\ jfi 9* *.w/ /\ --IR' ♦^ '*m : /^ •^d* ^oV 1 o > > ^ c^" 0^, > V ►**•* ck, <0 V ••!■!'♦ V V ^?V /V **<* *'?.»«* .G* ^"^VVi^VV dd, In the yeai 1824, and when Mi M « even now existing, governments, have roe's ecood terra was drawin Oj it been so constructed a a to favor, if not to se- appeared that William H. Crawford, Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, and John C. Calhoun, were all brought for- ward by their friends as candidates for the Presidency. Mr. Crawford was known to be the strongest of them all with the mem- bers of Congress, and the friends of the oth- ers protested against a caucus nomination. A majority of the republican members, how- ever, did assemble and nominate Mr. Craw- ford ; but as this was done by a bare majori- ty, and without the attendance of those who were in favor of the other candidates, it proved a failure. This was the end of Con- gressional caucuses for the nomination of can- didates for the Presidency. The election of the same year, (1824,) resulted without a choice of President by the ^people, and devolved upon the popular branch of Congress, by which Mr. Adams was elected. But as General Jackson had received the highest number of electoral votes, and was evidently the most popular man, he was immediately started as a candi- date for the subsequent election, and was triumphantly chosen. Well, as Gen. Jackson's first term was about to expire, it was determined by the leaders'of his party to make a change in the office of Vice President. But since Congres- sional caucuses had been abandoned, or ra- ther broken down, a meeting was gotten up at Baltimore, of delegates said to he from the people of the several States.' At that meeting Martin Van Buret) was nominated for Vice President, and General Jackson was recommended for re-election as Presi- dent. Similar meetings, under the name of national conventions, have since been held every four years, until the year 1844, when the nomination of James K. Polk took place. With the course pursued by the Whigs 1 am not so well acquainted. But it is a well known fact that they have always ap- peared to be an active and thoroughly or- ganized party, with the exception Of the time of Mr. Monroe's administration. I am not aware, however, that thev have held any regular national convention, until thai at Harrisburgh, in December 1839, by which Gen. Harrison was nominated ; though they appear now to be as well pleased with that machinery a? their opponents have ever been. But whatever may have been the manner of carrying on their political operations, it will hardly be denied that the Whig leaders have always exercised as powerful an influence over the masses of their party, as can have been the case in the. Democratic partv. The ground upon which the congressional caucuses and national conventions have been tolerated by the people, has been the sup- position that, without general nominations, the people of the several States would be likely to set up different persons, and thus produce a result which would carry the elec- tion into the House of Representatives ot the United States. Supposing this to be true, and what then ? Will not a moment's calm reflection satisfy any impartial mind that the evils to which the conventions have led are altogether of a more serious nature, than an election of President, now and then, should it so happen, by the House of Repre- sentatives ? Certainly, everybody who has had anything to do with partv politics knows that, in the course of time, the nominations made by the conventions became to be tan- tamount to actual elections. That is, so far as the political parties, in whose names they were made, had the strength to elect. It is true, they were proclaimed to be only re- commendatory to the people ; but it is equal- ly true, that the partv man who did not im- plicitly submit to the recommendation, what- ever might be his objections to the nominee, or however high his own standing, was read out of his party, and, perhaps, politically disgraced. In this way was an actual coer- cion exercised over the political conduct of the people at large, alike incompatible with the right of individual opinion, and danger- ous to the freedom and purity of elections. At the same time, this powerful machine- ry, this tremendous engine, was under the guidance and control of a dozen or so of the leading men throughout the Union. The great body of the people paid little atten- tion to the primary meetings in the States, through which the general, conventions were principally organized ; while, on the other hand, the agents and partizans of those who held the wires, were sure to attend in suffi- cient numbers to secure the appointment pi the delegates which had been named tor them. This practice was reduced to a per- fect system. The mass of the voters, there- tore, had very little to do with the choice of the candidates for whom they were to vote ; and, in that little, those of them who took part were merely used as instruments to pro- mulgate nominations which had been pre- vioush settled and determined upon by a. throughout the Union ; and the intelligence select few. and observation of the people of the several It is proper here to explain, thai in speak- States would, generally, if not at all times, ing of leading men, in connexion with the enable them to judge as to the one who would discipline of party, it is not intended to in- be most likely to command a majority of the ' elude, generally, the large body of leading votes of all the States. If after all, how- and distinguished characters in either party, ever, the election should occasionally go A great portion of them have had no con- into Congress, the great interests of the eern'with the peculiar management and tac- country could not materially suffer by the tics which have been referred to. On the choice of either of the three persons indicat- contrary, there is the strongest reason to be- ed by the people themselves, licve not only that they would be satisfied A remark or two more upon the conven- to see an end put to a system fraught with tions and I will pass on to other points. — so great evils, but thai tbey will come for- From the fact which has already appeared, ward and render essential aid to the people, that the first congressional caucus, and the. in the coming struccle. ti ist national convention, were each called But what "ground is their for the objec- for the special purpose of nominating a cau- tions which have been urged against an didate for Vice President, and that in both election of President by the House of Rep- cases the choice fell upon New York politi- resentatives, when no choice has been made cians (both indeed good men,) as well as by the people ? The members o'f Congress from the fact that the two meetings, at the are chosen by their respective districts, at times they respectively took place, were in elections where all the people vote ; and in accordance with the manner of making a case like, this they perform an official nominations in the same State ; that is, first and constitutional duty, under their respon- by the members of the State Legislature, sibility to their constituents. And, above and afterwards by State conventions ; it is all, triev can set up no candidates of their but fair to conclude that both were indebted own, but are compelled to eiect one of three, for their origin to influences from that State, persons for whom the. people themselves Now, if you will turn your attention to the shall have already voted. On the other same quarter, it. will be seen that these con- hand, what is the responsibility, and to ventions have not only been denounced there, whom, of the delegates to the nominating but that their influence has been essentially conventions ? Are they, generally, more impaired, if not destroyed. And, from pre- worthv of trust, or less liable to be influenc- sent appearances, there can be but little ed by improper considerations, than the doubt that, if another democratic national members of Congress : In fine, which of convention should meet, two sets of dele- the two is the preferable mode of election ; gates will appear from New York, and both since it has been shown that the nomina- claiming their seats, as the true representa- tions in question arc tantamount to elections ? fives of the party. For nearly the same reasons would nomina- Finally, if any proof were wanting of tions by the members of Congress be pre- the complete fallacy of the convention sys- ferable, if nominations were at all ncces- tern being a reflection of the public senti- sarv. ment, it would be found in the proceedings Neither is there, in my view, any good of the democratic convention of 1844. Mr. foundation for the assumption that the peo- Van Buren and General Cass were the per- ple, if left to themselves, would not be able sons to whom their party, principally, looked to elect, their presidents, without the inter- for a candidate for the Presidency. And, vention of the House of Representatives. — whatever may be the merits of Mr. Polk, Had the course pursued in the elections of surely no one of that party, nor of any party, the early presidents, as also in that of Gen. even dreamed that he would be nominated. Jackson, been continued, there would have And is it not a well known fact, that he was been ltttle or no difficulty in regard to the scarcely taken into consideration in the con- selection of candidates lor the office of Chief test of that year, but was borne along, as Magistrate. The characters and qualifica- an almost invisible speck, upon the mighty tions of the leading statesmen of our coun- wings of a popular and irresistible wind try, are always well known and understood which swept over the country? 4 Now, then,i? it not high time for the peo- Jefferson, and other distinguished men,- who pie of this Union to take this matter serious- afterwards 1 became leaders in the republican ly in hand, and to put an end to the system party. This party, on the. expiration of thp which has been described ? But to make charter, about the year 1811, refused to re- the triumph complete, and its effects perma- new it, upon the ground, principally, that nent, it becomes important that the masses the constitution did not authorize such an in- of both the existing parties should unite stitution. But during the war with England, their strength, and act in concert, in this which commenced soon afterwards, the gov- great and holy cause. That great exertions ernment found so much difficulty in raising will be made to prevent such an union can- the necessary funds to carry it on, that the not be doubted. The chief managers of republicans then regretted they had not re- both parties will see in it an end to their newed the charter of the old bank, and be- vocation, and to their greatness. The craft came desirous for a new one. Accordingly, will be in danger, and like the men of President Madison, and his Secretary of the Ephesus who cried out, " Great is Diana of Treasury, Mr. Dallas, both recommended to the Ephesians," you will hear one proclaim, Congress the establishment of another bank. u We must stick to the usages of . our party In pursuance of those recommendations, a or we are gone.'' Another will tell you, bill .creating a new bank was passed in " We must stand by the great principles for April 1816,' by the votes of the republican which we have so long contended, or the party, and was opposed by most ot the lead- country will be ruined.'" And a third will ing federalists then in Congress. President exclaim, in the utmost apparent distress, Madison signed the bill, and it became a u My God, are you going to unite with law. This bank went into operation about men whom you have always opposed, and the commencement of the year 1817, and in whose principles you have so strongly con- the course of some thirteen or fourteen years, demned ? " Well, let us, for a moment, it being, principally, in the hands of the fed- examine the objections to a concert of action eralists, and having grown into great favor by the people, irrespective of old party divi- with them, the republicans began to turn sions, at the approaching election of President, against it, and to fall back upon the old ques- At the formation of the constitution there tion of constitutionality. The whole country were, doubtless, some among the patriots of will, of course, remember the great struggle that day who entertained fears that the coun- which resulted in the downfall of that bank, try could not bear a. government so republi- In .1841, the Whigs having obtained ma- can as that which was finally given to it. — jorities in both branches of Congress, passed And when it went into operation, a desire a bill for another bank, but it was prevented was believed to exist in the minds of the from becoming a law by President Tyler's aame class of men to give to such provisions veto. Since this latter period a great change of the instrument, as appeared doubtful in appears to have taken place throughout the themselves, or open for different opinions, a country with regard to the necessity and ex- construction that would confer upon the gen- pediency of such an institution, and the mea- eral government the greatest practicable sure is now generally admitted to be an u ob- strength. There is reason to believe, there- solete idea." But we have seen that both fore, that the two paities were originally parties, in their turn, have been in favor of, formed upon divisions in regard to those prin- and opposed to, a national bank, ciples. But the same grounds of division do The question of high or low duties, or as not exist at the present day. All now agree it is commonly called, the tariff, cannot pro- that our constitution is the best that could perly be considered a party one, but par- have been formed. And as to the particu- takes rather of a sectional character. The lar questions of construction, they have been tariffs of 1816, 1824, and 1828, were pass- so bandied about by the politicians on all ed through Congress, mainly, by republican sides, that not one of them can, with truth votes ; and there has ever been, more or less, and reason, be designated as an actual and a mixture of opinions on this subject in both permanent party question, at this time, so parties, far as the old party lines are concerned. So, too, with regard to the powei The establishment of the first United general government to make internal impiove- States Bank, in 1791, was opposed by Mr. ments, or to grant money for that purpose.-— i The southern politicians are opposed to it, will be readily admitted? At the same time, while those in the west ?ud north are gene- the divisions arising in this manner would rally in favor of it. Surely, upon this ques- cease to exist with the discontinuance, or the lion the division is not upon pn rty grounds, beneficial results, of such measures. But And, indeed, the same may be said of any that is a very different matter from the per- other questions which are yet occasionally manent existence of two organized parties', agitated in Congress. each determined, at all hazard, to govern the The annexation of Texas to this Union, country, and to appropriate to its own mem- raised a temporary issue, but that is at an bers, exclusively, the personal benefits, whe- cnd. It is true, we are now engaged in a ther of honor or profit, resulting from the pus- war which may have grown out of that an- session of power ; and all this upon the an- nexation; and there exists some difference of surd charges of both, that their opponents opinion in regard to its propriety, as well as entertain principles at war with the genius to the maimer of conducting it. It is to be of our institutions, and destructive to Hie b say, which will be left for other occasions. It lias been my aim to de- clan' what I believe to be the truth, without fear or favor, and with as much impartiality as preconceived opinions and feelings would permit. At the same time, 1 have endeav- ored to refrain from all remarks of an excit- ing character, since my object is to promote forbearance and reconciliation. And, above all, do I desire it to be understood, that nothing which has been said, has been in- tended as personal, or disrespectful, us it regards any individual whatever. I have the honor to remain the Public's humble servant. C. 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