
 encamped in the same order. There were a few Indians who appeared on the opposite side 
 of the creek, but fled with the utmost precipitation, on the advance of the militia. At this 
 place, which I judged to be about fifteen miles from the Miami village, I determined to 
 throw up a slight work, the plan of which was concerted that evening with Major Ferguson, 
 wherein to have deposited the men's knapsacks, and everything else that was not of abso- 
 lute necessity, and to have moved on to attack the enemy as soon as the first regiment was 
 come up. But they did not permit me to execute either; for, on the 4th, about half an hour 
 before sunrise, and when the men had just been dismissed from parade (for it was a constant 
 practice to have them all under arms a considerable time before daylight,) an attack was 
 made upon the militia. These gave way in a very little time, and rushed into camp through 
 Major Butler's battalion(which, together with a part of Clark's, they threw into considerable 
 disorder, and which, notwithstanding the exertions of both those officers, was never alto- 
 gether remedied,) the Indians following close at their heels. The fire, however, of the front 
 line checked them: but almost instantly a very heavy attack began upon that Hne; and in a 
 few minutes it was extended to the second likewise. The great weight of it was directed 
 against the center of each, where the artillery was placed, and from which the men were 
 repeatedly driven with great slaughter. Finding no great effect from our fire, and confusion 
 beginning to spread from the great number of men who were falling in all quarters, it be- 
 came necessary to try what could be done by the bayonet. Lieutenant-Colonel Darke was 
 accordingly ordered to make a charge with part of the second line, and to turn the left 
 flank of the enemy. This was e.xecuted with great spirit. The Indians instantly gave way, 
 and were driven back three or four hundred yards; but for want of a sufficient number of 
 riflemen to pursue this advantage, they soon returned, and the troops were obliged to give 
 back in their turn. At this moment they had entered our camp by the left flank, having 
 pushed back the troops that were posted there. Another charge was made heie by the 
 >ecoiid regiment, Butler's and Clark's battalions, with equal efl^ect, and it was repeated 
 several times, and always with success; but in all of them many men were lost, and par- 
 ticularly the officers, which, with so raw troops, was a loss altogether irremediable. In that 
 I just spoke of made by the second regiment and Butler's battalion. Major Butler was 
 dangerously wounded, and every officer of the second regiment fell except three, one of 
 whom, Mr Greaton, was shot through the body. 
 
 'Our artillery being now silenced, and all the oflScers killed except Captain Ford^ 
 
 — 17— 
 
who was very badly wounded, and more than half of the army fallen, being cut oflT from 
 the road it became necessary to attempt the regaininp: it, and to make a retreat, if pos- 
 sible. To this purpose the remains of the army was formed as well as circumstances would 
 admit, towards the right of the encampment from which, by the way of the second line, an- 
 other charge was made upon the enemy, as if with the design to turn their right flank, but. 
 in fact, to gain the road. This was efFecteci, and as soon as it was open, the militia took 
 along it, followed by the troops: Major Clarke with his battalion, covering the rear. 
 
 The retreat, in those circumstances was, you may be sure, a very precipitate one. It 
 as, in fact, a flight. The camp and artillery were abandoned: but that was un.avoidable; for not 
 a horse was left alive to have drawn it of?, had it otherwise been possible. But the most 
 disgraceful part of the business is, that the greater part of the men threw away their arms 
 and accoutrements, even after the pursuit, which continued about four miles, had ceased- 
 I found the road strewed with them for many miles, but was not able to remedy it; for, 
 having had all my horses killed, and being mounted upon one that could not be pricked out 
 of a walk, could not get forward myself; and the orders I sent forward, either to halt the 
 front, or to prevent the men from parting with theii; arms, were unattended to. The route 
 continued quite to Fort Jefferson, twenty-nine miles, which was reached a little after sun- 
 setting. The action began about half .in hour before sunrise, and the retreat was attempted 
 at half an hour after nine o'clock. I have not yet been able to get returns of the killed and 
 wounded; but Major General Butler, Lieutenant Colonel Oldham, of the militia. M.ajor 
 Ferguson, Major Hart, and Major Clarke, are among the former; Colonel Sargeant, my 
 Adjutant General, Lieutenant Colonel Darke, Lieutenant Colonel Gibson, Major Butler and 
 the Viscount Malartie, who served me as an Aid-de-camp are among the latter; and a great 
 number of captains and subalterns in both." 
 
 "1 have now, sir, finished mv molancholv tale— a tale that will be felt sensibly by 
 everyone who has sympathy for private distress, or for public misfortune. 1 have nothing, 
 sir to lay to the charge of the troops, but their want of discipline, which, from the short 
 time they had been in service, it was impossible they should have acquired, and which ren- 
 dered it very difficult, when they were thrown into confusion, to reduce them again to order, 
 and is one -reason why the loss has fallen so heavily on the officers, who did everything in 
 their power to effect it. Neither were my own exertions wanting, but, worn down with ill- 
 ness, and suffering under a painful disease, unable either to mount or dismount a horse 
 without assistance, they were not so great as they otherwise would, and perhaps ought to 
 have been. We were overpowered by numbers, but it is no more than justice to observe, 
 that, though composed of so many different species of troops, the utmost harmony prevailed 
 through the army during the campaign. 
 
 "At Fort Jefferson I found the first regiment, which had returned from the service 
 they hftd been sent upon, without either overtaking the deserters, or meeting the convoy of 
 provisions. I am not certain, sir_ whether I ought to consider the absence of this regiment 
 from the field of action, as fortunate or otherwise. I incline to think it was fortunate, for, 1 
 very much doubt whether, had it been in the action, the fortune of the day had been 
 turned; and, if it had not, the triumph of the enemy would have been more complete, and 
 the country would have been destitute of every means of defence. Taking a view of the 
 situation of our broken troops at Fort Jefferson, and that there was no provision in the 
 fort, I called upon the field officers, viz.: Lieutenant Colonel Darke, Major Hamtramck, 
 Major Zeigler and Major Gaither, together with the Adjutant General (Winthrop Sargent) 
 for their advice what would be proper further to be done ; and it was their unanimous opin- 
 ion, that the addition of the first regiment, unbroken as it was, did not put the army 
 on so respectable a foot as it was in the morning, because a great part of it was now un- 
 armed ; that It had been'then found unequal toithe enemy, and should they come on, which 
 was possible, would be found so again ; that the troops could not be thrown into the fort, 
 both because it was too small, and that there were no provisions in it ; that provisions were 
 
 — 18— 
 
known to be upon the road, at the distance ot one, or at most, two marches ; that therefore, 
 it would be more proper to move without loss os time, to meet the provisions, when the men 
 might the soonsr have an opportunity .of some refreshment, and that a proper detachment 
 might be sent back with it to have it safely deposited in the fort. 
 
 "This advice was accepted and the army was put in motion at ten o'clock, and marched' 
 all night, and the succeeding day met a quantity of flour. Part of it.was distributed (immed- 
 iately, part taken back to supply the army on the march to Fort Hamilton, and the remain- 
 der, about fifty horse-loads, sent forward to Fort Jefferson. The next day a drove of cattle 
 was met with for the same place, and I have information that both got in. The 
 wounded, who had been left at that place, were ordered to be brought to Fort Washington 
 by the refurn horses. 
 
 "I have said, sir, in a former part of this letter that we were overpowered by numbers. 
 Of that, however, I have no other evidence but the weight of the fire, which was always a 
 most deadly one, and generally delivered from the ground — few of the enemy showing them- 
 selves afoot except when they were charged ; and that in a few minutes our whole camp, 
 which extended about three hundred and fifty yards in length, was entirely surrounded and 
 attacked on all quarters. The loss, sir, the public has sustained by the fall of so many offi- 
 cers, particularly General Butler, and Major Ferguson, cannot be too much regretted; but it 
 is a circumstance that wUl alleviate the misfortune in some measure, that all of them fell 
 most gallantly doing their duty. I have llad very particular obligations to many. of them, as 
 well as to the survivors, but to none more than Colonel Sargent. He has discharged the 
 various duties of his office with zeal, with exactness, and with intelligence, and on all occa- 
 sions afforded me every assistance in his power, which I have also experienced from my 
 Aid-de-Camp, Lieutenant Denny, and the Viscount Malartie, who served with me in the 
 station as a volunteer." 
 
 It has been conceded by most all impartial historians, that a combi- 
 nation of circumstances conspired to make defeat inevitable. It has 
 been charged upon the War Department, that failure to forward sup- 
 plies had served to. weaken and render inefficient, the soldiery ; but 
 while, shortly after the defeat, many harsh words were used in con- 
 demnation of St. Clair's alleged inefficiency; subsequent years, and fur- 
 ther investigation, have served to vindicate the gallant General and 
 polished gentleman, whose greatest fault was that he lacked experience 
 ill dealing with the red foe. The committee of the house of represent- 
 atives appointed to investigate the matter, reported the causes of de- 
 feat to be : 1st: the delay in preparing estimates, etc., for the defense 
 of the frontiers, and the late passage of the act (March 3d), for that 
 purpose. 2nd: the delay caused by neglects in the quartermaster's 
 department. 3d: the lateness of the season when the expedition was 
 commenced. 4th: the want of discipline and experience in the troops; 
 the report especially exonerating General St. Clair in connection with 
 the disaster. 
 
 These defeats had by the American arms, first, under Harmar, 
 followed b}' that of St. Clair, added to which were the destructive ex- 
 peditions of Generals Scott and Wilkinson in the region of the lower 
 Wabash, during the summer of 1791, now thoroughly awakened the 
 
 —19— 
 
government to the importance of at once for all, thoroughly preparing 
 an expedition against the northwestern Indians, which shoukl be 
 sweeping and final in its consequences, and in which should be decided 
 the question »f race supremacy in the savage infested regions. 
 
CMAPTHR IV. 
 
 Of all superior officers of the war of the Revolution, none had in- 
 spired greater respect for liis abilities as a thorough tactician, coupled 
 with conscientiousness of plan of campaign, and brilliancy of execu- 
 tion thereof, than had Major General Anthony Wayne, the hero of 
 Stony Point. In this emergency of later jears the ej-es of Washington 
 were turned to this able General, whose experience and qualities were 
 such as to peculiarly commend him for the work of a decisive Indian 
 campaign. 
 
 In April 1792, General Wayne was appointed by President Wash- 
 ington, Commander in Chief of the Army of the United States. Much 
 depended upon the character of the officer thus selected for com- 
 mand, for, upon his conduct largely depended whether the United 
 States should become involved in an interminable war with the In- 
 dians of the northwest, as well as with the English, who still refused 
 to evacuate the forts occupied by them within the Northwest ter- 
 ritory. 
 
 While General Wayne had distinguished himself, signally, b}- his 
 operations during the war of the revolution, yet the duties now 
 about to be assumed were much more arduous than any in which he 
 had ever before engaged, and the importance of the interests at stake in 
 them, namely, the peaceful and permanent occupation of our national 
 territory, between the Ohio and the Mississippi, by immigrants from 
 other sections of the country, can hardly be exaggerated. 
 
 It will be remembered that the country north and west of the Ohio, 
 had been ceded to the United States by Virginia and Connecticut, and 
 that the territorial government, organized in 1787, was in operation^ 
 Every effort had been made to induce the people, especially those who 
 had belonged to the now disbanded army of the United States, to occupy 
 that region. As a result thereof, a large body of immigrants from all 
 parts of the country, including old soldiers and their families, were 
 induced to attempt new homes in this region, where they were con- 
 stantly exposed to the cruel incursions of the Indian savages. It has 
 been estimated that, between the years 17S3 and 1790, more than fifteen 
 hundred persons including women and children were slain. 
 
 The duty and policy of the Government in all the former campaigns 
 
 — 21— 
 
had been to secure safe asylum for these pioneers, and to crush out all 
 lawlessness and barbarity. The atrocities of the Indians had been caused 
 by their determination to resist all encrochments upon the lands west of 
 the Ohio. These Indians of the northwest were the Shawanese and 
 Delawares (generally called the Miamisj, who had been driven from 
 Pennsylvania and had taken refuge in Ohio after the capture of Du 
 Quesne by Bouquet in 1763. As the allies of the English, during the 
 Revolution, they had proved to be the bitterest enemies of the Ameri- 
 cans. 
 
 When it finally was determined to subdue them, by militar}' force, 
 they, and their numerous allies, the Wyandots, the Miamis, Chippe- 
 was andthe Pottawatomies had concentrated themselves into a power- 
 ful confederation in the northwest portion of Ohio, near the rivers, the 
 Miami, or Maumee, then called the Miami-of-the-L,ake, and Lake Erie, 
 as before stated. Added to this they were encouraged by theCanadians 
 ns and English in their forays against the settlers, and in their hos- 
 tilities against the American Government. During the latter period 
 it will be remembered, that treat}' after treaty had been made with 
 the Indians, until organized force became necessary, by reason of bro- 
 ken agreements, to subdue the tribes. 
 
 Shortly after St. Clair's memorable defeat, in October 1792, was 
 held a great council of all the Indian tribes at Auglaize, at the conflu- 
 ence of the rivers Maumee and Auglaize, whicl^, says one of the earlier 
 historical accounts "was the largest Indian council of the times; that 
 the Chiefs of all the tribes of the northwest were here, and representa- 
 tives of the seven nations of Canada, and the twenty-seven nations be- 
 yond Canada; that Corn Planter and forty-eight Chiefs of the Six Na- 
 tions repaired here; that three men of the Gora nations were in attend- 
 ance, whom it took a whole season to travel to this point." "Besides 
 these," says Corn Planter, "there were so many nations that we cannot 
 tell the names of them. 
 
 At this council the question of peace or war was long and earnest!}- 
 discussed. The Chief of the Shawanese being for war, and Red Jacket 
 Chief for peace. This convention represented a larger territory than 
 any convention of Indians we have any account of, before or since, be- 
 ing held on the American Continent. It seems to have been a natural 
 intuition that led the red man of the forest to see that this was the 
 strategetic center of North America. 
 
 Thus it will be seen that the campaign about to be undertaken l)y 
 Wavne, was one to be fought undermost fearful odds. The Indian foe 
 was frenzied at the thought of parting with any portion of the te-rritory 
 
north of the Ohio, and it had lieen formally decided at the conncil of 
 war, referred to above, that the great (lucstion should be fought to a 
 finish at the first opportunity. 
 
 Wayne's first duty was to reorganize the army. Under the new or 
 ganization, the army was to consist of one Major-General, four Rritradier 
 Generals, and their respective staffs, the necessary number of com 
 missioned officers, and five thousand one hundred and twenty non- 
 commissioned officers and privates, the whole to be denominated "The 
 Legion of the United States." 
 
 The Legion was to be divided into four sub-legions, each to con- 
 sist of the commissioned officers named, and one thousand two hun- 
 dred and eighty non commissioned officers and privates, the previous 
 army having been nearly annihilated, a new one was to be recruited. 
 
 Wayne was, as we have said, appointed to the command of this 
 force, which was not j-et raised, and was told by the Secretary of War 
 at parting, in May 1792, by way, it is presumed, of encouragement and 
 as an appeal to his pride, "that another defeat would be inexpressibly 
 ruinous to the reputation of the Government." The only stipulation 
 exacted by Wayne in assuming command of the expedition, was that he 
 should be given sufficient time to thoroughly prepare and discipline 
 his troops previous to his embarkation on the enterprise. He went to 
 Pittsburg, in June 1792, to organize his "Legion," but at once found 
 himself beset by difficulties, from lack of experienced officers, many of 
 whom had been slain during the disastrous campaigns of the two 
 former years. Hope of reward, for the soldiery joining the expedition, 
 was out of the question; while the terrors of mutilation and cruelty; 
 practiced by the Indians upon their prisoners, and their savage mode of 
 warfare generally, was not calculated to arouse enthusiasm among the 
 soldier}-. 
 
 Desertions were common, and panic frecjuently prevailed the 
 ranks. The new recruits required a rigor of discipline, in training, 
 long and thorough; but in the hands of Wayne, confidence was soon 
 restored among the ranks and the efficiency of the troops increased in 
 the same proportion. 
 
 Efforts were made during the summer and autumn of the same 
 year to ascertain the feelings of the Indians, but it was plain to be seen 
 by their defiant attitude, and the continuance of their depredations, 
 that all negotiations for peaceful settlen;tnt of the troubles, were out 
 of question. Toward the close of ■ he summer, Wajne, therefore, 
 moved his camp to a position on the Ohio river, about twenty seven 
 miles below Pittsburg, giving to this camp the name of "Legionville.' 
 
 At this location he remained during the winter, recruiting his 
 
 —23— 
 
arin}', instructing it regularly in its military duties, an<l, in the mean- 
 time, striving in vain to conciliate the Indians. 
 
 Discipline, during this winter, was greatly improved. At the close 
 of March he writes : "The progress that the troops have made, both 
 in maneuvering and as marksmen, astonished the savages on St. Pat- 
 rick's Day; and I am happy to inform you that the sons of that saint 
 were perfecth' sober and orderh-, being out of the reach of whiskey* 
 which banefiU poison is prohibited from entering this camp, except as 
 a component part of a ration, or a little for fatigue duty on some ex- 
 traordinary occasion " His force at this time consisted of about twen- 
 ty-five hundred men. The effect of good discipline under Wayne, had 
 been to inspire them with confidence that the campaign about to be 
 undertaken would baing success to their arms. Indicative of Wayne's 
 confidence of ultimate success, was a statement in his acknowledge- 
 ment made to the Secretary of War, of the receipt of certain flags and 
 standards, which had been sent him for use, that, "They shall not be 
 lost." 
 
 In May 1793, camp was moved to Fort Washington, near Cincin- 
 nati. General Knox, Secretary of War. was not slow to caution Gen- 
 Waj'ue against violent and uncalled for measures against the 
 Indians. It seems to have been his hope and belief, that peace could 
 be restored, and the horrors of Indian war averted. Nevertheless, 
 Wayne relaxed none of his vigilance in training his forces to meet the 
 red foe when the occasion for decisive action should come. He sent 
 to Kentucky for mounted volunteers to aid ; his own troops became 
 more disciplined and efficient every day, and calmly awaited the result 
 of negotiations. 
 
 As Wayne had expected, negotiations with the Indians were fruit- 
 less, their old claim that the Ohio river should be the boundary being 
 tenaciously clung to. Again, General Knox wrote to Wayne.in Septem- 
 ~^ ber 1793, in language indicating the extreme degree of anxiety which 
 he felt as to the result of another conflict : "Every offer has been 
 made to obtain peace by milder terms than the sword. The efforts 
 have failed under circumstances which leave nothing for us to expect 
 but war. Let it therefore be again, and for the last time, impressed 
 deepl)' upon your mind, that as little as possible is to be hazarded, that 
 j-our force is fully adequate to the object you purpose to effect, aiul 
 that a defeat at the present time and under the present circumstances 
 would be pernicious in the highest degree to the interests of ourcoun- 
 try." 
 
 Answering these faint hearted instructions, Wayne, characteristic 
 ally, wrote the following letter to the Secretary of War from "Hobson's 
 
 —24- 
 
Choice," his cam]) near Cincinnati : "1 will advance tomorrow with 
 the force I have in order to take up a position in front of Fort Jeffer- 
 son, so as to keep the enemy in check h}- exciting a jealousy and ap- 
 prehension for the safety of their women and children, until some fav- 
 orable circumstance or opportunity may present to strike with effect. 
 I pray you not to permit present appearances to cause too much 
 anxiety in the mind of the Pi-esident or yourself on account of this 
 army. Knowing the critical situation of our infant nation, and feeling 
 for the honor and reputation of the government (which I w;ll support 
 with my latest breath) you may rest assured that I will not commit 
 the Legion unnecessarily. Unless more powerfullv supported than I 
 have reason to expect, I will content myself with taking a strong posi- 
 tion in advance of fort Jefferson, and by exerting every power endeavor 
 to protect the frontier and secure the posts and the army during the 
 winter, or until I am favored with your further orders.'' 
 
 The promises ol Wayne were strictly kept. On the 7th of October 
 the army took up its march, and on the 13th it was encamped at a 
 place which he named Fort Greenville This post, which was six miles 
 in advance of Fort Jefferson, and about eighty miles north of Cincin- 
 nati, on a branch of the Miami, he selected for his winter quarters ana 
 strongly fortified it. Thus, cut off from all communication from the 
 government at Philadelphia, without orders, surrounded by hostile In- 
 dians, he passed the winter. 
 
 On Christmas day 1793, for the purpose of inuring his troops to 
 danger, a large detachment was sent forward to the battle field where 
 St. Clair was defeated in 1 791, for the double purpose of performing 
 the duty of interring the bones of the gallant soldiers who had offered 
 up their lives there; and, to reclaim the lost ground by l)uilding upon 
 the site, a fortress, which should be impregnable to the Indians. This 
 fort was significantly named Fort Recover}'. 
 
 Up to this time the Indians had shown no disposition to treat 
 with the Americans, but after the erection of the fortification, they be- 
 gan to hint their willingness to negotiate for peace. Wayne placed no 
 faith in their professions, but listened attentively to their proposals, 
 and asked, only, that they deliver to him the captives they had made, as 
 proof of their sincerity. This demand, being unanswered, closed the 
 negotiations, and nothing more was heard in the nature ot proposals for 
 peace. 
 
 Meantime, difficulties were looming up before the American Gov- 
 ernment, in their re'ations with the English. It had become evi- 
 dent that the latter were giving the Indian foe encouragement, if not 
 
 —25— 
 
active assistanc-e, in their resistance of American claims Strong gar- 
 risons were still maintained by the English, inside the American bor- 
 ders. Everything tended to the opinion that war was imminent, not 
 only with the savage tribes, but with the English as well. 
 
 During this time, Wayne made himself acquainted with the situ- 
 ation, and prepared himself for any emergency which might arise. 
 The course taken by him received the unqualified approval of the 
 Government, in language unmistakable. 
 
 In June 1794. before the enemj' had left their Winter quarters, a 
 detachment which had acted as escort of provisions from Fort Recov- 
 ery, fell into an ambush of Indians, about a mile from the Fort, and . 
 were driven back with great loss, the victors continuing the pursuit to 
 the very gates, which they endeavored to enter with the fugitives. 
 The siege continued nearly two days, and, we are informed in Gen- 
 eral Wayne's dispatch, that "There was a considerable number of 
 armed white men in the rear, whom they frequentl)' heard talking 
 in our language, and encouraging the savages to persevere in 
 the assault; their faces generally blacked." Other evidences of 
 the Seneca British participation with the Indians on this occasion 
 were numerous. 
 
 The prompt and decisive manner and movements of Wayne's troops 
 at Fort Recovery, were such, that by the repulse given the enemy, the 
 latter was given to understand that the General in command of the 
 American army was one much more vigorous, and a very different man 
 to deal with than St. Clair. 
 
 On Jul}- 26th, General Scott made junction with Wayne at Green- 
 ville, with sixteen hundred mounted Kentuckians; this Major-General 
 Scott, was Wayne's old friend and comrade, of Monmouth. 
 
 Thus reinforced, he advanced on the 28th, from Greenville, taking 
 up the track of the Indians, who had left it obviouslj- marked in their 
 rear, either in the haste in which they made it, or what is quite as 
 probable, because they were desirous of luring the army still further 
 into the wilderness. 
 
 A halt was made at Girty's town, at the crossing of the St. Mary's, 
 twenty-four miles northerly from Greenville, and there was built Fort 
 Adams, on the bank of that stream. 
 
 Taking up his march from this point, he advanced, without oppo- 
 sition, to a point within sight of the Auglaize, the great emporium of 
 the enemy. 
 
 From all historical accounts it is learned that at this time, which 
 
 —26— 
 
was prior to corn harvest, the valleys were waving with Indian corn, 
 and presented a sight beautiful to behold. Cultivated fields and gardens 
 appeared on every side, exhibiting the work of numerous hands; 
 and a continuous village for several miles above and below the coflu- 
 ence of the Auglaize, and "Miami of the I^ake" was apparent. 
 
 Having arrived in sight of the Auglaize on the evening of the 7th 
 of August, on the morning of the 8th the army marched to the conflu- 
 ence of the two rivers, aiid there took possession of the site, A de- 
 serter, named Newman, had left the arniy at St. Mary's, pushed 
 forward to this spot, and notified the Indians of the armj^'s near ap- 
 proach ; the enemy had thereupon precipitately fled from their 
 home, the evening preceding Waj'ne's occupation of the site, without 
 taking time to destroy their crops and other belongings. 
 
 Active preparations were at once begun to fortify this stronghold, 
 and point of vantage. 
 
 The land at the confluence of the rivers stood, in that day, with 
 reference to the mode of savage warfare, as a Gibraltar. 
 
 Work was begun upon the stockades and block houses the 
 morning of August 9th, and was continued until their completion, 
 August 17th. The fort consisted of four block houses, by way of bas- 
 tions; the houses next to the Maumee having port holes on the three 
 exterior sides, and a door and chimney on the side facing to the in- 
 terior. There was a line of pickets on each side of the fort, connecting 
 the block houses by their nearest angles; outside of the pickets and 
 around the blockhouses, was a glacis and wall of earth, eight feet 
 thick, sloping upward and outward from the feet of the pickets, sup- 
 ported by a log wall on the side of the ditch and b}^ facines, a wall 
 of faggots, on the side next to the Auglaize. 
 
 A ditch, fifteen feet wide and eight feet deep, surrounded the 
 whole work, except on thi side toward the Auglaize. 
 
 The diagonal pickets, eleven feet long and one foot apart, were se- 
 curely fastened to the log wall and extended over the ditch. There 
 was a gateway, upon the side of the stockade facing the confluence of 
 the rivers, and also one in the stockade opposite thereto. Surrounding 
 the bastions and stockade was a bank of earth, four feet wide, left for a 
 passage across the ditch. At each of the stockade gates was a falling 
 gate, or drawbridge, which was raised and lewered by pulleys across 
 the ditch, covering it or leaving it uncovered at pleasure. 
 
 Inside the stockades were buildings, for officers' quarters, upon the 
 northerl}- side of the court ; opposite which, upon the south south side 
 of the interior of the court, were storehouses. A ditch, extending from 
 
 —27— 
 
the gateway facing the oonfluence of the rivers, to the river, was dug 
 eight feet deep, and was used as a passageway for procuring water 
 from the river without exposing the carrier to the enemy. 
 
 A line of pickets, converging to meet at the outside of the ditch 
 about half wao of its length from the fort to the river, were placed at 
 either angle of the outer embankment, corresponding with the two 
 block hoitses nearest the two rivers. 
 
 The above description of the fort is substantially as appears in the 
 memoranda of Benjamin Van Cleve, communicated by his son, John 
 W. Van Cleve, of Dayton, to the Ameriian Pioneer. 
 
 After surveying the block houses, pickets, ditches and facines of 
 the completed fortification, Wayne exclaimed: "I DEFY THE IN- 
 DIANS, THE ENGLISH, AND ALL THE DEVILS IN HELL TO 
 TAKE IT." General Scott, who happened at that instant to be stand- 
 ing at his side, remarked, "Then call it Fort Defiance." 
 
 Wayne, in a letter to the Secretary of War, at this time stated : 
 "Thus, sir, we have gained possession of the grand emporium of the 
 hostile Indians of the west, without loss of blood. Very extensive and 
 highly cultivated fields and gardens show the work of many hands. 
 The margins of those beautiful rivers— the Miami of the Lake (or 
 Maumee) and Auglaize — appeared like one continued village for miles 
 both above and below this place ; nor have I ever before beheld such 
 fields ot corn in any part of America, from Canada to Florida. W^e are 
 now employed in building a strong stockade fort, with four good block 
 houses, by way of bastions, at the confluence of the Auglaize and Mau- 
 mee, which I have called Defiance." 
 
 While stopping at Fort Defiance, Wayne received full information 
 of the movements of the Indians, and the assistance they were to derive 
 from volunteers from Detroit and vicinity. 
 
 True to the letter and spirit of his instructions, received from 
 Washington, a messenger was sent to the Indians to offer terms of 
 friendship. The messenger was delayed, and Wa3'ne, becoming im- 
 patient, moved forward, meeting the messenger upon the i6th, with 
 the tidings that if the Americans would wait for ten days at the Grand 
 Glaize (F^'ort Defiance) they, the Indians, would decide for peace or war. 
 
 On the i8th the army arrived at Uache dv Boeuf, south of the 
 present site of Waterville, where they erected some light works as a 
 place of deposit for their heavy baggage, and named the stockade Fort 
 Deposit. 
 
 The army labored at their works during the 19th, and early on the 
 morning of August 20th, moved forward to attack the Indians, who 
 were encamped on the bank of the Maumee, at and around a hill called 
 
 —2b— 
 
"Presque Isle," al)onl two miles south of the site of Mainuee City, ami 
 about tour miles south of the British Fort Miami. This fort had been 
 occupied by a garrison sent from Detroit by the British the previous 
 spring. No doubt remained in the mind ot any, of the motives which 
 led to the British occupation of this spot, taking place as it did eleven 
 years after the country had been ceded to the United States, and at a 
 time when a crisis was about being reached, bidding fair to result in 
 open hostilities between the two governments. 
 
 A great majority of Indians were favorable to the British cause, for 
 the seeming reasoii that their interests dictated that alliance. The 
 British, aware of this disposition upon the part of the savages, were 
 not slow to accept the services of the hostilcs, to further their plans to 
 maintain supremacy over the disputed boundary. The break of Indian 
 supremacy meant the end of British pretensions. It was therefore of 
 great moment to General Wayne, and this country, that his present 
 steps should be taken with the utmost prudence, for another defeat 
 such as had been the result of almost every previous campaign, would 
 cement still more firmly the alliance between the British and the In- 
 dians. 
 
 Captain Wells, the wily, sagacious and intrepid warrior that he was; 
 stolen in childhood from his Kentucky people; adopted later on by 
 Chief Little Turtle ; who had tendered his services to General Wa^ ne, 
 upon 'he formation of his army near Pittsburg in the fall of 1792, and 
 piloted Wayne through the wilderness to the spot, felt sure that the 
 Indians were seeking the active co operation and assistance of the 
 British, and were endeavoring to engage battle under the guns of the 
 fort. At one time Wells led his scouting party wathin so short distance 
 of the British works as to ascertain that the Indians were actually en- 
 camped under their protection. 
 
 At this time General Wayne had under his command about three 
 thousand men, and it is supposed the Indians were equally numerous, 
 inasmuch as the league of hostiles embraced the whole northwestern 
 frontier. 
 
 As he approached the position of the enemy with his army, he sent 
 forward a battalion of mounted riflemen, which was ordered, in case 
 of an attack, to make a retreat in feigned confusion, in orders to draw 
 the Indians on to advantageous ground. This advance was soon 
 made on the enemy, and, being fired upon, Waynes troops fell back, 
 and, as was anticipated, was warmly pursued toward the main body. 
 
 It had been raining that morning, which rendered it impossible 
 for the drums to indicate distinctly the concerted signals. The plan 
 of Wayne to turn the right flank of the Indians, was therefore made 
 
 —29- 
 
impossible, but the victory was complete. The whole Indian line, af 
 ter a severe contest, gave way and fled in disorder. During the action, 
 and subsequently, there does not seem to have been any intercourse 
 between the British fort and the Indians; the gates were kept shut 
 against them, and their slaughter was witnessed with apparent uncon- 
 cern. After the battle the Americans devastated the fields and burned 
 all the dwellings around the fort. 
 
 It is said that General Wa3'ne had positive authority from Presi- 
 dent Washington, to take and demolish the British fort, but on recon- 
 noitering it closely, discovering its strength, added to his own weak- 
 ness in artillery, the General, with a prudence not always accorded 
 to him, most judiciously declined an attack. In this daring reconnoi- 
 ter the General was near falling a victim to his gallantry. He had rid- 
 den within eighty yards of the fort, accompanied b\- his Aid, Lieutenant 
 William H. Harrison, and within point blank shot of its guns, when a 
 a disturbance was perceived on the platform of the parapet. It 
 was subsequently learned that the cause of the disturbance was the 
 thwarting of an attempt of a soldier, inside the garrison, to pick off 
 General Wayne, by Major Campbell, the commandant, who drew his 
 sword and threatened to cut the soldier down instantl}', if such attempt 
 was further made. The soldier was ordered arrested and punished. 
 This incident gave rise to the following correspondence: 
 
 Miami (Maumer) River, August lilst, ]7i)4. 
 Sin- 
 All army of the United States of America, said to be under your command, hav- 
 ing taken post on the banks of the Miami (Maumee) for upwards of the last twenty-lour 
 hours, almost within the reach of the guns of this fort, being a post belonging to His Ma 
 jesty, the King of Great Britain, occupied by His Majesty s troops, and which I have the 
 honor to command, it becomes my duty to inform myself, as speedily as possible, in what 
 light I am to view your making such near approaches to this garrison. I have no hesita- 
 tion, on my part, to say, that I know of no war existing between Great Britain and America. 
 I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your most obedient and very humble 
 servant, WILLIAM CAMPBELL. 
 
 Major 24^th RLg't commanding a British post on the banks ofthe Miami. 
 To Major General Wayne, etc. 
 
 Cami' on the Banks of the Miami, (Maumee) Aujrust 21st, 1794- 
 Sir: — 1 h;ive received your letter of this date, requiring from me the motives which 
 have moved the army under my command to the position they at present occupy, far within 
 the acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States of America. Without questioning the 
 authority, or the propriety, sir, of your interogatory, I think I may, without breach of de- 
 corum, observe to you, that were you entitled to an answer, the most full and satisfactory 
 one was announced to you from the muzzles of my small arms, yesterday morning, in the 
 action against the horde ot savages in the vicinity of your post, which terminated gloriously 
 to the American arms; but, had it continued until the Indians, etc., were driven under the 
 influence ol the post and guns you mention, they would not have much impeded the pro- 
 
 —30- 
 
gress of the victorious army uni\cr my rommaiul. as nn <;nch post was ostalilislif<I at llir 
 commencement of the present war, lietween the Inilians and the United States. 
 
 1 have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, Your most obedient and very huiiilili: 
 servant, ANTHONY WAYNK, 
 
 Major-Gencral and Ccmimaiider-in-Chief of the Federal Army. 
 To Major William Campliell, etc. 
 
 Fort Miami, August 22iid, 1794 
 Sir:— Although your letter of yesterday's date fully authorizes me to any act of hos- 
 tility against the army of the United States in this neighborhood, under your comiiKuid. yet, 
 still anxious to prevent that dreadful decision which, perhaps, is not intended to he a[)pealcd 
 to by either of i5Ur countries, I have forborne, for these two days past, to resent those in. 
 suits you have offered to the British flag flying at this port, by approaching it within pistol 
 shot of my works, not only singly, but in numbers with arms in their hands. Neither is it 
 my wish to wage war with individir.ils; but should you, after this, continue to approach my 
 post, in the threatening manner yon are this moment doing, my indespensible duty to my 
 King and country, and the honor of my profession, will oblige me to have recourse to those 
 measures, which thousands of other nation may hereafter have cause to regret, and which 
 I solemnly appeal to God, I have used my utmost efforts to arrest. 
 
 I have the honor to be, sir, with much respect, your most obedient and very humble 
 servant, WILLIAM CAMHKELL, 
 
 Major 24th Reg't. Cornd'g. at Fort Miami. 
 To Major-General Wayne, etc. 
 
 Camp, Banks of the Miami, 22nd August, 1794- 
 Sir: — In your letter of the 21st, you declare "I have no hesitation on my part, to say 
 that I know of no war existing between Great Britain and America." I. on my part, de- 
 clare the same, and the only cause I have, to entertain a contrary idea at present is the 
 hostile act yoti are now in commission of, i. e., by recently taking post far within the well 
 known and acknowledged limits of the United States, and erecting a fortification in the 
 heart of the settlements of the Indian tribes now at war with the United States. This, 
 sir, appears to be an act of the highest aggression, and. destructive to the peace and in- 
 terest of the L'^nion. Hence it becomes my duty to desire, and I do hereby desire and 
 demand, in the name of the President of the United States, that you immediately desist 
 from any further act of hostility or aggression, by forbearing to fortify, and by withdraw- 
 ing the troops, artillery, and stores, under your orders and direction forthwith, and re- 
 moving to the nearest post occupied by his Britannic Majesty's troops at the peace of 17.S;5, 
 and which you.will be permitted to do unmolested bv the troops under my command. 
 I am, with very great respect, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, 
 
 ANTHONY WAN NE. 
 To Major William Campbell, etc. 
 
 Fort Miami, 22nd August, 1794. 
 
 Sir: — 1 have this moment to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this date; in 
 answer to wdiich 1 have only to say. that being plr;ced here in the command of a British 
 post, and acting in a military capacity only, I cannot enter into any discussion either on the 
 right or impropriety of my occupying my present pos lion. These are matters that I con- 
 ceive will be best left to the ambassadors of our diffient nations. 
 
 Having said this much, permit me to inform you that I certainly will not abandon 
 this post, at the summons of any power whatever, until I receive orders for that purpose 
 from those I have the honor to serve under, or the fortune of war should oblige me. I must 
 still adhere, sir, to the purport of my letter this morning, to desire that your army, or indi- 
 viduals belonging to it, will not approach within reach of my cannon, without expecting the 
 
 —31— 
 
conseciiiences attending it. 
 
 Although I have said, in the former part of my letter, that my situation here is totally 
 military , yet, let me add, sir. that I am much deceived, if His R'ajisty. the King of dreat 
 Hritain, had not a post on this river, at and prior to the period you mention. 
 
 I have the honor to be, sir, with the greatest respect, your most obedient and very 
 humble servant, WILLIAM CAMPHKLL, 
 
 Major 24th Reg't. Comd'g. at Kort Miami. 
 To Major-General Wayne, etc. 
 
 The report of Wayne concerning this battle made to the Secretary 
 
 of War is as follows: — 
 
 "Or.and C,i..\\zK. 2Sth August, 1794- 
 
 Sir: — It is with infinite pleasure that I now announce to you the brilliant success of 
 the Federal Army under my command in a general action with the combined force ol the 
 hostile Indians and a considerable number of the volunteers and militia ol Di troit (C ana- 
 dians) on the 20th, inst., on the banks of the Miamis, in the vicinity of the Krilish post and 
 garrison at the foot of the rapids. 
 
 The army advanced from this place on the l.^th, inst., and arrived at Roche de-Hout 
 on the 18th. On the 19th we were employed in making a temporary post for the inception 
 of our stores and baggage, and in recinnoitering the position of the enemy, wh'^ were en- 
 camped behind a thick and bushy wood and the British fort. At eight o'clock on the morn- 
 ing of the 20th, the army again advanced in columns agreeably to the standing order of 
 march; the legion on the right flank covered by the Miamis, one brigade of mounted volun- 
 teers on the left under Brigadier-General Todd, and the other in the rear under Brigadier 
 General Barber; a select battalion of mounted volunteers moved in front of the Legion 
 commanded by Major Price who was directed to keep sufficiently advanced, — so as to give 
 timely notice to form in case of action— it being yet undetermined whether the Indians 
 would decide for peace or for war. After advancing about five miles Major Price's Gorps 
 received so severe a fire from the enemy, who were secreted in the woods and in the high 
 grass, as to compel him to retreat. 
 
 The Legion was immediately formed in two lines principally in a close thick weod, 
 which extended for miles on our left and for a xjery considerable distance in front, the 
 ground being covered with old fallen timber probably occasioned by a tornado which rend- 
 ered it impracticable for cavalry to act with eflfect, and aflforded the enemy the most favor- 
 able covert for their savage mode of warfare. They were formed in three lines within sup- 
 porting distance of each other, and e.\tending nearly two miles at right angles with the 
 river. 
 
 I soon discovered from the weight of the fire and the extent of their line that the 
 enemy were in full force in front in possession of their favorite ground, and endeavoring to 
 turn our left flank, 1 therefore gave orders for the second line to advance to support the 
 fi.st, and directed Major General Scott to gain and turn the right flank of the savages with 
 the whole of the mounted volunteers by a circuitous route. At the same time 1 ordered 
 the front line to advance with trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from their coverts at the 
 point of the bayonet, and when up to deliver a close and well directed fire on their backs 
 followed by a brisk charge so as not to give time to load again. I also ordered Captnin 
 Miss (sic) ('ampbell who commande<l the legionary cavalry, to turn the left flank of th(- 
 enemy next the river, and vvhieh afforded a favorable field for that corps to act in. 
 
 All these orders were obeyed with spirit and p omptitude, but such was the impetuos- 
 ity of the charge by the first line of infantry that the Indians and Canadian militia and 
 volunteers were driven from all their coverts in so short a time that although every exertion 
 was used by the officers of the second line of the legion, and by Generals Scott, Todd and 
 Barber of the Mounted Volunteers to gain their proper positions yet hut a part of each 
 
 —32— 
 
COiilit m-t up III season tn iKirtiripati- in iho nrtion tlidMiemy twiny driven in the roursr of nn 
 hour more than two miles thrnui;!! ihe thick wonils aln-ailv mcntioMrd liy less tliaii one- 
 half of their numbers. 
 
 Krom every account the enemy amnunteil to 2IKHI comhat.mts, and the troops actually 
 engaged against them were short of 900. This horde of savages with iheir allies abandoned 
 themselves to flight, and dispersed with terror and dismay leaving our victorious army in 
 fidl and quiet possession ol tlie field of battle which terminated under the influence of the 
 guns of the British garrison, as you will perceive by the enclosed correspondence between 
 Major Campbell, the Commandant, and myself upon the occasion. 
 
 The bravery and conduct of every officer belonging to the army from the Generals 
 down fto the Ensigns merit my highest approbation. There were however some whose 
 rank and situation placed their conduct in a very conspicuous point of view, and which I 
 observed with pleasure and the most lively gratitude: among whom 1 must beg leave to 
 mention Brigadier Gen. Wilkinson and Col. Hamtramck, the commandants ot the right 
 and left wings of the Legion, whose brave example inspired the troops. To these I must 
 add the names of my faithful and gallant aides-de-camp. Captains DeButts and T. Lewis, 
 and Lieutenant Harrison, who with Adjutant-General Major Mills rendered me most es- 
 sential service bv communicating my orders in everv direction, and by their conduct and 
 bravery exciting the troops to press for victory. Lieutenant Covington upon whom the 
 command of the cavalry devolved cut down two savages with his own haml, and Lieu- 
 tenant Webb one in turning to the enemy's left flank. 
 
 The wounds received by Captains Slough and Prior, and Lieutenants Campbell and 
 Smith of the legionary infantry, by Captain VanRenselaer of the dragoons, and Captain 
 Rawlins, Lieutenant IVIcKenney and Ensign Duncan of the Mounted \olunteers bear hon- 
 orable testimony of their bravery and conduct. 
 
 Captains H. Lewis and Brock with their companies of light infantry had to sustain 
 an unequal fire for some time which they supported with fortitude. In fart every officer and 
 soldier who had an opportunity to come into action displayed that true bravery which will 
 always insure success. 
 
 And here permit me to declare that I never discovered more true spirit and anxiety 
 for action than appeared to pervade the whole of the Mounted Volunteers, and I am well 
 persuaded that had the enemy maintained their favorite ground for one-half hour longer 
 they wou'd have most severely felt the prowess of that corps. 
 
 But whilst 1 pay this first tribute to the li\ iiig, 1 must not forget the gallant dead, 
 among whom we have to lament the early death of those worthy anil brave officers Captain 
 Miss Campbell of the Dragoons, and Lieutenant fowles of the light infantry of the legion 
 who fell in the first charge. 
 
 Enclosed is a particular return of the killed and wounded. The loss of the enemy 
 was more than double that of the Federal army. The woods were strewed for a consider- 
 able distance with the dead bodies of the Indians and their white auxiliaries, the latter 
 armed with British muskets and bayonets. 
 
 We remained three days and three nights on the banks of the Miamis in Iront of the 
 held of battle during which time all the houses and corn were consumed and destroyed for a 
 considerable distance boih above and below Fort Miamis. as well as within pistol shot of 
 that garrison, who were compelled to remain tacit spectators of this general devastation 
 and conflagration; among which were the nouses, stores and property of Colonel M'Kee, 
 the British Indian agent, and princijtal stimulator of the war now existing between the 
 United States and the savages. 
 
 The army returned to this place on the 2~th by easy marchits, laying waste the vil- 
 lages and the corn fields for about fifty miles on each side of the Miamis. There remain 
 yet a number of villages and a great quantity of corn to be consumed or destroyed upon Le 
 Glaize and the Miamis abfive this place which will be effected in the course of a few days. 
 
 —33— 
 
In the interim \Tr shall improve F--rt Defiance, and as soon as the escort returns with the 
 uecessary supplies from (Sreeiiville and Fort Recovery the army will proceed to the Miami 
 villages in order to accomplish the object of the campaign. 
 
 It is however not improbable that the enemy may make one more desperate effort 
 against the army, as it is said that a reinforcement was houriy expected at Fort Miamis 
 from Niagara as well as numerous tribe^ of Indians living on the margin and islands of the 
 lakes. This is a business rather to be wished for than dreaded, whilst the army remains in 
 force. Their numbers will only tend to confuse the savages, and the victory will only be 
 more complete and deci.^ive, and which eventually may insure a permanent and happy 
 peace. 
 
 Under these impressions I have the honor to be, etc., 
 
 ANTHONY WAYNE. 
 
 From this battle-field which was named "Fallen Timbers," on ac- 
 count of the large quantity of timber lying prostrate upon the ground 
 as the effect of a cyclone in former years, General Wayne retired to 
 the confluence of Swan Creek, with the Maumee River and erected 
 there a stockade below the mouth of Swan Creek and garrisoned it; 
 which garrison was maintained at that point until the evacuation of 
 all the British posts in the northwest which occurred in pursuance of 
 Jay's treaty. 
 
 On the 27th of March the troops took up their return march for 
 Fort Defiance, devastating every village and field in the march. Ar- 
 riving at Fort Defiance, they proceeded to further strengthen that 
 fortress, rendering it much more substantial. 
 
 On September 14th, the army moved to the Miami villages upon 
 the St. Mary's and St. Joseph's rivers, where a fort, long in contempla- 
 tion, was constructed and upon October 22nd, 1794, was placed under 
 the command of Lieutenant Colonel Hamtramck. It was christened 
 Fort Wayne, the name now borne by the beautiful city, in Allen county, 
 Indiana, which includes the site of the Fort within its boundaries. 
 
 October 28th, the object of his campaign having been fulh- 
 achieved. General Wa\'ne started on his return with the main body of 
 regulars to Fort Greenville where in the following year he rendered 
 himself as conspicuous in statesmanship and diplomacy as in war, b}- 
 by consummating the celebrated "treaty of Greenville" giving peace 
 to the northwest territory. 
 
 Much valuable and interesting history of Fort Defiance might be 
 here given, but that lack of space forbids. That it was a veritable 
 Garden of Eden to the savage, who here found fish and game in abund- 
 ance; a soil, of fertility capable of producing all that the heart might 
 desire; located upon the rivers, the surfaces of which were so readily- 
 skimmed by the canoe, making transportation easy, cannot be 
 doubted. Nor is it to be wondered at, that the northwestern frontier 
 
 —34— 
 
was so bitterly fought for, and its possession given up by the Indian 
 only after repeated engagements with the encroaching whites. 
 
 It cannot be doubted that the battle fought upon the banks of the 
 Maumee, below Fort Defiance, was the last grand stand ever made by 
 the Indians in the Northwest territory, having for its object a settlement 
 of the question of race supremacy. The best written account we have 
 of Defiance, at this period, is that of Oliver M. Spencer. His state- 
 ments are made from observations during his captivity among the 
 Indian tribes sometime prior to 1791. 
 
 Says Spencer: — 
 
 "On this high ground (since the site of Fort Defiance, erected by General Wayne in 
 1794), extending from the Maumee a quarter of a mile up the Auglaize, about two hundred 
 yards in width, was an open space, on the west and south of which were oak woods, with 
 hazel undergrowth. Within this opening, a few hundred yards above the point, on the 
 steep high bank of the Auglaize, were five or si.\ cabins and log houses, inhabited princi- 
 pally by Indian traders. 
 
 The most northerly, a large hewed log-house, divided below into three apartments, 
 was occupied as a warehouse, store and dwelling by George Ironside, the most wealthy 
 and influential of the traders on the point. Next to his were the houses of Pirault (Pero), 
 a French baker and McKenzie, a Scot, who, in addition to merchandising, followed the oc- 
 cupation of a silversmith, exchanging with the Indians his broaches, ear-drops and other 
 silver ornaments, at an enormous profit, tor skins and furs. Still farther up were several 
 other families of French and English; and two American prisoners, Henry Ball, a soldier 
 taken at St. Clair's defeat, and his wife, Polly Meadows, captured at the same time, were 
 allowed to live here, and by labor to pay their masters the price of their ransom; he by 
 boating to the rapids of the Maumee, and she by washing and sewing. Fronting the housa 
 of Ironside, and about fifty yards from the bank, was a small stockade, enclosing two 
 hewed log houses, one of which was occupied by James Girty (brother of Simon), the other, 
 occasionally by McKee and Elliot, British Indian agents, living at Detroit. 
 
 From this station I had a fine view of the large village more than a mile south, on the 
 east side of the Auglaize, of Bluejackets town, and of the Maumee river for several miles 
 below, and of the extensive prairie covered with corn, directly opposite, and forming to- 
 gether a very handsome landscape." 
 
 An interesting account of Indian habits and customs of that 
 period is given by John Brickell, of Pittsburg, who was also stolen in 
 February 1791, and adopted by an Indian named Whingy Pooshies, 
 with whom he lived four years. 
 
 "In his narrative he says he was treated very kindly, every way as one of thejnselves, 
 and had every opportunity of learning their manners, customs and religion, and thinks he 
 has been influenced to good more from what he learned among these Indians than from 
 what he has learned from amongst people of his own colo-. Honesty, bravery and hos- 
 pitality were cardinal virtues among them. When a company of strangers came to a town 
 and encamp, they are not asked if they want anything, but a runner starts out proclaiming 
 "strangers have arrived." On this every family provide of the best they have, and take it 
 to the strangers, for which not a thought is had of anything being received in return, and 
 when they start out they are helped on their journey. Worshipping the Great Spirit whom 
 they call Manitou, "never" says Brickell "even on one occasion did I know of their using 
 the name irreverently" and they hatlnu term in their languajje by which they c»uld swear 
 
 —35- 
 
protanely. Their yumit; lunicir tin- a;;ed. Thi- first corn that is fit to iisi: is niadi- a least 
 offering. The first y;anie that is taken on a huiuiiig expedition is dressed wlmh- wilhuul the 
 breaking of a bone, with the head, ears and hoof on, and being cooked whole, all eat i>l it, 
 and if any is lelt it is entirely burnt up; and in respect to things clean and unclean they 
 follow the Jewish custom. They have no public worship, except the feasts, but Ire- 
 ([uenily observe famdy worship, in which they sing and pray. They believe in a resurrec- 
 tion after death, and in future rewards and punishments. Their cruel treatment of their 
 enemies in war seems but the acting out of the precept, an eye for an eye, a tooth for a 
 tooth, and blood for blood." Young Brickell was trained to hunt and iniuh ol his time 
 was out on hunting expeditions. These "were generally to the streams ol the Mauniee in 
 summer, but in wint&r extended tu the Scioto, the Hocking and Licking rivers. Duriny 
 his four years sojourn here, two very important events OCCured — St. Clair's deleat in ]791, 
 and Wayne's victory. August 20th, 1794- 
 
 "He gives some interesting items in regard tn Wayne's victory. The lollowing win- 
 ter his people had to winter at the mouth ol Swan Creek, on the site of Toledo. He says: 
 "We were entirely dependent upon the British, and they did not half supply us. The 
 starving and sickly condition of the Indians made them very ^impatient, and they became 
 exasperated at the British. It was finally concluded to send a flag to Fort Defiance in or- 
 der to make a treaty with the Americans. This was successful. Our men touiid the 
 Americans ready to treat, and they agreed upon an exchange of piisoners. 1 saw nine 
 white prisoners exchanged for nine Indians. 1 was left, there being no Indian to give for 
 me. Patton, Johnston, Sloan and Mrs. Baker, were four of the nine; the names ol the 
 others I do not recollect." 
 
 "On the breaking up ol spring we all went to Fort Defiance, and arriving on the 
 shore opposite, we saluted the Fort with a round of rifles, and they shot a cannon thirteen 
 times. We then encamped on the spot. On tlie same day Whingy Pooshies told me I 
 must go over to the fort. The children hung around me, crying, and asked me il I was 
 going to leave them. 1 told them 1 did not know. When we got over to the fort and were 
 seated with the officers, Whingy Pooshies told me to stand up, which 1 did. He then aiose 
 and addressed me in about these words, "My son, these are men the same color ivilh your- 
 self, and some ol your kin may be here, or they may be a great w ay off. \ ou have lived a 
 long time with us. 1 call on you to say if I have not been a lather to you; il I have not 
 used you as a lather would a son ?" I said, "You have used me as well as a lather could 
 use a son." He said "1 am glad you say so. You have lived long with me; you have 
 hunted for nie, but your treaty says you must be Iree. If you choose to go with people 
 of your own color I have no right to say a word; luit il > ou choose to stay with me your 
 people bave no right to speak. Now reflect on it and take your choice, and tell us as 
 soon as you make up your mind." I was silent for a tew miinites, in which tune I seemed 
 to think of most everything. I thought ol the children 1 had just lelt crying; 1 thought 
 of the Indians 1 was attached to, and I thougtit ol my jieople whom 1 remembered, and 
 this latter thought predominated, and 1 said, "1 will go willi my km. ' The old man then 
 said "I have raised you; I have learned you to hunt; you are a good hunter. You have 
 been better tojnie than my own sons. I am now getting old, and I cannot hunt. I thought 
 you would be a support to my old age. 1 leaned on you as on a staff. Now it is broken — 
 you are going to leave me, and I have no right to say a word, but 1 am ruined." He 
 then sank back in tears to his seat. I heartily joined him in lies tears, parted with him, 
 and have never seen or heard of him since. 
 
 From the earliest recorded accounts, Defiance was famous for its 
 abundance of apple trees, and the monstrous proportions of the same. 
 Saj'S one writer: — 
 
 "When lirst known there was an abundance ol apple trees at Defiance. The bank of 
 -36- 
 
the Augl;ii/<J ;it imc spot was liiu-il willi tlu-si- trees, ami tlii-rc were single trees scattered 
 about in various places. It is supposed they were planted by Krench missionaries and 
 traders during the Krench dominion on the lakes, and cared for afterwards by the Indian 
 trappers and traders. The fruit of these trees was better than that of the so-called natural 
 trees of the present time: they grew larger, and had a more agreeable taste. The stocks 
 were more like the forest trees; higher to the branches, longer to the limbs than the grafted 
 t.eesof the present cl.iy. Probably the shade and contracted clearings in wliiih they win- 
 grown had much to do with this large growth. There was then no livilizatlon to bring in 
 borers, worns an I curciili >, and so the trees thrived without liindrance. The "County 
 History" piibislu d in l.iS.l, fruiii whicii the above wa> derived says, "Deliance has been 
 famed lor the pns>essioii ot a monstrous apple tree. Strangers have seldom failed to visit 
 it, to measure its proportions, and speculate upon its age and origin. It stands on the nar- 
 row bottom, on the north side o( the Maumee, and nearly opposite the old Kort. It has never 
 failed, in the knowledge of present settlers, in producing a crop ot very excellent appl.es. 
 One large branch, however, has, of late years been broken off by the storms, which has 
 much marred its |>i opnrliims; the remainder is yet healthy and prospering. Before the 
 town was laid out the rr wie many trees, e(|iially thrifty and not less in size, in this vicin- 
 ity." The lamed ; pjile I e.- was ilestroyed liy a ggle in the fall of ISSti. It was judged to be 
 one liuiidrrfl and lill\ y a' s old and was much dilapidated. It has produced in some .sea- 
 sons two liundreii busln .. cil apples. 
 
 Defiance has ever been a great trading point from 1 he earliest period, 
 due to its atlvaiitagLous location. It has a history to be proud of. 
 
 —37— 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 GENERAL. KNTHONY inZT^YNS. 
 
 A.S the 3'outli foreshadows the man, so was the brilliant career of 
 Wayne, foretold in his early j^ears. 
 
 A mistaken conception has been held by many people that the 
 term "Mad Anthony," as applied to Wayne was a fitting term by which 
 todesignate a man whose doings savored of recklessness and daring. 
 
 Nothing could be further from the truth, than an attempt to 
 characterize this man, whose career was full ol success, a madman." 
 
 It has been well said by one author that "the very brilliancy of 
 Wayne's reputation as a fighting General has somewhat blinded the 
 eyes of his countrymen to those military qualities which he possessed 
 in common with all great soldiers" — * * * "it isonly necessary to 
 say that no important strategetical movement was undertaken by 
 Washington, while Waj'ne was under his command, without consult 
 ing him. His illustrious Chief knew that he could trust him 
 thoroughly for the execution of his part in any place assigned to him, 
 for his heart was in his work; every faculty of his mind was bent to 
 its accomplishment, and he never disappointed those who trusted him." 
 
 Anthony Wayne came of good stock. The Waj'ne family were of 
 English origin and at the time of the Revolution had, for three gen- 
 erations been residents of Chester county Pennsylvania. 
 
 During the reign of Charles 11, the General's grandfather had 
 moved from Yorkshire to an estate in County Wicklow, Ireland. Being 
 a protestant, he joined the forces of William of Orange in his contest 
 with King James II. He also was commandant of dragoons in the 
 service of King William at the battle of the Boyne, and distinguished 
 himself by gallant conduct. 
 
 In 1722, his grandfather gave up his estate in Ireland and came to 
 Pennsylvania. With him he brought four sons, who were educated 
 men, and considerable means. 
 
 Two years later the garndfather purchased about sixteen hundred 
 acres of land, in Chester coun:iy, Pennsylvania, for an estate, which he 
 darned Waynesborough. 
 
 After the death of Wayne's ancestor this estate was divided 
 among his sons; the father of the General, Isaac, receiving as his 
 share, about five hundred acres. 
 
 -38- 
 
General Wayne's father is said to have been a man "of strong mind 
 and of great industry and enterprise." He represented Chester 
 county in the Provincial Assembly several times, and was a commis- 
 sioned officer in the provincial service, in which he distinguished him- 
 self ii; expeditions against the Indians. He died in 1774, leaving one 
 son and two daughters. 
 
 Anthony Wayne was borne at Waynesborough, Januar\- ist, T745. 
 He had a sterling force of character inherited from his mother, and a 
 military bent, tinctured with love of adventure, a birth-right received 
 from his father. 
 
 He is said to have been a manly and self-reliant boy, not given to 
 study, but with a mind benL upon planning of military schemes, in his 
 boyish way; His ambition being to devote himself to the Hie of a 
 soldier. He well nigh distracted his uncle, to whom he was sent to 
 school. The latter reported to the young soldier's father a discour- y^ 
 aging state of affairs; said he, "What he ma}- be best qualified for I 
 know not. He may perhaps make a soldier. He has already distracted \ \ 
 the brains of two thirds of the boys under my charge by rehearsals of 
 battles, seiges, etc. During noon, in place of the usual games and 
 amusements, he has the boys emplo3-ed in throwing uji redoubts,^-' 
 skirmishing, etc." ' 
 
 When sixteen years of age his father sent him to the Acadeni)- in 
 Philadelphia, with the hope that he might take kindly to the classical 
 studies. This attempt to "bend the twig" does not seem to have 
 been successful; his whole mind seeming to lie turned in the 
 direction of mathematics and a soldier's profession. 
 
 But, a soldier's profession does not seem to have been open to 
 him, on account of lack of influence with the government. He there- 
 fore adopted the profession of a Surveyor. This business gave him, 
 in part, what he was so fond of, adventure. The training gained by 
 him in this profession, in the way of exposure, hardships and service, 
 developed in him physical strength, and discipline which makes a 
 mind full of resources and read}' for any contingency. 
 
 Before Wayne was twenty one years old he was employed bj- Dr. 
 Franklin and his associates to survey and colonize two tracts of wild 
 lands purchased by them, in NovaScoiia This was a most important 
 mission for the young man and was executed ably and with success. 
 
 He returned to Pennsylvania and was married, May 1766, to the 
 daughter of Mr. Bartholemew of Philadelphia. Young, as he at this 
 time was, he grew at once into the confidence and affection of the 
 people, and became a recognized leader, whose counsel was sought. 
 
 —39— 
 
At the first miinmir of resistance to Eiio^lish tyranny, liis voice was 
 heard in counsel and was heeded liv those who kne\\' hini. 
 
 His love for the land of his nativity at this time sliines forth with a 
 brilliancy of patriotic fervor. We find him qviick to <leny the rij^ht of 
 encroachment bj- the British ministry ; at once leaping to the position 
 of a leader of the forces of his own immediate section. He was, in Jul}' 
 1774, chairman of a county committee, which proposed resolutions 
 condemning the course of the ministry, and was also chairman of a 
 committee appointed to prepare recommendations to the Assembly in 
 reference to militarj' organizations, and a non-importation agreement. 
 
 He was also a member of the Provincial Convention, which met in 
 January, 1775, to encourage domestic manufactures, in anticipation of 
 the effect of the non-importation of English goods, and was the author 
 of the proposition in May 1775, that the freemen of the county should 
 be organized for militarv purposes. 
 
 In June, of the same year, he became one of the members of the 
 Provincial Committee of Safety ; in July a member of the Provincial 
 Convention; and in October a member of the Committee of Correspon- 
 dence. He was put forward in December liy his friendsas a proper 
 person to represent his county in the Assembly for the next year. 
 
 During the whole of his busy vear, and while engaged in these 
 methods of organizing the opposition, he was occupied also in recruit- 
 ing his army in Chester for Continental service, in pursuance of an act 
 of Congress, calling on Pennsylvania for her quota of troops. By the 
 close of the year the ranks of this regiment (4th batallion) were filled, 
 and on recommendation of the Committee of Safety he was, on the 3d 
 of January, 1776, appointed its Colonel, and Francis Johnston its Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel. 
 
 Tradition has it that Wayne was a man of marked and attractive 
 appearance, something out of the commonplace, possessing what in a 
 later day has been termed 'personal magnetism," in a high degree; 
 his education was above the ordinary; added to a strong force of 
 character, his superiority was at once recognized and admitted. In 
 addition to this, Wayne was possessed of a private fortune of consider- 
 able amount, which rendered him independent; consequently, it could 
 not be claimed of him, in any event, that the rapid promotions which 
 he acheived were obtained through any sordid motive, and for mere 
 pecuniary advantage. 
 
 It has also been said of him that he was a man of a considerable 
 degree of vanity, and given to a boastful, though harmless form of 
 speech, which in a person of lesser ability might have been considered 
 a weakness; and it undoubtedly is the case that his habit of speaking 
 
 -40- 
 
in strong terms and boastful manner, added to his impetuosity, had 
 much to do with the origin of the term "Mad Anthony," apphed to 
 him so f^enerally at the time, as well as now. 
 
 Durin,e: the winter of 1776 Wayne was engaged preparing his men 
 for active service, and l)ringing them under proper discipline. It is 
 said that he punished desertion severely and governed his men with 
 strictness. In subsequent years this enforcement of rigid discipline 
 had everything to do with th'e efficiency of the armed forces under his 
 command, and brought to him in almost every instance success of 
 arms. 
 
 The first campaign in which the regiment of Colonel Wayne was 
 engaged was the expedition to Canada in the spring and summer of 
 1776, forming part of the brigade of Pennsvlvania commanded by Gen- 
 eral William Thompson. It was sent, bv order of Congress, to rein- 
 force the army under Generals Montgomery and Arnold, which had 
 been repulsed at Quebec. It was expected that the invasion of the 
 Province would tend to enlist to the American Arms, large numbers of 
 discontented inhabitants thereof; the hope was in a great measure dis- 
 appointed, the result was that the troops were repulsed from the walls 
 of Quebec, leaving no trace of their work, except a remembrance of 
 their heroic valor. 
 
 A second expedition was subsequently undertaken, the object of 
 which was to reinforce the troops in that Province; a portion of 
 Wavne's regiment was hurried forward by companies, and in such an 
 unprepared condition that it was not until the first week in May, upon 
 reaching Albany that they were provided with arms. This engage- 
 ment upon the River Sorel resulted in another defeat to our arms, but 
 in which Wayne played a conspicuous, heroic and honorable part In- 
 helping to cover the retreat of our soldiery and make possible the es- 
 cape from what appeared to be utter annihilation. 
 
 This engagement brought great credit to Wayne as a soldier, and 
 showed to the Government that there was at least one man in that 
 army with the stuff of a true General in him. The result of the oper- 
 ations in Canada having established Wayne's reputation as an ener- 
 getic officer, led to his appointment on the iSth of November, by Gen- 
 eral Schuyler to the command of the Fort at Ticonderoga, with its 
 dependencies, the second most important military post in the coun- 
 try. The garrison at this point consisted of about twenty-five hun- 
 dred men, w-ho were under his command during the winter. His 
 labors, trials and anxiety while stationed at this post were many and 
 great; but the firmness and determination of the man, under enforced 
 
 —41— 
 
quiet, which was against the inclination of Wayne, threw out in 
 strong light those qualities which made him great. 
 
 While Wayne was in command of the garrison at Ticonderoga, he 
 was appointed, on the 21st of February 1777, Brigadier-Genernl of the 
 army He had become very tired of the life of inaction led by him at 
 the latter post, and was very desirous of serving immediately under 
 Washington, in active service. On the 12th of April, 1777, he joined 
 Washington at Morristown and was placed in command of a brigade 
 known as the "Pennsylvania Line." Following his appointment, 
 shortly occurred the engagements at BrandywinCj Germantown, and 
 the experiences at Valley Forge, in which Wayne signally distinguished 
 himselt by the masterly manner in which he managed the troops un- 
 der his command. 
 
 Early in June 1778, it became apparent that the British were mak- 
 ing ready to evacuate Philadelphia, as it was feared by them that the 
 French fleet would, shortly, in pursuance of our treaty with France, 
 blockade the English fleet in the Delaware. This was subsequently 
 followed by the evacuation; they crossed the Delaware on the i8th of 
 June before Gloucester, taking the route eastward across Jersey, en- 
 cumbered by heavy baggage and belongings. Washington crossed 
 the Delaware above Trenton on the 21st, and prepared to dispute the 
 passage of the Raritan, should the enemj- attempt to cross that river 
 with his baggage train. It was found, however, that Sir Henry Clin- 
 ton, the British commatider kept to the Southward and was moving in 
 the direction of Sand}' Hook. Wayne paralleled his route, and on the 
 26th of June the armies were but a few miles from each other. 
 
 A council of war was held upon the 24th of June, at Hopewell, five 
 miles from Princeton, at which questions as to future movements were 
 submitted by the Con-imander-in-Chief to his general officers. Prom- 
 inent in the council were Wa3'ne, Cadwallader, Lafayette and Green. 
 Upon this occasion the advice of Wa3'ne was taken by Washington, 
 it being to attack at least the rear guard of Clinton's army, by 
 which the train was escorted, in a series of pretended maneuvres. 
 In this engagement at Monmouth, Wayne's division took most prom- 
 inent part; the flower of the British army was stricken by his masterh' 
 and timely efforts, in the face of great odds. 
 
 Shortly after this Wayne retired from command of the Pennsyl- 
 vania Line" and was called to assume command of what was known 
 as the "New Light Infantry Corps." This was the celebrated corps 
 which Wayne led at his charge upon Stony Point. It had a short life 
 but became famous for its discipline, and illustrous for its deeds of 
 
 —42— 
 
valor. 
 
 In June 1779, General Washington was extremely desirous of re- 
 capturing two forts, one at Stony Point on the western side of the 
 Hudson River, and the other at Verplanck's Point upon the opposite 
 or eastern side, which had been taken by the British from the 
 Americans about the First of June 1779. These forts were at the 
 southern extremity of the Highlands, and gave control in their pres- 
 ent condition into the hands of the enemy, from West Point and its 
 dependencies, northward. 
 
 The Fort at Stony "Point was built on a rock\' promontory on the 
 west side of the Hudson, about three hundred and fifty feet high. 
 Three sides of this Promontory were surrounded by water, and on the 
 fourth a swamp, or morass, which was not passable at high tide, sep- 
 arated it from the land. It was guarded by three redoubts and pro- 
 tected by a double abatis of logs which extended across the peninsula. 
 The cannon were so arranged as to enfilade any approach to the inner 
 works supposed to be practicable. It had a garrison of about five hun- 
 dred men under Colonel Johnston, who was regarded as a highly 
 capable officer. 
 
 At this time, the larger part of Washington's army was encamped 
 in Smith's Clove, about ten miles back of West Point, and headquar- 
 ters were at New Windsor. Wayne's Light Infantry Corps which was 
 detailed for the purpose of assaulting the works, it w-as intended 
 should consist of eight battalions of one hundred and sixty-four men 
 each, under the command of a Brigadier-General. 
 
 Wayne's opinion concerning the attack of this stronghold was 
 that storming the defenses was not likely to be successful, and 
 that the only manner it could be taken was by surprise, that is, by a 
 sudden and overwhelming rush of the assailants, which, overcoming 
 all obstacles should drive the defenders into the interior ol the fort, 
 and overcome them before they had time to rally, or opportunity for 
 resistance. In this was involved a large element of danger, but if the 
 plan could be made to succeed, it was worth the effort. 
 
 A general reconnoissance was made of the place by General Wayne 
 aided by Colonel Butler and Major Stewart. 
 
 Wayne's plans, based upon the facts obtained from this recon- 
 noissance, were subsequently approved by Washington, and contem- 
 plated the form of capture as above indicated.. 
 
 On the 14th of July, General Washington authorized Wayne to 
 make the assault on the next night, should the conditions be favor- 
 able. As showing the cheerful disposition of Wayne in the midst of 
 
 —43— 
 
difficulties, and the eagerness with which he invited danger, on the 
 next day he wrote to (reneral Washington; "I am most pleased at the 
 prospect of the day, and have the most happy presages of the fortunes 
 of the ni'ght.'' 
 
 The troops marched during the evening of the 15th of July from 
 Sandy Beach to Stony Point, a distance of nearly fourteen miles over 
 bad roads; they formed in half platoons at the bottom of the hill, each 
 column preceded by a detachment of one hundred and fifty men, and 
 that again by what was denominated "The Forlorn Hope," consisting 
 of twenty men as a vanguard. 
 
 At half past eleven o'clock they formed close by the foot of the 
 hill, when, silent but determined, and full of ardor, they prepared to 
 undertake their most perilous enterprise. PVom a letter written at a 
 house near by, by Wayne, it is evident he did not expect to survive the 
 assault, but his courage never faltered; at half past eleven the word to 
 advance was given. 
 
 As General Wayne was moving at the head of his column, having 
 just climbed over the first ubu:tiii, on his way lorward, a musket shot 
 coming from a body of men on the hill above infiicted a scalp wound 
 about two inches long. He immediately fell and was a short time 
 dazed and stunned, yuickly recovering his senses, however, he raised 
 himself on one knee, shouting, "Forward, my brave fellows! forward!" 
 and then turning to two of his aids-de-camp he begged them to carry 
 him to the interior where he wished to die should his wound prove 
 mortal. When his men heard that their commander had been mor- 
 tally wounded, they dashed forward, climbed the rocks with bayonets 
 ready to charge, and bore down all further opposition. 
 
 Colonel Fleury who led the right column, soon reached the flag 
 staff on the bastion of the Fort, and hauled down the Fnglish stand- 
 ard. He was quickly followed by two sergeants ot the Virginia and 
 one of the Pennsylvania regiments, all of whom had been severely 
 wounded. It is said that the movements for the storming of the 
 works had been so accurately timed and the plans had been so per- 
 fectly ordered and carried out, that both columns of assault, from dif- 
 ferent portions of the promontory met at the same moment of time at 
 the fortress. 
 
 The successful attack upon Stony Point by General Wayne pro- 
 duced a sensation throughout the country. Congratulations poured 
 in upon him from all quarters. Congress immediately upon the re- 
 ceipt of the news adopted resolutions, thanking General Wayne for 
 his brave, prudent and soldierly conduct, ami included in its thanks, 
 
 —44— 
 
ail of Wayne's forces; it was ordered that a gold medal cointnelnorat- 
 ive of his gallant conduct shoulil he jjresented to General Wayne, and 
 silver medals to some of his aids, and that others of the subalterns 
 should be promoted. 
 
 The subsequent campaign of Wayne in Virginia and at Vorktown 
 as well as in Oeorgia brought further renown to Wayne as a soldier, 
 and in the month of July 1783, being quite ill and his services not be- 
 ing so imperatively needed he retired to civil life. Here he was again 
 honored by his people by election to office. 
 
 After a considerable period of retirement and the pursuit of the 
 peaceful paths of civil life upon his estates, in April 1792, he was ap- 
 pointed by Washington as Commander in-Chief of the army of the 
 United States, and undertook the Indian campaign outlined in the pre- 
 ceding pages. 
 
 After the Indian campaign of 1794, he consummated the treaty of 
 Greenville. 
 
 He laid down his life at the early age of fifty-two at Presque Isle 
 on Lake Erie. 
 
 -45- 
 
APPKNDIX. 
 
 Names of Contributors of Logs Used in the Re-construction of Fort 
 
 Defiance, in the Summer of iSg4, and the Number on Each Log. 
 
 No. No. 
 
 L. B. Peaslee 1 Martin Gurwell. ., 51 
 
 H. G. Baker 2 John Cameron 52 
 
 R. H. Gleason 3 S.P.Cameron 58 
 
 Frank Ferguson 4 Geo. F. Hall 54 
 
 1. II. Kiser 5 William Hall 55 
 
 Jacob Lilts 6 J. Moon .56 
 
 "S H. Carey 7 J.G.Wieland 57 
 
 R.C.Fisher S Christ Dieden nS 
 
 Joseph Ralston 9 Adam Hall 59 
 
 "Bennett Smith 10 A.A.Hall liO 
 
 Lewis laynes 11 F.Hall (il 
 
 C Crane 12 Andreas Imthurn fi2 
 
 William Morse 13 David Hill fi.i 
 
 W. S. Ashton 14 N. Cunningham (U 
 
 Lake and Ed. Ralston 15 John Raible (i5 
 
 S. T. Sutphen 16 James Figley 66 
 
 C. E Meeks 17 W. Figley and F. Botterf 67 
 
 F. C. Pfander LS P. F. Gillett liS 
 
 Henry Hardy 19 C. Zellar 69 
 
 T.H.Starr 20 Jacob Henry id 
 
 |. M. Kleinhenn 21 C. Christy 71 
 
 John B. Minsel 22 Enoch M apes 72 
 
 "Frank Miller 1 Wm. Kimberly 73 
 
 Ed. Hoffman V 23 Geo Partee 74 
 
 Adam Weisenburger ) J . W. Hancock 7.t 
 
 H. R. Haller 24 Geo. Black 76 
 
 Charles L. Spangler 25 Fred Callow m 
 
 Ludwig Spangler 26 R.L.Christy 7S 
 
 luliiis Spangler 27 Wm. Linebrink i9 
 
 "F. W. Kellermier 2S John Myers SI) 
 
 W. H. McCaulev 29 John W. Myers SI 
 
 |. Strausscr 3U Benjamin Myers S2 
 
 '< 31 Lewis C. Linebrink S3 
 
 " 32 John C. Linebrink 84 
 
 Simon Benner 33 "O. B. Partee H5 
 
 Levi Clinker 34 W. C. Partee 86 
 
 M. A. Clinker .35 John Weiland 87 
 
 F.J Batt 36 E. Kibble 88 
 
 A M.Batt 37 Wm. S. Skees 89 
 
 A.J.Lewis 38 Sam Maltby 9(1 
 
 William Lewis 39 JR. Moon 91 
 
 William Durham 40 Wm. Churchman 92 
 
 Phillip Younc 41 M. Rath 93 
 
 Conrad Mohr 42 Wm. Slough 94 
 
 .\. W. Moog 4:3 C. Rath 95 
 
 Sam Dunbar 44 F.O.Schick 96 
 
 Ed. Koppe 45 Otto Schick 97 
 
 M.C, Coy • 46 Bertha Schick 98 
 
 I Gov 47 I. H. Rethmel 99 
 
 "A. Coy 48 VE.T. Rethmel 100 
 
 A. Rogers 49i JCharles Peterson 101 
 
 Geo. Suhr 56iiaij. F. Figley 102 
 
 -46- 
 
Geo. F. Pnrtee Utt 
 
 S. B. Figley 104 
 
 Lewis Miller 10") 
 
 J. P. Allen 101) 
 
 Byron Hanna 10" 
 
 Isaac Hanna lOK 
 
 \V. O. Kopp 1(19 
 
 J.AV. iJoleison 11(1 
 
 C. W. Phillips Ill 
 
 |. L. Phillips 112 
 
 "E. K. Stover 113 
 
 J. G. Stever 114 
 
 John Scharff 115 
 
 Sylvester Henry ll(i 
 
 P. Partee 117 
 
 \V. F. Partee US 
 
 Jeseph Newton ]il 
 
 M . G. Paxton 120 
 
 Peter Gares 121 
 
 C. E. Fortney 122 
 
 Jacob Dickman 123 
 
 J ohn Gares 124 
 
 Jacob Gares 125 
 
 James Romine 12(] 
 
 Russell Diehl 127 
 
 A. B. Pollock 128 
 
 Alonzo Ewers 129 
 
 John E. Troeger 130 
 
 A. A. Cowle 131 
 
 Fred Wagoner 132 
 
 Sherman Blanchard j;^"? 
 
 H. Curtland 134 
 
 t\ Desgranges 135 
 
 F. Blanchard 13f, 
 
 I acob Adams 137 
 
 Charles Linge 138 
 
 John Davis 139 
 
 I . N. Lambert 140 
 
 Stewart Gaylord 141 
 
 James Harper 142 
 
 Sam Smith 143 
 
 John Storck 144 
 
 (jeorge Gockel 14."> 
 
 A. E. Truby 140 
 
 J. A. Truby 147 
 
 Henry Hammon 148 
 
 Dr. R. B. Cameron 149 
 
 J. H. Hammon l."-,(] 
 
 Peter Schoff Ifil 
 
 F'rank Hammon 152 
 
 Chas. Taylor 1.53 
 
 Ira Bennett 154 
 
 J. E. Minsel 1,55 
 
 Robert Davis 1.5(5 
 
 I. C. Bailev 157 
 
 G. M . Bailey 158 
 
 Geo. Parker 1,59 
 
 Chas. Parker KJO 
 
 J. R. Schondel 161 
 
 J. P. Newell 102 
 
 "Uriah Patton 103 
 
 C. A. Seiple ](>4 
 
 J acob Patton 1(35 
 
 J . Spurgeon 1,5(5 
 
 John Drexler 107 
 
 Geo. Drexler 1(>S 
 
 John G. Miller I(i9 
 
 VVm. Tioutwine 100 
 
 J.H. Hall 171 
 
 M. D. Hall 172 
 
 Frank A. Schick 173 
 
 H<-nry Bod.iy 174 
 
 J. D. Troutwine 175 
 
 A. Provenmirc 170 
 
 Albert Kusian 177 
 
 Calvin Smith ITS 
 
 Philhp Wolf 179 
 
 Ceorge C. Hall... ISO 
 
 A. J Hall ISl 
 
 Geo. A. Pardee 182 
 
 John Hall 183 
 
 Peter Desgranges 184 
 
 J. W. Myers... 18.. 
 
 J. K. Myers 180 
 
 J . E. M yers 187 
 
 G. A. Henry 188 
 
 F. Backus 189 
 
 James Johnston liHI 
 
 Aaron Dickman 191 
 
 Jacob Edwards I9li 
 
 C. Demland 19S 
 
 Ed. Rath 194 
 
 Quinby Peck 19.. 
 
 Thomas Riley 19<_i 
 
 Frank Kleinhenn 197 
 
 Henry Wolf 198 
 
 Joseph Geiger 199 
 
 N. H. Burkholder -JIO 
 
 A. T. Brechbill 201 
 
 A. T. Brechbill 202 
 
 J. M. Weiz 203 
 
 Ceo . W . Weiz 204 
 
 Geo. W. Weiz 205 
 
 John Bremer 200 
 
 J. H, Storck 207 
 
 Wm. Fullmer 208 
 
 David Fullmer 209 
 
 Jacob J. Miller 210 
 
 Levi Barringer 211 
 
 Sam Logan 212 
 
 U. S. Blue 215 
 
 Allen Voung 214 
 
 Phillip Young 215 
 
 W. L. Hill 210 
 
 J. L. Hill 217 
 
 W. M. Mumford 218 
 
 las. and Chas. Mumford 219 
 
 "Mat Elliott.... 220 
 
 Albert Elliott 221 
 
 Frank Steffel ( 
 
 James Prosser ( 
 
 Thos. Elliott, Sr 223 
 
 Thos C. Elliott 224 
 
 J. w: Leach 225 
 
 Geo. W. Bcchel 226 
 
 Jacob Peter 227 
 
 'M.irtin Ramus . 228 
 
 Philip Peter 229 
 
 A. C. Henry 2;iO 
 
 Mike Clemens 2^^! 
 
 Samuel Shasteen 232 
 
 Gust ve S'oung 2X? 
 
 Edwi I Baker 2:^4 
 
 Emanuel Shoup 2X5 
 
 William Nye 246 
 
 Samuel Earley 237 
 
 James Rimberly 238 
 
 \\. H. Palmer 239 
 
 222 
 
 —47- 
 
J. S Caulkins 240 
 
 James Dunbar 241 
 
 George Baker 242 
 
 Henry Ream 248 
 
 Sylvester Osborn 244 
 
 I .' Osborn 24.') 
 
 Sylvester Osborn, J r 2n6 
 
 George Patton 247 
 
 C. K. Collar 24X 
 
 (;. H. Dunbar- 249 
 
 FA. Durham 250 
 
 John G Steffel 251 
 
 George Clemens 252 
 
 Wm. Robinson 253 
 
 Henjumin Lewis 254 
 
 J. H. (Iverley 255 
 
 Geo. VV. Overley 250 
 
 A. S. Overley 257 
 
 John Egler 258 
 
 Henry Egler 259 
 
 T. Rehlue 200 
 
 A. Whitney 261 
 
 L.J. Whitney 202 
 
 Oscar Dils 20:^ 
 
 John I n man 204 
 
 Stillman Rose 205 
 
 Wash Butler 200 
 
 Joseph Lewis 207 
 
 Hubbard Lewis 208 
 
 Charles Leach 209 
 
 Abe Baker 270 
 
 RubeniYoung 271 
 
 Hobart Myers 272 
 
 Cyrus Hughes . 27;-! 
 
 A. I. Minsel 274 
 
 Phfllip Wolsifier 275 
 
 I Wm. Breucher 270 
 
 Wesley Smith 277 
 
 George Grubb 278 
 
 Elmer Van Dusen 279 
 
 Wm. Walker 280 
 
 H. Donley 281 
 
 Geo. F. Benner 282 
 
 Geo. W. Benner 283 
 
 Albert FJlliolt 284 
 
 Peter Clemens 285 
 
 John Spangler 280 
 
 A. Spangler 287 
 
 J. D. Spangler 288 
 
 J aeob Weiz 289 
 
 Charles E. Few 290 
 
 Henry Boday 291 
 
 Andrew Weiz 292 
 
 John Schlosser 293 
 
 F.L.Miller 294 
 
 Nancy J. Ury 295 
 
 F. W Ury 290 
 
 Geo. W • Ury l97 
 
 John Spangler 298 
 
 lames Relyea 299 
 
 O. U. Woodward - ;50() 
 
 B. F. Bostater 301 
 
 Nellie H. Bostater 3;)2 
 
 W. N. Kibble, Jr 303 
 
 Ezra Clinker. ■ 304 
 
 J. B. Ury .30.-, 
 
 Wm. Phillips 300 
 
 Allen Miller 307 
 
 Henry Stetter 308 
 
 Samuel Russell 
 
 William Russell .; ... ;i|() 
 
 Leander Hall 311 
 
 John Dape 312 
 
 Henrv D.ilie ;;I3 
 
 S P. Moon 314 
 
 John Boehm .315 
 
 Stephen Horsey 310 
 
 E. R. Ralston 317 
 
 I. O. Ralston 318 
 
 karl R. Ralston 319 
 
 Joseph O. Ralston 3.0 
 
 Joseph O. Ralston 321 
 
 Alexander Randall 322 
 
 Joseph O. Ralston 323 
 
 O. L. Ralston 324 
 
 J . Widmer & Sons 325 
 
 Fred Speaker 32(> 
 
 Thomas Love 327 
 
 F. S. Knoop 328 
 
 John Moon 329 
 
 J. F. Garman 330 
 
 I). C. Garman 331 
 
 Henry Greenler 332 
 
 J. 1. Thieroff 3:« 
 
 B.F. South worth 334 
 
 Billy Daoust ~ 
 
 S-.im Stevens ] 
 
 Rans Kettenring ;• 335 
 
 August Minsel I 
 Billy Deatiick J 
 
 lohn Heilshorn 336 
 
 "H . Ort and Son 337 
 
 A. Groweg & Son 338 
 
 Peter Kuhn .339, :U0, 341 
 
 John Heister 343 
 
 A. Tuttle ;i44 
 
 Gil Prosser .■i45 
 
 John Langdon .340,347 
 
 G. F. Martin 348 
 
 Richard Knight 1-149 
 
 E. Ridenour :i50 
 
 Pat McDonald :i51 
 
 J. J. Carpenter 3.52 
 
 J . A . Garber .'{53 
 
 Brice H. Garber 354 
 
 John Downing 3.55 
 
 John Painter 350 
 
 S I . Painter Ii57 
 
 H "D. Painter :V>H 
 
 lohn Dietscb 3."9 
 
 John Dietsrh, Ir 360 
 
 'H. E. Hill... ■ :V>1 
 
 M. R. Redman 302 
 
 A. Skiver .363 
 
 A. I. Sanford 364 
 
 I.. A. Gilts 365 
 
 Charles Kraft 360 
 
 J acob Kraft 307 
 
 Lucius Davis 368 
 
 (. H. Gearhart .369 
 
 "Ben Abbott 370 
 
 W m. Maicellus 371 
 
 1). Grant .372 
 
 (ohii Grant 373 
 
 Walter Pfnnder ) 
 
 Bruce Reynolds - .374 
 
 Donald Abcll \ 
 
 John Boyd .375 
 
 014 571 645 
 
(». s ijiM-n :;;i; Wiii Fr..ur:.., ., 
 
 I). I". F.Msiiiii .■;77 (;.-..iiie Houck.... 
 
 Miiiiii.-l. H:ilk-r llriiloii H.Sweel 
 
 (■:.rn<- D. M;irsh;ill < '. M. Koijc-rs 
 
 Umiictt E. Haller .,- Akx Howmaii and |. C. Law 
 
 Inez I). Half "" R.L.Stone.. .. " 
 
 Olivi; ^L Hale \V. H.Lane '.\\ 
 
 Miiinif E. Bo.-.e Icssl- Fisher 
 
 i|() 
 
 • in 
 !r_' 
 l-i;; 
 
 44-1 
 44.-) 
 44C. 
 .4-17 
 
 II. HI air .'nd L. L. Stone ^^^ 
 
 1. 'I'honro :;S(I .Viiclrew Sl)rou! ■....'. .lit) 
 
 J acob CoKvell ...\ .[.... 4T^() 
 
 A . ,^„:..„.. ■■■ ^-.^^ 
 
 \->-l 
 
 Nic;-ly .'ISl 
 
 I. \V. Lee ;->S2 Auijnsi Gcieer 
 
 j anies McCreary ;i.SH Wcn>..(-I Hetz . . . 
 
 i". M. Stnckman SS-I ("rcnrne Kinlner 
 
 A. I). Carlisle ;!S-) Cliristie Krabarh 
 
 (".. K. Alcxamler .'iSt; An.ly Stoll | 
 
 lolin Lee .'iS7 ICriiest Stoll i 
 
 "S.H.Scott....... .SSS Hany On | 
 
 A. Heerbower .- 8S9 Karl Smith { 
 
 K.W.Scott M) Orover Killman ;' : : 
 
 H. !••. Lord :m ■ Charley Rvan | 
 
 Wni. Lord 892 Cleve VVifrht | 
 
 Satn and Henry Stnrck 89,S Henry Miiisel | 
 
 Sumner Ensign :i94- (luy Creager J 
 
 1. <L K.lein ;i95 John McCollister. .. 
 
 Joseph M. Klein ,S9(j "Dwij^ht R. Taylor 
 
 |ohn Norway .'{97 Harry Wellman 
 
 k. E. Foot .'W Albert SeitK | 
 
 ■[•. H. ^hlyis 'AW A. Strieker | 
 
 F. S. Ledyard 4(111 R.Nelson | 
 
 Frank. Van Dusen 40] Iv Maranda ;" i;- 
 
 .\. Van i;)usen (0:^ E. Strieker | 
 
 l-'ran<-is Shoiip 4li:{ V. dinger I 
 
 l.ihn Siska 4(14 K.Miller | 
 
 "H. (>. Newell 40.') Employees Turn bull \\'orks ;--, 
 
 ("leorge Elliott 40li Ernest Scheuerman i 
 
 Chas. Elliott .497 Willic'Carter < |,, 
 
 C. L. Walters 40:S Peter Schlosser 
 
 W . C. Mohr 409 Ernest Bioun 
 
 .\. (". Hir.wn 410 Ernest Brown i.n 
 
 (\ L. ami H. W. Hane 4n Anthony Wayne Councd No. .s>, ,\;,- 
 
 (olin Hane 112 tional Lhiiou |,;| 
 
 ■)csse Hall 41:; D. F. Krotz ' ' ' .u;> 
 
 W. C. Hall 414 Charles Krotz ■....'.'. .|(;"{ 
 
 Cieo. W. Hanna 41") Henry Lantow |(i.| 
 
 1'. M.Rath 41() Fourth Ward Hoys. Harry Whitney. 
 
 David Osborn H7 I'oreman ' .((r, 
 
 Willis Keaster 4IS II. Holcnbergei ".'.".".'.'. 4 (Mi 
 
 Wm. Kamniier H|i I )an .\shbaclier " 4c,7 
 
 S. Rath 420 It. Defiance L ().(). F. .\o. 1:J,4."..' ]'.'.' .((is 
 
 Sam Shidcr 421 Ale.\ Lantow, Ceorge Laulow and \\ 
 
 C. 1). Hlo.k 422 Woodcocks .'.... . (,1, 
 
 T. R. Wisda 42.S John Wisda .470 
 
 I. ( Wisda 424 Franz Mcckus 471 
 
 C."A. .Moog 49-1 Christ iMeckus ,. . ' (7) 
 
 M. 1). Moog 4'2(i Eli Marckle - .17,^ 
 
 D. S. Moon 427 A. J. Kern 474 
 
 John Moon 428 Dave Westrick 47.") 
 
 .\. Carpenter 4'H) F. 1. Sheets 47(i 
 
 H. Neiderhauser 4:50 H. F. Fredicka 477 
 
 Cieo. Sines .!,S] V\'. E. Davis 47.S 
 
 Simon Sin es 4;5-) Clayton Davis 471) 
 
 Wni. Donley 4.3.-{ I'eter Leightheiser. .... 4.s(i 
 
 Charles Sta'dey 4:54 'I'. S. Wight 4S| 
 
 .\. C. Higlow 4;j,-, Kay and Clinton Davis 4S2 
 
 L. v.. Conkey 4;-i("i Henry Arps 4.s;{ 
 
 Levi W. Wilder .437 Mason Whitney 4.S[ 
 
 ( ). W. Hums ^ iiS Snyder Hros. . .' ..... 4;S."> 
 
 Michael Houck 4;i!l W'm. Nagle , »«C, 
 
 -49 - 
 
Krf;.l Cliasc -fST 
 
 I'liillip Scliu-art/cl -ISS 
 
 Drtiaiici- 1^. (). Department ^S!) 
 
 Kate BInsscr 
 
 Lizzie J eager \^ 4illi 
 • Naiicv Davidson J 
 
 West Riduc Band i-Ul 
 
 ("lirist. Dielil. Jr \\yl 
 
 Walter Dickman 4113 
 
 riricli J'.all 4i)4 
 
 riricli Hall 4il.") 
 
 Society'.!' Willim; Workers 4i)li 
 
 Hrice Hilton 4'.>7 
 
 L\inan Hilton 4i)S 
 
 Filmore Hilton 41>il 
 
 ( '. K. Aschbacher oOO 
 
 1!. F. Entjiish oOi 
 
 H . P. l?outon r)02 
 
 I'Inllip Young T .")(),! 
 
 riiillip Voting 0(14 
 
 t nioii Veteran Union '-^Un 
 
 Defiance City Band .5ll(i 
 
 I )inance City Police "lOT 
 
 Defiance Machine Works Employees. . . oON 
 
 W. W. Dunn and ErasLiis Moss ' ,")0!l 
 
 kniiolph Miller and W- E. Schu'.tz 51(1 
 
 Bishop Post No. 22, C.. A. R ;iD 
 
 Inn. Hamilton, Jno. Misner, Mike 
 l''laniiJ!an. |no. Slierrv, Conrad Mohers 
 
 |»enh Cable, Wm. Todd, W. Morris.. ;■,[■! 
 
 < "lennania Siimint; Society. .")1.'5 
 
 Women's Relief Corps ")14 
 
 'I'lirnbuU .Vid Society (duplicate! '. . . ."il.') 
 
 K. Sonimers 
 
 H . K i 11 e ,' - , . . 
 
 Frank Davis ; 
 
 Henry Reyff ; 
 
 Fred Kintiuh j 
 
 C.ale Ryder | 
 
 Eli Doeiiitz ;- ")1T 
 
 Will Caution I 
 
 Fritz Hannening ) 
 
 Christ Diehl, Sr...' obS 
 
 I. C. Diehl .'-.li) 
 
 A. F. Diehl .")2() 
 
 A. C. Smith ivn 
 
 Defiance City Council "122 
 
 Central Fire Department .52.'! 
 
 Star Hose Company No. 4- ■•• ^ ••••••• • ■V24 
 
 \\'illiam Dixon's heirs .. Win 
 
 Paper M ill Employees WHS 
 
 'Evening News" Carriers .Vi" 
 
 Employees Liiithicum-Schlosser Carri- 
 age Co 52S 
 
 Women's Veteran Relief Union ">29 
 
 .\". C. Rose ;■).;() 
 
 Employees Defiance Light & Railway 
 
 Company 531 
 
 Defiance Bicycle Club W,','l 
 
 F. B. Gorman i 
 
 Henry Jennings \- .5."il! 
 
 Curtis Noffsinger J 
 
 I'efiance Manufacturing Company and 
 
 Crowe & Hooker 5.'!4 
 
 Henry Strole 5.-ill 
 
 Henry Schott 551 
 
 1 )r. B. M . Kakestraw 5.52 
 
 j . M . .\inswortli 55:j 
 
 — 50— 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 014 571 645 7 g 
 
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