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 THE 
 
 FANEUIL HALL ADDRESS. 
 
 To the People of the United States: — 
 
 la pursuance of the custom of the American people 
 to confer freely with one another in times of civil 
 emergency, and the example of our own ancestors to 
 speak to their fellow-citizens from this place, we have 
 been commissioned by the citizens this day assembled 
 in Faneuil Hall to address you upon the state of pub- 
 lio affairs. 
 
 We claim no peculiar ri^ht to bo heard, even by 
 reason of the sacredness of the spot from which we 
 speak ; but the greatness of the exigency, the critical 
 questions your representatives in Congress will soon 
 be required to meet, and the singular unanimity 
 which appears among the patriotic people in this por- 
 tion of our land, lead us to hope for your attention 
 and consideration. 
 
 To remove obstructions which we know may be art- 
 fully thrown in the way, we wish to say to you in ad- 
 vance, — as matter of honor between citizens — that 
 this meeting and this address have not been prompted 
 by any organization, or by any purpose of party or 
 personal politics. They are the spontaneous expression 
 of the convictions of men in earnest, who have differed 
 much in times past, and may be separated again in 
 their political action, but who are forced to a common 
 opinion on the present exigency of affairs. 
 
 That we may wisely consider our rights and duties, 
 understand whom and what we have to deal with, 
 and the probabilities of the future, we must ask you 
 to review with us the ground, however familiar it 
 may seem to be. 
 
 For thirty years and more, Southern society has been 
 moving steadily in an opposite direction from our 
 own, until its entire system, and — if we may call it so 
 — its civilization, has become hostile to, and, at last, 
 
 inconsistent with our own. In their progress, the south- 
 ern people had reached a position where it may be 
 said to have become their settled doctrine, social and 
 political, that the people of color are — not by accident 
 and temporarily, but by nature and forever — unfit for 
 any other condition than that of absolute slaves. On 
 several millions of such persons, — not all negroes, but 
 in whom is much white blood, with often but a quar- 
 ter or an eighth of the African — their locial fabric 
 rested. When not aggressive, their sy. tern was in- 
 trenched behind State institutions, where no national 
 authority could reach it. From this condition of 
 things, there fo llowed consequences of the utmost social 
 and political importance to the govornmeut and people 
 of the Republic. Slavery, witii its effects on what would 
 otherwise have been the laboring class of whites, 
 resulted in a system which is substantially oligarchial. 
 It gave to the. masters the advantages of oligarchy, 
 and trained them personally in its habits, sentiments 
 and passions. Slavery and oligarchy do not rest on 
 political economy, but have their sources in the pride 
 and passions of men. Tbey are, therefore, if circum- 
 stanoes at all favor ihem, an ever-present danger. 
 The Southern people came to consider themselves as 
 moulded, by their training and position, into a master 
 race, not only over their slaves, but in their relations 
 with their fellow-citizens of the free States, whose 
 political equality and free labor they had come 
 to despise. To support their system, in national 
 politics, they invented and used, as a most effectual 
 weapon, the dogma of State Supremaoy, which they 
 disguised under the name of State Rights. It may, 
 therefore, be fairly said that three ideas haoT complete 
 possession of Southern society, — Slavery, Aristocracy 
 and State Supremacy. Upon these, they carried on 
 

 their political warfare, until 18G0. On these, they 
 founded their empire in 1861. On these, and for 
 these, they have waged against the Republic for 
 ' our years, a war of stupendous proportions. 
 
 That we may understand the character of this an- 
 tagonistic force, with which we have now to deal po- 
 litically, we ask you to remember what they accom- 
 plished. They made no insurrection of professed cit- 
 izens for a redress of grievances. They made no 
 revolution or civil war within an admitted 
 sovereignty. They set up a distinct and independent 
 sovereignty, within the territory of the Republic. 
 This extended over eleven States, and we hardly 
 saved our capital ; while in the States of Maryland, 
 Kentucky and Missouri, the most the nation obtained 
 at first, was a declaration of sovereign neutrality. 
 Looking at the fact, and not at right or law, we must 
 remember that the rebellion drove out from its 
 usurped borders every representative and obliterated 
 every sign of Federal authority, possessed every foot 
 of ground, and established and put in operation a 
 central government, completed in all its parts, legis- 
 lative, executive and judicial. It is true, the rebels 
 preserved the form of a republic, but they might 
 have made their government a monarchy. They did 
 as they chose. It happened that they preserved their 
 State lines, and made few changes in their State con- 
 stitutions; but they might have obliterated both, and 
 resolved themselves into a consolidated empire. They 
 did as they saw fit. They then demanded recognition 
 of us, and of the rest of the world, raised armies and 
 a navy, and forced the issue of war. We had only 
 to decline the issue of war, and the rebel government 
 would have stood forth, a completed, recognized em- 
 pire. 
 
 In the course of a war of four years, for the restora- 
 tion of the Republic, we must not forget that not one 
 place surrendered from political considerations. There 
 were individual deserters, but not a regiment laid 
 down its arms from motives of returning loyalty. 
 They fought to the last, — as bitterly at last 
 as ever, — and were surrendered by their com- 
 manders only when there was no other re- 
 source. It was by force, that their government 
 was broken down. It is by force, that the territory 
 they held is now in our military occupation. They 
 admit themselves overpowered by superior numbers 
 and material resources, but we are not aware that the 
 admission extends any further. Military organiza- 
 tions against the Republic are not practicable; but 
 they are seeking to open, and with the least possible 
 delay, the avenues to their old fields of political con- 
 test and ascendancy. They will endeavor to save all 
 they can of the doctrine of State Supremacy for 
 future use. In the permission for the return of the 
 Rebel Legislature to Richmond, and in the Sherman- 
 Johnston pacification, our government barely escaped 
 a serious, if not a fatal political defeat, at the hands 
 of a vanquished enemy. The purpose of the South 
 now is to resume the exercise of State functions with 
 
 the utmost possible speed, and with the least possible 
 change in their home systems. To secure that, they 
 will do and submit to whatever is necessary. It 
 must constantly be borne in mind that when once 
 a State is admitted to its place, the power of 
 the nation over all subjects of State cognizance 
 is gone. If the dogma of State Supremacy is not 
 destroyed, for practice as well as in theory, the 
 war will have been in vain. It has not only 
 been the favorite weapon of slavery, but has been 
 eagerly caught up by the enemies of our institu- 
 tions in Europe, — the tenet jthat the United 
 States is not a nation, a government, a sove- 
 reignty, — that the citizens owe to it no direct al- 
 legiance, — that they cannot commit against it the 
 . crime of treason, if they carry with them into their 
 treason the forms of State authority. The right of 
 thin republic to be a sovereign, among the sovereignties of 
 the earth, must be put beyond future dispute, abroad vs 
 well as vt home. We have paid the fearful price, and 
 we must not be defrauded of the results. 
 
 Let us now, fellow-citizens, look at the dangers 
 which attend an immediate restoration of the rebel 
 States to the exercise of full State authority. 
 Slavery is the law of every rebel State. In some of 
 these States free persons of color are not permitted to 
 reside ; in none of them have they the right to testify 
 in court, or to be educated, in few of them to hold 
 land, and in all of them they are totally disfranchised. 
 But, far beyond the letter of the law, the spirit of the 
 people and the habits of generations are such as to 
 insure the permanence of that state of things, in sub- 
 stance. If slavery should be abolished in form, their 
 spirit and habits, their pride and passions, will lead 
 them to uphold their oligarchal system, built upon 
 a debased colored population, and intrenched behind 
 State institutions, over which the nation cannot pass 
 in peace. Their personal relation with the colored 
 people as masters over slaves being changed in 
 law, they will look upon them in a new light, 
 as a class to be feared, and as the cause of 
 their defeat and humiliation. They will not 
 tax themselves to give to the freedmen an edu- 
 cation. They will not permit the continuance 
 within their States of philanthropic agencies for col- 
 ored people, from the free States. They will not en- 
 courage Northern immigration, with systems of small 
 freeholds and free labor; nor will capital and labor 
 go there from the free States under present auspices. 
 Returning to their old arts of politics, which they are 
 fond of, and in which long practice has made them ex- 
 pert, they will sc ek to repudiate a debt incurred for 
 the suppression of their revolt; nor can we shut our 
 eyes to the danger of political combinations, to be ruled 
 by this oligarchy and to do its work. It is useless to 
 suggest or conjecture methods and means; the spirit 
 and motive will take such forms as occasions may re 
 quire. 
 
 We trust it cannot be necessary to pause here and 
 refute a political fallacy, which the logic of events 
 
 
'- already expo ed. it ha i a oontended that, 
 
 iroible n d, the rebel Bl ite 
 
 by thai faot, again In their orbits, and In the rightful 
 
 iroise of all their funotion 
 in local and national aff il d i n ur bad tak- 
 
 ii plaoe, — that the nation, whether by I 
 ■ Bxeoutive, baa no option to exercise, do potn 
 
 no oonditi ins that it can make, w '•• 
 trust that the mere statement of thia proposition, in 
 the light of the oiroumstanoea in whiob ire stand, ia 
 a sufficient refutation. We are holding the rebel 
 oountry in military occupation, and the nation 
 is asserting a right, before it yields that oooupation, 
 to soo the public safety - ured, and the publi 
 preserved. The only question oan beaa to 
 
 obtaining this result. We trust all loyal i pleof the 
 
 land will have no hesitation in standing by the Presi- 
 dent, with clear c> m iotions, as well as strong pui 
 on this issue. By necessity, the Republic must bold 
 and exercise some control over these regions and 
 people until the States are restored to their full func- 
 tions as States, in national aa well as in State affairs. 
 This authority is to be exercised by the President or 
 by Congress, or both, according to the nature of each 
 case. Though resulting, necessarily, from the fact of 
 the war, these powers are not necessarily to be exer- 
 cised by military persons or in military tonus. This 
 temporary, provisional authority, although supreme 
 for the time, may be exercised, much of it, by civil 
 officers, using the methods of civil power, and admit- 
 ting the employment of judicial and executive func- 
 tions, with the arts and business and social inter- 
 course of life. This we understand to be, in substance, 
 the position which the government now occupies, and 
 we believe the people recognize it to be of neoi 
 and of right. 
 
 Let us now, fellow-citizens, turn our atten- 
 tion to our rights and duties. Having succeeded in 
 this war, and holding the rebel States in our mili- 
 tary occupation, it is our riyhl and duty to secure wh it- 
 eoer the public, snj'ety and the public faith require. 
 
 First. The principle must be put beyond all ques- 
 tion, that the Republic hasa direot claim upon the al- 
 legiance of every citi/en, from which no State can 
 absolve him, and to his obedience to the laws of the 
 Republic, "any thing in the constitution or laws of 
 "any State to the contrary notwithstanding." 
 
 Second. The public faith is pledged to every person 
 of color in the rebel States, to secure to them and their 
 posterity forovor a complete and veritable freedom. 
 Having promised them this freedom, received their 
 aid on the faith of this promise, and, by a successful 
 war and actual military occupation of the country, 
 having obtained the power to secure the result, we 
 are dishonored if we fail to make it good to them. 
 
 Third. The system of slavery must be abolished and 
 prohibited by paramount and irreversible law. 
 
 be, in tho 
 woi i of W< '' ib i . "impressed upon the 
 
 "an inability to bear up any but free men." 
 
 Fn < must be truly 
 
 "republ 
 
 i. the pobllo faith 
 
 will be broken, mid there will he no safety f.,r the 
 
 pnblii ervat Ion of our in.-tituti 
 
 1 1 must be rememb ired that, under thi I 
 tion, m ire entirely matters of 
 'i . ■■■ withdraw the powers of war, 
 and admit s tc fall funotions, and tbe aa* 
 thority of the nation over these subject - i gone, [t is 
 a State function to determine who shall hold land, 
 who shall testify in State courts, who shall bo edu- 
 cated, ami bow, who e il la H 1 1 , and how, and under 
 
 what contracts or obligations and lew enforced, and 
 
 national as well as in State eleoti 
 We have already said that all the-e p .hits now stand 
 in the constitutions and laws of tho rebel State-; dc- 
 
 ogainst the freedmen. Action is necessary to 
 put them right. So great a change is, no doubt, 
 fundamental, and goes to tbe bottom of their social 
 and political system. If it is not made now, before 
 civil society becomes settled, before the States aro re- 
 stored to the exercise of all their powers, it will never 
 be made, in all human probability, by peaceful 
 means. 
 
 T.ie question now occurs, how are these results to 
 be secured, before those States are permitted to resume 
 their functions' We agree that these results ought 
 to be secured in conformity with wbat may be called 
 the American System, — that upon which and for which 
 our Constitution was made. This is a system of sep- 
 arate States, each with separate functions, constituted 
 by the people of each, and self-governing within its 
 sphere, with a central State constituted by the people 
 of all, supreme within its sphere, and the final judge 
 of its sphere and functions. The President recog- 
 nizes the importance of proceeding in accordance with 
 this system. He aims at a restoration of the States, 
 by the people of the States, without resort to the ex- 
 
 of sovereign legislative jurisdiction over them 
 by the general government. In this we offer to him 
 our sympathy, as we ask for him an intelligent 
 
 it. But, inasmuch as once restored, the State 
 will be beyond our reach, the utmost care must be 
 taken to avoid a hasty and unsatisfactory restora- 
 tion. We acknowledge that there may bj dangers 
 in protracted and extensive military occupation. 
 But wo believe that the people are willing to incur 
 their share of these perils. Wo believe the people 
 feel that the greatest basardisin premature restoration 
 fraught with future danger. Any restoration would be 
 daugerous which did not secure, beyond all reasonable 
 peril, tho abolition of slavery, actual freedom, just 
 rights to the free, and, within each State, "a re- 
 publican form of government." 
 
The President and his Cabinet, we have every rea- 
 son to believe, have these results in view. Wi can- 
 not doubt that Congress will refuse to receive any 
 State upon any other terms. If there are anj mem- 
 bers of Congress whose fidelity on these points is 
 doubtful, wo implore you to exercise over them all 
 the just authority and influence of constituents. 
 
 We advance no extreme or rofined theory as to 
 what may be included within the term "a republican 
 "form of government." In the exercise of the ex- 
 traordinary prerogative of the General Government 
 to determine whether a State constitution is "re- 
 publican," there must be practical wisdom and no 
 rofined theories. If the constitutions with which 
 the rebel States now come are not "republican," 
 in such a reasonable and practical sense as na- 
 tions act upon — if they are so far unrepublican as 
 to endanger public peace and the stability of our 
 institutions, then we may treat them as not "repub- 
 lican" in the American sense of the term. 
 
 What, then, is the character of their present con- 
 stitutions, assuming that slavery is prohibited? Here 
 presents itself no question of mere principle or theory, 
 but facts of an overruling and decisive character. 
 From one third to one half of their free population 
 are absolutely and forever not only disfranchised, but 
 deprived of all the usual rights of citizens in a re- 
 public. Not only so, but this disfranchisement is 
 perpetual, hereditary and insurmountable. It is more 
 deeply seated than Oriental caste. It clings to each 
 man and his posterity forever, if there be a traceable 
 thread of African descent. No achievements in war 
 or peace, no acquisitions of property, no education, 
 no mental power or culture, no merits, can overcome 
 it. To make the case worse, these people are not 
 only disfranchised, but the temper, spirit and habits 
 of the ruling class, the only class partaking of 
 civil authority, will keep them not only disfran- 
 chised, but uneducated, without land, without the 
 right to testify, aud without the means of protecting 
 their formal freedom. The result has been and 
 must ever be, that the system is essentially and prac- 
 tically oligarchial, in such a sense as actually and 
 seriously to endanger the public peace and the suc- 
 cess of our republican institutions. 
 
 Attempts are made to embarrass the subject by 
 referring to several ot the free States, whose constitu- 
 tions restrict free blacks in the exercise of some of the 
 usual rights of citizens. But these are not practical 
 questions before the country. The general govern- 
 ment has no present cognizance of those questions 
 in those States. Besides, as we have said, tho ex- 
 orcise of this extraordinary authority must be upon 
 practical and reasonable grounds, and not on mere 
 theory. The partial disfranchisement of people of 
 color in those States we regard as one of the subtle 
 effects of the slave power in our politics, which wo 
 hope to see pass away with its cause. The number of 
 persons whom it bears upon is so small, the effect 
 upon them so slight, and BUCb the state ofsooii by, 
 
 and the habits and feelings of the people, that the sub- 
 stantial character of those States as "republican" is 
 not sensibly affected. Departures from principle, 
 bowever small, must always be regretted; but in the 
 vast and critical affairs of nations, slight aberrations 
 from exact principles are constantly occurring, and 
 are constantly submitted to and allowed for, in funda- 
 mental institutions, as well as in occasional practice. 
 The case of the rebel States is vastly and absolutely 
 different. It presents a question of a false principle 
 organized and brought into action, with vast dimen- 
 sions, having already created one war, and all but des- 
 troyed the Republic, and ever threatening danger 
 hereafter. We can hardly think it in good faith that 
 the effort is made to deter the nation from confront- 
 ing this vast peril, over which it has present and 
 necessary jurisdiction, by invoking these slight oases 
 found remaining in loyal States, over which the na- 
 tion has no present cognizance, and from which it 
 has nothing to fear. 
 
 We do not ask that the nation shall insist on an 
 unconditioned, universal suffrage. We admit that 
 States determine for themselves the principles upon 
 which they will act, in the restrictions and conditions 
 they place upon suffrage. All the States make re- 
 strictions of age, sex, and residence, and often annex 
 other conditions operating in substance equally upon 
 all, and reasonably attainable by all. Those matters 
 lie within the region of advice from neighbors, and 
 not of national authority. We speak only to the 
 point where the national authority comes in. We cannot 
 require the rebel States, if we treat them as States, to 
 adopt a system, for the sole reason that we think it 
 right. Of that, each State, acting as a State, must 
 be the judge. But in the situation in which tho rebel 
 States now are, the nation can insist upon what is ne- 
 cessary to public safety and peace. And we declare 
 it to be our belief that if the nation admits a rebel 
 State to its full functions with a constitution which 
 does not secure to the freedinen the right of suffrage 
 in such manner as to be impartial and not based 
 in principle upon color, and as to be reasonably 
 attainable by intelligence and character, and which 
 does not place in their hands a substantial power 
 to defend their rights as citizens at the ballot-box, 
 with the right to be educated, to acquire homesteads 
 and to testify in courts, the nation will be recreant to its 
 duty to itself and to them, and will incur and de- 
 serve to incur danger and reproach proportioned to 
 the magnitude of its responsibility. 
 
 It should not bo forgotten that, slavery being abol- 
 ished, and therewith the three-fifths rule of the Con- 
 stitution, nearly two millions will be added to the 
 Representative population of the slave States in the 
 apportionment lor members of Congress and of 
 votes in Presidential elections, and that this in- 
 crease of political power to the rebel States 
 must bo at the expense of the free States. If the 
 freedmen remain, as they now are, disfranchised, 
 this increased power will be wielded by a class of voters 
 
5 
 
 ."mailer in proportion than before. This furnlal 
 additional temptation to thai olaai t" retain it In their 
 
 hands; and wo shall be ( 1 1 . . - 1 1 . -■ 1 to mhtI, a> i 
 
 fore, the old spirit, not Improved by Its reoenl 
 rience, and largely inareaaed in ita politioal power. 
 
 As we speak from a free Btate, it may bo sug- 
 gested that we are not so good judges of what should 
 be done for the colored people of the South ai th< at 
 who have been brought up among them. It does do) 
 follow that those who havo ben brought up 
 under an abuse are the befit judges whether 
 it shall be continued, or of what shall bo sub- 
 stituted in its place. The people of the North 
 have seen the colored races acting as freemen un- 
 der free institutions, which the people of the Smith 
 have not. They who have known the man of 
 color only as a slave before his master, or sometimes 
 as a disfranchised free man under a slave system em- 
 bracing his raoo, are not the only nor necessarily the 
 best qualified class to give an opinion as to what ho 
 may do or what should be done for him as a free man, 
 under free systems. History teaches us that national 
 emancipations do not emanate from the masters. And 
 wherever emancipation has seemed to disappoint ex- 
 pectations, the difficulties are traceable, in large 
 measures to persistent and multiform counteractions 
 by the late master-class. 
 
 Appeals may be made to taste or pride, on the 
 subject of the social equality of the people of 
 color. We must not permit our opinions to be 
 warped by such considerations. The present ques- 
 tion is strictly one of political justice and safety, and not 
 of social equality. When the freeman of color, edu- 
 cated in the common schools, deposits a vote which 
 he can write himself, gives a deposition which he can 
 read and sign, and pays a tax on the homestead he 
 has bought, the law forces no comparisons between 
 his intellectual, moral, physical or social condition, 
 and that of the white citizen, of whatever race or 
 nation, who lives, votes or testifies by his side. 
 
 But the nation has a deep interest in the freedmen, 
 by themselves considered. The Republic must 
 choose today between two results. The millions 
 of people of color in the South, no small part of 
 them carrying the best white blood in their veins, 
 must be either an educated, industrious, land- 
 holding, arms-bearing, tax-paying, voting, self-pro- 
 tecting population; or an untaught, indolent, objeot- 
 less, disfranchised, helpless and debased population, — 
 the substratum of a proud, restless, unrepublican, po- 
 litical and social aristocracy. The President has un- 
 dertaken, in certain of the rebel States, an experi- 
 ment for speedy restoration. Recognizing the gen- 
 eral policy and duty of restoration as soon as practi- 
 cable, the experiment commands our earnest wishes 
 for its success. By its success we mean — not the re- 
 turn of the States to their position; that they are only 
 too ready to do; but their return with constitu- 
 tions in which the public safety and public 
 faith shall he secured. Wc cannot oonoeal our ap- 
 
 prehenaj n thai the will (ail Cut 
 
 let not the Republic fail! The more reoent -i„'"« are 
 that the spirit wbioh m i la prepai 
 
 Dght mi i politioally the ground it has It it In battle, 
 
 ugh! nol t" -u! prise oa. i 
 store a Btate, no ar of rent I dl a, lead the 
 
 Republic to oompromiae ita honor! 
 
 Daring the progress toward! restoration, the nation 
 
 holds the Btatei in military eupation, by powers re- 
 
 sulting , hold upon 
 
 them la to be o< otinued until thiaor - rperi- 
 
 iiHiit ii nooeed. \\ e oei d i I ite. The 
 
 - authority, although resulting from war, may, 
 a- w have said, be largely exeroised byoivil methods 
 and oivil functionaries, and be aooompanied with the 
 enjoyment of many civil rights and looal municipal 
 institutions, executive and judicial. If the present ex- 
 periment fails, we may try the experiment of build- 
 i ing by the people from the foundation, by means of 
 municipal institutions of towns and counties, with the 
 aid of education, commerce and immigration, a new 
 spirit being infused and the people becoming accom- 
 modated to their new relations, and so advance grad- 
 ually to complete restoration. 
 
 This is but one suggestion. Various methods are 
 open to us. Only let it be understood, that there is 
 no point at which the rebels can defy, politically, 
 any more than they could in war, the authority of 
 the Republic. The end the nation has in view is the 
 same as that for which the war was accepted ard prose- 
 cuted, — the restoration of the States to their legiti- 
 mate relations with the republic. The condition of 
 things calls for no limitations of time or methods. By 
 whatever course of reasoning it may be reached, 
 upon whatever doctrine of public law it may rest, 
 however long may be the interval of waiting, and 
 whatever may be the process resorted to, the friends 
 and enemies of the Republic should alike understand, 
 that it has the powers and will use the means to en- 
 sure a final restoration of the States, with constitu- 
 tions which are republican, and with provisions that 
 ■ ii ill secure the public safety and the public faith. 
 
 Boston, June 21, 1 S| ."'. 
 
 THEOPHII, IS PARSONS, 
 
 President of the Meeting. 
 
 J. Wiley Kdmands, 
 
 L. Little, 
 George 0. Hovey, 
 i 'i. Howe. 
 
 John Ai. I?01 
 
 Daniel Denny, 
 
 William B. | ner, 
 
 II. hi v L. 1'ierco, 
 Emery Washburn, 
 \\ illiam Claflin, 
 Hartley Williams, 
 ■ 
 I Wl . 
 
 John ' 
 
 Francis W. Bird, 
 John Wells, 
 Zenas AI. Crane, 
 
 ndler, 
 
 Philo S. Sbelton, 
 
 Aaron C. Maj ■ ><■ . 
 
 John I. Baker, 
 
 _e William Bond, 
 ge C. Richardson, 
 
 J. Banting! 
 
 William F. Weld, 
 
 Homer Bartlett, 
 
 Benjamin T. 
 
 J. AI. S. Williams. 
 
Julius Rockwell, 
 William Endic itt, jr., 
 James T. Robinson, 
 Etobi it < . Pitman, 
 Martin Brimmer, 
 .Albert ,1. Wright, 
 John Bertram, 
 Charles Adams, ji ., 
 Amasa Walker, 
 
 Henry L. Sabin, 
 John Q. A. (iriflin, 
 Erastus Hopkins, 
 Addison Gage, 
 l»;i\ id Bursley, 
 James M. Stone, 
 Joshua E. Crane, 
 Robert B. Storer, 
 
 Vice-Presi ients. 
 
 Edward W. Kinsley, 
 William S. Robinson, 
 
 Charles W. Slack. 
 Delano A Goddard, 
 
 Secretaries. 
 
 Richard II. Dana, jr., ~) 
 
 Theophilus Parsons, 
 Charles G. Loring, 
 John G. Whittier, 
 Jacob M. Manning, 
 Samuel G. Howe, 
 George L. Stearns, 
 William Endicott, jr. 
 
 Committee to 
 
 prepare 
 the Address. 
 
 
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 013 785 744 3 ♦ 
 
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