V »l 1 • .^o' * r,^^ v^' -^^^0^ '. -K. 9- ^ *,J '\.*^-'/ V'^^\/ "V*^-'/ V "<=. o o AN EXAMINATION OF MR. CAliHOiyX^S liCOXOiVl^ AND AJ>r APOLOGY TOR THOSE 0ttmbtt^ of Congreiefie? "WaO HAYB BEEN DENOVITCED AS BADICALS. ^' V/Y S^fhyiicl [J^ /i-'^x-^-i"^''^ PART \8t. DECEMBER, 1823, r'^N Department. ^^ UMBiA Telescope. Since me secretary of v\ ar yielded to the earnest solicitations of a caucus,, composed of a small but select number of his friends, in the Legislature of houth Caro- lina, to be considered as a Candidate for the Next Presi- dency, he has made more noise than all the other presidential candidate* together, i his he has been ena- bled to do, chiefly iS^tie Officers of our standing army, who have also obtained his consent to be considered as their candidate An eflRcient corps of newspaper editors has been recruited, organized, and equipped, for the ser- vice of the War Department, and well drilled and dis- ciplined under a proper head, established at the f^eat of Government. These editors have sounded his praises throughout the Union, with undaunted courage and un- remitting exertion. If we are to believe one iialf they say in favor of their youthful candidate, his talents, greatly transcend the limits we liave heretofore ascribed to the human intellect. Compared with him, even Washing- ton and Jefferson must be considered as secondary cha- racters. He is represented as a Stak " in our political fir- manent, whose rising effulgence has attracted the eyes of the American People," — " exciting new hopes and anti- jCipations." That this young gentleman has suddenly become a star of the first magnitude, is partly explained by the edi- tors of the Franklin Gazette, who very gravely inform their readers, that Calhoun burst upon the irorld. Of course, this luminary has not shed his light upon us by degrees, liUp iho risinu; sun, ))ut has struck us with all his ^^n^ o ^^ NO. I. *' Great savings in the War Department^ Columbia Telescope. f^ Since the Secretary of War yielded to the earnest solicitations of a caucus, composed of a small but select number of his friends, in the I legislature of houth Caro- lina, to be considered as a Candidate for the Next Presi- dency, he has made more noise than all the other presidential candidates together. I his he has been ena- bled to do, chiefly Dyjttie ^Tcers of our standing army, who have also obtained his consent to be considered as their candidate An efficient corps of newspaper editors has been recruited, organized, and equipped, for the ser- vice of the War Department, and well drilled and dis- ciplined under a proper head, establislied at the ■^eat of Government. These editors have sounded his praises throughout the Union, with undaunted courage and un- remitting exertion. If we are to believe one half they say in favor of their youthful candidate, his talents, greatly transcend the limits we liave lieretofore ascribed to the human intellect. Compared with him, even Washing- ton and Jefferson must be considered as secondary cha- racters. He is represented as a Htak '^ in our political fir- manent, whose rising effulgence has attracted the eyes of the American People," — " exciting new hopes and anti- cipations." That this young gentleman has suddenly become a star of the first magnitude, is partly explained by the edi- tors of the Franklin Gazette, who very gravely inform their readers, that Calhoun burst upon the u'orld. Of course, this luminary has not shed his light upon us by degrees, like the rising snn, ])nt has struck us >vlt!i all his meridian spli'Uilors at once, and thus be-dazzlled and confounded no small porti <>u of our y umger politicians. This is a new and bold experiment on the part of the .Secretary, and if it shall prove successful, we shall have young gentlemen bursting upon us from all quarters, ur Presidents thus far, have gradually risen to their elevated stations, by a long series of faithful and impor- tant services performed for their country; and it is not believed, that the confidence of the people can be sud- denly gained, by any splendid innovations upon the course, hitherto pursued and consecrated by the patriots who have presided over the councils of the nation. l he lofty pretensions of the army candidate, have as yet, received but little notice, from those who think he has no claim to the high character he assumes, because they have never believed that he could possibly succeed, in his ambitious views. 'hey have never believed that a whole host of editors, could write a gentleman of Mr. Calhoun's age and merits, into the Presidency, even with aid of all the officers of the standing army. There are circumstances, however, which render it important to examine, with some attention, his assumed superiority of character and intellect, and his pretended merits on the score of service. Although it has been evident for several months past, to the blindest of his flatterers, and even to himself, the most blind of all. that he can have no prospect of re- ceiving more than the vote of his own state; yet his agents, civil and military, are pressing their operations with as much industry and zeal, as if he wa> seriously to be held up as a Candid te to the last. The objects o^ tiiese ap- parently desperate measures, are not misunderstood. — One, perhaps the nearest to the "ecretary-s heart, i^ to crush what remains of the old democratic party, in Con- gress, under the pretence of extirpating rulicalism. A nr- Iher is to gain as large a stock of popularity as possible, to be passed over, for a valuable ciuisideratinn. to the northern candidate for the Pres'deucy. As to the first, much has already been done under the late system of a- malgam • 'jig partiis. As to the other, it remains yet to be seen, liow far the popularity thus to be created, may he of a negociable or transfcrrable nature. When Mr. Calhonn received the appointment of Secictaiyof War. after it liad been oflTered tu •Governor Shelby, Mr. Lowndes, and VI r. Clay, and refused by Ihein all, it did not occur to him, that he could by any possible proce!?s ripen liimself into a presidential candi- date before he should reacli the age of forty; althoui^h he had fully made up his mind, to rule over this people in due season. His immediate aim was to provide a suita- ble successor to V^r. Monroe, who might hold on a few years, until his own character and pretensions should be- come more fully matured. Home Presidents have been accused of selecting their successors; but this Preside? t, that is to hey is endeavor- ing to select hi« predecessor; and thus make provision, that the good people of this country, sh 11 not be in want of presidents or presidential candidates, for at least six- teen oreig .teen years to come. It will be rec Heeled that in 1818, Mr. Calhoun and his immediate friends, were very solicitous to select a northern candidate for the ps esidency. 1 hey openly de- clared that the people of the north had a fair claim to this high office; that the gentlemen of t Ue south were on this occasion, governed by the most liberal principles and feel- ings, and were dispo ed to do justice to every part of the Union. These professions of liberality however, deceiv- ed no b!)dy. Althou2;h no President had ever been elected from a state south of Virginia, which, in fact, is now one ot the middle states; yet all the Presidents from this state have been charged to the south, as much so as if they had been eleeted from the Carolinas or from i Georgia. Mr. Calhoun saw clearly, that if the next presiden should be elected from the South, the claims of the '-orth and West eight years hence, would be such, as not to be resisted; and of course that his turn to be elected, would not pro- bably arrive under sixteen or eighteen years, for which he had not patience to wait And hence arose his great liberality towards the gentlemen of the North. In two or three years after he was placed at the head of the War Department, his extreme indulgence to the officers of the army was such, 's to gain heir entire ^confidence. Thev rewarded him with unbounded ap- plause, and conleired on liim the endearing title of Failicr «)f tlie Arm} . This gave new energy to his ambition. — He began to conclude, that although nothing could be more opposite in their natures, than the Father of the Army? and the Father of the Country, he could reconcile contradietions, and become the latter without ceasing to be the former. Forthwith, he resolved to be the imme- diate successor of Mr Monroe. His liberality towards the gentlemen of the nortli began to subside, It appear- ed to him very clearly, that the claims of the South, were not at this time to be overlooked. Mississippi, Alabama, and Louisiana, were to be taken into the account. The Soutliern states, properly speaking, had never given a President to the Union, although they had been always willins; to do so. While this was the case, it seemed preposterous to select a President, from the north and not only from the same state, but from the same family, that had already given us one. A coldness took place between Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Adams, followed by jea- lousy and rivalship. Mr. Calhoun had calculated upon receiving the votes of Pennsylvania, because his father was l)orn there as he alledges; which most flattering cir- cumstance, had intoxicated some of the sober citizens of that great state. But the caucus at Harrisburg last spring put a stop to his dreams of immediate power; and then liis liberality towards the gentlemen of the north, began agiin to rise. Confidence between these rivals Avas res- tored; and it is said ;t coalition has been formed between them, mutually, beneficial, and satisfactory to the parties and their immediate friends On the other hand, howe- ver, it is alledged, that Mr. Calhoun denies this coalition, and that speaking of the s^'veral candidates he declared positively, that each man sailed his own ship; which, probably gave rise to tliis vastly pretty paragra])h res- j)ecting him, which lately appeared in the Franklin Gazette, — " Like a gallant vessel on a troubled ocean, he proudly stems the opposing current; and with calm and steady dignity, glides towards the destined harbour, h\>, course onlv accelleuited by the asiitation of the elc- nieiit o!) whicii he moves." Notwithstanding all this, it is btlieved that Mr. Calhoun docs not sail upon his own 5 bottom, but that he expects to be towed into harbour by the Adams, V» hat is Mr. CallKnin, or what has he done, that entitles liini to the unbounded praises bestowed upon him by the officers of the army and his corps of Kditors? Mr. I'alhoun was a distinguished orator in the House of Hepresentative, for five or six years. T5ut amon^ those who were in the House with him, tliere were several of his superiors. Mr. Lowndes and Mr. Cheves from his own state were decidedly so, as were also, Mr. Clay, Mr. Pinckiiey, Mr. tockton and Mr. Webster; Mr. Grun- dy, Mr. Oakley, Mr. Forsyth, Mr. Grosvernor, and Mr. Gaston, were generally considered as his equals. To be ranked however, with these gentlemen, implies a higli decree of excellence in the art of oratory, which Mr. Cal- houn certainly possesses. He has also the merit of having joined a very large majority in both houses of Congress, in asserting the honor of our country, and in supporting the administration in all the measure s necessary for bringing the late war to a fortunate conclusion. Tlius far we are bound to applaud his character and conduct; and had he remained in Congress, his appro- priate tlieatre, it is probable he would have continued to render important services to his country, which as Secre- tary of War it is believed, lie never has done. Mr. Calhoun was distinguished as an orator, but ne- ver as a writer. In his communications to congress, al- tliough some of them are much laboured, there is no ap- proach to elegance or even neatness of style. He fre- quently aims ai brevity, but in this, he cronds without con- densing his materials; tuv whicli reason his sentences are sometimes obscure and perplexed. It is indeed remark- able, that a gentleman of his acknowledged talents, and classical education, should not, in his long and continued practice of writing, have acquired a better style. As to his ideas of business, they are altogether too magnificent for the affairs of this country, daring the pre- sent age. His aim has been to surround himself with subordinate heads of departments, who are to perform the duties formerly appertaining to his office, by which he is to escape the responsibily, and the care and labour of >■) the details of business. Tn f;«ct to assimilate his depart- ment to many important establishments in (ireat Britain, where the Head enjoys the emoluments and pat onage of office, while the duties and responsibilities rest upon su- bordinate agents. Of his expanded views of business as well as econo- my, wc may form a tolerable estimate, by examining his plan of reducing the army from ten to six thousand men, made in obedienc e to a resolution of the House of Repre- sentatives of the nth of May, 1830 In this he propo- ses i<» retain a general staff, sufficient in many respects, for an army of twenty thousand men — viz: ♦'2 Major Generals, 4 Aids (le Camp — subalterns of the line. 4 Brigadier Generals. 4 Aid de Camp — subalterns of the line. 1 .ludge Advocate. 6 Topographica Engineers. 1 Adjutant and Inspector General. Adjutants General, -» 4 Assistants Ad. utants General, / These to be ofliceis of the 2 Inspector's General, f line as vacancies occur. 4 Assistant Inspectors Gcner.il, J 1 Quarter Muster Gt-nerui. Deputies Quarter Master General. US Assistant Deputy Quarter Masters Gcner,il. rj Pay Masters. 1 Commissary Ccneral for tlie Purchasing Department, 1 Assistant Commissary General, '2 Stoickeepers. 1 Commissary General for the Subsistence Department, and wUli as many Assistant Commissafics as the service may require, all subalterns of tlie line. 1 Surgeon General. 2 Assistant Surgeons General, 1 Apothecary General. 2 Assistant Apotiiccarics. 23 Surgeo: s •44 Assiitanl Surgeons." it is truly surprising ti>at a Kepublican Secretary >houluii] atchieved his course to power and influence, by the force of his oicn ability, and the strength of his own integrity, he has maintained his situation, daily enlarging the circle of his own reputation, and transmittini; the solid and permanent benefits of his administration into every section of the Union." Trash like this, enough to fill a volume, might easily be collected from the public papers of the last two years. Economy and Calhoun are kept { sether. probably in stereotype, in these newspapers, as if there was really 13 Some connexion between them; as if they weie converti- ble terms; as if tliey meant the same thing, or as if L'al- houii was economy personified. But this is an unnatu- ral associatiiin, only to be found in the newspapers. A little examination will shew that Mr. Calhoun is a total stranger to economy. How did h e consult economy in his efforts to perpc tuate the abuse of brevet pay to the officers of the army, which abuse, (^ongress were under the necessity of cor- recting by law? Hq\v did he consult economy in his efforts to prevent every proper reduction of the army? ,How did he consult economy in his wild and vision- ary scheme of sending an army to the Yellow Stone river fifteen hundred miles up the Missouri, or in the expen- sive ; nd wretched manner, in which a part of that expe- dition was conducted? How did he consult economy when he loaned, or advanced without authority to Daniel Buzzard, ten thousand dollars of the public money, to build a powder mill for the said Buzzard, which loan was to remain three years without interest, and then to be returned, not in money, but in powder which was not wanted, and at a price much above its value? How did he consult economy in the Rip Rap con- tracts? These and many other cases of a similar character, present interesting subjects for critical examination. I shall, however, select a subject for a future communica- tion, depending chiefly upon Documentary evidence, which will afford a very distinct view of Mr. Calhoun'e system of economy. I mean his causing 3311 men to be recruited for the service of the year 1820, when Congress restricted tiie recruiting for that year to 1500 men; or, in other words, his recruiting 1500 men by the authority of Congress, and 171 i, by the authority of the War Depart- ment; and this after he had been required by the House of iCepresentativea, to report a plan for reducing; the armv from 10,000 to 6,000 men. CASSIT^S. NO. II. " Great savings in the War Department.*^ Columbia Telescope. The power of the Secretary of War had arrived at its highest pomt about the close of the year 1819. rie had produced a strong impression upon the .vi embers of Congress, as well as upon the puplic, that to oppos-r his measures, was to oppose the administration of the Presi- sident of the United States; and thus he availed himself, to a certain extent, of the weight of Mr. Monroe's char- acter. He had also produced another strong impression, which still seems to prevail, that he had more influence than any other member of the cabinet, in procuring ap- pointments to office; and, this, however groundless, has been of the greatest advantage to him. It has given him extensive influence, and added prodigiously to the fasci- nation of his manners. It has brought to his party, all the office hunters in the Union; and taken collectively, they are a very formidable body. His measures thus far, although considered as wild and extravagant by some of the old fashioned republicans, hud met with no decided opposition by a majority of eith- er house of Congress. But his estimates of the appro- priations neceessary for his department for the year 1830, startled those who had placed some reliance on his his prudence and talents for business. Even those who had believed all the accounts of the " great savings in the War Department," now began to examine for themselves into his expenditures. The consequence of which was, that a majority of both houses of Congress concurred in the propriety of arresting the Secretary in his favorite. 14 but useless and extravagant scheme, of sending an army to the Yellow -^tone Kiver, fifteen hundred miles up the Missouri. I'hey determined to check the recruiting ser- vice, which he was urging with as much ardour, as if a powerful enemy had invaded our shores, and was march- ing to Washington. And what was still more offensive, they adopted measures for reducing the army to six thou- sand men. For these and similar offences, they have been stig- matized as Radicals, and denounced as enemies to the administration. 'I'he Secretary has made war upon them by every means in his power. A paper has been estab- lished at Washington, under his immediate patronage to write them down. He has pursued them into the remot- est parts of the Union; and South Carolina is not the first nor the last state, in which his vindictive hand has been seen and felt. At the commencement of the year 1817, the army in the aggregate, amounted to 10,1)24'. There were recruited in that year 3,939 In the year 18(8 - - 4,238 In the year i8l9 - - 4,304 In three years, 12,481 At the close of the year 18 1 y the army amounted to - - - 8,688 Less than the aararrerate at the commence- 7 a om . CAof^u C lj33o mentofl8l7by 3 This number added to the 12,481 amounts to 13,817 men lost to the army in three years. Of these probably about 3()n( > were discharged on the expiration oi tlieir terms of service; the remainder were lost by desertion and other casualties. Mr. Calhoun required for the recruiting service of the year 1820 the sum of _ 8183,925 " Viz — for .7,;00 recruits — Bounties at 1 2 Dollars each S60,000 Premiums at 2 Dollars each 10,000 For quarters, fuel, bunks, citizen sur- i;eons for examining the recruits and p:f Ij attending tlie sick, fees for magis- trates for qualifying recruits until organized for joining Regiments or Corps, at 22 78 1 2 per man 113,925— 183,t)25 These estimates appear from a letter, from the Ad- jutant and Inspector General to the Secretary of \\ ar, and by him communicated to tlie Senate of the United States on the 20th of March 1820. The House of Representatives paid but litde atten- tion to the Secretary's estimates and instructions. They voted to appropriate for the whole recruiting service of that year, no more than S55. 1 25, not one third part of what the Secretary required. This appears from the first sec- tion of the bill making appropriations for the military ser- vice for 1820, and which passed into a law on the 14.idei'ed that i wcudd be thought disgraceful in the army, that the great est of all possible secretaries, should yield to a parcel ol Radicals in the two Hocses of <'ongress. He reflected th;.t should this ontumi cy, particularly on the part of th( Senate, be countenanced by the VV'ar Department, ii would soon grow up into a spirit of mutiny, that it mighi be diilicult to check. Besides, some calculations alarmed the Secretary. If the army at the close of the year 1>^2{), would amount to no more than 8o()() men, including the 1,500, to be re cni'tiMl by the authority of Congress, when in 1817, 181^ and 1819, there had been recruhed 12,481 men, in fom 17 years there would be a loss of sixteen tliousand, includ- ing th )se discharged on the expiration of their term of service. It followed from this, that should the recruiting service be ciiecked, the army in two years more would be reduced to a regiment, which would afford no apology for keeping in pay, nearly 700 commissioned otficeis: and might induce Congress to reduce the number of officers, which the Father of the Army ought in no wise to per- mit. And should any considerable portion of the officers of the army be dismissed, it might endanger the election of the army candidate; a calamity at all hazards t.> be avoided. Under such circumstances the secretary did not long hesitate. He ' EXPENDITUIIES. Amount of warr.iints issued by the Secretary of War to tlio 26th of December, applicable to boun- ties and ])remiums - - - 38,610 1? Amount disbursed by sundry persons applicable to bounties and premWims, an a,,o or-r on ofDecemnerl820,of - . $ ?58,867 80 Under the following heads, viz — Bounties and Premiums 43,492 45 Expenses of Recruiting 15,475 35 $58,868 80 Treasury Department, Second Auditor's Office, 28tl» Dec. 1820. WILLIAM LEE. Note. — When we say Robert Brent, late Paymaster General, refunded in 1820 $35,364,56, it ous^lu nut to />.; understood that he refunded that sum in mo- ney; he refundedit in settlemeiit of account only,- that is to say, a balance being due to him, for disbursements on account of subsistence, and being a debtor under the head of bounties and premiums, to a large amount; iiis account of subsistence was closed, by carrying a part of the balance, due by him on bounties and premiums, say $35,364,56, to his debit on that of subsistence, by which tmnsac ioks of the Third Auditor, of S40,9ll 18. Besides which there were other and inu6h larger sums due from him to the United States; for, by a report of the Comptroller of the Treasury of the 27th December, 18^3, it appears that he was a delinquent to the amount of SI 15,598 38, acciuing out of advances made to him ft-om the 18th of May, 1816, to June, 1819, reported for suit on the*4th of May, 1820. As the sixth item was iiivoilved in some obscurity, Mr. liee adds ail explanatory note, which Mr. Calhourt must have taken for a satisfactory elucidation of the sub- ject, or he would not have made it a part of his Report. 1 have examined this explanatory note 6ver and over, and nfever read any thing more ingeniously perplexed. Who would suppose that the iliagic force of a few entries in the bboks of the Second Auditof, by which not a cent was obtained from Mi*. Brent, and which was hot to dirfilHish the general balance against him to the aftiount of a cent, could authorize the Secretary of War, or ant other person, to draw S35,364 56 from any fund belong- ing to the United States? Roliert Hrent had expended mOre money upon the article of subsistence than had been put into his hands 23 for that particular purpose, which he took from monies put into his hands to pay hounties and premiums; — upon botii items pf account, however, tliere was a large bahmce due from him to the United States. It is easy to under- stand how his subsistence account was balanced by charging it with S35,364 5G wlii( h he had taken from the monies in his hands to pay bounties and premiums, and that the balance on his account of bounties and pre- miums should be diminished by that amount. This might be a convenient mode of ascertaining the final balance due from him on both accounts, but could be of no other importance to him or to the United States, as they were to receive no money from him on either account, and surely were not expected to pay any. But whence came the money? Hobert Brent refunded in " settle- ment of Recount only." This is not money: Yet the money was obtained from some quarter, for bounties and premiums cannot be paid in "settlement of account oidy.'' If this sum of S35,364 56, said to be refunded by J^obert Brent, but which never w as and never will be refuuded, was drawn from the 'ireasurer of the United States, as agent for the War Department, or from the treasury or any other fund belonging to the United JStates, after being charged to Robert Brent as if actually paid to him on account of his advances for subsistence, and credited to him as if actually refunded on account of an unexpended balance of money placed in his hands to pay bounties and premiums, and then applied to the recruiting service of the year 1820; if all this was done with Hobert Brent, while he was in his grave and knew nothing of tlie matter, it proves, at least, that the lisccretary is very ,^j\pert at raising the wind. In June, 1820, Robert Brent was indebted to the . United States in the sum of 8119,598 88. He was dead, and his estate utterly insolvent; and this money never has been, and never will be, refunded. An attempt to draw money from such a fund, thus sunk in the bottomless pit of the Paymaster's pocket, would formerly have b''en deemed as hopeless as the attempt of tho philosopher of Lapiita to extract sun beauT! from ^4 ( iicumbers: l^nt this is an age of improvements and every thing ;)'iLids lo the powers of genius. It was discovered that Mr. Brent had disbursed S3. ,864 ^^6 for subsistence over and above what was charged to him on that account. It was thought that this sum might be paid to him on the part of the United "^tates to balance and close this a( count of siibsi^ tence, provided he should immediately refund the same, on ac«^<>unt of a very large balance due from him on account of bounties an a p rt of the available funds, wiiich were applied to the recruiting service of 1820 under warrants drawn bv the * ecretas v of War. as if the same had been appropriated by Congress for the recruit- ing service of th .t year. Yet the money j)laced in the hands of Mr. Bient in 1818 for paying bounties and premiums for that year was not considered l)y Vh'. Calhoun as a part of the available funds from which b- unties and premiums could be paid in i818; for, in his letter of the 1 8th of December, !817, to the Chairman of the Committee of •. ays and Means, he i^ays, '• ' he ap ropriation for bounties and premiums for tiie ye.jr 1817 was ma-le on a supj)osition that twenty- live hundred men would be recruited within the year; but as more than three thousand men will have been recruited within that period, the apj)ropriation w ill necessarily be deiicient: and as the dischariiies from the Array in 1818 will probaldy Ui' equal to tho-«e in 1817, and a correspon- dent nuinbrr )f recruits will therefore be required, it may be pr.>jH'.r to increase this appro. uiition for the year 1818, ana make it 'H,OUO dollars instead of 33,000, as stated S5 in the general estimate." Had tlie money in the hands of Mr Brent been ronsidered as within the reach of Mr. Calhoun for the payment of bounties and premium s n 1818, this increase of ap|)ropriation would not have been asked for by liim, nor s^ranted by Conii,ress if it had been asked for. At this time, however, Mr. Calhoun has not made his wonderful discovery oi refunding in settlement of account only. Much has been affected by the magic pen of the' Second Auditor; but something remains yet to be done. More entries must be made upon liis books. From ids statement it appears that no more than 34, 1 25 dollars were in the ban is of the Secretary of War applicable to the expenses of recruiting, (exclusive of bounties and premiums) as for quarters, fuel, straw, bunks, &c This was the sum appropriated by Congress for these expen- ses for 1,500 recruits, and would answer for no more. 1,711 recruits, therefore, must have remained without fuel, straw, bunks, &c. if a part of the surplus available for bounties and premiums, say 839,037 63 1- ', had not been carried to the aid of this appropriation, which must have been done, althouu;h we cannot discover by what authority, as the appropriations for bounties and premi- ums, and the appropriaticms for the other expenses of recruiting, were made under distinc^ heads, and the accounts under them so kept, as appears by the Auditor's statements. According to the Auditor's statement, there was in the hands of the Secretary of War, for the payment of bounties and premiums, S91.133 02: — deduct from this bounties and premiums for 3,211 recruits, at gll each, 844,95 i— and a surplus is left of S4<>,179 03. The sum necessary for the expenses of recruiting 3,211 men, for quarters. fuel, straw, bunks, &c. at S2« 78| each, amounts to S73.162 fi3. 'J he sum applicable to this expense, as by the Auditor's statement, is S34. 125, shewing a deficit of S39,037 63. which must have been taken from the surplus above stated, and would still leave a balance of that surplus of 5?7 of ouv (^ovei/nment. When the Army was reduced in 1821, Congress were obliged to make the fullowing appropriation: '^ for three months gratuitons pay for disbanded officers and soldiers, including travelling allowances f r the same, six- ty thousand dollars." As the reduction of the Army fell almost exclusive- ly upon the rank and lile, few officers received any |)art of this appropriation: and, if no more men iiad been re- cruited in the preceding four years, than Congress inten- ded, a very small portion of this appropriation would iiave been wanted. The contests between the Secretary of War, and the two Houses of Congres-i, have been frequent and arduous; he struggling to draw money, money, more money from the Treasury, for the use of his Department, and they to retain it for other purposes. If, in all this, the Secretary has been right and Congress wrong, then indeed, must it be considered as unfortunate, that they did not, in the year 1820, borrow six millions of dollars instead of three, and in the year 1821, ten millions instead of five. Then our pt'ace establishment might have been kept up at ten thousand men; our army removed a thousand miles fur- ther into the wilderness, from Council Blufi's to Yellow Stone river: 'i'hen we might have recruited five thousand men every year; and every year have expended two or three hundred thousand dollars upon Hip Hap contracts. CASSIUS. NO. 111. ^^ Great savings in the War Department.^^ Columbia Telescope. That a Secretary of War should become popular with the officers of the Army, by observing a strict sys- tem of economy, in his Department, is what never did happen and never will But to be popular with the army, and at the same time gain a reputation for economy, Vlr. Calhoun has thought possible for he has raad'^ the at- tempt. And, if he can prostiate those members of Con- gress, who have opposed his measures, and whom he and his friends are pleased to call Radicals, lie mas possibly succeed. Hence the war, which he and his corps of edi- tors have made upon those me^abers; a war which they press with unremitting zeal and fury. The members thus denominated Radicals very con- scientiously believe that Mr, Calhoun has been more ex- travagant in the expenditure of public money, than any other Secretary of War has been in time of peace, from the commencement of our Government; and that their du- ty to their constituents bound them to oppose many of the appropriations which he required. And as my own con- viction is, that they were perfectly right, I feel disposed to make for them, such an apology as facts and circum- stances will warrant. The epithet Hadical, has been applied to* a large portion of the republican members of botli houses of Con- gress, by the Secretary and his friends, as a terra »!' re- proa h; very much as the terms Democrat, Jocobin, and Disorganizers were applied to members of Congress of the same principle;?, by the Friends of Opder and good Govprnment, under the administration of Mr. Adams. 30 '1 ) Tlic meaning of the word Radical, in its common acceptation implies nothing of reproach; hut it has an ac- quired and an imported meaning, extremely odious in the view of those Avho use it. A part of the subjects of the British Government have been stigmatized with the name of iadicals, who are ad- vocates for a Radical reform in parli;iment, a radic.il re- form in the hieiarchy, a radical reform in the standing Army, and a Kadical coiTection of a great variety of abu- ses, by which the laboring poor of that country are redu- ced to a condition more wretched than thU of slaves; and who are bowed down to the earth with ut remedy and without hope, by the laws of the Holy Alliance and the terrors of military despotism. The party thus denominated Radicals, are ex- tremely odious to the nobility, digUifi-d clergy, titled gen- try and officers of the army in that country, and by a common feeling, with the tories and aristocrats in this — But no American, who harbours in his bosom one spark of geiRiiue republicanism, but sympathizes with those unhappy people, who are struggling for a small portion of that liberty which we enjoy; who is not indig lant at the recitals which we have heard of murders committed, by the authority of government, on unarmed people, peaceably assembled to m.ke known their sufferings to their King — cut down by the sword, and trodden under the hoofs of the horses of a haughty and triumpbant military. The Hadical^ of that country do not wish to abolish the monarchy nor alter their form of government. Their views are much more moderate than were those of Hampden and ""Udney. ^'hey are much more oppressed than we were in '76, .uid yet no act of theirs is so radical as to bear tlie slightest comp irison with our Declaration of Independence. Still there are some in this country who look with a malignant eye upon their struggles, and who execrate their principles. But what have the Members of Congress called Radicals done to merit reproiicli? IMiey have endea- vored to revive Mr. Jefferson's old system of economy, yyh'iQh has long been stigmatized by Mr. Calhoun's Irie 31 riends as fenny icise and pound foolish, and exploded iccordingly — they have opposed several oF the appropri- ;• itions required for the army and fortifications, because hey appeared unnecessary, and must, if granted, lead to in immediate resort to loans or taxes — they liave passed several acts to limit the powers of the War Department, prevent improper transfers of appropriations, to restrain he power of making contracts, or purchasing land for the United tates without the assent of Congress — they have 3assed laws to enforce a faithful performance of duty on he part of the receiving and disbursing officers of the government, by obliging them to settle up their accounts )nce at least in four years, under tlie penalty of loosing heir offices — they have adopted rigid rules to ccmipel the collection of old balances due to the government — they aave pursued public defaulters by a great variety of aecessary but vexatious enquiries and investigations — md they have stopped the pay of such defaulters as re- nained in office until their arrears shall be accounted for md paid into the treasury, by a proviso to the appropria- ion laws of 1832 and 23. \ It may be thought strange that such a provision, by law, should be necessary at this time. Nothing can be aiore just than that money due from a defaulting officer hould be retained out of his pay in discharge of his debt. Under the administration of "Nlr. Jefferson it was the practice to retain the pay of officers thus in arrears; and they were happy to be continued in office under sucli conditions. It is the duty of the Comptrollers of the Treasury ^^ to take all such measures as may be authorized by the laws to enforce the payment of all debts due to the Linited States."' It was, therefore, their duty to retain, as far as they had the power, the pay and emolnments of such de- faulting officers in discharge of their debts to the United States. In addition to which the General ^iegulations of the .\rmy required thai the pay of sucli officers should be stopped, and this was done as late as the 20th of No- 3S vember, 1821, as will appear by the following letter of the Second Auditor: " TREASURY DEPARTMENT, 7 2ni1 Auditor's Office, Nov. 20. 1821. 5 SIR— Lieutenant of the 2nd Artillery was included in the Comptroller of the Treasury's report to Congress, in 1820, as having failed within the year, to make a settlement of his accounts; and, I therefore consider it my duty, under the 26th section of the 79ih article of the general regulations of the Army, to request, that measures may be taken to stop from his pay and emoluments the sum oi $,76, now due by him on the books of this office. With great respect, your obedient servant, WILLIAM LEE. D. Paeker, Pay Master General." This regulation was calcukted to save much money to our treasury, but was exces-^ively annoying to the officers; insomuch that the Father of the Array thought! himself called upon to interfere in their behalf, wliich he did very eiftctuelly, for a time at least, by the following] order: " DEPARTMENT OF WAR, Dec. 3d, 1821. SIR — The practice of instructing Paymasters, to withhold //ot?) officer's of the Army all such sums as may be reported by tlie Second and Third Auditors i to be due from them to the United States, is siisperseded. I have the honor, Sic. J. C. CALHOUN. The Paymaster General." This order was an important point gained by these officers for the time, and would have continued to be so, but for the interference of the Radicals, who counteracted the effects of this instance of the becre- tary's paternal feelings by the following proviso to the IVIilitary Appropriation Bill of the 7th of May, 182S; — "J hat no money appropriated by this act, or the act entitled An act making appropriations for the military service of the rJniteS States for the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty-two. shall be advanced or paid to any person on any contract, or to any officer who is in arrears to the United States until he shall have accoun- ted for, and paid into the Treasury, all sums for which he may be liable." ''f'he principle of this proviso was adopted in tiie Navy Appropriation Bill of that year, as well as the appropriation Hills of 18S3, and will conti- nue to be adopted hereafter, unless the same shall be superseded hy Mr. Calhoun. Tlie paitijility disc*\ered on this, as well as on other occasion*?, bvthe Secretary towari!.= defaulters, huf- 3a ih'iivvii nearly the whole corps to aid his cause, and they now form a very considerable part of his streni^th. Under the principle of the above proviso, many thousand dollars may be annually saved to the treasury. But the ? adicals are to have no credit for all this; — the whole will be given to Mr. Calhoun, and considered among the "^ great savings in the War Ucpartment;" itud quite as fairly so as nine-tenths of the great savings which are attrd)utcd to his superior economy But more of this liereafter. What important institutions have the Radicals at- tempted to destroy? The Navy is their favorite means of national defence, which they are willing to increase as fast as the resources and circumstances of the country will admit or require. On this point, however, there seems to be but one opinion in i 'ong "es#. Nine-tenths of the Members of Congress cherish the Mility'ry Academy at West i. ointas an institution which does honor to the nation. It is true a few p-entlemen from the West have shewn some opposition to this estab- lishment, chiefly, it is believed, on account of its location; and it is not to be denied that, on that ground, those gentlemen have some cause of complaint. As to the Indian Department, it was established iUid long supported from motives of humanity; but for some years past it had become so expensive, so useless, so corrupt, and so totally inadequate to the purposes for which it ^vas instituted, that gentlemen of all parties con- curred in a wish to change the system. A law^ for that purpose has been passed by the constituted audiorities, and no doubt will receive the sanction of the nation. But the Secretary of War wanted money, mone}', beau coiijj de V argent; and a refusal to grant it, consti- tutes the chief crime of the Radicals. The refusal, espe- cially, to grant him fel83,925, to enable him to recruit 5,000 men for the service of the year 1820, is never to be forgiven, as it led him into a labyrinth of difficulties. — But althouarh those members \\\\o voted aa:ainst this appropriation wdll ne^ er be forgiven by the Secretar}^ it 34 i!5 possible they may be by their constituents, when the circumstances oftiie case shall be known. At tlic coiuiiienceinent ol tlie \ear 1817 the stand- 4 inif amounted to .... 10,024 men In the vears IX'u, '18, and '19, there were re- ■ cruited 12,481 22,508 At the close oftlic year 1819 the army amounted to 8,688 F.xhibitiiis- a loss in throe years of - - - 13,817 Of these probabl}' 3,000 were discharged on the expira- tion of their term of service. The residue, amounting to 10,817 men, were lost by desertion, di owning, shooting, and other causualties. The expense of recruiting the number thus lost w ould amount, In bounties and premiums, at $14 each, to - $157,438 00 In other expenses of recruiting, as for qiiar- tcr.s, fiicl, straw, hunks, &.c. for the recruits, at ?^7oi each, to - - - 246,465 29 Whole expense of recriiithig- - - - $397,903 29 T.pon a calculation tliat these recruits served oiir yearupon an average before the}' deserted or were otherwise lost to ihe service, llu-ir ])av, subsistence, clotiitng-, medicine, &c. at ^250 each, would aiuoiinl to 2,704,250 00 Making in all §3,102,953 29 expended without Droduciii'j: the least beneficial result to tiie countr}'. Calculations like these alarmed a majority of both Houses of Congress, ^viio feared to waste the public treasure, and wlio dreaded a resort to loans or taxes in tune of peace. ' They believed that the most culpable mismanagement existed, eitlisr in the administration of the War Department or among the officers of the Army. 'T'hQy belie^ ed that an armv in which it was necessaiT" to recruit near!}- half their number exevj year, could be of no ser^'ice to the country in war or peace. And thev believed that an army composed of such perishable ma- terials ought to be reduced and not iccreased. At such a time, and under such circumstances, did the Secretary of War ask an appropriation for recruiting 5,000 men. \\niatever Coiigress might owe to the official sta- tion of the Secretary, they owed more to themselves and 3j to their constituents. They considered it a direUction ol' their duty lo grant the full amoLint of this appropriation. Had they authorized the recruiting of 5,0U0 men by granting bl 83,925 for that purpose, tirey would have been bound to make much greater appropriations for the pay, subsistence, and clo^img of these recruits; for a year or two at least, until they should have time to desert. Congress determined very properly to authorize the recruiting of no more than 1,500 men; but the Secretary determined to recruit more than twice that number. In doins: this he discovered o-rcat devotion to the wishes of the Army, but very little to the will of Congress or the interest of the country. The facts already stated are certainly sufficient to justify Congress in refushig to grant the full appro- priation for recruiting five thousand men. Yet there were other circumstances which had great weight in bringing them to this decision, as well as to the determination to reduce the Army. They had heard reports of gross abuses practised by the officers of the Army in the expenditure of the public money, and in the destruction of pubhc property; and they had heard accounts of cruel punishments, such as flogging, crop- ping, branding, drowning, and shooting, inflicted upon the soldiers by the officers, in direct violation of the laws of the United States. Whoever will beat the trouble of reading thfe trial of Col. William King before a General Court Martial, in December, lol9, and his printed letter to the President of the United States, will find abundant reasons for such reports. This trial, laid before the House of Representatives at their request, on the 3d day of May, 1820, may be found among the printed docu- ments of Congress. The most material circumstances of the trial, however, were known at Washington some months earlier. At present I shall notice no more of this trial than respects the illegal punishments and excessive cruelties inflicted upon the soldiers of the Army. 36 Col. King was convicted on several charges and specifications, and, among others, on the following: " 'i'liat he (lid sanction the proceeding's of a general court martial in the case of'Newley, a private in tlie 4th infantry, who was found guilty of deser- tion, and sentenced to have his head shaved, iiis left ear to be cut from his head, to receive fifty lashes, and then to be drummed out of the service; and did approve of the said sentence, but was pleased to remit all the punish- ment except fifty lashes." " Of failing and reiusing (although thereunto requested) to investigate the cause and manner of the death of Charles Mason, a private in the 4th re- giment of United States infantry, who was inhumanly drowned in the harbor ofPensacola, while undergoing a ducking, which was carried to such ex- cess, as to deprive him of life, and was inflicted by order of Lieut. Lear, and executed by Sergeant Stark, without the form or authority of a court martial, and entirely on liis own responsibility; and, although Major Dinkins, then commanding in Pensacola, immediately arrested said Lieutenant and Sergeant until the return of the said Col. King from Montpelier; yet, nevertheless, the said Col. King, totally failing, refusing, and neglecting to do his duty, had them both released, without any trial or legal investigation." " That the said Col. King being then commanding officer of the pro- vince of West Florida, did fail, refuse and neglect to cause an immediate in- quiry into the circumstances attending the death of Neil Cameron, a deser- ter from the 4th regiment of United States Infantry, who was in the most in- human and cruel manner put to death by Sergeant Childress, although said Cameron made no resistence, but begged to be taken back and tried tor his offence, by a general Coui-t Martial." " That the said Col. King did, on or about the 1st day of March, 1819, order Lie. ,t. A. M. Houston, acting assistant deputy quarter master general, to pay Sergeant Childress, of the 4th regiment of United States Infantry, the sum of thirrty dollars, which he alledges was for the apprehension and delive- ry of Neil Cameron, a private of the first battalhon company, 4th regiment infantry; when, in fact, said Sergeant Childress had put the said Cameron, to death, on or about the 16th day of September, 1818, in the woods about 16 or 17 miles from Pensacola; and never had delivered him to any officer of the United States army, as the regulations required, but left him unburied where he had shot him— all of which circumstances the said Col. King was well apprised." Thomas Mitchell, a private in the 4th infantry,ja witness on the part of the prosecution, testified " that he wa sent with Cliarles Mason in the morning, to see that he washed himself; he had been in the stocks all night; and while he was down washing himself. Sergeant Starks and a-iother man came down with a rope; the Sergeant ordered us to tie Mason's hands and feet- we only tied his hands and kept him under water 'till we cried out to Sergeant Starks to let him take breatii; he replied « keep him under the wa- ter,' if you don't, I . ill come in and duck you.' Afterwards witness told him he was so near drowned, it was not worth while ducking him any more, and he was ordered to fetch him out then; when we were fetching him out, we both had hold of him, and the Sergeant ordered us to let him go. He fell and sunk under water, and we grabbed him as soon as we could, and we took him out and rolled him on a barrel awhile, but he was dead." Question by the Court—" Was he dead when you let him go, or did you observe any life in him?" Answer — " He was not dead whe . we let him go." Cornelius .lackson, a private in the 4th regiment. United States infantry, testified, " tliat he was one of the party who was sent in pursuit of Neil Ca- meron, private, of the 4th intiintry; that the party came upon him about 15 miles from Tt-nsacola, whiK- he was asleep; does not know who gave the or- der. Our order was wrote by Major Dinkins, which was, if we came up with im in the bmmds of Spain, we were to put him to instant death, but if lie was 37 uut of the limits of Spain, we were to take him back as prisoner, we waked him up and askccl him if he had not deserted, and he said he had; wl- asked him il he di 1 not consider himself a prisoner, and he said he did Sergt-ant Childress told him that he liad orders to put him to instant death; he begj^ed to be taken back as a prisoner (saying he was on his return to Pensacola) and tried by a court martial, and receive such punishment as a court might put on him Sergeant Childress said it was not worth while, for if he was, he would be put to death as soon as he got back. Cameron said, if lie was, it would give him a few days to repent of his drunkenness and bad doings.— Witness saw Sergeant Childress' determination was to shoot him, and witness told Sergeant Childress to let Cameren read the order himself, and he still begged to be taken back as a prisoner; — then Sergeant Childress ordered witness to shoot him, and witness could not do it; — he did not see any occa» »ion for it, for Cameron had given himself up as a prisoner. Childress took the gun out of witness' hand and stepped round him, while he was sitting down, and snapped it at Cameron's breast twice. Sergeant Childress hand- ed back the gun and told witness to discharge it; he told witness to load her again, and witness done so. ameron then made this reply to hiiu; 'Ser- geant Childress you have snapped your gun at me a second time, now take me home as a prisoner if you please.' He told liim it was more than he could do, for his order would not allovv of it; Sergeant Childress stepped round to Cameron as he was sitting down, and says I wish I had a heart as big a mill stone, and blowed him through; — then we returned to Pensacola as quick as we could; we reported to the commanding officer what we had done, and he said we had done exactly right." Question by the prosecutor — " Did you bury him or leave him where you had shot him; and did Col. King pass you on the road as you were re- turning, and had he any conversation with the Sergeant or yourself on the subject of shooting Cameron?" Answer — ♦* We left him where we shot him, unburied; Col. King did not pass us on our return." Question by the prosecutor — " Did you not receive in March last at this post, fifteen dollars from Sergeant Childress, as part of the reward for ap- prehending Neil Cameron?" Answer — " I did." Col. King did not seem to consider his conduct as even censurable. In his defence he says: '« There is not, Mr. President, in the United States, a camp, a garrison or a corps, in which corporal punishment, by stripes or lashes, has not been necessarily resorted to s nee 1812. I defy my accuser to produce an orderly book of the army, that does not bear the record of sentences similar to those I sanctioned. Every Generel in' service well knows, that lashes are daily inflicted throughout the army. Why if it is improper has it never be en for- bidden? Because the law does not prohibit it." "In October 1818, Genl. Gaines my commanding officer, approved the sentence of a general court martial, which awarded to a deserter the penalty of being branded on both cheeks and the forehead -with the letter D. I hold in my hand. Sir, that officers approval of a sentence, which dirrects that an offenders ears shall be cut off as close to his head as po-sible. What law, Mr. President, authorizes such punishment? None, What law prohibits it? None. Then, sir, those ca- ses are precisely on the same footing, except that the punishment which sanctioned, is usual and customary, whereas the other is unusual and severe.* This convenient rule for construing the laws of the United States was not peculiar to Col. King. It is to be hoped, however, it did not prevail to the extent he repre- sents. By the 7th section of an act of Congress of the 16th May, 1812, so much of the act for establishing rules and articles for the government of the Armies of the 38 United States as authorizes the infliction of corporal punishment by stripes and lashes, was repealed. 1 ne officers had no authority to inflict such punishment by sta- tute. It is probtible, however, they exercised this power under some unwritten common law of the Army. The meaning of the 7th section of the act of l8l2 could not have been misunderstood by a single officer of the Army. But the will of Congress seems to have but little weight with any part of our Military Establishment, from the Head of the War Department to the lowest commission- ed officer. Col. Kinsr, in his letter to the President of the Uni- ted States, attempts to justify the act of putting Neil Cameron to death, and admits that he did, ^' in several instances^ give orders to put deserters to death on the spotf if overtaken in the province ofFlorida.^^ And adds: " Even the Government, to wliom my order was earlv reported, hy a busy meddler, ?ppears to have viewed my conduct with no evil eye, until it was goaded on to the measure of an arrest, by the outcry of newspaper scribblers, and the threats, if I am correctly informed of two factious demagogues in Con- gress; else why after demanding from me a report on the subject, in March 1819, was the business permitted to slumber until the August following, more than thirteen months after the order was given." These Factious IJemagos:,ups, no doubt, were Radicals, who, in the opinion of Col. King, were disturb- ing the wholesome discipline of the Army. As to the charge of having ordered thirty dollars to be paid to Sergeant Childress, he exclaims — " in the name ot Heaven, wlierein consists tlie guilt of this transoiction? Under the regulations of the Depaitment ofWar, thirty dollars is the reward paid for tlie apprehension and delivery of a deserter. The party sent in pur- suit of Cameron were ordered to put him to death — they fulfilled the order, and were as justly entitled to the reward, as if they had, under ordinary cir- cumstances, delivered him. The propriety of the order has nothing to do with the payment of the reward; and to have withheld the thirty dollars, wo(dd have been pimish the Sergeant for the faithful performance of his duty." Col. King was mistaken as to the light in which his conduct was viewed by the government; for, although it is true that the House of Representatives pressed upon the War Department the necessity of ascertaining the truth of reports which had reached them of abuses in the army, it is but justice to the Secretary to state, that, as soon as he had authentic information that an order had been issued by Col King to shoot deserters, he did, in March, 1819, direct an enquiry into the fact, and, in the August following, ordered a Court Martial, before which 39 Col. King was tried, convicted, and sentenced to be susr peiided, iVom ail rank, j^uy, and emoluments, lor five years. But it is not known that any others have been punished for these offences. Aldiough the orders to shoot deserters whereever found in the province of West Florida were frequent, yet it does not appear that any one was actually obeyed except in the case of Neil Ca- meron; but this furnishes no excuse for the officers who gave the orders. On the 8th of June, 1820, the President of the Uni- ted States, in compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives, laid before them a report of execu- tions which had been inflicted in the Army since the year 1815, in which we find many cases of illegal and cruel punishments. These facts, which the public ought to know, shew how rapidly abuses gi'ow up in an Army, and how im- portant it is, upon every principle of humanity as well as economy, that our peace establishment should be upon as small a footing as a regard for the safety of the country will admit. Such was the policy of Jefferson — such ought to be the policy of the natio. —such is the policy of the party in Congress who are denounced as Radicals. And shall the members thus denounced, who, with all this information, and much more of the same kind, before them, voted against recruiting 5,000 men in 1820, and in favor of reducing the Army to 6,000 in 1821 — shall these men be condemned by their constitu- ents as the destroyers of useful establishments — and yet, for these, with other offences of a like character, they are pursued and persecuted by the Secretarj^of War and his hireling editors. As early as the 17th of April, 1818, the Secretary was called upon by a resolution of the House of Repre- sentatives, offered by Mr. Trimble, of Kentucky, to re- port whether any, and, if any, what, reduction might be made in the Military Peace Establishment of the United States, with safety to the public service. In answer to which he made his report of the Uth of December, 1818, in which he gives it as his opinion that 40 •' A reduction of the expense of the present establishment; cannot be made nvUli .v ■■J'e:y to A^ Imblic service, by reducing llis army." And " that the cxpence of our tnihtary estabhsliment cannot be mateiially reduced -without injury to the public service, by reducing the pay and emoluments of the offi- cers and soldiers." An effort was made, however, to reduce the Army ill the session of 18 18 and ^19, which was successfully resisted by the Secretary, in part by the official weight of his character, but much more by his address, and that of his friends, in producing an impression that the Presi- dent of the United States was opposed to any reduction. In 1820 the Secretary was directed to report, at the next session, a plan for reducing the army to 6,000 men, by a resolution offered by Mr. Clay. Kentucky seems to be the head quarters of Radicalism. In 1821 the Army was reduced from 10,000 to 6,000 men, although the ten thousand were as much wan- ted then as they were in 1818. The reduction in numbers was two-fifths, but the expense of the Army was not diminished in the same proportion, because the reduction fell chiefly on the rank and file, while nearly all the officers — the most expensive part — remained in service. The reduction of expense, however, must exceed half a million of dollars a year. It seems, after all, that the President was not oppo- sed to the reduction; for, in his Message of the 3d De- cember, 1822, he says: " The org-anizatiou of the several corps, composing the army, is such as to admit its expansion to a great extent, in case of emergency, the officers carrying with them all the light which they possess, to the new corps to which they might be appointed. With the organization of the staff use of epresentetives, by way of shew- ing '' that the expences of the army had been reduced to an extent, and with « rapidity truly sur-pri^ing,^ gives the following statements:* ^^ Cost per man. Reduction, $451,00 for the year 1818 434,79 . 1819 - $16,87 315,88 - 1820 - 135,69 287,02 - 1821 - 164,55 299,46 - 1822 - 153,11 " The proportion of the officers to the men in 1822, being' greater than before, prevents the result of that year from being as favorable as prior to that time. " Again; the whole expences of the army since 1818, have decreased as follows, viz — «« 1818 13,702,495,04 No. of Army 8,199 1819 3,663,735,16 . - 8,428 1820 3,061,884,00 . - 9,693 1821 2,327,552,13 . - 8,109 1822 1,929,179,91 - - 6,441' This statement, although very erroneous, particu- larly in the last item, is a much nearer approach to the truth than that of South Carolina. Mr. Sterling was at the seat of government, and had the best opportunities of acquiring information. His statements have a more im- posing appearance, and have had more weight than any others upon this subject, and therefore are more worthy of examination. I The first thing that strikes us, in looking at these statements, is, that the whole come within the period of Mr. Calhoun's administration of the War Department, and afford us the opportunity of comparing Mr. Calhoun I *See National Intelligencer, 23d April, 1822. 44! of 1818 with Mr. Calhoun of 1822, by which it would appt-ar that, between those two periods, he had altered his practical economy much for the better. If the aflairs of his Department, however, were not managed in 18:23 with more economy than they should have been, which will not be pretended, then they must have been managed with the utmost profusion and extra- vegance in l8l8 and '19. If the Army was not supported in 1818 more eco- nomically than at the rate of 451 dollars per man, under a contract system, in time of profound peace, it must have been because that system was badly administered. The Commissariat svstem began to go into opera- tion in that year. 'J'he Commissary General, and other oflBcers subordinate to him, were appointed and under pay, and no doubt performed s^'me services. It must be allowed, however, that the beneficial effects of the system could not be immediately realized. But in 1819 the system was in full operation, and yet very liHle improve- ment then took place in the expenditures of the War Department: not more than should have resulted from the reduced price of all articles necessary for the support of an Army at that time. Under a well regulated contract system, in time of peace, the .\rmy may be as cheaply, but perhaps not as well, supplied as under a Commissariat system In fact the present Commissariat system, so far as it respects the purchase of supplies for the Army, is essentially a con- tract system, as will appear by the 7th section of the act of the 1 Uh \ pril, 1818, regulating the Staff of the Army, viz: '< That the supplies for the Army, unless in parti- cular and urgent c^tses, the Secretary of War should otherwise direct, shall bp purchased hy contract to be made by the Commissary General, on public notice^ to be delivered, on inspection^ in bulk, and at such places as shall be stipulated; which contract shall be made under such regulations as the Secretary of War shall direct." ? he most important difference between the two sys- terns is this: that under the one, the contracts for supplies were made by the immediate direction of the Secretary of 4j War — under the other, by the immediate direction of the Cofumissary General; which, for the time being, is cer- tainly a great irapr vement. In 1819 theexnense of supporting tlie Army, unde^ the Commissariat system, was at the rate of &434 70 per man. In 1833, under the same system, it was at the rate of S<99 46 per man. And Mr. Sterling was truly sur- prized that it cost us so little in the latter year, but forgot to be surprized that it cost us so much in the former. The pay of a paivate is 5 dollars per month — for the year r - - - - $60 00 In 1822 the rations might have been had at 12 cents each 43 80 Clothing- at $1 75 per month - - - - 21 00 Other expenses, estimated at - - . - 5 20 $130 00 The privates ought to cost us annually about 130 dollars each. In IS22 the average expense of the Army, officers included, was at the rate of S299 46 (say 300 dollars) per man. But this, Mr. *- terling's opinion to the con- trary notwithstanding, was much more than it ought to have been. U ill our farmers and planters, whose hard earnings are taheu to support an Army of six thousand men at the annual rate of 300 dollars eac.i. be persuaded that their money, in this case, is expended with a degree of econo- my truly surprizing? Tiic country labors under great pecuniary distress, from which we cannot anticipate any speedy relief — the produce of agriculture sells at a price that will scarcely de. fray the expense of transporting it to market — and at no pe- no period of our history could the articles necessary for clothing our troops be had at so cheap a rate And is our Army still to cost us at the rate of three hundred dollars per man? Unless the articles necessary for the support of an Army shall command a bettf'r price than they have for two or three years prast, the Army can and must be sup- ported at a cheaper rate than it has been. But. if three hundred dollars per man he considered as a reasonable rate of expenditure for 1823, how is the 46 Hecretary to account for his extravagance in 1819? Why 8houkl our troops cost us 81-35 S4 more per man in that year than in the year 1823? VV^hy this waste of public money? Had it been the object of Mr. Sterling to shew to the people whose money must support our standing Army, the profusion and extrwagnee of tiie Secretary in 1818, '*19, and '20, he could not have lione it more effectually than by the statements he has exhibited VVeli may Mr. Calhoun exclaim, ** Save me from my friends." For once 1 will endeavor to do it, by removing some of the unfavorable impressions which these statements are calculated to make, 'I he A.rmy, according to Mr. >^terling's statement, in 1818, cost us per men S4j1 00 — in the year 1822, S299 46— making; a difference of S151 54. But the whole ot this diil'^rence ougnt not to be charged to the extn»vagance of the Secretary of War. In the first place, Mr. - terling has swelled up the aggregate of the Army for 1822 beyond the limit of its organization, which, under tlie law of the 2nd March, lH2l, is fixed at (i,183 men, officers included, as appears by the return of the acting Adjutant General of the 9th of ISovember, 1822. Tlie ranks of the Army, however, will rarely be full agreeably to this crgauization. In 1822 the aggregate of the Army amounted to 5,211 men, officers included. This appears by the return of the acting uljutant Ge- neral of the 13th of November, 182.J. And this return, signed by the acting • djutant General, to make it very »tri)ng is also signed by the Major General, but in whit capacity, vvhetlier as Commander in (^hief, or "s assistant acting Adjutant Gcni'rai d.)es not appear by the record. It goes, however, to shew that the VJajor General has ftomt'thinj^ to (N at Washington, notwithstanding all the Kadicals have said to the contrary Mr. SLerlinj;'s rate of expense per man for 1832 should be in(;reased more tliaii 2) per cent: that is, he shouhl have divided the vsiiole expense of the Army for 47 that year by 5,S11, the actual numher of men in service, instead of t^,443, his estimated niiinhv r. This wouUl give the sum of S49W*^, ami reduce the difference fronJJ«K/»^« S151 54 to S8 '79 (^uts per rain. ^ riiere are otlier circumstances to he taken into the calculation. To make up the annual amounts of the ex- penditures of the Army, from which Mr. Stirling ha« taken his rates of expense, he includes the charges for the pay, subsistence, forage, bounties, and premiums, and other expenses of recruiting — Hospital department contingencies and quarter master's department, but ex* eludes the expense of the Military Academy, In the year 1818, the tiansportation account of the oflRcers alone, amounted to 8-13,341. In 1883, to a com- paratively small sum. In the year 1818, the recruiting service cost S155,- 878. In 1833, no more than S23,;i79 —Most of the con- tingent expenses of the army were greater in 1818, than in 1833. It is not doubted, but that the Commissary General, has made considerable savings in his Department, by his care and diligence in forming contracts for supplies. If to all this, we add, what has been gained by thereduciioa in the pricos of all articles necessary, for the supply of an army since 1818, about 33 1-3 per cent, on an ave- rage, we shall find that Mr. Sterling's great difference in the rate of the expense of the army in 1818 and 1822, can be accounted for, without considering Mr Calhoun more extrnvagant in the foaraer year than in the latter, or more economical in the latter year than in the former. In fact, so far as regards his particular agency, there seems to be but little change in his system of economy, either for the better or the worse, since he came into office* But there are certain supposed great savings upon a variety of contracts, the merit of which more exclusively belongs to the Secretary. In a debate on the contract for delivering stone at the Rip Raps, one of his friends deelared '• that he was au thorized to say, that, if Mr. Mix had not taken this con* tract, a loss would have been occasioned to the United •» «r 48 States of 75,000 dollars — the contract bavins; been taken by Mr ux at half a dollar per 4Ji'vciJi. l«ss than was just about to be contracted for by anoflier person." That this circumstance has not been publishf'd among the strong reasons for raiding Mr. Calhoun to the Piesi dency, may possibly be owing to the great modesty of hi« friends. As, however, they seem in a fair way to reco- ver of that, we may still havethe.se 75,000 dollars exhi- bited among the great savings in the War Department, After which, we may also have an account of great sav- ings cm other contracts for fortifications. On the cont acti for advancing the public monev to build a Powder Mill for Mr. Buzzard. On the contracts for cannon, howit- zers, shot shells. &c. for the last five years; and more es- pecially on the contracts with the Messrs. Jonhsons, fori transporting our army ftom t. honis to Council Blufifs;: all which will require an impartial and careful examina- tion. CAhbiUS. ..**■ .' O d O M , 5 ^ • ''I ^ % s .0' '^ - 0^ J '•^^ ». <"S .0^ %'^ '^^. ,^'' ^/^. •,_n c ■ -■■ ^ 't'V .1 <> • ^ ■c? -r, "^^ 1 • 1 '% if i^. •^ '^^ . o a • '3^. M « DOBBS BROS \ DOBBS BROS. .