^ l/> / 613 '35 py 1 >CIAUST COMMITTEE FOR A RIGHTEOUS PEACE {Paix du Droit) THE FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WA R A I M S Replies to the Questiormaire NEW YORK GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY MCMXVIII Price Jive emits THE FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS Replies to the Questionnaire NEW YORK GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY MCMXVIII rpsr By Tr*iTi«fAr THE "QUESTIONNAIRE." 1. — Conditions of peace. A. General bases of peace; the right of nations to dispose of themselves; self-government of nation- alities; annexations; war indemnities; restitution. B. Application of principles to concrete cases: (1) Belgium; Serbia; other Balkan countries; Poland; Finland; Alsace-Lorraine; North Schleswig; Armenia; (2) Lithuania; the Ukraine; the Czechs; the Jews; (S) Colonies. 2. — Fundamental principles of international re- lations. A. International law; international order; in- ternational arbitration tribunals; league to enforce jjeace; penalties; coercive measures; B. Disarmament and the freedom of the seas; C. Means of satisfying the demands for justi- fiable economic expansion without territorial expan- sion. {The internationalisation of international lines of transport, straits, canals, chief railways, etc.) D. Abolition of secret diplomacy. VI FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS 3. — Means of realising these aims in practice: A. How far should these questions be discussed at peace negotiations? B. Should commissions of enquiry he appointed to suggest solutions of certain questions? 4. — The part to be played by the Internationale and Democracy. A. Co-operation of neutrals in the promotion of peace. B. Direct collaboration of Parliaments. C. Collaboration of the Socialist parties. D. Steps to he taken by the Internationale to exercise a continuous influence during early ne- gotiations and during the sittings of official confer- ences entrusted with the discussion of peace terms. 5. — General Sociahst Conference. Are we prepared to take part in a gen£ral con- ference — (1) Without making conditions? (2) If not, on what conditions? (a) Statement of the attitude of the Socialist parties during the war; the question of responsi- bility; {by Majorities and minorities. THE FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS Geneeal Remakks. Any question relating to peace conditions assumes significance only when we have first decided in what spirit we seek to answer it. If we make it our aim to set forth what in our view is the best geographical policy and the best international system possible in the present capitalist world, we shall have a basis for discussion, and there will be no dif- ferences of opinion except as regards sec- ondary matters, which need not give rise to division among Socialists. But if, on the other hand, we desire to as- sume a peace based on compromise, and to decide what lessening of our hopes we should or should not agree to, then the answers would be yery various, and it would be diffi- cult to come to an understanding. To reach 1 2 FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS an agreement, it would first of all be neces- sary to state precisely the military, economic and financial position of the belligerents at the time of the peace pourparlers, and the answers would naturally differ according to the assumptions made. All discussion is use- less so long as there is no well-defined situa- tion to consider. So we shall concern ourselves here only with the best possible kind of peace; that peace which the French Socialist Party has from the first always declared for* The un- selfish intervention of the United States and the Russian Revolution allow us to count upon a realisation more perfect, than we for- merly dared to hope for of a really durable and just peace. So the Party has good rea- son to will more firmly than ever the peace which it has already adumbrated. FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND AVAR AIMS S 1. — Conditions of Peace. (a) Territorial Delimitations, The basic principle is, that nations have the right to dispose of their destinies. This right leads them in some cases to demand their independence — that is, to desire to form a separate and sovereign state; in others, to demand self-government inside a statfi of which they are only a part. The federal state is a compromise. Self-government and federation were the solutions envisaged by all oppressed Euro- pean nations before the war, because the more thorough solution — the creation of a separate state — could not be hoped for. The war, by opening up all kinds of possibili- ties, has allowed them to formulate their wishes more candidly. Some of them desire independence ; others would be satisfied with self-government. We do not know of any which ask for a federation of national states. 4 FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS Whatever may be the very various reasons that decide the preferences of individual na- tions, we consider that it is right to satisfy natural aspirations, and, consequently, to modify existing frontiers everyr^^here and to such a degree as may be needed to make states and nations as co-extensive as is prac- ticable. This implies both the creation of new states — such as Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Armenia perhaps, — and the extension of ex- isting states, — for example, Roumania, Italy and Serbia. It implies also the creation of an international guarantee to protect the small nations which are satisfied with self- government. One may always regard the wishes of na- tions on the question of independence or self- government as being a matter of general knowledge, so that there is no difficulty about making any nation a state. The whole diffi- culty lies in fixing the frontiers for each na- tionality, since there is always a fringe — in some cases a wide one — wherein populations are mixed and of uncertain origin. The idea naturally suggests itself of consulting FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS 5 the population by means of a referendum. This, however, would be a bad course to take in Eastern Europe, even in times of peace, and quite a ridiculous one after the war, since death and deportation will have re- duced, in varying proportion, all mixed pop- ulations. It will therefore be necessary to examine what methods can be used to ensure a proper impartiality and arrive at equit- able delimitations of territory. We cannot do more here than draw attention to this important question of finding a correct pro- cedure. So far as the German people is concerned, its wish to be united in a sovereign state must obviously be respected, and this raises the question of bringing together the Ger- mans in Austria and Germany. As their desire to form a new political unit would de- pend primarily on the constitutional form to be adopted, it appears that the best pro- cedure would in this case be the assembling of some kind of elective Parliament in which all had representation. Finally, there are two special cases to which the ordinary rules cannot be applied. 6 FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS The Jews, owing to their being so scattered, can only demand civic equality with the na- tionals of the country in which they live; and this must be assured to them. The cre- ation of a separate Jewish state, however, can also be kept in mind. Alsace-Lorraine affords the only example of a national question which has become a matter of legal decision. Here it is not a case of a nationality demanding recognition, or of delimitation of territory. At the elec- tions of 1871 and 1874, held under the con- trol of the German authorities, Alsace-Lor- raine made a unanimous protest against her annexation by Germany. So to return her to France would be merely a righteous resti- tution. (b) Colonies and Protectorates. So far we have been concerned only with nations that have reached a certain stage of culture, political maturity and economic de- velopment which entitles them to become sovereign states. But not all the peoples of the world have FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS 7 got SO far. Unhappily, international con- gresses have given no indication as to the course to be taken with regard to what may be called the non-adult peoples. They only warn us against "capitalist colonial policy." But we know well enough that capitalism, whatever may be the method adopted for joining or not joining these peoples to the European States, will always have freer scope among them than elsewhere. The problem is to find a means of ensuring that this capitalist colonial policy shall be con- trolled in the most effective manner possible ; and of guaranteeing the fullest possible self- government to colonies and protectorates when they have developed sufficiently. We do not think that colonial and protec- torate countries can be left to themselves, and, as for distributing colonies, we do not know what principles to adopt for our guid- ance. We willingly assent to the proposal that her colonies should be restored to Ger- many. We hope that the Socialist parties will make a particular point of giving close at- tention to colonial questions. 8 FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS (c) War Indemnities ; Restitution. The principle of war indemnities properly so called being paid by States guilty of ag gression is not in any way objectionable. But we are willing to waive it, since its en- forcement would reduce Germany to so com- plete financial slavery that her economic life would be paralysed. Yet the making good of damage done must be thrown entirely on the shoulders of the aggressive States. Which States are they 1 We consider that on the morrow of the war we shall have to regard as such the new confederated Ger- many, Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey, ex- cluding territories detached from these coun- tries. What will constitute damage? All the material damage due to military operations, devastation and pillage in the countries in- vaded. In what way will reparation be made ? Payments in cash can be considered only so far as a relatively small part of the total damage is concerned. It will therefore be FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS 9 necessary to exact a large part of the in- demnity in kind, that is, in work, a directer form than money. This dictum may per- haps seem to come strangely from Social- ists ; but we shall have to insist that a part of Germany's labour shall be consecrated, for a term of years, to making good the de- struction wrought by Germany. How could we do otherwise? Belgium will not be able to devote herself again to productive work for a long time to come. Meanwhile, whom can we ask to restore her unless it be the people which ravaged her ? 10 FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS 2. — Fundamental Principles of Interna- tional Relations. What is signified by the term Society of Nations, — the establishment of a judicial regulation of the relationships of States, — is the supreme aim of this war, which has brought to the front the question of Interna- tional Law and relations. But in order that the Society of Nations may be a reality, not merely a sham or a label attached to a little-altered world, it is essential that there should be nations, and that lawful national claims should practi- cally all have been settled in advance. Then only, when the stability of international life has thus been considerably increased, will the Society of Nations be able to establish itself and increase this security by progres- sive stages. It seems to us unprofitable to examine all the forms of the international order that must be created. We are well disposed to- FRENCH SOCIALIST PilHTY AND WAR AIMS 11 wards all forms that will tend to make it a permanent part of international life and give the standing international tribunal power to inflict adequate penalties on States that do not bow to its decisions. Disarma- ment would be a natural consequence of this new order of things. The tribunal could be made the guardian of treaties, which would be valid only by virtue of the publicity given them by the tribunal. Since the peace treaty must bring into being new States having no outlet to the sea, the question of international routes will as- sume a new importance. Special regulations dealing with this matter will have to be in- cluded in the terms of the treaty; and the sphere of the tribunal must be enlarged by degrees to enable it to deal with questions of this kind. 12 FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS 3. — ^Means of Attaining These Aims in Practice. The peace treaty, if signed with reason- able promptitude, will lay down the rules for solving many problems before it will be able to find definite solutions. The new or al- tered States will not be organised all at once. So there must be a more or less extended pe- riod, certainly one of sufficient length, be- tween the cessation of hostilities and the signing of the final peace treaty. The first treaty, then, will not be able to establish the Society of Nations ; but it must nevertheless provide for it and lay down its principles. A list of all the Commissions of Enquiry that would have to be appointed to find solu- tions of all the problems of the coining peace, would fill several extra pages. FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS 13 4. — The Part to Be Played by the Inter- nationale AND Democracy. (A) The Collciboration of Neutrals in the Making of Peace. We do not think that this would be of any value. Peace will render possible the So- ciety of Nations, which alone will be in a po- sition to sign a definite treaty, to which neu- trals might be invited to subscribe. (B) The Direct Collaboration of Parlia- ments, A treaty is discussed by diplomats, profes- sional or otherwise, and no other course is possible. But diplomats are given instruc- tions and it is essential that these should be communicated to the Parliaments, or at least to Committees for foreign affairs, so that they may be criticised and, if need be, be challenged in secret session. 14) FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS (C) The Collaboration of Socialist Parties The Socialist parties should devote most of their energy to considering the peace terms, in the spirit outlined in the early paragraphs of this Reply ; and it is the duty of the Socialist members of the Commission for Foreign Affairs to make the Party's ideas carry the day. Moreover, the Socialist parties must set active propaganda on foot in every country in favour of a peace such as we set forth here. (D) Steps to Be Taken by the Internationale. If the Internationale be agreed as to peace aims, the various sections will naturally have to combine so as to make their influence felt as fully as possible when negotiations are in progress. FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS 15 5. — General Socialist Conference. Are we prepared to take part in a general conference — (1) WitJiout conditions? No ! First, because we think that the ques- tion of responsibility for the war and the re- sponsibility of the German Social-Demo- cratic Party must head the Orders of the Day at the first meeting of the Internation- ale. This would only be in conformity with the decision arrived at in the Copenhagen Congress as to the application of resolutions passed by international congresses. Now, although the question of responsibil- ity underlies all our views about the war and peace, it has not at the moment a first place in our minds ; so that, when the Inter- nationale meets and finds itself, as usual, with insufficient time for its business, it would quickly pass to matters which are of 16 FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS greater interest to-day. We maintain that the Internationale, when called upon to pass sentence and decree the necessary exclu- sions, should be able, b}^ that alone, to show itself capable of setting its house in order. We therefore shall never consent to the de- bate being held imder unfavourable condi- tions. Secondly, even if we waived the question of responsibility, we could not agree uncon- ditionally to take part in a general confer- ence. We refused to go to Stockholm, when invited by the Dutch Section, because we would not be mixed up with a business the originating of which was very reasonably suspected as being the work of the Imperial Chancellery. The proposal made by our Russian comrades is only that of our Dutch comrades in another form. The new con- ference is compromised in just the same way as its predecessor; and the members of the Soviet, caught in the toils of German in- trigue — fresh proofs of which come to light daily — ^know well enough that even among them certain very honest currents of opinion originate in German or reactionary plotting. FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS 17 But our chief reason for refusing to go to Stockholm was that we were not sure whether the Internationale were now to be trusted. What, in fact, is the business before US'? To prepare the way for peace. If that means to suggest clearing the road for parleying, and consequently for a compromised peace, we set our faces firmly against it. (2) // not, on what conditions? We must have formal preliminary guar- antees on this point. All sections of the In- ternationale must first of all make it quite clear that what they wish to unite in finding is the terms of a completely satisfactory peace. For even in its present condition the In- ternationale is a force to be reckoned with. If it committed itself to working for a peace by compromise, it might well succeed, — and one would then be entitled to speak of the bankruptcy of the Internationale, as a whole, not merely of that of the German sec- tions. If, on the morrow of the war, we 18 FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS made a precarious peace for which the In- ternationale were partly responsible, the lat- ter would be the laughing-stock of the masses all the world over, and for a long time to come the extension of Socialism would be im- possible. And it would richly deserve its fate. We will be no party to so suicidal a pro- ceeding. But if it be a matter of laying down the principles of a righteous and durable peace, then the course is clear, and we know where we are. So we hope to reach an agreement which we will make known to the world, and which would enable us to put effective pres- sure on the Governments if, in the face of their declarations, they still evinced any longings for imperialism. FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS 19 The Question of Responsibility. When the Internationale holds session, united by first expressing its desire to con- centrate on making the Society of Nations a reality by giving freedom to the peoples, the question of responsibility should be the first thing discussed. This might prove a really useful step. Responsibility for the war would be dealt with first ; and it is obvious enough where it lies, even if the actual declaration of war be left out of account. The wording of the ultimatum to Serbia and the rejection of the Serbian reply afford sufficient evidence. So do the refusals given to all proposals to de- lay a decision, to refer to the Hague, to mediate, to hold diplomatic conversations. So does the invasion of Luxemburg and Bel- gium. There is evidence enough and to spare. Indirect and general responsibility also is spoken of ; and, indeed, it too must be looked 20 FRENCH SOCIALIST PAKTY AND WAS, AIMS into. But wherever it may lie, even if it were shared in many quarters, we must hold that it in no way lessens the direct responsi- bility resulting from individual wills acting in concert. We must not take refuge in vague and cheap catch-words and say that on capital- ism rests most of the blame for the present war. It would be a mis-statement, since megalomania is not specially capitalist, and has been indulged in under all possible eco- nomic conditions. The arch-culprit is Pan- Germanism. Of course, capitalism had brought about certain conditions favourable to developing the idea of hegemony, but this has happened in the past under various regimes : and of course the period which wit- nessed the Prussian bid for power has given it a distinct character. None the less, the will to power is the primary cause of the war, a cause which is nowise capitalistic in its essence. The German Socialist Party, itself un- consciously affected by the pervading Pan- Germanism, had made its ideas fit in with the latter, though it retained the socialistic FRENCH SOCIAI.IST PARTY AND WAH AIMS 21 formulas; and so diverted our attention from the danger which it should have de- noimced. The Socialist group in the Reichstag had no excuse for passing the vote of credit on August 4, 1914. The Vortvdrts had ascer- tained which party desired war. It had ut- tered warnings against the cunning of cer- tain groups which were pulling the strings and proclaiming the struggle to be one against Czarism, with an eye to making the war popular. It had jmt people on their gTiard against false reports, notably that of the aeroplane attack on Nuremberg. More- over, the German deputies would incrimi- nate themselves by setting up as defence that they had been misled, since their confidence in the Imperial Government is the very thing which we are entitled to reproach them with. Finally, they listened to the announcement of the invasion of Belgium and to the con- fession that the deed was quite unjustifiable without making a sign, and by their vote associated themselves with the Empire's crime. It is therefore useless to investigate the 22 FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS subsequent attitude of the German Socialist Party, since it lias been such as would follow logically from the vote of the Fourth of August. A Minority Party eventually was formed. But the separation came very late in the day, and we cannot forget that the members of the new party had already voted, and that publicly, with those of the old. We are im- able to express full approval of the new party's acts and tenets; though we realise that it is at least hostile to the Imperial Gov- ernment. It is impossible to regard the old party as a Socialist Party, and we could not re- main members of an Internationale which did not decree its exclusion. In this case it is not simply a matter of excluding a few individuals who have com- promised themselves personally by their re- lations with the chancellery. What must be banished from the Internationale is the whole of the old German Socialist Party, now infected by Pan-Germanism. We hope, also, that the new *' Independent Labour Party" will strengthen itself by adopting a FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS 23 more reasonable view of things, and Avill soon receive many new adherents from among those German workmen who shall have come to their senses. 24 FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS Conclusion. If we had in advance the assurance that the Internationale, in neutral and allied countries at least, contained a large major- ity favourable to the plan which is here sug- gested, we should most gladly proceed to dis- cuss with it the details of that plan. Perhaps it may seem to be asking too much to stand aloof from a discussion un- less agreement be first guaranteed. But in this case it is not a question of voting on some resolution regarding doctrine. The step to be taken is one which will have the most serious results conceivable on the fu- ture of our party, of the Internationale and of France, whose interests, all bound up to- gether, we will not stake on the chances of a doubtful majority. It will be said that our conditions render impossible the projected summoning of the Internationale. That is quite probable and, should it prove FRENCH SOCIALIST PARTY AND WAR AIMS 25 to be the case, it would show that for the time being the Internationale cannot be re- lied on. It would therefore be better to spare it an exhibition of its present weak- ness, and to call a meeting only when it has rehabilitated itself as the result of a right- eous and durable peace. But a peace of that kind will be attained only by victory. Even if the sections of the Internationale in allied and neutral coun- tries were of one mind, they could not make peace result from their good intentions. That is why we lay down one more condition in regard to the projected congress, — one ad- dressed to Russian comrades: *'It is high time that you end your truce, if you mean to save the Revolution which you are imperil- ling, and to win a peace which will give in- ternational security." LS^"^ °^ CONGRESS Important Books ™ ^^^^ By a German. ^ ^■•~.^^^^.„ An arraignment m even more cogent form vw.... _ ^^ r t£ ^ w , rulers and governments of Germany and Austria. Two vols. 8vo. Vol. I. Net, $2.50 THE GREAT CRIME AND ITS MORAL By J. Selden Willmore A volume which is an invaluable library. 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