Book Ej" ANCIENT HISTORY, ENGLISH AND FRENCH, EXEMPLIFIED IN A REGULAR DISSECTION OF THJ jraxon (tttfvonitU; PRECEDED BY A REVIEW OF WHARTON'S UTRUM ELFRICUS GRAMxMATICLS? MALMESBURY'S LIFE OF ST. WULSTAN. HUGO CANDID US' PETERBOROUGH HISTORY: WHEREIN nil. PRINCIPAL SAXON AKKALISTS IRE NOW (FOR THE 1 IKST TIME) IDENTIFIED. LONDON : J. IIAT( HARD AND SON, 187, PICCADILLY. 1830. LONDON : IM>TSOJ INI i ai.vi it. rftlNTIHS, SATOT-STMBT, STBAND. TO THE RT. HON. LORD CARRINGTON. If I had no other reason for inscribing this volume to your Lordship it would be sufficient that I have received various little favours at one time or other which I am not disposed to forget, though be- stowed on my deceased Master's account, the late Mr. A. But I am partly induced by the hope that the book may fare the better under the influence of your Lordship's name. Nor is this Dedication in other respects inappropriate, because I remember, in a 2 IV DEDICATION. the course of your Lordship's business, an instance of your attention to Saxon Literature. For the book itself I am free to say that the subject involves the national character, and is here treated with novelty and some success. Hitherto many of the most celebrated pens have prosecuted this same inquiry and have entirely failed, which mine has not. With the best wishes for your Lord- ship's health, I am, My Lord, Your Lordship's very humble servant, THE AUTHOR. St. Paul's Churchyard, 14 July, 1830. CONTENTS. Page Dedication . . . iii Contents . . v Preface . . . . vii Dissertatio Utrum Elfricus Grammaticus? . . 1 Review thereof . . . .25 Review of Malmesbunjs Life of St. Wuls tan, &c. . 79 Review of Hugo Candidas' Peterborough History, &c. 135 History of the Saxon Chronicle; being a Notice of the various ancient Copies, and of the several impressions thereof . . .179 Occurrences of the Years 993 and 1001, attributable to Elphegus . . . 212—398 Appbndix, .No. I. . . 883 Remarks on the compilation prefixed to Elfric's An- nals . • • • . -05 Elfric's Annals . . . . . H I Introduction to Wulstan's Annals . . . '!>'. VI CONTENTS. Page Wulstan's Annals . . 299 Supplement to Wulstan's Annals . . . 355 Section attributable, to Egelred, Prior of Worcester . 358 Introduction to Nicholas' Annals . . . 363 Nicholas' Annals . ... 365 Extracts from Remaldus . . . 399 Extracts from Hugo's Annals . . . 409 Stigand's Annals ..... 419 Fragment of Athel wold's Annals . . .431 Fragments of the later Peterborough Annals corrupted by Remaldus . . . 435 Occurrences of the Years 1114 and 1116, attributable to Witric, Sacrist of Peterborough . 442 Occurrences of the Years 1023, 1031, and 1070, at- tributable to Osbern, Precentor of Canterbury 217, 446 Supplement to Elfric's Annals . . 449 Further particulars concerning Elfric . . 452 New Table of Contents of the ancient MSS. from the year 990 downwards . . . 459 A few principal Rules of the Saxon Grammar . 460 Glossary ...... 467 Errata ..... . 477 PREFACE. In consequence of having noticed a few impor- tant errors in Gunton and Patrick's History of Peterborough, a new history was lately under- taken by the Author of this volume, from the Restoration under Edgar to the Conquest ; with a Supplement down to the final subjugation of Hereward. It was one material part of that undertaking to inquire particularly who were the authors of the Saxon Chronicle, some or one of whom seemed to have been monks of Peterborough. It is not my intention to enlarge either upon the merits of the Chronicle itself, or upon the failure of all former attempts to ascertain the authors : it is enough to say, that after having engrossed a vast quantity of labour, time, and Vlll PREFACE. talent, during the last three centuries, the ques- tion seems to be abandoned as desperate. For I cannot think Mr. Ingram, the last pro- fessed inquirer, has added any thing to the in- formation we had before, though he was occu- pied for many years in re-editing the work and elucidating its history ; but his want of success is best to be seen in his own words. "The Benct MS., which some call the Plegmund MS., ends anno 1070. From internal evidence of an indirect nature, there is great reason to presume that archbishop Plegmund transcribed or superintended this very copy of the Saxon Annals to the year 891, the year in which he came to the see. Wantey observes it is written in one and the same hand to this year, and in hands equally ancient to the year 924, alter which it is continued in different hands to the end." After assigning a reason, (not very satisfac- tory,) whence we are to suppose that Alfred might contribute, he thus proceeds : " From the time of Alfred and Plegmund to a tew years alter the Norman Conquest, these Chronicles seem to have been continued by different hands under the aus- pices of such men as the archbishops Dimstan, Alfric, and others. The indirect evidence respecting Dwutan ami Alfric is as curious as that concerning PUgmtmd; but the discussion of it would lead us into a wide and PREFACE. IX barren field of investigation; nor is this the place to refute the errors of Riches, Cave, and Wharton, already noticed by Wanley in his preface. The Chronicles of Abingdon, of Worcester, of Peterborough, and others, are continued in the same manner by different hands ; partly, though not exclusively, by monks of those monasteries." But though Mr. Ingram goes on to say, " that it would be a vain and frivolous attempt to ascribe these latter compositions (from the time of Alfred and Plegmund? or of Dunstan and Alfric ?) to particular persons, where there were evidently so many contributors,'' yet it seems that he wished to do something more than he has done in this respect. He tells us that he was many times asked during his work, What is your Chronicle about ? — and who wrote it ? Very natural questions ; but, as to the writers, very imperfectly answered. Neither his friends nor his readers are to be so easily satisfied. If we take it for true on Mr. Ingram's opi- nion (see his preface) that Plegmund compiled the first part of the Chronicle down to the year 891, and continued it to 924, there remains from the latter year to 1155, (where it ends,) a pe- riod of 231 years. During that time he be- lieves it to have been principally the work of X PREFACE. cotemporaries; and the question still is, Who were they ? Neither Dunstan nor Alfric were of the number : they are then entirely to seek. Sparke, the editor of Hugo Candidas, drily repeats an opinion of Dr. Hickes " that Hugo (his au- thor) or some other monk of Peterborough compiled the Peterborough copy" And this opinion of Hickes is also mentioned by Mr. Ingram without assent or dispute : he merely adds that " contributions were furnished by co- temporary writers, many of whom ivere eye-wit- nesses of the events and transactions which they relate; as there is abundance of internal evi- dence to convince as." Seven years have now elapsed since Mr. Ingram's publication and nothing further has appeared, so that we may conclude he never intended to treat this inquiry ; or, if he did, has abandoned it. The subject, however, was always a general favourite ; and if but one of the writers could be clearly ascertained it would be something. With this view, the attempt is renewed in the face of Mr. Ingram's condemnation, for the public may think differently. In the beginning I merely intended to touch PREFACE. XI upon this subject in the Peterborough History, but one digression led so forcibly to another that I found it impossible to confine them with- in subordinate limits ; and therefore determined upon this separate volume. It is notorious, notwithstanding the great re- putation of the Saxon Chronicle, that it abounds in mistakes, a fundamental blemish which at present attaches to the whole compilation ; for it has not hitherto been shown that these mis- takes are confined to particular sections. It is my endeavour, however, to remedy the defect, and to introduce each of the annalists in rota- tion, whereby it may be seen who the authors of its credit were. If the composition thereof, or of any considerable part, can be brought home to men of reputation, then our once blind defe- rence will in some measure be justified : and it is of consequence to assign to every writer his proper portion, that if there be any separable part of the Chronicle particularly abundant in error and referable to no good authority, it may be marked as of doubtful credit, or altogether rejected. It is only since the beginning of the present July that I have seen Mr. Ingram's Inaugural Lecture published in 1807, so that it is by Xll PREFACE. mere accident that several of his views are here opposed. I would neither be thought to delight in flat contradiction nor to fail in re- spect for his learning, and I might seem to do both in omitting to mention that this book was written and printed without reference to his Lecture. And indeed I am bound to acknowledge the usefulness of his book. He has in several in- stances detected a meaning which escaped Bishop Gibson ; and all who have access to his labours may understand the Saxon Chronicle. I have ambitiously attempted more than this in desiring that the Chronicle should be under- stood of itself. It is the boast of our patriots, and of Mr. Ingram with the rest, that our tongue is essentially saxon; and surely it is time that Elfric, St. Wulstan, and Stigand, should speak for themselves, and not through a latin or any other translation. The boast is hollow unless they can be made to do this with effect . The only real advantage of printing in tawon is the distinction between the two thetas, )> th and "5 dli, which some modem grammarians have at- tempted to revive. Spelman sfeys they were written indifferently ; (though not perhaps an- PREFACE. Xlll til after the Conquest,) and, except the p w, our letters are in general the neater. Archbishop Parker seems to have exagge- rated the difference between the ancient pronun- ciation and our own. " Pronunciation (says he, in his preface to Asser,) obscurior, fortas- sis, et impeditior aliquant ulum videbitur quam ut absolute percipi queat : neque mirum, quando quidem quotidianus ejus sermonis ususjam peni- tus evanuerit ; et Saxones qui hodie in Germa- nid sunt ilium pristinum pronuntiandi morem longo intervallo temporis amuerint." This dif- ference seems only true of the letters c and g. When we transfer the c into modern English we should write it ch before i and e; and after, also, in words and syllables ending in c ; and whe- ther n intervenes or not. Thus Ceastre, Edric, Elfric, Alf'ric, Leofric, Ricard, bene, make Chester, Edridge, Eldridge, Aldridge, Leveridge, Richard, bench. The difference between the hard and this soft c (for they seem to have had no k) was obviated in various ways — j/ was written after it to make it hard instead of i in the mid- dle of a word; and e or ^ added at the end, had the same effect: ex. cyng, fullice, rice, bricge, Rocger — made king, full v, rick, brigg, Roger : .sr, even at the end of a word, always XIV PREFACE. made sh. : ex. thersc, thrash. Before e and t the g is soft and to be pronounced as y : when hard it has the power of our modern hard g. * It is a question for grammarians whether ori- ginally there were exceptions to these rules either anomalous or regular, but there is a great ap- pearance of regularity up to the Conquest. For distinction's sake I have uniformly writ- ten JElfric of Canterbury, A/fric ; and Mljr'ic the grammarian, Elfric : for the names Alfric and Elfric are used indiscriminately. So, for the Bishop JEthelwold I have written Ethel- wold; and for jEthehvold, Prior of Peterborough, Athehvold. We have seen that Mr. Ingram has eluded the only original part, or (as he puts it) a natural branch of his undertaking : it is this desideratum which is now in part supplied, for I must not be understood to mean that the work is complete. His publication contains 374 pages, of which the Canterbury Annals (with some verses and other matters of doubtful origin) occupy the * Taking the car for a guide I should think the g was in most cases soft, as, for instance, before a, if preceded by i ; ex. lufigan (to love) ; haligan (to hallow) ; hut query for this. Bugo (v. p. 413) has Imhchtn, meaning, per- haps, halgan rather rWin faiftgiin 5 as (p. 410) he has hali- chede for hatgod. PREFACE. XV first 167. As far as regards these I have done nothing except as to 16 or 18 pages, which were cleanly written by Remaldus. These 167 pages Mr. Ingram attributes to Plegmund and Dun- stan. From p. 167 to the end, (207 pages,) the Chronicle was principally written by a line of cotemporaries, six in number. It is to these continuators and continuations that my in- quiries have been directed ; and I have sepa- rated therefrom the contributions of four or five others less considerable. What remains to be done is to examine Pleg- mund's and Dunstan's claims, which examina- tion Mr. Ingram has not prejudged. I ought not to affirm that my undertaking is fully performed ; but if I seem to have so far presumed, I would be as plainly understood when I add, that I am afraid to look at the manner of the performance. I have reason, in spite of my care, to fear the appearance of an imperfect knowledge both of Saxon and old French ; for I found it ne- cessary to venture perpetual emendations in Sparke's verses, and have probably fallen into errors therein. Amongst the excuses for ignorance and mis- XVI PREFACE. takes which a young author might attempt to furnish, the first is fear: since last Sep- tember, (when I began to read for the above- mentioned Peterborough History, out of which this volume has arisen,) or at least since I as- certained that Elfric was abbot there and wrote a section of the Saxon Chronicle, I have been in perpetual dread of some other's making the like discovery ; and my haste to claim the in- ventor's reward has not been slackened since the middle of June, when I was informed that Mr. Petrie was printing a new edition of the whole Chronicle as part of the National Re- cords. Sparke in his Hugo prints the name Re- maldus Reinaldus, and perhaps rightly : it signifies little which, and I have followed Dr. Patrick. DISSERTATIO UTRUM ELFRICUS GRAMMATICUS ? AUCTORE HENRICO WHARTON. (1 ANGL. SACR. 125.) Questio difficilior discutienda, nimirum, Utrum iste iElfricus, archiepiscopus Canturariensis, fuerit ille doctus Elfricus quern Grammaticum appellare solcnt, et cui totum fere quod superest Saxonicae Literature debemus. Atque id quidem libenter crederem, quod semper optan- dum, Eruditionis principatum cum Ecclesiae primatu conjunctum esse. Vereor autem, ne, rationibus utrinque subductis Archiepiscopus Canturariensis alius a Gram- matico sit statuendus. Unum, eundemque fuisse Baleus, Pitseus, et post illos, cuncti fere Scriptores nostrates opinati sunt; meque illo quondam errore abreptum fuisse fateor. Et sane senten- tial istius rationes ad^unt non contemnend. Ut omnium enim Neotericorum consentientem authoritatem mittam : uterque Elfricus Ethelwoldi discipulus fuir, et preclaram doctrinse famam aetate sua consecutus est; uterque acerrimus Cleri conjugati Adversarius; et u'erque obiisse dicitur die 16 cal. Decemb. Dierum quidem obitua- lium concordiam nulli hactenus notarunt ; qui, tamen antiquitates nostras gentis summa solertia rimati sunt, Lelandi, Baleus, Pitseus, Usserius, aliiq. in eandem sen- tentiam conspirant. Plurimas rationes Illust. Usserius in Bibliotheca sua Theologica. MS. congessit ; ex quibus omnibus Hypothesin quandam effbrmavit : Cujus Epito- men Vir doctus Gulielmus Cave in Historian Liierariain transtulit p. 558 (ss.) Elfricum ante annum 956, Coeno- bioli alicujus abbatem fuisse, et Wulfstano Ebora- censiacWulfino Scireburnensi, Episcopis, literas illo tem- pore dedisse; Dein Ethelwoldo preceptori in abbatia Ab- bendoniensi, post Ordgarum intermedium, suceessisse; Mox,abOswaldo, abbatem SanctiAlbani* circa annum 969, constitutum esse ; f ad Malmesburiensis Coenobii regimen anno 974 translatum ; fProximo loco Cridiensem Epis- copum factum; Dein Wiltoniensem, post Siricum; ac Devoniensem, post Sidemannum ; Deniq. ad Archiepis- copatum Cantuariensem evectum ; obiisse anno 1006. Sic, quidem, omnia qua? de Elfrico narrata sibi constitere, Reverendissimus Primas (hronologia 1 conciliavit. Liceat mini tamen, pace tantiviri, aliam inire scntentiam, indu- biis rei testimoniis freto, qua' tile aut ncscivit, aut minus advertit. Neque tamen opus esse arbitror, ut Hypothc- * Eadmer, concM^rninc: J'-lfricus, in his Life of Oswald. t Malmsbury, iii bis Life of AUlhehu. sin ejus, ante, omnem aggrediar ; error ejus ex inferius a me dicendis, in singulis pene membris, sponte patebit. Elfrici Archiepiscopi ordinem, quem inter antistites Cantuarienses tenuit supra* asseruimus. Ilium, nempe, circa annum 995 Siricio in Archiepiscopatu successisse, et anno 1005, vel sequente obiisse. Neque magis dubi- tandum videtur, ilium, Siricio ad Archiepiscopatum vecto in sede Wiltoniensi successisse, ab ea demum ad sedem Cantuariae translatum. Id enim tradunt Malmesburiensis, Gervasius, Diceto, et Chronica Saxonica, ut alios taceam. Istius quidem Versio Latina a Wheloco confecta Episco- cum prius Wintoniensem fuisse praefert. Id autem con- tra fidem Saxonici Chronologi manifestum ; Saxonica enim sic se habent. — Mlfrfc Wiltunscire Biscop, p. 561. Neque melius Baleus (Cent. 2, cap. 21) qui a sede Wel- lensif ad Cantuariensem translatum scribit. Utcumque autem illud certum jure sit habendum ; nonnulla in his- toricis nostris reperiuntur quae successionem Elfrici in Episcopatu Wiltoniensi perturbant. Ut paulo altius enim rem ducamus ; Post Odonis Episcopi translationem ad Archiepiscopatum Cant, circa annum 938. Osulfus suc- cessit ex concordi omnium sententia. Iste obiit anno 970,juxtaFlorentius. Osulfo, Algarus; Algaro, Elfstanus; juxta Malmesb. Rectius vero, Florentius, Alfstanum, Osulfo; Wulgarum, Alfstano ; successione ponet. Uterquc Elfstanum Monachum Abendoniensem et Sancti Ethel- * In a separate Question in the same volume. f He is said to have heen Abbas Wellensis, in the margin of the Cambridge copy of Epistola JElj'rlci Abbatis de Clencis. See Codex 438, Bihl. Harleiana. B 2 woldi discipulum fuisse perhibent. Neque alius est Algarus Wii lielnii quam Wulgarus Florentii. Isteenim in indiculo Episcoporum Historiae suae subnexo Alfstani successorem Alfgarum vocat ; Alfgarum autem Alfstano successisse indicio est quod narrat Horentius : Ethelre- dum regem, ingentem colligisse Classem, atque illi prae- fecisse Alfricum et Theoredum Duces, Alfstanum Wil- toniensem et .ZEscwinum, (Dorcestrensis is fuit,) Episco- pos ; Classem, demum, Alfrici perfidia, insignis victorias jacturam fecisse anno 992. Isto quidem anno Florentius reiexitum narrat; quamvisClassi ante,pluresannospratici potuerint, et Episcopus ille Wiltoniensis, ante rem ges- tam fato cesserit. Et certe ab anno 989 Alfricus sedem Wiltoniensem insederat; atque illi etiam praecesserat Siricius; quod in superiore Dissertatione probavimus. Quern Alfstanum autem hie vocat Codex Florentii im- pressus. Codex MS. vetustissimus Alfgarum appellat. iElfgarus igitur successit Alfstano ; Alfstanus Osulfo : Alfstanus is obiit 980, Abendoniae sepultus juxta Histo- riam antiquissimam Abendonire, de qua infra. Exeunte forsitan anno post calendas Januarii, anno enim 981 obiisse prodit Florentius : Certe, consecrationi Ecclesia* Wintoniensis anno 980, die 13 cal. Novembris .Elfstanus ad fuit, teste Wulstano in vita Ethelwoldi,* cap. 40. Illi successor Alfgarus sedem ad annum 988, tenuit. Siricius enim si Willielmo Thorn rides, ex abbate S. Au- gustini Cantuariae, Episcopus Wintoniensis, (lege WU- tonie7isis,) procurante Dunstam> creatUS est anno 988. Elfricum, ante susceptum Episcopatum Wiltoniensem, * In his Life of St. Switbin, fuisseabbatemAbendoniensem, Malmesburiensis etWest- monasteriensis scribunt; idque apud omnes Neotericos pro indubio, habetur. Lapsi tamen omnes. Sequitur enim Ilistoria Abendoniae a me primum edita, quae nullum nunfidem meTttur* De venerando ejus Antistite prsefa- lationem consule. Ista successionem Abbatum Abben- doniensium ab Ethelwoldo ad an. 1131 accurate con- texuit ; nullum autem Alfrico locum dedit. Ethelwoldo enim, anno 9G3, successit Osgarus (quodf Wulstanus etiam in Ethelwoldi vita confirmat.) Osgaro Edwinus, anno 984. Edvvino Wulgarus, 990. Wulgaro Adelwinus, 1017. Adelwino Siwardus, anno 1030. Quod tamen errori ansam dedit Alfricus Cantuariensis prius fuit Monachus Abbendoniensis ex fide Historke supra citato? (ad an. 1006.) In eo (ss.) Monasterio sub eximio Mo- nastici ordinis Instauratore Ethelwoldo enutritus fuerat ; in quo et, plurimi alii istius astatis antistites. Ab initio enim Edgari regis ad an. circiter 1000. Singuli fere Anglian Episcopi et Abbates ex Monasteriis Abbendo- niensi, Glastoniensi et Wintoniensi delecti sunt; Adeo invaluerat Monachorum ordo ; Tantumque apud reges Klscwliore, \Vharton overrates this Abendon History. It consists principally of extracts from Elfric's Life of Etbelwold, given as if original. Hugo Candidus' Peter- borough History contains many of the same extracts; ljut he mentions, that his account of Ethelwold is collected from other books. We look in vain in this history for some account of the Bishop Egelwinus, imprisoned at Ahhing- don, in the reign of William the First. t It is better to cite these facts as Elfric's. 6 nostros potuere Dunstanus, Ethelwoldus, et Oswaldus, qui tribus hisce Monasteriis omnium primis, Monachos, Clericis ejectis, induxerant; et quasi totidem cucullati Ordinis Seminaria instituerant. Elfricum Cantuariensem, Clericis expulsis, Monachos Ecclesiae Christi Cantuariae induxisse supra notavimus. Obiit anno 1005 (juxta alios 1006) et Abbendoniae, unde Monachus extiterat, sepultus est : translatus ad ecclesiam Cantuariensem sub Canuto rege. Ista nos docet Historia Abbendoniae. Diem obitus dedit Martyrologium Cantu- ariense, MS. (ss.) 16 cal. Dec. Eodem die Elfricus Grammaticus decessisse, Carmen, Glossario ejus quod Somnerus edidit, praefixum, refert. Suspicor tamen Car- minis authorem, nominis et dignitatis ab utroque gestae similitudine deceptum, diem Cantuariensi, proprium ; Grammatico, male, assignasse : alio enim die Grammati- cum obiisse, argumento verisimili, inferius ostendemus : et Maityrologio Cant, fidem in hac re derogari nequa- quam par est. Caeterum Elfrici Cantuariensis Eruditionis iamam astruit, non solum institutio sub doctissimo pra> sule Ethelwoldo, verum etiam Brideferti Monachi Ramis- iensis cocevi, fides; qui in vita S. Dunstani, ipsi Elfrico dicata illius nomen ob enormitatem divulgatae peritis de- pra?dicat : [in actis Sanctorum, Maii ; torn. 4, p. 346.]* Ista soluinmodo de Kltrico Archicpi>copill. \n ixtnu-l Mtt« stano Archiepiscopo, negotio Canonicos Saeculares Mona- steriis ejiciendi, Monachos introducendi, quod strenue adimplevit ; Inter alios, instituit in Ecclesia S. Albani Elfricum Abbatem, qui ad Archiepiscopatum Cant, postea sublimatus fuit ; in Ecclesia Elyensi Brithnotum Abba- tem (Legenda Nova, fol. 252.) Nescio unde ista hausit Capgravius, * Sane is, ex quo cetera, fer£, omnia, de- sumpsit, Johannes Tinmuthensis, in Historia sua aurea, MS nil ejusmodi habet. Fidem tamen addit traditio quae inter Monachos S. Albani viguit, Alfricum seu Leo- fricum quendam, Abbatem suum, ad thronum Cantuarias demum conscendisse. Istud ex Matt. Paris Historia Abbatum Sancti Albani patet ; quamvis ipse Abbatum tempora atque successionem male disposuisse videatur. De Parachronismis in hoc opere admissis, nonnulla in Notis ad Chronicon Episcoporum Lichfieldensium adno- tavimus : Forsitan et Error parilis in hac re deprehendi potest. Numerat enim Ulsinum Abbatem sextum $ Al- fricum septimum ; Ealdredum octavum ; Eamerum nonum ; Leofricum decimum ; Alfricum undecimum ; Leofstanum duodecimum; qui, tempore Edwardi Con- fessoris, Alfrico successit. Porro, si quis tempora compo- nat, inveniet Alfricum Abbatem septimum tempore Ed- gari regis floruisse ; quod cum Capgravio apprimc con- venit. Alfricum enim Ccenobio S. Albani, et Brithno- tum Eliensi, eodem circiter tempore, pnepositos asserere vidctur: Brithnotum Eliensi Monasterio, anno 970, per- fection esse Historia Eliensis refert. Rem conlirmat * From Eadmer's Life of Oswald, (ut infra,) and in the same words. 8 subscriptio iElfrici Abbatis in Charta Edgari regis data Coenobio Ramesiensi,anno 974, (in Monastico Anglicano, torn. i. p. 236.) Iste quidem Alfricus Sedem Cantuari* ensem postea obtinuisse perbene potuit. Id tantum de exitu illius Alfrici Abbatis Sancti Albani in Cantuarien- sem Archiepiscopatum promote Matthaeus docet, Ilium plenum Dierum, et Sanctitate prreclarum, migravit ad dominum ; seu potius, si verum fatendum esset, se ne- scire quod de eo factum sit. Honorem autem archiepis- copatus gesti non abbati septimo, Alfrico, sed decimo Leofrico defert, sic enim rem disposuit. Leofricus, filius erat Comitis Cantias; Alfricus frater ejus uterinus : Iile, in archiepiscopatum Cantuariensem electus, non con- sensit, asserens fratrem suum, Alfricum, ad hoc esse digni- orem ; Postea tamen consensit nam assumptus ad archi- praesulatum, domum suam bonis omnimodis reliquit redundantem. Et huic successit Alfricus frater, qui, ope fratris sui, archiepiscopi, fultns, multos repressit insur- gentes, &c, et ejusdem auctoritate, oftciatn S. Albani, se compositum, in multis Angli locis publicari fecit. Inepte igitur Gulielmus Watsius, Matthaei Paris Editor, not am banc marginalem apposuit. " Leofricus electus in archiepiscopum, non consensit asserens fratrem suum Alfricum fuisse multo digniorem : Alfricus, igitur, effectus est Archiepiscopus Cant." Alfricus iste dum scecularis fuit, Regis Ethelredi Cancellarius fuit ; et postea, Abbas factus, ah eodem Ethelredo nounulla, Ccenobio suo emit. Sub Ethelredo itaque Leofricus Ab- batia ccssit, Alfricus successit : Ante annum igitur 978, quod poilit Usserius, Alfricus Abbas S. Albani esse non potuit. Sed nequc multo post Abbatia sortiri poluit ; 9 Leofricus enim iste ad archiepiscopatum, a Matthceo, evectus, alius non fait quam Leofricus Episcopus Cridi- ensis ; qui (prout in fronte Missalis, Ecclesiae Exoniensi ab ipsomet, donati, scriptum reperitur:) Cridionensem Episcopatum ab Edwardo rege, cui Capellanus fuit, do- natum tulit, anno 1046 ; Sedem Exonio transtulit anno 1050; obiit 1071. Nullum alium ejusce nominis inter praesules Anglicos ejusdem aevi invenimus. Quod si Ethelredi tempore regis, Alfricus Abbas merit, dicendum erit ilium Leofrico ordine praeivisse. Certe Radulfus Diceto (Abbrevat. Chron. 440) isti sententise suffragatur, Sic enim Abbates S. Albani recensit, Wulsinum, sextum; Elfricum, septimum ; Eldredum, octavum ; Edmarum, nonum ; iEluricum, decimum ; Hie /actus est, inquit, Arc/iiepiscopus Cantuariensis ; Cui successit in Abbatia S. Albani Leofricus, Abbas undecimus, frater ipsius iElurici. Cautius, igitur, ordinem Itadulfus disposuit, quamvis et ipse hallucinatus merit, Archiepiscopatum Alfrico abbati non septimo, sed decimo, tribuendo. Leofricum autem Abbatem, fuisse Episcopum Exoniensem idem confirmat ; dum refert Leofstanum Abbatem duo- decimum factum esse anno 1047 ; anno enim precedenti Leofricus sedem Exoniensem adeptus fuerat. Nescio annon Mattliacus fratrum officia pariter ac ordinem immutaverit; Leofricum enim regis Cancellarium fuisse Wcstmonasteriensis et Wigorniensis produnt; Alfricum, Nullus. Ut quod sentio dicam, si Alfricus Cantuari- ensis prius fuerit Abbas S. Albani, ordine Septimus fuit : et fuisse quidem non affirmo, lubens tamen concedo. Atque ista quidem scripseram antequam Vitam Oswaldi ab Eadmero scriptum perlegissem. Ex illius enim lide 10 certissime constat Elfricum Archiepiscopum Cantuarien- sem, fuisse prius, Abbatem S. Albani, Ccenobio recens instaurato, ab Oswaldo praefectum. Ab Alfrico Cantuariensi ad Grammaticum transeun- dum est : et primo, quidem, quae de isto Malmesburiensis narrat examini subjicienda. Extat apud Malmesburien- sem, tam in Histor. de gestis regum, (1. 2, c. 8,) quam in vita Aldelmi a me primum edita, p. 32. Charta Edgari regis data Ccenobio Malmesburiensi, an. 974, qua, se, El- fricum, virum in omnibus ecclesiasticis expertissimum officiis, Abbatem* praefecisse dicit. Iluic Abbati \Villiel- mus in vita Adelmi ejusmodi apponit characteres qui Grammatico proprii sunt. " Eum peritum literarum, prassertimque elegantissimum interpretem, nisijal/ax tra- dit vetmtas. Moriens reliquit aliquantos Codices, non exigua ingenii monumenta : Vitam S. Ethelwoldi, ante quam earn Wulfstanus operosius concinnaret. Abbrevia- tionem passionis S. Edmundi : Libros multos ex latino in patrium sermonem versos." Opera ista ad Elfricum Grammaticum nullus non novit : Hujus enim innumeros fere Sermones, Tractatus, et Libros S. Scriptnrae e Latino in Saxonicum sermonem versos, in bibliothecis publicis etiamnum habemus. Vita Ethelwoldi ab eo contexts extat MS. (ex bibliotheca fiscamnensi descripta) pOMl eruditissimum Mabilloniuro, qui prologum ejus dedit in actis Bencdictinorum, scec. 5, p. 003, in ftotis ad Ethel- woldi vitain a Wulstano Beriptam. Quam quidem vitam • This is one dt'inahv instances in wMcli Malnu'slnnv btl mistakes Elfrio: either h\ accident ordesig*. 11 ut id obiter notem, Wulstanum authorem habere (de quo dubius haesit CI. Mabillonius) ex hoc Willielmi loco, jam primum constat. Quae de illo enim Wulstani opere dicit Aldelmus Vitae Ethelwoldi a Mabillonio ibidem editae ad amussim conveniunt. Ceterum abbreviationem Pas- sionis S. Edmundi ab Elfrico adornatam non alius me- moravit : nescio an hodie supersit : Habetur quidem Vita S. Edmundi regis, saxonice ab Elfrico scripta, in biblio- theca cott. (Julius E. VII.) Porro de Elfrico Abbate Malmesburiensi Willielmus adjungit, quod Cum jam grandoevus esset, in Episcopum Cridiensem altatus, vix quatuor annis superfuit. Longe, igitur, Ille alius ab Alfrico Cantuariensi, qui ex ipsius Willielmi, aliorumque omnium sententia Archie- piscopatum 11 annis, et an tea, Wiltoniensem 5, tenuit. Falsus ergo CI. Usserius, qui unum, eundemque ponet. Quod vero, vir maximus, Elfricum anno 978 Cridia- tunensem Episcopum ; anno 990 Wiltoniensem post Siricium, sicut etiam Devonensium eodem tempore post Sidemannum fuisse factum conjiciat, pluries adhuc lap- sus est. Sidemannus enim obiit anno 977, teste Floren- tio, aliusquc Devonensium Episcopus non fuit prater Cridiensem : Nee minus erravit ipse Willielmus qui El- fricum Grammaticum, eundem cum Cridiensi posuit. Scripsit enim Grammaticus Vitam Ethelwoldi Kenulfo, Bpisccpo Wintoniensi, anno 1006. Elfricus autem Cri- diensis jam diu fatis cesserat, quippe qui 4 duntaxat annis sedem tenuit; et, ante annum 991 quatuor in Ab- batia Malmesburiensi Successores Ethelwardum, Keni- wardum, IJiichtelmum, ct Uiithwoldum habuit : Brith- woldus enim Danegeldmn solvit, teste Willielmo (in 12 Vita Aldelmi, p. 35.) Id autem vectigalis, anno 991, impositum fuisse constat. Proprius adhuc veritatem attingere liceret, si Charta Ethelredi regis, Ethelwardo Abbati data, (loc. cit.) cui Elfricus, jam Episcopus, testis adfuit, veras temporum notas exhiberet, quae codicis vitio corruptee sunt. Id tamen praefatur Willielmus chartam datam fuisse ab Ethelredo dum adhuc in regno lenellus esset. Regnum iste iniit anno 978 die 18 Martii. Testes adfuerant praster Alfricum, Escuinus,Dorcestrensis Episcopus, et illi qui in superidri Charta (qua Elfricus Abbas constitutus est) subscripserant, videlicet, Dunstanus, Oswaldus, Ethelwoldus, tres Elfstani (ss.) Londinensis, Roffensis, et Wiltoniensis Episcopi. Ex his Elfstanus Wiltoniensis obiit anno 981 prout supra observavimus. Adeoq. Alfricus Cridiensis ante annum 985 obiit. Ista sufnciant. Cum Chartam m autem fides merito suspecta habeatur, non inutile erit Successionem Episcoporum Cridiensium intueri. Illos sic enumerat Malmesburien- sis (lib. 2, de pont.) Edulfus, Edelgarus, Elfwoldus, Sidemannus, Elfricus, Elfwoldus; Eundem ordincm servat Florentitis, qui annos plurimum insuper exhibuit : Ethelgar (ss,) obiit anno 953. Episcopatus sui '21 : Alf- woldus successit 958 (anno 952 juxta Florilegum qui tamen sibi male constans ejusdem iutroitum totidcm verbis refert in anno 976,) sedit annos 19, obiit 972. Sidemannum Edgarus rex anno 908 Ccp.uobio Exoniensi Abbatem pra?fecit, anno 972 Alfwoldo succe^orcni dedit. Obiit is 977, Addit Codex MS. llorentii,* Abbeudouiaa * 'Which he liud from the Worcester copy of the Stxon Clironicle. 13 sepultum esse. Sidemanni obitum confirmant Acta Synodi Kyrtlingtoniensis (Concil. Angliae, torn. i. p. 493,) anno 977 habitae. In ipsa enim Synodo obiisse ibidem dicitur. Successit itaque Elfricus anno circiter 977, et circa annum 981 defunctus est. De isto Episcopo dic- tum puto quod habet Historia Glastoniensis {Monast. AngL, torn. i. p. 9.) " Elfricus Episcopus, Monachus et Abbas Glastoniae obiit anno 988." Annus enim minus convenit ; neque tamen minus verisimilis est conjectura. Authori enim istius historias Chronologia infelicissime solet succedere. Rejecta Malmesburiensis sententia, certiora de Elfrico Grammatico sunt investiganda. Id imprimis constat, ilium Ethelwoldi Abbatis Abbendoniensis, et demum Episcopi Wintoniensis discipulum fuisse. Hoc ipse pluries in suis scriptis testatur; et praeceptoris virtutem et eruditionem depraedicat. Sic in praefatione prima ad Grammaticam Saxonicam. u Sicut didicimus in Schola venerabilis praesulis Athelwoldi, qui multos ad bonum imbuit." *" Et in praefatione secunda dicit Dunstanum Archiepiscopum et Athehvoldum Episcopum literas jamdiu apud Anglos sepultas in Monasteriis resuscitasse. Sane praeclarum Ethelwoldi in hac re studium, alius ipsius discipulus Wulstanus nobis in Vita ejus, cap. 31, testatum dedit. " Dulce namque erat ei" (inquit) " ado- lescentes et juvenes semper docere, et Latinos libros Anglice eis solvere, et regulas grammatical artis, ac me- trics rationes tradere, et jocundis alloquiis ad meliora hortari."* * This is Elj'rica language, rather than Wulstan's. 14 Ethel woldus Monachos Abbendonienses ante, Winto- nienses post, praesulatum susceptum, discipulos habuit. Elfricus e Wintoniensibus fuit. Ipse enim in Epistola ad Kenulfum, Vitas Ethelwoldi praefixa, sese Wintonien- sem alumnum appellat. Eundem Elphegus Episcopus Wintoniensis ad Monasterium Cerneliense legavit ; adeo ut Monasterium in quo degebat, ad Episcopi Wintoni- ensis ditionem spectasse jure censeatur. Poterat tamen Elfricus in utrovis Monasterio Ethelwoldi regimini subdi, modd aetas permitteret. " Ethelwoldus enim" (ut Jo- hannis Tinmuthensis verbis utar, in Historia aurea MS. lib. 21, c. 58,) " expulsis de veteri Monasterio Wintoni- ensi Clericis, induxit Monachos de Abendonia, quibus ipse Abbas et Episcopus tuit." Ex hOrum autem numero Elfricum fuisse astas ejus necdum adulta non permittit. Anno enim 963, quo Ethelwoldus ab Abbatia Abbendo- niensi ad Episcopatum Wintoniensem translatus est noridum undecimum aetatis annum superarat: Quod proxime probandum est. Chronologiam Saxonicam a Julio Ca^sare ad annum 1070, Abr. Whelocus edidit ex duplici Codice; operis totius auctor frustra quaeritur, a diversis enim scriptum est : Codex autem Cantabrigiensis nota affixa prsefert Chronologiam istam scriptam esse ab Elfrico, anno aetatis suae 23. Quod de parte ejus posteriori nequaquam intelligendum esse satis constat. Pars itaque prior Kl- fricum authorem habet ; qua, quidem, res Ecclesia; Win- toniensis tanta prae aliis diligentia pcrsequitur, ut a Mo- nacho quodam Wintoniensi concinnata primo intuitu videatur: Desinit ista in anno 975, primo, scilicet, Ed- wardi regis et martyris anno : lbi enim llistoricus post 15 narratum Edwardi introitum, multos illi annos precatur. In proximo autem cujus res gestas Chronologia ista exhi- bet anno (ss.) 977. Edwardum regem occisum esse nar- ratur ; quae certe ab uno eodemque authore proficisci ne- quaquam potuerunt : Elfricus igitnr in anno 975 Chro- nologiam suam terminavit, annos jam natus 23, adeoque anno circiter 952 natus est. Idem Elfricus post annum 980 nondum Abbatis digni- tate auctus scripsit ad Wulfinum Episcopum Scireburn- ensem Epistolam celeberrimam quae saepius prodiit, et Canones Ecclesiasticos qui habentur apud Spelmannum, (Cone. Angl. torn. i. p. 572.) Spelmannus quidem (in notis ad hos canones, p. 583,) contendit Elfricum tunc Episcopum fuisse, ducto exinde argumento, quod Wul- fino sese parem innuat, Canones suos sic exorsus, " El- fricus humilis frater Venerabili Episcopo Wulfino." Porro duos tantum hoc saeculo Wulfinos Episcopos fuisse, unum Scirebu mensem ab anno 940 ad annum 958. Alterum Dorcacestrensem ab anno 1053 ad annum 1067 : Nullum autem utrivis Elfricum Episcopum con- temporaneum reperiri. Unici Alfrici Puttas Archiepis- copi Eboracensis astatem ad rem propius accedere. Istum enim Sedem Eboraci ab anno 1003 ad annum 1051 tenuisse ; adeo ut si Wulfinus Cathedram Dorca- cestrensem paulo citius adierit, vel, Alfricus Eboracen- sem paulo diutius tenuerit, Alfricus Archiepiscopus Wulfino Coepiscopo Canones inscribere commode po- tuisset; et in banc se inclinare sententiam. Vel si con- cedi posset Elfricum, Canonum auctorem, non fuisse, illo tempore, Episcopum. Cum tamen aliunde constet Elfricum, Canonum auctorem, eundem cum Grammatico 16 fuisse, et Grammaticus, Ethelwoldi Wintoniensis (qui sedem iniit anno 963,) discipulus fuerit: nullo modo fieri posse, ut Wulfino Episcopo Scireburnensi, anno 958 defuncto, Canones isti inscriberentur : Hue redit CI. Spelmanni sententia; qua? tot "fere errores habet quot argumenta. Quod Alfricus Putta Sedem Eboraci anno 1003 obtinuisse dioatur, typographi errorem arbi- tror : nescire enim non potuit Vir doctissimus Alfricum anno 1023 Archiepiscopatu Eboracensi auctum esse. Neque etiam quo anno Wulfinus Episcopatum inierit. investigare refert. Canones enim hqs ante annum sal- tern 100G scriptos esse clarissime liquet ex prsefatione El- frici authoris ad Codicem manuscriptum in quo Sermones Catholici atque isti ipsi Canones Saxonice habebantur. Praefationis milium Spelmannus ibidem dedit. In ea dicit Elfricus se, ab Elphego Episcopo Wintoniensi ad Monasterium Cemeliense missum, u librum istum e Latino sermone in Anglicum transtulisse idioma." Ante annum igitur 1006 quo^Elphegus Wintoniensis Episcopus esse desiit ; et post annum 983 quo esse ccepit. Poterat tamen Elfricus Canones Wulfino Scireburnensi Latine ante plures annos scripsisse ; et postea hie loci Saxonice convertere : quod illi non infrequens erat libros suos e Latino saxonice ; e Saxonico latine transferre. Potuit quidem etiam Canones ante annum 1006 composites Wulfino Dorcacestrensi post annum 1053 inscribere; quod vult Spelmannus. Nimis tamen durum videtOr Elfricum Canones conscripsisse in gratiam alicujus Praesulis, quern post 50 plus annos liiturum pnrvidorat ! Sin Wulfino Scireburnensi inscriptos dicamus; omnia optime convenient : Vitae institutum, et sects Btudium 17 Wulfino et Elfrico communia fuerunt quod amicitiam illis facile contrahere potuisset. Iste sub Ethel woldo, Wintonis ; ille sub Dunstano, Glastonis enutritus (teste Historia Glastoniensi, p. 9,) Elfricus capitali odio in Clericos ssculares, praesertim conjugates, ubivis invectus; quod et in Canonibus ad Wulfinum pras aliis argumentis, persequitur: Wulfinus ejusdem Sects studiosus, Clericis Ecclesia Scireburnensi ejectis confestim post acceptum Episcopatum Monachos in Sede Episcopali instituit, (authore Malmesburiensi de gestis pont. 2, 141.)* In Epistola autem Canonibus prsfixa tantum abest ut Wulfino se parem innuat, ut contrarium potius, non ob- scure indicet; sic enim Wulfino alloquitur Obtemperuvimus, &c, Vos oporteat, &c. Quod vero se fratrem indigitet, non aliud innuit quam se Monachum esse, usurpato vocabulo apud Monachos etiam antiquiores frequentis- simo. Elfrico, autem in omnibus suis Scriptis, solenne est nomini proprio, nomen ordinis seu dignitatis apponere. Sic enim cuncts fere illius lucubrationes exordiuntur /Elfiric Monuc ; vel /Elfric Abboth ; vel vElfric biscop : Denique Wulfinus iste Elfrico contemporaneus fuit. * Malmesbury says, it was Wulf shuts, not Wulfinw, (at which truth Wharton presently arrives ;) and, what is still more strange, in the Canons themselves the name is also, as it ought to be, Wulfsinus ; that is to say, in the MS. in IJenet College, Cambridge. Of this MS. there is a copy in the Harleian Library, Codex 438, made by George Rechford for Doctor Ilickes, in 16/>8, in which the Epistle begins thus: Elfricus, kumilii Presbyter, Venerabili Epiecopo Wulftino. 18 Anno enim 958, (quod vult Spelmannus,) adeo non de- f'unctus est, ut Episcopatum nondum obtinuerit. Namque anno 962 Wulfinus Abbas Westmonasterii a Dunstano Episcopo Londinensi institutus est ex fide Radulfi de Diceto (Abbrev. Chron. 456, et Hist, de Praesul. Angliae, cap. 3.) Hunc postea fuisse Episcopum Scireburnensem constat ex Willielmo Malmesburiensi, (de gest. pout. 2, fol. 141,) qui in Wulfini Scireburnensis rebus geslis nar- randis eadem quae Rad. de Abbatia Westmonasterii illi a Dunstano cum esset Episcopus Londinensis commissa refert; anno duntaxat praetermisso. Sane Radulfum in anno hallucinatum esse libenter crederem : Dunstanum enim a Sede Londinensi ad Cantuariensem sub exitum anni 959 translatum esse in Superiori Dissertatione pro- bavimus : Factus est Idem Episcopus Londinensis anno praecedenti ex Florentii fide : ita ut anno 959 vel 958 Wulfinus Abbas W r estmonasterio praepositus merit : et anno quidem 958 pra?positum fuisse Florilegus diserte* amrmat, et Joannes Flete in Historia Westmonasteriensi. De Wulfini obitu disquirendum restat. Ante 958 is con- t igit si Florentio simul et Malmesburiensi fides. Isto enim anno Alfwoldus ex illius sententia decessit, qui Wulfino in sede Scireburnensi juxta Malmesb. aliosq. successit. Wulsinum quendam Episcopum Wiltonien- mi» Evidential Ecclesiae Christi Cantuariae, (Col. 2223,) mcmorant subscripsisse Donationi Etherici ct Leofweuns una cum Elphcgo Episcopo Wintonicnsi. Factum id * 1'he Florilegus eadesvoved to mom! i palptble mist-.ike as he usually do cal. Dcccmbr. ilium obiisse prafert ; [stum autem diem obitualem ad Elfricum Cantuariensem Archiepisco- pum certius spectare antes adnotavimus : Prastat ut Elfrici Eboracensis obitum inter Monacbos Petribur- genscs quBeramus, si quidem is apud co> sepultus fuerit : 25 Diem ejus obitualem, quem anniversarium, vocant, illi, quotannis, celebrarunt. In Lambethiano Catalogo Pe- triburgensi obitus Elfrici hisce verbis notatur : Die 9 calend. Februarii. Depositio Dompni Elfrici Archiepis- copi. Sic etiam Obitualium Coenobii Ramesiensis (cujus Excerpta extant in Monast. Angl. 1, 239.) Nono Kalend. Febr. Obiit Alfricus Archiepiscopus. REVIEW. Malmesbury's error, then, respecting Alfric, Abbot of IVlalmesbury, is, that he believed him to be Elfric the Grammarian, which he was not ; whilst our English writers in general have been equally mistaken in a different belief; for apparently the Archbishop Alfric of Canterbury wag a third Elfric or Alfric. Mr. Wharton's conclusion, in the above Essay, is assailable, however, in two points. He adverts to one in his Preface, where he admits, in effect, that his system involves an improbability ; it requires his converts to believe something most extraor- dinary of this otherwise extraordinary man — something which is not naturally impossible, c 26 certainly, but very unlikely, and more than can be freely granted to an innovator. None of his authors notice that Elfric's life was unusually long ; and no reason is found for their silence. The other objection is, I think, equally ob- vious ; but we will consider that in the second place. First, As to Elfric's extreme old age : Cen- tenarius. The only argument our critic has adduced, necessarily fixing Elfric's birth so early as 952, is in the following passage : — " The Cambridge copy of the Saxon Annals, edited by Wheloc, has a note prefixed running thus : ' This Chro- nicle ivas written by Elfric in his twenty-third year.' This note clearly cannot be understood of the latter part of it. Elfric, therefore, is the author of the earlier part, which touches so minutely upon the affairs of the church of Win- chester, beyond all other churches, that it may be seen at first sight to have been written by some Winchester monk. The earlier part ends in the year 975, which was the first year of King Edward the Martyr ; for there the histo- rian, after mention of Edward's accession, prays that he may reign many years. But amongst the events of the year next recorded in this 27 MS. (viz. 977,) is the account of Edward's death. These two years could in no way be written by one and the same author. Elfric, therefore, finished his Chronicle in 975 ; he was then twenty-three, and, consequently, he was born about 952." It has appeared to others who have examined Wheloc's Chronicle, that Canterbury is the church most noticed— not Winchester. And the writer of the year 975, says nothing of a long reign ; he prays, however, for peace and plenty, which may amount to as much. It is likely enough that the next year, 977, was written by a different hand. But these objections are of little importance, if there were nothing behind. It seems, however, that Wharton was com- pletely mistaken about the note. Mr. Ingram, the editor of the new edition of the Saxon Chro- nicle, thus observes upon the Cambridge MS. " At the head of it stands this inscription, in the hand-writing of Archbishop Parker : — 'Chro- nica scripta anno 23 cetatis Alfred i.' The lust word being mistaken by some person for ^Elfrici, led Hickes, Cave, and Wharton* to * Mr. Ingrain inspected this MS. at his leisure, (for lie expressly thanks one of the Fellows of the College, who c 2 28 misappropriate this Chronicle to ^Elfric, who lived about a century after Alfred." Supposing, however, that Elfric the Gram- marian was the Archbishop of York, Wharton might well believe him very long lived. He evidently was, from the early dates of some of his compositions. But Wharton reckoned, (and thereby was led astray,) that Elfric's con- nection with Ethelwold began much sooner than it did ; a more particular examination of Wulstan's Life of Ethelwold would have pre- vented this mistake. Mabillon, (in Saecul. 5, Act. Benedictin.,) has published Wulstan's Life of Ethelwold ; and in the editor's previous observations, p. 606, he remarks to the following purpose : — " Many authors have written Ethelwold's allowed him to examine it in his rooms.) The name is, therefore, JElfredi, without a doubt, and in a compara- tively modern hand. The numerals also seem to be modern ? But it is an inveterate mistake. Yossius, whose Pre- face is dated 1627, mentions Elfric as Elfricus Gramma- ticus, Abbot ofAhbandon, afterwards Bishop of Wilton, and, finally, Archbishop of Canterbury . Anno ctntit '_>: , corutidisse dicitur Chronica Saxonica, This account he nun- have had through Pitts. 29 Life ; the first of whom seems to have been Elfric of Abendon, who drew up a short account of his actions, in the twentieth year after his death. Shortly afterwards, a second Life was written — anonymous, which Life we now pub- lish. The latter writer's age is to be collected from his prologue and 29th chapter ; for he relates, as he there informs us, partly what he saw himself, and partly what he learned, on the faithful narration of his seniors. His treatise is to be seen, without the author's name, in the Cod. Uticens., written in that age; but the writer seems to me no other than Wulstan, the Winchester monk, of whom Malmesbury, de Reg. 2, c. 8, speaking of Ethelwold, says, ' One Wulstan, precenter of Winchester, wrote his life in a fair ordinary style. He was his dis- ciple and scholar.' What makes me think that this is Wulstan's Life, is because it was written about that time — because the writer is some- thing of a poet, and has inserted a few verses — and, finally, because Malmesbury, in lib. 2, de pot//, tit. Ethelwold, relates some particulars taken from our author, which Elfric omits ; and indeed I cannot say whether Elfric was known to William as the first author of Ethelwold's 30 Life.* He commends Wulstan as having writ- ten it, but none else.' 1 " We have published Wulstan's Life, how- ever, in preference to Elfric's, because the former relates every thing to be found in the latter, and, indeed, generally in the same words, and adds some things which the other has not." Mabillon in his notes gives the differences between Wulstan's and Elfric's texts, which are few and unimportant, except that Elfric wholly omits Wulstan's nine last chapters.-f I understand by this, that, the differences noted excepted, Elfric's Life is literally tran- scribed by Wulstan, as far as it goes. Notwithstanding Wulstan's flourish in the Preface, where he says, " Et, ne tanti patris memoria penitus oblivioni traderetur, ea quse praesentes ipsi vidimus, et quae fideli seniorum relatione didicimus, in his schedulis, summa- tim, perstrinximus." There is but one passage * He was. " Elfric left a Life of St. Ethelwold, writ- ten before the more elaborate Life by Wulstan." — Malm, lit. S. Aldelmi, 'I Angl. S&cr. f They are principally miracles, in one of which Wul- stan himself appears. He makes no mention of Elfric. intending, apparently, to take credit for ku labour. 31 in which he speaks of himself as present, and that is in the 29th chapter, from which we give an extract below.* Mabillon passes this 29th chapter, without remark, as perfectly alike in both the Lives. This, therefore, is Elfric's, the first writer's account, repeated by Wulstan, without alteration; so that it seems he was also present. * " Et aliud oportebat impleri somnium quod ipse vir Dei, Sanctus Ethehvoldus, de se, nobis, quadam vice, referebat; inquiens, Putarem me stare juxta litus maris, ubi mihi videbatur adesse quaedam maxima navis, in qua multitudo copiosa piscium, et maxime, anguillarum, conclusa tenebatur, ab ima usque ad summum. Cumq. meciim tacitus cogitarem quid sibi vellet hoc somnium, repente audivi vocem, meo nomine, me vocantem, mihiq . dicentem, Ethelwolde ! Ethehvolde ! Hoc tibi mandatum ccelitus a deo missum est : Excita hos pisces, quibus hasc navis quam cernis, impleta est, et orationibus tuis effice, ut sint homines sicut antea fuerunt," &x. &c. Ethel- wold's dream is recounted at considerable length; and thereto is attributed, perhaps justly, his restoration of the three ruined abbeys in the Marshes of Ely, viz. Ely, Thorney, and Peterborough. The chapter concludes thus : — fc Ego autem gaudens in Domino, et congratu- lans illis, evigilo. Hancq. visionem, vobis, o filioli mei, idcirco refero, ut et vos, cum bonorum opcrum cultu perseveritis in sancto proposito," &c. 32 Since they neither of them report any other instance of their personal recollection of Ethel- wold, we may believe that they remembered nothing more. Elfric mentions, indeed, in a general way, and Wulstan after him, that he took a delight in teaching the young people, seasoning his lessons with anecdote and good- humoured jests. All this betokens a faint recollection only— the ordinary impression age makes upon youth. An argument against Wharton is to be drawn from the note ; for cer- tainly the appellation of " My young children" — Ofilioli mei — would ill suit scholars of thirty- two. Elfric *5 dedication of his Life of Ethelwold is an evidence that he was not himself intimately acquainted with the Bishop, his subject. It is to this effect : — '* Elfricus, Abbot, a Winchester scholar, to the Honourable Bishop Kenulfus, and the Friars of Winchester : Health in Christ. Thinking: it a worthy employment to commend to posterity a few particulars of our Father and Doctor, Ethelwold, (since whose departure twenty years have now elapsed,) I have drawn together in this little sketch what I have learned from you, or otherwise on good testimony, lest haply, for 33 want of a collector, they might be altogether forgot."* The Homilies which Elfric selected and translated into English at Cerne, may, I think, be- assigned to the year 989, or a year or two earlier ; bat that was the year, it seems, in which he was first competent to priest's orders ; and there is even reason to suppose he was not ordained so soon. Cerne Abbey was not a foundation of 987 ; for Ethelmar, (who was Earl of Cornwall,) in his Charter of that year, expressly refers to his former grants. A more ample provision, how- ever, is thereby made for the monks, of all ne- cessaries and conveniences not prohibited by the laws of St. Benedict. Wharton computes that Elfric went to reside in this abbey (where * " iElfricus Abbas, Wintoniensis Alumnus, Honorabili Episcopo Kenulfo, ct Fratribus Wintoniensibus ; Salutem in Christo. Dignum ducens, denique, aliqua de gestis Patris Nostri et Magnifici Doctoris Athelwoldi, memoria: mod6 commendare, transactis, videlicet viginti annis post ejus migrationem, brevi, quidcm, narratione mea, sed et rustica, quae apud vos, vel alias a fidclibus didici, huic stilo insero, ne forte penitus propter inopiam Scriptorum obliviuni tradantur. Valete." c 5 34 his sermons were written,) in 987. He might ; but he was not in that case a priest when they were written.* Elfric submitted the first forty of these Homi- lies to Sigeric, the then Archbishop of Canterbury , by whom they were approved ; and his epistle sent therewith, (in Hickes' Thesaurus, ii. 153,) explains the sources whence they were drawn, and the circumstances under which, and for what purpose they were written. This epistle was plainly written in 990, for that was Sige- ric's first year, and also the year of the Danish invasion. Some time afterwards, Elfric sent him forty other Homilies ; and we find, from his second epistle, that the invasion was subsequent to the first. It was, probably, during his residence in Dorsetshire that he became known toWulsinus, * It is not clear that he was ordained a priest at the time he submitted the first forty, in 990 ; for on that occasion he writes himself only, El/uais, Alumnus Etkel- icoldi ; and on presenting his second set, (at least as late as 991,) he begins, E/jricus, ]lut»i/is Strvulus Christ t. Both sets being authorized, were published, as it >cem>, as the Sermons of JEifrk 9 Priest, Thus, he might not tx more than eighty-four when he died. 35 Bishop of Shireburn, and at his desire drew up his Canons, or Duties of Cathedral and Paro- chial Clergy.* * These Canons are in the language of an Episcopal Charge, and were to pass for the Bishop's (Wulsinus'). They begin, " Je secge eow, Preostum" — I tell ye, Priests! and are continued in an angry tone throughout. In some passages there are signs of Wulsinus' preference for the regular clergy, which operated some years afterwards. " Monks are obedient to human precept, the holy Bene- dict's, and live by his rule; and if they chance to offend, they make reparation according to their Abbot's sentence, and that with all humility ; and there are rules and com- mands for you also, which you may see if you were will- ing to read," &c. Mabillon, continually misled by Malmesbury, believed that the clergy of the church of Shireburn were desirous of becoming monks. There is little appearance of it, except from Malmesbury 's word. Wharton seems rather to distrust the Charter of 998, (whereby this change was effected ;) if it was to be received, he had wasted a great deal of learning, which he was determined to retain. This seems to have been the main cause of his hesitation. " I, Ethelred, &c, have permitted Wulsinus, Bishop, to establish in the Church of Shireburn the chaste rule of a monastic life, according to the institution of the blessed Father Benedict, on this condition, nevertheless : that whosoever shall succeed him, and be Principal, if he be a harsh man, shall have [no] power to interfere in what concerns the monks. Let him be a shepherd, not ft 36 Wharton also quotes Elfric's testimony con- cerning Ethel wold, in the Preface to his Saxon Grammar, as we learned in the School of the venerable Bishop Ethehvold. Let us suppose Elfric about eighteen or twenty in 984, when Ethelwold died, (and it seems he could hardly be more, if so much,) by this reckoning his hundred years are reduced to about eighty- seven, and Wharton's difficulty, for he contem- plated but this, is considerably diminished. There is another passage in the Dissertation, bearing upon Elfric's age, but which (after what has been said,) is hardly worth notice, except as leading to the second and principal objection proposed. It is this — " /, Elfric, wrote this book [t. e. St. Matthew's Gospel] in the Monastery at Bath ; and have given it to Brithwold, Prior" By this Brithwold, Prior, we are to under- tyrant, (&c.) Let him feed his people, and those who serve him. Let him have only [Habeat ipse solus] the food of a brother ; for it is written, he was as mm amongst thou. Let him be the master of the monks' substance; so only that whatsoever [ • • • • ] counsel of the brethren. And if ever it shall happen (which (.od for- bid) that the pastor and Hock disagree, let the Arch- bishop always judge between them, and justice be done." 37 stand Brithwold, Prior of Winchester ; and if there were any difficulty here, we are assisted by Wharton himself; for it seems it might have been given at any time between 970 and 1005. (1 Angl. Sacr. p. 323.) u I am led, by light conjectures only, I must confess, to suspect that Brithwold succeeded Brithnot, Prior, made Abbot of Ely in 970, and held the office till 1006, and that he was the same Brithwold, Prior, to whom Elfricus, a monk of Winchester, gave the book of St. Matthew, written by himself in Saxon, about the year 987 ; and it seems that he was raised to the bishoprick of Wilton in the said year 1006. Indeed, we shall show that a Brithwold was consecrated Bishop of Wilton in that year ; and we have already shown, that about the same year Elfric was made Propositus of Winchester. I cannot but suppose that Brithwold succeeded Brithnot ; and Elfric, Brithwold." This thesis we undertake to demolish ; it is the only real difficulty in Wharton's system, though he has entirely overlooked it. Secondly, Was Elfric ever Abbot of Win- chester ? Certainly not; and if Wharton's case rest 38 where he left it, this second objection must be considered insuperable. No man knew better than he, if he had taken time to recollect, that the old Monastery, or Cathedral Church of Winchester, of which he says Elfric was, be- yond all doubt, Abbot, never had an Abbot, nomine, Abbot, but, as well before Ethelwold's reform as afterwards, was governed by the Bishop, in place of an Abbot. This fact is fre- quently stated in the course of his own volumes. Until the introduction of Benedictine Monks into some of our cathedral churches, in Edgar's time, they were universally served, each by a college of secular clergymen, whose principal was a dean ; and we have abundant proof that this was the ancient form and ministry in the churches of Canterbury and Winchester in par- ticular, until they were remodelled in Ethel- wold's age. When he was bishop, the dean and canons of Winchester were obliged to give place to a prior and his company ; and accord- ing to Ordericus Vitalis, and Mabillon, (Pref. to Ssecul. 5,) the cathedral churches abroad have always been served by a dean and canons, and not by regular monks. It was not until after the Conquest that any material change took place in the government of our Episcopal monasteries ; until then, the bishops of those churches were all Benedictines, and, in general, zealous observers of the rules ; they resided with their monks, and were, in effect, the abbots. Whilst this primitive custom was preserved, the office of prior must have been subordinate, and was probably of no greater authority than the office of prior in other abbeys ; but they soon found means to extend it, and gradually to supersede the bishop : not, however, (as we have said) until after the conquest. The Norman bishops were, in general, averse to strict discipline ; many of them were secular canons themselves, and such as were monks were not all Benedictines, but under our Saxon princes the other orders were unknown. Dis- agreement between the monks and their bishop though in a few ceremonies and observances only, produced dislike : the bishops were occasionally absent, the priors always resident, and at length the priors acquired independent authority. Thus we find the prior of Canterbury numbered amongst the mitred abbots. It is certain, however, that no prior of Win- chester attempted this usurpation until long 40 after Elfric's time. In no sense, therefore, was Elfric Abbot of Winchester.* But, (says Wharton,) Florence, Diceto, and Stubbs, mention that Elfric, Archbishop of York, was ex Propositus of Winchester, and there- fore, beyond all doubt, Winchester was the abbey of which he was abbot ; Propositus, pro- vost, as the later part of the Saxon chronicle has it. An instance might, perhaps, be found where Propositus, as well as Prsesul and Pontifex, means abbot, but it is unusual. I doubt whe- ther he was ever prior, for we shall have oc- casion to remember hereafter that this is Flo- rence's account ; the others depend upon him. Elfric's remains begin in so many instances with Elfric, Abbot, that it was unquestionably his proper title : he was not, and could not be, Abbot of Winchester, that is to say, of the old monastery. It is plain, then, that he must have * But by Elfric, abbot of Winchester, Wharton doubt- less intended that he was actual abbot of the cathedral abbey there(St. Swithin's,or the old monastery). Malmes- bury says, that the new monastery in Winchester was so near, that the monks of each heard the others sing. It seems never to have been suggested that Elfric might be abbot of this monastery ; Ethelgar was the abbot in Ethelwold's time. 41 been abbot of some other, or Wharton's inge- nious theory fails. It seems to be this unreasonable conclusion of his, that Elfric was Abbot of Winchester , which has kept our antiquaries so long in doubt, or, rather, has discredited his reasonable doubts; for the universal opinion still is, that Elfric the Grammarian was Elfric of Canterbury. I ven- ture, however, to follow Wharton, whose system wants nothing, I think, but examination: if it has fallen into disrepute, his credit will be the greater who may retrieve and establish it. I cannot but believe that Elfric was Abbot of Peterborough — a particular which I shall en- deavour to make appear in the next chapter. It will be necessary to take some notice of Ethelwold's restoration of the abbey of Peter- borough, and of the intervening abbots ; after which, we will return to Elfric. Ingulfus has left us a minute account of the burning of this abbey by Inguar and others in 870, shortly before Alfred came to the throne : it was written on the relation of Thurgar, who says he was an eye-witness, and the other Sem- 42 pectae ; and if these men were not arrant cheats, no ancient history can be more authentic* Medeshamstead, as it was then called, lay about one hundred years uninhabitable, when Ethelwold, whose character and motives have been impugned without much apparent reason, undertook the restoration. Ethelwold had been educated under Dun- stan at Glastonbury, then the only Benedictine monastery in England, where he had distin- guished himself above all the other monks in the virtues proper to a monk, and had risen to be prior. King Edred had subsequently given him the abbey of Abbendon, which he had scarcely made fit for habitation, and peopled from Glastonbury, and a few converts, when the king died. Edgar, who shortly succeeded, made him Bishop of Winchester in the begin- ning of his reign, and ever afterwards consulted him and Dunstan in every business of import- * Godric's monument, yet standing, to the memory of the abbot and his monks, gives considerable weight to the Croyland history. There is still, however, something very romantic in this part of Ingulfus. As to the Sem- pects, we have at least express mention of their extraordi- nary old age; and Ingulfus, who was honest and wise, writes like a man convinced. 43 auce. It seems their counsel was prudent, for in this king's time a fleet was formed, and a kind of militia ; the laws were revised and im- proved, and republished, and the nation enjoyed a profound peace. For many reasons, however, the continuance of prosperity could not be hoped for long : the Danes were spread over all England, and were supposed to be still attached to their pagan deities. The misery which they had inflicted in former reigns had not only impoverished the English, but corrupted their morals. The clergy were remiss in their duties, and very ignorant; and of all their number, Dunstan only, with Ethel wold and a very few others, meditated in- dividual as well as national improvement. The means by which they thought to effect this improvement seem to have been very well chosen ; namely, by the preaching and good example of the numerous body of clergy; with whom, however, it was necessary that reform should begin. The plan of life adopted by Dunstan and Ethelwold disregarded, upon principle, all sen- sual enjoyment — a virtue generally striking and intelligible, and sure of respect. It was, indeed, 44 their own immediate passport to the highest distinction: they were both of them men of sense and discernment, and Dunstan also a man well born. He, first, and Ethelwold, furthered by his procurement, came early to be well received at court. These two patriots were disgusted with their ignorant fellow-priests : it is certain they took great pains to bring them to understand Latin, that they might read the missal with profit, and the Old and New Testaments; but they soon found that the generation was in most cases beyond the reach of persuasion. They thought it enough to go through the ceremony of mass, without any preaching; and to marry, and bury, and receive their tithes. Their tastes, as might be expected, were of the most vulgar : forty years later we may reckon upon some amend- ment, but we find Elfric still intreating that they would not frequent the wine-houses, nor covet the office of sheriff. Under such circumstances, our reformers saw they must begin with educating children from the cradle, if they would have a decent order of priests ; a total seclusion from ill ex- ample was also necessary, and perfect obedi- 45 ence. Hence the rise and encouragement amongst us of monastic education: and it pro- mised blessed effects. The heat of Dunstan's temper has disgraced his memory, and particularly with regard to Edvvy and his queen ; but there is no such black stain upon Ethelwold. They were both men of great resolution, and lived willingly and cheerfully themselves, under a system altogether artificial and constrained ; and this they were also willing, it seems, to impose upon all clergymen, whether they were prepared by habit and constitution or not. This appearance of tyranny was particularly re- sented by the clergy of Ethelwold's cathedral church ; and, probably, no reasonable compro- mise was proposed. At length Ethelwold (with whom our present business is) having first pro- cured the king's sanction, the canons of Win- chester were suddenly required to renounce their wives, or give place to the regular monks. This was, probably, by way of example only ; and it is clear, that a decent and seeming com- pliance was all that was ever enforced. But there is little doubt that many of these priests were profligate. Our Elfric tells us, in Ethel- wold's life, (and he is worth hearing on any 46 subject,) that when his master, their bishop, declared that, being priests, their marriages were invalid in the sight of God, some of them put away their wives and married others ; and there were others so impious, that they despised the sacraments they administered. 963. Having introduced the great novelty of regular monks in a cathedral church, Ethel- wold, with the permission of the king and queen, took a second step, less questionable, and more important. We have already men- tioned, in speaking of his life by Elfric, an extraordinary dream which he recounted to Elfric and others of his scholars.* The sum of this story is, that he believed it was his Maker's will that he should convert to Chris- tianity such as had been reasonable creatures, but were become brutes ; and, apparently, his interpretation of this dream led to what fol- lows. There was at that time, in a corner of East Anglia, a marsh, rising out of the forests of Northamptonshire, which was sixty miles in * About the time Ethelwold was made abbot of Abing- don Turketul, king Ed red's chancellor, formerly a sol- dier of great merit, and Ethel\vold\s friend, took a monk's habit, and restored, and was made abbot of, I'royland. 47 length, and of great breadth. This tract of coun- try was not altogether uninhabitable, but its in- habitants were few, and lived principally in boats, though there were some fruitful spots in the islands which were cultivated. This marsh was interesting to Ethelwold, be- cause it formerly contained two abbies famous from the first planting of Christianity; namely, Medeshamstead, or Peterborough, (situate in a meadow between the forest and the marsh,) and Ely. There was also a third, of less account, but very ancient, called Thorney. These had all lain in ruins through Alfred's time, and ever since. The few families who occupied these wastes were probably Danes, or the children of Danes ; and appear to have had no means whatever of instruction. Hugo Candidus, the principal historian of Peterborough, relates the occasion of the resto- ration of his abbey thus : — " In God's appointed time the truly devout Ethelwold appeared, and gave his days and nights to the building and re- storing of monasteries, wherein he had the as- sistance of king Edgar. Whilst he was thus employed, he was warned of God in the night that he should go into Mercia, and repair the ancient and ruined abbey of St. Peter there/'&c. 48 And, in effect, he did (as well as those of Ely and Thorney) ; and when it was finished, it appears that king Edgar came to see it, with the archbishops Dunstan and Oswald, and the principal English nobility and clergy ; and granted [972] an ample charter and posses- sions : in which charter Peterborough is first named Burch. — Ethelwold also bought lands, and further enriched it; and prevailed upon Adulfus, Edgar's chancellor, who was religiously inclined, and was about to go to Rome, to spend all his substance upon this foundation. Adul- fus also exchanged his courtly robes for a monk's dress, and was this year, 972, chosen the first Benedictine abbot. In this country of reeds and fish, no former occupants were dispossessed to make room for Ethelwold's monks. As to Peterborough, the situation was not inaptly chosen : it was partly hidden in the forest, and standing out upon the western or Mercian edge of the fens, it was only flooded in thespring. The neighbourhood was soon peopled and cultivated ; the land was found to be very rich and productive, and the woods abounded with boars and deer. Oswald, archbishop of York, dying in 992, 49 Adulfus was elected his successor; and in his place Kenulfus, a monk of Winchester, was elected abbot. (The same Kenulfus to whom Elfric inscribed his Life of Ethelwold.) Kenulfus is celebrated as a man of learning, and was elected bishop of Winchester in 1005, whereupon Elfric was made abbot. But as the Peterborough table of Succession is full, it being hitherto believed that Elsinus succeeded Kenul- fus, and sat fifty years, it is necessary to show that the local historians, and also the Saxon annalist, In gulf us, and Florence of Worcester, are mistaken respecting this Elsinus. Simon Gunton, a prebendary of this church, began his modern history before the civil wars, and finished it soon after the restoration. He wrote apparently with little assistance from books, except from Hugo's and the other Latin histories contained in the book called Swap- ham, and kept in the Chapter House. Gun- ton's history does not seem to have been printed until 1686, when an edition was given by Dr. Patrick, bishop of Ely, (then dean of Peter- borough,) together with a large supplement of his own. Dr. Patrick was better acquainted than Gun- 50 ton with ancient English history; and to qualify himself for his task as editor and annotator, he bestowed a more diligent perusal upon the Swapham. He also consulted many unpub- lished MSS. elsewhere ; and, amongst the rest, a MS. chronicle lent him by Sir John Cotton, which, according to the title, was written by John, abbot of Burch [Peterborough], and marked in Cotton's Library, Claudius, A. 5. Abbot John's MS., though in fact a chronicle of national, and not local history, contains some particulars of Burch not to be met with else- where. The writer's identity, and the age in which he flourished, were disputed, until set- tled by Patrick in the preface to his Gunton. He was undoubtedly John de Caux, a French- man, cousin to Henry the Third's queen; made a monk at seven years old ; educated in the old monastery at Winchester ; and raised from prior of that church to the abbotcy of Burch in 1249. Further remarkable as being one of the king's justices in eyre; and censured by Mat- thew Paris because he, a monk, exercised that office.* * Dr. Patrick's conclusion has been disputed by abbot John's editor, Sparke, without the least appearance of reason. 51 Struck, as it seems, by certain passages in this MS., Patrick appears to have entertained a passing doubt respecting Elsinus' succession, but not sufficient to weigh any thing against Hugo's authority, and the other monk- writers, followed without objection by Gunton. (< Elsi- nus, (says he), called also Elfinus, and Alfinus : between whom and Kenulfus there was another abbot, namely, Kinsinus, if we may believe the MS. chronicle of John, abbot of this church, which I have so often cited. For though he say, ad an. 1006, that upon Kenulfus 1 removal, El- sinus succeeded him, and was the third abbot after the restoration ; yet, ad an. 1048, speak- ing concerning the suit which the abbot of Pey- kirk had for the lands of his monastery, (which, by the judgment of the court of Hardecnute, as I shall shew hereafter, were given away from him,) he saith it was contra KenuIJ'um et Kinsinum, A hbates Burgi. And that this was no mistake, we may learn from his remark upon the year 1051, where he saith expressly, Elfinus suc- ceeded him in this monastery. A/jricus, Ebor. Archiepiscopus, obiit, et apud Burgumsepelitur ; citi successit Kinsinus Abbas Burgi; Cui suc- cessit Kljinus in Abbatem promotus, Monachus ejusdem loci. And again, ad an. 1060: Obiit d2 52 Kinsinus, Eborac. Archiep., quondam Abbas Burgi, fyc. " What truth there is in this, I am not able to say from any other record ; but that he was a great man, and archbishop of York, and here buried, it will appear more hereafter when I come to that time ; and we have gained this piece of knowledge from John, abbot, that Alfinus was a monk of Burch, and chosen to be abbot, saith Hugo, by the unanimous consent of the whole congregation, whom he governed fifty years. By which account, Kinsinus must either never have been abbot here, or but for a few days or months.'" — Patrick, p. 250. " Abbot Elsinus (says Gunton) was three years in Normandy with queen Emma, where he also collected many other relics, and, like a laborious bee, stored his abbey with them. It happened at that time that there was a great dearth in that country of Normandy, insomuch that many of the inhabitants forsook the country and planted themselves in other places. The abbey of St. Florentinus having spent their treasures in buying food, and having nothing left them but the shrine of their saint and patron, at length they sold him also, all but his head,* which they still reserved to themselves ; Elsi- * Saxon Chronicle, anno 1013. 53 nus having bought the body, sent it to Peter- borough, whither the monks of that abbey in Normandy did often repair to do their devo- tions to their saint." — Gunton, p. 14. " From the same chronicle of abbot John we learn also when it was that Elfinus went into Normandy, and upon what occasion, which was not till the year 1013. When Suanus, coming with innumerable Danes into England, and exercising unheard of cruelties, king Ethelred hardly escaped his hands, and sent away his wife per A b bat em Burgi, and another person, unto Richard, Duke of Normandy, he himself following her presently after," # &c. — Patrick, 251. From all which (and other passages might be adduced) it will appear that Patrick had no serious doubt of Hugo's correctness. " Elfinus procured from Canutus a confirm- ation of privileges in as ample a manner as they had been confirmed to Kenulfus by king Ethel- red ; in these words : Ego Cnut Rex Anglorum, Deo favente, fy Elfino Abbaie deprecante, hoc Privilegium cum optimatibus corroboravi" — Patrick, p. 251. " Towards the latter end of the government of * Saxon Chronicle, anno 1013. 54 Elsinus, all our historians agree (says Patrick) that Elfricus, or Alfricus, (for his name is di- versely written as the other Elsinus is) was buried in this church. He had been bred up here, but came to be first bishop of Winchester,* as Thomas Stubbs tells us, (Actus Pont. Ebor.) and afterwards archbishop of York : who had a palace at Suthwell, where he died anno mli, and commemorated here in this church of Burgh upon the 23d January ; over against which I find in theKalendar these words : Depo- sit io Elfrici A rchiepiscopi. He was succeeded in hisseebyKinsinus,orKinsius,as some call him, (Radulph de Diceto calls him Kinsigius,) then chaplain to King Edward the Confessor. 1 ' — Pat. 254. It has been already observed, that Gunton re- ceives without objection Hugo's account of El- sinus' succession in 1006, and his session of fifty years. But it cannot be very clearly col- lected whether or not he was satisfied with that account : the nature of his doubts, however, if any, does not appear. In p. 15, he writes: n In the time of this abbot, Elsinus, anno 1051, Elfricus, Archbishop of York, died at * A mistake Something akin to Wharton's : Stubbs culls him Pnepomtw Wioton. 55 Southwell, and was buried at Peterborough, where he had been a monk ; of whom more here- after. Elsinus, having been abbot here for the space of fifty years, died anno 1055 ; and there succeeded Arwinus or Ernwinus. He was made abbot by election ; but liking better a private life, he freely surrendered his government after eight years continuance therein. In his time, anno 1059, or as some say, 1060, died Kinsius, archbishop of York, and was buried in the church of Peterborough, where he had been a monk ; of whom again hereafter. About this time, S. Wulstan, formerly a monk of Peter- borough, was made bishop of "Worcester anno 1062." There is no further notice, however, through- out the whole of Guntons book, either of Elfri- cus or Kinsinus. In the margin, opposite the name of Kinsinus, there is the name Ingulf us, as if for a reference. I think the passages in Gunton, promising further notice of Elfricus and Kinsius, may be his editor's interpolations, and point to his own account in the supplement, for he takes no no- tice of the apparent deficiency. This is a very unusual liberty if it be so, and I find no other instance of his meddling with the text. 56 Since the Peterborough historians thus easily admit, and, in general, without suspicion, that Elsinus was Kenulfus' successor, we turn to In- gulfus, who wrote his history but eight miles distant, and forty or fifty years only after El- fric's death. Between Croyland and Peterborough there stood a little convent called Peykirk [i. e. Peg's Church,*] which was patronized by Croy- land, but so ineffectually, that the whole foun- dation was awarded to one of the abbots of Pe- terborough in a lawsuit. Ingulfus would have us believe that this judgment was unduly ob- tained ; and thus speaks of Elsinus : " A . 1047. Wolgatus, abbot of St. Peg's, having sustained a very long suit against El- sinus, Arwinus, and Leofricus, abbots of Burch, was at length defeated by judgment' of the king's court, and lost the very walls of his house : so much more powerful at that time was money than justice, and cunning than truth : and so great the influence of Earl God- win with Hardecnute." Now there was no Elsi- nus ; and it seems that neither Arwinus, nor Leo- * Turketul, an abbot of Croyland, who preceded Ingul- fus, had repaired this old church, and annexed it tol'r<>\ - land. 57 fricus, had any thing to do with this suit ; for Ar- winus was certainly not abbot before Feb. 1051, which was in the ninth year of Edward the Confessor. And yet Ingulfus wrote advertent- ly, for he mentions the matter in another place,* where he declares the Danes worked nothing but ruin. u There was an instance of this (says he) in the case of St. Peg's, in Har- decnute's time; when the abbot of BurcrTs money and Earl Godwin together," &c. &c. Thus far Ingulfus ; and we may stop for a moment to ask a reasonable question. Is it possible that his history is here entire ? He complains of a bitter injury f which he and his eighty monks still warmly resented ; and many of them, without a doubt, remembered all the particulars. He could never surely suppose that Leofric or Arvvin were abbots so early as Hardecnute's time ; nor is it likely that the of- fending abbot's name was mistaken or forgot. He must have been Kinsinus. as will hereafter appear. We have mentioned abbot John and his * In the Conqueror's time. t The abbots of Croyland's right (for they also had a show of right as above-mentioned) seems to have been very doubtful. d5 58 chronicle, and that it expressly mentions abbot Kinsinus. By this writer we are much assisted in col- lecting the true succession of abbots : he was educated, as we have seen, at Winchester, and was elected abbot of Burch something less than two hundred years after Elfric's death. He must have written about a hundred years later than Hugo. As he professed to write a national chronicle, we expect no very particular notice of Peterborough. He has made several mis- takes, however, respecting this abbey, some of them attributable to haste and inadvertence, and others to real difficulties : the records of Peterborough were perverted before his time. I think he must have heard (at Winchester pro- bably) of other abbots of Peterborough, since Kenulfus, of whom there was no mention in Hugo, for, apparently, he has taken some trou- ble to reconcile the variance : we are much in- debted to his blunders in the attempt. These are extracts from his book : — " mvi. Alfricus, Archbishop of Canterbury, died ; to whom succeeded S. Elphegus, bishop of Winchester ; for whom Kenulfus, abbot of Pe- terborough, substituted in See 117///. ; lo whom succeeded Elsius, third abbot from the restau- 59 ration : he, coming to the monastery of S. Flo rentine," [&c., as in Hugo and the Peterborough copy of the Saxon Chronicle.] " mx in. Suanus entering England with an innumerable army, commited the most shocking cruelties, and reduced all the nobility to his will. Ethelred, hardly escaping his hands, first sent over his wife by the B. of Durham * and the Abb. Peterborough to Rich. Duke of Normandy; and at length followed his wife and children himself." " mxxiii. Wulstan, archbishop of York, died ; to whom succeeded Alfricus, prior [Propositus] of Winchester.' 1 Thus far he has followed the Peterborough records without scruple. H mxlvii. Wulgatus, abbot of Peykirk, by the judgment of King Hardecnute, lost the site of his abbey, with all the manors formerly belonging thereto. This was at the suit of Ke- nu/fusf and Kinsinus, abbots of Peterborough, who claimed Peykirk for their property." * Others have been mistaken in this particular ; it wab not the bishop of Durham, (who was Alj'dun ;) but Alf- hun, bishop of London. + If any other abbot than Kinsinus began this suit, it must have been Elfricus. 60 This is good: here is an evident abbreviation of three passages in Ingulfus, (two of which we have noticed;) for neither the Peterborough, nor any other historians besides, take note of this suit. Abbot John had then an entire copy of Ingulfus. " mli. Alfricus, Archbishop of York, died ; buried at Peterborough ; — to whom succeeded Kinsius, abbot of Peterborough ; to whom suc- ceeded Elsius, a monk of the place, promoted to be abbot." " mlx. Kinsius, Archbishop of York, died; formerly Abbot of Peterborough ; to whom suc- ceeded, 8cc. Archbishop Kinsius died at Peter- borough, and lies buried in the shrine next the great altar, north side." Abbot John's plan of succession in the abbey is, apparently, inconsistent : Elsius is made to succeed Kenulfus in 1006, and also Kin- sinus in 1051. Nor were there two Elsies ; at least, there is no mention of the death of the first. The truth, I believe, is apparent enough. Eifricus succeeded Kenulfus in 1005 ; Kinsinus succeeded Eifricus in 1023, on his promotion to York; and followed him also in that see in 1051 ; in which year not Etsim/s, but Anvinus was elected abbot. 61 I have carefully examined abbot John's MS., in hopes of finding that Elfricus was first writ- ten for Elsinus in 1006 ; but there is but one erasure in all the above extracts • and abbot John was deceived. The erasure I mean occurs in 1051 ; Elsinus' second appearance seems to have had something to do with it. The passage is precisely this ; and the words written on the erasure (in the same hand as the rest of the MS.,) are, Cui succ. at the end of the second line : mli, AlJric'Ebor.Archieps.ob.Sfap.BurgusepeUt. Cui succ' Kins? Abbas Burgi Cui succ 1 Elsil Abbatep.mot. Monach. ejde, loci. In writing the year 1013, abbot John either misliked his first Elsinus, or used a copy of Flo- rence, and not Hugo, or the Peterborough Saxon Chronicle ; for he has followed the first-men- tioned author in omitting the abbot's name. Simeon of Durham also omits the name. There are means, I believe, whereby these facts may be established beyond all doubt, and Wharton's discovery fully confirmed. His sys- tem perfected, is the key (if we are not mista- 62 ken) to our whole history under the Danish princes, including their entry and exit. The development is curious, and the consequence being thus important, we shall not be sparing in our notice of Elfric. We shall then be better prepared for the His- tory of the Saxon Chronicle.* * In our notice of Malmsbury's Wulstan, some re- marks will be found respecting the substitution of the name Elsinus for Elfric's, Ao. 1013. The precise time, and the particular agent of that substitution, we shall endeavour to shew ; it is most likely, as there must have been an account of the abbotcies of Elfric and Kinsinus amongst the rest, they were cut away at the same time. Gunton thus remarks the poverty of Abbot Elsinus' (i. e. Elfric's) history: — " Elsinus, or Elsius, of whom I find no glorious cha- racter recorded by writers save this, (if it may be so ac- counted,) that he was very inquisitive after reliques, with which he was very industrious to enrich his monastery ;" — and he proceeds to give a list of them from Swapham and Whittlesey. No part of the Roman Catholic faith is of so little re- pute at present as the article of relics, though they cer- tainly have been of wonderful efficacy in kindling devo- tion. The mischief of this appetite was, that it could not be defended against imposture ; and the collectors were not all like Elfric, judicious and rich, devout, single- minded, and sincere. It may be doubted whether the contents of this catalogue were wholly his. 63 We shall have occasion to mention hereafter, that Elfric is the author of those Saxon annals in Cotton's Library, codex Tiberius B. 4, down to the end of 1017. They contain clear evi- dence (as I think) that he was abbot of Peter- borough from 1006. And from his Epistles to Abp. Sigeric, which have been mentioned before, he was clearly aware of the importance of the times * as early With all their dryings, and wrappings, and cases with- in cases, there must have been something offensive in the relics of flesh : one of the most celebrated in this church was the arm of King Oswald the Martyr, thus described in Hugo: — " Cum digitis dextram; Cute, sanguine, carneque tectam Oswaldi Regis, Burgensis continet aedis : Ungues sunt tales, fuerant vivo sibi quales ; Intus in hac dextra paret cernentibus extra Nervus, et nine vena dextra junctura serena In cubiti veluti nova paret fossa veruti Quo fuit appensum pretiosum martyris armum." Out of this list of relics one or two might be named as seeming to support our theory : — the arm of St. Swithin, Bishop of Winchester, (in whose church Elfric was schooled ;) and another, wherein his superstition is elo- quent — a knot of the bishop Ethel wold's hair. * In his second epistle, after adverting to the former, he writes, Et licet multis injuriis infestium piratarum con- culicbamur, Sec. " Since I transmitted to your Holiness 64 as 990. From that year to 1017, twenty- seven years, I take his Annals to be a contem- porary work. Sigeric, dying in 995, was suc- ceeded by Alfric Pseudo-grammaticus — who died 16th November, 1005 ; and his death occa- sioned this change in the church — the bishop Elphegus to Canterbury, the abbot Kenulfus to Winchester, and our Elfricus to Peterbo- rough.* Kenulfus (traduced by Malmsbury, who says he bought Winchester) is one of the most famous names for learning in our elder history. Pitts numbers him amongst English writers ; but whatever he may have written is lost. He was a great friend of Elfric's, and apparently a worthy man.f the Sermons before-mentioned, we have been shaken by the manifold blows of these pestilent strangers; but I have finished this work notwithstanding, though with a troubled mind, for I wish not to be numbered with de- ceitful flatterers," &c. * Elfric's Life of Ethelwold, apparently written two years before, was not presented till now. t Hugo's account of him is the largest we have, It might almost be applied to Elfric: — " Decus ct norma renim divinarum et saculanum. Jam vero ordinatws, quanta* diligentia, et instantia, et 65 The advocates of education must contem- plate our abbot's pursuits at Peterborough with great pleasure. He was the principal creator of English literature; and this abbey was his workshop. Elfric praises both Ethel- wold and Wulstan indeed, and liberally, as the quam bene Ovile sibi creditum rexerit ; et quam mitem et paciftcum et humilem Ovibus suis se exhibuit, et qua vigilantia curam pastoralem exegerit, quanto studio libros emendaverit, quam dulciter, et libenter ad se venientes, vel secum morantes erudierit ; quam dilectus Deo et ho- minibus extiterit, quomodo Monasterium muro cinxerit ; et Res ecclesiae suae auxerit non est nostras parvitatis ex- plicare. Concurrunt cotidie tarn ex longinguis, quam et de proximis terrarum finibus Episcopi, Clerici, et Mo- nachi, Divites et Mediocres, ad ejus Magisterium ; et ad ejus, ut et quondam Salomonis, sapientiam audiendum : Donee post annum quatuordecim rapitur magis quam eligitur ad pontificium Wintoniensis Civitatis." But that Hugo did not confound Kenulfus with Elfricus, appears, from his account of Kenulfus' successor, totally inappli- cable to Kinsinm ; less so to FJfricus. " Successittamen et Huic in Monasterii regimine, pari sagacitate, et virtute animi Vir, Elsinus, quern sibi omnis concors congregatio abbatem elegerat et postulaverat. Hie per 50 annos eandem Ecclesiam rexit," &c. &c, " etiam per tres annos cum regina Emma in Normannia demoratus est, et inde regis Ethelredi et ipsius Reginae gratiam multum promeruit," &c. &c. 66 revivers of learning, which was buried, says he, till they restored it; but he was the first him- self who was worthy to be called a schoolmaster. It is very apparent that part of his own annals was collected, not from books, but report ; and that Ethelwold had not in his school a copy of Plegmund's Canterbury Annals. To know something of our native soil is almost the first step in knowledge. It seems, however, judging from Kenulfus and Elfric, that Ethelwold di- rected his pupils in the right way ; and though not a man of great learning himself, we have no reason to doubt the progress of some others of his disciples. He first translated St. Bene- dict's Rule into English. " It was from his teaching," says Elfric, " that many of his dis- ciples became priests, and abbots, and honour- able bishops, and some came to be archbishops over England." One of Elfric's most considerable works at Peterborough is his Grammar,* which seems to have been undertaken early in hisabbotcy ; and this was followed, I think, by his Colloquies * In the copy in the Inner Lib. Coll. Joh. Bapt, Oxon, it is called .Elfrici Praesulis Grammatica, Sec. 1 Ilickes, 104. 67 for boys, and some other Latin exercises. The one beginning, " We cildra biddath"* has in * Many superior men in our own day have laboured successfully to enlarge the human mind, and not without recompense. They work, indeed, under every facility and advantage, and at least secure of a due portion of credit, But in what degree are we bound, and what should be the extent of our acknowledgments to this great man, who worked to such effect in the dark ? His only motives were a Christian love of his kind, and a deep sense of the importance of wisdom ; or in part, per- haps, a generous desire to live in the memory of English- men. I cannot believe that he was not a man of considerable mind, (as we understand the word,) though Mr. Turner has expressed an opinion to the contrary. His Colloquies, for instance, seem to be the original model of those of Comnenius and his followers, and which, as a pleasing means of instruction, continue in favour to the present hour : indeed, the plan has never been surpassed. I think it very probable that Elfric's Annals were also used in his school ; not so much, however, from any document to that effect, as from the known reasonable- ness of his views of education, of which history is an im- portant part. There were few books in his time except his own; and his Annals in particular are so pithy, interesting, and plain, that they almost seem to have been written for this express purpose. We know also, that our abbot was accustomed to stoop to the inclina- tions of children, for their good, creating a will, if pos- 68 its language every mark of the locality of Peter- borough, and so strongly, that it almost proves Elfric's abbey of itself. Another very important work of Elfric's, whilst abbot, was his two Pastoral Epistles, written for and under the name of Wulstan, archbishop of York. They were first written in Latin ; but Wulstan, suggesting that they would be more generally understood in Eng- lish, Elfric sent him an English version the following year. These two Epistles contain all the knowledge we have of the manners of the rustic clergy, and as complete as we could de- sire. The Prologue is to this effect : — " We have followed your Graced biddings, as you see, having translated into English the two letters which we had written in Latin, and sible, as the readiest road to knowledge. I observe that Mr. Ingram, by a kind of side wind, seems to note and commend this same feeling in Elfric, and that with a warmth which docs him infinite credit : — " WyUan is defective, as it wants the imperative mood . the reason of which is thus philosophically expressed 1>\ the Saxon grammarian: — ' Fortkan the m wiUa mi all /■<<>n njn- firth' — For the will must ever be free : a si ntenec worth more than the whole Ilernics of Harris." — Prcfaa to Saio/i Chronicle . 69 designed for you last year. We have not exactly preserved the same order, however, as before, nor the same language ; but the sense is much the same. Let us hope that our en- deavours may in some cases be a means of profit and amendment. There are others whom these discourses will not very well please, I know. But it is not advisable that we should be for ever silent — never unfold the Divine will to those under our authority : if not the princi- pal herald, who is to announce that the Judge cometh ? Farewell ! God prosper you !" Amongst his other works, whilst abbot, we may reckon his Rules and Customs for Monks, drawn from Ethelwold's Book of Customs, for the use of the friars of Eynesham, with addi- tions ; An Epistle to one Sigeferth : Expostulatory ; A Treatise on the Trinity : To Wulfgatus ; A Book on the Old and New Testaments : To Sigwerd, or Siward ; And much besides ; for which see the Cata- logue of Cotton's Library. To these may, perhaps, be added, His Glossary ; His Life of Ethelwold : 70 And his Annals.* During the first ten years of his abbotcy, the * If there had been an Elsinus, abbot of Peterborough, (as there was of Ely,) about Elfric's time, some little accidental confusion, from the likeness of the two names, might be supposed; but I think there was not: and accident had no part in our mistake. Gunton, from Hugo, Whittlesey, and Swapham, relates that Elsinus died 1055, and was succeeded by Arwinus, or Arnwius ; and Patrick agrees in this account, remark- ing, that the year of Elsinus' death was confirmed by abbot John, and many others, and that archbishop Elfric died four years before. This would leave four years for the session of an Elsinus, or some other abbot. For I think it plain, that on Elfric's death, 24th January 1051, Kinsinus, his successor in Peterborough, followed him in the archbishoprick. There was either an abbot, then, between Kinsinus and Arwinus, or Arwinus suc- ceeded in January 1051. As it seems he did, though the Peterborough writers say not. " 1055. Obiit jElsius, Abbas Burgi, cui successit Erwinus," &c. — Hugo Candid. Spa?-kc, 41. " 1057. Electus est pro eo, cum consensu regis, ct ipsius." &c, " Leuricus," &c. — Ibid. " Arwinus was made abbot by election, which de- servedly passed upon him, being a man of great holiness and simplicity ; but he liking better a private and solitary life, freely surrendered his government, after eight years' 71 kingdom was miserably torn to pieces by the Danes ; as will best appear from Elfric's own continuance therein. In his time, anno 1059, or as some say, 1060, died Kinsius, Archbishop of York." — Gunton, 15. " Eruinus, as some call him, or Arnewinus, was chosen by the whole company ; being Vir mira sanctitatis et sim- plicitatis, as Hugo characterizes him ; who, out of too much simplicity, changed the royal village of Holneic for Stokes, for no other reason but because it was a nearer way to his own farm to go by Stokes. In this private farm it was, I suppose, that he chose to live, rather than in this great dignity; wherein he continued a far less time than Mr. G. mentions. For if William the Con- queror came into England the 1 1th year, (it should be the 9th,) of Leofricus, as Hugo saith, then Arewynus could not possibly be abbot here eight years ; for Elsinus dying, as hath been shown, 1055, there passed from thence till the coming in of the Conqueror, which was 10G6, no more than eleven years. He resigned, there- fore, his place, after he had been two years abbot, anno 1057, (as it is in the margin of Hugo ;) and after that he lived eight years. So the words of Hugo run very plainly, Hie in prosper itate vita sua voluntarie dimisit Abbatiam main VIII. postea feliciter vivens annos. And so I find it in the MS. Chronicle of abbot John, ad an. 1057. Arewy- nus, Abbas Burgi, demisit se de abbatia: cui successit egre- gius Pater Leofricus." — Patrick, 254, 255. But the blunders on this subject abound. In Sparke's printed Hugo we read, that William came in Leofric's 72 relation. Every page of it confirms our two- fold theory, (if further proof were wanting;) namely, that he was abbot of Peterborough, and wrote these Annals. We will instance the year 1013. " 1013. The Danes came over Watling- street,* and committed the greatest possible 13th year. Whether it be so or not in the MS. I cannot say ; but that also is a mistake, for he certainly came in Leofric's 14th or 15th year. This is the report of the later Peterborough Saxon Annals, (not Elfric's,) where, sub anno 1052, we find — " And on thisylcan tyme for-let Arnwi, abbot of Burh, Abbot-rice, be his halre life, (i. e. though in good health,) and geaf hit Leofric, Munec ; be thes cynges leafe, and be thaere Muneces ; and se Abbot Arnwi lifode swyth- thon VIII wintre," &c. When we come to speak of the Annals last mentioned, we distinguish between facts recorded, as here, under their proper year, and plain interpolations, as in the year 963 Erwinus, then, was elected abbot after Kinsinus, in January 1051, and sat more than a year, since he resigned in 1052. A table of the true succession of abbots, from Adulfus to the Conquest, will be found towards the end : this note is already too long. * Are there sufficient grounds to distrust the prior of Barnwell's description of Watting-Street 1 for there are more reasons than one in favour of it. I think it might 73 enormities, [&c. &c] ; and thereupon the queen went over sea, and Elfsinus, abbot of Burch, with her ; and the king sent Elfun, bishop, with the princes, Edward and Alfred, over sea ; and he was to instruct them." Compare the above account with Ingulfus. " 1013. King Swain coming with a fresh fleet, he and his ferocious countrymen destroyed all before them. Pouring out of Lindsey, they set fire to every place of habitation, and tore out the bowels of the inhabitants. The reli- gious, also, they put to death with a variety of tortures. They burned down Baston and Lang- toft. They totally destroyed the convent of St. Peg, with all its contiguous manors; namely, Glinton, Norborough, Maxey, Etton, Badington, and Barnack. Every family was cut off, or led away in bonds. The abbot of St. Peg fled in the night with the whole bro- therhood, and, coming in boats to Croyland, be shown to run, (as he says,) from St. Albans, through Market-street, Caxton, Godmanchester, and so by way of Huntingdon, Stilton, and over the Lolham Bridges; thus holding, for many miles, the course of the north road All the villages Ingulfus mentions li this line. 74 they were saved. In like manner, the abbey of Peterborough and the surrounding villages, and the manors of Eye, Thorp, Walton, Werring- ton, Paston, Dogsthorp, and Castor, were first stripped and then given to the flames. The abbot, with the greater part of his convent, went to Thorney ; the prior, with a few of the monks, escaped to the Isle of Ely ; and ten of them, with the sub-prior, came to Croyland. Happily, by reason of the heavy rains that year, the country round us was under water," &c. Thus it appears Elfric had a narrow escape. From Thorney, he seems to have made his way to London, and was immediately sent abroad in charge of the queen. We have transcribed Hugo, to the effect that the abbot remained with the queen three years ; which seems to be a mistake, though it might be three years before he was again seen in the Fens; forlngulfus informs us, that "in 1017,* when Canutus began his reign, the return of peace was proclaimed through every province in England ; and thereupon, the venerable abbot * Edmund died 30th Not. 1016. Just about three vears. 75 (ofCroyland) sent all the monks to their own monasteries, whom he had entertained as his guests." But the royal family returned, I think, in the winter after their flight; for on Swain's death, 3d February 10 14, the English nobility recovered a degree of spirit ; and though the fleet in the river proclaimed Canutus, they consulted in London, and sent over to Ethelred their singu- larly loyal address. This address received a speedy answer ; the king's messenger also brought with him the young prince Edward ; and from the minute relation of the message sent, and the answer returned, I am persuaded that the aerend-raca* was no other than Elfric himself. Canutus, sovereign, seems to have heartily repented of his former brutalities ; and his reign was certainly a relief to the people. Let us take occasion, at this late hour, to do justice to Elfric's memory. We are told that he was all-powerful with the new king ; and the wisest acts of this * The messenger from the king. See the Annals. Twenty instances might be cited of similar modesty : in- deed, he never mentions himself. e2 76 reign may be probably assigned to his advice. Amongst these were the king's marriage with Emma, Ethelred's widow, which ensured the public tranquillity, and his ostensible respect for religion, in which the Danes were in general deficient. He had hastily put Norman to death, as the faithful servant of his base master, Alfric. This wrong he repaired, and established Norman's brother, Leofric, in Alfric's government of Mercia, which he and his family held till the Conquest. No man in England was so competent as Elfric to draw up the laws called the Laws of Canute; and therefore I take these to be his. Of his readiness, as well as his power, to serve his neighbours with the king, there is a signal instance in Gunton : it is the case of Ramsey Abbey, which Canutus had determined to destroy. * To what can we attribute the peaceful glory of this reign, but to good counsels ? We find * When Elphege's body was removed to Canterbury, Canutus is said to have lifted it from the earth with his own hands. On the same day he seems to have given Elfric the archbishoprick, which fell vacant a few days before. 77 Canutus was so cruel by nature, that he cut off the hands, ears, and noses of unoffending hostages ; and certainly he was in no other respect Caesar's counterpart. It was a virtue, however, to listen to justice; and, with respect to Elfric, I cannot doubt that he will take his place in our future history, second only to Alfred. We are now approaching one of the most strange and involved transactions ever devised: it is the cause of all our mistakes respecting Elfric, and seems also an extraordinary proof of his great reputation. But what is to be said upon this subject will be better under- stood if we first consider Malmesbury's Life of S. Wulstan. 79 WILLIELMI, MONACHI ET BIBLIO- THECARTI MALMESBURIENSIS, LI- BRI TRES, DE VITA S. WULSTAXI, EPISCOPI WIGORN. [2 Anglia Sacra.] EXTRACTS. Wulstan was born* at Icentun in Warwick- shire ; his parents' names were Ethelstan and Wulfgife, (whence his own name.) They were pretty well born, and of a fair estate. " He was initiated into the first rudiments of learning at * Our author informs us that he was in his eighty- seventh year when he died, (19 Jan. 1095.) He was burn therefore in 1008. In Stevens' Monasticon, i. 1G3, it is said, " that the very children, offered up to the benedictine monasteries at Jive years of age, were obliged to abstinence ;" but it 80 Evesham, but in his tender years he was re- moved to Peterborough as a better school. And it is a pleasure to record the many tokens of his future good qualities, which were already visi- ble when he had scarcely crossed the threshold of childhood : the future saint was eloquently foretold in the modesty of the lad. He sub- mitted to the same fasts to which the men were at that time subject; he refused not to work, and had his humble prayers. Childish talkative- ness, the source of lying and deceit, he first checked in himself and afterwards discounte- nanced in others. He began early to tread in the steps of manhood ; and earnestly besought, as well those of his own age as his seniors, to chalk out a pattern of holy life for his example. He wished to be reproved if he did aught amiss : ipse libens correct iotti manus da ret. His devo- tion was so much increased by practice, that whatever he saw which was commendable, he proposed to imitate. By such means he testified that he was already wise, and would continue to be, " Con ipe sapientem et amabit Te" More- over, he did that (and naturally, and of himself) was do1 the case under Elfric at Peterborough, (see the Colloquy.) Children were also excused or favoured in the regular work. 81 which ancient philosophy recommends — he had constantly before his eyes the image of some venerable man, and respect for this fancied pre- sence influenced all he thought, and said, and did. We should not easily stray from the right path if we would but think always either of God or of man : fear would restrain us. " He had at that time a master named Erve- nius, who was very skilful in writing and paint- ing any thing, and who let Wulstan have two books to read — a Sacramental and a Psalter — in which the capital letters were gilded and illuminated. He was much taken with these little painted histories ; and whilst he intently examined their beauty, his memory drank deep of the knowledge they contained. But the Doctor, looking to his worldly advantage and for the hope of gain, gave the Sacramental to Canutus, who was then king, and the Psalter to Emma, the queen. The mind of the scholar, childlike, was much affected by the loss, and he sighed after these books from the bottom of his heart. Weary with grief, he fell asleep, and thought a man of angelic appearance sat by him, who chased his melancholy away, and promised that the books should be forthcoming. And E 5 82 indeed the promise was performed, but very long after,* as will be seen in the sequel.'" We are told that Wulstan continued to lead an exemplary life, (as no doubt he did,) and at length left Peterborough and returned to his parents. Whilst living with them, it would seem, however, there was considerable danger of his falling away ; for he was persecuted by a girl with so little mercy, that he found it difficult to resist. Her parents were neighbours of his. He must have been still very young : — but hear William himself: — * The restitution is mentioned in a subsequent part of" the Life : " King Edward sent Aldred (bishop of* Worcester) to Cologne, to manage some business with the Emperor Henry the Elder ; and he, having found favour in the Emperor's sight, stayed some time for his own pleasure, after his business was finished. "Whilst he was there, either out of respect for himself or his master, he received many presents ; and amongst others, some one presented him with the two books above mentioned. Tor Canuui.s had long ago sent those very books to the people of Cologne, in order to purchase their good opinion. And so Aldred, ignorant of that prophetic promise formerly made to Wulstan, gave him those books on his return to this country, because he thought he deserved them better than any other," &c. 83 "Denique, manum prensitare, oculo aimuere, et ca3tera quae sunt moriturae virginitatis indi cia, lascivis etiam gestibus impudicitiae facere solebat. Sed cum is, castitatis instinctu, im- pudicae desideria frustraretur, hoc modo peene ilium venata est; convenerat in campum fre- quens caetus adolescentium, cuinam laetius ludo vacans non definio, [i. e. Wulstano :] Cursita- batur, ut fieri solet in talibus, virentis graminis aequore ; plausui et favori adhortantium respon- debat stridulus aer : Emicat inter alios \Vul- stanus, communique cunctorum judicio illius ludi triumphum reportat : Agrestium multitudo in laudes acclamat; easdem ut ejus famularetur auribus, repetit et geminat." In this unguarded moment he was again assailed by his young enemy, and his resolution began to fail : he es- caped, however, into a thicket, where, without restraint, he gave way to his remorse — fell asleep — a vision— never subject to such an in- fi runty afterwards. " Coleman* asserts that he learned these par- ticulars from Hemming, the sub-prior, who had them from the bishop himself. ,,) * " Hoc se Coleinannus ab Ilemmingo, sub-pnorc, didicisse asseruerat; qui ab ipso sancto poslnioduin Kpiscopo ea se audisse memoraret : solebat enhn Reve- 84 Wulstan's father and mother becoming tired of the world, they both entered into religion, in the monasteries in Worcester : " Remansit in- terim Wulstanus in sceculo, specie, non mente ; non animo, sed corpore." But that he might behold virtue of a superior degree, and wean himself gradually from earthly pursuits, he visited the court of Britegus, the bishop of Worcester. The bishop received him readily, and as well to gratify his friends as out of natu- ral goodwill, he encouraged in Wulstan the signs of divine grace. Neither was Wulstan backward in recommending himself ; he secured by his unexceptionable conduct, the favour of the most sullen and perverse ; he was neither pert nor ill-tempered ; and, what is the chief ornament of persons of his time of life, he was insuperably modest. These internal qualities were crowned and set off by a handsome person ; which, though not to be reckoned amongst the virtues, yet I do not altogether exclude, for like the skill of the artist, it shines most if the materials are rich. " By these arts he so gained upon the bishop rendissiraus Pater pro aetate e1 capacitate audientium moderari sermonem !" Coleman ami Hemming will appear again. 85 that he advanced him to the priesthood* of his own accord, which honour it was with great difficulty he was brought to accept. For it is to be remarked of Wulstan, that he seemed to himself unworthy, to others an ornament of this office, to which he neither aspired through arro- gance, nor stained and disgraced by sloth. He endeavoured to reduce his body, and enlarge the powers of his mind, by fasting and spare diet. He was subdued in spirit, serious in speech, reverend in appearance, and easy in mind ; seemingly a layman, but qualified for a monk. " If he saw in any one aught he judged amiss, he so tempered his notice of it that the bitter- ness of reproof seemed to melt into commenda- tion ; it might sound a little hard, but could not seem angry, for charity was mixed with it. " The bishop offered him more than once a church in the country, with an income which * Lib. iii. c. 2. " Britegus, as before mentioned, ad- vanced him from first orders to Priest's, and then gave him in charge the church of Ilawkesbury. The down of manhood was then first appearing upon his chin; and though he spent not his whole time in luxury, like a mere worldling, yet he did not object to the pleasures of the table. It happened one day when he had ordered a goose to be spitted," &c. 86 would have been an abundant provision for him. He frequently refused it, without assigning any reason ; and at length, being much pressed, he opened his mind, declaring that he was dissatis- fied with the world altogether, that in his esti- mation it was a nothing, and that he was resolved to give himself wholly to God, (not in part only,) and to become a monk/' The bishop fully concurred, and he- took the habit. " Never was a monk, in our age, more free from vice, more perfect in virtue. And the sincerity of his life being seen, the friars of the church made him, not long after, Warden of the boys, then Precentor, and lastly Sacrist." And he was subsequently made prior by the bishop iVldred. " 1060. Archbishop Kinsinus dying, Aldred was appointed his successor. Aldred going to Rome, as was customary, for his pall, found Nicholas, the then Pope, resolved at first to refuse it. He, Aldred, would not resign Wor- cester ; Nicholas refused to confer the pall with- out; and the bishop had such an affection for Worcester that he was willing to sacrifice the greater honour fur that see. After a long and sharp trial, therefore, Aldred set out on his re- turn ; Earl Tosti (who went with him) swearing 87 that, after what had happened, the money sent year after year to Rome should be stopped. They had no sooner reached the Alps, however, than they were set upon by thieves, and stripped of every thing : whereupon they returned to Rome in a miserable plight. This incident softened the Pope; and Aldred obtained his pall, on an understanding that he was to sur- render Worcester to the most deserving person in his diocese." In the end, Wulstan was elected, 29th August, 1062. The description of his unexceptionable con- duct, as a priest and as a bishop, seems written with an angel's pen ; and I believe the most beautiful and edifying passages are perfectly true.* But if an opinion may be advanced, (anticipating the necessary proof) there are scarcely three words of truth in what precedes. * Malmsbury has given another Life of Wulstan, of considerable length, in his Gesta Pont, book 4. He begins thus: Wulstanus a puero, educatus, hones te t inter disciplinatus vtros, et littcrarum curam quanta tunc in Anglia erat adole- vit : Cum, vcro, id . 91 tion to York and Worcester, brought with him to Worcester. This, it will be said, is contrary to all history. Indeed there are several great names adverse : — Hemming of Worcester, Florence of Worcester, Simeon of Durham, Diceto, the Saxon Chroni- cle, and Malmesbury himself. If these can be shaken, which we shall now see, probabilities may be considered afterwards. And first, of Hemming, a monk and sub-prior of Worcester. There is a life of Wulstan extant,* written by this author, and, as it would seem, very shortly after the bishop's death. He was a favourite with Wulstan, and wrote also by his and the convent's desire, a larger work, " An Account of the Claims and Possessions of Worcester," pub- lished in the Monasticon. In this latter work, Britegus is repeatedly mentioned, to his discredit, as a spoiler of the church. See titles Elfinton and Sapian, 129. Halhega, 131. Benningworth, 132. " Aldred, Bishop, and Wulstan, then Prior; at the instance of Edric, the Forester," Sec. 129. " Norman, gave at the altar to Wulstan, then * Published, 1 Angl. Sacr. 541. 92 Dean, [Decanus,] and afterwards Bishop," &c. 129. " It is very certain that Salwarp belongs to the monastery. One Godwin held it, Earl Leo- fric's brother; and being at the point of death, he confessed to Wulstan, &c. Pia memorize Wulstano tunc temporis, monacho et Decano, postea vero Episcopo, 130. It is much more easy to point out the spurious than the genuine parts of this account of claims. Those seem, however, to be genuine where Wulstan is called prior. There were no deans in this church after the benedictines were once established.* In this document the name of Leof signs, bishop, appears once ;f but nothing it contains can stand against any reasonable probability. A fair reason can hardly be found for trans- cribing such a book as this of claims and pos- * I observe that the spurious claims are generally at the expense of Earl Leofric's family. f " Eo tempore quo Edric, Streona, [adquisitor, i.e. the winner,] sub rege, primitus Ethelrcdo, ct postea, ali- quandiu sub ('nut, omni anglorum regno preerat • • • • Tlic tantafrctus potentia ab hujus monasterii possessions, Leofsigo episcopo existente, vi et fortitudine sua tres villas ahstulit." 129, 130. 93 sessions ; and yet the MS. in Cotton's library, Tiberius A. XIII. is certainly not the very original, though the only copy extant. It is in a good Norman hand, and the names of places, &c. which are in the Saxon character, are also freely and readily written. It may be as old as one of the two Williams, but I think rather tern. Hen. 1. And there are some very doubtful appear- ances in Hemming's Life of Wulstan. It begins thus : Aluredus Archiepiscopus Venerabilem Virum Wulstanum nondum ad Episcopatus apicem electum, iEdituum constituit Wigornensis Ec- clesiee." Archbishop Alured made Wulstan sacrist of the church of Worcester, before he was elected bishop : " De die vero in diem ad meliora proficiens; deique adjutorio, virtutes virtutibus addens, Prioratum Wigorniensis Ecclesise, dis- pensation divina, coactus est suscipere." And he was afterwards enforced to accept the office of prior. Subsequently it is said : " Cer- nens autem venerandus Archiepiscopus Aldre- dus nunc servum dei bonis operibus insudare, (8cc.) in Episcopatum Wigorn. Ecclesise de- crevit eum sullevare." Archbishop Aldred resolved to make him bishop of Worcester 94 I could almost think, that for Aluredus we should read Aluricas, i. e. Elfric ; and for Al- dredus, Aid red. There is no reason to object to bishop Britegus, made bishop in 1034. He was abbot of Pershore, and son of a sister of Archbishop Wulstan, Elfric's predecessor : and since his reputation is without a stain, (for the tales in Hemming are not worth notice,) Elfric, now seventy, might very well resign Worcester in his favour. Taking this to be true, Wulstan was twenty- six when Elfric left Worcester — too young, per- haps, to be sacrist? But still he might owe this office to his master Elfric a few years after- wards. Britegus, dying December 1038, was suc- ceeded by Living, who sat till March 1046; — a man of very questionable morals. He had two bishopricks before — Crediton and Cornwall, and Worcester made the third. Living owed this prosperity to Harold Hare- foot : the wages, as it was supposed, of a hor- rid service. His master, dying in 1040, was succeeded by Hardecnute ; whereupon Elfric openly accused Living of a share in Prince Alfred's murder, in 1036. In consequence, Living was deprived of his 95 see of Worcester, which, as Wharton collects, was committed to Elfric for the present Edward, Confessor, Prince Alfred's brother, came to the throne in 1042; but instead of receiving due punishment, Living found means to recover his bishoprick, and to procure Elfric's deprivation as archbishop ; before a successor could be found, however, he was restored. During this two-years' administration, Wul- stan being 32-34, may have been promoted to office. Aldred was not bishop till 1046. It is observable that Malmesbury speaks fre- quently of Hemming, but does not mention his writings. 2dly, Of Florence of Worcester. This author was also a monk of Worcester, where he died in 1119. His close adherence to the Saxon Chronicle, whence he drew a con- siderable part of his information, is a proof of his sincerity. Florence records Bishop Leofsinus' death, 19th August 1033, and adds, that his body was honourably entombed in St. Mary's, his cathe- dral church ; commends him also, as if from personal knowledge, and believes in his salva- tion. This does not look natural, and is not like 96 Florence. Was it meant to overwhelm contra- diction ? Wharton (and again without any apparent distrust,) notes an inconsistency in the date of this Leofsinus , death, which is worth transcrib- ing. " As to the day of his death, Florence is sup- ported by the Worcester Obituary, which is very ancient ; and yet he is wrong to say that the day w&sferia tertia, for Tuesday was the 21st ; so also the Annals of Winchcombe mistake, which have it feria sexta ; and the Annals of St. David's, for they say he died on the 29th.'" —1 Angl. Sac. 473. There are a few other passages less remark- able in the same author, and hinging upon this, which perhaps it is not necessary to consider here. They are much the same as in the Wor- cester copy of the Saxon Chronicle : of which hereafter. 3dly and 4thly, Of Simeon of Durham, and Diceto. These authors precisely copy Florence ; as, *' 1033. Leofsius Wicciorum Episcopus," &c, " in episcopali Villa, Kemesea, 14 Kal. Scp- temb. obiit. Cujus corpus in ecclesia Sanctac Marin Wigomiffi tumulatur honorifice. In 97 cujus sedem Brihteagus Abbas Perscorensis levatus est." Diceto also relates, that Leofsius, abbot of Thorney,took this bishoprick in 1018, [i. e. five years before Archbishop WulstarTs death.] Wharton has not observed this. 5thly. Of the Saxon Chronicle, {Worcester copy, Tiberius, B. 4.) The first article in which Elfric (now bishop) appears, is " mxxvi. Her for iElfric b. * to Rome, and on feng Pallium set Ioanne Papan on ii id. Novemb." Now went bishop Elfric to Rome, and got his pall, &c. " m xx xn i. Her forth ferde Leofric b. and his lichama resteth on Wigra-ceastre and Brih- teh was on his setl ahafen." Now died bishop Leof sinus, and his body, &c. and Britegus was had in his see. " mx xxiv. Her was iElfric b. forthfaren, and ligeth on Ramesige." Now died bishop El- fric, and he lies at Ramsey. f * Here I understand the word Bishop, emphatice (i. e. bishop of Worcester). t His name was even entered in the Ramsey Abbey calendar, (v. p. 25.) F 98 Here is abundant matter for consideration. The MS. Tiberius, B. 4, is not the original Worcester annals, (as it will be seen,) but a transcript of those perverted. This fact is easily proved. For some purpose or other, to be inquired hereafter, Elfric was to be gotten rid of amongst the bishops of Worcester. It is worth while to notice the manner in which it was accomplished. First. The contrivers struck out the following: record, which is still preserved in the later Pe- terborough annals,* and in no other copy. " mxxiii. Forthferde Wulstan arceb. and feng iElfric to." Archbishop Wulstan died, and Elfric succeeded. Wulstan was then bishop, and resident amongst them. Surely they took some note of his death ? This obliteration was not of much use ; for, apparently, the record of 1026 was overlooked. In 1034, came bishop Britegus (the first bi- shop of Worcester proper, since before Oswald's reform;) and it was a question who was to pass for his predecessor in place of Elfric. There was an abbot of Ely, of the name of * The annalist took it, I think, from some earlier and entire copy of the Worcester annals. 99 Leofsinus, in whose monastery archbishop Wul- tan fell sick, died, and was buried in 1023. And so Leofsinus, by the name of Leofsinus, abbot of Thorney, was to be registered bishop of Worcester. Britegus succeeded, then, on the death of Leofsinus ; that is to say, on Elfric's resignation. Now it might happen to be known, from some accident or other, That there never was a Leofsinus, abbot of Thorney ; and that Leofsinus, abbot of Ely, died Leofsinus, abbot of Ely, 26 Nov. 1044 : Or, — that there had been an Elfric, bishop of Worcester. Something further must be done ; and it seemed the only safe course to make a kind of confession. Hence the next story. " mxxxiv. Bishop Elfric departed this life, and was buried at Ramsey." But this candour was afterwards considered unnecessary, when a little further alteration would make it all right. Two copies of the Worcester book being to be made for the monks of Abingdon and Peter- borough, the record of 1034 was varied in the copying, thus: f2 100 " mxxxiv. " Her geforiEtheric, # b. and he lith on Ramesige.' 1 Of all these and otherf corruptions, there seems but one really judicious, and that is in the year 1013, where the text running thus : (as I suppose :) "And seo hlafdige wende tha ofer sa to hire brothor Ricarde andse abb. of B arch mid hire:" The word JElfsige was cunningly inserted in- stead of se.$ 2E/fsige$$ [Elsinus] abbot of Burch, is natural enough, and was never suspected. * The Abingdon MS. Tiberius, B. 1, records the deaths of four bishops in J038, i. e. Ethelnoth AB., Ethelric bishop of Sussex, Elfric bishop of East Angha, and Britegus bishop of Worcester. The Worcester book in this same year 1038, omits the Elfric, but agrees to the rest. Mr. Ingram, in whose book all the different copies are interwoven, is reduced to a blind choice be- tween these Elfrics and Ethelrics, and 1034 and 1038. f The following passage, in the Worcester MS. aloiu , seems a branch of the system of mystification : "mxiv. Man hadode TEhvy bisccop on eoferwic to Lunden-burh on sea Juliana maesse-daeg." i. e. 10i4. El- WlUS f bishop of York, consecrated bishop of London 0)1 67. Juliana's clan. This would unseat archbishop Wulstan. I This is the only instance wherein Elfric, in his annals, points directly at himself. $ It is rather singular that this name also, /Elftlge, Elsinus, was the name of the then abbot of Ely. 101 Nothing could be more foolish, say more in- credible, than this forgery, if it were without motive or consequence ; but, notwithstanding its seeming absurdity, (both in plan and exe- cution) it was intended to serve, and did serve, a very base purpose. 6th!y. Of Malmesbury. Malmesbury informs us, in his preface, that the principal matters contained in his Life of Wulstan, were derived from Coleman's book. Coleman was a monk of Worcester, and wrote a life of Wulstan in English. " He was a man (says our author) of some learning and literary skill in his native tongue ; and particularly wor- thy of credit, because he had known Wulstan long and intimately ; had been first his disciple, and afterwards fifteen years his chaplain. The bishop made him prior of Westbury, where he died in 1113. In the course of his work, Malmesbury occa- sionally adds, in support of any particular fact, " this was communicated to Coleman by Hem- ming, the sub-prior? &c. And Malmesbury had been personally acquaint- ed with one Nicholas, [Nicholaus,] a favourite disciple of Wulstan's, from whom he had heard 102 many other particulars. Nicholas was prior of Worcester from 1113 to 1124, when he died. So that Malmesbury's materials were appa- rently ample. If we may suppose that Coleman's Life, un- like the rest of the Worcester papers, remained entire, the writer was one of the greatest hypo- crites and impostors of that age. There is so much of falsehood and folly in Malmesbury, which is apparently his, that he probably was such a man — I know not what to think. The particulars of Wulstan's early life, ex- tracted from Malmesbury a little higher, are neither true, nor near to the truth ; but in the two last books there are many stories much more shocking. Coleman is in general the in- strument of miracles which Wulstan never pre- tended to, and Malmesbury was wrong to repeat. Can Wulstan's reputation be enhanced by the following account? It is an exaggerated in- stance of Wulstan's courage only, and the most credible of all the miracles. "In his journey to London, to the court, he came to inn at a town called Wycombe, in a ruinous old building, where the roof seemed very likely to fall. In the morning, when he began to think of setting out, a sudden crack shook the whole house, and at the same instant 103 the floors and timbers began to sink in and give way. The servants, terrified, every one of them ran out, regardless of their master within. But finding they had all escaped without mischief, they were clamorous enough, and prayed him earnestly, all in a voice, to come out with all speed, for the house was falling. Nobody, how- ever, thought fit to risk his own safety by at- tempting to assist him. !' Wulstan, who was perfectly collected not- withstanding the danger, rebuked them for their vehemence and fears, assured that no such acci- dent would happen to him ; and he would not set foot out of the house, till he had seen the beasts laden with the baggage and ready to move ; this done, he stepped out, and the place fell instantly with a horrid crash." — Book ii. cap. 8. The next chapter (9) begins thus : "Here Coleman places a miracle exhibited in the same town some years afterwards, and of a higher degree," &c. This is one of the most exceptionable and impious passages in the Life, and goes to make a saint of Coleman himself. One instance will suffice of Coleman's vanity, in the title of the 16th chap. 2nd book. " How Wulstan gave Coleman a title to preach, 104 after duly considering his purity of life, the gracefulness of his person, his prof use eloquence, and his literary skill."* Nicholas, from Malrnesbury , s description of him, certainly has a better claim to respect: " In connexion with Wulstan, his master, let me here insert a short memorial of Nicholas, his disciple. He was of a very good family, though English.f His parents had the greatest reverence for St. Wulstan, and secured his friendship at the price of many benefits. Wul- stan baptized the boy himself, and took great pains with his education, and as he grew up went nowhere without him. At length he sent him to Canterbury, that he might have the advantage of studying for a time under Lan- franc. In the time of bishop Tbiulf, Nicholas was made prior, and gave many instances of his industry in a very short time. But what I think most observable, was his care to create a love of literature in the inhabitants of the place. This he laboured to do both by his teaching and his own application, and he succeeded ; for although they yield to our principal churches in number, yet in point of study they do not. He * Magni pendens in co munditiam vita*, pnestantnm persona 1 , profusam faenndiarn, litorarum peritiam. t Quantum ad Anglos. 105 took pleasure in recounting Wulstan's notable sayings and doings; but I blame him in this, that he did not write his life. No one could remember the particulars better, and no one had better means of information." — Lib. hi. cap. 17. It is much in Nicholas 1 favour that Malmes- bury inserts several anecdotes on his authority, in which Wulstan is seen to be charitable, sen- sible, and pious, as he really was ; without any thing incredible or miraculous. # We have already mentioned, that, under the Norman princes, the priors of episcopal monas- teries soon began to increase their authority, at the expense of the bishops. This was not the * Except perhaps the following, at the end of cap. 17 : " Nicholas used to say that there was weight in Wul- stan's most ordinary conversation; even in what fell from him by accident, of which this was an instance : " Wulstan patted him in his kind manner on the head; for though quite young, he was already almost bald in front : ' Softly,' said Nicholas, * take care of my hair, fur it is apt to come off.' 'No,' said the other, ( you will never he bald, depend upon it, as long as I live.' And so it happened to a nicety ; for in about a week after Wulstan's breath was out of his body, Nicholas lost what little hair he had left." Malmcsbury tells this story rather differently in his Gesta Pout. f5 106 case at Worcester in Wulstan's time, but pro- bably began upon his death. Prior Thomas was prior in 1088, in which he granted a charter to the monks, still extant, and witnessed by Coleman,* then Wulstan's chancellor. Prior Thomas died 4th Oct. 1113. Nicholas succeeded, and died 24 June, 1124. Nicholas began and ended his administration under the Bishop Theobald [Tiulf.] This bishop was not a monk, but one of the canons of Bayeux ; and being King Henry's chaplain, he gave him this see at Windsor 28 Dec. 1113, whereto he was consecrated at Canterbury 27 June, 1115. He died on Sunday, 20 Oct. 1123, at his villa of Hampton. The next prior after Nicholas was Guarinus, [Warin], by whom Malmesbury was employed to write this life. We are come now to an unpleasant part of our subject, in which a literary fraud is to be imputed, we hope to the proper author. A material falsification of history is impos- sible in our day ; and so odious, that amongst our best critics it is never thought of but as a last resource. By no possible combination of accidents, however, can the errors in the pre- * Coleman not yet prior of Westbwy. 107 sent case have been produced ; and we have to deal with the very nodus, vindice digitus, — the extreme case, — in which a suspicion of fraud is justified. It is neither confidently, however, nor wil- lingly, that we charge Malraesbury with this offence ; and less as the perpetrator than as a minor participator, — an accessary after the fact. But so far appearances are against him (we will not say, clear proof). But our charges shall be fairly stated, and the reader left to judge. His dedication of Wulstan's life is important. " William;' &c. u To the Venerable Prior Warin, and all the Very Reverend Convent of Worcester. When you desired me some time ago lo undertake the Life of our Father, S. Wulstan, I made some objection thereto; for which objection there were many reasons: First, and principally, because I was aware of ray own incompetency,"" &c. &c. " But you yourselves are vouchers for the truth of what I write ; which is collected* from * " — probabilium virorum inventa: adeo Antiquorum mentibus insederunt visa ; adeo Juniores amplectuntur audita. Posteris vero, quando gestorum memoria frige- bit, poterit subesse dubitatio ; nisi testem idoncum pro- 108 the evidence of approved witnesses ; facts which the old have seen and well remember, or the young have heard. " But when the recollection of past events shall grow faint, posterity may possibly be in- clined to doubt, unless I produce sufficient authority: wherefore, and because the actions of saints ought not to be rehearsed without the greatest precision, I will give an assurance of my account worth notice. ' It shall be Coleman, your monk ; — a man neither inexperienced in learning, nor a bad writer in his own tongue. For he wrote a life duxero. Quocirea quia non nisi exacta fide deberent rcci- tari gesta sanctorum Dabo vadem non improbabilem dictorum meorum. Is erit Colemannus, monachus ves- ter, Vir, nee scientia imperitus, nee sermone patrio in- facetus. Scripsit , enim, unglicc, ne gestorum avolaret memoria, Vitam ejusdem patris : si attendas ad sensum, leporegravi; si, ad literam, simplicitate rudi. Dignus, cm jicks jwh dcrogetur inaliquo; quippe [qui noverit, in- time, mores magistri, ut discipulus, et religionem, at quindecim annis Capellanus. Ilujus, ego, ut voluis- tis, insistens scriptis, nihil turbavi de reruni ordine, nihil corrupi de gestorum veritate. Sane verbis, qua 1 vcl dicta sunt, vel in tempore dici potucrunt, cnarran- dis supcrsedi ; consulens, in omnibus, vcriiati, nc vi- deretur periclitari," &c. 109 of the same Father in English, (lest what he had done might be forgot), — pleasing and of weight, if you look to the sense ; but if you look to the language, careless and rough/' &c. Sec. " To his writings I have kept close, accord- ing to your directions ; I have neither disturbed the order of things, nor corrupted the truth of events. " In my narration, however, I have some- times altered the language used, or which may have been used ; but never to endanger the truth, which I have consulted throughout," &c. Malmesbury's version of Wulstan's early life has been already excepted to as improbable ; and we may suppose, with much greater appear- ance of truth, that he was shaven for a monk from his infancy : a convent was thought the safest place for children in the troubles of Ethel- red's reign. It is very possible that he went with Elfric from Peterborough to Worcester in his fifteenth year ; he could hardly change his place earlier, i. e. before 1023, but it might happen later. I think there can be no reason to prefer in credit such a writer as Coleman to Ingulfus ; no and he expressly says that Wulstan was a monk of Peterborough.* A good deal of reliance may be placed upon this solitary testimony of Ingulfus, though Wharton remarks it as an error. Ingulfus wrote some years earlier than did Coleman or Malmesbury ; and was, in general, well read in the Peterborough history. He lived, also, sixty-five years of Wulstan's time, and fourteen afterwards ; and must have known him personally, for they were almost the only two English churchmen who were welcome about the king. But I think Coleman's falsehood is proved : let us therefore credit Ingulfus still further. " 1062. Sanctus Wulstanus, quondam mo- il ach us Burgi ; postea prior Wigorniae ; deinck Abbas Glavornice ; — Tandem Episcopus Wi- gornise est efFectus." — Ingulfus. And though Wharton, relying upon Malmes- bury, considers Ingulfus again misinformed, and that Wulstan never was abbot of Glouces- ter, I am persuaded that he was. There is no appearance of it (let us say) in Hemming's Life: Hemming's Life is a mere * Tliis account is also followed by abbot John. Ill fragment at best, and was of little account, as it seems, in his own monastery ; for Malmesbury does not mention it amongst his authorities, nor does he recognize the existence of any writings of Hemming's. Then, as to Hemming's Book of Claims and Possessions. This book also is decidedly adverse; and from one passage therein, Ingulphus seems mistaken as respects Wulstan, abbot of Glou- cester : — " De Salawarpe. Terra quse dicitur Sale- warpe ad jus monasterii pertinere certissimum est — Nam Godwinus quidam, frater Leofrici Comitis, ejusdem villulae possessor, infirmitate tactus, cum ad extrema ductus esset a pice me- mories, Wulstano tunc temporismonacho et De- cano, postea vero Episcopo, et a venerabili Wil- stano, qui postea abbas Gleocestriae claruit, oleo unctus est; penitentia sibi injuncta, de terra ilia ab ipsis calumniatus est," &c. The fact is, that this pretended Book of Pos- sessions of Hemming's is a barefaced forgery for the greater part of it ; and as late, I think, or later than Malmesbury's time, and probably got up for some purpose unconnected with El- fric. Its pervading spirit is malevolence to- wards Earl Leofric and his noble family, there- 112 in set forth as robbers of the church ; and I should have thought it was written at the time of Edwin and Morcar's outlawry, but for the author's ignorance of events then recent, and for Malmesbury's silence. Apparently this falsifier (whoever he was) knew that a Wulstan of Worcester was abbot of Gloucester in Edw. Confessor's time, but mistook him for another Wulstan. But in aid of Ingulfus, I beg to refer the reader to our Wulstan's, or the Worcester annals, evidently written at Gloucester from 1050 to 1053, and, according to all appearance, to 1058.* I think it can hardly be doubted that Cole- man's Life of Wulstan was a monstrous collec- tion of miracles only, without a word of his life before he was prior ; and that Malmesbury, or some other, ignorant or false, invented all that precedes. But who is War in, who thus requires an ele- gant life of Wulstan by the most esteemed * Ingulfus expressly states, that be was made prior of Worcester in 1058. In that case he probably resigned the abbotcy of Gloucester for an inferior degiee in Wor- cester; though, in the passage above, Ingulfus relates his rise in the usual order. 113 pen of the age? and that, from given docu- ments, to be closely adhered to. This Frenchman is the head of a convent, grown, under the teaching of Nicholas, to be of some little note; Nicholas, it will be remem- bered, was finished in Lan franc's school — a great reformer of English theology. Amongst the other novelties introduced by the Normans, was a new system of divinity, of which Lanfranc was the principal originator here. To make room for its reception, such an- cient doctrines as were now become peculiar to the English, that is, to Elfric's, system, were to be reformed. It is impossible to say whether or not some of the English clergy might suffer for their sup- posed heterodoxy ; but, certainly, the expelling every bishop, except Wulstan, and the prin- cipal abbots, happened very opportunely for the reformation. Not only were the more con- siderable churches and abbeys filled at once by Lanfranc's divines, but Canterbury was the school whence all vacancies continued to be supplied, at first or second hand, for many years afterwards. We hear of no persecution for con- science sake ; and this reform was, apparently, 114 effected as a violence, merely civil, in the king's name. The means, however, were not the less effectual in this disguise. As for the inferior monks and clergy, they were dying, one after another, in obscurity ; and Lanfranc, in truth caring little for their antiquated notions, was content to leave them to time. But it seems that these inveterate errors lan- guished something longer than was expected : Elfric's writings are said to be clearly adverse to the doctrine of transubstantiation, and whilst his treatises remained, the old system threat- ened to make head. Authority at one time at- tempted to put down the use of English altoge- ther. This would have answered the purpose : the people, however, were too strong for their rulers ; and, in the end, the proscribed tongue grew to be fashionable. The patriotic writings of the monks of Ely, and others, warrant our belief that Elfric's divi- nity continued to be respected in Malmesbury's time and long after : all he is known to have written survives. The reader must judge whether or not this extraordinary performance of Malmesbury's had any connexion with the Worcester forgeries be- 115 fore-mentioned : they all seem to aim at one object — to mystify, to lose, to ruin Elfric. His name and credit had been assailed before, and something of this kind attempted ; but, I think, with indifferent success. This stroke of Malmes- bury's was probably intended to finish the work. What could he mean ? Was Elfric — abbot — bishop — archbishop — principal minister of Ethelred and Canutus, so utterly forgotten eighty years after his death, that Malmesbury was bona fide in doubt about him. He was abbot of Malmesbury, forsooth, in Edgar's time; and, if we may believe lying tradition, left some writings of value behind him ! Was it honest in this writer, having compared the two lives of Ethelwold, Elfric's, and Wulstan's, to cite Wul- stan's in his own works ? plainly an impudent piracy of a beautiful performance. It would be unjust towards Florence, (with such reason for suspicion here,) to doubt that his writings, like those of Ingulfus, were per- verted after his death. We must have further evidence against Florence, before his name is connected with Malmesbury's on this subject. A perusal of the original MS. Tiberius, A. 13, will convince the most charitable that Hem- 116 ming's writings were corrupted after his death, and about Malmesbury's time. iVs for Coleman, if we are to suppose that his genuine life was laid before Malmesbury, what could induce Wulstan to choose such a chap- lain ? or to prefer him afterwards to a priory ? There is a lurking meaning, not easily described, in Malmesbury's epistle to Warin. Coleman died on the same day as prior Tho- mas, Sunday, 4th Oct. 1113 ; Florence, on the 7th July, 1118. But Elfric's writings were dispersed in Malmesbury's day. Nothing, however, was to be collected from them, for he never referred to them himself. It is true, they began in the ordi- nary form : Elfric, monk, Elfric, abbot; or Elfric, bishop. Malmesbury well knew this, and there- fore his abbot Elfric of Malmesbury dies bishop of Crediton. But the Annals are to be excepted ; we know, and he knew, that they were to be seen in three monasteries or more— Abbingdon, Canterbury, and Peterborough. Some copies ran sub anno 1013, abbot of Burch only, and some had the name of the abbot. Will it be believed that these copies were corrupted by emissaries from Canterbury or from Worcester . ; 117 As Elfric had been abbot of Peterborough, an adroit agent was to be employed, who should examine the records minutely, and see that the work was not done by halves. Whether Malmes- bury himself undertook such a mission is more than can be said ; but certainly he was there for some nameless purpose, and so offensively inquisitive, that he got himself affronted. He would have us believe that they would not satisfy him respecting the relics; 4 and it may be a part of the truth. It is not likely that the abbot Elfric was wholly forgotten in this church till long after the Conquest. Athelwold, who must have been of some standing in 1070, (for he was then prior) lived prior till about 1115-20: and I think it was after his death that the Peterborough re- * Ornat sodalitatem Virgin um, (ut praedicant,) Rex Sanctus Oswaldus; cujus ibi brachium haberi dicunt, nervis, cute, came, integrum ; ab antiqua requietionis sedefurtim ablatum : daturque Ostensui scrinium mag- num, illius thesauri receptaculum. Sed fides dictorum vacillat ubi nihil auditor visu explorat. Hoc vero non dixerimqudd de integritate Sanctissimi dubius; sed utrum eo loci contineatur nolo esse affirmator praeproperus. — De Gest Pont, lib. 4. It was produced, however, to King Stephen, about the same time, who offered his ring. 118 cords were falsified. They were re-transcribed # [see Mr. Ingram's preface] sometime between 1122 and 1132; or, if not, shortly after the latter year. This transcript is now known by the name of the Laud Savon Chronicle. Surely before this transcription some leaves, including abbots Elfric's and Kinsinus's acts, must have been cut out, and Elfric's name altered to Elsinus. I may instance one prominent passage in the Laud, to justify this view of the subject : "mxli. And on this ilcan time forthferde M\f. . . . abb. of Burch."f This little hiatus shows the folly of falsehood. In the first part of the later Peterborough Annals, the time of abbot Arwinus' accession is wanting, (though I doubt not it was in the book when entire ;) and he appears but once, anno 1052, where it is said that he then, * What we here call a re-transcription was something more; various interpolations were made in different places, and the book was enlarged by extracts from Pleg- mund's, the Abbingdon, the Canterbury, and the Worcester Chronicles : indeed, it was now, properly, a compilation. f .Tosscling in his excerpts from the lost Peterborough copy into Tiberius, b. 1. has it YElfsi. Probably it is so there. 119 though in good health, resigned the abbotcy in favour of the monk Leofric. Arwinus was to pass for Elsinus' (i. e. Elfric's) successor; and, without further thought, the year 1041 is assigned for Elsinus' death, that is, for Arwinus' succession. Under the date 963, after mention of Ethel- wold, the MS. Laud contains a short history of his restoration of Peterborough, and of the several abbots until Elsinus' death, wherein is the following passage : " Kenulf woes thser abbot swa lange theet man sette him to biscop on Wintanceastre : Tha cses [chose] man other abbot of the silve Minstre* the wees gehaten iElfsi. Se iElfsi wses tha abbot fiftig wintre," &c. Kenulfus was made bishop of Winchester in 1005—50=1055. How is this reconcilable with the record un- wittingly suffered to stand under the year 1052 : Arwinus, Elsinus' successor, resigned? And still less with that obviously corrupted passage of 1041 : » mxli. Died Mlf. . . . abbot of Burch :" in- stead of * Here I understand Wincliester — Hvgo understood Peterborough. 120 mlt. Died iElfric, formerly abbot of Burch. And without a doubt 1051 was the year of Arwinus" election ; when Kinsinus vacated Pe- terborough for York. Having mentioned the principal reasons which lead me to reflect upon Malmesbury, I may sup- pose my reader's conclusion to be of this kind : Upon the question — Was Malmesbury fully aware that he was writing his Life of Wulstan from documents forged or falsified? — Yes. Did he, for gain, or for other considerations, acquiesce therein ? — Yes. Was he thoroughly disposed to stifle Elfric's reputation? and to disown and deny him when- ever he fell in his way? — The answer must be, yes. But was he the principal author of these fal- sifications ? the actual instrument ? — Not proved — not guilty. Then I think we must go still higher, though we should trench upon a greater name than his. When Elfric had sitten in Worcester ten years, i.e. from 1023 to 1033 or 4, we have seen that Britegus was made bishop of Worcester in 121 his place, and that Britegus was Wulstan's nephew, Elfric's friend and predecessor. I think the reason of Elfric's cession, and the understanding at the time, may be divined, if a little consideration be given to what follows. Of the Wulstan last mentioned, all that is cer- tainly known is of unmixed good. In Hickes' estimation he is second only to Elfric amongst our old English writers ; and several of his writings are preserved. He is sometimes called Wulstanus Lupus. His high character, and the simple and intel- ligible features of his divinity, were, apparently, the cause of Malmesbury's slander. This last- named writer, with whose views and habits the reader is acquainted, has drawn an invidious comparison between Wulstan and his predeces- sor Adulfus, and that from no other motive, as it seems, than pure malevolence. There is no shadow of justice in his reproach. " Adulfus, ex-abbot of Burch, succeeded Oswald in both sees, York and Worcester. He was a holy and reverend man (as we are told) ; and for his sanctity was permitted to hold two sees, though against the rules of the canons ; and indeed he held them both, not out of ambi- tion, but from necessity. Not so Wulstan, who G 122 was a very different man, both inwardly and outwardly."* The fact is, Adulfus left no writings. But Wulstan died ; and we have seen how Elfric was gotten rid of, his successor in the two sees. Britegus held Worcester but four or five years, and died in 1038 ; when Living, already bishop of two other churches in the west of England, obtained Worcester for a third. From which, however, he was displaced on the accession of Hardecnute, and Worcester restored to Elfric. Earl Godwin, deeply involved with Living, seems to have made his return to Worcester one of the conditions of Edward's taking the crown. That event happened in 1042; and * Adulfus, sanctus (ut perhibent) vir ct reverendu>. Ipsi, pro sanotitate, ignoscitur, &c. Quod (ss) non hoc ambitione, sed necessitate fecerit. Wulstano non ita, qui sanctitate diserepebat et babitu. De Cest. pout. 3. Mabillon (s?ec. 7. 728.) observes, that our protectant bishop, (.odwin, is angry with Maline.-hury on this occa- sion j and the benedictine vindicate the heucdietine of course. See how he turn* it : " Indignatur Godwinus sectrc Anglicans quod Adul- fum,duarum Ecclesiarum Episcopum, probetWUlielmus ; Contra ; id, Wulstano pro scelere imputet At legitimara causam liujus dismniini> aflfett, w fee. 123 Elfric, seventy-seven years of age, was appa- rently obliged to acquiesce. Indeed Godwin's power was without limit. But on the death of this last-named bishop, which happened in 1047, though Worcester did not in fact return to our venerable Elfric, the next bishop, Aldred, was probably of his nomination ; for we find he also was an ex-monk of Winchester. The king, sometime afterwards, gave Aldred the interme- diate bishoprick of Hereford, and in 1060 the archbishoprick of York ; intending that he should hold both the churches of Worcester and York. Hereford he resigned. These facts being premised, we may now re- turn to Malmesbury's Life of Wulstan; out of which it has been mentioned, that the pope ob- jected to Aldred's holding the two sees. Other writers say, that Earl Tosti threatened the pope to his face ; but I believe there is very little truth in the whole story, and that Aldred had no objection to resign Worcester, that church being continued in his province. Malmesbury, in continuation, states that Al- dred, whilst bishop, severed many villages* from * They are particularly mentioned in Ilemmings' Claims. g2 124 the church of Worcester; and that, careless of Wulstan's meek remonstrances, he enjoyed them, with York, to the day of his death. We are told that Wulstan, in the mean time, dis- sembled his discontent, and waited patiently for restitution. At length it came with the Conquest. "King William never injured Wulstan, but honoured him much : he was accustomed to call him father, and respected him as a son. Wul- stan, therefore, taking advantage of the favour- able opportunity, recovered to their original destination many possessions of which the church of Worcester had been stripped, either by the encroachments of the Danes, long before, or, more recently, by the power of archbishop Aldred. So much the king deigned to favour him. Such was the justice," &c. " Thomas, a canon of Bayeux, succeeded Aldred in York. He was remarkable for his skill in books, of good note also for worldly prudence, and his manners were not of the worst. He was also allowed to be the best musician of his time." Malmesbury then goes on to say that Wulstan had to contend with this archbishop for the restitution of such lands 125 as Aidred had annexed to the church of York, and that Thomas was unwilling to give up what he found himself in possession of. Resenting this unexpected attack he not only refused all satisfaction, but prepared to attack Wulstan in his turn, claiming his obedi- ence as a subject-bishop. " Either (says William) because he was a stranger in England, or that he listened to whisperers, he was persuaded that the domi- nion 5 ^ of the church of Worcester belonged to him as archbishop of York; and accordingly he made claim thereto, as his right and succession under his predecessors. " The cause made a great noise, first in Eng- land, and afterwards at Rome : Lanfranc was present when the matter was heard before the pope. " Lanfranc was much offended with this suit. He saw that the prerogatives of his church were endangered if he kept silence; he gave testimony, therefore, and such as justice required, rather than resentment. Whereupon, Alexander, loth * Sen quod novus Anglus esset, seu aliquorum susurro pcrsuasus Wigornienscm Ecclesiam sui juris esse; cla- tnabat Dominatum illius legitima successicme sibi coni- petere ; antecessorum suoruin fuisse. c; 3 126 to displease Lanfranc, his old master, and as little inclined to condemn Thomas, got rid of the invidious duty, and remitted the cause to an English council.* "The cause thus referred by the pope, was accordingly opened again; in which all the nobility of England took one side or other. Thomas was patronized by Odo, the bishop of Bayeux and earl of Kent, a man of immense riches, and the king's half-brother. Odo was followed by all the members of the council ; corrupted some by bribes, and the rest by flat- tery ; Lanfranc alone stood up for justice ; for even the king inclined in favour of his brother, although he was not destitute of respect for Lanfranc. Well; the parties are met; the com- plaint is stated ; and Thomas and his friends leave the court in order to prepare an answer. After a time, Wulstan having retired to rest himself, Thomas returns into the king's pre- sence, and ingeniously and eloquently answers the charge. Wulstan, his slumbers having been broken by his friends, is now buried in devo- • Wulstan had broilghl forward his claim, in the firs! instance, at the council of Winchester, in 1070. but the M-< of York being then vacant, u was not thought decent 10 push for senti nee. — ■ M harton. 127 tion, [psalmos, ore ; preces, corde, ingeminat] : they press him to leave his closet, and attend to the necessary support of his cause ; instead of which, he, with such of his monks as he had brought with him, begin the service of Nones, and complete the whole chant. His friends now insisting that he must think of other things than psalms, at last he turned and reminded them of that passage in the Scriptures, ' When ye stand before kings and princes,' &c. ; then taking up a book containing the lives of the blessed Dunstan and Oswald, former bishops of Worcester, he assured them that those fathers themselves were personally present to his sight, and assisting to befriend him ; and so saying, he went into the court, and gained his cause with- out difficulty. " The king asked him what he had to say for himself [Quid in suo invenisset consilio] ? to which he answered, ' I have no other advocate than you [Consilium meum in vobis est.] This said, the king immediately turned to Lanfranc, and proposed this decree : Let the bishop of Worcester be subject to the archbishop of Canter- bury , and be free of York* * These were the arts by which William fomented divi- sions amongsthis subjects ; always aiding the weaker party. 1 have rather softened this extravagant passage than 128 " He also granted to the church of Worcestei the twelve villages which Aldred, on his death- bed, had assigned to his use. Though, in- deed, out of his royal liberality, he made arch- bishop Thomas a compensation in other lands. otherwise (as may be easily seen) ; but in place of the original, I have here given another account of the same business, taken from our author's Gestapont. (4 booJi.) "He was impleaded before the elder William in two causes at the same time : by Lanfranc, for his want of learning ; and by Thomas, Abp. of York, as his subject bishop by ancient right, &c. " Sub seniore Willielmo inclamatum est in eum, a Lanfranco, de literarum inscientia : a Thoma archiepis- copo Eboracensi, quod ei subjici deberet ex antiquo jure : Utrisque objectionibu9 cum in concilio respondere jube- retur, egressus, ut strictiore concilio responsum conderet monachorum qui cum eo duxerat animis ad summum negotium attonitis ille subintulit, Crede mihi! ad-huc no?i cantavimus nonam : Contemns, quidem. Sociis referentibus ut, prius, propter quod venerant, expedirent ; qudd satis, superque sufficeret cantibus, tempus ; Regem ct proceres si haec audierint risui se haberi non immerito credituros. ' Prius, crede mihi, faciemus, inquit Dei servitium ; et post, agitabimus hominum litigium.' Horaque cantata, nulla excogitata falsi tergiversatione, nullo cbcmpto vcri splendore, confcstim aulam concilii pcrgebat inured i ; suis eum retinere tempcrantibus pcrsuadcre non po- tuit, &c. 129 " Coleman cites Walkelin, bishop of Win- chester, as a witness of this little history : a man, in his time, next in virtue to Lan franc, yet far behind him. I myself have heard Wal- kelin recounting (more than once) how Wulstan contended almost single-handed with so many great men, (and men of great talent too,) and came off the winner." Here then is a reason for the literary assas- sination of Elfric: and I think it cannot be doubted that the Worcester Annals were falsified on this occasion. The perversion of all our English history was intended, I think, to prevent future litigation, and may have been effected in Malmesbury's time, as is suggested above. a Ita, data benedictione monacho minimae facundiae viro, norraannicae linguie sciolo, rem obtinuit; ut qui suae diocesis ante putabatur indignus regimine, ab archiepis- copo Eboracensi suppliciter rogareturut suara dignaretur Justrare; quod ipse, pro timore hostium vel sermonis ignorantia cavebat accedere. Nee solum hoc : sed et villas reliquas Episcopates quas Aldredus archiepisco- patus rctinuerat, recuperavit ad unam. Cui, Lanfranctu urchiepiscopus constanter assisteret causae; urgens, vide- licet, Enndum pri/ituius, tt jyofentia. G 5 130 It is very clear that in this piece Wulstan played for Lanfranc ; and before we condemn him for the part he was so evidently constrained to take, it is right to consider the difficulties of his situation. Lanfranc was determined to draw Worcester into his province — and how to re- sist? Wulstan's friends, the bishops Agelwinus, then an outlaw with Hereward in the marshes, and Egelric, pining in chains at Abingdon, were as free from crime as himself; and the least opposition to William or his ministers, would reduce him to some such state. This author is not to be believed when he tells us, that Wulstan was honoured by the king, who never injured him, &c, but perhaps he protected him against Lanfranc. Lanfranc was not only not to be offended, he was to be softened and propitiated. Malmesbury admits, as we see, that he threatened Wulstan with the loss of his bishoprick for want of learn- ing, (a temptation seemingly inadequate to the effect;) — other arguments were used without a doubt : his constancy was shaken ; and he had his reward — what was it? To sit thirty years alone ; the last of English bishops ! Conspicuous for weakness in his own 131 eyes and those of his nation. Permitted by Lanfranc to remain, that another election might not open the door to another appeal ; and bound whilst he lived, to make good the evidence he had once produced. Thus Wulstan, notwithstanding Malmesbury's assertions, felt bitterly the evils of the Conquest ; and yet he was naturally honest and upright. We know of Lanfranc's importunities on the one hand, and suspect his own monks' on the other. We know also, to his honour, that he long resisted, and our censure should fall the lighter for it It has been mentioned, that Nicholas was sent in his youth to Lanfranc to complete his education. This, I suppose, was about the time of the appeal. There was then an officer of the church of Canterbury, of the name of Osberne, who held a high place in Lan franc's favour. He was brought up in the church from his infancy, and when Lanfranc came to be archbishop, he was precentor. His principal recommendations were an excellent Latin style, and an unbounded stock of hypocrisy. This man was a great promoter of the new 132 doctrines, and ready to assert any thing which would serve his purpose. * The following pas- sage is from his Life of St. Dunstan : " This also, which is known to us on the report of a certain venerable old man of ap- proved faith, is worthy of admiration : " He says that our father and master, Dun- stan, appeared to a certain cripple in his sleep, and commanded him to come for recovery to his own resting place. That the lame man ac- cordingly came, and for many days prayed his assistance, but received no kind of benefit : and at length, wearied or desperate, he determined to desist, and set out to return by the way he came. He had proceeded about half way, when he met the apparition of the night ; his looks were severe * * * : he asked him where he had been? and where he was going? I have been (said the lame man) to the man of God, St. Dunstan, as I was bidden, and hoping to recover the use of my limbs ; but I have pro- fited nothing: and I thought of ooincv back to my own home.' ■ I am Dunstan, (said the ap- parition) * * * # * I have been bu>y about * In his Life of Archbishop Odo, he pretends that the denial of the real presence was a heresy introduced in Qdo's time, and held by li few only. 133 several necessary matters, and have not been able for some days to go to my resting-place, to show myself to my children there ; for Elfric Bata has been endeavouring to dispossess God's church ; but I have the care of it, and he could do nothing/ " &c. &c. — Mabillon, Act. Bene- dictin. Scec. 5, 692. 135 HUGO CANDIDUS : AND HIS HISTORY OF PETERBOROUGH. With the exception of Plegmund, (and I am not acquainted with any evidence respecting him,) I believe every one of the supposed Saxon annalists has been mistaken. Dr. Hickes has suggested that Hugo Candi- dus may have written the Later Peterborough Annals ; his opinion, however, has been slighted by some who know little of Hugo, and who give no reason for their opposition. Others may have arrived at the same conclusion after due consideration ; but Hickes' mistake is extremely natural : for Hugo seems to be more directly pointed at by several circumstances than any other writer of any other of the chronicles. He lived in the same monastery, and wrote at the same time ; both his history and the chronicle, end in the abbotcy of William of Walterville. His Latin gives, in general, the precise sense of the Saxon ; and, what is much to the purpose, his 136 censure and praise of the several abbots, where it differs a little in form, is an echo of the same spirit. To these reasons we may add, that Hugo, who was sincerity itself, and apparent- ly takes nothing without acknowledgment, no where refers to any living writer to whom he was indebted. Judging from these, and overlooking ad- verse appearances, (which are less obvious,) I quite thought the Later Peterborough Annals were written by Hugo. This was before I was acquainted with Dr. Hickes 1 sentiments on the subject. But in the course of this undertaking, I have necessarily examined appearances a little closer, and now think that the Later Peterborough Annals (i. e. not Elfric's) are the work of three hands : the elder, Athelwold's, elected prior of the abbey in 1066. His contributed little ; and about the time of his death it was taken up by a second, and continued from 11 '22 to 1132. From 1132 it was written by a third, who finished it. The question is, whether cither the second or third was Hugo, or not? Besides the continuation of the annals from 1122 to 1132, four voluminous passages are 137 also assignable to the second of these three interpolated in the years 655, 656, 675, and 963 ; and which contain notices of this abbey not comprised in any former chronicle, and fill about fifteen of Mr. Ingram's pages. — And, thirdly, the compilation of the Codex Laud; wherein are collected the Saxon an- nals of Canterbury, Worcester, and Abingdon. These he has interwoven with the Peterbo- rough Annals, (namely, Elfric's, Athelwold's, and his own.) His plan in this compilation was to go through each chronicle year by year, that no original matter might escape ; reducing the dates to the reckoning of this abbey, where the year began on the 25th March. A few instances might be pointed out where material facts are rejected : the language is also frequently varied. The reader may not be dis- pleased with an instance of his taste in modern- izing Wulstan's style, who wrote forty years be- fore him. I have taken some pains to discover whether this writer might not be Hugo ; and the result will be found below. But first let us return to Athelwold. 138 Athelwold was elected prior in place of Brand, who, upon the abbot Leofric's death, 1 Nov. 1066, was made abbot. We have inferred that Elfric and Wulstan were the authors of the earlier Peterborough and the Worcester Annals, for this reason, amongst others; that all mention of themselves is carefully avoided where it was naturally to be looked for. It seems that this kind of self-denial was a rule amongst our very early benedictines, because we are driven to the same argument again in evidence of AthelwokTs authorship. In the annals we believe to be At*, there is no mention of his forced journey to Ely after Here- ward's assault upon the abbey. This will ap- pear by a comparison of the following account from Hugo, with the account of the same trans- action in the chronicle sub anno 1070. " Abbot Brand died 30 Nov. 1069 ; and from the time of his death the abbey was visited with all kinds of misfortunes. The Danes returned into England, that is to say, king Swain, the son of king Canutus, with a very strong army ; and the English thought that he would win the king- dom. Two of their great men, namely, Osborn, an carl, and Christian, a bishop, came, with many of their people, into the Isle of Ely; and being 139 joined by Hereward and his men, did a great deal of mischief. Hereward invited and encou- raged them to come to Peterborough, and seize whatever gold and silver and other valuables there were ; and because he had heard that his uncle, the abbot Brand, was dead, and that the king had given the abbey to a certain Norman monk named Thorold, and that this Thorold was an extremely proud, austere man, and was already at Stamford with a body of horsemen, he and his confederates determined to strip the place before he came. But the monks getting scent of their intentions, the sacrist, whose name was Iwarus, immediately took as many as he could carry of the gospels, and cloaks, hoods, and surplices, and other light articles, and went to the new abbot at Stamford, and gave him notice that Hereward and the Danes were com- ing to rob the church. The malefactors came, however, as soon as it was light, with many vessels (navibus). The monks and their ser- vants shut the gates, and began to defend them- selves like men ; and particularly at Bell-Dyke- Gate, (ad port am Bolhilhe,) where there was a very sharp encounter. And Hereward and his associates, seeing they could no otherwise get in, set fire to the houses nearest the gate, and 140 so made a way through the flames. They burned also all the monks'offices, and all the village ex- cept the church and one house. When matters were come to this, the monks went out and be- sought them not to do this mischief; but they would hear nothing, and went into the church all in their harness. They would have carried away the great cross, but took only the golden crown, embellished with gems, from the head of the crucifix, and the stool from under his feet ; which stool was also of fine gold and gems. They took two golden biers, and nine others of silver, adorned with gold and gems ; and twelve crosses, some of gold, and the others of silver, gilded and gemmed. But not satisfied with these relics, they got up into the turret, and found there the great table belonging to the altar, which the* monks had hid. This table was all gold and silver and precious stones. They took so much gold and silver, in utensils and ornaments, and so many books, that it is im- possible to say what the value altogether was : they were all of the best, and there were none such left in all England. And yet they pre- tended to do this to serve the church. Better the Danes kept them a time, they said, for the use of the church, than the French, llcreward 141 himself was a favourite with the monks, {homo monachorum,) and for that reason they were ra- ther inclined to believe them : and, indeed, he always used to say, that what he had done he did with a good intention ; for he thought the Danes were too strong for king William, and would certainly win the land. "As it happened, there was nothing saved but what was carried to the abbot ; for what Hereward and his men seized, and the Danes, was totally lost. They, having laden their ships with whatever was portable, sailed away with all speed, fearing the Normans might surprise them ; and when they came to Ely, Hereward left every thing in their care. They also took with them Athelwold, the prior, and the monk Agelsinus, and some others of the elder monks. All the rest of the monks were dispersed hither and thither, like sheep without a shepherd ; one only was left, named Leofwine Lange, who was in the infirmary, sick. u The same day the abbot came to Peter- borough with one hundred and sixty Normans well armed, and found every place consumed, with its furniture, except only the church. This happened on the 2nd of June. " The prior Athelwold and the other seniors 142 were carried with the treasures to Ely, where the Danes quartered. And because the prior was a prudent and sensible man, they promised, if he would go with them into their country, they would make him a bishop. He pretended to be pleased with this promise; whereupon they made him keeper of all their stores. [Here an account of his providing himself with certain tools, which he secreted for the present.] " One day the Danes had a great dinner, a kind of rejoicing for the treasure so easily ob- tained. They being very jovial, (eating and drinking all day,) the prior took his chisels, and opened a chest, containing, besides much gold and silver, king Oswald the martyr's arm. But first he placed two of his faithful servants to watch ; one in the house where they were drinking, and the other mid-way, in order to guard against surprise. The money he re- turned to its place, but reverently hid the arm in the straw of his bed, for he had not time to do more. H But for God's mercy, and the saint, he would have been caught. The Danes had ac- tually risen to go to vespers when he went amongst them, for he had first to wash his face 143 with cold water, being heated and red with the labour. He happily escaped without any ques- tion as to where he had been, or what he had been about. " On the following day, Athelwold sent his servants to Peterborough, having first obtained a passport from Here ward, whose friends were cruising in different parts of the meres ; but their principal orders were to take the relics to Ramsey, and lodge them there in safety. " In the meantime, a compact was made be- tween the two kings, William and Swain ; whereby Swain agreed to leave the kingdom with his plunder. Accordingly, the Danes em- barked with the treasure above-mentioned, and returned into Denmark. " After their departure, the prior returned from Ely to his church with the other monks, and there found the abbot Thorold. The monks also returned who before were dispersed; and divine service, which had been seven days inter- mitted, was celebrated as usual." This is an abridgment of Hugo's account, and may contain some little exaggeration ; but we only wish to show that Athelwold was car- ried to Ely, which I think can hardly be dis- puted. We have no further particulars of him 144 until Hugo mentions him again in a passage which will come shortly under notice. Athelwold lived, however, (as I collect) until about the vear 1116. We have had occasion to make particular mention of Nicholas in our notice of Malmes- bury's Life of Wulstan. He is the last of our annalists worthy of unlimited credit. Elfric, Wulstan, and himself, write as if upon oath ; not so the next. Lovers of truth will excuse some coldness of style in a work of this kind, composed with modesty and care. I am sorry to say, that the finishers of the Saxon Chronicle wanted both, and were better qualified to write fairy tales than history. A particular notice of Hugo will better enable us to judge whether he or another compiled the MS. Laud, in the manner above-mentioned. 145 Walter of Whittlesea, a monk and historian of this church, informs us that there was " one Hugo, a monk, who was called Alb us, from his pale complexion, {he being subject to bleed,) and thai he wrote a history of this abbey, and was of great note in the time of abbot Ernulfus, and the succeeding abbots, John, Henry, Martin, and William." But a more precise account of him may be gathered from his own book ; as also of the time when his acquaintance with the abbey began and ended. Dr. Patrick thus translates his description of himself: " In his childhood he fell into a disease which made him very weak. For every year, and that often, he vomited abundance of blood; and once was brought so low, by vomiting fifteen basins full in one week, that they utterly despaired of his life, gave him extreme unction, and were called out of the chapter-house by Nicolaus, then keeper of the infirmary, to come and com mend his soul to God, he being upon the point of departure But Egelbrithus, a most holy man, persuading them to go into the church and beg his life of God (who would not deny them one man, as his words were) ; they did so, 11 146 and he was miraculously restored, as is there at large related." Patrick then proceeds to say, that " he lived a long time, beloved by all the succeeding abbots, John, Henry, Martin, Wil- liam; under whom he served the church, hav- ing all the business of the monastery, both within doors and without, committed to him ; till he came at last to the degree of sub-prior ; first under Martin, then under William de WaL terville, in whose time he died. " I have given the larger account of this man, because he is mentioned in many authors as an excellent person ; being known (as our history adds) in the neighbouring monasteries ; nay, famed far and near ; and no less loved than praised by all that were acquainted with him. He had the name of Candidas, or Albus, in all likelihood from his pale complexion, " Sec. Hugo is not less communicative respecting one Remaldus, who was his elder brother, and made him a monk when a child ; and whom he always attended and served. " The abbot, Ernulfus, appointed twenty pounds, out of a gift of fifty pounds, to be laid out by the sacrists, Wictricus and Remaldus, in palls and copes. These sacrists wire two ablo men, who for thirty years together served the 147 monastery faithfully. Wictricas, the elder, grow- ing infirm, resigned his place ; but the other continued in office till his death, for they would not suffer him. to retire. " Remaldus was called Spiritualis, because he was a very little man, and ministered with, much affection to the elder sacrist. " He was thought to have the spirit of pro- phecy, being able to tell beforehand when any of the monks would die, and having had other things to come shown him by visions, which they took to be from God. Particularly one night, he thought he was in Saint Andrew's porch, (whilst the old monastery was standing,) and that two dignified persons entered and seated themselves. They wore albs and chesibles, and were decorated also with mitres and bishops 1 palls; and having named themselves Kinsinus and Elfricus, they bade him call thither several of the seniors of the church, Athelwold the prior, and then divers others, all honourable persons, {whom I myself have seen ,*) who being eome before them, they bade Remaldus go out, * Dr. Patrick, misunderstanding a passage in Hugo, ttest ribea him, in page 269, as in the abbey in 1103, un- der abbot Matthias. But it is plain that neither Hugo I! 2 148 for as yet it was not his time. And all those who were thus called died one after the other, in the same order wherein he had seen them come w."—Pat. 270. Ernulfus, according to Malmesbury, was a Frenchman, born in 1040, and originally a monk of Beauvais ; where, misliking the administra- tion of his abbey, he desired to leave it, and wrote to Lanfranc (with whom he had studied at Bee) for his advice : Lanfranc wished him to come to Canterbury, which he did ; and where he was a monk during all Lanfranc's time; after whose death archbishop Anselm made him prior. Whilst he was prior of Christ Church, Anselm wrote him letters, (to be seen in Fox,) in which the question of the marriage of priests is dis- cussed. And Ernulfus himself was a writer on similar subjects. He was made abbot of Peter- borough in 1107, and sat until 1114 ; when he was promoted to the see of Rochester. He is said to be the author of the 'Te.vtus Rofjeiisis. Hugo is very eloquent in praise of this abbot ; his buildings, his liberality, and the happiness nor Keinaldus were introduced earlier than ElUulfilB' tune. 149 of the monks under his rule. And Malmes- bury, after commending him for the conscien- tious discharge of all his duties, in every station, thus sums up his good works at Peterborough : Monachorum Humerus ductus ; religio bonis mo- ribus confota ; aclium veterum ruderibus detur- batis nova fundamenta j acta; culmina erecta ; eaque omnia, cum vorax ignis absumpsisset medi- tanti rejicere, honos pontificalis impacta. " The number of the monks increased, religion and decency advanced, rubbish and decay demo- lished, and the foundations laid of new build- ings," 8cc. This is to our purpose: Remaldus must have been one of the monks thus added to the former number; and, from his name, he was clearly French as well as Ernulfus. I do not know that Hugo overrates Remal- dus' importance. He was a busy, useful man, without a doubt ; and, apparently, Withric, the elder sacrist, was supplanted by the clever little Frenchman. The Prior Athelwold continued these annals for a short time only; and died about 1108 — 1112. He was succeeded by Thuric, (sacrist in abbot GodHc's time) ; Thuric, by Richard, (made abbot of Whitby in 1 147) ; and Richard, by Remaldus : and thereupon Hugo succeeded 150 Remaldus as sub-prior, I am greatly mistaken, if this very Remaldus was not the corrupter, transcriber, and continuator of the Peterborough Records. This is almost the last point we have to investigate. In an abbey like this, where they had a re- gister of considerable age, it was, probably, an appointed duty to continue it. In fact, it teas continued from Elfric's time downwards ; and it is plain that the office of historian was then of great account, since we find it exercised by Wulstan, Elfric's scholar ; first, when he was Abbot of Gloucester, and afterwards when Bishop of Worcester. From the time of Abbot Brand, who died in November, 1069, few of the Abbots of Peter- borough were able to write English, and they were not often resident; in consequence, their pastoral duties (and this was apparently one) fell upon the priors and sacrists (sccrctarii). We have shown that Remaldus was sacrist for thirty years, from 1108 or 1110. And this hasty conclusion is free from all difficulties (which hasty conclusions seldom are); but there are other roads, and our opinion respecting Remaldus may be easily justified. 151 Dr. Gibson, Mr. Ingram, and other writers on the subject, have remarked, that towards the end the characters and language of the Saxon annals assimilate and melt into modern English. Their inference from this remark, however, is not precisely just. We are by no means to understand that our mother tongue was naturally unsteady ; or after the Conquest was so readily sacrificed. I will undertake to say, that there is less difference between Elfric's orthography and stile and Wulstan's, than between an English writer's of Queen Anne's time and another's fifty years earlier. And so again of Nicholas; there is no material difference between the stile and spelling of his last year, 1121, and Wul- stan's, who wrote from 1050 to 1090. But it will appear, from the extracts, to any one curious on this subject, that from 1122 to 1132 (where Remaldus begins and ends); and again, from 1132 to 1 155, the idiom, words, and spelling are precisely the same. Indeed, we must believe that our people were in love with their tyrants, if in fifty years they had caught up half the French tongue. But we have reason to know that they cordially 152 hated it, and every thing French, and made no secret of their resentment* We are not, then, to take the last years of the Chronicle as a sample of the English of the time, but as the broken-english of a French monk, as it really was.f In the portion of these annals which we at- tribute to Remaldus, i.e. from 1122 to 1132, Peterborough is always called Burch instead of Burh ; and this peculiar spelling of his is ex- tended to the charters interpolated in the years 656 and 963. In 1022, the use of the Saxon theta is awkwardly dispensed with, Northamp- ton being written Norhthamtune, and Norwich Norhtwic ; and shortly afterwards we find the * When Ingulfus wrote, the Government was ex- tremely severe; but they used to sing Hereward's ex- ploits in the most public places \— profit adhuc i?i Triviit canunlur. f The characters also in which the Codex Laud is written are but bastard-english ; small and very neat, and bearing then much the same affinity to our national mode of penmanship as French writing does at present. In proof of this, compare the laud with either of the copies, Tiberius, A. VI., B. I., B. IV., all of which nun be proved to have been written long after the Laud, but by English copyists. 153 letters v and j unknown at that time in our al- phabet. The turn of the sentences seems also to be French, as for instance in A°. 1127. " Sothfeste men heom kepten on nihtes :" Des homines croyables les veillhent par unit: " Saeidon thes the heom thuhte :"—qu'il lui sem- bloit. Enough has been said, I believe, to show that the writer was a Frenchman. But he is to be identified with the Prior Re- •maldus. It is worthy of notice, that the general tone of this last section is not modest and unassuming as in the others, but plainly bespeaks the Dompnus. Our officer seldom loses sight of his rank ; there are three or four tokens of it in the year last mentioned (1127). Thaet waes thes sunnen-daeies thaet man sing- ath Exurge quare o Domine ; — and the ?nu-. neces herdon tha horn blawen. Having good reasons to doubt the integrity of this writer, I cannot but observe his discon- tent with some of the sitting abbots, attributa- ble either to ambition or to disappointment. He was conscious, I apprehend, of consider- able services, and hoped to advance himself by promoting party spirit in the abbey (a very easy ii 5 154 task) ; and we find that he was advanced. He did not live, however, to reach the abbot's chair. Ernulfus, who made him sacrist, escapes without censure ; but we are to understand that his successor, John de Sais, was a profane swearer, and partly the cause of the fire; and Henri/ aVAnjou, the next, was a greater devil than John. The next abbot, Martin de Bee, was not amiss : in his time, Remaldus was made Prior, and his brother Hugo Sub-Pi'ior. On Martin's death, I rather suppose (vide Patrick's account, from Hugo, p. 283) that Remaldus expected the succession;* but the monks elected a muni- ficent person, one William de Walterville. Neither Patrick nor Gunton are quite satisfied as to the cause of Abbot William's deposition, for he was much beloved. " The reason assigned by Hoveden is, that he Jell under the King's dis- pleasure for his brothers sake, one Walter tie Walterville, who had a castle in the neighbour- hood, and whom Abbot William received with others of that parti/, then in arms against the King. Of this oftence, or some other, he was accused by his monks to the Archbishop (who came to the abbey for the purpose) ; and de- posed." Gunton, 14. * Tins is Huge' 8 latest notice of Remaldus. 155 Remaldus was living {says Patrick) at the time of this deposition, which is the last we hear of him. William appealed to the Pope. We will now endeavour to show that Remal- dus corrupted the former records. At the end of Sparked edition of Hugo, he has printed a short history of Peterborough, in French verse, from a copy which Bridges, the county historian, lent him. " My copy (says Sparke) was copied from an old MS. in Cottorfs Library. It does not appear who the author was" &c. I have not been able to meet with it there, and it is probably lost ; but from se- veral peculiarities therein, I cannot doubt that it was written by Remaldus. Let us see ; for if so, we may derive some assistance from it. It begins thus : — " Cumencement de geste Fort est a truver : — Chose ke seit honeste Ben deit Turn escuter. Io endirai une Duce chose en rime, Clere, cum la lune Quant Turn apele prime : A Seinur e a Dame Deit estre prise," &c. &c. 156 " De une Aboie est la geste Burch est anume Mes Burch ne out elle a nun Quant primes fu truve ; Medeshamsted, par dreit nun Esteit apele : — Primes, dirum de tuz le Una De cele cunte ; Puis, dirrum les efferes De chascun abbe lie puis eel ure de kes cest Vir Cunt guverne. — Un des lius est Rameseie, (Par la grace deu ;) Torneie ; — Crnland ; — E autres assez : A nul de ces ne pot venir Si Turn ni alt per nef, Fors a Rameseie Del une costc. — Ely est un ile En cele Cunte, Set lius liotge, Et auter taunt le : Vint e deux viles De ewe envirune : Mais, De par hoc, dc trcis Punz est ele honure*. — Al chefd* I graunt palu Eti lunch In rl'irit : A Burch commence la palu 157 Si vait vers orient ; Seizaunte Hues dure, (Si-com io entend :) &c. &c. Compare the above with Hugo's account of the site of the abbey : " Sed, primitus, de situ loci pauca dicamus : Gyrvii vocantur hi qui juxta paludem, et infra paludem habitant; nam, Gyr anglice, latine profunda palus, dicitur : ex inundatione enim, vel ex superfluxione amnium, stans aqua in equali terra profundam paludem efficit; atque ita inhabitabilem reddit; prater quadam loca altiora, qua?, credo, quod ad hoc Dominus ilia extulit, ut habitacula fierent servorum Dei qui ibi habitare eligissent. Habitant autem infra paludem in talibus loch Ramcsienses, Tkorneien- ses, Crulandenses, et plurimi aliii^ad quos accedi nullo niodo nisi navigio poterit, prater ad Ramesiam ex una parte laboriose operation. Eli autem est Insula in eisdemjinibus constitutu , septem miliaria longa ; et todidem, lata; et con- tinent in se xx 1 1 villas; undique paludibus et aqnis circumdata, sed tatnen tribus pontibus honorata. Burch vero in regioue Gyrviorum est jundatus ; quia ibi incipit eadem palus oriculalt parte qua per miliaria sexagint i et amplius du- ra t," &c. Sec. 158 The following account of the abbey in Adul- fus' time, is extravagant. It was ?iot rich until Leofric's time : — " Ke de une chose ; Ke de auter Taunt li unt dune, Ke plus esteit riche Ke nule cite : Par-co-ke taunt esteit riche Haut nun l'unt dune Gildenburch, par dreit nun L'unt apele ; TJncore des ka cest iur Burch est anume. — A eel tens en tel reverence Esteit icel muster, Ke si erceveske, u eveske, — Priur, u abbe ; — Kei t u cante, u barun, — U noble chivaler, — U clcrc. U lei, U dame, Iveinst pur urer — Quant serreit a la porte Se ferreit descauscr ; — Et diloc ; des ka'— — vant irreit un pez — S;i offrende li mettrcit, De bone volontu : Kar, enter le frrres avcit Si grant charite, — E si graund religiun ; — 159 E tel autorite, Ke, si acun de eus trespassat Par nult cunte Riches e Poveres lur chef TJnt enclini Si-cum il eust este Le aungel dampnedeu ; — E sa seint beneicun Li unt demuunde." " In tanta, namque, reverentia, celeberrimus et sacer locus ille tunc temporis [Adulfi] habe- batur ; ut quiciuique, aux rex, aut episcopus ; clericusve aut laicus, orandi causa illuc venisset, — mox ut ad portam monasterii venisset, — sta- tem, disca/ciatus, -non aliter nisi nudis pedibus ecclesiam huniiliter intraret ; et quaeque optima haberet, libenter, Deo et Sancto Petro offerret, propter nimiain caritatem, quam inter fratres ejusdem loci invenisset. — Et ubicunque Frater ipsius Caenobii transiret, vel veniret, ut Angelas Dei propter religionem ab omnibus inclinabatur, et suscipiebatur, et ei obediebatur, et ab eo benedictio petebatur. Inde actum est ut plus illuc in terris et rebus, quam usquaui alibi vici- norum locorum collatum est.'" — Hugo. Our Remaldus was clearly the fabricator of* the pope A^atho's charter; of which the au- thenticity has so often been asserted and denied. 160 We pass his first account of it, both here and in the Saxon Chronicle, (A° 675.) It was recovered, he says, when king Edgar came with Ethel- wold (the founder) to the consecration, in 972. This is the account of the recovery in the Chronicle, A°. 963.* dccc-clxiii*** Sy ththan tha com se biscop ^Ethelwold to se cyng Eadgar ; bed him thaet he scolde him giuen ealle tha minstre tha hae- thene men heafden aer to-brocon, forthi thet he hit wolde ge-eadnewion ; and se kyng hit blithe- lice tythode. And se biscop com tha fyrst to Elig, [&c. &c] syththon com se biscop .Ethel- wold to thaere mynstre the waas gehaten Mede- shamstede the hwilon waes for-don fra hethene folce : ne fand thaer nan thing buton eallde weallas and wilde wuda. Fande tha hidde in tha ealde weal/e writes thet Headda abbot heafde ccr gewriton Hu Wulfhere king and JEthelredt his brothor hit heafden icroht ; and hu hi hit freodon with ki/ng, and with biscop, and with ealle weorutd theudom; and hu n papa Aga- tha hit J east node mid his write and se arte- biscop Deusdedit. Loot wirccn thathret mynstre * We shall presently show that the Chronicle was cor- rupted a few years before the Rhymes were written, and that the Rhymes are a r< \ years older than lingo's History. 161 and saette thger abbot se waes gehaten Aldulf [&c] Com tha to the cyng and hot him locon tha gewrite the ar wceron gefunden : and se kyng and-swerode tha and owed Ic iEdgar geate and gife to-dsei to-foren Gode, [&c. &c] Le Rei Edgar — " Vit eel muster noble, E en bon liu pose ; — E od Cuvent des moines Tres-ben ordine, — Et des beans aurnemenz Le vit ben honure : — E okt ks charites, E les (lignites Ke il aveient, en le veus parreis Del muster, truvez, Ke li ynoines jadis Aveicnty misez Quant li Daneis vindrent E li vulerent tucr ; — E oist le privileggeSf E les auttoritex ; — Ke le pope Seint Agathun Li aveit olrie: Ke cle fust atuijraimche Cum Runic la cite ;" &C. &C. M Post tempos autem cum rursuin idem Rex Edgarus revisere venissct idem dilectum sibi 162 monasterium cum sanctissimis Dunstano, Doro- bernensi, et Oswaldo, Eboracensi, Archiepisco- pis ; et cum omnibus Episcopis et abbatibus et Ducibus et optimatibus totius Angliae ; — et vi- disset tarn nobilem monasterium; tarn bene fra- trum Conventu ordinatum ; et ojficinis varus tarn bene disposition; et Mud in tarn optima loco positum : insuper, et audisset quod antiqua privilegia qua monachi jam mortui in ipsis parietibus ecclesia inter petras absconderant, essent reperta ; — et cognovisset quanta: authori- tatis essent ; — et, inter caetera, quod quicunque, non solum de tota Anglia, sed, et de proximis regnorum nationibus, vel viae longinquitate, aut varia necessitudine praepediti, Romae, beatum Petrum revisere, non sufficiunt, — H/c, Eum requirant ; — Mc, vota persolvant; — hie, absolu- tioni peccatorum, &c. Sec. credant — Yalde laetatus est idem Rex quod tantae authoritatis locum in regno suo haberet : ac, pra 1 nimio gaudio lachry masse fertur/' Sec. &c Jeremy Collier, in his Ecclesiastical History (i. 107), thus enumerates his reasons for sus- pecting Agatho's charter: — Its exorbitant ci- tent, for the Abbot of Medeshamsted is thereby discharged from the jurisdiction of his diocesan, and even of a si/nod ; and made the Pope's le- 163 gate all over England. 2dly, Because it is affirmed to have been brought over by archbp. Wil- frid, and produced and subscribed by him at the council of Hatfeld ; for Eddius does not men- tion that Wilfrid brought over this Bull, nor that he was at Hatfield. And it is plain that he could not be there : he was at Rome in 680, at the synod against the Monothelites, and on his return was imprisoned nine months in Northumberland ; and the council of Hatfield was held in September 680. 3dly, The differ- ence between the Latin and the Saxon copy. The Saxon gives the Abbot a legantine power ; the Latin only admonishes the Bishop of the diocese to favor him, and treat him like a bro- ther. 4thly. In the Saxon copy, Lthelred, King of Mercia, subscribes the Bull at the council : Bede mentions none but the clergy as present, othly. The Pope discharges the abbey from all secular service. The Popes, at that time, pre- tended to no such power. And 6th ly. The Le- gantine power ; a power which the Abbots of Peterborough never exercised. After Kenulfus, comes Elsinus, (as before.) " Aprcs H in Alfsi A Burch fct abbe : 164 Mut fu sage e prudum Le liu ad avaunce. Relikes e aurnemens Mux ad purchase. E le Cors seint Florentin De Bonval acate," &c. &c. (Which is the less certain, since he affirms it.) " Quant L aunz noblement L'Eglise ad guverne, En le service Deu Est a sa fin ale," &c. All the superstitions of the place, as well as its false history, are chargeable to our poet. In his account of the Abbot Leofric (Leuriz), we have this story. " En sun tens fu un moine Eilric out a nun, Cest fu seint e prudumc ; (A Deu le mercium !) A' Eveske de Dunholm Est echosi ; Mult-ben le guvernad : (En verite vus di.) Kar, pur l'amur dampnedeu Tost le desguerpi: E taunt mini il \c pivmuul Od graunt honur le tint. 165 E, a ses freres a Burch, Pur Deu servir remit. n Une vespre, cum il fist En l'Eglise pur urer, Estut le deble devaunt li En le muster, En le guise de une enfaunt, E loinz del auter, Si dist ke treisfeis Destruereit le muster : Al primer feis , serreit robe, E les moines, en-cace : A I auterfeis, serreit ars E tres-tut deguaste : E a la terce, devereint Le moines medler ; E chascun moine, auter Od sun cutel, tuer. Quant co ad dist si volt aler, Vers le graunt auter ; Mais l'eveske li defend Del part dampnedeu, Quant co oit le deble II s'en vole cum fume E apres-li en le muster Tel puur ad lesse Ke uncore de kes a mi-nuit ( einz-i ad dure." All which Hugo considers good matter of history. 166 Sed, cum segrotaret Leofricus, sedente prae- dicto Egelrico, (qui fuerat Episcopus), quodam vespere, in ecclesia, more solito, intentus in ora- tionibus ; apparuit ei, visibiliter, Diabolus ; in similitudine pueri, horribili aspectu ; dicens se Nov iter triumphaturum de altissimo eorum [that he should beat them at last]. Adjecit enim, dicens sese, tribus vicibus, vindicaturum de monachis, et de monasterio : dixitque jho- dum : — primitus, expulsurum se omnes mona- chos, et omnia bona ecclesiae Danis diripienda dixit ; et alia vice, omne monasterium per ignem destruendum jactavit. (Ilac duo pro- phetice scimus jam esse completa. Et avertat Dens a tertia, ne sit vera ; et sit ipsa, sic at est pate?' ejus spiritus mend ax. Nollem dicere qua sit ista tertia ; sed cogunt me aliqui fratrum di- cere propter providentiam. Lt unusquisque caute se agat, et caveat se ab insidiis Diaboti, et ne ira eum superet.) Dixit cnim Diabolus, se, instinctu suo, faccrc, ut aliqui fratrum, se i?ivicem, cultellis suis, interficiant ; et tunc, de- struendum monasterium ; quod avertat Deus, ne fiat. Cum autem episcopus ei nihil respon- deat ; sed, in oratione persistcret, coepit ire ; quasi, ad altare ire vellet Sed, cum prohibuis- set eum Episcopus, et dixisset, iucrcpct, tc, 167 Dominus, Sathan I non licet tibi ingredi in sancta sanctorum. Diabolus, ut fumus, evanuit, et maximum faetorem post se dimisit. Ita ut, cum fratres a collatione ad co?npletorium venissent, adhuc duraret. We have already mentioned that Atbelwold sent certain relics from Ely to Ramsey for safe custody. The monks of Ramsey were un- willing to part with them. Et cum Prior domi esset reversus, voluerunt monachi Ramisienses detinere sanctas reliquias ; sed gratia Dei, illis non licuit : nam Turoldus Abbas minatus est se arsurum esse monaste- rium nisi reddidissent quod eis commendatum fuerat. Quadam autem nocte cum esset secre- tarius illorum in ecclesia et vigilaret, audivit infantem, infantili voce et alta dicentem, ter Sanctus ! Sanctus ! Sanctus ! Qui cum abbati mane retulissit, intellexit statim idem Abbas quod non posset retinere sanctas reliquias; et jussit ut redderentur. Erat enim in ipsa cap- sula cum brachio Sancti Oswaldi, Scapula unai de Innocent ibw ; quam et nos aliquando vidi- mus, cum brachium fuisset ostensum Martino Abbati, &c. &c. So much for Hugo's credulity : I doubt whether Rcmaldus believed it. 168 u Une noit apres ico, (Quant ben fu repose,) Le segrestein de Rameseie Vit en veille, — Gist un enfauntile vois Dedens le muster Sanctus ! Sanctus ! Sanctus ! Mult haut ad crie," &c. Now let us compare Nicholas' account of the fire with Remaldm* : " MCXVI. On thisum ylcan geare baernde all thaet mynstre of Burh, and ealle tha hus- as butan se Captel-hus, and se Slaepperne ; and thaerto eac baernde eall tha maeste dael of tha Tuna. Eall this belamp on an Frigdaeg, thset waes II. non. Aus:." " Le veil de Seint Osuuald, Li freres sunt enter En le refreitur Pur lcs tables amender ; Puis entra le Abe (Par male destine), E vit ke il ne furent Pas a sa volcnte ; Si lur maudist iivs-tuz. E puis s'cn est all ;— A la Curt de Caster Tost sYn est hastl : 169 Up Serjaunt fu en le pestrin Si fu multcurce, Pur-co-ke le Fu ne art Pas a sa volunte ; Si dist un mot au debie Cum hume arage t Quant pur moi ne vulex, Vus arde le maufe.' E sitot cum il deble Out anume, Par le engin del deble Le Fu est enflaume : Si saut sus de kes a treff, — Si ardout mult eler E ard tuz les mesuns E tres-tut le muster E en la vile mil mesun Ne remist enter : E mis le truvun escrist, Si saivun de verity, Ke neuf iurs plenement Cel Fu i ad dure. Ore est parempli Co ke le maufe, Dist jadis a Eilric," &c. &c. a Deu defend le terce Par sa pitie." All which is repeated by Hugo ; — who mora- lize upon the sin of setting the Devil to work, who ?s always ready, &.C. 1 must refer the reader i 170 to Sparke, or to Patrick's Translation, p. 273. We have before observed, that the old records of the Abbey were corrupted before these verses were written, that is to say, before the year 1132; for they contain an account of all the abbots a cest ure, and end with the expulsion of Henry d'Anjou, which happened in 1132. Abbot Martin (of whom there is no mention) was elected in J 133. " Puis s'aparcut le rei De boidif le abbe, De voider sa tere Li ad cumaunde : E ii s'en departat Dolent e curce.'' — Fin. Hugo perceived and avoided many of the rhy- mer's mistakes ; and thereby we know that his history was written later. They are hardly worth notice ; but it is plain that he took no pains to understand the records. The abbot Leofric went out with Harold, against the invader. " En ice! tens Willam leDuc (Si-cum la letter dist ;) De Normandi, tut Engeltere Par S3 force conquist : 171 E en sa Cumpainie L'Abbe Leuriz esteit ; E, diloc, a, sa abboi Malade veineit." Thorold had never seen his abbey when Hereward came and stripped it. En le terz an apres Murut BrcuidYabbe; (A Deu e a Seint Pere Sa alme seit cumaunde:) Le rei Guillam igulement Le abboie ad dune A un clerc de Normaundie Toroud apele. Quant poi-de-tems apres ico L'aveit, guverne, Vindrent le Daneis La gent malure : ********* Heruuard lur amoneslreit, 1 Quci gisum vus ici ? Alum mis al Muster de Burch Od ?ios vasa/s hardi ; Si prengum or e argent, Si Vamenum deske ici, l\nr mult i ad dc richcsce Par r i rild vus-dt ! Un iur Toroud Jc Abe Fu a Staunford ale," C\c. Uhelwold and Htigo say, Thorold brought but one hundred and sixty Normans. . 2 172 " Meimes eel iur ivint Torold le Abbe Od deus ceux Normaunz Tres-ben armez." I have already exceeded in extracts ; there is one other passage, however, which must yet have place, because it is a rich assemblage of every thing preposterous.* " J 127. Ne thince man na sellice, that we soth seggen ; for hit waes ful cuth ofer eall land * I shall here take leave of Hugo, whose history has been praised on all hands to the full of its merits. Even Bale has forgotten his hatred of monks in his favour, and commends him without reserve. But what shall we say of Hugo's Prologue ? — " Pri?num, et Prcecipue, Lectorem umoneo, ne rustici- tatem verborum, vel dictaminis; sed veritatem Ilystorio- tee, attendat. Et si cui emendate vel im /ins died/are pla- cuerit, Concedimus: Dum, omnimodis, ex sensu inde aliquid demere caveat : — Sciens, pro certo, me, ex pro- pria, nihil fingcre ; nee, ut placeam alicui, aUqua menda- citer componere. Testor enim Tpsam Veritatem, (qiue nescit mentiri,) mc, nihil scribere ; nihU dictitarej nisi quod in veteribus Scriptis repperi, vel antiguorum ctfidi- lium narration* didiei. Quod il/i , ilem, qui studiosc rtqui- rere voltterit, adhuc scriptavepperirt ; vel munni, vdproba- ri, potucrity Was ever Jail h earned so far ! 173 that swa radlice swa Henri, 'abbot, thaer com (thaet waes thes sunnendaeies thaet man singath Exurge quare o. d.) tha son thaer aefter tha saBgon and haerdon fela men feole huntes hunten. Tha huntes waeron swarte, and micele, and ladlice ; and here hundes ealle swarte, and bradegede, and ladlice ; and hi ridone on swarte hors, and on swarte bucces. Thes waes segon on the selve der-fald in tha tune on Burch ; and on ealle tha wudes tha waeron fram tha selva tune to Stanforde ; and the muneces herdon tha horn blawen thaet hi blewen on nih- tes; Sothfeste men heom kepten on nihtes, saei- don thes the heom thuhte thaet thaer mighte wel ben abuton twenti othe thrittihorn blaweres. This waes saegon and herd fram thaet he thider com eall that Lented tid on an to Eastren. This waes his ingang; of his utgang ne cunne we jett noht seggon. God scawe fore."* * I take the liberty to insert Miss Gurney's translation of the above passage. " Let no man think lightly of the marvel that we are about to relate as a truth ; for it was full well known over all the country. It is this : That as soon as he came to Peterborough; (it was on the Sunday when [they] sing Exurge quare o Domine, several persons saw and heard many hunters hunting. These hunters were black, and large, and loathly; and their hounds were all black, with 174 " En le primere an Quant il esteit al Muster venu, Si furent graunz Musters [monstres] Oiz en nuz, Par tut la Quareme : — (De nuz Ne vue de iur,) — Parmi les champs, — parmi les pres, Mut fu graunt hydur, — De Burch deska Stanford En bois tut-entur : [entours] Si esteient tuz ners; E alouent cum venurs : Od neirs chens, e od comes, E ourent graunz ouz ; E esteient xx ensemble, U xxx, u x, u VIII." Remaldus has here corrupted himself; for in wide eyes, and loathly ; and they rode on black horses and on black bucks. This was seen in the very deer park of the town of Peterborough, and in all the woods from the same town to Stamford. And the monks heard the blasts of the horns which they blew in the night : men of truth kept in the night their watch on them, and said, that there might well be about twenty or thirty horn- blowers. This was seen and heard from the time that tin abbot came thither, all that Ltnt until Easter. Such was his entrance : of his exit we can say nothing yet. God knoweth it." [That is to say : this ivas written before 113?.] 175 his English he tells us that the clogs had large eyes; whereas, in the French, that feature is transferred to the men. Hugo, I find, preferred the latter authority : Oculos gr ancles Venatores habebant. I observe one peculiarity in his ver- sion of the passage which proves that he was a Frenchman, if there were no other evidence of it. He takes the Saxon bucces to mean boucs, goats, (which in this case it does not ;) and ac- cordingly translates it hceclos. All our other writers, however, (except Whit- tlesey, Gunlon, and Patrick,) think a deer a more appropriate steed than a goat for a micel hunter. Thus Dr. Gibson renders the words " on swarte bucces ;" nigris cervis : Mr. In- gram, on swarthy bucks. Eodem anno cum venisset ad abbatiam visa sunt et audita Monstra per totam Quadragesi- mam ; et hoc noctibus ; et per sylvas et per pla- na, a monasterio usque ad Stanford : nam visi sunt quasi venatores ; cum cornibus, et cani- bus : sed omnes nigerrimi erant, — etequieovnm, et canes. Et aliqui quasi — aidos equitantes: et oculos grandes habebant: et erant quasi viginti aut triginta simul. Hoc non est falsum ; quia plurimi veracissimi homines viderunt, et audie- runfl cornua. I A HISTORY OF THE SAXON CHRONICLE. i5 A HISTORY SAXON CHRONICLE. Having in the preceding Essays endeavoured to bring the principal Saxon annalists to light, I now propose to give some account of the annals themselves, and of the various ancient copies yet in existence. The characters in which they are written con- tinued in use two centuries, or more, after the Conquest, without any material alteration. Subsequent to the Conquest, however, they were seldom used in Latin, and that event is the date of their decline. Under the severe ordinances then introduced, the old letters, at one time, seemed about to be suddenly extinct ; but there were a few patriots in the monasteries who preferred them still, and 180 we are indebted to such men for their preserva- tion. Ingulf us was one. Bewailing the loss of his charters in the fire of 1091, he attributes it to chance that any escaped. " A few years before," says he, " 1 had given several out of the treasury, of which we had duplicates, that they might be kept in the cloister for teaching the juniors the Saxon hand. Having been long slighted because of the Normans, it was come to be unknown, ex- cept by a few of the seniors; but the juniors were instructed to read the old letter, that they might understand and maintain our charters when they grew old.' 1 And so the old Saxon MSS. continued to be copied from time to time long after the alpha- bet was supplanted by the Latin for ordinary purposes. The iheta maintained its ground for ages after the other letters; but on the revival of learning, here, about the year 1500, the name of Saxon was hardly left. A few years later, however, and when the alphabet was a mere puzzle, Lambard and Joss eli ng began to inquire after Saxon MSS. ; and Josseling, who was the then arch- bishop of Canterbury's secretary, composed a Saxon Grammar ; and, about the same time, 181 Lawrence Noel drew up his Dictionary, — Saxon and English, and gave Lambard the copy. But a more considerable step towards the revival of this obsolete learning was taken a few years afterwards, when, in 1574, archbishop Par- ker himself published his volume of English Historians. Amongst the MSS. edited in that volume, is a copy of Asser, which he printed literatim — a Latin text and Saxon letter. In his preface he apologizes for this novelty, and explains his motive for it : he had a great desire, he said, to see not only the alphabet, but the tongue itself, cultivated and understood. M It would be worth while to compare the dia- lect we use in the present day with that ancient tongue, now in a manner obsolete and extinct; and we should find, that they are very similar and almost the same." — " Truly, reader, the perusal of that antiquated, and once domestic fashion of speech will renew former recollec- tions, and at the same time furnish no mean store of abstruse knowledge. It will be easy to catch both the words and the meaning, when the old tongue and our own are so nearly alike." This publication was the revival of Saxon literature, which has flourished ever since. In 182 the course of the next fifty years, by the care and munificence of Sir Robert Cotton, ABB Parker and Laud, Lambard, Camden, Usher, Marsham, the elder Spelman, and other anti- quaries, the remains of our monastic libraries, dispersed about 1540, (till when they had shel- tered what little Time had spared,) were in a great measure retrieved ; and finally, with a few exceptions, were lodged in Cotton's Li- brary, and those of Oxford and Cambridge. Of all the writings thus collected, such as re- late our History before the Conquest seem the most interesting : they consist of several loose pieces, now interwoven and published in one book, under the name of the Saxon Chronicle. From the time of the Conquest our historians abandoned the use of their mother tongue, and ambitious of reaching a fine Latin style, dis- dained the ancient simplicity and plainness. Thus Malmesbury (who is an elegant writer) frequently tells us that he omits proper names, &c., because he would not shock the ears of posterity. If our Anglo-Norman history is better known than the other, we owe it to the greater number of writers, not to their superior method of writing, for refinement and declama- tion arc great confounders of the truth. 183 It appears, I think, that Gerard Langbaine was the first who entertained thoughts of pub- lishing this work. He left certain papers, now in the Bodleian Library, in which he mentions that he had fully made up his mind to print it, when he found that Wheloc had been before- hand with him. As the copy Langbaine alludes to was the most complete of the whole ; namely, that presented to the University by the ill-fated Laud, it is possible that Langbaine's edition, had he given it, would have made further la- bour unnecessary. He died young, in 1657. Wheloc" s edition was not, however, all that could be desired ; he was professor of Arabic at Cambridge, and doubtless a very learned man ; but either through indolence, or because he knew nothing of the others, he consulted two MSS. only, and those not the most complete. One was the MS. given to Corpus Christi Col- lege, Cambridge, by the before-named Archb. Parker, and which Wharton, in his Essay in- serted in this volume, supposes to have been written by Elfric ; t/ie other was a transcript of a MS. (or possibly the original MS.) formerly in Cotton's Library, marked Ot/io, B. XI, and now lost. With this latter document, a third Codex, however, as he says, called the Peter- 184 borough Book, Annales Saxonici Petriburgenses, had been collated, and the text thereby en- larged. The former of Wheloc's authorities is now supposed to have been compiled or tran- scribed by Archb. Plegmund, down to the year 891 ; so far it is written in one uniform, regular hand, copy-like. From 891 to 924 Wanley judges that it was written closely up by a co- temporary ; from 924 it is continued in different hands to 1070. Wheloc's second Codex, Otho, or transcript of Otho, ends in the year 1001. Mr. Wheloc s edition appeared in folio, Cam- bridge, 1643, at the end of Bede's Ecclesiastical History ; but it does not seem to have attracted due notice- For many years afterwards, history continued to be written with little or no re- ference to these annals. Down to the year 1686, the learned bishop Patrick was probably ignorant of their existence, and therefore his History of Peterborough is defective. Mr. Wharton's two volumes, entitled Anglia Sacra, appeared in 1691 and 1692: in com- piling which he had made use of Wheloc's edi- tion, and discovered its imperfections. He frequently quotes the Annates Saxonici Pe/ri- bur7 7. J Tiberius B. I. § This MS. Gibson had, and calls it Code* Cottonumus 191 frequently referred to by Mr. Wharton, and seems to have recorded many particulars of note not mentioned by any of the rest. This book {Domitian, A 8,) was given (according to Archbishop Usher) by Mr. Camden to Sir Ro- bert Cotton. Archbishop Usher also mentions a copy of his own,* worth the inquiring after. 4. The Book of Peterborough, which was never thoroughly compared with any copy hitherto published, and differs from them all. May we not also bring into this list those hinted at by Dr. Kennett,f in his Life of Sumner, pp. 30 — 66 ; and that which Mr. Sumner had from Mr. Lombard rt But without seeming to lay much stress upon the assistance of these unconsulted documents, Nicholson passes the following liberal and hand- some judgment upon his friend's performance. " I am inclinable to think that a part of the old Chronicle which has had so much honour done to it by Dr. Gibson, was written before the venerable Bedels time.*' "Out of Wheloc's, and his three additional codices, we have the text made up as entire * The Dublin Transcript of Otho, B.X\. t These may be Tiberius B. I. and B. IV. J Doubtless the same with the "Dublin transcript. 192 and complete as it was possible to give it us ; with an elegant and proper translation, void of all affected strains and unlucky mistakes, which used to abound in works of this kind. If some few passages have a little puzzled the ingenious publisher, let it be considered that in these, Florence of Worcester and Matthew of West- minster, who lived nearer the times wherein they were penned, were much more lamentably gravelled."— Eng. Hist. Lib. Ed. 1776.^.38. Mr. Gibson having thus, (as he professed to do) made the Saxon Chronicle intelligible, — from that time forward, 1692, it became the greatest authority referrible in English history. And not without reason : his latin translation, as well as his text, was also of greater repute than Wheloc's, which last soon grew to be useless. But about ten or fifteen years ago, it began to be considered that Gibson's edition was de- fective. The most obvious claim the Chronicle has to our favour is not, in fact, a substantial merit : mankind are curious, however, to in- quire, and gratified to listen to the household speech of their fathers at any remote period ; and few are indifferent to hear that this taste may be indulged to the stretch of a thousand years. Gibson, and Wheloc before him, saw 193 that this was an accidental quality, altogether distinct from its use as a monument of history, and their only care was how best to fix and possess the world of its rare knowledge. They both deserve our thanks for their choice of means. The value of many English words has fluctuated a oood deal even since Gibson's time, and it is the case in every living language. It was with a view to prevent it, that the Die- tionary of the Spanish Academy is interpreted not by national synonyms, but by true and in- variable equivalents in Latin; and so of many other great works abroad. The fame, if not the usefulness, of the book in foreign countries was also promoted by a latin version. An English version in their day would have shaded their reputation as scholars ; and thus for many rea- sons their course was preferred. The Latin columns of some of Elfric's School Exercises, has fixed the sense of certain words otherwise obscure, and the precedent might have some weight. But the time was come for an English ver- sion of the Chronicle, and at length a learned lady undertook a literal translation of the whole. The book was printed in 12mo. Norwich, 1819, unencumbered with either note or text, and so 194 far well calculated for popular use. Mr. ///- gram abstains from any direct judgment on this performance, and it will become me to do the same ; but I cannot help observing that I have seen nothing in it to censure, and much worthy of praise. Her version of the Record of 975, unlike Mr. IngrarrCs, is in prose. A short extract appears in the note.* * 1. Saxon. u And tha wearth eac adrrefed deor-mod ha?leth, Oslac, of earde : Ofer ytha-gewealc ; of'cr ganotcs hieth ; gamol feax hasleth, wis and word-snotor, — ofer waetera-gethring ; — ofer Hweeles-rcthel ; — Hama-bereafod.'* 2. Gibson. " Turn etiam fuit dilectus Dux Oslacus, pulsus de terra ; Trans fluctuum volutationcm ; Trans fulicarum balneum : — Promissa. csesarie, heros ; sapiens, et sermone prudens : Trans fremitum aquarum ; Trans balmearum patriam ; Lare spoliatus." 3. Miss Gttrney. And then also that beloved chieftain, Oslac, was driven from the land ; and that long-haired warrior, — wise and discreet in words, — was borne, bereaved of a home, u:i the rolling waves ; on the sea-binfs bath ; on the roariiii: waters; over the country of the whales." l. Mr. Ingram, u Then, tOO, was driven Oslac beloved, 195 The publication was stopped for the reason mentioned in the translator's preface ; but there is a copy in the British Museum with this title, " A literal Translation of the Saxon Chronicle, by a Lady." — " Presented to the British Mu- seum by Hudson Gurnei/, Esq. Aug. 4, 1819.'' The preface is short — u The following ver- sion of the Saxon Chronicle was undertaken by a lady in the country, who had only access to the printed texts. It was far advanced towards its completion before she was informed that the public was speedily to be indebted to the Rev. Mr. Ingram for a collated edition of these sin- gularly valuable annals, accompanied by a translation and notes." And at length Mr. Ingram's book made its An exile far From his native land. — Over the rolling waves; Over the ganct-bath ; Over the water-throng, — The abode of the whale : Fair-haired hero ; Wise and eloquent ; Of home bereft." Mr. Sharon Tinner Im-> also versified this passage, (ii.92. 2nd quarto eS. i:»()7.) K 2 196 appearance, in quarto, London, 1823.* A work of great labour and expense, well bestowed upon a good subject. I have observed a few mis- takes, however, pertinent to my own subject, and which I have endeavoured to rectify. Mr. Ingram's preface contains some remarks on the original materials of the Chronicle to Al- fred's time : portions of it are to be found, it seems, in the writings of Gildas, Nennius, Bede, and Alfred. He alludes also to certain indirect evidence, that Plegmund, Dunstan, and Alfric, Abps. of Canterbury, had some part in the compilation ; and he agrees, in effect, with Gib- son's seeming opinion, (though without citing proofs,) that the Chronicle, from 891, was con- tinued by cotemporary writers. With respect to the author of this the first part of my subject, perhaps I can hardly say too little ; and for tins reason : it is still a question whether Plegmund icas the ori- ginal compiler or not; and all I have been able to collect leads me but to doubt it. It is, besides, a substantive inquiry, which I am well content to leave to others. This copy * The Anglo-Sax. Chronicle, &c. " By the Etar.J. In- gram, B.D., rector of Rotherfield Grey's, Oxfordshire ; and formerly Anglo-Saxon Professor in Oxford." 197 of the Chronicle begins, as the rest in general do — from the time of our Saviour ; but the copies Laud, Tib. B. I. and Tib. B. IV. begin with a geographical account of the Island of Britain. They none of them contain any thing of value until the Saxons settled here. Gibson also observes that much of the early ecclesias- tical knowledge is to be found in Bedels writ- ings. Mr. Ingram computes that the ancient and recognized MSS. are nine in number, besides four esteemed transcripts, (upon each of which separately he makes some comment.) The ancient copies of the Saxon Annals seem now to be reduced to six, four of which are in Cot toil's Library. The fifth is that in the li- brary of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge ; and the sixth that in the Bodleian Library, Ox- ford. We have already mentioned that those in Cotton's Library are in the codices Tiberius, A. VI. Tiberius, B. I. Tiberius, B. IV., and Dornilianus, A. VIII. The Cambridge copy is amongst the Parker MSS., and the Oxford copy is numbered Laud, E. 20. In J osse ling's time there seems to have been other copies in existence : in his notes in the copy 198 Tiberivs, B. IV. he makes frequent mention of a copy of Dr. Wut ton's ; and of another of Twyne's; — probably Brian Twyne, the writer on the antiquity of Oxford : and this was not the copy Laud. I think Laud had his copy from Peterborough in 1634. And we may here repeat, that in Wheloc's time there were tivo other copies in existence : one in Cotton's Li- brary, in codex numbered Otho, B. XL ; the other, commonly called the Peterborough Book ; or, Annales Saxonici Petriburgensis : these are now both of them lost. Mr. Ingram reckons amongst the ancient copies one single sheet of a ninth copy, in Cotton's Library, in codex Tiberius, A. ///., containing the genealogy of the ancient kings of Wessex. The existing MSS. may be numbered thus: No. I. The Cambridge Copy. This is the most ancient of any ; compiled, as it seems, in the year 891, and continued at in- tervals from that year to 1070. This is the MS. which Mr* Wharton mentions: he supposed it was compiled by Elfric in the year 975, but Elfric seems never to have seen it. It was continued, however, after Plegmund's 199 time by some person tvho probably died in 977, and there it rested for years : in which state se- veral copies were taken of it as of a complete book. The reason Mr. Ingram calls this MS. Pies:- mund' , s is, because he believes that Plegmund was the original compiler, and also transcribed it. He says, afterwards, " Plegmund and Alfred seem to have had some share in compiling the first part of it. There seems to be nothing of any great value in it beyond Alfric's time, whose death is re- corded after a considerable chasm in 1005." This MS. contains three pieces of heroic poetry in the years 937, 942, and 975 ; they are not perhaps written by the same hand as the rest, for the two former are also in the copy Tiberius B. IV. The writer of the first (937) was a poet. It is also observable, (in evidence that the poetical articles were loose,) that the copies Tiberius B. I. and Tiberius B. IV. both contain, in 1036, the verses on the murder of young Alfred, though they are not otherwise alike. In all these pieces, (as well as in another in 1066,) there is a strange attempt to raise the style by the use of antiquated language. Whe- 200 loc was struck with the three first-mentioned passages, and seems hardly to have known they were metrical. "The idiom here" says he, in 937, " and in 942 and 975, is vert/ ancient and barbarous." Gibson will not allow this. "Very ancient, without a doubt; but yet not to be called barbarous. It is rather an imitation of the elegant style of Ccsdmon, in which, for its sublimit]/, the triumphs of their heroes were accustomed to be sung." — p. 112. No. 2. CottonS Tiberius, A. VI. This is a duplicate of the Cambridge copy down to 977, where it ends. This MS. how- ever, was not transcribed from No. 1 at Jirst hand ; for Mr. Gibson observes, that he found it to contain some things which Wheloc's edition of the other does not. Mr. Josselino; collated this copy with our next. He marks little dif- ference. ( No. 3. Cotton's Tiberius, B. I. This is also a duplicate of the Cambridge copy down to 977. Elfric's annals follow, which end in 1016. From that year, its contents are frequently original down to 1056, in which year it ends ; though a few pages forward it contains 201 a short extract (beginning in 10G5) from Tibe- rius, B. IV. This copy is called the Abingdon copy (where it was apparently written from 1016 to 1056). In Josseling's time (about 1570) it belonged to a Mr. Boyer. No. 4. Cotton's Tiberius, B. IV. The original contents of this MS. are, I think, Elfric's annals, and a part only of Wuhtan'> : and nothing more : it ends in 1079. This is its description in the Library Catalogue : " Chronicum Saxonicum a Christo nato ad an. 1052, et postea ad ann. 1079 continuatum. In eo desiderabantur non ita quidem omnia ab anno 261 usq. ad annum 693 qua ex Ilistoricis Saxonicis Monasteriorum Ecclesise Christi et S. Augustini, Cantuariae; Petiiburgensis, Aben- doniensis, usq. ad annum 633 feliciter supplevit Joannes Josselinus. Idem vir doctus, passim, etiam, variantes lectiones ex laudatus codicibus, cum notis, in contextu operis, et in margine inseruit." Nu.&. Cotton's Domitianus, A. VIII. This is a duplicate, something abridged, of the COpy, Xo. 1, and of Elfric's annuls. It also k 202 contains a portion of the copy, No. 3. It ends in 1058. This copy was very hastily made, and many years after the Conquest ; space was originally left at the end of each year for a Latin version, but the space was always insufficient, and the version very careless. Some of the letters are Saxon by mistake. For a specimen of its va- riance from the other copies, compare the fol- lowing extract with Elfric, sub an. 1013. " And se cing JEgelred sende his cwene TElfgiue Ymma to hire brother ofer sse Ricarde and iElsige, abbot, mid hire; and iElfun, biscop, mid tham jEthelingum, Ead- ward and JElfrede, ofer sae ; that he hi bewitan sceolde." Rex itaque JEthelredus misit reginam Enimam ad J'rutrem suum Ricardum, trans mare ; et JElsinum Abbatem de Burh cum Ea,—Episcopum etiam Alphunum cunt fdiis suis Ead- wardo tt JEtfredo cum matre iltorum. J&x 6. The Oxford Copy. This copy is particularly mentioned in our notice of Gibson's edition. Mr. Ingram's esti- mate of it is very moderate ; and Gibson's was, apparently, excessive : but he knew nothing of the two copies, Tiberius, B. I. and B. IV. and without them this was indeed a treasure. Its exclusive contents are still very considerable, and 203 it is yet what he describes it to be, the most valuable and complete of all the copies. Mr. Ingram's account of it is this: " It is a fair copy of older chronicles, with a few inaccu- racies, omissions, and interpretations, to the year 1122; therefore no part of it was written be- fore that period. The next ten years* rather exhibit different ink, than a different writer. From 1132,* to the end A.D. 1154,f the lan- guage and orthography became gradually more Normanized, particularly in the reign of king Stephen, the account of' which was not written till the close of it?' Cotton's Otho, B. XL (lost) Mr. Ingram takes note of two existing tran- scripts of this MS. Wheloc made use of one (which he calls Codex Cottonianus) in his edi- * The reader will perceive little or no difference on comparing our extracts from 1122 — 1132, with any later year. \ 1054, old style. The abbot Martin died in January 1055 ; and this copy includes king Henry's visit to Peter- borough, after bis successor was chosen and confirmed abbot. 204 tion ; and the other is now in Trinity library, Dublin. This MS. (Otho) ends in 1001. It is but a duplicate to that year of the Cambridge copy, (No. 1.) The Peterborough Copy, (lost.) Neither is the loss of this copy (generally called the Annates Saxonici Petriburgenses) much to be lamented. It contains the falsifica- tions in the Oxford Copy, Laud; and its dif- ferences from the Tiberius, B. IV. are all in- serted by Josseling, in the margins and blank leaves of the Tiberius. Mr. Ingram attaches some importance to three other documents. The Jirst of which is a tran- script by Junius of the fragment in Tiberius, A. III. Second, ^transcript, formerly archbishop Laud's, of the MS. Tiberius, A. VI. Gibson made use of this in his edition, and calls it Codex Cant. ; but Dr. Nicholson says it is lost. Third, a copy of Wheloc, collated by Junius with the Domitian, A. VIII. 205 Remarks on the Canterbury Annals. Whatever Mr. Ingram's evidence may be, that Plegmund compiled the Cambridge copy in 891, and continued it to about 924,* I am not prepared to question the fact ; and yet, perhaps, (as to the continuation at least,) his thesis is disputable. Thirty-four years have always been assigned to this archbishop; but there is a miscalculation of about thirteen years between his accession and Dunslans. Diceto mentions an archbishop Wulfhelm, (ex-bishop of Wells, and second AB. from Pleg- mund,) who, he says, sat ten years, (Estry's Catalogue of the Archbishops says thirteen, and the Annul, brev. Roff. nine.) ; perhaps there was no such archbishop ; and certainly his name is not amongst the rest, in the Dies Obituales * u From internal evidence of an indirect nature, there is great reason to presume that archbishop Plegmund tran- scribed or superintended this very copy of the Saxon Annals to the year 891, the year in which he came to the see. Wanley observes it is written in one and the same hand to this year, and in hands equally ancient to the year 924; after which it is continued in different hands to the end.'* — Mr. Ingram's Preface. 206 Archiepp. Cant.; if there was, the years which he sat must be taken from PlegmuncVs 34, [T id. 1. A?igl. Sacra.] " Anno 924, (say the Ann. brev. Roff., mistaking both the names, but right in the year,) Adelmo archiepiscopo successit Wulfelmus. [1 Angl. Sacr. 85.] Now it is cer- tain, (vide Asser, and the best authorities,) that Plegmund was made archbp. in 889 or 890, (not in 891,) still he might live to write this chronicle till 924: — let us believe it. But judging from the copy Tiberius, B. I., I see little appearance of a present hand in these Canterbury Annals from a year or two after 891 ; nothing which might not be collected out of the lives of cotem- porary saints. Frequent blanks for several years together, with here and there a few dry facts— 905. A comet,}?, kal Xovbris. 906. St. Oswald's body carried from Bardney. 913. Ethel/led built Tamworth and Stafford. 915. Warwick built. And it is evident that these annals were not, at this time, a cotemporary work ; for, after a few such entries, between 891 and 915, the compiler begins again with 896, and inserts another short collection of such- like facts. It is very true, that previous to 959, there are some valuable articles in this copy, which seem 207 written from sight ; and for that reason I can hardly think they were written by Dunstan * who lived principally in his abbey of Glaston- bury until this year (959), when he was made archbishop. All the business of the kingdom afterwards passed through his hands until his death (19 May, 988); and yet, from 959 to 971, these Canterbury Annals are blank. From 971 to 988, I look for the indirect evi- dence Mr. Ingram finds, in vain : the most pro- minent articles in the section are those of 973 and 975; which, (unfortunately), are both poetical, and must be translated to be under- stood. Now these, if any thing, are Dunstan's. The reader will judge. It would be folly in me to attempt a better translation than Miss Gurney's : if I had per- mission, I should be glad to publish the whole instead of my glossary. " DCOCCLUf I r. Her Eadgar waes engla waldend corthrc inycclum to kinge gchalgod on thaere ealdan byrig Ace- mannes-ceastre. Eac hie eg-buend othre worde bcornas bathac nemnath ; thaw waes biis mycel on tham eadgan daege eallum geworden thonc nitha-bearn nemnath and cegeath pentecostencs deeg : thaer waes prcosta-heap, * " The indirect evidence respecting Dunstan is as cu- rioua as that concerning Plegmund" &c. — Mr, Vs Pre- fact . 208 mycel muneca-threat, mine gefrasge, gleawra, gegade- rod: and tha ugangen wass tyn hund wintra geteled rimes fram gebyrdtide bremes cinges ; leohta-hyrdes ; butan thasr to late tha get waes winter geteles, thaes ge- writu secgath, seofan and xx, swa neah wass sigora frean thusend aurnen, tha tha this gelamp; and him Ead- mundes eafona hasfde nigen and twenti nith-weorca heard wintra on worlde tha this geworden waes ; and tha, on tham thrittigaethan, wass theoden gehalgod." rt 973. This year Edgar, the ruler of the English, was consecrated as king with great pomp in the ancient town of Ace-man nes-ceas- ter, which the inhabitants also call Bath. There was much joy among all the sons of men on that blessed day, called the day of Pentecost. There was a multitude of priests, and a great throng of monks, wise men in my mind, ga- thered there. At that time ten hundred years were reckoned to have passed away since the birth of the King of Glory — the Keeper of Light, ex- cepting only that as writers say twenty-seven winters were wanting thereto, so nearly was the thousandth year of our conquering Lord com- pleted when this event took place ; and the son of Edmund, the man of mighty deeds, had then been nine-and-twenty years in the world, and in his thirtieth year he was a king, and consecrated ." 209 " mcccclxxiv. Her geendode eorthan dreamas, Ead- gar, engla cing ; ceos him other leoht, wlitig and win- sum ; and this wace forlet lif, this laene nemnath leoda- bearn, menn on moldan ; thone monath gehwasr on this ethel-tyrf tha the aer waeron on rim craefte rihte-getogene, Julius nemnath, thaer se geongagewat, on thone eahtothan daeg, Eadgar, of life ; beorna beah-gifa ; feng his beam syththan to cyne-rice ; cild unweaxen, eorla-aldor, tham waes eadmund nama ; and him tyr-faest haeleth ; x nih- tum aer of Brytene gewat bisceop se goda thurh gecyndne craeft tham waES Cyneweard nama. Tha weanh on myr- cum, mine gefraege, wide and welhwasr waldendes lof afylled on foldan ; feala wearth to-draefed, gleawra godes theowa ; thaet waes gnornung mycel tham the on breostum waeg byrnende lufan meotodes on mode. Tha waes maertha fruma to-swythe forsawen ; sigora-waldend ; ro- dera-raedend ; tha man his riht to-braec. Tha wearth eac adraefed deor mod haeleth, Oslac of earde ; ofer ytha-ge- wealc ; ofer ganotes baeth ; gomol feax haeleth, wis and word-snotor ; ofer waetera-gethring; ofer hwaeles-aethel ; hama-bereafod. Tha wearth eac aet-ywed, uppe on rode- rum, steorra, in stathole ; thone stith ferhthe haeleth hige- gleawe, hatath, wide cometa, be naman, — craeft gleawa menn, wise, woth-boran : waes geond wer-theode wal- dendes wracu wide ; gefraege hungor ofer hrusan ; thaet, eft, heofana-weard, gebette; brego engla; geaf eft blisse gehwajm egbuendra, thurh eortham wajstm." "975. This year, Edgar, king of the Eng- lish, ended his earthly joys. He chose for him- self another light, beautiful and pleasant; and 210 gave up this worthless life, which the children of the people, the men of dust, confess to be so vain. It was in that month, which every where in this country is called July by those who have been rightly instructed in the art of numbers, and on the 8th day of the month, that the young Edgar, the giver of bracelets to the valiant, de- parted this life; and then his son, a child not full grown, succeeded to the kingdom. He was the ruler of earls, and his name was Ed- ward — a prince most excellent. Ten days be- fore this, Britain lost Cyneward, that good and kindly bishop. At that time, to my mind, the glory of the supreme Governor was trampled on throughout Mercia ; many of God's wise ser- vants were driven away ; and this was a great sorrow to those who bore in their hearts and minds an ardent love of their Creator. Then in- deed was the Author of miracles set at nought — he who is the Disposer of victory, and the Lawgiver of heaven, when men violated his right. Then also was driven (vide p. 194). And then also a star appeared in the sky ; above, in the firmament, which strong-minded men of deep learning, skilful men, and wise soothsayers, universally call a comet. The ven- geance of the Almighty was upon the nation, 211 and a dire famine in the country — [the hills, Ingr. — saviit fames per montes. Gibs.] Ruler of heaven ! Lord of the angels ! Let it again away, and give bliss to every inhabitant through the fruitfulness of the earth." I have forborne, till now, to remark an error of Wharton's. In his argument respecting El- fric, (pp. 14, 15, 27,) he says that the writer of the year 977, narrates therein the young King Edward's death, and therefore," Sec. It seems doubtful whether 975 and 977 were written by one hand or not. After 977 ', this copy lay, without addition, for some years ; and certainly Dun stan did not write the following : " mcccclx xvir. Her waes thaet myeele gemot aet Kirt- Jingtune, ofer Eastron; and thaer forth-ferdeSidemanbis- ceop on hradhcan deathe on ii kl. mai. Se waes Defena- scire bisceop ; and he wilnode thaet his lic-raeste sceolde beon a-t Cridiantune aet his bisceopstole. Tha het Ead- weard cing and Dunstan arcebisceop thaet hine man ferede to Sea-Marian mynstre thaet is act Abbandune ; and man eac swa dyde : and he is eac arwyrthlice be- byrged on tha north healfe on Scs. Paulus portice." !J77. '• This year a great meeting was held after Easter at Kirtlington ; and there Bishop Side- man died suddenly, on the second of the ka- lends of May. He was Bishop of Devonshire, 212 and he willed that his body's resting-place should be at his see of Crediton. Then King Edward and Archbishop Dunstan commanded that he should be carried to Saint Mary's mo- nastery of Abbendon. This was done; and he was honourably buried on the north side of Saint Paul's aisle." The only passage in these annals any way assignable to Alfric* is the following: and this was apparently written in Hampshire, rather than Canterbury. Elphegus is a better guess, — Bishop of Winchester from 984 to 1005— in which year he was made Archbishop. "mi. Her on thissum geare \va?s micel unfrith on Angel- cynnes londe thurh scip-here ; and wel-gehwaer hergedon and baerndon swa thcet hie up asetton on amne sith thaet hie comon to iEthelinga-Dene ; and tha com tha?r to geanes Hamtun-scyr, and him-with gefuhton ; and ther * " From the time of Alfred sndPlegmund, these Chro- nicles seem to have been continued under the auspices of such men as the Archbishops Dunstan and A//ric." — "The indirect evidence respecting Dunstan and Aifrk" &c. — " There seems to be nothing of any great value in this MS. beyond the time of A/Oic. whose death is re- corded (after a considerable chasm) in 1005." — Mr. In- gram's Preface. 213 wearth iEthelvveard cvningres heah-gerefa of-sle°;en, and Leofric aet Hwitcircan, and Leofwine cyninges heah-ge- refa, and Wulfhere bisceopes Thegn and Godwine aet Weorthige, iElfsiges bisceopes sunu ; and ealra manna an and hund-eahtatig: And thaer wearth thara Denisca micell ma of slegenra theah the hie wael-stowe geweald ahton. And foran tha thanon west oth thaet hie comon to defenan; and him thaer to-geanes com Palligmidtham scipan the he gegadrian mihte, fortham the he asceacen waes fram iEthelrede cyninge ofer ealle tha getrywtha the he him geseald haefde : and eac se cyninge him wel gyfod haefde on hamon, and on golde and seolfre : and forbaerndon Tegntun, and eac feala othra godra hama the we genemnan ne cunnon ; and heom man syththan thaer frith with-nam. And hie foran tha thonan to Exan muthan swa thaet hie asetton him up on aenne sith oth hie comon to Peonn-ho ; and thaer waes Cola thaes cy- ninges heah-gerefa, and Eadsige thses cyninges gerefa togeanes him mid thsere fyrde the hie gegadrian mihton ; and hie thaer afiymede wurdon : and thaer wearth feala of- ilegenra, and tha Deniscan ahton w&l-stowe geweald. And thaes on mergen forbaerndon thone ham aet Peonn- ho, and at Clistune, and eac feala godra hama the we genemnan na cunnan. And foran tha eft east ongeanhie comon toWiht; and thaer, on mergen, forbaerndon thone ham aet Wealt-ham, and othra cotlifa feala ; and him mon rathe tiucs wilh-thingode and hie namon frith."* " 1001. This year the peace of England was much disturbed by the pirates, who plundered * Here ends the MS. Otho, 15. XI. 214 and burned in all parts ; and thus they pro- ceeded in one course until they came to Alton ; and there the men of Hampshire met them, and fought with them. And the King's high sheriff, Ethelweard, was killed there, and Leo- fric of Whitchurch ; and Leofwine, the King's high sheriff; and Wulfhere, the bishop's thane; and Godwin of Worthy, the son of Bishop Elfsy ; and there fell 81 men in all: and many more were slain on the part of the Danes, al- though they kept possession of the field of battle. And thence they proceeded northward until they came into Devon ; and there Pally joined them, with all the ships that he could collect ; for he had deserted from King Ethel- red after all the assurances of fidelity which he had given him, and although the King had been very bountiful to him in the gifts of houses, of gold, and of silver. And they burned Teynton, and many other good villages which we cannot name : and afterwards the people of that country made a treaty with them. And they departed thence to Exmouth, and so they went on in one course until they came to Pe- onnho; [Pin-hoo, Devon, according to Mr. In- gram, and not Pen, near Gillingham, as Gib- son :] and there Cola, the King's high shcrilf, 215 and Eadsy, the King's sheriff, came against them with the troops which they had gathered together ; but they were put to flight, and many were slain, and the Danes kept possession of the field of battle. And the next morning, they burned the villages of Pen [Pin-hoo] and of Clifton [Clist] and many good villages be- sides, which we cannot name. And then they proceeded eastward till they arrived at [the Isle of] Wight, and in the morning they there burned the village of Waltham, and many other hamlets ; and the inhabitants soon treated with them and obtained peace. " The writer of 977 may have been an Abbing- don monk (as Alfric originally was). Are we to suppose, that Alfric wrote that year, and that he also wrote the year 1001 at Winchester ? (wherewith he was certainly connected both in Ethelwold's time and Elphegus\) This, I sup- pose, is part of the evidence Mr. Ingram refers to ; but if this be all, it is very insufficient. Alfric seems, from Brideferfs dedication of his Life of Dunstan, (cited by Whartort t p. 5,) to have been a good Latin scholar ; and this is all that can be collected from such a whimsical piece.* Perprudenti Domino Archonti Alfrico, Omnium 2iC We shall take leave of this MS. with the article 1023 ; the last it contains of any impor- tance. Any gentleman of Cambridge may as- certain whether it be a cotemporary entry or extimus Sacerdotum B. Vilisq. Saxonum Indigena," &c. " Te quidem, Pastor praecelse, ob enormitatem divulgate peritise propterq. magnificam et placidam privilegii dig- nitatem, ad insuperabilem mihi tuitonem ante caeteros quosq. quamvissint doctrina perspicui, excipiendam secer- nara." And lest my style should disgrace my subject, &c. " Primus, pra? ceteris hujuscemodi dedecus patula protestatione tuae serenitate profiteor; meq. adeo, more aligerorum, qui priusquam profectionis vocem emittant, alarum plausibus flagellare videntur, propriis verborum verberibus, tuis provolutis genibus exonerans affligo : eatenus inquam, ut quicquid hac in editione contra orthographiae normam,compositorisvitio, usurpatum repe- riris, imperiali potentia abradere ; ac plorante pinniculo profluentis encausti in melius, ab errorereformatum emen- dare praecipias." — " E prudentibus neminem, liberali eru- ditum ingenio propemodum pernoscis, qui tarn deformi faeundia in scribendis prologis, ut ego, videatur abuti. Has, tamen, sequentes paginulas, parvo capacitati> fi> mite utcumq. compositas, fidissima fideliunj attestatione purgato, si qua propria temeritate erliiziaia insignia in his me conseruisse diffidas, nisi forte qua' vel vickndo \v\ audiendo, licet intcllectu torpcntc, ab ipso [Dunstano] didiceram, vel etiaxn ex (-jus alumnis, quos a t( , nclla juventutis a'tate, ad virus usq. perfectos doctrinarum pa- bulis deccnter instructus, ipse-met cducando deduxit. 217 not. If it be, the name Mlfsie biscop was first written Mlfric* In that case, the alteration was made by Osborn. If it was first written JElfsie, I think Osborn wrote the whole article.f "mxxiii. Her Cnut kyning binnan Lundene on See Paules Mynstre sealde fulle leafe AZthelnoth arcebiscope, and Brihtuine biscop, and eallon tham Godes theowum Acceptes, obsecro, sola, septus, connexione caritatis, ho- rum apicellorum tenuem congeriem, vix ebenina titula- tione, styloq. fuscanti concretam, contra omnes invisorios aemulos, invicta propugnatione tuendam, non favorio deditam ramusculo, sed tuas specialiter sublimitati colla- tam. In hax quippe literali planitie, mentem magis spon- taneam ambientis, quam agrestem componentis igna- viam explorari deposco. — Tea. sine tuae ofTensionis moles- tia, moneo, tanti patris virtutibus inforniari ; exemplis ejus instrui: moribus muniri; disciplinis justificari; ut cujus extitisse successor in terris, ejus merearis perennis esse consessor in caelis, largiente Domino N. I. C. qui, cum C'oeternoPatre, Sanctoq. Spiritu vivitet regnatDeus per omnia secula Seculorum. Amen. — Acta Sanctorum (Jesuits')/o/. Antw. 1685. torn. 4. 346. * I cannot doubt that this was Elfric. Archbishop Wulstan died Tuesday, 28th May, and Elphegus' body was taken up on the Saturday week following, Hth June. Between these days our abbot was named to Worcester and York. -f The whole article is also in Tiberius, B. IV. 218 the heom-mid waeron thaet hi moston nyraan up of tham byrgene thone arcebiscop See iElfheah ; and hi tha swa dydon on VI idus Iwiii. And se brema cyvg and se arce- biscop and leod-biscopas and eorlas and swythe manega hadode and eac laivede feredon on scyre his thone haligan licha- man ofer Temese to Suth-ge-weorke : and thar thone halgan Martyr than arcebiscop and his geferum betehton : and hi tha mid weorthlican weorode and wynsaman dreame hine to Hrofceastre feredon. Tha on tham thrid- dan deege com Imma seo hkefdie mid hire cynelican beame Hearda-Cnute : and hi tha ealle mid miclam thrymme and blisse and lof-sange thone halgan arcebis- cop into Cantware-byri feredon ; and swa wurthlice into cyrcan brohton on III idus Iun. — Eft syththan on tham eahteothan deege on XVII. kl. Iul., JEthelnoth arcebiscop and JElfsie biscop and Bryhtwine biscop and ealle tha the mid heom waeron ge-logudon see iElfeages halgan licha- man on north healfe Xpes weafodes Gode-to-lofe, and tham halgan arcebiscope to-wurthmynte; and eallon tham to ecere hzelthe the his halgan lichaman thaer, mid est- fulre heortan and mid ealre eadmodnysse da?ghwamlicc seccath. — God Almihtig gemiltse eallum cristenum man- num thurh iElfeges halgan ge-gearnunga." With regard to the authors of the Canterbury Annals, ox first part of the printed chronicle, I acknowledge my deficiency : in discussing the rc/uai/iing {and the most valuable) parts, I have succeeded better. 219 It has been a hard question with me, whether the different readings should be inserted between one copy and another, essentially duplicates, but I conclude they would never be read in a book like this, or be read to the reader's annoy- ance, and have therefore struck out the whole mass of such notes as useless. Mr. Ingram has taken the pains to collect such differences; and, perhaps, this volume may serve for an index to his. I propose, then, to leave the other copies as duplicates, (which in effect they are, except some little original matter in the Tiberius, B. I.) and to notice none but the Tiberius, B. IV. and the Oxford copy Laud. From the former of which, we extract Elfric's Annals, and also Wulstan's, (as far as it goes). From the Laud we complete Wulstans; and give those of Nicholas, Athelwold, and a part of Renialdus', and Hugo's. l 2 APPENDIX. No. I. APPENDIX. No. I. Page 24. Rei non leve pondus accedit ex cog- nomento Elfrici, Archiepiscopi Eboraci, qui, ab aliis, Putta ; a Flor. Wigorn.; Put toe, appellatur. Page 67. The Colloquy beginning We cildra biddath, &c. Page 133. Elfric Bala— to dispossess God's church. Our Elfric was doubtless distinguished by some cognomen from others of the same name ; but whether it was Putta, Bata, or Wittic, seems uncertain. It might be Putta, and insignificant. Henschenius and Papebrochius, two Jesuits, in their Collection of Acts, &c, (fol. Antw. 1685) have also published Osbern's Life of Dumtan from three ancient copies ; one, their own ; another, belonging to the monks of St. Mary of Bonifons ; and the third amongst the 224 Bodecensian MSS. in Westphalia. In their edition, Elfric is called Elfricus Beta. From the use Osbern makes of Elfric's name, he clearly intends here, no other than our Elfric ; which it seems Elfricus Bata, or Beta, is not. We are taught in Hickes* Thesaurus (I. 104) that there was an Elfricus Bata, a disciple of the Abbot Elfric, and a very inferior man. Hickes' account occurs in his List of Saxon MSS. in the inner library of John Baptist Coll. Oxford. "Arch. III. No. 2. Codex membranus an- tiquus et bonae notse : in quarto. * * * # " 3. Colloquium latinum, in usum puerorum conscriptum ; cui, (finito Glossario superiori,) praemittitur hoc Tetrastichon misellum. Denique composuit pueris hoc stylum rite diversum Qui Bata TElfricus, monachus brevissimus : Qualitcr Scholastici valeant resumere fandi Aliquod initium Latinitatis sibi. Dialogus, autem, sic bicipit.. Surge, frater mi, de tuo lectuo ; quia tempw- est nunc nobis surgendi : Explicit. Explicit hie sermo latinus, calce quiescens. A Bata JElfrico, dispositum, monacho. 4. Adhuc, Ego, Bata, difficiliorem Sententiam Anno. 225 Incipit. O grate puer! sterne meum gausape; quia non habemus mappam, nisi in Festivitatibus. Explicit. Allubescente uranico Basileo ; qui riget et Dominator, per immortalia saecula. 5. Hanc Sententiam Latini Sermonis olim ^Elfricus Abbas Composuit; qui meus Fuit Magister : Sed Tamen Ego, -^Elfric Bata, Multas, Postea, Hue Addidi Appendices. We cildra biddath the eala Lareow tluct Incipit. Nos, pueri, rogamus te, Magister ; obnixe ut tlm tcece us sprecan doceas nos loqui latinaliter recte. Explicit. Satis est, Mc, locutum : et hie sermo surhciat nobis. Amen. 6*. Sequitur, manu recentiori, pars altera (ut videtur) superioris Colloquii; vel saltern, aliud, ejusdem farina?: latino, cum interlineari ver- sione saxonicu. uei bred it Incipit. O Clerici ne dempseris unquam dipticas J'ram sidam jleag ealdor slidendes plegan. lateri fugias fore corcula labentis ludi. feoh thect steme tpic-hut twetn Explicit. Nee ubsitq. lucar quo Jlagret lar ntctnr ttbit esto nicinor tui gallonis. There is a copy of the colloquy, Vo. 5, in Cotton's Library, (Tiberius A. III. fol. 68.) under tlie title Colloquium (&c.) ab JElfrico 226 primum compilation ; et deinde ab JElfrico Bata, ejus discipulo, auctum: post hac, fortasse, de- snnt qu&dam. There is a great deal of it ; and perhaps this copy wants no more than the above explicit. I do not suppose that Bata had much to do with it : and if he had, his additions have not improved it : it was clearly a hasty, off-hand performance, for use under Elfric's own eye. The scene bears strong marks of Peterbo- rough,- and since it has never been published, the greater part of it is inserted here, I have omitted the Latin, and restored the Saxon words to their proper places, as far as I could, because they are fitted to the Latin a la Ha- milton. C. We cildra biddath the, Eala Lareow ! thset thu taece us sprecan; fortham un-ge- laerede we syndon and ge-waem niodlicc we sprecath. JP. Hwset wille ge sprecan ? C. Hwset recce we hwaBt we sprecan, buton hit riht sprrec sy and behefe ; D8B8 ivel oththe fracod. P. Wille ge beon bespungen on leornunge ? C. Leofre ys us beon bespungen for Ircre 227 thaenne hit ne cunnan ; ac we witan the bile- witne wesan ; and nellan on-be-laedon swincgla us, buton thu be to ge-nydd fratn us. P. Ic axie the Hwst weorces haefst thu ? C. Ic eom gean-fyrde monuc, and Ic singe aelce daeg seofon tida mid se brothrum; and ic eom bysgod # * # and on sange ; ac theah- hwaethere ic wolde betwenan leornian sprecan on leden ge-weorde. P. Hweet cuman thas, thine geferan ? C. Sume synd yrthlincgas, sume scep-hyrdas, sume oxan-hyrdas ; sume eac swylce huntan : sume fisceras, sume fugeleras, sume cyp-menn, sume sceo-wyrhtas, sume sealteras, sume baece- ras, [&c] P. Hwast saegest thu Yrthlinge ? Hu be- geist thu thin vveorce. Y. Eala leof hlaford ! Thearle ic deorfe ! Ic ga ut on daeg-raed thyvvende oxon to felda, and iugie hig to syl ; nys hit swa stearc winter thaet ic durste lutian act ham for mines hlafordes ege. Ac ge-iukodan oxan, and ge-fsesnodon sceare and cultre mit thaare syl, aelce daeg ic sceal erian fulre aether oththe mare. P. Haefst thu aenige geferan ? ) . Ic haebbe sumre cnafan thywende oxan mid gadisene ; the eac swilce nu has vs for cvlde (^cc.) P. Ilu.x't mare dest thu on (]ivfst thu hafoce ? F. Iclnubbe. 232 P. Canst thu temian hig ? F. Gea ; Ic cann. Hwaet sceol hig don me butan ic cuthe temian hig. P. Sylle me aenne hafoc. F, Ic sylle lustlice gif thu sylst me aenne svviftne hund. Hwylice hafoc wilt thu habban- thone maran, oththe thaene laessan ? P. Sylle me thaene maran. Hu afest thu thine hafocas ? F. Hig fedath hig-sylfe and me on wintra ; and on lengten ic laete hig aet windan on vvuda; and ge-nyme me briddas on haerfaeste, and temige hig. P. And for-whi for-laetst thu tha ge-temedon aet windan fram the ? F. Fortham ic nelle fedan hig on sumera fortham the hig wearle etath. P. And manige fedath tha ge-temedon ofer sumor thaet eft hig habban ge-aruwe. F. Gea; swa hig doth. Ac ic nelle thaetan deorfan ofer hig, fortham ic canne othre gefon, na thaet come, ac eac swilce manige. [P. Hwaet saegst thu, Mancgere?* Mane. Ic secge thaet ic com be-hefe ge cinge and eoldermannum, and welgum, and eallum folce. P. And hu? • The sections within brackets may be some of El/nc Bata'i additions, (if there was such a person). 233 M. Ic astigie min scype mid min hlaestuni and rowe ofer faelice vaelas ; and cype mine thinge, and buge thinge dyrwyrde tha on thisum lande ne beoth accennede, and ic hig to ge- laedde eow hider ofer sae mid micclan plihte ; and hvvylon ic bolic for-lidenesse ; mid lyre ealra minra thinga, &c. &c. P. Hvvilce thincge laedst thu us ? M. Paellas and sidan, deorwyrj&e gymmas and gold, selcuthe reaf, and wyrtge mange, win and ele, ylpesban, and maestlinge, aer and tin, swaefel, and glaes, and fela thilces. P. Wilt thu syllan her, thine thinge eal-swa thu hi ge-bohtest thaer ? M. Ic nelle ; Hwaet thaenne me fremode min ge-deorf? Ac ic wille cypen her luflicor thonne ic bicge thaer, thaet ic me begite sum ge-streom than ic me afede and min wif, and minne sunu. P. Thu, Sceowyrhta ! Hwaet wyrcst thu us, &c? * * * -x- * * * *S'. Ic bicge hyda and fell, and vvyrce of hige scy, mislices cynnes ; swyftleras, and sceos, lederhosa, and butericas, bridcl-thwancgas, and ge-rada, and faetelsas ; and nan eower nelle ofer wintran butan minon craefte. P. Sealtera ; Hwaet fremath us thin craefte ? Sealt. Thealre min era- ft fremath eow eallum ; 234 nan eower blisse brycth, &c. &c. Then comes the Baker, and next the Cook.] C. Gif ge me ut adrifath fram eowrum ge- ferscype, ge etath eowre wyrta grene ; and eowre flsese mettas, hreawe, (Sec.) P. We ne reccath ; ne he us ys nead-thearf. Fortham we sylfe magon seothan tha thinge the to-seothenne synd ; and braedan tha thinge the to-braedene synd. C. Gif ge, forthy, me fram adrvfath, thaet ge thus don thonne beo ge ealle thraelas, and nan eower ne bith hlaford ; and theah-hwaethere ge ne etath butan minne craefte.* * I have omitted, for brevity's sake, the full examina- tion of the Salter, who boasts that without salt there is no pleasure in dinner or supper ; and not even in herbs. " Hwa ge-fi/lth ge clefan oththe hedderna (cellar or larder-) without my assistance ? The Baker says neither men nor children can live baton hiafe (without bread). The child tells the master that he has amongst his friends, Smiths, Inm-smiths, Gold-smiths, Silver-smiths, Bra- ziers (u?--smithas), Carpenters, kc. and many others : and even a Manager, Wise Ge-thcahta. [I In mihte un gpga- (hrioiin boon wissod butan sc Theahtynde?] The Carpenter reproves the Smith for his boasting; and thus boasts in his turn : I make your houses and mam/ of yow household vessels, and all your ships. And then again the Smith : Stay, stay, Mr. Carpenter, ne furtlion an thyrl thu ne mihte don ; without my help, you cannot bore u hole, &c. 235 P. Wisa ! Hwilc craeft the ge-thuht furthra wesan betwux thas? W. Me ys gethuht Godes theowdom healdan ealdorscype betweoh thas craeftas. Swa svva hit ge-raed on godspelle, " Fyrmest, seceath Godes rice and hys rihtwisnesse ; and ealle thas thinge beoth eow toge-hyhte. 11 P. And hwilc the gethuht heoldan ealder- dora betvvix woruld-craeftas ? W. Eorth tilth ; fortham se yrthling us ealle fett. [Smith. Hwanon haefth se yrthling sylan- scear oththe culter, the, na gade, buton of minon craefte? Hwanon fiscere, angel, oththe sceo- wyrhtan, al ; oththe seamere, niedl ; nis hit of minon craefte ? P. Soth, witodlice, saegst. Ac leofre ys eal- lum us wikian mid se yrthlinge thonne mid the. Se yrthling sylth us hlaf and drenc. Hwaet sylst Thu us on thinre smiththan buton irenne fyr-swearcan, and sweginega beatendra slecgea, and blawendra byliga? ***** *i P. Eala geferan, gode wyrhtan, sy sibb and gethwaernyss be-tweoh us : and ge-hwilcum urum framige othron on his craeft ; and ge- dwaerian symble mid tham yrthlinge, tha?r we us habbath bicleofan ; and urum horsum foddor. And ic sylle ealluin vvyrhtum this 236 ge-thuht thaet anra ge-hwylc geornlice be- gancge his craeft ; fortham se the his craeft forlaet, he byth forlaeten fram tham craefte. Swa hwsether thu sy, swa maesse-preost, swa monuc, swa ceorl, &c. And beo th^t thu eart ; for- tham hyt ys micel hynd and sceamu man nelle wesan thcet he ys, and thcet the he wesan sceal. [Eala cild ! Hu licath eow theos spaec. C. Wei heo licath us, and sprycst thearle deoplice, and ofer ure maethe (Sec). Ac spree us aefter urum andgyte ; thaet we magon under- standan tha thinge the thu spraecest.] P. Ac, ahsige eow for-hwi swa geornlice * # leornino;e ? C. Fortham we nellath wesan swa stunte nytern tha nanthing witath buton gierd and water ? P. And hwaet wille ge ? C. Willath wesan wise. P. On hwilcon wisdome? — Wille-ge beon fraettige oththe thusent luwe ; lytige on leasun- gum, onglaewlice on spraecum; wel-sprecende and yfele-thencende ; swa?sum werdum under- theodde, fan withinnan tyddriende. Swa swa ys berg, — meccon ofer ge-weorke ; stenc-full with- innan ? C. We nellath swa wesan wise, fortham he nys wise the mid didrunge beswicth hyne- sylfnc. 237 P. Ac hu wille ge. C. We vvillath beon bylewite, buton lice- tunge ; and wise thaet the bugon fram yfele and don goda : — Gyt, theah-hwaethere, thu maegst deoplicor mid us thonne ure yld maege on-fon. Ac spraec us aefter uron ge-wunon, naes swa deoplice. P. And ic do, eal-swa ge biddath. Hwaet dydest daeg, cnafa? C. Ic dyde manega thing on thisse niht. Tha tha ic gehyrde cnyll ic aras on minon bedde ; and eode to cyrcean, and sang uht-sang mid ge brothrum : aefter tha we sungon be eallum halgum ; and d&g-redlice lof-sanges : aefter thi- sura, prim, and seofon sealmas ; into letanian and capital massan ; — sithan under-tyde, and dydon mcessati be-dage ; aefter thisum we sun- gon mid-dag ; and atan and driincon, and slepon ; and eft, we arison and sungon it on ; and nu we synd her a j t foran the, gearwe ge-hyran hwa*t thu ussecge. P. Hwaenne wylle ge singan afen oththe niht sangef C. Thone hyt byth time. P. Waere thu be-spuncgen to-daeg? C. Ic naes ; fortham ic me heold werlice. P. And hu thine ceferan ? C. Hwa*t me ahsake be tham ? Ic ne deor 238 uppan the ure vigla ; aura gehwylc wat gif he waes bespuncgen oththe na. P. Hwaet ytst thu on daeg ? C. Ic bruce flaesc mettam gyt; fortham ic eom cild, drohtniende under gyrda. P. Hwaet ytst thu mare ? C. Ic ete vvyrta and aegra ; fisc and cyse ; buteran, and beona ; and ealle claene thinge ; mid micelre thancunge. P. Thu eart swythe wax georn, thonne thu etst ealle thinge the the to-foran. C. Ic ne eom swa micel swelgere thaet ic msege etan ealle cynn metta on anre ge-reor- dinge. P. Achu? C. Ic bruce hwilon thisum mettum, hwilon other um, mid syfernysse, swa swa munece daf nath, na3S mid ofer hrowse, fortham ic eom nan glute. P. And hwaet drincst thu ? C. Eala, gif ic haebbe ; oththe waetere, gific na haebbe ealum. P. Ne drincst win ? C. Ic ne eom swa swedig tbsst ic maege bic- gean me win ; and win nys cildta drenc ne (h/slra ; ac ealdra, and wisra. P. Hwser sL-vpst? C. On Shvpern mid ge-brothrum. 239 P. Hwa awecth the to uht-sancge ? C. Hunlon ic ge-hyre cnyll, and ic rise ; hwy- lon min lareow awecth me — stithlice mid gyrde. P. Eala ge cildra and wynsume leorneras eower lareow manath eow thset ge hyrsumian (&c.) and thaet ge healdath eow-sylfe anlice on aelcere stowe ; — and gath, theawlice, thonne ge ge-hyran cyrcean bellan ; and gath in to cyr- cean ; and abugath eadmodlice to halgum weafo- dum ; and standath theawlice, and singath au-modlke, and ge biddath for eowrum syn- niuii;and gath ut-butan hj/geleast e-lo claustre, oththe to leorninge. Page 62. There must have been an account of the abbotcies of Elfric and Kinsinus, in the Peterborough Records, amongst the rest. They were cut away, Sec. But this was not effectually done with regard to Elfric, as we are about to shew. Ijefbre we proceed, however, it is worth while to listen to the testimony of our cri- tics in favour of Hugo ; and we shall be able to 240 make a few observations thereon, which are due both to Elf vie and himself. The best parts of his book are clearly traceable to Elfric. " Hugo Alius, jam annis maturus, vitae studebat soli- tariae ; unde et in Benedicii verba juravit : ita tamen, ut, eadem opera, non modo rdigionem, verum etiam pro con- suetudine quadam sua eruditionem mediis amplecteretur ulnis. Tarn utile, honestum, ac undecumque sanctum, invigilantis animi stu&ium-fructus, et quidem ubcrrimos, produxit. * * * " Unum erat, quod Hugonem, praeter cetera, detinuit, juvabat, delectabat ; nempe rerum memorabilium et an- tiquitatis exquisita cognitio; quam ut, aliquando, con- sequeretur nullum, prorsus, diligentiae locum reliquit. At erat, interim, cura haec praecipua, ut historiam Petrobur- gensis eeclesiae, nutricis suae charissima, gratus perdisce- ret alumnus. Hinc elaborata quadam industria, omnia diplomata a Merciorum regibus, turn aliis nobilibus Pe- triburgensibus, collata conquisivit ; et quicquid praeterea chartacea? supellectilis in forulis delituit, propensa excus- sit industria. Tarn vero, ut herba excrescens fructum opportune produceret suum, originem sui Coenobii, suc- cessos felicissimos, ac tandem fortunse per Danos crude- lissimos (Sec.) vicissitudinem accurata perscripsit dili- gentia. Nee minori cura in reparato per Etluhroldum episcopum, et Adulfum Bdgari reg^a ELrchigrammateum, monasterio usus est. In quo opere tain multa dc primi- tiva. Merciorum ccclcsia, a Beda, (alioqui turn docto, turn diligenti) prorsus intacta, ac pnrtciea dc Ccenobiis ex Pc- 241 rroburgo enascentibus, collecta inseruit, ut merite sacro- sanctae antiquitatis Thesaurus esse videatur," &c. Leland. " Hugo Candidas, vulgo Anglorum White, natione Anglus, (&c.) Vir pietatis et doctrinae nomine non ince- lebris, licet pauca admodum, quantum invenire hacte- nus potui,. in lucem emiserit scripta, tamen inter eos numerari solet, qui perscrutandis rerum memorabilium antiquitatibus utilem operam navarunt, et historiam gen- tis nostra* continuo cursu connexam conservaverunt. Teste Joanne Lelando fuit rerum gestarum sui presertim Ccenobii luculentus Scriptor, cujus historiam elaboratis- sima diligentia perstrinxit, &c. Ubi etiam tarn vigili oculo primitivam Merciorum ecclesiam inspexit ut multa an- notaverat quae ipsius Venerabilis Bedae diligentiam eva- serant." — Pitts. " Hugo Candidas historiam Petriburgensem diligenter collegit." — Joss ELI XG. ,{ Hugo Candidas, alias Whyte, juvenis adhuc, Petro- burgi, in Benedictinae professionis verba juravit," &c. " Bonis, certe, et prudentibus grata semper debebat esse eorum diligentia, qui, quoad potuerunt, studia con- ferebant ad historian conservationem, licet recta, dissonis, ac vera, Jrivolu, interduin, admiscuerint. Ex eorum numero preterit author habent anus in eo exercitio pcrcek- bris urttfti; HUtoricut nempe eximius. Nullum prorsus diligentia^ reliquit hie locum, ut non aliquando conse- queretur rerum memorabilium, et antiquitatis exquisitam cognitionem," &c. — Bale. M 242 " Hugo Candidas, alias White, Anglus ; ordinis Bene- dictini in monasterio Petroburgensi. Scripsit historiam Petroburgensem : in qua de monasterii sui origine, va- riaque fortuua, accurate tractat : sane luculentus rerum gestarum scriptor vocatur a Jo. Lelando." &c. G. J. Vossils. I suppose the best historians of our day would be satisfied with praise like this : it appears, in what has been already extracted from his history, that Hugo was grossly ignorant and absurd; but there is yet an instance behind hardly to be equalled ; he seems, indeed, to have been des- titute of every proper merit — even sincerity might be denied him without much injustice. The fact is, that his book, with all its faults, is of value ; because it contains a considerable treasure of knowledge stolen from Elfric. This knowledge is mixed up with a great deal of falsehood but the truth may be distinguished. Indeed, lingoes is hardly a disguise; — Elfric's Saxon is visible enough in his Latin : it is El- fric in chains, Surely Hugo's usurped reputation involves a noble commendation of Elfric : if any writing manifestly abound with folly, but the writer is pardoned (only) in favour of some better part of 243 the performance, the indulgence would be very creditable to the true author of that better part. This is such a case : with the addition, that Hugo's flagrant defects are overlooked, and by common consent he is lauded to the skies. And yet his book is written without modesty or judgment. It has been observed in page 5, that Hugo's history contains large extracts from Elfric's life of Ethelwold. He seems, however, to admit that these are not his own.* What there is of truth in Remaldus's early interpolations seems to be Elfric's : and so vo- luminous a writer must have left much other valuable history, which was sacrificed in aid of the system before-mentioned. Certainly, what follows is either his or relates to him, and much besides, which Hugo has retained and assigns to Elsinus. In particular, the Catalogue of Relics with which he enriched the church, (and which is published in Gunton,) and the cha- racter of Kenulfus, inserted in p. 64. In diebustamcn Elfsinicumesset ultra mare cum regina, multae terra ablatre sunt ab ecclesia ; >>icut Hovedene in provincia Evtrwic, et Buruc, et multai alia; quas noini- * T COnfi n I was slow to believe Hugo so unworthy. m2 244 narem, si aliquid prodesset; nimium enim tributum An- gli dabant Danorum exercitui, qui in tempore Ethelredi regis et Eadmundi pene per quadraginta annos prsedabant et devastabant et ardebant, et nimis affligebant totam Angliam sicut scripta testantur, donee Suein, sive Cnut, filius ejus, ex eorum progenie exaltati sunt in regnum. Semper enim dabant et augebant tributum usque lxxii milJia librarum et eo amplius per annum, et sine hoc quod de Lundonia dabatur xi millia librarum, et nihil aut parum eis profuit, semper enim omnia mala agere non cessabant. Tunc qui hahuerunt ad tantum tributum solvendum dabant, qui non hahuerunt terras et possessiones et alias res inrecuperabiliter perdiderunt. Unde factum est ut eccksia ista, et mult a alia multa perdiderunt. In diebus quoque illius Monachi Ramisienses pro qua- dam causa nimis accusati sunt apud regem ita ut, coram eo, Monasterium destruendum adjudicatum sit. Rex autem iratus nimium jussit impleri judicium praedictum. At Abbas Burgi Elfsius, in Domino confisus, qui oppor- tune et importune sicut in privilegiis suis scriptum rep- pererat; et exemplo Saxulfi, et Ethehvoldi, et aliorum, consiliis regis intererat, et quia sapiens erat ; primitus, se ad Dominum contulit, postea et reginam exoravit, ut secum pro tan to monasterio regem intercederet : qua mox annuit. &c. A sententia euih permutavit, dicens " non esse justum pro culpa unius vel duorwn, tale monaste- rium, et tantos patrcs perire, cum non esscnt conscntunci." Et "se deprccari, ut sibi, et Elfsino Abbati, amico suo, qui mul turn ci savicrnt, illud condonaret." Quod rex liben- tissime annuit. Ea tamen conditions, ut ipse Elfsinus, propria gubernatione illud regeret ; et qucmcunquc relict c\ suis monachis, abbatem ibi constitueret. Sed ille amici- tiam quam inceperat, vicinis suis servans, (simul et impleDS quod scriptum est, Quod mu non vis fieri, ALTER! 245 iionfeceris,) abbatem illis ex propria congregatione consti- tuit ; Ubertatemque in perpetuum donavit. Then (after an account of the translation of Saints Kyneburga and Kyneswitha [de Ecclesia Kyneburgensis, Castri,~\ and of Saint Tibba from Ryhale,) there follows a chapter under this title — " Genealogia quorundam Sanctorum et Sanctarum in Anglia quiescentium :" beginning thus : — " Adhuc etiam placuit ut de Sanctis qui in Anglia re- quiescunt, pauca dicamus. Sanctus Augustimis baptizavit Ethelbrithum Cantuariorum regem et totum populum ejus, — Nam Berta ejus regina — Francorum regis filia ad eum venerat Christiana. Ilabueruntque filiam Edbal- dum et filiam Ethelburgam, quam desponsavit Edwino regi Northanhumbrorum quern sanctus Paulinus, qui cum ilia venerat convertit et baptizavit. Postea vero mortuo Edwino reversa est cum Paulino ad Edbaldum, qui tunc Cantuariorum rex erat; deditque ei memoratus villain maximam Lininge cum omnibus adjacentibus : con- struxitque ibi monasterium, ibique modo requiescit, et sancta Edburga cum ea." &c. And ending thus: — " Sancta vero Sexburga regina Erconbrithi construxit monasterium Sanctae Marian in Scepege, eumque, eum Lot/u/o Jilio honorilice dituvit. Ipsaque sancta Seaburgu, et sancta EtheldrithOf ct bcata Withburga olise eraot Anna.-, regis orientaliuni anglormn. Desponsata est vero beaty 246 Etheldritha Egfrido regi Northanhunbrorum, et tamen in virginitate usque ad finem permansit. Filia autem Sex- burgae Ermenilda desponsata erat Wlfero regi, et ex eis nata est sancta Wereburga, qua? nunc requiescit in Lege- cestre. Nunc autem ubi requiescunt vel ipsi vel alii adhuc pauca dicamus. Sanctus August inns qui christianam fidem genti Anglorum pra?dicavit ipse requiescit in ecclesia sancti Petri in Cantuarebyri, cum episcopis Sanctis Lau- rentio, Maellito, Justo, Honorio, Deusdedii, Theodoro, Brith- waldo, Tatwyno, Nothemo, et Leodurdo, (qui cum Bertha, regina venerat) ; et Adriano, abbate, et cum sancta Mildri- tha virgine. In ecclesia Christ i infra muros requiescunt Sancti Ar- chiepiscopi Dunstanns, Odo, Ethelgarus, et E/phcgus. In Rovec'estre requiescit sanctus Paulinus, qui archi- episcopus in Everwyc primus erat. In Lundonia sanctus Sebbi rex, et sanctus Encomvaldus, et sanctus Theodredus episcopus. In Glestringburi, sanctus Patricius episcopus et sanctus, et sanctus Selfridus ejusdem loci abbas. In Abbandun sanctus Vincentius martyr. Et sanctus Albanus in monasterio suo. In Wynccstre; in vcteri monasterio, sanctus Suuthunus. et sanctus Ethelwoldus, et sanctus Birinus, et sanctus Piedda, et sanctus Birstanm ; Episcopi : et sanctus Justus martyr. — Etin novo monasterio, sanctus Grymbaldut, pres- byter, et sanclus Jiuiocus, confessor. — Et in Nunnammster sancta JEthelburga. In Ham tune sanctus Ragaher rex. In Bredun sanctus jEtdulfus rex ; et Monuchi cum eo, sanctus Co/tu, el sanctus Benna, ct sanctus Fnthuicus. In Pan/diKi/d sanctus Oswaldus rex. In Tinemuthe sanctus tfnetmu rex. Et in ExtoUUsham sanctus AlfwoldtH rex. 247 In Bedriceswirthe sanctus Edmundus rex et sanctas Bothulfus episcopus. In Dunelmu sanctus Cuthbertus episcopus, et sanctus Bogels abbas. In Ha/ga-eland sanctus Edbrithus episcopus. In Beverlic sanctus Joannes episcopus ; et Bretunm abbas. In Certesege sanctus Hybaldus episcopus. In Hevesftame sanctus Edwinus episcopus ; et sanctus Wynstanus martyr. In Wynchelcumbe sanctus Kenelmus martyr. In Derebi sanctus Alhmundus martyr. In Stetford sanctus Berthelmus martyr. In Bucingaham sanctus Rumoldus trium noctium puer. In Hereforde sanctus Egelbrithus rex. In Sceleford sanctus Egelivynus martyr. In Licchesfeld sanctus Cedda [et sanctus Ceada, et sanctus Ceata episcopi.] In Mabnesbiri sanctus A Idelmus episcopus ; et sanctus Patcrnus episcopus. In Hah sanctus Runiwaldus. In Scireburna sanctus Wlsius episcopus. In Cernele sanctus Edwaldus, frater sancti Edmundi, regis. In Cicce sanctus Osgytha. In Tamwurthe sancta Edgitha. In ltumescge sanctus Merewen; et sancta Ealfled abba- tissa, et sancta Baltilda regina. In Buckeswirtha sanctus Ivitium confessor. In Eltislea sancta Pandone ; et sancta Wyndrilha virgo. In Storteforda sancta Aldgytha. In Everwic sanctus Euorhiida. In Covcntre sancta Osburga. In Birtunu sancta Modioenna. 248 In Ripun sanctus Wylfridus, et sanctus Acca, et sanctus Egelsig; episcopi. In Wynburne sancta Cuthburch regina. In Ely sancta Ethtldritha et sancta Withburga, et sancta Ermenilda ; et sancta Sexburga virgo. In Oxnaforda sancta Fretheswytha. In Colodesburh sancta Ebba abbatissa. In Rameseya sanctus Yvo, et sanctus Felix, episcopi ; et sanctus Elhelredus, et sanctus Ethelbrithus, martyres ; et sanctus Egelfled regina. In Wigracestre sanctus Oswald us archiepiscopus. In Enolfesburi sanctus Neotus presbyter. In Grantham sanctus Wlfranus, episcopus ; et sanctus Symphorianus, martyr ; et sancta Etvythun virgo. In Torneie sanctus Athulfus, et sanctus Firminus, et sanctus Hertfridus episcopi : et sanctus Bothulfus abbas, et sanctus Benedictus qui fuit abbas monasterii apud Wtrt- mutham : et sancti Tisse et Hune presbyteri : et sanctus Tancredus et sanctus Torhredus heremitee : et sancta Tova virgo. In Bercing sancta Ethelburga et sancta Hildelitha, et sancta Wljilda abbatissae. In Esca sancta Hilda abbatissa. In Crulandia sanctus Guthlacus presbyter. In Botraene sanctus Pctrocus et sanctus Credamis ct santus Medanus ; et sancta Dachuna virgo. In Sceftesbiri sanctus Edwardus rex et martyr; et sancta Elgiva regina. in }Yitcdun sancta Moncgunda. In Cathlcn sancta Bcga. In Haocanessa sancta JStkelbunga* In Gyrvum sanctus Befa presbyter. In Megelros santus Drihthelmus confessor. In Winloca sancta Mtibutga, 249 In Tenet sancta Ermengytha. In Legecestre sancta Werburga. In Burh sanctae reliquiae requiescunt quae suprascrip- simus. Haec propter utilitatem legentium inseruimus, ut qui aliquem sanctum adire voluerit, sciat quo eum requirat." P. 72. — A table of the true succession of Abbots, from Adulfus to the conquest, will be found towards the end. gunton's succession of abbots. Year of Access. Sat Years 1 Adulfus . . . 972 . 20 2. Kenulfus* . 992 . 13 3. Elsinus . . . 1006 . 50 4. Erwinusf . 1055 . 8 5. Leofricus I . 1063 . 3 * Hugo says above fourteen years. t Or (according to Dr. Patrick) two years. t According to Dr. Patrick, nine years. M O 250 THE TRUE SUCCESSION OF ABBOTS. Year of Sat Year Access. Years. Cess. 1. Adulfus* .... 972 .. 20 'AKenulfusf . . . . 992 . . 13 j 3. ~Etfr'icusGrammaticus,'![\005 .. 17 J 4. Kinsinus§ .... 1023 . . 27 h 5. Erwinus || . . . . 1051 . . I5 6. Leofricus^ .... 1052 . . 14 94 992 1005 1023 1051 1052 1060 972 94 * Made archbishop of York on Osivald's death, 14th March, 992. f (exienle) Made bishop of Winchester in Elpfugas' place, (who, on Alfrics death, 16 Nov. 1005, was elected archbishop of Canterbury .) X Made archbishop of York on Wulstan's death, 28th May 1023, died 24th Jan. 1051. § Made archbishop of York on Elfric's death, and or- dained Magsuain and John, bishops of Glasgow; died 20th Dec. 1060. § Resigned in favour of Leofric ; died a monk of Burch, 30th May, 1060. H Died abbot, 1 Nov. 1066. 251 P. 114. — Elfrifs writings are said to be clearly adverse to the doctrine of Transit b- stantiation. As I have endeavoured to draw certain con- sequences from this passage, it should be shown to be true. The following extract is from Elfric's second epistle to Wulstan : — " Se mcesse-preost the maessiath, and ne dear thaet Husel thicgan, (wat hine scildigne) ; se is amansumad : Lcesse pleoh is to thicganne thaet husol thonne to halgienne. Se the aniges thinges abirigth — aetes oththe wastes — ostran oththe ofet — wines oththe waeteres — ne raede he pistol ne godspell to-maessan. Gif he swa thonne deth he un-ar- wirthath God : — and mid thaere dyrstignysse hine-sylfe for-deth. Se the tuwa halgath ane ofeletan to-husel se bith tham ge-dwolan ge-lic the an cild fullath tuwa. Crist-sylf ge- halgode husel aer his throwunge : he blessode thone hlaf and to-brac ; thus cwaethende to his haligum apostolum — " Atath thisne hlnj '; hit ys min lichama." And he eft blessode aenne calic mid wine, heom cwaethende thus to — " Drincath eall of tlusam, hit is min agen Mod ; — thcere niwan gc-cythnysse the bith for manegum agoten, on sj/nna- for-gyfncss< ." Se Drihten the halgode husel cer his thro- wunge ; and cwaede that se hlaf waere his agen lic/uona ; and that win wa-re wilodlice his blod, se halgath dceglncam- lice, (thurh his sacerda handa,) hlaf -to his Inhuman ; and 252 win to his blode on gastlicre ge-rine, swa swa we raedath on bocum. Ne bith se liflica hlaf lichamlicc swa theah se ylca lichama the Crist on throwude : Ne thaet halige win naes that hccleudes blod the for us agoten waes on lichamlican t/iincge ; — Ac, on gastlicum andgite, aegther bith, sothlice, — se hlaf, ins lichaman; and thaet win, eac his blod, — swa swa se heafonlica hlaf waes the we hatath manna ^ &c. &c. " Se apostol sasde, (swa swa ge nu ge-hyrdan,) [l Cor. 10. Omnes Patres, &c.] thaet hig ealle cctan thone ylcan gastlican mete, and ealle di uncon thone gastlican drtnc, — Ne cwaeth he na lichamlice, ac gastlice : Naes Crist, tha, gyt ge-boren; ne his blod naes agoten tha-tha thaet Israhela, folc ge-aet thaene mete, and of tham stane dranc : and se stan naes lichamlice Crist the swa cwaethende waere : [Etsi, quo-ad verba, ita dicitur] — hit waeron tha ylcan ge-rinu on thaere ealdan as : and hig gastlice ge-tacnodon thaet gastlice husel, ures Halendes lichaman, the we hal- giath nu." P. 137. Remaldus reduced the dates to the reckoning of this abbey, where the year began 25th March. In different copies of the Chronicle the same events are frequently assigned to different dates; by which diversity our historians have been much perplexed. I think it may be ex- plained. 253 In Peterborough and the other monasteries founded by Ethehvold, the year was considered to begin the 25th March, as at Winchester. This is evident from Elfric's Annals, in which the year generally opens — " This year, before Easter,'' or " this year, after Easter." But in the monasteries founded by Oswald, (at Worcester, certainly,) the year began ear- lier ; and, it seems, on 25th December, as may be seen by reference to Wulstan's Annals, Ais. 1048, 1052, 1053, 1056, 1086. And Nicholas 7 1091, 1093, 1094, 1095, 1096, &c. On this diversity of dates, and others, there are some remarks in the preface to V Art de verifier les dates, &c, which seem peculiarly applicable to the present case. (i Si clans une mime Chronique il se rencontre divers com- mencemens de l'annee, que devons nous penser de di- vers Chroniques, companies les unes avec les autres. N'y trouverions-nous pas toutes les variations a cet egard, que nous avons remarquees, et que, par la suite, nous remarquerons encore dans nos Chartes ? — Cela est certain : et Gervais de Cantorberi va nous en fournir la preuve. Get auteur vivait au commencement du troisieme sieclc, dans le terns que les Chroniques se multipliaient a V infini. Ecoutons ce qu'il nous dit. " Inter ipsot etiam Chronica' Kriptoret (ce sont les termes de l'avant propos de sa chronique) nonnuUa duteruio eii : — Nam rihn omnium unka et prampua sit intentio annot 254 Domini, eorumque continentias supputatione veraci enar- rare, ipsos Domini annos, diversis modis et terminis nume- rant' } sicque in ecclesiam Dei multam mendaciorum confu- sionem indicunt. Quidam enim annus Domini incipiunt com- putare ab annunciatione ; alii, a nativitate ; quidam, a circumcisione ; quidam, vero, a passione." Ajoutons a cette enumeration de Gervais, ce que nous avons prouve plus haut. Quidam a Martio ; quidam tandem a paschate. Voici maintenant les reflexions qu'il fait sur ces divers commencemens de l'annee de l'incarnation. " Cui ergo (dit-il) istorum magis credendum est? Annus So- laris, secundum Homanorum traditionem et ecclesice Dei con- suetudinem a Calendis Januarii initium sumit ; in dkbus na- talis Domini, hoc est, in fine Decembris sortitur finem. Quo- modo ergo utriusque vera potcrit esse computatio, cum alter in principio, alter in fine an ni Solaris, annos incipiat incarna- tionis ? Uterque etiam annis Domini unum eundemque ti- tulum apponit, cum dicit anno ab Incarnatione tanto vel tan- to facta sunt ilia et ilia. His, aliisque similibus ex causis in ecclesia Dei orta est non modica dissentio" Apres un temoinage si clair et si precis, d'un tc- moin oculaire, on doit regarder comme sufficeniment prouvee la confusion qu'avaicnt jettee dans les chroni- ques les differens usages de commencer Tannce. Mais le texte de Gervais, dit encore plus qu'il no semble d'abord exprimer. En rexamimmt de pres nous croyons en effet y trouver un nouveau commencement de l'an- nee dont nous avons dit ci-devant deux mots sans le prouver. C'est sur ces paroles que nous nous fondons. Annus Solaris, secundum Romanorum (ruditiontm, vkc. . . . annos incipiat incarnationi*? 11 ae parait ims qu'oo puisse entendre ces paroles de ccux qui commencaient Tannec le 25 Ikambn,— jour dc la Qaissance du Sauveur, et de ccux qui le commencaienl sept jours plus tard, mec 255 le moins de Janvier. Une difference de 7 jours n'etait pas capable de causer la confusion dont se plainte le moine Gervais, forsqu'il dit Quamodo ergo, &c. Cette facon de parler ne marque-t-elle pas clairement deux choses ? 1°. qu'il y avait en ce tems-la, des auteurs qui commen- caient l'annee avec le mois de Janvier, et cela un an moins 7 jours, avant ceux qui la commencaient a Noel. 2°. Que les uns et les autres, malgre la difference d'un an, marquaient, dans leur chroniques, ces deux annees par la meme annee de l'lncarnation. Si tel est le vrai sens des paroles de Gervais, comme il ne parait pas qu'on puisse en douter, nous sommes en pouvoir de repondre a une difficulte proposee aux savans par le Pere Mabillon, fee. Au reste ce commencement de l'annee de l'lncarna- tion, anterieur d'un an au notre, ne doit point etonner, dans un terns ou chaque auteur semble avoir eu la liber- te de commencer l'annee quand il voulait. On a veu plus haut qu'il y'en avait qui la commencaient le jour de 1'annonciation, neuf mois, et sept jours avant nous; — Cette maniere de commencer l'annee de l'lncarnation n'empechait pas ceux qui la suivaient de regarder le pre- mier Janvier comme le premier jour de l'annee solaire, sui- vant l'usage des Komains, tres-connu et tres-commun en 1'occident." Vol. 1. p. 17. Ed. Paris, 1813. Monsieur St. Allais, the editor of the edi- tion of 1818, adds the following information in a note : " En Angleterre on trouve des vestiges de cct usage [to date from ( 25 Dec] des le 7 me Siecle, et il s'y main- 256 tenait encore au 13 me . Gervais de Cantorberi, qui vivait alors, et dont on a vu les plaintes, sur les dissensions des comptitistes de son terns dans la maniere de commencer l'annee, temoigne cependant, que presque tous les ecri- vains de sa nation qui l'avaient precede, s'etaient ac- cordes a placer l'ouverture de l'annee au jour de noel, par la raison que ce jour est comme le terme ou le soleil finit sa course et le recommence. Hoc ut estimo, (dit-il) ratione inducti sunt omnes, fere, qui ante me scripserunt, ut a natali Domini anni subsequentis sumerent initium. Cepen- dant, il parait, que des le 12 e - siecle, l'usage de l'Eglise anglicane etait de commencer l'annee au 25 Mars. Et c'est de cette raison, sans doute, qu' Edmer qui ecn- vait vers le milieu de ce siecle, appele les Quatre-tems qui suivent la Pentecote leJeune du quatrieme mois. Au reste il faut distinguer trois sortes d'annees chez les Anglais, savoir, l'annee historiquc, commencant de- puis long-terns en Angleterre au premier Janvier ; l'annee legale, (suivie dans les actes publics,) commencant a Noel, comme nous l'avons dit, jusqu' a la fin du 13 e siecle, puis, au 25 Mars ; Quant a l'annee liturgiqxte, elle commence au premier dimanche de l'Advent. Without disputing whether Elfric's reckon- ing is to be called historical or ecclesiastical, he clearly begins his year on the 25th March ; and Wtdstan, his, on the 25th December. Now the monks, Monsieur St. Allais' authors, correctly remark the difference, and yet come to a false conclusion : at least, it seems to me so, but I will not be certain whether the mis- take lies with them, or with our a/ma/ists. 257 There is a difference somewhere, which has caused great confusion in our history. The chronologists suppose that to reckon 25 March as the first day of the year, is to advance the year of our Lord. In their own words — those who keep that reckoning, begin to count nine months and seven days before us, who reckon from 1st January. But, on the contrary, we find that the dating from Lady-day was in fact considered a loss. To prove it, Josseling, in his notes upon the copy Tibe- rius B. IV. subscribes under the date 1042 — 1041. in Hist. Petrob. ; and under every year from 1070 to 1080, (where that copy ends,) he remarks to the same effect : as 1071, 1070 Hist. Sew. Petrob. — meaning that in his Peterborough copy, in which those annals of Wulstan's were inserted, it was always with a year lost. And there was reason therein. What hap- pened before New Year's-day, i. e. 25 March, was properly assigned to the preceding year. The awkwardness was, in the continuing the disputed date over the 25 March ; but the com- piler did not dissect the years. The same collator, Josse/inK Boyer. This arrangement of dates in the Abbingdon transcript is more worthy of notice than in the two Peterborough copies. Page 136. Hugo was sincerity itself. 167. So much for Hugo^s credulity, &c. In the above, and perhaps in other passages, I have rather exceeded in charity to Hugo, and thereby misconceived his true character. A close and frequent reference to his book has at last convinced me of his deceit. We have already shown what rank he held amongst our historians, and have done some- thing to reduce it ; but if the degree of his merit is thought worthy of dispute, it may be ascer- tained by what his book contains concerning himself. "Ex hiis 50 libris dedit Abbas Ernulfus ( 20 librae ad comparanda pallia et cappas per mantis Secretariorum WictruA (ss.) et Remaldi Spirit us, Sodi ejus ; quod et ip>i strcnue perfecerunt, sicut ipsa adhuc in EocleSNl posita testanttir. IsU pene per 30 annos Secretarii crant," ,\c. 259 " Ipse vero Remaldus quendum fratrem suum in pue- rili aetate fecerat monachum nomine Hugonem, qui ei semper adhaerebat et serviebat, qui modo defunctus est, qui etiam hunc libellum collegit, collectumque scripsit. Idem vero Hugo in pueritia sua in infirmitatem quandam inci- dit, ut, omnibus annis, et saepe, sanguinem nimium excrea- ret, et inde nimium debilis fieret; unde factum est ut, una vice, ita infirmatus sit, ut quindecim barillas plenas sanguine in una ebdomada per os excrearet. Quod vi- dentes fratres et de eo desperantes cum nimio dolore et fletu eum sacro oleo ungunt, et sancto corpore et pre- cioso sanguine Domini communicant, quia nihil aliud ei nisi mortem adesse putaverunt, et die ac nocte exitum ejus observaverunt ; et tamen orationes pro eo indesinen- ter ad dominum fuderunt ; altera vero die cum fratres capitulum introissent, ipse ipsa infirmitate ita gravatus est, ut subito plenum majorem bacillum sanguine ex- crearet et loquelam perderet. Et jam desperatus cucur- ritdominus Nicholaus, qui tunc Custos erat infirmorum et intravit capitulum damans et dicens jam mori fra- trem, — venient et commendent animam. At illi dolentes nimium ; noluerunt, sicut mos est, intrare ad eum, sed citius intrantes monasterium, humique prostrati septem psalmos cantantes. et cum lachrimis et gemitu Deum deprecantes, ut, per intercessionem Dei genetricis INIaria; semper virginis et beati Petri apostolorum principis, cui servierat, et eorum quorum reliquia; ibi requiescunt, et omnium sanctorum, ei vitae donaret spatium. Dixcrat enim Dominus Egelbrihtus sanctissimus vir, et alii simi- liter, aateqti&m exissent de capitulo, eamui anmet fratres citius in ecclesiam ; impluremus Domini auxilium et nun oegabit nobis unum bominem. Finitis autem 7 psalmis cucurrerunt ad domum infirmorum, et invenerunt eum jam super terrain positum, siculi se projeccret, et anheli- 260 turn longius trahentem, et in exitu laborentem. Cer- nentes autem hcec, fratres paraverunt quaecunque erant necessaria ad tale officium, et psalteria super tabulum scripserunt quae canenda erant. Cumque haec ageren- tur, et Dominus Turicus, prior, sederat juxta eum, fra- terque ejus Ilemaldus ex alia parte, omnesque qui ade- runt flentes et lugentes; repente magnum miraculum contigit, et nostris temporibus inauditum. Nam pulsatus Dominus, ut credo, suae genetricis, et omnium suorum sanctorum precibus, et lachrymis fratrum, subito revixit, qui jam totus erat frigidus, aperiensque oculos, et videns supradictum Priorem juxta se, intuitus est eum diutius. Intellexit vero ipse Prior ipsum aliquid velle dicere si posset, aurem ori ejus apposuit. Tandem ei, (Domino vires dante,) loquela qua potuit, dixit Priori, ut sumeret candelam portaretque ad altare Sanctis Maria, devove- retque ipsum Horas ejus canere omnibus diebus vita? suae. Per hoc intellexerunt fratres, quod per ipsum ipsum esse redditum vita?, quia hoc primum fuit ver- bum ejus. Quod cernentes et audientes fratres qui antea flebant prce tristitia, nunc lachrimas lachrimis ad- debant, prce gaudio, et Domini laudabant magnalia. Ipse vero paulatim caepit reviviscere et loqui. Sumentes eum fratres posuerunt super lectum, et calefacientes vesti- menta apposuerunt lattri ejus, et pedibus, et ceteris mem- bris, et refocillabant eum. In paucis antcni diebus bene convaluit, Deoque et suce adjutrici gratias egH el sorvivit. Ex integro vero sanatus, quia a bonis doctoribu Enmlfo, abbate, et Remaldo firatre ejus, ca-torisijue se- nioribus bene instructus erat. Et vocabatur Hugo Altna, quon'vam a I bus ; et facie era! decor us, et fuh christianus : habitu vero dicebatur ipse Niger monachus. Quodsi mo- nachalia gessit, in Ulit gaudebit In pueriHa et in jmven- tute tilius seniorum tint, et fVatcr CO&TOTUJn; nunc 261 autem, senior omnium, pater est omnibus : suos diligebatut amicos, et ipse (iiligebatur ab eis, et non solum a monacliis sed etiam, ab Abbatilnis, ss. Joanne, Henrico, Martino, Wil- lielmo; sub quibus,et in quorum temporibus erat; et quibus, ut illis placeret, promeruit. Sed et in vicinis monasteriis, et longe, lateque, ubi cognitus fuerat, nee minus diligeba- tur, nee laudabatur. Necnon officio, et ministeria, et possessiones ecclesiae, intus et /oris, per temporum vices in manus ejus commendata? quamdiu potuit, tenuit. Ad ultimum, ad gradum Sub-prioratus vix pervenit, et pri- mitus quidem sub Abbate Martino ; post sub Abbate Wiliitlmo de Walterville. Nunc vero sufficiant haec pauca de tanto, tamque mirabili viro, stylo agresti me perorasse : dicendum est quam gloriose obiit. Obiit tandem iste beatus, Istis virtutibus ditatus, Tempore Willielmi Abbatis Cujus anima sit in ccelis Prece Michaelis ; Amen. " Supradictus autem Abbas Ernulfus," &c. The above extracts occur in the middle of Hugo's book, i. e. in Ernulfus' time. In one line the writer modo defunct us est ; in another, he is nunc Senior omnium monachorum : appa- rently the name of the abbot in whose time he died was left blank, and supplied afterwards (or anticipated, to be altered if necessary.) The writer of all this could be no other than Hugo himself, who compiled this book — (Qui 262 hunc libellum collegit ; collectumque, scripsit.) His absurdity was equal to any thing. This modest description of himself, toge- ther with what he took from Elfric, is the foundation of his credit. One instance of his logical skill, and we have done. It is the sequel of the story in p. 167. " Nam erat quidam Secretarius Burgi nomine Eilricus Cnorri, in tempore abbatis Matthiae; qui cum idem ab- bas non credidisset quod brachium integrum esset jussit aperiri sibi capsulam; ac secretarius cum non haberet manus aptas ad hsec tractanda incaute accepit ipsam parvam scapulam, qua? et inter digitos ejus frac- taest statimque exivit sanguis ex ea, etcecidit super pan- num in quo erat involuta ; et ita recens est usque hodie, quasi hac die exiisset; quod et oculis nostris vidimus ideoque credimus : quia is qui minimus erat in corpore non tamen in merito, intimasset pro se et pro aliis non ibi se velle remanere, cum dixisset ter sanctus, acsi dixissit ter, nolumus hie requiescerc. APPENDIX No. II. APPENDIX. No. II. ON THE COMPILATION PREFIXED TO ELFRIC'S ANNALS. The Compilation prefixed, as well as the Annuls contained in the Codex Tiberius, B. IV. appear to be wholly Elfric's, down to the year 1016. I have only thought it proper to publish under his name the account of the last Danish conquest, beginning in 991 ; but the earlier parts of this copy, which we call the Compilation, are not without interest. As far as they seem to evidence Elfric's identity, they may be noticed by way of preface. Down to about the year 1005, 1 think the whole was written at Winchester. 266 The following passages show the advantage of written history over tradition. As tlfnc was born about 965, the events fell vnthm ten years of his birth, and were collected within twenty years after, and probably much less. " occccrv. Her forthferde laired, cyning.and he rest on ealdan Mvnstere;* and EaAcig feng to West-Seaxena- ^eTan'/W n.s brother ten g to Myrce^; and hi waron Eadmundes suna eynmges and See JElJgtfe. Now Edred died in 956 ; and thereupon Edwy succeeded to the whole kingdom- but Edgar, in 957, was possessed of Merc.a by a faction. It seems to have cost the h.stonan some trouble to ascertain their parentage. « Brcccrvni. Oda arcebiscop to-twaemde Eadwi cyning and iElfgife fortham the hi wsron to-gesybbe." Not a very accurate account of this divorce. [Had Dunstan written the Canterbury Annals, it would have been mentioned in them.] But these mistakes are no discredit to Mine; we ouo-ht rather to compare history before Ins time, with the accuracy which his pen lirtro- duced. *dcccclxxxiv. Her forthferde se hafga bisceop Jtthel- vohl Munec arfeder." It is apparent that this compilation (which • i. e. In the old monastery of W&he**i F.lfric'a abbey. 267 we venture to call Elfric's) was drawn up about the time we suppose, from the mention therein of Edgar, " On his dagum hit godode georne and God him ge- uthe thaet he wunode on sibbe tha hwile the he lifode," &C. kc— An. 959. We have inserted from the Canterbury An- nals, the accounts of Edgcu's coronation and death. The same events are thus described in this copy : — " dcccclxxii. Her waes Eadgar atheling gehalgod to cyninge on Pentecostes Maesse-daege on V id. Maii, thy XIII geare the he on rice feng, aet Hatabathum ; and he tha anewana XXX wintre : and sona aefter tham se Cyning ge-Jaedde ealle his scip-fyrde to Lei-ceastre ; and thaer him comon on-gean VI Cyningas, and ealle with hine ge-treowsedon that he woldon efen vvyrhton beon on sae and on lande." "dcccclxxv. Her Eadgar ge-for ; — Angla reccend, — West-seaxena wine — and Myrcna-mund-bora; — Cuth waes thet wide — geond feola theoda. — Tha afaren Edmundes — Ofer ganotes beth. — Cynegas hyne wide — furthodon Bywthe — bugon to tham cyninge — swa him waes ge-cynde. — Na s Flota swa rang, — he se Here swa Strang — tha on angel-cynne— aer him ge-faette — tha hwile the se a>thela cyning — Cyne-stol ge-rehte. Her Eadward Eadgares sunn feng to rice. And sona on tham ilcan geare on hsrfest aet- eowde cometa ^e steorra: and com tha on tham a'ftran- geare swytlie myccl hungor; and swvthe in;i:nig-fealde styrunga geond angel-cynn : on his dagum, for liis Ki- N 2 268 gothe, godes with aer sacan, godes lage braecon iElfere ealdorman and othre manega : and munuc-regol myrdon ; and mynstra to-staencton ; and munecas to-draefdon ; and godes theowas fesedon the Eadgar kyning het aer thone halgan bisceop iEthelwold gestalian : and wydewan be-stryphtan oft, and ge-lorne; and fela unrihta and yfela unlaga arysan up syththan : and a a aefter tham hit yfelode swythe. And on tham tyman waes eac Oslac se maera eorl ge-utod of Angel-cynn." King Edward the martyr's death is thus in- dignantly described : — " dcccclxxix. Her waes Eadweard cyning of-slaegen on aefen-tyde aet Corfes geate * * * * Ne wearth Angel-cynne nan waersta daed ge-don thone theos waes syththon hi aer aerest Bry ton-land ge-sohton. Mon hine of-myrthrodon ; ac God hine maersod : He waes on life eorthlic cing ; he is nu, after deathe, heafonlic sanct : — Hine noldon his corthlican magas wrecan ; ac hine hafath his hafonlica fader swythe ge-wrecen : Tha eoiihlkan banun woldon his ge-mind on eorthan adilgian : Ac se uplica ureccnd hafath his ge-mynd on heofenum and on eorthan to-brad : — For- tham tha the noldon aer to his libbendum lichamon on- bugan ; tha nu eadmodlice on cneowum abugath to his dadum bunum. Nu we nwgon on-gytan that manna wisdom ; and heora smeagunga; and heora ra^das syndon nahtlice ongean Godes getheaht. But, though this compilation is attributable to Elfric, I am ready, on slight reason, to reject it ; for between this and the annals the difference both in style and merit is infinite. The Ian- 269 guage of the former, indeed, has no particular character ; but the annals precisely agree therein with the colloquy at the end of the volume, and the rest of Elfric's performances. In a word, his is the Saxon in which the venerable Jona- than Oldenbuck, F.A.S. expects to be asked for his estate. 271 ELFRIG'S ANNALS. dcccclxxxx. Her Stgeric waes ge-halgod to arce- bisceop. dccccxci. Her waes Gypeswic ge-hergod : and on tham geare man ge-raedde thaet man geald arrest gafol de- niscum mannum; fortham micelam brogan the hi worn- tan be tham sae riman ; thaet waes aerest x thusend punda. Thone raed geraedde aerest Sigeric arcebiscop. Dccccxcrr. Her Oswald se haliga arcebiscop for-let his lif ; and ge-ferde thaet heafonlice. And Mthdwine eal- dorman ge-for on tham ilcan geare. Tha ge-raedde se cy- ning and eall his witan the man gegaderede ealle tha scypa the ahtas waeron on lunden-byrig : and se cyning tha be-tshte tha fyrde to laedenne jElfric ealdorman and Tho- rede eorle and JElfstane bisceop : and sceoldon cunnian gif hi meahton thone Hereahwaer utan be-traeppan. Tha sende se ealdorman TElfric and het warnian thone here : and tha, on thrcre nihte the hi on thone daeg to-ga'dere cuman sceoldon tha sceoc he on nihte f'ram thaere fyrde him-sylfum to micclum bysmore : and se here thar a t- baerst butan an scip truer man of-sloh. And tha ge-mette se here tha Bcipa of ILast-.Lnglum, and of Lundenne and 272 hi thaer-of ge-slogon micel wael. And thaet scyp ge-na- mcn ael ge-waepnod and ge-waedod thaet se ealdorman on waes. Tha ; aefter Oswalde arcebisceop forsythe, feng Euldulf abbot to Eoferwic-stole, and to Wicgearna-ceas- tre ; and Kanulfto tham abbotrice aet Burh. Dccccxcur. * Her on thissum geare waes Bebban-burh abrocen ; and mycel here-huthe thaer ge-numen waes. And aefter tham com to Humbran-muthan se here ; and thaer mycel yfele worhte, aegther ge on Lindesige, ge on North-Hymbran. Tha ge-gaderade man swythe mycle fyrde ; and tha hi to-gadere gan sceoldon, tfra on-staeldon tha heretogan aerest thone fleam : thaet waes Frana, and Godwine, and Frythegyst. On thissum ilcan geare het se cyng ablaendan Ml/gar, JElfrices sunu, ealdormannes. dccccxciv. Her on thissum geare comon Anlaf and" Swegen into Lundenbyrig on nativitas see maria ; mid feower and hund nigontigum scipum ; and hi tha, on tha burh iaestlice feohtende waeron ; and eac hi mid fyre on- tendan woldon : ac hi thaer ge-ferdon maran hearm and yfel thonne hi aefre wendon thaet him aenig burh-waru ge- don sceolde ; ac seo halige Godes moder on tbaem daeg hire mild-heortnysse thaere burh-ware ge-cydde, and hi ahraedde with heora feondum. And hi tha thaenon fer- don and worhton tha maestan yfel the aefre aenig here don meahte on baernette, and hergunge ; and on man-slih- tum ; aegther be tham sae-riman on East-Seaxum, and on Cent-lande, and on Suth-Seaxum, and on Hamtun-scire : and aet-neaxton namon him hors, and ridon swa wide swa hi woldon ; and unasecgendlic yfel wyrcende WSTOD. Tha ge-nedde se cyng and his witan tha>t him man-to * The Canterbury copy has another account this year, beginnin'j;, " Bet com Unlmfwuiccdtxxx scipum to Statu, &c. This is meant of 994, 273 9ende, and him behet gafol and metsunge with-thon-the hi thaere hergunge ge- swicon : and hi tha thaet under-fen- gon. And com tha eall se here to Humtune, and thaer win- ter-setl namon : and hi man theer fedde geond eall West- Seaxena-rice ; and him man geald feos xvi thusend punda. Tha sende se cyninge after Anlaf cynge JEXfeah bisceop and Mthelvoeard ealdorman; and man gislode tha hwile into scipum ; and hi tha laeddon Anlaf mid micclum wurthscipe to tham cyninge to Andefrow ; and se cyning iEthelred hys on-feng set bisceopes handa; and him cynelice gyfode : and him tha Anlaf behet, (eac swa ge-laeste ;) thaet naefre eft to Angel-cynne mid un- frythe cuman wolde. dccccxcv. Her on thissum geare aet-eowde cometa se steorra and Sigeric arcebisceop forth-ferde. dccccxcvi. Her on thissum geare waes JElfric ge- halgode to arcebisceop to Cristes Cyrican. dccccxcvii. Heron thissum geare ferde se here abutan defenanscire into Sefern-muthan ; and thasr hergodon iegther-ge on Corn- Wealum, and on North- Weahtm, and on Defenum : and eodon him tha up aet Weced-port, and thaer mycel yfel worhton on baernette and on man-slihtum : and aefter tham wendon eft abutan Penvvaeth steort on tha suth healfe ; and wendon tha into Tamer-muthan ; and eodon tha up oth hi comon to Illydan-forda : and ale thing ba*rndon and slogon the hi ge-metton : and Ordulfes mynster Taefingstoc for-baerndon ; and unasec- gendlice here-huthe mid him to scypon brohton. dccccxcvi n. Her wend se here eft eastweard into From-muthan ; and truer aeghwaerup eodon swa wide swa hi woldon into Dorsaeton ; and man eft fyrde on gcan hi gegaderede ; ac sona swa hi togaedere gan sceoldon tlidnne wcurtli tha-r BBfre thurli sum tiling llcani BStiht ; and aefine hit ;it-cnde Sige aliton : and thonc othre hwile 274 Jargon him on Wiht-lande : and seton him tha hwile of Ilamlunscire, and of Suth-Seaxum. dccccxcix. Her com seHere eft abutan into Temese ; andwendon tha up and-lang MedewaegantoHrofe-ceastre; and com tha se Centisce fyrd thaer-ongean : and hi tha thaer feste togasdere fengon : Ac wa-Ja-wa ! thaet hi to- hrathe bugon and fiugon [fortham the hi nasfdon fultum the hi habban sceoldon :*] and tha deniscan ah ton wa?l- stowe ge-weald ; and namon tha horsan, and ridon swa wide swa hi-sylf woldon ; and for-neah ealle west-centin- gas for-dydon and for-hergodon. Tha raedde se cyning with his witan thaet man sceolde mid scyp-fyrde, and eac mid tand-fyrde him ongean faran. Ac tha tha scypum gearwe waeron, tha ilcodon tha deman fram daege to daege ; and swaencte that earme folc thaet on tham scy- pon la?g : and a, swa hit forthwaerdre beon sceolde, swa waes hit laetre, fram anre tyde to othre ; and a hi la?ton heora feonda-waered weaxan : and a man rymde fram thaere sae : and hi ferdon aefre forth aefter : and thonne, aet tham aende, ne be-heold hit nan thing butan folces ge-swinc, and feos spylling, and heora feonda forth- bylding. m. Her on thissum geare se cyning ferdc into Cum- berlande ; and swythe-neah eall for-hergode : and his scypum wendon ut abutan La\gceastre, and sceoldon cuman ongean hinc, ac hi ne meahton. Tha ge-hergo- don hi Monige. And se unfrvth flota wa^s Hues Slimeres ge-wend to Kicerdes-rice. mi. Her com se here to Eaxan-xmithan ; and'uptha eodon to thare byrig : and thare faestlice fcuhtcnclc waeron; ac linn mail swythe hcardlicc witb-Stod. Tha * From copy Tiberius B. 1., which is a somewhat better copy than the B. ^. 275 wendon hi geond thaet land, and dydon call swa hi be- wuna waeron ; slogon and baerndon. Tha gesamnode man thaer ormaete fyrde. Defenisces folces, and Sumer- satisces ; and hi tha somne coraon aet Peonn-ho ; and sona swa hi togaedere fengon, tha bean seo englisce fyrd : and hi thaer mycel was! of-slohgon ; and ridon tha ofer thaet land ; and waes aefre heora ceflra sith wyrse thonne se xra : And mid him tha micle here-huthe to scypon brohton. And thanon wendon into Wiht-land, and thaer him f'erdon abutan swa swa hi-sylf woldon : and him nan thing ne with-stod ; ne him-to ne dorste scyp-here on sae [to geneakecan ;*] ne land-fyrd ; ne eodon hi swa feor up. Waes hit tha on aelce wisan hefig time, fortham the hi naefre heora yfeles ne ge-swicon. mi, Her on thissum geare se Cyninge ge-raedde and his witan, thaet man sceolde gafol-gyldan tham flotan ; and fry th with hi nyman; with-thon-the hi heora y teles ge-swiean sceoldon. Tha sende se cyning to tham flotan Leufslge ealdor man; and he tha thaes cynges worde and his witena grith with hi ge-sette; and that hi to metsunge fengon, and to gafole : and hi tha thaet under-fengon ; and him man tha ge-geald xxiii thusend punda. Tha, on ge- mang thissum, of sloh Leofsige ealdorman JEJic thaes cynges heah-gprefan ; and se cyng hine tha ge-utede of earde. And tha, on tham ilcan hunctene com seo hlaef- dige, Eticardes dohtor, bider, to lande. And on tham ilcan Blimera Ealdulf, arccbiscop, forth ferde. And on tham geare se (yg /s tha thuruh Eadric ealdorman ge-laet; swa hit gyt a'fre was. Tha, sefber sis Martines maessan, tha ferdon hi eft ongean to Cent, and namon * Tiberius B. 1. 281 him winter setl on Temesan ; and lifdon him of East- Seaxum, and of tham scirum the thaer neaxst waeron, on twa healfum Temese ; and oft hi on tha burh Lundenne fuhton ; (ac se Gode lof thaet heo gyt gesund stent, and hi thaer naefre yfel geferdon). Tha, aefter middan wintra, tha namon hi anne up-gang up thurh Ciltern ; and swa to Oxenaeforda ; and tha burh for-baerndon ; and namon hit tha, on twa healfa Temese, to-scype-weard . Tha, ge- warnede man hi, thaet thaer waes fyrd aet Lundenne ongean- hi, wendon him tha ofer Get Stane ; and thus ferdon ealre thone winter ; and thaet lencten waeron him on Cent, and betton heora scypo. mx. Her, on thissum geare, com se fore-sprecena here, ofer Eastron, to East-Englum; and wendon up aet Gypeswic, and eodon anreces thaer hi geacsedon Ulfcytel mid his fyrde : this waes on tham daege prima assensio Domini: and tha sona flugon East-Engle ; tha stod Granta-bric-scire faestlice ongean. Thaer waes of-slegen Mthelstun, thaes cynges athum, and Oswig, and his sunu ; and Wulf, Leo/wines sunu ; and Eadwig, JElftces brothor ; and feala othra godra thcegna ; and folces unrim. Thone fleam astealde aerest Thurcytel myran-heafod : and tha Denan ahton wael-stowe geweald ; and thaer wurdon ge- horsode ; and syththan ahton East-Engla ge-weald, and thone eard thry monthas hergedon and baemdon. Ge- furthon on tha wildan fennas hi ferdon ; and menn and yrfe hi slogon and baemdon geond tha fennas. And Theodford hi for-baerndon ; and Grantabrycge ; and sythan wendon eft suthweard into Temese : and ridon tha ge- horsedan-men ongean tha scipo. And sythan eft hraed- lice wendon west-weard on Oxenaforda scire ; and thanan to Buckingaham scire : and swa and-lang Usati oth hi comon to Bedan-forda ; and swa forth oth Temesan-ford : and d baemdon swa hi ge-ferdon. Wendon tha eft to 282 scipon mid heora here-huthe. And thonne hi to scipon ferdon, Thonne sceolde fyrd ut eft. Ongean, that hi up woldon, Thonne ferde seofyrd, ham. And thonne hi waeron be-easton, Thonne heold man fyrde be-westan : and thonne hi waeron be-suthan, Thonne w&s ure fyrde be-northan. Thonne bead man ealle witan to cynge ; and man thonne radon sceolde, hu man thisne eard werian sceolde. Ac theah hwaet man raedde, thaet ne stod fruthon anne monath. iEt nextan, naes nan heafod-man thset fyrde gaderian wolde : ac aelc fleah swa he meast mihte. Ne furthon nan scir nolde othre ge-leastan aet nextan. Tha aet-foran scs An- dreas maessan-dasg tha com se here to Hamtune, and thaet port sona for-baerndon, and thaer namon abutan swa my- cel swa hi-sylf woldon : and thanon wendon ofer Temese into West-Seaxum:* and swa with Canegan-mersces ; and thast eall for-baerndon. Tha hi swa leor ge-gan heatdon swa hi tha woldon, comon tha to tham middan-wintra to heora scypon . mxi. Her on thisum geare sende se Cyng and his Witan to tham here, and georndon frithes; and him gafol and metsunge beheton with-tham the hi heora her- gunge ge-swicon : — Hi haefdon tha ofer-gan East-Eagle, and East-Seaxe, and Middtl-Seaxe, and Oxtnaj'ord, and Granta-brycga, and Heortford-scire, Buccyiigaham-scire, and Bedanford-scire, and healfe Huntadunscire, and mycei on Hamtun-scire: and be-suthan Ttmtse ealle Cen'Augas, and Suth- Seaxe, and Hcastingas, and Suthrige, and BearrucscirCy and Hanitunscirc, and mycel on Wi/tiinscirc : — Eall thas nngesasltha us ge-lumpon thurh umedas thaet man nolde him to-timan gafol beadan, oththe witk- ge-feohtan: ac thonne he mast to-yfelt gcdon lucflon. Thonne nam man grith and frith mid In : — And, na the * Calling's Marsh — Cannings, Wilts. — Ingram. 283 Jaes, for-eallum thisum grilhe and frithe, and gafole-hi ferdon aeghwider, floc-maelnm ; — and hergodon ; and ure earme folc raepton and slogon. And on thisum geare, betweox nativitas see marie and see michaheles mcessan, hi ymbe-saeton Cantwaraburh : and thaer-into comon thurh syru-wrencas fortham JElfmar hi be-cyrde the se arcebis- ceop JElfeah aer ge-nerode his life. And hi thaer genamon thone arcebisceop JElfeah ; and JElfweard, cynges gerefa ; and Leo/rune, abbatissa; and Godwine, bisceop ; (and JElf- nuer, abbot hi laeton aweg). And hi thaer ge-namon inne ealle tha gehadodan men, and weras and wif thaet waes una- secgendlic, (aenigum menn,) hu mycel thaes folces waes; — and on thaere Byrig siththan waeron swa lange swa hi woldon; and, tha hi haefdon thaburh eal asmeade, wendon him tha to scypon ; and laeddon thone arcebisceop mid him. [Waes tha raepling — se the aer waes — heafod angel- cynnes — and cristen domes. — Thaer man meahte — tha geseon ermthe, — thaer man oft — aer geseah blisse. — On thaere earman byrig — thanon us com — aerest cristendom — and bliss for Code— and for weorulde.*] And hi haefdon thone arcebisceop mid him swa lango oth thone timan the hi hine gemartredon. mxii. Her on thissum geare com Eadric, ealdorman, and ealle tha yldestan witan (ge-hadode and laewede) An- gel-cynnes to Lunden-byrig, to foran tham Eastron ; (waes Easter-daeg tha on tham datarum idus Aprilis :) and hi thaertha swa lang waeron oth thaet gafol eall gelaest waes, ofer tham Eastron ; — thaet waes eahta and feowertig thu- send punda. Tha on thone Saeternes daeg tha wearth se here swythe gestyred ongean thone bisceop [ss. JElfeah] fortham tha he nolde heom nan feoh behaten. And he * If this poetry is Elfric's, (and not foisted in,) he pro- bably wrote more. But I doubt it. 284 forbead thaet man nan thing with him syllan ne moste. Wseron hi eac swythe druncene fortham thaere waes ge- broht win, suthan : — Genamon tha hi thone bisceop & laeddon hine to heora hustinge on thone sunnan aefen, oc- tabas pasche ; tha waes xiii kl. Mai ; & hine tha thaer bys- morlice acwylmdon ; oftorfedon mid banum and mid hrythera heafdum . and sloh hine thaer, an heora, mid anre aexe-yre on thaet heafod, thaet he, mid tham dynte, nyther asah : and his halige blod on tha eorthan feoll & his haligan sawle to Godes rice asende; and man thone lichaman, on mergen, ferode to Lundene : & tha bisceopas Eadnoth, & Mlfhun, & seo burh-waru, hine underfengon mid ealre arwyrthnysse, & hyne bebyrigdon on see paules mynstre ; and thaer nu God sutelath thaes halgan martires mihta. Tha thaet gafol gelaest waes, tha bugon to tham cyninge of tham here fif & feowertig scipa & him beheton thaet hi woidon thisne eard healdan ; and he, hi faedan sceolde, & scrydan. Mxnr. On thaem aefteran geare the se arcebisceop waes ge-martred se cyning gesette Lyfinc bisceop to Cantware byrig to thaem arcestole. And on thissum ilean geare to-foran thaem monthe augustus com Swegen cyning, mid his flotan, to Sandwic : and wende swythe hrathe abutan East-Englum into Humbran-muthan, and swa up-weard and-lang Trentan Qth thaet he com to Gttigntsburh : and tha sona abeah Uhtred, eorl, and ealle North- Hymbre to him ; and eall thaet folc on Lindesige : & sithan thaet folc of Fifburhgum ; and rathe, eall thaes here be-northan Watlinga-strate. And him man sealde gislas of alccre scire. Syth than he undergeat thrct eall folc him-to ge- bogen waes, tha bead he that man sceolde his here mctian and horsian ; and he tha gewende syththan suthweard mid fulre fyrde; & betha>te his scipa & tha gislas VmUe, his sunu. And syththan he com ofer II 'atling-stratc 285 worhton thset maeste yfel thaet aenig here don niht. Wende tha to Oxenaforda, and seo Burh-waru sona abeah, and gislode : and thanon to Winceastre, and hi that ilce dy- don. Wendon tha thanon to Lundene ; & mycel his folces adrancg dn Temese, fortham the hi nanre brice ne caepton. Tha, the he to thaere byrig com, tha nolde se burhwaru bugan ; ac heoldon mid fullan wige ongean, fort/tan thar wees inne se cyning JElhelred fy Thurcyl mid hine. Tha wende Sivegen cyng thanon to Weallingaforda, and swa ofer Temese, west-weard, to Bathan ; and sast thaer mid his fyrde : and com JEthelmar ealdorman thider and tha Westenra Thegenas mid him, and bugon ealleto Swegene and gislodon. And tha he eal thus gefaren haefde, wende tha northweard to his scypum : and eall theod-scipe hine haefde tha for fulre cyning; & seo burh-waru, aefter tham, on Lun- denne beah & gislude ; forthan hi on-dreddon thaet hi he fordon wolde. — Bead tha Swegen ful gild and metsunge to his here thone winter. And Thurcyl bead truet ylce to tham here the laeg aet Grenawic : & butan-thaem hi gehergodon swa oft swa hi woldom Tha ne dohte nathaer thisse leode, ne suthan, ne northern. Tha was se cyning sume hwile mid tham rlotan the on Temese lag ; & seo hla fdige wende tha ofer sae to hire brother lticarde ; and Ml/rise, abbot of Burh mid hire : and se cyng sende Ml fun bisceop mid tham Mthelingwn, Eadwearde & Mlfrede ofer sae, thaet he hi bewitan sceoldc.* • And tha hwile the seo laefdige mid hire brothor wjes be-geondan sae .Elfsige, abbot of Burh, tha thaer waes mid hire, for to thone mynstre the is gehaten Boncual, thaere sancte Florentines lichama la^g. Fand thaere arm stcde, arm abbot, and aerm muneces, — fortham the hi for-her- gode waron. Bohte tha tlucr at thone abbot and al the munecet see Florentines lichaman, call buton the heafod 286 And se cyning wende tha fram tham flotan to tham middan-wintre to WihtAande, & waes tha?r tha tid ; &, wfter thaere tide, wende ofer tha sre to Ricarde ; & waes thaer mid him oth thone byre tha Swegan dead wearth. " mxiv. Her on thissum geare Swegerf cyng ge-endode his dagas to candel-msessan III nonar. Februarii:* and se flora tha eall gecuron Cnut to cyninge. Tha geraeddon tha witan ealle, gehadode, &: gelaewede, angel cynnes, tha?t man after tham cyninge JEthelrede sende ; & cwaedon thaet him nan hlaford leofre nasre thonne heora ge-cynde hlaford, gif he hi rihtlicor healdan wolde thonne he a?r dyde. Tha sende se cyng his suna Eadweard hider, mid his cerend-racan ; & het gretan ealre his lcodscipe & cwaeth thcet he heom hold-hlaford beon wolde ; and aelc thaera thinga betan the hi ealle ascunodon : and a?lc thaera thinga for-gyfon beon sceolde the him gedon oththe dea- den wa?re, with-tham-the hi ealle anraedlice, butan sync- dome to him ge-cyrdon. And man tha fulne freondscipe to v hundred punda : and tha the he ongean com, tha offrede hit Crist and see Peter. The above is in the Peterborough copies only; and they contain nothing else in these years which is not in all the copies of Effric's Annals. This fact, together with the peculiar orthography — and the use of sancte for halga, leads us to attribute it to Remaldus. It is a forgery of course; but deceived abbot John, and all the Peterborough writers. In his Verses, Remaldus is less exact, and does not mention the price. * And thy ilean geare man hadodc JElfoig bisceop on Eoferwic to Lundenburh on Sea Juliana Mssse-dsg. This passage is in no other copy than the Worcester ( Tiberius, B. IV.) It is a manifest interpolation of the Worcester monks (Vide p. 100.) 287 ge-feslnode, mid worde and mid viedde ; on cegthre healfe : and aefre aelcne Daniscne cyning ut-lah of Engla-land ge- cwaedon. Tha com JEthelred cyning innan tham lenctene-tyd ham, to his agenre theode : and he glaedlice fram heom eallum on-fengon was. And tha, syththan Swegen dead waes sastt Cnut mid his here on Gegnesburh oth tha Eastron ; & gewearth him, & tham folc on Lindesige anes thaet hi hine harsian sceoldon ; &, syththan, ealle aetgaedere faran & hergian. Tha com se cyning JEthelred mid fulre fyrde thi- der, aer hi gearwe waeron, to Lindesige : & man tha her- gode and baernde and sloh eall thast man-cynn thast man araecan mihte. And se Cnut, Swegenes sunu, gewende him aweig ut, mid his flotan ; & wearth thaet earme folc thus beswicen thurh hine:— And wende tha suthweard oth thaet he com to Sandwic : & let man don thaer up tha gislas the his faeder gesealde waeron ; & cearf-of heora handa, &earan ; & heora nosa. And, butan eallum thissum yfelum seCyng het gyldan tham here the on Gre- newic iaeg xxi thusend punda. And on thissum geare on see Michaeles maesse-cefen com thaet mycle sae-flod geond wide thisne eard ; and earn swa feor up swa naefre aer ne dyde; and adrencte fela tuna; and man-cynnes, unari- medlic ge-tel. mxv. On thissum geare waes thaet mycle gemot on Ox- naforda. And thaer Eadric ealdorman beswac Siferth k Mmrar, tha yldostan thegenas into Seofon-burhgum : be- paehtc hi into his bure ; & hi man thaer-inne of-sloh un- gerisenlice. And se cyng tha nam ealle heora aehta : & het niman Seferiket lafe & gebringan binnan Maldelmes- byrig. Tha, after lytlum fece, ferde Eadmund atheling to; and genam tha-t wif ofcr thas cynges wil, and hffifde him to wife. Tha, to foran nativitas Sec Maris ferde se a theling thanon westan north intofif-burbgum i ^ gerad 288 sona ealle Siferthes are, & Morcares : & thaet folc eall him to beah, & tha on tham ilcan timan com Cnut cyng to Sandwic ; & wende tha sona abu tan Cent-land, into West Seaxum, oth he com to From-muthan, & hergode tha on Dorsatum, and on IViltunscire, .& on Sumersaton. Tha laeg se cyng seoc, set Cosham : And tha gaderede Eadric eal- dorman fyrde ; and se Etheling, Eudmund, be nor than. Tha hi to gaedere coraon tha wolde se ealdorman besvvican thone aetheling, [Eadmund, ac he ne mihte.*] And hi to- hwurfon, tha, butan gefeohte, and rimdon heora feon- dum: and Eadric ealdorman aspeon tha feowertig scipa fram tham cyninge ; and beah tha to Cnute : and West Seaxe bugon, & gislodon, & horsedon thone here : and he waes thaer, tha, oth midne-winter. mxvi. Her on thissum geare, com Cnut, cyning, mid his here, clx scipa ; and Eadric, ealdorman mid, ofer Temese into Mercan aet Cracilade : and wendon tha to Waringwicscire innon thaere middan-wintres-tide, and baerndon and slogon eall thaet hi to-comon. Tha ongan se Eadmund iFtheling to gadregenne fyrde : Tha se fyrd gesomned waes, tha ne on-hagode hy thaer-to, butan thaet waere, thaet se cyng thaer-mid waere, and hi haefdon thaere burh-ware fultum on Lundene: Ge-swicon tha thaere fyrding ; and ferde aslc man him ham. Tha, aefter thaere tyde, tha bead man eft fyrde, be fullum wite, thaet aelc man the fere waere forthwende : and man sonde to tham cyninge to Lundene, and beadon nine, thaet he com ongean tha fyrde mid tham fultume the he ge-gaderian mihte. Tha hi ealle to somne comon, tha ne be-heold nan thing the ma the hit oftor a>r dyde. Tha cyddc man tham cyninge thrct hine man beswican wolde tha the him on fultume beon sccoldon ; for-let tha, tha fyrde and cyrde him eft to Lundeme. Tha rad se aetheling Eadmund to * From the copy Laud, 289 North- Hymbran to Uhtrede eorle; and vcende aelc man thaet hi woldon fyrde somnian ongeon Cnut cyning. Tha fyrdodon hi into Staffbrdscire, and into Scrobbes-byrig, and to Lagceastre and hergodon hi on heora healfe, and Cnut, on his. And Cnut wende him tha ut thurh Buc- cyngahamscire into Beadanfordscire and thanon to Hun- tandunscire and swa into Ha/ntunescire and-lang Fennes to Stanforda and, tha, into Lincolnes-scire ; — Thanon tha into Snotinghamscire, and swa to North- Hymbran to Eofer- iWc-weard. Tha Uhtred geahsode this tha for-let he his hergunge and efest northweard and beah tha for nyd and eall North-Hymbra mid him ; and he gis- lode ; and hine man theah-hwaethere of-sloh, [thurh Eadrices rad, ealdormannes*] and Thurcytel, Nafen sunu, mid him. And tha aefter tham se cyng ge- sette Yric into North- Hymbran to eorl, eal-swa Uhtred wees: and syththan wende him su£//-weard othres weges; eal-swa be-westan : And com tha eall se here to-foran tham Eastran to scypon; and se aetheling Eadmund wende to Lundenne to his faeder. And tha, aJ'ter Eastron wende se cyng Cnut mid eallum his scypum to Lundenne- weard. Thage-lamp hit thaet se cyning JEthtlred forthferde, aer tha scipo comon i He ge-endode his dagas on see Geo?gius masse-dag, a'fter micclum ge-swinc and earfothnyssum his lifes. And tha aefter his ende ealle tha witan the on Lundene waron, and seo burhwaru gecuron Eadmund to cynge: and his rice he heardlice werode tha hwyle the his tima waes. Tha comon tha scipo to Grenawic to tham gang-dagum ; and binnon lytlum faece, wendon to Lundene: and hi dulfon tha ane mycele dice on tha suth healfe, and dro- gon heora scipa on west healfe thacre bryege; and bedicodon syththan tha burh utan, thaet nan maun ne * Tiberius, B. I. 290 miht ne inn ne ut: aud oft raedlice hi on tha burh fuhton ; ac hi heom heardlice with-stodon. Tha was Eadmund cyng, aer tham, gewend ut, and ge-rad tha West-Seaxan, and him beah eall thaet folc to. And rathe aefter tham he gefeaht with thone here aet Peonnan with Gillingaham : and other gefeoht he gefeaht setter middan sumera a?t Sceorstan, and thser mycel wael feoll on aegthre healfe and tha therm him-sylfe to eodon on tham gefeohte : and Eadric Ealdorman and JElmar Deorling wasron tham here on fultume ongean Eadmund, cyng : And tha gega- derade he, thriddan sit/ie, fyrde ; and ferde to Lundene eal be northan Temese, and swa ut thurh Claighangran : and tha burhware ahredde, and thone here aflymde to heora scipon. And tha waes ymbe twa niht tha^ se cyning ge- wende ofer ast Brentforda and tha with thone here gefeaht. And se cyning wende after tham to West-Seaxan and his fyrde gesomnode. Tha gewende se here sona to Lun- dene; and tha burh utan ymbesret; and hyre stearclice on-feaht aegther ge be wcctere, ge be lunde. Ac se Al~ mihtiga God hi ahredde. Se here gewende tha, a?fter tham, fram Lundene mid heora scipum, into Areuun ; and thaer up foran, and ferdon on JMyrcun ; and slogon and baerndon swa-hwast-swa hi ofcr-foran ; swa heora gewuna is : and heom metes tilodon, and hi drifon a?gther ge scipa ge heora drafa into Medexcage. Tha gesomnode Eadmund, cyng, J'eort/ian sithe, ealle Engla theode ; and ferde ofer Temese xt Brentforda and ferde innan Cent: andse here him fleah beforan, mid hint hor- sum, into Sceapigc ; and se cyng ol-sloh heora swa fcala swa he of-fanm mihte. And Eadric, ealdorman, gewcmU', tha, thone cyng ongean act Mgksford : (mis nan marc umad gc-red thonnc se wseB.) Se here gewende eft up on East-Scaxan, and ferde into Mi/rcan, and fordyde eall thaethe oferfcrde. Tha Be on- ge&xode thvet se.herc 291 uppe waes. Tha gesomnode he fftan sithe, ealle Engla theode ; and ferde him aet hind an, and of-ferde hi innan East-Seaxan aet thaere dune the mann hast Assandun, and thaer togaedere heard! ice fengon. Tha dyde Eadric, ealdorman (swa-swa he oftor aer dyde), astealde thone fleam arest, mid Magesaton ; and swa aswac his cyne- hlaford and ealle theode angel-cynnes. Thaer haefde Cnut sige ; and gefeaht him-with, ealle Engla-theode. Tha wearth thaer of-slaegen Eadnoth, bisceop; and Wul- sige, abbot; and JElfric, ealdorman ; and Godwine, ealdor- man on Lindesige ; and Ulfcytel, on East-Englum ; and JEthelweard JEthelsiges sunu ealdormannes : and eall seo dugoth of angel-cynnes theode thaer wearth fordon. Tha, aefter thissum gefeohte, gewende Cnut cyng upp mid his here to Gleaweceastre-scire, thaer he geherde sec- gan thaet se cyng waes, Eadmund. Tha geraedde Eadric ealdormann and tha Witan the thaer gegaderade waeron tha?t tha cyningas sehte namon heom betweonan : and hi gislas geworhton : and begen tha cyningas comon to- gaedere aet Olanige with Deorhyrste ; and wordon J'eolagun and iced-brot/iru : and heora freondscipe thaer gefaestnodon aegther ge mid wedde, ge eac mid athe: and thaet gyld ge-setton with thone here: and hi tohwurfon tha mid thissum sehte, and feng tha Eadmund cyng to West- Seaxan ; and Cnut to Myrcan and to tham North-dale. Tha, to Scs Andreas maessan, fbrthferde se cyng Ead- mund, and ifl byrged mid his ealdan-faeder Eadgare on Glastingubyrig." Here end Elfrics Annals, with the downfall of the Sawon monarchy: a very natural and striking conclusion : — o 2 292 For though in all the copies there is the fol- lowing entry in 1017, (after which they begin to differ materially,) yet I think it is not El- fric's. I doubt even whether the account of King Edmund's death be his.', It is said he was murdered by Edric. 1017. Feng Cnut Cyning to call angel-cynnes-rice ; and hit to-daeld on feower: him sylfum, West-Seaxum ; and Thyrcille, East-Englan; and Eadric, Myrcan; and Yric, North Hymbran. And on thissum geare was eac Eadric, ealdorman, of-slagen on Lundene ; and Northman, Leo/wines sunu, ealdormannes ; and Mthtt- weard, JEthelmares sunu thaes graetan; and Brihtric. Mlfeges sunu on defenanscyre. Both the copies, Tiberius B. I. and Tiberius B. IV., make mention of Ethelward again. He was Elfric's patron at one time ; though he lived to be a traitor. mxx. On Eastron waes mycel ge-mot ret Cyren-ceastre : tha ge-utlagode man JEthelxceard, ealdorman [Tiberius B. IV.] and Eadwig, ceorla-cynge [Tiberius 13. I.]. WULSTAN'S ANNALS, 295 INTRODUCTION WULSTAN'S ANNALS We have here given a transcript of the Wor- cester MS., Tiberius, B. IV., as far as it goes; to which we have added from the copy Laud the years 1085 and 1086, because they bear evi- dent marks of the same (i. e.) Wulstan's hand. Unless we are right in believing that Wulstan was the author, (who was educated, as we have seen, at Peterborough, and a monk there,) — it would be hard to account for the writer's inti- mate acquaintance with Peterborough history. And if he was but an ordinary monk of the former church, his knowledge of the affairs of the latter, however minute and accurate at first, 296 would be soon spent and disappear. This is not the case with our annalist, who is well in- formed to the last. A particular reason may be given (for instance) of his frequent mention of Egelric and Agelwinus. Aldhun, bishop of Durham, dying in 1020, the canons of Durham elected Edmund, one of their number, for his successor. Canutus con- firmed the election ; and Edmund, having taken a monk's habit, was consecrated at Winchester by archbishop Wulstan. On his road from Winchester to take posses- sion of his bishopric, he made a short circuit to visit Elfric ; and when he took his leave, he re- quested that he might carry with him some one of his monks. The abbot consented, and a monk was selected whose name was Egelric* This Egelric was eminently skilled in monastic observances : he was in constant attendance upon Edmund ever after, and taught him all the ceremonies enjoined by Saint Benedict. Edmund dying in 1042, Edred (who, says our author, was not a monk) unduly obtained the bishopric : he died, however, ten months afterwards, and was succeeded by Egelric. And Egelric, after fifteen years' enjoyment, resigned the see in favour of his brother Agelwinus, and returned to the monastery from whence he came. — (Flor. Wig., Sim. Dun., — Hugo.) 297 These bishops, Egelric and Agelwinus, were men of great note at the time of the Conquest, and were two of William's principal victims : but they are more particularly noticed in these annals, because of Wulstan's ancient connexion with them. As an instance of the liberties which the com- piler of the Laud permitted himself in tran- scribing these Annals, his version of one year, 1075, is subjoined by way of note: — good Saxon, turned to a Frenchman's taste, is a new point in philology. As he frequently altered the structure of the sentences as well as the single words, he some- times fell into mistakes; indeed all his altera- tions are for the worse, and tend both to hurt the style and endanger the sense. Their general value may be estimated by one sample as well as a hundred : — in the year 1079, after the words and his hors, he adds the he on sect. Malrnesbury, in his Life of Wulstan, seems to have had in view several passages of the fol- lowing Annals. Two of such references appear in the notes sub a is 1085 and 1086; others are obvious. Wulstan's pen is visible, I think, in the years 1038, 1041, 1047, 1049, 1052, 1053, 105G, 1057, 1058, 1059, 10G0, 1061, 1063, 10G8, 1071, 1073, 1075, 1078. o5 298 He appears here in a very amiable light, and beyond all doubt, was a man of a free spirit. Com- pare with Malmesbury his encomiums upon A/dred and Odo ; also his censures of the king's pride, avarice, and cruelty. He carefully avoids mention of Lanfranc. WULSTAN'S ANNALS. m xxx iv. Forthferde Maelcolm cyng on Scotland. mxxxv* Her forthferde Cnut, cyng, and Harold 'his sunu feng to rice; he gewat aet Sceaftesbyri on II. id. novbris, and hine man ferede to Wincestre, and thaer bebyride ; and JElfgyfe seo hlaefdie saet tha thaer-binnan and Harold ^sede thast he Cnutes sunu waere and JElfgyfe thaer Hamtu- nisca ; (theh hit soth nsere.) He sende to and let nyman * This account is materially different from that in the copies Laud and Domitianus, which is as follows : mxxxv i. Her forthferde Cnut ast Sceaftes-byrig ; and he is bebyrged on Win-ceastrt on ealdan mynstre : and lie wan cyng ofer eall Engla-land swythe neh xx wintra. And sona after his for-sythe wsbs ealra witena gemot on Omaforda : and Ltofric eorl and maest ealle tha thegenas be northan Temese and tha Liths-men on Lunden gecu- Pon Harold to healdes ealles Engle-landes him ; (and his brother Ilardacnute the was on Denemearcon :) and Godicine eorl and ealle tha yldestan menu on West- 300 of hire ealle tha betstan gasrsaman the Cnut cyng ahte : and heo saet theah forth thaer-binnan tha hwile the heo moste. mxxxvt. Her com JElfred se unsceththiga aetheling FAhelredes sunn cynges hider inn ; and wolde to his modor the on Wincestre sa?t. ac thaet ne ge-thafodon [God- wine ecrl ne othre men] tha the micel weoldon on thisan lande, forthan hit hleothrade tha swythe to Ha- rolde theah hit un-riht waere. Tha let he [Godwine] hine on haft settan, and his geferan he eac for-draf: and sume mislice of-sloh ; sume hi man with feo sealde ; — sume hreowlice acwealde ; — sume hi man bende ; — and eac sume blend and heanlice haettode. Ne wearth dreo- rilice daed gedon on thisan earde siththan Dene coman and her fryth naman. Nu is to ge-lyfanne to than leofan Gode thaet hi blissan blithe mid Criste, the waeron butan scylde earmlice acwealde. Se Mtheling leofode tha gyt aelc yfel man him be-het oth tha? t man ge-raedde tha?t man hine laidde to Elibyrig eal swa ge-bundenne. Sona swa he lende on scype man hine blende and hine swa blindne brohte to tham munecum : and he tha?r wunode tha hwile the he leofode. Syththan hine man byrigde swa him wel-gebyrede, thaet waes full weorthlice, (swa he Seaxon with-cwaedon swa hi lengost mihton, ac hi naht na ge-speddan. And man geraedde tha thaet JElfgifu, Hardaamtes modor, sa'te on 1! inccastre mid tha?s cynges hus-carlum hyra suna ; and heoldan ealle West-Seaxan him to handa; and Godwine eorl wirs heora healdest mann. Sume men sa^don be Ilaro/de thaet he ware Cnutcs sunu cynges and JEifgife JElf'ehnes dohlor culdor- maqnes, ac hit thuhte swytlie ungeleaflic mancgum raan- Jium ; and he waes tlurli lull cyng ofer call Engla-laod. SOI wyrthe waes,) set tham west ende tham stypele fulgehende on tham suth portice: seo sawul is mid Criste. mxxxvii. Her man ge-ceas Harold ofer eall to Ky- ninge; and for-soc Harthacnut for thaem he waes to lang on Denmurcon : and man draf ut his modor JElfgyfe tha cwene, butan aelcere mildheortnesse ongean thone wal- lendon winter. And heo com tha to Brygce ; and Baid- wine eorle hi wel thaer under-feng ; and thaer geheold tha hwiJe the hire neod waes. And thaes geres aer forthferde JEfic se aethela decanus on Eofcsham. Mxxxviri. Her forthferde JEthelnoth arcebisceop se goda ; and JEthtlric bisceop on Suth-sexan. Se ge-wilnode to Gode thaet he hine ne lete lybban nane hwyle aefter his leofan faeder JEthdnothe ; and he eac, binnan seofan nih- ton thaes, gewat: and Brihteh bisceop on Wigracestre Xill. kl. ian." mxxxix. Nil. mxl. Her swealt Harold cyng : and man sende aefter Harthacnute, to Brygce : wende thaet man wel dyde. And he com tha hider, mid Lx scypum, foran to middan su- niera; and astealde swythe Strang gyld thaet man hit un- eathe mihte acuman : thaet waes VIII marc aet hamelan. And him waes tha unhold eall thaet his set gyrde : and he ne ge-fremede eac naht cynelices tha hwile the he rix- ode. He let dragan up thone deadan Harold, and hine on fenn on-sceotan. M\i.r. Her bet Harthacnut hergian call Wi/gracestre vire for his twegra hut-carla ihingon the that stranga-gyld budou : tha slogoo that folc binnan porte innan tham myn- ^tre. And tines geres sona coai Edward liis brother on meddren fram geondan B3B, /Etaelredes sunu cynges, the u- for tela gearan of thisan geardc adiyfen, and tlieah waes to cy nge geswuron : and he wunode tha swa on his brother birede tha hwile tbe he Leofode. And on 302 thisan geare eac swac Harthacnut Eadulfe, under grythe ; and he waes wed loga. And her man hadode JEgelric bisceop to Eoferwic on lii id. Ianuarii. mxlii. Her forthferde Harthacnut swa thaet he aet his drince stod, and faeringa feoll to thaere eorthan mid egeslicum anginne : ac hine tha ge-laehton the thaer neh waeron : and he seoththan nan word ne ge-cwaeth, ac ge- wat on VI. id iun. And eall folc ge-ceas tha Eadward, and underfengon hine to kyninge, eall swa him wel-ge- cynde waes. mx li i r. Her wses Eadward gehalgod to cynge ast Wincestre on forman easter daeg : and thaes geres, xiiii nihton aer Andreas maessan, man ge-raedde than cynge thaet he rad of Gleawcesf?-e, and Leojric eorl and Godicine eorl and Sigward eorl mid heora genge to Wincestre on un-waer on tha hlcefdian ; and bereafedan hi aet eallon than gaersaman the heo ahte, (tha waeron unatellendlice) : forth an the heo wass aeror tham cynge hire suna swithe heard, thcet heo him lecsse dyde thon he wolde aer tham the he cyng waere ; and eac, syththan : and leton hi thaer, siththan, binnan sittan. mxliv. Nil. mxlv. Her gefor Ml/ward, bisceop on Lundene on VIII kl.Ag. He waes abbot on Eqfeshannne, aerest; and thaet mynstre wel ge-forthode tha hwile the he thaer waes : ge-wende tha to Ramesege and thaer his lif a-la?t. And Manni waes to abbode ge-coren and ge-hadod on iiii id. Ag. And thaes geres man draf Gunnilde ut thaet aethele wif Cnutes cynges magan ; and heo siththan set aet Brycge lange hwile; and for to Denmarcon siththan. mxlvi. Her gefor Brihtwold bisceop on Wiltunc- scire; and man sette Hcrcman on his sctle. On tham geare ge-gagerade Eadward cyng mycele scyp-fcrde on San./wic thurh Magnus threatunge on Norwcgon : ac \u> 303 gewinn and Swegenes on Denmarcon geletton thaet he her ne com. MXLvri. Her forthferde Lyfing se word-snotera bisceop x kl Apr. ; and he haefde III. bisceoprices an on Defe- nascire ; an on Corn-walon ; and an on Wigracestre : tha feng Leofric to Defena-scire and to Corn-walon and Aldred bisceop to Wigracestre. And her man utla- gode Osgod Stallere ; and Magnus ge-wann Denmarcon. MXLvnr. Her wees se stitha winter; and thaes geres forthferde JElfwine bisceop on Wincestre and Stigand bis- ceop waes on his setl ahafen. And aer tham, on tham ilcan gere forthferde Grimcytel bisceop on Suth-searum and Heca preost feng to tham bisceop-rice. And Swegen eac sende hider, baed him fylstes ongean Magnus, norwega cyng, thaet man sceolde scndan L scypa him to fultume. Ac hit thuhte un-raed eallum folce : and hit wearth tha gelet thurh thaet the Magnus haefde micelne scyp-craeft. Ajid he tha a ytte tha Swegen ut ; and mid myclan man-slihte thaet land gewann : and Dena him mycel feoh gyldon, and hine to cynge underfengon ; and thi ilcan geare Magnus forthferde. mxlix. Her com eft Sivein to Denamarcon ; and Ha- rold for to Noricegum, Magnus faedera, syththan Magnm dead waes ; and Normen hine underfengon. And he sende ymb fryth hider to lande ; and Swegen eac sende of Denmarcon, and baed Eadward cyng scyp-fultumes, thaet sceolde beon aetlaestan II scypa, ac eall folc with-cwaeth; and her was eac corth-styrung on kl. Maii on manegum stowum ; on Wigracestre, and on If 7c, and on Dcorby, and dles-ge-hwcer ; and eac was swytlie mycel man-cwealm and orf-cwealm ; and eac thaet wylde-fyr on Deorby-scirc mycel yfel dyde and gc-hwar-elles. mi. On thisaa geare se Casere ge-gaderode unarimed- lice fyrde ongean Buldwinc of Btygee thurh that he brae 304 tha palentan aet neomagon, and eac fela othra unthanca the he him dyde : Seo fyrde waes imarimedlice the he ge- gaderod haefde. Tha waes se papa on and se patriarcha and tela othra maera manna of ge-hwilcum leodscypum. He sende eac to Eadwarde cynge and baed hine scyp- fultumes, thast he ne gethafode thaet he ne aet burste on waetere : and he for tha to Sandwic, and laeg thaer mid myclum scyp-here forth thaet se Casere haefde of Baldwine eall thast he wolde. Thaer com eac Swegen eorl the for aer of thisan lande to Denmarcon and thaer for-worhte hine with Denum : he com hider mid hiwunge cwaeth thaet he wolde eft bugan to tham cynge ; and Beorn eorl him ge-het thaet he him on fylste beon wolde. Tha, sith- than thaes Caseres seht waes and Baldwines, foron fela scypa ham ; and se kyng be-laf Baeftan aet Sandwic mid feawum scypum, and Godivine eorl eac for mid xlii scypum fram Sandwic to Peuenesea, and Beam eorl him for mid. Tha cyththe man tharn cynge thaet Osgod lage on U/pe, mid xxxix scj'pon. And se cj/ng tha sende aefter tham scypum the he of-sendan mihte the aer ham wendon. And Osgod fette his wif on Bn/gce ; and wen- don eft ongean mid vi scypum and tha othre foron on Suth-sexe to Eadidfus-nasse, and thaer hearme dydon ; and wendon eft to scypon ; and heom com tha Strang wind to, swa thaet hi waeron ealle forfarene, buton feower, tha man of-sloh begeondan sae. On tham the God wine eorl, and Bcorn eorl lagon on Peuenesea tha com Swein eorl and ba^l Beom eorl mid facne, the waes his eames suna } thaet he his gefera waere to tham cynge to Sandwic, and his wisa with hine gebette : he wende tha for thaere sibbe mid threom geferum mid him; and he hine hrdJc tha inward Boson- ham, thaer his scipu lagon : and hine tha man ge-bande and to scypa laedde. \\ ende tha thanon mid him to Dcrla-mutlnm, and hine thaer het slean, and deope be- 305 delfan : hine man funde eft and ferede hine to Wincestre and byrigde with Cnut cyng his earn. Lytle aer than tha men of Hastinga-ceastre and thaer-abutan gewurinon his twa scypa mid heora scypan, and tha men ealle ol- slogon ; and tha scypa brohton to Sandwic to than cynge : ehta scypa he haefde aer he Beorn be-swice, syththan hine for-leton ealle butan twam. On tham ylcan geare comon upp on Wy'isce Asa of Yrlonde xxxvi scypa; and thaer- abutan hearmas dydon mid Gryjinnes fultume thses wcelis- cancynges ; man gegaderade thafolc to-geanes, — thar wees eac Ealdred bishop mid. Ac hi haefdon to lytelne fultum and hi comon un-waer on heom on ealne aer-ne mergen and fela godra manna thaer of-slogon and tha othre aet- burston forth mid than biszeope. This waes gedon on IIII. kl. aug. Thaes geares forth ferde Eudnotk se goda bis- ceop on Oxnoford scire, and Oswig abbot on Thurnege and Wulfnoth abbot on Wt&tmynstre ; and Z7//'preost waes ge- set tham bisceoprice to hyrde the Eadnuth haefde; and he waes syththan of adryfbn fortham the he he ge-fremede naht biscoplices thaer-on, swa thaet us sceamath hit nu mare to tellanne and Sigward bisceop gefor, Se ligetli on Abbundune. And her man halgode thaet micele myn- stre aet liemys. Thaer waes se papa Leo, and se Cusere ; and mycelne Sinotk tharr haefdon embe godes theowdom. [Thone Siuolh tore-sa-tt scs Leo Papa.] Hit is earforth to witane thara biscopa the thaer-to comon and thara abbuda : and heonon of-lande waeron twegen gesende, of see Agustiue, and of Rammesege* * The events of this year are assigned to the year 1046 in the copy Laud, and in the copy Domitiun to 1048. The account in those copies differs from Wtdstarit, and will serve to explain it. Her on tbisum geare wres se myceia synoth set see 306 mli.* On thisan geare gefor Eadsie arcebisceop on Cantwarebyri. And secyng sealde Rotbearde Xhzxifreoncys- can the aer waes bisceop on Lundene ; and hit waes eft of him genumen aer he gehadode waere, and Hereman bis- ceop and Ealdred bisceop foron to Rome. Remei. Thaer waes on Leo se papa and se arcebisceop of Burgundia and se arcebisceop of Bysincun and se arce- bisceop of Treueris and se arcebisceop of Remis and manig wis mann thaer-to ge hadode ge laewede. And Edward cyng sende thider Dudoce biscop and Wlfric abbot of See Augustine and Elfwine, abbot to thi thaet hi sceol- den tham cynge cythan hwaet thaer to Xpendome gecoren waere. And on this ylcan geare ferde Eadward cyng ut to Sandwic mid mycclam scip-here; and com Swegn eorl [God- wines sunu eorles, Cod Cot.] in, mid vii scipon to Bosen- ham and grithode with thone cyng. And behet man him thaet he moste wurthe aelc thaera thinga the he aer ahte. Tha with-laeg Harold eorl his brothor and Beom eorl thaet he ne moste beon nan thaera thinga wurthe the se cyng him geunnen haefde : ac sette man him iv nihta grith to his scipon. Tha wearth hit under tham thet tham cynge com word thaet unfrith scipa laegen be westan and hergo- don. Tha ge Godwine eorl west onbuton mid thes cynges ii scipum (tham anan steorde Harold eorl, and tham othran Tostig his brothor;) and landes-manna scipa xlii. Tha scyfte man Harold eorl up thaes cynges scype the Harold eorl aer steorde : tha gewendon hi west to Pcuen- esea, and laegen thaer weder-faeste. Tha, thaes binnon ii dagum, tha com Swegen eorl thider, and spec with his faeder and with Beom eorl the thar was mid Godwine, and he bed Beom thaet he sceolde faran mid him totham 1050, Joss, 307 mlii.* Her forthferde JElfric arcebisceop on Eoferwic swithe arwyrthe wes and wis. And on than ylcan geare alede Eadward cyng thaet here-gyld thaet Ethelred cyng aer astealde; thaet was on tham nigon and thrittigothan geare cynge to Sandwic, and fylstan him to thaes cynges freond- scipe, and he thaes tithode. Gewendon heom tha swylce hi woldon to tham cynge. Tha, amang them the hi ridon tha baed Sivegen hine thet he sceolde faran mid him to his scipon ; and tealde thaet his sciperes woldon waen- don fram him butOH he the rathor come. Hi gewendon tha begen thaer his scipu laegen. Tha hi thyder comon tha baed Swegen eorl hine thaet he sceolde gewendon mid him to scipe and he for-weornde swithe swa lange oth his sciperes gefengon hine and wurpon hine on thone bat, and bundon hine, and reowan to scipe, and dydon hine thaer-on. Tugon tha up heora segel and urnon west to Axa-muthan, and haefdon hine mid heom oth thet hi of- slogon hine : and namon thone lichaman and bebyrgedon innan anre cyrican. And comon tha his freond and lits- men of Lundene and namon hine up and feredon hine to Winceastre to ealdan mynstre, and he is thaer byrged with Cnut cyng his earn. And Sivegen gewende tha east to Baldcwines lande and saet thaer ealne winter on Bri/cge mid his fullan grithe. * 1051, Joss. The following account of the events of tliis year from the copy Laud (where they are assigned to 1048) should be compared with Wulstans. [There is an abridged account in the copy Donation under date of 1050.] Her on thisum geare Eadward cing gesette Hodbyrd on Lundene to arcebisceope to C'ant-wara-byrig on Leng- tene. And thaes sylfan Lentenes he for to Rome after 308 thaes the he hit ongunnon haefde thaet gyld, ge-drehte ealle engla-theode on swa langum fyrste swa hit bufan her awriten is, thaet waes aefre aet foran othrum gyldum the man myslice geald, and men mid maenig fealdlice drehte. his pallium. And se cyng geaf thet bisceop-ricc on Lun- dene Sparhafoc abbot of Abbandune and se cyng geaf thaet abbod-rice of Abbandune Rothulfe biscope his mage.* Tha com se arcebisceop fram Rome ane daege aer scs Petrus maesse-fefene, and he gesaet his arcebisceop- stol aet Xpes cyrcean on scs Petrus maesse-daeg. And sona thaes to tham cyng gewaende. Tha com Sparhafoc abbot to him mid thaes cynges ge-write and inseglef to than thet he hine hadian sceolde to bisceope into Lun- dene. Tha with-cweth se arcebisceop, and cweth thast se papa hit him forboden haefde. Tha gewende se abbot ongean thone arcebisceop eft to tham ; and thaer thes biscop-hades gernde ; and se arcebisceop him an-raedlice for-wernde and cwceth thet se papa hit him for-boden haefde. Tha gewende se abbot to Lundene and saet on tham bisceop-rice the se cyng him aer geunnan haefde, be his fulre leafe, ealne thone sumor and thone haerfeste. And com tha Ewtatius fram geondan sae sona aefter tham bisceop and gewende to tham cyng, and spaec with hine thaet thaet he thaer wolde; and gewende tha ham-weard. Tha he com to Cant-war-byrig tha snaedde he thaer and his men, and to Dofran gewende. Tha he waes sume mila oththe mare beheonan Dofran tha dyde he on his byrnan, and his geferan ealle, and foran to Dofran. Thahithiderco- mon tha woldon hi innian hi thaer heom-sylfan gelicode. * In the copy Tib. B. I. this description of Ralph is written on an erasure. t In copy Vomitian mid tlias cynges gewrite only ; cum litteris regis. 309 On tham ylcan geare com Eustatlus up aet Doferan. Se haefde Eadwardes cynges sweostor to wife. Tha ferclon his men dyslice aefter inne; and sumne man of-slogon of tham porte, and other man of tham porte heora geferan Tha com an his manna, and wolde wician aet anes bundan huse, his unthances, and gewundode thone hus-bundon, and se hus-bunda of-sloh thone otherne. Tha wearth Eustatius uppon his horse, and his gefeoran upon heora, and ferdon to tham husbandon, and of-slogon hine binnan his agenan heorthe. And wendon him tha up to thaere burge-wearth and of-slogon aegther ge withinnan ge with- utan ma thanne xx manna. And tha burh-menn of- slogon xix men on othre healfe and gewundodan that hi nystan hu fela. And Eustatius aet-baerst mid feawum mannum and gewende ongean to tham cynge and cydde bedaelehuhi gefaren haefdon: And wearth se cyng swithe gram with tha burh-ware and of-sende se cyng Godwine eorl and ba;d hine faran into Cent mid unfritha to Do/ran forthan Eustatius haefde gecydd tham cynge thaet hit sceolde beon mare gylt thaere burh-waru thone his. Ac hit naes na swa. And se eorl nolde na gethwaerian thaere in-fare fortham him waes lath to amyrrene his agene fol- gath. Tha sende se cyng aefter eallon his witan and beod heom cuman toGleawe-ceastre neh thaere aeftre sea Maria maessan. Tha haefdon tha Welisie menn gewroht aenne castel on Ilerefordscire on Swegenes eorles folgothe and wrohton ale thaera harme and bismere thaes cynges man- nan thar-abutan the hi mihton. Tha com Godwine earl and Swegen eorl and Harold eorl togaedere aet Byferes- stane, and manig mann mid heom to thon thaet hi woldon faran to heora cyne-hlaforde and to tham witan eallon the mid u;egaderode waeron thaet hi thaes cynges red hajfdon and his fultum and ealra witena hu hi mihton 310 swa thaet thaer laefon vn his geferana. And micel hearm thaer gedon waes on aegthre healfe mid horse and eac mid waepnum oth thaet folc gegaderede ; and hi tha aet-fiugon thaet hi comon to tham cynge to Gkaw- thaes cynges bismer awrecan and ealles theodscipes. Tha waeron tha Waelisce men aet-foran mid tham cynge ; and for-wregdon tha eorlas thaet hi ne mostan cuman on his eagon ge-sihte, fortham hi saedon thaet hi woldon cuman thider for thes cynges swic-dome. Waes thaer cumon Siward eorl and Leofric eorl, and mycel folc mid heom, northan, to tham cynge. And waes tham eorle Godwine and his sunan ge-cydd thaet se cyng and tha menn the mid him waeron woldon raedon on hi. And hi trymedon hi faestlice ongean theah him lath waere thaet hi ongean heora cyne-hlaford fundan sceoldan. Tha ge- raedden tha witan on aegther halfe thaet man tha aelces yfeles geswac. And geaf se cyng Godes grith and his fulne freondscipe on aegthre healfe. Tha geraedde se cyninge and his witan thaet man sceolde, othre sythan, habban ealra ge-witena gemot on Lundcne to Haerfeste em-nihte, and het se cyning bannan ut here aegther ge be suthan Temese ge he northan eall thaet aefre betst waes. Tha cwaeth man Swegen eorl ut-lah. And stefnode man Godwine eorle and Harolde eorle to thon gemote swa rathe swa hi hit gefaran mihton. Tha hi thider ut- comon, tha stefnede heom man to gemote, tha gyrnde hie grithes and gisla thaet he moste un-swiean into gemote cnman and ut of gemote. Tha gyrnde se cyng ealra thaera thegna the tha eorlas a?r hacfdon and hi letan hi ealle him to handa. Tha sende se cyning eft to heom and bead heom thaet hi comon mid xii niannum into Lhss cynges raed. Tha geornde sc eorl eft grithes and gisla thaet he moste hine betcllan act a>lc thaera thinga the 311 cestre and he heom gryth sealde Tha undernam God- u-ine eorl swithe thaet on his eorldome sceolde swilc ge- weorthan. Ongan tha gadrian folc ofer ealle his eorl- dom; and Swegen eorl, his sunu ofer his; and Harold, his other sunu, ofer his eorldome. And hi gegaderodon ealle on Gleawecester-scyre aet Langa-treo, mycele fyrde and unarimedlice — ealle gearwe to wige ongean thone cyng buton man ageaf Eustatius and his men heom-to hand-sceofe ; and, eac, tha. frency scan the on iham castelle vceron. This waes ge-don seofon nihton aer thser lateran sea Marian mcessan. Tha waes Eadweard cyng on Gleaw- cestre sittende. Sende tha aefter Leofric eorl, and, north, aefter Shvard eorl, and baed heora gencges. And hi him tha to coman, cerest mid medemum fultume, ac, syth- than hi wistan hu hit thaere, be-suthan, waes : tha send on hi, north, ofer ealle heora eorldom ; and laeton hadon mycele fyrde heora hlaforde to helpe and Rau(fea.c ofer his eorldom; and comon tha ealle to Gleaweceastre tham him man on-lede. Tha wyrnde him man thera gisla and sceawede him mann v nihta grith ut of land to farenne. And gewende tha Godwine eorl and Swegen eorl to Bosanhum, and scufon ut heora scipu and gewen- don heom begeondan sae and besohton Baldewines grith • and wunodon thaer ealne thone winter. And Harold eorl gewende west to Yrlande and was thaar ealne thone win- ter on thes cynges grithe. And sona thaes the this waes tha for-let se cyng tha hhrfdian seo waes gehalgod him to cwene. And let nyman of hire call that heo ahte on laode and on golde and on scolfre and on eallon thingon ; and be-tashte hy his swyster to Hwerewylle. And Spar- liatoc abbot wcurth tha adrifen ut of tham biscop-ricc on Liindcnc, and wa> W'illehn thee cynges preost gehadod tbaer-to. 312 cynge to helpe theah hit last waere. Wurdon tha ealle swa anraede mid tham cynge thaet hi woldon Godicines fyrde ge-secan gyf se cyng thaet wolde. Tha leton hy sume thaet thaet mycel unraed waere thaet hy togedere como£ fortham thaer waes maest thaet rotoste thaet waes on aengla-lande on tham twam gefylcum; and leton thaet he urum feondum rymdon to lande and be- twyx us sylfum to mycclum for-wyrde: ge-raeddon tha thaet man sealde gislas betweonan and setton stefna ut to lundene. And man bead tha folc thider ut ofer ealne thisne north ende on Siu-ardes eorldome, and on Leo/rices, and eac elles-ge-hwaer. And sceolde Godwine eorl and his suna thaer cuman to wither male. Tha comon hy to Suth-ge-weorce and micel maenigeo mid heom of West- Seaxum ; ac his werod wanode aefre the leng the swithor. And man borhfaeste tham kyninge ealle tha thaegnas the waeron Haroldes eorles his suna. And man utla- gode tha Swcegn eorl, his otherne sunu, thane on-hagode him to cumenne to wither male ongean thone cyng : and agean thone here the him mid waes for tham on niht awaeg. And se cyng haefde thaes on morgen wi- tena gemot; and cwaeth hine ut-lage, and eall here hine and ealle his suna: and he wende Suth to Thornege,* and his wif and Sivegen his sunu, and Tostig and his wif, Baldwines mage set Brycge, and Gerth his sunu. And Harold eorl and Leo/wine foran to Brycg-stowe on thaet scyp the Sivegen eorl haefde him- sylfum aer ge-ge- arcod and ge-metsod. And se cyning sende Ealdvcd bis- ceop of Lundene mid genge, and sceoldon hine of-ridan aer he to scipe com, ac hi ne mihton, oththe hi noldon ; and he wende tha ut of iEfene-muthan. And feng swa * I take Thorncy in the Isle to be meant here : Mr. Ingram thinks otherwise. 313 stith weder thaet he uneathe a-waeig com ; and him thaer micel forferde. Wende tha forth to Irlande tha him weder com. And Godivine and tha the mid him waeron wendon of Thornege to Brycge to Baldwines lande on anum scype, mid swa miclum gaersuman swa hi mihton thaer-on maest ge-logian to aelcum mannum. Thaet wolde thyncan wonderlic aelcum men the on Engla-lande waes gif aenig man aer tham saede thaet hit swa ge-wurthan sceolde ; fortham the he waes aer to tham swy the up a- hafen swylce he wolde thaes cynges and ealles Engla- landes, and his sunan waeron tortus and thaes cynges dyplingas. And his dohtor, thaem cynge be-xveddod and be- awnod, tha man gebrohte to Hwaer-wellan and hy thaere Abedissan betaehton. Tha sone com Willelm eorl fram geondan sae mid mycclum werode frencisra manna; and se cyning hine underfeng, and swa feola his geferan swa him to on-hagode ; and let hine eft ongean. Thaes ilcan geres man sealde WyUelme preost thaet bisceop-rice on Lundene the waes aer Spar-hufoce geseald. mlii.* Her forth-ierde Etfgyj'a seo haelfdige, Etheh-edes laf ci/rii^ts, and Cnutcs cynges, on II. non. mar — On tham ilcan gere hergode Griffin se Wylisca cyng on Hereford^ * A second mi.ii in the MS. — A new copyist from the word metsode, p. 312, 1. 28. Compare with this article the following from the Laud (of which there is an abridg- ment in the Copy Domitiun, under date 1051). mlii. Heron thisum geare forthferde TElfgine Yninia Eadwardes cynges modor and Ilardacnutes cynges. And on tham sylfaa geare geredde se cyng and his witan thaet man sceolde forthian ut to Sandwic scipu and setton Haul/ eorl and Oddan eorl to heafod-mannum thaer-to. Tha gewendc (Jodwine eorl ut from Brycgc mid liis scipum to Yseran and bet ut ane daege a r mid-sumen i 314 scire, and he com swythe neah to Leomynstre : And men gadorodon ongean aegther ge landes-men ge frencisce-men of tham castele, and man thaer of-sloh swythe feola En- gliscra godra manna, and eac of tham frenciscum : thaet waes thaes ylcandaeges on threottene geara the man zerEadwine of-sloh mid his geferum.* And sona com Harold eorl, of Irlande, mid his scipum to Scefern-muthan neh Sumersaton maesse-aefen thaet he com to Nsesse the is be suthan Rumen-ea. Tha com hit to witenne tham eorlum ut to Sandwic ; and hi tha gewendon ut aefter tham othrum sci- pum : and bead man land-fyrde ut ongean tha scipu. Tha, amang thison, tha warth Godwine eorl gewamod, and gewende him tha into Pefenes-ea; and wearth thaet waeder swythe Strang thaet tha eorlas ne mihton gewitan hwet Godwine eorl gefaren haefde. And gewende tha Godwine eorl ut agean thaet he com eft to Brycge. And tha othre scipu gewendon heom eft ongean to Sandwic. And geraedde man tha thaet tha scipu gewendan eft on- gean to Lundene, and sceolde man setton othre eorlas and othre hasaeton to tham scipum. Tha lengde hit man swa lange thaet seo scip-fyrd eall belaf, and gewendon ealle heom ham. Tha geaxode Godwine eorl thet and teah tha up his segl and his lith, and gewendon heom * This passage seems to recognize as Wulstan's the following article in the Tiberius B. I. The year is wholly omitted in our principal MS. (Tib\ B. IV.) "mxxxix. Her com sc mycla wind. And Bryhtmar bisceop gefor on Licet-felda : and Wealas slogon Eadwinf, Leofrices brothor eorles, and Tln/rcil, and JElfget, and swithe fela godra manna mid heom. And her com ec Hurtlmaiut to Bricge thar his modor w&S. 315 gemaere, and Dafenascire ; and thaer raycel ge-hergode and thaet land-folc him ongean gaderode aegther-ge of Sumcrsatton ge of Dafenascire : and he hig aflimgde, and thaer of-sloh ma thon XXX. godra thegna, buton othre folc : And sona aefter tham for abuton Pen-with-steort. And tha laet Eadward cyng cypian XL. snacca the lagon aet Sandwic tha sceoldon cepan God wines eorles the on Brycge waes thone winter. And he, theah, com hider to tha west on an to Wiht, and eodon thaer up, and hergodon swa lange thaer thaet thaet folc geald heom swa micel swa hi heom on-legden. And gewendon heom tha west weard oth thet hi comon to Port-lande, and eodon thaer up and dydon to hearme swa-hwet-swa hi don mihton. Tha wes Harold gewend lit of Yrlande mid nigon scipon and com tha up at Port-locan and wes ther mycel folc gegaderod ongean. Ac he ne wandode na him metes to tylienne, — eode up and of-sloh thaer mycelne ende thes folces, and nam him on orfe and on mannum and on ahtum swa him gewearth. And gewende him tha east- weard to his feder, and gewendon heom tha begen east- weal d thaet hi comon to Wiht, and namon truer thaet him with-;eftan wa\s. And gewendon heom tha thanon to Pefenes-ea, and begeat forth mid him swa fela scipu swa tha r fera waeron ; and swa forth tha^t he com to Naesse and begeat eallc tha scipu the waeron on Rumen-ea, and on Ilythe, and on Folces-stane, and gewendon tha east to Dohan and eodon thaer-up, and namon him thaer scipu and gislas swa fela swa hi woldon ; and ferdon swa to Sandwic, and dydon hand that st/l/'a. And heom man geaf nghwa r gffilafl and metsnnga thaer thar lii gyrndon. And gewendon heom tha to North-iniithan and sua to Lundene-weard. And suine tha BCipu gewendon binnon i» 9 316 lande aerest swa hy hit nystan, and on tham fyrste the he her on lande wees, he ge-speon ealle Centingas, and ealle tha hutsecarlas of Hastingum, and thaer aeg-hwar abutan be thaere sae-riman, and ealne East-Sexan, and Suth-Sexan, andSut/ierege, and my eel elles to eacan tham. Tha, cwaedon ealle thaet hi woldon mid him libban and licgean. Tha ge- axedon thaet lith thaet on Sandwic laeg embe Godwines fare setton tha aefter ; and he heom aet-baerst ; and thaet lith wende ongean to Sandwic and swa ham-wturd toLundenbyrig. Tha tha Godwine ge-axede thaet thaet lith the on Sandwic laeig waes ham gewend, tha for he, aeft, ongean to Wiht and thaer abutan be tham sae-riman swa lange thaet he comon to-gaedere Harold eorl his sunu. And hi noldon no mycelne hearm don syththon buton thaet hyg met sung namon. Ac speonnan heom tha eall thaet land-folc to, he tham sae-riman, and eac upon lande : and hy foran toweard Sandwic and laeson aefre forth mid heom ealle tha butsecarlas the hy gemetton ; and comon tha to Sandwic Scep-ige and dydon thaer mycelne hearm ; and gewendon heom to Middel-tun thces cynges, and for-bearndon thaet eall, and waeron heom to Lundene-weard aefter tham eorlan. Tha hi to Lundene comon tha laeg se cyng and tha eorlas ealle thaer ongean mid L. scipum. Tha sendon tha eorlas to tham cynge and gerndon to him thaet hi moslon beon wurthe aelc thara thinga the heom mid unrihte of-genumen waes. Tha with-laeg se cyng sumc- hwilc, i/uah swa lange oth thet folc the mid tham eorle waes wealth swythe as tyred ongean thone cyng and on- gean his folc, swa thaet se eorl sylf earfothlice ge-stylde thaet folc. Tha ferde Stigand biscop to (mid Codes fnl- tumt) and tha wise menu, aether ge binnan Burh ge buton, and geraddon that man tremedc gislason Begther 317 mid geotendan here. Tha Eadward thaet ge-axode tha sende he upp aefter maran fultume ac hy coman swythe laete : and Godivine saeh him aefre toward Lundenne mid his lithe thaet he com to Suth-weorce, and thaer abad sume- hwile, oth thaet thaet flod upp eode on tham fyiste ; and eac aer he ge-fadode with tha burh-warn thaet he maest ealle woldon thaet he wolde. Tha, tha he haefde ealle his fare ge-reconod, tha com thaet flod; and hy brudon sona upp heora ancras, and heoldan thurh tha Brycge a a bi thaem Suthlande. And seo lande-fyrde coman ofenan, and trymedon hy be thaem strande : and hy hwendan tha mid tham scipum swylce hy woldon thes cynges scye pum abuton be-tryman. Se cyning haefde eac mycle land-fyrde on his healfe to eacan his scip-mannum ; ac hit waes maest eallan lath to feohtanne with heora agenes- cynnes-m annum fortham thaer waes lytel elles theaht mycel myhton butan Englisce on aegthre healfe : and eac hi noldon thaet ut-lendescum mannum waere thes eard thurh thaet the swithor gerymed the hi him-sylfe aelc otherne for-fore : — Ge-raeddan tha thaet man sende wyse- healfe ; and man swa dyde. Tha geaxode Rotberd arce- biscop and tha Frencisce men thaet, genamon heora hors, and gewendon,— sume west to Pentecostes castcle, — sume north to Rodbertes castele. And Rodbert arcebiscop and UU biscop gewendon ut aet Est-geate and heora geferan and of-slogon and elles amyrdon manige iunge men : and gewendon heom on an to Ealdulfes-na'se, and wearth him truer on anon un-wraeste scipe and fcrde him on an ofer sae, and for-let his Pallium and Xpendom ealne her on lande swa swa hit (iode wolde, tha he ajr begeat thone wurthscipe swa swa hit (iod nolde. Tha cwaeth man mycel gemot withutan Limdene, and ealle tha eorlas and tha betstao menu the wieron on thi- 318 men betweonan, and setton grith on aegthre halfe. And Godwine for upp, and Harold, and heora lith f swa micel swa heom tha ge-thuhte : and waes tha witene-gewot ; and man sealde Godwine claene his eorldom swa full and swa forth, swa he fyrmest ahte : and his sunum eallum f eall thaet hy aer ahton : and hisw>i/e, and his dohtor, swa full and swa forth swa hi ahton : and hi fsestnedon tha fulne freond- scipe heom betweonan : and eallum folc fulle lagu behe- ton : and ge-ut-lagedon eolle tha frenciscean the aer un- lagon waerdon, and undomdemdon : and unraed raeddan into thissum eardum buton swa fela swa hi ge-rseddon thaet tham cynge gelicode mid him to habbenne, the him ge-treowe waeron, and eallum his folce : and Rodbeard arcebisceop, and Willelm bisceop, and Ulf bisceop, un- eathe aet-burstan mid tham frenciscean mannum the him mid waeron ; and swa ofer sas comon. [And Godwine eorl and Harold and seo cwen saeton on heora are. Swe- gen for aeror to Hierusulem (of Bricge) and wearth ham- weard dead aet Constantinopolim to Michaheles-maesse. Thaet waes on thone monan-daeg aefter sea Marian maesse, thaet Godwine mid his scipum to Suth-ge-weorce becom san lande waeron on tham gemote. Thaer baer Godwine eorl up his mal and betealde hine thaer with Eadward cyng his hlaford and with ealle land-leodan thet he was un-scyldig thes the him ge-led waes and on Harold his sunu and ealle his beam. And se cyng for-geaf tham eorle and his bearnum his fulne freondscipe and fulne eorldom and eall thet he aer ahte, and eallon tham man- non the him-mid waeron. And se cyng geaf thaer hlaf- dian ealle thaet heo a?r ahte. And cweth man ut-laga Rotberd arcebiscop fullice and ealle tha frencisce men, forthan the hi macodon maest thet unseht betweonan 319 and thaes on mergen on thone tiwes-daeg hi gewurdon sehte swa hit her beforan stent. Godwine tha gesiclode hrathe thaes the he up com, and eft gewyrpte. Ac he dyde ealles to lytle daed-bote of thaere Godes are the he haefde of manegum halgum stowum .*] MLiii. Her waes se micla wind on Thomes massse niht; and gehwaer mycelne hearm dyde ; and eac ealle tha mide-winter wees micel wind. And man rasdde tha-t man sloh Hris thaes wyliscean cynges brother for-thy the he hearmas dyde: and man brohte his heafod to Gleawcestre on twaelftan-aefen. And thaes ylcan geres foran-to alra halgena maessan forthferde Wuhyg bis- cop aet Licetfelda ; and Godwine abbot on Wincekumbe ; and Mgehcard abbot on Glestingabyrig ; ealle binnan anum monthe : and Leofxcine feng to tham bisceop- rice aet Licedfelde ; and Aldret bisceop feng to tham abbot-rice on Wincekumbe ; and JEgelnath feng to tham abbot-rice on Glestincga-byrig. And thaes ylcan geres forth-ferde uElfric, Oddan brother, on Deor-hyrst, and his lichaman resteth on Perscore. Eac Wylisce men ges- logon mycelne dael Eng/isces folces thaera weardmanna with West-byrig. [On thisson geare naes nan arcebisceop on thissan lande : butan Stigand bisceop heold thaet bis- ceoprice on Cant -wara-by rig on Cristes cyrcean, and Godwine corle and tham cynge : and Stigand biscop feng to tham arcebiscoprice on Cantwara-byrig." And to Stigand we are certainly indebted for this ar- ticle, and those of 1036, 1046, and 1048, and the rest of the Copy Laud, between the years 1035 and 1064. He is named again in the years 1042, 1043, 1058, and 1061. (Vide/xNf.) From the Copy Tiberius B. I. 320 Kynsige on Eoferwic: and Leofwine and Wu'fwi foran ofer sae, and leton hig hadian thaer to bisceopum. Se Wulfwi feng to tham bisceoprice the Uif haefde be him libbendum and of-adraefdum. And on thisum geare waes se cyning on Winceastre on East-ran and Godwine eorl mid him and Harold eorl his sunu and Tostig. Tha on othran Easter-daege saet he mid tham cyninge aet gereorde. Tha faeringa sah he nither, with thaes fot-setles, — spraece benu- men and ealre his mihte — and hine man tha braed into thaes cynges bure, and thohtan thaet hit ofer-gan sceolde, ac hit naes na swa ; ac thurh-wunode swa unspecende and mihteleas forth oth thone Thunres-dceg, and tha : his lif alet. And he lith thaer binnan ealdan mynstre, and his sunu Harold feng to his eorldome and let of than the he aer haefde, and JElfgar feng thaer-to.*] mliv. Her ferde Siward eorl mid micclum here on Scotlande aegther ge mid scyp-here and mid land-fyrde ; and feaht with Scottas and aflymde thone king Macbeo- then, and of-sloh eall thaet thaer betst waes on tham lande and laedde thonan micele here-huthe swilce nan man aer ne begeat. Eac feoll mycel on his healf, aegther ge-Densce ge-Englisce ; and eac his sunuf Osbam and his sweostor sunu Sihward, and of his Huscarlum, and eac thaes cynges, wurdon thaer of-slaegene — on thone daeg Septem * From Copy Tiberius B. I. the opening of the year 1053. The Copy Tiberins B. IV. is here materially short- ened, and ends thus : " and thes ylcan geres forthferde Godwine eorl and him ge-yfelode thaer he mid tham cynge saet on Wincesire ; and Harold his sunu, feng to tham eorl-dome the his faeder aer haefde ; and JLlgar eorl feng to tham eorl-dome the Harold aer haefde." t And eac his agen sunu Osbam (only,) in Tiberius B. I. and in the fragment printed at the end of Lye's se- cond Volume. 3-21 dormientium. Thaes ilcan geres for Aldred bisceop to Colne ofer sae thaes cynges xrende, and wearth tha3r under-fangen mid mycclan weorthscipe from tham Case.re : and thaer he wunode wel-neh an ger ; and him geaf aegther theneste ge se bisceop on Colone and se Casere :* and he lofode Leof- ivhu bisceope to halgianne thaet mynstre aet Eofes-hamme on VI id. octb. and on thisan geare swalt Osgnd faeringa on his bedde [swa swa he on his reste laegf]. And her forthferde scs Leo, papa; and Victor waes to papa ge- coren on his stede. mlv. On thisan geare forthferde Syhward eorl on Eofer- wic: and he ligeth aet Galmaho on tham mynstre the he-sylf let timbrian and halgian on Godes and Olofes naman, and Tosti feng to tham eorldome the he haefde : and Kynsie arcebisceop fette his pallium aet Victore pa- pan. And thaer aefter sona man utlagode Mlfgar eorl, Lea/rices sunu eorles, [butan aelcan gylte and he gewende tha to Trlande and begeat him thaer lhh, thaet was xviii scipa butan his agenan : and wendan tha to Brytlandt to G/ifjine cynge mid tham werede, and he hine underfeng on his grithe; and hig gegaderadon tha mycle fvrde mid tham Yriscan mannan and mid TF«/-kynne : and Ratoulf eorl gaderade mycele fyrde ageau to Htrejbrd-Port, and hi sohtan hi thaer ; ac aer thaer waere aenig spere gescoten aet-fleah that Knglisce folc forthan the hig waeran on horsan. And man sloh thaer mycel vvael, abutan fower hund manna oththe fife; and hig njenne agean : And hig gewcndan tha to tham porte and that forbarndan ; and thaet maere mynstre the JEtlieUtan se arwurtha biscop ar let getimbrian thflet hig ge-ryptan and be-reafodan-a t • Here is the original hint for Malmesbury's ttory of R u/sluii'x tWO books. t Tib. B. I. 322 haeligdom and set hreaue and aet eallon thingan, — and thast folc slogan and sume on-weg laeddon. Tha gade- rade man fyrde geond eall Engla-lande (swythe neah,) and hig coman to Gleaweceastre and wendan swa unfeorr ut on Wealas, and thaer lagon sume hwile, and Harold eorl let dician tha die abutan thaet port tha hwile. Tha on tham tha spaec man to frithe, and Harold eorl and tha the mid him waeron coman to Bylgeslege, and thaer fryth and freondscipe heom betweonan gefaestnodon. And man ge-in-lagode tha JElfgar eorl, and man ageaf him eall thaet him waes ser of-genumen. And thaet scip-lith ge- wende to Legeceastre, and thaer abiden heora males the iElfgar heom behet. Se man-slyht waes on ix A7- Novbris.*] On tham ilean geare forthferde Tryemerin se wylisca bisceop sona aefter thaere hergunge : and he waes Mthehtanes bisceop ge-spelia siththan he unfere waes. mlvl Her for-let Mg&lric bisceop his bisceoprice aet * Tiberius B. I., abridged in Tiberius, B. IV. thus : " for-neh butan gylte. Ac he gewende, to Irlande and Bry tlande ; and begeat him thaer micel genge and ferde swa to Hereforda. Ac him com thaer togenes Raulf eorl mid micclan here, and mid lytlan gewinne hi on fleam ge-brohte, and micel folc on tham fleame of-sloh : and gewendon tha into Hereford-porte, and for-hergode thaet porte and for-baernde thaet maere mynstre the JEthclstan bisceop getimbrode ; and of-sloh tha preostas innan than mynstre, and manege thaer to eacan; and namon thaer- inne eall tha mathmas, and mid heom aweg laeddon. And tha tha he haefdon maest to yfele gedon man ge- raedde thone raed thaet man Mlfgar eorl ge-inn-lagode ; and ageaf him his eorldom, and call thaet him of-genu- men waes. Thaes hergung waes ge-wurden on non. kl. Nobris." 323 Dunholm and ferde to Burh, to See Petres mynstre ; and his brother JEgelwine feng thaerto. And eac her forth- ferde JEthelfstan bisceop on nn id. Feb. and his licha- ma leth on Hereforda, and man sette Lefegar to bis- ceop ; se waes Haroldes eorles maesse-preost, and on his preost-hade he haefde his kenepas oth thast he bisceop waes. Se forlet his crisman, and his rode, and his gastli- can waepnu, and feng to his spere and to his swurde ; and swa for to ferde ongean Griffin thone wyhscan cyning : and he wearth thaer of-slagen and his preostes mid him and JElfnoth Scir-gerefa and manega othre gode men. This waes ehtan nihte a;r middan sumere. [Earfothlic is to atellanne seo ge-drecednes and seo fare eall and seo fyrdung and thaet geswinc, and manna fyll and eac horsa the eall Engla here dreah oth thaet Leofric eorl com with, and Harold eorl and Ealdred bisceop, and macedan seht thaer betweonan, — Swa thaet Griffin swor athas thaet he wolde beon Eadwarde kinge hold under-kinge and un-swicigende.*] And Ealdred bisceop feng to tham bis- ceoprice the Leofegar haefde xi wucan and mi dagas. Thaes geares forthferde Odda, eorl ; and he lith on Per- scora : Se waes to muneca gehadod aer his ende ; god man and claene, and swithe aethele : and he gewat on ii l:al Sept. And Cona se Casere forthferde. mlvii. Her com Eadivard TEtheling to Engla-lande. Se waes Eaduerdes brothor sunu kynges, Eadmund cing iren-sid waes ge-clypod, for his snell-scipe. Thaesne aetheling Cnut cyng for- send on Ungerlarul to be-swicane ; ac he thaer getheh to godan men, swa him god uthe, and him wel ge-byrede, swa thaet he begeat thaes Caucus maga to wife, and be thane fsgernti beam team gc-strynde : seo was Agathes gehaten. Ne wiston we for hwvlcan * Tiberius B. I. Hence a blank to mlxv. 324 intingan thaet gedon waerth thaet he ne moste his maeges Eadwardes cynges geseon. Wa la! thet wees hreowlic sith ; and hearmlic eallre thissere theode thcet he swa rathe his lif ge-endade thces the he to Engla-lande com ! for un-ge- salthe thissere earman theode. On than ilcan geare forth- ferde Leofric eorl on n kl. Octob. he waes swithe wis for Gode and eac for worulde thaet fremode eallre thisre theode : He lith aet Cofentreo and his sunu iElfgar feng to his rice. And on tham geare forthferde Ranlf eorl on xn kl. ian. and lith on Burh. Eac gefor Heca bisceop on Suthseaxum ; and Rgelric waes on his setl ahafen : and her Victa papa forthferde and Stejanus waes to papa ge- coren. mlviii. Her man ytte ut JElfgar eorl; ac he com sona inn ongean mid strece thurh Griffines fultum. And her com scyp-here of Norwegan ; hit is langsum to atel- lanne ealle hu hit gefaren waes. On tham ilcan geare Ealdred bisceop halgode thaet mynstre on Gleawcestre the he-sylf ge-forthode Gudt to lofe and See Petre : and swa ferde to Hierusalem mid swilcan weorthscipe swa nan othre ne dyde aet foran him; and hine-sylfne thaer God be-taehte; and wurthlice lac eac ge-offrode to ures drihtenes byrgene: — Thae tvvaes an gylden calic on fif mar- con swithe wundorlices ge-worces. On tham ilcan gere forthferde Stefanus papa ; and Benedictus waes to papan geset : Se sende pallium Stigande bisceope. And JEgtlric waes to bisceope ge-hadod on Sulh-Sexum, and Si/uvard, abbot, to bisceope to Hrofcestre. mlix. Her on thisan geare waes Ricolaus ge-coren to papan. Se waes bisceop aer aet Fhrenlia thaere burh, and Benedictus waes ut-adryfen the thaer waes aer papa, and on thisan geare waes se Stypel gehalgod aet Burh on xvi kl. Nov. mlx. On thisan geare waes micel eorth-dyne on trans- 325 latione sci Martini : and Heinric se cyng forthferde on Franc-rice : and Kynsit arcebisceop on Eoferwic gewat on xi kl. Ianr. and he ligeth on Burh, and Ealdred bisceop feng to tham rice : and Waltere feng to tham bisceoprice on Herefordscire : and Dudoc bisceop eac forthferde, Se waes bisceop on Sumerscetan ; and man sette Gisa preost on his stede. mlxi. Her for Ealdred bisceop to Rome asftcr his pal- lium, and he hine underfeng aet tham papan Nicolae : and se eorl Tostig and Ins wifeac faron to Rome : and se bisceop and se eorl gebidan micle earforthnysse tha hi ham-ward foran. And her forthferde Godwine bisceop aet See Marline; and Wulfrice abbot aet See Agustine on iiii.x kl. April. And Nicolaus papa forthferde, and Alexander waes to papan gecoren ; se waes bisceop aet Lucan. mlxii. Nil. mlxiii. On thissum geare for Harold eorl aefter middan wintre of Gleawcestre to Rudelan the Griffines waes ; and thonne ham for-baernde, and his scipa and ealle tha ge-wada the thaer to ge-byrede, and hine on fleame ge- brohte. And tha, to tham gong-dagan, for Harold mid scipum of Brycgstoive abutan Brytland; and thaet folc grithede and gisledon : and Tostig for mid land-fyrde ongean and thaet land ge-eodon. Ac her on thissan ilean geare on herfaie wearth Griffin cyng of-slagen on nonas Agusti fram his agenum mannum, thurh thaet gewinn the he gewon with Harold eorl : Se wa?s kyning ofer call Weal-cyn : and man brohte his heafod to Harolde eorle and Harold hit tham kynge brohte, and his scipeS'-heafod and tha bone ther-mid. And se kyng Kadward bctahte thaet land his twain gebrothran Blethgente and Higwalan ; and big atlias sworon and gislas saldon tliaiu cynge and tliyem eorle that heo him on eallum thiosum un-swi- 326 cende beon woldon, and aeg-hwar him gearwe on waetere and on lande, and svvylc of tham lande gelestan swylc man dyde toforan aer othrum kynge. mlxiv. Nil. mlxv. Heron thissum geare foran to blafmaessan het Harold eorl bytlian on Brytlande aet Portascihth: Tha tha he hit gegan haefde and thaer mycel god to ge-gade- rode and thohte thonne cyne Eadward thaer to habbane for Huntothes thingon — ac-tha hit eall waes gearwe, tha for Cradoc to Griffines sunu mid eallon tham genge the he be-geotan mihte and thaet folc eall maest of-sloh the thaer timbrode, and thaet god the thaer gegearcod waes, namon ; ne wisten we hwa thone un-reed csrest ge- rxdde. This waes gedon on See Bartholomew maesse daeg. And sona aefter thisan* gegaderedon tha thegenas hi ealle on Eoferwic-scire and on North hymbra-land to-gaedere, and ge-ut- lagedan heora eorl Tostig and of-slogon his hired menn, ealle the hig mihten to cumen, aegther ge englisce ge denisce, and namon ealle his w&pna on Eoferwic and gold and seo/for and ealle his sceattas the hig mihton ahwaer thaer geacsian, and send on aefter Morkerc, JElf- gares sunu eorles, and ge-curon hine heom to eorle : And he for suth mid ealre thaere scire and mid S?wtuighamscirc and Deorbyscire and Lincolnascire oth he com to Hum tune : and his brother Eadwine him com togeanes mid tham mannum the on his earldome weron, and eac fela Bret- tas comon mid him. Thaer com Harold eorl heom to geanes ; and hig hegdon arende on hine to tham cy- ninge Eadwarde, and eac aerend-racan mid him sendon, and baedon thaet hi moston habban Morkere him to eorle; and se cyning thaes geuthe : and sende aefter Harolde heom to Hamtune on See Symones and Judu-mxssv aefen and * Tha aefter Michaheles ma?ssan, (&c.) Tib. B. I. 327 cythde heom thaet ilce, and heom thaet a hand sealde; and he nywade thaer Cnutes lage. And tha rythrenan dydan mycelne hearm abutan Hamtune tha hwile the he for heora aerende, aegthaer thaet hi of-slogon menn, and baerndon hus and corn, and namon eall thaet orf the hig mihton to cuman — thaet waes feola thusend ; and fela hund manna hi namon and laeddan north mid heom-swa thaet seo scir and tha othra scira the thaer-neah sindon wurdan fela wintra the wyrsan.* And Tostig eorl and his wi/and ealle tha the woldon thaet he wolde faran suth ofer sae mid him to Baldwine eorle ; and he hi ealle under-fenge, and hig waeron ealne thone winter thaer. And Eadward cyng com to Westmynstre to tham middan wintre, and thet mynster thaer let halgian the he sylf getimbrode Code to lofe and see Petre and Eallwti Godes Halgum : and seo Cyric-halgung waes on Cilda maessa deig, and he forth- * Thus in Copy Tiberius B. I. .-— " And se mann-sliht waes on See Bartholomew maesse- daeg. And tha aefter Michaheles maessan foran tha Theg- nas ealle on Eoferwicscire to Eoferwic, and Tostiges eorles Iluscarlas thar of-slogon ealle tha the hig geaxian mih- ton, and hys ga>rsuman namon: and Tostig waes tha aet Brytfordan mid tham kynge. And tha wel rathe thar- eefter waes micel gemot aet North-ftamtune and swa on Oxenafurda on thone deig Simonis et Iudae : and waes Harold eorl thaer and wolde heora seht wyrcan gif he mihte,— (ac he na mihte ;) Ac eall hys eorldome hyne anraedlice for-soc and ge-ut-lagode, and ealle tha mid him the un-lage rardon,— fortham the rypt god aerost, and ealle tha bestrypte the he ofer-mihte aet life and at lande. And hig namon heom tha Morkerc to eorl : and Tostig for tha ofer sa- and his wif mid him," &c. 328 ferde on twelftan aefen and hine man bebyrigde on twelftan daeg on tham iclan mynstre swa hit her aefter saegth. Her Eadward cing Englene hlaford sende soth-feste saule to Criste, on Codes wera gast haligne : he on weorolda her wunode thragas, on kine thrimme creftig rasda. xxiiii freolic wealdand win tra rimes, weolanbritnode. And he haeio-tid haeletha wealdend weold wel ge-thun- gan Walum and Scottum and Bryttum eac : (byre Mthd- redes !) Englum and Saexum orec-maegcum swa ymb clyp- path cealda brymmas thaet eall Eadwarde aethelum kinge hyrdan holdelice hagestalde menn. Waes a blithe mod beale-leas king, thah he langa aer landesbereafod wunoda wreclastum wide geond eorthan seoththan Knut ofer com cynn JEthelredes, and Dena weoldon deore rice Engla landes. xxviii wintra ge-rimes weolan brytnodon. Sith- than forth be-com freolic ingeatwum kinige cystum god claene and milde Eadward se aethele, ethel bewarede land and leodan, oth thaet lunger be-com death se bytera and swa deore genam aethelne of eortham : Englas feredon sothfeste sawle inne swegles leoht : And se froda swa theah befeste thaet rice heah-thungena menn Haj-olde-syl- fum, aethelum eorle. Se in ealne tid herde holdelice herran synum-wordum and daedum — , wihte ne agelde thaes the thearfe waes thaes theod-kynges. And her wearth Harold earl eac to cynge gehalgod and he lytle stilnesse thaer-on ge-bad tha hwile the he rices weold. mlxvi. On thissumgeare com Harold cyng-of Eof'envic to Westmynstre -to tham Eastran the waeron aefter tham middan wintre the se cyng forth ferde : and waeron tha Eastran on thone daeg xvi kl.mai. Tha wearth geond eall Engla-land swylc tacen on heofenum ge-sewen swylce nan man aer ne ge-seah ; sume men cwedon thaet hit cometa se steorra waere thone sume men hatath thone 329 faxedon steorran : and he ast-eowde aerest on thone aefen tetania major, — viii kl.mai, — and swa stan ealle thaseofon- niht. And sona ther-aefter com Tostig eorl in fram be- geond sae into Wiht, mid swa miclum lithe swa he begitan mihte : and him man geald thaer aegther ge-feoh ge-metsunge. And Harold cyng his brothor gegtsederade swa micelne scip-here and eac land-here swa nan cyng her on lande aer ne dyde fortham the him waes ge-cydd thaet [ Willelm eorl from Normandige Eadwardes cingces mag wolde hider cuman and this land gegan : — eall swa hit siththan a-eode. Tha Tostig thaet geaxode thaet Harold cyng waes toward Sandwic tha for he of Sandwic and nam of tham Butsecarlon sume mid him, — sume thances — sume unthances — and gewende north into [ mid sixtigum scipum, and thaer hergode on Lindesige, and thaer manega gode men of-sloh. Tha Eadwine eorl and Morkere eorl thaet undergeaton tha comon hi thyder and hine ofthaem lande adrifon.*] And tha Butsecarlas hine forsocan, and he for to Scotlande mid xii snaccum, [and Scotta cyning hine grithede and him to metsunge fylste : and thaer ealne sumor wunode. Tha com Harold cininge to Sandwic and thaer his lithes abad fortham the hit waes lang aer hit man gegaderian mihte ; and tha his lith gegaderod waes tha for he into Wiht, and thaer laeg ealne thone sumor and thone haerfest, and man haefde land-fyrde aeghwar be sae, theh hit a?t tham ende naht ne for-stode. Tha hit waes to Nativitas See Maria — tha waes * Tiberius, B. I. The history is thus shortened in Tib. B. IV. " Him waes ge-cydd thaet Wyllelm bastard wolde hider and this lande gewinnen ; (eall swa hit siththan a-eodc.) And tha hwile com Tostig eorl into llumbrun, mid sixtigum scipum : and Eadwine eorl com mid land- ferde, and adraf hine ut. 330 manna metsuug agan ; and hig nsen man thar na lengge- healdan ne mihte, tha lyfde man mannum ham : and se cyng rad up, and man draf tha scipu to Lundene and manega forwurdon ser hi thyder comon. That ha scipu ham coman tha com Harold cyning of Norwegan north into Tinan on unwaran mid swythe mielum scip-here, — (and na lytlan thaet mihte beon, — [ oththe ma,) — and Tostig eorl him com to mid eallum tha the he begiten haefde, — eall swa hy ge-sprecen haefdon, — and foran tha begen mid eallum tha lithe and-lang Usmi up to Eoferwic-ward. Tha cydde man Harolde cynge be- suthan, tha he of scip cumen waes, thaet Harold cyng on Norwegan and Tostig eorl waeron up comene neh Eofcr- wic y tha for he northweard-daeges and nihtes-swa hrathe swa he his fyrde gegaderian mihte : Tha, aer tham the se cyning Harold thyder cuman mihte, tha gegaderode Ead- wine eorl and Morkere eorl of heora eorl-dome swa mycel werod swa hi begitan mihtan, and with thone here ge- fuhton and mycel wael ge-slogon, — and thasr waes thas En- gliscanfolces mycel of-slagen and adrenct and on fleam bedrifen — and Normen ahton wael-stowe ge-wald : And this ge-feoht waes on vigilia Mathei apostoli, and wa^s Wod- nesdaeg. And tha aefter tham ge-feoht for Harold cyning of Noi*wegan and Tostig eorl into Eoferwic mid swa mic clum folce swa heom tha ge-thuhte, — and hi man gislade of thaere Burh and eac to metsunge fylste : — And swa tha- non to scipe foran and to fan frithe ge-spracon thast hig ealle mid him suth faran woldon and this land gegan, Tha, amang thisan, com Harold Engla-cyninge mid ealre his fyrde on thone Sunandceg to Tada, and tha?r his lith fylcade ; and for tha on Monandp eodon, and Eadnoth Stallere heom with gc-feaht and wearth thaer of-sla±gen, and manege gode menn oil agthre liealfe ; and thanon aweig foron the tha r to lafe waron. 336 mlxviii. Her on thissum geare Willelm cyng geaf Rodlearde eorle thone ealdordome ofer North- Hy?nbra- land, ac tha landes-menn hine beforon innan tha?re burh ast Dunholme ; and hine of-slogon and ix.c. manna mid him. And sona thasr-aefter Eadgar Ethel ing com mid eallwn North-Hymbrum to Eoferwic and tha burh- menn with him grythedon ; and Wyllelm kyng com suthan on-unwaer on heom mid geotendan here and hi aflymde, and tha of-sloh tha the aet-fleon ne mohton, (thaet waeron fela hund manna,) and tha burh for-her- gode and see Petres mynster to bysmere macede, and ealle tha othre eac for-hergode and for-byrnde : and se iEtheling for eft ongean to Scotlande. iEfter thissum comon Haroldes sunas of Yyrlande, to tham middari sumera, mid Ixiiii scypum, into Taw-muthan, and thaer un-waerlice up eodon ; and Breon eorl comon un- waer heom to-geines mid un-lytlan weorode, and with gefeaht, and of-sloh thaer ealle tha betstan menn the on tham lythe waeron ; and tha othre lytlan werode to scypum aet-flugon : and Haroldes sunas foron eft to Yr- lande ongean. Her forthferde Aldred arccbisceop on Eoferwic, and is thar bebyrged at his bisceop-stole : and he gewat on thone dceg proti et JACINTH!, and he heold thone arce-stole mid myeclun weoHh-mynte x gear baton xv wucan wanan. Sona thaer-aefter comon of Dcnmurcon threo Swegenes suna kyninges mid cc scipum and xl, — and Osbeorn eorl and Thurkyl eorl into Humbran, and heom com thaer togenes Eadgar cild and Wmtdtkeof eorl and Merleswegen and Gospatric eorl mid Northern- brum, and ealle tha landleoden, ridende and gangendc, mid un-maetan here swithe fa?gengende, and swa ealle an-raedlice to Eojei-wic foron and thone castel to-bra- con and to-wurpan, and un-aiiinedlice ga'rsuinan tha-r- -inne gewunnan, and fela hund manna frenciscra 337 thaer of-slogon, and fela mid heom to scypan laeddan : and aer than the tha scyp-menn thider comon haefdon tha frenciscan tha burn for-baerned and eac thaet halie myn- stre scs Petrus eal-for-hergod and for-baerned. Tha se kyng this geaxode tha for he northward mid ealre his fryde the he gegaderian mihte and tha scire mid-ealle for-hergode and aweste. And thaet lith laeg ealne winter innan Humbre thaer se cyng heom to cuman ne mihte. And se kyng waes thone mid-wintres-daei on Eoferwic and swa ealne thone winter on tham lande, and com to Wincestre on tha ilcan Eastron: and Mgel- ric bisceop waes forwreged the waes on Burh, and hine man laedde to Westmynstre, and ut-lagode his brother AZgehvine bisceop. mlxxi.« Her se eorl Waltheof grythode with thone cynge: and thaes on lengten se kyng let hergian ealle tha mynstra the on Engla-lande waeron. And thces geres waes micel hunger : and man hergade thaet mynster aet Burh : (thaet waeron tha menn tha se biscop JEgelric aer amansumade fortham the hi namon thaer eall thaet he ahte.) And thaes ilcan sumeres com thaet lith into Te- wese, and lagon thaer twa niht, and heoldon syththan to Denmarcon. And Baldawine eorl forthferde, and Arnulj\ his sunu feng to than rice ; and francena kj/ning and Wyllelm eorl sceoldon beon his ge-heald, ac thaer com Rodbeart and of-sloh Amulf his maeig and thone eorl W'i/ltct/n, and thone kynge aflymde ; and of-sloh his manna fela thusenda. Mi.xxir.f Her Eudwim eorl and Morkere eorl hlupon lit, and mislice ferdon on wuda and on J'eldun oth thaet Eadwim wealth of-slaegea faun his agenum mannum, and Morkere mid scype gewende to Heligi and thaer com * See Hi-t. Petrob. muul — Jen. | Hist. Pet, mi.wi Jau, 338 JEgehcine bisceop and Sigicarth Barn and fela hund manna mid heom. Ac tha se kynge Willelm this ge-ah- sade tha bead he ut scyp-fyrde and land-fyrde, and thaet land eall abntan sastte, and brycge ge-worhte, and inn for; and scyp-fyrde on tha sae healfe: and hi ealle tha eodon than cyninge on hand ; thaet was JEgehvine bisceop and Morkere eorl and ealle tha the mid heom waeron, butan Herewerde anum and ealle tha the mid him aer- fleon mihton, and he hi ahtlice ut-alaedde. And se cyng nam heora scypa, and wepna, and manega sceattas ; and tha men ealle he ateah, and dyde of heom thaet he wolde : and Mgelwine bisceop he sende to Abban- dune ; and he thaer forthferde. MLXxrn.* Her Wyllelm kyng laedde scyp-ferde and land-fyrde to Scotlande, and thast land on tha sas healfe mid scypum ymb laeig and him-self mid his land- fyrde ferde inn ofer thast waeth ; and he thjer naht ne funde thaes the heom the betere waere : and Malcolm cynge com and grythode with Wyllelm cynge, and wa?s his mann, and him gislas salde : And he syththan ham gewende mid ealre his fyrde. And se biscop JBgetric tbrthferde : he waes to bisceope ge-hadode to Eofenvic, ac hit wass mid un-rihte him of ge-numen, and geaf him thaet bisceoprice aet Dunhobne, and he hit hsefde tha hwile the he wolde, and for-let hit siththan and ferde to Burh to see Petres Mynstre, and thaer drohtnod xii gear ; Tha aefter tham the Willelm gewann Eugla-land he let hine nyman of Burh, and sende hine to Wcstmymtn ; and he thaar forthferde on Id. Octob., and is thaer bebyr- ged irman see Nicolaes portice. mlxxiv.-j- An thisan gere Willelm cynge la^ddc fiqg- * mi xxn. in Hist. Petrob. — Joss. f mi xxm. in 1 list. Pctrob. —Joss. 339 lice fyrde. and Francisce ofer sae and gewann thaet land Mam : and hit Englisce menn swithe amaerdon ; win-gear- das hi for-dydon, and burga for-baerndan, and thaet land swithe amyrdon : and eall thaet land ge-begdon than kyninge to handan : and hig seoththan ham gewendan. mlxxv.* On thissum gere Wyllelm cynge for ofer sae to Nannandige: and Eadgar cild com of Fleminga-lande into Scotlunde on see Gri/nbuldes maesse-daeg, and se kynge Malcolm and his sweostor Morgan ta hine under-fengon mid mycclan weorth-scype. On thaere ilean tide sende se kyng of Franc-rice, Filippus, ge-writ to him, and bead him thaet he to him come, and he wolde geofan hiin thone castel set Mustral that he mihte sy ththan da^ghwamlice his unwinnan un-thancas don. Hwaet that? se cynge Malcolm and his sweostor Murgareta geofon him mycela geofa and manega garsama and eallon his mannan on scynnan mid pa j lle betogen, and on mertheme pyleceon and grascyn- nene and hearma scynnene, and on 'paellon, and on gyl- denan fa- ton and on seolfrenan, and hine and ealle his ^cyperan mid mycclan weorthscype of his grythe alaedde : ac on thaere fere heom yfele ge-lamp : Tha hi ut on sae waeron that heom on be-com swithe threoh weder; and seo wode he and se stranga wind hi on thaet land awearp thaet ealle heora scypa to-burston, and hi-sylfe earfoth- lice to land comon and heora gaersama for-neh eall lo- sade, and his men eac wnrdon sume ge-laehte of fren- ciscan mannan : ache-sylfand his ferestan men ferdon eft ongean to Scotlunde sume hreowliceon-fotan gangende, and sume earmlice ridende. Thage-raedde se kynge Makho- km him that he sende to Wytielmt cynge ofer sae and had his <:rythes, and he eac swa dyde : and se cynge him tbe» L'f-titliadc, and a-t'ter him sende: and se kynge eft Mahal,, i and his sweostorhim and eallon his mannan • .Mt.wiv. in Hist. Pctrob.— Joss. Q 2 340 unarimede gaersama geafon, and swithe weorthlice hine eft of beora grythe sendon. And se Scir-gerefa of Eofer- wic com him togeanes ast Dunholme and ferde ealne weig mid him and let him findan mete and foddor set aelcan castelle thaet he to comon oth thaet hig ofer sae to tham kyninge com an. And se kynge Wyllelm mid mycclan weorthscype tha hine under-fenge. And he waes thaer tha on his hirede ; and nam swilce gerihta swa he him ge- uthe. mlxxvi.* On thisan geare Wyllelm cynge geaf Raulf e eorle Wyllelmes dohtor Osbarnes sunu : and se ylca Raulf wass Bryttisc on his modor healfe, and Rawulf his feeder waes Englisc and waes geboren on Nort/ifolce : and se kynge geaf forthi his sunu thaer thone eorldom, and Suthfolc eac : He tha laedde thaet wif to Nurthwic ; — Thaer waes thaet bryd-ealo that waes manegra manna bealo : Thaer wa?s Rocger eorl and Waltheof eorl and biscopas and abbodas, and raeddon thaer thaet hi woldon heora kyne-hlaford of his cyne-rice adrifon : And thaes waes tham cyninge sona to Normandie ge-cythed Rawalf eorl and Rogcer eorl waeron hofdingas aet thisan un-raede. And hi speonan heom to tha Bryttus and sendon eac to Dencmcncon aefter Scyp- * mlxxv. Sic Hist. Petrob. — Joss, and runs thus : — "On thissum geare Willelm cyng geaf Raulf eorle in/- lelmcs dohtor Osbearnes sunu; and se ylca Raulf was but- tisc on his modor-healfe and his faeder was Euglisc, Raulf hatte, and wa>s geboren on AWM-folce.* lha geaf se cyng his sunu thone eorl-dom on North-folc and Sulfi-folc. Tha kedde he thaet wif to Nortkwk ; tha-r wa > thaet bryd-eala mannum to beala. Thaer wa?s Roger eorl and Waltheof eorl and biscopas and abbotes. And rad- * In the lost Peterborough copy, buih-foice. 341 here, and Rogcer ferde to his eorldome, and gaderade his folc than cynge to unthearfe he thohte, ac hit wearth heom-seolfan to mycclan hearme. liawulf eac wolde on his eorldoin forthgan, ac tha castel-menn the waeron on Engla-lande and eac thaet land- folc heom togeanes comon, and hi ealle geletton thaet hi naht ne dydon, ac was faegen thaet he to scypum at-rleah, and his wif belaf aefter in tham castele ; and hine swa lange heold oth thaet man hire gryth salde, and heo tha ut-ferde of Engla-lande and ealle hire men the hire mid woldon. And se kynge syththan com to Engla-lande and gefeng Rogcer eori his nueg and sete on prisun. And Waltheof eorl ferde ofer sae and wreide hine sylfne and ba;d forgyfenysse and bead gaersuman, ac se kynge let lihtlice of oth thaet he com to Engla-lande and hine let siththan ta- can. And sona aefter thisan coman of Denemarcon twa hund don thaer swa thaet hi woldon thone cyng gesettan ut of Engla-landes-cj/ne-dome : and hit wearth sona gecydd tham cynge to Normandige hu hit waes geraed. Thaet waes Roger eorl and Raulf eorl the waeron yldost to tham unreode. And hi speonan tha Brittas heom to and sendon east to Denmarcon aefter scip-here heom to fultume ; and Roger ferde west to his eorl-dome, and gegaderode his folc to thaes cynges unthearfe, ac he wearth gelet. And Raulf eac on hi* eorl-dome wolde forlhgan mid his folc ac tha castel-men the waeren on Engle-lande * and eac that land-folc him to-geanes comon and ge-macadon that he * A Wvittano Wigorniensi Episcopo, et Agelvm abbate btamenn, Ursone vice-comite Wigorniic, et W'ultero de l.uceio ( l'lor. Wig.) Tliis is strong evidence that theS€ Annuls art- W'ulitan's. 342 scypa, thaer-on waeron hcefdes-menn Crnit, Swegnes sunu eynges, and Hacon eorl ; and ne dorston nan gefeoht heal- dan with Willelme cynge, ac ferdon to Eoferwic and brecon see Petres mynstre and tocon thaer-inn mycele ahta, and foron swa aweg. — Ac ealle tha forferdon the set tham raede waeron ; thaet waes Ilacones sunu eortes and manega otJire mid him. And Eadgyth seo hlaefdie forth - ferde (seo waes Eadwardes cynges geresta) seofon niht aer xpes maessan on Wincestre ; and se cyng hine let hryngan to Westmynstre mid mycclan weorthscype, and leide heo with Eadwarde cynge hire hlaforde. Se kynge waes tha thone mid- winter on Westmynstre: Thaer man for- demde ealle tha Bryttas the waeron aet tham bryd-lope a^t naht ne dyde : Ac for to scype aet Northivic ; and his wit' waes innan tham castele, and hine heold swa lange thaet maen hine grith sealde : and heo ut-ferde tha of Englu- lande and ealle hire men the hire mid woldon. And se cyng siththan com to En^la-lande and ge-nam Roger eorl his maeg and ge-festnode hine; and Waltheof eorl he ge-nam eac. And sona aefter tham comon easton of Denmearcon cc scipa, and thaer-on waeron twegen heofod menn Cnut, Swaegnes sunu, and II aeon eorl ; and hi nv dorstan nan ge-feoht healdan with WUlelm cynge ac hcoldan ofer sae to Flandron. And Eadgith seo hlasfdig ibrthferde on Winctastre VII nihton aer Cristes massao ; and se cyng hi let bryngan to West-mymtre mid mvcclan wurthscipe and l^gde hi with Eadweard k-yng hire hla- forde. And Se was on West-mynstre thone midde winter; and man for-dyde thar ealle tha Bryttas the \va run ;rt tham bryd-ealoth set Nortkwic. Sume hi wurdon ablseiide, and sume of lande adrifene : swa wurdon Willelmes swican ge-nithrade." 343 Xorthwic: Sume hi wurdon ge-blende; and sume wrecen oflande; and sume ge-tawod to scande : Thus wurdon thaes kyninges swican ge-nytherade. m lx xvn .* On thisam geare forthferde Swegen ky nge on Denemarcun ; and Harold his sunu feng to his cyne-rice. Her Willelm cynge geaf thaet abbotrice aet West-mynstre Fithele abbode : se waes aar munuc ret Bernege : and her waes Waltheof eov\ be-heafdod on Wmcestre on .see Petro- nella maesse daeg; and his lichaman wearth ge-laedto Cru- lande, and he thaer is bebyrged. And Wyllelm cynge for ofer see and laedde fyrde to Brytlande, and besaet thone castel aet Dol ; ac tha Bryttas hine heoldon oth thaet se cynge com of Franc-rice, and Wyllelm cynge tha thanon for : and thasr for -leas aegther menn and hors and una- rimede gaersaman. MLxxvni.-f- Her se mona athystrode threom nihton tur candel-rnaessan : and JEgelwig, se woruld-snotra abbot on Eofeshamme, forthferde on sea Juliana maesse-dag ; and Waltere was to abbote ge-sast on his stede : and Hereman bisceop forthferde ; se Waes bisceop on Barruc-scire and on Wiltunscire and on Dorsatun. And her Malcholom kynge gewan MahUhtan modor [a line blank in the original] and eallelm betstan menn, and ealne his gcersu- man ; and his orf, and be-sylf uneathe at-barst [six lines blank in the original] and her was se dria rumor;, and wilde-fyi com on manega scira and for-baernde fela tuna; and eac manega burga for-bunon. mlwix.J Uer Rodbert thaes cyngessunu Wyllelm hleop fram his faeder to his eame Rotbryhte on Flandron, for- than the his feeder ne wolde him laetanwaldan his eorl- * mi.wvi. in Hist. Petrob, — Jots. [ mi xwii. in Hist, Petrob.— Joss. ixvm. in lli-t. I'etrob. — Joss, 344 domes on Normandige the he-sylf, and eac se kynge Fi- lippus, mid his gethafunge, him ge-gyfen hasfdon : and tha the betst wseron on tham lande hsefdon athas him geswo- ron and hine to hlaforde genumen. Her Rotbert feht with his fseder and hine on tha hand ge-wundade ; and his hors wearth under of-scoten, and se the him other to brohte wearth thaer-rihte mid anan arblaste of-scoten; that waes Tokig, Wiggodes sunu : and tela thaer wurdon of-slaegen, and eac gefangene. And Rotbert eft gewende to Fleminga-lande : Ne wylle we theh her na mare scathe writan the he his fseder ge- Here ends the ancient copy, Tiberius, B. IV. in the middle of a leaf, the bottom half of which is cut away; there is little lost, however, for the reverse of the leaf is blank. From the year 1070,, these Annals are para- phrased in the copy Laud, which copy contains nothing of Wulstan's after this year, except the years 1083, 1085 and 1086, which immediately follow. [From the Copy Laud.] MLxxxnr. Her on thissum geare forthferde Mahtild Willelmes cynges cwen on thone deeig after ealra halgena maesse-da?g : and on thses ilcan geares setter mid-winter se Cyng let beodan mycel gild aud hefelic ofer eall Engla- land ; thagt woes aelcere hyde twa and hund seofenti pea- nega. mlxxxv.* Her se cyng bar his corona and heold his * There are two articles of 1085, but only the one here inserted appears to be Wulstan's. That it begins with Easter, may be owing to Rcnuddus : an attempt, perhaps, 345 hired on Winceastre to tham Eastran: and swa he ferde thaet he waes to tham Pentecosten aet Wast-minstre : and dubbade his sunu Henric to ridere thaer. Syththan he ferde abutan swa thaet he com to Lam-maessan to Seare- byrig : and thaer him comon to, his witan. And ealle tha lande-sittende men the ahtes waeron ofer eall Engle- land waeron thes marines men the hi waeron ; and ealle hi bugon to him and weron his menn and him hold-athas sworon thaet hi woldon ongean ealle othre men him holde beon. Thanon hi ferde into Wiht for-thig he wolde faran into Normandige ; and swa dyde syththan. And theah he dyde aerest, aefter his gewunan, begeat swithe micelne sceott of his mannan thaer he mihte aenige teale to habban, oththe mid riht oththe elles. Ferde tha syththan into Normandige: and JEdgar JEtheling, yEdwardes maeg cynges, beah tha fram him for-thig he naefde na mycelne wurthscipe of him ; (ac se aelmihtiga God him gife wurthscipe on tham to-weardan) : and Cristina thaes TEthelinges swuster beah into Mynstre to Rumesege and underfeng halig reft. And thaes ilcan geares waes swithe hefelic geare and swithe swincfull and sorhfull gear innan Engle-lande on orf-cwealme ; and corn and waestmas waeron aet-standene and swa mycel un-gelimp on waederunge swa man naht aethelic gethen- cean ne maeg : swa storthunrins; and laeht waes swa thaet hit acwealde manige men : and a a hit wyrsode mid niannon swithor and swithor. Gebete hit God elmihtiga thonne his willa sy. mi.xxxvi. iEfter ure drihtnes IJaelendes Cristcs ge- byrtide an thusend wintra and seofan and hund cahtatig to make the Worcester reckoning square with his own, which he afterwards abandoned. lie has made some other confusion of dates about this time. Q 5 346 wintra on tham an and twentigan geare thaes the Willelm weolde and stihlhe Engle-land swa him god uthe — ge- wearth swithe hefelic and swithe wold-berendlic gear on thissum lande. Swilc cothe com on mannum thaet full- neah sefre other man wearth on tham wyrrestan yfele, thaet is, on tham drife; and thet swa stranglice thaet ma?nige men swulton on tham yfele. Syththan com thurh tha mycclan un-gewiderung the comon swa we beforan tealdon swithe mycel hungor ofer eall Engle- land thaet manig hundred manna earmlice deathe swulton thurh thone hungor. Eala! hu earmlice and hu reowlic tid waes tha ! Tha tha wreccae men laegon for-drifene fullneah to deathe and syththan com se scearpa hungor and adycle hi mid-ealle. Hwam ne maeg earmian swyl- cere tide? oththe hwa is swa heord heort thaet ne maeg wepan swylces ungelimpes ? Ac swylce thing gcwur- thath for folces synna thaet hi nellath lufian god and riht- wisnesse. Swa swa hit waes tha on tham dagum thaet litel rihtwisnesse waes on thisum lande mid aenige men.* Se cyng and tha heafod-men lufedon swithe and ofer-swithe getsung on golde and on seolfre : and ne rohton hu syn- lice hit waere begytan butan hit com to heom. Se cyng sealde his lande swa deore to male swa hco deorost inihtc, thonne com sum other and beade mare thonne the other aer sealde and se cyng hit lett tham menn the him mare bead : Thonne com se thridde and bead geat mare ; and se cyng hit lett tham men to handa the him callra meastbead : and ne rohte na hu swithe synlice tha Gere- fan hit bc»caton of earme mannon ne hu maniiic Unlaga hi dydon. Ac swa man swithor sp^c embe rihtc la<_c, swa man dydc mare un^laga. Hi arerdon un-riht tollas, * [Buton mid lnunecan ane, (liar tha-r hi wael fcrdon.] — llcmaldus ut patet. 347 and manige othre un-rihte hi dydan the syndon earfethe to areccenne. Eac on tham ilcan geare a?t-foran hcer- leste forbarn thaet halige mynstre See Paule the biscop- stole on Lwtdene and maenige othre mynstres and theet raaeste cleel and thset rotteste ealle thaere burh. Swylc eac on tham ilcan timan for-barn full-neah aelc heofod-port on eallon Engle-lande. Bala ! reowlic and wependlic tid wass thass geares the swa manig un-gelimp wass forth- bringende. Eac on tham dean geare toforan Assumptw see Mui-ie for Willelm cyng, of Normandige into France mid fyrde ; and hergode uppan his agenne hlaford Phi- lippe tham cynge ; and sloh of his mannon mycelne diel, and for-bearnde tha burh Mathante and ealle tha halige mynstres the wasron innon tha?re burh : and twegen halige menn the hyrsumedon Gode on ancer-settle wuniende- thaer wseron for-bearnde. Tbissum thus gedon se cyng Willelm ceorde ongean to Xormandige. Reowlic thing he dyde and reowlicor him gelanip : — Ilu reowlicor? — Him ■lade and theet him stranglice eglade. Hwaetmaeg ic teollan ? Se scearpa deathe, the ne forlet ne rice menne ne heane, — seo liine genam. lie swealt on JVojn- mandige on thone nextan daeg ajfter Natfai&u sec Marie .- and man bebyrged hine on Cathum act See Step fumes '■'u/ishe ; arer he hit araerde and siththan ina'iii-fealdlice ge-godade. Bala ! hu leas hu un-wrest is thines middan - \\t land on his gewealde dihte and sette; and thaer-aefter to Laengtene hider to lande com, and to Eastran his hired on Windlesoran heold and toPentecostcn on West-mynstre : and syththan 389 eft to Augustes anginne on Westmynstre waes and thaer tha biscop-ricen and abbot-ricen geaf and sette the on Engle- lande oththe on Normandige buton ealdre and hyrde waeron : Thera waeron swa fela swa nan man nses the ge- munde thaet aefre aT swa fela to-gaedere gyfene waeron. This waes rihtlice ymb vii gear thaes the se cyng Henri cynedomes on-feng and waes thaet an and fowertigethe gear thaes the Francan thises landes weoldan. Manige saedon thet hi on tham monan thises geares mistlice tacna gesawon and ongean cynde his leoman wexende and waniende. Thises geares forth-ferdon Mauritius biscop of Lunden and Rotbeart abbot on see Eadmundes-byrig and Ricard abbot on Elig. Thises geares eac forthferde se cyng Eadgar on Scotlande, Idus Januar. ; and fen£ Alexander his brother to tham rice swa se cyng Henri him geuthe. mcviii. Her on thisum geare waes se cyng Henri to Nativiteth on West-mynstre, and to Eastron QH m Wm- ceastre, and to Pentecosten eft on Westmynstre : And thaer-aefter to-foran Aug. he ferde into Normandig. And se cyng of France Philippics forthferde Non. Aug. and feng his sunu Lotktwis to tham rice : and wurdon syth- than manege gewinn betwux tham cynge of France and tham of Engle-land tha hwile the he on Normundig wunode. On thisum geare eac forthferde se arce-biscop Girard of Eoferwic to-foran Fentecosten, and wearth syththan Thomas thaer-to gesett. mcix. Her on thison geare waes se cyng Henri to Cristes-massan, and to Eastron on Normandig, and to- foren Fentecosten hider to lande com and his hired on If* .sfmynstre heold. Thaer wurdon tha forewearda full worhte and tha athas gesworene his dohtor tham Cascre to gifene. Thises geares gewurdon swithe fela thunra and tha swithe aegeslice. And se arcebiscop Ansealm of Cant- 3U0 wara-byrig forthferde on tham daege xi kl. Apr. And waes se forma Easter daeg on Letania maior. mcx. On thisum geare heold se cyng Henri his hired to Cristes-mcessan aet Westmynstre, and to Eastron he waes aet Mterle-beorge, and to Pentecosten forman si the his hired on tham niwan Windlesoran heold. Thises geares sende se cyng to-foran Langtene his dohtor mid maenig- fealdan mathman ofer sae and hi tham Casere for-geaf. On thaere fiftan nihte on Mates monthe aetywde se mona on aefan beorhte scinende and siththan litlan and litlan his leoht wanode swa thaet he sona nihtes to tham swythe mid-eall acwanc thaet nather ne leoht ne traendel ne nan thing mid ealle of him waes gesaewen, and swa thurh-wunode ful-neah oth daeg, and siththan full and beorhte scinende aetywde : he waes thaes ylcan daeges feowertyne nihta eald. Ealle tha niht waes seo lyft s withe clene and tha steorran ofer eall tha heofan swithe beorhte scinende ; and treow-waestmas wurdon thaere nihte thurh forste swithe for-numen: Thaer-aefter on Junies monthe aetywde an steorra northan eastan, and his leoma stod to-fbran him on thaet suth-west and thus manega niht waes gesewen, and furthor nihtes syththan he ufor astah he waes gesewen on-baec on thaet north-west gangende. Thises geares wurdon belaende Philippus de Brause and Willelm Mallet and Willelm Bainart. Eac thises geares forth-ferde Elias eorl the tha Mannie of tham cynge Heanri geheold and on cweow :* and aefter his forsithe feng-to se eorl of Angeow and he togeanes tham cynge * " Lectio fortasse vitiosa : certe vocabuli significatio me latet." — Gibson. " held Maine in fee-tail : the territory was not a fee- simple, but subject to taillage or taxation ; and that par- ticular species is probably here intended which is called 391 heold. This wses s withe gedeorfsum gear her on lande thurh gyld the se cyng nam for his dohter gyfte, and thurh ungewaedera for-hwan eorth-westmas wurdon swithe amyrde and treow-weastmas ofer eall this land for-neah eall for-wurdon. Thises geares me began aerost to vveorcene on tham niwan mynstre on Ceortes-cege. mcxi. On thison geare ne baer se cyng Henri his coro- nan to Cristes-mcessan ne to Eastron ne to Pentecosten : and innan August he ferde ofer sas into Normandig for unsehte the with him haefdon sume be tham gemaeron of France, and swithost for tham eorle of Angeow the tha Mannie togeanes him heold ; and, siththan he thider ofer-com, manega unrada and baernetta and hergunga hi heom betweonan gedydon. On thison geare forth-ferde se eorl Rotbert of Flandron and feng his sunu Baldewine thaer-to. Thises geares waes swithe lang winter and hefig time and Strang, and thurh thaet eorth-waBStmas wurdon swithe amyrde ; and gewearth se maesta or/-cwealm the aenig mann mihte gemunan. mcxi i. Eall this gear wunode se cyng Henri of Nor- mandig for thaere unsehte the he haefde with France and with thone eorl of Angeow the tha Mannie togeanes him heold. And on-mang tham the hethaer waes he belaende thone eorl of Eureus and Willelm Crispin and ut of Nor- mandi adraf, and Philippe de Braus his land ageaf the aer waes belaend, and liotbert de Bcelesme he let niman and in old French en queuage, an expression not very different from that in the text." — Ingram. [The lawyers derive it otherwise — quasi feodum tullia- tum — an inferior fee cut out of the fee-simple at the will of the proprietor : the term has nothing to do with the duty called talliage.] 392 on prisune don. This waes swithe god gear and swithe wistfull on wudon and on feldan, ac hit waes swithe hefig time and sorhfull thurh or-maetne man-cwealm. Mcxiir. Her on thison geare waes se cyng Henri to Nativiteth and to Eastron and to Pentecosten on Norman- dig. And thaer-aefter to sumeran he sende hider to lande Rotbert de Balesme into tham castele to Warham, and him-sylf sona thaer-aefter hider to lande com. mcxiv. On thison geare heold se cyng Henri his hired to Nativiteth on Windlesoran, and thaes geares syththan he ne heold hired nan oftar. And to middan-sumeran he ferde mid ferde into Wealon, and tha Wyliscean comon and with thone cyng grithedon, and he let thaer-inne castelas weor- cean, and thaer aefter innan September he for ofer sae into Normandig. Thises geares on afteward Mai waes gesewen an selcuth steorra mid langan leoman manege niht sci- nende. Eac on this ylcan geare waes swa mycel ebba aeghwaer anes daeges swa nan man aeror ne gemunde. and swa thaet man ferde ridende and gangende ofer Tamese be eastan thaere brigge on Lunden. Thises geares waeron swithe mycele windas on October monthe, ac he waes ormaete mycel on tha niht octab. Sancti Martini, and that gehwaer on wudon and on tunan gecydde. Eac on thisum geare se cyng geaf thaet arcebiscop-rice on C ant- war a- byrig Raulfe se waes aeror biscop on Hrofe-ccastre. And se arcebiscop on Eoferwic Thomas forthferde and feng Turstein thaer-to : se waes aeror thaes cynges capelein. mcxv. Her waes se cyng Henri to Nativiteth on Nor- mandig ; and on-mang tham the he thaer waes he dyde thaet ealle tha heafod-men on Normandig dydon man- raedan and hold-athas his sunu Wilklme the he be his cwene haefde; and aefter than syththan innon Julia monthe hider into lande com. Thises geares waes swa Strang winter mid snawe and mid forste swa nan man 393 the tha lifode aer than nan strengre ne gemunde; and wearth thurh thaet un-gemaele orf-cwealm. On thison geare saende se papa Paschalis Raulfe arcebisceope on Cant-wara-byrig pallium hider to lande, and he his on- feng mid mycclan wurthscipe aet his arce-stole on Cant- wara-byrig : nine brohte Ansealm abbot, of Rome (se waes nefa Ansealmes arcebisceopes)— and se abbot Johan of Burh. mcxvi. On thisan geare waes se cyng Henri to Nati- viteth aet see Albane, and thasr let thaet mynster hal- gian ; and to Eastron on Wudiham. And waes eac thises geares swithehefig tyme winter and Strang and lang with orf and with ealle thing. And se cyng aefter Eastron sona ferde oler sae into Normandig; and wurdon manega unrada and raefunga and castelas genumene betwux France and Normandig. Maest this unsehte waes forthan the se cyng Henri fylste his nefan tham eorle Tadbalde de Btais the tha wyrre haefde togeanes his hlaforde tham cynge of France, Lothewis. This waes swithe geswincfull gear and byrstfull on eorth-waestman thurh tha ormaete reinas the coman sona on-foran Auguste and swithe gedrehton and geswencton the git the com Candel-mcessan. Eac this gear waes swa gaesne on msestene swa thaet on eallon thi- son lande ne eac on Wcalon ne ge-hyrde me of nanan secgean. This land and thas leodan wurdon eac thises geares oft-rrcdlice rade geswencte thurh tha gyld the se cyng nam aegther ge binnan burgan and butan. mcxvii. Eall this gear wunode se cyng Henri on Nor- mandig for thes cynges un-seht of France and his othra nehhebura. And tha to than sumeran com se cyng of France and se eorl of Flandra mid him mid fyrde into Normandig and ane niht thaer-inne wunedon, and on morgen butan gefeohtc ongean ferden. And Normandig Wealth swythe gedreht aegther ge thurh gyld ge thurh s 5 394 fyrde the se cyng Henri thaer ongean gaderode : Eac theos theode thurh this ylce thurh masnig-feald gyld wearth strange geswenct. Thises geares eac on thaere nihte kl. Decembris wurdon • ormaetlica waedera mid thunre and lightinge and reine and hagole. And on thaere nihte Hi idus Decembris wearth se mona lange nihtes swilce he eall blodig waere and siththan athistrode. Eac on thaere nihte xvii kl. Janr. waes seo heofon swythe read gesewen swylce hit bryne waere : and on octabas sci Joannis Euan- gelista? wags seo mycele eorth-byfung on Lumbardige for- hwan manega mynstras and turas and huses gefeollon and mycelne hearm on mannan ge-dydon. This waes swithe byrstful gear on corne thurh tha renas the for-neh ealles geares ne ge-swicon. And se abbot Gilebert of Westmynstre forthferde viii idus Decembris, and Farits abbot of Abbandune vii kl, Martii, And on thisum ylcan geare mcxviii. Her eall this gear wunode se cyng Henri on Normandig for thes cynges wyrre of France and thaes eorles ofAngeow and thaes eorles of Flandran. And seeorl of Flun- dra warth innan Normandig gewundod and swa gewundon into Flandran for. Thurh thisra unsehte wearth se cyng swythe gedreht and mycel for-leas segther ge on feoh and eac on lande ; and maeste hine dryfdon his agene men the him gelome fram bugon and swicon and to his feondan cyrdon, and heom, to thaes cynges hearme and swicdome, heora castelas ageafon. Eall this strange gebohte Engla- lande thurh tha maenig-fealdlice gyld the ealles thises geares ne geswicon. On thison geare on thaere wycon Theophanie waes anes aefenes swithe mycel lihtinge and ungemetlice slaege thaer-aefter. And seo cwen Mahuld forthferde on Westmynstre thaes daeges kl. Mai, and thaer waes bebyrged : And se eorl Rotbcrt of Mellent thises geares eac-forthferde. Eac on thison geare to see Thomas 395 maesse waes swa swythe ungemetlice mycel wind thaet nan man the tha lifode naenne maran ne gemunde ; and thaet waes aeghwaer geseone aegther ge on husan and eac on treowan. Thises geares eac forthferde se papa Pas- dmlis and feng Johan of Gaitan to thara Pap-dome, tham waes other nama Gelasius. mcxix. This gear eall wunode se cyng Henri on Nor- mandig ; and waes, thurh thaes cynges wyrre of France and eac his agenra manna the him mid swicdome fram waeron mid abugon, oft-raedlice swithe gedreht oth thet tha twe- gen cyngas innan Normandige mid heoran folcan comon togaedere. Thaer wearth seo cyng of France aflymed and ealle his betste maen genumene; and syththan thaes cynges maen Heanriges manega him to gebugen and with hine acordedan the aeror mid heora castelan him togeanes waeron ; and sume tha castelas he mid strengthe genam. Thises geares ferde Willelm thaes cynges sunu Heanriges and thaer cwen Mahalde into Normandige to his faeder, and thaer wearth him for-gifen and to wife beweddod thaes eorles dohtor of Angeow. On see Michaeles-mcesse-afen was mycel eorth-byfung on suman steodan her on lande theah swithost on Glowe-ceastre-scire and on Wigra- ceastre-scire. On this ylcan geare forthferde se papa Gelasius on thas halfe thaere muntan and waes on Clunig bebyrged ; and aefter him se arcebiscop of Uiana wearth to Papan gecoren, tham wearth nama Calixtus : se syth- than to see JvMCrts-maessan Euangelista com into France to Ramys and thrcr heold Concilium : and se arcebiscop Turstein of Eofervric thyder ferde ; and for-thi the he to-geanes rihte arid to-geanes tham arce-stole on Cant- tvara-bi/rig and togeanes thaes cynges willan his had aet tham Papan irnder-feng, him withewa-th se cyng aelces gean-fares to Kngla-lande and he thus his arcebiscop-rices llKi.rnodc and mid tham Papan towardes Rome for. Eac 396 on thison geare forthferde se eorl Baldewine of Flandran of tham wundan the he innan Normandig gefeng ; and aefter him feng Carl his fatha sunu to tham rice : se was Cnutes sunu thaes haligan cynges of Denmarcan. mxx. Thises geares wurdon sehte seo cyng of Engle- lande and se of France : and aefter heora sehte acordedan ealle thaes cynges Heanriges agenne maen with hine innan Normcmdige and se eorl of Flandran and se of Puntiw. Syththan her-aefter saette se cyng Henrig his castelas and his land on Normandi aefter his willan, and swa to-foran Advent hider to lande for : And on tham fare wurdon adruncene thaes cynges twegen sunan Willelm and Ricard, and Ricard eorl of Ceastre and Ottuel his brother and swithe manega of thaes cynges hired Stiwardas, and Bur- thenas and Byrlas and of mystlicean wican, and ungerim swithe Mnglices folces forth-mid. Thysra death waes heora freondan twy-fealdlic sar, — an thaet hi swa fearlice thises Jifes losedan, — other thaet feawa heora lichaman ahwaer syththan fundena waeron. Thises geares com thet leoht to Sepulchrum Domini innan Jerusalem twiges, anes to Eastron, and othre sithe to Assumptio see Marie swa swa geleaffulle saedon the thanon coman. And se arcebiscop Turstein of Eoferwic wearth thurh thone Papan with thone cyng accordad, and hider to lande com and his bis- coprices on-feng theah hit tham arcebiscope of Cant- wara-byrig swithe un-gewille waere. mcxxi. Her waes se cyng Henri to Christes-mcessan on Brantune. And thaer-aefter to-foran Candel-mcessan on Win- dlesoran waes him to wife for-gyfen At/ielis and siththan to cwene gehalgod : seo waes thaes Herc-togan dohtor of Luuain [Lorain]. And se mona athystrode on thaere nihte None Aprilis : and waes xiv luna. And se cyng waes to Eastron on Beorclea ; and thaer-aefter to Pentecostal he heold mycelne hyred on West-mynstrc, and syththan 397 thaes sumeres mid fyrde into Wealan for : and tha Wylis- cean him ongean coman and aefter thaes cynges willan hi with hine acordedan. Thises geares com se eorl of Angeow fram Jerusalem into his lande ; and syththan hider to lande sende and his dohtor let feccean ; seo waes Wil- lelm thes cynges sune aeror to wife for-gyfan. And on thaere nihte Vigilia natulis Domini waes swythe mycel wind ofer eall this land, and thet wearth on manegan thingan swithe gesene. 398 Any one of Remaldus > years is as good as another, and therefore his first and second years only are here transcribed as a specimen, together with his account of the abbot Henry. This examination will enable us to judge truly of his honesty, temper, and sense. He has confounded the dates throughout the whole of his compilation, (the copy Laud,) and it is always necessary to compare his dating with the other copies, in order to be correct. With this view Stigand^s Annals may be use- fully compared with Wulstan's ; and, in addi- tion to the article of 1001, (v. p. 21],) the Cambridge copy contains one other short article, also attributable to Elphcgus, and numbered 993, which should be compared with Elfric's 993 and 994. dccccxciii. Her on thissum geare com Unlaf mid thrym and hund nigentigon scipnm to Stane and for- hergodon tha?t on ytan : and for tha thonan to Sandwic, and swa thonan to Gypeswic and tha?t eal ofer-eode, and swa to Mceldune : and him com tha?r to-geanes Bryhtnoth ealdorman mid his fyrde and him with geleaht, and hie thone ealdorman theer of-slogon and wael-stowe geweald ahton ; and him man nam frith with, and hine nam se cyning syththan to biscopes handa [thurh Si rices lare Cant-ware biscopes and JElfeagcs Win-crestre.*] * Wheloc, from his Peterborough copy. EXTRACTS FROM REMALDUS, Mcxxir. On this geare waes se cyng Heanri on Cristes- massan on Norht-ivic and on Pasches he weas on Norht- hamtune. And on thone Lentcn-tyde thaer-to-foren for- bearn se burch on Gleawe-ceastre : Tha hwile the tha munecas sungen thaere maesse and se Da-cne hafde on- gunnan thone Godspell Prceteriem Jesus tha com se fyr on ufen-weard thone stepel and for-baemde ealle the mynstre and ealle tha gersumes the thaer binnen waeron for-uton feawe bee and iii messe-hakeles : Thet wes thes daeis viii idus Mart. And thaer-aefter, the Tiwesdm aefter l^ilmes-Sunendaei, waes swithe raicel wind on thet daei .n kl. Apr. Thaer-aefter comen/ea/e tacne wide hwear on Engle- land and feole dwild wearen geseogen and geheord. And thes niht viii kl. Aug. waes swithe micel eortii-dyne ofer eall Sumcr-sete-scire and on G leawc-cestre-scirc. Sith- thon on thaes daei wi idus Sept. thet waes on sec Mmk ii»;t^se-d£ei tha wearth swithe iniccl wind tiain tha 400 undern daeies to tha swarte nihte. Theos ilce geares forth-ferde Raulfseo arcebiscop of Cant-wara-byrig : thaet waes on thaes daeies xiii kl. Nouemb. Thaer-aefter waron feole scip-men on sae and on waeter and scedon thaet hi scego?i on north-east fir micel and brad with thone eorthe and weax on lengthe up on an to tham wolcne and se wolcne imdide on fower healfe and faht thaer-to geanes swilc hit scolde a cwencen : And se fir weax na-tha-ma up to the heouene: Thaet fir hi seagon in the daei-rime and laeste swa lange thaet hit waes liht ofer eall : thet waes thaes daeies vii idus Decemb. mcxxiii. On thissum geare waes se cyng Henri on Crlstes-tide aet Dunestaple; and thaer comen thes eorles sandes-men of Angeow to him : and theonen he ferde to Wudestoke, and his biscopes and his hird eall mid him. Tha tidde hit on an Wodnesda — thet waes on iv idus Jan- uar, — thaet se king rad in his der-fald and se biscop Roger of Seres-byrig on an half him, and se biscop Rotbert Bloet of Lincolne on other half him, and riden thaer spre- cende : Tha aseh dune se biscop of Lincolne and seide to tham kyng — Lqferd kyng ic swelte ! and se kyng alihte dune of his hors and alehte hine betwux his earmes and let hine beran ham to his inne, and wearth tha sone dead; and man ferode hine to Lincolne mid mycel wurthscipe and bebyrigde hine to-foren see Marie wefod; and hyne bebyrigde se biscop of Ceastre Rotbert Pecceth waes geha- ten. Tha sona thaer-aefter sende se kyng hise write ofer eall Engla-lande and bed hise biscopes and hise abbates and hise theignes ealle thet hiscolden cumen to his gewitene- mot on Candel-messe-de'ig to G leaw-ceastre him to-geanes ; and hi swa diden. Tha hi waeran thaer gegaderod tha bed se cyng heom thaet hi scoldon cesen ham JErce-biscop to Cant-wara-byrig swa-hwam-swa swa hi woldon and he hem hit wolde tythian. Tha spraxon tha biscopas hem 401 betvvenan and saeden thaet hi naefre mare ne wolden hafen munec-hades-man to Erce-biscop ofer hem ; ac iedon ealle samodlice to thone kyng and ieornden thaet hi mosten ce- sen of clerc-hades-man swa-hwam-swa swa hi wolden to ercebiscop, and se kyng hit hem tidde. This waes eall ear gedon thurh se biscop of Seres-byrig and thurh se biscop of Lincolnc aer he waere dead, for-thi thet naefre ne luueden hi munece regol, ac waeron aefre togeanes muneces and here regol. And se Prior and se munecas of Cant-wara- byrig, and ealle tha othre the thaer waeron munec-hades- men hit with-cwaethen fulle twa dagas, ac hit naht ne be- held for se biscop of Sares-byrig waes Strang and wealde eall Engle-land and waes thaer togeanes eall thaet hemihte and cuthe. Tha cusen hi an clerc Willelm of Curboil waes gehaten, he waes cunonie of an mynstre Cice hatte, and brohten him to-foren se king; and se kyng him geaf thone arce-biscop-rice, and ealle thabiscopas him underfen- gan : Him with-cwaethen muneces and eorles and theignes ealle mest the thaer waeron. On tha ilea tyma ferden thes eorles sandts-men mid un-saehte fram se kyng, na of his gyfe naht ne ronton. On tha ylca tyma com an Legat of Rome — Henri waes gehaten — (he waes abbot of see Joannes mynstre of Anicli) — and he com a?fter the Rome- scot, and he saede thone cyng thaet hit waes to-geanes riht thaet man scolde setten clerc ofer muneces, and swa swa hi hasfden cosen jErce-biscop aeror in here capitele aefter rihte ; ac se cyng hit nolde un-don for thes biscop luuen of Scercs- byrig. Tha ferdese JErcc-biscop sune thaer-aefter to Cant- wara-byrig and waes thaer under-fengan thaeh hit wcere here un-thancas, and waes thaere sona gebletsod to biscop fram r>e biscop of Lundene and se biscop Ernulf of Roue-ceastrc and se biscop Willelm Gifard of Winceastre and se biscop Bernard of Wales and se biscop Roger of Searcs-byrig. Tha snne in the Lenten ferde se arce-biscop to Rome after 402 his Pallium and mid him ferde se biscop Bernard of Wales and Sefred abbot of Gleasting-byrig and Ansealm abbot of S. JEdmund and Johan aerce-daecne of Cant-wara- byrig and Gifard, (waes thes kinges hird-clerc.) On tha ilea tima ferde se JErce-biscop Thurstan of Eoferwic to Rome, thurh thes Papes hese, and com thider thre dagas aer se Mrce-biscop of Cant-wara-byrig com and waes thaereunder- fangan mid micel wurth-scipe. Tha com se Mrce-biscop of Cant-wara-byrig and waes thaere fulle seoueniht aer he mihte cumen to thes Papes spraece : thaet waes forthan thaet hit waes don thone Pape to under-standen thaet he haefde under-fangen thone JErce-biscop-rice to-geanes tha mune- ces of the mynstre and to-geanes rihte. Ac that ofer- com Rome thaet ofer-cumeth eall-iveoruld : thaet is, gold and seolure ; and se Pape swetholode, and gaf him his Pallium ; and se JErcebiscop swor him under-theodnysse of ealle tha thing thaet se Papa him on leide on S. Petres heuod and S. Paules, and sende him ham tha mid his bletsunge. Tha hwile thaet se arce-biscop waes ut of lande geaf se cyng thone biscop-rice of Bathe thes cwenes canceler Godefreith waes gehaten (he waes boren of Lu- ueiri) ; thaet waes thes daeiges Annuntiatio S. Marie at Wu- destoke. Tha sone thaer-aefter ferde se kyng to TI77/- ceastre and waes ealle Eastren-tyde thaere ; and tha hwile thaet he thaer was tha geaf he thone biscoprice an clerc Alexander waes gehaten, (he waes thes biscopes nefe of Seares-byrig ;) This he dyde eall for thes biscopes luuen. Tha ferde se kyng thenen to Po?1es-muthe and lei thaere eall ofer Pentecoste-wuce : tha sone swa he haefde wind swa ferde he ofer into Normandic, and betaehte tha eall Engle-land to geamene and to wealden thone biscop Ro- ger of Seares-byrig. Tha waes se cyng eall thes geares in Normandie and weax tha micel un-frith betwux him and hise theignas, swa thaet se eorl Walaram of Mellant and 403 Hamalri and Hugo of Mundford and Willelm of Romare and fela othre wendan fram him and helden here casteles him to-geanes. And se kyng held stranglice hem to- geanes ; and thes ilces geares he wan of Walaram his castel Punt Aldemer, and of Hugo Mundford; and sith- then he spedde aefre leong the bet. Thes ylce geares asr se biscop of Lincolne com to his biscop-rice for-bearn eall meast se Burh of Lincolne and micel un-gerime foices waepmen and wimmen for-burnen : and swa micel hearm thaer waes gedon swa nan man hit cuthe other secgen : thaet waes thes daeges xiv JUL Junii. mxxvii. This gear heald se kyng Heanri his hird set Cristes-masse on Windlesoure : thasr waes se Scotte kyng Dauid and eall tha heaued laired and laeuued thaet waes on Engle-land, and thaer he let sweren cerce-biscopes and bis- copes and abbotes and eorles and ealle tha theines tha thaer waeron his tiohtex Mthehc Engla-land andNormandi to hande aefter his daei the aer waes thes Caseres wif of Sexlande, and sende hire siththen to Nonnandi: and mid hire ferde hire brother Rotbert eorl of Gleu-ceastre and Brian thes eorles sunu Akin Fergan, and.leot hire be- weddan thes eorles sunu of Angeow, Gosfreith Martal waes gehaten. Hit of-thuhte na-the-ma eall frencisc and englisc, oc se kyng hit dyde for to hauene sibbe of se tori of Angeow and for helpe to hauene togeanes his neue Willelm. Thes ilces gaeres on thone Lenten-tide waes se eorl Karle of Flandres of-slagen on ane circe (thasr he laei and baed hine toGode) — to-for thone weofede— amang thane messe — fram his agenne manne And se kyng of France brohte thone eorles sunu Willelm of Normaudi and iaef hine thone eorldom and thet land-folc him with-toc : thes ilce Willtlni haefde aeror numen thes eorles dohter of Angeow to wife oc hi waeron siththen to-tweamde for sibreden : (thet WS8 eall thurh thone kyng Heanri of 404 Engle-land :) siththen tha nam he thes kynges wifcs swuster of France to wife, and for-thi iaef se kyng him thone eorldom of Flandres. Thes ilce gaeres he geaf thone abbot-rice of Burch an abbot Heanri waes gehaten of Pei- towe. Se haefde his abbot-rice S. Johannis of Angeli on- hande, and ealle tha aerce-biscopes and biscopes seidon that hit was togeanes riht, — and thaet he ne mihte hafen twa abbot-rices on-hande ; oc se ilce Heanri dide thone kyng to understandene thaet he haefde laeten his abbot- rice for thaet micele un-sibbe thaet waes on thaet land, and thaet he dide thurh thes Papes raed and leue of Rome and thurh thes abbotes of Clunni* and thurh thaet he waes Legat of thone Rome-scott, (oc hit ne waes na-the-ma eall-swa oc he wolde hauen bathe on hand, and swa hafde swa lange swa Godes wille waes.) He waes on his Claerc-hade biscop on Scesscum, siththan warth he muncc on Clunni, and siththon Prior on thone seolue mynstre, and siththon he waerth Prior on Suuenni : thar-aeftor thurh thaet he waes thes kynges maei of Engle-land and thes eorles of Peitowe tha geaf se eorl him thone abbot- rice of S. Johannes mynstre of Angeli, siththon thurh his micele wrences tha bejaet he thone arce-biscop-?ice of Besencun and haefde hit tha on hande thre dagas, tha for-laes ne thaet mid rihte forthi thaet he hit haefde aeror bejeten mid un-rihte ; siththon tha bejet he thone biscop- rice of Seintes, thaet waes fif mile fram his abbot-rice ; thaet he haefde /ull-neah seoueniht on hande : Thenon broht se abbot him of Clunni swa swa he aeror dide of * * Post haec venit quidam Henricus Abbas de Angeli et persuasit regi reliquisse se abbatiam suam propter guerram, et hoc per consilium Papae et Abbatis Clunia- censis fecisse ; et mcntitus est, sed hoc finxit ut haberet duas abbatias in manu," &c. &c. — Hugo, 73, 74, and 75. 405 Besencun. Tha bethohte he him thaetg if he mihte ben rol-feston Engle-land thaet he mihte habben eallhis wille, besohte tha thone kyng arid saeide him thaet he waes eald man and for- brocen man and thaet he ne mihte tholen tha micele un-rihte and tha micele un-sibbe tha waeron on here land, and jaernde tha thurh him and thurh eall his freond namcuthlice thone abbot-rice of Burch: and se cyng het him jaette for-thi thaet he waes his maej and for-thi thaet he waes an haefod tha ath to swerene and witnesse to berene thaer tha eorles sunu ot Normandi and thes eorles dohter ofAngeoiv waeron to-t\vemde for sibre- den : thus earmlice waes thone abbot-rice gifen betwix Cristes-mcesse and Candel-incesse at Lundene : And swa he ferde mid the cyng to Wincestre, and thanon he com to Burc/t, and thar he wunede ealle riht swa drane doth on hiue : eall thaet tha beon dragen to- ward swa frett tha drane and dragath fra-ward : swa dide he ; — eall thaet he mihte tacen withinnen and withuten of laered and of laewed swa he sende ouersae; and na god thaer ne dide, ne na god thaer ne laeuede. Ne thince man na sellice, (Fi'c/epp. 172 and 173.) mcxxviii. * * * * And thes ilces geares ferde se turen-sprecene abbot Henri hum to his agen mynstre to Peitou be thes kynges leue. He dyde thone kyng to un- dcrstanden tha L he wolde mid alle for-laten thone myn- stre and thaet land and thaer wunien mid him on Engla- lande and on thone mynstre of Burh : Oc hit ne was na- tbe-ma swa ; he hit dide forthi thaet he wolde thurh his micele wiles thcar beon, war hit tweolf-month oththe mare and siththon ongeon cumen. God a/mihlig haue ln-> milce ofer thaet wrecce stede. * * * * mcxxx * * * Thes ilces geares com se abbot Heanri of AngeliiKhcr MttertU to Burch and seide thaet he ha-fdc lbr- l;i ten thone inyiibtre mid-ealle. .TJier him com se abbot 406 of Clunni. — Petrus gehaten — to Engle-lande bi thes kynges leue, and waes under-fangen ouer eall swa-hwar-swa he com mid micel wurthscipe. To Burch he com, and thaer behet se abbot Heanri him thaet hi scolde bejeton him thone mynstre of Burch thaet hit scolde beon under-thed into Clunni : oc man seith to bi-worde, " Hsege sitteth tha aceres daeleth :'' God almihtig adylege iuele raede. And sone thaer-aefter ferde se abbot of Clunni ham to his aerde. mcxxxi * * * *. Thes ilces geares for se abbot Heanri to-foren Eastren fram Burch ofer sae to Normandi and .thaer spreac mid thone kyng and saeide him thet se abbot of Clunni heafde him beboden thaet he scolde cumen to him and betaecen him thone abbot-rice of Angeli and siththen he wolde cumen ham be his laefe : and swa he ferde ham to his agen mynstre and thaer wunode eall to mid-sumer-daei. And thes other daeies aefter S. Joannes mcesse-daj cusen tha muneces abbot of hem-self and brohten him into cyrce mid processionem — sungen TV Deum laudamus — ringden tha belle — setten him on thes abbotes settle — diden him ealle hersumnesse swa swa hi scolden don here abbot; and se eorl and ealle tha heafed-menn and tha muneces of tha mynstre flemden se other abbot Heanri ut of tha mynstre: Hi scoldon nedes on fif and twenti wintre ne biden hi naefre an god daej. Her him trucode ealle his mycele codde in aelce hyrne gif thaer waere hure an un-wreste wrenc thaet he mihte get beswicen anes Crist and eall cristene folc. Tha ferde he into Clunni, and thaer man him held thaet he ne mihte na east na west; — saeide se abbot of Chtrim thaet hi heafdon for-loron S. Joannes mynstre thurh bim and thurh his mycele sot-scipe. Tha ne cuthe he him na betre bote bute behet hem and athes swor on halidom thaet gif he moste Engle-laud gesen thrct he scolde bege- ton hem thone mynstre of Burch swa thaet he scolde set- 407 ten thaer Prior of Clunni and Circe-weard and Hordere and Reilthein ; and ealle tha thing tha vvaeron withinne mynstre and withuten, eall he scolde hem be-taecen ; thus he ferde into France and thaer wunode eall that gear. Crist raede for tha wrecce muneces of Burch and for thaet wrecce stede : Nu hem behofeth Cristes helpe and eall cristenes folces. Josseling has inserted in the blank leaves of the book Tiberius, B. IV. the ten years written by Remaldus only : i. e. from the end of 1121 to the end of 1131; so that the Peterborough history which he, Wheloc, and Wharton, made use of, wanted Hugo's contribution ; whose ac- count of the final expulsion of the abbot Henry, and of king Stephen's reign, appears below : it is hard to say whether Hugo is a better writer than Remaldus, or Remaldus than Hugo ; but as for spelling, I think Remaldus has the best of it. EXTRACTS FROM HUGO mcxxxii. This gear com Henri king to this land : tha com Henri abbot and uureide tha muneces of Burch to the king for-thi thast he uuolde under-theden thast mynstre to Clunie swa thast te king was wel-neh bepaht and sende efter the muneces ; and thurh Godes milce and thurh te biscop of Seresberi and te biscop of Lincoln and te oihre rice men the ther waeron tha wiste the kinge thaet he feorde mid swicdom : Tha he nan mor ne mihte tha uuolde he that his rcefesculde ben abbot in Burch, oc Christ hit ne uuolde. Was hit noht swithe lang ther efter thaet te king sende efter him and dyde him gyuen up thaet abbot-rice of Burch and faren ut of lande : and te king iaf thaet abbot-rice an Prior of S. Neod-Martin was ge- haten : he com on S. Pet.res messe-dei mid micel wurscipe into the minstre. mcxxxv. On this gere for se king Henri ofer sas at te Lammasse; and thaet other dei tha helui an slep in scip tha thestrede the daei oucr all landes and uuard the suniic swilc als it uuare thre-n/AZ-ald monc, an sterres abllten him at mid-dai. Wurthen men switlie ol-wundred and 410 of-dred andsaeden thaet micel thing sculde cumme her efter, — swadide — for thaet ilc gaer warththe king ded thaet other daei efter S. Andreas masse-dcej on Normandi. Thawestre sona thas landes for aeuric man sone raeuede other the mihte.* Tha namen his sune and his trend and brohten his lie to Engle-land and bebiriend in Reding. God man he wes and micel asie wes of him; durste nan man mis-don with other on his time : Pais he makede men and daer : Wua sua bare his byrthen gold and silure durste nan man sei to him naht bute god. En-mang this was his nefe cumen to Engle-land Stenhne de Blais and com to Lundene, and te Lundenisce folc him under-feng and senden efter the iErcebiscop Willelm Curbuil, and halechede him to kinge on mide-wintre-daei. On this kinges time wes al un-frith and yfel and raeflac, for agenes him risen sona tha rice men the waeron swikes. Al se fyrst Balduin de Reduers and held Exe-cestre agenes him and te king it besaet and siththan Balduin acordede. Tha tocan tha othre and hel- den her castles agenes him, and Dauid king of Scotland toe to Wessien; [Wessington ;] him tha tho-hwetere thaet here sandes feorden betwyx heom and hi togeedere comen and wurthe saehte thoth it litel for-stode. * " In altero autem anno et alio die post festivitatem Sancti Petri qui dicitur ad vinculo, rex Ilcnricus mare transfretavit, et in navi sextahora obdormivit; et — sicut scriptum est — in pluribus locis subito ilia hora cceli contenebrati sunt, et sol factus est quasi esset luna tribus vel quatuor horis, et Stella? apparuerunt : et plurimi dixc- runt hoc portentum magnam rem significare; et verum dixerunt, quia eodem anno mortuus est rex, et concide- runt cum eo omnes senes et sapientes. Tunc contene- brata est terra, quia pax et Veritas et justitia de terra ab- lataesunt." — Hugo, pp.75, 70. 411 mcxxxvii. This gaer for the king Stephne ofer see to Normandi and ther wes under-fangen for-thi thaet hi wen- den thaet he sculde ben alsuic alse the eom wes, and for he hadde set his tresor : ac he to-deld it and scatered sot- lice. Micel hadde Henri king gadered gold and syluer and na god ne dide me for his saule thar-of. Tha the king Stephne to Engla-lund com tha macod he his gader- ing aet Oxene-ford and thar he nam the biscop Roger of &m-beri and Alexander biscop of Lincoln and te Can- celer Roger his neues and dide aelle in prisun til hi jafen up here castles. Tha the suikes under-gaeton thaet he milde man and softe* and god was, and najustise ne dide, tha diden hi alle wunder. Hi hadden him man-red maked and alhes suoren ac hi nan treuthe ne heolden ; alle hi w;eron forswcren and here treothes for-loren, for aeuric rice man his castles makede and agaenes him heol- den and fylden the land full of castles. Hi suencten suithe the wrecce men of the land mid castel weorces. Tha the castles waren maked tha fylden hi mid devules and yuele men : tha namen hi tha men the hi wenden thaet ani god hefden bathe be nihtes and be daeies — carl men and wimmen — and diden heom in prisun efter gold and syluer and pined heom un-tellendlice pining for ne waeren nature nan martyrs swa pined alse hi waeron. Me henged up bi the fet and smoked heom mid ful smoke : * Sun-exit post Henricum rex Stephen** nepos ejus mitis et /inmilis, et immerserunt super terrain juvcno, viri iniqui et peccatores, qui conturbabant terrain. In hujus regis tempore in maximis tribulationibus et au- gustiis erat sancta eeelesia per totam terrain et / sia bmtgensu cum aliis; sed non proposuimas omnia mala quae gerebantur modo ^cribere, quia multi muUa scripserunt. — Hugo, p. 70. T 2 412 Me henged bi the thumbes, other bi the hefed, and hen- gen bryniges on her fet. Me dide cnotted strenges abu- ten here haeued and uurythen to thaet it gaede to the haernes. Hi diden heom in quarterne thar nadres and snakes and pades waeron inne and drapen heom swa : sume hi diden in crucet-hus ; thaet is, in an ceste thaet was scort and nareu and nn-dep, and dide scaerpe stanes ther-inne and threngde the man thaer-inne thaet hi braecon alle the limes. In mani of the castles waeron lof and grim : that waeron sachenteges thaet tvja other thre men hadden onoh to baeron onne : thaet was swa maced, thaet is faest- ned to an beom and diden an scaerp iren abuton tha mannes throte and his hals thaet he ne mihte no-wider- wardes ne sitten ne lien ne slepen oc baeron al thet iren. Mam thusend hi drapen mid hungaer : I ne canne and ne mai tellen alle the wundes ne alle the pines thaet hi diden wrecce men on this land ; and thaet las- tede tha xix wintre wile Stephne was king and aeure it was nuerse and uuerse. Hi laeiden gaeildes on the tunes aeureu wile and clepeden it Tenserie: tha the wrecce men ne hadden nan more to guien tha raeu- eden hi and brendon alle the tunes thet wel thu mihtes faren all a daeis fare sculdest thu neure finden man in tune sittende, ne land tiled. Tha was corn daere and flee and caese and butere for nan ne was o the land. Wrecce men sturuen of hungaer : Sume ieden on aelmes the waren sum wile rice men : sum flugen ut of lande. Wes nature gaet mare wrecce-hed on land ne naeure he- then men werse ne diden than hi diden, — for, ouer sithon ne for-baren he nouther circe ne cyrce-ieerd oc nam al the god thet thar-inne was, and brenden sythen the cyrce and altegaedere. Ne hi ne for-baren biscopes land ne abbotes ne preostes, ac raeueden muneces and elerekes and a;uric man other the ouer myhte. Gif twa men 413 other thre coman ridend to an tun al the tun-scipe flu- gaen for heom; — wenden thet hi waeron raeueres. The biscopes and lered men heom cursede aeure oc waes heom naht thar-of, for hi waeron all for-cursaed and for-suoren and for-loren. Was see me tilede : the erde ne bar nan corn for the land was all for-don mid suilce daedes ; and hi saeden openlice thet Crist step and his hakchen. Suilc and mare thanne we cunnen saein we tholenden xix wintre for ure sinnes : on al this yuele time heold Martin abbot his abbot-rice xx winter and half gaer and viii daeis ? (mid micel suinc,) and fand the muneces and te gestes al thet heom behoued, and heold mycel caritedin the * hus and (thoth-wethere) wrohte on the circe, and sette thar-to landes and rentes and goded it suythe and last it refen ; and brohte heom into the newae mynstre on S. Petres maesse-daai mid micel wurt-scipe ; thet was anno ab incur- natione Dom. mcxl, a combustione loci xxiii. And he for to Rome and thaer waes wael under-fangen fram the Pape Eugenie and bega:t tharef priuilegies ; J an of alle • The is here first spelt in three letters without the theta. \ t. h. are : the disuse of the theta is afterwards com- mon. I This was a curious affair: Martin produced before the Pope, for confirmation, the charter called Agatha's, but which was really forged by Remaldus. Mis Holiness knew not what to make of it, and it seems the Latin version was then called for, which is much more reason- able in its powers than the other. Eugemus refused, however, to confirm it, and granted a new one, which is still less exorbitant; "moved thereto," Bays Hugo, "by one of the Cardinals, who persuadi '1 him not to give the honour of his oame to the charter of a former Pope." 414 the landes of th' abbot-rice, and an other of the landes the lien to the circewican ; and gif he leng moste liuen alse he mint to don of the horder-wycan.* And he begaet- in landes thaet rice men hefden mid strengthe : of Wil- lelm Malduit the heold Rogingham thae castel, he wan Cotingham and Estun; and of Hugo of Walteuile he wan Hyrtlingburh and Stanewig and lx sol. of Alde- wingle aelc gaer : and he makede manie munekes and plantede win-iserd and makede manie weorkes and wende the tun betere than it aer waes; and was god monuc and god man and for-thi him luueden God and gode men. Nu we willen sasgen sum del wat belamp on Stephnes kinges time : On his time the Iudeus of Nor- wic bohton an cristen cild beforen Estren and pineden him alle the ilce pining thet ure Drihten was pined, and on Lang-fridaei him on Rode hengen for ure Drihtnes luue and sythen byrieden him : Wenden thet it sculde ben for-holen oc ure Drihtin atywde thet he was hali Martyr and te munekes him namen and bebyried him heglice in the mynstre and he maket thur ure Drihtin wunderlice and manifaeldlice miracles, and hatte he S. Willelm. mcxl. On this gaer wolde the king Stephne tascen Rodbert eorl of Gloucestre (the kinges sune Henries) ac he ne myhte for he wart it war : Ther-efter in the Leng- ten thestrede the sunne and te daei abuton non-tid dreies tha men eten, thet me lihtede candles to aeten bi : and thet was xiii kl. April; — Waeron men suythe of-wundred. Ther efter ford-feordein//e/w a?rcebiscop of Cant wai In/rig, and te king makede Teobald asrcebiscop the was abbot in * " And if he had lived a little longer, he would have got another charter confirming the Secretary's land," i. < . the lands in the Secretary's {Hugo's) management. 415 the Bee. — Ther efter waex suythe micel uuerre betwyx the king and Randolf eorl of Caestre, noht for-thi thet he ne iaf him al thet he cuthe axen him, (alse he dide alle othre,) oc aefre he mare he iaf heom the waerse hi waeron him. The eorl heold Lincol agaenes the king and benam him al thet he ahte to hauen ; and te king for thider and besaette him and his brother Willelm de Romare in the castel, and te eorl stasl ut and ferde efter Rodbert eorl of Gloucestre and broht him thider mid micel ferd : And fuhten swythe on Candelmasse-daei agenes heore lauerd, and namen him (for his men him suyken and flugaen) and laed him to Bristowe and diden thar in prisun and cuarteres. Tha was al Engla-land styred mar than aer waes and al yuel was in lande. Ther- efter com the kinges dohter (Henries) the hefde ben Emperic on Alumanie and nu waes Cuntessse in Angou and com to Lundene ; and te Lundenissce folc hire wolde taecen, and scae fleh and for-les thas micel. Ther-efter the biscop of Wincester Henri, the kinges brother Steph- nes, swac with Rodbert eorl and wyd themperice and swor heom athas thet he neure ma mid te king his brother wolde halden, and cursede alle the men the mid him heoldon and satide heom thet he wolde iiuen heom up Wincestre, and dide heom cumen thider. Tha hi thaer- inne wsren tha com the kinges cuen mid al hire streng- the and besaet heom, thet ther waes inne micel hungasr : Tha hi ne leng ne muhtcn tholen tha stali hi ut and flugen, and la wurthen war withuten and folecheden heom and namen Rodbert eorl of Gloucestre and ledden him to Rouecestre, and diden him thare in prisun, and te Empe- rice fleh into an minstre. Tha feorden tha wise men betwyx, the kinges freond and te corles freond, and sahtlede .sua thet me scolde leten ut the king of prison for the eorl and te curl for the king, — and 416 did en. Sithen ther-efter sahtleden the king and Ran- dolf eorl at Stanford and athes suoren and treuthes fasston thet her nouther sculde besuyken other; and it ne for-stod naht for the king him sithen nam in Hamtun thurhe wicci raed and dide him in prisun, and efsones he let him ut thurhe waerse red, to thet fore- ward e thet he suor on halidom and gisles fand thet he alle his castles sculde iiuen up : sume he iaf up, and sume ne iaf he noht, and dide thanne waerse thanne he aer sculde. Tha was Engle-land suithe to- deled; sume helden mid te king and sume mid them- perice ; for tha the king was in prisun tha wenden the eorles and te rice men thet he neure mare sculde cumme ut, and sashtleden wyd themperice and brohten hire into Oxenford and iauen hire the Eurch. Tha the king was ute tha herde thet ssegen, and toe his feord and be- sset hire in the Tur ; and me last hire dun on niht of the tur mid rapes and stal ut, and seas fleh and iaede on fote to Waling ford: Thaer-efter seas ferde ofer sae, and hi of Normandi wenden alle fra the king to the eorl of Angaeu, sume here thankes and sume here un-thankes for he be- sast heom til hi aiauen up here castles and hi nan helpe ne hasfden of the king. Tha ferde Eustace the kinges gune to France and nam the kinges sitster of France to wife ; — wende to bigaston Normandi thaer-thurh oc he spedde litel and be gode rihte for he was an yuel man, for ware se he wes dide mare yuel than god: he reuede the landes and laside micel gildes on : he brohte his wif to Engle-land and dide hire in the castele of ... . te-byrig : god wimman seas wass oc seas hedde litel blisse mid him, and Xrist ne wolde thet he sculde lange rixan, and wserth ded and his moder, beicn ; and te eorl of An- gceu waerth ded and his sune Henri toe to the rice. And te cuen of France to-daslde fra the king and sca> com to 417 the iunge eorl Henri and he toe hire to wiue and al Peitou mid hire. Tha ferde he mid micel faerd into Engle-land and wan castles, and te king ferde agenes him mid micel mare ferd, and thoth waethere fuhten hi noht, oc ferden the aercebiscop and te wise men betwux heom and mak- ede thet sahte thet te king sculde ben lauerd and king wile he liuede and aefter his daei ware Henri king ; and he helde him for fader, and he him for sune ; and sib and sashte sculde ben betwyx heom and on al Engle-land. This and te othre foruuardes thet hi makeden suoren to halden the king and te eorl and te biscop and te eorles and rice-men alle. Tha was the eorl under-fangen aet Wincestre and aet Lundune mid micel wurtscipe, and alle diden him man-red and suoren the pais to halden : and hit ward sone suithe god pais sua thet neure was here : Tha was the king strengere thanne he aeuer ther was ; and te Eorl ferde ouer sae, and al folc him luuede for he dide god justise and makede pais. T 5 I cannot but anticipate with pleasure that Elfric and Wulstan will henceforth be inti- mately known, for we have here the best means of information ; their own fresh and free com- munications, delivered at large and without dis- guise. Stigand is another great man of antiquity ; of different habits perhaps, but no less interest- ing. The worst that is certainly known of him is, that he was a politician ; and it is worth while to compare these his writings with the slanders of our Latin historians. Remaidus' extracts from his book are some- times extremely full and valuable, as has been shown in the four years inserted to elucidate Wulstan. The orthography also is ancient and uniform, (much more so than in the Tiberius B. I.) so that it is plain he had a good copy. To show that he made a poor use of it we may refer to such of his omissions- as are pre- served in the last-mentioned copy ; and thai 420 contains a few years only wherein WulstaiCs book was deficient. But his mutilations of the Peterborough Re- cords were much more reprehensible than in this case of Stigand's, as we shall afterwards endeavour to show. The annumeration of the years in the follow- piece is, generally, as in the Domitian, for the Laud is full of errors ; indeed the confusion of dates in the different copies has led Mr. Ingram to make more than one article of the events of one year, as in 1046. I have not done this, though I have not lost sight of his reckoning. In this section the mark (a) signifies that the clause is taken from the Laud; ^ from the Domitian; (c) from the Tiberius B. 1. ; ( z) sig- nifies that the clause is, or appears to be, an interpolation. REMAINS OF STIGAND'S ANNALS. mx vii. Her Eadric eaklormari wearth of-slagen on Lundene [swythe rihtlice ( b ) ] : and Cnut cyning aflymde ut Eadwig aetheling [and aefter hine het of-slean.(c ] mxviii. Her yEthelsige abbot forthferde on Abbandune and feng .Ethelwine to. (») mxx. Her on thissum geare forthferde Lyfing arcebis- cop and Cnut cyning com eft to Engla-lande : And tha on EastTOD wa?8 mycel gemot set Cyring-ceastre ; tha ge- utlagode man . Ethelweard ealdorman [and Eadwig ceorla cynge («)] : [And on thisum geare for se cyng to Assandune, and let timbrian thai an mynster of stane and lime for thare manna sawle the thar of-slagcne waeran and gief hit his anum preoste ( a ) ( b )] [thus naraa was Stigand (*)(*)]: And JEthelnoth munuc and decanus set Xpes Cyrcan was the ylcan geare thaer-to gehadod to biscop [frani Wuhtune arcebiscope. ( a )] Mxxir. Her JEthelnoth arcebiscop for to Home * * * [and he sytlithan mid tham Pallium tlwr matssode swa 422 se papa him ge-wissode : and he hine ge-reordade asfter tham mid tham papan ; and sy ththan mid fulre bletsunge ham-gevvende. (a) ] mxxiii. [Her Cnut cyning com eft to Engle-lande, and Thurcyl and he waeron anraede : and he betaehte Thur- cylle Denemearcon and his sunu to healdenne : And se cyng nam Thurcylles sunu mid him to Engla-lande. ( c )] And her forthferde Wulf start arcebiscop and feng JElfric to, [and JEgelnoth arcebiscop hine bletsode on Cant-war- biri (b)] : And thaes ylcan geares JEthelnoth arcebiscop ferede see Mlfeges arcebiscopes [lichaman (*>)] to Cant- war-by rig. mxxv. [Her for Cnut cyng to Denmearcon mid scipon to tham Holme aet Ea thcere halgan; and thaer comon ongean Ulf and Eglaf and swithe mycel here aegther ge land-here ge scip-here of Swa-theode : and tha&r wees swythe feala manna for-faren on Cnutes cynges healfe, aegther ge Deniscra manna ge Engliscra ; and tha Siceon haefdon wael-stowe geweald. (c)] mxxx. [Her waes Olaf cyng of-slagen on Nonccgon of his agenum folce, and waes sy ththan halig: and tha?s geres aer tham for-ferde Hacun se dohtiga eorl on sae.( c )] mxxxi. [Her for Cnut cyng to Rome and thy ilean geare tha hi ham com tha for he to Scotlande : and Scott a cyng him to beah Malcolm and twegen othre cyningas Mcelbaethe and Jehmarc (a) (*>)] [and llodbert eorl of Normandie ferde to Jerusalem and thar wearth dead (obi it in peregrinatione) and Willelm the was siththan cing on Engla-lande feng to Normandi then he cild waere. (b) (z)] mxxxi i. [Her on thissum geare at-ywde tha^t ici/dc- fyr the nan man aeror nan other swyle ne gemunde : and gehwaer hit derode eac on manegum stowum. And on tham ylcan geare forthferde JElfsige biscop on 423 Winceastre, and JElfwine thas cynges preost feng thar-to. 00] mxxxiii. Her on thisum geare forth-ferde Mcrehwit bisceop on SumerscBtun and he is bebyrged on Glettbiga- byrig. (a) (b) mxxxiv. Her forthferde Etheric biscop 00 ( b ) mxxxv. Nil. mxxxvi. Vide pp. 299, 300. mxxxvii. Her man drafde ut JElfgife Cnutes cinges lafe : seo was Eadwardes and Hardacnutes cinges modor. And heo gesohte tha Baldewines grith be suthan sae, and he geaf hire wununge on Bricge, and he hi mundode and heold tha hwiie the heo thar was» ( b ) mxxxvi 1 1. Her forthferde JEthelnoth arcebisceop on kl. Nouemb. ; and thas ymbe Jytel JEthelric biscop on Suth- seaxum : and tha to-foran Xpes-massan Brihteh biscop on Wigra-ceastcr-scire ; and, rathe thaes, &lfric biscop on East-Englum. And tha feng Eadsigt* biscop to tham arcebiscoprice, and Grymcytel to tham on Suth-Sexum, and Liuing biscop to Wigraceaster-scixe and to Gleawe- ceasler-scire. 00(b) mxxxix. Her ferthferde Harold cyng or Oxna-furda on xvi kl. Apr. and he waes bebyrged set Westmynstre. And he wcold Kngla-landes iv gear and xvi wucan. And on his dagum man geald xvi scipan at alcere hamulan viii marc, — eall-swa man a?r dyde on Cnutes cynges dagum. And on this ylcan geare com Hardacnut cyng to Sandivic vii nihtuin ar naddan^nmera\ and he was sona undcr- fangen a-gther ge fram Englum ge fram Datum (theh he hu rsBdes-meoo hit syththon strange for-guldon) : Tha hi geraddon thet man gealde lxii scipon at alctre Thcs cinges preost. Dontit. 424 hamelan viii marc. And on this ilcan geare eode se saester-hwaetes to lv penega, and eac furthor. ( a ) ( b ) mxl. Her Eadsige arcebiscop for to Rome. Her waes thaet here-geold ge-laest : thaet wasron xxi thusend punda and xcix punda: and man geald syththan xxxii scipon xi thusend punda and xlviii punda. And on this ilcan geare com Eadvmrd ZEthelredes sunu cinges hider to lande of Weallande : [Se waes Hardacnutes brothor cynges, — hi waeron begen Mlfgiues suna, — seo waes Ricardes dohtor eorles. (a) (b) (z)] mxli. Her forthferde Harthacnut cyng aet Lamb-hythe on vi id. Jun. : and he waes cyng ofer eall Engla-land twa gear buton x nihtum, and he is bebyrged on ealdan mynstre on Winceastre mid Cnute cynge hie faeder : [And his moder for his sawle gief into niivan-mynstre S. Va- lentines heafod thas martires.( b )0)] And aer than the he bebyrged waere eall folc geceas Eadiuard to cynge on Lundene [healde tha hwile the him God unne. ( b ) ( z )] And eall thaet gear waes swythe hefig time on manegum thin- gum and mislicum, ge on unwaederum ge on eorth-waest- mum ; and swa my eel orfes waes thaes geares for-faren swa nan man aer ne gemunde. ( a ) mxli i. Her waes Eadiuard gehalgod to cynge on Win- ceastre on Easter-daeg mid mycclum wurthscipe : and tha waeron Eastron on iii non. Apr. Eadsige arce-biscop hine hai- gode and to-foran eallum folce hine wel-laernde and to his agenre neode and ealles folces well-monude : and Stigand preost waes gebletsod to biscope to East-Englwn. And rathe thaes se cyng let ge-ridan ealle tha land the his modor ahte him to handa and nam of hine eall thaet heo ahte on golde and on seolfre and on unasec- gendlicum thingum forthan heo hit heold to faeste with hine. 00(c) 425 mxliii.* Her Eadsige arcebiscop forlet thet biscoprice for his untrumnisse and bletsode thaer-to Shcard abbot of Abbandune to biscope be thaes cynges laefe and raeda and Godwines eorles. Hit waes elles feawum mannurn cuth aer hit gedon waes forthan se Arcebiscop wende thaet hit sum other man abiddan wolde oththe gebicgean the he his wyrs truwude and uthe gif hit ma manna wiste. And on thisum geare waes swythe mycel hungor ofer eal Engla-land and corn swa dyre swa nan man aer ne gemunde swa thaet se sester hwaetes eode to lx penega and eac furthor. And thaes ylcan geares se cyng for ut to Sundwic mid xxxv scipon : and jLlhthtan cyrice-iveard feng to tham abbotrice aet Abbandune and Stigand feng to his biscoprice. ( a ) MXLiv.f Her nam EaJward cyng Godwines dohtor eorles him to cwene. And on this ylcan geare forthferde Briktwold biscop [on x kl. Mai:(«>] and he heold thaes biscop-rices xxxvii wintra : (thaet waes thaet biscoprice of Scireburn): and Ilereman thaes cynges preost feng to tham biscoprice. [And on than ylcan sumera for Ead- ward cyng ut mid his scypan to Sundwic : and thar waes swa mycel here gegaederod swa nan man ne ge-seh scyp- here naenne maran on thyson lande. ( c )] [And on thissum geare man halgode Wulfric to abbot aet See Augustine to Xpes-maessan on Stephunes-masse-dag be thes cynges ge- la Ian and be JEMfbtanes abbotes for his micelre untrum- nysse. 0)] mxlv.J Her forthferde Lihng biscop on Defena-scire [on xiii kl. Apr.(c)] and Leofric feng thaerto : Se waes thaes cynges preost : And on thissum geare forthferde * mxliii. in the Land also. f mx 1. 1 ii. Laud, mxi.v. Tib. B. I. ixliv. Loud: MXLvr. Tib. B. 1.: and Mr. big. mxlvi. 426 JElfstan abbot ast See Augustine, iii [ ] Julii. [And on this ilean geare for Swegen eorl into Wealan, and Griffin se northerna cyng forth mid him, and him man gislode : Tha he ham-werdes waes tha bet he feccan him- to tha Abbedissan on Leomymtre, and haefde hi tha hwile the him ge-liste, and let hi syththan faran ham. And on this ylcan geare man ge-ut-lagode Osgod Clappan to middan-wintre. And on this ylcan geare aefter Candel- maessan com se stranga winter mid forste and mid snawe and mid eallon ungewederon thaet naes nan man tha on-liue thaet mihte ge-munan swa strange winter swa se waes ge thurh mara-cwealm ge thurh t/r/-cwealm : ge fugelas and fixas thurh thone micelan cyle and hun- gor for-wurdon.(0] kxlvi .* [Her on thisum geare forthferde Grimeytel bisceop : He wass on Suth-sexan bisceop and he lith on Oistes-cyrcan on Cant-wara-byrig, and Eadward cyng geaf Hecan his preost thaet bisceoprice. And on this ylcan geare forthferde JEljwine bisceop on Winceastre on iiii kl. Septemb. and Eadward cyng geaf Stigande bisceop thaet bisceoprice ( c )] [And on tham ylcan geare ferde Swegen eorl ut to Baldewines land to Brycge and wunode thaer ealne winter, and wende tha to sumere ut. (»)] [And waes ofer eall Engla-land swithe micel man-cwelm on than ilean geare. ( c )] MXLVii.f Her forthferde JEthelstan abbot on Abbandunc and feng Spcarhafoc munuc to — of See Edmundcs-byrjg. [And on this ylcan geare waes micel eorth-styrung wide on Engla-land. ( C )J [And on this ylcan geare comon to Sandwic Lothen and Yrling mid xxv scipon and hergodon * mxlv. Laud: mxlvii. Tib. B. L: and Mr. Ingram MXLVII. f mxlvi. Laud: mxlviii. Tib. B. T.: Mr. Ingram MXLVII. 427 and namon thaer unasecgendlic here-huthe on mannum and on golde and on seolfre thet nan man nyste hwaet thes ealles waes ; arjd wendon tha on butan Tenet, and woldon tha:r thast ilce don ac thet land-folc hardlice with- stodon, and for-werndon heom segther ge up-ganges ge waeteres, and afiymdon hi thanon mid ealle : and hi wendon heom thanon to Eust-Seaxan, and hergodon thaer and namon menn, and swa-hwaet-swa hi findan mihtan ; and gewendon him tha east to Baldevoines land and seal- don thaer thet hi gehergod haefdon ; and ferdon heom syththan east thanon the hi aer comon.*( a )] [And on tham ilcan geare Siward bisceop for-let thaet bisceoprice lor his untrumnysse and for to Abbandune, and Eadsige arcebisceop feng eft to tham bisceoprice ; and he\ forth- ferde thaes binnan viii wucan onx kl. Novembris.( c )] m x l v 1 1 1 . Vide pp. 305, 6, 7 . mxlix. [On thisum geare forthferde Eadnoth se gode bisceop on O.mujbrdscire and Eadwerd cyng geaf Ulf'e his preoste thaet bisceoprice, and hit yfele beteah.( c )] [And on thison ilcan geare waes micel gemot on Lundene to mid-festene:0)] [and Eadwerd cyng scylode ix scypa of male, and hi foron mid scypon mid eallon an-weg and belifon v scypa bseftan : + and se cyng heom behet xii monath gyld. (<0] [And on thisum ylcan geare com Swe- gen eorl into Engla-land: and on thisum ylcan geare * The account in the Tiber. (Anno 1047) is something different: "Man gehergode Sandwic and Wi/it, and of- slohan tha betsta men the thar waeron : and Eadward tilling and tha eorlas foran, a-fter-tluun, ut mid heora scipum." f i. c. Sucanl, JmiuI 1016, Shoardbxcop forthferde. I "And man scttc ut ix lits-inanna scipa, and fif be- lifan with-aeftan." — Laud. 428 wses se mycele Synoih gegaderod on Rome, and Eadward cyng sende thyder Hereman biscop and Ealdred biscop ; and hi comon thyder on Easter-aefen : and eft se papa haefde Sinoth on Tiercel, and U/f biscop com thserto ; and for-neah man sceolde to-braecan his staef gif he ne sealde the mare gersuman forthan he ne cuthe don his gerihte swa wel swa he sceolde. ( a )] ml. Vide pp. 307 et. subseg. The copy Tiberius shortly mentions other particulars this year/* and is as follows : — Her on thysum geare comon tha bisceopas ham from Rome : and man ge-in-lagode Swegen eorl. And on thy ylcan geare forth-ferde Eadsige arcebisceop on iiii kl. Nov. ; and eac on thys ylcan geare JElj'ric arcebisceop on Eofer-wic-ceastre on xi kl. Febr. and his lichama lith on Burh. Tha hasfde Eadwerd cyng witena-gemot on Lundene to mid-lencten, and sette Hrodberd to arce- bisceop to Cant ware-by rig, and Sper-hafoc abbot to Lun- dene ; and geaf Rothulfe bisceop his maege thaet Abbud- rice on Abbandune : and thaes ylcan geares he sette ealle tha litsmen of male. mli. Vide pp. 313 et subseg. In the copy Domitian, Stigand is described as "thaes cinges raed-gila and his hand-preost :" " Consiliator regis et Capellanus." The ar- ticle is abridged about one half. mlii. In the Laud and Domit. the account of Godwins death is taken from Wulstan's Annals. The accounts of his sickness (included in brackets, pp. 318 and 19,) and death, (p. 320,) are probably Stigand's. mliii. [Her for Siward eorl mid mycclum here into Scotlande and mycel wael of Scottwn ge-sloh, and hig aflymde : and se cyng ret-bajrst : eac feoll mycel on his * i. e. from l 2b March, 1050 ; to 25 March, 1051. 429 healfe aegther ge Densce ge Englisce and eac his agen sunu. Thaes ylcan geares man halgode thaet mynstre on Eofes-humme on vi id. Ociobris. On tham ylcan geare ferde Euldred biscop suth ofer sae into Sexlande and wearth thaer mid mycelre ar-wurthnesse under-fangen. Thy ilcan geare swealt Osgod Clapa faeringa swa swa he on his reste laeg. ( c )] [And her on thisum geare forth ferde Leo se halga Papa on Home. And on thisum geare woes swa mycel orf-cwealm swa nan man ne gemunde fela wintrum aer. And Victor waes gecoren to Papan. ( a )] mliv. Her on thisum geare forth-ferde Siward eorl: and tha bead man ealre witena gemot vii nihton aer mid- lenctene and ut-lagode man JElfgar eorl forthon him man wearp on thast he waes thes cynges swica and ealra land-leoda ; and he thaes gean-wyrde wes aet-foren eallum tham mannum the "thaer gegaderode waeron, — theah him thaet word of-scute his unthances. And se cyng geaf thone eorldom Tostige Godwines sunu eorles the Siward eorl aer ahte. And JElfgar eorl gesohte Griffines geheald on jS'ort/t-W'ca/an : And on thisum geare Griffin and JElfgar for-bierndon see JEthdbrihtes mynster and ealle tha Burh Hereford.^) mlv. Nil. Mi.vr. Her on thisum geare com JEdward JEtheling Eadmundes sunu cynges hyder to lande ; and sona thaes gefor : and his lie is bebyrged innon scs Paulus mynstre on Lundcne. And Victor Papa forth-ferde and waes Ste- phanus gecoren to Papun : Se waes abbot on Monte-Cas- sino.* * Here ends the copy Domitianus, A. VIII. 430 mlxl Her on thisum geare forth ferde Dudoc biscop on Sumarsaeton and feng Gisa to. And on tham ilcan geare forthferde Godwine biscop ast see Martine on viiidus Mr. And on tham sylfan geare forthferde Wulfric abbot ast see Augustine innon thaere Easter-wucan on xiv kl Mai* Tha com tham cynge word thaet se abbot Wulfric forth-gefaren was, tha ge-ceas he JEthehige munuc thaer-to of ealdon Mynstre. Folgode tha Stigande arce- biscope and wearth gehalgod to abbot aet Windlesoran on scs Angustinus maesse-daeg. (a) * Vide Wulstaris Ann. 431 Inasmuch as Remaldus made up his book from the writings of Elfric, Stigand, St. Wul- Stan, and Nicholas, his theft is pardonable for the sake of the history preserved, that is, of Stigand^s and Nicholas' ; the others are pre- served elsewhere, and are miserably abridged. But in writing from the Peterborough He- cords after Elfric 's time he permitted himself every kind of licence, as we may well conclude without sight of the originals. One article only, that of 1085, is inserted entire ; in the rest truth and falsehood are wholly indistinct ; in every sentence there is matter of doubt. The excepted article appears to be the prior Athelwold' 1 s ; it contains a more indignant notice of the Domesday survey than Wulstaiis in 1086, and was written at Peterborough, because the writer says an account was taken of the live stock, (which Wulstan does not). In fact, the stock is invariably taken in the survey of East Anglia, and invariably omitted in the other parts of the kingdom. mi xxxv. On thisum gearc men cwydodon unci to- sothan ^a-dan duet Cnut cyng of Dertmearcon, Swagms 432 sunu cyvges, fundade hider-ward, and wolde gewinnan this land mid Rodbeardes eorles fultume of Flandran : for- than the Cnut heafde Rodbeardes dohter. Tha Willelm Engla-landes cyng the tha waes sittende on Nonnandige — for-thig he ahte segther ge-Engla-land ge-Normundig — this geaxode, he ferde into Engla-lande mid swa micclan here ridendra manna and gangendra of Franc-rice and of Bryt-lande swa naefre ser this lande ne ge-soht ; swa thaet men wundredon hu this lande mihte ealle thone here afedan : Ac ce cyng let to-scyflon thone here geond eall this land to his mannon ; and hi faeddon thone here aelc be his land efne : And men heafdon mycel ge-swinc thaes geares.* And se cyng lett aweston thaet land abutan tha sae thet gif his feond comon npp thaet he naefdon na on hwam hi fengon swa raedlice; and ne mihten nageforthian heora fore. Tha lett he sum thone here faren to heora asene lande and sum he heold on thisum lande ofer win- ter. Tha, to tham mide-wintre, waes se cyng on Gleawe- ceustre mid his witan and heold thaer his hired v. dagas : and siththan se arcebiscop and ge-hadde men haefden si- noth threo dagas. Thaer waes Mauritius ge-eoren to biscop on Lundene, and Willelm to Northfolce, and Rodbeard to * Habebat Wulstanus in curia sua milites multos, non quo voluptati esset ant ejus blandiretur ammo frequens Servientium multitudo nee enim in corde parturiebat jac- tantiam sihaberetmultorum obsequelam, sed RexWilliel- raus ita fieri praeceperat quod sereretur rumor in vulgus Danos adventare et jam jamque adfore : (Nee a vcro deviabat opinio ; venissentque proculdubio nisi alia? res intercessissent: Causam minarum et obicem impedimen- torum in gestis Itegum Anglorum exposui ; quae ibi si quis volet amicus Lector inveniet.)" 8cc. — Mabncsb. Vit. S. Wuht. iii. 1G. 433 Ceaster scire : hi waeron ealle thaes cynges clerecas. iE,t- ter thisum haefde se cyng mycel getheaht and swithe deope spaece with his witan ymbe this land hu hit waere gerett oththe mid hwilcan mannon. Sende tha ofer eall En- gla-land into aflcere scire his men, and lett agan ut hu tela hundred hyda waeron innon thaere scire, oththe hwet se cyng him-sylf haefde landes and orfes innan tham lande, olhthe hwilce gerihtae he ahte to habbane to xii. monthum of thaere scire. Eac he lett gewritan hu mycel landes his arcebiscopas haefdon, and his leod-biscopas and his abbotas, and his eorlas ; and theah ic hit lengre telle — hwat oththe hu mycel 3b1c man haefde the land- sittende waes innan Engla-lande on lande oththe on orfe, and hu mycel feos hit weare wurth. Swa swythe near- welice he hit let ut-aspyrian that noes an aelpig hyde, ne an gyrde landes — ne furthon (hit is sceame to tellanne ac hit ne thuhte him nane sceame to donne) — an oxe ne an cu ne an swin, naes belyon that naes gerast on his ge- write,* and ealle tha gewrita waeron gebroht to him syth- than. * The p ense time then, (hitherto disputed,) when this famous survey was resolved upon, was between Christmas 10", l and Easter 1085. I suppose Wuhtan may have shortly mentioned the subject, though Athel- wold's account was preferred. The nation has, of late years, published a splendid edition of Domesday Book — the result of this survey. It was always a monument of tyranny ; and, if we may believe Ingulfus, of the commis- sioners' injustice also, for he says they favoured him. One of the commissioner's returns is preserved in Cot- ton's Library which recites the writ for the inquisition whereby it appears that they were to inquire — " Ter Bacramentum vicecomitis Scirae et omnium La- 434 ronum et eorum francigenarum et totius Centunatus presbyteri, propositi, vi^ villanorum Uniuscuj usque Vil- la quomodo," &c. " Upon the oaths (according to the editor's translation) of the lords of each manor, the pres- byters of every church, the reeves of every hundred, the bailiffs and six villans of every village : — 1. The name of the place ; 2. Who held it in the time of King Edward ; 3. Who was the present possessor ; 4. How many hides in the manor; 5. How many carucates in demesne; 6. How many homagers ; 7. How many villans ; 8. How many cottarii ; 9. How many servi ; 10. What free men ; 11. How many tenants in socage; 12. W^hat quantity of wood ; 13. How much meadow and pasture ; 14. What mills and fish-ponds; 15. How much added or taken away; 16. What the gross value in King Edward's time; 17. What the present value ; 18. How much each free- man or socman had or has. " All this was to be triply estimated : — 1st. As the estate was held in the time of the Confessor ; 2ndly. As it was bestowed by King William ; and 3rdly. As its value stood at the formation of the survey. And the ju- rors were moreover to state whether any advance could be made in the value." 435 What little true history there may be in the following section seems to be Athehcold's, except the years 1114 and 1116, which are either Wit lie's or were originally written by Re- maldus. Some mention has already been made of Athelwold; of Witric we know nothing, ex- cept that Hugo reports a common saying of his — " that he could do nothing without his partner Remaldus." mxlii. * * * aegther ge thurh mistlice cotha ge thurh ungewyderu and on this ilean time forthferde JElf . . . . abbot of Burh and man ceas tha Arnwi munec to abb. forthan the he wats swythe god man and swithe bile- hwit. mlii. On this ylcan tyme for-let Arnwi abbot of Burh his abbot-rice, be his halre life : and geaf hit Leofric munec, be thes cynges leafe and be truere muneces; and se abbot Arnwi lifode syththon VIII wintre. And se abbot Leofric gildede tba^t mynstre swa that man hit cleopede tha Gildene-Burk. Tha waex hit swithe on land and on golde and on seolfer.* * " Aernwy le simple * * * * * VIII aims devaunt sa inert Le Aboic ad lasse ; En sun liu est Leuriz Chosi a Abbe u 2 436 mlxvi.* * * * And tha waes Leofric abbot of Burh aet thaet ilea feord ; and saeclode thasr, and com ham, and waes daed sone thaer-aefter on celre-halgan-mcesse-niht :* God are his saule ! On his daeg waes ealle blisse and ealle gode on Burh ; and he waes leaf eall folc : [swa Cest esteit sage e seint E tres-ben enseine," &c. — Remaldus. mlvii. Ernwinus in prcsperitate vitae suae voluntarie dimisit Abbatiam suam,viii postea feliciter vivens annos. Electus est pro eo, cum consensu regis et ipsius, ad ipsam ecclesiam regendam a tota congregatione Pulcher- rimus Monachorum, Flos et Decus Abbatwn, Leuricus 3io- nachus : Hie ex nobili progenie anglorum ortus, nobilior in moribus, nobilissime rexit et ditavit Ecclesiam suam : et (sicut scriptum est) ornavit tempora sua usque ad con- summationem vitae. Hie multas terras et varia orna- menta ad honorem Ecclesiae suae adquisivit (&c). Plus quam ullus ante eum fecit, aut post eum factum* est, &c. — Hugo. * " Leuriz la nuit de tus seinz. - - A sa fin alad : Graunt.fu le doil par Engeltere Ke Turn pur li fesad. Et en sun liu Brand a abbe Tost est achoisi Cil tres-ben le guvernad Mes poi de tens vesqui," &c. liemaldus then describes the sacking of the abbey in 3070. This (says he) ua$ the completion of the first curse — " Ore est parempli Co ke li mauj'4 437 thaet se cyng geaf see Peter and him thaet abbot-rice on Byrtune, and se of Couentre thaet se eorl Leofric the wees his earn aer haefde macod, and se of Crulande, and se of Thorneie.*] And he dyde swa mycel to-gode into thaet mynstre of Burh on golde and on seolfre and on scrud and on lande swa nefre nan othre ne dyde to-foren him ne nan after him. Tha wearth Gildene-Burh to Wrecce- Burh. Tha cusen tha munecas to abbot Brand, Prouost ; forthan Dist a Eylric Le moine bonure," &c. &c. u Ore est Gilden-Burch A Chaitif-Burch turne," &c. &c. w In illo exercitu fiiit ipse Leuricus abbas et ibi in- firmatus est, domumque reversus mortuus est kal. No- vemb. in nocte solemnitatis omnium sanctorum multum lugentibus et flentibus tarn monachis quam laicis, et vix inventus est aliquis qui eum in sepulchro poneret pne nimio dolore [&c. &c] w Abbate autem Leurico, sicut diximus mortuo, omnis congregatio elegerunt et constituerunt eodem anno pro eo abbatem Brundunem, — co-operatorem et adjutorem ejus in omnibus bonis rebus, qui maximas possessiones ipse et fratres ejus, sicut antea diximus, Deo et sancto Petro et monachis dederunt: Et miserunt eum ad Ed- garum Etheling qui crat de semine regio, at redderet ei abbatiam : — (^uod, et libentissime fecit : Omnes enini putaverunt eum terram adquirere, et se regem facturum esse. Pro qua re iratus est niinis contra eum Willielmus, jam inunctus rex. Et, facientibus amicis, dedit pnudictus abbas xl marcas auri pro amicilia regis, et ut conriniiaret (Mimes terras quas dederant ipse et fratres sui in scripto -no.'' — Hugo. * This is wholly false. 438 thaet he waes swythe god man and swithe wis : and sen- den him tha to Mdgar Mthel'mg (forthan thet the land- folc wendon thaet he sceolde cyng to-wurthen) : and se iEtheling hit him geatte tha blithelice. Tha se cyng Willelm ge-hyrde that secgen, tha wearth he swythe wrath, and saede that se abbot him heafde for-segon. Tha eodon gode men heom betwenen and sahtloden heom, forthan thaet se abbot waes godera manne : Geaf tha thone cyng xl marc goldes to sahtnysse : and tha lifede he litle hwyle thaer-aefter — buton thry gear. Syththon com en ealle draeuednysse and ealle ifele to thone myn- stre : God hit gemiltse. mlxix. * * * * And on thisum ilcan geare forthferde Brand Abbot of Burh on v. kl. Decembr. mlxx. * * * JEfter Lengten on tham ilcan geare com Swegn cyng of Denmarcon into Humbran and thaet land- folc comen him ongean and grithedon with hine : waen- don thaet he sceolde thet land ofer-gan : Tha comen into Elig Cristien tha Densce bisceop, and Osbearn eorl, and tha Densca Hus-carles mid heom : and thet Englisce folc of eall tha feon-landes comen to heom, wendon thaet hi sceoldon winnon eall thaet land. Tha herdon tha mune- cas of Burh saegen thaet heora agene men wolden hergon thone mynstre [thaet waes Herewurd and his genge : thaet waes forthan thet hi herdon saecgen thet se cyng heafde gyfen thaet abbot-rice an Frencisce abbot, Turoldt was gehaten, and thaet he waes swythe styrne man, and w.ts comen tha into Stanforde mid ealle hise frencisce menn. Tha wa?s thoer an cyrce-weard,{Yware waes gehaten), nam tha, be nihte, eall thet he mihte : thet wa-ron Xpes bee and maessa-hakeles and cantclcapas and reafes, and swilce litles swa-hwat-swa he mihte : and ferdc, sona- aes-daeg, to thone abbot Turoldc and ssgde him thet he sohte his grithe; and cydde him An tha ut4agtt sccohlcn 439 comen to Bark ; (thet he dyde eall be theere munece raede.) Tha, sona on morgen, comen ealle tha ut-laga mid tela scipe and woldon into tham mynstre ; and tha munecas with-stoden thast hi na mihton in-cumen : Tha lgegdon hi fyr on, and for-basrndon ealle tha munece huses, and eall tha tun buton ane huse. Tha comen hi, thurh fyre, in aet Bolhithe geate, and tha munecas comen heom to- geanes, beaden heom grith ; ac hi na rohten na thing : — Geodon into the mynstre, — clumben upp to the halge rode, — namen, tha, the kyne-helm of ure Drihtnes hea- fod (eaJl of smeat golde,) — namen tha thet fot-spure the was undernaethen his fote, (thet waes ealle of read golde;) — Clumben upp to the stepel, — brohtendune thet hzecce the thasr waes be-hid, (hit waes eall of golde and of seolfre; — hi namen thaere twa gildene serines, and ix seolferne : and hi namen fiftene mycele roden, ge of golde, ge of seolfre : hi namen thcere swa mycele golde and seolfre and swa manega gersumas on sceat and on scrud and on bokes swa nan man ne maei other taellen : — saegdon that hi hit dyden for thaer mynstres holdscipe. Syththon geden heom to scipe ; — ferden heom to Elig; — betaihtan lhar, tha, ealla tha gaersume. Tha Denescae men— (waendon that hi scoldon ot'er-cumen tha frencisca menn) — tha to-drefodon ealle tha muneces; beleaf thaer nan butan an munec, he wass gehaten Leqf- "■int. JMnge, he bei seoc in tha secrcc-man-in. Tha com Turuldc abbot and cehtt sitlie lictnti frencisce men mid him, and ealle full-wernode. Tha he hider com, tha land he for- bfernd with-innan and with-utan eall butan tha Cirece ane. Tha waeron tha ut-lagas ealle on flote : wistan thajt he scoldehider cuinen. This was don tha s chrges iv non. Junii. Tha tha twegen kyngas Wdldm and Swkgn wurthon sa ht- lod tha ferdon tha Ditiicsca menn utof JBfig mid ealle tha forenspra-cena L'a r.^uinc and leoddon mid heom. Tha hi 440 comen on middeward the sae tha com an mycel storm and to-draefde ealle tha scipe thaer tha gersumes waeron inne. Sume ferdon to Norwaege, sume to Yrlande, sume to Dan- marce ; and eall thaet thider com thaet waes thone hsecce and sume serine and sume roden and fela of tha othre gaersume and brohten hit to an cynges tun . . . hatte, and dyden hit eall tha in thone cyrce. Tha syththon thurh heora gemelest and thurh heora drun- cen-hed on an niht for-baernde tha cyrce and eall thet thaer-inne waes. Thus waes se mynstre of Burch for- baernd and for-hergod : JEl-mihtig God hit gemiltse thurh his mycele mild-hertnesse. And thus se abbot Turold com to Burh and tha munecas comen tha on- gean and dydan xpes theudom in thaere cyrce thaet aer haefde standen mile seofeniht for-utan aelces cynnes riht. Tha herde JEgelric biscop thet gesecgon tha amansumede he ealle tha men tha thaet yfel daide haefden don.*] mxcviii. Thisum geare Turold abbot of Burh forth- ferde.f * For any thing that appears the passage within brackets may be wholly an invention of Remaldus : Hugo, in his history, has added another improbable in- cident, namely, that the secretary Ywarus took a journey to Denmark and recovered a good part of the treasure. See also p. 133. t After Thorold's death in 1098 William Rufus held the abbey in his own hands as long as he lived. At length the monks (say Remaldus and Hugo) gave King Henry 300 silver marks for leave to choose an abbot, and chose Godric, brother of the abbot Brand. Very shortly afterwards, and before the election was con- firmed, Ansebn held the council in St. Paul's, men- tioned this year in Nicholas 1 annals. Godric was one 441 Men. On thisum ylcan geare on Pentecosten-massan- wuce tha coman Theofas sum of Aluearnie, sum of France, and sum of Flandres and breokan tha mynstre of Burh ; and thaer-inne namon mycel to-gode on golde and on seolfre : thet waeron roden and calicen and candel-stic- can.* Mcirr. On thisum ylcan geare Mathius abbot of Burh forthferde : Se ne lvfode na leng tham an geare syththan he abbot wees : iEfter see Michaeles maessan on xii kl. Novemb. he waes mid Procession under-fans-an to abbot ; of the abbots deprived, on pretence, as it seems, that his election was tainted with simony by the monks' gift to the king. In the copy Laud the account of the robbery (a? 1102) immediately follows that of the council : of which coun- cil the Peterborough writer must have taken some no- tice. Malmesbury says, all the nine abbots were deprived because they had investiture of the king ; there are diffe- rent accounts, however. — See Eadmer (Vit. Ans.) Flor. Wig,) Sim. Dun., Gerv. Cant., and Chron. Abb. Joh. * " In tempore Abbatis Godrici \ enenmt ^Latrunculi in ebdomad& Pentecostea aliqui de Alemannia aliqui de Francia alii de Flandria, et intraverunt per scalas in ecclesiam per feneslxam quae erat super altare Philippi et Jacobi et furati sunt magnam crucem auream de viginti marcis ami cum gemmis quae erat super altare, et duos magnos calices cum patenis, et candelabra Elfrici archiepiscopj, omnia aurea : Et quando base acceperunt unus ei Bociia eorum stetit cum evaginato gladio ad ca- put Turict, Becretarii, ul si evigilaret cum interticeret." — Hugo. [I low was tins known '.] v 5 442 and on tham ylcan daege thes othres geares he wearth dead on Gleaw-ceastre, and thaer bebyrged.* mcvii.* * And aet thes ylcan sythe on-mang tha oththre the abbot-rices under-fengon Ernulf the aer waes prior of Cant-war-byrig feng to tham abbot-rice on Burh. mcxiv. On thaes ylcan tyme feorde se cyng toweard thone sae and ofer wolde, ac waeder him laette : Tha hwile tha sende he his writ aefter thone abbot Emu!/ of Burh, and bebead him thaet he efeostlice scolde to him cuman forthi thaet he wolde sprecon mid him daerne sprece: tha he to him com tha neodde he him to tham biscop- rice of Rrofe-ceastre ; and tha arcebiscopes and biscopes and thaet dugeth thaet waes on Engla-lande forth mid se cyng : and he lang with-stod ac hit ne for-heol naht: and se cyng tha bebead thone arcebiscop thaet he sceolde him laeden to Cant-wara-byrig and bletson him to biscop, wolde he nolde he. This waes don on thaere tuna tha man cleopath Burne; thaet waes thes daeges xvii kal. Oc- tob. Tha the munecas of Burch hit haerdon saegen tha waeron hi swa sari swa hi naefre aer ne waeron forthi thaet he waes swithe god and softe man and dyde mycel to god withinnan and withutan tha hwile the he thaer wunode : God iElmihtig wunie aefre mid him ! Tha sona thaer-aefter tha geaf se cyng thone abbot-rice an munec of Sceis Johan waes gehaten thurh thaes arcebiscopes gearnunge of Cant-war-byrig. And sona thaer-aefter sende se cyng him, and se arcebiscop of Cant-war-byrig, to Rome aefter thaes iErcebiscopes Pallium and an munec mid him Warner waes gehaten and thone /Erce-diaecne Johan thaes /Ercebiscopes neafe: and hi thaT well spaeddon. This waes don thes daeges xi kal. Octob. on thone tuna the * Mathias was brother to Jtojfrey liiddell, the king's chief justice. 443 man cleopath Rugenore. And thass ylces dasges eode se cyng on scipa on Portes-muthe.* * Hugo's account is a pretty close translation, and runs thus : — " Supradictus autem abbas Emulfus sicut diximus a rege et principibus diligebatur. Et utinam nontantum dilectus esset; quoniam septimo anno ex quo ad abbatiam venerat et minus quam vellet adhuc profece- rat, cum rex mare transfretatus esset, et ventum atten- disset ad villain quae dicitur Burne, misit pro eo ut festi- nanter ad eum veniret, quasi secretius cum eo locuturus ; {quia erat Confessor ejus) : Cum autem illuo venisset coegit eum rex, et archiepiscopus Raulfus qui noviter erat elec- tus et omnes alii accipere episcopatum Rouecestriae ; ipso- que viriliter et diu resistente jussit rex archiepiscopo du- cere eum ad Cantuarium et ordinare quamvis invitum. Statimque rex dedit abbatiam cuidam monacho Johanni de Sais nomine, eumque Romam statim misit, pro pallio Raulji archiepiscopi, et Guurnerium monachum et Jo- hannem archidiaconum, ncpotem ejusdcm a7xhiepiscopi 7 cum eo ; et Legationem suam bene perfecerunt, et pallium ap- portaverunt. " Monachi autem Burgenses, cum audissent patrem et pastorem suum sibi ablatum esse, flebant, et lachrimas lachrimis addebant, quia nihil aiiud agere poterant. Jo- bamut vero abbas, cum domi venisset, a Conventu ho- iiorifice susceptus est. Qui praparans se continuo ivit Ro/nam, et anno alio ante festivitatem Sancti Petri rever- sus est." — Hugo. Remtdilus, in his verses, after relating that the king gave Ernulfus the bishopric of Rochester, falsely adds of the new abbot's journey to Rome — " Quant recu de moines, (&c.) A veire s'en vad a Rume i'ur bosun del Muster/'' 444 mcxvi. On thisum ylcan geare barnde call that myn- stre of Burh, and eallae tha husas butan se captel-hus and se slapperne : and thasr-to eac barnde eall tha maste dal of tha tuna: Eall this belamp on an Frigdseg ; that was II non. Augt.* * Malmesbury pretends that Ernulfus was about to re- pair the damage done at this fire, when he was elected bishop of Rochester, in 1114. Vide Remaldus' account, pp. 168 and 169; and Hugo's differs very little from his* 445 After what has been said respecting Osbern, the precentor of Canterbury, I anticipate no objection in attributing to him the following extracts from the Cambridge copy. The article of 1070 (with which that MS. ends) well illustrates the Canterbury fraud touching Worcester. It is remarkable that we have here no mention of the English council and the king^ decision ; but it is useless to ex- pect even consistency from such men. # * Though Osbern was older than Malmesbury, they seem to have been personally acquainted : Osbern is commended by the other beyond his merits : " Dunstani vitam romana elegantia Osbernus compo- suit, nulli nostro tempore stilo secundus; musica, certe, omnium sine controversia primus." It seems that the time of Osbern's death is altogether unknown ; but I believe that Malmesbury was born and wrote earlier than is generally supposed. Wharton thinks his Life of Wulstun was written about 1140, in which life he writes, that he had heard Walktlin bishop of Winchester relate more than once, &c. (v. p. 129.) Walkclin died Christinas 1097. Both these dishonest writers were English, though Malmesbury, towards the end of his second Book de rcg. .seems to boast of a mixture of Norman blood : " Ncc vir- tuti Normannorwn dtrogo, quibus turn pro gencre, turn pro beneficiis /idem habeo." By an emply affectation of can- dour, he has deceived all our writers, ancient and modem, from Boveden and WaUingham, down to Hume. 446 In p. 217, I have expressed a belief that the article 1023 was also written by Osbern, and I think so still ; the language and spelling are precisely his ; but I have described it (by mis- take) as in the Cambridge copy : it is in the copy Tiberius, B. IV. only, and has strangely crept in, for it is clearly of a Canterbury origin. I am only surprised (for the main circum- stances seem to be true) that Elphegus should be described as lying in Christ-church in Elfric's enumeration of the English saints, (vide page 244.) mxxxi. Her com Cnut: Sona swa he becom to Engla-lande he geaf into Cristes cyrican on Cant-ware-by ri tha haefenan on Sand-wic and ealla tha gerihta the thar-of arisath, of seithre healfe thare haefene : swa thaet loc hwenne that riot byth ealra hehst and ealra fullost, beo an scip flotigende swa neb than lande swa hit nyxt and thar beo an raann stande of tham scipe and habbe ane taper-aex on his [Here is a mutilation : Gibson thus com- pletes the record from the Evidentice Eccl. Christi Cant. in sua manu quam longius ea de navi in terriam potest projici, debet a ministris Ecclesia? Christi rectitudo navis accipi.] mlxx. Her Landfranc se the waes abbot on Kadwn, com to Engla-lande : Se, after feawum dagum, wearth arcebiscop on Kant-ware-berig : He waes gehaded iv. kal. Septembris on his agenum biscop-setle fram eahte bisco- pum his under-thioddum ; tha othre the thzer neuron thurh anend-rakean and thurh gewrite atiwdon hwi hi 447 thaer beon ne mihton. On tham geare Thomas, se waes gecoran biscop to Eferwic com to Cant-ware-berig thaet man hine thaer gehadede aefter than ealdan gewunan : Tha tha Landfranc crafede faestnunge his gehersumnesse mid ath-swerunge tha for-soc he and saede thaet he hit nahttodonne. Tha ge-wrathede hine se arcebiscope Land- franc, and bebead tham biscopan the thar cumene waeron be thas arcebiscopes Landfrances haese tha serfise to donne and eallan than munecan thaet hi scoldan hi un- scrydan ; and hi be his hese swa didan, swa Thomas to tham timan agean ferde buton bletsunga. Tha sona aefter thisan belamp thaet se arcebiscop Landfranc ferde to Rome; and Thomasforth mid: Tha, tha hi thyder comon, and umbe other thing gesprecon hsefdon umbe thaet hi sprecan woldon, tha angan Thomas his spaece hn he com to Caut-uuare-byri and hu se arcebiscop axode hyr- sumnesse mid ath-swerunge at him; and he hit for-soc. Tha agann se arcebiscop Landfranc atywian mid openum gesceade thaet he mid rihte crafede thas tha he crafede ; and mid strangan cwydan thaet ylce gefaestnode to-foran tham Papan Alerandre and to-foran eallan than Conci- lium the thar gegadred was, and swa ham foran. JEfter thysan com Thomas [to] Cant-ware-byri and eal thaet se arcebiscop aet him crafede eadmedlice gefylde and syth- than tha bletsungan under-feng. SUPPLEMENT TO ELFRIC'S ANNALS. [From Copies Laud, Domilian, and Tiber. B. IV.] It has happened (though I had no reason to expect it) that I have acquired additional lights in the course of printing, and am now satisfied that the section attributed to Elfric must be extended to what follows. I need not trouble the reader with a long explanation, but it is by accident only that his history of the Danish Conquest is kept apart. I believe this completes the paternity of the whole of the Records from 990 downwards. mxvii. Feng Cnut Cyning to call angel-cynnes-rkc ; and hit to-dceld on feower: Bin syli i m, 450 and Thyrcille, East-Englan ; and Eadric, Myrcan; and Yric, North Hymbran. And on thissum geare waes eac Eadric ealdorman of-slagen on Lundene, and Northman Leofioines sunu ealdormannes, and JEthel- weard Mthelmares sunu thses graetan, and Brihtnc, JElfehes* sunu on Defenanscyre. And Cnut cyng aflymde ut JEdvoig iEtheling and Eadwig ceorla cyng : And tha to-foran kl. Aug. het se cyng feccan him JEthelredes lafe, thes othres cynges, him to cwene. mxviii. On thisum geare waes thaet gafol ge-lasste ofer eall Angel-cynn : thaet waes ealles twa and hund seofenti thusend punda, buton tham the seo Burh-waru on Lun- dene gealdon, thaet waes end lyfte healf thusend punda.f And se here ferde tha — sum to Denmearcon ; and xl scipo belaf mid tham cyninge Cnute. And Dene and Engle wurdon sammaele to Eadgares lage aet Oxnaforda.\ mx ix. Her gewende Cnut cyng to Den-mearcon and thaer wunodeealne thone winter : and her forth-ferde Mlj- stan arcebisceop : se waes Lifing genemned, and he waes swithe rsedfast man aegther for Gode and for worulde. mxx. Her com Cnut cyning eft to Engla-land : And tha on Eastron waes micel gemot aet Cyren-ceastre ; tha geut- lagode man Mthelwcard ealdorman. And on thissan geare for se cyng and Thurkyl eorl to Assandum, and Wulfstan arcebisceop and othre biscopas and eac abbodas and manege munecas, and ge-halgodan thaet mynstre aet Assandune : and JEthclnoth munuc ; se the waes Deca- * Reference to the word JElfehes JElfgetes. — Laud. f Ten thousand five hundred pounds ; and so Florence of Worcester : in copy Laud xi thusend punda.— 'Vide extract from Hugo, pp. 243 and 242, I This seems to relate to the publication of the laws of Canutus. 451 nus aet Cristes-cyvcan wearth on tham ilcan geare on idus Novcmbris to biscope ge-halgode into Xpes cyrcan. mxxl Heron thisum geare to See Murtinus maessan Cnut cyng ge-utlagode Thurkil eorl : and JElfgar bisceop se aelmes-fulla forthferde on Xpes-maesse-uhtan. mxxii. Her Cnut cyng for ut mid his scipum to Wiht : and Mthelnoth bisceop for to Rome, and waes thaer under- fangen mid micclam wurthscipe fram Benedicte tham arwurthan Papan, and he mid his agenum handum him Pallium on asette, and to arcebisceope swithe arwurthlice ge-halgade and ge-bletsade on Non. Octob. And se arce- bisceop sona thajr mid maessan sang on tham sylfan dasge, and syththan thaer-aefter mid tham sylfan Papan arwurth- lice gereordade, and eac him seolf thone pallium genam on See Petres weofode, and tha seoththan blithelice ham to his earde ferde : and Lcofwine* abbot, se waes unriht- lice of Elig* adraefed, waes his gefera; and nine ihes aelces thinges ge-claensode the him man on saxle, swa se Papa him tahte on thes arcebiscopes gewitnesse, and on ealles thaes geferscipes the him mid waes. ' Vide extract from Hugo, p. 244, where he reports something of the abbot of Ramsty, to which this may 452 FURTHER PARTICULARS RESPECTING ELFRIC. I have just met with Mr. Ingram's Inaugural Lecture, &c. Oxford, 1807, and I wonder that several of his opi- nions have not been controverted. With respect to the narrative of the two northern adventurers, I am free to say that to my less practised eye the orthography seems to be Elfric's, and is quite distinguishable from Alfred's. — Vide the extracts from the royal author in Wise's Asser. By way of proof that it is Alfred's, Mr. Ingram constantly renders cwith he says ; which cannot be commended, since the whole of the con- text requires he said. I have stated, in p. 55, that Gunton had omitted all further mention of Elfric and Kinsinus : it is my mis- take ; they are again mentioned in the chapter of Tombs. I have returned again and again to the perusal of Hugo's praises of Kenulfus, and am finally satisfied that they were meant by the original writer for Elfric. 1st. Because of the extreme propriety of the descrip- tion ; And yndly. Because otherwise, (this description being plainly written after Kenulfus' cession,) the same terms were again necessary to describe Elfric, his successor ; they were almost peculiar to his case, and commendation can go no further. 453 It is certain also, that the writings of the church were Hugo's principal materials ; he there found some such panegyric upon Elfric, and corrupted it : indeed, there are traces of another hand to be seen through his Latin. Non est nostra parvitatis, (says the writer, to set forth the degree of his merit) : this was a very favourite ex- pression with our monk-writers before the Conquest. In* gulfus makes frequent use of it, but Hugo never. In fitting this portrait to Kenulfus, Hugo had but two words to alter— snatched rather than elected to [York] after an abbotcy of [18] years. In this case it was Elfric who built those venerable walls south of the abbey : it is true, Malmesbury also de- clares lhat they were built by Kenulfus* but his testi- mony here is of very little weight. And as, on the one hand, we may see the abbot Elfric in Hugo's abbot Kenulfus, so Elfric archbishop is discernible in his archbishop Kinsinus. " In tempore abbatis Leofrici (says he, meaning Kin- sini) ita carum et amatum erat monasterium Sancti Petri de Burch lit non solum comites et divites sed et archiepiscopi et episcopi relinquerent sedes pro- pria^ et se suaque omnia Deo et Sancto Petro trade- rent : sicut Elfricus archiepiscopus dc Eboraco qui dedit albam dc purpura cum optimis aurificiis paratam et duas cappas optimas et stolas et dalmaticam albam, et altare cum reliquiis optime cum auro paratum, et tna pallia et duo magna candelabra de argento (quae postea furata sunt; ct baculum suum, omnia optima : HaBC omnia et multa alia, cum corpore suo, dedit • Burcholim Medeshamsted< dicebatur, sed, postquam Kenulfiu abbas locum muro cinxit, a similitudine urbii I lurch vocatur. — Dej>ont. iy. 454 archiepiscopus, ibique requiescit. Similiter et Sanctus Kin- sinus, ejusdem Civitatis archiepiscopus, dedit textum Evan- gelii optime paratum de auro — et villam de Tinewelle, et in ornamentis quae appretiata fuerunt ccc librorum qua? omnia cum corpore sua [&c. &c] Hie Kinsi?ius monuchus erut, et abstinentissimc et sanctissimt vivebat ; ita, cum Clerici vel familia ejus affiuentissiml et splendidt, cotidie, epularentur ipse cum grossiore pane vel ordeacio, et cibis el potibus vilioribus corpus sustentabat. In quadragesima, verb, semper de villa in villam pedibus ambulat, et scepe nudis ; predicando, et eleemosynam faciendo : et mugis noc- tibus ibat, carens jactantiam et vanam gloriam. Sicque beato fine et in bonis operibus in pace quievit. Sed, et, Wulstanus, archiepiscopus se et omnia sua dederat in eodem loco : sed, cum isset ad visitanda Sanctorum loca et venisset ad Eli, ibi infirmatus est, et mortuus, et se- pultus." The great error of the Canterbury men, (amongst whom we number Malmesbury,) was that they pursued their object without sufficient forethought. This was the case with Osbern in particular, when he cried out upon E/fnc Bata; and with Malmesbury, when he wrote that there was one Elfric, abbot of Malmesbury, who was reputed a good author. They were wrong to recognize their adver- sary at all : and he has escaped in consequence. It was a better device (with all its absurdity) which Remaldus and Hugo followed. In their hands, and under the name of Elsinus, Elfric was effectually laid asleep, — not for fifty years only, but for eight round cen- turies.* *«**## illuchrimalnHs Urguetur ^notesque longa Nocte, caret quia vate sacro. 455 It was by an extraordinary accident that Elfric's bones were discovered at Peterborough in 1651, exactly six hundred years after his death. The following is Guntons account of the matter, who was not aware of their ge- nuine sanctity ; for in truth the prime glory of the church is contained in this very box. In the civil wars, the people of Croyland having de- clared for the King, (whose tenants they were,) Cromwell himself, with a body of Parliamentarians, took up their quarters at Peterborough on the 18th April 1643, in order to the siege : Croyland was taken on the 28th. Our author relates in what manner the church of Pe- terborough was sacked and spoiled, between the 18th April and the 5th May : " Cromwell (who lodged in the Vineyard) if not acting, yet not restraining the soldiers in this heat of their fury.'' "The greatest ornament of the quire, (and indeed of the whole church,) was the high altar, a structure of stone most exquisitely carved and beautified with gilding and painting ; it was ascended unto by about a dozen steps, and, from its basis, some six feet high, upon which were several curious pilasters supporting a fair arched roof, whereon were three goodly spires reaching almost to the top of the church," &c. &c. "This altar was beaten down to the lowest base of plain work, and so stood a deformed spectacle some eight Paulum sepults distat inertiee Celata virtus : Non ego Te meis Chartis inornaturn silebo, Totve tuos patiar labores Impune, F.lfrice, carpere Ltvidafl Obliviones." 456 years; and then, 1651, a private person disliking it be- cause there was not a thorough reformation, it was or- dered that the remainder, with the whole mound whereon it was erected, should be levelled with the pavement of" the quire. " The removal of this altar brought something to lis;ht which had long been concealed, viz. a certain iron like the beam of a balance passing through that part of the altar to the abbot's chair: for what use it served I cannot say. On the right-hand, that is, on the south side, appeared these two verses, written on the wall in ancient Saxon letters, and now to be seen," &c. " On the other side, in two hollow places of the wall, were found two chests, each about three feet long, and in each of which were the bones of a man, and of whom appeared by a plate of lead in each chest, whereon the name of the person was engraven. On the one was El- fricus, on the other Kymius ; both of them had been arch- bishops of York, and being dead, their bodies were inter- red in the monastery of Peterborough, where formerly they had been monks. " But Elfricus and Kymius could not have their de- positories so short from the beginning, but it is proba- ble they had a removal from under ground to lie above ground in this wall so near the altar, their first place of sepulture being not thought fit to contain them any longer. The place of Elfricm burial I cannot tell, but for Khisius, I have heard my father, who was well read in the antiquities of this church, say, that the marble monument now lying on the north side of the quire wa> his. It bears the portraiture of a shaven monk lying on the top."— Gunt&n, p. 92, 97, 93. The translation of these bones from the earth musl have been noticed in the records which were destroved 457 by Remaldus, for they seem to have been enshrined in his time; and, as to Kinsinus f abbot John expressly points out this site. " Jacet tumulatus in Scrinio juxta magnum altare in parte boreali." " And there (says Patrick in 1686,) the shrine still re- mains, just above that of Elfricus, who lies at his feet." It has been my wish and endeavour, in this volume, to display the few novelties I had to communicate with as little parade and as little dogmatism as possible ; to avoid every appear- ance of wilful offence ; and to dispute nothing without reason : it seemed attainable, because, having no system to serve, I look to nothing but the truth. By this express declaration I hope to be rightly understood, and so to disarm any hasty displeasure : it is necessary also, because I seem to have dealt a good deal in dispute ; and yet the knowing the more than ordinary indulgence I need myself has often kept me silent. The fact 458 is, I go in fear of our masters the critics : for, not- withstanding the multitude of new books, good, bad, and indifferent, I do not expect that my mistakes will escape without notice. But whilst I am prepared to hear the worst of the exe- cution of this book, I would fain deprecate the total condemnation of it, and, as a plea for some consideration, I think it prudent to sum up what I have attempted or done. I have separated and reduced to order the awkward mass of Chronicles published as the Saxon Chronicle. I have given four principal names to the ca- talogue of early English authors, and have vin- dicated for Elfric, Stigand, St. Wulstan, and the prior Nicholas, four beautiful pieces — gems of pure history. That we have St. Wulstai^s picture of the Conqueror, is an important discovery of itself. I have purified these same annals from the disgusting additions of Remaldus and Hugo, and from the forgeries of Osbern and the Wor- cester monks ; and T have rectified the ancient estimate of Hugo. I have brought into day the mean and frau- dulent Malmesbury, and the insatiable Lan- franc: I have vindicated the honour of the Saxon clergy and nation ; and, above all, I have avenged Elfric. 459 The following is a short table of the Authors contained in each of the old Copies from 990 downwards. No. 1. The Cambridge Copy.— A** 993 and 1001, Elphe- gus: 1031 and 1070, Osbern. 2. Tiberius A. VI. Nil. 3. B. I. Elfric to 1022; thence to the end part of Stigand, and part of Wulstan. 4. B. IV. Elfric to 1022: 1023, probably Osbern : thence to the end, Wulstan. 5. Domitianus A. VIII. Elfric and Stigand; com- plete in time, but abbreviated. 6. The Oxford Copy {Laud). Elfric ; principal part of Stigand; part of Wulstan; Egelred; Se- cond part of Wulstan; Nicholas; Remaldus; Hugo. 7. Otho B. XI. (missing) ; 993 and 1001, Elpkegus. 8. Peterborough Copy, (missing,) Elfric ; principal part of Stigand j part of Wulstan; Remaldus. x2 460 A FEW PRINCIPAL RULES OF THE SAXON GRAMMAR. The definite article Se (the) is thus declined. Singular. Mas. Fern. Neut. Norn. Se, seo, sio, thaet, Gen. thass, thaere, thas, Dot. thaem, thaere, tham, Ace. thone, tha, thaet, Abl. thaem, thaere, tham. Plural. Nom. tha, thy, tha, the, Gen. thaera, thara, thaera, Dat. tham, thaem, tham, Ace. tha, thy, tha, the, Abl. tham, thaem, tham. The adji ective god (good). Singular. Nom. 4" Voc. god, gode, god, Gen. godes, godre, godes, Dat. 4" Abl. godum, godre, godum, Ace. godne, gode, god. 461 Plural Mas. Fem. Neut. Norn. Sf Ace. gode, goda, Gen. godra, Dat. Sf Abl. godum. The adjective goda (good). Singular. Nom. Sf Voc. goda, Gen. Dat. Ace. Sf Abl. godan. Plural. Nom. Ace. S; Voc. Gen. Dat. Sf Abl. godan, godena, godum, godan. The substantive God (God). Sing. Plur. Nom. Ace. Sf Voc. God, Godas, Gen. Godes, Goda, Dat. Sf Abl. Gode, Godum. Nom. S; Voc. Gen. Dat. Ace. Abl. Nouns in u Witega (a prophet). Sing. witega, witegan, Plur. witegan, witegena, witegan, witegan, witegan, witegum. and in n and many other of the conso- nants end in a in the plural, as cwen, ;i queen, ntnu f a son, plural ewtnOf tuna. 462 The pronoun Ic (I). Sing. Plur. Nom. Ic, we, Gen. min, mine, ure, Dat. Ace. Sf Abl. me, us. Thu (thou). Nom. Sf Voc. thu, ge, Gen. thin, thine, eower, Dat. Ace. fy Abl. the, eow. These pronouns have also a dual : — wit (we two), &c. gyt (ye two), &c. Thas (this). Singular. Mas. Fern. Neut. Nom. thes, theos, this, Gen. thises, thissere, thises, Bat. S; Abl. thisum, thissere, thisum, Ace. thisne, thas, this. Plural. Nom. Sf Ace. thas, thaes, thys, Gen. thissera, Dat. Sf Abl. thisum. He, heo, hit, (he, she, it.) Sing. Plur. Nom. he, heo, hit, hi, hig, hie, hy, heo, Gen. his, hire, his, hira, heora, Dat. Sf Abl. him, hire, hit, heom, him, Ace. nine, hi, hit, hi, big. 463 The verbs wesan, beon, (to be,) make in the present tense. Sing. Plur. 1st pers. eom, beo, 1 beoth, 2d pers. eart, byst, V aron, 3d pers. ys, beoth, byth, J Past tense. &c. Sing. Plur. 1st pers. WSfcS, J 2d pers. waere, wast, V waeron. 3d pers. waes, was, } 1st pers. 3d pers. Potential mood : Present tense. Sing. Plur. sy, synd, syndon. Lujiun (to love). Present tense. Sing. Plur. 1st pers. lunge, lufie, ^ 2d pers. lufast, V lufiath. 3d pers. lufath, 5 Past tense. Sing. Plur. 1st pers. lufode, J 2d pers. 3d pers. lufodest, lufode, \ lufodon 464 Imperative mood. Sin g- Plur. lst P ers ' ■ • • lufion, Qd / ers ' Iufa > lunge, lufiath, 3dpers. Iufige, i ufion . Participle, lufiand. The irregularities of the verbs are infinite, as in our own day. Bosworth's Grammar is in good repute. GLOSSARY. GLOSSARY. The following Glossary contains the principal saxon words which occur in this volume, and are obsolete on our side of the Tweed. Vide composites in ge, be, for, un, a. A, ever Abannan, to ban, to call out or em bod y Abiddan, to beg Abirigth, he tastes ' Ablunnon, they ceased Abruthon, they prevented Abugan, to desert Ac, but Acennede, known Acwylmon, they overwhelm- ed Adilgian, to wipe out 7E, law JEt't, back, aft ./Efter-cwaethen, renouna d ^Egra, eggs Egther, either, both ;Ehta, havings, goods, pos- riom lie, reverence .1.1, an fin/ .l.l.i-, eeU TEleputan, jacks (Jish) JElc, each iEnlice, decently JEt, (subst.) brass; (adv.) before .ZErest, first iEthelic, easily JEt-braed, abroad vEtes, of eating, eatables Aflymde, put to flight Agoten, shed Ahafen, raised Ahon, they hanged Ahraeddan, to rid Ahte, aught, ought, he had, lit ad Ahtlice, manfully Ahwaer, any where Aleggenne, to annul Alisde, purchased Amyrdan, to m<" Amansumade, accursed Amund-braeg, bri ak-jn '<■ i Andgytan, to understand And-lang, along 468 Andsaete, hated Angel, a hook Anginne, a struggle, a be- ginning Anmodlice, of one mind or fashion An-reces, right-on Anraedlice, readily, con- stantly Aspeon, to entice Astealde, set, began Astihte, set Astyrad, stirred Atendon, they kindled Athum, son-in-law Aweorpan, to drive, to warp Awocan, kin, relatives in blood B. Banan, murderers Bana, bones Baernette, a burning Bar, a boar Bebbaburh, Bamborough Beah, a bracelet Beacna, beacons Beandan, bonds Begeat, he collected Begrinod, ensnared Behaesa, promises Behet, promised Beheold, it availed Behreowsung, repentance Belandod, stript of lands Belisnian, to geld Benda, bonds Beorgan, to defend Beorht, bright Bepaehte, deceived Berg, a grave Besyrewan, to betray Betaehte, committed Beteah, he accused Betealdan,'2o excuse Bettan, to repair Bewitan, to teach Bicgean, to buy Binnan, within Blasndian, to blind Bod an, messengers Borhfaeste, bound over Breed, broad Braedan, to roast Bredath, he knits Brego, a leader Brema, illustrious Briddas, birds Broce, illness Brog, fear Brucath, he takes, eats Bryce, a breach Brycge, a bridge ; Bruges Bryne,fre Bugan, to bow, to yield Bure, a chamber, a bower Burh-waru, the citizens Butan, without Butericas, leathern bottles Bylding, exaltation Bylehwit, modest, sincere Byliga, bellows Bysmore, shame Bytlian, to build C. Canst, knowest Cantelcapas, long c/ouks Cild, a child, a young nobtt man Cicalas, cellars Cneovv, the knee 469 Cothe, disease Cucon, quick, alive Cunnian, to know Cuth, known Cwsethen, said, agreed Cwydan, arguments Cyld, cold Cyne-helm, the crown Cyng, cyning, the king Cyn, nature Cyrran, to turn D. Daeg, day Daeg-raed, early day Daeghwamlice, daily Damath, it becometh Daelde, he divided Daerne, weighty, secret Deadbote, a kind of mortuary Dedyrf'sum, calamitous DelHan, to dig Deman, judges, councillors Deorfan, to labour Deorvvyrde, precious Devules, devilt Digolice, secretly Don, to do I )raefednys8e, wretchedness Drata, a drove, a herd Drapen, they destroyed Dream, a dream, joy Dili, \'t n r Driliten, our Lord Droll tn lend, directed DugOth, the nobility I) wild, (i spectre Dyhte, precept Dyrstig, daring Dystra, ftighty t Jboti$k per- sons Ea, water Eac, also Eadmodlice, humbly Eagan, the eyes Eal, all Eala! Oh! Eald, old, an elder, a ruler Earn, eom, uncle Eard, the earth, the country Earfothnysse, difficult)/ Earm, wretched Earmian, to grieve Earnian, to run up, or reach, to Eathe, easily Efne, a share Eft, again Ege, fear Egbuend, an inhabitant Ele, oil End, a peirt, an end Engla, angels Eowde (aeteowde), appeared Erian, to plough Faece, time, while Fat-dan, to feed Faeder, father 1 ;i <1( ra, paternal uncle Fa-lice, si range, beyond sen Fsst, fast, dost I age and floe, phase, fiat Fala, Imiist hold vessels Fearlice, quickly Feocan, to fetch Ft'Iljjon, to aunt nt 470 Feollan, to fall, to fell Feolagan, fellows, allies Feond, an enemy Feor, far Feorme, a farm, rent Fera, arrived, mustered Ferdon, they died, departed, went Festen, a fort, a fastness Fixas, fishes Fla, an arrow Fleam, flight Floc-maglum, in troops / Flugan, to fly For- don, to ruin Fore-ward, a compact For-gifen, given in public, forgiven For-guldon hit, they paid for it For-heol, it availed For-lidenesse, wreck, ship- wreck For-luron, they lost Forma, first For-soc, he refused Forth-bylding, a strength- ening For-wreged, befrayed Fot-spure, afoot-stool Frecnysse, fear, fear with- out danger Freom, profit Frith, security Frouer, a protector Fullian, to baptise Ful-maegen, main, the main army Fultum, help Fundian, to will, or design Furthon, beyond, yet longer Fylce, followers Fyrde, an army Fyrdinge, forces on foot, under arms Gad,gadisen, a goad or spur Gafol, tribute Gan, to go Gastlice, ghostly Geald, yield Geamenne, to guide Geancsumed, distracted Gearcod, gearwe, prepared, ready Geares-daeg, new years-day Gebette ! spare ! Gebicgean, to buy Gebotad, bettered Gebroiden, drawn, described Gebygle, subject Gebyttlan, buildings Gecurdon, they turned, re- turned Gecwasthen, agreed Gecwene, welcome, agree- able Gecythnysse, a testament, a bequest Gedrecednysse, outrage Gedrehte, oppressed Gedwolan, heretics Geferdon, they sustained Geferscip, fellowship Gegan, to begin Gegodian, to enrich Geheald, a guardian Gehend, near Gehyrsum, obedient Gelreste, paid Gelomlice, often 471 Gelumpian, to befal Gemang, among, meantime Gemasras, borders of a coun- try, moors Gemeleste, carelessness Gemiltse, (interj.) pity! Gemunde, he remembered Genealehte, he approached Geold-gild, pay, money, tri- bute Geond, beyond, throughout Geornlice, diligently Geomian, to desire Gerad, a restriction, condi- tion Gerad a, horse-harness Gereordinge, a meal Gerinu, type, mystery Gerihte, duties Gesaelth, luck, good-luck Gescead, a show Gesmeah, a contrivance Gespapdde, sped Gestathelian, to restore Gestylde, he quieted Gesund, sane, sound Geswinc, toil, vexation Gethafa, accused, guilty Gethwajrian, to agree Geunnan, to own Gewat, he went, he died Gewealc, contest, contentions Gewearth, he met, agreed Gewinn, battle, conquest Gewrathade nine, he grew angry Geypte, apprehended, snapt up Gierd, grass Gislian, to pledge, give hosta- Gitsung, avarice God-lof, piety God-sib a godfather Gremian, to grieve, to dis- please Grin, a snare Grith, peace, agreement Grymm, terrible Gylpe, food, good cheer Gyrd, a rod Gyrne, earnestly Gytan, to acquire H. Hacod, a pike (fish) Hadod, ordained a clergy- man Hascce, a pall, Hafoc, a hawk Haeft, a prison Haeftnung, custody Haernes, brains Halend, the Holy One, our Lord Halgian, to hallow Hamelan, steersmen Hand-sceofe, hand-cuffed; — handdydon, they captured Iland-pleg, handy blows Has, hoarse Ilasaetan, commanders Hatten, called, named 1 1 awede, looked Ilcadeor, game of a larger size Ileafod, the head Heawian, to hew Hefig, sad, heavy lleonan, hence, hither Heort, the In art, a hart Here, the adverse army, an army 472 Het, bid Hergian, to harry Hig, hay : hig ! alas ! Hlaest, goods Hlaf, bread Hlaford, a lord Hlafdig, a lady, the queen Hofdingas, heads, leaders Holm, a plain Hordere, a treasurer Hranes, whales Hrathe, soon, easily Hrowse, greediness Hunta, a hunter Huntnoth, hunting Husel, the sacramental bread Hwd, a whale Hwan, dangerous Hwurfon, they separated. Hygeleaste, disorder, haste Hyrn, a corner Hyrnesse, a district Hyrsumian, to obey I. Ilcodon, they delayed Into, into, of, of the Iugoth, youth K. Kenepas, a knapsack L. Laed-towas, guides Laegceaster, Chester, Leices- ter Laeht, lightning La> lite, he drew near Laes, leys, leizure ground, pasture Laetsum, late Laewed, lay; gelaewed, the laity Laf, widow, left Lare, learning Lareow, a preceptor Lath, unwilling, loathsome Leaf, loved, left Leas, less, false Lenctene, Lent Leod, the people, subject Leofsta-hlaford, dearest lord Leoht, the light Leoma, ray of a star Leton, they suffered, they supposed Libbend, living Licetung, deceit Lichama, the body Liflica, living Loc, agreement Lyre, loss M. Ma, more Macung, contrivance Maeg, cousin, any kindred Mael, space Maendon, they complained Maessian, to administer the 7TIUSS Maeste, most, mostly Maestling, mixt, copper Maete, measured Mai, discourse, an excuse Male, wages, rent Man, they, (requires 3rd person sing.) 473 Mancgere, merchant Mannodon, they manned Mare, more, greater Mathmas, plunder Max, a net Medemlice (gewende to,) fell of Metsung, a victualling Mistacian, to misteach Mod, mind, mood Modigan, to pride oneself Morgen, morning Moran , moors, high grounds Munode, he protected Myrdod, marred, spoilt Myr, an ant N. Naebbath, hath not Naes, was not Naesse, a promontory Namon, nymon, they took Nahte, he hud not, ought not, nought Neawiste, neighbourhood Non, horce nonce, three, o'clock service Nu, now Nys, it is not Nyston, they knew not Nyd, need Nyt, beneficial Nytenysse, nothingness Nytern, a brute Nyvvan, to renew O. Ofelet, bread in the sacra- ment Of-eode, stipulated Ofet, peas, vegetables Of-sceoten, shot Of-slaegen, slain Oft, often Oftor, oftener On, on, against Ongean, against, towards Ongytan, to understand On-mang, among, whilst On-stasldon, they began Orf, cattle Or-maete, immeasurable Orreste, single combat Ostran, oysters Oth, till Oth the, or Paellas, purples Pleoh, plihte, danger Pined, they tortured R. Rad, he rode Raed, advice, counsel Raedes-man, an adviser Raedfast, upright Raed-leas, remediless Ra*g, a kid Raepling, a captive Raepon, they cut down. Ran, a doe Reafes, vests, apparel Reft, a veil Reif-thcgn, a chambcrlam Renas, ratal Rethe, harsh Rewyt, a voyage 474 Rim, enumeration, numbers Rima, the sea-shore Rode, the cross, the gallows Rohton, they despised Rotteste, most splendid Rymdon, they retreated S. Sac, a cause, a dispute, sake Sacleas, secure Sae, the sea Saeht, peace Saehtlode, settled, reconciled Sammaele, reconciled Sand, a messenger, the Pope's Nuncio Sandes-man, a messenger Scande, shame Sceot, money, reward, pay Sceowyrht, shoemaker Scildig, accused, guilty Scipod, shipped Scrydan, to clothe Scyft, shift, division Seamer, a tailor Seothan, to boil Sid an, silks Sig, victory Sith, a time, a turn ; other- sith, a second time Slashting, slaughter, killing of game Siege, a stroke Smeagan, to plot Smeagend, deliberating Smeat, smelt, refined Snaedde, he regaled himself Sohtan, sought Somne, together Somnian, to summon Soth, true Spilde, slain Spryttung, an instigation Stan, a stone Stent, standeth Steofnod, cited Steorde, he steered, ivas cap- tain Stith, severe Storthunring, thunder Stow, a place Strang, severe, strong Stunt, stupid Sum, some one or more Sunu, a son Sutelath, he showeth Swa, so ; swa swa, so as Swa hwat swa, whatsoever Swasfel, sulphur Swaeldon, they swallowed Swedig, rich Swencean, swsengan, to punish, to pinch Swetholode, he softened Swilc, such, as if Swine, vexation, trouble Swyftleras, slippers Swythe, very Syfernysse, soberness Syl, a plough Syru-wrencas, treachery T. Tashte, he declared Tasl, an account Tealdon, they reported Teonan, injuries Tha, then, when, the, that Tha tha, when the Thar, there, where Thrersc, thrash, toss 475 Theah, indeed, though Theah-hwEether, notwith- standing Theaht, thought Theahtend, a provider Thearf, useful, thrifty Thearle, painfully, greatly Theod, the people, subject Theow, a minister Theowdom, service, worship Theowlice, orderly, devoutly Theras, leaders Thicgan, to receive, to taste Tholen, to bear Throwung. a suffering, the passion Thraelas, servants Thwancgas, bridle-reins Thywend, leading, driving Tillian, to till To-twaemde, divorced Tregian, to harrass, to vex Treow-wyrht, treewright, (carpenter) Treppan, traps Truwade, he trusted Tryvv, (rue Try wleas, false Tugon, they trudged Tur, the Tower of London Tuwa, twice Tylode, taken, provided Tythode, he gave Tyrvvigend, tiring U Umbe, about UuftSeCgl !IW 1 , unspeakable I tadergeat, understood l.'ndern da-ges, tarhj-day (Jndertide Horce tertia, nine o'clock service Ungehwaern, sedition Ungelimp, mishap Unne, leave, permission Unscrydan, to unrobe Unthances hire, against her will Unthearf, loss Unwrasst, crazy, unsteady Uplica, supreme Ut-adon, to put out W Waccan, to fail Wasdod, rigged Wgeg, a way Wael, battle, slaughter Waepnod, armed Waerdedon, they guarded Waered, army Waemed, armed Waerst, worst Waestm, fruit Waetes, drinkable, of water VVa-Ja ! wa-la-wa! alas! Wandode, he was afraid, he- sitated Wanode, he waned Waru, the citizens Wat, he knows Weafod, the altar Weal, a wall Wealdan, to govern Wearp, he threw Wedd, a pledge Welgum, the wealthy Wendon, they went, they thought WeolL weUedf filed at a pool 476 Wer, a husband Wesan, to be Wig, war Wikingan, pirates Wildeor, wild beasts, game Wingeard, a vineyard Wite, a penalty With, against, with, near Withermale, a conference Witherraeden, conspired a- gainst With-laeg, he refused With-thon-the,provided that Witodlice, indeed Wog, dishonour Wolcne, the sky, welken Word, a word, reputation Wothbora, a prophet, an orator W^recan, to care for, to re- venge Wrecend, avenger Wregde, he accmed, betrayed Wrencas, tricks Wucan, weeks Wuna, wont, custom Wundung, dwelling, stay Wunigan, to settle, to dwell Wurdon, were Wyrnde, he refused, he de- nied Wyrpian, to cast as a net Wyrta, herbs Wyrtegemange, ornaments Ylpesban, ivory Ymbe, in Yrfe-numa, heir Yrf, cattle Ythhengistas, sea-horses, ships ERRATA. Page 24, line 8, for j>, read p. 35, — 6, for Je read Ic. 62, — /or Elfric's history, read Elfric's personal history. 97, — 15, /or Leofric, read Leofsie. — 19, for had in his see, read raised to his see. 136, — 19, for His read He. 140, — 16, for relics, read riches. 144, -_ 4, for 1116, read 1110, 149, — 20, for Withric, read Witric, 151, — 22, for precisely, read very nearly. 168, — 9, for Nicholas', read Witric' s. 169, — 14, for eler, read cler. 173, — 14, for mighte, read mihte. 1 90, — 23, for 1058, read 1056. 198, — 11, /or Petriburgen* is, read Petriburgenses. 201, — l,for a short extract from, read an extract from "Wulstan more complete than in. — 3, dele where, and the next line. — 20, for laudatws, read laudatis. 202, — 1, for contains, read contains certain Canter- bury Charters, &c. and — 2, for 1058, read 1056. >, — 5, for interpretations, read interpolations. 223, — 18, for St. Mary of Bonifons, read St. Mary bonifons. 227, — 2, for on-be-la-don swincgla, read swincgla be- laedon on. — 6, for se, read tha. — 10, for cuman, read cunnian. 283, — 21, for lango, read lange. — 12,/ortha.T-binnan and, read thscr-binnan. And. 478 297, line 23, for Two appear, read one appears. 24, for sub a is . 1085 and 1086, read sub a . 1086. 307, 10, for butoh, read buton. 355 ? 9, for gyrade, read gyroade. 359, 14, for eortesege, read Ceortesege. 375 ? _ 31, for ta-foran, read to-foran. — 32, for neht, read neh- 409, 17, for lui, read lei. 4H f 30, for eeelesia, read ecclesia. 432, for gehadde, read gehadode THE END. LONDON