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 NATURAL EQUALITY. 
 
 A SERMON 
 
 BEFORE THE 
 
 VERMONT COLONIZATION SOCIETY, 
 
 AT MONTPELIER, OCTOBER 17, 1833. 
 
 ^ 
 
 >^ BY JOSEPH TRACY. 
 
 r ii 
 
 ■S c 
 
 HRONICLE PRESS, WINDSOR, TT. 
 
 MDCCCXXXIII. 
 
v\\ , 
 
 AT the Annual Meeting of the Vermont Colonization Society, held at 
 
 Montpelier, October 17, 1^^33, 
 
 Voted, — That the thanks of this meeting be presented to the Rev. Joseph 
 Tracy for his eermon, and that he be requested to furnish a copy for the 
 press. 
 
 C. Wright, Secretary. 
 
4 
 
 SERMON 
 
 Acts, 17 : 2G, 27. — And hath made of one blood, all nations of men, for to 
 dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times before 
 appointed, and the bounds of their habitation, that they should seek the 
 Lord. 
 
 That is ; God has given to all men the same nature, that 
 they may all receive and enjoy the benefits of the same gos- 
 pel. These benefits are, spiritual, consisting in the eternal 
 salvation of the soul from wickedness and misery ; and tem- 
 poi'al, consisting in the enjoyments which belong to a truly 
 religious citizen of a free, Christian community ; such a com- 
 munity as the principles of the gospel tend to form. The 
 text, then, in its connexion, brings to view the fundamental 
 doctrine of our Declaration of Independence — that " all 
 men are created equal ; endowed by their Creator with cer- 
 tain unalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and 
 the pursuit of happiness." 
 
 As the doctrine of the existence of God lies at the foun- 
 dation of all that is valuable in morals, yet, when misunder- 
 stood and misapplied, is the main instrument of inflicting 
 upon the world all the evils of superstition, fanaticism and 
 religious tyranny ; so this doctrine of natural equality lies at 
 the foundation of all that is valuable in the political rela- 
 tions of men, — and yet, when misunderstood and misappli- 
 ed, is the most powerful of all political doctrines in the de- 
 struction of good and the production of evil. As we are 
 met to bear our part in alleviating some of the evils which 
 flow from an outrageous violation of this principle, it can- 
 not be deemed inappropriate to consider some of its possi- 
 
l)lc and of its actual applications, both for the benefit and 
 fur tlie injury of the human race ; for unless we understand 
 the principle which has been violated, we may not under- 
 stand the remedy. 
 
 And first, of its misapplications. I will quote to you, from 
 a sciimtific expositor of the doctrine, as held early in the 
 French Ilevolution. I quote from a work, "published for 
 the first time in I79o, under the title of The French Citi- 
 zen's Catechism ; — intended for a national work." The au- 
 thor says, 
 
 Here is the primordial basis, the physical origin of all justice and 
 all rifflit. 
 
 Whatever be the active power, the moving cause that governs 
 the universe, since it has given to all men the same organs, the 
 same sensations, and the same wants, it has thereby declared that 
 it iias given to all the same right to the use of its treasures, and that 
 all men are equal in the order of nature. 
 
 Secondly, since this power has given to each man the necessary 
 means of preserving his own existence, it is evident that it has con- 
 stituted tlicm all independent one of another ; that it has created 
 them free ; that each is absolute proprietor of his own person. 
 
 Kcpiality and liberty arc therefore two essential attributes of 
 man ; two laws of tlie Divinity, constitutional and unchangeable, 
 like the physical properties of matter. 
 
 Now, every individual being absolute master of his own person, 
 it follows that a free and full consent is a condition indispensable 
 to all contracts and all engagements. 
 
 Again, since eacii individual is eijual to another, it follows that 
 the balance of what is received and what is given should be strictly 
 in ciiuilibrium ; so that the idea of liberty necessarily imports that 
 of justice, the daughter of equality. 
 
 Kqunlity and liberty are therefore the piiysical and unalterable 
 basis of every union of men in society, and consequently the ne- 
 cessary und generating principle of every law and of every system 
 of regular government.'' 
 
 Let us in(iuire what use has been made of the principles 
 here laid down. One principle is, that " the Cause that 
 governs the universe has given to all, the same right to tlie 
 use of its Treasures.'' I am unable, from the want of suit- 
 able documents, to show iiow nuich infiuence this doctrine 
 had on the numerous sweeping confiscations of the property 
 
 "Volney's Ruins. Cliap. 17. 
 
of tlie rich, which took place during the French Revolution ; 
 but I will read to you a few words of a kindred spirit in 
 England. He asks, 
 
 What is the criterion tliat must determine whether this or that 
 substance, capable of contributing to the benefit of a human being, 
 ought to be considered as your property or mine ? To this question 
 there can be but one answer — Justice. Let us then recur to the 
 principles of justice. To whom does any article of property, sup- 
 pose a loaf of bread, justly belong? To him who most Avants it, or 
 to whom the possession of it will be most beneficial. — If justice 
 have any meaning, nothing can be more unjust than for one man to 
 possess superfluities, while there is a human being in existence that 
 is not adequately supplied with them. — If religion had spoken out, 
 and toid us that it was just that all men should receive the sup- 
 ply of their wants, we should presently have been led to suspect 
 that a gratuitous distribution to be made by the rich was a very in- 
 direct and ineffectual way of arriving at this object. Tlie princi- 
 pal object which it seems to propose is, to place this supply in the 
 disposal of a few, enabling them to make a show of generosity with 
 •what is not truly their own, and to purchase the gratitude of the 
 poor by the payment of a debt.* 
 
 In this country it has been argued, " that the world be- 
 longs to all men equally, and labor belongs to those who 
 perform it, are conclusions as inevitable, as that a man's 
 right hand is his ovvn."f And on these grounds, a conven- 
 tion was proposed and publicly urged in the State of New 
 York, in the year 1830, which should order, 
 
 An immediate abolition of all debts. 
 
 An inventory of all real and personal property within the state. 
 
 A census of all the inhabitants, white or black. 
 
 An equal division of all the property, real and personal, among 
 such citizens indiscriminately, as have arrived at the age of eighteen, 
 without regard to color. 
 
 An apportionment of a full share to every citizen, as he shall 
 hereafter arrive at the age of eighteen. 
 
 The abolition of all interest on money, and the right of making 
 
 Do you say, there is no danger that men will reason thus ? 
 
 *Godwin's Political Justice. Book 8. cliap. 1. 
 
 tFree Enquirer, Vol. 4. p. 283. 
 
 }The "Friend of Equal Rights," for April 24, 1830, as quoted in the Free 
 Enquirer, Vol. 2. p. 3U3. 
 
6 
 
 I answer, men have reasoned thus, and been very confident 
 in tlicir reasonings. Tiicy liave j)ublishcd them, with the 
 intention of inducing nations to adopt them. The party, 
 from one of whose organs the last extract was taken, pro- 
 fessed to have 20,000 followers in the city of New York 
 alone, and nominated its candidate for the presidency of the 
 Lnited States. 
 
 The rights of property being thus reasoned away from us, 
 let us see what is to become of civil government. We arc 
 told, secondly, that the Divinity has "constituted" men "all 
 independent one of another ; that it has created them free ; 
 that no man is subject to another ; that each is absolute pro- 
 j)rictor of his own person." Now I ask, how shall govern- 
 ment over such " independent" beings begin to exist ? By 
 the voice of the majority ? The majority may agree together 
 as to what they themselves will do ; but where do they get 
 their right to control the minority, who are " constituted in- 
 dependent" of them, and are "absolute proprietors of their 
 own persons?" The author of this system counts no form 
 of society perfect, except one " according to which each 
 one, uniting with the whole, shall yet obey himself only, 
 and remain as free as before."* On this principle, it is plain, 
 there can be no government at all. The logical inference 
 is clearly stated by the English writer already quoted. He 
 says, 
 
 That coercion of a municipal kind can in no case be the duty of 
 the community. — Coercion can, at no time, either permanently or 
 provisionally, make part of any political system that is built upon 
 reason. — Punishment — at least so far as relates to the individual, is 
 injustice. The infliction of stripes upon my body can throw no new 
 liglit upon the question between us.f 
 
 Here criminal jurisprudence is annihilated at a blow. 
 Every commitment to the state prison, we are taught, is an 
 act of " injustice." Its walls ought at once to be treated as 
 those of the IJustile have been. 
 
 Hut whiit then ? Shall we submit to all the violence which 
 tin: wiiked see fit to inllict upon us: This would be intoler- 
 able. Hear our author further. 
 
 •KoKurnu, Ihi Conlrat Sorial, Liv. Icr. cliap. 6. In The Friend, by S. 
 T Coliridjjc. [). IC.l to lT:t, IJurlington edition, the mctaidiysical errors of 
 Uiin nyHltMii arc ably expoHed. 
 
 'Godwin'a Political Justice. Hook 7. chap. ;">. 
 
But as long as nations shall be so far mistaken as to endure a 
 complex government and an extensive territory, coercion will be in- 
 dispensably necessary to general security. It is therefore the du- 
 ty of individuals to take an active share upon the occasion, in so 
 much coercion, and in such parts of the existing system, as shall be 
 sufficient to prevent the inroad of universal violence and tumult/ 
 
 Here we have what our author calls " the abolition of 
 law ;" and we have, as its substitute, the application of force, 
 at the caprice of " individuals." If these individuals amount 
 to a majority, they can, while they avoid all use of " coer- 
 cion" and infliction of '' punishment," impose upon the re- 
 fractory such " restraint" as they deem necessary, by the 
 use of the cannon or the guillotine. True, this is a viola- 
 tion of their principles ; but they are forced to violate their 
 principles in order to maintain them ; and in the violation 
 they know no "law," for "law" is " abolished."f 
 
 But we have not done yet. Listen to another extract. 
 
 Are not all women " endowed with certain unalienable rights, 
 among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ?" Are 
 not governments (both matrimonial and legal) " instituted among 
 men to secure these rights ?" Do not marriages, as well as gov- 
 ernments, " derive their just powers from the consent" of the con- 
 tracting parties ? "Whenever any" marriage, (be it of a king to 
 his subjects or a husband to his wife) " becomes destructive of these 
 ends," is it not right that it should be dissolved ?f 
 
 You easily see how, on this ground, a claim might be ad- 
 vanced for women to vote at elections, and to hold every 
 kind of civil and even military office, just as men do ; and 
 on this ground, " the monopoly of legal authority" by men 
 has actually been made a subject of complaint in this coun- 
 try.<§> But let that pass. Hear another extract about mar- 
 riage. 
 
 Marriage is an affair of property, and the worst of all properties. 
 So long as I seek to engross one woman to myself, and to prohibit 
 my neighbor from proving- his superior desert and reaping the fruits 
 
 *Godwin's Political Justice. Book 7. chap. 5. 
 
 tMuch deep and close thinking, and much practical wisdom on tliis sub- 
 ject, mingled with some undue partiality for monarchy, may be found in the 
 third and fourth volumes of Burke's Works. Boston, 1626. 
 
 IFree Enquirer, Vol. 4. p. 141. 
 
 § lb. Vol. 1. p. 117. 
 
8 
 
 of it, 1 am guilty of tlie most odious of all monopolies. — The abo- 
 lition of marriage will be attended with no evils.* 
 
 This theory has not always rcniainofl a mere theory. The 
 French Constituent Assembly of 17.^9 commenced the work 
 of altering the laws on this subject- " Succeeding assem- 
 blies went the full length of the principle, and gave a li- 
 cense to divorce at the mere pleasure of either party, and at 
 one month's notice." The reason they assigned was, " that 
 women had been too long under tiic tyranny of parents and 
 husbands."! 
 
 This was not the mere work of caprice, or the outburst- 
 ing ol brutal passion. It was an unavoidable inference from 
 the Jacobinical doctrine of the Rights of Man. They must 
 give up their fundamental principles, or come to this conclu- 
 sion ; and to another conclusion too. Hear it from Godwin. 
 
 It cannot be definitively affirmed whether it will be known, 
 in such a state of society, who is the father of each individual 
 child. But it may be affirmed that such knowlcdo-e Avill be of no 
 importance. It is aristocracy, self-love and family pride that teach 
 us to set a value upon it at present. I oufjht to prefer no human be- 
 ing to another, because that being' is my father, my wife, or my son, 
 but because, for reasons which equally appeal to all understandings, 
 tliat being is entitled to preference. — It will then be thought no 
 more legitimate to make boys slaves, than to make men so.f 
 
 And why should it not be so ? Have not children, as w^ell 
 as women, "certain unalienable rights, among which arc 
 life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness!*" 
 
 Further extracts, in abundance, arc at hand, but I will not 
 use them. Enough has been said, to show that the doctrine 
 of the natural equality of men may be so misunderstood 
 and misapplied, as to upturn all government whatever, 
 whether of nations, states, or families, and to teach us that 
 reasoning is not always to be esteemed sound, because it 
 appf.-ars, at iirst view, to rest on that foundation. 
 
 riie fallacy of all this reasoning is easily shown. We 
 have only U) ask, what is meant bv the proposition, that "all 
 men arc created (;(|ual."' Iviual to what? — to whom? To 
 
 "Political Jimticr, Hook H. chap. fi. 
 
 f nurkfB I^icttern on a Rcsicidc Peace. Works, Vol. 4. n. '-iV.I, Hcston cd 
 
 tl^olitical Justice, Book B. chap. it. 
 
9 
 
 full grown men? Cadmus, we are told in ancient fable, 
 sowed the earth with dragon's teeth, and there sprang 
 up a crop of full grown men, ready armed for battle, who 
 forthwith engaged in a war of extermination against each 
 other. Every doctrine which ascribes to men a similar ori- 
 ginal independence and equiility, may be expected to end in 
 similar results. The French revolution was an instance. 
 But men are not thus born. They are born equal to other 
 infants. They are born with an equal claim upon those 
 that are older, for nourishment, protection, guidance, gov- 
 ernment. They are born with an equal right to be brought 
 up, to be educated, to be made fit for freedom. They are 
 born with an equal claim on those who are older and wiser 
 than themselves, for that government, that restraint and co- 
 ercion, without which not one of them in twenty would ever 
 live to be a man. They are born with an equal claim upon 
 the state, for the enacting of such laws as shall secure these 
 benefits to them ; as shall fit them for the enjoyment of free- 
 dom and make them freemen. They have a claim for such 
 laws as shall do this, in the most speedy and eft'eclual man- 
 ner which the circumstances of society permit. 
 
 It is not true that all children, throughout the whole earth, 
 nave a claim for the same laivs and the same instruction. 
 The child of an Esquimaux may not demand of his parents, 
 the same education which is due to a child in Vermont ; for 
 the parent cannot give it, and no one is bound to perform 
 what is impossible. Esquimaux children, then, have no 
 claim on the Esquimaux community, for laws requiring such 
 an education ; but they have a claim on their parents and 
 on the community, to do all that their circumstances render 
 possible, towards fitting them for all the rights and privi- 
 leges in that country ; and they have aright to such laws as 
 shall secure to them the enjoyment of Esquimaux freedom, 
 whenever they are fit for it. 
 
 On this principle we practice. The state takes such 
 measures as it judges necessary, to fit its children for the 
 station of freemen. With these privileges, we expect them 
 to be fit for that station at the a^e of twenty-one ; and from 
 the necessity of having some general rule, and not because 
 the number three times seven, has any magical power to con- 
 fer "natural and unalienable rights," we enact that they shall 
 
 B 
 
10 
 
 be free at that age. If, however, one shows himself so man- 
 ifestly unfit tluit he cannot be safely trusted with freedom, 
 we put him under guardianship, or in the state prison, as 
 the case mav re(juiro. The correctness of this doctrine is 
 so obvious, that I shall spend no time in proving it. Let us 
 consider the application of these ])rinciples to the greatest 
 problem which our country has to solve. 
 
 Ther(! are in the Ignited States, two millions of slaves. 
 What shall be done with them? Something must be done. 
 All princi{)les of humanity, of justice, of our own free insti- 
 tutions, imperiously demand it. We caimotbe willingly in- 
 active, and yet be innocent. But ly/ifl^ shall be done ? Give 
 them their liberty. Yes, give them their liberty — is the re- 
 sponse of every heart and every conscience. They are born 
 with the same right to liberty as ourselves, and we must give 
 it to them. We must confer it upon them as w'e do upon 
 our own sons ; first make them fit for freedom, and then 
 make them freemen. 
 
 But, we arc told, we have no right to wait till they arc fit 
 for freedom ; that they have a right to freedom noio ; that 
 "all men are createrl equal ; endowed with certain unalien- 
 able rights, among which" is "liberty,'* the full enjoyment, 
 of which we have no right to withhold from them one mo- 
 ment. So we are told, that in a perfect state of society, "it 
 will no more he thought Icixitimate to make boys skives, than 
 to make men so :" that children are "created equal ; endow- 
 ed with certain imalienable rights, among which" is " liber- 
 ty." — But, we are told, no human being is created subject 
 to another; therefore the slaves may not be held in subjec- 
 tion another hour. True, savssome wayward child ; no hu- 
 man being is created suhjiMt to another, and therelore I may 
 not be held in subjection another hour. True, rejoins some 
 one just come of age, I was not created subject to any man, 
 or any two men, or any twenty millions of men, and I will 
 not be in sul))f,'ction to them a single hour, even though they 
 call themselves th(.' nation. — But we are told again, every 
 human being has a rinht to his own limbs, and therefore to 
 the fruits of his own lahor, and no one has a rii^ht to lake it 
 from him; and the undutiful son adopts this argument too, 
 an<l, a«i a human Ix^ing, demands the control of his own 
 limbs, and of his own earnings. And so of all arguments 
 
11 
 
 for immediate emancipation, founded on the naked doctrine 
 of the equal rights of all men. Give that doctrine such an 
 interpretation that it will sustain that inference, and the same 
 interpretation will sustain other inferences, at war with all 
 government whatever. This is not the American interpreta- 
 tion. It is that of French Jacobinism. Our fathers under- 
 stood this doctrine, and guided by its light, they built up 
 this republic — the joy and wonder of the world. The Jaco- 
 bins misunderstood it; and, misled by their own false the- 
 ory, they deluged France in blood, and whelmed Europe 
 in tears.* 
 
 Indeed, the doctrine of immediate emancipation is so 
 much at variance with all the dictates of common sense, 
 that even its most vociferous advocates at times shrink back 
 from it, and talk as if it were not exod/^ their doctrine. And 
 in no case have statesmen been found, bold enough to apply 
 it to large masses of men in bondage, without such qualifi- 
 cations as essentially change the very nature of the act. 
 Certain "Extracts from Clarkson's Thoughts" have lately 
 been published at New York, to show, by historical facts, 
 the safety of immediate emancipation. In the three first in- 
 stances on which Clarkson relies, he acknowledges that the 
 emancipated had something equivalent to " a preparatory 
 school," which "fitted them by degrees for pjaking a good 
 use of their liberty." He adds, " I never stated that our 
 West Indian slaves "/ere to be emanci.mtcd suddenly, but 
 by degrees. I always, on the other h=nd, took it for grant- 
 ed, that they were to have their rreparatory school also.^' 
 Mr. Clarkson, then, was not acquainted with any example 
 which would show the desirableness of "sudden" emancipa- 
 tion. His fourth instance is that of recaptured negroes, ta- 
 ken from slave ships and settled at Sierra Leone, under Brit- 
 ish Colonial goveniment ; a case on which he places little 
 reliance in argument. 
 
 The fifth instance is that of St. Domingo. According to 
 Clarkson, difficulties had arisen on the question, whether 
 blacks who were born free should enjoy a/Z rights of citizen- 
 ship, equally with the whites. These difficulties led to "bat- 
 tles, massacres and burnings," till it became necessary for 
 the French Commissioners to issue a proclamation, in which 
 
 *See note A. 
 
12 
 
 " they promised to give freedom to all blacks, who were 
 williiii: to raiii^e themselves under the banners of the repub- 
 lic'" of France. The cfi'ect of this j)roclamation on the 
 slaves was such that the Commissioners thought it ''absolute- 
 ly necessary, ti^r the personal safetv of the white planters," 
 to extend tlie same privilege to all the slaves in the colony. 
 A register was opened, in which the planters were urged to 
 subscribe their assent to this proposition, and all but one 
 complied. Tliis proposal was made in September, 1793; 
 and in February, 1794, the Directory passed a decree for the 
 abolition of slavery in the Colonics. Now notice the condi- 
 tions of this emancipation. 1. "The laborers were obliged 
 to hire themselves to their masters, for not less than a year; 
 at the end of which, but not before, they might quit the ser- 
 vice and engage with others." 2. " They were to receive a 
 third part of the produce of the estate, as a recompense for 
 their labor." 3. After Toussaint, a negro, came into pow- 
 er, about the end of 179G, he "took away from every mas- 
 ter, tlie use of the whip, and of the chain, and of every oth- 
 er instrument of correction, either by himself or his own 
 order : he took away, in fact, all power of arbitrary punish- 
 ment." He increased the term of service from one year to 
 five years, and reduced the compensation from one third to 
 one lourth of the produce. He "succeeded in making the 
 black laborers return to the plantations, there to resume the 
 drudgery of cultivation." Notice the words return and re- 
 sume. It appears, then, that the negroes, after what is call- 
 ed their emancipation, were obliged to work for the plant- 
 ers, at first without the privilege of choosing their masters, 
 and ahrays at a j)rice fixed by others, and till the time of 
 'J'oussaint, were liable to be driven to their labors by the 
 whip or some "other instrument of punishment," applied 
 at the discretion of their employers; and the result was 
 such, that Toussaint was thought to do wonders, when he 
 made them return to the plantations and resume their 
 "drudgery." Docs this prove "the safety, practicability, 
 and expediency of j/;j//jff/i«/f enunicipation .'" And do those 
 among us, wIm) advocate immediate emancipation, mean 
 that our slaves should immediately be put into the condition 
 jw.st described ? 
 
13 
 
 The sixth case mentioned by Clarkson is that of the slaves 
 in Colombia, South America, where a decree was passed 
 July 19, 1821, giving freedom to all slaves who had served 
 in the armies of the republic, and providing that all born 
 after the date of the decree should be free at the age of 18. 
 This is gradual emancipation, again, on the same principle 
 adopted in New York. 
 
 The last case mentioned by Clarkson, is that of Hon. 
 Joshua Steele, of Barbadoes, of which he says, " It took 
 him six years, to bring his negroes to the state of vassalage 
 described, or to that state from whence he was sure that 
 they might be transferred without danger, in no distant time, 
 to the rank of free men, if it should be thought desirable." 
 "Immediate abolition," truly ! 
 
 Others have adduced the example of Mexico. In this in- 
 stance, the slaves were all declared free at once, but were 
 considered as in debt to their former masters, to the amount 
 of the money for which they might have been sold before 
 emancipation ; and they were obliged to remain on the plan- 
 tations and labor as formerly, till they had paid that debt by 
 their labor ; and a police system was established to enforce 
 this regulation. The amount of it was, the law secured to 
 them the privilege of buying their freedom, which they gen- 
 erally accomplislicd in the course of twelve years. 
 
 So far, then, not a single instance is found, of the " im- 
 mediate emancipation" of all the slaves of any country. In 
 every instance brought forward by the advocates of that 
 doctrine, they were emancipated, not "suddenly," but by 
 "degrees," as Mr. Clarkson maintains they ought to be. Ev- 
 en now, in England, a strong effort has been made to pro- 
 cure " immediate emancipation." They must all be made 
 free in a moment; but, according to the bill which the 
 friends of that measure have carried through Parliament, 
 that moment is to be several years long. Why is this ? 
 Emancipation, we are told, ought not to be gradual. The 
 demands of justice require that it be done " instanter." 
 Accordingly, a bill is brought in, which enacts that it shall 
 be done in twelve years. If gentlemen mean, emancipation 
 in twelve years, why do they not say so ? Why agitate the 
 country, by calling it " immediate ?" And why compel us to 
 understand them literally, by using arguments which, if they 
 
14 
 
 |»roved any lliiu'^, would prove tliat it ought to be, strictly, 
 iimncdiiitc ?' 
 
 Indeed, it does not seem tliulany body seriously means to 
 practice on the theory ot" immediate emancipation. It is 
 used merely for the sake of producing excitement. The 
 Jacobinical argument is the shortest, and most exciting to 
 shallow thinkers, of any yet invented. It proves, however, 
 if it proves any thing, that slaves ought to be emancipated, — 
 as Clarkson says they ought not, — "suddenly,'' and witiiout 
 any " pre[)aratory school." And it proves, with equal force, 
 that all slaves, and all women, and all children, sliould at 
 once take part, ecjually with others, in the civil government 
 of the country. And then it proves, that if any of them 
 choose not to obey the laws of that government, they have 
 an "unalienable right" to set them at defiance. f 
 
 This will not do. Instead of this, we must deal with them 
 as with our own children. We must educate them for free- 
 dom, and then make them freemen. We have no more 
 right to neglect this, or to delay it needlessly, than in the 
 case of our own children. By the dispensations of Provi- 
 dence, and in part, at least, by our own acts, they are made 
 dependent upon us; they are in our power; they can re- 
 ceive this boon at our hands ; and it can come to them from 
 no other source. We have, therefore, no right to neglect or 
 delav the bcstowmcnt of it. The hearty adoption of this 
 doctrine, as true, as binding u|)on us, as what v.e must and 
 will practise upon, is our first duly ; and when we have done 
 thiii, all else will inevitably follow in due season. 
 
 Is it objected, that educating them is dangerous, because 
 ability to read and write will give them dangerous facili- 
 ties for planning and executing insurrections.'' We ask 
 in reply, what is the education, indispensable to lit one for 
 freedom? Is it ability to read and write r Do we not know 
 that liundrtMls possess this ability, who are not lit for free- 
 dom after all, and who, for that reason, are shut up within 
 the walls of the penitentiary? Do we not know that other 
 hundreds, who have never learned these arts, are trust wor- 
 thy, and exercise the rights and perform the duties of citi- 
 zenship safely and protitably to themselves and the country ? 
 
 'Mr. Garrison d<'nr.iiiiro!» the bill Cot nliolishiiinr slnvcry in the West In- 
 <liei, as a '• triumph of (irndualisin." 'See note B. 
 
15 
 
 How is a man the better for being able to read, if he never 
 reads any thing ? Of what use is this abifity, except as a 
 means of acquiring valuable ideas, and establishing himself 
 in good principles? Can ideas and principles be obtained in 
 no other way but by reading? Can you not understand a 
 book, unless you rend it yourself; or a conversation, unless it 
 be written down, and put into your hands on paper? The 
 art of reading, we know, wonderfully increases the facility 
 with which we may fit ourselves for the performance of du- 
 ty ; but it is possible to become safe citizens without it. We 
 therefore pass no sentence, either of condemnation or ap- 
 proval, on those who withhold this art from their slaves. We 
 only say, they must be educated. You must educate them. 
 Take your own way to do it. If you find it snfeto put books 
 into their hands, it will diminish your labor immensely. If 
 not, you must do it, nevertheless. The labor of educating 
 them without books will be immense ; but, books or no books, 
 it must be done ; and if books are unsafe instruments, you 
 must work the harder. You must furnish them with such 
 ideas of the ends and objects of human life, and of the du- 
 ties of man to his fellow man, and establish in their minds 
 such principles for the government of their own conduct, 
 as will make them safe citizens. You must do it, for the 
 same reasons which binds you to do it for your own chil- 
 dren ; — because they are human beings, who have a right to 
 receive this discipline from some one who is able to bestow 
 it ; and your God, who is also their God, has put that abili- 
 ty into your hands, and into yours alone. 
 
 Is it said that this principle is inefficient — that it can nev- 
 er accomplish the object ? We deny it. It is powerful. It 
 can do all that needs to be done. Just look for a moment 
 at its operation. Let the planters, generally, teach their 
 slaves to revere God. Will they themselves be profane .'' 
 In some instances, they doubtless will; but on the great 
 scale, the instruction they give will be found to react on 
 those who give it, so that they will more generally ob- 
 serve the dictates of conscience. The very fact that the 
 planter brings duty so distinctly before his own mind as ho 
 must do in order to teach it, will make him more observant 
 of it. The fact that he looks up and uses arguments for 
 the observance of duty, will make him feel more strongly 
 
10 
 
 that he ou<rht to observe it. — Let all planters teach the 
 ("hrislian duty *)\ <roveniiii<T the passions. Can such gen- 
 eral and peijtetual laniiliarily with truth on this subject fail 
 to pronii^le selt' ^zovernnient in those who teach it? — Let all 
 planters teach their slaves the Christian duty of observing 
 the seventh comniantlment. Let them teach the sacredness 
 of the marriage relation. Let them make their slaves fully 
 understand why that covenant should always be kept invio- 
 late. 1 omit other (luestions, and only ask. will not these 
 teachers be careful how they break up families by selling 
 their members? AV'iil they, by selling the husband here and 
 the wife there, almost force them upon transgression ? Will 
 not marriage and domestic relations become practical, per- 
 manent blessings, and begin to put forth among them all 
 those holy inHuences for which God has appointed ;'iem? 
 — Let the planters all teach their slaves to be just; to regard 
 as they ought, the rights of their fellow men, and to render 
 to every one his due ; and will not a conscientious render- 
 ing to their slaves their due increase among the planters 
 themselves ? — Let them teach these things, because they re- 
 gard their slaves, not as mere property, but as human beings, 
 who have a right to be prepared by such teaching for the 
 enjoyment of freedom, and then to be free ; and let them 
 do it for the sake of pre|)aring them for freedom, that they 
 may be made free ; and can the evils of slavery long en- 
 dure ? We see plainly that iUv.y cannot. Before such a 
 course, before such a spirit, every obstacle to its entire re- 
 moval must give way, and its last remnants must be speedi- 
 ly and safely removed. 
 
 Some one may say, this would do, if it were in operation; 
 but you cannot start it. We do not wish to start it. It is 
 already in operation. Read the " Journal of a Missionary 
 to the Xegroes in the State of Georgia,'' wjiich lias of 
 late been extensively published in our religious j)apers. 
 This Missionary is a slave holder. He is devoting his 
 time, his wealth, his life, to the work of j^romoting among 
 the slaves, that godliness, which "is proHtable to all things, 
 having the |)romise of the life that now is, and of that 
 which is to come" There are other slave holders, men of 
 wealth, of talent, of learning, who have consecrated them- 
 selves to this Work. Planters arc numerous, who welcome 
 
17 
 
 these men to their plantations, and assemble their slaves to 
 be instructed by them, and to unite with them in the wor- 
 ship of God. Extensive associations of planters are form- 
 ed, for the purpose of giving system and energy to these 
 operations. The late revivals of religion in the southern 
 states have produced a mighty influence in this direction ; 
 an influence of which, at tlie south, few are ignorant, and 
 the existence of which none dispute. You may learn the 
 fact from their political newspapers even. Men there are 
 beginning to feel extensively, that the doctrine of our text is 
 true ; that God " hath made of one blood all nations of 
 men, — that they should seek the Lord ;" — that he has given 
 them one common nature, and one common gospel, to which 
 all ought to have access. They are beginning, more and 
 more, to act on this principle ; and it will have the same ef- 
 fect which it had when Paul preached it and men embraced 
 it at Athens and at Rome ; — it will abolish slavery. If slave 
 laws remain as they are, it will render them inoperative, for 
 it will remove all occasion for the use of them. If laws 
 need to be altered, it will alter them. It will prove the wis- 
 dom of God and the power of God unto salvation, not only 
 to the individuals who receive it, but to the community 
 which it pervades.^ 
 
 Some may objeot, that the removal of slavery on this prin- 
 ciple, though certain in the end, is too distant to content us; 
 that these operations reach but a small part of our slave 
 holding territory ; that we need something which shall ap- 
 peal to every citizen, and especially to every slave holder, 
 in the United States; something which shall present the ne- 
 gro race before us, not only as moral agents, capable of sal- 
 vation, but as capable of being fitted for citizenship; as 
 having a claim upon us to fit them for it and bestow it upon 
 them ; something too, the execution of which does not whol- 
 ly depend on the slave holders themselves ; something in 
 which all the citizens of the Union can engage, and thus 
 bear their testimony to the truth which makes men free. 
 
 There is some force in these objections. They show the 
 need of just such an enterprise as we are now assembled to 
 promote. What is the American Colonization Society do- 
 ing ? It is laboring to build up a civilized, well governed na- 
 
 *See Note C. 
 
18 
 
 tion of free colored people. The very endeavor is proof, that 
 we consider the existence of such a nation possible ; that 
 we regard negroes as beings out of whom such a nation can 
 be built. Every step taken in this cntcrprize proceeds on 
 the ground that negroes can be made, and ought to be made, 
 and we desire to nudce them, free citiz-ens of a free country. 
 On this ground I rest the defence of the society, and its 
 claims to your support. I omit numerous topics of argu- 
 ment which might be used,' and with which you are already 
 familiar. I stay not to d.ally with objections which do not 
 touch this point. I ask not whether, in forming and execu- 
 ting its plans, the men, mere men, who compose it, iiavc 
 shown wisdom absolutely infinite, and infinite watchfulness 
 against mistakes. I shall not try to do the work of the day 
 of judgement beforehand, by inquiring whether two or 
 three or more of them may not have certain hy ends of their 
 own to answer by it. I shall not inquire whether some of 
 its members entertain, at the same time, the two opposite 
 designs of removing all the slaves from the country, and of 
 makiiuT their slavery perpetual in it. I shall not argue the 
 question whether all vice, or any vice, is more thoroughly 
 excluded from Monrovia, tiian from any village in the Uni- 
 ted States; or whether the administration of government in 
 that colony is more perfect than it ever has been, or, till the 
 millennium at least, ever will be, in any other community 
 on earth. If anv maintain that both the Managers of the 
 Society and the Colonists are, after all, mere men, and that, 
 bv diligent search, such errors as men are liable to, may be 
 found among them, I shall not dispute it; and if any one 
 shall say that some of its enemies are capable of exaggera- 
 tion, and others of falsehood, I shall not dispute that. I 
 leave all such questions to those who have leisure for them. 
 I point you to Liberia. There it stands, upon the coast of 
 Africa, a monument of the truth, that negroes, and even ne- 
 gro slaves, can \ni made, and ought to bo made, and we desire 
 to make them, free citizens of a free community. By its very 
 existence, it testifies this truth to all that pass by in ships ; 
 to all who cf»nsider where ships shall be sent ; to all who 
 consider, in what seas ships nuist be defended. It stands, or 
 soon will stand, an intelligible nninument of this truth, on 
 the map of .Africa, in the hands of everv child uho studies 
 
 I 
 
19 
 
 geography in any school on earth. Can this universal 
 testimony, thus iorccd perpetually upon the notice of all 
 men, fail to produce an etlect ? 
 
 The Society appeals directly and personally to every cit- 
 izen of the United States, and of course to every slave hold- 
 er in the United States. It asks him to bestow his aid, and 
 by bestowing his aid in removing slaves who are manumit- 
 ted for this purpose, to bear his testimony to the truth, that 
 negroes, negro slaves even, can be made, and ought to be 
 made, and he desires to make them, free citizens of a free 
 community. It asks him to bear this testimony by acting on 
 this principle ; — by doing what would be the veriest and 
 most manifest folly imaginable, on any other principle. Can 
 this appeal be thus universally and perpetually made, and 
 especially, can slave holders generally comply with it, with- 
 out strengthening the principles by which slavery will be re- 
 moved ?* 
 
 The Society appeals to you this night. As you have been 
 officially informed, hundreds of slaves are waiting for free- 
 dom, only till the Society shall be enabled to colonize them. 
 Only furnish the means, and they Vv'ill be made free citizens 
 of a free community. Show, then, by your deeds, bow 
 much confidence you have in the capacity of slaves to re- 
 ceive and enjoy the blessings of freedom, and how ardently 
 you desire that it may be conferred upon them. The influ- 
 ence of what you shall do will not expire with the doing of 
 the deed, or be limited to the direct recipients of your boun- 
 ty. What you do will be matter of record. It will go 
 abroad. It will be published to the ends of the land and 
 of the earth. It will tell on public sentiment. In propor- 
 tion as it shall show that you are in earnest, it will swell and 
 strengthen the tide of right feeling, which is to sweep 
 slavery from our land and from the world. 
 
 *See note D. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 NOTE A. Page 11. 
 
 Since this discourse was delivered, 1 have obtained a copy of Condorcet's 
 "Historical View," from which a lew passages are selected, bearing direct- 
 ly on this point. ' 
 
 I. The foundation of the doctrine. " Writers on politics and the law of nations at 
 length arrived at the knowledge of the true rights of man, which they deduce from this 
 simple principle : that he is a being endowed with sensation, capable of reasoninir vpou and 
 understanding his interests, and of acquiring moral ideas." Page 154. Baltimore edition. 
 
 Here, we see, the principle that a man is a member of the human family, 
 connected with the other members by various relations, and therefore inca- 
 pable of having any rights inconsistent with those relations, is wholly over- 
 looked. 
 
 II. JVhat some of these rights are. " Hence it appears to be one of the rights of man," 
 .— i. e. of every " being endowed with sensation" &c.; of course, according to Condor- 
 cet, of every woman and every child, — " that he should employ his faculties, dispose of 
 his wealth, and provide for his wants, in whatever manner he shall think best." lb. p. 158. 
 
 in. That this doctrine caused the French Revolution. " liy comparing the disposition of 
 the public mind, which 1 have already sketched, with the prevailing systems of govern- 
 ment, we shall perceive, without difficulty, that an important revolution was inevitable, 
 and that tliere were two ways only in which it could take place: either the people them- 
 selves would establish a system of policy upon those principles of nature and reason, 
 which philosophy had rendered so dear to their hearts, or government might hasten to 
 supersede this event, by reforming its vices, and governing its conduct by the public opin- 
 ion. — The corruption and ignorance of the rulers of nations haVe preferred, it seems, the 
 lormer of these modes ; and the sudden triumph of reason and liberty has avenged the 
 human race." Jb. p. 173. 
 
 IV. The French doctrine of the rights of man different from the American. " If we ex- 
 amine the nature of these constitutions, [those of the American States] we shall discover 
 
 why an identity of interests, rather than an equality of rights, is adopted as their 
 
 principle." lb. p. 175. 
 
 " It would be easy to show how much more pure, accurate, and profound, are the prin- 
 ciples upon which the constitution and laws of France have been formed, than those 
 which directed the Americans : and how much more completely the authors have with- 
 drawn themselves from the influence of a variety of prejudices ; that the great basis of 
 policy, the equality of rights, has never been superseded by thai fictions identity of in- 
 terests, which has so often been made its feeble and hypocritical substitute ; that lim- 
 its prescribed to political power have been put in the place of that specious balance which 
 has so long been admired ; that we were the first to dare, in a great nation necessarily 
 dispersed, and which cannot personally be assembled but in broken and numerous parcels, 
 to maintain in the people their rights of sovereignty, the right of obeying no laws but 
 those which, though originating in a representative authority, shall have received their 
 last sanction from the nation itself; laws which, if found to be injurious to its rights or 
 interests, the nation is always organized to reform by a regular act of its sovereign will." 
 lb. p. 178. 
 
 This last extract shows, not only that the French and American doctrines 
 of the rights of man are different, but that this difference of doctrines led to 
 differences in the forms of government in the two nations. Had Condorcet 
 
22 
 
 lived (I few years longer, he niiglit have noticed other difttrences in the 
 pructiciil results of tiio two doctrines, in which he would have gloried less. — 
 \V hat Condorcet protests against, under the name of '• identity of inter- 
 ests," is probably an implied recognition of the nature of man, as a member 
 of human society, liaving an inlerept in whatever interests the other mem- 
 bers, and not as a mere individual " being, endowed with sensation," &c. 
 The expression is not very lucid ; and 1 do not fjuolc the passasre as a lesson 
 in metaphysics, but as llie testimony of a man, wliose speculations did much 
 to jive lo th'' French revolution its peculiar character. 
 
 That the French revolutionary doctrine of the Jiigiits of Man was difier- 
 ent from the American, and that the French legislators knew it to be differ- 
 ent, is further proved by the following statement. 
 
 The nationul assembly was busily occupied in forming different parts of the new con- 
 stitulion, and particularly in framing their celebrated declaration of the rights of men 
 and of citizens. On this last .subject the assembly seemed crcatly to bewilder themselves 
 in ahsttnct (piestions and metaphysical disquisitions. La Fayette, whose principles were 
 truly and entirely American, bruusht forward a declaration, wiiich was little more or less 
 than an epitome of all those that had been adopted by the diffl-rent members of the Uni- 
 ted States. 'J'his miyht possibly h;ive been so far received as to become in some decree 
 a sort of ground-worl< to their own, if the abbe Sieyes had not composed an abstract and 
 dillicult work, in which he defined and traced the rights of man to their first principles. 
 ThouKh the abbe's friends and admirers were unsuccessful in tlieir support of this produc- 
 tion, ihey, however, procured the overllirow of La Fayette's system.— iondon jJnnuoZ 
 He^slcr, I'ol. 32, p. 30. 
 
 NOTE B. Page 14. 
 
 From the Declaration of Rights, prefixed to the French Constitution of 
 September, IT'.ll. 
 
 I. All men are born, and remain, free and equal in rights. 
 
 VI. Ttie law is the expression of the general will: all the citizens have a right to con- 
 cur personally, or by their representatives, to the formation of the law, 
 
 XI V. Kvery citizen has a right, by himself, or his representatives, to decide concerning 
 tile necessity of tlie public contribution ; to consent to it freely, to look after the employ- 
 ment of It ; lo determine the quantity, tlie distribution, the collection, and duration. 
 
 London Annual Reginler, yuL. 33, p. J52*. 
 
 Comment. Crowds of "beings endowed witii sensation, capable of under- 
 standing tiieir interests" much better than they did, and " of acquiring 
 moral ideas ' with which tliey showed little acquaintance, believin<r that tiiey 
 " were born" and '• remained equal in rights" to tiic members of the iN'ational 
 Assembly, often took \\\mn themselves to give " expressions of the general 
 will" ''personally," and not " bv their representatives," as when llie Pari- 
 sian mob brougiit the king from Versailles ; and at otiier times similar mobs 
 gave "expressions of the general will" through " their representatives," — 
 overawing the National Assembly by their jiresence and violence. 
 
 The Klaic paiiers of that revolution c.innol be understood as the people of 
 France understood iheiii, without going to Rousseau, Condorcet, &C. for the 
 definition of their terms. 
 
 -NOTH C. Page 17. 
 
 If it Ik' conceded that nlnves are not a part of those for whom Christ died, 
 and do nnt nee<l to be hnvod, ah we ilo, '■ by the foolishness of preaching," 
 llien It will bt; impobHiblc lo prove that they have any more '• rights" than 
 
23 
 
 any olhcr animals for wliich Christ did not, die, or tliat thoy have any moro 
 claim to any emancipation at all, either immediate or remote, than our oxen 
 and horses have. But if tlu-y are a part of tiie human race; if the Savior 
 did indeed shed his blood for them as well as for us; if faith in that {.'ospel 
 of his grace, which they cannot '• believe" till they " hear" it, be necessa- 
 ry to save them from eternal perdition and capable of raising them to per- 
 fect and endless felicity; and if, like other men, they are not iumiorlal, but 
 are actually dying — going into the eternal world, whetlier pre|)ared or 
 not, every day and every hour ; then certainly it becomes us to lose no time 
 in sending them tlie gospel. They need the gospel more than all things 
 else ; as much more, as hell is worse than their present condition, as heaven 
 is belter llian the condition of a free negro in the United States, and jis eter- 
 nity is longer than human lift;. Give them, then, the gospel. Let those 
 who can, encouraore and aid and sustain the preachers. Let lliose wha can, 
 whether from the pulpit, the press, or in any other way, urge upon planters, 
 the duty of having the gospel preached to them. And let those who can do 
 nothing else, if any such there be, pray that it may he preached to them. 
 Let Christians, at tlie north and at the south, give to this object, tiie conver- 
 sion of the slaves to Christ, the prominence of which it is worthy ; let them 
 think of it, and pray for it, and, as they can find opportunity, labor for it, in 
 proportion to its worth, and as the Spirit of Christ dictates, and tjiey will be 
 converted; their masters will labor lor their conversion, and for their com- 
 plete sanctification, and God will bless their labors, and the work will be 
 done. 
 
 Now we ask, is it wise, is it kind, is it Christian, to neglect this great ob- 
 ject, and to expend all our strength and all our zeal, and endeavor to make 
 all others e.xpend all their strength and their zeal, on an object which, how- 
 ever important, is infinitely less important to the negroes than this.' Or, if 
 attention to this object be not wholly omitted, is it wise, or kind, or Chris- 
 tian, to draw off the attention of the friends of the negroes from it, by mak- 
 ing any other object more prominent ? Would Paul have done it ? Would 
 Christ .' Should you do it, and do it successfully ; and should the result be, 
 that all the slaves in the nation should be emancipated, and that thousands 
 should die in their sins, who, but for the direction which you gave to the 
 public mind, might have been saved, — do you think you should rejoice in it, 
 when standing with them before the judgement seat of Christ.' 
 
 If you say, your object is to bring the whites to repentance for the sin of 
 suffering them to remain in civil bondage ; I ask, is it right to do this, by 
 withdrawing their minds from the still greater sin of suffering them to re- 
 main in bondage to Satan ? 
 
 If it be said that we must procure their release from civil bondage, before 
 the fifospel can be successfully preached to them ; what is this, but to dispar- 
 age Uie gospel of Christ, as an insufficient remedy for the miseries of the 
 human race, — as not adapted to the wants of men, in some of the circum- 
 stances in wliich they may be placed ? 
 
 Is it not plain that men who take such a course, are not as they should 
 be ; — that they have given to the temporal an ascendency over the spiritual 
 in their own minds, for which they ought to be penitent .-' Anil when we re- 
 member that the right course would bring to tiiose now in slavery, inevita- 
 bly, safely, and pleasantly to all concerned, all the temporal benefits which 
 these men are endeavoring in vain to secure to them by the wrong course, 
 — is not the imperfection of their wisdom as manifest as the imperfection of 
 their piety ? — I mean exactly what I say. 1 have no doubt that many of 
 them possess both wisdom and piety ; but both are imperfect, and here is a 
 striking instance of their imperfection. 
 
24 
 
 NOTE D. Page 19. 
 
 At a meeting of the Hoard of Afanapers of the ^farylan(l State Colonization Society, 
 held April 'M, If'Xf, at tlie Coloriization otfice, tlie following preaintjlb and resolution were 
 read, dirtcussed, amended, and adopted unanimously. 
 
 H hereas It is the desire of the .Maryland State Colonization Society, to hasten as far aa 
 they can, the nriival of the period w)ien slavery shall cease to exist in Maryland ; and 
 whereas the society believe that this can best he done, by advocating and assisting the 
 cause of colonization, which is considered as the safest, the truest, and the most efficient 
 auxiliary of freedom, under existini; circiiinstances ; and whereas the cause of coloniza- 
 tion, which lia< already produced great results, and from which so much is still anticipa- 
 ted, must depend in .Maryland, upon the facilities afforded for the transportation and re- 
 ception of eiiii:.'rants on the coast of .'Africa, which can only be secured, to the necessary 
 and desired extent, by the establishment of settlements in Africa, where there will be no 
 restraint upon emigration beyond the control of the state society ; and whereas it is be- 
 lieved, for llie.se and other reasons, to be expedient for the state society, to form at this 
 lime, a new seltlement on llie coast of Africa ; and whereas it has been represented to 
 the society, that Cape Talmas and its neighborhood offer commercial and agricultural fa- 
 cilities of the most important character, so as to make a settlement there desirable in ev- 
 ery point of view ; and whereas it is believed that a settlement thus formed, by a society, 
 wiiiise avowed object is the ultimate extirpation of slavery, by proper and gradual efforts, 
 addressed to the understanding and experience of the people of the state, would be view- 
 ed with peculiar interest by all those who advocate colonization on account of its ten- 
 dencies toward liberty, and would receive that aid from them, which would ensure its 
 prosperity and happiness ; and whereas the society believe, that it is proper to use every 
 means in their power to raise Maryland to th; rank of a free state of this union, not only 
 on account of the immediate benefit to herself, but for the sake of the illustration which 
 she would then furnish of the effect of colonization in removing slavery ; 
 
 Therefore, be it resolved, TUal this society will forthwith establish a settlement, at a 
 suitable point on the coast of Africa, and will lake immediate measures to procure, both 
 within and without the state, the necessary pecuniary aid. 
 
 This autumn, the Maryland State Colonization Society, in conformity 
 witii these resolutions, has fitted out an e.\pedition of about 100 emigrants, 
 who are to commence a settlement at Cape Palinas as soon as the necessary 
 arrancements can be made. Durinjr the negotiations for this purpose, they 
 will remain at Liberia. Ardent spirits are to be excluded from the Colony 
 by law, as well as by a pledge, which every emigrant is required to give be- 
 fore his departure. 
 
 Those who maintain that Colonization is designed, and that it operates, 
 to perpetuate slavery in this country, may find it difficult to reconcile these 
 facts with their assertions. 
 
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