m '^'^M'^.u$^ <,r-^ K_^ m±m '«-'''" I TAINE'S__WORKS UN.rOHM L,B.„.v E0,T,0.. .„,„, G„,,„ CLOTH SC2.50 I'EK VOLUME, ^^GLISH LITERA~^RE. 2 vols ITALY, ROME, AND NAPLES ITALY, FLORENCE, AND VENICE ON INTELLIGENCE. 2 vols. LECTURES ON ART f;.- , c • LECTURES 0,V ART q=. i o • ' ■>>« 'aining The PhilosoX of Art™ Iea1:™T, ^' ^^f -^ O^ A^V^^A^^. wuh Portrait. ^^Or.ffi' ON- PARIS. ^ TOUR T2TR0UGH THE PYRFNEF'; ' -^troo/:rroe^r,-!r "- T//E ANCIENT REGTUE rim FRENCH REVOLUriOK 3 vols. I "^'^^ HOLT & CO., P»Lts„.p,, ^- ^ New York ;,,- 'i /^ HISTORY OF English Literature H'f A/'-'TAINE TRANSLATED BY H. VAN LAUN ONE OF THE MASTERS AX JHE XDINBUBQH AOADEMl With a Preface Prepared Expressly for this Tramlation by the Authop TWO VOLUMES IN ONE NEW YORK HENKY HOLT AND COMPANY 1886 g^ vS'eSjL^^^^'^-^ H vwL.in>^<^*- 33- ('><'^ TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE The translator has collated almost every passage mentioned by M. Taine, verified every quotation, and spared no pains to render thin history of English literature worthy of its author and of its subject.. A copious Index will be found at the end of the Second Volume. H. VAN Laun. October^ 1871. The Academy, Edenburgh. Mr. van Laun is not responsible for the English rendering of the Anthor'i Ixitroduction. DEDICATION Even at the present day, the historian of Civilisation in Europe and in France is amongst us, at the head of those historical studies which he formerly encouraged so much. I myself have experienced his kind* ness, learned by his conversation, consulted his books, and profited by that intellectual and impartial breadth, that active and Kberal sympathy, with which he receives the labours and thoughts of others, even when these ideas are not like his own. I consider it a duty and an honour to inscribe tiiis work to M. Guizot. H. A. Taine. CONTENTS. Ihtrodtiction, BOOK I.— THE SOURCE. Chap. I.— The Saxons, . n.— The Nokmans, III. —The New Tongue, BOOK n.— THE RENAISSANCE, Chap. I.— The Pagan Renaissance, n. — The Theatre, III.— -Ben Jonson, . rV. — Shakspeare, . • v.— The Christdvn Renaissance VI.— Milton, I . BOOK III.— THE CLASSIC AGE Chap. I. -The Restoration, • 1 33 53 105 141 223 267 296 353 409 457 AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO THIS TRANSLATION The Author of this elegant and faithful translation has thought that I ought to indicate to the reader what plan I kept before me in writing the history of English Literature. Briefly stated, it was this: A nation lives twenty, thirty centuries and longer, and a maL lives but sixty or seventy years. Nevertheless, a nation has a good many points in which it is like a man. For, in a career so long and almost interminable, a nation has its own character, both mental and moral, which m^niiests jtself at the beginning, and develops from epoch to epocn, preserving the same fundamental qualities from its origin to its decline. This is a matter of experience, and whoever has followed the history of a people — for instance, of the Greeks from Homer to the Byzantine Caesars, the Germans from the Nibelungen Lied to Goethe, the French from the first Chansons de Geste and the earliest fabliaux, dowu to Beranger and Alfred de Musset, cannot help recognizing in the life of a nation a continuity as strict as in the life of an indi- vidual. Now suppose that in the case of one of the half-dozen great men who have played the leading parts on the world's stage — Alex- ander, Napoleon, Newton, Dante, — suppose that by some extraor- dinary piece of good fortune we happened to have a quantity of authentic portraits, uninjured and fresh — water-colors, draw ings, sketches, full-length portraits, representing him at all times of life, in his various costumes, expressions, and attitudes, with all his surroundings, especially in his greatest deeds, and in the most trying crises that marked the development of his char- acter. Well, that is just the kind of memoranda which we possess X author's introduction to this translation. to-diiy to enable us to know the great being that we call a nation., especially when the nation has a full and original literature. Foi most essential purposes, each of its literary productions is a pict- ure in which we contemplate the nation itself. And this picture is really more precious than a physical portrait, for it is a moral one. The poem of BeoAvulf and the Canterbury Tales, (he dramatic works of the Renaissance and the Reformation, the various lines of authors in prose and verse who have followed each other, from Shakespeare and Bacon down to Tenny son, Dickens, and Carlyle, place before us all the literary forma and poetical images, all the variations of thought, sentiment, and expression, in wliich the soul of the English nation has found delight There we may follow the change in tastes, and the persistency in instincts; there we see the national character acted upon by circumstances, and moulded in directions determined partly by its own nature and partly by tradition ; but through all, one is conscious of a persistent individuality — the adult merely fulfills the promise of the youth and the child; the living figure of to-day still preserves the characteristic features of the earliest portrait. From all these portraits I have undertaken to pick out the most lifelike and the most faithful, to arrange them according to their dates and degrees of importance, to put them in appro- priate groups and to explain them, commenting upon them with admiration and sympathy, but not without freedom and candor ; for though one ought to feel affection for his theme, he should never flatter anybody. Possibly it would be better to leave my task to those who are at home in England ; they are apt to say that they know our personage better because they are of his family. True, but in living with a person one is not specially apt to be aware of his peculiarities. On the contrary, a stranger has one advantage — custom does not blunt his perceptions ; he is uncon- sciously struck by the principal characteristics, and treats the subject with reference to them. This, then, is my whole excuse; I offer it to the reader with some special confidence, because, when I pass in review my own ideas about France, I find many which have been given me by strangers, and by none more than th« English. H. A. Taine. Paris. October, 1871. INTRODTJOTiON Ilia liistorian might place himself for a certain time, during several ceiitm-ie€ or amongst a certain peojile, in the midst of the spirit of humanity. He might study, describe, relate all the events, the changes, the revolutioua which took place in the inner-man ; and when he had reached the end, he would possess a history of the civilisation of the nation and the period he selected. — Guizot, Civilisation in Europe, p. 25. HISTORY has been revolutionised, within a hundred years in Germany, within sixty years in France, and that ly the study of their literatures. It was perceived that a work of literature is not a mere play of imagination, a solitary caprice of a heated brain, but a transcript of contemporary manners, a type of a certain kind of mind. It was con- cluded that one might retrace, from the monuments of literature, the style of man's feelings and thoughts for centuries back. The attempt was made, and it succeeded. Pondering on these modes of feeling and thought, men decided that in them were embalmed facts of the highest kind. They saw that these facts bore reference to the most important occurrences, that they explained and were explained by them, that it was necessary thence- forth to give them a rank, and a most important rank, in history. This rank they have received, and from that moment history has undergone a complete change: in its subject-matter, its system, its machinery, the appreciation of laws and of causes. It is this change, as it has hap* pened and must still happen, that we shall here endeavour to exhibit. L What is your first remark on turning over the great, stiff leaves of a folio, the yellow sheets of a manuscript, — a poem, a code of laws, a declaration of I'aith ? This, you say, was not created alone. It is but a mould, like a fossil shell, an imprint, like one of those shapes em- bossed in stone by an animal which lived and perished. Under the shell there was an animal, and behind the document there was a man, Why do you study the shell, except to represent to yourself the animal? So do you study the document only in order to know the man. Th« ▲ 2 I.NTRODUCTIUiN. shell and t\ie document are lifeless wrecks, valuable only as a clue te the entire and living existence. We must reach back to this exis- tence, endeavour to re-create it. It is a mistake to study the docu- ment, as if it were isolated. This were to treat things like a simple pedant, to fall into the error of the bibliomaniac. Behind all, we have neither mytliology nor languages, but only men, who arrange words and itnagery according to the necessities of their organs and the criglnal bent of tlieir intellects. A dogma is nothing in itself; look at the people who have made it, — a portrait, for instance, rn in the pros i>nceof the King or Queen. On that head consult ^-^t. Simon and tlip IJNTRODUCTIO^. g engravings of P^relle, as for the present age you have consulted Balzac and the water-colours of Eugene Lami. Similarly, when we read a Greek tragedy, our first care should be to realise to ourselves the Greeks, that is, the men who live half naked, in the gymnasia, or in the public squares, under a glowing sky, face to face with the most noble landscapes, bent on making their bodies nimble and strong, on con- versing, discussing, voting, carrying on patriotic piracies, but for the rest lazy and temperate, with three urns for their furniture, two an- chovies in a jar of oil for their food, waited on by skives, so as to give them leisure to cultivate their understanding and exercise tlieir limbs, with no desire beyond that of having the most beautiful town, the most beautiful processions, the most beautiful ideas, the most beautiful men. On this subject, a statue such as the Meleager, or the Theseus of the Parthenon, or still more, the sight of the Mediterranean, blue and lustrous as a silken tunic, and islands arising from it like masses of marble, and added tc> these, twenty select phrases from Plato and Aristophanes, will teach voii much more than a multitude of disserta- tions and commentaries. And so again, in order to understand an Indian Purana, begin by imagining to yourself the father of a family, who, ' having seen a son on his son's knees,' retires, according to the law, into solitude, witli an axe and a pitcher, under a banana tree, by the river-side, talks no more, adds fast to fast, dwells naked between four fires, and under a fifth, the terrible sun, devouring and renewing without end all things living; who step by step, for weeks at a time, fixes his imagination upon the feet of Brahma, next upon his knee, next upon his thigh, next upon his navel, and so on, until, beneath the strain of this intense meditation, hallucinations begin to appear, until all the forms of existence, mingled and transformed the one with the other, quaver before a sight dazzled and giddy, until the motionless man, catching in his breath, with fixed gaze, beholds the universe vanishing like a smoke beyond the universal and void Being into which he aspires to be absorbed. To this end a voyage to India would be the best instructor; or for want of better, the accounts of travellers, books of geography, botany, ethnology, will serve their turn. In each case the search must be the same. A language, a legislation, a catechism, is never more than an abstract thing : the complete thing is the man who acts, the man corporeal and visible, who eats, walks, fights, labours. Leave on one side the theory and the mechanism of constitutions, religions and their systems, and try to see men in their workshops, in their ofiices, in their fields, with their sky and earth, their houses, their dress, cultivations, meals, as you do when, landing in England or Italy, you remark faces and motions, roads and inns, a citizen taking his walk, a workman drinking. Our great care should be to supply as much as possible the want of present, personal, direct, and sensible ob>;ervation which we can no longer practise; for it is the only meana Q^' knowing men. Let us make the past present ; in order to judge o^ 4 INTRODUCTION. a thiiig, it must be before us; there is no experience in respect of what IS absent. Doubtless this reconstruction is always incomplete ; it can produce only incomplete judgments; but to that we must resign our- selves. It is better to have an imperfect knowledge than a futile of false one; and there is no other means of acquainting ourselves ap- proximately with the events of other days, than to see approximately the men of other days. This is the first step in history: it was made in Europe at the new birth of imagination, toward the close of the last century, by Lessing, Walter Scott; a little later in France, by Chateaubriand, Augustm Thierry, Michelet, and others. And now for the second step. IL When you consider with your eyes the visible man, what do you look for ? The man invisible. The words which enter your ears, the gestures, the motions of his head, the clothes he wears, visible acts and deeds of every kind, are expressions merely ; somewhat is revealed beneath them, and that is a soul. An inner man is concealed beneath the outer man ; the second does but reveal the first. You look at hia house, furniture, dress ; and that in order to discover in them the marks of his habits and tastes, the degree of his refinement or rusticity, his extravagance or his economy, his stupidity or his cunning. You listen to his conversation, and you note the inflexions of his voice, the changes in his attitudes ; and that in order to judge of his intensity, his self- forgetfulness or his gaiety, his energy or his constraint. You consider his writings, his artistic productions, his business transactions or politi- cal ventures ; and that in order to measure the scope and limits of his intelligence, his inventiveness, his coolness, to find out the order, the description, the general force of his ideas, the mode in which he thinks and resolves. All these externals are but avenues converging to a centre ; you enter them simply in order to reach that centre ; and that centre is the genuine man, I mean that mass of faculties and feelings which are produced by the inner man. We have reached a new world, which is infinite, because every action which we see involves an infinite association of reasonings, emotions, sensations new and old, which have served to bring it to light, and which, like great rocks deep-seated ia the ground, find in it their end and their level. This underw^orld is a new subject-matter, proper to the historian. If his critical education suffice, he can lay bare, under every detail of architecture, every stroke in a picture, every phrase in a writing, the special sensation whence detail, stroke, or phrase had issue; he is present at the drama which was enacted in the soul of artist or writer ; the choice of a word, the brevity or length of a sentence, the nature of a metaphor, the accent of a verse, the development of an argument — everything is a symbol to him ; while his eyes read the text, his soul and mind pursue the con- tinuous development and the everchanging succession of the emoticina INTRODUCTION. g and conceptions out of which the text has sprung : in shorty he unveils a psychology. If you would observe this operation, consider the originator and model of contemporary culture, Goethe, who, before writing Iphigeniay employed day after day in designing the most finished statues, and who at last, his eyes filled with the noble forms of ancient scenery, his mind penetrated by the harmonious loveliness of antique liie, succeeded in reproducing so exactly in himself the peculiarities of the Greek imagination, that he gives us almost the twin sister of the Antigone of Sophocles, and the goddesses of Phidias. This precise and proved interpretation of past sensations has given to history, in our days, a second birth ; hardly anything of the sort was known to the preceding century. They thought men of every race and century were all but identical ; the Greek, the barbarian, the Hindoo, the man of the Restoration, and the man of the eighteenth century, as if they had been turned out of a common mould; and all in conformity to a certain abstract conception, which served for the whole human race. They knew man, but not men ; they had not penetrated to the soul ; they had not seen the infinite diversity and marvellous complexity of souls ; they did not know that the moral constitution of a people or an age is as particular and distinct as the physical structure of a family of plants or an order of animals. Now-a-days, history, like zoology, has found its anatomy; and whatever the branch of history to which you devote your- self, philology, linguistic lore, mythology, it is by these means you must strive to produce new fruit. Amid so many writers who, since the time of Herder, Ottfried MuUer, and Goethe, have continued and still improve this great method, let the reader consider only two historians and two works, Carlyle*s Cromwell^ and Sainte-Beuve's Port-Royal: he will see with what justice, exactness, depth of insight, one may discover a soul beneath its actions and its works ; how behind the old general, in place of a vulgar, hypocritical schemer, we recover a man travailing with the troubling reveries of a melancholic imagination, but with definite instincts and faculties, English to the core, strange and incomprehensible to one who has not studied the climate and the race ; how, with about a hundred meagre letters and a score of mutilated speeches, one may follow him from his farm and team, to the general's tent and to the Protector's throne, in his transmutation and develop- ment, in his pricks of conscience and his political conclusions, until the machinery of his mind and actions becomes visible, and the inner tragedy, ever changing and renewed, which exercised this great, dark- ling soul, passes, like one of Shakspeare's, through the soul of the looker on. He will see (in the other case) how, behind the squabbles of the monastery, or the contumacies of nuns, one may find a great province of human psychology ; how about fifty characters, that had been buried under the uniformity of a circumspect narrative, reappear in the light of day, each with its own specialty and its countless diversities ; how, beneath theological disquisitions and monotonous sermons, one can INTRODUCTION. unearth the beatings of ever-living hearts, the convulsions and apathies of monastic life, tlie unforeseen reassertions and wavy turmoil of nature, the inroads of surrounding worldliness, the intermittent victories of grace, with such a variety of overcloudings, that the most exhaustive description and the most elastic style can hardly gather the inexhaust^ ible harvest, which the critic has caused to spring up on this abandoned field. And so it is throughout. Germany, with its genius so pliant, »o liberal, so apt for transformation, so well calculated to reproduce the most remote and anomalous conditions of human thought ; England, with its intellect so precise, so well calculated to grapple closely with moral questions, to render them exact by figures, weights and measures, geography, statistics, by qaotation and by common sense ; France, with her Parisian culture, with her drawing-room manners, with her untiring analysis of characters and actions, her irony so ready to hit upon a weakness, her finesse so practised in the discrimination of shades of thought ; — all have worked the same soil, and one begins to understand that there is no region of history where it is not imperative to till this deep level, if one would see a serviceable harvest rise between the furrows. This is the second step ; we are in a fair way to its completion. It is the proper work of the contemporary critic. No one has done it so justly and grandly as Sainte-Beuve : in this respect we are all his pupils ; his method renews, in our days, in books, and even in news- papers, every kind of literary, of philosophical and religious criticism. From it we must set out in order to begin the further development. 1 have more than once endeavoured to indicate this development ; there is here, in my mind, a new path open to history, and I will try to describe it more in detail IIL When you have observed and noted in man one, two, three, then a multitude of sensations, does this suffice, or does your knowledge appear complete ? Is a book of observations a psychology ? It is no psycho- logy, and here as elsewhere the search for causes must come after the collection of facts. No matter if the facts be physical or moral, they all have tlieir causes ; there is a cause for ambition, for courage, for truth, as there is for digestion, for muscular movement, for animal heat Vice and virtue are products, like vitriol and sugar ; and every complex phenomenon has its springs from other more simple phenomena on which ii hangs. Let us then seek the simple phenomena for moral qualities, as we seek them for physical qualities ; and let us take the first fact that presents itself: for example, religious music, that of a Protestant Church. There is an inner cause which has turned the spirit of the faithful toward these grave and monotonous melodies, a cause oroader than its effect; I mean the general idea of the true, external worship which man owes to God. It is this which hai INTRODUCTION. 7 modelled the architecture of the temple, thrown down the statues, removed the pictures, destroyed the ornuments, curtailed the cere- monies, shut up the worshippers in high psws, which prevent them from seeing anything, and regulated the thousand details of decoration, posture, and the general surroundings. This itself comes from another more general cause, the idea of human conduct in all its comprehensive- ress, internal and external, prayers, actions, dispositions of every kind by which man is kept face to face with God; it is this which has en- throned doctrine and grace, lowered the clergy, transformed the sacra- ments, suppressed various practices, and changed religion from a discipline to a morality. This second idea in its turn depends upon a third still more general, that of moral perfection, such as is met with in the perfect God, the unerring judge, the stern watcher of souls, before whom every soul is sinful, worthy of punishment, incapable of virtue or salvation, except by the crisis of conscience which He pro- vokes, and the renewal of heart which He produces. That is the master idea, which consists in erecting duty into an absolute king of human life, and in prostrating all ideal models before a moral model. Here we track the root of man ; for to explain this conception it is necessary to consider race itself, that is, the German, the Northman, the structure of his character and intelligence, his general processes of thought and feeling, the sluggishness and coldness of sensation which prevent his falling easily and headlong under the sway of pleasure, the bluntness of his taste, the irregularity and revolutions of his conception, which arrest in him the birth of fair dispositions and harmonious forms, the disdain of appearances, the desire of truth, the attachment to bare and abstract ideas, which develop in him conscience, at the expense of all else. There the search is at an end ; we have arrived at a primitive disposition, at a trait proper to all sensations, to all the conceptions of a century or a race, at a particularity inseparable from all the motions of his intellect and his heart. Here lie the grand causes, for they are the universal and permanent causes, present at every moment and in every case, every- where and always acting, indestructible, and in the end infallibly supreme, since the accidents which thwart them, being limited and partial, end by yielding to the dull and incessant repetition of their force ; in such a manner that tha general structure of things, and the grantl features of events, are their work ; and religions, philosophies, poetries, industries, the framework of society and of families, are in fact only the imprints stamped by their seal. IV. There is then a system in human sentiments and ideas ; and this system has for its motive power certain general traits, certain marks of the intellect and the heart common to men of one race, age, or country. As in mineralogy the crystals, however diverse, spring from certain simple physical forms, so in history, civilisations, however diverse, arc 8 INTRODUCTION. Jerired from certain simple spiritual forms. The one are explained by a primitive geometrical element, as the others are by a primitive psychological element. In order to master the classification of minera- logical systems, we must first consider a regular and general solid, it« sides and angles, and observe in this the numberless transformations of "which it is capable. So, if you would realise the system of historical varieties, consider first a human soul generally, with its. two or three fundamental faculties, and in this compendium you will perceive the principal forms which it can present. After all, this kind of ideal picture, geometrical as well as psychclogical, is hardly complex, and one speedily sees the limits of the outline in which civilisations, like crystals, are constrained to exist. What do we find, at first sight, in man? Images or representa- tions of things, something, that is, which floats within him, exists for a time, is effaced, and returns again, after he has been looking upon a tree, an animal, any sensible object. This is the subject-matter, the development whereof is double, either speculative or practical, accord- ing as the representations resolve themselves into a general conception or an active resolution. Here we have the whole of man in an abridg- ment ; and in this limited circle human diversities meet, sometimes in the womb of the primordial matter, sometimes in the twofold primordial development. However minute in their elements, they are enormous in the aggregate, and the least alteration in the factors produces vast alteration in the results. According as the representation is clear and as it were cut out by machinery or confused and faintly defined, accord- ing as it embraces a great or small number of the marks of the object, according as it is violent and accompanied by impulses, or quiet and surrounded by calm, all the operations and processes of the human machine are transformed. So, again, according as the ulterior develop- ment of the representation varies, the whole human development varies. If the general conception in which it results is a mere dry notation (in Chinese fashion), language becomes a sort of algebra, religion and poetry dwindle, philosophy is reduced to a kind of moral and practical common sense, science to a collection of formulas, classifications, utili- tarian mnemonics, and the whole intellect takes a positive bent. If, on the contrary, the general representation in which the conception results is a poetical and figurative creation, a living symbol, as among the Aryan races, language becomes a sort of cloudy and coloured word- stage, in which every word is a person, poetry and religioa assume a magnificent and inextinguishable grandeur, metaphysics are widely and subtly developed, without regard to positive applications ; the whole intellect, in spite of the inevitable deviations and shortcomings of its effort, is smitten with the beautiful and the sublime, and conceives an ideal capable by its nobleness and its harmony of rallying round it the tenderness and enthusiasm of the human race. If, again, the general oonception in which the representation results is poetical but not pre- INTRODUCTION. 9 cisc ; if man arrives at it not by a continuous process, but by a quicfe intuition ; if the original operation is not a regular development, but a violent explosion, — then, as with the Semitic races, metaphysics are absent, religion conceives God only as a king solitary and devouring, science cannot grow, the intellect is too rigid and complete to reproduce the delicate operations of nature, poetry can give birth only to vehement and grandiose exclamations, language cannot unfold the web of argu- ment and of eloquence, man is reduced to a lyric enthusiasm, an un- checked passion, a fanatical and constrained action. In this interval between the particular representation and the universal conception are found the germs of the greatest human differences. Some races, as the classical, pass from the first to the second by a graduated scale of ideas, regularly arranged, and general by degrees ; others, as the Germanic, traverse the same ground by leaps, without uniformity, after vague and prolonged groping. Some, like the Romans and English, halt at the first steps ; others, like the Hindoos and Germans, mount to the last. If, again, after considering the passage from the representation to the idea, we consider that from the representation to the resolution, we find elementary differences of the like importance and the like order, according as the impression is sharp, as in southern climates, or dull, as in northern ; according as it results in instant action, as among bar- barians, or slowly, as in civilised nations ; as it is capable or not of growth, inequality, persistence, and connections. The whole network of human passions, the chances of peace and public security, the sources of toil and action, spring from hence. Other primordial differences there are : their issues embrace an entire civilisation ; and we may com- pare them to those algebraical formulas which, in a narrow limit, con- tain in advance the whole curve of which they form the law. Not that this law is always developed to its issue ; there are perturbing forces ; but when it is so, it is not that the law was false, but that its action was impeded. New elements become mingled with the old ; great forces from without counteract the primitive. The race emigrates, like the Aryan, and the change of climate has altered in its case the whole economy, intelligence, and organisation of society. The people has been conquered, like the Saxon nation, and a new political structure has imposed on it customs, capacities, and inclinations which it had not. The nation has installed itself in the midst of a conquered people, down- trodden and threatening, like the ancient Spartans; and the necessity of living like troops in the field has violently distorted in an unique direction the whole moral and social constitution. In each case, the mechanism of human history is the same. One continually finds, as the original mainspring, some very general disposition of mind aid soul, innate and appended by nature to the race, or acquired and produced by some circumstance acting upon the race. These mainsprings, oncfl admitted, produce their effect gradually : I mean that after some cen* turies they bring the nation into a new condition, religious, literary, 10 .INTRODUCTION. social, economic ; a new condition which, combined with their renewed effort, produces another condition, sometimes good, sometimes bad, sometimes slowly, sometimes quickly, and so forth ; so that we may regard the whole progress of each distinct civilisation as the effect of a permanent force which, at every stage, varies its operation by modify* iog the circumstances of its action. V. Three different sources contribute to produce this elementary moral itate — the racCj the surroundings^ and the epoch. What we call the race are the innate and hereditary dispositions which man brings with him to the light, and which, as a rule, are united with the marked differ- ences in the temperament and structure of the body. They vary with various peoples. There is a natural variety of men, as of oxen and horses, some brave and intelligent, some timid and dependent, some capable of superior conceptions and creations, some reduced to rudi- mentary ideas and inventions, some more specially fitted to special works, and gifted more richly with particular instincts, as we meet with species of dogs better favoured than others, — these for hunting, these for fighting, these for the chase, these again for house-dogs or shepherds' dogs. We have here a distinct force, — so distinct, that amidst the vast deviations which the other two motive forces produce in him, one can recognise it still ; and a race, like the old Aryans, scattered from the Ganges as far as the Hebrides, settled in every clime, spread over every grade of civilisation, transformed by thirty centuries of revolutions, nevertheless manifests in its tongues, religions, literatures, philosophies, the community of blood and of intellect which to this day binds its off- shoots together. Different as they are, their parentage is not oblite- rated; barbarism, culture and grafting, differences of sky and soil, fortunes good and bad, have laboured in vain : the great marks of the original model have remained, and we find again the two or three principal lineaments of the primitive imprint underneath the secondary imprints which time has stamped above them. There is nothing aston- ishing in this extraordinary tenacity. Although the vastness of the distance lets us but half perceive — and by a doubtful light— the origin of species,^ the events of history sufficiently illumine the events anterior to history, to explain the almost immovable stedfastnei's of the primordial marks. When we meet with them, fifteen, twenty, thirty centuries before our era, in an Aryan, an Egyptian, a Chinese, they represent the work of several myriads of centuries. For as soon as an animal begins to exist, it has to reconcile itself with its surround- ings ; it breathes after a new fashion, renews itself, is differently affected according to the new changes in air, food, temperature. Dif- ferent climate and situation bring it various needs, and consequently ' Darwin, The Origin of Species. Prosper Lucas, de VHcreditL IJS'JiJODUCTlON. 1] a diffeient course of actions; and this, again, a different «et of habits; «nd still again, a different set of aptitudes and instincts. Man, forced to accommodate himself to circumstances, contracts a temperament and a character corresponding to them ; and his character, like his tempera ment, is so much more stable, as the external impression is made upon him by more numerous repetitions, and is transmitted to his progeny by a more ancient descent. So that at any moment we may consider the character of a people as an abridgment of all its preceding actions and sensations ; that is, as a quantity and as a weight, not infinite,* since everything in nature is finite, but disproportioned to the rest, and almost impossible to lift, since every moment of an almost infinite past has contributed to increase it, and because, in order to raise the scale, one must place in the opposite scale a still greater number of actions and sensations. Such is the first and richest source of these master- faculties from which historical events take their rise ; and one sees at the outset, that if it be powerful, it is because this is no simple spring, but a kind of lake, a deep reservoir wherein other springs have, for a multitude of centuries, discharged their several streams. Having thus outlined the interior structure of a race, we must con- sider the surroundings in which it exists. For man is not alone in the world ; nature surrounds him, and his fellow-men surround him ; acci- dental and secondary tendencies come to place themselves on his primi- tive tendencies, and physical or social circumstances disturb or confirm the character committed to their charge. In course of time the climate has had its effect. Though we can follow but obscurely the Aryan peoples from their common fatherland to their final countries, we can yet assert that the profound differences which are manifest between the German races on the one side, and the Greek and Latin on the other arise for the most part from the difference between the countries in which they are settled : some in cold moist lands, deep in black marshy forests or on the shores of a wild ocean, caged in by melancholy or violent sensations, prone to drunkenness and gluttony, bent on a fight- ing, blood-spilling life ; others, again, within a lovely landscape, on a bright and laughing sea-coast, enticed to navigation and commerce, exempt from gross cravings of the stomach, inclined from the beginning to social ways, to a settled organisation of the state, to feelings and dispo- sitions such as develop the art of oratory, the talent for enjoyment, the inventions of science, letters, arts. Sometimes the state policy has been at work, as in the two Italian civilisations : the first wholly turned to action, conquest, government, legislation, by the original site of its city of refuge, by its border-land emporium, by an armed aristocracy, who, by inviting and drilling the strangers and the conquered, presently set face to face two hostile armies, having no escape from its internal dis- cords and its greedy instincts but in systematic warfare ; the other, shut ' Spinoza. Ethics, Part iv. axiom. 12 INTRODUCTION. out from unity and any great political ambition by the stability of iti municipal character, the cosmopolitan condition of its pope, and the military intervention of neighbouring nations, directed the whole of its magnificent, harmonious bent towards the worship of pleasure and beauty. Sometimes the social conditions have impressed their mark, as eighteen centuries ago by Christianity, and twenty-five centuriea ago by Buddhism, when around the Mediterran«Ran, as in HiadoostaOj the extreme results of Aryan conquest and civilisation induced at intolerable oppression, the subjugation of the individual, utter despair, a curse upon the world, with the development of metaphysics and myth, so that man in this dungeon of misery, feeling his heart softened, begot the idea of abnegation, charity, tender love, gentleness, humility^ brotherly love — there, in a notion of universal nothingness, here under the Fatherhood of God. Look around you upon the regulating in* stincts and faculties implanted in a race — in short, the mood of intelli- gence in which it thinks and acts at the present time : you will discover most often the work of some one of these prolonged situations, these surrounding circumstances, persistent and gigantic pressures, brought to bear upon an aggregate of men who, singly and together, from genera* tion to generation, are continually moulded and modelled by theii action; in Spain, an eight-century crusade against the Mussulmans, protracted even beyond and until the exhaustion of the nation by the expulsion of the Moors, the spoliation of the Jews, the establishment of the Inquisition, the Catholic wars ; in England, a political establishment of eight centuries, which keeps a man erect and respectful, in indepen- dence and obedience, and accustoms him to strive unitedly, under the authority of the law ; in France, a Latin organisation, which, imposed first upon docile barbarians, then shattered in the universal crash, is reformed from within under a lurking conspiracy of the national instinct, is developed under hereditary kings, ends in a sort of egality- republic, centralised, administrative, under dynasties exposed to revo- lution. These are the most efficacious of the visible causes which mould the primitive man : they are to nations what education, career, conditio n^ abode, are to individuals; and they seem to comprehend every- thing, since they comprehend all external powers Avhich shape huma» matter, and by which the external acts on the internal. There is yet a third rank of causes ; for, with the forces within and without, there is the work which they have already produced together, and this work itself contributes to produce that which follows. Beside the permanent impulse and the given surroundings, there is the ac- quired momentum. When the national character and surrounding circumstances operate, it is not upon a tabula rasa, but on a ground on which marks are already impiessed. According as one takes the ground at one moment or another, the imprint is diiferent ; and this ia the cause that the total effect is different. Consider, for instance, twa epochs of a literature or an art, — French tragedy under Corneille ani INTRODUCTION. JS under Voltaire, the Greek drama under ^Eschylus and under Euripides, Italian painting under da Vinci and under Guido. Truly, at either of these two extreme points the general idea has not changed; it is always the same human type which is its subject of representation or painting; the mould of verse, the structure of the drama, the form of body has endured. But among several differences there is this, that the one artist is the precursor, the other the successor ; the first has no model, tlie second has ; the first sees objects face to face, the second sees them through the first ; that many great branches of art are lost, many details are perfected, that simplicity and grandeur of impression have diminished, pleasing and refined forms have increased, — in short, that the first work has outlived the second. So it is with a people as with li plant ; the same sap, under the same temperature, and in the same soil, produces, at diiTerent steps of its progressive development, different formations, buds, flowers, fruits, seed-vessels, in such a manner that the one which follows has always the first for its condition, and grows from its death. And if now you consider no longer a brief epoch, as our V'Avn time, but one of those wide intervals which embrace one or more ;enturies, like the middle ages, or our last classic age, the conclusion will be similar. A certain dominant idea has had sway ; men, for two, for five hundred years, have taken to tliemselves a certain ideal model of man : in the middle ages, the knight and the monk ; in our classic age, the courtier, the man who speaks well. This creative and universal idea is displayed over the whole field of action and thought ; and after covering the world with its works, involuntarily systematic, it has faded, it has died away, and lo, a new idea springs up, destined to a like domination, and the like number of creations. And here re- member that the second depends in part upon the first, and that the first, uniting its effect with those of national genius and surrounding circumstances, imposes on each new creation its bent and direction. The great historical currents are formed after this law — the long domi- nations of one intellectual pattern, or a master idea, such as the period of spontaneous creations called the Renaissance, or the period of ora- torical models called the Classical Age, or the series of mystical com- positions called the Alexandrian and Christian eras, or the series of mythological efflorescences which we meet with in the infancy of the German people, of the Indian and the Greek. Here as elsewhere we have but a mechanical problem ; the total effect is a result, depending entirely on t.he magnitude and direction of the producing causes. The only difference which separates these moral problems from physical ones is, that the magnitude and direction cannot be valued or computed in the first as in the second. If a need or a faculty is a quantity, capable of degrees, like a pressure or a weight, this quantity is not measurable like the pressure or the weight. We cannot define it in an exact or approximative formula ; we cannot have more, or give more, in respect of it, than a literary impression ; we are limited to marking and quot 14 INTRODUCTION. ing the salient points by -which it is manifested, and which indicate approximately and roughly the part of the scale which is its position. But though the means of notation are not the same in the moral and physical sciences, yet as in both the matter is the same, equally made up of forces, magnitudes, and directions, we may say that in both the final result is produced after the same meth<7 1. It is great or small, af the fundamental forces are great or small and act more or less exactly in the same sense, according as the distinct effects of race, circura* Etance, and epoch, combine to add the one to the other, or to annul one another. Thus are explained the long impotences and the brilliant triumphs which make their appearance irregularly and without visible cause in the life of a people ; they are caused by internal concords or con- trarieties. There was such a concord when in the seventeenth century the sociable character and the conversational aptitude, innate in France, encountered the drawing-room manners and the epoch of oratorical ana- lysis ; when in the nineteenth century the profound and elastic genius of Germany encountered the age of philosophical compositions and of cos- mopolitan criticism. There was such a contrariety when in the seven- teenth century the rude and lonely English genius tried blunderingly to adopt a novel politeness ; when in the sixteenth century the lucid and prosaic French spirit tried vainly to cradle a living poetry. That hidden concord of creative forces produced the finished urbanity and the noble and regular literature under Louis xiv. and Bossuet, the grand metaphysics and broad critical sympathy of Hegel and Goethe. That hidden contrariety of creative forces produced the imperfect literature, the scandalous comedy, the abortive drama under Dry den and Wycherley, the vile Greek importations, the groping elaborate efforts, the scant half-graces under Ronsard and the Pleiad. So much we can say with confidence, that the unknown creations towards which the current of the centuries conducts us, will be raised up and regu- lated altogether by the three primordial forces; that if these forces could be measured and computed, one might deduce from them as from a formula the specialties of future civilisation ; and that if, in spite of the evident crudeness of our notations, and the fundamental inexact- ness of our measures, we try now to form some idea of our general destiny, it is upon an examination of these forces that we must ground oar prophecy. For in enumerating them, we traverse the complete circle of the agencies ; and when we have considered race, circumstance, and epoch, which are the internal mainsprings, the external pressure, and the acquired momentum, we have exhausted not only the whole of the actual causes, but also the whole of the possible causes of motion. VI. It remains for us to examine how these causes, when applied to a nation or an age, produce their results. As a rivulet falling from a height spreads its streams, according to the depth of the descent, staga INTRODCj._;TIOJ^ 15 after stage, until it readies the lowest level tf the soil, bo tie disposi- tion of intellect or soul impressed on a people by race, circumstance, or epoch, spreads in different proportions and by regular descents, down the diverse orders of facts which make up its civilisation.^ If we arrange the map of a country, starting from the watershed, we find that below this common point the streams are divided into five or six principal basins, then each of these into several secondary basins, and so on, until the whole country with its thousand details is included in the ramifications of this network. So, if we arrange the psychological map of the events and sensations of a human civilisation, we find first of all five or six well-defined provinces — religion, art, philosophy, the state, the family, the industries ; then in each of these provinces natural departments ; and in each of these, smaller territories, until we arrive at the numberless details of life such as may be observed within and around us every day. If now we examine and compare these diverse groups of facts, we find first of all that they are made up of parts, and that all have parts in common. Let us take first the three chief works of human intelligence — religion, art, philosophy. What is a philosophy but a conception of nature and its primordial causes, imder the form of abstractions and formularies ? What is there at the bottom of a religion or of an art but a conception of this same nature and of these same causes, under form of symbols more or less concise, and person- ages more or less marked ; with this difference, that in the first we believe that they exist, in the second we believe that they do not exist ? Let the reader consider a few of the great creations of the intelligence in India, Scandinavia, Persia, Rome, Greece, and he will see that, throughout, art is a kind of philosophy made sensible, religion a poem taken for true, philosophy an art and a religion dried up, and reduced to simple ideas. There is therefore, at the core of each of these three groups, a common element, the conception of the world and its principles ; and if they differ among themselves, it is because each combines Avith the common, a distinct element: now the power of abstraction, again the power to personify and to believe, and finally the ].ower to personify and not believe. Let us now take the two chief works of human association, the family and the state. What forms the slate but a sentiment of obedience, by which the many unite under the authority of a chief? And what forms the family but the sentiment of obedience, by which wife and children act under the direction of a father and husband ? The family is a natural state, primitive and restrained, as the stiite is an artificial family, ulterior and expanded ; and amongst the differences arising from the number, origin, and condition of its members, we discover ia the small society as in the great, a like dis- * For this scale of co-ordinate effects, consult Renan, Langues Semitiques, eh. 1. ; Mommsen, Comparison between the Greek and Roman Civilisations, eh. ii. vol i ;]d ed. : Tocqueville, Consequences de la Democratie en Ameriqiie, vol. iii. 16 INTRODUCTIOX. position of tlie fundamental intelligence whicli assimilatf* and \initei them. Now suppose that this element receives from circumstance, race, or epoch certain special marks, it is clear that all the groups into which it enters, will be modified proportionately. If the sentiment of obedience is merely fear,^ you will find, as in most Oriental states, a brutal despotism, exaggerated punishment, oppression of the subject, servility of manners, insecurity of property, an impoverished produc- tion, the slavery of women, and the customs of the harem. If the sentiment of obedience has its root in the instinct of order, sociality, and honour, you will find, as in France, a perfect military organisation, a fine administrative hierarchy, a want of public spirit with occasional jerks of patriotism, ready docility of the subject with a revolutionary impatience, the cringing courtier with the counter-efforts of the genuine man, the refined sympathy betAveen conversation and society on the one hand, and the worry at the fireside and among the family on the other, the equality of the married with the incompleteness of the married state, under the necessary constraint of the law. If, again, the senti- ment of obedience has its root in the instinct of subordination and the idea of duty, you will find, as among the Germans, security and happiness in the household, a solid basis of domestic life, a tardy and incomplete development of society, an innate respect for established dignities, a superstitious reverence for the past, the keeping up of social inequalities, natural and habitual regard for the law. So in a race, according as the aptitude for general ideas varies, religion, art, and philosophy vary. If man is naturally inclined to the widest uni- versal conceptions, and apt to disturb them at the same time by the nervous delicacy of his over-sensitive organisation, you will find, as in India, an astonishing abundance of gigantic religious creations, a glow- ing outgrowth of vast and transparent epic poems, a strange tangle ol subtle and imaginative philosophies, all so well interwoven, and sc penetrated with a common essence, as to be instantly recognised, by their breadth, their colouring, and their want of order, as the products of the same climate and the same intelligence. If, on the other hana, a man naturally staid and balanced in mind limits of his own accord the scope of his ideas, in order the better to define their form, you will find, as in Greece, a theology of artists and tale-tellers ; distinctive gods, •oon considered distinct from things, and transformed, almost at the outset, into recognised personages ; the sentiment of universal unity all but effaced, and barely preserved in the vague notion of Destiny ; a philosophy rather close and delicate than grand and systematic, con- lined to a lofty metaphysics,^ but incomparable for logic, sophistry, *■ 1 ' Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, Principes des trois gouvernementa. ' The Alexandrian philosophy had its birth from the West. The metaphys leal notions of Aristotle are isolated ; moreover, with him as with Plato, thej are but a sketch. By way of contrast consider the systeraatic vigour of Plo INTRODUCTION. 17 and morals ; poetry and arts superior for clearness, spirit, scope, truth, and beauty to all that have ever been known. If, once more, man, reduced to narrow conceptions, and deprived of all speculative refine- ment, is at the same time altogether absorbed and straitened by practical occupations, you will find, as in Rome, rudimentary deities, mere hollow names, serving to designate the trivial details of agri- culture, generation, household concerns, etiquettes in fact of marriage, of the farm, producing a mythology, a philosophy, a poetrj^, either worth nothing or borrowed. Here, as everywhere, the law of mutual dependence^ comes into play. A civilisation forms a body, and its parts are connected with each other like the parts of an organic body. As in an animal, instincts, teeth, limbs, osseous structure, muscular envelope, are mutually connected, so that a change in one produces a corresponding change in the rest, and a clever naturalist can by a process of reasoning reconstruct out of a few fragments almost the whole body; even so in a civilisation, religion, philosophy, the organisation of the family, literature, the arts, make up a system in which every local change induces a general change, so that an experienced historian, studying some particular part of it, sees in ad- vance and half predicts the character of the rest. There is nothing vague in this interdependence. In the living body the regulator is, first, its tendency to manifest a certain primary type ; then its necessity for organs whereby to satisfy its wants, and for harmony with itself in order that it may live. In a civilisation, the regulator is the presence, in every great human creation, of a productive element, present also in other surrounding creations, — to wit, some faculty, aptitude, disposition, effective and discernible, which, being possessed of its proper character, introduces it into all the operations in which it assists, and, according to its variations, causes all the works in which it co-operates to vary also. vn. At this point we can obtain a glimpse of t!ie principal features of human transformations, and begin to search for the general laws which regulate, not events only, but classes of events, not such and such religion or literature, but a group of literatures or religions. If, for instance, it were admitted that a religion is a metaphysical poem, accom- panied by a belief; and remarking at the same time that there are cer- tain epochs, races, and circumstances in which belief, the poetical and metaphysical faculty, are combined with an unwonted vigour; if we consider that Christianity and Buddhism were produced at periods of tinus, Proclus, Schelling, and Hegel, or the admirable boldness of brahminicoa and buddhistic speculation. ' I have endeavoured on several occasions to give expression to this law nota]>ly in the preface to Ensaia de Gritioue et d'Histoire. IS INTRODUCTION. grand productions, and amid such miseries as raised up the fnnrific» of the Cevennes; if we recognise, on the other hand, that primitive rehgions are born at the awakening of human reason, durii^g the richest blossoming of human imagination, at a time of the fairest artlessnesi and tlie greatest creduUty ; if we consider, also, that Mohammedanism appeared with the dawning of poetic prose, and the conception of national unity, amongst a people destitute of science, at a period of sudden development of the intellect, — we might then conclude that a religion is born, declines, is reformed and transformed according as circum- gtances confirm and combine with more or less exactitude and force its throe generative instincts ; and we should understand why it is endemic ill India, amidst imaginative, philosophic, eminently fanatic brains; why it blossomed forth so strangely and grandly in the middle ages, amidst an oppressive organisation, new tongues and literatures; why it waa aroused in the sixteenth century with a new character and heroic enthu- siasm, amid universal regeneration, and during the awakening o^ ihe German races ; why it breaks out into eccentric sects amid the rude American democracy, and under the bureaucratic Russian despotism ; why, in fine, it is spread, at the present day, over Europe in such dif- ferent dimensions and such various characteristics, according to the differences of race and civilisation. And so for every kind of human production — for literature, music, the fine arts, philosophy, science, statecraft, industries, and the rest. Each of these has for its direct cause a moral disposition, or a combination of moral dispositions : the cause given, they appear; the cause withdrawn, they vanish: the weakness or intensity of the cause measures their weakness or intensity. They are bound up with their causes, as a physical phenomenon with its condition, as the dew with the fall of the variable temperature, as dilatation with heat. There are such dualities in the moral as in the physical world, as rigorously bound together, and as universally ex- tended in the one as in the other. Whatever in the one case pro- duces, alters, suppresses the first term, produces, alters, suppresses the second as a necessary consequence. Whatever lowers the temperature, deposits the dew. Whatever develops credulity side by side with poetical thoughts, engenders religion. Thus phenomena have been produced; thus they will be produced. As soon as we know the sufEcient and necessary condition of one of these vast occurrences, our understanding grasps the future as we^ as the past. We can say with confidence in what circumstances it will reappear, foresee without rashness many portions of its future history, and sketch with care some features of its ulterior development. vni. History is now upon, or perhaps almost upon this footing, that It must proceed after such a method of research. The question pro- pounded now-a-days is of this kind. Given a literature, philosophy. INTRODUCTION. I9 society, art, group of arts, what is the moral condition which produced it? what the condUions of race, epoch, circvunstance, the most fitted to produce tliis moral condition ? There is a distinct moral condition for each of these formations, and for each of their branches ; one for art in general, one for each kind of art — for architecture, painting, sculpture, rausic, poetry ; each has its special germ in the wide field of human psychology ; each has its law, and it is by virtue of this law tliat we see it raised, by chance, as it seems, wholly alone, amid the miscarriage of its nt (t hbours, like painting in Flanders and Holland in the seventeenth century, poetry in England in the sixteenth, music in Germany in the eighteenth. At this moment, and in these countries, the conditions have been fulfilled for one art, not for others, and a single branch has budded in the general barrenness. For these rules of human growth must history search ; with the special psychology of each special formation it must occupy itself; the finished picture of these characteristic conditions it must now labour to compose. No task is more delicate or more diffi- cult; Montesquieu tried it, but in his time history was too new to admit of his success ; they had not yet even a suspicion of the road necessary to be travelled, and hardly now do we begin to catch sight of it. Just as in its elements astronomy is a mechanical and physiology a chemical problem, so history in its elements is a psychological problem. There is a particular inner system of impressions and opera- tions which makes an artist, a believer, a musician, a painter, a wan- derer, a man of society; and of each the affiliation, the dej tb, the independence of ideas and emotions, are different : each has its moral history and its special structure, with some governing disposition and some dominant feature. To explain each, it would be necessary to write a chapter of esoteric analysis, and barely yet has such a method been rudely sketched. One man alone, Stendhal, with a singular bent of mind and a singular education, has undertaken it, and to this day the majority of readers find his books paradoxical and obscure : his talent and his ideas were premature ; his admirable divinations were not understood, any more than his profound sayings thrown out cur- sorily, or the astonishing justness of his perception and of his logic It was not perceived that, under the exterior of a conversationalist and a man of the world, he explained the most complicated of esoteric mechanisms ; that he laid his finger on the mainsprings ; that he intro- duced into the history of the heart scientific processes, the art of nota- tion, decomposition, deduction ; that he first marked the fundamental causes of nationality, climate, temperament ; in short, that he treated of sentiments as they should be treated, — in the manner of the naturalist, namely, and of the natural philosopher, who constructs classifications and weighs forces. For this very reason he was considered dry and eccentric: he remained solitary, writing novels, voyages, notes, for which he sought and obtained a score of readers. And yet we find is 20 INTRODUCTION. his books at the present day essays the most suitable to open the path which I have endeavoured to describe. No one has better taught us how to open our eyes and see, to see first the men that surround us and the life that is present, then the ancient and authentic documents, to read between the black and white lines of the pages, to recognise under the old impression, under the scribbling of a text, the precise sentiment, the movement of ideas, the state of mind in which they were written. In his writings, in Sriinte-Beuve, in the German critics, the reader will see all the wealth that may be drawn from a literary work : when the work is rich, and one knows how to interpret it, we find there tha psychology of a soul, frequently of an age, now and then of a race. In this light, a great poem, a fine novel, the confessions of a superior man, are more instructive than a heap of historians with their histories. I would give fifty volumes of charters and a hundred volumes of state- papers for the memoirs of Cellini, the epistles of St. Paul, the Table- talk of Luther, or the comedies of Aristophanes. In this consists the importance of literary works : they are instructive because they are beautiful ; their utility grows with their perfection ; and if they furnish documents, it is because they are monuments. The more a book repre- sents visible sentiments, the more it is a work of literature ; for the proper ofiSce of literature is to take note of sentiments. The more a book represents important sentiments, the higher is its place in literature; for it is by representing the mode of being of a whole nation and a whole age, that a writer rallies round hira the sympathies of an entire age and an entire nation. This is why, amid the writings which set before our eyes the sentiments of preceding generations, a literature, and notably a grand literature, is incomparably the best. It resembles that admirable apparatus of extraordinary sensibiUty, by which phy- sicians disentangle and measure the most recondite and delicate changes of a body. Constitutions, religions, do not approach it in importance ; the articles of a code and of a catechism only show us the spirit roughly and without delicacy. If there are any writings in which politics and dogma are full of life, it is in the eloquent discourses of the pulpit and the tribune, memoirs, unrestrained confessions ; and all this belongs to literature: so that, in addition to itself, it has all the advantage of other works. It is then chiefly by the study of literatures that one may construct a moral history, and advance toward the knowledge of psychological laws, from which events spring. I am about to write the history of a literature, and to seek in it for the psychology of a people : if I have chosen this one in particular, it is not without a reason, I had to find a people Avith a grand and complete literature, and this is rare : there are few nations who have, during their whole existence, really thought and written. Among the ancients, the Latin literature is worth nothing at the outset, then bor- rowed and imitative. Among the moderns, German literature is almo^ INTRODUCTION. 31 wanting (or two centuries.* Italian literature and Spanish literature end at the middle of the seventeenth century. Onlj ancient Greece, modern France and England, offer a complete series of great significant monuments. I have chosen England, because being yet alive, and subject to direct examination, it may be better studied than a destroyed civ^ilisation, of which we retain but the scraps, and because^ being different from France, it has in the eyes of a Frenchman a more distinct character. Besides, there is a peculiarity in this civilisation, that apart from its spontaneous development, it presents a forced deviation, it has suffered the last and most effectual of all conquests, and that the three giounds whence it has sprung, race, climate, the Norman invasion, may be observed in its remains with perfect exactness ; so well, that we may examine in this history the two most powerful moving springs of human transformation, natural bent and constraining force, and we may examine them without uncertainty or gap, in a series of authentic and unmutilated memorials. I have endeavoured to define these primary springs, to exhibit their gradual effects, to explain how they have ended by bringing to light great political, religious, and literary works, and by developing the recondite mechanism whereby the Saxon barbarian has been transformed into the Englishman of to-day. From 1550 to 1760, HISTOEY OF ENGLISH LITERATUKE. BOOK I. THE SOURCE. CHAPTER I. The Saxons. 1 The old country— Soil, sea, sky, climate— The new country — A moisf land and a thankless soil — Influence of climate on character. II The bodily structure — Food — Manners — Uncultivated instincts, German and English. III. Noble instincts in Germany — The individual — The family — The state — Religion — The Edda — Tragi-heroic conception of the world and of man- kind. IV. Noble instincts in England — ^Warrior and chieftain — Wife and husband — The poem of Beowulf — Barbarian society and the barbarian hero. V, Pagan poems — Kind and force of sentiments — Bent of mind and speech— Force of impression ; harshness of expression. VI. Christian poems — "Wherein the Saxons are predisposed to Christianity — How converted— Their view of Christianity — Hymns of Csedmon— Funeral h3rmn — Poem of Judith — Paraphrase of the Bible. VII. Wliy Latin culture took no hold on the Saxons — Reasons drawn from the Saxon conquest — Bede, Alcuin, Alfred — Translations — Chronicles — Compilations — Impotence of Latin writers — Reasons drawn from the Saxon character — Adhelm — Alcuin — Latin verse — Poetic dialogues — Bad taste of the Latin writers. VIII. Contrast of German and Latin races — Character of the Saxon race— Ita endurance under the Norman conquest. AS you coast the North Sea from the Scheldt to Jutland, you will mark in the first place that the characteristic feature is the want of slope ; marsh, waste, shoal ; the rivers hardly drag themselves along, swollen and sluggish, with long, black-looking waves; the flooding stream oozes over the banks, and appears beyond them in stagnant pools. In Holland the soil is but a sediment of mud ; here and there only does the earth cover it with a crust of mire, shallow and brittle- *be mere anuviuni of the river, which the river Boems ever ready i'" iii THE SOURCE. [BOOK I destroy. Thict mists hover above, being fed by ceaseless exhalations. They lazily turn their violet flanks, grow black, suddenly descend in heavy showers; the vapour, like a furnace- smoke, crawls for ever on the horizon. Thus watered, the plants multiply ; in the angle between Jutkmd and the continent, in a fat muddy soil, ' the verdure is as fresh as that of England.' ^ Immense forests covered the land even after the eleventh century. The sap of this humid country, thick and potent, circulates in man as in the plants, and by its respiration, its nutrition, the sensations and habits which it generates, affects his faculties and his frame. The land produced after this fashion has one enemy, to wit, the sea. Holland maintains its existence only by virtue of its dykes. In 1654 those in Jutland burst, and fifteen thousand of the inhabitants were swallowed up. One need see the blast of the North swirl down upon the low level of the soil, wan and ominous : ^ the vast yellow sea dashes against the narrow belt of coast which seems incapable of a moment's resistance ; the wind howls and bellows ; the sea-mews cry ; the poor little ships flee as fast as they can, bending, almost overset, and en- deavour to find a refuge in the mouth of the river, which seems as hostile as the sea. A sad and precarious existence, as it were face to face with a beast of prey. The Frisians, in their ancient laws, speak already of the league they have made against ' the ferocious ocean. Even in a calm this sea is unsafe. * Before the eye spreads a mighty waste of waters ; above float the clouds, grey and shapeless daughters of the air, which draw up the water in their mist-buckets from the sea, carry it along laboriously, and again suffer it to fall into the sea, a sad, useless, wearisome task.' ^ ' With flat and long extended maw, the shapeless north wind, like a scolding dotard, babbles with groaning, mysterious voice, and repeats his foolish tales.' Eain, wind, and surge leave room for naught but gloomy and melancholy thoughts. The very joy of the billows has in it an inexplicable restlessness and harshness, From Holland to Jutland, a string of small, deluged islands * bears wit- ness to their ravages; the shifting sands which the tide floats up * Malte-Brun, iv. 398. Denmark means *low plain.' Not counting bays, gulfs, and canals, the sixteenth part of the country is covered by water. The dialect of Jutland bears still a great resemblance to the English, 2 See Euysdaal's painting in Mr. Baring's collection. Of the three Saxon islands, North Strandt, Busen, and Heligoland, North Strandt was inundated by the sea in 1300, 1483, 1532, 1615, and almost destroyed in 1634. Busen is a level plain, beaten by storms, which it has been found necessary to surround by a dyke. Heli- goland was laid waste ly the sea in 800, 1300, 1500, 1649, the last time so violently that only a portion of it survived. Turner, Hist, of Angl. Saxoiis, 1852, i. 97 ' Heine, die Nordaee, Cf. Tacitus, Ann, book 2, for the impressions of th« Romans, 'truculentia cceli.' * Watten, Platen, Sande, Diineninseln. ^TIAP. I.J THE SAXONS. 25 obstiuct Avith roclcs the banks And entrance of the rivers.* The firs! Roman fleet, a thousand vessels, perished there ; to this day ships wait a month or more in sight of port, tossed upon the great white waves, not daring to risk themselves in the shifting, winding channel, notorious for its wrecks. In winter a breastplate of ice covers the two streams ; ♦.he sea drives back the frozen masses as they descend; they pile them- lolves with a crash upon the sandbanks, and sway to and fro; now and then you may see a vessel, seized as in a vice, split in two beneath their violence. Picture, in this foggy clime, amid hoar-frost and storm, in these marshes and forests, half-naked savages, a kind of wild beasts, fishers and hunters, even hunters of men ; these are they, Saxons, Angles, Jutes, Frisians ; ^ later on, Danes, who during the fifth and the niiith centuries, with their swords and battle-axes, took and kept the island of Britain. A rude and foggy land, like their own, except in the depth of its sea and the safety of its coasts, which one day will call up real fleets and mighty vessels ; green England — the word rises to the lips and expresses all. Here also moisture pervades everything ; even in sum- mer the mist rises ; even on clear days you perceive it fresh from the great sea-girdle, or rising from vast but ever slushy moorlands, undu- lating with hill and dale, intersected with hedges to the hmit of the horizon. Here and there a sunbeam strikes on the higher foliage with burning flash, and the splendour of the verdure dazzles and almost blinds you. The overflowing water straightens the flabby stems ; they grow up, rank, weak, and filled with sap ; a sap ever renewed, for the grey mists creep over a stratum of motionless vapour, and at distant inter- vals the rim of heaven is drenched by heavy showers. * There are yet commons as at the time of the Conquest, deserted, abandoned,^ wild, covered with furze and thorny plants, with here and there a horse grazing in the solitude. Joyless scene, poverty-stricken soil !* What a labour it has been to humanise it! What impression it must have made on the men of the South, the Romans of Csesarl I thought, when I saw it, of the ancient Saxons, wanderers from West and North, who came to settle in this land of marsh and fogs, on the border of these primeval forests, on the banks of these great muddy streams, which roll down their slime to meet the waves.* They must have lived as hunters and swineherds ; grow, as before, brawny, fierce, gloomy. Take civilisation from this soil, and there will remain to the inhabit- * Nine or ten miles out, near Heligoland, are the nearest soundings of alout fifty fathoms. * Talgrave, Saxon CoinmoniveaUhy vol. L ^ Notes of a Journey in England. * Leonce de Lavergne, De V Agriculture anglaise. * The soil is much worst ihan tliat of France.* * There aro at least four rivers in England passing by the name of ' Ouse which is only another form of ' ooze.' — Tr. 26 THE SOURCE. [BOOK I ants only war, the chase, gluttony, drunkenness Smiling love, sweet poetic dreams, art, refined and nimble thought, are for the liappy shores of the Mediterranean. Here the barbarian, ill housed in his mud- hovel, who hears the rain rustling whole days in the oak leaves — what dreams jan he have, gazing upon his mud-pools and his sombre sky?' II. Huge -white bodies, cool-blooded, with fierce blue eyes, reddish flaxen hair ; ravenous stomachs, filled with meat and cheese, heated by strong drinks ; of a cold temperament, slow to love,^ home-stayers, prone to brutal drunkenness : these are to this day tlie features which descent and climate preserve in the race, and these are what the Roman historians discovered in their former country. There is no living, in these lands, without abundance of solid food ; bad weather keeps people at home ; strong drinks are necessary to cheer them ; the senses become blunted, the muscles are braced, the will vigorous. In every country the body of man is rooted deep into the soil of nature ; and in this instance still deeper, because, being uncultivated, he is less removed from nature. In Germany, stormbeaten, in wretched boats of hide, amid the hardships and dangers of seafaring life, they were pre-eminently adapted for endurance and enterprise, inured to misfortune, scorners of danger. Pirates at first : of all kinds of hunting the man-hunt is most profitable and most noble ; they left the care of the land and flocks to the women and slaves ; seafaring, war, and pillage^ was their whole idea of a freeman's work. They dashed to sea in their two- sailed barks, landed anywhere, killed everything; and having sacrificed in honour of their gods the tithe of their prisoners, and leaving behind them the red light of their burnings, went farther on to begin again. * Lord,' says a certain litany, * deliver us from the fury of the Jutes.' * Of all barbarians^ these are strongest of body and heart, the most formidable,' — we may add, the most cruelly ferocious. When murder becomes a trade, it becomes a pleasure. About the eighth century, the final decay of the great Roman corpse which Charlemagne had tried to revive, and which was settling down into corruption, called them like -vultures to the prey. Those who had remained in Denmark, with their brothers of Norway, fanatical pagans, incensed against the Christians, made a descent on all the surrounding coasts. Their sea-kings,* * who ^ Tacitns, De moribus Germanorum, passim: Diem noctemque continuare potando, nulli proborum. — Sera juvenum Venus. — Totos dies juxta focum atque ignem agunt. Dargaud, Voyage en Danemark. * They take six meals per day, the first at five o'clock in the morning. One should see the faces and meals at Ham« bui»g and at Amsterdam.' « Bade, v. 10. Sidonius, viii. 6. Lmgard, Hist, of England, 1854, L chap, a 8 Zozimos, iii. 147. Amm. Marcelliuus, xxviii. 536. * Aug. Thierry Uist. S. Edniundi vi. 441 See Ynglingasaga, and especially the Saga of Egil. CHAP. I.] THE SAXONS. 27 ftad never slept tinder the smoky rafters of a roof, who had never drained the ale-horn by an inhabited hearth,' laughed at wind and storms, and sang : ' The blast of the tempest aids our oars ; the bellow- ing of heaven, the howling of the thunder, hurt us not ; the hurricane is our servant, and drives us whither we wish to go.* * We smcte with our swords,' says a song attributed to Ragnar Lodbrog; * to me it was A joy like having my bright bride by me on the couch. . , . He who has never been wounded lives a weary life.* One of them, at the monastery of Peterborough, kills with his own hand all the monks, to the number of eighty-four; others, having taken King jElla, divided his ribs from the spine, and drew his lungs through the opening, so as to represent an eagle. Harold Harefoot, having seized his rival Alfred, with six hundred men, had them maimed, blinded, hamstrung, scalped, or embowelled.^ Torture and carnage, greed of danger, fury of de- struction, obstinate and frenzied bravery of an over-strong temperament, the unchaining of the butcherly instincts, — such traits meet us at every step in the old Sagas. The daughter of the Danish Jarl, seeing Egil taking his seat near her, repels him with scorn, reproaching him with * seldom having provided the wolves with hot meat, with never having seen for the whole autumn a raven croaking over the carnage.' But Egil seized her and pacified her by singing : * I have mai'ched with my bloody sword, and the raven has followed me. Furiously we fought, the fire passed over the dwellings of men ; we slept in the blood of those who kept the gates.' From such table-talk, and such maid's fancies, one may judge of the rest.* Behold them now in England, more settled and wealthier : do you look to find them much changed ? Changed it may be, but for the worse, like the Franks, like all barbarians who pass from action to en- joyment. They are more gluttonous, carving their hogs, filling them- selves with flesh, swallowing down deep draughts of mead, ale, spiced wines, all the strong, coarse drinks which they can procure, and so they are cheered and stinudated. Add to this the pleasure of the fight. Not easily with such instincts can they attain to culture ; to find a natural and ready culture, we must look amongst the sober and sprightly popu- lations of the south. Here the sluggish and heavy ^ temperament re- mains long buried in a brutal life ; people of the Latin race, never * Lingard, Hist, of England^ i. 164, says, however, * Eveiy tenth man out cf the six hundred received his liberty, and of the rest a few were selected for slaveiy. ' — Tr. * Franks, Frisians, Saxons, Danes, Norwegians, Icelanders, are one and the same people. Their language, laws, religion, poetry, differ but little. The mort northern continue longest in their primitive manners. Germany in the fourth and liftli centuries, Denmark and Norway in the seventh and eighth, Iceland in the tenth and eleventh centuries, present the same condition, and the documentg li each country will till up the gaps that exist in the history of the others. " Tacitus, De mor. Germ. xxii. ; Ueus nee astuta nee callida. 28 THE SOURCE. [BOOK 1 at a jfirst gLmce see in them aught but large grofs beasts, clumsy and ridiculous when not dangerous and enraged. Up to the sixteenth cen- turjj says an old historian, the great body of the nation were litxla else than herdsmen, keepers of beasts for flesh and fleece ; up to the end of the eighteenth drunkenness was the recreation of the higher ranks ; it \s still tliat of the lower; and all the refinement and softening influence of civilisation have not abolished amongst them the use of the rod and the fist. If the carnivorous, warlike, drinking savage, proof against the climate, still shows beneath the conventions of our modern society and the softness of our modern polish, imagine what he must have been when, landing with his band upon a wasted or desert country, and becoming for the first time a settler, he saw on the horizon the common pastures of the border country, and the great primitive forests which furnished stags for the chase and acorns for his pigs. The ancient histories tell us that they had a great and a coarse appetite.^ Even at the time of the Conquest the custom of drinking to excess was a common vice with men of the highest rank, and they passed in this way whole days and nights without intermission. Henry of Huntingdon, in the twelfth century, lamenting the ancient hospitality, says that the Norman kings provided their courtiers with only one meal a day, while the Saxon kings used to provide four. One day, when Athelstan went with his nobles to visit his relative Ethelfleda, the provision of mead was exhausted at the first salutation, owing to the copiousness of the draughts ; but Sainl Dunstan, forecasting the extent of the royal appe- tite, had furnished the house, so that though the cup-bearers, as is the custom at royal feasts, were able the whole day to serve it out in horns and other vessels, the liquor was not found to be deficient. When the guests were satisfied, the harp passed from hand to hand, and the rude harmony of their deep voices swelled under the vaulted roof. The monasteries themselves in Edgard's time kept up games, songs, and dances till midnight. To shout, to drink, to caper about, to feel their veins heated and swollen with wine, to hear and see around them the riot of the orgy, this was the first need of the Barbarians.^ The heavy human brute gluts himself with sensations and with noise. For this appetite there was a stronger grazing-ground, — I mean, blows and battle. In vain they attached themselves to the soil, be- came cultivators, in distinct communities and distinct regions, shut up* in their march with their kindred and comrades, bound together, scpa- * Craik and ilacFarlane, Pictorial History of England, 1837, L 337. W. ol Malmesbury. Henry of Huntingdon, vi. 365. ' Tacitus, De moribus Germanorum, xxii., xxilL 3 Kemble, Saxons in England, 1849, L 70, ii. 184. * The Acts of an Anglo-Saxon parliament are a series of treaties of peace between all the associations which make up the Btato ; a continual revision and renewal of the alliances offenuve and defensive of all the free men. They are universally mutual contraotr for th« maintenance of the frid or peace. CRAP L] THE SAXONS. 29 rated from the mass, marked round by sacred landmarks, by primeval oaks on ^vhich they cut the figures of birds and beasts, by poles set up in the midft of the marsh, which whosoever removed was punished with merciless tortures. In vain these Marches and Ga's^ were grouped into states, and finally formed a half-regulated society, with assembUea and laws, under the lead of a single king ; its very structure indicates the necessities to supply which it was created. They united in order to maintain peace ; treaties of peace occupy their Parliaments ; provi- sions for peace are the matter of their laws. War was waged daily and everywhere ; the aim of life was, not to be slain, ransomed, mutilated, pillaged, hung and of course, if it was a woman, violated.^ Every man was obliged to appear armed, and to be ready, with his burgh or his township, to repel marauders, who went about in bands ; one such con- sisted of thirty-five and more. The animal was yet too powerful, too impetuous, too untamed. Anger and covetousness in the first place brought him upon his prey. Their history, such as that of the Hept- archy, is like a history of * kites and crows.'* They slew the Britons or reduced them to slavery, fought the remnant of the Welsh, Irish, and Picts, massacred one another, were hewn down and cut to pieces by the Danes. In a hundred years, out of fourteen kings of Northumbria, seven were slain and six deposed. Penda of Mercia killed five kings, and in order to win the town of Bamborough, demolished all the neigh- bouring villages, heaped their ruins into an immense pile, sufficient to burn all the inhabitants, undertook to exterminate the Northumbrians, and perished himself by the sword at the age of eighty. Many amongst them were put to death by the thanes ; one thane was burned alive ; brothers slew one another treacherously. With us civilisation has in- terposed, between the desire and its fulfilment, the counteracting and softening preventive of reflection and calculation ; here, the impidse is sudden, and murder and every kind of excess spring from it instanta- neously. King Edwy* having married Elgiva, his relation within the prohibited degrees, quitted the hall where he was drinking on the very day of his coronation, to be with her. The nobles thought themselves wsulted, and immediately Abbot Dunstan went himself to seek the young man. ' He found the adulteress,' says the monk Osbern, * her mother, and the king together on the bed of debauch. He dragged the king thence violently, and setting the crown upon his head, bronglit * A large district ; the word is still existing in German, as Rheingau, Breisgau. * Turner, Hist, of the Anglo-Sax. ii. 440, Laws of Ina. * Milton's expression. Lingard's History^ i. chap. 3. This history beara much resemblance to that of the Franks in Gaul. See Gregory of Tours. Tlia Shxoiis, like the Franks, were somewhat softened, but above aU depraved, and were pillaged and massacred by those of their northern brothers who had re Uiaiiied in a savage state. ■* Vita S. Dunstaui, Anylia Sacra, JL 30 THE SOURCE. [BOOK 1 him back to the nobles.' Afterwards Elgiva sent men to deprive Dunstan of his eyes, and then, in a revolt, saved herself and the king by hiding in the country; but the men of the North having^eized her, * hamstrung her, and then subjected her to the death which she de- served ^ Barbarity follows barbarity. At Bristol, at the time of the Conquest, as we are told by an historian of the time,^ it was the custom to buy men and women in all parts of England, and to carry theui to Ireland for sale. The buyers usually made the women pregnant, and took theni to market in that condition, in order to ensure a better price, 'You might have seen with sorrow long files of young people of both sexes and of the greatest beauty, bound with ropes, and daily exposed for sale. . . . They sold in this manner as slaves their nearest relatives, and even their own children.' And the chronicler adds that, having abandoned this practice, they * thus set an example to all the rest of England.' Would you know the manners of the highest ranks, in the family of the last king?^ At a feast in the king's hall, Harold was serving Edward the Confessor with wine, wdien Tostig, his brother, stimulated by envy at his favour, seized him by the hair. They were separated. Tostig went to Plereford, v/here Harold had ordered a great royal banquet to be prepared. There he seized his brother's attendants, and cutting off their heads and limbs, he placed them in the vessels of wine, ale, mead, and cider, and sent a message to the king : * If you go to your farm, you will find there plenty of salt meat, but you will do well to carry some more with you.' Harold's other brother, Sweyn, had violated the abbess Elgiva, assassinated Beorn the thane, and being banished from the country, had turned pirate. When we regard thei? deeds of violence, their ferocity, their cannibal jests, we see that they were not far removed from the sea-kings, or from the followers of Odin, who ate raw flesh, hung men as victims on the sacred trees of Upsal, and killed one another to make sure of dying as they had lived, in blood. A score of times the old ferocious instinct reappears beneath the thin crust of Christianity. In the eleventh century, Sigeward,* the great Duke of Northumberland, was afflicted with a dysentery; and feel- ing his death near, exclaimed, * What a shame for me not to have been permitted to die in so many battles, and to end thus by a cow's death ! At least put on my breastplate, gird on my sword, set my helmet on my head, my shield in my left hand, my golden battle-axe in my right, * It is amusing to compare the story of Edwy and Elgiva in Tm-ner, ii. 216, etc., and then in Lingard, i. 132, etc. The first accuses Dunstan, the other defends liini. — Tr. 2 Life of Bishop Wolstan. * Tantae saevitise eraiit fiatres illi quo Thorpe, Tlie Edda ofSiBmund, Third lay ofJSigurd Fafnicide, str. G2-64, p. 83 * Maguusson and Morris, Story of the Volsunys and Nihelunys, Lamentation if Oadrun, p. 118 ct passim. CHAP. I.] rHE SAXONS. 3^ All was in vain ; no word could draw tears from those dry eyes. They were obliged to lay the bloody corpse before her, ere her tears would come. Then a flood of tears ran down over her knees, and * the geese withal that were in the home-field, the fair fowls the may owned, fell a-screaming.' She wishes to die, like Sigurd, on the corpse of him whom alone she had loved, if they had not deprived her of memory by R magic potion. Thus affected, she depart* in order to marry Atli, king of the Huns ; and yet she goes against her will, with gloomy forebod- ings : for mi.rder begets murder ; and her brothers, the murderers of Sigurd, having been drawn to Atli's court, fall in their turn into a snare like that which they had themselves laid. Then Gunnar was bound, and they tried to make him deliver up the treasure. He answers with a barbarian's laugh : ' " Hogni's heart in my hand shall lie, cut bloody from the breast of the valiant chief, the king's son, with a dull-edged knife." They the heart cut out from Hialli's breast ; on a dish, bleeding, laid it, and it to Gunnar bare. Then said Gunnar, lord of men: "Here have I the heart of the timid Hialli, unlike the heart of the bold Hogni ; for much it trembles as in the dish it lies ; it trembled more by half while in his breast it lay. " H ogni laughed when to his heari they cut the living crest-crasher ; no lament uttered he. All bleeding on a dish .they laid it, and it to Gunnar bare. Calmly said Gunnar, the warrior "Niflung . " Here have I the heart of the bold Hogni, unlike the heart of the timid Hialli ; for it little trembles as in the dish it lies : it trembled less while in his breast it lay. So far shalt thou, Atli ! be from the eyes of men as thou wilt from the treasures be. In my power alone is all the hidden Niflung's gold, now that Hogni lives not. Ever was I wavering while we both lived ; now am 1 so no longer, as I alone survive. " ' * It was the last insult of the self-confident man, who values neither his own life nor that of another, so that he can satiate his vengeance. They cast him into the serpent's den, and there he died, striking his harp with his foot. But the inextinguishable flame of vengeance passed from his heart to that of his sister. Corpse after corpse fell on each other; a mighty fury hurls them open-eyed to death. She killed the children she had by Atli, gave him their hearts to eat, served in honey, one day on his return from the carnage, and laughed coldly as she told him on what he had fed. ' Uproar was on the benches, portentous the cry of men, noise beneath the costly hangings. The children of the Huns wept; all Avept save Gudrun, who never wept, or for her bear-fierce brothers, or for her dear sons, young, simple.'* Judge from this heap of ruin and carnage to what excess tlie mind could attain. There were men amongst them, Berserkirs,^ who in battle, seized with a sort of madness, showed a sudden and super- Thorpe, The Edda of Scemund, Lay of Atli, str. ?.l-27, p. 117 » Ibid, str. as, p. 119. ' This word signifies men who fought without a breastplate, perhaps io sLirtri onlv ; ScoUice, ' Baresarks.' — Tp 36 THE SOURCE. [BOOK 1 human strength, and ceased to feel their wounds. This is the concep- tion of a hero as engendered by this race in its infancy. Is it not strange to see them place their happiness in battle, their beauty in death ? Is there any people, Hindoo, Persian, Greek, or Gallic, which has formed so tragic a conception of life ? Is there any which has peopled its infnntine mind with such gloomy dreams? Is there any which has so entirely banished the sweetness from enjoyment, and the aofmess from pleasure? Energy, tenacious and mournful energy, an ecstasy of energy — such was their chosen condition. Carlyle said well, that in the sombre obstinacy of an English labourer still survives the tacit rage of the Scandinavian warrior. Strife for strife's sake — such is their pleasure. With what sadness, madness, waste, such a disposition bleaks its bonds, we shall see in Shakspeare and Byron; with what completeness, in what duties it can entrench and employ itself under moral ideas, we shall see in the case of the Puritans. IV. They have established themselves in England ; and however disor- dered the society which binds them together, it is founded, as in Ger- many, on generous sentiment. War is at every door, 1 am aware, but warlike virtues are behind every door ; courage chiefly, then fidelity. Under the brute there is a free man, and a man with a heart. There is no man amongst them who, at his own risk,^ will not make alliance, go forth to fight, undertake adventures. There is no group of men amongst them, who, in their Witenagemote, is not for ever concluding alliances one with another. Every clan, in its own district, forms a league of which all the members, ' brothers of the sword,' defend each other, and demand each other's blood at the price of their own. Every chief in his hall reckons that he has friends, not mercenaries, in the faithful ones who drink his beer, and who, having received as marks of his confidence, bracelets, swords, and suits of armour, will cast them- selves between him and danger on the day of battle.^ Independence and bravery smoulder amongst this young nation with violence and excess ; but these are of themselves noble things ; and no less noble are the sentiments which serve them for discipline, — to wit, an affec- tionate devotion, and respect for plighted faith. These appear in their laws, and break forth in their poetry. Amongst them greatness of heart gives matter for imagination. Their characters are not selfish and shifty, like those of Homer. They are brave hearts, simple^ and strong, faithful to their relatives, to their master in arms, firm and Btedfast to enemies and friends, abounding in courage, and ready for iacrifice. * Old as I am,' says one, * I will not budge hence. I mean ' See the Life of Sweyu, of Hereward, etc., even up to the time of the Conquest ' Beowulf, passim, Death of Byrhtnoth. Tacitus, ' Geus nee calliila, nee astuta.' 3HAP. I.] ^ THE SAXONS 3'j to iiie by my lord's side, near this man I have loved so much. He kept his word, the word he had given to his chief, to the distributor o* gifts, promising him that they should return to the town, safe and sound to their homes, or that they would fall both together, in the thick of the carnage, covered with wounds. He lay by his master's side, like a faithful servant.' Though awkward in speech, their old poets find iouchmg words when they have to paint these manly friendships. We cannot without emotion hear them relate how the old ' king embraced the best of his thanes, and put his arms about his neck, how the tears flowed down the cheeks of the greyhaired chief. . . . The valiant man was so dear to him. He could not stop the flood which mounted from his breast. In his heart, deep in the cords of his soul, he sighed in secret after the beloved man.' Few as are the songs which remain to us, they return to this subject again and again. The wanderer in a reverie dreams about his lord : ^ It seems to him in his spirit as if he kisses and embraces hira, and lays head and hands upon his knees, as oft before in the olden time, when he rejoiced in his gifts. Then he wakes — a man without friends. He sees before him the desert tracks, the seabirds dipping in the sea, stretching wdde their wings, the frost and the snow, mingled with falling hail. Then his heart's wounds press more heavily. The exile says : * Often and often we two were agreed, that nought should divide us save Death himself ! Ifow all is changed, and our friendship is as though it had never been. I must dwell here, far from my well-beloved friend, in the midst of enmities. I am forced to live under the forest leaves, under an oak, in this cavern under ground. Cold is this earth-dwelling ; I am weary of it. Dark are the valleys, high the mountains, a sad wall of houghs, covered ^vith brambles, a joyless abode. . . . My friends are in the earth ; they whom I loved in life, the tomb holds them. And I am here before the dawn ; I walk alone under the oak, amongst the earth-caverns. . . . Here often and often the loss of my lord has oppressed me with heavy grief. ' Amid their perilous mode of life, and the perpetual appeal to arms, there exists no sentiment more warm than friendship, nor any virtue stronger than loyalty. Thus supported by powerful affection and firm fidelity, society is kept Avholesome. Marriage is like the state. We find women asso- ciating with the men, at their feasts, sober and respected.^ She speaks, and they listen to her; no need for concealing or enslaving her, in order to restrain or retain her. She is a person, and not a thing. Tha law demands her consent to marriage, surrounds her with guarantees, accords her protection. She can inherit, possess, bequeath, appear in courts of justice, in county assemblies, in the great congress of the elders. Frequently the name of the queen and of several other ladies is inscribed ' The Wanderer, the Exile's Song, Codex Exordensis, published by Thorpe * Turner, Hint. Angl. Sax, iii. 63; Pictorial History, i. 34C. 38 THE SOURCE. [BOOK i in th.« proceedings of the Witenagemote. Law and tradition maintain lier integrity, as if she were a man, and side by side with the man. In Alfred^ there is a portrait of the wife, wliich for purity and elevation equals all that we can devise with our modern refinement. * Thy wife now lives for thee— for thee alone. She has enough of all kind of wealth for this present life, hut she scorns them all for thy sake alone. She hai forsaken them all, because she had not thee with them. Thy absence makes her think that all she possesses is nought. Thus, for love of thee, she is wasted away, and lies near death for tears and giief.' Already, in the legends of the Edda^ we have seen the maiden Sigrun at the tomb of Helgi, ' as glad as the voracious hawks of Odin, when they of slaughter know, of warm prey,' desiring to sleep still in the arms of death, and die at last on his grave. Nothing here like the love we find in the primitive poetry of France, Provence, Spain, and Greece. There is an absence ol gaiety, of delight ; beyond marriage it is only a ferocious appetite, an outbreak of the instinct of the beast. It appears nowhere with its charm and its smile ; there is no love song in this ancient poetry. The reason is, that with them love is not an amuse- ment and a pleasure, but a promise and a devotion. All is grave, even sombre, in civil relations as in conjugal society. As in Germany, amid the sadness of a melancholic temperament and the savagery of a bar- barous life, the most tragic human faculties, the deep power of love and the grand power of will, are the only ones that sway and act. This is why the hero, as in Germany, is truly heroic. Let us speak of him at length ; we retain one of their poems, that of Beowulf, almost entire. Here are the stories, which the thanes, seated on their stools, by the light of their torches, listened to as they drank the ale of their king: we can glean thence their manners and sentiments, as in the Iliad and the Odyssey those of the Greeks. Beowulf is a hero, a knight-errant before the days of chivalry, as the leaders of the German bands were feudal chiefs before the institution of feudalism.* He has * rowed upon the sea, his naked sword hard in his hand, amidst the fierce waves and coldest of strrms, and the rage of winter huitled over the waves of the deep.' The sea-monsters, 'the many-coloured foes, drew him to the bottom of th<. sea, and held him fast in thiir gripe.* But he reached * the wretches with his point and with his war-bill.' *The mighty sea -beast received the war-rush through his hands,' and he slew nine nick<.»rs (sea-monsters). And now behold him, as he comes across the waves to succour the old King Hrothgar, who with his vassals sits afflicted in his great mead-hall, high and curved with pin- 1 Alfred borrows his portrait from Boethius, but almost entirely re- writes it. • Kemble thinks that the origin of this poem is very ancient, perliaps contem- pora / with the invasion of the Angles and Saxons, but that the version we possess is later than the seventh century. — Kemble's Beowulf text and trana latiou. 1833. The characters are Danish. CHAP. I.] THE SAXONS. 39 nacles. For *a grim stranger, Grenclel, a mighty haunter of the marshes,' had entered his hall during the night, seized thirty of the thanes who were asleep, and returned in his war-craft with their car- casses; for twelve years the dreadful ogre, the beastly and greedy creature, father of Orks and Jotuns, devoured men and emptied the best of houses. Beowulf, the great warrior, offers to grapple with the fiend, and foe to foe contend for life, without the bearing of either sword or ample shield, for he has * learned also that the wretch for his C'irsed hide recketh not of weapons,' asking only that if death takes him, they will bear forth his bloody corpse and bury it; mark his fen- dwelling; send to Hygelac, nis chief, the best of war-slirouds that guards his breast. He is lying in the hall, ' trusting in his proud strength; and when the mists of night arose, lo, Grendel comes, tears open the door,' seized a sleeping warrior: * he tore him unawares, he bit his body, he drank the blood from the veins, he swallowed him with continual tearings.' But Beowulf seized him in turn, and ' raised himself upon his elbow.* *The lordly hall thundered, the ale was spilled . . . both were enraged; savage and strong warders ; the house resounded ; then was it a great wonder that the wine-hall withstood the beasts of war, that it fell not upon the earth, the fair palace ; hut it was thus fast. . , . The noise arose, new enough ; a fearful terror fell on the North Danes, on each of those who from the wall heard the out- cry, God's denier sing his dreadful lay, his song of defeat, lament his wound.* . , . The foul wretch awaited the mortal wound ; a mighty gash was evident upon his shoulder ; the sinews sprung asunder, the junctures of the hones hurst ; success in war was given to Beowulf. Thence must Grendel fly sick unto death, among the refuges of the fens, to seek his joyless dwelKng. He all the better knew that the end of his life, the number of his days was gone by.'* For he had left on the land, *hand, arm, and shoulder;' and *in the lake of Nicors, where he was driven, the rough wave was boiling with blood, the foul spring of waves all mingled, hot with poison ; the dye, discoloured with death, bubbled with warlike gore.' There remained H female monster, his mother, who like him * was doomed to inhabit the terror of waters, the cold streams,' who came by night, and amidst drawn swords tore and devoured another man, jEscliere, the king's best Iriend. A lamentation arose in the palace, and Beowulf offered him- i^lf again. They went to the den, a hidden land, the refuge of the wolf, near the windy promontories, where a mountain stream rusheth downwards under the darkness of the hills, a flood beneath the earth ; the wood fast by its roots overshadoweth the water ; there may one by night behold a marvel, fire upon the flood : the stepper over the heath, when wearied out by the hounds, sooner will gii^e xp his soul, his Hfo ■upon the brink, than plunge therein to hide his head. Strange dragons and serpents swam there ; * from time to time the horn sang a dirge, a * Kemble's Beowulf, xi. p. 32. ' Ibid, xil, p. 34 40 THE SOURCE. [300K i terrible song.* Beowulf plunged into the wave, descended, passed mon- sters who tore his coat of mail, to the ogress, the hateful manslayer, who, seizing him in her grasp, bore him off to her dwelling. A pale gleam shone brightly, and there, face to face, the good champion perceived 'the she-wolf of the abyss, the mighty sea-woman ; he gave the war-onset with his battle-bill ; he held not back the swing of the sword, so that on her head the ring-mail sang aloud a greedy war-song. . . . The beam of war would not bite. Then he caught the Grendel's mother by the shoulder ; twisted the homicide, that •he bent upon the floor. . . . She drew her knife broad, brown-edged, (and tried to pierce) the twisted breast-net which protected his life. . . . Then saw he among the weapons a bill fortunate with victory, an old gigantic sword, doughty oi edge, ready for use, a work of giants. He seized the belted hilt ; the warrior of the Scyldiugs, fierce and savage whirled the ring-mail ; despairing of life, he struck furiously, so that it grappled hard with her about her neck ; it broke the bone- rings, the bill passed through all the doomed body ; she sank upon the floor ; the sword was bloody, the man rejoiced in his deed ; the beam shone, light stood within, even as from heaven mildly shines the lamp of the firmament. ' ^ Then he saw Grendel dead in a corner of the hall; and four of his companions, having with difficulty raised the monstrous head, bore it by the hair to the palace of the king. That was his first labour; and the rest of his life was similar. When he had reigned fifty years on earth, a dragon, who had been robbed of his treasure, came from the hill and burned men and houses * with waves of fire.' * Then did the refuge of earls command to make for him a variegated shield, all of iron ; he knew that a shield of wood could not help him, lindcnwood opposed to fire. . . . The prince of rings was then too proud to seek the wide flier with a troop, with a large company ; he feared not for himself that battle, nor did he make anj' account of the dragon's war, his laboriousness and valour.' And yet he was sad, and went unwillingly, for he was * fated to abide the end.' Then 'he was ware of a cavern, a mound under the earth, nigh to the sea-wave, the dashing of waters, which was full within of embossed ornaments and wires. . . . Then the king, hard in v/ar, sat upon the promontory, and bade farewell to his household comrades. ... I, the old guardian of my people, seek a feud.* He let words proceed from his heart, the dragon came, vomiting fire ; the blade bit not his body, and the king suffered painfully, involved in fire. His comrades had turned into the woods, all save Wiglaf, who went through the fatal smoke, knowing well ' that it was not the old custom ' to abandon relation and prince, * that he alone shall suffer dis- tress, shall sink in battle.' 'The worm became furious, the foul insidious stranger, variegated with waves of fire, . . . hot and warlike fierce, he clutched the whole neck with bitter banes ; he was bloodied with life-gore, the blood boiled in waves.'* ^ Beowulf, xxii., xxiii., p. 62 et passim. 2 Ibid, xxxiii.-xxxvi., p. 94 et passim. CHAP. I.] THE SAXONS. 4^ They, with their swords, carved the worm in the midst. Yet the wound of the king became burning and swelled ; he soon discovered that the poison boiled in his breast within, and sat by the wall upon a Btone; *he looked upon the work of giants, how the eternal cavern held within stone arches fast upon pillars.* Then he said, * I have held this people fifty years ; there was not any king tA my neighboars who dared to greet me with warriors, to oppress me with terror. . . . I held mine own well, I sought not treacherous malice, nor swore unjustly many oaths ; on account of all this, I, sick with mortal wounds, may have joy. . . Now do thou go immediately to behold the hoard under the hoary stone, my dea» Wiglaf. . . . Now, 1 have purchased with my death a hoard of treasures ; it will be yet of advantage at the need of my people. ... I give thanks . . . that I might before my dying day obtain such for my people . . . longer may I not here be.'* This is thorough and real generosity, not exaggerated and pretended, as it will be later on in the romantic imaginations of babbling clerics, mere composers of adventure. Fiction as yet is not far removed from fact : the man breathes manifest under the hero. Rude as the poetry is, its hero is grand ; he is so, simply by his deeds. Faithful, tirst to his prince, then to his people, he went alone, in a strange land, to ven- ture himself for the delivery of his fellow-men ; he forgets himself in death, while thinking only that it profits others. *Each one of us,' he says in one place, 'must abide the end of his present life.' Let, there- fore, each do justice, if he can, before his death. Compare with him the monsters whom he destroys, the last traditions of the ancient wars against inferior races, and of the primitive religion ; think of his life of danger, nights upon the waves, man's efforts against the brute creation, the indomitable breast crushing the breasts of beasts, powerful muscles which, when exerted, tear the flesh of the monsters : you will see through the mist of legends, and under the light of poetry, the valiant men Avho, amid the furies of war and the raging of their own mood, began to settle a people and to found a state. V. One poem nearly whole and two or three fragments are all that remain of this lay-poetry of England. The rest of the pagan current, German and barbarian, was arrested or overwhelmed, first by the influx of the Christian religion, then by the conquest of the Norman-French. But the remnant more than suffices to show the strange and powerful poetio genius of the race, and to exhibit beforehand the flower in the bud. If there has ever been anywhere a deep and serious poetic senti- ment, it is here. "They do not speak, they sing, or rather cry out. Each little verse is an acclamation, which breaks forth like a growl ; their strong breasts heave with a groan of anger or enthusiasm, and a vehement phrase or indistinct expression rises suddenly, almost in spite ' 5ut around me lie iron bonds, presscth this cord of chain : I am powerless ! me Lave so hard the clasps of hell, so firmly grasped ! Here is a vast fire above and !inderneath, never did I see a loatlilier landskip ; the flame abateth not, hot over hell. Me hath the clasping of these rings, this hard-polish'd band, impeded in my ^ Thorpe, Ccedmon, ii. p. 7. A likeness exists between this song and corre« sponJing portions of the Edda. 2 Ibid. iv. p. 18. ** This is Milton's opening also. (See Paradise Lost, Book i. verse 242, etc.) One would think that he must have had some knowledge of Teedmon firom tn« translation of Junius. D 50 THE SOURCE. [BOOK I,. course, debarr'd me from my way ; my feet are bound, my hands nanaeled, . . . 80 that with aught 1 cannot from these limb-bonds escape.'^ As there is nothing to be done against God, it is with His net? creature, man, that lie must busy himself. To bim who has lost everything, vengeance is left ; and if the conquered can enjoy tliis, he will find himself happy ; * he will sleep softly, even under his chains.' VII. Here the foreign culture ceased. Beyond Christianity it could not ^aft upon this barbarous stock any fruitful or living branch. All the circumstances which elsewhere softened the wild sap, failed here. The Saxons found Britain abandoned by the Romans ; they had not yielded, like their brothers on the continent, to the ascendency of a superior civilisation ; they had not become mingled with the inhabitants of the land ; they had always treated them like enemies or slaves, pursuing like wolves those who escaped to the mountains of the west, oppressing like beasts of burden those whom they had conquered with the land. While the Germans of Gaul, Italy, and Spain became Romans, the Saxons retained their language, their genius and manners, and created in Britain a Germany outside of Germany. A hundred and fifty years after the Saxon invasion, the introduction of Christianity and the dawn of security attained by a society inclining to peace, gave birth to a kind of literature ; and we meet with the venerable Bede, and later on, Alcuin, John Scotus Erigena, and some others, commentators, translators, teachers of barbarians, who tried not to originate but to compile, to pick out and explain from the great Greek and Latin encyclopedia something which might suit the men of their time. But \he wars witli the Danes came and crushed this humble plant, which, ^f left to itself, would have come to nothing.^ When Alfred* the Deliverer became king, * there were very few ecclesiastics,' he says, *on this side of the Humber, who could understand in English their own Latin prayers, or translate any Latin writing into English. On the other side of the Humber I think there were scarce any ; there wern so few that, in truth, I cannot remember a single man south of the Thames, when I took the kingdom, who was capable of it.' He tried, like Charlemagne, to instruct his people, and turned into Saxon for their use several works, above all some moral books, as the de Con- tolatiane of Boethius ; but this very translation bears witness to the bar- * Thorpe, Ccedmon, iv. p. 23. * They themselves feel their impotence and decrepitude. Bede, dividing the history of the world into six periods, says that the fifth, wliicli stretches from th« return out of Babylon to the birth of Christ, is the senile period ; the sixth is th« present, CBias decj'epita, totius morte sceculi consummanda. ^ Died in 901 ; Adhelm died 709, Bede died 785, Alcuin lived under Cliarla. ma^ne, Erigena under Charles the Bald (843-877). CHAP i.( THE SAXONS. 51 barism of his audience. He adnpfs the text in order to bring it d own to their inteUigence ; the pretty verses of Boethius, somewhat pretentious, laboured, elegant, croA\'ded with classical allusions of a refinrd and polished style worthy of Seneca, become an artless, long drav;n out and yet abrupt prose, like a nurse's fairy tale, explaining everything, recommencing and breaking off its phrases, making ten turns about a single detail ; so low was it necessary to stoop to the level of this new intelligence, which had never thought or known anything. Here follows the Latin of Boethius, so affected, so pretty, with the English translation affixed : — * Quondam funera conjugis Vates ThreiciHS gemens, Postquara flebilibus modis Silvas currere, mobiles Atnnes stare coegerat, Junxitque intrepidum latus Ssevis eerva leonibus, Nee visum timuit lepus Jam cantu placidum canem ; Cum flagiantior intima Fervor pectoris ureret, Nee qui cuncta subegerant Mulcerent dominum modi ; Immites superos querens, Infemas adiit domos. Illic blanda sonantibiis Chordis carmina temperans, Quidquid prpecipuis Dese Matris fontibus hauserat, Quod luctus dabat impotens, Quod luctum geminans amor, Deflet Tartara commovens, Et dulci veniam prece Umbrarum dominos rogat. Stupet tergeminus novo Captus carmine janitor ; Quae sontes agitant metu Ultrices scelerura Deae Jam moestse lacrymis madent. Kon Ixionium caput Vclox prs&cipitat rota, Et longa site perditus Spernit flumina Tantalus. Vultur dum satur est modis Non traxit Tityi jecur. Tandein, vincimur, arbiter Umbrarum miserans ait. Donemus comiiem viro, Emptam carmine coujugem. * It happened formerly that there was a harper in the country called Thrace, which was in Greece. The harper was inconceivably good. His name was Orpheus. He had a very excel- lent wife, called Eurydice. Then began men to say concerning the harper, that he could harp so that the wood moved, and the stones stirred themselves at the sound, and wild beasts would run thereto, and stand as if they were tame ; so still, that though men or hounds pursued tliem, they shunned them not. Then said they, tliat the harper's wife should die, and her soul should be led to hell. Then should the iiarper become so sorrowful that he could not remain among the men, but frequented the wood, and sat on tlie mountains, both day and night, weeping and harping, so that the woods shook, and the rivers stood still, and no hart shunned any lion, nor hare any hound ; nor did cattle know any hatred, or any fear of others, for the pleasure of the sound. Then it seemed to the harper that nothing in this world pleased lim. Then thought he that he would seek the gods of hell, and endeavour to allure them with hia harp, and pray that they would give him back his wife. "When he came thither, then should there come towards him the dog of hell, whose name was Cerberus, — he should have three heads, — and began to wag his tail, and play with him for his harping. Then was there also a very hor- rible gatekeeper, whose name should be Charon. He had also three heads, and he wps very old. Then began the harper to beseech hi.m that he would protect him while he was there, and bring him thence again safe. Then did he promise that to him, because he was desirous of the unaccus- tomed sound. Then went he further until he met the fierce goddesses, whom tho common people call Parcsp, of whom they say, that they 52 THE SOURea [BOOR 1 8cd lex dona coerceat, know no respect for any man, bnt punish eveiy Nee, duni Tartara liqnerit, man according to his deeds ; and of whom they Fas sit lumina flcctere. say, that they control every man's fortune. Then Quis legem det araantibus ! began he to implore their mercy. Then began Major lex fit amor sibi. tliey to weep with him. Then went he farther^ Heu ! noctis prope terminos and all the inhabitants of hell ran towards hia\,, Orpheus Eurydicem suam and led him to their king ; and all began to speak Vidit, perdidit, occidit. with him, and to pray that which he prayed, Vos hsec fabula respicit, And the restless wheel which Ixion, the king of Quicunque in superum diem tke Lapithse, was bound to for hi3 guilt, that Mentem ducere qureritis. stood still for his narping. And Tantalus the Nam qui tartareuui in specus king, who in this world Avas immoderately greedy, Victus lamina flexerit, and whom that same vice of greediness followed Quidquid praicipuum trahit there, he became quiet. And the vulture should Pcrdit, dum videt inferos.' cease, so that he tore not tire liver of Tityus the Book III. Metre 12. king, which before therewith tonnented him. And all the punishments of the inhabitants of hell were suspended, whilst he harped before the king. Wlien he long and long had harped, then spoke the king of the inhabitants of hell, and saiJ, Let ns give the man his wife, for he has earned her by his harping. He then com- manded him that he should well observe that he never looked hachioards after he departed thence ; and said, if he looked backwards, that he should lose the woman. But men can with great difficulty, if at all, restrain love ! "Wellaway ! What ! Orpheus then led his wife with him till he came to the boundary of light and darkness. Then went his wife after him. AVlien he came forth into the liglit, then looked he behind his back towards the woman. Then was she immediately lost to him. This fable teaches eveiy man who desires to fly the darkness of hell, and to come to the light of the true good, that he look not about him to his old vices, so that he practise them again as fully as he did before. For whosoever with full will turns his mind to the vices which he had before forsaken, and practises them, and they then fully please him, and he never thinks of forsaking them j then loses he all his former good unless he again amend it.'^ One speaks thus Avlien an indistinct idea has to be impressed upon the mind. Boethius had for his audience senators, men of culture, who understood as well as we the slightest mythological allusion. Alfred is obliged to take them up and develop them, like a father or a master, who draws his little boy between his knees, and relates to him names, qualities, crimes and their punishments, which the Latin only hints at. But the ignorance is such that the teacher himself needs correction. He takes the Parcae for the Erinyes, and gives Charon three heads like Cerberus. There is no adornment in his version ; no finesse as in the original. Alfred himself has hard work to be understood. What, for instance, becomes of the noble Platonic moral, the apt interpretation after the style of L^mblichus and Porphyry ? It is altogether dulled. He has to call everything by its name, and turn the eyes of his people to tangible and visible things. It is a sermon suited to his audience of thanes ; the Danes whom he had converted by the sword needed a cleai Fox's Alfred's Boethius, chap. 35. § G, 1864 CIIAP. 1.] THE SAXONS. 53 moral. If he had translated for them exactly the fine words of Boethius, they would have opened wide their big stupid eyes and fallen asleep. For the whole talent of an uncultivated mind lies in the force and oneness of its sensations. Beyond that it is powerless. The art of thinking and reasoning lies above it. These men lost all genius when they lost their fever-heat. They spun out awkwardly and heavily dry chronicles, a sort of historical almanacks. You might think them peasants^ who, returning from their toil, came and scribbled with chalk i-n a smoky table the date of a year of scarcity, the price of corn, the el .mges in the weather, a death. Even so, side by side with the meagre Bible chronicles, which set down the successions of kings, and of Jewish massacres, are exhibited the exaltation of the psalms and the transpoits of prophecy. The same lyric poet tian be at one time a brute and a genius, because his genius comes and goes like a disease, and instead of having it he simply is ruled by it. *A.D. 611. This year Cynegils succeeded to the government in Wessex, and held it one-and-tliirty winters. Cynegils was the son of Ceol, Ceol of Cutha, Cutha of Cynric. '614. This year Cynegils and Cnichelm fought at Eampton, and slew two thousand and forty-six of the Welsh. * 678. This year appeared the comet-star in August, and shone every morning during three months like a sunbeam. Bishop Wilfrid being driven from his bishopric by King Everth, two bishops were consecrated in his stead. * 901. This year died Alfred, the son of Ethelwulf, six nights before the mass of All Saints. He was king over all the English nation, except that part that was nnder the power of the Danes. He held the government one year and a half less than thirty winters ; and then Edward his son took to the government. * 902. This year there was the great fight at the Holme, between the men of Kent and the Danes. * 1077. This year were reconciled the King of the Franks, and William, King of England. But it continued only a little while. This year was London burned, one night before the Assumption of St. Mary, so terribly as it never was before since it was built. ' ^ It is thus the poor monks speak, with monotonous dryness, who after Alfred's time gather up and take note of great visible events ; sparsely scattered we find a few moral reflections, a passionate emotion, nothing more. In the tenth century we see King Edgar give a manor k) a bishop, on condition that he will put into Saxon tHe moriastic rt^gulation written in Latin by Saint Benedict. Alfred himself was almost the last man of culture ; he, like Charlemagne, became so only by dint of determination and patience. In vain the great spirits of this age endeavour to link themselves to the relics of the old civilisation, and tc ruise themselves above the chaotic and muddy ignorance in which the others wallow. They rise almost alone, and on their death the rest are again enveloped in the mire. It is the human beast that * All these extracts are taken from Ingram's Saxon Chronide, 1823. 54 THE SOURCE. [ BOOK 1 remains master; genins cannot find a place amidst revolt and hlood- tliirstiness, gluttony and brute force. Even in the little circle where he moves, bis labour comes to nought. The model which he proposed to himself oppresses and enchains him in a cramping imitation ; he aspires but to be a good copyist ; he produces a gathering of centos which he calls Latin verses; he applies himself to the discovery of expressions, sanctioned by good models ; he succeeds only in elaborat- ing an emphatic, spoiled Latin, bristling with incongruities. In place of ideas, the most profound amongst them serve up the defunct doc- trines of defunct authors. They compile religious manuals and philo- sophical manuals from the Fathers. Erigena, the most learned, goeg to the extent of reproducing the old complicated dreams of Alex- andrian metaphysics. How far ^lese speculations and reminiscences soar above the barbarous crowd which howls and bustles in the plain below, no words can express. There was a certain king of Kent in the seventh century who could not write. Imagine bachelors of theo- logy discussing before an audience of w^aggoners in Paris, not Parisian waggoners, but such as survive in Auvergne or in the Vosges. Among these clerks, who think like studious scholars in accordance with their favourite authors, and are doubly separated from the world as collegians and monks, Alfred alone, by his position as a layman and a practical man, descends in his Saxon translations and his Saxon verses to the common level ; and we have seen that his effort, like that of Charle- magne, was fruitless. There was an impassable wall between the old learned literature and the present chaotic barbarism. Incapable, yet compelled, to fit into the ancient mould, they gave it a twist. Unable to reproduce ideas, they reproduced a metre. They tried to eclipse their rivals in versification by the refinement of their composition, and the prestige of a difnculty overcome. So, in our ow^n colleges, the good scholars imitate the clever divisions and symmetries of Claudian rather than the ease and variety of Virgil. They put their feet in irons, and showed their smartness by running in shackles ; they weighted themselves with rules of modern rhyme and rules of ancient metre ; they added the necessity of beginning each verse with the same letter that began the last. A few, like Adhelra, wrote square acrostics, in v'hicli the first line, repeated at the end, was found also to the left and right of the piece. Thus made up of the first and last letteis of each verse, it forms a border to the whole piece, and the morsel of verse is like a morsel of tapestry. Strange literary tricks, which changed the poet into an artisan! They bear witness to the con- trariety which then impeded culture and nature, and spoiled at once the Latin form and the Saxon genius. Beyond this barrier, which drew an impassable line between civilisa- tion and barbarism, there was another, no less impassable, between thf! Latin and Saxon genius. The strong German imagination, in which glowing and obscure visions suddenly meet and violently clash, was CHAP. I.] THE SAXONS. 5JS in contrast with the reasoning spirit, in which ideas gatlier and ar« developed in a regular order ; so that if the barbarian, in his classical essays, retained any part of his primitive instincts, he succeeded only in producing a grotesque and frightful monster. One of them, this very Adlielm, a relative of King Ina, who sang on the town-bridge profane and sacred hymns alternately, too much imbued with Saxon poesy, simply to imitate the antique models, adorned his Latin prose and verse with all the 'English k^Agnificence.'^ You might compare him to a barbarian who seizes a flute from the skilled hands of a player of Augustus' court, in order to blow on it with inflated lungs, as if it were the bellowing horn of an aurochs. The sober speech of the Roman orators and senators becomes in his hands full of exaggerated and incoherent images; he heaps up his colours, and gives vent to the extraordinary and unintelligible nonsense of the later Skalds, — ^in short, he is a latinised Skald, dragging into his new tongue the ornaments of Scandinavian poetry, such as alliteration, by dint of which he con- gregates in one of his epistles fifteen consecutive words, all beginning with the same letter ; and in order to make up his fifteen, he introduces % barbarous Grsecism amongst the Latin wor.ds.^ Many times amongst he others, the writers of legends, you will meet with deformation of -I^atin, distorted by the outbreak of a too vivid imagination ; it breaks cut even in their scholastic and scientific writing. Alcuin, in the dialogues which he made for the son of Charlemagne, uses like formulas the little poetic and trite phrases which abound in the national poetry. * What is winter ? the exile of summer. What is spring ? the painter of earth. What is the year ? the world's chariot. What is the sun? the splendour of the universe, the beauty of the firmament, the grace of nature, the glory of the day, the distributor of hours. What is the sea? the road of the brave, the frontier of earth, the hostelry of the waves, the source of showers.' More, he ends his instructions with enigmas, in the spirit of the Skalds, such as we still find in the old manuscripts with the barbarian songs. It was the last feature of the national genius, which, when it labours to under- stand a matter, neglects dry, clear, consecutive deduction, to employ grotesque, remote, oft-repeated imagery, and replaces rpalysis by in- tuition. VIII. Such was this race, the last born of the sister races, Saxon, Latin, ■ * William of Malmesbury's expression. ' Primitus (pantorum procerum praetoriimque pio potissimum paternoqut praesertiui privilegio) panegyricum poemataque passim prosatori sub polo pro- mulgantes. stridula vocum syraphonia ac melodiaB cantile, npeque carrahic mo fiulaturl hyniiizemus. 56 TUE SOURCE. [BOOK i and Greek, who, in the decay of the other two, brings to the world a new civilisation, with a new character and genius. Inferior to these in many respects, it surpasses them in not a few. Amidst the woods and fens and snows, under a sad, inclement sky, gross instincts have gained the day. The German has not acquired gay humour, unre- served facility, the idea of harmonious beauty; his great rtlegmatic body continues fierce and coarse, greedy and brutal ; his rude and unpliable mind is still inclined to savagery, and restive under culture; DuK and congealed, his ideas cannot expand with facility and freedom, with a natural sequence and an instinctive regularity. But this spirit, void of the sentiment of the beautiful, is all the more apt for the senti- ment of the true. The deep and incisive impression which he receives from contact with objects, and which as yet he can only express by a cry, will afterwards liberate him from the Latin rhetoric, and will vent itself on things rather than on words. Moreover, under the constraint of climate and solitude, by the habit of resistance and effort, his ideal is changed. Human and moral instincts have gained the empire over him ; and amongst them, the need of independence, the disposition for serious and strict manners, the inclination for devotion and veneration, the worship of heroism. Here are the foundations and the elements of a civilisation, slower but sounder, less careful of what is agreeable and elegant, more based on justice and truth.^ Hitherto at least the race is intact, intact in its primitive rudeness ; the Eoman cultivation could neither develop nor deform it. If Christianity took root, it was owing to natural affinities, but it produced no change in the native genius. Now approaches a new conquest, which is to bring this time men, as well as ideas. The Saxons, meanwhile, after the wont of German races, vigorous and fertile, have within the past six centuries multi- plied enormously. They were now about two millions, and the Nor- man army numbered sixty thousand.^ In vain these Normans become transformed, gallicised ; by their origin, and substantially in themselves they are still the relatives of those whom they conquered. In vain they imported their manners and their poesy, and introduced into the language a third part of its words ; this language continues altogether * In Iceland, the country of the iSercest sea-kings, crimes are unknown j piisons have been turned to other uses ; fines are the only punishment. 2 See Pictorial History, i. 249. Following Doomsday Book, Mr. Turner reckons at three hundred thousand the heads of families mentioned. If each family consisted of five persons, that would make one million five hundred thousand people. He adds five hundred thousand for the four northern counties, for London and several large towns, for the monks and provincial clergy not enumerated- . . . We must accept these figures with caution. Still they agree with those of Macintosh, George Chalmeis, and several others. Many facts show that the Saxon population was very numerous, and quite out of propcrtiou to the Norman population. CHAP. 1.] THE SAXONS. 57 German in element and in substance.^ Though the grammar cfiangeci, it changed integrally, by an internal action, in the same sense as its continental cognates. At the end of three hundred years the con- querors themselves were conquered ; their speech became English ; and owing to frequent intermarriage, the English blood ended by gaining the predominance over the Norman blood in their veins. The race finally remains Saxon. If the old poetic genius disappears aftei the Conquest, it is as a river disappears, and flows for a while under- ground. In five centuries it will emerge once more. * Warton, Histt -^y of E'lglish Poetry, 1840, 3 vela., prefsea. 58 THE SOURCE. I BOOK I CHAPTER IL The Normans. I. The protection and cha-acter of Feudalism. II. The Norman invasion • character of the Normans — Contrast wi ih the Saxonf — The Normans are French — How they became so — Their taste and architecture — Their spirit of inquiry and their literature — Chivalry and amusements — Their tactics and their success. III. Bent of the French genius— Two principal characteristics ; clear and con- secutive ideas — Psychological form of French genius — Prosaic histories ; lack of colour and passion, ease and discursiveness — Natural logic and clearness, soberness, grace and delicacy, refinement and cynicism — Order and charm — The nature of the beauty and of the ideas which the French have introduced. IV. The Normans in Englnnd— Their position and their tyranny — They implant their literature and langiiage — They forget the same — Learn English by degrees — Gradually English becomes gallicised. T, They translate French works into English — Opinion of Sir John MandeviUe — Layamon, Robert of Gloucester, Robert de Brunne — They imitate in English tlie French literature — Moral manuals, chansons, fabliaux, Gestes — Brightness, frivolity, and futility of this French literature — Barbarity and ignora,nce of the feudal civilisation — Geste of Richard Coeur de Lion, and voyages of Sir John Mandeville — Poorness of the literature introduced and implanted in England — Why it has not endured on the Continent or in England. VI. The Saxons in England — Endurance of the Saxon nation, and formation ol the English constitution — Endurance of the Saxon character, and formation of the English character. VII. -IX. Comparison of the ideal hero in France and England — Fabliaux of Reynard, and ballads of Robin Hood — How the Saxon character makes way for and supports political liberty — Comparison of the condition of the Commons in France and England — Theory of the English constitution, by Sir John Fortescue — How the Saxon constitution makes way for and supporta political liberty — Situation of the Church, and precursors of the Refor- mation in England — Piers Plowman and Wycliffe — How the Saxon character and the situation of the Norman Church make way for religiot'j reform — Incompleteness and importance of the national literatui'e — Wl y it has not enduied. A CENTURY and a half had passed on the Continent since, amid the universal decay and dissolution, a new society had been formed, and new men had risen up. Brave men had at length made a CHAP. II.] THE NORMANS. 59 league against the Norsemen and the robbers. They had planted their feet in the soil, and the moving chaos of the general subsidence had become fixed by the effort of their great hearts and of their arms. At the mouths of the rivers, in the defiles of the mountains, on the margin of the waste borders, at all perilous passes, they had built their forts, each for himself, each on his own land, each with his faithful band ; and tney had lived like a scattered but Avatchful army, camped and con- federate in their castles, sword in hand, in front of tlic enemy. Beneath tliis «iiscii)line a formidable people had been formed, fierce hearts ir strong bodies,^ intolerant of restraint, longing for violent deeds, born for constant warfare because steeped in jjermanent warfare, heroes and robbers, who, as an escape from their solitude, plunged into adven- tures, and went, that they might conquer a country or win Paradise, to Sicily, to Portugal, to Spain, to Livonia, to Palestine, to England. IL On the 27th of September 1006, at the mouth of the Somme, there ■was a great sight to be seen: four hundred large sailing vessels, more than a thousand transports, and sixty thousand men were on the point of embarking.^ The sun shone splendidly after long rain; trumpetg sounded, the cries of this armed multitude rose to heaven ; on the far horizon, on the shore, in the wide-spreading river, on the sea which opens out thence broad and shining, masts and sails extended like a forest; the enormous fleet set out wafted by the south wind.^ The people which it carried were said to have come from Norway, and one might have taken them for kinsmen of the Saxons, with whom they were to fight; but there were with them a multitude of adventurers, crowding from every direction, far and near, from north and south, from Maine and Anjou, from Poitou and Brittany, from Ile-de-France and Flanders, from Aquitaine and Burgundy;* and, in short, the expe- dition itself was French. ^ k'ee, amidst other delineations of their manners, the first accounts of the first Crusade. Godfrey clove a Saracen down to liis waist. — In Palestine, u widow waa compelled, up to the age of sixty, to marry again, because no fief cculd remain without a defender. — A Spanish leader said to his exhausted soldiers after a battle, * You are too weary and too much wounded, but come and fight with me against this other band ; the fresh wounds which we shall receive will make us forget those which we have.' At this time, says the General Chronicle of Spain, kings, counts, and nobles, and all the knights, that they might be ever ready, kept their horses in the chamber where they .slept with their wives. * For difference in numbers of the fleet and men, see Freeman, Hist, of the Norm. Conq., 3 vols. 1867, iii. 381, 387.— Tr. ^ For all the details, see Anglo-Norman Chronkles, iii. 4, as quoted by Aug. Ihieny. I have myseK seen the locality and the country. * Of three columns of attack at Hastings, two were compoged of auu" liar ies. Moreover, the chroniclers are not at fault upon this critical point ; they agree in stating that England was conquered by Frenchmen. fln THE SOURCE. [BOOK 1 How comes it that, having kept its name, it had changed its nature? and what series of renovations had made a Latin out of a German people? The reason is, that this people, when they came to Neustria, were neither a national body, nor a pure race. They were but a band ; and as such, marrying the women of the country, they introduced foreign blood into their children. They were a Scandinavian band, but deteriorated by all the bold knaves and all the wretched despera- does who wandered about the conquered country;^ and as such they received the foreign blood into their veins. Moreover, if the nomadic band was mixed, the settled band was much more so ; and peace by its transfusions, like war by its recruits, had changed the character of the primitive blood. When Rollo, having divided the land amongst his followers, hung the thieves and their abettors, people from every country gathered to him. Security, good stern justice, were so rare, that they were enough to re-people a land.* He invited strangers, say the old writers, ' and made one people out of so many folk of different natures.' This assemblage of barbarians, refugees, robbers, immi- grants, spoke Romance or French so quickly, that the second Duke, wishing to have his son taught Danish, had to send him to Bayeux, where it was still spoken. The great masses always form the race in the end, and generally the genius and language. Thus this people, so transformed, quickly became polished ; the composite race showed itself of a ready genius, far more wary than the Saxons across the Channel, closely resembling their neighbours of Picardy, Champagne, and Ile- ^e-France. ' The Saxons,' says an old writer,'* * vied with each other in their drinking feats, and wasted their goods by day and night in feasting, whilst they lived in wretched hovels; the French and Nor- mans, on the other hand, living inexpensively in their fine large houses, were besides studiously refined in their food and careful in their habits.* The former, still weighted by the German phlegm, were gluttons and drunkards, now and then aroused by poetical enthusiasm ; the latter, made sprightlier by their transplantation and their alloy, felt the cravings of genius already making themselves manifest. ' You might see amongst tksm churches in every village, and monasteries in the cities, towering on high, and built in a style unknown before,' first in Normandy, and presently in England.* Taste had come to them at once — that is, the ' It was a Rouen fisherman, a soldier of Rollo, who killed the Duke of France at the mouth Df the Eure. Hastings, the famous sea-king, was a labourer's son from the neighbourhood of Troyes. ' *Tn the tenth century," says Stendhal, *a man wished for two things: l»t, not to be slain ; 2c?, to have a good leather coat.' See FonteneUe's Chronicle. * WiUiam of Malmesbuiy. * Pictorial History, i. 615. Churches in London, Sarum, Norwich, Durham, Chichester, Peterborough, Rochester, Hereford, Gloucester, Oxford, etc.— Wil Uam of Vfalmesbury. UHAP, II.J THE NORMANS. Ql desirfj to please the eye, and to express a thought by outward repre- s«mtation, -which was quite a new idea : the circular arch was raised on ime or on a cluster of columns; elegant mouldings were placed about the windows ; the rose window made its appearance, simple yet, like the flower which gives it its name; and the Norman style unfolded Itself, original and measured, betAveen the Gothic style, whose richness it foreshadowed, and the Eomance style, whose solidity it recalled. "Witli taste, just as natural and just as quickly, was developed the spirit of inquiry. Nations are like children ; with some the tongue is readily loosened, and they comprehend at once; with others it is loosened with difficulty, and they are slow of comprehension. The men before us had educated themselves nimbly, as Frenchmen do. rhey were the first in France who unravelled the language, fixing it and writhig it so well, that to this day we imderstand their code and their poems. In a century and a half they Avere so far cultivated as to find the Saxons 'unlettered and rude.'^ That was the excuse they made for banishing them from the abbeys and all valuable ecclesiastical posts. And, in fact, this excuse was rational, for they instinctively hated gross stupidity. Between the Conquest and the death of King John^ they established five hundred and fifty-seven schools in England. Henry Beauclerk, son of the Conqueror, was trained in the sciences ; so wvjre Henry ii. and his three sons : Richard, the eldest of these, was a poet. Lanfranc, first Norman Archbishop of Canterbury, a subtle logician, ably argued the Real Presence; Anselm, his successor, the first thinker of the age, thought he had discovered a new proof of the existence of God, and tried to make religion philosophical by adopting as his maxim, * Crede ut intelligas.' The notion was doubtless grand, (i/Specially in the eleventh century ; and they could not have gone more promptly to work. Of course the science I speak of was but scholastic, and these terrible folios slay more understandings than they confirm. But people must begin as they can ; and syllogism, even in Latin, even in theology, is yet an exercise of the mind and a proof of the under- standing. Among the continental priests who settled in England, one established a library; another, founder of a school, made the scholars perform the play of- Saint Catherine; a third wrote in polished Latin, * epigrams as pointed as those of Martial.' Such were the recreations of an intelligent race, eager for ideas, of ready and flexible genius, whose clear thought was not overshadowed, like that of the Saxon brain, by drunken conceits, and the vapours of a greedy and well-filled stomach. Ihey loved conversations, tales of adventure. Side by side Avith their Latin chroniclers, Henry of Huntingdon, William of Malmesbury, men of reflection, Avho could not only relate, but criticise here and there ; there were rhyming chronicles in the vulgar tongue, as those of GeofFroy Gaimar, Benoit de Sainte-Maure, Robert Wace. Do not imagine that ' Qrdericus Vi talis. 02 THE SOURCE. [BOOK i their verse-writers were sterile of words or lacking in details. They were talkers, tale-tellers, speakers above all, ready of tongue, and nevei stinted in speech. Not singers by any means; they speak — this is their strong poi^nt, in their poems as in their chronicles. One of the earliest wrote the Song of Roland ; upon this they accumulated a mul- titude of songs concerning Charlemagne and his knights, concerning Arthur and Merlin, the Greeks and Komans, King Horn, Guy oi Warwick, every prince and every people. Their minstrels {trouvere3\ like their knights, draw in abundance from Gauls, Franks, and Latins, and descend upon East and West, in the wide field of adventure. They address themselves to a spirit of inquiry, as the Saxons to enthu- siasm, and dilute in their long, clear, and flowing narratives the lively colours of German and Breton traditions; battles, surprises, single combats, embassies, speeches, processions, ceremonies, huntings, a variety of amusing events, employ their ready and adventurous imagi- nations. At first, in the Song of Roland, it is still kept in check; it walks with long strides, but only walks. Presently its wings have grown ; incidents are multiplied ; giants and monsters abound, the natural disappears, the song of the jongleur grows a poem under the hands of the trouvere ; he would speak, like Nestor of old, five, even six years running, and not grow tired or stop. Forty thousand verses are not too much to satisfy their gabble; a facile mind, abundant, curious, descriptive, is the genius of the race. The Gauls, their fathers, used to delay travellers on the road to make them tell their stories, and boasted, like these, * of fighting well and talking with ease.' With chivalric poetry, they are not wanting in chivalry ; principally, it may be, because they are strong, and a strong man loves to prove his strength by knocking down his neighbours ; but also from a desire of fame, and as a point of honour. By this one word honour the whole spirit of warfare is changed. Saxon poets painted it as a murderous fury, as a blind madness which shook flesh and blood, and awakened the instincts of the beast of prey ; Norman poets describe it as a tourney. The new passion which they introduce is that of vanity and gallantry ; Guy of Warwick dismounts all the knights in Europe, in order to deserve the hand of the prude and scornful Felice. The tourney itself is but a ceremony, somewhat brutal I admit, since it turns upon the break- ing of arms and limbs, but yet brilliant and French. To make a show of cleverness and courage, display the magnificence of dress and armour, be applauded by and please the ladies, — such feelings indicate men of greater sociality, more under the influence of public opinion, less the slaves of their own passions, void both of lyric inspiration and savage enthusiasm, gifted by a different genius, because inclined to other pleasures. Such were the men who at this moment were disembarking in Eng- land to introduce their new manners and a new spirit, French at bottom, ia character and speech, though with special and provincial features ,• CHAP. II.J THE NORMANS. 63 of all the most determined, with an eye on the main chance, calculating, having the nerve and the dash of our own soldiers, but with the t_ncks and precautions of lawyers ; heroic undertakers of profitable enterprises ; having travelled in Sicily, in Naples, and ready to travel to Constanti- nople or Antioch, so it be to take a country or carry off money ; sharp politicians, accustomed in Sicily to hire themselves to the highest bidder and capable of doing a stroke of business in the heat of the Crusade, like Bohemond, who, before Antioch, speculated on the dearth of his Christian allies, and would only open the town to them under condi- tion of their keeping it for himself; methodical and persevenng con- querors, expert in administration, and handy at paper-work, like this very William, who was able to organise such an expedition, and such an army, and kept a written roll of the same, and who proceeded to register the whole of England in his Domesday Book. Sixteen days after the disembarkation, the contrast between the two nations was manifested at Hastings by its sensible effects. The Saxons *ate and drank the whole night. You might have seen them struggling much, and leaping and singing,* with shouts of laughter and noisy joy.^ In the morning they crowded behind their palisades the dense masses of their heavy infantry, and with battle-axe hung round their neck awaited the attack. The wary Normans weighed the chances of heaven and hell, and tried to enlist God upon their side. Robert Wace, their historian and compatriot, is no more troubled by poetical imagination than they were by warlike inspiration ; and on the eve of the battle his mind is as prosaic and clear as theirs.^ The same spirit showed in the battle. They were for the most part bow- men and horsemen, well-skilled, nimble, and clever. Taillefer, the jongleur, who asked for the honour of striking the first blow, went iinging, like a true French volunteer, performing tricks all the * Robert Wace, Roman du Bou. ' Ibid. Et li Normanz et li Franceiz Tote nuit firent oreisona, Et furent en afiicions. De lor pechies confez se firent As proveires les regehirent, Et qui n'en out provieres prez, A son veizin se fist confez, Pour (JO ke samedi esteit Ke la bataille estre debveit. Unt Normanz a pramis e voc, Si com li cler I'orent loe, Ke a ce jor mes s'il veskeient, Char ni saunc ne mangereient Qifirei, eveske de Coustances, A plusors joint lor penitances. Cli regut li confessions Et dona li benei(jons. 04 THE SOJRCE. [BOOK. 1 while.* Having arrived before the English, he cast his lance three tirata in the air, then his sword, and caught them again by the handle ; and Harold's clumsy foot- soldiers, who only knew how to cleave coats of mail by blows from their battle-axes, ' were astonished, saying to one another that it was magic' As for William, amongst a score of prudent and cunning actions, he performed two well- calculated ones, which, in this sore embarrassment, brought him safe out of his difficulties. He ordered his archers to shoot into the air; the arrows wounded many of the Saxons in the fiice, and one of them pierced Harold in the eye. After this he simulated flight ; the Saxons, intoxicated with joy and wrath, quitted their entrenchments, and exposed themselves to the lances of the knights. During the remainder of the contest they only make a stand by small companies, fight with fury, and end by being slaugh- tered. The strong, mettlesome, brutal race threw themselves on the enemy like a savage bull ; the dexterous Norman hunters wounded them, subdued, and drove them under the yoke. IIL Wliat then is this French race, rrhich by arms and letters niakes * Robert Wace, Roman du Ron : Taillefer ki moult bien cantout Sur uu roussin qui tot alout Devant li dus alont cantant De Kalermaine e de Rolant, E d'Oliver et des vassals Ki inoururent a Roncevals. Quant lis orent chevalchie tant K'as Engleis vindrent aprismant. ' Sires ! dist Taillefer, merci 1 Je vos ai languement servi. Tut men servise me debvez, Hui, si vos plaist, me le rendez Por tout guerredun vos requier, Et si vos voil forment preier, Otreiez-mei, ke jo u'i faille, Li primier colp de la bataille Et li dus repont : ' Je Totrei.' Et Taillefer point a desrei ; Devant toz li altres se mist, Un Englez feri, si I'ocist. De SOS le pis, parmie la pance, Li fist passer ultre la lance, A terre estendu I'abati. Poiz trait Tespee, altre feri. Poiz a crie : ' Venez, venez I Ke fetes-vos ? Ferez, f erez 1 ' Done I'unt Englez avirone Al secund colp k'il ou don^. CEAP II.] THE NORMANS. 65 such a splendid entrance upon the world, and is so manifestly destined to rule, that in the East, for example, their name of Franks will be given to all the nations of the West? Wherein consists this new spirit, this precocious pioneer, this key of all middle- age civilisation? There is in every mind of the kind a fundamental activity which, when incessantly repeated, moulds its plan, and gives it its direction ; in town or country, cultivated or not, in its infancy and its age, it spends its existence and employs its energy in conceiving an event or an object. This is its original and perpetual process; and whether it change its region, return, advance, prolong, or alter its course, its whole motion is but a series of consecutive steps ; so that the least alteration in the lengtli, quickness, or precision of its primitive stride transforms and regulates the whole course, as in a tree the structure of the first shoot determines the whole foliage, and governs the whole growth.^ When the Frenchnian conceives an event or an object, he conceives quickly and distinctly ; there is no internal disturbance, no previous fermenta- tion of confused and violent ideas, which, becoming concentrated and elaborated, end in a noisy outbreak. The movement of his intelligence is nimble and prompt like that of his limbs ; at once and without effort he seizes upon his idea. But he seizes that alone : he leaves on one side all the long entangling offshoots whereby it is entwined and twisted amongst its neighbouring ideas; he does not embarrass himself with nor think of them ; he detaches, plucks, touches but slightly, and that is all. He is deprived, or if you prefer it, he is exempt from those sudden half-visions which disturb a man, and open up to him instan- taneously vast deeps and far perspectives. Images are excited by in- ternal commotion ; he, not being so moved, imagines not. He is only moved superficially ; he is without large sympathy ; he does not per- ceive an object as it is, complex and combined, but in parts, with a discursive and superficial knowledge. That is why no race in Europe is less poetical. Let us look at their epics ; none are more prosaic. They are not wanting in number : The Song of Roland^ Garin le Loherain^ Ogier le Danois,^ BertJie aux grands Pieds. There is a library of them. Though their manners are heroic and their spirit fresh, though they have originality, and deal with grand events, yet, spite of this, the narrative is as dull as that of the babbling Norman chroniclers. Doubt- less Homer is precisely like them ; but his magnificent titles of rosy- fingered Morn, the wide -bosomed Air, the divine and nourishing Earth, the earth-shaking Ocean, come in every insiant and expand their purple tint over the speeches and battles, and the grand abound- ing similes which intersperse the narrative tell of a people more inclined to rejoice in beauty than to proceed straight to fact- But here we have facts, always facts, nothing but facts ; the Frebchman wants to * The idea of types is applicable throughout all physical and moral nature. " Danois is a contraction of le d'ArdennoiSy from the Ai'dennes. — Tk. S 66 THE SOURCE. [BOOK 1 know if the hero will kill the traitor, the lover wed the maiden ; h« must not be delayed by poetry or painting. He advances nimbly to the end of the story, not lingering for dreams of the heart or wealth of landscape. There is no splendour, no colour, in his narrative ; his style is quite bare; and without figures ; you may read ten thousand verses in these old poems without meeting one. Shall we open the most ancient, the most original, the most eloquent, at the most moving point, the Song of Roland^ when Roland is dying ? The narrator is moved, and yet his language remains the same, smooth, accentless, so pene- trated by the prosaic spirit, and so void of the poetic ! He gives an abstract of motives, a summary of events, a series of causes for grief, a series of causes for consolation.^ Nothing more. These men regard the circumstance or the action by itself, and adhere to this view. Their idea remains exact, clear, and simple, and does not raise up a similai image to be confused with itself, to colour or transform itself. It re- mains dry ; they conceive the divisions of the object one by one, without ever collecting them, as the Saxons would, in a rude, impas- sioned, glowing fantasy. Nothing is more opposed to their genius than the genuine songs and profound hymns, such as the English monks Aver« singing beneath the low vaults of their churches. They would be disconcerted by the unevenness and obscurity of such language. They * Qenin, Chanson de B aland : Co sent Rollans que la mort le trespent., Devers la teste sur le quer li descent ; Desuz un pin i est alet curant, Sur riierbe verte si est culcliet adenz ; Desuz lui met I'espee et I'olifan ; Turnat sa teste vers la pai'ene gent ; Pour go I'at fait que il voelt veirement Que Carles diet e trestute sa gent, Li gentilz quens, qui'l f ut mort cunquerar t. Cleimet sa culpe, e menut e suvent. Pur ses pecchez en purofirid lo guant. Li quens Rollans se jut desuz un pin, Envers Espaigne en ad turnet sun vis, De plusurs choses a remembrer le prist. De tantes terres cume li bers cunquist, De dulce France, des humes de sun lign, De Carlemagne sun seignor ki I'nurrit. Ne poet muer n'en plurt et ne susprit. Mais lui meisme ne volt mettre en ubli Cleimet sa culpe, si priet Dieu mercit • ' Veire paterne, ki unques ne mentis, *>cint Lazaron de mort resurrexis, Et Daniel des lions guaresis Guaris de mei Tarome de tuz perilz Pur les pecchez que en ma vie fis * CUAP. II.] THE NORMANS. 67 are not capable of such an access of enthusiasm and such excess of emotions. They never cry out, they speak, or rather they converse, and that at moments when the soul, overwhelmed by its trouble, might be expected to cease thinking and feeling. Thus Amis, in a mystery- play, being leprous, calmly requires his friend Amille to slay his two sons, in order that their blood should heal him of his leprosy; and Amille replies still more calmly.^ If ever they try to sing, even in heaven, * a roundelay high and clear,' they wr^l produce little rhymed argu^ujnts, as dull as the dullest conversations.^ Pursue this litera- ture to its conclusion ; regard it, like the Skalds, at the time of its decadence, when its vices, being exaggerated, display, like the Skalds, with marked coarseness the kind of mind which produced them. The Skalds fall off into nonsense; it loses itself into babble and platitude. The Saxon could not master his craving for exalta- tion ; the Frenchman could not restrain the volubility of his tongue. He is too diflfuse and too clear ; the Saxon is too obscure and brief. The one was excessively agitated and carried away; the other ex- plains and develops without measure. From the twelfth century the Gestes degenerate into rhapsodies and psalmodies of thirty or forty thousand verses. Theology enters into them ; poetry becomes an in- terminable, intolerable litany, where the ideas, developed and repeated Sun destre guant a Deii en puroffrit. Seint Gabriel de sa main Fad pris. Desur sun bras teneit le chef enclin, Juntas ses mains est alet a sa fin. Deus i tramist sun angle cherubin, Et seint Michel qu'on cleimet del peril Ensemble ad els seint Gabriel i vint, L'anme del cunte portent en pareis. * Men tres-chier ami debonnaire, Vous m'avez une chose ditte Qui n'est pas a faire petite Mais que Ton doit moult resonguier Et nonpourquaut, sans eslongnier, Puisque garison autrement Ne povez avoir vraiemeut. Pour vostre amour les occiray, Et le sang vous apporteray. 5 Vraiz Diex, moult est excellente Et de grant charite plaine, Vostre bonte souveraiue. Car vostre grace presente, A toute personne humaine Vraix Diex, moult est excellente, Puisqu'elle a cuer et entente, Et que a ce desir I'amaine Que de vous servir se paine. (58 THE SOURCE. [BOOK I ad injimtum, without an outburst of emotion nor an accent of originality, flow like a clear and insipid stream, and send off ilieir reader, by dim of their monotonous rhymes, into a comfortable slumber. What a de- plorable abundance of distinct and facile ideas ! We meet with it again in the seventeenth century, in the literary gossip which took place at the feet of men of distinction ; it is the fault and the talent of the race. With this involuntary art of conceiving, and isolating instantaneousl} and clearly each part of every object, people can speak, even for speak- ing's sake, and for ever. Such is the primitive process ; how will it be continued ? Here appears a new trait in the French genius, the most vahiable of all. It is necessary to comprehension that the second idea shall be continuous with the first ; otherwise that genius is thrown out of its course and arrested : it cannot proceed by irregular bounds ; it must walk step by step, on a straight road ; order is innate in it ; without study, and at first approach, it disjoints and decomposes the object or event, how- ever complicated and entangled it may be, and sets the parts one by one in succession to each other, according to their natural connection. True, it is still in a state of barbarism ; yet intelligence is a reasoning faculty, which spreads, though unwittingly. Nothing is more clear than the style of the old French narrative and of the earliest poems : we do not perceive that we are following a narrator, so easy is the gait, so even the road he opens to us, so smoothly and gradually every idea glides into the next ; and this is why he narrates so well. The chroniclers Villehardouin, Joinville, Froissart, the fathers of prose, have an ease and clearness approached by none, and beyond all, a charm, a grace, which they had not to go out of their way to find. Grace is a national possession in France, and springs from the native delicacy which has a horror of incongruities ; the instinct of Frenchmen avoids violent shocks in works of taste as well as in works of argument ; they desire that tlicir sentiments and ideas shall harmonise, and not clash. Throughout they have this measured spirit, exquisitely refined.^ They take care, on a sad subject, not to push emotion to its limits ; they avoid big words. Think how Joinville relates in six lines the death of the poor sick priesl who wished to finish celebrating the mass, and * never more did sing^ and died.' Open a mystery-play — TJieophile^ the Queen of Hungaiy^ for instance ; when they are going to burn her and her child, she says two short lines about ' this gentle dew which is so pure an innocent/ naught beside. Take a fabliau, even a dramatic one : Avhen tiie penitent knight, who has undertaken to fill a barrel with his tears, dies in the hermit's company, he asks from him only one last gift : * Do but put thy arms on me, and then I'll die embraced by thee.' Could a more touching sentiment be expressed in more sober Innguage? One has to say of their poetry what is said of certaia ' See H. Taiiie, La Fontaine and his Fables p. 15. CHAP. U.] . THE NORMANS. QQ pictures: This is made out of nothing. Is there in the world any- thing more delicately graceful than the verses of Guillaume de Lorris? Allegory v^lothes his ideas so as to dim their too great brightness ; ideal figures, half transparent, float about the lover, luminous, yet in a cloud, and lead him amidst all the sweets of delicate-hued ideas to the ro3e, of which 'the gentle odour embalms all the plain.' This refine- ment goes so far, that in Thibaut of Champagne and in Charles of Orleans it turns to affectation and insipidity. In them impressions grow more slender ; the perfume is so weak, that one often fails to catch it *, on their knees before their lady they whisper their waggeries and conceits ; they love politely and wittily ; they arrange ingeniously in a bouquet their * painted words,' all the flowers of * fresh and beautiful language ; ' they know how to mark fleeting ideas in their flight, soft melancholy, uncertain reverie ; they are as elegant as eloquent, and as charming as the most amiable abbes of the eighteenth Century. This lightness of touch is proper to the race, and appears as plainly under the armour and amid the massacres of the middle ages as amid the salutations and the musk-scented, wadded clothes of the last court. You will find it in their colouring as in their sentiments. They are not struck by the magnificence of nature, they see only her pretty side ; they paint the beauty of a woman by a single feature, which is only polite, saying, ' She is more gracious than the rose in May.' They do not experience the terrible emotion, ravishment, sudden oppression of heart which is displayed in the poetry of neighbouring nations ; they say directly, ' She began to sm.ile, which vastly became her.' They add, wdien they are in a descriptive humour, * that she had a sweet and perfumed breath,' and a body * white as new-fallen snow on a branch.' They do not aspire higher ; beauty pleases, but does not transport them. They delight in agreeable emotions, but are not fitted for deep sensations. The full rejuvenes- cence of being, the warm air of spring which renews and penetrates all existence, suggests but a pleasing couplet ; they remark in passing, * Now is winter gone, the hawthorn blossoms, the rose expands,' and so pass on about their business. It is a light pleasure, soon gone, like that which an April landscape affords. For an instant tlie author glances at the mist of the streams rising about the willow trees, the pleasant vapour which imprisons the brightness of the morning ; then, humming a burden of a song, he returns to his narrative. He seeks asnusement, and herein lies his power. In life, as in literature, it is pleasure he aims at, not sensual pleasure or emotion. He is gay, not voluptuous; dainty, not a glutton. He takes love for a pastime, not for an intoxication. It is a pretty fruit which he plucks, tastes, and leaves. And we must remark yet further, that the best of the fruit in his eyes is the fact of its being forbidden. He says to himself that he is duping a husband, that * he deceives a cruel woman, and thinks he ought to obtain 70 THE SOURCE. [BOOK 1 a pope's indulgence for the deed.' ^ He wishes to be merry — it if the state he prefers, the end and aim of his life ; and especially to laugh at another's expense. The short verse of his fabliaux garribola and leaps like a schoolboy released from school, over all things re- spected or respectable ; criticising the church, women, the great, the monks. Scoffers, banterers, our fathers have abundance of the same expressions and things; and the thing comes to them so naturally, that wdthout culture, and surrounded by coarseness, they are as deli- cate in their raillery as the most refined. They touch upon ridicule lightly, they mock without emphasis, as it were innocently ; their style is so harmonious, that at first sight we make a mistake, and do not see any harm in it. They seem artless ; they look so very de- mure ; only a word shows the imperceptible smile : it is the ass, for example, which they call the high priest, by reason of his padded cassock and his serious air, and who gravely begins * to play the organ.' At the close of the history, the delicate sense of comicality has touched you, though you cannot say how. They do not call things by their name, especially in love matters ; they let you guess it ; they suppose you to be as sharp of intellect and as wary as them- selves.^ Be sure that one might discriminate, embellish at times, even refine upon them, but that their first traits are incomparable. When the fox approaches the raven to steal the cheese, he begins as a hypocrite, piously and cautiously, and as one of the family. He calls the raven his * good father Don Robart, who sings so well ; ' he praises his voice, 'so sweet and fine.' 'You would be the best singer in the world if you beware of nuts.' Renard is a Scapin, an artist in the way of invention, not a mere glutton ; he loves roguery for its own sake ; he rejoices in his superiority, and draws out his mockery, AVhen Tibjrt, the cat, by his counsel hung himself at the bell rope, wishing to ring it, he uses irony, smacks his lips and pretends to wax impatient against the poor fool whom he has caught, calls him proud, complains because the other does not answer, and because be wishes to rise to the clouds and visit the saints. And from be- ginning to end this long epic is the same ; the raillery never ceases, and never fails to be agreeable. Renard has so much wit, th.at he is pardoned for eveiy thing. The necessity for laughter is national — so indigenous to the French, that a stranger cannot understand, and ia shocked by it. This pleasure does not resemble physical joy in any respect, which is to be despised for its grossness ; on the contrary, it sharpens the intelligence, and brings to light many a delicate and sug- gestive idea. The fabliaux are full of truths about men, and still more fcbout women, about low conditions, and still more about high ; it is * La Fontaine, Gontes, Richard Minutolo. 2 Parler lui veut d'une besogne Oil crois que peu conquerreois Si la besogne vous nommois. CHAP, n.] THE NORMANS. 71 a method of philosopliising by stealth and boldly, in spite of conven- tionalism, and in opposition to the powers that be. This taste has nothing in common either with open satire, which is hideous because it is cruel ; on the contrary, it provokes good humoui . One soon seea that the jester is not ill-disposed, that he does not wish to wound : if he stings, it is as a bee, without venom ; an instant later he is not thinking of it ; if need be, he will take himself as an object of his pleasantry ; all he wishes is to keep up in himself and in us sparkling and pleasing ideas. Do we not see here in advance an abstract of the whole French literature, the incapacity for great poetry, the quick and durable perfection of prose, the excellence of all the moods of conversa- tion and eloquence, the reign and tyranny of taste and method, the art and theory of development and arrangement, the gift of being measured, clear, amusing, and pungent? We have taught Europe how ideas fall into order, and which ideas are agreeable ; and this is Avhat our Frenchmen of the eleventh century are about to teach their Saxons during five or six centuries, first with the lance, next with the stick, next with the birch. IV. Consider^ then, this Frenchman or Norman, this man from Anjou or Maine, who in his well-closed coat of mail, with sword and lance, came to seek his fortune in England. He took the manor of some slain Sjsxon, and settled himself in it with his soldiers and comrades, gave them land, houses, the right of levying taxes, on condition of their fighting under him and for him, as men-at-arms, marshals, standard-bearers ; it was a league in case of danger. In fact, they were in a hostile and conquered country, and they have to maintain themselves. Each one hastened to build for himself a place of refuge, castle or fortress,^ well fortified, of solid stone, with narrow windows, strengthened with battlements, garrisoned by soldiers, pierced with loopholes. Then these men went to Salisbury, to the number of sixty thousand, all holders of land, having at least enough to support a complete horse or armour. There, placing their hands in William's, they promised him fealty and assistance ; and the king's edict declared that they must be all united and bound together like brothers in arms, to defend and succour each other. They are an armed colony, and encamped in their dwellings, like the Spartans amongst the Helots ; and they make laws accordingly. When a French- man is founa dead in any district, the inhabitants are to give up the murderer, unless they pay forty-seven marks as compensation ; if the dead man is English, it rests with the people of the place to prove it by the oath of four near relatives of the deceased. They are to beware of killing a stag, boar, or fawn ; for an offence against the forest-laws they will lose their eyes. They have nothing of all their property assured ' At King Stephen's death there were 1115 castles. 72 THE SOURCE. [BOOK 1 to them except as alms, or on condition of tribute, or by taking the oath of homage. Here a free Saxon proprietor is made a body-slave on his own estate,^ Here a noble and rich Saxon lady feels on her shoulder the weight of the hand of a Norman valet, who is become by force her husband or her loA^er. There were Saxons of one sou, or of two sous, according to the sum which they brought to their masters ; they sold them, hiied them, worked them on joint account, like an ox or an ass. One Norman abbot has his Saxon predecessors dug up, and their bones thrown without the gates. Another keeps men-at-arms, who reduce the recalcitrant monks to reason by blows of their swords. Imagine, if you can, the pride of these new lords, conquerors, strangers, masters, nourished by habits of violent activit}^, and by the savagery, ignorance, and passions of feudal life. 'They thought they might do whatsoever they pleased,' say the old chroniclers. * They shed blood indiscriminately, snatched tlie morsel of bread from the moutli of the wretched, and seized upon all the money, the goods, the land.'^ Thus * all tlie folk in the low coimtry were at great pains to seem humble before Ives Taillebois, and only to address him with one knee on the ground ; but although they made a point of paying him every honour, and giving him all and more than all which they owed him in the way of rent and service, he harassed, tormented, tortured, imprisoned them, set his dogs upon their cattle, . . . broke the legs and backbones of their beasts of burden, . . . and sent men to attack their servants on the road wiih sticks and swords.' The Normans would not and could not borrow any idea or custom from such boors ;^ they despised them as coarse and stu[)id. They stood amongst them, as the Spaniards amongst the Americans in the sixteenth century, superior in force and culture, more versed in letters, more expert in the arts of luxury. They preserved their manners and their speech. England, to all out- ward appearance — the court of the king, the castles of the nobles, the palaces of the bishops, the houses of the wealthy — was French ; and the Scandinavian people, of whom sixty years ago the Saxon kings used to have poems sung to them, thought that the nation had forgotten its language, and treated it in their laws as though it were no longer tlieir sister. It was then a French literature whi:,h was at this time domiciled across the Channel,^ and the conquerors tried to make it purely French, purged from all Saxon alloy. They made such a point of this, that the nobles in the reign of Henry ii. sent their sons to France, to pre~ ^ A. Thierry, Histoire de la Conquete de VAngleterre, ii. 2 William of Malmesbury. A. Thierry, ii. 20, 13S-203. 3 ' In the year 653,' says Warton, i. 3, 'it was the common practice of the Anglo-Saxons to send their youth to the monasteries of France for education ; and not only the language but the manners of the French were esteenced th« most polite accomplishmenta.' * Warton, i. 5. CHAP II.J THE NORMANS. 73 serve them from barbarisms. *For two hundred years,* says Higden,* *cliildren in scole, agenst the usage and manir of all other nations bceth compelled for to leve hire own langage, and for to construe hir lessons and hire thynges in Frensche.' The statutes of the universities obliged the students to converse either in French or Latin. * Gentil- men children beeth taught to speke Frensche from the tyme that they bith lokked in hire cradell ; and uplondissche men will likne himself to gentylmen, and fondeth with greet besynesse for to speke Frensche.* Of course the poetry is French. The Norman brought his minstrel v/ith him ; there was Taillefer, the jongleur, who sang the Song of Roland at the battle of Hastings ; there w^as Adeline, the Jongleuse, who received an estate in the partition which followed the Conquest. The Norman v/ho ridiculed the Saxon kings, who dug up the Saxon saints, and cast them without the walls of the church, loved none but French ideas and verses. It was into French verse that Robert Wace rendered the legendary history of the England which was conquered, and the actual history of the Normandy in which he continued to live. Enter one of the abbeys where the minstrels come to sing, ' where the clerks after dinner and supper read poems, the chronicles of kingdoms, the wonders of the world,'* you will only find Latin or French verses, Latin or French prose. What becomes of English? Obscure, de- spised, we hear it no more, except in the mouths of degraded franklins, outlaws of the forest, swineherds, peasants, the lowest orders. It is no longer, or scarcely written ; gradually we find in the Saxon chronicle that the idiom alters, is extinguished ; the chronicle itself ceases within a century after the Conquest.^ The people who have leisure or security enough to read or write are French ; for them authors devise and compose ; literature always adapts itself to the taste of those who can appreciate and pay for it. Even the English* endeavour to write in French : thus Robert Grostete, in his allegorical poem on Christ ; Peter Langtoft, in his Chronicle of England^ and in his Life of Thomas a Becket; Hugh de Rotheland, in his poem of Ilippomedon ; John Hoveden, and many others. Several WTite the first half of the verse in English, and the second in French ; a strange sign of the ascendency which is moulding and oppressing them. Still, in the fifteenth cen- tury,^ many of these poor folk are employed in this task; French is the language of the court, from it arose all poetry and elegance ; he if * Trevisa's translation of the Polycronycon. ' Statutes of foundation of New College, Oxford. Tn the ahbey of Glastonbury, in 1247 : Liber de excidio Trojce, gesta Ricardi rer/is, gesta Alexandrl Magni, etc. In the abbey of Peterborough : Amys et Amelion, Sir Tristam, Guy de Bourgogne, gesta Otiiclls, les propheties de Merlin, le Charlemagne de Turpin, la destruction ae Troie, etc. Warton, ibidem. 3 In 1154. ^ WartoD, i. 72-78. 5 In 1400. Warton, ii. 348. Gower died in 1408 ; his French ballads h« long to the end of the fourteenth century. 74 THE SOURCE. [BOOK 1 but a clodhopper who is inapt at that style. They apply themselves to it as our old writers did to Latin verses ; they are gallicised as those were latinised, by constraint, with a sort of fear, knowing well that they are but scholars and provincials. Gower, one of their best poets, at th<* end of his French works, excuses himself humMy for not having * do Fran^ais la faconde. Pardonnez moi,' he says, * que de ce je for»- voie; je suis Anglais.' And yet, after all, neither the race nor the tongue has perished. It is necessary that the Norman should learn English, in order to com- mand his serfs ; his Saxon wife speaks it to him, and his sons receive it from the lips of their nurse ; the contagion is strong, for he it obliged to send them to France, to preserve them from the jargon which on his domain threatens to overwhelm and spoil them. From generation to generation the contagion spreads ; they breathe it in the air, with the foresters in the chase, the farmers in the field, the sailors on the ships : for these rough people, shut in by their animal existence, are not the kind to learn a foreign language ; by the simple weight of their dulness they impose their idiom, at all events such as pertains to living terms. Scholarly speech, the language of law, abstract end philosophical expressions, — in short, all words depending on reflection and culture may be French, since there is nothing to prevent it. This is just what happens ; these kind of ideas and this kind of speech are not understood by the commonalty, who, not being able to touch them, cannot change them. This produces a French, a colonial French, doubtless perverted, pronounced with closed mouth, with a contortion of the organs of speech, * after the school of Stratford-atte-Bow ;' yet it is still French. On the other hand, as regards the speech employed about common actions and sensible objects, it is the people, the Saxons, who fix it; these living words are too firmly rooted in his experience to allow of his removing them, and thus the whole substance of the language comes from him. Here, then, we have the Norman who, slowly and constrainedly, speaks and understands English, a deformed, gallicised English, yet English, vigorous and original ; but he has taken his time about it, for it has required two centuries. It was only under Henry iii. that the new tongue is complete, with the new con- stitution, and that, after the like fashion, by alliance and intermixture ; the burgesses come to take their seats in Parliament with the nobles, at the same time that Saxon words settle down in the language side by side with French words. V. So was modern English formed, by compromise, and the necessity of being understood. But one can well imagine that these nobles, even while speaking the growing dialect, have their hearts full of French tastes and ideas; France remains the land of their genius, and the literature which now begins, is but translation. Translators, copyists. i.THAP. II.] THE NORMANS. 75 imitators — there is nothing else. England is a distant province, wliich is to France what the United States were, thirty years ago, to Euroj)€ : she exports her wool, and imports her ideas. Open the Voyage attd Travaile of Sir John Maundeville^^ the oldest prose-writer, the Villehar- douin of the country : his book is but the translation of a translation.* He writes first in Latin, the language of scholars ; then in French, the language of society ; finally he reflects, and discovers that the barons, his compatriots, by governing the rustic Saxons, have ceased to speak their own Norman, and that the rest of the nation never knew it ; he translates his book into English, and, m addition, takes care to make it plain, feeling that he speaks to less expanded understandings. He says in French : * II advint une fois que Mahomet allait dans une chapelle oh. il y avait un saint ermite. II entra en la chapelle 011 il y avait une petite huisserie et basse, et etait bien petite la chapelle ; et alors devint la porte si grande qu'il semblait que ce fut la porte d'un palais. ' He stops, recollects himself, wishes to explain himself better for his readers across the Channel, and says in English : 'And at the Desertes of Arabye, he wente in to a Chapelle where a Eremyte duelte. And whan he entred in to the Chapelle that was but a lytille and a low thing, and had but a lytill Dore and a low, than the Entree began to wexe so gret and so large, and so highe, as though it had*ben of a gret Mynstre, or the Zate o< aPaleys.'3 Yen perceive that he amplifies, and thinks himself bound to clinch and drive in three or four times in succession the same idea, in order to get it into an English brain ; his thought is drawn out, dulled, spoiled in the process. So that, being all a copy, the new literature is mediocre, and repeats that which went before, with fewer merits and greater faults. Let us see, then, what our Norman baron gets translated for him : first, the chronicles of GeolFroy Gaimar and Robert Wace, which con- » He wrote in 1356, and died in 1372. * * And for als moche as it is louge time passed that ther was no generalle Pas- wige ne Vyage over the See, and many Men desiren for to here speke of the holy t.ond, and han thereof gret Solace and Comfort, I, John Maundevylle, Knyght, alle b(3 it I be not worthi, that was born in Englond, in the town of Seynt-Albones, passed the See in the Zeer of our Lord Jesu-Crist 1322, in the Day of Seynt Michelle, and hidreto have been longe tyme over the See, and have seyn and gon thorgho nanye dyverse londes, and many Provynces, and Kingdomes, and lies. 'And zee shulle undirstonde that I have put this Boke out of Latyn into Frcnsclie, and translated it azen out of Frensche into Englyssche, tliat every Man of my Nacioun may undirstonde it. ' — Sir John MaundevUle's Voyage and Travaile^ ©d. Halliwell, 1866, prologue, p. 4. ^ Ibid, xii. p. 139. It is confessed that the original on which Wace de- pended for his ancient History oj England is the Latin compilation of Qeofire/ of Moumoutli 76 THE SOURCE. [BOOK t aist of the fabulous history of England continued np to their day, a dull-rhymed rhapsody, turned into English in a rhapsody no less dull. The first Englishman who attempts it is Layamon,^ a monk of Ei nely, still fettered in the old idiom, who sometimes happens to rhyme, some- times fails, altogether barbarous and childish, unable to develop a con- tinuous idea, babbling in little confused and incomplete phrases, after the fashion of the ancient Saxon ; after him a monk, Robert oi Gloucester, and a canon, Robert of Brunne, both as insipid and clear as their French models, having become gallicised, and adopted the significant characteristic of the race, namely, the faculty and habit of easy narra- tion, and seeing moving spectacles without deep emotion, of writing prosaic poetry, of discoursing and developing, of believing that phrases ending in the same sounds form real poetry. Our hcnest English versifiers, like their preceptors in Normandy and He- de-France, gar- nished with rhymes their dissertations and histories, and called them poems. At this epoch, in fact, on the Continent, the whole learning of the schools descends into the street ; and Jean de Meung, in his poem * Extract from the accoimt of the proceedings at Arthur's coronation given bj Layamon, in his translation of Wace, executed about 1180. Maddei/s Laya?n Warton, i. 133 : * In Fraunce these rhymes were wroht. Every Englyshe ne knew it not.' " See Lingard's History, ii. 55, note 4— Tr. CHAP. II.] THE NORMANS. S5 tion of a red-hot iron into his bowels. Look in Froissart for the de- baucheries and murders, in France as well as in England, of the Hun- dred Years' War, and then for the slaughters of the Wars of the Roses. In both countries feudal independence ended in civil war, and the middle age founders under its vices. Chivalrous courtesy, w^hich cloaked the native ferocity, disappears like a garment suddenly consumed by the breaking out of a fire ; at that time in England they killed nobles in preference, and prisoners too, even children, with insults, in cold blood. What, then, did man learn in this civilisation and by this literature? How was he humanised? What precepts of justice, habits of reflection, store of true judgments, did this culture interpose between 'his .desires and his actions, in order to moderate his passion? He dreamed, he imagined a sort of elegant ceremonial in order to address better lords and ladies ; he discovered the gallant code of little Jehan de Saintre. But where is the true education? Wherein has Froissart profited by all his vast experience ? He was a fine specimen of a babbling child ; what they called his poesy, the poesie neuve, is only a refined gabble, a senile puerility. Some rhetoricians, like Christine de Pisan, try to round their periods after an ancient model ; but their literature amounts to nothing. No one can think. Sir John Maunde- ville, who travelled all over the world a hundred and fifty years after Villehardouin, is as contracted in his ideas as Villehardouin himself. Extraordinary legends and fables, every sort of credulity and ignor- ance, abound in his book. When he wishes to explain why Palestine has passed into the hands of various possessors instead of continuing under one government, he says that it is because God would not that it should continue longer in the hands of traitors and sinners, whether Christians or others. He has seen at Jerusalem, on the steps of the temple, the footmarks of the ass which our Lord rode on Palm Sunday. He describes the Ethiopians as a people who have only one foot, but so large that they can make use of it as a parasol. He instances one island ' where be people as big as gyants, of 28 feet long, and have no cioathing but beasts' skins;' then another island, * where there are many evil and foul women, but have precious stones in their eyes, and have such force that if they behold any man with wrath, they slay him with beholding, as the basilisk doth.' The good man relates ; that is all : hesitation and good sense scarcely exist in the world he lives in. He has neither judgment nor personal reflection ; he piles facts one on top 3f another, with no further connection ; his book is simply a mirror which reproduces recollections of his eyes and ears. * And all those who will say a Pater and an Ave Maria in my behalf, I give them an interest and a share in all the holy pilgrimages I ever made in my life,' That is his farewell, and accords with all the rest. Neither public morality nor public knowledge has gained anything from these three centuries of culture. This French culture, copied in vain throughout Europe, has but superficially adorned mankind, and the varnish with 56 THE SOUllCE. BOOKI which it decked them, already fades away or scales off. It was worse in England, where the thing was more superficial and the application worse than in France, where strange hands daubed it on, and where it only half-covered the Saxon crust, which remained coarse and rough. That is the reason why, during three centuries, throughout the first feudal age, the literature of the Normans in England, made up of imi- tations, translations, and clumsy copies, ends in nothing. VL Meantime, what has become of the conquered people? Has the old stock on which the brilliant continental flowers were grafted, en- gendered no shoot of its own speciality? Did it continue barren during this time under the Norman axe, which stripped it of all its shoots? It grew very feebly, but it grew nevertheless. The subju- gated race is not a dismembered nation, dislocated, uprooted, sluggish, like the populations of the Continent, which, after the long Roman oppression, were delivered over to the disorderly invasion of bar- barians ; it remained united, fixed in its own soil, full of sap : its members were not displaced ; it was simply lopped in order to receive on its crown a cluster of foreign branches. True, it had suffered, but at last the wound closed, the saps mingled.^ Even the hard, stiff liga- tures with which the Conqueror bound it, henceforth contributed to its fixity and vigour. The land was mapped out ; every title verified, defined in writing ;* every right or tenure valued; every man registered as to his locality, condition, duty, resources, worth, so that the whole nation was enveloped in a network of which not a mesh would break. Its future development was according to this pattern. Its constitution was settled, and in this determinate and stringent enclosure men were bound to unfold themselves and to act. Solidarity and strife : these were the two effects of the great and orderly establishment which shaped and held together, on one side the aristocracy of the conquerors, on the other the conquered people ; even as in Rome the systematic importation of conquered peoples into the plebs, and the constrained organisation of the patricians in contrast Avith the plebs, enrolled the several elements in two orders, whose opposition and union formed the state. Thus, here as in Rome, the national character was moulded And completed by the habit of corporate action, the respect for written law, political and practical aptitude, the development of combative and patient energy. It was the Domesday Book which, binding this young 1 * Pictorial History, i. 666 ; Dialogue on the Exchequer, temp. Hem. u. ^ Domesday Book. Froude's Hist, of England, 1858, i. 13 : * Through all theao arrangements a single aim is visible, that every man in England should have his definite place and definite duty assigned to him, and that no human being should be at liberty to lead at his own pleasure an unaccountable existence. The disci- pline of an army was transferred to the details of social life. * CHAP. ll.J THE NORMANS. 81 society in a rigid discipline, made of the Saxon the Englishman we see in our own day. Gradually and slowly, through the gloomy complainings of the chroniclers, we find the new man fashioned by action, like a child whc cries because a steel instrument, though it improves his figure, gives hira pain. However reduced and downtrodden the Saxons were, they did not all sink into the populace. Some,^ almost in every county, remained lords of their estates, if they would do homage for them to the king. A great number became vassals of Norman barons, and remained proprie- tors on this condition. A greater number became socagers, that is, free proprietors, burdened with a tax, but possessed of the right of alienat- ing their property ; and the Saxon villeins found patrons in these, as the plebs formerly did in the Italian nobles who were transplanted to Rome. It w^as an effectual patronage, that of the Saxons who pre- served their integral position, for they were not isolated : marriages from the first united the two races, as it had the patricians and plebeians of Eome;'' a Norman, brother-in-law to a Saxon, defended himself in defending him. In those troublesome times, and in an armed com- munity, relatives and allies were obliged to stand close to one another for security. After all, it was necessary for the new-comers to consider their subjects, for these subjects had the heart and courage of a man . the Saxons, like the plebeians at Rome, remembered their native rank and their original independence. We can recognise it in the com- plaints and indignation of the chroniclers, in the growling and menaces of popular revolt, in the long b'tterness with which they continually recalled their ancient liberty, in the favour with which they cherished the daring and rebellion of the outlaws. There were Saxon families at the end of the twelfth century, who had bound themselves by a per- petual vow, to wear long beards from father to son, in memory of the national custom and of the old country. Such men, even though fallen to the condition of socagers, even sunk into villeins, had a stiffer neck than the wretched colonists of the Continent, trodden down and moulded by four centuries of Roman taxation. By their feelings as by their condition, they were the broken remains, but also the living elemeutj^ of a free people. They did not suffer the limits of oppression. They constitute the body of the nation, the laborious, courageous body which supplied its energy. The great barons felt that they must rely * Domesday Book, * tenants-in-chief. ' * Pict. Hist. i. 666. According to Ailred (temp. Hen. ii.), *a king, many bishops and abbots, many great earls and noble knights, descended both from English and Norman blood, constituted a support to the one and an honour to the ether.' * At present,' says another author of the same period, *as the English and Normans dwell together, and have constantly intermarried, the two nations are S9 completely mingled together, that, at least as regards freemen, one can scarcely distinguish who is Norman, and who English. . . . The villeins attached t* the soil,' he says again, ' are alone of pure Saxon blood.' 88 THE SOURCE. [BOOK 1 upon them in their resistance to the king. Very soon, m stipula- ting for themselves, they stipulated for all freemen,* even for the merchants and villeins. Thereafter * No merchant shall be dispossessed of his merchandise, no villein of the instra. ments of his labour ; no freeman, merchant, or villein shall be taxed unreasonably for a small crime ; no freeman shall be arrested, or imprisoned, or disseised of his land, or outlawed, or destroyed in any manner, but by the lawful judgment of liia peers, or by the law of the land.' The red-bearded Saxon, with his clear complexion and great white teeth, came and sate by the Norman's side ; these were franklins like the one whom Chaucer describes : * A Frankelein was in this compagnie ; "White was his berd, as is the dayesie. Of his complexion he was sanguin, Wei loved he by the morwe a sop in win. To liven in delit was ever his wone. For he was Epicures owen sone, That held opinion that plein delit "Was veraily felicite parfite. An housholder, and that a grete was he, Seint Julian he was in his contree. His brede, his ale, was alway after on ; A better envyned man was no wher non. Withouten bake mete never was his hoiw. Of fish and flesh, and that so plenteous. It snewed in his hous of mete and drinke, Of all deintees that men coud of thinke ; After the sondry sesons of the yere. So changed he his mete and his soupere. Ful many a fat partrich had he in mewe, And many a breme, and many a luce in stewe. Wo was his coke but if his sauce were Poinant and sharpe, and redy all his gera His table, dormant in his halle alway Stode redy covered alle the longe day. At sessions ther was he lord and sire. Ful often time he was knight of the shircb An anelace and a gipciere all of silk, Heng at his girdel, white as morwe milk. A shereve hadde he ben, and a contour. Was no wher swiche a worthy vavasour.'' ■ With him occasionally in the assembly, oftenest among the audience, were the yeomen, farmers, foresters, tradesmen, his fellow-countrymen, muscular and resolute men, not slow in the defence of their property, and in the support, with voice, blows, and weapons, of him who would ' Magna Charta, 1215. * Chaucer's Woi'ks, ed. Sir H. Nicholas, 6 vols., 1845, Prologue to the Gan terh.iry Tales, ii. p. 11, v. 333. THE NORMANS ^^ take tlieir cause in hand. Is it likely that the ^content of such men eould be overlooked ? • The Miller was a stout carl for the nones, Ful bigge he was of brann, and eke of bones ; That proved wel, for over all ther he came, At -wrastling he wold bare away the ram. He was short slmldered brode, a thikke gnaiTft, Ther n'as no dore, that he n'olde heve of ban-e, Or breke it at a renning with his hede. His herd as any sowe or fox was rede. And therto brode, as though it were a spade. Upon the cop right of his nose he hade A wert, and theron stode a tufte of heres, Rede as the bristles of a sowes eres : His nose-thirles blacke were and wide, A swerd and bokeler bare he by his side. His mouth as wide was as a forneis, He was a jangler and a goliardeis, And that was most of sinne, and harlotries. "Wel coude he stelen corne and tollen thiiea, And yet he had a thomb of gold parde. A white cote and a blew hode wered he. A baggepipe wel coude he blowe and soune. And therwithall he brought us out of tonne.'* Those arc the athletic forms, the square build, the jolly John Bulls of the period, such as we yet find them, nourished by meat and porter, sustained by bodily exercise and boxing. These are the men we must keep before us, if we will understand how political liberty has been established in the country. Gradually they find the simple knights, their colleagues in the county court, too poor to assist with the great barons at the royal assemblies, coalescing with them. They become united by community of interests, by similarity of manners, by nearness of condition ; they take them for their representatives, they elect them.^ They have now entered upon public life, and the advent of a new reinforcement, gives them a perpetual standing in their changed condition. The towns laid waste by the Conquest are gradually re- peopled. They obtain or exact charters ; the townsmen buy themselves out of the arbitrary taxes that were imposed on them; they get possession of the land on which their houses are built ; they unite themselves under mayors and aldermen. Each town now, within the meshes of the great feudal net, is a power. Leicester, rebelling against the king, summons two burgesses from each town to Parliament,^ to authorise and support him. Thenceforth the conquered race, both in country and town, has ^ Prologue to the Canterhury Tales, ii. p. 17, v, 547. ■ From 1214, and also in 1225 and 1254. Guizot, Origin of the Rq»re$erU