*- 
 
 «**; 
 
 . f #9 
 
 * m * 
 
 *te~ 
 
 v**|. 
 
AN INQUIRY 
 
 CONCERNING 
 
 THE AUTHOR 
 
 OF 
 
 Cjje letters? of Junius, 
 
 WITH REFERENCE TO THE 
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 BY A 
 
 CELEBRATED LITERARY AND POLITICAL 
 CHARACTER. 
 
 j$y /£vv/u* i £<' >>>k«jA^* 
 
 « >j ever did the promises or offers of private emolument induce me td quit 
 my independence, or vary in the least from my former professions, which always 
 were, and remain still, founded on the principles of universal liberty;— principles, 
 to which I have always adhered, by which I still abide, and which I will endeavour 
 lt> bear down with me to the grave." - ~ -Clover, to the Livery of Lender;, 
 
 LONDON, 
 
 PRINTED BY T. BENS LEY, 
 Bolt Court, Fleet Street, 
 
 FOR JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, 
 
 MDGCCXIV, 
 

 / 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 " A new candidate has been started for 
 the credit of Junius s Letters. The Editor of 
 " The Memoirs of a celebrated Literary and 
 Political Character/' thinks that he has at 
 length discovered this important writer, and he 
 takes infinite pains, but we think without the 
 least chance of success, to persuade his readers 
 to agree with him. The Literary Character 
 whose Memoirs he has given us, is evidently 
 the late Leonipas Glover — but there is 
 not a feature of Junius in his style or man- 
 ner. The Memoir, however is curious, &c/' 
 
 This is the only criticism which has yet 
 appeared of these interesting Memoirs. The 
 author of this pamphlet having considered 
 the subject with some attention as to the 
 features of resemblance between the senti- 
 ments contained in those Memoirs, and the 
 
letters of Junius, feels himself disposed to 
 entertain a different opinion; and that he 
 may meet this criticism on its own basis, he 
 adopts Leonidas Glover as the author of the 
 Memoir, which in his apprehension strengthens 
 the hypothesis that Glover and Junius were 
 the same. 
 
 * # * The Edition of Junius' Letters uniformly quoted 
 and referred to, is, the 8vo. in 3 Vols, of 1812. 
 
AN INQUIRY, 
 
 Though liberty may err through jealous care, 
 That jealous care far oft'ner saves a state, 
 Than injures private worth. 
 
 Glover's Athenaid, Book 2. 
 
 The discovery of the author of the letters of 
 Junius has been long a desideratum in literature. 
 Not fewer than twenty persons have been named 
 who are supposed to have had pretensions to that 
 claim; but some fatal objection, in every instance, 
 has hitherto disappointed the most promising 
 expectations. Mr. Mason Good, the editor of the 
 last edition of Junius, has, in his preliminary essay, 
 given this summary of the character, and circum- 
 stances essentially requisite to be combined in 
 whomsoever may be proposed as the author of 
 those celebrated letters — 
 
 " That it would seem to follow unquestionably, 
 that the author of the letters of Junius was an 
 Englishman of highly cultivated education, deeply 
 versed in the language, the laws, the constitution, 
 and history of his native country: that he was a man 
 of easy if not of affluent circumstances, of unsul- 
 lied honour and generosity, who had it equally in 
 his heart and in his power- to contribute to the 
 
 B 
 
2 
 
 necessities of other persons, and especially of those 
 who were exposed to troubles of any kind on his 
 OM'n account : that he was in habits of confiden- 
 tial intercourse, if not with different members of 
 the cabinet, with politicians who were most inti- 
 mately familiar with the court, and entrusted with 
 all its secrets: yet he had attained an age which 
 would allow him, without vanity, to boast of an 
 ample knowledge and experience of the world : 
 that during the years 1767, 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 
 and part of 1772, he resided almost constantly in 
 London or its vicinity, devoting a very large por- 
 tion of his time to political concerns, and publish- 
 ing his political lucubrations, under different sig- 
 natures, in the Public Advertiser; that in his 
 natural temper, he was quick, irritable, and impe- 
 tuous; subject to political prejudices and strong 
 personal animosities ; but possessed of a high in- 
 dependent spirit; honestly attached to the princi- 
 ples of the constitution, and fearless and indefa- 
 tigable in maintaining them ; that he was strict in 
 his moral conduct, and in his attention to public 
 decorum; and, though acquainted with English 
 judicature, not a lawyer by profession. 
 
 " What other characteristics he may have pos- 
 sessed we know not ; but these are sufficient, and 
 the claimant who cannot produce them conjointly, 
 is in vain brought forwards as the author of the 
 letters of Junius."* 
 
 • Vol. i. p. *9Jr. 
 
s 
 
 In addition to the remarks of Mr. Mason Good 
 upon those points which he considers necessary 
 to be previously established, I must also add these 
 from my perusal of the printed letters, and an in- 
 spection of the MSS. which I have been permitted 
 to see through Mr. Woodfall's kindness — 
 
 It appears by numerous printed letters that 
 Junius was intimately acquainted with the con- 
 cerns of the city, with trade, and the language 
 of stock-jobbers; and tha the was probably him- 
 self a citizen, see letter, page 4. " The greatest 
 part of my property having been invested in the 
 funds, I could not help paying some attention to ru- 
 mours or events, by which my fortune may be 
 affected : yet 1 never lay in wait to take advan- 
 tage of a sudden fluctuation, much less would I 
 make myself a bubble to bulls and bears, or a 
 dupe to the pernicious arts practised in the al- 
 ley." 3 Again, " Sir, the Secretary at War refers me 
 to you for an account of what was done — Done, Sir, 
 closed at three-eights." b By his letters to Wilkes 
 he was as anxious that Sawbridge should be the 
 first magistrate in the city, as that the Duke of 
 Grafton should be the lowest man in the state; 
 and he shews the same contempt for Bridgen c 
 
 a Junius, vol. iii. p. 91. b Vol. iii. p. 425. 
 
 c If Alderman Bridgen were chosen Lord Mayor, Junius says, 
 
 " a magistrate would be forced upon the citizens, upon whose 
 
 odious and contemptible character Crosby founds his only hopes of 
 
 success." — Junius, vol. i, p. *270. And again, " it may suit such 
 
 B 2 
 
as for Bradshaw. d In Letter 70, he considers 
 himself as a citizen:— " I think it therefore ab- 
 solutely necessary for us to rouse in defence of 
 the honour of the city, and demonstrate to the 
 ministry, by the spirit and vigour of our proceed- 
 ings, that we are not what they are pleased to re- 
 present us, the scum of the earth and the vilest and 
 basest of mankind." 6 Again, " If I saw any prospect 
 
 a fellow as Bridgen to shut up the Mansion-house," p. *306.— 
 Junius was so mortified when Alderman Nash was elected Lord 
 Mayor, that m a letter to Wilkes he says, * What an abandoned, 
 prostituted idiot is your Lord Mayor ! the shameful mismanage- 
 ment which brought him into office, gave me the first, and an 
 unconquerable disgust." 
 
 d Secretary to the Duke of Grafton. See Junius, vol. i. p. 157. 
 Sec. &c. 
 
 e As this letter is interesting, to shew the partiality of Junius 
 to the city, it is here printed at full length. 
 
 To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 
 
 sir, 10 March, 1//0. 
 
 No man is more warmly attached to the best of princes than 
 I am. I reverence his personal virtues, as much as I respect hi* 
 understanding, and am happy to find myself under the govern- 
 ment of a prince, whose temper and abilities do equal honour to 
 his character. At the same time, I confess, I did not hear with- 
 out astonishment of the answer which some evil-minded coun- 
 sellors advised him to return to the sheriffs of the city of London. 
 For a king of Great Britain to take time to consider, whether he 
 will not receive a petition from his subjects, seems to me to amount 
 to this, that he will take time to consider whether he will not ad- 
 here to the fourth article of the Declaration of Rights. One would 
 think that this could never have been a question in the mind of so.. 
 
of uniting the city once more, I would readily 
 continue to labour in the vineyard. Whenever 
 Mr. Wilkes can tell me that such a union is in 
 prospect he shall hear of me." 1 Junius also wrote 
 a letter addressed to the Livery of London, ex- 
 gracious a prince, if there was not some very dangerous advice 
 given in the closet. I now hear that it has been signified to thff 
 sheriffs, that his Majesty cannot receive the petition, until he is 
 informed of the nature of the assembly, in which it- was com- 
 posed. A king indeed is not obliged to understand the political 
 forms and constitution of every corporation in his kingdom; but his 
 ministers must be uncommonly ignorant who could hot save him 
 the embarrassment of asking such a question concerning the first 
 body corporate in the world. The sheriffs, I presume, will hardly 
 venture to satisfy so unusual an inquiry, upon their own bare au- 
 thority. They will naturally move the Lord Mayor to summon 
 another Common Hall, to answer for themselves ; and then, I 
 doubt not, the corporation of the city of London will fully explain, 
 to those whom it may concern, who they arc, and ivhat is the na- 
 ture of their assembly. After all, Sir, I do not apprehend that the 
 propriety ofthe king's receiving a petition from any of his subjects 
 depends in the least upon their quality or situation. He is bound 
 by the Declaration and subsequent Bill of Rights to receive all pe- 
 titions from his subjects. What notice or answer the contents of 
 them may deserve, must be considered afterwards. To refuse the 
 petition itself is against law. I am persuaded, however, thatno- 
 thing can be further from the intention of our gracious sovereign, 
 than to offer a gross affront to the whole city of London. It is 
 evident that the ministry either mean to gain time- for carrying 
 some poor counter-measure, by means % of the wretched dependants 
 of the court, or to intimidate the city magistrates, and deter theni 
 from dohig their duty. I think it therefore absolutely necessary 
 for us to rouse in defence of the honour of the city, and demon- 
 * Vol. i. p. *253. 
 
pressly to influence them in the choice of their 
 Lord Mayor, Letter LXXVIIL 
 
 Junius also valued himself on his knowledge 
 of finance.— Letter XXXIX. a 
 
 By the MSS. and other documents in Mr. 
 Woodfall's possession. Junius was also, most pro- 
 bably, an author of other works, the printing of 
 which he personally superintended; for his cor- 
 rections of the press shew that he was ac- 
 quainted with the printer's private marks and 
 the peculiar manner of writing them : and in his 
 confidential notes, which have been published, he 
 uses the language of a man conversant with 
 printers : — " I sent you three sheets of copy last 
 night Let me know about what time you want 
 more copy," &c. 
 
 He could also write poetry apparently with fa* 
 cility, as appears by a poem among his MSS. con- 
 
 strate to the ministry, by the spirit and vigour of our proceedings, 
 that we are not, what they are pleased to represent us, the scum 
 of the earth, and the vilest and basest of mankind. 
 
 MODERATUS.* 
 
 * This Letter, in the genuine edition, is signed Philo- Junius, 
 but, when it originally appeared in the Public Advertisei, it bad 
 the signature of Moderatus. 
 
 Here it is worthy of observation, that when Junius wrote under 
 the character of Moderatus, he speaks of himself as a citizen, 
 but eighteen months after, when he wrote a paper expressly to de- 
 prive Alderman Nash of the honours of the Mayoralty, under the 
 signature of Junius, he modestly calls himself a Stranger. See 
 Utter LVIIJ. Vol. II. p. 338. 
 
 a See Addenda. 
 
sisting of six stanzas of four lines each, evidently 
 written for Mr. Woodfall's personal gratification ; 
 as, from internal evidence, the poem could never 
 have been intended for publication. This satiri- 
 cal composition begins, 
 
 HARRY AND NAN. a 
 
 An Elegy in the manner of Tilullus. 
 
 " Can Apollo resist, or a Poet refuse, 
 
 When Harry and Nancy solicit the Muse ? 
 
 A statesman who makes a whole Nation his care, 
 
 And a nymph, who is almost as chaste as she's fair." 
 
 It may also be remarked, that the ingenious 
 device of having a subordinate character, as Philo 
 Junius, to support the hero, savours of a drama- 
 tic feeling ; b and his letters, written to Lord Bar- 
 rington, have characters and scenes. 
 
 From reading the private notes of Junius to 
 Mr. Woodfall, it appears that the author had a 
 personal regard for him, and that he knew him 
 thoroughly. Of the sixty-three notes, only four 
 conclude with words of ceremony. No. 3, which 
 asks Mr. Woodfall candidly to tell him if he knew 
 or suspected who he was, concludes, I am, Sir, 
 your most obedient and most humble servant ; No. 6. 
 concludes, your friend, C. ; No. 8. your friend and 
 servant ; and No. 34. / am very truly your friend. 
 
 a Duke of Grafton and Nancy Parsons. 
 b As to Junius, I must wait for fresh matter, as this is a cha- 
 racter which must be kept up with credit. Vol. i. p. *1Q8. 
 
His advice is marked by an affectionate regard 
 towards him. " Between ourselves, let me recom- 
 mend it to you to be much upon your guard with 
 patriots."* And again, u For my own part, I can 
 truly assure you that nothing could affect me 
 more than to have drawn you into a personal 
 danger, because it admits of no recompence." b 
 
 The poetical composition just noticed which 
 he sent to Mr. Woodfall, as a private sally of 
 his imagination, is conclusive that he did not 
 regard the printer of the Public Advertiser as a 
 mere printer and publisher: and when he asked 
 him if he knew or could guess who Junius might 
 be, it would seem that in his mind there were some 
 grounds for his inquiry and suspicion. 
 
 In letter No. lp, when the prosecution of Mr. 
 Woodfall was pending for publishing the letter to 
 the king, Junius writes to him, — " If your affair 
 should come to a trial, and you should be found 
 guilty, you will let me know what expence falls 
 particularly on yourself, for I understand you are 
 engaged with other proprietors. Some way or 
 other you shall be reimbursed." This last para- 
 graph sufficiently shews that the author had a 
 peculiar regard for Mr. Woodfall; as his coadju- 
 tors, who were embarked in the same hazard on 
 the common account, ought, if he had had no par- 
 
 • Private letter to Mr. Woodfall, No. 44. 
 b Private letter, No, 43, 
 
tiality for Mr. Woodfall, to have been equally 
 protected and indemnified. 
 
 Mr. Woodfall, so far as concerned the letters 
 of Junius, was as secret as the author himself, 
 and in no instance ever betrayed the slightest de- 
 sire to penetrate into the mystery; but, on the 
 contrary, with the most inflexible reserve kept 
 his suspicions and conjectures to himself, what- 
 ever they may have been, and very rarely shewed 
 a specimen of the hand-writing of the letters in 
 his possession, even to his most intimate friends. 
 This reserved and cautious disposition could not 
 be otherwise than well known to Junius, and from 
 what I have already stated, it is evident that there 
 was not only a reciprocal confidence between 
 them, but on the part of Junius a particular re- 
 gard for Mr. Woodfall. This confidence was so 
 well established that at times Junius seems to 
 have been disposed to reveal himself to him : — 
 " Act honourably by me, and at a proper time you 
 shall know me." a And again, " I doubt whether 
 I shall ever have the pleasure of knowing you ; 
 but, if things take the turn I expect, you shall 
 know me by my works." b And in his private 
 letter No. 6, I cannot help suspecting but that 
 that part of it which has been supposed to be 
 written in a negligent hand was so written by 
 design. 
 
 a Private letter, N e "41. b Lett. N° 17. 
 
10 
 
 a S1R> Sunday; Aug. 6, 1769. 
 
 " The spirit of your letter convinces me that 
 you are a much better writer than most of the 
 people whose works you publish. Whether you 
 have guessed well or ill must be left to our future 
 acquaintance. For the matter of assistance, be 
 assured, that if a question should arise upon any 
 writings of mine, you shall not want it. Yet you 
 see how things go, and I fear my assistance would 
 not avail you much. For the other points of print- 
 ing, &c. it does not depend on us at present. My 
 own works you shall constantly have, and in point 
 of money, be assured you never shall suffer. I wish 
 the inclosed to be announced to-morrow conspi- 
 cuously for Tuesday. I am not capable of writ- 
 ing any thing more finished. 
 
 " Your friend. 
 
 " C." 
 
 In this letter the words printed in Italics are 
 in a natural hand, bearing no resemblance to the 
 former or the latter part of the same letter, which 
 is written in his accustomed disguised, formal, 
 upright Italian hand; and this is the only in- 
 stance throughout the whole of his letters where 
 there is any variation in the principle of the writ- 
 ten character. And here Junius is assuring Mr. 
 Woodfall that he will indemnify him as to any 
 expense that may be incurred in consequence of 
 publishing his writings : that is the main object 
 
11 
 
 of the letter, and as the essential words only are 
 written in a natural character, I cannot help 
 being of opinion that they were so written, under 
 the confidence that appears to have been esta- 
 blished between them, to give additional force 
 and veracity to his declaration. 
 
 Junius was attached to religion, but he has no 
 where declared that he was of the established 
 church, though Mr. Mason Good has said in his 
 Preliminary Essay, by mistake, that he was an 
 avowed member of it. a " He was a true and 
 hearty Christian in substance not in ceremony ; 
 though possibly he may not agree with my Rev. 
 Lords the Bishops or with the head of the church, 
 that prayers are morality, and that kneeling is 
 religion." b 
 
 a Vol. ;. p. *98. 
 
 b The whole of this letter, in defence of the religious prin- 
 ciples of Junius, is sophistically composed, and appears rather to 
 evade the question of his profession of faith than to explain it. 
 
 To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 
 sir, 26 Jug. 1771. 
 
 The enemies of the people, having now nothing better to ob- 
 ject to my friend Junius, are at last obliged to quit his politics and 
 to rail at him for crimes he is not guilty of. His vanity and im- 
 piety are now the perpetual topics of their abuse. I do not mean 
 to lessen the force of such charges, (supposing they were true,) 
 but to shew that they are not founded. If I admitted the pre- 
 mises, I should readily agree in all the consequences drawn from 
 them. Vanity indeed is a venial error, for it usually carries its 
 own punishment with it 3 — but if I thought Junius capable of utter- 
 
12 
 
 Agreeably to this view of the Author of the let- 
 ters of Junius no one has yet been named. In 
 
 ing a disrespectful word of the religion of his country, I should be 
 the first to renounce and give him up to public contempt and 
 indignation. As a man, I am satisfied that he is a Christian upon 
 the most sincere conviction. As a writer he would be grossly in- 
 consistent with his political principles, if he dared to attack a re- 
 ligion established by those laws, which it seems to be the purpose 
 ©f his life to defend. Now for the proofs. — Junius is accused of an 
 impious allusion to the holy sacrament, where he says that, if Lord 
 Weymouth be denied the cup t there will be no keeping him within 
 the pale of the ministry. Now, Sir, I affirm that this passage re- 
 fers entirely to a ceremonial in the Roman catholic church, which 
 denies the cup to the laity. It has no manner of relation to the 
 Protestant creed, and is in this country as fair an object of ridicule 
 as transubstantiation, or any other part of Lord Peters history in 
 the Tale of a Tub. 
 
 But Junius is charged with equal vanity and impiety, in com- 
 paring his writings to the holy scripture. — The formal protest he 
 makes against any such comparison, avails him nothing. It becomes 
 necessary then to shew that the charge destroys itself. — If he be 
 vain, he cannot be impious. A vain man does not usually compare 
 himself to an object, which it is his design to undervalue. On the 
 other hand, if he be impious, he cannot be vain. For his impiety, 
 if any, must consist in his endeavouring to degrade the holy scrip- 
 tures by a comparison with his own contemptible writings. This 
 would be folly indeed of the grossest nature, but where lies the 
 vanity? — I shall now be told, — " Sir, what you say is plausible 
 enough, but still you must allow that it is shamefully impudent in 
 Junius to tell us that his works will live as long as the Bible.*' My 
 answer is. Agreed : but first prove that he has said so. Look at 
 his words, and you will find that the utmost he expects is, that the 
 Bible and Junius will survive the commentaries of the Jesuits, 
 which may prove true in a fortnight. The most malignant sagacity 
 cannot shew that his works are, in his opinion , to live as long as the 
 
13 
 
 Glover, the author of Leonidas, are united all the 
 necessary qualities of such a writer; and, if I fail to 
 substantiate my opinions on this interesting sub- 
 ject, I cannot fail to convict the politicians of his 
 time of a total want of perspicacity in overlooking 
 51 man who possessed more requisites than any in- 
 dividual to whom those letters have been hitherto 
 attributed 
 
 Mr. Glover was an ardent politician in the old 
 Whig interest. As early as the year 1739 he made 
 a conspicuous figure in the city, and by his in* 
 fluence and activity was the means of setting aside 
 Sir George Champion's election to the mayoralty, 
 as, in his place as Member of Parliament, he 
 voted with the court party in the business of the 
 Spanish Convention, contrary to what Mr. Glover 
 considered to be the true interest of the City of 
 London. 
 
 Bible. — Suppose I were to foretel that Jack and Tom would sur- 
 vive Harry, does it follow that Jack must live as long as Tom ? 
 I would only illustrate my meaning and protest against the least 
 idea of profaneness." 
 
 Yet this is the way in which Junius is usually answered, ar- 
 raigned, and convicted. These candid critics never remember any 
 thing he says in honour of our holy religion; though it is true that 
 one of his leading arguments is made to rest upon the internal evi~ 
 dence which the purest of all religions carries with it. I quote his 
 words, and conclude from them, that he is a true and hearty Chris- 
 tian, in substance, not in ceremony j though possibly he may not 
 agree with my Reverend Lords the Bishops, or with the Head of 
 the Church, that prayers are morality t or that kneeling is re- 
 %»«. PHILO JUNIUS. 
 
14 
 
 His talents, his knowledge of political affairs, 
 and his information concerning commerce, gave 
 him so much distinction amongst the merchants of 
 London, that he was appointed by them to con- 
 duct their application to parliament in 1741 and 
 1742, on the subject of the neglect of their trade. 
 To his sole management was consigned their appli- 
 cation to both Houses of Parliament against the 
 Walpolean commissioners of the Admiralty ; and 
 his exertions were crowned with complete success. 
 At this time his character was so high in political 
 estimation, that the Duchess of Marlborough, when 
 she made her Will, left Mr. Glover, in a codicil, 
 5001. to write the history of the Duke of Marlbo- 
 rough's life : with this remark, " Mr. Glover I be- 
 lieve is a very honest man, who wishes, as I 
 do, all the good that can happen to preserve 
 the liberties and laws of England." a This codicil is 
 dated August 1.5, 1744, and Mr. Glover regretted 
 that the capricious restrictions it contained com- 
 
 a The manner in which this bequest is made, shews that the 
 Duchess had a personal knowledge and confidence in Glover ; and 
 this is more strongly marked by the manner she speaks of Mallet, 
 who was also nominated in her Will to write the Life of Duke of 
 Marlborough, for which appointment she gives this reason : " Mr. 
 Mallet was recommended to me by the late Duke of Montrose, 
 whom I admired extremely for his great steadiness and behaviour 
 in all tilings that related to the preservation of our laws and the 
 public good." 
 
 Mr. Mallet had been a private tutor in the family of the Duke 
 of Montrose, 
 
15 
 
 pelled him to reject the undertaking : since, as he 
 expresses himself, — " There, conduct, valour, and 
 success abroad ; prudence, perseverance, learning 
 and science, at home, would have shed some portion 
 of their graces on their historian's page, and enli- 
 vened his chearful labours; a mediocrity of talent 
 would have felt an unwonted elevation in the bare 
 attempt of transmitting so splendid a period to 
 succeeding ages." 
 
 He lived at this time in habits of intimacy 
 with Lord Cobham, Pitt, afterwards Lord Chat- 
 ham, George Grenville, Lyttelton, Dodington, 
 Waller, and other eminent political characters who 
 were in opposition to the court party, and his 
 visits were frequent at Leicester House. 3 
 
 Immediately on the death of the Prince of 
 Wales, April 7, 1751, Dodington says, " Mr. 
 Glover dined with me, and the Earl of Shaftsbury 
 came in the afternoon, and we agreed to drive it 
 to an issue with the Earls of Westmorland and 
 Oxford, either to form a regular party imme- 
 diately, or to give the point entirely up. If a 
 party should be formed, then to fix the subscrip- 
 
 a His poem of Leonidas, from its patriotic character, was a great 
 favourite with the Prince of Wales. Dr. Warton informs us, 
 e( that nothing else was read or talked of at Leicester House.' 
 
 The Prince, as a mark of his attachment to Glover, and to his 
 political principles, made him a present of a complete set of the 
 Classics elegantly bound. Mr. Pveed says, that he also sent him 
 5001. but this is a mistake - 7 Mr. Glover never received any money 
 from the Prince. 
 
16 
 
 tion for a paper by Mr. Ralph, to be supported by 
 about twenty of us, at ten guineas each, and by 
 what else we can get." b 
 
 During the Duke of Newcastle's administra- 
 tion Mr. Glover was valued by his party as a man 
 of considerable political importance; and when 
 Mr. Pitt first came into office, in 1756, he was con- 
 suited, and on that occasion drew up these pre- 
 liminary conditions. 
 
 1. " Mr. Pitt should insist on a militia, and 
 the dismission of the foreign troops, — on the 
 strictest inquiry into past misconduct, — and make 
 a reserve, absolutely not to involve the nation with 
 the continent, in case he should at any time dis- 
 approve of such a measure. 
 
 2. He should insist on displacing all the effi- 
 cient officers of the last administration, and all 
 others of every kind who are obnoxious to the 
 public. 
 
 5. He must not give up one of these points 
 to the King. In the present calamitous crisis, it 
 is indispensably necessary, not only that the King 
 should not be master; but that he should know 
 and feel, he is not and ought not to be so. 
 
 4. This conduct of Mr. Pitt will be universally 
 applauded without doors: if the King will not ac- 
 quiesce, Mr. Pitt will have done his duty, and 
 will be justifiably disengaged. 
 
 $. Calamitous events have set Mr. Pitt in 
 
 b Dodington's Diary, p. 95. 
 
17 
 
 his present high point of light. Fresh calamities 
 will soon succeed, and raise him yet higher, and 
 compel the King to these terms at last. 
 
 rj. If it be alledged, that Mr. Pitt should pay 
 some deference to the Houses of Parliament, the 
 creatures of the late Administration, it is an- 
 swered, No. He should think of no other sup- 
 port, as Minister, in so dangerous a time, but the 
 rectitude of his measures and intentions; if Par- 
 liament will not support these, that Parliament 
 may become a victim of public despair, and he 
 have this satisfaction, at least, of being the single 
 man spared by an enraged and ruined nation. 
 
 Mr. Townshend entreated that he might com- 
 municate these propositions to Mr. Pitt, without 
 concealing the author. Their first interview was 
 on the Monday following. Townshend frankly 
 declared, that his sentiments upon the present 
 conjuncture were contained in a short paper com- 
 posed by an old acquaintance of Mr. Pitt's; and 
 on his inquiring who it was, mentioned Mr. Glover's 
 name. He was in bed, and so helpless with pain, 
 that Townshend read the paper to him : he gave 
 his assent, excepting to no part, assuring him that 
 that paper contained his sentiments likewise. One 
 circumstance, minute indeed, but serving to illus- 
 trate his character, must not be omitted. Mr. 
 
 c This was George Townshend, created Marquis Townshend in 
 1787. He died Sept. 14/ 1807, father to the late Marquis 
 who was President of the Society of Antiquaries. 
 
 C 
 
18 
 
 Townshend told me, that when he came to the 
 fifth article, which ascribes Pitt's exaltation merely 
 to calamitous events, without any compliment to 
 his abilities or merit, he shrunk back; — Town- 
 shend perceiving his pride was hurt, interposed a 
 manly comment, that whatever esteem the author 
 might have of him personally, this was not an oc- 
 casion to make compliments, but to state facts 
 and argument; Pitt soon recollecting himself, an- 
 swered, " I understand my friend perfectly, I 
 agree with him entirely." 11 
 
 Mr. Pitt also made Glover a confidential ad- 
 viser after he was dismissed from office, on the 5th 
 of April, 1757, and consulted him upon the answer 
 he should give to the city of London, on being pre- 
 sented with the freedom of that city, and also, upon 
 what political measures he should adopt as to a 
 coalition with the Duke of Newcastle. On this 
 occasion Mr. Pitt disclosed to him the most mate- 
 rial occurrences between himself and the King 
 during the late administration, by which it ap- 
 peared that the King had never reposed the least 
 confidence in him; but in Glover's own words, 
 " was awed by Pitt's spirit and popular name to 
 treat him with a civil, though inflexible reserve."' 
 
 Glover's advice to Pitt as to the kind of an- 
 swer which he ought to give to the city, on re- 
 ceiving the freedom, together with his conversa- 
 tion with him as to a coalition with the Duke of 
 d Mem. p. 66. c Mem. p. B§. 
 
19 
 
 Newcastle, are very characteristic of his mind, and 
 and much in the tone of feeling of Junius. 
 
 " Pitt asked me in what manner I would ad- 
 vise him to word his answer to the City of London, 
 upon the compliment they intended to make him 
 of his freedom. I advised him to be very general 
 in his expressions, and to retain in his private 
 thoughts as little regard to their present approba- 
 tion, as he had done to their censure in the case of 
 Byng ; to form, as an honest man, the best opi- 
 nions he was able, and ever keep in remem- 
 brance, that 
 
 Justum et tenacem propositi virum 
 Non civium ardor prava jubentium, 
 Non vultus instantis tyranni, 
 Mente quatit solida' f 
 
 That his greatest trial was immediate; all orders 
 and conditions of men were now united in one 
 cry for a coalition between him and the Duke of 
 Newcastle, whose instability, treachery, timidity, 
 and servile devotion to the King, were indisputably 
 known; and to whom, interposed Mr. Pitt, all our 
 public misfortunes are more imputable than to 
 any other man. But what must be done? we are 
 now in the most desperate and flagitious hands, 
 capable of any violence. The Duke of Cumber- 
 land would not hesitate to silence the complaints 
 of an aggrieved people by a regiment of the 
 
 f Horace, Ode 3. Lib, III. 
 c 2 
 
20 
 
 Guards, a measure which Fox would as little 
 scruple to advise ; I grant them, said I, to be the 
 heads of a Catilinarian band; but will your union 
 with Newcastle prevent the mischief? Do not 
 imagine, replied he, that I can be induced to unite 
 with him, unless sure of power; I mean power 
 over public measures : the disposition of officers, 
 except the few efficient ones of Administration, 
 the creating Deans, Bishops, and every placeman 
 besides, is quite out of my plan, and which I wil- 
 lingly would relinquish to the Duke of Newcastle. 
 Give me leave, said I, to suppose you united in 
 Administration with him ; then let us consider 
 the part which he (admitting him to be sincere.) 
 will have to act. You have no command in ei- 
 ther House of Parliament and have experienced 
 the personal dislike of the King. You must de- 
 pend altogether on the Duke of Newcastle for a 
 majority in Parliament, and on his righting your 
 battles in the closet ; and, to speak plainly, using 
 his efforts to alienate a father from a favoured 
 son, who is your declared enemy. 
 
 " Supposing Newcastle sincere, is his compo- 
 sition stern enough for such encounters? But, 
 knowing him false, selfish, and insatiable of power, 
 will he not rather make his own way, and re- 
 establish himself in the King's favour by every 
 servile gratification of his will? Then shall I be 
 grieved to see you, the first man in Great Britain, 
 at this juncture, become a subaltern to the lowest. 
 
 i 
 
£1 
 
 Sir, you are governed by a noble principle, the 
 love of fame; do not hazard that glorious acqui- 
 sition on such precarious ground. As you are the 
 only object in the nation's eye, every wrong mea- 
 sure, every miscarriage will be imputed to you. 
 You may say you can but quit your situation 
 again : true; but are you sure of returning to the 
 same situation of character and importance which 
 you now possess ? Necessity brought you in, the 
 last time ; you soon found there was no raising an 
 edifice without materials: the materials cannot 
 exist, till calamity has utterly changed the tern* 
 per, manners, and principles of the whole nation. 
 Calamity, perhaps, is not very distant from us: 
 when you can command your materials, and ne- 
 cessity puts the power in your hands, then resume 
 your task. To conclude, I mean, that with such 
 a coadjutor as Newcastle, and with such a 
 House of Commons, it is impossible for an 
 honest man to serve his country : and I am satis- 
 fied, that your magnanimity, experience, and dis- 
 cernment, must see this coalition in a worse light 
 than I am capable of representing it. After all, 
 Sir, if you must yield to the pressure of all your 
 friends, and the whole publick, soliciting and cla- 
 mouring for this measure, remember I compare 
 you to Curtius, whose courage I should have ad- 
 mired when he leapt into the gulph; though, as 
 his friend, I never would have counselled him to 
 take that leap. I then took occasion to pass some 
 
22 
 
 compliments upon him, which, together with my 
 preceding discourse, drew this answer. 
 
 " I am quite happy in the good opinion you 
 entertain of your old acquaintance. Let me as- 
 sure you that I have drawn a line, which I will 
 not pass: so far, perhaps, I may be driven, but 
 beyond it — never. " f 
 
 Glover was now esteemed as a considerable 
 auxiliary to the Whig party. At this time he in- 
 terested himself in the establishment of Mr. Town- 
 shend's Militia act, and was one of its warmest 
 supporters, and no political measure was agitated 
 that was indifferent to him. On Dec. 21, 1760, 
 immediately after the death of the late King, 
 Dodington says, 
 
 " Mr. Glover was with me, and was full of ad- 
 miration of Lord Bute : he applauded his conduct 
 and the King's : saying, that they would beat 
 every thing; but a little time must be allowed for 
 the madness of popularity to cool. He was not 
 determined about political connexions, but, I be- 
 lieve, he will come to us." § 
 
 J Mem. p. 85. 
 * Diary, p. 3/3. Junius had also high expectation of the poli- 
 tical prospect which was presented to the country on the accession 
 of his present Majesty. " When our gracious Sovereign ascended 
 the throne we were a flourishing and a contented people." Junius, 
 Vol. i. p. 50. " You (the King) found your subjects pleased with 
 the novelty of a young prince, whose countenance promised even 
 more than his words, and loyal to you, not only from principle, but 
 passion." Vol. it. p. 66. " The King found this country in that 
 
23 
 
 The last sentence of this paragraph plainly 
 shews the estimation in which he was held by his 
 contemporary politicians. 
 
 May 1761, he was chosen Member of Par- 
 liament for Weymouth, and sate till March 1 1 
 1768. In this Parliament he occasionally spoke, 
 and always divided with George Grenville. From 
 this time he took no ostensible part in politics, 
 but his political reputation was not at all impaired 
 or diminished. 
 
 From a letter dated March 7, 1773, by Mr. 
 Woodfall, ample testimony is given of the stea- 
 diness of his principles, and of the similarity of 
 his politics to those of Junius, to whom this let- 
 ter is addressed. " Should it please the Almighty 
 to spare your life till the next general election, 
 and I should at that time exist, I shall hope you 
 will deign to instruct me for whom I should 
 give my vote, as my wish is to be represented 
 by the most honest and able, and I know there 
 cannot be any one who is so fit to judge as 
 yourself. I have no connexions to warp me, nor 
 am I acquainted with but one person who would 
 speak to me on the subject, and that gentleman 
 is, I believe, a true friend to the real good of his 
 country ; I mean Mr. Glover, the author of Leoni- 
 das." a By this declaration it would seem that if 
 
 state of perfect union and happiness which good government natu- 
 rally produceg, and which a bad one has destroyed." Vol. Hi. p. 37 1 . 
 a Junius, vol. i.p. *258. 
 
24 
 
 Glover was not Junius, Mr. Woodfall, at least, 
 ranked him the next, for political wisdom and 
 sincere patriotism. To this letter Junius returned 
 no answer. 
 
 In February 1775 he was intrusted by the 
 West India planters and Merchants to support 
 their interest at the bar of the House of Commons, 
 to represent the evils of an association entered into 
 by the congress, held at Philadelphia, which had for 
 its object the injury of the trade to the continent 
 of America, from the islands in the West Indies. 
 On this occasion Glover was their advocate; h& 
 acquitted himself with the greatest credit by a 
 very long investigation of the merits of the case, . 
 and an eloquent address to the House. 
 
 " I bend under the weight of a subject so aw- 
 ful, a weight increased by my own thoughts anti- 
 cipating calamities, in which every inhabitant 
 throughout this extensive empire, more or less, 
 may have a share." h 
 
 Speaking of Ireland with respect to the dimi- 
 nution of its exports, he says, " The evil hour is 
 advancing, not yet come ; no sooner come, than 
 felt, it may produce a discovery too late, that high 
 sounding words supply no food to the hungry, no 
 raiment to the naked; and that these throughout 
 our empire may amount to millions in number — 
 But new channels of supply shall be found ; our 
 
 h Petition of the West India Planters, with the evidence adduced 
 at the Bar of the House of Commons, Feb. 2, 177 5, P- 6. 
 
25 
 
 potency can surmount all difficulties. It is full 
 time to begin the essay in Ireland, lest, during the 
 experiment, emigration, so constant there, should 
 change to depopulation." 1 He then reverts to 
 the situation of this happy country with his usual 
 gloomy feelings. 
 
 1 Petition of the Planters, &c. p. J6. Junius says of the Irish 
 who emigrated to America : " They left their native land in 
 search of freedom, and found it in a desert." — Junius, vol. ii. p. 77. 
 
 Junius thus regrets the state of Ireland, (May 28, 1/70.) 
 " The extraordinary prorogation of the Irish Parliament, and the 
 just discontents of that kingdom have been passed by without 
 notice." Vol. i. p. 146. 
 
 Junius to the King. 
 
 " The people of Ireland have been uniformly plundered and 
 oppressed. In return, they give you every day fresh marks of 
 their resentment. They despise the miserable governor you have 
 sent them, because he is the creature of Lord Bute ; nor is it from 
 any natural confusion in their ideas, that they are so ready to con- 
 found the original of a King with the disgraceful representation of 
 him. 
 
 " The distance of the Colonies would make it impossible for 
 them to take any active concern in your affairs, if they were as well 
 affected to your government as they once pretended to be to your 
 person. They were ready enough to distinguish between you and 
 your ministers. They complained of an act of the legislature, but 
 traced the origin of it no higher than to the servants of the crown : 
 They pleased themselves with the hope that their Sovereign, if not 
 favourable to their cause, at least was impartial. The decisive, 
 personal part you took against them, has effectually banished that 
 first distinction from their minds. They consider you as united 
 with your servants against America, and know how to distinguish 
 the Sovereign and a venal parliament on one side, from the real 
 sentiments of the English people on the other." Vol. ii. p. 75, 
 
26 
 
 " I now return to England, not a member, but 
 the head. Her sorrows I will leave to the con- 
 templation of that superior class, which must be 
 the ultimate and permanent sufferer. The sage 
 Mr. Locke would tell the country gentlemen, that 
 his visible property must re-place the loss of public 
 revenue, that he must provide for a nation of 
 hungry and naked, or sink into utter debility and 
 despondency, when the sun rises no more on this 
 once flourishing island, but to see the desertion of 
 inhabitants, and a wretched remnant, wandering 
 unclad and unfed in lamentation over a wil- 
 derness." 1 
 
 On the impolicy of direct taxation in America, 
 when we were by commerce deriving, from our 
 colonies, all the possible advantage attainable in 
 the nature of things, he says, " What looks would 
 our ancestors cast on their blind posterity, who 
 on every start of pecuniary contribution ' from 
 America, have under three administrations been 
 open-mouthed, and are still for American taxation? 
 Let the three administrations have all the justifi- 
 cation of Defendit numerus, junctceque umbone pha- 
 langes." * 
 
 ' Petition of the Planters, &c. p. 77 '• 
 k Petition of the Planters, &C. p. 7Q. 
 
 Junius speaks thus, " Neither the general situation of our 
 colonies, nor that particular distress which forced the inhabitants 
 of Boston to take up arms in their defence, have been thought 
 worthy of a moment's consideration. In the repeal of those acts.. 
 
27 
 
 " Sir, I foresee, these differences with America 
 will be composed, and how — Here, silence becomes 
 me best — It will be so late, that Great Britain 
 must receive a wound which no time can heal — 
 A philosophical sense of dignity must step in 
 under the shape of consolation." 1 
 
 After reading this address delivered at the bar 
 of the House of Commons in \775, it is important, 
 to shew the true character of Mr. Glover's mind, 
 the steadiness of his principles, and the boldness 
 of his declamation, to revert to his speech delivered 
 at the bar of the House thirty years before this 
 time, when he exhibited the same lofty tone of 
 feeling, and the same spirit of independence. 
 
 " Sir, after the many grievances already enu- 
 merated, to tell the Committee" 1 that the heaviest 
 is yet behind, will perhaps awaken their astonish- 
 ment, and, I humbly hope, bespeak their patience 
 a little longer. However considerable, however 
 
 which were most offensive to America, the parliament have done 
 every thing, but remove the offence. They have relinquished the 
 revenue, but judiciously taken care to preserve the contention. It 
 is not pretended that the continuance of the tea duty is to produce 
 any direct benefit whatsoever to the mother country. What is it 
 then but an odious, unprofitable exertion of a speculative right, 
 and fixing a badge of slavery upon the Americans, without service 
 to their masters? But it has pleased God to give us a ministry and 
 a parliament, who are neither to be persuaded by argument, nor 
 instructed by experience." Vol. ii. p. \4J. 
 
 1 Petition of the Planters, &c. p. 8/\ 
 
 m This was a committee of the whole House. 
 
28 
 
 meritorious to the public the mercantile interest 
 of Great Britain may appear at this bar; what- 
 ever degree of indulgence and regard the mer- 
 chants may have found from this great assembly, 
 in other places they have severely experienced 
 that they were deemed unworthy of the public 
 concern : their complaints have been received 
 with indifference, and their misfortunes imbittered 
 with insult and scorn. Have applications been 
 made setting forth the misconduct of a com- 
 mander who deserted the trade under his convoy, 
 and left it exposed as a prey to the enemy? Was 
 any redress obtained ? What answer was returned 
 but tins? What would you have with this captain, 
 would you have him turned out, and the master of a 
 merchant-man put into his room? You would have 
 all the captains of his Majesty s ships turned out, 
 and masters of merchant-men put into their place ? 
 Have public representations been made from our 
 Northern Colonies, that their coast was neglected 
 and defenceless ? was the least remedy applied to 
 the evil? or does it appear that the commanders, 
 the most notoriously guilty of neglect, have met 
 with the least rebuke? Has murder been com- 
 mitted in the arbitrary impressing of men, the law 
 violated, and the civil magistrate set at defiance ? 
 Was a regular complaint preferred against this 
 proceeding? What reparation has been made? or 
 in what manner has justice been satisfied ? The 
 law underwent a second violation from the military 
 
529 
 
 power, the murderers were acquitted by a mock 
 trial in a court-martial, who might have been con- 
 demned in a court of justice, and are at this hour 
 liable to be tried for wilful murder." " l 
 
 From the year 1775 Mr. Glover retired from 
 public business, but was not indifferent to public 
 concerns to the day of his death, which took place 
 Nov. 25, 1785. 
 
 In his person and habits he was a finished gen- 
 tleman of the old school, slow and precise in his 
 manner, grave and serious in his deportment, and 
 always in the highest degree decorous; but his 
 natural temper was, though benevolent, at once 
 irritable and violent." He was very strict in his 
 moral conduct, and although he went to the 
 established church, was brought up a dissenter. 
 Before the year 1776 he wore a bag, his wig 
 very accurately dressed, and a small cocked hat 
 under his arm, and in this costume, in fine 
 
 CT A short Account of the late Application to Parliament hy the 
 Merchants of London, upon the Neglect of their Trade, as summed 
 up by Mr. Glover at the Bar of the House of Commons, Jan. 27, 
 1742. p. 49. 
 
 This accusation cannot fail to remind the reader of the affair 
 of Mac Quirk. — Junius, Letter VIII. In the letter of Junius to 
 the Livery of London, Vol. ii. p. 344 -, and against Lord Mans- 
 field, vol. ii. p. 355. is shewn the same style of interrogatory 
 declamation. 
 
 n Junius says of himself that he was naturally phlegmatic, but, 
 that any measure which had a tendency to invade the laws, directly, 
 or indirectly, or to sap the constitution,, roused his passions. Vol. i. 
 p. *308. 
 
30 
 
 weather, he constantly walked from his house 
 in James Street, Westminster, into the City, 
 Afterwards he gradually changed his dress to con- 
 form, in some degree, to the fashion of the day. 
 I have been thus particular, because I cannot help 
 suspecting that the person described by Mr. Jack- 
 son, who threw a letter into Mr. Woodfalfs office 
 in Ivy Lane, was Mr. Glover himself, though he 
 describes the person as a tall Gentleman, which 
 does not correspond to Mr. Glover's stature. In 
 reading Mr. Good's note, which records this inci- 
 dent, one difficulty occurred still more objection- 
 able ; that as Glover must have been well known 
 to Mr. . Woodfall, it was improbable that he should 
 put his discovery to such a hazard ; but from in- 
 formation, not given by Mr. Good, I find that the 
 letter from Junius was thrown into the office 
 between eleven and twelve o'clock at night, which 
 is a material circumstance, and ought not to have 
 been omitted in the relation of that incident.* 
 
 From a review of Mr. Glover's life and writings, 
 it is obvious that his mind was devoted to political 
 
 a Mr. Jackson, the present respectable proprietor of the Ipswich 
 Journal, was at this time in the employment of the late Mr. Wood- 
 fall, and he observed to the editor, in September last, that he once 
 saw a tall Gentleman, dressed in a light coat with bag and sword, 
 throw into the office door opening in Ivy Lane, a letter of Junius's, 
 which he picked up, and immediately followed the bearer of it into 
 St. Paul's Church-yard, where he got into a hackney coach, and 
 drove off. But whether this was " the gentleman who transacted 
 the conveyancing part" or Junius himself, it is impossible to 
 ascertain. Junius, Vol, I. p. *43. 
 
31 
 
 considerations; but such was his reserve on those 
 subjects, that in his own domestic circle and by 
 his fire-side, he was always the poet or philoso- 
 pher, or an agreeable narrator of familiar incidents; 
 and never permitted political discussions to in- 
 trude. When occasionally any question arose, 
 which involved political inquiry, he would turn 
 the subject aside, by referring the question to 
 Mr. A. or B. who, he would playfully observe, was 
 a consummate Doctor in that art. 
 
 Junius represents himself to be a family man, 
 Letter XXXIII, Vol III. and alludes to that 
 state of domestic enjoyment, in his letter to Mr. 
 Wilkes, well suited to Mr. Glover's habits, "The 
 domestic society you speak of is much to be 
 envied. I fancy I should like it still better than 
 you do. I too am no enemy to good fellowship, 
 and have often cursed that canting parson for 
 wishing to deny you your claret. It is for him 
 and men like him, to beware of intoxication. 
 Though I do not place the little pleasures of life 
 in competition with the glorious business of in- 
 structing and directing the people ; yet I see no 
 reason why a wise man may not unite the public 
 virtues of Cato with the indulgence of Epicurus."* 
 
 Mr. Glover was an accomplished scholar, b and 
 
 a Junius, vol. i, p. *313. 
 b Dr. Warton says, that Glover was one of the best and most 
 accurate Greek scholars of his time. It is singular that when Ju- 
 nius writes a larger character than his accustomed feigned hand, 
 as in the superscription of a letter, lie forms the letter (a) upon the 
 principle of a Greek Alpha (a), such as the a in Paternoster Row, 
 
32 
 
 had all the advantages that affluent circumstances 
 and the best company could give. He was ever 
 strongly attached to the principles of the con- 
 stitution: his politics were those of Junius ; b 
 and he was of the private councils of men in 
 the highest station in the state, throughout the 
 greater part of a long and active life. At the 
 time the Letters of Junius were written, he had 
 attained an age which could allow him, without 
 vanity, to boast of an ample knowledge and ex- 
 perience of the world ; and during the period of 
 their publication he resided in London, and was 
 engaged in no pursuits incompatible with his de- 
 voting his time to their composition; so that, in 
 his letter to Mr. Wilkes, he might justly say, " I 
 offer you the sincere opinion of a man who per- 
 haps has more leisure to make reflections than 
 you have, and who, though he stands clear of 
 business and intrigue, mixes sufficiently for the 
 purposes of intelligence in the conversation of 
 the world." c Thus, agreeably to any hypothesis 
 that has been formed of Junius, the character of 
 Mr. Glover accurately corresponds. 
 
 During the whole of Mr. Glover's life, it does 
 not appear that he ever had any place or official 
 appointment. Of all his political connexions, 
 
 given as a facsimile, though imperfectly, in vol. i. of Mr. Mason 
 Good's edition, which would seem to imply that the author was 
 in the habit of writing Greek. 
 
 b See the political opinions of Junius stated, p. 5 1. 
 « Last edition of Junius, vol. i. p. *265. 
 
33 
 
 Mr. Samuel Martin was a man for whom he had 
 an uniform esteem; they were governed by the 
 same political principles through life; he calls him 
 the " sincerest of mankind, and the strictest ob- 
 server of truth." I mention this circumstance to 
 shew a remarkable similarity of feeling between 
 a passage, in Junius and one, expressing the same 
 sentiment, contained in a letter written to the 
 Duke of Newcastle, a copy of which was pri- 
 vately sent to Mr. Glover. Martin refused 1500/1 
 a year from the Duke of Newcastle upon prin- 
 ciple, saying, " What I have thought wrong in 
 the case of others, I should be self-condemned* 
 if I consented to, and became a principal party 
 in, for my own private emolument. I do not 
 presume to judge your Grace, who is not to be 
 tried by my principles, and to whom I am be- 
 holden for seeking every expedient to serve me; 
 but these principles, such as they are, whether 
 sound or whimsical, must govern me." a Junius 
 says, " It is true I have refused offers which a 
 more prudent or a more interested man would 
 have accepted ; whether it be simplicity or virtue 
 in me, I can only affirm that I am in earnest, be- 
 cause I am convinced, as far as my understand- 
 ing is capable of judging, that the present minis- 
 try are driving this country to destruction. " b 
 Mr. Glover did not receive his education at 
 
 * See this letter in the Addenda. 
 
 * Junius, Vol. III. p. 202. 
 
 P 
 
34 
 
 either of the Universities, neither has the author 
 of the Letters of Junius shewn any affection to- 
 wards them;- but, on the contrary, Cambridge is 
 made to share some portion of the satire that he 
 bestows on its Chancellor. " Whenever the spirit 
 of distributing prebends and bishopricks shall 
 have departed from you, you will find that learned 
 seminary perfectly recovered from the delirium 
 of an installation, and, what in truth it ought to 
 be, once more become a peaceful scene of slumber 
 and thoughtless meditation." b To Sir Wm. Draper 
 Junius says, "An academical education has given 
 you an unlimitted command over the most beau- 
 tiful figures of speech. — I will not contend with 
 you in point of composition, you are a scholar, Sir 
 William, and if I am truly informed, you write 
 Latin with almost as much purity as English. 
 Suffer me then, for I am a plain unlettered man, 
 to continue that style of interrogation, which 
 suits my capacity, and to which, considering the 
 readiness of your answers, you ought to have n© 
 objection." 
 
 Such expressions of themselves have but little 
 weight; but as the character of a man is sometimes 
 seen in little traits, and is most genuine, where 
 least suspected, these reflections on the University- 
 will appear striking when contrasted with the same 
 author's sense of the dignity of the City of Lon- 
 don. "A king indeed is not obliged to under- 
 k Vol. I. p. 172. c Vol. I. p. 99. 
 
35 
 
 stand the political forms and constitution of every 
 corporation in his dominions; but his ministers 
 must be uncommonly ignorant who could not 
 save him the embarrassment of asking such a 
 question concerning the first body corporate in 
 the world ; who, I doubt not, will fully explain to 
 those to whom it may concern, who they are, and 
 what is the nature of their assembly."* 
 
 Junius always speaks of city honours with 
 becoming respect, while he speaks of the rank of 
 Nobility with irritation and contempt. "Crosby's 
 view must be directed, then, to the flattering dis- 
 tinction of succeeding to a second Mayoralty, 
 and, what is still more honourable, to the being 
 thought worthy of it by his fellow-citizens." " I 
 should be glad to mortify those contemptible 
 creatures who call themselves noblemen. 1 ' Great 
 men are indeed a worthless, pitiful race. 
 
 Mr. Glover wrote with great difficulty to him- 
 self, and all his literary compositions cost him 
 much labour. In this respect there is a 
 great analogy between him and Junius, who 
 when he did not take pains, wrote very unlike 
 himself. No one would imagine that these two 
 letters could have been written by the same 
 person. All his letters signed Philo-Junius are 
 of a subordinate character to those signed Juxus, 
 
 * Vol. III. p. 259. 
 
36 
 
 TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTOX. 
 
 Is it enough that Abra should be great 
 In the walld palace or the rural seat P 
 Oh, ?w! Jerusalem combined must see 
 My open shame aud boasted infamy, 
 
 3UY LORD, 
 
 Permit me to congratulate your grace 
 upon a piece of good fortune which few men, of 
 the best established reputation, have been able to 
 attain to. The most accomplished persons have 
 usually some defect, some weakness in their cha- 
 racters, which diminishes the lustre of their 
 brighter qualifications. Tiberius had his forms : — 
 Charteris now and then deviated into honesty; 
 and even Lord Bute prefers the simplicity of se- 
 duction to the poignant pleasures of a rape. But 
 yours, my lord, is a perfect character : through 
 every line of public and of private life you are 
 consistent with yourself. After doing every thing, 
 in your public station, that a minister might rea- 
 sonably be ashamed of, you have determined, with 
 a noble spirit of uniformity, to mark your personal 
 history by such strokes as a gentleman, without 
 any great disgrace to his assurance, might be per- 
 mitted to blush for. I had already conceived a 
 high opinion of your talents and disposition. 
 Whether the property of the subject, or the gene- 
 ral rights of the nation were to be invaded \ or 
 
37 
 
 whether you were tired of one lady, and chose 
 another for the honourable companion of your 
 pleasures; whether it was a horse-race or a ha- 
 zard-table; a noble disregard of forms seemed to 
 operate through all your conduct. But you have 
 exceeded my warmest expectations. Highly as I 
 thought of you, your grace must pardon me when 
 I confess that there was one effort which I did 
 not think you equal to. I did not think you ca- 
 pable of exhibiting the lovely Thais a at the opera- 
 house, of sitting a whole night by her side, of 
 calling for her carriage yourself, and of leading 
 her to it through a crowd of the first men and 
 women in the kingdom. To a mind like yours, 
 my lord, such an outrage to your wife, such a 
 triumph over decency, such insult to the com- 
 pany, must have afforded the highest gratification. 
 When all the ordinary resources of pleasure were 
 exhausted, this I presume was your novissima vo- 
 luptas. It is of a lasting nature, my lord, and I 
 dare say will give you as much pleasure upon re- 
 flection, as it did in the enjoyment. After so ho- 
 nourable an achievement, a poet's imagination 
 could add but one ray more to the lustre of your 
 character. Obtain a divorce, marry the lady, and 
 I do not doubt but Mr. Bradshaw will be civil 
 enough to give her away with an honest, artless 
 smile of approbation. b 
 
 ' * Nancy Parsons, afterwards Lady Maynard. 
 b Letter XLI. is one of the best of the compositions of Ju- 
 
38 
 
 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. 
 SIR. 7 September, l?6g, 
 
 I find myself unexpectedly married in 
 the newspapers without my knowledge or con- 
 sent. Since 1 am fated to be a husband, I hope 
 at least the lady will perform the principal duty 
 of a wife. Marriages, they say, are made in hea- 
 ven, but they are consummated upon earth, and 
 since Junta has adopted my name, she cannot, in 
 common matrimonial decency, refuse to make me 
 a tender of her person. Politics are too barren a 
 subject for a new married couple. I should be 
 glad to furnish her with one more tit for a lady to 
 handle, and better suited to the natural dexterity 
 of her sex. In short, if Junta be young and 
 handsome, she will have no reason to complain of 
 mv method of conducting an argument 1 
 minate all tergiversation in discourse, and she 
 may be assured that whatever I advance, whether 
 it be weak or forcible, shall, at any rate, be di- 
 rectly in point. It is true I am a strenuous advo- 
 cate for liberty and property, but when these 
 rights are invaded by a pretty woman, I am nei- 
 ther able to defend my money nor my freedom. 
 The divine right of beauty is the only one an 
 
 nius, which I should have printed in the stead of this, had it not 
 been quite so long. 
 
39 
 
 Englishman ought to acknowledge, and a pretty 
 woman the only tyrant he is not authorised to 
 resist." 
 
 JUNIUS. 
 
 When style in writing is to be considered as 
 evidence, for, or against, the resemblance of dif- 
 ferent authors, it is of the utmost importance to 
 attend to the circumstances under which the au- 
 thor wrote, and the object he had in view. If 
 they are lost sight of, wrangling will supply the 
 place of argument, and fallacious conclusions will 
 be the result. 3 
 
 This extract conveys no idea of the acrimo- 
 nious style of Junius, or the acuteness of his mind. 
 " As to cutting away the rotten boroughs, I am 
 as much offended as any man at seeing so many 
 of them under the direct influence of the crown, 
 or at the disposal of private persons, yet I own I 
 have both doubts and apprehensions, in regard to 
 the remedy you propose. I shall be charged, per- 
 haps, with an unusual want of political intrepidity, 
 when I honestly confess to you, that I am startled 
 at the idea of so extensive an amputation. Jn the 
 first place, I question the power de jure of the 
 legislature to disfranchise a number of boroughs 
 
 a This remark I should have thought unnecessary, had I not 
 found intelligent persons who have compared the Memoir of Glover, 
 with the Letters of Junius, as if they were in all respects to ba 
 considered as similar compositions. 
 
40 
 
 upon the general ground of improving the con- 
 stitution. There cannot be a doctrine more fatal 
 to the liberty and property we are contending for, 
 than that which confounds the idea of a supreme 
 and an arbitrary legislature. I need not point 
 out to you, the fatal purposes to which it has 
 been, and may be applied. If we are sincere in 
 the political creed we profess, there are many 
 things which we ought to affirm, cannot be done 
 by King, Lords, and Commons. Among the.se I 
 reckon the disfranchising a borough with a gene- 
 ral view to improvement. I consider it as equi- 
 valent to robbing the parties concerned, of their 
 freehold, of their birthright. I say, that although 
 this birthright may be forfeited, or the exercise 
 of it suspended in particular cases, it cannot be 
 taken away by a general law, for any real or pre- 
 tended purpose of improving the constitution. 
 I believe there is no power in this country to 
 make such a law. Supposing the attempt made, 
 I am persuaded you cannot mean that either King 
 or Lords should take an active part in it. A bill, 
 which only touches the representation of the 
 people, must originate in the House of Commons, 
 in the formation and mode of passing it. The 
 exclusive right of the Commons must be asserted 
 as scrupulously as in the case of a Money Bill. 
 Now, Sir, I should be glad to know by what kind 
 of reasoning it can be proved that there is a power 
 vested in the representative to destroy his imme- 
 
41 
 
 diate constituent : from whence could he possibly 
 derive it? A courtier, I know, will be ready 
 enough to maintain the affirmative. The doctrine 
 suits him exactly, because it gives an unlimited 
 operation to the influence of the crown. But we, 
 Mr. Wilkes, must hold a different language. It is 
 no answer to me to say, that the bill, when it 
 passes the House of Commons, is the act of the 
 majority, and not of the representatives of the 
 particular boroughs concerned. If the majority 
 can disfranchise ten boroughs, why not twenty? 
 Why not the whole kingdom? Why should not 
 they make their own seats in parliament for life ? 
 When the Septennial Act passed, the legislature 
 did what apparently and palpably they had no 
 power to do; but they did more than people in 
 general were aware of; they disfranchised the 
 whole kingdom for four years." a 
 
 When from the distressed state of the King's 
 Councils, in the year 1745, Mr. Pitt was first forced 
 into the administration, Mr. Glover expresses him- 
 self, as I conceive, very much in the style of 
 Junius. 
 
 " Disinterested motives, and an object of pub- 
 lic advantage extorted from the Crown, would 
 have rendered the measure illustrious to all poste- 
 rity; but the motives were selfish, the object was 
 power : this conduct therefore of the Pelhams was 
 * Junius to Mr, Wilkes, vol. i. p. *287. 
 
42 
 
 ungrateful towards a Prince ever profitable to 
 them, and factious towards the State, which they 
 never had served either ably or vigilantly, nor 
 meant to serve in this instance: their single aim 
 was to annihilate all rivalship, and establish an 
 unbounded authority over a weak, narrow, sordid, 
 and unfeeling master, who, seated by fortune on 
 a throne, was calculated by nature for a pawn- 
 broker's shop, and was easily reconciled to a set 
 of men willing and able to gratify his low avarice, 
 in his ideas, a sufficient compensation for the sa- 
 crifice he made them of his resentments and his 
 prerogative. Hating Mr. Pitt, he preferred him : 
 the ministers, who had hurled back his favours in 
 his face, he restored not only to employment, but 
 to his confidence, and the sole power of three 
 kingdoms: among so great a number, Lord Har- 
 rington was the only one he did not forgive, and 
 whom he was permitted to disgrace. Pitt co- 
 operated with the Pelhams in every point, and 
 brought himself to a level with the Earl of Bath 
 in the public disesteem, not more by his votes, 
 than by his hot and unguarded expressions in Par- 
 liament ; the most indecent of which was, a need- 
 less encomium on the late Sir Robert Walpole, 
 reproaching himself for his opposition to him, and 
 professing a veneration for his ashes." 
 
 If it should be urged that those bitter invec- 
 tives against the King with which the Letters of 
 Junius abound, could not have been .written bv 
 
43 
 
 Glover, because he dedicated his Medea to the 
 King, I shall answer, that the dedication was 
 written in the year 1761, immediately after the 
 King's accession to the throne, when it appears 
 that Mr. Glover and Junius perfectly agreed in the 
 bright prospect before them ; see Dodington's 
 Diary, page 373. Junius says, " the King found 
 this country in that state of perfect union and 
 happiness which good government naturally pro- 
 duces, and which a bad one has destroyed." 3 
 " When our gracious Sovereign ascended the throne 
 we were a flourishing people. " b 
 
 " You ascended the throne with a declared, 
 and, I doubt not, a sincere resolution of giving 
 universal satisfaction to your subjects. You 
 found them pleased with the novelty of a young 
 prince, whose countenance promised even more 
 than his words, and loyal to you not only from 
 principle, but passion. It was not a cold profes- 
 sion of allegiance to the first magistrate, but a 
 partial, animated attachment to a favourite prince, 
 the native of their country, They did not wait 
 to^examine your conduct, nor to be determined 
 by experience, but gave you a generous credit for 
 
 a Vol. ill p. 171. b Vol. i. p. 50. 
 
 c (( Born and educated in this country, I glory in the name of 
 Briton ; and the peculiar happiness of my life will ever consist in 
 promoting the welfare of a people, whose loyalty and warm affec- 
 tion to me, I consider as the greatest and most permanent security 
 ef my throne." King's Speech, November 18, 17^0. 
 
44 
 
 the future blessings of your reign, and paid you 
 in advance the dearest tribute of their affections: 
 Such, Sir, was once the disposition of a people, 
 who now surround your throne with reproaches 
 and complaints." 3 Added to these testimonies, 
 Glover's own opinion of kings is sufficiently con- 
 clusive. — Mem. p. 35. 
 
 Glover's character of the Pelhams is perfectly 
 in unison with the feeling of Junius. 
 
 " March 6, 1754, Mr. Henry Pelham died. 
 He was originally an officer in the army, and a 
 professed gamester; of a narrow mind, and low 
 parts ; of an affable dissimulation, and a plausible 
 cunning ; false to Sir Robert Walpole, who raised 
 him, and ungrateful to the Earl of Bath, who pro- 
 tected him. By long experience and attendance, 
 he became considerable as a Parliament-man ; and> 
 even when Minister, divided his time, to the last, 
 between his office and the club of gamesters at 
 White's." b 
 
 " The Duke of Newcastle was a man of whom 
 no one ever spoke with cordial regard, of parts 
 and conduct which generally drew animadver- 
 sions bordering on contempt, of notorious insin- 
 cerity, political cowardice, and servility to the 
 highest and the lowest; yet, insincere without 
 gall, ambitious without pride, luxurious, jovial, 
 hospitable to all men, of an exorbitant estate, af- 
 
 a Vol. ii. p. 66. b Mem. p. 36. 
 
4> 
 
 fable, forgetful of offences, and profuse of his. 
 favours indiscriminately to all his adherents; he 
 had established a faction by far the most power- 
 ful in this country: hence he derived that in- 
 fluence which encouraged his unworthy preten- 
 sions to ministerial power; nor was he less in- 
 debted to his experience of a Court, a long practice 
 in all its craft, whence he had acquired a certain 
 art of imposition, that in every negociation with 
 the most distinguished popular leaders, however 
 superior to himself in understanding, from the in- 
 stant they began to depart from ingenuous and 
 public principles, he never missed his advantage, 
 nor failed of making them his property at last, 
 and himself their master. Lord Cobham, Ches- 
 terfield, the Duke of Bedford, Pitt, and others, 
 found him so in 1743, when he took them into his 
 confederacy to rout the Earl of Bath and Gran- 
 ville. Pitt found him so in 1757, when this new 
 coalition was formed to destroy the Duke of Cum- 
 berland and Fox." a 
 
 Junius in one of his bitter attacks on the 
 Duke of Grafton, also satirizes the King in a sar- 
 castic allusion to the influence of these two mi- 
 nisters. " His late Majesty, under the happy in- 
 fluence of a family connexion between his Minis- 
 ters was relieved from the cares of Government." b 
 
 Glover's speech to the Livery of London, on 
 
 a Mem. p. 105. k Vol. i. p. U&. 
 
46 
 
 losing his election for the office of Chamberlain, 
 is animated by the same patriotism, without any 
 party-spirit, which is equally the governing prin- 
 ciple of Glover and of Junius. After having 
 stated that he had several times exerted himself 
 in the cause of his his fellow citizens at their re- 
 quest, he says, " Permit me now to remind you, 
 that when placed by these means in a light not 
 altogether unfavourable, no lucrative reward was 
 then the object of my pursuit; nor ever did the 
 promises or offers of private emolument induce 
 me to quit my independence, or vary from the 
 least of my former professions, which always 
 were, and remain still founded on the principles 
 of universal liberty; principles which I assume 
 the glory to have established on your records. 
 Your sense, Liverymen of London, the sense of 
 your great corporation, so repeatedly recom- 
 mended to your representatives in parliament, 
 were my sense, and the principal boast of all my 
 compositions, containing matter imbibed in my 
 earliest education, to which I have always ad- 
 hered, by which I still abide, and which I will 
 endeavour to bear down with me to the grave, 
 and even at that gloomy period, when deserted by 
 my good fortune, and under the severest trials, 
 even then, by the same consistency of opinions 
 and uniformity of conduct, I still preserved that 
 part of my reputation which I originally derived 
 from your favour, whatever I might pretend to call a 
 
47 
 
 public character, unshaken and unblemished ; nor 
 once, in the hour of affliction, did I banish from 
 my thoughts the most sincere and conscientious 
 intention of acquitting every private obligation, 
 as soon as my good fortune should please to re- 
 turn; a distant appearance of which seemed to 
 invite me, and awakened some flattering expec- 
 tations on the rumoured vacancy of the chamber- 
 lain's office ; but always apprehending the impu- 
 tation of presumption, and that a higher degree 
 of delicacy and caution would be requisite in me 
 than in any other candidate, I forbore, till late, 
 to present myself once more to your notice, and 
 then, for the first time, abstracted from a public 
 consideration, solicited your favour for my own 
 private advantage. My want of success shall not 
 prevent my cheerfully congratulating this gentle- 
 man 3 on his election, and you, on your choice of so 
 worthy a magistrate, and if I may indulge a hope 
 of departing this place with a share of your appro- 
 batiDn and esteem, I solemnly from my heart de- 
 clare, that I shall not bear away with me the least 
 trace of disappointment" b 
 
 a Sir Thomas Harrison. 
 
 b In the preliminary part of this address, Glover expresses his 
 acknowledgments to the Livery in general, for their candour, 
 decency, and indulgence. In his Memoir he says, Pitt's '' hot 
 and unguarded expressions in parliament, the most indecent of 
 which was a needless encomium on the late Sir Robert Walpole." 
 Mem. p. 33. These words are frequently used in this sense by 
 Junius, and I do not remember their being used in any other. 
 
48 
 
 A brief analysis and comparison of the political opi- 
 nions of Junius and Glover. 
 
 The first great and leading principle of Junius 
 is, that magistrates and the ministers of government 
 should ever be subservient to the laws. a To pre- 
 
 — t( The man I have described would never prostitute his dignity 
 in parliament by an indecent violence, either by opposing or de- 
 fending a minister." Junius, vol. i. p. 235. " But if a case should 
 happen, wherein a character not merely of private virtue but of 
 public merit, receives an insult equally indecent _and ungrateful, this 
 common concern is increased by that share of interest which every 
 man claims to himself in the public welfare." Junius, vol. iii. p. 80, 
 also vol. i. p. *272, 5Q, vol. ii. p. 360, vol. iii. p. 59, &c. it is used 
 in the same sense. 
 
 a The arguments used in defence of the late proceedings of 
 the House of Commons would have a considerable weight with 
 me, if I could persuade myself that the present House of Com- 
 mons were really in that independent state in which the con- 
 stitution meant to place them. If I could be satisfied that their 
 resolutions were not previously determined in the king's cabinet, 
 that no personal resentment was to be gratified, nor any mini- 
 sterial purpose to be answered, under pretence of asserting their 
 privileges, I own I should be very unwilling to raise or encourage 
 any question between the strict right -of the subject, and that 
 discretionary power which our representatives have assumed by 
 degrees, and which, until of late years, they have very seldom 
 abused. While the House of Commons form a real representation 
 of the people, while they preserve their place in the constitution, 
 distinct from the lords, and independent of the crown, I think 
 to contend with them about the limits of their privileges would be 
 contending with ourselves.* But the question will be materially 
 
 * The necessity of securing the House of Commons against 
 the king's power, so that no interruption might be given either to 
 
49 
 
 serve the British Constitution, according to his 
 view of the subject, in its utmost purity, is his 
 whole aim : and his violence against men upon all 
 occasions, is solely with a view to destroy their 
 measures, when he considered them to be impolitic 
 or unjust. His abuse and invective are governed 
 by this principle; and when he attacks the private 
 vices of men, he adopts that mode, only as an 
 expedient to diminish the baneful effects of their 
 
 altered, if it should appear that instead of preserving the due ba- 
 lance of the constitution, they have thrown their whole weight 
 into the same scale with the crown, and that their privileges, 
 instead of forming a barrier against the encroachments of the other 
 branches of the legislature, are made subservient to the views of 
 the sovereign, and employed, under the direction of the minister, 
 in the persecution of individuals, and the oppression of the people. 
 In this case it would be the duty of every honest man to stand 
 strictly to his right,-— to question every act of such an House of 
 Commons with jealousy and suspicion, and wherever their pre- 
 tended privileges trenched upon the known laws of the land, in 
 the minutest instance, to resist them with a determined and 
 scrupulous exactness. To ascertain the fact, we need only con- 
 sider in what manner parliaments have been managed since his 
 Majesty's accession." Junius, Vol. iii. Let. Q5. > 
 
 the attendance of the members in parliament, or to the freedom of 
 debate, was the foundation of parliamentary privilege j and we 
 may observe in all the addresses of new appointed speakers to the 
 sovereign, the utmost privilege they demand is liberty of speech 
 and freedom from arrests. The very word privilege means no 
 more than immunity, or a safeguard to the party who possesses \t 3 
 and can never be construed into an active power of invading the 
 right* of others. 
 
 E 
 
50 
 
 public actions.* To the Duke of Grafton he de- 
 clares himself not to have been his personal enemy : 
 " If I were personally your enemy, I might pity 
 and forgive you." b And to Mr. Wilkes, he says, 
 — " I have no resentments but against the com- 
 mon enemy." c " I love the cause independent of 
 persons." "It must be always a part of Junius's 
 plan to support Mr. Wilkes while he makes com- 
 mon cause with the people." d 
 
 In pursuing this subject to give force to his 
 political theory, he confesses himself, in some 
 instances, to have overstepped the bounds of 
 correct truth. — " It was necessary to the plan of 
 that letter, to rate you lower than you deserved." e 
 From the same motive he also bestowed praise, if 
 he saw political good to be derived from it : — " I 
 think it good policy to pay these compliments to 
 Lord Chatham. " f 
 
 To preserve and renovate the Constitution, his 
 favourite theory, in common with Lord Chatham, 
 was to have triennial Parliaments. 
 
 With respect to his political creed, in his fifty- 
 
 a I am here speaking of the professed principle and intention 
 of Junius 3 how well or ill he executed or manifested his intentions, 
 or how far his own private feelings have heightened or imbittered 
 his invective, his works before the public will declare for them- 
 selves. 
 
 b Junius, Vol. ii. p. 90. c Junius, Vol. i. p. *334 
 
 d Junius, Vol. i. p. *2()4, e Junius, Vol. i. p. *314. 
 
 f Junius, Vol i. p. *2.QO. 
 
51 
 
 ninth letter he has very fully and very clearly ex- 
 pressed himself. " I can more readily admire the 
 liberal spirit and integrity, than the sound judg- 
 ment of any man, who prefers a republican form 
 of government, in this or any other empire of 
 equal extent, to a monarchy so qualified and 
 limited as ours. I am convinced, that neither is 
 it in theory the wisest system of government, nor 
 practicable in this country. Yet, though I hope 
 the English Constitution will for ever preserve its 
 original monarchical form, I would have the 
 manners of the people purely and strictly repub- 
 lican. — I do not mean the licentious spirit of 
 anarchy and riot — I mean a general attachment to 
 the common weal, distinct from any partial at- 
 tachment to persons or families ; — an implicit sub- 
 mission to the laws only, and an affection to the 
 magistrate, proportioned to the integrity and wis- 
 dom, with which he distributes justice to hi.1 
 people, and administers their affairs." a 
 
 Throughout the whole of Junius there is a 
 feeling of despondency for the public weal — " I 
 am convinced, as far as my understanding is 
 capable of judging, that the present ministry are 
 driving this country to destruction." b " Commerce 
 languishes, manufactures are oppressed, and pub- 
 lic credit already feels her approaching dissolution : 
 yet, under the direction of this council, we are 
 
 * Junius, Vol, U\ p. 347. b Junius, Vol. in. p. 202. 
 
 e2 
 
52 
 
 to prepare for a dreadful contest with the colon ies, 
 and a war with the whole house of Bourbon. I 
 am not surprised that the generality of men should 
 endeavour to shut their eyes to this melancholy 
 prospect."* 
 
 Again. " I most truly lament the condition to 
 which we are reduced." — He had, therefore, as he 
 expresses himself, " no resentments but against the 
 common enemy." The same feelings characterize 
 these Memoirs. The administration of Lord Chat- 
 ham, then Mr. Pitt, " was the only means left to 
 save a ruined nation. Calamitous events have set 
 Mr. Pitt in his present high point of light." And 
 again, " calamity perhaps is not very distant from 
 us;" and the details which he has entered into 
 in these Memoirs, " are only to delineate with ac- 
 curacy the causes of this nation's fall," which to 
 the author's ill-boding judgment, appeared to be 
 inevitable. And though he had intimacies to a 
 degree of friendship with the most distinguished 
 politicians of his time, yet those intimacies were 
 contracted on the public account, that when his 
 principles were deserted by them, their society- 
 was abandoned by him. b 
 
 Junius says, " I should scorn to provide for a 
 future retreat, or to keep terms with a man who 
 preserves no measures with the public." 
 
 a Junius, Vol. iii. p. 1/ 6. b Mem. p. 33. 
 
 K Junius, Vol. ii. p. 91. 
 
53 
 
 Glover valued himself on his knowledge of 
 finance, and every year calculates the national 
 debt. Junius in his letter, dated Aug. 1$, 1768, 
 setting forth the decay of trade and the insecurity 
 of the funds, states the national debt to be forty- 
 six millions, in the year 1740; this date corres- 
 ponds to the commencement of Glover's active 
 political life ; and it is remarkable that when Mr. 
 Glover died he had no money in the funds, 
 although he had property of every other descrip- 
 tion, to the amount of forty or fifty thousand 
 pounds. a 
 
 Glover's declamation breathes the same feel- 
 ing as that of Junius, and is of the same charac- 
 ter, allowing for the difference of mere narrative 
 composition in the closet, and the full and un- 
 bounded flood of indignant invective studiously 
 polished, to fix and command public attention. — 
 " When the measure of popular vices and follies 
 is full, and co-operating with selfish and ambitious 
 rulers, renders a nation contemptible, an honest 
 individual who can assuage his aching heart with 
 
 a Mr. Glover had money upon mortgage and bond, in land, 
 and houses, freehold and copyhold, in the city of London, in 
 Buckinghamshire, and in Kent, where he possessed the Manor of 
 Downe. He had also lands in South Carolina, being a joint pro- 
 prietor with two persons of the name of Bourdieu and Chollet, 
 his particular friends, his proportion being as he expresses it him- 
 self, one undivided third share. Fide the Will in Doctor? 
 Commons . 
 
54 
 
 r 
 
 indifference, may stand justified not less to his 
 own conscience, than to the unmeriting herd." a 
 
 Junius. " I am filled with grief and indignation, 
 when I behold a wise and gallant people lost in a 
 stupidity, which does not feel, because it will not 
 look forward. The voice of one man will hardly 
 t>e heard when the voice of truth and reason i$ 
 neglected; but as far as mine extends, the autho] 
 of our ruin shall be marked out to the public; 
 will not tamely submit to be sacrificed, nor si 
 this country perish without warning. ,,b 
 
 Again: "At a crisis like this, Sir, I shall not be 
 very solicitous about these idle forms of respect 
 which men in office think due to their characters 
 and station; neither will I descend to a language 
 beneath the importance of the subject I write on. 
 When the fate of Great Britain is thrown upon 
 the hazard of a die, by a weak, distracted, worth- 
 less ministry, an honest man will always express 
 all the indignation he feels.'' c 
 
 Junius wrote neither for profit nor for fame, 
 he never deserted his principles, and was ac- 
 counted a dangerous auxiliary to every party in the 
 kingdom ; d and addressing himself to Mr. WJlkes, 
 he says, " I have faithfully served the public, 
 without the possibility of a personal advantage/' 
 And in a private letter to Mr. Woodfall — " In*the 
 
 a Mem. p. 41. b Junius, Vol. iii. p. 1/6. 
 
 c Junius, Vol, iii. p. 74. d Junius, Vol. ii. p. 205. 
 
65 
 
 present state of things, if I were to write again, 
 I must be as silly as any of the horned cattle that 
 run mad through the city. I mean the cause and 
 the public. Both are given up. I feel for the 
 honour of this country, when I see that there are 
 not ten men in it, who will unite and stand together 
 upon any one question. But it is all alike, vile 
 md contemptible." 51 
 
 This is in the same temper of mind as Glover 
 represents himself in the Memoir : " I conceive 
 less hopes of our present opposition than I did; 
 nor am I too severe in my judgment of men. 
 When I use the word hope, I would not be under- 
 stood to mean that I expect any great benefit to 
 my country from this or any opposition; but I 
 had a better opinion of some people than I have 
 justnow." b With Glover it was always a subject 
 of the highest commendation when any man kept 
 steady to his principles ; and in praising Waller, 
 he says, " hitherto, no man can say but that he 
 had continued in opposition to all the enemies of 
 his qountry with perseverance and zeal." d 
 
 Junius also declares himself to have dedicated 
 
 ■/ 
 
 a Junius, Vol. i. p. *255. 
 b Mem. p. 17. c Mem. p. 13. 
 
 d <e A man, who honestly engages in a public cause, must 
 prepare himself for events which will at once demand his utmost 
 patience, and rouse his warmest indignation." Junius, Vol. u 
 /p.*27<5. 
 
56 
 
 his life to the information of his fellow subjects. * 
 Glover took an active part in politics as early as 
 the year 1739, and did not cease to direct his 
 attention to that object during his whole life ; and 
 whether his political opinions were well or ill 
 founded, he invariably adhered to them, believing 
 them to be right. 
 
 He was intimate with Pitt, which intimacy 
 had commenced with their youth, and had con- 
 tinued for no inconsiderable part of their lives; 
 but Glover acknowleges himself to have an un- 
 bending character: " It was now twelve years at 
 least since my own reserved behaviour and un- 
 pliant principles had kept me remote from this my 
 once intimate and most favoured society." b After 
 this interval, he says, " The neglect and in- 
 difference on my side for the last twelve years 
 seemed to have made no impression on him ; and 
 the remembrance of his frailties, which had created 
 my former disgust, was lost in the expectation 
 which all men conceived from his altered principles 
 and conduct."' 
 
 Of kings, though necessary to the constitution 
 and form of government Junius was attached to, 
 he laid this down as a fundamental maxim — " The 
 fortune which makes a man a king, forbids him 
 to have a friend. It is the law of nature which 
 
 a Vol. ii. p. 307. b Mem. p. 64. 
 
 c Mem. p. 85. 
 
57 
 
 cannot be violated with impunity. The mistaken 
 prince who looks for friendship, will find a 
 favourite, and in that favourite the ruin of his 
 affairs." a And after the most bitter and reiterated 
 abuse of his present majesty, he says, " I would 
 willingly hazard my life in defence of your title 
 and your crown." a 
 
 Against kings Glover, in his memoirs, is equally 
 unsparing of his censure, and unmindful of the 
 mode of inforcing his invective. " George II. 
 is a weak, narrow, sordid, and unfeeling master, 
 only calculated by nature for a pawnbroker's 
 shop ;" and again, " he should be made sensible, 
 not only that he should not be master, but that he 
 should know and feel that he ought not to be so." 
 The King of Prussia is a fiend \ and of Princes in 
 general, " their actions are not to be judged of by 
 the rules of morality, before whose tribunal they 
 would be all condemned in their turns, and under- 
 go the severest punishment, if executioners were 
 not wanting to the laws of nature and of justice; 
 and the folly and servility of mankind were not 
 the safeguard of Kings." 
 
 a Junius, Vol. ii. p. 88. 
 
 " Look undazzled on the pomp of man 
 
 Most weak, when highest. Then the jealous gods 
 Watch to supplant him. They, his paths, his courts, 
 His chambers fill with fiatt'rys pois'nous swarms, 
 Whose honey'd bane, by kingly pride devour'd, 
 Consumes the health of kingdoms." 
 
 Glover's Leonidas, Book IV. 
 
58 
 
 As an illustration of the character of Glover's 
 mind with respect to his best friends when they 
 departed from their political principles, I cannot 
 give a stronger instance than in the case of 
 Lord Cobham. A Nobleman who was not only 
 conspicuous as a statesman and a patron of litera- 
 ture, but a sincere friend of Glover's, and a great 
 admirer of his genius. To this nobleman Glover 
 dedicated his Leonidas in these words : 
 
 " I shall now detain the reader no longer than 
 to take this public occasion of expressing my sin- 
 cere regard for the Lord Viscount Cobham, and the 
 sense of my obligations for the early honour of 
 his friendship ; to him I inscribe the following 
 poem, and therein I shall be justified, independent 
 of all personal motives from his Lordship's public 
 conduct, so highly distinguished by his disin- 
 terested zeal, and unshaken fidelity to his country 
 not less in civil life, than in the field : to him 
 therefore a poem, founded on a character eminent 
 for military glory, and love of liberty, is due 
 from the nature of the subject." 
 
 When the interests of the party to which Lord 
 Cobham belonged were divided, he was provoked 
 at the infamous conduct of those who had left 
 him in the minority, and had thoughts of with- 
 drawing himself, declaring, with an oath, that he 
 would have no further concern with them. Upon 
 which, Glover makes these remarks : " But his 
 resolution did not hold : the truth is, that Lord 
 

 59 
 
 Cobham, Dodington, and Cotton, had too much 
 sense not to" see the weakness of Pelham, of which 
 they were sincerely desirous to make an advantage, 
 so far as might serve to bring them into power with 
 some degree of character; and this they very well 
 knew could never be accomplished without obtain- 
 ing some terms for the people ; but at the same time 
 it was always evident to me, who knew them during 
 the whole course of their opposition, long before 
 they accepted of employments, and their subse- 
 quent conduct has rendered it notorious to all 
 mankind, that their first regard was to profit and 
 power, that their second was to character, and 
 much fainter than the first ; and that their care for 
 the public extended no further than to preserve 
 some part of their former popularity for a varnish 
 to their avarice and ambition." a 
 
 I mention these facts respecting Lord Cob- 
 ham, as the more important, because the virulent 
 opinion which Junius entertains against Lord 
 Townshend would seem to be incompatible with 
 Glover's previous commendation of him, were his 
 principles not duly weighed and considered ; but 
 it must be ever borne in mind, that Glover's 
 opinion of men, throughout his whole life, was 
 governed by the consistency of their political 
 conduct; and even in the character of Lord 
 Townshend, in the Memoir, he concludes with a 
 gloomy prospective view, that he may have, at some 
 a Mem. p. 25, 2(L 
 

 60 
 
 future time, occasion to alter it. " May time, 
 which impairs every external grace, produce no 
 such change in his virtues, as may ever throw 
 upon my pen the melancholy obligation of alter- 
 ing this character." 3 
 
 In this analysis there is nothing more remark- 
 able than the coincidence of feeling and opinion 
 exhibited by Mr. Glover of Lord Chatham, and 
 the portrait of the same statesman as exhibited 
 throughout the letters of Junius. Glover admired 
 his talents, and seemed perfectly well to understand 
 their force and influence; at times', strongly attached 
 to his measures, but at other times, doubts of his 
 sincerity, and censures what he considers a dere- 
 liction of principle; and for twelve years he with- 
 drew himself from his intimacy from political 
 principles alone. b His first co-operation with the 
 Pelhams in 1745 is marked by his disapprobation; 
 11 Pitt co-operated with the Pelhams in every 
 point, and brought himself to a level with the 
 Earl of Bath in the public disesteem, not more 
 by his votes than by his hot or unguarded ex- 
 pressions in parliament; the most indecent of 
 which was, a needless encomium on the late Sir 
 Robert Walpole, reproaching himself for his op- 
 position to him, and professing a veneration for 
 his ashes." His advice against any union with 
 the Duke of Newcastle is strongly characteristic 
 
 a Mem. p. 53. k Mem. p. 85. 
 
61 
 
 of his feelings ; and these lines from Horace are 
 in the true spirit of Junius — 
 
 Justum et tenacem propositi vlrum 
 Non civium ardor prava jubentium, 
 Non vultus instantis tyranni, 
 Mente quatit soli da 
 
 and with the deepest regret of a noble mind he 
 concludes by saying, that if there should be a 
 coalition, it would grieve him to see the first man 
 in Great Britain a subaltern to the lowest/ 
 
 After Mr. Pitt's repeated professions that he 
 would never consent to send any British troops to 
 Germany, he at last found good reasons to yield 
 to the politics of the king. This was in the latter 
 end of the year 1757.; upon which Glover thus 
 expresses himself — 
 
 " With such persevering firmness could this 
 minister act at a period when the British Parlia- 
 ment had bound itself by repeated addresses to 
 defend the King's Electoral Dominions; yet, 
 when the Electorate had absolved these kingdoms 
 from that obligation, and by a convention of its 
 own, without any British interposition, had de- 
 tached itself from Great Britain or Prussia; this 
 very minister, abusing the confidence of a credu- 
 lous people, plunged them into an expence of 
 blood and treasure unknown to former experience^ 
 and beyond the designs, even the ideas of the 
 Mem. p. 87. 
 
62 
 
 most corrupt and daring, whom he has so fre- 
 quently, and recently confronted upon the subject 
 of continental systems. He was the man on whom 
 the public once depended as a check to such ruin- 
 ous attempts : he was the man who sacrificed that 
 public for the precarious favour of an insincere 
 unforgiving old man, tottering on the verge of the 
 grave. Troops could be withheld from the Duke of 
 Cumberland : his success would be strength to 
 Fox. A proposition from the Duke of Newcastle 
 would be opposed for that purpose : Newcastle 
 would have had all the merit ; and he will have it ; 
 and my prophecy to Mr. Pitt in these words, be 
 verified, " Then shall I be grieved to see you, the 
 first man in Great Britain at this juncture, become 
 a subaltern to the lowest." 
 
 Pitt in 1744 " lost all the confidence of 
 his friends," by voting with the court party ; 
 and appears to have lost Glover's good opinion 
 by joining the junta to get into place, and 
 was one of those of whom he says, " that 
 their first regard was to profit and power, 
 and that their second was to character, and much 
 fainter than the first;" and he who had been 
 among the loud declaimers to bring Lord Orford 
 to justice, now disgraced himself by an indecent 
 (ind needless encomium on Sir Robert Walpole." 
 This unsteadiness of principle so disgusted Glover, 
 that when they deserted their principles, he aban- 
 doned their society, and his intimacies were thus 
 

 63 
 
 contracted on the public account. Pitt returning 
 to office, on true Whig principles, Glover says, 
 11 All his past offences were buried in oblivion. 
 The love of power and an ardent thirst of fame 
 were noble passions — honourable to him and bene- 
 ficial to his country, when their views were set in 
 comparison with those which accompany the base 
 attachment to money, the visible bane of our 
 times." When Pitt afterwards negotiated for a 
 coalition with the Duke of Newcastle, Glover, 
 was again disgusted. And even when he speaks 
 of the independence of his actions, he does it 
 with the caution of Junius. When Pitt opposed 
 the intemperate party-rage against Byng, Glover 
 praising the moderation of his conduct, says, it 
 was un tinctured with selfishness, wearing the aspect 
 at least of justice and humanity. 
 
 In the letters of Junius there is the same ad- 
 miration of his powers, and the same sentiment of 
 disesteem, when he made his great abilities subser- 
 vient to measures which he disapproved. " He 
 (Lord Chatham) is indeed a compound of contra- 
 dictions." a " I cannot admit that because Mr. Pitt 
 was respected and honoured a few years ago, the 
 Earl of Chatham therefore deserves to be so now; 
 or that a description, which might have suited him 
 at one part of his life, must of necessity be the 
 only one applicable to him at another. It is 
 barely possible that a very honest commoner may 
 
 a Junius, Vol. iii. p. 108. 
 
64 
 
 become a very corrupt and worthless peer; and I 
 am inclined to suspect that Mr. C. D. will find 
 but few people credulous enough to believe that 
 either Mr. Pitt or Mr. Pulteney, when they ac- 
 cepted of a title, did not, by thajt action, betray 
 their friends, their country, and in every honour- 
 able sense, themselves." a 
 
 In a virulent invective against Lord Bute, he 
 says, " It was then his good fortune to corrupt one 
 man, from whom we least of all expected so base 
 an apostacy. Who indeed could have suspected, 
 that it should ever consist with the spirit or under- 
 standing of that person to accept of a share of 
 power under a pernicious court minion, whom he 
 himself had affected to detest or despise, as much 
 as he knew he was detested and despised by the 
 whole nation ? I will not censure him for the 
 avarice of a pension, nor the melancholy am- 
 bition of a title. These were objects which he 
 perhaps looked up to, though the rest of the world 
 .thought them far beneath his acceptance. 1 * 
 
 Junius says in his letter to Wilkes, speaking 
 of Lord Chatham, " I have no objection to paying 
 him such compliments as carry a condition with 
 them, and either bind him fiimly to the cause, or 
 become the bitterest reproach to him if he de-* 
 sorts it." 
 
 a Junius, Vol. ii. p. 46\. 
 *> Junius, Vol. ii. p. 466. 
 
65 
 
 His celebrated panegyric is guarded by ex* 
 pressions, which seem to glance at a comprehensive 
 view of his political life, and his praise is even 
 tempered with a wary knowledge of his cha- 
 racter. — " I confess he has grown upon my 
 esteem. " " As for the common sordid views 
 of avarice, or any purpose of vulgar ambition, 
 I question whether the applause of Junius 
 would be of service to Lord Chatham ; but if 
 his ambition be upon a level with his under- 
 standing ; if he judges of what is truly honour* 
 able for himself with the same superior genius 
 which animates and directs him to eloquence in 
 debate, to wisdom in decision, even the pen of 
 Junius shall continue to reward him." a 
 
 It has been remarked that Junius, in many in- 
 stances, has the appearance of being conversant 
 in military affairs, and this opinion has been 
 considered of some weight by those who sup- 
 port the pretensions of Lord George Sackville. 
 As Mr. Glover once intended to publish the me- 
 moirs of his own time, he did not fail to associate 
 with military men, and to derive from them all 
 the knowledge which he might require on that 
 subject. By Townshend he was supplied with 
 the most authentic information as to all the mili- 
 tary transactions in America, in which hehad a 
 command. And his Memoir contains a succinct 
 though comprehensive view of the seven years 
 
 a Junius, Vol. II. p. 310. 
 F 
 
66 
 
 war, which sufficiently accounts for whatever of 
 a mill cdry air some of the letters of Junius may 
 exhibit. 
 
 As, in many of the letters of Junius, there is 
 a smattering of legal knowledge, independent of 
 his celebrated letter to Lord Mansfield, on bail, 
 on the importance of which, there are different 
 opinions, as to the legal pretensions of the au- 
 thor, 3 it may be mentioned as a biographical 
 fact, that Glover's maternal uncle was a Lord 
 Chancellor of Ireland, b and that he was himself 
 
 a " The power of the King, Lords, and Commons, is not an 
 arbitrary power. They are the trustees, not the owners of the 
 estate." The fee simple is in TJ S . This legal opinion does not 
 strengthen the belief that Junius was an eminent lawyer by pro- 
 fession. — Junius, Vol i. p. 5. — Dedication to his letters. 
 
 h The Right Hon. Richard West, was the eldest son of Richard 
 West, a merchant of the city of London, or perhaps, as he more 
 correctly styles himself, heir apparent. He entered a student of 
 the Inner Temple, June 23, 1/08, and died 1 727, at 36 years Of 
 age, leaving an only son, Richard, well known as an elegant scholar 
 and poet, and the familiar associate of Horace Walpole and Gray. 
 
 Richard Glover, the surviving son of Leonidas Glover, pre- 
 sented a portrait of this lord chancellor West, to the Inner Temple, 
 where it now is in the Hall, with this inscription on a tablet 
 making a part of the frame — 
 
 " The portrait of the Right Hon. Richard West, 
 Lord High Chancellor of Ireland. 
 
 He was the maternal uncle of the late Richard Glover Esq. who 
 represented the borough of Weymouth, in Parliament ; the father 
 of Richard Glover, Esq member for Penryn, who has the honour 
 to present it to the society of the Inner Temple, where his Lordship 
 
67 
 
 originally intended for the profession of the law. 
 These circumstances may have had some influence 
 on his subsequent education and habits of study, 
 and in his Memoir there are instances which 
 favour this opinion/ 
 
 It is remarkable that there is no life of Mr. 
 Glover, except a short account of him which ap- 
 peared soon after his death, in the European 
 Magazine, for Jan. 1786, written by Mr. Isaac 
 Reed, to which is appended a panegyric, by Dr. 
 Brocklesby, Mr. Glover's intimate friend. This 
 account has been reprinted by Mr. Alexander 
 Chalmers in his edition of the English Poets, 1810, 
 and augmented, principally, by a more ample cri- 
 ticism of Mr. Glover's Poems, and some facts 
 respecting him, derived from Dr. Warton. But 
 the character of the man, as an individual, or as a 
 politician, have now passed into oblivion. 
 
 studied and qualified himself for that distinguished station/ which 
 he afterwards attained. 
 
 " His Lordship was appointed Lord Chancellor of Ireland, in 
 the reign of George the First, in ] 725 ; he died holding that high 
 office but two years, at the early age of 36, in the year 1727." 
 
 This Lord Chancellor wrote on treasons and bills of attainder, 
 and also on the manner of creating peers. 
 
 a See Addenda, p. 93. 
 
 F2 
 
68 
 
 That the resemblance of thought and expression in 
 the Memoir to the Letters of Junius, may be 
 presented to the reader at one view, the following 
 extracts are selected as the most remarkable. 
 
 Glover speaking of the Duke of Argyle, says, 
 that " he was in his own person a most shameless 
 prostitute to power, and extremely avaricious : he 
 indeed would sell nothing, but himself, which he 
 continually did with every circumstance of levity, 
 weakness, and even treachery." 
 
 In his letter to Lord Chesterfield ; which con- 
 cludes thus — 
 
 " And all this time you are wasting away in so 
 fruitless a manner, France runs no risque, &c. 
 Then, what step must England take next, in a con- 
 dition so much weaker and more exhausted than 
 before? Then, my Lord, consider at whose door 
 will the unpopularity of this measure fall?" a 
 
 " During the course of this year 1744, the 
 leaders of the opposition who had differed among 
 themselves so widely the year before, were now 
 once more re-united upon one principle, which 
 was, to get into place." 
 
 In this year when Pelham offered to concur 
 with the opposition in a more effectual place-bill, 
 Glover makes these reflections upon his conduct, 
 as the opinion of Waller and himself. 
 a Mem. p. 15. 
 
69 
 
 " Waller ascribed this condescension to very 
 notorious and obvious reasons, incapacity, and 
 pusillanimity; not that his mean heart entertained 
 the least spark of compunction for the public, but 
 merely that he might sit easy in power, and 
 shelter his inability against the weight of Waller's 
 talents and experience, the virulent eloquence or 
 Pitt, the party strength of Gower and Cotton 
 among the tories, the keen and lively parts of 
 Cobham, and the industry and social arts of Dod- 
 ington; all which, united upon honest and dis- 
 interested views for their country, must have 
 speedily rendered the opposition not only formi- 
 dable, but dangerous to Pelham: such, however, 
 was the prostitution of Bedford, 8 Chesterfield, 
 
 a Prostitution of Bedford. Junius, in describing what this 
 Duke of Bedford ought to be, says, " Your Grace may probably 
 discover something more intelligible in the negative part of this 
 illustrious character. The man I have described would never 
 prostitute his dignity in parliament by an indecent violence, 
 either in opposing or defending a minister." Junius, Vol. I. 
 p. 235. 
 
 Prostitution is a favourite word with Junius, and it is used in 
 the same sense, with the same feeling, in the Memoir. " Lord 
 Hardwicke, masking his own prostitution and servility under reli- 
 gious cant and hypocrisy." Mem. p. 55. If he (the King) has 
 any regard for his own honour, he will disdain to be any longer 
 connected with such abandoned prostitution Junius, Vol. II. 
 p. 220. " There are degrees in all private vices. — Why not in 
 public prostitution?" — Does it follow, that every House of Com- 
 mons will plunge at once into uie lowest depths of prostitution ? 
 Vol. II. p. 223. tf There is no act of arbitrary power which the 
 
70 
 
 Gower, Pitt, and Lyttelton, a 1 party founded on 
 the base desire of pecuniary emoluments, partly 
 on the more extensive views of procuring the 
 whole ministerial power to themselves, that they 
 peremptorily insisted on coming into employment 
 without any stipulations whatever." a 
 
 king might not attribute to necessity, and for which he would 
 not be secure of obtaining the approbatiou of his prostituted lords 
 and commons." Vol. II. p. 362. Glover says, " but that merit 
 so endearing to Mr. Viner and his friends, served but to weaken 
 Mr. Pitt still more with the court and its prostituted instruments 
 the two houses of parliament." "I protest, my Lord, there is in this 
 young man's conduct (the King) a strain of prostitution, which, for 
 its singularity, I cannot but admire." Vol. II. p. 155. " The present 
 House of Commons have injured themselves by a too early and 
 public profession of their principles, and if a strain of prostitution, 
 which had no example, were within the reach of emulation, it 
 might be imprudent to hazard the experiment too soon." Vol. II. 
 p. 211. " He (the King) thought he had found a creature pros- 
 tituted to his service." Vol. I. p. 147. Glover says, the Duke of 
 Argyle fc was in his own person a most shameless prostitute to 
 power." Mem. p. Q. Glover exerted all his power and influence 
 in 1739, to prevent Sir George Champion succeeding to the 
 Mayoralty of the City, and his exertions were attended with suc- 
 cess j Junius was equally interested to set aside Nash in 1771. 
 <( The shameful mismanagement, which brought him into office, 
 gave me the rirst and unconquerable disgust What an abandoned 
 prostituted idiot is your Lord Mayor." Junius, Vol. I. p. *250. 
 
 Glover says, " I must here observe, that if any one of these 
 five may be distinguished from the rest as the most prostitute and 
 eager to get into power and employment,* it was the Earl of 
 rbesterfield." Mem. p 24. 
 
 - ; Mem. p. 24, 
 
71 
 
 " Waller was ever averse to this negotiation, 
 having no confidence in Pelham, despising his 
 narrow understanding and abject spirit, and de- 
 testing his mean equivocating temper." b 
 
 " When the situation of Ministers, in 1745, 
 made it necessary for the king to give Mr. Pitt an 
 appointment, Glover says, " Disinterested motives, 
 and an object of public advantage extorted from 
 the Crown, would have rendered the measure 
 illustrious to all posterity; but the motives were 
 selfish, the object was power: this conduct there- 
 fore of the Pelhams was ungrateful towards a 
 Prince ever profitable to them, and factious to- 
 wards the State, which they never had served 
 either ably or vigilantly, nor meant to serve in 
 this instance : their single aim was to annihilate 
 all rivalship, and establish an unbounded authority 
 over a weak, narrow, sordid, and unfeeling master, 
 whp, seated by fortune on a throne, was calculated 
 by nature for a pawnbroker's shop, and was easily 
 reconciled to a set of men willing and able to 
 gratify his low avarice ; in his ideas, a sufficient 
 compensation for the sacrifice he made them, of 
 his resentments, and his prerogative. Hating Mr. 
 Pitt, he preferred him: the ministers, who had 
 hurled back his favours in his face, he restored 
 not only to employment, but to his confidence, 
 and the sole power of three kingdoms : among 
 so great a number, Lord Harrington was the only 
 
 b Mem. p. 18. 
 
one he did not forgive, and whom he was per- 
 mitted to disgrace. Pitt co-operated with the 
 Pelhams in every point, and brought himself to a 
 level a with the Earl of Bath in the public dises- 
 teem, not more by his votes, than by his hot and 
 unguarded expressions in Parliament; the most 
 indecent of which was, a needless encomium on 
 the late Sir Robert Walpole, reproaching himself 
 for his opposition to him, and professing a vene- 
 ration for his ashes. 
 
 " I write as I think ; I deliver facts as they 
 fall under my own observation; my reflections 
 are dispassionate, thus far at least, that I have 
 conceived no prejudice against any person named 
 jn these Memorials, from any disobligation to 
 myself: far otherwise; I had intimacies to a de- 
 gree of friendship with most of them ; but as 
 those intimacies were contracted on the public 
 account, when that cause was deserted by them, 
 their society was abandoned by me." b 
 
 When France was invaded by the King of 
 Prussia. " France in distress, bribes the King 
 of Prussia, who, in defiance of the late treaty of 
 Breslaw, invades the Austrian dominions a second 
 time, commits the most inhuman acts of devasta- 
 
 a ff The ministry indeed have no share in the change, and it 
 would be uncandid not to confess that their regard for the honour 
 and interest of this country is upon the same level with their 
 friendship for Mr. Grenville." Junius, Vol. iii. p. 84. 
 b Mem. p. 32. 
 
73 
 
 tion, compels the Queen to recall her army for 
 her own protection, and thus relieves, if not pre- 
 serves, the inveterate foe of Europe. I judge 
 not of princes by the rules of morality, before 
 whose tribunal they would all be condemned in 
 their turns, and undergo the severest punishment, 
 if executioners were not wanting to the laws of 
 nature and of justice, and the folly and servility 
 of mankind were not the safeguards of kings. I 
 make this reflection, as I pass, merely for its 
 truth. The indignation and hatred of the King 
 and people of England, survived in abuse and 
 execrations on the King of Prussia, till 1755; 
 when, on a sudden, that fiend became the bright- 
 est of beings, and the admired Queen of Hungary 
 detestable ; yet the truth of my reflections re- 
 mains, in this case, on as permanent foundations 
 as before." 3 
 
 " I am now in the 46th year of my age; the 
 ardour of youth is abated ; the mind grown 
 stronger by experience, familiar with ill-fortune 
 both to myself and my country, guarded against 
 the delusion of popularity, and above the pride 
 resulting from the occasional countenance and un- 
 sought confidence of men in high station, of which 
 I propose to make no further use, than to delineate 
 with accuracy and truth the causes of this nation's 
 fall, which my ill-boding judgment foresees to be 
 inevitable. 
 
 a Mem. p. 35. 
 
74 
 
 " To paint folly in the various shades and co- 
 lours of hope and fear, of exultation, dejection, 
 resentment, and rage, in a vain, dissolute, and re- 
 fractory people, presuming still on an imaginary 
 superiority, yet obstinately blind to its own de- 
 fects and weakness; to describe subjects without 
 subordination, laws uninforced, magistrates with- 
 out authority, fleets and armies without discipline 
 in the midst of an unsuccessful war ; to set forth 
 the supineness of an effeminate gentry, the cor- 
 ruption of a servile and dependant senate, the igno- 
 rance, incapacity, timidity, rashness, pride, and 
 ambition, holding sway by turns at some periods, 
 at others jarring and encountering to the utter 
 confusion of Administration, under a doting, 
 mean, spiritless, covetous, prejudiced, undiscern- 
 ing Prince, whose decisions, like those of chaos, 
 serve but to embroil the fray; to display a scene 
 of this nature, and know it to be a representation 
 of the land one inhabits, at the same time to ex- 
 hibit truth pure and untinctured by passion, re- 
 quires that unconcern which despair alone can 
 produce in the human mind. It is enough to 
 have lamented, and beyond the means of a private 
 station, to have opposed the impending calamity; 
 when the measure of popular vices and follies is 
 full, and co-operating with selfish and ambitious 
 rulers renders a nation contemptible, an honest 
 individual who can assuage his aching heart with 
 
75 
 
 indifference, may stand justified not less to his 
 own conscience, than to the unmeriting herd."* 
 
 " The King and his Minister only were pacific, 
 not through knowledge and judgment, but from 
 perplexity and cowardice. The same unmanly 
 spirit, which preferring peace through fear, could 
 be hurried by the public impetuosity into a war, 
 must naturally begin and conduct it with irreso- 
 lution and tameness." b 
 
 "I met Mr. Pitt at Mr. Dodingtori's; the 
 Grenville's his relations, whom I had long known, 
 full of family disgusts against him, now repaired 
 to his house after an interval of many years: and 
 had his nature been capable of consistency, and 
 common prudence directed his only pursuit, a 
 profitable place, he might with their support and 
 foundation, his own social accomplishments, wit, 
 plausibility, literature, and long experience in the 
 forms of public business, have stood an eminent 
 character in times like these, so destitute of great 
 men. All these qualifications, with the addition 
 of elegance, magnificence and wealth, wanting 
 judgment and discretion, could not protect his 
 old age from ridicule and neglect. So necessary 
 is firmness and uniformity of conduct, to procure 
 even from the imperfect part of mankind, the 
 
 a Mem. p. 3g —41 . b Mem. p. 43. 
 
76 
 
 confidence requisite to maintain the unworthy 
 pre-eminence among them." a 
 
 " During the whole sessions Mr. Pitt found 
 occasion in every debate to confound the minis- 
 terial orators ; his vehement invectives were aw- 
 ful to Murray, terrible to Hume Campbell ; and 
 no malefactor under the stripes of an executioner 
 was ever more forlorn aud helpless than Fox ap- 
 peared under the lash of Pitt's eloquence, shrewd 
 and able in Parliament as he confessedly is : Do- 
 dington sheltered himself in silence." b 
 
 When Mr. Pitt was taken into Administration 
 the second time. 
 
 "The eyes of an afflicted, despairing nation 
 were now lifted up to a private gentleman of a 
 slender fortune, wanting the parade of birth or 
 title, of no family alliance, but by his marriage 
 with Lord Temple's sister, and even confined to a 
 narrow circle of friends and acquaintance. Under 
 these circumstances Pitt was considered as the 
 only saviour of England. True was it, that in the 
 lucrative office of paymaster to the army his con- 
 duct had been clear and disinterested. All past 
 offences were buried in oblivion. The love of 
 power, and an ardent thirst for fame, were noble 
 passions, honourable to him, and beneficial to his 
 
 a Mem. p. 48. b Mem. p. 51. 
 
 c Junius speaks with this same feeling of title and rank, see 
 Vol. I p. *290, and *320, Vol. iii. p. 317. 
 
77 
 
 country, when their views were set in comparison 
 with those which accompany the base attachment 
 to money, the visible bane of our times. His 
 good sense and spirit must surely discover, that 
 neither power, nor fame, can be permanent with- 
 out the foundation of virtue. His friends and 
 relations shared in the public prepossession, the 
 public overlooking their imperfections, and zea- 
 lously promulgating their good qualities. Riot 
 and intemperance, or the dissipation of time in 
 idle pleasures, composed no part of their charac- 
 ters. Under Pitt they must be capable and useful 
 in public employment." 3 
 
 Of Mr. Pitt's administration great expecta- 
 tions were formed. 
 
 " The Prince of Wales and his Court, the 
 powerful City of London, the majority of the 
 Clergy, Law and Army, together with the whole 
 populace, cordially and full of hope, co-operated 
 in this signal event. 
 
 " The only discontented, were the King and 
 both Houses of Parliament ; the first grossly re- 
 taining his ancient prejudices, the two last dread- 
 ing a change, which might lessen the price of 
 corruption." 6 
 
 In the case of Admiral Byng, Mr. Pitt, in the 
 
 a Mem, p. 62. b Mem. p. 72. 
 
78 
 
 House of Commons, said, that he desired justice 
 might be done with due deliberation. 
 
 " This modest use of a privilege common to 
 all, thinking for himself, and thus producing his 
 thoughts, at once threw down the image of public 
 adoration, polluted and defaced by the despicable 
 hands which had raised it : Pitt became hateful to 
 the people of Great Britain, like Anson, like Fox, 
 orByng."* 
 
 " The whole concluded in the criminal's b exe- 
 cution. His trial is in print. Whether it fur- 
 nishes evidence to prove the cowardice of which 
 he stands acquitted in his sentence, or the negli- 
 gence for which he is condemned by implication, 
 or whether his not having done his utmost, sim- 
 ply and independently of any criminal motive 
 assigned, be a capital offence existing in the law, 
 or merely in the empty heads of his judges, are 
 points which I leave to the decision of unpre- 
 judiced posterity. 
 
 " On the 14th of March Byng was shot, memo- 
 rable only in his fall; innocent or guilty, equally 
 the occasion of dishonour to his countrymen; 
 whether we consider their intemperate rage, arti- 
 ficially fomented by the more guilty against him, 
 unheard and untried, or their more unmanly and 
 petulant levity towards titt, for an act of mode- 
 ration untinctured with selfishness, and wearing 
 
 a Mem, p. SI. b Admiral Byng. 
 
79 
 
 the aspect at least of justice and humanity. It is 
 to shew so strong an instance of a fickle and 
 worthless people, that I have dwelt so long on 
 this subject." a 
 
 " Supposing Newcastle sincere, is his compo- 
 sition stern enough for such encounters? But, 
 knowing him false, selfish, and insatiable of 
 power, will he not rather make his own way, and 
 re-establish himself in the King's favour by every 
 servile gratification of his will? Then shall I be 
 grieved to see you, the first man in Great Bri 
 tain, at this juncture, become a subaltern to the 
 lowest Sir, you are governed by a noble prin- 
 ciple, the love of fame ; do not hazard that glo- 
 rious acquisition on such precarious ground. As 
 you are the only object in the nation's eye, every 
 wrong measure, every miscarriage will be imputed 
 to you. You may say you can but quit your situ- 
 ation again: true; but are you sure of returning 
 to the same situation of character and importance 
 which you now possess? Necessity brought you 
 in, the last time; you soon found there was no 
 raising an edifice without materials ; the materials 
 cannot exist, till calamity has utterly changed the 
 temper, manners, and principles of the whole 
 nation." b 
 
 " Fox, sinking under the weight of national 
 calamity and universal indignation, resigned his 
 employment. The Duke of Newcastle, the most 
 
 a Mem. p. 82. b Mem. p. 87. 
 
80 
 
 trifling* and incapable, yet of all men the most 
 ambitious, struggling to the last for the continu- 
 ance of power, offers the seals first to Lord 
 Halifax, then to the Earl of Egmont. Them, he 
 finds as averse to enter a falling edifice as Fox 
 was to remain there. At length he applied to Pitt 
 'through the channel of Lord Hardwicke, who 
 presents a carte blanche for the admission of him 
 and his friends into the highest employments of 
 State under the Duke. Pitt, with a haughtiness 
 confounding the meanness of Hardwicke, rejects 
 the proposition, and disdains all union of actions 
 or counsels with Newcastle. Thus driven to 
 despair, that Minister resigns his employments 
 likewise, leaving his master naked and helpless 
 like himself." 51 
 
 To these quotations may be added the follow-, 
 ing extracts in chronological order, from docu- 
 ments, printed by Mr. Glover himself, by which 
 the uniform character of his mind may be seen for 
 upwards of thirty years, and that character in 
 the spirit of Junius. 
 
 Before the House of Commons in behalf of the Mer- 
 chants of London, he thus addresses himself to the 
 Speaker. 
 
 "Sir, 
 174 3 After the many grievances already 
 
 enumerated, to tell the Committee that 
 
 * Mem. p. 60. 
 
81 
 
 the heaviest is yet behind, will perhaps awakeis 
 their astonishment, and, I humbly hope, bespeak 
 their patience a little longer. However cons^ 
 xlerable, however meritorious to the public the 
 mercantile interest of Great Britain may appear at 
 this bar; whatever degree of indulgence and re- 
 gard the merchants may have found from this 
 great assembly, in other places they have severely 
 experienced that they were deemed unworthy of 
 the public concern: their complaints have been 
 received with indifference, and their misfortunes 
 imbittered with insult and scorn. — ■- — ■ 
 
 " Have public representations been made from our 
 Northern Colonies, that their coast was neglected 
 and defenceless? was the least remedy applied to 
 the evil? or does it appear that the commanders, 
 the most notoriously guilty of neglect, have met 
 with the least rebuke? Has murder been com- 
 mitted in the arbitrary impressing of men, the law r 
 violated, and the civil magistrate set at defiance? 
 Was a regular complaint preferred against this 
 proceeding? What reparation has been made? or 
 in what manner has justice been satisfied? The law 
 underwent -a second violation from the military 
 power, the murderers were acquitted by a mock 
 trial in a court-martial, who might have been con- 
 demned in a court of justice, and are at this hour 
 liable to be tried for wilful murder." 
 
82 
 
 Addressing the livery of London, 
 
 " Permit me now to remind you, tha.1 
 when placed by these means in a light not 
 altogether unfavourable, no lucrative reward was 
 then the object of my pursuit; nor ever did the 
 promises or offers of private emolument induce 
 me to quit my independence, or vary from the 
 least of my former professions, which always 
 were, and remain still founded on the principles 
 of universal liberty; principles which I assume 
 the glory to have established on your records. 
 Your sense, Liverymen of London, the sense of 
 your great corporation, so repeatedly recom- 
 mended to your representatives in parliament, 
 were my sense, and the principal boast of all my 
 compositions, containing matter imbibed in my 
 earliest education, to which I have always ad- 
 hered, by which I still abide, and which I will 
 endeavour to bear down with me to the grave. 
 
 On the impolicy of direct taxation in America, before 
 the House of Commons, address'mg the Speaker. 
 
 "Sir, I foresee, these diffesences with 
 * America will be composed, and how — Here, 
 silence becomes me best. — It will be so late, that 
 Great Britain must receive a wound, which no 
 time can heal — A philosophical sense of dignity 
 must step in under the shape of consolation/' 
 
 In the course of this investigation I have not 
 thought it necessary to increase my pamphlet by 
 
83 
 
 quotations from Glover's epic and dramatic poems, 
 as they are in the hands of every one ; and those 
 who are interested in this question may with the 
 greatest facility refer to such passages as are fa- 
 vourable or adverse to the present hypothesis.*— 
 Although I have only produced presumptive evi- 
 dence that the author of the Memoirs was the same 
 person known under the signature of Junius ; I have 
 at least described a person who at once had the 
 information requisite for such a character, the 
 tone of feeling, the political opinions, and the 
 power of expressing those opinions, together with 
 the necessary locality of Junius: and whatever 
 may be the result of this inquiry, I trust it will 
 be obvious, that hitherto no pains has been taken 
 to discover the real author, when such a man as 
 Glover, quite independent of the Memoir, has 
 never been named. A man who through the whole 
 of an active life was deemed by the tories an en- 
 thusiastic patriot, and never swerved from his prin- 
 ciples. In the year 1739 he was the most popular 
 man in the city, and by his influence, zeal, and 
 eloquence, Sir George Champion was set aside from 
 succeeding to the mayoralty. (Junius was not less 
 interested to set Alderman Nash aside in 177 1.) 
 
 a A tyrant humbled, and by virtue's death 
 To seal my country's freedom, is a good 
 Surpassing all his boasted pow'r can give. 
 
 Glover s Leonid&s, 
 Such passages might be quoted at the pleasure of the reader- 
 
 o c 2 
 
84 
 
 In the year 1745, Horace Walpole, writing to 
 Lord II. Seymour Conway, sneers at Glover's city 
 eloquence: — " I can't but think we were at least as 
 happy and as great when all the young Pitts and 
 Lytteltons were pelting oratory at my father for 
 rolling out a twenty years peace, and not envying 
 the trophies which he passed by every day in West- 
 minster Hall. But one must not repine; rather 
 reflect on the glories which they have drove the 
 nation headlong into. One must think all our 
 distresses and dangers well laid out when they have 
 purchased us Glover's oration for the merchants; 
 the Admiralty for the Duke of Bedford; and the 
 reversion of secretary at war for Pitt." In the 
 year 1754 Davies, when speaking of his Boadicea, 
 says of the author, " But his poetical fame, though 
 great, was inferior to his character as a patriot and a 
 true lover of his country." In the year 1760, 
 Dodington speaks with anxious interest, that he 
 may be attached to his party. " Glover has not 
 determined about political connexions, but, I be- 
 lieve, he will come to us.'' From 17ol to 176*8 he 
 was in Parliament, always steady to his principles j 
 and is said to have made some eloquent speeches 
 in the House. In 1773 Mr, Woodfall declared to 
 Junius that he knew only one man who could in- 
 fluence his vote, and that was Mr. Glover: and in 
 the year 1775 he was seen at the Bar of the House 
 of Commons, holding the same language and opi- 
 nions, and exerting himself wifii the same zeal as 
 
85 
 
 Had marked his progress through every stage of 
 his political life. 
 
 With respect to the Memoir and the Letters of 
 Junius, what is most strikingly remarkable be- 
 tween them, is the intellectual character which 
 both exhibit, being purely the result of self con- 
 viction; not. biassed by the prejudices, not influ- 
 enced by the predilections of others. There is 
 throughout the- whole of these works the solitary 
 feeling of a man wrapped up in the perfect confi- 
 dence of himself, wholly trusting to his own re- 
 sources, unmindful of opinion, and regardless of 
 every consideration but the independent principles 
 of his own niind. Junius proclaims his thoughts 
 from an unknown obscurity, and gives them the 
 unbounded force of invective declamation ; Glo 
 ver writes the same thoughts to unburthen his 
 mind in the closet, and they are concealed from 
 the public because he has no means of giving 
 them to the world, to be understood with the 
 same purity of intention as they were written. 
 Junius and Glover both praise and blame from 
 themselves with the same political views; and 
 whether right or wrong, they never echo other 
 men's opinions, nor give the sentiments of a party, 
 nor the dogmas of a faction. 
 
 As the Editor of this pamphlet will, very pro- 
 bably, never again intrude this subject upon the 
 public, he cannot forbear reminding the reader to 
 
86 
 
 consider the political character of Mr. Glover in a 
 general and comprehensive view. 
 
 He commenced his attachment to the Prince 
 of Wales at nineteen years of age, when he was 
 regarded as of his party, patronized by him as a 
 man of genius, and received by him as a political 
 friend. The Prince continuing in opposition to 
 what were deemed tory politics, Glover continued 
 attached to him for twenty years, till his death : 
 and afterwards retained the same principles in op- 
 position to the King, on the whole, including a 
 space of time, of unchanged, and unwavering poli- 
 tical conduct, for twenty-nine years. 
 
 Here it is proper to advert to the manner 
 which Glover expresses himself of this King in 
 the retirement of his closet/ when he endeavours 
 to " delineate with accuracy and truth the causes 
 of this nation's fall," as he declares, untinctured 
 with personal prejudice. 
 
 At the accession of his present Majesty, Glover 
 hailed the young King with rapturous hopes, but 
 they were no sooner formed, than disappointed ; 
 and, incompetent and vicious ministers, according 
 to his views, recalled to his mind the power of 
 "Walpole and the reign of the Pelhams, and till he 
 ceased to have any political influence, he consi- 
 dered this nation to be on the eve of ruin. 
 
 * See Mem. p. 32. 40. 66. and Addenda, p 1 14. 
 
87 
 
 Junius, at the accession, flattered himself with 
 the bright prospect of future events, but, disap- 
 pointed, like Glover, is equally steady in his 
 hostility to those who were in opposition to his 
 patriotism, and like him, professing to have no 
 personal hatred, indulges in the same unqualified 
 invective against George the Third and his minis- 
 ters, as Glover employs against George the Second, 
 zwdprofessedly from the same motives. 
 
 Of Mr. Glover's poetical compositions it ought 
 not to be forgotten, that Leonidas itself was written 
 to rouse, as the author imagined, an oppressed 
 and enslaved people to the vindication of their 
 rights ; and this in some measure accounts for its 
 unexampled popularity at the time it was pub- 
 lished/ and for its subsequent neglect. 
 
 * *' Nothing else was read or talked of at Leicester House." 
 
 Dr. War ton. 
 
 It went through five or six editions rapidly, and in Ireland 
 Swift inquires of Pope, " Pray who is that Mr. Glover, who writ 
 the epic poem called Leonidas, which is reprinted here, and hath 
 much vogue ?" 
 
 Lord Lyttelton praised this poem in the highest terms, not only 
 for its poetical beauties, but its political tendency : " the whole 
 plan and purpose of it being to shew the superiority of freedom 
 over slavery} and how much virtue, public spirit, and the love of 
 liberty are preferable both in their nature and effects, to riches, 
 luxury, and the insolence of power." 
 
 Glover's Progress of Commerce and his Hosier's Ghost, are. 
 both political compositions, written with a view to stimulate the 
 nation at that time to resent the conduct of the Spaniards. 
 
 Of Hosier's Ghost, some iaea of its popularity may be formed 
 
89 
 
 Dr. Brocklesby, who was Glover's intimate 
 friend, has left this record of his esteem. 
 
 " He lived as if he had been bred a disciple of 
 Socrates, or companion of Aristides. Hence his 
 political turn of mind, hence his unwarped affec- 
 tion and active zeal for the rights and liberties, of 
 his country. — Hence his heartfelt exultation when- 
 ever he had to paint the impious designs of tyrants 
 in ancient times frustrated, or in modern, defeated 
 in their nefarious purposes to extirpate liberty, or 
 to trample on the unalienable rights of man, how- 
 ever remote in time or space from his immediate 
 presence. In a few words, for the extent of his 
 various erudition, for his unalloyed patriotism, 
 and for his daily exercise and constant practice of 
 Xenophon's philosophy, in his private as well a* 
 in public life, Mr. Glover has left none his equal 
 in the city, and some time it is feared may elapse 
 before such another citizen may arise, with elo- 
 quence, with character, and with poetry, like his, 
 to assert their rights, or to vindicate with equal 
 powers the just claims of free born men." 
 
 by this remark of Horace Walpole, in a letter to the Hon. Henry 
 Seymour Conway : " As to Hosier's Ghost, I think it very easy, 
 and consequently pretty; but from the ease, should never have 
 guessed it Glover's. I delight in you» the patriots cry it up, and 
 ike courtiers cry it down, and th-e hawkers cry it u£ and down" 
 
ADDENDA. 
 
91 
 
 Extracts from the original Memoir as addi- 
 tional testimony in favour of the opinions 
 contained in the preceding pages. 
 
 At the commencement of the year 1757- 
 
 " After the expectation raised by the preceding 
 pages, it is scarcely credible to myself, that, while 
 endeavouring to recapitulate the transactions of 
 this interesting sessions, I should find them all 
 within the old narrow circle, trite, trifling, and 
 iniquitous, except one absurd deviation from the 
 plain track of borrowing money for the annual 
 supplies, were an affectation of doing better than 
 well, ended in disappointment and disgrace. 
 
 "Sir John Barnard was the Director, now 
 grown old, yet less debilitated in body than in 
 mind. He stole from a poor half-witted zealot, 
 Henriques, his gambling scheme of a guinea- 
 lottery, and prevailed, to establish in effect, a 
 gaming-table in every county, under the sanction 
 of government, which held the fallacious box; 
 that unlaxed indigence might be gulled into a 
 contribution, when property only should pay to 
 the public. This lottery consisted of a million of 
 tickets ; and out of the million of guineas sub- 
 scribed 550,0001. was to remain with the govern- 
 ment, and 550,0001. in prizes among the ad- 
 venturers. The next, was a scheme of raising 
 
92 
 
 2,500,0001. by annuities for lives with a benefit of* 
 survivorship. I declared to the principal persons 
 in power my utter dislike, and even contempt, of 
 both these projects/ The lottery was kept open 
 for six or seven months, and was not half filled at 
 last. The sums subscribed to the life-annuities 
 did not exceed an eighth part of the whole. 
 
 " Fifty-five thousand seamen and marines, 
 49,749 landsmen for Great Britain, Guernsey, and 
 Jersey were voted, and proper care taken to re- 
 lieve the distressed Hanoverians and Hessians, 
 who were re-embarked for their own country in 
 the spring agreeably to the king's necessities and 
 orio*inal design. These were matters of course : 
 not one new measure of consequence was accom- 
 plished by the new ministry in parliament ; it is 
 true, the servile majority was against them; b their 
 leader Mr* Pitt, a great part of the time was re- 
 strained, by his indisposition, from attending the 
 House ; it may be urged, that from the certainty 
 of losing every question," nothing could be done 
 by them ; but it is as certain that nothing of im- 
 portance was attempted, but by Colonel Towns- 
 hend; in those gallant attempts Pitt should have 
 
 » See Letters of Junius on Lord North's genius for finance, 
 Vol. i. p. 52, and Vol. ii. p. 148. Edit. 
 
 * Junius always speaks of the Parliament as possessing a limited 
 authority, Vol. i. p. *287, *289, 191, &c. and censures it's act* 
 with the same freedom when the decision of the majority was at 
 variance with his opinion. Edit, 
 
93 
 
 been the principal, or left a second part to him 
 who was altogether pliant and subservient He 
 pressed the militia in behalf of his country, Pitt 
 espoused it for the sake of popularity ; it was 
 contrived, however, to mortify its noble parent 
 by reducing the numbers to about 30,000, not 
 one half of the old bill, and changing the training- 
 day from the Sunday to the Monday, for which 
 purpose the bishops, and the cheap-bought tools 
 among the dissenting clergy, were effectually em- 
 ployed, and for whose tender consciences Mr. 
 Pitt expressed a tender concern. In fine, the 
 bill passed modelled to the sense and relish of such, 
 court sycophants as Hardwicke. — « 
 
 " The inquiry into the loss of Minorca was be- 
 gun, and prosecuted with equal activity, diligence, 
 and integrity by the same gentleman, unassisted 
 by any but Mr. Waller and myself, I never left 
 him, examined, and digested all the evidence for 
 him, and am a witness to his undiscouraged assi- 
 duity in comparing my collection of the evidence 
 with his own, and with the original documents, 
 transcribing every particular with their proper re- 
 ferences in his own hand, and imprinting in his 
 mind both method and matter; no Brief, though 
 less comprehensive than his, was ever more ac- 
 curately arranged, and no pleader more com- 
 pletely prepared. — 
 
 " This subject must be interrupted, as some 
 facts must be traced back, and anecdotes revealed, 
 preparatory to the great change which took place 
 
94 
 
 m the midst of the sessions, and several days be- 
 fore the opening of the inquiry. 
 
 " The king's unalterable aversion to his new- 
 servants was notorious, from the cold and slight- 
 ing reception he gave them on their kissing his 
 hand. Awed by the spirit of Mr. Pitt, the King 
 did not break the forms of civility to him. To 
 his counsels he would grant a patient ear, but his 
 heart, still in the hands of others, was unsuscep- 
 tible of impression. Legge, who had refused to 
 sign the warrant for the first quarter of the 
 Hessian subsidy, and Dr. Hay, who had formerly 
 been made King's advocate, but had frustrated the 
 Duke of Newcastle's expectations of him, were 
 both sinners not to be forgiven. Earl Temple 
 was the most hated of all : he, against his own 
 inclination, was put at the head of the Admiralty, 
 and was obliged to transact with the King and 
 the Duke of Cumberland all Pitt's business during 
 his frequent indispositions, which rendered him 
 incapable of personal attendance. His life was 
 truly intolerable. His whole intercourse with the 
 Duke of Cumberland consisted in reiteration to 
 obtain for an American expedition the troops, 
 which, after so much difficulty, were extorted at 
 last, and were short of the number proposed. In 
 the cabinet, whither this double duty of minister 
 for the time, and at the head of the admiralty 
 continually led him, he experienced nothing but 
 insults and ill manners. Temple seldom failed to 
 express a manly and noble resentment on these 
 occasions, and thereby rendered himself the more 
 
95 
 
 obnoxious. His demeanour in office was frank, 
 ingenuous, unaffecting, and obliging to all, whether 
 applying for his favour, or assisting him with ad- 
 vice and intelligence. Thus stood the new ad- 
 ministration at court 
 
 " In the House of Commons the first who ap- 
 peared against them were Fox and Lord Egmont. 
 Soon after the meeting, when Mr. Grenville had 
 made a motion to quarter the foreign troops during 
 their stay in England, these gentlemen took occa- 
 sion to inveigh against the measure of sending 
 such a force out of the country before our own 
 troops were complete. Grenville, who supplied 
 the place of Pitt, made answer, that there was a 
 •necessity for sending those troops back, inti- 
 mating, that they were wanted, by the king, 
 abroad. Lord Egmont, with a sneer, signified his 
 wish, that no question might be put, because he 
 was unwilling that it should go against the ad- 
 ministration by a great majority. It is certain if 
 a motion had been made to address his Majesty 
 for the further detention of the foreign forces, it 
 would have been carried against the administration. 
 For my own part, I wish it had been made and 
 carried, that the House might have undergone the 
 mortification of the King's positive refusal. Ano- 
 ther small opposition was formed to a very rational 
 step of Mr. Pitt, the raising two regiments in the 
 Highlands, and transporting them to North Ame- 
 rica under the command of Mr. Montgomery 
 
96 
 
 and the master of Lovat, both men of character 
 here, and of interest in Scotland. The Duke of 
 Cumberland, who cared little for America, threw 
 all the obstacles he could in the way, and when 
 he could not succeed in defeating the project, re- 
 fused to give the commanders the rank they were 
 entitled to, and, instead of colonels-commandant, 
 would make them no more than lieutenant-colonels. 
 Montgomery told me, that the duke refused the 
 assistance of some old Serjeants and corporals to 
 train the men, and that a considerable time was 
 spent before their arms could be procured from 
 the Tower. 
 
 " Not three months were now elapsed since 
 the meeting of parliament, when it became ap- 
 parent to the public, that the complexion of the 
 King, Lords, and Commons, was so unfavourable 
 to Mr. Pitt, that he was understood by all, to be 
 only a nominal minister without a grain of' power, 
 which he confirmed in those very words by a 
 declaration in the House. His bodily infirmities, 
 together with these provocations, added peevish- 
 ness to pride, and, growing daily more inaccessible 
 and reserved, he rather lost, than gained ad- 
 herents. On one occasion he ran the hazard of 
 being deserted by all the country gentlemen, 
 hitherto his warmest friends, and to whom he 
 had made some court. 
 
 " It was about the middle of February when 
 lie had resqlved to move for a vote of 200,0001. to 
 
97 
 
 assist his Majesty in forming an army of observa- 
 tion, &c, and towards enabling him to fulfil his 
 engagement with the King of Prussia, &c. ; this 
 he determined without condescending to consult 
 the country first ; or even Colonel Townshend. 
 I chanced to visit that gentleman on the eve of 
 this intended motion. I found him much discon- 
 certed and displeased ; he told me this particular, 
 and that all his friends took it most unkindly of 
 Mr. Pitt. I soon perceived that the word unkind 
 was used in a sense much stronger than its na- 
 tural meaning. Mr. Townshend added, that Mr. 
 Pitt intended to postpone the militia, which was 
 the order of the house the next day, to make 
 room for his motion. In fine, it was probable, 
 that an opposition would be made by the disgusted 
 country gentlemen. I represented to Mr. Towns- 
 hend the misfortune and weakness of destroying 
 a whole system, because Mr. Pitt had been inad- 
 vertent and peevish ; I conjured him to allow for 
 his ill state of health and hasty temper ; that he 
 would pay him a visit the next morning, and use 
 all his interest to mollify his ill humours, which 
 were gathering. He replied, that he had already 
 discoursed with Legge and George Grenville 
 upon the subject, yet they seemed afraid to talk 
 with Pitt about it, and had referred the task to 
 him ; yet he did not see, that it was his affair more 
 than theirs, and that he would not undertake a 
 thing where he had no chance of success. He 
 
 H 
 
9* 
 
 protested that this was not the effect of pride in 
 himself; that he would run after any man with a 
 prospect of serving the public, but in the present 
 case the mischief was done, and past his power 
 to retrieve. Upon this I rose, took him by the 
 hand, and delivered myself thus. " My dear Mr. 
 Townshend, I have no further arguments to use, 
 but I will not quit this house till you promise to 
 follow my advice." To this he most obligingly 
 replied, " I promise you I will, merely because 
 you insist upon it, though I am still unconvinced, 
 and without hopes of doing any thing." This 
 accidental interview of mine with Townshend pre- 
 vented all the impending mischief. He mollified 
 Viner, Nor they, Sir Charles Mordaunt, and the 
 other country gentlemen; the next morning, he 
 saw Pitt, and w r as one of the members who intro- 
 duced him to the house : his long fit of the gout 
 and his two relapses, had prevented his taking his 
 seat there ever since it was vacated by his ac- 
 ceptance of the seals. Mr. Pitt's motion passed 
 nem. con. and old Viner himself made him a com- 
 pliment on the occasion. It must be said, there 
 never was a cheaper Hanoverian bargain, and the 
 most palatable too, as it included the interest, at 
 least the name, of the idolized King of Prussia ; 
 but that merit, so endearing to Mr. Viner and his 
 friends, served but to weaken Mr. Pitt still more 
 with the court, and its prostitute instruments, the 
 two houses of parliament. The King was con- 
 
99 
 
 vinccd by long experience that any other mini- 
 ster would have sacrificed much more to the 
 safety of Hanover. The court members had con- 
 stantly been lavish of their sneers on Mr. Pitt's 
 connection with Tories and Jacobites. Mr. Fox, 
 more ably, on the 18th of February, the day of 
 Pitt's motion, reminded him of some passages in 
 the last sessions, inferring the inconsistency of 
 his language then, and now, on the subject of 
 continental measures." 
 
 " It must be admitted, that of all the Duke of 
 Newcastle's allies Pitt was the most untract- 
 able. An instance of his spirit, and the Duke's 
 treachery within a month after their union, ap- 
 pears by the following letter from Mr. Martin. 
 This transaction would have served Mr. Pitt 
 greatly in recovering his popularity, yet it was 
 never made known to the public. I shall only 
 premise, that at this time, the French under 
 D'Etrees had entered Hanover, whither the 
 Duke of Cumberland had been sent to oppose 
 them. 
 
 "Aug. 11,1757. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, 
 
 " Not having had an opportunity of 
 seeing you before I left London, I am forced to 
 
 h 2 
 
100 
 
 write what I have for some days wanted to com- 
 municate to you. 
 
 " I desire you would recollect the substance 
 of the last note which I sent you from Downing- 
 street; it was, that I thought the time at no 
 great distance, when my friends would convince 
 the public of the uprightness of their intentions. 
 The article which I then alluded to, was what I 
 had mentioned to you before in conversation ; 
 that some parts of the miviistry, pursuing their 
 old, well-tried, and approved system, of courting 
 Royal favours, would in all probability propose 
 to send some of our national troops abroad ; and, 
 that this proposition once made, would afford my 
 friends the opportunity of manifesting their sin- 
 cerity. The event has actually happened, but 
 with so little noise, that I question whether the 
 report has ever reached your ears ; for which 
 reason I resolved to take the trouble of acquaint- 
 ing you with the fact. 
 
 " On last Tuesday fortnight, (25th July,) 
 when an action was expected hourly between the 
 French and Hanoverians, a proposition was laid 
 before the Cabinet, to alter the destination of the 
 troops then prepared to embark on a secret ex- 
 pedition, and use the transports to convey them 
 to Germany, in order to support the Duke of 
 Cumberland, and recruit his army in case of any 
 disaster to his forces, so very inferior to the 
 
101 
 
 enemy. Mr. Legge being at that time in the 
 country, every member in the Cabinet Council 
 assented to this proposal except Mr. Pitt alone, 
 who desired that the minute of their resolution 
 might be entered up with notice of his dissent. 
 This firm and spirited proposal so intimidated the 
 whole knot of politicians, that not one of the 
 gentlemen could pluck up the spirit to support 
 his own opinion, being all more apprehensive of 
 disgrace by an unpopular measure taken in oppo- 
 sition to Mr. Pitt, than eager to recommend 
 themselves by adhering to that flattering doctrine: 
 in short, the point was waved, and the opinion s 
 of the whole company given up, upon the spot, to 
 Mr. Pitt. 
 
 " Next, it was considered, who of the com- 
 pany should undertake to deliver the account of 
 their proceedings, according to custom, to his 
 Majesty. Those who had deserted their first te- 
 nets, declined the task of committing themselves 
 to their master ; and it fell at last on Mr. Pitt to 
 be the relator of his own, single, obstinate, offen- 
 sive, resistance to all the Cabinet. — He was re- 
 proached, when he had acquitted himself of this 
 service, with setting himself up as a dictator to 
 all the rest of the Ministers.— Complaints were 
 uttered by the Sovereign, that he was abandoned 
 by his own subjects and kingdom — that as Elector 
 of Hanover he ought to be considered by Gi-eat 
 Britain in the quality of an ally at least; and it 
 
102 
 
 would be an infidelity as atrocious to desert him 
 in the day of distress, as it had been to abandon 
 the grand Confederates in the year 1714: all 
 which was imputable to the haughtiness of Mr. 
 Pitt prescribing to all the rest of the Cabinet. 
 
 " Mr. Pitt answered, by stating the grounds 
 of his opinion, particularly with respect to the 
 risque to which his Majesty's kingdoms would be 
 exposed by such an insufficient and impotent 
 attempt to rescue his Electorate; adding, that 
 his Majesty was the master of the Councils of 
 State, with authority to pursue such measures 
 as he thought proper, whether they were advised 
 by his whole Cabinet, or by one individual differ- 
 ing from the rest: that he, (Mr. Pitt,) presumed 
 not to dictate, but could not help retaining such 
 sentiments as appeared to him to be right, without 
 presuming to regulate his Majesty's conduct by 
 his opinion. 
 
 " ' If my kingdoms will be exposed to danger, 
 that is a situation, which, 1 am sure, I do not 
 desire to be instrumental in bringing about; and 
 whether that be the case or not, you will not fail 
 to state the matter in that light to the House of 
 Commons.' 
 
 " ' Sir, while I have the honour to continue in 
 your service, I shall deliver nothing any where, 
 as your Majesty's sentiments, but by your own 
 express consent; but, when I declare my own 
 sentiments, they will be such as I shall then 
 
103 
 
 think it my duty to disclose.' — ' Well, then, you 
 must do what you please with my fleets, and my 
 troops; and, remember, you are answerable for 
 the disposition that is taken.' — So much for the 
 honour of Mr. Pitt, from whose mouth I had 
 these particulars. You must not mention the 
 authority for the facts; though I wish I was at 
 liberty to empower you to do so. — I shall now 
 trouble you with something to my own honour. 
 I enclose for your perusal the copy of a letter 
 sent by me on Saturday, 30th July, to his Grace 
 the Duke of Newcastle, whereby you will see the 
 motives on which I have forborne to accept of 
 the promotions designed me. I am not only 
 pleased with my own conduct, but much de 
 lighted with the hopes of approbation from my 
 friends. If this be vanity, I consent, that any 
 other man may enjoy it on the same terms. Send 
 me back the copy of my letter, because I must 
 send it to my father, and don't care for the trou- 
 ble of transcribing. Your's, &c. 
 
 " Samuel Martin." 
 
 " To the Duke of Newcastle. 
 
 " July 30, \757. 
 " MY LORD, 
 
 " Though I have solid reasons to De 
 satisfied with the conduct not only of Mr. Legge, 
 but likewise of your Grace towards me; yet it 
 happens very unfortunately, that I cannot profit 
 
104 
 
 at present by the good intentions of either. I 
 had the honour of a conversation this morning 
 with Mr. West, from whom I understood very 
 clearly, that Mr. Bannister, the Collector of the 
 Customs at Antigua, cannot be made a Commis- 
 sioner of the Victualling, (in order to introduce 
 my father into his place as Collector,) without 
 forcing a place in the Victualling-office by a pen- 
 sion upon old Naval Stores :. and that I cannot be 
 appointed Paymaster of the Marines, without creat- 
 ing the present possessor of that post a supernu- 
 merary Commissioner of the Customs; in both 
 which articles your Grace is ready to comply for 
 the sake of accommodating me, and obliging my 
 friends. 
 
 " Since Mr. West left me, I have been consi- 
 dering attentively of these arrangements, and find, 
 that my two points cannot be attained, but by an 
 expense of 1500/. a year to the public ; the pro- 
 posed pension upon the old stores being 5001. per 
 annum, and the salary of the intended additional 
 Commissioner of the Customs being 1000/. more. 
 Both sums are to come oat of the purse of the 
 people of Great Britain ; the first out of the pro- 
 duce of a national fund accountable to Parlia- 
 ment; the other out of the revenue of Customs, 
 which is to all intents the nation's estate, after 
 paying the King's demands towards his Civil 
 List, and after paying certain demands to public 
 creditors. Now, my Lor<J, if your Grace will 
 
105 
 
 permit me to deliver my poor sentiments frankly, 
 I have always disapproved of this method of load- 
 ing the public for the gratification of individuals; 
 which seems to me to be peculiarly unfit in a time 
 of national distress : and what I have thought 
 wrong in the case of others, I should be self-con- 
 demned, if I consented to, and became a princi- 
 pal party in, for my own private emolument. I 
 do not presume to judge your Grace, who is not 
 to be tried by my principles, and to whom I am 
 beholden for seeking every expedient to serve 
 me ; but those principles, such as they are, whe- 
 ther sound or whimsical, must govern me. To 
 say the truth, I could not hereafter, without shame, 
 reflect, that so insignificant a fellow as I am, of 
 no particular deserving to the State, should, for 
 my own private use, raise a contribution of 1500/. 
 a year upon my fellow subjects ; and this at 
 a most critical juncture, when every shilling 
 that they can pay is wanted for public services. 
 I consider likewise, that the world would not fail 
 to reproach my friends for suffering me to be 
 brought into office to the immediate detriment of 
 their country, whose welfare they pretend to have 
 at heart, 
 
 " Upon the whole, I must be content to wait, 
 till vacancies shall afford your Grace the opportu- 
 nity of carrying your designs into execution in 
 favour both of my father and myself, proposing 
 more satisfaction from this sacrifice, than what 
 
306" 
 
 would result from any addition to my circum- 
 stances, narrow and stinted as they are.* 
 
 " In the mean time, I must acquit your Grace, 
 who have done every thing that could be well 
 expected in discharge of your engagement with 
 relation to me ; and, on the other hand, I hope 
 you will do me the justice not to impute to me, 
 and my conduct in this affair more whim, caprice, 
 affectation, or weakness, than you shall find abso- 
 lutely necessary and unavoidable." 
 
 This admirable epistle would have lain buried 
 in oblivion, had not I taken a copy, and made the 
 author's merit known in despight of his uniform 
 insensibility to all circumstances which tended to 
 exalt his own character. 
 
 Having now unravelled in some measure the 
 secret intrigues of our great men, I proceed to a 
 concise relation of our military undertakings, 
 which amounted to no more than two unsuccess- 
 ful and inglorious expeditions, one against Roch- 
 fort, the other against Louisbourg. 
 
 On the 8th of September, Sir Edward Hawke, 
 with eighteen ships, besides frigates; and Sir 
 John Mordaunt with 8,000 land-forces, set sail 
 from Portsmouth The vigour and diligence ex- 
 erted in the preparation had revived our national 
 
 * He had no more at that time than an annuity of 3001. 
 which his father bought to qualify him for a seat in Parliament. 
 
107 
 
 enthusiasm and expectation, founded on the se- 
 crecy as much as on the force employed in the 
 expedition, restored Mr. Pitt to all his popular 
 lustre. On the 20th the fleet appeared on the 
 coast of France : on the 23d an insignificant fort 
 on the Isle of Aix was taken : on the 25th, in a 
 Council of War of the principal land and sea offi- 
 cers, it was unanimously resolved to make an at- 
 tempt at Rochfort. On the 28th, they came to 
 a resolution of landing; on the 29th they changed 
 their minds; and, on the 1st of October set sail 
 for Portsmouth again. This expedition, ended as 
 usual, in an Inquiry and a Court Martial. Sir 
 John Mordaunt was acquitted. I can venture to 
 pronounce, not only from the public evidence, 
 but from private and undoubted information, 
 which came to my own knowledge, that had our 
 troops landed on their first approach, Rochfort 
 would have fallen into their hands, and all the 
 docks, naval stores, and ships of war in the river 
 Charente, been destroyed. 
 
 Mordaunt was the only officer tried ; Hawke 
 seems to me little less culpable than he ; mankind 
 in general cast the chief blame on General Con- 
 way and Admiral Knowles : whether these last 
 deserved the imputation of defeating the design 
 from mere party considerations, I will leave for 
 the present, to be discovered by time. 
 
 At Louisbourg the French garrison was sus- 
 pected to be stronger than our army of 10,000 
 
108 
 
 men, which Lord Loudon reconducted from Hali- 
 fax to New York. During his absence, the French 
 General, Montcalm, took Fort William Henry. 
 Holbourne, who commanded the fleet, the most 
 severe of Byng's judges in the interpretation of 
 the words, not do his utmost, in the 12th Article 
 of War, on the 21st of August, fled with sixteen 
 ships of the line from off Louisbourg to Halifax, 
 on the French Admiral making a signal, which 
 Holbourne understood to unmoor, and give him 
 battle. The French fleet consisted of seventeen 
 ships of the line, larger in size, it must be allowedi 
 than most of Holbourne's ; but, as life knew the 
 enemy to be sickly, his flight was the more igno- 
 minious. Being afterwards reinforced with four 
 fresh capital ships, he returned to his station, and 
 staid till his fleet had almost perished in a storm. 
 One of the line was wrecked, the rest were dis- 
 masted, all were shaken : of the fleet, seven of 
 the line were left at Halifax under Lord Colvile ; 
 the others arrived at different times in England, 
 during the course of December. The French 
 squadron returned safe to Brest not long after ; 
 but the mortality at Louisbourg, in the passage 
 home, and afterwards at Brest, cost them the lives 
 of 10,000 seamen at least. These are the material 
 British transactions which appeared to merit ob- 
 servation in the year 1757. 
 
 [1758.] "On the 18th of January the House 
 received a message from the king, implying that 
 
109 
 
 the padlock was taken off the Hanoverian swords. 
 This message, delivered by Mr. Pitt, was to the 
 following effect; — That since the 28th of last 
 November, the army in his majesty's Electoral 
 dominions had again been put into motion, with 
 the utmost vigor, against the common enemy, in 
 concert with the king of Prussia, &c. — and that his 
 Majesty found himself under the absolute neces- 
 sity of recommending to the House the speedy con- 
 sideration of such a present supply, as might 
 enable him, in this critical exigency, to subsist 
 and keep together the said army. For this express 
 purpose 100,000/. was voted ?iem. con. by the com- 
 mittee on the 23d of January. 
 
 1 must do justice to Mr. George Grenville, 
 who differed widely from every person in office, 
 and in the midst of these transactions was quite 
 desponding. Lord Temple, averse to the conti- 
 nent at first, yielded at length to the new mea- 
 sures ; and went so far, as to entertain warm hopes 
 of success. Such too was the general expectation, 
 but not a thought of sending a man to Germany. 
 All concurred in granting large subsidies, but no 
 troops, as they had been taught by Mr. Pitt's own 
 declarations, that not a man should set his foot on 
 the continent. He persisted so far in this seem- 
 ing resolution, that the long delay of the new 
 Prussian treaty was altogether owing to his pe- 
 remptory refusal of troops. 
 
 This necessarily leads to an explanation of that 
 
110 
 
 tedious negociation. On the authority of Mr, 
 Samuel Martin, I affirm, that Mr. Andrew Mit- 
 chell, our minister at the court of Berlin, was re- 
 called for having corresponded with Lord Gran- 
 ville, and at his suggestion instigated the King of 
 Prussia to demand the assistance of British troops,, 
 to which, Martin said, Pitt and his friends would 
 never consent. Lord Temple and Mr. Legge 
 confirmed this to me by charging the requisition 
 of troops on some, at home. I was further in- 
 formed, particularly by Mr. Martin,* that the King 
 of Prussia had originally invested his envoy Mit- 
 chell with full powers to sign the treaty on our 
 own terms at London, but on the hints given him, 
 to insist on troops, had superseded those powers. 
 Colonel York was dispatched to take Andrew 
 Mitchell's place at Berlin, but was stopped half 
 way, as the King of Prussia declared he would not 
 part with Mitchell. Mr. Legge was then proposed 
 
 * I have since seen a letter from Mitchell to Holdernesse, of 
 the 9th of February, 1758, which acknowledges the receipt of the 
 convention} and that the King of Prussia repeatedly refused to 
 sign it: disliking the clause of subsidy, and obligation not to make 
 peace but by mutual consent; both which are strongly enforced by 
 a letter from Holdernesse of the 25th of February. The King of 
 Prussia, in lieu of these, insisted on our sending a fleet into the 
 Baltic, and a body of national troops into Germany. Mitchell, 
 upon the suspicions before alleged, was recalled, but before his de- 
 parture, the King of Prussia acquiesced in our terms. This nego- 
 tiation was closely followed after the victory of Rosbach ; though 
 a correspondence leading to a new treaty might have begun before. 
 
Ill 
 
 as a kind of ambassador or plenipotentiary to the 
 King. This proposition had likewise no effect. 
 In fine, after a suspense of many months, the King 
 of Prussia rinding Mr. Pitt's refusal of troops in- 
 surmountable, sent over a new minister to Lon- 
 don, Baron Kynphausen, who jointly with Mit- 
 chell, signed the treaty on the 11th of April, by 
 which it is agreed, that Great Britain should 
 pay " that Monarch the sum of 670,000/. at once, 
 and in one whole sum, immediately after the 
 exchange of the ratifications being demanded by 
 his Prussian majesty," for this, the king of Prus- 
 sia stipulated, in the Qd article, that, " He will apply 
 the said sum to the maintaining and augmenting 
 his forces, which forces shall act in the best man- 
 ner for the good of the common cause, and for the 
 purpose of reciprocal defence and mutual security 
 proposed by their said Majesties." 
 
 'Article 3. Moreover the high contracting 
 parties, to wit, his Britannic Majesty, both as King 
 and Elector on one side, and on the other, his Prus- 
 sian Majesty, engage not to conclude any treaty of 
 peace, truce or neutrality, nor any other sort of 
 convention or agreement with the powers en- 
 gaged in the present war, but in concert, by mu- 
 tual agreement, wherein both shall be by name 
 comprehended." 
 
 " Let the successes of Great Britain be ever so 
 considerable, she is bound by this treaty to make 
 no peace with France, without the King of Prussia 
 
112 
 
 whatever may be his ill fortune in the war with 
 Austria, Russia, Sweden, and the Empire; he might 
 therefore be well contented with the result of his 
 negociation, notwithstanding Mr. Pitt's inflexible 
 refusal of troops. To this instance of Mr. Pitt's 
 adhering to his frequent declarations, that not a 
 man should go to Germany, it will be material in 
 this place to add many others. 
 
 First, the reports industriously propagated by 
 his friends, while he was yet in office, at the be- 
 ginning of last year ; that he caused the Duke of 
 Cumberland's application for two battalions to be 
 rejected, when that Prince was appointed to com- 
 mand the army of observation. Mr. Fox, indeed, 
 asserted in the House of Commons, that no appli- 
 cation of that sort had ever been made, and was 
 not contradicted : yet Mr. Pitt's party thought it 
 of consequence, that the public should believe 
 that such an application had been made; to con- 
 vince the nation of Mr. Pitt's aversion to conti- 
 nental measures. 
 
 As a second instance. I must repeat a passage 
 from p. *: "On the 19th of May 1757, a de- 
 mand of a vote of credit for a million was laid be- 
 fore the House : Mr. Pitt on his motion declared, 
 that while he was in his Majesty's service, he was 
 given to understand, that no further sum would 
 be required for the service of the Continent that 
 Sessions, than the 200,000/. granted for that pur- 
 * This reference is left blank in the MS. Edit. 
 
11$ 
 
 pose in February last, and proposed an amend- 
 ment to the motion. The amendment limited the 
 application of the vote of credit to British services 
 only, excepting a small portion which he agreed 
 might be given to the Hessian troops, under the 
 head of forage, in consideration of the scarcity 
 and unexpected rise in the price of that article: 
 that Great Britain should be no otherwise con- 
 cerned upon the Continent, than in keeping the 
 Avar alive there in a defensive manner, that her 
 offensive efforts should be confined to the sea, and 
 North America. 
 
 " The third instance is contained at large, in 
 Mr. Martin's letter to me on the 11th of August 
 1757, soon after Mr. Pitt M<as restored to his em- 
 ployment,*' when he singly opposed the Duke of 
 Newcastle and the whole Cabinet Council which 
 had agreed to assist the Duke of Cumberland in 
 Germany, with the forces then embarked for the 
 descent on Rochefort. This proposition was 
 quashed by Mr. Pitt, unseconded by any one pre- 
 sent, and he was the only member of the Cabinet 
 who undertook to relate their proceeding to their 
 Master. 
 
 " With such persevering firmness could this 
 minister act at a period, when the British Parlia- 
 ment had bound itself by repeated addresses to 
 
 * See this letter page QQ 
 I 
 
in 
 
 defend the King's Electoral dominions ; yet, when 
 the Electorate had absolved these kingdoms from 
 that obligation, and by a convention of its own, 
 without any British interposition, had detached 
 itself both from Great Britain and Prussia; this 
 very minister, abusing the confidence of a credu- 
 lous people, plunged them into an expence of 
 blood and treasure unknown to former experience ; 
 and beyond the designs, even the ideas, of the 
 most corrupt and daring, whom he had so fre- 
 quently and recently confronted upon the subject 
 of Continental Systems. He was the man on 
 whom the public once depended as a check to 
 such ruinous attempts : he was the man who 
 sacrificed that public, for the precarious favour of 
 an insincere unforgiving old man, tottering on the 
 verge of the grave. Troops could be held from 
 the Duke of Cumberland : his success would be 
 strength to Fox. A proposition from the Duke of 
 Newcastle would be opposed for that purpose ; 
 Newcastle would have had all the merit; and he 
 will have it; and my prophecy to Mr. Pitt in 
 these words be verified, "Then shall I be grieved 
 to see you, the first man in Great Britain, at this 
 juncture, become a subaltern to the lowest." 
 
 PRINTED BY T. BENSLEY, 
 
 Belt Court, Fleet Street ■> 
 
 London, 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 020 661 514 A 
 
 si*** 
 
 
 iu"*"*^