Qass:l - ri T Bookii^S£ ) % # -'^ r^^'-^^-^^^^ I X \ «s / / <^-z>-r^^C;men, but which it is now known was wholly in the in- ten^st of lawyers and court employes, increasing as it did the fees and costs for enforcing liens and leaving out of sight entirely the security of work- in iimen's wajxes. And yet the act of the Governor in vetoing this bill was made use of by demagogues at the time to incite the workinc^men a2;ainst him. No act of Gov. Cleveland showed more clearly his independence of political considerations in his treatment of legislation than his refusal to approve what is known as "The Tenure of Office bill." If this bill had become a law, two valuable of- fices — those of the Corporation Counsel and the Commissioner of Public Works — would have been left vacant for the next Mavor to fill of his own volition immediately after his election. These po- 72 STEPHEN GUOVEK CLEVELAND. sitions would have been just so much political cap- ital to aid the re<^ular Democracy, the earnest sup- porters of Mr. Cleveland, in the election of their Mayor. The bill, if approved, would have pre- vented the filling of the two vacancies by the acting Mayor with the confirmation of the Board of Aldermen. The failure of the bill of course left the next Maj^or at liberty to appoint and the acting Board of Aldermen to confirm a Corporation Counsel and a Commissioner of Public Works for four years be- fore they went out of office. Tammany Hall was unfriendly to the Governor, was friendly with Mayor Edson, and controlled the Board of Aldermeji throu,uh the deal witli the Republicans which made Aldernnm Kirk Presi- dent. Hubert 0. Thompson, the Acting Commissioner of Public Works, was a warm supporter of the Governor and a bitter opponent of Tammany Hall. It was the earnest desire of Tammany to get Mr. Thompson out of the Public Works De- partment, and in this they were certain of the co- operation of Major Edson, whose nominee they could hold in the Board of Aldermen. By his refusal to sign the Tenure of Office act, therefore. Gov. Cleveland gave Tammany, his po- litical enemy, the power to control these two im- portant offices and sacrificed Mr. Thompson, who was at war with Tammany. But the bill was loosely- drawn, inoperative and capable of mischievous con- struction, and so Gov. Cleveland refused his sig- nature to it, although by so doing he gave two valuable offices to Tammany and to the Board of Aldermen, which he had just made his enemy by STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 73 taking from them the confirming power after that year. Gov. Cleveland also filed his reasons for with- holding his signature from the bill purporting ''To resfulate the hours of labor of drivers and conduct- ors of horse-cars in cities." They are as follows : " I fail to see any good purpose to be gained by this bill. It is distinctly and palpably class legisla- tion, in that it only applies to conductors and drivers on horse railroads. It does not prohibit the mak- ing of a contract for any number of hours' work, I think, and if it does, it is an interference with the employer's as well as employe's lights. If the car- drivers and conductors work fewer hours, they must receive less pay, and this bill does not prevent that. 1 cannot think this bill is in the interest of the workingman.'* One of his vetoes, and one of much importance, was the Mechanics' Lien bill. On a careful exam- ination of this measure it is clear to anybody that such a law would injure instead of benefit the workingman. It was totally impracticable and loaded down with provisions which would defeat the very ends it sought to accomplish. It is charged that it was draw^n mainly in the interests of a clique of law^yers who aimed at increasing bills of costs in certain cases. Tlie Governor's memorandum, in which fatal objections are noticed, reads as follows : " The bill repeals in distinct terms a number of mechanics' lien laws, including one specially appli- cable to the city of New York. I notice two fea- tures which I think objectionable enough to war- rant me in declining to sign it. First, it gives all parties having claims four months after performance 74 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. of work or furnishing of material to file a lien; sec- ond, it allows on proceedings to enforce the lien the same costs as in foreclosure cases. This would be quite onerous, and, I think, should not be al- lowed.' The position of the Governor in striking out the item of appropriation for the West Chester Catholic Protectory has furnished some demagogues food for misrepresentation and calumny from a religious standpoint. Such attacks have been efluctually disposed of by a despatch from Mr. Henry L. Ho- guet, president of the protectory. This despatch reads : " We never doubted the sincerity of the motive which induced Gov. Cleveland to withhold his sii>;- nature to the appropi'iation to the ])rotectory. W^e thought then and think now that he was not actu- ated by any feeling of bigotry or of hostility to Catholics or the Catholic institutions. On the con- trary, Gov. Cleveland is liberal in the extreme, and we are of the firm belief that he was led to with- holding his ap])roval of the appropriation solely by a sense of public duty as he viewed it." The pay of a driver on a Harlem Railroad line is, say, $2.00 per day. The round trip from tiie bridge to the City Hall and back takes 3 hours and 20 minutes. Five round trips a day occupies IG hours and 40 minutes or, sav, 17 hours. These five round trips average 40 cents per trip. If the Governor had signed that unsatisfactory and unjust bill — urjust to the employe and not to the employer — the coni])any would have divided up the pay into trips, and have paid 40 cents per round trip. Three and a half round trips would con- sume the 12 hours to which a driver s work would STEPHEN GROYER CLEVELAND. ib have been limited, and for this service he would have received only $1.40. To make his full $2.00 he would have had to work over-hours and must still liave mnde his five trips per day, occupying 16 hours and 40 minutes. More than that. In the winter, during the de- lay consequent to a severe snow-storm, wlien the round trip instead of taking 3 hours and 20 min- 'kutes frequently occupies 5 hours, the drivers would have received no more than the 40 cents, and would have earned in 12 hours, for two and a half trips, only $1.00. Or if in ordinary times, through a large fire or any other cause, a driver who worked the old 17 hours in order to get as much as he now gets should miss a tiip, the air.ount for that trip would have heen deducted from his pay. The drivers and conductors ought to hold a mass- meeting to thank Gov. Cleveland for vetoing a bill so absni'd and so adverse to their interests. Dem- agogues may bluster and promise, but no legislative enactment has ever yet been invented that will secure a man fifteen hours' pay for eight hours' labor. At the close of the session he came for the first time in direct collision with the power of Tamman}^ He had made a number of appointments, chiefly affecting New York city, among them Commis- sioners of Emigration, Quarantine Conniiissioners, and Harbor Masters. These were not pleasing to Tammany, and were attacked especially b}^ Senator Grady. The Governor sent a communication to the Senate urging the importance of disposing of these appointments before the session closed, and reflecting indirectly on the motives of the opposi- tion. This drew from Grady a bitter tirade against the Governor, and the Legislature adjourned with- 7d- STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. out a confirmation of the appointments. As the po- litical canvass a year later came on, Gov. Cleveland wrote a per;>onal letter to John Kelly, conveying to the Tammany '' boss" his wish that Grady should not be sent asrain to the Senate, rec()2:nizin^ the unquestionable fact that Kelly was the dis- penser of nominations in Tammany Hall, and placing his objection not only on the ground of his own comfort but of the public interest. These incidents sufficiently indicate the occasion of Tam- many's hostility to the Governor and of Grady's special hatred for him. It is but i^atural that Governor Cleveland by his fearless antagonism to corruption, favoritism and jobbery should incur the hostility of those whose foremost aim is office and plunder. Tammany, a powerful organization of the city of New York, had lost a good part of its intluence and its politi- cal prestige through the signing of different bills, which were passed by the New York Legislature to this very end, by Governor Cleveland. Thomas F. Grady, Boss Kelly's Tammany lieu- tenant, whom Kelly put up to denounce Governor Cleveland in the Chicago Convention, was a State Senator at Albany in 1882 and 1883. In the autumn of 1883 he was seeking a re-election when Governor Cleveland wrote the following private, personal letter upon the subject to Kelly : "Executive Chamber, Albany, Oct. 20th, 1883.— Hon. John Kelly — My Dear Sir: — It is not with- out hesitation that I write this. I have detennined to do so, however, because I see no reason why I should not be entirely frank with you. I am anxious that Mr. Grady should not be returned to STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 77 the next Senate. I do not wish to conceal the fact that my personal comfort and satisfaction are in- volved in tliis matter. But I know tiiat good le<:is- lation, based upon a pure desire to promote the in- terests of the people and the improvement of legishitive methods, are also deeply involved. I forbear to write in detail of the other considera- tions having relation to the welfare of the party and the approval to be secured by a change for the better in the character of its representatives. Tliese things will occur to you without suggestion from me. Yours very truly, Gkuveu ClevelAxND." This letter Kelly caused to be published, together with a personal attack upon Governor Cleveland. On the afternoon of November 23d a correspond- ent of the Herald held an interview with the Gov- ernor on the subject, which was reported as follows : Governor Cleveland sat in his large revolving chair in the Executive Chamber this afternoon when the Herald correspondent called. The Gov- ernor was alone. He looks vigorous and buoyant. The Hancock standard of 250 pounds has evidently been lono; since reached. " That letter of yours to Mr. Kelly," said the correspondent, " has caused a good deal of talk." The heavy armchair was rolled a little nearer the interviewer and the Governor's lips were com- pressed. ^' Indeed ? Well, I suppose so," he answered. ^^Why?" *' That is for you to sa\'." *' I hold it was the proper thing, under the cir- cumstances, to send that letter." 78 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. *^ You think Grady was not the proper represent- ative to send back to the Senate?" *'I do, most assuredly. His action in the Senate has been against the interests of the people and of good government, and his ready tongue gave him power to be of great aid to bad men. I believe that the Democratic party could not afford to in- dorse such a course, and that his rejection would be a great benefit to the party and to the people. What's the use of striving for the Senate, country Democrats argued, and have Grady holding tlu? balance of power to sell us out to the Republicans?" ^'But about the letter, Governor?" The bin; arm-chair rolled closer still. '^ I sat down without the knowledge of any person and wrote to Kell}' — this man who had been assuring nie of his anxiety to give me aid in my work. [The Governor here raised his hand and forcibly slapped the desk in front of him.] I suggested, not for my personal comfort, which I did not deny would be subserved, but for the good of the public service, that he who had the power to say 'Go' or 'Come' should not force the nomination of Grady upon the Democrats of the State. No man ever acted with a more positive desire to serve the State than I did when I wrote that letter to a man claiming to be my friend. I suggested that he who had the power (everybody knowing that the people of the district had nothing to do with the nomination, and that but for Kelly's orders Grady could nut be nom- inated) should favor some better man for the en ate. " Did Mr. Kellv ever answer vour letter?" "No. If lic« had been what I took liim to be and he believed in Grady's nomination, he would STEPHEN GROTER CLEVELAND. 79 have so written frankly in reply. He put the let- ter in his pocket, and, I understand, called in his district leaders in Grady's district and stated his purpose to nominate him. The responses under- stood to be from these leaders were that Grady could not be elected in his home district, wdiere Col. M. C. Murphy had been nominated in pursuance of an understanding; between all the orixanizations in the district. In violation of this understanding he sought to renominate Grady there. Then and not till then did Mr. Grady announce his retire- ment — a retirement which was forced by the fact that he knew he could not be elected. All this time my letter had been in Kelly's pocket." The strong arm here again fell on the executive desk. '* What then?" continued the Governor. " Mr. Kelly (whom many who opposed him in pol- itics believed to be a gentleman) takes this private, personal letter, written, as he knew, for his own eye only, to the New York World and requests its publication, together with a story that that letter prevented union nominations in New York and would make the Senate Republican. At the same time Mr. Kelly's newspaper was openly attacking and seeking the defeat of foiu' Democratic Senators outside of New York — Henry C. Nelson, James Mackin, John C. Jacobs, and John J. Kiernan — and one or more Democratic Assemblymen." " Then vou stronc^ly adhere to the conviction that this letter should have been written?" Governor Cleveland reddened to the eyebrows with determined emphasis of tone and manner. "" Most undoubtedly. The letter was, as every reader of it will acknowledge, written in the inter- ests of the people to better the representation in 80 STLPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND, the Senate of this State. Its reception proved to me that the man who had been assuring me of his friendship was my enemy and that of the cause wliich I had espoused. It gave an opportunity for this enemy to openly and coarsely insult me as Governor of this State. To say that this letter should not have been written from one gentleman to another — the one anxious to better the public service and the other having it in his power to do it — is nonsense. To say that a man should go three hundred miles to say what he should not put on paper is the rankest kind of hypocrisy. This crit- icism can only be based upon tlie assumption that a man might say in conversing with another wdiat he might afterwards in policy find it convenient to deny when there was no positive corroborative ev- idence to be brought forward as to the facts. It is unfortunate for the Democratic party that this 'boss' system exists. While it does exist it be- came a necessity — a disagreeable necessit}^, I as- sure you — for me to recognize it, and consequently to address that letter to Kelly. However, the time is fast approaching when this odious system will be swept away, and the voice of the people alone rec- ognized as potent in determining nominations to public office." ''You have been attacked by several new\spapers on the ground of grave inconsistency in writing this letter?" The Governor laughed and the ponderous chair quivered. " Yes ; and it is almost anuising to note that some papers, in their efforts to convict me of ' in- consistency' as well as 'interference,' quote from my letter of acceptance condemning the interfer- STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 81 ence of the federal or State government with intent to thwart the will of the people. I stick to that sentiment yet. The trouble is (and here is the lamentable fact in the case) that it has an appli- cation to the state of affairs which the letter con- temphites. The will of the people had, I suppose, nothing to do with the nomination of Mr. Grady. It began and ended witli the will of Mr. Kelly, and his election after nomination depended upon the same power, bounded only by the trades and dick- ers that could be made with the so-called leaders and tlie freedom of the field from other candidates. This is not a condition consistent with true democ- racy, and it is not a condition most favorable to good government, but I had nothing to do with creating it. I merel}^ conceded it as I ibund it and wrote to the man who had the whole matter in his keeping, suggesting that he, for the good of the people and in the interests of the party, should exercise his power for good. If this be treason I can't see how I can escape its consequences. I have supposed that Mr. Grady was put in his old field because Mr. Campbell insisted on running in oppo- sition to him. Mr. Campbell's majority indicates that the people were quite willing to vote for some- body besides Grady." The forcible, determined face relaxed as the Governor rolled his chair back in front of the desk. " That is all I have to say or will say," he con- cluded, '' to anybody on this topic. I have done with it." Judge-Advocate H. C. King, of Brooklyn, said recentl}^, among other things : " The Tammany opposition to Governor Cleve- F 82 STEPnEN GROVER CLEVELAND. land is personal in its character, as is that of all the prominent Democrats who are talking as loudly against him. Mr. Kelly was disappointed in some of the Governor's appointments, but neither he nor the men who opposed him have a word to say against the excellence of his appointments or the purity of his administration. Governor Clevehmd aims to do right, and as there are not enough of- fices for every Democrat in the State, he natuially makes enemies." " But what about the opposition of the labor or- ganizations?" " Well, that is greatly exaggerated. There is no combined opposition, and every attempt to get up one has been a failure. I was in Buffalo on Wed- nesday last. Great efforts had been made to get up a labor mass-meeting against him. There were less than 300 persons present, and no man of promi- nence could be induced to address the meeting. It was a melancholy fizzle. The Governor sprang from lowly condition, has been a workingman all his life, and is thoroughly in sympathy \vith the masses. I walked up Main street with him on Saturday, and he was contiimally stopped by peo- ple in all walks of life, and was greeted with a cor- diality such as I have seldom witnessed." " The story is told here that he has alienated the Catholics by some action of his." *' This is news to me. There is no truth in it. I have heard more falsehoods since I came here than could be answered in the colunms of the Ikr- aid, some of them so vile in character that no one can be found to father them." " llovv do you account for the opposition of the New York Sun r' STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 83 " That is easy to answer. I am the unfortunate originator of the somersault of the Sun. Mr. Dana was one of Governor Clevehand's most cordial sup- porters before the election, but as soon as his staff appointments were announced he commenced to criticise and to deprecate. A Brooklyn paper in- timated that Mr. Dana had been disappointed in something. Then in a fit of what struck newspa- per men as little short of weakness Mr. Dana in an editorial stated that he requested the Governor to appoint Franklin Bartlett, a young lawyer, and son of Dana's former associate, W. 0. Bartlett, to the position he had given to me. Mr. Bartlett was a clever young man, but he had no experience in military matters or military law. As a matter of fact the Governor never made any promise to Mr. Dana, but the break was made nevertheless, and from that time until now he has endeavored to be- little him. It is the old story. The men who can- not use Governor Cleveland are the only ones who abuse him. Governor Cleveland has the confidence and support of all people, Democrats and Republi- cans alike, who are in favor of pure government. He is an ideal Democrat, and can carry New York by an overwhelming majority.'* CHAPTER lY. THE ADMINISTRATION AND PRIVATE LIFE OF GOT- ERNOR GROVER CLEVELAND. His Moral CourwAOE— His Close Attention to Duty- Early AND Late Hours— His Views on Civil Service Reform— Governor Cleveland as a Baurister and Public Speaker — His Strong Conservatism, and his Exemplary Character— How he Looks— Anybody Ad- mitted AT once, who wishes TO SEE HIM— IIe IS NOT Wealthy, and a Bachelor. The administration of Grover Cleveland as Gov- ernor has been highly satisfactory and fully in accordance with his views expressed in his letter accepting the nomination. All the appointments to office which he has made bear the stamp of that high, conscientious spirit which has always actu- ated him. His industry is beyond all question. Never lias there been a man less approachable by politicians in quest of fat offices. His moral cour- age is great, as witness his veto of the Five-Cent Fare bill, which he treated regardless of the shower of abuse which he knew to be coming. Many of his other vetoes have been singularly objectionable to New York ward politicians. Many of the bills he has signed have had a like effect. For instance, those curtailing the emoluments of the county STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 85 clerk, of the register and of the sheriff. If he is re-elected President he may be expected to follow in the path of political rectitude which has always distinguished him, and he will be opposed by none but the schemers and tricksters of his party. The same qualities and their practical illustra- tion in the Buffalo Mayoralty led to Mr. Cleve- land's nomination for Governor of the State with- out any seeking of his own, and the same popular confidence elicited by such qualities was displayed in the State canvass of 1882. In the oflice of Governor of the largest and richest State of the Union Mr. Cleveland has risen to the full measure of its requirement's in administrative capacity, and has maintained — under the full pressure of partisan schemers and self-seekers — his exalted views of public duties, his integrity of action, and his un- flinching independence and courage. This it is that attracted so many eyes to him at the juncture in 1884 as the fittest man for the Presidencv, al- though he had never taken a conspicuous part in party councils, and had never been associated with official life at the capital of the Union. Because Governor Cleveland took no active part in politics until recentlj^ the conclusion must not be jumped at that he came into office a mere tyro. He was little accustomed to making speeches and writing letters on public questions, but when he began it was with some purpose. Appreciation of the business side of office and politics has been a 86 STEPHEN G ROVER CLEVELAND. marked feature of his utterances. In his inau- gural address as Mayor of Buffalo he said : We hold the money of the people in our hands to be used for their purposes and to further their interests as members of the municipality, and it is quite apparent that when any part of the funds which the tax-payers iiave intrusted to us are diverted to other purposes, or when by design or neglect we allow a greater sum to be applied to any municipal purpose than is necessary, we have, to that extent, violated our duty. There surely is no difference in his duties and obligations whether a person is intrusted with the money of one man or of many, and yet it sometime^s appears as though the office-holder assumes that a different rule of fidelity prevails between him and the tax-payer than that which should regulate his conduct when, as an individual, he holds the money of his neigh- bors. It seems to me that a successful and faithful ministration of the governtnent of our city may be accomplished by constantly bearing in mind that we are the trustees and agents of our fellow-citizens, liolding their funds in sacred trust to be expended for their benefit, that we should at all times be prepared to render an honest account to them touching the manner of its expenditure, and that the affairs of the city should be conducted as far as possible upon the same principles as a good business man manages his private concerns. His views on civil service reform and on the dangers of bribery were thus elaborated in his letter accepting the nomination for Governor : STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 87 Subordinates in public place should be selected and retained for their efficiency, and not because they may be used to accomplish partisan ends. The people have a right to demand here, as in cases of private employment, that their money be paid to those who will render the best service in return, and that the appointment to and tenure of such places should depend upon abilit}^ and merit. If the clerks and assistants in public departments were paid the same compensation and n quired to . do the same amount of work as those employed in prudently conducted private establishments, the anxiety to hold these public places would be much diminished and the cause of civil service reform materially aided. The expenditure of money to influence the action of the people at the polls or to secure legislation is calculated to excite the gravest concern. When this pernicious agency is successfully employed, a representative form of government becomes a sham, and laws passed under its baleful influence cease to protect, but are made the means by which the rights of the people are sacrificed and the public treasury despoiled. It is useless and foolish to shut our eyes to the fact that this evil exists among us, and the party which leads in an honest effort to return to better and purer methods will receive the confidence of our citizens and secure their support. It is wilful blindness not to see that the people care but little for party obligations, when they are invoked to countenance and sustain fraudulent and corrupt practices. And it is well for our country and for the purification of politics that the people, at times fully roused to danger, remind their leaders that party methods should be some- 88 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. thing more than a means used to answer the purposes of those who profit bj political occupation. Mr. Cleveland's rank at the bar is a high one. He is careful and methodical as a business man, which, united to his iliculty of going to the bot- tom of all questions, gives him the principal ele- ments essential to success in his profession. He presents his case w^ell and closely, whether the argument is made before a court or a jury, but does not indulge in any exhibition of pyrotechnics. His vocabulary is ample but not overwhelming or exhaustive, as is so often the case with professional legal talkers. He is a hard worker, and a large, reliable and commanding practice is his reward. Mr. Cleveland's strength as a candidate is due to his strong conservatism, his unsullied character, his sympathy with straightforward, business meth- ods in politics, his exceptional standing with the independent, reform element the country over, and in his ability to inspire people with the belief that he may be trusted to do nothing for purely partisan purposes. Few men unite in themselves so many considerations of fitness and expediency. Invaria- bly he may be trusted to expose jobs, turn out and keep out thieves, and give the country a manly, conservative administration of his own. HOW HE LOOKS. Governor Cleveland has a vigorous, i-ooust con- stitution. He possesses a large frame and is in- STEPHEN G ROVER CLEVELAND. 89 clined to corpulency. His face no less than his figure and action indicates strenuous vital force, and that admirable co-ordination of faculties which is best expressed in the phrase " a cool head." Those traits, which are in part the result of early and constant self-training, have given him the air of conscious and quiet power, which belongs only to the triumphant antagonist in the world's fight. His figure betokens herculean strength, massive- ness, and there is in the smoothly shaven face the same token of solidity of character, with the sug- gestion of physical vigor in the soft brown mous- tache, that strongly contrasts with the scantiness of hair on his head. There is a slight tendency to corpulency, as is usually the case in vital tem- peraments, and a double chin is beginning to hang down over the simple white necktie. There is nothing phlegmatic in the man's manner. His face lights up with a sympathetic smile, and he is at once interesting, unaffected and intensely real. He is a man of the people. A near and close friend of Governor Cleveland, on the second day succeeding the Convention, wrote from Buffalo as follows : " The home-friends and neighbors of Grover Cleveland are to-night celebrating his nomination for the Presidency. They are making a great demonstration. The city is red with the glare and noise of fireworks. Great crowds are on the streets and an almost endless procession, with banners 90 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. and music, is parading all the principal thorough- fares. In an ordinary way the place is literally being painted red. Men of both parties are en- gaged in it, for here, where people know him best, I find that the Democratic Presidential nominee is held in high esteem by all ch\sses. He seems to have led a phain, upright life, always marked with good judgment, kindness, great decision of charac- ter and sterling honesty. "It is nearly always an easy matter to trace a man's career wliere nearly every one you meet knows all about his incomings and outgoings. Here the policeman on the corner was appointed by him when Mayor. Further up the street the law- yers, doctors, preachers and tradesmen speak of liim as^Cleve' or * Grove.' All say to his credit that his phenomenal advance in public favor has not changed him a whit; that he is still the same quiet, unassuming citizen now as when he was a lawyer seeking clients. The old uncle, L. F. Allen, who gave him good advice, but very little else, when he reached here some thirty years ago on his way to Cleveland, Ohio, still lives here and is now past fourscore years. He persuaded his nephew to stop at this point and helped him to get a chance to study law by working mighty hard for it. He is an eccentric man, of strict business habits, and doesn't seem to take much interest in politics. He really knows less of the life of his relative than almost any man of repute you meet STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND, 91 " Grover Cleveland came of a somewhat singular family. All his ancestors were men of ability, but they were always poor. The city is full of remi- niscences of his life. Ever since his residence in Buffalo he has lived with his law books and in his profession. Although he is reputed to be a good, genial companion, fond of life and the world, he has shunned society and lived for his mother and sisters, who needed his help. Probably more preachers were reared out of his family than any other in the country. They all taught the doc- trines of the Church for a small price and died poor. Mr. Cleveland's father left some ten children, about his only available assets when he died. Hence it went out that Grover Cleveland was to( poor to marry until so well grounded in his bach- elor ways that he could not be tempted from them by the comeliest girl in the land. It is true that he was and still is poor. It was not until a few years ago that he felt able to pay back the money he borrowed to bring him West in 1855. He only got his legal education by a pretty tough fight with adversity and it took him four years of drudgery in the office of Rogers & Bowen before he was ad- mitted to practice. " I went into the spacious offices this morning, but not one of the old firm was there. Only one is alive and he is in Europe. Mr. Cleveland's career as a lawyer is well defined in this region and his reputation well established. Mr. Mil- 92 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. burn, a bright young man, now a partner in the law-firm where the present Governor studied, said to me this morning : " * Governor Cleveland is the strongest character I ever knew. He is a fine lawyer. He is incapa- ble of wilful wrong, and nothing on earth could swerve him from his conviction of duty. That he is thoroughly honest cannot be questioned, and he has always been regarded as an able and safe man in every relation of life.' "This terse summing up of the nominee's posi- tion at home is simply duplicated by the judges and lawyers with whom he has mingled. Among the laymen he seems to stand equally high. Re- publicans and Democrats alike speak of him as a man of the strongest chara(;ter and highest attain- ments. Mr. James N. Matthews, who edits the Express, the leading Republican paper of the city of Buffalo, speaks for this sentiment as follows : "'I know of no Democrat better equipped for the position for which he has been named than Grover Cleveland. He is an able, honest and incorruptible man. He is self-reliant and has excellent judgment. When people speak of him as an obscure man it is but fiiir to say that he has long stood in the front rank with the very leaders of thought and action in this part of New York.' "Grover Cleveland's habits of life seem to have been as simple as the general conduct of the man has been unassuming. He dwelt in a quiet board- STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 93 3ng-house, and when its mistress got a well-to-do son-in-law and quit business he used to take his Sunday morning breakfast at the Terrapin Lunch, a plain restaurant, where probably a terrapin was never seen. Old Major Randall, of the Lake Shore Railroad, was his companion. He died soon after Cleveland was made Governor. It was his oft-ex- pressed ambition to live to see 'Grove,' as he called him, President. In 1863 he became Assistant Dis- trict Attorney and carried the burden of the office for three years, to be beaten for District Attorney at the close of his term by Lyman K. Bass, his nearest friend. They afterward became law-part- ners. Pie was made Sheriff of this county by an accident. In fact, he never had an office tliat he was not forced into. In 1869 David Williams, superintendent of the Lake Shore Railroad, wanted to run for Cono^ress. This district was close and he wouldn't make the effort with any of the aspir- ants for the Sheriffiilty. It was the most important office to be filled and there was a bitter contest for it. The leaders got together and decided that Cleve- land must run to help Williams. There wasn't much chance of an election, but they insisted that he must make the sacrifice for the party. He was then re- garded as a good lawyer, with a good practice. He became the candidate and not only helped Williams, but squeezed in by a few hundred votes. Daring hia term as Sheriff the office wis well administered. and when the term was finished Mr. Cleveland went back to his law business. 94 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. " The fees of the Sheriff's office gave him his first financial start. He then made money at the law and saved something. His reputation is not that of a money-getter and money-saver. Had he been ambitious in this direction he could and would have been a rich man. In 1881 he was forced to be a candidate for Mayor. A popular revolt against the methods that were robbing the city swept him into this office. The Council was against him, but he vetoed every obnoxious measure it passed and his assaults upon the Aldermen were so vigorous that they did not dare to pass them over his objections. ** Here his veto of the street-cleaning job is re- garded as the real beginning of his public career. Soon after he came into office the Council voted to award the street-cleaning contract for five years to George Talbot, a local politician of power at $422,- 500 a year. There were several lower bids by tlioroughly responsible men. Mayor Cleveland vetoed the award and severely condemned the attempted waste of the people's money. The con- tract was subsequently awarded to the lowest bid- der, at $109,000. The amount saved on this and an item for a sewer during the first six months of his administration was nearly $1,000,000. Tliese acts brought him into prominence and started him towards his [)resent place. It was on account of his fearless fight in spite of large odds against pub- lic plunderers that he was pushed and elected by these people Governor. It is because they know STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. * 95 hini to be perfectly honest and incorruptible that to-night iui men, regardless of differing political affiliations^ are rejoicing over his successes. Though his law-office and his bachelor quarters over there are silent, both are saluted as tiie abode of a man who has done well on a small beginning. If the record of his life is soon told, his own people point to it with pride and go bond to the country that he will do even better in the future. This is the tenor of all the speeches and of th^' talk of the people." A well-known author, who paid a visit to Al- bany, wrote about the executive mansion, the former home of Governor Cleveland, as follows : " Passing through Albany a few days ago I thought I would stop over and call on the Governor, if only to contrast the executive mansion with those bach- elor quarters in Buffiilo. It was one of those blis- tering hot days when Albany is indeed a city set upon a hill, and the new capitol looks from far up and down the river like the proverbial bushel that had been put over its light like an extinguisher. " There are no coupes in Albany, and the cur- rent convenience of cabs is unknown. Public con- venience is provided in the shape of open barouches, in which the modest author in search of informa- tion feels like a grand marshal on St. Patrick's Day and looks like an invited guest returning from a funeral. There was nothing to do in the dead heat of a sultry evening but to climb the hill ^r get into one of these chariots, and so I was 96 STEPHEN GKOVER CLEVELAND. whisked up to the executive mansion in a vehicle that I felt was much too big for my mission.. I say ^ whisked,' because the drivers have acquired the habit of going to the Governor's house as if it were a matter of life and death. When you tell them to drive 30U to the executive mansion they take you sunnnarily in from tile to toe-nails, and make up their minds with lightning speed whether it is a pardon or an appointment that you are after, neither of which will wait. Sweeping thus grandi- osely into the Governor's grounds, up and around the house to the front entrance, 1 found the front doors swing open as I mounted the steps as if I were an aide-de-camp bringing the late of a com- monwealth in my despatches. A young man wear- ing a smile stood in the broad entrance. When I said T desired to see the Governor he invited me to walk *right in,' and a moment after I traversed the broad, and, as we used to say, ^manorial hall,' with its tlanking of old-fishioned saloon parlors, and snt down in a great air}*, hushed, and shadowy recep- tion-room. Nothing that I could see had changed since I was last in the place. There hung the great photograph of St. Peter's at Rome ; there were the same bronzes and book-cases. The win- dows were open, and through them came the muf- fled stir of the city and the sharp twittering of the swallows in the trees outside. It was a drowsy, vacant place. I looked up and down the long rooms and passed out in the great hall. Not a STEPHEN G ROVER CLEVELAND. 97 soul was visible. The warm summer draught swept across the great space. A beetle blundered in and struck the globe on the chandelier, and it gave out a sound like a far-away bell. I was sud- denly convinced of the absurdity of dashing up to such a place in a flaming chariot. I wislied I had come afoot and made my entrance softly and dec- orously. Presently a young man appeared at one of the open doors and said, ' Will you walk up- stairs?' In the upper hallway, which, on account of its coolness, had been extemporized into an of- fice, sat the Governor in a large arm-chair before a table which was covered with telegrams and letters. As I appeared at the entrance he said, in a hearty and inviting voice, 'Come right in.' " Since Governor Cleveland came into office he has not been absent from his desk more than three weeks. His official life is monotonous. He reaches his office shortly after eight in the morning, opens his private letters, and at nine is ready to receive callers, many of whom are members of the Legis- lature, who come to explain the nature of their bills; therefore there is no lack of callers. In turn or in delegations he receives them, and this is kept up without interruption till one, when he goes to dinner. He takes an hour for dinner and to walk to and from his residence. By two he is surely in his office to see his callers. These he receives until long after six. Then he goes to tea, and at half-past seven is back in his office, when he locks G 98 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. himself up to examine bills. After the Legislature adjourns he has more leisure. Men having busi- ness with him have learned his methods. They know he means what he sajs. Upon his words confidence and reliance can be placed, no matter how important or trivial the subject. Inquirers are pretty apt to quickly ascertain his views. He has that extremely rare faculty of reaching safe conclusions after a few moments' study. He is a man who seldom loses his temper unless persist- ently vexed by men who seek to argue him out of what he expresses and believes to be a safe and wise decision. He impresses men with his frank- ness and explicit manners, and visitors depart sat- isfied with the verdict. They quickly recognize the fact that his conclusions are reached from in- born conscientious motives. He is not swerved one jot or tittle by party or personal friendship to do what he thinks is not right. Hence his par- dons and his vetoes show that they have been dic- tated by sound common sense." Governor Cleveland has a viirorous, robust con- stitution. He possesses a large frame, is inclined to corpulency, has a nervous, sanguine tempera- ment, light complexion, thin brown hair, with a tendency to baldness, and his general make-up is what ladies would properly decide to be good-look- ing. All the traits of assiduous industry, unostenta- tious dignity, thoroughness and simplicity noted iu STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 99 Grover Cleveland's early career are observable in his present e very-day life. On the day before his inauguration as Governor he came down from Buf- falo quietly with his law-partner, Mr. Bissell, went to the executive mansion, and spent the night. On the morrow the city was excited with the approach- ing ceremonies. The streets were crowded, but there was to be no military parade, no procession. The Governor-elect walked from the executive man- sion in company with his friend to the capitol, joining the throngs that were going that way. He entered the building unrecognized, but quite at his ease, sauntered up to the executive cham- ber, and was there met by Governor Cornell. The moment the inaugural ceremony was over lie passed into the spacious executive chamber which is set apart for his use, ordered that the doors should be opened to admit everybody having business with him, and went immediately to work. Never was any important public event so completely stripped of its fuss and feathers; never was a more radical change effected in the official routine of the executive department. Hitherto there were all sorts of delays and impediments in the path to the Governor. Cards had to be sent in, ushers conducted citizens into ante-rooms and left them w\niting for hours to see the Governor; but the moment Grover Cleveland took possession he issued an order to admit anybody at once who wished to see him. Up to the present time he has been quite L.cfC. 100 STEPHEN GUOVER CLEVELAND. able himself to prevent this return to Democratic simplicity from being abused. While Governor, Mr. Cleveland shook hands with many people every day. Formerly the visitors to the great Capitol building asked to be shown the Senate Chamber, the Assembly Hall and the pictures : then they asked to see the big Governor. He treated them all alike. Shaking hands may make his hands sore, but it will never throw him off his guard. One would think a Presidential nomination would agitate a man somewhat, but the Governor simply said, " Go over and tell sister. She will be glad to hear it." A correspondent thus writes : I should say he would have made a good surgeon, for he could cut a leg off and never flinch. He might sympathize very deeply with the unfortunate victim, for he has a warm heart, but if he thought his leg ought to be cut off it would have to come. What he thinks is ri2:ht to be done he does with all the earnestness of a very strong nature. Of dissinmla- tion he has none. I saw a workingman in his shirt-sleeves rush in to shake hands with him the other day, and a little later a United States Senator arrived to offer his congratulations, but I could not see that the Governor "shifted his position " in the least. He was the embodiment of simplicity towards both. He is a man you will iind the same on Tuesday he was on Monday, and the same on Wednesday he was on Tuesday. STEPHEN GnOVER CLEVELAND. 101 Easy enough to approach at any time when he has not something he thinks is more important to do than to talk to you, otherwise he shuts up very close. In some important methods of life he lias not got very far away from the primary simplicity of childhood. And here comes in an anecdote I heard of him. The crier in one of the courts of Albany is a blind man, who lives in the same part of the city as, the Governor. He is somewhat aged and has become so familiar with the road from his home over to the Court-House that he generally goes alone. But one morning, some months asro, he missed his wav and the Governor coming along took him by the arm and brought him along with him as far as the Capitol building. As they were about to separate, the old gentleman asked the name of his considerate guide. " My name is Cleveland," said the Governor. "Are you in business in the city?" "Yes. I have an office up here in the Capitol." " Oh, you are not the Governor ? " " Yes. I am the Governor." The poor old fellow was almost beside himself, and went on his way with a story to tell as long as he lived. One morning after the Governor's nomination for President, as he was walking over from the Executive residence to the Capitol, he again found the old Court crier astray from his familiar path 102 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. and again took him by the arm and helped him along as far as they went the same way. As they walked the old gentleman proceeded to tell of another time when he had got lost and how a kind-hearted man helped him out of his difficulty and how that kind-hearted man turned out to be Governor Cleveland. '' Well, you have encoun- tered the Governor again," was the quiet response. And then the poor old crier was almost beside himself He had been escorted by a good Samaritan who might be the President of the United States. At least two stories and a man- sard roof had been added to the good story he already had to tell, and again he went on his way rejoicing. The Governor is full of the milk of human kind- ness and his heart is h'vj: enouc:li to take in all mankind. At once you see he has a most be- nignant face and can talk to you like a father. The pictures of him do not give his face as it is generally seen. He sometimes looks serious, but never cross or even austere. As soon as vou see him you feel that you need not have any trepida- tion in speaking to him. Sometimes public men have a Avay of making everybody who attempt to come near them get down and crawl in the dust of humiliation, as if it was one of the gods of Bundcl- cund about to be approached, but not so with our big Governor of the big State of New York, and our big Presidential nominee of the big Democratic STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 103 party. If he ever gets to the White House all the sisters will feel like he is their brother, all the cousins will feel like he is their cousin, and all the aunts will feel like he is their nephew. When he sits down there is not much room left between the arms of a pretty wide chair and he looks wonder- fully comfortable and homelike. The other day when there were three or four gentlemen callers sitting or walking about in the Executive office, a bunch of countrywomen dropped in on their sight- seeing tour. After gazing about in some perplex- ity, as if they were looking for something the}^ could not find to their entire satisfaction, the eldest and the supposable head of the party, ventured up to the Governor as the most ap- proachable man she saw, and ventured to ask, *' Which might be the Governor?" " Right here," said he, as he thumped himself on the bosom and went on with the business in hand. ''Oh!" the lady ejaculated, and retired amid her blushes to the expectant group in the corner and then they all looked over and said, " oh ! " in chorus. When the Governor gets well settled in his chair, takes a good long breath and adjusts his glasses on the lower part of his nose, he looks as wise, as mellow and as sunshiny as Benjamin Franklin. He looks as though it would take a very considerable shock to knock him off his balance. I asked him the other day if he read the papers that abused him. 104 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAKl?. " Sometimes/' »aid he^ with a smile that broke out all over his face. " Do you ever get disturbed over anything they Bay ? " " Not much. Every man has a right to enjoy his own mind. I remember an old fellow who was a neighbor of my father and we would sometimes try to get him to come over to our church. He was a strong Baptivst, and he would always say : * No, you folks are Presbyterians, and if I go over to your church I couldn't enjoy my mind.' Of course, that was the end of the argument." " What is the most annoying slander they have ever published about you, Governor?" " Well, I have been more surprised (and then he did twist just a little in his chair) at the way I have been misrepresented as to the laboring men than anything else. I don't see how the idea ever got out in the first place that I have been opposed to the interests of laborini]^ men. I cannot re- member one single act in my life that could be reasonably construed into anything that was against their best interests. It has been just the other way with me. I have always taken particular pains, whenever it was in my power, to see their interests well guarded. I liave observed that labor- ing men have minds of tlieir own as well as politi- cal principles, and when there has been a full in- vestigation of my official life the f\icts will be made known, and I am not uneasy as to the result. They STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 105 talk about the workingmen, said Governor Cleve- land, as if tliej were a lot of sheep to be cor- railed or scattered by this man or that. Most workingmen are naturally Democrats. Democracy means the rule of the people, and the Democratic party has always been the natural friend of the workingmen. I do not think any great number of those who are in my party will fail to vote forme, first, because they are naturally disposed to go with their party, and second, because they will learn long before election day tliat my attitude towards them has been misrepresented." The Governor had grown serious enough to lay his glasses on the desk and wipe his face with an immense white handkerchief. Last winter Governor Cleveland, having reason to believe that public money had been wasted or misappropriated in the repair of the arsenals and armories of this State, had an examination made, which confirmed his suspicions. At his request the Assembly appointed a special committee to investi- gate the matter. This committee filed its report at Albany yesterday. It finds that a systematic course of swindlins: has been sroinc^on for a number of years in the making of these repairs. The work was done, and in many cases very badly done, by favored contractors, to whom most extravagant prices were paid. Among other gentlemen, Daniel Dougherty, the silvery tongued orator of Philadelphia, who nomi- 106 STEPHEN* GROVER CLEVELAND. nated General Hancock for the Presidency at Cin- cinnati in 1880, shortly after the last Convention paid a visit to Governor Cleveland which he de- scribed to a reporter as follows : " I saw the Governor," said Mr. Dougherty, "for the first time in my life, and I was perfectly charmed by his frank manner and dignified bear- ing. At Chicago I was not at the outset one of his adherents. But my meeting with the Gov- ernor and the conversation I had with him have convinced pie that his is the best nomination we could have made. He is a man of comprehensive mind, of broad statesmanship, of free and inde- pendent views — a man who, while conserving all the interests of the Democratic party to which he will owe his election, will nevertheless be President of the whole countiy. All his official acts will be for the benefit of the whole people. That is the sort of President we want." *"• What was the nature of your conversation with Governor Cleveland ?" " Oh, it was purely informal. He spoke about general political questions without any personal reference to himself The rights and obligations of corporations and the toleration due to all forms of religious beliefs were freely discussed. From the tone of the conversation I am positive that while Governor Cleveland as President will adhere most rigidly to the vested rights of corporations he will never be their servant or their slave. His STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 107 very veto of the Five-cent Elevated Railroad Faro bill, above all things, proves to me his fitness for the office for which he has been nominated. Were he a vile demagogue he could have bought cheap renown by signing that bill. But he was influenced by what he considered to be strong constitutional objections of the bill, and he showed that he had the courage of his convictions. The same is true of his veto of the bill which seems to have aroused some opposition to him on the part of the Catholics. I have the personal assurance of such eminent men of that faith as Henry L. Hoguet, the Presi- dent of the Immigrant Industrial Savings Bank, and ex-Senator Francis Kernan, that Governor Cleveland is free from all prejudice against the Catholics. We Catholics do not expect a President to violate any constitutional claims to oblige us, and we would be unworthy of our faith if we asked for any favors not consistent with constitutional obligations." " Did Governor Cleveland express himself as re- gards the laboring classes?" " There was no direct allusion to that effect in my conversation with him, but the laboring ele- ment can rely with greater security on the advocacy of their rights by a man like Cleveland and a great organization like the Democratic party than on the sudden devotion to their interests of any dema- gogue aspiring to national place. The coming campaign may be likened to tlie one when Abraham 108 STEPHEN GROVER CLEYELAND. Lincoln w.is first nominated. Mr. Lincoln was then not so well known as Mr. Cleveland is, and I think that Cleveland will be a Godsend to reform in the Republic as Lincoln was in crushing re- bellion." " Ls Mr. Hendricks' nomination equally accep- table to you ? " " Equally so. The scene in the Convention when his name was mentioned is incomparable. There was nothing in the world like it. If it had been the result of a speech, it would have been the grandest triumph to oratory. It was started by the announcement of a single vote for Hendricks. During the half hour that the cyclone of enthusiasm rag^d it must have produced the most exquisite sensations to Mr. Hendricks, who was present. It seemed to me to be the climax of the arcrument against the fraud of 1876. If Tilden was out of the way here was the man to vindicate the wrong. I thought Cleveland's forces would be scattered by the tremendous demonstration and Hendricks sure of the nomination, but there never was a body of delegates more splendidly disciplined than the friends of Cleveland. Undismayed by the cyclone, they nominated Cleveland, and with a master stroke of policy made the ticket Cleveland and Hendricks. This ticket will undoubtedly sweep the country." William A. Simmons, ex-collector of the Port of Boston, who was intimate with Butler, and was at STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 109 one time his campaign manager, asserted publicly that the Massachusetts ex-Governor would most probably support Cleveland. If the support was hearty Massachusetts might be counted as a doubt- ful or a Democratic State. Indiana was certain for Cleveland. Nine-tenths of the Irish voters, he de- clared, would vote the straight Democratic ticket and Tammany Hall would help to swell Cleveland's majority. The questions of tarift' and reform were the issues of the campaign. Mr. Simmons himself left the Republican ranks highly indignant be^ cause of the corruption inside the party. An examination of Governor Cleveland's record showed the shallowness of the demagogic campaign lie started by the Blaine organs that the Demo- cratic candidate for the Presidency was not friendly to workingrnen. It showed, furthermore, that in his public utterances and his executive acts Mr. Cleve- land had always had a genuine sympathy with the laborins; classes and has ever been mindful of their best interests. The first expression of his views on this subject after his name became fiimiliar throughout the State was made in his letter accepting the nomi- nation for Governor. In this letter, dated October 7, 1882, he said : " The laboring classes constitute the main part of our population. They should be protected in their efforts peaceably to assert their rights when endangered by aggregated capital^ and all statutes liO STEPHEN GROYER CLEVELAND. on this subject should recognize the care of the State for honest toil and be framed with a view of improving the condition of the workingman." Tliere is no uncertain tone here, no lack of sym- pathy with the cause of honest labor. Mr. Cleve- land's record as Governor is entirely in keeping with these views. He has loyally adhered to them in the two messages which he has submitted to the Legislature, and with respect to everj^ bill, whether signed or vetoed, on which he has been called to act. Of the proposition to abolish contract labor in the State prisons Governor Cleveland said in his message January, 1884: ^' The subject should be approached with the utmost care and deliberation. J'he wages of the toorhinqman should not he injurl- ousJij (iffected hy the labor of convicts in the prisons'^ In the same document he renewed the earnest rec- ommendation which he had made in his first mes- sage that more stringent laws be passed for the pro- tection of depositors in savings banks. This rec- ommendation was advanced in behalf of the poorer classes and working people. The bill for the establishment of a Bureau of Labor Statistics was brought forward in the inter- est of the laboring classes. It received the cordial approval of Governor Cleveland and by his signa- ture became a law. The bill providing that when- ever any employer makes an assignment the wages STEPHEN GROYER CLEVELAND. Ill of the employes shall be paid before any other claims was designed to secure simple justice and substantial benefits to the laboring class. It was promptly signed by Governor Cleveland. The passage of the Tenement House Cigar act was asked for by thousands of workingmen. It became a law by the approval of Governor Cleveland. Three vetoes have been cited by Governor Cleve- land's enemies in their attempt to prejudice the laborin2: classes aorainst him. Not one of these vetoes nor all of them together show the least lack of cordial sympathy on his part with the cause and interests of workingmen. The Five-Cent Fare bill, which he vetoed on constitutional grounds, w^as not intended to secure cheap fares for laboring men, nor would it have had that effect for the obvious reason that the fare was already five cents during the hours when ninety-five per cent, of the working people have to ride on the elevated roads. The foolish, demagogic bill to reduce the hours of drivers and conductors on horse cars was, as Governor Cleve- land rightly said, '^ not in the interest of the work- ingman." On the contrary, it would have operated against the welfare of the very men for whose bene- fit it was, with amazing shortsightedness, pretended to have been brought forward. A reduction of hours would inevitably have been attended with a corre- sponding reduction of the already scanty wages. The Mechanics' Lien Bill was vetoed for very good reasons, which had no bearing on the rights or in- 112 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. terests of laborers, and laborers are as well off now as they would have been had the bill become a law. His course shows that he has been a staunch and consistent friend of the workingnian and completely disposes of the malicious assertions to the contrary made by his political opponents to influence un- thinking voters. CHAPTER Y. Governor Clevelandafter the Chicago Conventioh— How He Received the Kews of His Nomination— Con- gratulatory Telegrams from all Parts of the Coun- try—His First Speech after the Nomination— Gen- eral Enthusiasm— He Discharges the Business of His Office with the Usual Method and Care. The first intimation Governor Cleveland received was when, sitting in his private room in the Execu- tive Chamber of the capitol at Albany at work on routine business, he heard the boom of a cannon. Adjt.-Gen. Farnsworth was with him, and they were considering some matters concerning the State camp. Every other minute a blue-coated messenger interrupted the discussion with a bulletin of the voting^ at ChicaGfo received from the Assemblv tele- graph office. When the announcement of Penn- sylvania's change was read a few friends of the Gov- ernor, who had by this time dropped into the office, applauded vigorously. Still the Adjutant-General continued calling off the figures from the proof in his hand without watching to see if the Governor made corrections. At about a quarter to 2 o'clock Gen. Farnsworth first heard the cannon shot. He put up his hand and said, " Listen !" They listened. Then came another roar from the brass gun that K (113) 114 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. the YoiinGT Merrs Democratic Club had stationea at the foot of State street. Gen. Farnsvvorth jumped to his feet and said : '^ They are firing a salute, Governor, over your nomination." ^' That's what it is/' said Col. Lamont. "Do you think so?" said the Governor. *^ Well anyhow, we'll finish up this work," and at it they went again. If any doubt remained as to what the booming of the cannon meant, it was soon dispelled by a telephone call which said : *' Tell the Governor he was nominated on the second ballot." Col. Lamont, the private secretary of the Gov- ernor, conveyed tlie news. The Governor smiled. He did not seem to be at all nervous or excited. Hand-shakings occurred, and the Governor said suddenly : " Lamont, I wish you would telephone that to the mansion. Sister w^ill want to hear it." The Governor, the Adjutant-General, and the private secretary retired to the chamber, the doors of which were thrown wide open. The Governor stood up and received the congratulations of the fifteen or twenty persons present. Then a stream of visitors canie pouring in. Crowds were seen converging toward the Capitol. Many were ladies. It was a cosmopolitan crowd. The stream of vis- itors continued for nearly two hours. The Gover- STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 115 nor had nothing to say beyond expressing his thanks to those who offered congratulations. Meanwhile congratulatory despatches began to arrive, and poured in until a bushel basket would not hold them. The first was from the Syracuse Democratic escort, received ten minutes after the news of the nomination. Among the telegrams re- ceived were the following : Columbus. 1 congratulate you and our country. We are now firing one hundred guns. Ohio leads the column for your victory. Geo. Hoadly. Chicasro. My choice from the beginning for the Presidency. I congratulate you upon your unanimous nomina- tion to that great office. Texas w ill give you over 100,000 majority. Kichard B. Hubbard. Jersey City. Accept congratulations. The Convention did the very best thing in your nomination. I am greatly pleased. J. D. Bedle. Orange, N. J. I heartily congratulate you upon your nomina- tion. Geo. B. McClellan. West Dublin, Pa. I send you my heartiest congratulations, and hope your majority in November ^yill be larger than your last. John O'Brien. Wilmington, Del. Accept my best wishes for your triumphant elec- tion, and assurance of my thorough and steadfast support in the canvas?^ Thomas F. Bayard. 116 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. Cincinnati, Ohio. Permit me to congratulate you on your nomi- nation for President of the United States. It in- sures success to the Democracy in November next. R. M. Bishop. Convention Hall, Chicago. Pennsylvania congratulates New York. W. U. Hensel, Chairman Pennsylvania State Committee. Boston. Your nomination is an endorsement of honest independence in public office. Accept my hearty congratulations. Leopold Morse. Chicago. On behalf of the youngest of the sisters — Colo- rado — I congratulate you and promise you her three electoral votes. T. 0. O'Donnell. Chicago. Glory, Hallelujah ! J. T. Campbell of Alabama. Chicago. You were triumphantly nominated on the second ballot. I congratulate the country and you. Francis Kernan. New York. I congratulate you upon your nomination, and confidently believe 30ur fellow-countrymen will ratify it in Noven)ber by an overwhelming majority. Samuel D. Babcock, Pres't Chamber of Commerce. San Francisco. California sends greeting, and will give 3-011 her electoral vote. Wm. D. English. STEPHEN GROYER CLEVELAND. 117 In the evening a serenade was given to the Governor at the Executive Mansion by the Young Men's Democratic Club, who were joined by their invited guests, the Jacksonians. Thousands of citizens congregated in and about the Executive Mansion. The Tentli Regiment band pLayed sev- eral selections, after which the Governor appeared at the main portico. He was received with much enthusiasm. He spoke as follows : Fellow-Citizens : I cannot but be gratified with this kindly greeting. I find that I am fast reaching the point where I shall count tlie people of Albany not merelv as fellow-citizens, but as townsmen and neighbors. On this occasion I am, of course, aware that you pay no compliment to a citizen and pre- sent no personal tribute, but that you have come to demonstrate your loyalty and devotion to a cause in which you are heartily enlisted. The American people are about to exercise in its highest sense their power and right of sovereignty. They are to call in review before them their public ser- vants and the representation of political parties, and demand of them an account of their steward- ship. Parties may be so long in power, and may become so arrogant and careless of the interests of the people, as to grow heedless of their responsibil- ity to their masters. But the time comes as cer- tainly as death when the people weigh them in the balance. Tfie issues to be adjudicated by the nation's great assize are made up and are about to be submitted. We believe that the people are not receiving at the hands of the party which for nearly 118 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. twenty-four years has directed the affairs of the nation the full benefits to which they are entitled — pure, just, and economical rule — and we believe that the ascendency of genuine Democratic prin- ciples will insure a better Government and greater happiness and prosperity to all the people. To reach the sober thought of the nation and to dis- lodge an enemy intrenched behind spoils and patronage involves a struggle which, if we under- estimate, we invite defeat. I am profoundly im- pressed with the responsibility of the part assigned to me in this contest. My heart, I know, is in the cause, and I pledge you that no effort of mine shall be wanting to secure the victory which I believe to be within the achievement of the Democratic hosts. Let us, then, enter upon the campaign now fairly opened, each one appreciating well the part he has to perform, ready with solid front to do battle for better government, confidently, courageously, al- ways honorably, and with a firm reliance upon the intelligence and patriotism of the American people. During the following days congratulations con- tinued to pour in from all parts of the country. On the day succeeding his nomination the Gov- ernor was at his desk in the executive chamber discharging the business of his office with his usual method and care. He was probably the most indus- trious and painstaking Governor the State of New York ever had. At the time of his nomination the records of his ofiice showed he had been absent from his post for less than a month in all. When STEPHEN G ROVER CLEVELAND. 119 in Albany .ilmost his entire time was spent in the Capitol or at the executive mansion. He kept no horses, and walked the short half mile from the house to the chamber three times a day. With few exceptions, his evenings were passed in work at the Capitol. Except when engaged in very im- portant matters, the rooms were open to all visitors, and tlie Governor was easdy accessible to any one who desired to see him. To the many who called on the day succeeding his nomination, it was evi- dent that the nomination of Governor Cleveland for President made little or no change in the rou- tine of his department. He was engaged in the perusal of official papers until late in the afternoon, stopping only at times to greet a caller or read the despatches handed him by Col. Lamont. Of the hundreds received the following are some of those of special significance : Governor Stoneman, of California, telegraphed: " The Democratic administration of the State of California tenders its congratulations on your nomination for President. You may confidently count upon the electoral vote of the State of Cali- fornia." Senator H. B. Payne, of Ohio, telegraphed : " Please accept my sincere and joyful congratu- lations." From Governor Bate, of Tennessee, came the message : 120 STEPHEN GROYER CLEVELAND. "Accept my congratulation for your nomination, together with my hope and belief that you will be elected." Winslow Warren, Secretary pro tern, of the Massachusetts Reform Club, at its dinner at the Parker House, Boston, forwarded this des- patch : "The Massachusetts Reform Club, of Boston, consisting of Republicans, Democrats, and Inde- pendents, are rejoicing that you are selected to lend the opposition to Bhune. The club tenders its heartiest congratulations and assurances of enthu- siastic support. " United States Senator Randall L. Gibson, of Louisiana, said : "I beg to tender my cordial wishes for your election and the assurance that the people of Lou- isiana will respond to your nomination in the earnest hope that it may successfully appeal to the moral sense and comprehensive patriotism and national spirit of the young men of the country, who must feel that the time has at last come to obliterate sectional and wornout issues, and to insist upon greater responsibility, a higher sense of honor, econotny, and genuine reform of our com- mon government." The first invitation to participate in a public event came from the managers of the Cincinnati Lidustrial Exposition, who invited Governor Cleve- STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 121 land to be their guest some time in September during the exhibition. Among the many gentlemen who called on Governor Cleveland was Senator K. Gibson, of Louisiana, who had been stopping at Saratoga a few days, and who in company with President White of the Louisiana State University at the invitation of the Governor paid him a visit. They had quite an extended conversation, and the senator went away much pleased. Meeting some friends, Mr. Gibson gave his opinion of the Democratic nominee as follows : " I like him very much," lie answered. " He is a man of plain, simple manner, and does not look as though he was pulled out of his boots by the suddenness with which fame has fallen upon him. I think he is iust the man to lead in this movement. He is an honest, good, strong, hearty man, and his candidacy will raise our politics out of the old ruts. I have had a number of letters from old friends in the North expressing joy at his nomination. They say there is a chance now to get completely away from the past and to bring the best men of the South and the North together once more. I must say I am greatly pleased with the outlook. I believe that a strom? sentiment in favor of reform is setting in, and that the culmina- tion of it will be the election of Governor Cleve- land." CHAPTER VI. The Leading Journals on the Nominations— What the News- papers Said on the Nomination of Groveu Cleveland and Thomas A. Hendricks— With But One Exception the Promi- nent Newspapers of New York City Spoke Favorably of thb Democratic Ticket. The political contest of 1884 furnished an un- usually good test of the power of the press in in- fluencing political action. The New York Herald^ the most conspicuous of all American newspapers, departed so fixr from its usual attitude of indifference as to print the names of the Democratic candidates at the head of its editorial columns, and it went into the fight with old-time enthusiasm. The Times, one of the two great Republican dailies, gave its support to Cleve- land and it was joined by the Evening Post, a paper that had alwavs been consistent to the honorable record of its founder, William Cullen Bryant, one of the founders of the Republican party. The San was strongly opposed to Blaine, and the Slaats Zeilniig, the great German daily, was earnestly for Cleveland. So also were the World, the Jonrualj Truth, the Ecening Telegram and the Evening News, The Qrapliic, too, was for Cleveland. The Journal of Commerce was neutral, mihI the Commercial Ad- 6122) STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 123 ^ertiser, tliougli Republican, was quite lukewarm toward Blaine and evidently did not exert itself much in his behalf. There remained only the Tribune^ which led the Liberal Republican revolt of 1872, but now was the accepted Blaine organ. To the anti-Blaine forces are also to be added such influential weeklies as the Independent, an old Republican organ with a very large circulation throughout the United States; H plause and his reply made a powerful impression upon his listeners, lie spoke entirely without notes and never for a moment under these most trying circumstances lost his perfect self-control. His tones were clear and distinct, and although he was making the effort of his life up to the present hour he did not falter under the very severe test of making an address of this character from mem- ory. Even so trained a public speaker as Mr. Blaine read his reply to the committee of notifica- tion rather than trust himself to his memory. Governor Cleveland's was the central figure of a very picturesque scene. As the candidate fmished speaking the audience began to press forward to shake his hand and congratulate him. The chair- man of the committee and Secretary Prince intro- duced each member, and for the time the parlor presented a very animated scene. In the throng, STEPHEN GROYER CLEVELAND. 153 besides those above mentioned, were ex-Senator Stockton, of New Jersey ; Congressman Perry Bel- mont, Erastus Corning, Colonel George H. Bard- well, of Pennsylvania; Congressman G. H. Oury, of Arizona, and many other important people of State and national fame. After the handshaking was over the company was invited to partake of a lunch, and an hour or more was spent in eating and talking. The Governor mingled freely with the guests who stayed to partake of his hospitality. It was well on toward night before all had departed, and the notable event w^as a thing of the past. A reception was given directly after the notifi- cation at the Fort Orange Club House. This is an entirely non-partisan club, but it joined in honor- ing the distinguished guests. After a liberal colla- tion speeches were made by General Hooker, Governor Waller and Judge Parker, and the fol- lowing important telegram was read by Senator Thacher : — Gretstone, July 29, 1884. To Democratic Phalanx, Albany: — I received last evening your invitation to attend the meeting this evening under the auspices of the Albany Democratic phalanx for the purpose of ratifying the nomination of Cleveland and Hen- dricks. Although I cannot be present in person with my old friends in Albany on that interesting occasion, I cordially co-operate with them in sup- port of the excellent nominations by the Demo- cratic National Convention, and feel assured that I 154 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. in its success at the election, of which there is every promise, the country will achieve a substan- tial victory for the cause of good government. S. J. TiLDEN. In conversation with Speaker Randall at the Fort Orange Club, he said : — '' The Democratic platform in its tariff plank is the most intelligent statement of the case ever presented in any public or private document. It meets the case in every point exactly as the country likes to have it. When we arrive at the point of protecting indus- tries to the extent of the difference between the cost of production here and that of production elsewhere, that is all that is wanted. There need be no talk either of high protection or infant in- dustries." In the evening two very large and enthusiastic ratification meetings were held at the Music Hall and the Leland Opera House, when addresses were made by Col. Vilas, ex-Speaker Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania, Governor Waller, of Connecticut, General Charles F. Hooker, of Mississippi, A. V. Stevenson, of Illinois, Congressman Patrick C. Collins, of Massachusetts, Jos. Pulitzer of the New York World, and Col. John R. Fellows, of New York. There is a tone of Democratic simplicity and an air of dignified sincerity in the proceedings of noti- fication and in the speeches, characteristic of the men and the occasion, the more notable lor the STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 155 remarkable contrast presented with the theatrical demonstration at Augusta. As in the one scene we saw a company of charlatans and speculators playing a game of vainglorious pretence and organ- izing a display to strike the imagination of feeble- minded admirers, so in the other we perceive a group of unpretentious gentlemen discharging a public duty in a plain, manly way and exchanging greetings related to the subject in hand. There was notiiing brilliant or magnetic in what was said by or to Governor Cleveland, but there w-as a deal of sound common sense on both sides. Mr. Vilas was happy in his statement of the point of the case when he said : — " The national Democracy seek a President not in compliment for what the man is or reward for what he has done, but in a just expectation of what he will accom- plish as the true servant of a free people fit for their lofty trust." That is to say, the Democ- racy is not giving rewards or booming favorite sons or magnetic politicians, but is endeavoring to secure the welfare of the nation by putting into the Presidency a man who will overhaul the administration of the government, correct the abuses he finds and prevent plunder and other villany. That is the correct standard of choice, and one that seems to be too little under- stood by the friends of various aspirants for the nomination, who make it a grievance that a new man was preferred to some one of forty old 156 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. war-horses. The new man is what the nation wants. But a party needs a certain guarantee that the man it chooses for the execution of its will shall have the mettle for the duty, and such guarantee it must find in what he has done. This concep- tion was well presented by the quotation from the New Testament — '' Well done, thou good and faithful servant; thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many things." Evidently the Democrats of the country at large have observed Governor Cleveland's con- duct in his present office more closely than some of those near-by Republican editors who object that he has not had such experience as would qualify liim for the duties of the Presidency. In truth, there is no office in this country more nearly anal- ogous to the Presidency than that of Governor of this State, and no place where a man can be so well trained for AVashington as at Albany, and this the whole people will in due time discover. CLEVELAND ENDORSED BY THE INDEPENDENT REPUB- LICANS. The Independent Republicans of the United States held a confidence on Tuesday, July 22, in the city of New York, which was a success fiir beyond the anticipations of tlie most sanguine of its promoters. It was a gathering representing the best elements of the party of Abraham Lincoln in STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 157 contradistinction to the party of Jim Blaine, Jack Logan and Steve Elkins. Over six hundred dele- gates were in attendance, and each one a representa- tive of the best intellect and the strictest integrity of the Republican Party. The chairman of the conference, Col. Charles R. Codman, sounded the keynote of the prevailing sentiment, when he said : "I do not hesitate to say, that the defeat of Mr. Blaine should be compassed by all honorable means. It seems to me that the cause of good government, of pure politics, of American character requires that he should be defeated. There is but one wav to do it, and this way must be obvious to us all." The one way was, to vote directly for the re- form candidate (Governor Cleveland), and thus do the best to secure his success. The conference so decided, and embodied its views in an able and pa- triotic address. Col. Codman spoke as follows on taking the chair: Fellow-Citizens: You have conferred a great honor on me in choosing me to preside over this conference, not of office-holders or office-seekers, but of citizens [cheers] desiring only the honor and welfare of the Republic. We are not here as party men, but as the representatives of that great body of citizens who desire to set aside for the time being the claims of party and to act together to achieve, if possible, results that will be for the highest good of the w^hole country. [Cheers.] The bond that unites us is a jealous sensitiveness for 158 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. the national character, and resentment at the at- tempt to lower it in the eyes of the world. It would be, we hold, an unspeakable disgrace for us in the full knowledge of the facts and with our eyes open, to place in the Presidential cliair a man with Mr. Blaine's standard of public mo- rality. We make no charges against private character, [applause], but hold that the public acts of Mr. Blaine, his attitude in relation to railroad legisla- tion and all other legislation, his record when Speaker of the House of Representatives or when holding any legislative position wdth corporations asking for Congressional aid or in any way depend- ent on Congressional action, are tit and proper subjects for investigation and for comment. Acting as we have for many years w^ith the Republican Party, it is not without pain that we find ourselves forced to oppose its nominations. But we say that parties are but means to accom- plisli political ends: that they must stand for principles. We do not see that nt the present time the two great parties which divide the country are clearly at issue on any great question. So that we are confined almost exclusively to the question of fitness of candidates. It is fortunate that this is so, for if the Democratic Party had nominated a man antagonistic to any of the great principles for which we have struggled, and the Republican Party had nominated Mr. Blaine, our position would liave been much more painful than it is to-day. We should have been compelled to face the painful and discouraiirinG!; alternative of not sustaining cherished political opinions, or of voting for a can- didate we believe to be unworthy. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 150 But happily all the great principles to maintain which the Republican Party was founded have been long since settled. It is true that Mr. Blaine in his skillful letter of acceptance [laughter] hns at last expressed positive opinion on one subject. He has come out as an ardent friend of civil ser- vice reform [cheers and laughter] now that the country has declared for it; but in the days when the principle of civil service reform was struggling and weak it received no assistance from this once influential Republican leader. But, gentlemen, we have not taken the action which brings us here to-day without remonstrances from our party associates. They have rung the changes on political allegiance ; that the results of the war will be nullified ; that labor will be para- lyzed and capital destroyed if the Democratic Party should come into power, and they have told us that if Blaine is elected he will make the coun- try respected in the eyes of foreign nations. To all such suggestions we have been impervious. [Cries of '' Yes, Sir."] We reply that the con- stitutional interpretations settled by the war are not disputed ; that the Democrats, who are at least half the people in the country, have no desire, and can have no interest, to check the national pros- perity, and we say that the country is respected now throughout the world for its power, its energy, and its resources, and that it will so continue unless some anirressive and mao:netic President succeeds in making it ridiculous. [Wild cheers and ap- plause, the audience rising to its feet and waving hats and handkerchiefs in the air.] There has not been much in such considerations as these to make us support an obnoxious candi- 160 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. date. But our party friends appeal to our sym- pathies. They ask us if we will indorse the Copiah outrage and support a party w^hich carries its elections only by intimidation, I answer that we yield to none in our condemnation of these acts. But before all things we will be just, and not charge upon the whole South acts which belong to one or two small communities alone. Our Re- publican critics know, and know it as well as any men livina:, that these occurrences could not have been prevented by any action of the Federal Gov- ernment. If they could why was there no inter- ference at the last general election? No, gentlemen : the truth is that time and edu- cation and the influences of Christianitv must be relied upon to prevent these crimes. None can deny, and ought not to fail to recognize, that such occurrences as those at Copiah, once so common, are now exceptional. But, however that may be, we are not to be turned from our plain and obvious duty by appeals to sectional feeling or our sympa- thies. We do not give up our right to condemn outrages in the South any more than our right to condemn political dishonesty. Let us declare that we stand together, and that we ask our fellow-citizens to join us, to make our protest effectual against Mr. Blaine's election. Let us try to impress upon the voters by our words and acts that political straightforwardness is better than political success, and w^hen we have done our work here let us go to our homes and use such in- fluence as we have to further the cause wdiich we conceive to be the cause of our country. (Long- continued cheering.) CHAPTER VIII. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1884. How THE Nomination was Received — Favored by the "Independents" — Breaking Old Party Ties — The Press GIVING Support — Organizing for the Campaign — Prepa- rations for a Gigantic Struggle — Approval of the Democratic Platform — Uprising against Political Cor- ruption — Tricks and Scandals — Popularity of Mr. Cleveland's Competitor — The Question not Confined to Men — Party Accusations — Feeling running High — False- hood and Vituperation — Doubt of Result as the Cam- paign NEARED its ClOSE — SUSPENSE AFTER THE ELECTION — All Depending on New York — Cleveland's Majority AND Election — Some Significant Figures. The nomination of Cleveland and Hendricks was received with great fiivor by the Democratic Party throughout the whole country. From the Lakes to the Gulf, from the Atlantic to the Golden Gate, the air rang with acclamations. Public meetings, bonfires and booming guns ratified the work of the convention. Immediately there was the stir which tells of a lively presidential campaign. As may be seen by the despatches of congratula- tion sent to Mr. Cleveland, his nomination was approved by many who had not before trained in the ranks of the Democratic Party. Men broke L (161) 162 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELANa away from their old political faith. The "inde- pendent" spirit showed itself at once. It was evi- dent that the old party would remain solid and would receive new and valuable accessions. It requires some great impulse to break the cords that hold men to a party for which, through many years — ^years of excitement and conflict — they have worked and voted and struggled. Our national spirit and institutions are such as to make every man think and act upon his own private account. A true American is something more than a tool ; he looks at questions with his own eyes ; he holds the balances and does his own weighing; he treats his honest convictions Avith the respect all such convictions should receive ; and in crises affecting his own and the public weal, he " appeals to Caesar," and Ccesar is himself. This was fully illustrated in the campaign fol- lowing Mr. Cleveland's nomination. He stood at once in the front of a large array of men who were dot displeased with an opportunity to show they ivere not the slaves of party. Many newspapers Ihat had not formed a part of the political forces tvhich Mr. Cleveland represented, now gave assent, and others came forward with enthusiastic support. The work of orizanization beiran with "rreat ac' tivity. Cities, villages, hamlets, four-corners, one might almost say, formed clubs, and prepared for the fight. There was no disposition to underesti- mate the gravity of the undertaking. A great STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 163 party had been in power for many years; it had all the glory of prestige and past success ; its achievements had become a part of the nation's history; it sat in high places and did not mean to be dispossessed ; it was manned by officers of singu- lar ability, shrewdness and courage ; its " Plumed Knight" who led the compact host was conspicuous for the magnetic power and resistless personal in- fluence which move masses of men, and inspire them to action. It was understood in the early part of the cam- paign that Mr. Cleveland would not "stump" the country, that he would make few speeches, that he would attend strictly to his duties at Albany, and would submit the case to the calm judgment and deliberate action of the American people. The platform adopted by the Democratic Conven- tion was quite as generally approved as were the nominations. One after another its solid planks were put in, and the wisest men believed the tim- ber was good. A special point was made of civil service reform, for there was a wide-spread convic- tion that such reform was imperatively demanded. Good men and true had long tried to amend the methods by which the affairs of the administration at Washington were conducted. Political corrup- tion was charged by those who could have had no selfish interest in framing so grave an indictment, no personal wish to gratify, no political end to gain. This unrest arising from what were openly 164 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. charged as corrupt practices, permitted for the benefit of time servers and politicians who fattened on the spoils of office,^ had much to do with the overturning of the machine which had been running without interruption or check for nearly a quarter of a century. It was said that the Independent Republicans, who broke away from ^' the grand old party," w^ere '' political sore-heads," that they were chronic growlers, self-opinionated. Democrats at heart, traitors to their own organization, and foes of the nation. Yet free action continued, new com- binations of men and ideas sprang up, and as Napoleon, marching with his army, marked new boundaries for empires, so the map of politics was readjusted. With so much of the independent spirit abroad, with such an uprising of the Democracy as was kindled by the hope of success, it may easily be seen that all the forces were at work to bring about a very lively campaign. The heat rose with tiie advancing months. Every presidential election in our country is a spectacle peculiarly impressive. The great heart of the nation is stirred. A tremor is in the very air, a something which tells that vital questions are at issue. Fifty millions of people awakened, swept by great waves of senti- ment and feeling as gales move the sea — this is morally sublime. The two parties faced each other in battle array. If drums, horns, banners, pro- cessions, speeches, barbacues, shouts, floods of STEPHEN GHOYEU CLEVELAND. 165 political documents, loud talk, could have won the day, it would have been difficult to say which side was to be successful, but other elements entered into that campaign, and insured Mr. Cleveland's election. Of course, during the progress of those exciting days party tricks were called into play, one scandal was swept from the air only to be succeeded by another, the most astounding statements were trumpeted as if they were unchallenged truths, lower and lower sank the press in the agonizing effort to defeat the foe ; in short all the trickery, falsifying, and swelling pretension which unfor- tunately come out in periods of great political excitement, characterized the busy summer and autumn of 1884. For a long time it was asserted that Mr. Blaine was sure to be elected. He was immensely popu- lar with the Republicans. He strode the field with majestic tread. He was able to command a large personal following, and he had the dash and mag- netism which always arouse enthusiasm. His brain was fertile and his tongue was ready. He went from point to point in his electioneering tours, and addressed vast assemblages of people. He had proved his brilliant capacities on many occasions. Under the dome of the Capitol he had held the Speaker's gavel in one house of Congress, and had occupied a seat in the other. He had been selected by President Garfield to fill the most responsible 166 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. position in his Cabinet. For courage, readiness, eloquence, magnificent leadership, he stood unri- valled. Mr. Blaine was not a weak antagonist, but the question was not merely as to men. For solid qualities, bold action, the courage that knows liow to do right, fidelity to duty, Mr. Cleveland stood second to no one. His election was a greater vic- tory from the fact that he had such a brilliant statesman and formidable party to contend with. As the campaign approached its termination the fever grew intense. Desperate measures were brought into requisition. Men made damaging statements, and swore to them. High Heaven was appealed to that the people might be convinced. Affidavits crammed the newspapers. It was judged to be all important that the personal character of Governor Cleveland should be darkened. As usual in the excitement preceding a national election, serious charges were made, and supported by long arrays of proofs. These attacks upon Mr. Cleve- land were boldly denied, notwithstanding the positiveness with which they had been made. In the heat of partisanship some men maintained that the private life of a nominee for any office was not public property, and no one had a right to un- cover it. We state these things as simple matters of history. It is only needful to remember that much said during a political campaign should be STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 167 taken with marked degrees of allowance. This is a good rule to observe, and has more justice in it than the disposition to believe everything that is damaging to an opponent. There is always a sus- picious number of lies and exaggerations afloat during a political canvass. When you get at the real truth, instead of " three black crows," it was only ^" something as black as a crow." Tlie last days of the campaign were clouded watli doubt. Each partj^ w^as confident of success, or at least expressed itself so. There was a mist which darkened vision. No one could foresee how the election would go. New York, the pivotal State, was an uncertain quantity. It was Mr. Cleveland's native State; his strength when elected Governor had surprised even his friends ; his wise silence during the campaign and strict attention to duty had not lost him any degree of favor, and while it w^as understood that he could not hope to receive anything like the majority that elevated him to the chair of Governor, it was hoped he would run ahead of the Republican ticket. The day of destiny in November came and passed. The next morning the country was in as much doubt as before ; no one knew how the struggle had terminated. The Republicans boldly claimed a victory. Soon congratulations poured in upon " the man from Maine." It began to look as if the man at Albany were the one wdio should receive the congratulations. A state of uncer- 168 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. tainty reigned, and on every hand there were alternations of hope and disappointment. Proces- sions parading the streets to celebrate the triumph of one party met processions celebrating the triumph of the other. Finally people said, " Let us wait for the official count." It was known how nearly every State had gone except New York. There was a sus- pense that was intense, but the general sentiment of the country called for an honest decision, and showed a determination to abide by it. What the ballot-box had to say was eagerly awaited. That held the important secret. The nation had signed and sealed its reverseless decree. In some old countries, infested with revolutionary elements, such days of waiting would have been days of danger, but in the United States majorities rule, and the only concern is to ascertain the majority and learn what is the actual verdict. At length the verdict came. New York had settled the gigantic contest by the meagre majority of 1,149. If it had been so many thousands in- stead of units the decision would not have been more definite, nor the result more sure. Grover Cleveland was elected to the presidency of the United States, and the great party with its splendid organization, its honored names, its vast patronage, its powerful sway extending over a period of twenty- four years, which had ruled through war and peace, was to resign its trust. The perturbed elements STEPHEN GROVER CLEYELAND. 169 grew quiet. The Democrats, who had clung to their old-time principles and traditions, and through so many defeats had kept their faith, saw at last the end of their struggle and the consummation of their hopes. Their chosen leader had more than vindicated the confidence placed in him. The verdict at the polls meant that all the old safe- guards of constitutional law and liberty were to be preserved, that sectional strife was to cease, that official trust was to be used for the people and the people alone, that the civil service was to be ele- vated and purified, that the administration of public affairs was to be in new hands pledged to unflinch- ing honesty. The feeling that no party can be in power long without becoming more or less corrupt found satisfaction in the fact that the government was to be administered under new auspices. It was believed that the country would live and prosper. CHAPTER IX. PRESIDENT Cleveland's inauguration. Imposing Ceremonies — Profound Interest in the New Administration — Large Gathering at the Capital — All Classes Represented — Fine Civic Display — Bk.\utifi:l Emblems — Superb Floral Ladder — Inaugural Address— A Great and Sacred Trust — No Apology Needed for Democrahc Principles — Sectional Prejudice should be Abandoned — Devotion to the Constitution — Public Ser- vants to be Vigilantly Watched — Expenditures to be Limited — No Departure from Established Foreign Policy — Finances to be Placed on a Sound Basis — The Indians— Freedmen — Civil Service — Forjiation of the New Cabinet. The ceremonies attendino; the inaumiration of President are always impressive. The will of the people has been expressed. Every township in the land has declared its choice. From myriad homes and firesides men have gone forth, clothed with the sovereign power of the franchise. Si- lently the great decision has been made, amidst suppressed excitement, and the result has agitated the nation. Naturally the departure of the Republican ad- ministration and the return of the Democratic Party to power after so many years of exile from the highest seats in the Councils of the Republic (170) STEPHEN G ROVER CLEVELAND. 171 awakened a profound interest. As the 4th of March, 1885, approached, eyes were turned toward Washington, and multitudes went up to the Capi- tal as to a Mecca. There was the old sturdy voter who had stood for half a century in his faith, never swerving, never denying his record, never yielding to the seductive persuasions of the opposite side. There was the old wire-puller, the man who makes a business of politics, and who, if he does not ob- tain office, goes right on trying to get it, just the same. There was the tried statesman, the man of afiairs, with brain to grasp the situation, genius to plan, and courage to execute. There was the man who had been hungry for office, and now saw, as he thought, a grand chance to grasp the dear prize. There was the gifted woman, able to grace any drawing-room, any public occasion. All wended their way to the Capital, and their name was legion. From all parts of our vast country they came, and every face wore an expression of satisfaction and beamed with expectation. Washington itself, ac- customed to civic displays, exciting events, and magnificent parades, was more than usually awak- ened, and an interest was exhibited in the inaugu- ration which overshadowed all other concerns. The representatives of the press throughout the country were there in full force, to record the great events, and depict the scene in its imposing aspects. Mr. Cleveland's nomination and election to the first office in the gift of the American people was 172 STEPHEN GROYER CLEVELAND. ji sequence illustrative of the elementary principles of our Republic and a vindication of its durability. The ceremonies incident upon the inauguration presented a pageant exceeding in civic and civil display any such preceding occasion in the history of the government. There were in attendance more than one hundred thousand visitors, and the city in its profuse decorations was a bewildering maze of bright colors. Among the significant alle- gorical designs was a great floral ladder reaching to the roof of a business house on Pennsylvania Avenue, which bore upon its rungs the words, *' Sheriff," "Mayor/' "Governor," "President," thus graphically symbolizing the life-work of the President-elect. The inaugural of President Cleveland is marked by singular dignity and simplicity. Its force and significance lie in the individuality of its author. A conviction is enforced that he is "of the people and for the people," the common good being his paramount inspiration. It was as follows : ''Fellow- Citizens : " In the presence of this vast assemblage of my countrymen I am about to supplement and seal by the oath whicii I shall take the manifestation of tiie will of a great and free people. In the exer- cise of their power and right of self-government they have connnitted to one of their fellow-citizens a supreme and sacred trust, and he here consecrates himself to their service. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 173 " This impressive ceremony adds little to the solemn sense of responsibility with which I con- template the duty I owe to all the people of the land. Nothing can relieve me from anxiety lest by any act of mine their interests may suffer, and nothing is needed to strengthen my resolution to engage every faculty and effort in the promotion of their welfare. "Amid the din of party strife the people's choice was made, but its attendant circumstances have demonstrated anew the strength and* safety of a government by the people. In each succeeding year it more clearly appears that our democratic principle needs no apology, and that in its fearless and faithful application is to be found the surest guaranty of good government. But the best results in the operation of a government, wherein every citizen has a share, largely depend upon a proper limitation of purely partisan zeal and effort and a correct appreciation of the time w^hen the heat of the partisan should be merged in the patriotism of the citizen. "To-day the executive branch of the government is transferred to new keeping. But this is still the government of all the people, and it should be none the less an object of affectionate solicitude. At this hour the animosities of political strife, the bitterness of partisan defeat and the exultation of partisan triumph should be supplanted by an un- grudging acquiescence in the popular will and a sober, conscientious concern for the general weal. Moreover, if from this hour we cheerfully and honestly abandon all sectional prejudice and dis- trust and determine, with manly confidence in one another, to work out harmoniously the achieve- 174 STi.rnKN g rover Cleveland. ments of our nntionnl destiny, W2 shall deserve to realize all the benefits which our happy form of government can bestow. " On this auspicious occasion we may w^ell renew the pledge of our devotion to the Constitution, which, launched by the founders of the Republic and consecrated hy their prayers and patriotic de- votion, has for almost a century borne the hopes and the aspirations of a great people through pros- perity and peace and through the shock of foreign conflicts and the perils of domestic strife and vicis- situdes. By the Father of his Country our Con- stitution was commended for adoption as ' the result of a spirit of amity and mutual concession.' In that same spirit it should be administered, in order to promote the lasting w^elfare of the country and to secure the full measure of its priceless ben- efits to us and to those who will succeed to the blessings of our national life. The large variety of diverse and competing interests subject to Fed- eral control, persistently seeking the recognition of their claims, need give us no fear that ' the greatest good to the greatest number' will fail to be accomplished if, in the halls of national legislation, that spirit of amity and mutual concession shall prevail in which the Constitution had its birth. If this involves the surrender or postponement of private interests and the abandonment of local advantages, compensation will be found in the assurance that thus the common interest is sub- served and the general welfare advanced. " In the discharge of my official duty I shall endeavor to be guided by a just and unstrained construction of tlie Constitution, a careful ob- servance of the distinction between the powers STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 175 granted to the Federal Government and those re- served to the States or to the people, and by a cautious appreciation of those functions which, by the Constitution and hiws, have been especially assigned to the Executive branch of the govern- ment. " But he who takes the oath to-day to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States only assumes the solemn oblisration which every patriotic citizen, on the farm, in the work- shop, in the busy marts of trade and everywhere, should share with him. The Constitution which prescribes his oath, my countrymen, is yours; the government you have chosen him to administer for a time is yours; the suifrage which executes the will of freemen is yours; the laws and the entire scheme of our civil rule, from the town meeting to the State Capitols and the National Capitol, are yours. Your every voter, as surely as your Chief Magistrate, under the same high sanction, though in a different sphere, exercises a public trust. Noi is this all. Everj- citizen owes to the country a vigilant watch and close scrutiny of its public ser- vants and a fair and reasonable estimate of their fidelity and usefulness. Thus is the people's will impressed upon the whole framework of our civil polity — municipal, State and Federal — and this is the price of our liberty and the inspiration of our faith in the Republic. " It is the duty of those serving the people in public place to closely limit public expenditures to the actual needs of the government, economically administered, because this bounds the right of the government to exact tribute from the earnings of labor or the property of the citizen, and because 176 STEPHEN" GROVER CLEVELAND. public extravagance begets extravagance among the people. We should never be ashamed of the simplicity and prudential economies which are best suited to the operation of a republican form of government and most compatible with the mission of the American people. Those who are selected for a limited time to manage public affairs are still of the people, and may do much by their example to encourage, consistently with the dignity of their official functions, that plain way of life which among their fellow-citizens aids integrity and pro- motes thrift and prosperity. " The genius of our institutions, the needs of our people in their home life, and the attention which is demanded for the settlement and development of the resources of our vast territory, dictate the scru- pulous avoidance of any departure from that foreign policy commended by the history, the traditions and the prosperity of our Republic. It is the policy of independence, favored by our position and de- fended by our known love of justice and by our power. It is the polic}^ of peace, suitable to our interests. It is the policy of neutrality, rejecting finy share in foreign broils and ambitions upon other continents, and repelling their intrusion here. It is the policy of Monroe and of Washington and Jefferson : ' Peace, commerce and honest friend- ship with all nations; entangling alliances with none.' "A due regard for the interests and prosperity of all the people demand that our finances shall be established upon sucli a sound and sensible basis as shall secure the safety and confidence of business interests and make the wage of labor sure and steady, and that our system of revenue shall be so STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 177 adjusted as to relieve the people from unnecessary taxation, having a due regard to the interests of capital invested and workingmen employed in American industries, and preventing the accumu- hition of a surplus in the treasury to tempt ex- travagance and waste. Care for the property of the nation and for the needs of future settlers requires that the puhlic domain should be pro- tected from purloining schemes and unlawful occu- pation. '' The conscience of the people demands that the Indians within our boundaries shall be fairly and honestly treated as wards of the government, and their education and civilization promoted, with a view to their ultimate citizenship; and that polygamy in the Territories, destructive of the family relation and offensive to the moral sense of the civilized world, shall be repressed. The laws should be rigidly enforced which prohibit the im- migration of a servile class to compete with Amer- ican labor, with no intention of acquiring citizen- ship, and bringing wdth them and retaining habits and customs repugnant to our civilization. " The people demand reform in the administra- tion of the government and the ^application of business principles to public affairs. As a means to this end civil service reform should be in good faith enforced. Our citizens hav^ the right to pro- tection from the incompetency of public employes who hold their places solely as the reward of par- tisan service, and from the corrupting influence of those who promise and the vicious methods of those who expect such rewards. And those whoAvorthily seek public employment have the right to insist that merit and competency shall be recognized in- 178 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. stead of party subserviency or the surrender of honest political belief. *' In the administration of a government pledged to do equal and exact justice to all men there should be no pretext for anxiety touching the pro- tection of the freedmen in their rio^hts or their security in the enjoyment of their privileges under the Constitution and its amendments. All discus- sion as to their fitness for the place accorded to them as American citizens is idle and unprofitable, except as it suggests the necessity for their im- provement. The fict that they are citizens en- titles them to all the rights due to that relation and charges them with all its duties, obligations and responsibilities. ''These topics and the constant and ever-varying wants of an active and enterprising population may well receive the attention and the patriotic en- deavor of all who make and execute the Federal law. Our duties are practical and call for indus- trious application, an intelligent perception of tlie claims of public office, and, above all, a firm deter- mination, by united action, to secure to all the people of the land the full benefits of the best form of government ever vouchsafed to man. And let us not trust to human efibrt alone, but humbly acknowledging the power and goodness of Almighty God, who presides over the destiny of nations and who has at all times been revealed in our country's history, let us invoke His aid and His blessing upon our labors." THE NEW CABINET. In the selection of his Cabinet President Cleve- land, it is felt, was actuated by just considerations STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 179 of capacity and geographical distribution. The ability and eminent fitness for their positions of several of its members are patent. The Cabinet was composed as follows : Thomas Francis Bayard, of Delaware, Secretary of State ; Daniel Manning, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury; Lucius Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Interior ; Augustus H. Garland, of Arkansas, Attorney-General ; William Crownin- shield Endicott, of Massachusetts, Secretary of War; William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin, Postmaster- General ; William Collins Whitney, of New York, Secretary of the Navy. CHAPTER X. PRESIDENT Cleveland's administration. A Positive Character at the White House— An Eye to THE Public Good — The President's Marriage — Mrs. Cleveland's Popular Qualities — Tariff Question — Last Message — Public Treasury Endangered — What shall be DONE WITH THE SuRPLUS — KeSTORING MoNEY TO THE PEO- PLE — Purchasing Bonds — Private Business and Public Funds— Scheme of Taxation — Bad Tariff Laws— Pre- serving Manufactures — Workingmen and their Inter- ests — Wages and Prices — The Real Issue— The Farmers AND their Farms — Tax on Wool — Vicious Combinations — A Difficult Work— A^ Question above Partisan Feel- ing — How THE Message was received by the Country. Mr. Cleveland entered courageously upon the duties of his office. He showed at once his re- markable power of rising to every occasion, and proved his ability to meet every reasonable ex- pectation. It was soon evident that a man, not a party tool, was installed at the White House. In the difficult undertaking of forming a Cabinet, and appointing the various Government officers, his cool judgment and wise discretion were conspicu- ous. He had no hope of pleasing everybody; his work would have been a failure if he had done it. He meant to serve the interests of his country, and do what was right. (180) STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 181 Up to the second year of his administration President Clevehmd had lived the life of a bach- elor. He had not found the time to marry, even if he had possessed the disposition. His faithful sister, Rose Elizabeth Cleveland, accompanied him to the White House, and presided there with grace- ful dignity. It began to be rumored, however, that the President intended to complete the agencies for a successful administration by taking a wife. The busy bodies had a grand opportunity; they were in great luck. More and more the rumor gained cur- rency, newspaper correspondents nursed it, the country breakfasted on it every morning. Wash- in f^rton society was in a flutter. On the 2d of June, 1886, President Cleveland was married at the White House to Miss Frances Folsom of Buffalo, Rev. Byron Sunderland, D. D., pastor of the First Presbyterian Church of Wash- ington, performing the ceremony. Mrs. Cleveland has filled her high station with marked success, and has endeared herself to all who have had the pleasure of making her ac- quaintance. Although young, she is womanly, and appears to be endowed with a ripeness much beyond her years. It is universally conceded that she possesses every needed qualification for presid- ing over the Executive Mansion. As w^as to be expectedj the tariff question has occupied a large share of the attention of Congress since 1884. While President Cleveland in his 182 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. messages has dealt with a number of important matters, his utterances on the tariff and financial affairs of the country have attracted universal attentio-n. His last message was so bold, clear and vvc'ghty that we present it entire, considering that we cannot render a more signal service to the reader. MESSiGE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE FIFTIETH CONGRESS, DI'XEMBER, 1887. "To tlu Congress of the United States: " Yovi are confronted at the threshold of your legislative duties with a condition of the national finances which imperatively demands immediate and careful consideration. " The amount of money annually exacted, through the operation of present laws, from the industries and necessities of the people, largely exceeds the sum necessary to meet the expenses of the Government. "When we consider that the theorv of our insti- tutions guarantees to every citizen the full enjoy- ment of all the fruits of his industry and enter- prise, with only such deduction as may be his share towards the careful and economical main- tenance of the Government which protects him, it is plain that the exaction of more than this is indefensible extortion, and a culpable betrayal of American fairness and justice. This wrong inllicted upon those who bear tlie burden of national taxa- tion, like other wrongs, multiplies a brood of evil consequences. The public treasury, which should only exist as a conduit conveying the people's trib- STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 183 ute to its legitimate objects of expenditure, becomes a hoarding-place for mone^/- needlessly withdrawn from trade and the people's use, thus crippling our national energies, suspending our country's develop- ment, preventing investment in productive enter- prise, threatening financial disturbance, and invit- ing schemes of public plunder. DANGERS THREATENING THE PUBLIC TREASURY. " This condition of our treasury is not altogether new ; and it has more than once of late been sub- mitted to the people's representatives in the Con- gress, who alone can apply a remedy. And yet the situation still continues, with ajjirravated inci- dents, more than ever presaging financial convul- sion and wide-spread disaster. ^' It will not do to neglect this situation because its dangers are not now palpably imminent and apparent. They exist none the less certainly, and await the unforeseen and unexpected occasion when suddenly they will be precipitated upon us. "On the 30th day of June, 1885, the excess of revenues over public expenditures, after complying with the annual requirement of the sinking-fund act, was $17,859,735.84; during the year ended June 30, 1886, such excess amounted to $49,40''),- 545.20 ; and during the year ended June 30, 1887, it reached the sum of $55,567,849.54. "The annual contributions to the sinking-fund during the three years above specified, amounting in the aggregate to $138,058,320.94, and deducted from the surplus as stated, were made by calling in for that purpose outstanding three per cent, bonds of the Government. During the six months prior to June 30, 1887, the surplus revenue had 184 STEPIlEx\ GPvOVER CLEVELAND. grown so large by repeated accumulations, and it was feared the withdrawal of this great sum of money needed by the people would so nffect the busineGs of the country, that the sum of $79,864,- 100 of such surplus was applied to the payment of the principal and interest of the three per cent, bonds still outstanding, and which were then pay- able at the option of the Government. The pre- carious condition of financial affairs among the people still needing relief, immediately after the 30th day of June, 1887, the remainder of the three per cent, bonds then outstanding, amounting witli principal and interest to the sum of $18,877,- 600, were called in and applied to the sinking-i'und contribution for the current fiscal 3'ear. Notwith- standing these operations of the Treasury Depart- ment representations of distress in business circles not only continued, but increased, and absolute peril seemed at hand. In these circumstances the contribution to the sinkinir-fund for the current fiscal year was at once completed by the expendi- ture of $27,084,283.55 in the purchase of Govern- ment bonds not yet due bearing four and four and a half per cent, interest, the premium paid thereon averaging about twenty-four per cent, for the for- mer and eight per cent, for the latter. In addition to this the interest accruing during the current year upon the outstanding bonded indebtedness of the Government was to some extent anticipated, and banks selected as depositories of public money were permitted to somewhat increase their deposits. SURPLUS REVENUE. "While the expedients thus employed, to reiease to the people the money lying idle in the treasury, STEPHEN GKOVEK CLEVELAND. 185 served to avert immediate danger, our surplus revenues have continued to accumulate, the excess for the present year amounting on tlie 1st day of December to $55,258,701.19, and estimated to reach the sum of $113,000,000 on the 30th of June next, at which date it is expected that this sum, added to prior accumulations, will swell the surplus in the treasury to $140,000,000. " There seems to be no assurance that, with such a withdrawal from use of the people's circulating medium, our business community may not in the near future be subjected to the same distress which was quite lately produced from the same cause. And while the functions of our National Treasury should be few and simple, and while its best con- dition would be reached, I believe, by its entire disconnection with private business interests, yet when, by a perversion of its purposes, it idly holds money uselessly subtracted from the channels of trade, there seems to be reason for the claim that some legitimate means should be devised by the Government to restore in an emergency, without waste or extravagance, suclw money to its place among the people. " If such an emergency arises there now exists no clear and undoubted executive power of relief Heretofore the redemption of three per cent, bonds, which were payable at the option of the Govern- ment, has afforded a means for the disbursement of the excess of our revenues ; but these bonds have all been retired, and there are no bonds out- standing the payment of which we have the right to insist upon. The contribution to the sinking- fund which furnishes the occasion for expenditure in the purchase of bonds has been already made 186 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. for the current year, so that there is no outlet in that direction. HOW THE SURPLUS IS TO BE RESTORED TO THE PEOPLE. " In the present state of legislation the only pretence of any existing executive power to re- store, at this time, any part of our surplus revenues to the people by its expenditure, con- sists in the supposition that the Secretary of the Treasury may enter the market and purchase the bonds of the Government not yet due, at a rate of premium to be agreed upon. The only provision of law from which such a power could be derived is found in an appropriation bill passed a number of years ago; and it is subject to the suspicion that it was intended as temporary and limited in its application, instead of conferring a continuing discretion and authority. No condition ought to exist which would justify the grant of power to a single official, upon his judgment of its necessity, to withhold from or release to the business of the people, in an unusual manner, money held in the treasury, and thus affect, at his will, the financial situation of the country; and if it is deemed wise to lodge in the Secretary of the Treasury the authority in the present juncture to purchase bonds, it should be plainly vested, and provided as far as possible, with such checks and limitations as will define this official's right and discretion, and at the same time relieve him from undue responsi- bility. " In considering the question of purchasing bonds as a means of restoring to circulation the surplus money accumulating in the treasury, it STEPHEN GROA^ER CLEVELAND. 187 should be borne in mind that premiums must of course be paid upon such purchase, that there may be a large part of these bonds held as investments which cannot be purchased at any price, and that combinations among holders who are willing to sell may unreasonably enhance the cost of such bonds to the Government. " It has been suggested that the present bonded debt might be refunded at a less rate of interest, and the difference between the old and new security paid in cash, thus finding use for the surplus in the Treasury. The success of this plan, it is apparent, must depend upon the volition of the holders of the present bonds; and it is not entirely certain that the inducement which must be offered them would result in more financial benefit to the Gov- ernment than the purchase of bonds, while the latter proposition would reduce the principal of the debt by actual payment, instead of extend- ing it. OBJECTIONABLE PROPOSITION. " The proposition to deposit the money held by the Government in banks throughout the country, for use by the people, is, it seems to me, exceed- ingly objectionable in principle, as establishing too close a relationship between the operations of the Government Treasury and the business of the country, and too extensive a commingling of their money, thus fostering an unnatural reliance in private business upon public funds. If this scheme should be adopted it should only be done as a tem- porar}^ expedient to meet an urgent necessity. Legislative and executive effort should generally be in the opposite direction and should have a 188 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. tendency to divorce, as much and as fast as can safely be done, the. Treasury Department from pri- vate enterprise. "Of course it is not expected that unnecessary and extravagant appropriations will be made for the purpose of avoiding the accumulation of an excess of revenue. Such expenditure, beside the demoralization of all just conceptions of public duty which it entails, stimulates a habit of reck- less improvidence not in the least consistent with the mission of our people or the high and beneficent purposes of our Government. '' I have deemed it my duty to thus bring to the knowledge of my countrymen, as w^ell as to the attention of their representatives charged with the responsibility of legislative relief, the gravity, of our financial situation. The failure of the Con- gress heretofore to provide against the dangers which it w^as quite evident the very nature of the difficulty must necessarily produce, caused a con- dition of financial distress and apprehension since your last adjournment, which taxed to the utmost all the autliority and expedients within executive control; and these appear now to be exhausted. If disaster results from the continued inaction of Congress, the responsibility must rest where it beloncrs. o SCHEME OF TAXATION. "Though the situation thus far considered is frauiiht with dan2:er which should be fullv realized, and though it presents features of wrong to the people as well as peril to the country, it is but a result growing out of a perfectly palpable and ap- parent cause, constantly reproducing the same STEPHEN G ROVER CLEVELAND. 189 alarmins: circumstances — a coiisrcsted national treasury and a depleted monetary condition in the business of the country. It need bardlv be stated that while tlie present situation demands a remedj^, we can only be saved from a like predicament in- the future by the removal of its cause. " Our scheme of taxation, by means of which this needless surplus is taken from the people and put into the public treasury, consists of a tariff or duty levied upon importations from abroad, and internal revenue taxes levied upon the consum.p- tion of tobacco and spirituous and malt liquors. It must be conceded that none of the things sub- jected to internal revenue taxation are, strictly speaking, necessaries; there appears to be no just complaint of this taxation by the consumers of these articles, and there seems to be nothing so well able to bear the burden without hardship to any portion of the people. VICIOUS TARIFF LAWS. " But our present tariff laws, the vicious, in- equitable, and illogical source of unnecessary taxa- tion, oug^ht to be at once revised and amended. These laws, as their primary and plain effect, raise the price to consumers of all articles imported and subject to duty, by precisely the sum paid for such duties. Thus the amount of the duty measures the tax paid by those who purchase for use these imported articles. Many of these things, however, are raised or manufactured in our own country, and the duties now levied upon foreign goods and products are called protection to these home man- ufactures, because they render it possible for those of our people who aremanufacturers to make these 190 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELANa taxed articles and sell them for a price equal to that demanded for the imported goods that have paid customs duty. So it happens that while com- paratively a few use the imported articles, millions of our people, who never use and never saw any of the foreign products, purchase and use things of the same kind made in this countr}', and pay therefor nearly or quite the same enhanced price which the duty adds to the imported articles. Those who buy imports pay the duty charged thereon into the public treasury, but the great majority of our citizens, who buy domestic articles of the same class, pay a sum at least approximately equal to this duty to the home manufiicturer. This reference to the operation of our tariff laws is not made by way of instruction, but in order that we may be constantly reminded of the manner in which they impose a burden upon those who consume domestic products as well as those who consume imported articles, and thus create a tax upon all our people. OUR MANUFACTURING INTERESTS iMUST BE PRESERVED. '"' It is not proposed to entirely relieve the country of this taxation. It must be extensively continued as the source of the Government's income ; and in a readjustment of our tariff the interests of Amer- ican labor engaged in manufacture should be care- fully considered, as well as the preservation of our manuf^icturers. It may be called protection, or by any other name, but relief from the hardships and dangers of our present tariff laws, should be de- vised with especial precaution against imperiling the existence of our manufacturing interests. But this existence should not mean a condition which, STEPHEN GKOVER CLEVELAND. 191 without regard to the public welfare or a national exigency, must always insure the realization of immense profits instead of moderately profitable returns. As the volume and diversity of our na- tional activities increase, new recruits are added to those who desire a continuation of the advantages which they conceive the present system of tariff taxation directly affords them. So stubbornly have all efforts to reform the present condition been re- sisted by those of our fellow-citizens thus engaged, that they can hardly complain of the suspicion, entertained to a certain extent, that there exists an organized combination all along the line to maintain their advantage. •* We are in the midst of centennial celebrations, and with becoming pride we rejoice in American skill and ingenuity, in American energy and enter- prise, and in the wonderful natural advantages and resources developed by a century's national growth. Yet when an attempt is made to justify a scheme vvhich permits a tax to be laid upon every consumer in the land for the benefit of our manufacturers, quite beyond a reasonable demand for governmental regard, it suits the purposes of advocacy to call our manufactures infant industries, still needing the highest and greatest degree of favor and fostering care that can be wrung from Federal legislation. WELFARE OF OUR WORKINGMEN. "It is also said that the increase in the price of domestic manufactures resulting from the present tariff is necessary in order that higher wages may be paid to our workingmen employed in manufac- tories, than are paid for what is called the pauper labor of Europe. All will acknowledge the force 192 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. of an argument which involves the welfare and liberal compensation of our lal)oring people. Our labor is honorable in the eyes of every American citizen ; and as it lies at the foundation of our de- velopment and progress, it is entitled, without affectjition or hypocrisy, to the utmost regard. The standard of our laborers' life should not be meas- ured by that of any other country less favored, and they are entitled to their full share of all our advantages. " By the last census it is made to appear that of the 17,392,099 of our popuhition engaged in all kinds of industries 7,670,493 are employed in aiiri culture, 4,074,238 in professional and personal service (2,934,876 of whom are domestic servants and laborers,) while 1,810,256 are employed in trade and transportation, and 3,837,112 are classed as employed in manufacturing and mining. " For present purposes, however, the hist number given should be considerably reduced. Without attempting to enumerate ail, it will be conceded that there should be deducted from those which it includes 375,143 carpenters and joiners, 285,401 milliners, dressmakers and seamstresses, J72,726 blacksmiths, 133,756 tailors and tailoresses, 102,- 473 masons, 76,241 butchers, 41,309 bakers, 22,- 083 plasterers, and 4,891 engaged in manufactur- ing agricultural implements, amounting in the ag- gregate to 1,214,023, leaving 2^623,089 persons employed in such manufacturing industries as are claimed to be benefited by a high tariff. THE REAL ISSUE SHOULD NOT BE BEFOGGED. " To these the appeal is made to save their em- ployment and maintain their wages by resisting ALLEN G. THURMAN! i J^'^^'-r'::^. L. Q. C. LAMAR. ItiOMAS V. BAYARD. WILLIAM F. VILAS. DANIEL VV. VOORHEES. ISAAC P. GRAY. ,.,,. ..•-.•...<-,.•. ■• v--::--^r-v---v-^- •■•^;.v^^ DAVID B. HILL. WILLIAM L. SCOTT. -< o . . > -J "^ ? c 2 ® C K A CALM POLITICAI DISCUSSION. CROWDED HOTELS. t^i. ■<^^ \!a^. K\ '/ THE OLD STATE HOUSE— WHERE INDEPENDENCE WAS DECLARED. CARPENTES'S HALL— WHERE THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS MET. TUK NATIONAI- MlM.LiM-lN I NDEPliJSDENUK UALU (139) STEPHEN- GTiOVKR CLEVELAND. 193 a change. There should be no disposition to tinswer such suggestions by the allegation that they are in a minority among those who labor, and therefore should forego an advantage, in the in- terest of low prices for the majority ; their com- pensation, as it may be affected by the operation of tariff laws, should at all times be scrupulously kept in view; and yet with slight reflection they will not overlook the fact that they are consumers with the rest; that they, too, have their own wants and those of their families to supply from their earnings, and that the price of the neces- saries of life, as well as the amount of their wages, will reiruhite the measure of their welfare and comfort. " But the reduction of taxation demanded should be so measured as not to necessitate or justify either the loss of employment by the workingman nor the lessening of his wages; and the profits still remaining to the manufacturer, after a necessary readjustment, should furnish no excuse for the sacrifice of the interests of his employes either in their opportunity to work or in the diminution of their compensation. Nor can the worker in manu- factures fail to understand that while a high tariff is claimed to be necessary to allow the payment of remunerative v/ages, it certainly results in a very large increase in the price of nearly all sorts uf manufactures, which, in almost countless forms, lie needs for the use of himself and his family. He receives at the desk of his employer his wages, and perhaps before he reaches his home is obliged in a purchase for family use of an article which embraces his own labor, to return in the payment of the increase in price which the tariff permits, N 194 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. the hard-earned compensation of many days of toil. HOW AGRICULTURE IS AFFECTED. " Tlie farmer and the agriculturist who manu- facture nothing, but who pay the increased price which the tariff imposes, upon every agricultural implement, upon all he wears and upon all he uses and owns, except the increase of his flocks and herds and such things as his husbandry produces from the soil, is invited to aid in maintaining the present situation ; and he is told that a high duty on imported wool is necessary for the benefit of those who have sheep to shear, in order that the price of their wool may be increased. They, of course, are not reminded that the farmer who has no sheep is by this scheme obliged, in his pur- chases of clothing and woolen goods, to pay a tribute to his fellow farmer as well as to the manufacturer and merchant; nor is any mention made of the fact that the sheep-owners themselves and their households must wear clothing and use other articles manufactured from the wool they sell at tariff prices, and thus as consumers must return their share of this increased price to the tradesman. " I tliink it may be fairly assumed that a large proportion of the sheep cwned by the farmers throughout the country are found in small flocks numbering from twenty-five to fifty. The duty on the grade of imported wool which these sheep yield, is ten cents each pound if of the value of thirty cents or less, and twelve cents if of the value of more than thirty cents. If the liberal estimate of six pounds be allowed for each fleece, STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 195 the duty thereon would be sixty or seventy-two cents, and this may be taken as the utmost en- hancement of its price to the farmer by reason of this duty. Eighteen dollars would thus represent the increased price of the wool from twenty-five sheep, and thirty-six dollars that from the wool of fifty sheep; and at present values this addition would amount to about one-third of its price. If upon its sale the farmer receives this or a less tariff" profit, the wool leaves his hands charged with precisely that sum, which in all its changes will ad- here to it, until it reaches the consumer. When manufactured into cloth and other goods and ma- terial for use, its cost is not only increased to the extent of the farmer's tariff profit, but a further sum has been added for the benefit of the manu- facturer under the operation of other tarifi* laws. In the meantime the day arrives when the farmer finds it necessary to purchase woclen goods and material to clothe himself and family for the win- ter. When he faces the tradesman for that pur- pose he discovers that he is obliged not only to return in the way of increased prices, his tariff* profit on the wool he sold, and which then perhaps lies before him in manufactured form, but that he must add a considerable sum thereto to meet a further increase in cost caused by a tariff" duty on the manufacture. Thus in the end he is aroused to the fact that he has paid upon a moderate pur- chase, as a result of the tariff" scheme, which, when he sold his wool, seemed so profitable, an increase in price more than sufficient to sweep away all the tariff" profit he received upon the wool he produced and sold. 196 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. EVERY man's clothing NOW TAXED. " When the number of farmers engaged in wool- raising is compared with all the farmers in the country, and the small proportion they bear to our population is considered ; when it is made apparent that, in the case of a large part of those who own sheep, the benefit of the present tariff on wool is illusory ; and, above all, when it must be conceded that the increase of the cost of living caused by such tariff, becomes a burden upon those with moderate means and the poor, the employed and unemployed, the sick and well, and the young and old, and that it constitutes a tax which, with re- lentless grasp, is fastened upon the clothing of every man, woman, and child in the land, reasons are suggested why the removal or reduction of this duty should be included in a revision of our tariff laws. " In speaking of the increased cost to the con- sumer of our home manufactures, resulting from a duty laid upon imported articles of the same de- scription, the fact is not overlooked that competition among our domestic producers sometimes has the effect of keeping the price of their products below the highest limit allowed by such duty. But it is notorious that this competition is too often stran- gled by combinations quite prevalent at this time, and frequently called trusts, which have for their object the regulation of the supply and price of commodities made and sold by members of the combination. The people can hardly hope for any consideration in the operation of these selfish schemes. ** If, however, in the absence of such combina- tion, a healthy and free competition reduces the STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND 197 price of any particular dutiable article of home production, below the limit which it might other- wise reach under our tariff laws, and if, with such reduced price, its manufacture continues to thrive, it is entirely evident that one thing has been dis- covered which should be carefully scrutinized in an effort to reduce taxation. ABOMINABLE COMBINATIONS. *'The necessity of combination to maintain the price of any commodity to the tariff point, fur- nishes proof that some one is willing to accept lower prices for such commodity, and that such prices are remunerative ; and lower prices produced by competition prove the same thing. Thus, where either of these conditions exist, a* case would seem to be presented for an easy reduction of taxation. " The considerations which have been presented touching]: our tariff laws are intended only to en- force an earnest recommendation that the surplus revenues of the Government be prevented by the reduction of our customs duties, and, at the same time, to emphasize a suggestion that in accomplish- ing this purpose, we may discharge a double duty to our people by granting to tliem a measure of re- lief from tariff taxation in quarters where it is most needed and from sources where it can be most fairly and justly accorded. ''Nor can the presentation made of such consid- erations be, with any degree of fairness, regarded as evidence of unfriendliness toward our manufac- turing interests, or of any lack of appreciation of their value and importance. '' These interests constitute a leading and most 198 STEPnEN G HOVER CLEVELAND. substanti.al element of our national greatness and furnish the proud proof of our country's progress. But if in the emergency that presses upon us our manufacturers are asked to surrender something for the public good and to avert disaster, their pa- triotism, as well as a grateful recognition of advan- tages already afforded, should lead them to willing co-operation. No demand is made that tliey shall forego all the benefits of governmental regard ; but they cannot fail to be admonished of their duty, as well as their enlightened self interest and safety, when they are reminded of the fact that financial panic and collapse, toWhich the present condition tends, afford no greater shelter or protection to our manufactures than to our other important enter- prises. Opportunity for safe, careful, and deliberate reform is now offered ; and none of us should be unmindful of a time when an abused and irritated people, heedless of those who have lesisted timely and reasonable relief, may insist upon a radical and sweeping rectification of their wrongs. A WORK FRAUGHT WITH DIFFICULTY. " The difficulty attending a wise and fair revision of our tariff laws is not underestimated. It will require on the part of the Congress great labor and care, and especially a broad and national contem- j)lation of the subject, and a patriotic disregard of such local and selfish claims as are unreasonable and reckless of the welfare of the entire countrv. " Under our present laws more than four thou- sand articles are subject to duty. Many of these do not in any way compete with our owmi manufac- tures, and many are hardly worth attention as sub- jects of revenue. A considerable reduction can be STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 199 made in the aggregate, by adding them to the free list. The taxation of hixuries presents no features of hardship ; but the necessaries of life used and consumed by all the people, the duty upon which adds to the cost of living in every home, should be greatly cheapened. " The radical reduction of the duties imposed upon raw material used in manufactures, or its free importation, is of course an important factor in any effort to reduce the price of these necessaries; it would not only relieve them from the increased cost caused by tlie tariff on such material, but the manufactured product being thus cheapened, that part of the tariff now hiid upon such product, as a compensation to our manufacturers for the present price of raw material, could be accordingly modi- fied. Such reduction, or free importation, would serve beside to largely reduce the revenue. It is not apparent how such a change can have any in- jurious effect upon our manufacturers. On the contrary, it would appear to give them a better chance in foreign markets with the manufacturers of other countries, who cheapen their wares by free material. Thus our people might have the oppor- tunity of extending their sales beyond the limits of home consumption — saving tliem from the de- pression, interruption in business, and loss caused by a glutted domestic market, and affording their employes more certain and steady labor, with its resulting quiet and contentment. APPEAL TO PATRIOTIC DUTY. "The question thus imperatively presented for solution should be approached in a spirit higher than partisanship and considered in the light of 200 STEPUEX GROVEH clkveland. that reirurd for patriotic duty which should char- acterize the action of those intrusted with the weal of a confiding people. But the obligation to de- clared party policy and principle is not wanting to urge prompt and effective action. Both of the great political parties now represented in the Gov- ernment have, by repeated and authoritative de- clarations, condemned the condition of our laws which permit the collection from the people of un- necessary revenue, and have, in the most solenni manner, promised its correction ; and neither as citizens or partisans are our countrymen in a mood to condone the deliberate violation of these pledges. *'Our progress toward a wise conclusion will not be improved by dwelling upon the theories of pro- tection and free trade. This savors too much of bandying epithets. It is a condition which con- fronts us — not a theory. Relief from this condi- tion mav involve a sliorht reduction of the ad van- tages which we award our home productions, but the entire withdrawal of such advantages should not be contemplated. The question of free trade is absolutely irrelevant; and the persistent claim made in certain quarters, that all efforts to relieve the people from unjust and unnecessary taxation are schemes of so-called free-traders, is mischievous and far removed from any consideration for the public good. REDUCTION OF TAXATION. '' Tlie simple and plain duty which we owe the people is to reduce taxation to the necessary ex- penses of an economical operation of the Govern- ment, and to restore to the business of the country the money which we hold in the Treasury through STEPHEN GKOVEU CLEVELAND. 201 the perversion of governmental powers. These things can and should be done with safety to all our industries, without danger to the opportunity for remunerative labor which our workingmen need, and with benelit to them and all our people, by cheapening their means of subsistence and increas- inir the measure of their comforts. ''The Constitution provides that the President 'shall, from time to time, give to the Congress in- formation of the state of the Union.' It has been the custom of the Executive, in compliance with this provision, to annually exhibit to the Congress, at the opening of its session, the general condition of the country, and to detail, with some particu- larity, the operations of the different Executive Departments. It would be especially agreeable to follow this course at the present time, and to call attention to the valuable accomplishments of these Departments during the last fiscal year. But I am so much impressed with the paramount importance of the subject to which tliis communication has thus far been devoted, that I shall forego the addi- tion of any other topic, and only urge upon your immediate consideration the 'state of the Union' as shown in the present condition of our treasury and our general fiscal situation, upon which every element of our safety and prosperity depends. " The reports of the heads of Departments, which will be submitted, contain full and explicit infor- mation touching the transaction of the business intrusted to them, and such recommendations re- lating to legislation in the public interest as they deem advisable. I ask for these reports and recom- mendations the deliberate examination nnd action of the Leii'islative branch of the Government. 202 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. " There are other subjects not embraced in the departmental reports demanding legislative consid- eration and which I should be glad to submit. Some of them, however, have been earnestly pre- sented in previous messages, and as to them, I beg leave to repeat prior recommendations. " As the law makes no provision for any report from the Dei)artment of State, a brief history of the transactions of that important Department, together with other matters w hich it may hereafter be deemed essential to commend to the attention of the Congress, may furnish the occasion for a future communication. "Grover Cleveland. " Washington, " December 6, 1887." The foregoing message produced a deep impres- sion throughout the country, and at once stimulated public discussion of the tariff question. When the States held their National Conventions the Presi- dent's views were approved or denounced according to the party passing them in review. A wnde diversity of opinion upon the question of taxation has been developed, yet it is believed the sound principles enunciated in President Cleveland's manifesto will commend themselves to many out- side his party, as they are certainly approved by a vast miajority in it. CHAPTER XI. PRESIDENT Cleveland's public addresses. The President not an Inveterate Talker — Art of Putting Things — Hard Sense and no Superfluous Ornajient — Tour Through the West and South — Speech at Mil- waukee — Reception at Madison — Address to a Great Crowd— Speeches at Minneapolis and Atlanta — Attend- ing Presbyterian General Assembly in Philadelphia — Reception at Overbrook — Arrival of Southern Gen- eral Assembly — President Cleveland's Speech. Although President Cleveland has never been much addicted to political speeches, yet on several occasions he has delivered public addresses on a variety of topics. These have uniformly shown good sense, a thorough mastery of the subject, a plain, straightforward style of utterance, and a felicitous way of putting things. Guarded from rash expressions on the one hand, and unmeaning, negative commonplaces on the other, his public addresses reach the average intelligence of the people, clearly state what is intended, and are free from superfluous ornament and pompous grandilo- quence. It will be interesting to our readers to peruse some of these public utterances. Early in October, 1887, President Cleveland, (203) 204 STF-PriEX GHOVER CLEVELAND. having accepted urgent invitations from various municipal bodies to enjoy the hospitality of their respective towns, started on a tour through the West and South. There were cordial greetings and magnificent demonstrations at all the points touched by tlie Presidential train. After a hearty welcome at Chicago, a visit was paid to Milwaukee. Here the party met with another cordial reception. The town was decorated in honor of the distin- guished arrival, and every possible attention was paid to the President and his popular wife. The parade from the depot to the reviewing stand followed the President all over the city and included the poorest and dingiest quarters, where distinguished visitors are not usually taken. The President reviewed at the court house, where the Republican Mayor delivered the brief address of welcome and President Cleveland responded, while a revenue cutter fired the President's salute. Mr. Cleveland spoke as follows : '^I am very glad to have an opportunity, though the time allowed is very brief, to meet the people of Wisconsin's chief city. Since we left home, and in passing through different States on our way, there has been presented to us a variety of physical features characteristic of their diversity in soil and conforn)atioii. But the people we have met at all points have been the same in their energy and activity, in tlieir local pride, and in that peculiar trait of American diameter which produces the belief, firmly adhered to by every individual, that STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 205 liis particular place of residence is the chosen and most favored spot which the world contains. This condition creates an aggregate of sentiment invin- cible in operation, furnishing tlie motive power which has brought about the stupendous growth and development of our country. " But there has been another element of charac- ter displayed among the people everywhere on our travel which has been universal and not disturbed or changed by any difference in place or circum- stance. No State lines have circumscribed, no local pride has diminished, and no business activity has in the least stifled the kindness and cordiality of the people's welcome. There is bitterness enough in the partisan feeling which seems inseparable from our political methods; but the good people of the United States have, I believe, decreed that there are occasions when this shall have no place. This is well manifested to-day in our hearty greet- ing by the people of Wisconsin and this active, stirring city. Municipal enterprise has added much to the natural beauty of your metropolis, as is attested by your pleasant streets and handsome homes with their surroundings. But its great in- crease in population, its manufactures and its trade demonstrates that its citizens have not been con- tent with beauty alone. " I cannot forget my interest in municipal affairs, arising from an active experience at one time in city government; and I find myself very much inclined to scrutinize such statements as fall under my eye demonstrating their financial condition. With all its extensive public improvements, unless I am m.uch at fault, the city of Milwaukee has less of public debt than any city of its population in 206 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. the United States excepting one. In these days, when the temptation to local public extravagance is not often enough understood, you may well be proud of this exhibit, and besides the satisfaction which this financial condition produces, it has a practical side to it. Large enterprises are often much influenced in their location by such con- siderations, and they are apt to be established where the burden of taxation is the least, and where the share of public indebtedness to be borne by them is the smallest." From Milwaukee the President went to Madi- son. All alomr the route the inhabitants turned out to get a glimpse of the nation's Chief Execu- tive and pay him tokens of respect. Madison had decorated its streets very prettily and turned out a large crowd at the station. Ex- cursion parties had come from all the neighboring parts of the State and the town was full of people. The party was escorted to the handsome capitol building and under a patriotic arch on which stood a beautiful Goddess of Liberty. The most pointed decoration seen on the way was that with which Rev. W. A. McAtee, the pastor of the Presbyterian Church, had adorned the parsonage in honor of the man who w\a3 born in a Presbyterian parson- age. In front of the house stands a vigorous young hickory tree. On this was fastened a large shield handsomely bound with red and blue cloth and bearing the inscription : " The kind of timber we have in the White House." On the pillars of STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 207 the porch was fastened another shield bearing the words : " The kind of house it began to grow m." THE president's SPEECH. At the Capitol, where there was a great crowd and a great deal of cheering, as, indeed, there was everywhere, Chief Justice Cole welcomed the Presi- dent to the city in a strictly non-partisan speech, and he responded as follows: ''After a week spent in travel and in visiting the people of the great West, we have come to rest awhile at the capital of Wisconsin, known as the most beautiful in location and scenery of all the cities of this region. We have come to see your lakes and other features of beauty that give you the reputation so well deserved. " You are not to understand that we need or desire rest so much that we do not care to see the good people of Madison, for that would be a mis- take. Though we see them at their home for the first time, they are not unknown to us. We knew you at the seat of the National Government through your fellow-townsman, W'ho has done honor to his home and to his neighbors by a most successful and conscientious performance of im- portant public duty, and who has earned, as he has received, the respect and esteem of every citi- zen who desires the welfare of his country. So our desire to actually see you and to know you better is perfectly natural. It seemed to me when I planned the trip w^hich we have undertaken that Madison would be a proper place at which to make our first stop for rest. I have always observed 208 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. that Avlien a man wants to do something of this kind he can quite readily tind a way to justify it. So when I conceived the idea of staying at Madi- son over Sunday and testing the kindness of her citizens and tlie hospitahty of the Postmaster General, all I had to do was to imagine that we would be very much fatigued when we reached here, and in need of the rest I Avas determined we sliould liave. Thus we are here, and tired enough to justify my plans. '' I am already satisfied that all descriptions of your city with which I have been favored have failed to give me an adequate idea of its beauty, of its broad and pleasant streets, and of its fine public and private buildings. I am already pre- pared to venture the assertion, based u})on very slight observation, that this is the home of kind, hearty and hospitable people. The influence upon a connnunity of such a university as has its seat here, the alma mater of hundreds of educated and useful men scattered throughout our entiie Western country, is greater than is at first glance appre- ciated. It fosters a certain refinement and culti- vation which radiate in all the homes within its sphere, vastly enhancing their value as nurseries of steady and intelligent citizenship. I expect to lieartily enjoy my stay liere, and to always here- after cherish pleasing recollections of your city and its inhabitants." At Minneapolis the popular demonstration was repeated. As the President's train arrived, he and Mrs. Cleveland emerged from the car and were met b}' the outstretched hand of the Mayor. Cor- dial greetings followed, and ex-Congressman Wash- STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 209 burn, Judge Rea, commander-in-chief of the Grand '^ Army of the Republic, and several members of the local reception committee were introduced. The members of the Algonquin Club, 150 strong, then made a pathway through the crowd, and the pro- cessions moved on to the West Hotel through the crowded and decorated streets. It took but a few moments to reach the hotel, and the guests were without further ceremony conducted to the floral bower that had been prepared for their coming. THE SPEECH OF THE DAY. In the afternoon the President and his party were driven about the city, and on returning to the hotel he spoke from the balcony to the crowd as follows : '^Felloio- Citizens : "I have come from the wondrous city of St. Paul to see its twin wonder and the people of Min- neapolis. I have lately seen a little book entitled, * Minneapolis and St. Paul Compared,' which deals demolishing blows to the pretense of the latter- named city, and discredits the idea that it is in any phase or feature the equal of this. I became a little confused by the facts and figures stated, and determined to see both cities, as the best means of settling the question discussed with so much spirit. 1 have arrived at the conclusion now that if these two wondrous cities are not satisfied with their respective conditions of growth and greatness all the rest of their amazed fellow-countrymen are. "While the people of these rival places are 210 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. hoisting figures to determine which is the greater, the rest of us Jire pointing to you both as the best exemplifications of" what American pluck and en- ergy can accomplish. Wlien I see this handsome city, with its splendid residences and immense business blocks, and when it occurs to me that I am at the greatest wheat market in the world ; that the largest flour-mill in existence is h)cated here; that the capacity of all such mills in Min- neapolis exceeds 30,000 barrels of Hour a day ; that these mills are in direct communication with the foreign markets of the world, and that millions of barrels of Hour are annually exported from this city to foreign countries, 1 find myself wondering how much further I would have to go to reach the West, that is, the ' Out West,' which used to be presented to my young imagination by the wagons covered with canvas, filled with men, women, and children, and household utensils. As these estab- lishments dragged slowly through the village, destined* Out West,' it seemed to me that their occupants had forever bid farewell to civilization. This was not very long ago, and perhaps I saw in those wagons some of the pioneers of Minnesota, and perhaps some of the early settlers of Minne- apolis were there. " How absurd it would be if I should meet one of these pioneers here to-day, or his son, and talk to him of a contrast between the refinement, civil- ization, and cultivation of his present home and the one he or his father left in the State of New York. Besides thjs, the fact that many States in the East contributed largely to your early populjjr tion gives us a little better right to be proud of your achievement, and every American citizen STEPHEN GKOVER CLEVELAND. 211 ought to be proud that his country can produce two cities with the wealth and growth and success of Minneapolis and St. Paul." "We next find the President at Atlanta, Georgia, after numerous receptions at prominent points along the route. Here Mr. and Mrs. Clevehand and Postmaster-General Vilas were escorted to the Capitol, where they entered the Governor's room and were received by Governor Gordon. The vis- iting governors, the Supreme Court of the State, the members of the Governor's staff, the United States officials, the municipal authorities, and the members of the Legislature were presented to the city's guests. The party then drove to the Expo- sition grounds at Piedmont Park, where Mr. Henry W. Grady, formally welcomed the Presi- dent in a brief speech. Mr. Cleveland replied : " When in 1845 a convention was held at Mem- phis, in the State of Tennessee, having for its ob- ject the development of the Western and Southern States, one of the most prominent and far-seeing statesmen of the country foretold the future great- ness and importance of a point in DeKalb county, in the State of Georgia, called Atlanta, not far from the village of Decatur. The place was then properly called ^a point,' for Atlanta was then merely a name given to the railroad station here, having no fair pretensions to being either a village or city. It was two years after this that the name was adopted by the people of the little village of Marthasville, when they proudly acquired a city 212 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. charter. Experiencing all the incidents and strug- gles common to municipal growth, it had in 1861 a population of about 13,000. Soon thereafter the thunders of war sounded all about her, and a be- sieged armv occupied her streets and business places. Thus it is that the Atlanta of to-day may well be said to date from 1865. '• I have lately seen evidences of the activity and perseverance of the people of the United States in the creation of prosperous and bustling cities, and in overcoming difficulties that are inseparable from new settlements and the growth of new cities. But it seems to me that an element of heroism is added by a people who view without despair the destruction of all they have wrought — who begin again to build their waste places — and who, in spite of the greatest discouratxements, evince a determination to reach their destiny. In twenty-two years the second Atlanta has been built, incomparably larger, more prosperous and fairer than the destroyed Atlanta. Her people may well be proud of the work of their hands. All their countrymen may congratulate themselves that what has been done is the result of American courage and American enterprise. Surelj' nothing should stand in the way of such congratulation, and the citizen who, seeing these additions to the wealth and progress of the nation, cannot now from his heart proudly say of the people who have restored Atlanta, ' These are my countrymen,' for- gets his fealty to American citizenship." On May 23, 1888, President Cleveland paid a visit to Philadelphia. The Presbyterian General Assemblv of the United States was in session. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 213 This is the Church in which President Clevehind's father was an honored minister, and in which he received his early rehgious teacliing. Tlie gather- ing in Phihidelphia was a notahle one, representa- tives from all parts of the country heing present. Tlie occasion was most interesting, as it was the celebration of a century's activity and growth. A reception was tendered the President by Mr. and Mrs. Wistar Morris at Overbrook, in the suburbs of the ^' Quaker City." The members of the General Assembly were conveyed thither by special train. The occasion was also memorable by reason of the presence of the General Assembly of the Southern Church, wlio were invited o:uests. The sight on reaching the grounds was a very pretty one. The gay beds of colored leaves were inst bviiinninGT to show their rich desij^rns, and here and there were clumps of rhododendrons and other flowering and foliage plants. A large refreshment tent was erected on the lawn to the right of the bouse, and the laAvn immediately in front of the porch w'as laid with boards. The commissioners amused themselves by wandering through the halls and parlors of the mansion, waiting for the arrival of their Southern brethren. Mr. Morris welcomed the members of both assemblies to the hospitality of his home, and hoped that on such an auspicious occasion they would reunite and form one assembly. 214 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. PRESIDENT Cleveland's speech. Mr. Cleveland spoke as follows : "I am much gratified by the opportunity here aflbrded me to meet the representatives of the Presbyterian Church. It will be admitted by all here to be the best denomination. [Laughter and applause.] Surely a man never should lose his interest in the welfare of the Church in which he was reared, and yet I will not find fault with any of you who deem it a sad confession made when I acknowledge that I must recall the days now long past to find my closest relation to the grand and noble denomination which you represent. "I say this because those of us who inherit fealty to our Church as I did begin early to learn those thing's which make us Presbyterians all the djvys of our lives, and thus it is that the rigors of our early teaching, by wdiich we are grounded in our lasting allegiance, are especially vivid and perhaps the best remembered. The attendance upon church service three times each Sinidny and upon Sabbath-school during the noon intermission may be irksome enough to a boy of ten or twelve years of age to be well fixed in his memory, but I have never known a man who reirretted these things in the years of his maturity. [Applause.] "The Shorter Catechism, though thoroughly studied and learned, was not perhaps at the time perfectly understood, and yet in the stern labors and duties of after life those are not apt to be the worst citizens who were early taught what is the chief end of man. [Laughter and continued ap- plause.] Speaking of these things and in the presence of those here assembled the most tender STEPITEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 215 thoughts crowd upon my mind — all connected with Presbyterian ism and its teachings. There are present with nie now memories of a kind and affec- tionate father, consecrated to the cause, and called to his rest and his reward in the midday of his usefulness ; a sacred recollection of the prayers and pious love of a sainted mother, and a family circle hallowed and sanctified by the spirit of Presby- terianism. [Applause.] " I certainly cannot but express the wish and hope that the Presbyterian Church will always be at the front in every movement which promises the temporal as well as the spiritual advancement of mankind. In the turmoil and bustle of every- day Vi^e few are foolish enough to ignore the prac- tical value to our people and our country of the church orfranizations established amons: us and the advantage of Christian example and teaching. [Applause.] '' The field is vast and the work sufficient to engage the efforts of every sect and denomination, but I am inclined to believe that the church which is most tolerant and conservative without loss of spiritual strength will soonest find the way to the hearts and affections of the people. While w^e may be pardoned for insisting that our denomination is the best, we may, I think, safely concede much that is good to all other churches that seek to make men better. [Applause.] " I am here to greet the delegates of two Gen- eral Assemblies of the Presbyterian Church. One is called North and the otlier South. Tlie subject is too deep and intricate for me, but I cannot help wondering why this should be. These words, so far as they denote separation and estrangement, 216 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. should be obsolete. [Continued applause and cries of hear, hear !] In the councils of the nation and in the business of the country they no longer mean reproach and antagonism. Even the soldiers who fought for the North and for the South are restored to fraternity and unity. This fraternity and unity is taught and enjoined by our Church. Wlien shall she herself be united with all the added strength and usefulness that harmony and union ensure ? " [Applause and cheers.] These addresses present President Cleveland as one who has a happy f\iculty of adapting himself to the occasion. His heart is open and his hand is ready. His tongue gives utterance to his thought, and it is impossible to mistake his meaning. He is singularly free from all " spread-eagleism." The sober, practical, every-day qualities that fit one for the labors, perplexities, and duties of ordinary life belong to him, in addition to his statesman-like characteristics. CHAPTER XII. THE FIRST LADY OF THE LAND. A Responsible Position — Good Sense and Tact Required — Mrs. Cleveland's Birth and Early Life— At School in Buffalo — Severe Family Affliction — Life at Wells Col- lege — Whispers Concerning Aitentions from the Gov- ernor at Albany — Day of Gradi'ation — Flowers from the Conservatory of the White House — Trip to Eltiope — Wedding at Washington — The Scene Described — Honeymoon at Deer Park — Estimate of Mrs. Cleve- land's Character. Mrs. Grover Cleveland occupies the highest position of «iiiy lady in the hind. It has fallen to her lot to preside over the Executive Mansion, to appear at public receptions and on State occasions, and tender the hospitalities of the White House to its numerous visitors. That she is regarded by the people at large with something more than ordinary interest is due not only to her exalted position, but to those traits of character which secure for their possessor the warmest affection. Beloved by all who have personally known her, called in her very youth to a place of such respon- sibility, and one requiring good sense, delicate tact, and unw^earied patience to fill it, she has proved her eminent fitness to be the wife of the President, and has graced the station she occupies. (217) 218 THE FIKST LADY OF THE LAND. It will be interesting to our readers to have some account of Mrs. Cleveland's early life and marriage. The city of Buffalo, N. Y., was her birthplace. Here she was born on the 21st of July, 1864. Frank Folsoin, as she was called in childhood, gave promise of growing to fine proportions, both physically and mentally. Her father was a whole- souled, genial man, possessed of a singular power to attract others, and was surrounded by many warm friends. He was a popular man with the business community, and greatly beloved in his own household. The family continued to reside in Buffalo until Mr. Folsom's death in 1875, and then, under the shadow of their great bereavement, Mrs. Folsom and daughter went to the country town of Medina to reside with Mrs. Folsom's mother. The chief concern at this time was the education of Miss Frances. She had attended Mme. Breck- er's French Kindergarten, and on the return of the family to Buflalo, she entered the Central School, where she had the reputation of being a good scholar, studious, capable of close application, and enthusiastic in whatever she undertook. Receiving a certificate from the Central School, she was able, without examination, to enter the Sophomore class at Wells College. Her personal popularity was soon evident. Both teachers and pupils felt the charm of her wn)manly heart and THE FIRST LADY OF THE LAND. 219 cultured manner. If at that time it had been foretold that a young lady in the institution was to be elevated to tlie position of mistress of the White House, there would have been no difficulty in guessing who was the one pre-eminently fitted for the high station. While at Wells College, it became known that Miss Folsom was the favored recipient of atten- tions from the Governor of the State. Mr. Cleve- land was then at Albany, busily occupied with his gubernatorial duties. Time passed ; the occupant of the Governor's chair was transferred to a wider sphere of political powder and influence at Wash- ington, and when Miss Frances graduated, flow^ers from the White House conservatories lent beaut v to the occasion. This w^as enough ; it was openly whispered that President Cleveland w^ould not remain a bachelor forever. After her graduation Miss Folsom w^ent to spend a part of the summer wnth her grandfather, the late Colonel John B. Folsom, of Folsomdale, Wy- oming county, N. Y. By his death the grand- daughter, of whom he appears to have been very fond, came into possession of a handsome property, in addition to a competency possessed before. In company with her mother and uncle, Mr. Benjamin Folsom, she spent the following winter in Europe. If there w^as any definite understand- ino; or eniraGrement between her and President Cleveland before or during her absence, the matter 220 THE FIRST LADY OF THE LAND. was in good hands. Discretion did not once un- seal its lips, and the public, ever as ready for rumor and gossip as a vacuum is for air, was left to its own surmises and guesses. Before her re- turn, however, it was openly asserted by persons who have a wonderful way of announcing things beforehand, and wlio sometimes blunder into a correct statement, that the fiir young lady in Europe was to return and unpack her trunks at the White House. It was true, and at length there was no concealment of the fact. Little was heard from Miss Folsom until the Red Star steamer Noordland, from Antwerp, sailed into the port of New York, having just trans- ferred to a United States revenue cutter Miss Fol- som, her mother, and her uncle, Mr. Benjamin Folsom. The cutter ran up the bay with an oc- casional salute of steam-whistles, but the party came comparatively unannounced. Colonel La- inont w^as present as the President's representative. At the pier the bride-elect was welcomed by Miss Cleveland, and the party was speedily installed at the Gilsey House. Mrs. Laniont, Mrs. Whitney, and Mrs. Eiidicott paid their respects early the following day, and on Sunday, the 30th, the President arrived in New York, and immediately repaired to the liotel to greet his future wife. He \vas accompanied by Secretaries Whitney and Lamar, but these gentlemen left him at the ferry, and he met Mrs. and Miss Folsom alone in their private parlors. THE FIRST LADY OF TPIE LAND. 221 The hurried manner in which an American President is obliged to attend to personal matters, even of the first magnitude, is well exemplified in Mr. Cleveland's trip from Washington to New York to greet his bride-elect. A correspondent gives the following graphic description : *^ President Cleveland's last Sunday in bachelor- hood was one of quiet but busy preparation for his journey to New York, and the other and most interesting event of the coming week. He at- tended church to-day (May 30) with Miss Cleve- \i\nd and Miss Nelson, but the good and oratorical Dr. Sunderhind, the President's pastor, who is very proud of the part he has to perform on Wed- nesday, did not refer to the blissful event in prayer or sermon. After the service they drove to Sec- retary Manning's. They found Mr. Manning bright and cheerful, and he declared his purpose to attend the wedding. "The President left the White House at a little before four P. M. for the Baltimore and Potomac station. He drove around the back way, to and across the government reservation south of Penn- sylvania avenue, so that the loungers on that popular thoroughfare did not get a chance to give him a parting glance and God-speed. He was at the back door of the station before anybody knew it. " The fact that the President was to leave WashiuGfton for New York on the recrular Conirres- sional express had been announced for some days in the daily press, and the announcement was of- ficially confirmed at the White House. It was 222 TUE FIRST LADY OF THE LAND. stated also that there was to be no special train. Theotficial utterances of the White House, how- ever, are not implicitly relied upon in the da^s of a honey-moon, and the fact was not considered as well established until it was confirmed by the railroad officials. The Cabinet members of the President's party evidently understood that the train was to leave as on other days and came to the station early. " Some time before the Presidential party came, two mysterious-looking men, who kept their own counsel and whom no one knew, arrived, took up their position near the entrance to the private car, and seemed to make it their business to know who was present. There was a business headquarters look about them which reminded the lookers-on of similar strangers who were in attendance upon tiie President at the time of the inauguration, and who, it was afterwards discovered, were New York detectives, iuinished by the President's ex- cessively prudent friends as a body-guard. "One of these ever-present, ever-watchful strangers, save for his face which had a much hap- pier look, might have been taken for the President himself " The Cabinet party began to arrive, and the strangers moved from the gate a little to keep a close watch upon the car. If it was their puipose to keep the reporters away from the President they were unsuccessful, for the reporters were there in force. If they came to keep any one else away they were in like manner unsuccessful, for no one else had curiosity enough to come to the station in the hot sun. " Postmaster-General and Mrs. Vilas were the THE FIRST LADY OF THE LAND. ' 223 first of the Presidential party to arrive, accom- panied by Assistant Postmaster-General Knott, of Maryland. Tlie latter, ivnown by virtue of his position to most railroad officials, had the side gate at once opened, and the Postmaster-General, Mrs. Vilas, Mrs. Lamont (who went as a guest of the party), Mr. and Mrs. Endicott, and Secretary Lamar at once walked down the long platform. They were the only members of the company, except the President himself and his valet, Henry, for wliom there was a long wait. The ladies at once entered the saloon parlor, at the rear of Vice-President Thomson's car. The drawing room in the front part of the car was reserved for Presi- dent Cleveland, and every blind and curtain in it was closely drawn. " The long wait that followed created uneasiness. The train was held three or four mimites. The President had not come. Then there was a movement and the word was passed along the scattered line : ' There he comes. He is coming the back way !' " Mr. Cleveland came in sight on the long plat- form from the Soutli End about live minutes after the time for the regular leaving of the train. He was accompanied by an assistant station-agent, who, in case of an accident, had apparently been stationed as a picket in the outfield. He had hardly put foot upon the platform when the be- lated train rapidly pulled out of the station." The date for the w^edding was fixed for June 2d, 1886. The ceremony took place at the Exec- utive Mansion. 224 THE FIRST LADY OF THE LAND. It was nearly seven o'clock in the evening when the wedding guests assembled in the Blue Room. Owing to the President's desire that the affair sliould be as private as possible, the Diplomatic Corps had not been invited, and the following guests were the only persons present : Mrs. Folsom, the mother of the bride ; Rev. W. N. Cleveland, the President's brother; Mrs. Hoyt ar.d Miss Cleveland, the President's sisters ; Mr. Bayard, Secretary of State ; Mr. Manning, Secre- tary of the Treasury, with Mrs. Manning; Mr. Endicott, Secretary of War, with Mrs. Endicott; Mr. Whitney, Secretary of the Navy, with Mrs. Whitney; Mr. Vilas, Postmaster-General, with Mrs. Vilas; Mr. Lamar, Secretary of the Interior; Colonel Lamont, Private Secretary, with Mrs. Lamont; Benjamin Folsom, Esq.; Mr. and Mrs. Rogers, of Seneca Falls, N. Y. ; Mrs. Cadman and Miss Huddleston, of Detroit; Mr. and Mrs. Har- mon, of Boston; Miss Nelson, of New York; W. S. Bissell, Esq., of Buffalo, and Dr. and Mrs. Byron Sunderland. The Attorney-General, though in- vited, was not present. The guests placed themselves in the form of a semicircle, Mr. Bayard being at the extreme left and Rev. Mr. Cleveland at the extreme right. The Marine Band, which was stationed in the ante-room, gave forth the dulcet strains of the perennial wedding-march of Mendelssohn as the Rev. Dr. Sunderland took his position at the south THE FIRST LADY OF THE LAND. 225 end of the room, and immediately after the bridal party entered. Miss Folsom leaned upon the President's arm, looking exceedingly pretty in her wedding-dress of cream-white satin. One skilled in the phraseology of the modiste has described this costume as follows: The dross was of thick ivory satin, with high, plain corsage, elbow sleeves, and very long train. The front breadth just below the waist was draped from fcide to side with soft silk India muslin, attached on the left side, and nearly joining the court train. The muslin was bordered with a nar- row band of orange flowers and leaves that out- lined the draping. The train, which was attached to the plain bodice just below the waist, measured over four j-ards in length, was slightly rounded and fell in full plaits on the floor, with no trimming but its own richness. Two scarfs of the muslin, starting from the shoulder seams, crossed the bosom in Grecian folds and were bordered Vv^ith a narrow band of orange flowers to correspond with the skirt. The scarfs disappeared under a girdle of satin, crossing the bodice from left to right. The sleeves were trimmed with folds of the mull and two or three orange buds and blossoms. The tulle veil, six yards in length, was fastened with a coronet of myrtle and orange blossoms above the high coifl'ure, its folds lightly covering the entire train. The general effect was that of exquisite simplicity, suited to the beauty of the bride. She 226 THE FIRST LADY OF THE LAND. wore no jewelry and carried no hand-bouquet, but lightly held a superb white fan. The President wore the canonical evening suit of black. The bearing of the couple was dignified and impressive. They were followed by the few guests who were closely related to the contracting parties, and as soon as the usual hush of such occasions had fallen upon the assemblage Dr. Sun- derland offered up the following prayer : Almighty and Everlasting God, the Father of our spirits, the Framer of our bodies, the Giver of every good and perfect gift — Thou who canst see the end from the beginning, who knowest what is best for us Thy children, and hast appointed the holy rite of marriage to be sacredly observed throughout all generations — regard now, we be- seech Thee, Thy servant, our Chief Magistrate; endow him plenteously with Thy grace, and fill him with wisdom to walk in Thy ordinances. Be very nigh to him in the midst of many cares and grave responsibilities; day by day may thy law direct him and Thy strength uphold him, and be Thou forever his Sun and Shield. And be {gra- ciously pleased to look down upon this Thy daughter, even as Thou didst favor the chosen Rebecca and many noble women thjit have adorned the world. May she indeed be a precious boon of God to her husband, to cheer and help him continually — a woman gifted with the beauty of the Lord and shedding the sweet influence of a Christian life upon the nation in whose sight she is to dwell. Wilt Thou approve what we, Thy servants, come to do in Thy name, by Thine aa- THE FIRST LADY OF THE LAND. 227 thority and under the laws of the land in which we live ; and graciously assist them, this man and this woman, who are here to be united in the bonds of holy wedlock according to the institution of Thy words. Mercifully be pleased, Almighty God, to vouchsafe to each of them Thy grace, that they may well and truly weigh the unfailing vows which they are now about to make to each other in the presence of this company and before Thee, and that they may be enabled hereafter at all times so to live together as to rejoice in the solem- nization of this union with joy unspeakable and full of glory through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen." The reverend doctor then performed the mar- riage ceremony in a manner at once solemn and impressive, the bride and groom making their re- sponses in clear tones. The ring was then passed and placed upon the bride's finger, and the two were pronounced man and wife. The following benediction was spoken by the Kev. Mr. Cleve- land : " God the Father, God the Son and God the Holy Ghost, bless, preserve and keep you; the Lord mercifully fill you with all temporal and all spiritual blessings, and grant that you may so live together in this world that in the world to come you may have life everlasting. Amen." The ceremony occupied ten minutes. The Rev. Mr. Cleveland came forward first to offer his congratulations, and kissed the bride. Mr. Whit- 228 THE FIRST LADY OF THE LAND. ney followed and then Mr. Lamar and the rest. Upon Colonel Lainont's invitation the guests then entered the dining-room, where a collation was served. Very elegant white satin boxes contain- ing pieces of the wedding-cake were distributed as souvenirs, the date, June 2, 188G, being em- broidered in colors on the covers. Shortly after eight o'clock the President and Mrs. Cleveland left the supper-room, and presently reappeared in travelling-dress, prepared to take a special train to Deer Park, where they w^ere to pass the honey-moon. As to the pleasant way in which life went with them, no better picture can be obtained than that furnished by a correspondent of the New York World : "When the sun rose over the summit of Eacrle Rock this morning (June 4) there were no signs of life at the little cottage where President Cleve- land and his bride have made their home for the honey-moon. A tew clouds were in the sky, but with the breaking of day all was clear save a slight film that lowered from the north. In the valley below a heavy mist hung about the rocky cliffs and hid from view the little tributary of the Potomac, which, in the stillness of the moun- tains, could be heard rushing on below. As the sun rose higher a slight breeze sprang up from the east and stirred the leaves on the oaks around the executive cottau^e. A more beautiful mornimx could not have been. The cool, bracing air of the THE FIRST LADY OF THE LAND. 229 mountain was warmed bv the sun, and the clear atmosphere, like a huge magnifying glass, brought distant objects and the tops of the surrounding hills almost within reach. The first sound which broke the stillness was the voice of a joung peacock perched upon the chimney of Stephen B. Elkins' cottage, next that of the President. In a few moments the birds were singing under the window of the bridal chamber, nnd the second day of the honey-moon had fairly begun. A curl of smoke floated out of the chimney of the cottage at eight o'clock, and the breeze drifted lazily away over the side of the mountain into the valley below. The servants were up and had kindled a little blaze in the fire-place in the sitting-room, the blinds were opened and the piazza swept, and the cottage was awake. " Shortly after nine o'clock President Cleveland made his appearance for a moment at the front door, hat in hand, and after a few breaths of the mountain air passed out for a few moments' stroll in the rear of the cottage. He had hardly turned the corner of a little rustic summer house among the trees when Mrs. Cleveland stepped on the piazza and stood for some time looking about and towards the far-away hills. She was dressed as usual in her pearl-gray suit, but wore no hat. Over her shoulders was thrown a light shawl. ^' After walking the length of the piazza several times she seated herself in a wicker rocking-chair and continued to enjoy the charming scenery. Both the President and his bride seemed fresh and bright after their long night's rest. At five minutes after ten o'clock the President came up the steps of the porch, and taking Mrs. Cleveland's arm, 230 THE FIRST LADY OF THE LAND. retired to tlie dininir-room, where breakfast was waiting them. While they were enjoying their morning meal an incident occurred, which, had Mr. Cleveland known of it, would probabl}' for once have relaxed the police vigilance \vith which the cotta2:e is iiruarded. An old colored woman shambled slowly up the path in front of the house, and encountering the sentry on post asked to be allowed to see the President. She led by one hand a little curly-headed boy, and in the other carried a bouquet of wild flowers which she had plucked for Mrs. Cleveland. The old woman had journeyed all night from over the hills from her little hut on the side of the mountain at Swanton, ten miles away. She wore an old faded calico- print dress, with a red bandanna handkerchief around her neck and up over her head in lieu of a hat, while her toes protruded from a pair of venerable slippers. Under her arm w^as an umbrella and a well-worn carpet-bag which ante- dated the last war. " The guard told her that he would receive no visitors. Tbinking that after her long journey she could not be refused, the old woman would hear of no such answer. Finally, after a half-hour's argument, the poor old creature broke down and cried piteously. She pointed to her child and begged that he might at least be allowed to look at the President, but finding her entreaties of no avail she slowly and sadly took her child in her arms and with tears in her eyes started back over the hills to her hut. " The poor old negro and her child were not the ordy disap[)()inted visitors at the executive cottage. Hundreds of people who had heard of the arrival THE FIRST LADY OF THE LAND. 231 of the bridal party lost no time in hastening to get a look at the couple. The stalls around the village church, and in front of the country stores were crowded full of every conceivable style of rural vehicle. The people had journeyed to Deer Park from their homes miles away, and all were intent upon getting at least one good view of the President and his bride." Since that time Mrs. Cleveland has been the recipient of many attentions. She has lived in the eye of the public. At social receptions, at railway stations, on her journeys from place to place, on public occasions, and, in short, wher- ever her presence has been made known, she has been the object of universal interest. No *' first lady of the land " ever before received so much attention. Her youth, her graceful dignity, her striking personal appearance, her winning ways, have thrown around her a charm, and her friends cannot but hope that she may grace her present position during our next national adminis- tration. CHAPTER XIII. THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1888. The Forces Gathering — Profuse Decorations — Brillant Scene — Statues, Flags and Eagles— La R(".e Deputation FROM BUFFAL(^ — NaMING TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN— SpEECH OF Chairman White — GitT of a solid Silver Gavel from Colorado— Red Handkekciiiefs waving for Thurman — Appointment of CoMMirrioEs — General Pat Collins chosen Permanent Chairman — Collins' Speech on taking the chair — P^loquent Exposition of De.mocratic Principles- Daniel Dougherty nominates President Cleveland — Great Enthusiasm— Long-continued Chkering— Unveil- ing FULL-LENGTH PORTRAIT OF PRESIDENT CLEVELAND— KEN- TUCKY Seconds the Nomination — Georgia adds a warm commendation — Last Day of the Convention— The inevi- table Bandanna — Nomination of Thurman— His virtues extolled — Speeches Seconding the Nomination — Enthu- siastic Indorsement of the great Ohioan — The Platform. At St. Louis, June 5, the Democratic National Convention began to gather in the early hours of the inorninir, althon<]^h the cravel of Chairman Bar- nuin, of the national committee, did not announce its opening until afternoon. The trickling stream of humanity wliich began to run into the big Ex- position Building as early as eight o'clock, grew to a torrent wliich surired in and filled the ijreat nave of the hall to overilowing, and long before noon STEPHEN GROYER CLEVELAND. 233 ten thousand faces gazed upon the high desk re- served for the presiding officer of the Convention. The decorations were simple but effective. The stage was hung Avith red, white and blue bunting, relieved bv festoons and borders of evers^reens. Upon a pedestal on the right of the entrance of the stage stood a bust of the President, and suspended upon the face of the gallery above the stage, heavily framed in gilt, was a large portrait of the President in oil. On either side were simi- lar portraits of Cleveland, Hancock, Tilden, Hen- dricks and ex-Governor Martnaduke, of Missouri. AMERICAN FLAGS IN PROFUSION. The balcony and gallery pillars and the face of the long winding galleries and the fronts of the balconies were profusely decorated with American flags in alternate long and short festoons cauirht up with large red, white and blue rosettes. Fes- toons of American flags and red, white and blue bunting hung from the open woodwork supporting the roof, and tlie high graceful pillars which sup- port the rafters were bound with encircling gar- lands and ropes of evergreens. Bending grace- fully from the capitals of the cohnnns which up- hold the gallery were drooping branches of cedar and pine, and upon the faces of the columns above huns: bannerettes bearimr the arms of the States of the Union. In the backo-round alons; the hall was a more 234 STEPHEN GKOVER CLEVELAND. elaborate attempt at decoration — a heroic statue of Washington on horseback, framed in a festoon of large American flags, which were cauglwt in the centre of the frame above the head of the statue by an American shield surmounted by an American eagle with wide-spread pinions, grasping in his talons a sheaf of green wheat. The statue, which had the appearance of marble, was highly relieved by a background of rich, brown plush, silk draped curtains. The flrst organized body to put in an appearance ^\as the Cleveland Democracy, of Buffalo. It made a complete tour of the upper gallery, its handsome crimson banner leading the van and the fine band playing " Dixie." It finally settled down just over the platform, in a splendid position to view everything and everybody in the hall. '' Dixie " was followed by " The Red, White and Blue," a medley, and the two bands at either end of the long hall played against each other until the Hendricks Club, of Indianapolis, joined the Buffalo men with another band. The crimson banner bearing Cleveland's name and the blue velvet banner of the Indianians, bearing that of Hendricks, were hung from the gallery behind the presiding oflficer's desk, in plain view of everybody, divided only by an eagle surmounting a shield. It was a pretty tribute to the old ticket and was greeted with rounds of applause. The hall began to fill up rapidly after this. The delegates were STEPHEN GROYER CLEVELAND. 235 the slowest in getting in. Some of them came singly, others in bodies. The Pennsylvania boys marched to the hall under the escort of the Ran- dall Association, of Philadelphia, and its band. THE OPENING SCENES. When the Convention was called to order the scene was an inspiring one. Back of the dele- gates rose tier after tier of spectators, a vast, un- dulating sea of heads and faces. Up in the gal- leries the briii;ht ribbons of the ladies and the highly-colored fans fluttered among the red, white and blue and the silver stars and the graceful folds of bunting. The morning was close and muggy and threatened rain, but w4ien Chairman Barnum and Secretary Frederick 0. Prince came upon the platform the sun burst through the clouds, and through the windows of the convention hall as well, and started out in regular earnest to heat up the atmosphere. Hon. Stephen M. W. White, of California, was selected by the National Committee for Temporary Chairman. A committee escorted Mr. White amid great entliusiasm to the chair, and Mr. Barnum then introduced him to the Convention in the fol- lowing words : ^' Gentlemen of the Convention, I have the pleasure and the honor to present to this Convention Stephen M. W. White, of California." CHAIRMAN white's SPEECH. Upon taking the chair Mr. White said : 236 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. Qentlemenof the Convent Ion : Profoundly grate ful for the distinction just conferred upon me, I am nevertheless conscious that 1 have been chosen for this position because of your appreciation of that important section of our common country from whence I come. I congratulate yon not merely as Democrats, but as American citizens, on theen- courairimr circumstances which attend the inauii;- uration of our proceedings. Up to the late Presidential election the Republi- can party declared that Democratic success I'^.eant national ruin, and that whatever might be said of the crinies and transactions of those then in au- thorit}', 3"et to no other keeping could the welfare of the United States be safely confided. This doctrine was repudiated at the polls, and the ex- perience of almost four years has demonstrated that those changes were unwarranted and that the people were right in demanding and compelling a radical change. The platform of principles adopted at our last National Convention prescribed with accuracy the rules of conduct which should control governmental action. Grover Cleveland was selected hy ithat Convention as a man whose firmness, ability, integrit}' and statesmanlike qualities pre-eminently iitted him to undertjike the task of carrying out the great reforms thus suggested by the organiza- tion to whose tenets he had ever been ready to yield compliance. No public servant ever responded to the call "of chity UKjre fully or in better faith than our honored Piesident. Unostentatious in the discharge of his trust, he has never filled to Mpply to affairs of state those sound business maxims the observance of which is even more necessary in public than in private station. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 237 For years it had been generally conceded that it was necessnrv to reform the tariff. The existinsj law on the suliject had been called into being dur- ing the excitement and because of the exigencies of war. The Republican party, while not denying the necessity for reform, has ever failed to suggest any remedy and has universally thwarted the eflbrts of the Democracy to afford the needed relief. The present administration has realized the promises made by the Democratic Convention of 1884. It has sought to reduce taxation and lighten the burdens of the people and to reduce the revenue so as to prevent undue accumuhuion in the treas- ury, and has at the same time taken the requisite steps to foster and protect domestic industries. It has discouraged the centralization of wealth and has enabled, so far as circumstances would permit, those in the less favored walks of life to enjoy the benefits of their exertions. In other words, the Democratic administration has set its utmost endeavors to carry out the platform on which our great reform victory was achieved. If the tariff has not been modified it is because of Republican obstruction. A new generation has come upon the scene. They love their country better than the delusion of an empty name. They know that the glory and advancement of the republic is dependent on general co-operation. While they glory in their fathers' heroic deeds they yet believe that unkind words and exaggerated references to the past are not promotive of present harmony, of future prosperity, and that an administration which treats alike and recognizes that there is no distinc- tion before the law of race or section is best calcu- lated to further the general interest and to perpet- uate the blessings of liberty. 238 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. The honest, intelligent elector whose judgment is untainted by prejudice is prepared to again en- trust this government to the Democratic party. That that party has accomplished so much, not- withstanding the continued opposition of its foes, is ample evidence that during the next four years its policy will be finally and completely adopted. The coming contest will result in the triumph of Democracy. The nominees of this Convention will be the chosen representatives of the people, and if we do our duty the Republican party will hence- forward be unable to retard the progress of our country. A GIFT FROM COLORADO. Mr. Patterson, of Colorado, rose in behalf of Ine Colorado Democracy and held in his hand a hand- some silver gavel. He said : I crave the indulgence of this Convention to present to it for use by its chairman a solid silver gavel. It was wrought from Colorado mines and fashioned by Colorado artisans. It is the modest offering of the youngest member of the Federal Union to that party that restored silver to the monetary plane from which it was degraded through the Republican Congressional conspiracy of 1873, and that has ever since remained its con- sistent champion. May the announcement be made to the civilized world through its silvery tones of the second unanimous nomination of the people's choice for President — Grover Cleveland. [Great applause.] " If there is no objection," said the chairman, " and I assume that there will be none, this pres- STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 239 ent will be deemed accepted. It is solid silver and as far as gavel can do it you will liave to be ruled by silver.'* [Great applause.] THE ENTHUSIASM FOR THURMAN. Just before the gavel was brought into use there was a scene w^hich made things interesting for a few minutes. California started it apparently on a prearranged plan. One of the delegates from that State made a liberty cap out of a red bandanna and placed it upon the top of the delegation ban- ner. In a moment the air was filled with red handkerchiefs. They were quickly tied to the ends of umbrellas and canes and waved frantically in the air amid tremendous applause. The movement was catchimr. Nevada also hoisted the red handkerchief to the top of its ban- ner pole ; West Virginia hastened to get into line, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Virginia, Missouri, Arkansas, Massachusetts, Florida and Wisconsin swung out the distinguishing badge of the Thur- man movement, and cheers greeted every one that was unfurled. After the appointment of several committees, the Convention adjourned to 10 o'clock on Wed- nesday, June 6. The delegates were slow in gathering for the second day's session of the Democratic National Convention. The galleries were filled long before the factors in the selection of a President and 240 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. Vice-President had begun to Jirrive. It waS hot — insufferably so — and thousands of fans of all shapes, sizes and colors began an early campaign against the heat. There was the same vast as- semblaa:e — the beauties of St. Louis in the boxes of the national committee-men, the privileged spectators in the two immense galleries and an array of men way back upon the tiers of seats behind the delegates and alternates. Many of these removed their coats and vainly endeavored to keep coul. It was an almost useless under- taking, and long before the Convention was called to order ten thousand spectators were sweltering in the kind of atmosphere that *St. Louis people know all about. THE CENTRE OF INTEREST. Interest among the delegates had been running all day to the platform. The committee on reso- lutions was still wrestling with it at 10 o'clock, and the various delegations hung upon the cable cars with precarious footholds or struggled panting and breathless along the pavements to the hall without knowing what was going to happen. The spectators grew fm patient and watched eagerly for any diversion. If any one among them picked out a prominent delegate as the latter strayed alonir the aisles, he was sure to raise a cheer which the others took up. "The Convention will come to order," pro- STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 241 claimed Chairman White, at half-past ten o'clock, and there was a scurrying along the aisles for seats. The Rev. J. P. Green, of Missouri, asked for God's hlessing upon the Convention. GENERAL COLLINS CHOSEN. Mr. Cassidy, of Pennsylvania, then arose and said : " I am instructed by the committee to report that they have unanimously agreed upon General Patrick A. Collins, of Massachusetts, for perma- nent chairman." [Cheers.] After the cheers which came with the aimouncement of General Collins* selection had subsided the secretary read the list of vice-presidents and the representatives of each State to notify the nominees of the Convention of its results. The following report was then unan- imously adopted : The order of business of the last National Demo- cratic Convention shall obtain, and the rules of said Convention shall govern this Convention with the modification, viz.: That no State shall change its vote for Presi- dent or Vice-President until call of the States has been completed. Your committee further recom- mend that there cording secretaries, reading clerks, official stenographers and sergeants-at-arms of the temporary organization hold their offices under the permanent organization. Lewis C. Cassidy, Chairman. John B. Castleman^ Secretary. MR. COLLINS takes THE CHAIR. The chair appointed William H. Barnum, of 242 STEPHEN GROVER CLEYELAND. Connecticut ; RoswoU P. Flower, of New York, and John O'Day, of Missouri, as a coinniittee to escort Patrick A. Collins to the chair. This announcement produced uproarious ap- plause throughout the Convention, which was continued especially by the Massachusetts dele- gation, whose members arose and stood upon their chairs and gave three times three for their favorite. The gentlemen appointed to escort Mr. Collins to the chair proceeded to his seat and brought him forward. When Mr. Collins had mounted the platform he Avas greeted by a shake of the hands by Mr. White, the temporary chairman, after which the chairman said : Gentlemen of the Convention, thaking you for the favor which you have accorded me and for the great consideration which has been extended to me during the time I have presided over your deliberations as temporary presiding officer, I take pleasure in introdnciiig to you your permanent presiding officer, the Hon. Patrick A. Collins, of Massachusetts. This moment was tlie occasion of another out- burst of applause, which lasted so long that cries of" Sit down, sit down," were heard from different parts of the hall. After pacing an eloquent tribute to the princi- ples enunciated by Jefferson, " which," the orator said, *' guide us still in our onward march as a free and prosperous people," Mr. Collins continued : STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 243 True to these principles, the Democratic party fought successfully our foreign wars, protected our citizens in every clime, compelled the respect of all nations for our flag, added imperial domain to our territory and insured peace, prosperity and happiness to all our people. False to these prin- ciples, the great Federal, Whig and Know-Noth- ing parties went down, never to rise, and we are here to-day representatives of the party that has survived all others, the united, triumphant, invin- cible Democracy, prepared to strike down forever the last surviving foe in November. Our standard must be the rallying-point now and in the future for all good citizens who love and cherish republican institutions, who love lib- erty regulated by the Constitution and law, who believe in a government not for a class or for a few, but a government of all the people by all the people, and for all the people. This has been the asylum for all good men from over the earth who flee from want and oppression and mean to become Americans. But we invite and welcome only ^'friends to this ground and liegemen" to the Re- public. Our institutions cannot change to meet hostile wishes nor be so much as sensibly modified save by the peaceful and deliberate action of the mass of our people in accordance with the Consti- tution and the laws of the land. We owe it to our political institutions, to Democratic teachings, at least as much as to the exuberant soil. The man is not a good American who, knowing what we are, by act or word, experiment or thought, in any way will attempt to weaken the foundation of this splendid structure — the Republic of the United States. 244 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. We meet to-day under conditions new to the Democrats of this generation. How often we stood in conventions in the past when to others it seemed as if the shadows of death closed about us, when the day of victory seemed ahnost as far away as the day of general judgment. It could not then be said that we met for spoils or personal advantage. We met to keep the fires of Demo- cratic liberty alive till the dawn of a better day If we were a party of misfortune, it must also be agreed that we were a parly of undaunted courage and indexible principles. The Republican pa ty — sometimes peacefully and sometimes by force ; sometimes fairly and sometimes by fraud — succeeded in holding power twenty-four years, till at last the American people, no longer condoning its faults or forgiving its sins, hurled it from power and again committed to the historic party of the Constitution and the whole Union the aduiinistration of our political affairs. We won by the well-earned confidence of the country in the rectitude of our purpose, by the aid of chivalrous and conscientious men who could no longer brook the corruptions of the Republican party. It was great, deserved, necessary victory. The day on which Grover Cleveland, the plain, straightibrward, typical American citizen chosen at the election, took the oath of office in the presence of the multitude, a day so lovely and so perfect that all nature seemed exuberantly to sanction and to celebrate the victory — that day marked the close of the old era and the beguining of a new one. No president in time of peace had so difficult and laborious a duty to perform. His party had STEPHEN GROYER CLEVELAND. 245 been out of power for twenty-four years. Every member of it had been almost venomously ex- cluded from the smallest post where administra- tion could be studied. Every place was filled by men whose interest it was to thwart inquiry and belittle the new administration ; but the master hand came to the helm, and the true course has been kept from the beginning. We need not wait for time to do justice to the character and services of President Cleveland. Honest, clear-sighted, patient, grounded in respect for law and justice; with a thorougii grasp of principles and situations; with marvelous and conscientious industry; the very incarnation of firmness — he has nobly fulfilled the promise of his party, nobly met the expectations of his country and written his name high on the scroll where future Americans will read the names of men who have been supremely useful to the Republic. Fellow Democrats, this is the initial meeting in a political campaign destined to be memorable. It will be a clashing of nearly even forces. Let no man here or elsewhere belittle or underestimate the strength or resources of the opposition. But, great as they are, the old Democratic party, in conscious strength and perfect union, faces the issue fearlessly. Mr. Collins' speech was several times inter- rupted by enthusiastic applause. When the time for making nominations arrived, and Alabama was called, the chairman of the del- egation rose and gracefully yielded the floor to New York. 246 stephen grover cleveland. President Cleveland Nominated. Hon. Daniel Doughertj^, to whom had been assigned tlie honor of making the nomination, stepped to the phitform, and, after the applause that greeted his appearance subsided, spoke as follows : I greet you, my countrymen, with fraternal re- gard ; in your presence I bow to the majesty of the people ; the sight itself is inspiring, the thought sublime. You come from every State and Terri- tory, from every nook and corner of our ocean- bound, continent-coverinf]^ countrv. You are about to discharge a more than imperial duty with sim- plest ceremonials. You, as representatives of the people, are to choose a magistrate with power mightier than a monarch, yet checked and con- trolled by the supreme law of a written Constitu- tion. Tiius impressed, I ascend the rostrum to name the next President of the United States. New York presents him to the convention and pledges her electoral vote. Delegations from the thirty- eight States and all the Territories are assembled without caucus or consultation, ready simulta- neously to take up the cry and make the vote unanimous. We are here not indeed to choose a candidate, but to name the one the people have already chosen. He is the man for the people; his career illus- trates the glory of our institutions. Eight years ago unknown save in his own locality, lie for the last four years has stood in the gaze of the world discharging the most exalted duties that can be confided to a mortal. To-day determines that STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 247 not of his own choice, but by the mandate of his countrymen and with the sanction of Heaven, he shall fill the Presidency for four years more. He has met and mastered ever}^ question as if from youth trained to statesman:?!hip. The promises of his letter of acceptance and inaugural address have been fulfilled. His fidelity in the past inspires faith in the future. He is not a hope. He is a realization. Scorning subterfuge, disdaining re-election by concealing convictions, mindful of his oath of office to defend the Constitution, he courageously declares to Congress, dropping minor matters, that the supreme issue is reform, revision, reduction of national taxation ; that the Treasury of the United States, glutted with unneeded gold, op- presses industry, embarrasses business, endangers financial tranquility and breeds extravagance, centralization and corruption. That high taxa- tion, vital for the expenditures of an unparalleled war, is robbery in years of prosperous peace. That the millions that pour into the Treasury •come from the hard earned savin2:s of the American people. That in violation of equality of rights the present tariff has created a privileged class, who, shaping legislation for their personal gain, levy by law contributions for the necessaries of life from every man, woman and child in the land. That to lower the tariff is not free trade. It is to reduce the unjust profits of monopolists and boss manufacturers and allow consumers to retain the rest. The man who asserts that to lower the tariff means free trade insults intelligence. We brand him as a falsifier. It is furthest from thought 248 STEPHEN GROVER CLETELAND. to imperil capital or disturb enterprises. The aim is to upliold wages and protect the righta of all. This administration has rescued the public domain from would-be barons and cormorant corporations faithless to obligations and reserved it for free homes for this and coming generations. There is no pilfering. There are no jobs under this administnition. Public office is a public trust. Integrity stands guard at every post of our vast empire. While the President has been the medium through which has flowed the undying gratitude of the Republic for her soldiers, he has not hesi- tated to withhold approval from special legislation if strictest inquiry revealed a want of truth and justice. Above all, sectional strife, as never before, is at an end and 60,000,000 of freemen in the ties of brotherhood are prosperous and happy. These are the achievements of this administra- tion. Under the same illustrious leader we are ready to meet our political opponents in high and honorable debate and stake our triumph on the intelligence, virtue and patriotism of the people, adhering to the Constitution, its every line and letter, ever remembering that " powers not dele- gated to the United States by the Constitution nor prohibited by it to the States are reserved to the States respectively or to the people." By the authority of the Democracy of New York, backed by the Democracy of the entire Union, I give 30U a name entwined with victory. I nominate Grover Cleveland, of New York. ENTHUSIASM AT WHITE HEAT. Mr. Dougherty's speech in the Convention was STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 249 skilfully adapted to its purpose. Its simplicity was its strength. While the impression on read- ing it is one of extreme plainness, it will be seen that it is made up of a succession of short, em- phatic periods, every one of which was an irre- sistible incentive to applause. In this way the speech was suited to its subject. Mr. Cleveland is not a candidate to be presented in a blaze of fireworks. As Mr. Dougherty puts it, with an epigrammatic terseness suggestive of Cleveland himself, "He is not a hope; he is a realization." There was no need of rhetorical display to quicken the faith inspired by the man himself. All accounts agree that the presentation of Mr. Cleveland's name was received in the Convention with an enthusiasm that has scarcely been ex- celled at the nomination of any of the most popu- lar candidates of either party in the past, and this without any of that artificial excitement that is engendered by a contest. The fact is a very sig- nificant indication that Mr. Cleveland's leadership is not that of an oflBcial despot controlling un- willing slaves, as some Republican writers repre- sent, still less a mere result of the accident of office, as is somewhat inconsistently suggested by the same class of his opponents, but that it has been fairly w^on by his personal strength and cour- age, and is freely and spontaneously accorded him by the great popular sentiment of his party. 250 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. WILD EXCITEMENT. When Mr. Dougherty finished his speech, at six and a half minutes after 12, the delegates and the audience set up a yell. After simply yelling for half a minute they began to get enthused and some of the more ardent took off their coats and began waving them. About this time the door of the Capitol at the rear of the platform was swung aside and in the panel appeared a portrait of Cleveland occupying the centre of the facade of the Capitol. Then the delegates and the audience simply went wild, and with a furious energy worked their voices in their efforts to show their approval of the nomination. A band somewhere in the c:al- leries started up '' Marchinir Throujxh Georgia" and elicited a tremendous outbreak of cheers. At this time about a third of the delegates and per- haps a fourth of the audience produced bandanna handkerchiefs and waved them frantically, and in response to this fresh incentive there was an ad- ditional swell in the terrific outburst of noise. One man in the gallery took his new hat off and sent it sailing across the space over the heads of the delegates, and it was caught by a party in the opposite gallery with the expertness of a profes- sional base-ball player. A GREAT DEMONSTRATION. After eight minutes of bedlam Chairman Col- STEPHEN GROYER CLEVELAND. 251 lins thouglit the thing had gone far enough and thumped and pounded for order, but with every thump of the gavel arose a new section of yells from tlie assemblage, and Chairman Collins relin- quished the job in despair. At this juncture Daniel Dougherty mounted a chair in the centre of the New York delegation and waved a flag. From all parts of the hall delegates gathered about Dougherty, bearing the standards of their respective States, and formed in a circle about him, holding in a sort of canopy over his head the placards bearing the names of the States. In marked distinction from the scarlet bandan- nas, the standards of Indiana and Kansas were decorated with stripes of black silk, indicating the adherence of the parties who bore them to the cause of the present Commissioner of Pensions. Under the canopy formed by the standards a couple of United States flags were introduced, and the tableau as thus completed was greeted with a pandemoniac chorus of cheers and howls and yells. Among the audience in the rear of the dele- gates a number of people produced a flock of big, yellow eagles, which, by some arrangement, were made to flap their wings. When the demonstration at last subsided, John B. Castleman and A. G. Dejarnette, of Kentucky, carried the Kentucky standard on the platform 252 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. and planted it beside the chairman's desk to em- phasize the second which Kentucky proposed on Grover Cleveland. Eighteen minutes of unadulterated bedlam seemed to be enough to suit the delegates and they sank back into their seats, but the audience was not satisfied with the allotment of time and continued the uproar two minutes longer, when they were finally brought to order. Kentucky's second. Mr. McKenzie, of Kentucky, then took the platform and addressed the Convention as fol- lows: Gentlemen of the Nafioiml Convention : I bear the commission of the State of Kentucky to this National Convention, and in the nan)e of the Commonwealth that has given to that State a Clay and a Crittenden I desire to second the nomination of Grover Clevelnnd for the office of the Presidency of the United States. [Great ap- plause and wild cheering.] Within the broad limits of this oreat land there is but one more popular Democrat than he. and that is the queenly woman he has made his wife. [Great applause.] It must be, Mr. Chairman, a matter of lelicitation to every good citizen within the limits of our land that the historic White House, around which cluster so nianv memories that are dear to every patriotic heart, is presided over by a man who has the courage to enforce obedience to bad laws until they be repealed and st?:fiien grovkr Cleveland. 253 ivcommend the enactment of good ones until they yhall be enacted. [Apphiuse.] At the same time its social destinies are guided by the fair hand of the uncrowned queen of our American womanhood. I never intend to let Mrs. Clevehand out of tliis canvass. [Laughter and apphiuse.] In, Jion gigno iniices, EcHpse first, the bahince not placed. [Laughter and applause.] The State of Kentucky loves Mr. Cleveland for the reason that he has had the courage to storm the entrenchments of subsidy and monopoly by recommending such a judicious revision of our tariff system as will secure equality in the distri- bution of the public burdens and lighten the ex- actions of labor. [Applause.] Mr. Chairuian and gentlemen : I move to sus- pend the rules and make the nomination of Grover Cleveland for President of the United States ab- solutely unanimous. [Great applause.] GEORGL\ SPEAKS. Judge H. D. D. Twiggs, of Georgia: 2Ir. Preside7it and Gentlemen of the Convention : The great State of Georgia, which I have the honor in part to represent on this occasion, is proud to second the nomination of Grover Cleve- land. He has been conspicuous in his fidelity to the great principles of Democracy and economical government, which under our system of government have found their highest expression in his able, splendid and magnificent administration. [Ap pi ..use.] 254 STEPHEN GROYER CLEVELAND. Gentlemen of the Convention : Monopoly has said to the people of the South, ^' You are poor; build up your factories, diversify your industries. Protection has made us opulent; it will make you likewise." The State of Georgia, already vocal with the music of a million spindles, has given back her reply. Liftiiig aloft her proud and untarnished shield, on which is inscribed her motto, '* Wisdom, Justice and Moderation," she has said to this artful bribe : " We may be poor, but we are unwilling to grow rich by the levying of tribute upon the peo- ple." [Applause.] Gentlemen of the Convention: The twentv-four delegates of Georgia have come to this conclusion, bearing with them but a single commission, and that commission is to cast the vote of the State for that matchless leader whom our late Conven- tion in its phitlbrm of principles characterized as uniting the wisilom of Jeffierson with the firmness of Jacksc n and the patriotism of Washington. [Cheers.] What is true of Georgia is true of every other Democratic State here represented, and it might be truthfully stated, gentlemen, that this vast and grand assemblage of patriots and Democrats may be called but a formal convocation assembled to^j^ether to ratifv the action of the sovereignties which have already spoken. [Cheers.] The great Democratic masses of the country, with elbows touching, have marched in solid and un- broken phalanx to this great city by the father of waters. Upon each flowing banner is inscribed but a solitary name, and that name has been their })illar of cloud by day and their pillar of (ire by night. That name has been Grover Cleveland. [Cheers.] STEPHEN GKOVER CLEVELAND. 25-3 With a mighty shout, yes, I say with a mighty shout, he will be proclaimed our next standard- bearer in the coming contlict. [Cheers.] The people at home are becoming rapidly educated, and we cannot be much longer kept in ignorance of the great truths and principles of which he is the splendid exponent. They will ratify that nomination kxt the polls, for as sure as the ides of November come the Republican party of the United States will have received its death-wound and final overthrow. [Applause.] The Convention then adjourned to Thursday, June 7th, at 10 o'clock. LAST DAY OF THE CONVENTION. For the third time the Convention hall was packed. There must have been fully twelve thousand people within seeing distance of the platform. As usual the spectators were on hand early. It was the day of the only real chance for a contest, and there was an air of expectancy in the crowded galleries. Any kind of a fight would have been acceptable to the thousands of onlookers. It was a pretty scene before the Convention was called to order. The fair faces of the belles of St. Louis peered over the gallery railings, and the three sections of seats on the floor divided by the two aisles, running the entire length of th.e hall, looked like so many inmiense toboggan slides. So dense was the mass of shining faces that they appeared alm.ost like a. bright and solid surface.. 256 STEPHEN' GROVER CLEVELAND. BANDANNAS EVERYWHERE. The prevailing decoration was red. It cropped out everywhere. Everybody with a cane or an umbreHa in the galleries had a bandanna on it. Here and there a patch of gray cambric marked a preference for the Indiana Governor, but the patches were made prominent only because of their scarcity in the vast garden of red. When the California people began to gather, their stand- ard was promptly decorated with one of the bandannas thev had brou2^ht from the Pacific with tliem. At this time the floor was in a state of confusion. All the delegates were on their feet. Delegation after delegation hoisted the red flag, cheered on by the salutes and huzzas of the gal- leries. thurman's name presexted. In proposing the name of Ex-Senator Thurman Delegate Tarpey, of California, said : *' That I am proud of the privilege of address- ing you I acknowledge, but that I am prouder still of the man whom I shall name, I will not deny, for I feel, sirs, that this republic holds no superior to Hon. Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio. "Allen G. Thurman ! What an epitome of Amer- ican civil history is embodied in that name! Mis character and ability are known to every man, woman and child in the land. His public ser- vices will be a more enduring monument than temples of stone or brass, for history will inscribe his name among the list of America's illustrious STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 257 Bons. Large at heart, large of brain and larger still in experience, he is the man of all men whose record justifies his nomination at your hands in the sense that he cannot be defeated before the people. " His fame is not his alone ; it is the proud heritage of the American people. His name may be most fittingly coupled with that of our honored President, Grover Cleveland. Cleveland and Thurman will be a ticket absolutely invincible. It will sweep the country with a mighty rush, a tidal wave of approval. Against it all opposition will be fruitless. The approval of Cleveland's ad- ministration during the past four years and in- dorsement of his actions, the simplicity, yet re- markable ability, with which he has administered his great trust under the most trying circumstances, coupled with the all-pervading affection felt for the philosopher of Columbus, w^ill made Cleveland and Thurman a war-cry to affright the political enemy. The enthusiasm which will be aroused upon its announcement will be infectious, and gathering force and volume day by day it will be- fore the ides of November have become epidemic. " They are both the favorite sons of their re- spective States, but when Allen G. Thurman, the favorite son of each and every State in this Union, in answer to the universal demand for his accept- ance, consents to leave the peace and tranquility of his fire-side and again serve liis grateful country- men, so prominent, so colossal is his political and mental figure in the public eye that all others must of necessity share in its immensity. " Let us make no mistake. As representatives of the Democracy of the nation we have a duty to perform. Let no consideration of personal friend- 258 STEFIIKN- GROYER CLKVELAND, ship or glamour of locality influence your action. Broad 2;round must be taken. The man of the nation, not the man of the State, muht be nom- inated. "Nominate Allen G. Thnrman. Nominate liim by accLamation. Let it not be said that one single Democrat in all this great Union failed in this testimonial to the greatest American of his day, the noblest breathing man upon American soil, fit consort in the temple of fame of those pa- triots of the past, the founders of our institutions, whose sacred dust lies calmly sleeping beneath the sods of Mount Yernon, Monticello and the Hep mitage, awaiting tlie dedication of our national Pantheon." SECONDING THURMAN's NA^fE. Governor Green, of New Jersey, said that the shores of the Atlantic re-echoed the call of the Pacific coast. New Jersey, which brought nine electoral votes in one hand, without making any demand — New Jersey seconded the nomina- tion of Allen G. Thurman. [Applause.] Mr. Dorsey, of Nevada, voiced the sentiments of the Democracy of Nevada in indorsing the ticket of Cleveland and Thurman. The mountains of Nevada would fairly rattle with joy when the news of Thurman's nomination was Hashed across the wires. [Applause.] Mr. Raines, of New York, was greeted with cheers when he took the stand to make known the position of his State delegation. New York, STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 259 he said, had withdrawn herself until this moment. But the time had arrived for her voice to be heard in unison with the acclaim of her fellow delegations from Maine to the capes of the Western Sea, in behalf of him who was the Plato of the Eepublic. The battle line of the coming conflict extended across the continent. The forces of the Democracy would reach across the continent, and ov^er the reserve corps would wave the flag of Allen G. Thurman. [Applause.] T. E. Powell, of Ohio, followed briefly but earnestly. It was claimed, he said, that the universal cry for Thurman was but a sentiment of the heart. That might be so, but it was the grandest sentiment that ever occupied the Demo- cratic party. Mr. Dawson, of South Carolina, said that it had been said that President Cleveland w^as both a candidate and a platform, but he proposed to present to the Convention a name for the Vice- Presidency which is a history and a prophecy. Mr. Thompson, of Tennessee, also seconded the nomination of Thurman, saying that the South, of all other sections of this country, should hasten to do honor to this grand old man whose arms had ever been raised to defend a stricken people. His red bandanna had been a banner of hope to the despairinir; let it now be a banner of victory for the united Democracy of the country. Ex-Governor Throckmorton, of Texas, said he 260^ STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. represented a divided delegation upon the question of a Vice-Presidential candidate, but he was none the less enthusiastic in his support of Ohio's grand old man. Texas would give the ticket 200,000 majority with Allen G. Thurman as one of the nominees. Virginia having been called, Senator Daniel ascended the platform. The old and the 3^oung Democracy of the Old Dominion, he said, would join in the great acclaim of the American people when they would speak again in November next for Allen G. Thurman. (Applause.) He described the services of Thurman to the Democratic party and to the country; and especially commended to California's attention Thurman's attitude on the Chinese question. It was said that the grand old man was old. But no hair glistened on his brow that had not grown white in Democratic service. The years that had circled round his head had each one of them left in its track a new ring of glory. In the name of the people of Virginia, on whose soil Thurman was born ; in the name of Ohio, his adopted home; in the name of the Democracy of the great nation, incorruptible, un terrified, unconquerable, he gave to the banner and the breeze the semblance of his name. As Mr. Daniel concluded he waved a large bandanna, and was enthusiastically cheered. Mr. Thurman was then nominated on the first biillot, 97 votes being cast for Gov, (iray, of Indiana. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 261 The " Old Roman's " nomination was then made unanimous. THE PLATFORM. The following is the full text of the platform adopted by the Democratic National Convention : " The Democratic party of the United States in National Convention assembled renews tlie pledge of its fidelity to Democratic f\xith, and reaffirms the platform adopted by its representatives in the Con- vention of 1884 ; and indorses the views expressed by President Cleveland in his last annual mes- sage to Congress as the correct interpretation of that platform upon the question of tariff reduction, and also indorses the efforts of our Democratic repre- sentatives in Congress to secure a reduction of ex- cessive taxation. Chief among its principles of party faith are the maintenance of an indissoluble union of free and indestructible States, now about to enter upon its second century of unexampled progress and renown, devotion to a plan of gov- ernment regulated by a written constitution strictly specifying every granted power and expressly re- serving to the States or people the entire ungranted residue of power; the encouragement of a jealous popular vigilance, directed to all who have been chosen for brief terms to enact and execute the laws, and are charged with the duty of preserving peace, ensuring equality and establishing justice. THE PUBLIC DEBT AND LANDS. "The Democratic party welcome an exacting scrutiny of the administration of the executive 262 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. power, which four years ago was coniinitted to its trusts in the election of Grover Clevehmd Presi- dent of the United States, but it challenges the most searching inquiry concerning its fidelity and devotion to the pledges which then invited the suffrage of the people. During a most critical period of our financial affairs, resulting from overtaxation, the anomalous condition of our currency and pub- lic debt unmatured. It has, by tlie adoption of a wise and conservative course, not only avoided i\ disaster, but greatly promoted the prosperity of the people. "It has reversed the improvident and unwise policy of tlie Republican party touching the public domain, and has reclaimed from corporations and svndicates, alien and domestic, and restored to the people nearly one hundred million acres of valua- ble land to be sacredly held as homesteads for our citizens. PENSIONS AND SUFFRAGE. " While carefully guarding the interests of the tax-payers and conforming strictly to the principles of justice and equity, it has paid out more for pen- sions and bounties to the soldiers and sailors of the republic than was ever paid before during an equal period. It has adopted and consistently pursued a firm and prudent foreign policy, preserving peace with all nations, while scrupulously main- taining all the rights and interests of our own government and people at home and abroad. The exclusion from our shores of Chinese laborers has been effectually secured under the provision of a treaty, the operation of which has been postponed by the action of a Republican majority in the Senatf*. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 263 " Honest reform in the civil service has been in- augurated and maintained by President Cleveland, and he has brought the public service to the high- est standard of eliiciencj, not only by rule and precept, but by the example of his own untiring and unselfish administration of pubUc affairs. *' In every department and branch of tlie gov- ernment under Democratic control the rights and the welfare of all the people liave been guarded and defended; every public interest has been pro- tected, and the equality of all our citizens before the law, without regard to race or color, has been steadfastly maintained. Upon its record thus ex- hibited and upon the pledge of a continuance to the people of these benefits the Democracy invokes u renewal of popular trust by the re-election of a Chief Magistrate who has been faithful, able and prudent. We invoke an addition to that trust by tlip transfer also to the Democracy of the entire legislative power. NEEDLESS TAXATION. "The Republican party, controlling the Senate and resistini!" in both houses of Couirress a reforma- tion of unjust and unequal tax laws, which have outlasted the necessities of war and are now un- dermining the abundance of a long peace, deny to the people equality before the law and the fairness and the justice which are their right. Then the cry of American labor for a better share in the rewards of industry is stifled with false pretences, enterprise is fettered and bound down to home markets, capital is discouraged with doubt, and un- equal and unjust laws can neither be promptly amended nor repealed 264 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. " The Democratic party will continue with all the power confided to it the struggle to reform these laws in accordance with the pledges of its last platform, indorsed at tlie ballot-box by the suffrages of the people. Of all the illustrious freemen of our land the immense majority, in- cluding every tiller of the soil, gain no advantage from excessive tax laws, but the price of nearly everything they buy is increased by the favoritism of an unequal system of tax legislation. All un- necessary taxation is unjust taxation. TRUSTS AND CORPORATIONS. " It is repugnant to the creed of Democracy that by such taxation the cost of the necessaries of life should be unjustifiably increased to all our people. "Judged by Democratic principles, the interests of the people are betrayed when, by unnecessary taxation, trusts and combinations are permitted to exist, which, while unduly enriching the few that combine, rob the bod}' of our citizens, by depriving them of the benefits of natural competition. Every Democratic rule of governmental action is violated when, through unnecessary taxation, a vast sum of money, far beyond the needs of an economical administration, is drawn from the people and the channels of trade and accumu- lated as a demoralizing surplus in the National 1 reasury. LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF ALLEN" G. THURMAN". CHAPTER XIV. MR. THURMAN's career. Birth and Early Life — Removal to Ohio — Academic Ed- ucation — Habits of Industry — " Right-angled-triangled Thurman" — Admitted to the Bar — Private Secretary to G-overnor Lucas — Partner in William Allen's Law J'iRM — Elected to Congress — Member of the Judiciary Committee — Chief Justice of Ohio — Defeated for Gov- ernor — Sent to United States Senate — Prominent in Congress — Fidelity to Public Duties— Retirement to Private Life — Individual Characteristics — The Kind op Democrat Thurman is — The "Red Bandanna" — Snuff and Handkerchiefs. Allen G. Thurman was born in Lynchburg, Va., Noveirj^ber 13, 1813. He came of good stock. His grandfather was a Baptist clergyman, who owned by inheritance and otherwise a considerable number of slaves, but who early in life became imbued with such just notions in regard to per- sonal liberty and the general question of slavery that he determined to embrace the first favorable opportunity of setting his human chattels free. (265) 266 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Cherishing such notions in regard to one of the estahlished institutions of the country and the people among whom he lived, he soon found that the atmosphere of '' the old Dominion" was any- tliing but a congenial one. Fully realizing this, he at last made up his nn"nd to emigrate to Ohio. Wlien young Allen Granberry Thurman was six years of age the family removed to the thriving little city of Chillicothe, in Ohio. Arriving there, his father, who had been intended for a preacher, secured employment in teaching school, and upon the institution in which he was so occupied the boy became a regular attendant. Later on, his father in the meantime having engaged in the business of wool manufacture — then a prominent one in the locality — Allen went to attend the Chillicothe High Scliool, and during the year 1825 entered the old Chillicothe Academy, which, at that time, boasted of a standard equal to that of many modern colleges. During this period of his life young Allen ac- quired those habits of industry and close study which have ever since been characteristic of him. His mother, a half-sister of the man who after- wards became the great Governor Allen, was, in many respects, a remarkable woman. Following her example and her monitions, and with her con- sent, the boy, even then hardly in his teens, was accustomed to sit up until late at night studying or reciting his lessons to her. He advanced rap- idly at school and soon became so absorbed and proficient in mathematics that his schoolmates gav(i him the familiar name of " E,ight-angled- triangled " Thurman. ALLEN G. THURMAN. 267 ADMITTED TO THE BAR. Many of his friends advised him to go into the land-agency business, by pursuing which it was undoubted that he would have made a consider- able fortune. His mother, however, and his uncle, William Allen, who had begun to make his mark in the State, insisted that he should take up the study of law, and he at last yielded to their wishes. As a result of this arrangement he en- tered the law office of his uncle and remained with him three years. At the end of that time, when he was twenty-one years old, and the famous Governor Lucas was chief magistrate of Ohio, that gentleman wrote to him from Columbus, asking young Thurman to accept the position of private- secretary to the governor. The opportunity to see more of life and get a better understanding of politics and the politicians of the time was too good a one to be lost, and with the concurrence of his friends he at once accepted the position and went to the capital. Arrived there, he immedi- atel}^ assumed the duties of the secretaryship, and at the same time entered the law office of the dis- tiniruished Judpre Swavne. Business at the exec- utive chamber was conducted in those days after a very different fashion from the methods of to-day. Governor Lucas was in his office at 8 o'clock every morning, and expected his secretary at the same hour. There they remained until 8 o'clock at night, during most of which time they were en- gaged in performing the duties which, in these later and more affluent days of progress, require the services of numerous clerks. vStill. despite the hard services he was in this way compelled to per- form, the young man found time at night to read 268 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF law and to work out legal problems submitted to him from time to tiuie by Judge Swajne. Indeed, he seems at this period of his life to have found time for everything except to sleep, for four or five hours in bed out of the daily twenty-four were all that he allowed himself After being admitted to the bar young Thur- man went at once to Chillicothe, and, being most fortunate in his connections, was not obliged to undergo the hardship of hoping against hope for his first client; on the contrary, he was immedi- ately admitted into a partnership with his uncle, William Allen, who in the meantime had made himself a prominent figure not only in State but national affairs. By this association he found him- self without delay in possession of one of the best practices in Ohio. ELECTED TO CONGRESS. Shortly after he had entered upon his profession his uncle and partner, William Allen, became so entirely absorbed in politics that he abandoned his profession entirely and left the work of the office to be done by Thurman. The youni]: man who was thus suddenly called on to assume great re- sponsibility acquitted himself remarkably, win- ning the warmest approbation from distinguished men in his own profession and out of it. His cir- cuit embraced four counties, and it is noteworthy that during ten years in no one of them did he ever miss a term of court; and, during all that time, it is still further remarkable that lie did not ride 100 miles on wheels. All his journeys, like those of his fellow-practitioners, were made on horseback over the dirt roads, Avhich were then the ALLEN G. THURMAN. 269 only means of travel in that portion of the coun- try. Among those who practir>ed with Tburman at that time were William Creighton, Judge Scott, Benjamin F. Leonard (who afterwards died in an insane asylum), Henry Stanberry, and others, who were then or afterwards became well known throughout the nation. Of this great bar Thur- man was the youngest member; yet it is no exag- geration to say that he held his own with the best of his associates. To do this, however, he was obliged to work indefatigably, and it is a fact that during all this period of his life he never slept more than six hours a day, all the remaining hours of the twenty-four being devoted to office work, court practice, or home study. Becoming thus early prominent at the bar, it was only nat- ural that lie should be regarded as a fit subject for political honors. From his early boyhood he had taken interest in public affairs, and by inclination and association was from the outset an earnest and outspoken Democrat. Later on he always did his full political duty and took a prominent pnrt in the canvasses cf his county, but always in favor of persons other than himself Two or three times he was solicited to be a candidate for the legisla- ture, and each time refused, as he did also a prop- osition which was made to him to accept a nomi- nation for a judicial position. He declared, very wisely, that he could not afford to run for office, and that he believed no poor man should accept honors which he had not the means adequately to {Support. Holding these view^s, he continued to practice his profession with almost unvarying success be- 270 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF fore the courts, but with only moderate success financially. In 1844, while he was in Kentucky on legal business, the Democratic Convention of the Congressional district in which he lived, with- out his knowledge and entirely without his solici- tation, nominated him for Congress. Returning to Chillicothe, and learning for the first time what had been done, he was, for very much the reasons already explained, on the point of declining to serve. From this intention he was dissuaded, and, liaving accepted the nomination, he entered, with all the energy that was characteristic of him, into the contest. He made a close canvass of the whole district, spoke everywhere, often taking part in joint discussions against his Whig opponent, John J. Van Meter, and vet, stranire to sav, never exchanged one unkind or disrespectful w^ord with him or any other opponent. The result of his canvass was his triumphant election. Of his services during the term of Con- gress which followed it is, perhaps, only necessary to say that he at once took high rank on the Judiciary Committee, and made speeches still re- membered as able upon the Oregon question and the Mexican war. CHIEF-JUSTICE AND SENATOR. This work he continued until he was elected — of course on the Democratic ticket — to the Su- preme Court of Ohio. He remained for four years on the bench, for the last two years of his term being the Chief-Justice. During this time he rendered many opinions which are now always cited as authority nnd()ul,»ted and not to be ques- tioned. Among these may be mentioned, as ALLEN G. TIIURMAN. 271 familiar to all lawyers, his famous opinion in the cases of Cross against Dillon and Bloom against Richard. Sdll, and despite his great success as a Judge, he declined a re-election, his reason heing that the salary was too small to support him, and because, while holding official position, he never allowed himself to increase his income by any practice or enterprise of a private character. Going back to the law, after his four years on the bench, he found his reputation to have increased so rapidly that his practice was almost greater than he could attend to. Fortunately, his receipts were in keep- ing with the extent of his business, and in time he amassed a competence. Encouraged by these re- sults, he continued with the utmost industry to practice his profession until 1867, when, almost without a struggle worthy of the name, he re- ceived the unanimous nomination of the Demo- cratic Convention to be Governor of Ohio. Ex- President Hayes was his opponent, and for sixty- five successive days, in one of the most exciting and closely contested campaigns the State had ever known, they appeared upon the stump. Thurman was defeated, but he had the satisfaction of know^- ing that he cut dow^n the Republican majority from 43,000, which it had been the year before, to less than 3,000. RECORD ON THE WAR ISSUE. During the campaign it was frequentl}' asserted, and perhaps in some quarters believed, that he had been opposed to the war of the Union. In regard to that matter, it need only be said that until the war was actually declared Mr. Thurman 272 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF was strongly opposed to it, and used every influ- ence he had to prevent it. After hostilities had actually commenced, however, he was quite as earnest in urging that those who were opposed to the National Government should be defeated and put down as speedily as possible. His argument was simply that if the South had the right to leave the Union, then the Union was at war with a foreign power, while, on the other hand, if the South had no right of secession, then the war was an insurrection. In either case he held that all the means at the command of the Federal Gov- ernment should be employed to put an end to it. At the same time, however, to use exactly his own words, without attempting to tell exactly what they signify, he did not believe that it was neces- sary to violate the Constitution in order to pre- serve the Union. Though defeated for the Governorship, as stated, the election was not without results aorreeable to Mr. Thurman. Though Mr. Hayes was success- ful, the Legislature elected wath him w\as Demo- cratic, and that Legislature lost no time in making Thurman a United States Senator, to take the place which had been occupied by that Republican of Republicans, sturdy '^ Ben " Wade. When he took his seat there were only seven Democrats in the upper house. They were Messrs. Garrett Davis, McCreary, of Kentucky; CasserK', Vickers, of Maryland; Bayard, Stockton, of New Jersey; and Thurman. The latter soon took high position among his colleagues, and as early as 1869 made a speech on the so-called Georgia bill, which at- tracted general attention and was justly regarded as the oflicial announcement that the Democratic ALLEN G. THURMAN. 27 o party of the South, for the first time since before the war, was to fall into line with the organization in other parts of the reunited nation. His speech on the Geneva Award bill, and also on the Pacific Railway Funding bill, attracted much notice and applause. It is only justice to state that by the passage of his bill in regard to the railroads in question the Government was saved a very Large sum of money. But not only this ; by the passage of that bill there was for all time estab- lished that wholesome precedent which teaches that the Government is the master of corporations of its own creating. If he never performed any service but this, Senator Thurman would still be entitled to the unstinted praise of his countrymen. But he performed many other services. He set an example of hard work in official life which many more pretentious men might follow with ad- vantage both to themselves and their constituents. It can with truth be said of him that he never on any account neglected his public duties. LIFE IN RETIREMENT. Mr. Thurman served a double term in the Senate, and then retired to private live, practising his profession as successfully as before. He was especially prominent in the Bell patent contest, being therein, as always, a stern foe of monopo- lies. He was again nominated by the Democratic caucus of the Ohio Lesfislature for Senator in 1886, but was defeated. In 1884 his name was brought forward for the Presidential nomination, but with small avail, as the ballotings given elsewhere for the office of President show. The ex-Senator was in November, 1887, tendered a place on the 274 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF Interstate Commerce Commission, but declined it, saying he was too old and feeble, and had made a resolve never to be again tempted to take office. A short time before tliis he had expressed similar sentiments in an address to the "Thurman Club" of Cincinnati, which had tendered him a serenade. This little speech may as a curiosity be reproduced here. Mr. Thurman said : ^' My Young Friends: When I was a boy at school many years ago, one of the text-books I studied was a Latin one, Cicero on Old Age, and I remember well when I read that beautiful treatise in which the author sets forth in the most beauti- ful and impressive manner that consummation in old age which would in some degree be a compen- sation for the trials of youth, I wondered if that lot would ever be mine. Now, when I look down upon your heads and see your bright faces and know who you are and what you are, I feel some- thing of regret tluit the old author never had a Ciceronian Club to honor and console him in his old age, as you have mine. I thank you, first, for the honor you have done an old man in taking his name for your club; and, second, for the kindness you have manifested towards me by your attend- ance to-night and your beautiful serenade. My friends, no one can say you are worshipping a ris- ing sun. No; it is a setting sun, low down in the horizon, and fast disappearing forever. I shall never hold another office, nor shall I ever be a candidate for office; hence it will not be in my power to reward my friends or to punish my foes. You come without hope or fear in that respect, merely to honor an old fellow who from boyhood has been a Democrat, and who until his dying day ALLEN G. THURMAN. 275 will be a Democrat, and who is pleased not to be forgotten while he still lives. It is my pride and boast that I have always been a strong and stead- fast adherent of the principles of Democracy, and when my dying day comes, as soon it must, and my eyes are turned to behold the sun in the heavens for the last time, it will be the eyes of a Democrat that will look upon that orb. And when I am under the sod, and some one stumbles over my grave, there will he find the epitaph : ' Here lies a man who was an honest Democrat his whole life long.' " INDIVIDUAL CHARACTERISTICS. Of his private life and his relations with his as- sociates in the Senate it is only necessary to say that during twelve years of service Mr. Thurman never had an angry word with any of them, and that he went as he came, a comparatively poor man. He went regretted by all who knew him in Washington — regretted particularly by many prominent Republicans who knew him best and who rejoiced most heartily at President Garfield's graceful and unsolicited action in appointing him to the International Monetary Conference. His rugged face, blunt speech and earnest manner will long be missed in the Senate chamber. He is a bitter partisan, and he may have gone astray on the money question, but even his bitterest enemy cannot deny that he was always an honest public servant, that he worked faithfully in what he be- lieved to be the right direction, and that he has done very much to elevate the tone of political discussion in the United States. 276 life and public services of thurman's democracy. Thurman's Democracy has always been of the staunchest and most loyal kind. Coming into public life in 1836, he was an advocate of the Jackisonian doctrine of ''hard money" as against the so-called " soft " or " shin-plaster " bank money advocated by the Whigs of tiiat time. He was originally opposed to the law making " green- backs " a legal tender. Later, while in the Senate, he opposed the law for the resumption of specie payments; but did not indorse the Ohio Demo- cratic platform denouncing the contraction of the currency and postponing resumption indefinitely. He favored the bi-metallic standard of gold and sil- ver, and helped to make the popular phrase, " the dollar of the daddies." It was out of compliment to his firm conservative adherence to hard-money principles that he was appointed on the Inter- national Metallic Conference by President Gar- field. Although Thurman has spent his life in politics, he has never voluntarily^ sought office. He firmly believes that the office should seek the man, and not tlie man the office. In manners Thurman is by nature the perfect gentleman of the old school, and by taste and education more of a scholar than a politician. He is well versed in mathematics and the classics, and a fluent reader and speaker of French and other modern languages. Although to-day perhaps one of the most conspicuous figures in national politics, he is at the same time one of the most modest and unassuming men in the country. ALLEN G. THURMAN. 277 ROMANCE OF THE "RED BANDANNA." The Thurman bandanna, the handkerchief which is likely to figure extensively in the coming cam- paign, has its own romance. In 1824, when Thur- man- was eleven years old, there arrived in Chilli- cothe an erratic, but accomplished French emi- grant, Emil Gregorie, who subsequently became known as the '"Professor." He had been intended for the Catholic priesthood, but while in his studies for holy orders he fell desperately in love with a young girl below him in social standing. Against the entreaties of his friends, he abandoned all thoughts of the priesthood, and finally married the girl. He had means, and under the advice of American agents in Paris, he concluded to invest in West Virginia lands. Like the ill-fated Blen- nerhassett, who bought an island in the Ohio river, he thought to establish an Oriental paradise in the West. His young wife gave birth to a daughter and died. Taking the child, the grief- stricken father named it Virgin ie, and came with it to found a home in the New World. When he found his lands were an unbroken wilderness his disappointment knew no bounds. He wandered about the savage border- lands of the West until he reached Chillicothe, where he found employment as a teacher of French. Mrs. Thurman, Allen's mother, heard of him and his ability, and took care of the child in exchange for French lessons for her son. The grateful Parisian gave young Thurman most assiduous attention, but among other accomplishments taught him the habit of taking snuif, and the French use of " the handkerchief." At first Thurman could speak no French and Virginie no English. But 278 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES. tbey soon acquired a vocabulary of common phrases, and became constant companions and steadfast friends. Thurman's first grief came when M. Gregorie received a favorable offer to go to Louisiana, then a province of Spain. Much to the resrret of botli the young people, he accepted the invitation, and left Cliillicothe for *^ the Spanish territory." For a while Thurman was disconsolate, and even gave up "snuff." But on coming to Congress afterwards he found the habit prevailing, with " snuff" on the Congressional free list, and so he fell into the habit again. Formerly a flourish of the bandanna in Cliillicothe was equivalent to saying, ''Come into court." In the present cam- paign it will undoubtedly mean, "Sound the Slogan ! " CHAPTER XV. MR. THURMAN's nomination RECEIVED WITH EN- THUSIASM. Excitement in the House of Representatives at Wash- ington—What THE "New York Times" Said— The "San Francisco Examiner" on the Nomination — Washington Correspondents at Columbus — Judge Thurman's Speech — ^Thurman Club of Columbus Endorse the Nominee — Another Speech by Thurman — Estimate of the Candi- date BY Roswell p. Flower — What Governor Gray has to say. The announcement of Thurman's nomination was read in the House with uproarious enthusiasm. As if by preconcerted arrangement, bandannas were waved by the whole Democratic side amid the loud hurrahs and clapping of hands, in which the Republicans also joined. Biggs, of California, waved his hands frantically through the air and cried out something about Oregon being redeemed next November, but it was impossible to dis- tinguish his words in the uproar. Outhwaite, cf Ohio, appeared at the clerk's desk with a large picture of the '' Old Roman." He draped it with a red silk handkerchief and the House broke oat once more in great applause. Bandannas were (279) 280 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF waved vigorously from the galleries, and it was a long while before order was restored. Referring to the St. Louis Convention, the Nev/ York Times said " The Democratic part}' has put two able and trusted men before the country as its candidates, we may fairly say its two ablest and most trusted, and it enters upon the contest for the Presidency upon a platform unusually sound, temperate and manly. Beyond question, Mr. Thurman's name brings greater strength to the ticket than the name of any other man the Deuiocratic party could have nominated for Vice-President. He is in the best sense of the word a distinguished man. His positive achievements in public life are suffi- ciently numerous and noteworthy to entitle him to a place among the statesmen of the country. His character is beyond repronch and his public record well nigh unassailable. It is an inspiring candi- dacy far beyond the wont of nominations for the Vice-Presidency, for Mr. Thurman commands the respect and veneration of his party, while Repub- licans in high places have many times laid aside the customary narrowness of the partisan to speak of him in terms of praise. It can no longer be said of Mr. Cleveland that he is untried in national affairs or that he shows or has shown any weak- ness or tendency to error due to a lack of ex- perience, but Mr. Thurman has in full measure what Mr. Cleveland lacked four years ago ; and since to experience he joins dignity and puts some value upon the esteem and respect of the people of the country, his accession, should he be elected, to the chair of the presiding officer of the Senate ALLEN G. THUKMAN. 281 will be a welcome relief from the possible continu- ance therein of its present unworthy occupant." The Examiner, of San Francisco, said : " The nomination of Thurman has proved, even more strikingly than that of Cleveland, that when the people of this country have made up their minds to a thing they will have, their politicians may as well stand aside. Thurman means vic- tory. He is the incarnation of the spirit new and yet old, which breathes through a fearless platform and recalls the great days of Democracy before de- feat had taught it to apologize for its principles. The Pacific coast has nominated Thurman; it is its duty and will be its pleasure to elect him. Our delegation votes California to him, and relying upon that pledge the convention disregarded the warnings of men who offered to insure the fifteen votes of Indiana in exchange for the nomination of another candidate. We can redeem those pledges, and we will." The Washington correspondents who attended the St. Louis Convention stopped at Columbus upon the invitation of Mr. Holden, of the Cleve- land Plain Dealer, and were entertained by that gentleman at the Neil House. The correspondents were met at the railroad station by the Thurman and Jackson Clubs and, preceded by a band of music, escorted to the residence of Judge Thur- man. One correspondent writes as follows : Judge Thurman lives in a modest house on 282 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERYICES OF Washington avenue, bis son occupying the house adjoining. The Judge's residence is undergoing repairs, and the visitors were invited by Mr. Thur- man, Jr., to his house, where the Judge soon made his appearance. From reports current at St. Louis I expected to find Judge Thurman considerably broken up physically. I was, therefore, surprised to see very little change in his appearance since I last saw him in Washington, about a year ago. He walked across the lawn from his own house to that of his son in a shuffling gait, that indicated the presence of rheumatism, but in his general ap- pearance and manner in repose, and when speak- ing, he seems as vigorous as when a member of the United States Senate. His countenance is a shade paler and his beard and hair have whitened some- what since he left the Senate, but his eye is as bright, his voice as strong, his mind as alert, his intellect as vigorous as when leading his party in debate in the Senate chamber. So far as can be observed from his bearing and conversation, there are no outward evidences other than those which attend the presence of rheumatism in the limbs — and these are only apparent when he walks — of physical weakness or diminution of mental force. His speech to the correspondents was in his hap- piest vein. The allusion to his robust health and the request that the correspondents should write for him such a speech as the}^ thought he should make upon an ALLEN G. THURMAN. 283 occasion of this kind, were much enjoyed. Those of us who have known Judge Thurinan left him with no apprehension that if elected Vice-Presi- dent he would fail in duties as presiding officer of the Senate. The old gentleman came out on the porch, and as we were driven from his house waved a farewell with his bandanna. The correspondents having been supplied at St. Louis with the Thur- man standard were enabled to return the saluta- tion by waving the same emblem. JUDGE THURMAN's SPEECH. After three cheers for Cleveland and Thurman and the red bandanna, Judge Thurman spoke as follows : " The only time I ever had any lengthy talk with Henry Ward Beecher he said : ' Well, you are a pretty good-looking man for a Democrat.' I must say you are a pretty good-looking set of men considering you are newspaper men. I must con- fess I see no indications of horns or weapons of any kind. Now, if you want to do me a favor, write a speech for me and attribute it to me. How- ever, be careful to put in the applause frequently. " I understand that many good people say, and no doubt think — I dc not deny the justice of their thoughts — that I am too old [laughter] to run for Vice-President. [Renewed laughter and a voice, ' We'll see about that.'] Those people who say so, and who doubtless think so, do not understand the effect upon an old Democrat of such kindness as I received at your hands and at the hands of the 284 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF rest of the Democracv of the United States. [Cheers.] Why, I feel about ten years younger at the least calculation. [Laughter and renewed cheering; a voice, 'I can say twenty.'] Well, I think it will be twenty before twenty days. [Re- newed laughter.] *' Last night 1 stood here to speak to my fellow- citizens who came out to greet me, and upon my word, expecting to speak about five minutes, I find I spoke twenty minutes in full voice and with im- mense fervor and vigor. [Continued laughter and applause.] And I should not be surprised if I should make such a fool of myself between now and the second Tuesday, or i\\^ first Tuesday, or whatever Tuesday it is, in October [laughter and voices, 'November'] — November, I mean — that I should be prancing around making speeches like a young man just out of teens. [Renewed laughter and applause.] " But now, gentlemen, let me be serious a little. You know, gentlemen of the Ohio delegation, that when you were kind enough to call on me before you went to St. Louis I told you, and God knows it was the honest truth, that I did not want the nomination ; that what I wanted was peace and quiet, but that it w^as impossible for me to say that I would not refuse a nomination, for that would make me a candidate at once, and, therefore, sur- rounded with these difliculties I could conceive of no other w^ay, no other solution than to place myself in your hands, and I did so freely, honestly, fairly, loyally, trusting that you would take care of my honor as well as the interests of the Demo- cratic party. [Cheers.] Now, gentlemen, I do not undertake to speak for the party and say ALLEN G. THURMAN. 285 whether you have done wisely or not, but I do speak for myself and say that you have done fairly and honorably and uprightly by me, and that as huis: as I live I shall alwavs bear towards you a plateful heart and a pleasant recollection. [Ap- plause.] " Gentlemen, I thank you for your efforts ; I tliank you for what you have done, and^yhether I shall be successful or not successful, there is one thing of which I cannot be deprived, and that is the gratification of knowing that I have the good will of the people of my State, and not only of the people of Ohio but of the people, I think, of the United States. [Continuous applause.] Now, gentlemen, I do not think I ought to say anything more for fear, as my friend Lowenstein would say, that I would paralyze you. [Great laughter.] "I do not want to do that. I hope that every man of you, since 30U have put me on the ticket, will go to work and work for the ticket. But I have another word to say before I stop, and that is this : There scarcely ever happened in the history of tliis world a sublimer spectacle than the renom- ination of Grover Cleveland by the unanimous voice of the Convention [great applause,] and now I say you did a wise thing in that — a patriotic thing in that. The people of the United States love a brave man, and Cleveland is a brave man ; they love an honest man, and God knows he is an honest man ; they love a man of good sound judgment, and I do not know any man of sounder judgment than his; they love a man who stands up for the people, who stands up for principle, and does not fear to take the consequence, and such a man is Grover Cleveland. Gentlemen, it 286 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF will be an honor to every man of that St. Louis Coiiventiou as long as he lives that he was tliere to cast liis vote for this worthy President of the United States. Now I thank you and will bid you good-night." [Great applause.] DEMONSTRATION AT COLUMBUS. The Thurman Club got up a demonstration in honor of the nomination of Judge Thurman. Captain Hoffman, of the Samuel J. Randall Club, was introduced to Mr. Thurman by President John J. Lenty, of the Thurman Club, and intro- duced each member of the Philadelphia club in turn to Mr. Thurman. Judge Thurman then spoice as follows " My friends and fellow-citizens : I sincerely thank you for this manifestation of your good will and esteem. It has been well said, ' lind how a man is thought of b}' his neighbors, and you can form a correct judgment of tliat man's character and worth.' If I may judge from this demon- stration, as well as from all the acts of kindness til at I have received from the goodly people of Columbus for more than a third of a century, I may indulge in the hope that I stand well in the affections of my neighbors. [Great cheering.] And when in addition to that I have every reason to believe, from the attendance here to-night of that splendid body of men, the Randall Club of Philadelphia [cheers], that I stand Avell in that grand old State which used to be called the Key- stone of the Democratic arch [renewed cheering], ALI£N G. THURMAN. 287 and which I hope will ere long become that key- stone again, then I have more than ever reason to congratulate myself and believe that I stand well with my fellow-men. " My friends, I should be the most insensible and cold-blooded man in the world if I did not feel grateful for the kindness you have manifested toward me to-night; yes, and I may say that you have manifested toward me before to-night, and yet I do not know about that quite. I say kindness — was it kindness? I was living in my own quiet home, with my good ( Id wife and my children and grand- children and friends around me, wishing for noth- ing in this world but peace and quiet, when you and others like you force me once more into the political arena. Whether that was kind or not time will tell ; whether it was well devised or not time will disclose ; but one thing I need not wait for time to disclose, and that is that I owe you the deepest and profoundest gratitude from the very bottom of my heart. [Great applause.] " Now, my friends, you will not [coughing] — I got so much of that fire and brimstone down my throat that I can hardly talk, and that is not very fair, for, if what some of my enemies say of me be true, I will get fire and brimstone quick enough without getting it now. [L;uighter, and a voice, ' A good many years yet. Judge.'] You will not expect me to make a political speech to-night. When the t\vo parties shall have been fully mar- shalled in the field ; when the issues, as the law- yers call them, shall have been distinctly declared ; when all the candidates have their harness on and are ready for the tilt, then it will be right for me to bear my humble part in the affray. [Cheers.] 288 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HE WILL BE HEARD FROM. ^^Tlien I give you my word that I shall be honrd from according to my feeble abilities. I tliiiik there is life enough in me yet. [Apphause.] I think there is still in this old head some rem- nant of brains [laughter and applause] to enable me to tell the people why all my life long I have been a Democrat and mean to die one. [Applause.] And I think I shall be able to give them some reasons why they should be Democrats from now until they are laid in the grave. [Cheers.] My friends, it is not my purpose to say any harsh thing of our political opponents. That never has been my siy\e of speaking. Even when I was a very young man — I might say not a man at all, for the first stump speech I ever made I was noth- ing but a boy — even then I always endeavored to keep a civil tongue in my head. I always recog- nized the right of every man to do his own think- ing, and if he would only think honestly and be as tolerant of me as I was to him, there should be no harsh words fall from my lips in respect to him; and so now in the contests that happened in our own party, it never has been my habit to quarrel with those who did not think just as I thought. I have been before your convention in St. Louis without my will, against n^y will, as a candidate for a great office. [Cheering.] I was warmly, nobly, generously supported in that convention. I was also warmly and earnestly opposed. To- wards those who opposed me I have nothing in the world but feelings of kindness. It was their right, if they thought some other man was better — a better man to be nominated — if they thought it was more politic or advisable, however well they ALLEN G. THURMAN. 289 might think of me, to nominate somebody else, it was their right to think so. They were sent there to exercise their judgment, and God knows they have created not a single raffle in my bosom nor the least symptom of ill-will towards them. [Applause.] No, my friends, I am here to advo- cate the right of every free American citizen to think for himself. I believe in it, and always have believed in it, as the very essence of Democ- racy and of free government, and therefore I wish to say to you all, for it is time I was concluding these remarks. If I do not conclude them soon our friends from Pennsylvania will scarcely find time to reach the depot in time for the train. I must, therefore, bring what I have to say to a close, and it is thus : That so long as God gives me strength to speak to my fellow-men so long shall I talk to them the good honest Democracy in which I w^as schooled and in which I believe. Cleveland's greatness. " Now, my friends, I should be playing the part of Hamlet with Hamlet left oiF if I did not say another thing that I am going to say, and which I have reserved upon the teaching of the New Testament that the master of the feast brings on the best of his wine last. I tell you, my friends, that the St. Louis Convention did the thing itself that should immortalize it. It did one thing which of itself should command the esteem and re- spect and gratitude of the American people. It did one thing which set a magnificent example for all time to come to the American people, and in- deed to all other people who have anything to do in the choice of the rulers, and that thing was to 290 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF renominate Grover Clevelfind bv the nnanimons voice of the convention. [Clieering,] ^^ Now, my friends, when I speak of Grover Cleveland I do not speak of a stranger io nie. I never saw him until after he was inaugurated President of the United States, but I have seen liim many times since, talked with him much, con- sulted with him much, and, although I have not seen him for months past, I kuow that man, I think, and I think I know him well, and if there is a brave, honest, upright, courageous, patriotic man on the face of God's earth, Grover Cleveland is such a man. [Great apphiuse.] Why, my frieuds, if he is not such a man, if his administra- tion has not been a grand success, if the people have not found that he was worthy to sit in the chair that Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and Jack- son occupied ; if such is not the fact, how can it be accounted for that he received every vote in the convention at St. Louis, and there was not a dissent from one end of the Union to the other? [Great applause.] Traitors to their country and to their party do not get such an endorsement as that ; men of small brains do not net such an en- dorsemeut as that ; men of doubtful integrity do not get such an endorsement as that. No; it is because Grover Cleveland is an upriglit and honest, a brave, an able mni]. that the whole Democratic party in the United States, from one end to the other, be it State or be it Territory, be it on the Atlantic Avave or be it where the Pacific rolls her mighty volume of water on our western coast; be it on the great lakes or be it on the gulf, every man of the Democratic party or every one who has the least claim to honcstv himself is heard to exclaim : 'Give us Cleveland for four years more.' ALLEN G. THURMAN. 291 "Now, my friends, I have spoken to you longer than there was any necessity for me to speak and longer than I ouglit to have spoken, considering that our Pennsylvania friends have so long a march to make and little time to catch the train. I give you my heartiest thanks for the kind com- pliment you have paid me, and wishing you, one and all, happiness in all your lifj, I hid you good- night." WHAT ROSWELL P. FLOWER SAID. " The nomination is the strongest one that could possibly be made. Nothing can keep the Demo- cratic party from success on the present issue. The selection of Thurman silences every man who had ever the slightest grievance against the admin- istration and every man Avho Was dissatisfied with the distribution of patronage. No one had more reason to feel sore than Allen G. Thurman. Cleveland brings into the campaign his magnifi- cent record and an increased vote in the State of New York. Thuruian brings v/ith him the united body of Democracy. Tlie Pacific coast has every reason to feel grateful to him for his vote on the Chinese bill and will be solid lor the ticket. No man can be nominated on the Republican ticket w4io will win, if the fight is made on the present issue — tarifl' reform and reduction, against high protective taiili'." GOVERNOR GRAY ON THURMAN. Governor Gray received the news of Thurman's nomination with complacency. *' I have had no other expectation for two days than that Thurman would be nominated for vice-president," he said. 292 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF "I have lonGf thouiz;ht that the man whom the New York delegation supported would be the nominee. I think I should have had no trouble had it not been for Tiiurinan's candidacy." "What will be Thurman's strength in Indiana?" " I think he will carry the full strength of the party in this State. He is a grand man." A neighbor's est LM ate of THURxMAN. " When I was leaving for Europe a few years ago," said a wealthy banker and Republican of Columbus, to a World correspondent, " I handed Judge Thurman a blank power of attorney, and said : -If I should meet with any accident I want you to have the settling up of my estate.' There is no other man living, Democrat or Republican, whom I would trust to that extent, but I knew that in Judge Thurman's hands my property would be perfectly safe. I am a Republican, and expect to vote against Judge Thurman, but no human being can successfully assail his honor or his integrity." The above is a fiiir sample of the opinion enter- tained by Judge Thurman's neighbors regarding him personally. Judge Thurman's books are much scattered. Part of them are piled up in boxes in his old house, and but few of them, com- paratively, have been taken to his new home. He says he could not begin to tell how many he has. He has always been careless about preserving his speeches or papers of any kind. " I suppose," he said, " that I have made as many ALLEN G. THURMAN. 293 speeches as any man of my age in the country, but I don't believe I have one of them to-day in my possession. You might find a few by looking over my books and papers, but not many. I have never made it a habit to keep them. I remember when I was a boy of ten that I invested in a scrap-book, and my mother, who had more to do with my education than any one else, said to me : ^ Allen, I don't think you will need that; you will find after a little that you will be depending on your scrap-book altogether and your memory will suffer. Scrap-books are easily lost, but when you have a thing once fastened in your mind no one can get it away from you.' So I gave up the scrap-book, and I believe her advice was very sound. Some use a scrap-book to put down statistics and such things, but I don't believe the average man obtains any benefit from them whatever, but rather the reverse. I know I strengthened my memory A REMARKABLE MEMORY. " When I first began to practise law I used to make notes of the testimony. I had a system of shorthand and could write as fast as witnesses could talk. But I found that I did not often use the notes afterwards and gave up making them. I have gone into cases lasting a week or longer, when fifty or more witnesses would be examined, but I never had any difficulty in remembering what each one had said. I would take down the 294 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF names of the witnesses and a few things like that, but my notes on a very lengthy case would not more than cover two pages of foolscap." Judge Thurman's public career up to the time lie left the Senate in 1871 is a part of our political history. Since he left the Senate he has been de- voting himself chiefly, as he expresses it, to mind- ing his own business. However, his retirement has been invaded on one or two occasions before now. President Garfield appointed him one of the Commissioners on the part of the United States to attend the monetary conference in Paris in 1881. This afforded the Judge an opportunity to visit Europe, which he had long desired to do, and he broke the resolution made upon leaving the Senate never again to become a candidate for or to accept any public office. In 1884 he was elected one of the delegates-at-large from this State to the Democratic National Convention at Chicago, and two years ago President Cleveland appointed him one of the special counsel for the Government in the Bell Telephone suit. Judge Thurnnin's at- titude has been that of a man not seeking office, but wdien called upon he has been ready to sacrifice his personal inclinations for the benefit of his party and country. HIS DETESTATION OF LOBBYISTS. " T have been in Washington," he said, "a num- ber of times since I left the Senate, buL never ALLEN G. THURMAN. 295 except upon business, and I have made it a point to leave the moment my business was finished. No, I don't dislike Washington. It is one of the most delightful places to live in that I know of. But I had seen so much of public men hanging around Washington and becoming lobbyists after they had been relieved of representing their con- stituents in either house that I made up my mind 1 should never remain there an hour longer than was absolutely necessary when I left the Senate, and I never have. The spectacle of ex-Senators and ex-members hansfins; around Washin2;ton acting as lobbyists, is to me disgusting and re- pugnant to my ideas of what is right and proper. 1 do not see how any man can retain his self- respect and do it." The devotion that exists between the Judge and his wife is touching, notwithstanding they have Jiad their golden wedding. They seldom use a carriage, as Mrs. Thurman dislikes them. They may be seen almost any pleasant day riding around town in the street cars, making a picture for an artist. The Judge's strong rugged features and snow-white hair and whiskers give him an air of picturesque individuality which is in striking harmony with the refined and delicate features of his companion. They always address each other by their given names, even in the presence of strangers. " I used to try to tease the Judge's little girls," 296 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF said an old lawyer, who had known the Thurmans for years, " by telling them their father had been scolding their mother, but it never would work. Young as they were they knew better. They would bristle up and say : ' It is not true : papa never spoke a cross word to mamma in his life/ and," the lawyer added, " I reckon that is about so. I have been a near neighbor of Judge Thurman for many years, and if there ever was a case of domestic bliss and harmony it exists in the case of the Judge and his wife. He has spent many an hour in my office. THE SECRET OF HIS GKEAT SUCCESS. "I attribute Judije Thurman's jrreat success in life," continued the lawyer, '' to one thing prin- cipally, which is to go to the bottom of everything he undertakes. He was a surveyor when he was a young man and he was always much interested* in working out complicated cases. Soon after he first went to the Senate he came into my office one day and said : "*They have put me on a most insignificant committee, that of Mexican Land Claims, and I find I know nothini]^ about them.' I believe most of the titles and grants were in Spanish from the Mexican Government. lie said he should have to learn the Spanish language so that he could get at the exact meaning of the words used in the grants, and he did too. lie went to work at once and did ALLEN G. THU'R^AW. 29? not stop until he had mastered the Spanish lan- guage perfectly. Think of a man taking up the study of a language at his time of life simply to enable him to render a better judgment on a matter coming before his committee in Congress. But it was Thurman's way. He never did any- thing by halves. He did not have as quick a mind as Tom Corwin, but his dogged perseverance made him more than his equal." " Did you know anything of the charge made by Gov. Foraker that the Judge was disloyal dur- ing the war?" " It hasn't the slightest foundation. Mrs. Thur- man, you know, comes of Kentucky stock. Many of the prisoners confined at Camp Chase were old friends of her family. She was in the habit of taking delicacies to the sick at the Hospital at Camp Chase. She carried food to both the Union and Confederate sick alike, and many a poor fellow, I reckon, had occasion to bless the sight of her sweet face. Even Foraker can hardly find any- thing very treasonable in Mrs. Thurman's generous acts. The Judge was always a pronounced Union man.** HIS OPINION OF CONKLING AND BLAINE. In different conversations iheWorld correspond- ent has had with him he has touched upon many subjects. Referring to Mr. Blaine, Judge Thur- man said : " It is certainly curious the qualities that go tc make a man popular before the people. 298 LIFE AND ILiU.lC SKRVICKS. Mr. Blaine is an able and brilliant man, bnt I never could quite understand wliat it was tbat gave him his hold on the public. If he had not withdrawn he would unquestionably have been nominated at Chicago." "His quarrel with Mr. Conkling was unfor- tunate ?" " Yes, for Mr. Blaine. If Mr. Blaine had known at the time he threw his brickbats at Mr. Conk- ling that the latter was a man who would send a cartload back he would probably have hesitated before attacking liiui. I never was so much im- pressed with Mr. Blaine's ability as when I read his book, ' Twenty Years of Congress.' The first volume is remarkably fair and able and quite philosophical. I do not agree with everything he says, but the work on the whole is one that will last. The second volume is not equal to the first and is not such good history. }?erhaps he was dealing with matters too near the present to be free from bias. " Mr. Conkling was a remarkable man," the Judge continued. " I knew him very well in the Senate, and our relations were very friendly. I remember, one day, I found a red bandanna on my desk \\\i\\ Conkling's card. lie discussed men and things in a way that was dazzling in its brillianc\'. I never enjoyed anything better. If he had been, trained for the stage he would have made a mag- nificent actor." CHAPTER XV. NOTIFYING THE CANDIDATES. Committees Meet at Washington — Notable Gathering — Address by Congressman P. A. Collins, Chairman op Democratic National Convention — Letter of Notifica- tion — Presentation of EN(iRossED Copy of Platform- President Cleveland's Reply — Hesponsibility Connected With the Office of President — JudgeThurman Notified. The National Democratic Committee and the Notification Committee appointed by the St. Louis Convention met in Wasliington, June 26, and at two o'clock went to the White House. They were ushered into the East Room, and ranged themselves m a circle in the south end of the room. Palms filled all the windows and alcoves in that portion of the room, and potted plants decorated the mantels. The President was notified of their arrival, and descended to the East Room, accom- panied by Mrs. Cleveland, Rev. W. N. Cleveland and wife, Mrs. W. E. Hoyt, the President's sister, Mr. and Mrs. Lainont, Mr. W. S. Bissell, of Bufililo, all of whom were present at the notification of his first nomination ; Mr. Bayard, Mr. and Mrs. Fair- child, Mr. and Mrs. Wliitney, Mrs. Endicott, Mr. Vilas, Mr. and Mrs. Dickinson, Mr. Benjamin Folsom^ and Speaker Carlisle. (299) 300 NOTIFYING THE CANDIDATES. CHAIRMAN COLLINS' ADDRESS. Their a})proach was a signal for a general clap ping of hands on the part of the visitors, and as soon as the party had taken their places, Con- gressman P. A. Collins stepped forward and ad- dressed the President as follows : " Mr. Cleveland : We come as a committee, anthorized and instructed by the National Demo- cratic Convention, recently held at St. Louis, to convey formal notice of its action in naming you for the olhce of President of the United States during the next four years. It would ill become the occasion or } our presence to express ;it length the full meaninu^ and siu^nificance of that irreat asseml)ly. Its expression will bo found and heard elsewhere and otherwise from now till that day in November w4ien this free and intelligent people will record their approval of your great services as chief magistrate. We beg to congratulate you upon this hearty and unanimous indorvSement of your course as President by the great historic party to which in all the days of your manhood you have belonged, and to congratulate the country upon the assured continuance of your wise, just, and patri- otic administration." Upon concluding his remarks, Mr. Collins intro- duced Mr. Chailes D. Jacobs, of Kentucky, who read the following letter of notification : Washington, June 26. — To the Honorable Gro- ver Cleveland, of New York — Sir: The delegates to the National Democratic Convention, represent- NOTIFYING THE CANDIDATES. 301 ing every State and Territory of our Union, hav- ing assembled in the city of St. Louis on June 5th instant, for the purpose of nominating candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President, it has become the honorable and pleasing duty of this committee to formally announce to you that, without a ballot, you were by acclamation chosen as the standard-bearer of the Democratic party for the chief executive of this country, at the election to be held in November next. Great as is such a distinction under any circum- stances, it is the more flattering and profound when it is remembered that you have been selected as your own successor to an office the duties of which, always onerous, have been rendered of an extra- ordinarily sensitive, difficult and delicate nature, because of a change of political parties and meth- ods after twenty-four years of uninterrupted dom- ination. This exaltation is, if possible, added to by the fact that the declaration of principles based upon your last annual message to the Congress oft he United States relative to a tariff reduction and a dim- inution of the expenses of the Government, throws down the direct and defiant challenge for an exact- ing scrutiny of the administration of the executive power, which four years ago w^as committed in its trust to the election of G rover Cleveland President of the United States, and for the most searching inquiry concerning its fidelity and devotion to the pledges which then invited the suffrages of the people. An engrossed copy of that platform, adopted without a dissenting voice, is herewith tendered to you. In conveying, sir, to you the responsible trust which has been consigned to them the committee 302 NOTIFYING THE CANDIDATES. beg, individually and collectively, to express the great pleasure which they have lelt at the results attending the National Convention of the Demo- cratic party, and to offer to you their best wishes tor your official and personal success and liappi- ness. We have the honor, sir, to be your obedient servants. (Signed by all the members of the committee.) Mr. Thomas S. Pettit, secretary of the Notifica- tion Conmiittee, then presented Mr. Cleveland with a handsomely-engrossed copy of the platform adopted at the National Democratic Convention. THE president's ACCEPTANCE. Mr. Cleveland replied as follows : I cannot but be profoundly impressed when I see about me the messengers of the national De- mocracy, bearing its summons to duty. The polit- ical party to wliich I owe allegiance both honors and commands me. It places in my band its proud standard and bids me bear it high at the front in a battle which it wages gravely, because conscious of right; confidently, because its trust is in the people; and soberly, because it comprehends the obligation wdiich success imposes. The message which you bring awakens within me the liveliest sense of personal gratitude and satisfa(ition, and the honor which you tender me is in itself so great that there might well be no room for any other sentiment. And yet I cannot rid myself of grave and serious thoughts when I remember that party supremacy is not alone NOTIFYING THE CANDIDATES. 303 involved in the conflict whicli presses upon iis, but that we struggle to secure and save the cherished institutions, tlie welfare and the happiness of a nation of freemen. Fainiliarity with the great office which I hold has hut added to my apprehension of its sacred character and the consecration demanded of him who assumes its immense responsibilities. It is the repository of the people's will and power. Within its vision should be the protection and welfare of the humblest citizen, and with quick ear it should catch from the remotest corner of the land the plea of the people for justice and for right. For the sake of the people, he who holds this. office of theirs should resist every encroach- ment upon its legitimate functions, and for the sake of the integrity and usefulness of the office it should be kept near to the people and be admin- istered in full sympathy with their wants and needs. This occasion reminds me most vividly of the scene when, four years ago, I received a message from my party similar to that which you now de- liver. With all that has passed since that day I can truly say that the feeling of awe with which I heard the summons then is intensified manyfold when it is repeated now. Four years ago I knew that our chief executive office, if not carefully guarded, might drift little by little away from the people to whom it belonged and become a perver- si(ni of all it ought to be ; but I did not know how much its moorings had already been loosened. I knew four years ago how well devised were the principles of true Democracy for the successful operation of a government by the people and for 304 NOTIFYING THE CANDIDATES. the people; but I did not know how absolutely necessary their jip[)lication then was for the resto- ration to the people of their safety and prosperity. I knew then that abuses and extravai^ances had crept into the management of public affairs, but I did not know their numerous forms nor the tenacity of their grasp. I knew then something of the bitterness of partisan obstruction ; but 1 did not know how bitter, how reckless and how shameless it could be. I knew, too, that the American peo- ple were patriotic and just; but I did not know how grandly they loved their country, nor how noble and generous they were. I shall not dwell upon the acts and the policy of the Administration now drawins: to its close. Its record is open to every citizen of the land. And yet I will not be denied the privilege of asserting at this time that in the exercise of the functions of the high trust confided to me I have yielded obedience only to the Constitution and the solemn obligation of my oath of office. I have done those thin2;s which, in the liofht of the under- standing God has given me, seemed most condu- cive to the welfare of my countrymen and the promotion of good government. 1 would not if I could, for myself nor for you, avoid a single con- sequence of a fair interpretation of my course. It but remains for me to say to you, and through you to the Democracy of the nation, that I accept the nomination with which they have honored me, and that 1 will in due time signify such accept- ance in the usual formjd manner. JUDGE TIIUKMAN NOTIFIED. The members of the Democratic committee ap- NOTIFYING THE CANDIDATES. 305 pointed to notify ex-Senator Allen G. Thurman of his nomination to the office of Vice-President arrived in Columbus by special train on the morning of June 28. Tiie committee was appropriately re- ceived by committees of local Democratic clubs, and was grandly entertained. All the regular com- mittee were present, except the representatives from Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Kansas, Maine, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Virginia, Arizona, and New Mexico. Accompanying the committee also were General P. F. Collins, of Massachusetts, and Hon. S. M. Wbyte, of California. At one o'clock the committee started for Judge Thurman's residence, and it vv^as announced that the meeting would be in that portion occupied by his sons. The pa^rty was received in the north re- ception-room of Mr. A. W.. Thurman's residence, which had been bedecked with flowers and plants. General Collins and Mayor Jacobs, of Louisville, stationed themselves at the head of the room in front of the window; the other members of the committee and the various gentlemen present hav- ing arranged themselves in a semicircle, awaited the entrance of Judge Thurman, who speedily made his appearance from the drawing-room on the south. Judge Thurm.an was greeted with a burst of ap- plause as he came forward leaning on the arm of u 306 NOTIFYING TllE CANDIDATES. his son, Mr. A. W. Thurman. It was an irnpres- f^ive sight, and one well calculated to accompany the scene about to be completed. As soon as Judge Thurman had taken his seat and bowed to the gentlemen standing ready to receive him, General (Collins advanced, and, after shaking him by the hand, spoke as follows: "Judge Thurman, we bear a message from the great council of your party. It is but a formal notice of your nomination by that body for the high office of Vice-President of the United States. Rich as our language is in power and expression, it contains no words to adequately convev the sentiment of that Convention as its heart went out to you. I present my friend, Charles D. Jacobs, Mayor of Louisville." Mr. Jacobs stepped forward, and in an earnest voice read a formal letter of notification, which was siirned bv the committee on notification. Mr. Thurman thanked the committee in well- chosen words, stating that he accepted the nomina- tion, and shortly afterward the committee with- drew. Interesting Facts about all our Presidents. ADMINISTRATION OF WASHINGTON. 1789-1797. The 4th of March, 1789, was the time appointed for the Government of the United States to go into operation under its new organization ; but several weeks elapsed before quorums of both Houses of Congress were assembled. The city of New York was the place where Congress then met. On the 6th of April the electoral votes were counted. At that time, and until 1805, each elec- tor voted by ballot for two persons. If a majority of all the votes w^ere cast for any person, he who received the greatest number of votes became President, and he who received the next greatest number became Vice-President. When the votes were counted they were found to be for George Washington, of Virginia, 69 (all of the electors having voted for him), John Adams, of Massachu- setts received 34 votes, and 35 votes were cast for various other candidates. Charles Thompson, the oldest secretary of Con- gress, was sent to Mount Vernon to notify Wash- ington of his election. Washington promptly sig- nified his acceptance of the office, and, two days later, started for New York. He was desirous of 2 cm 18 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. travelling as; quietly and unostentatiously as possi- ble, but the people of the States through which he passed would not permit him to do so. His jour- ney was a constant ovation. Crowds greeted him at every town witli the most enthusiastic demon- strations of affection and confidence; triumphal GEORGE WAS1II>'GT0N. arches were erected, and his way was strewn with liowers by young girls; and maidens and mothers greeted him with songs composed in his honor. In consequence of these demonstrations his pro- gress was so much retarded that he did not reach New Yoriv until the latter part of April. On the 30th of April Washington appeared on FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 19 the balcony of Federal Hall, New York, on the site of Vv'hich the United States Treasury now stands, and took the oath of office in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, and a large crowd of citizens assembled in the streets below. He then repaired to the Senate chamber, and there delivered an address to both Houses of Congress. The plan of the new government being now completed. Congress proceeded to its or- ganization through the departments of the judi- ciary, of state, of the treasury, of war, and of attorney-general. President Washington appointed Thomas Jeffer- son, of Virginia, Secretary of State, Alexander Ham- ilton, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury, and General Henry Knox, of Massachusetts, Secretary of War. John Jay, of New York, was made Chief- Justice of the United States, and Edmund Ran- dolph, of Virginia, Attorney-General. Frederick A. Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania, was chosen Speak^^r of the House ; but his election was not a party triumph, for parties were still in a state of utter confusion. Between the extreme Anti-Federalists, who considered the Constitution a long step toward a despotism, and the extreme Federalists, who desired a monarchy m.odeled on that of England — there were all varieties of polit- ical opinion. Washington, through the universal confidence in his integrity and good judgment, had the ability to hold together the conservative men 20 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. of all parties for a time, and prevent party contest upon the interpretation of Federal powers until the Constitution should be tested and its value de- monstrated to the people. In 1792 the second Presidential election took place. Washington was anxious to retire, but yielded to the wishes of the people, and was again chosen President by the unanimous vote of the electoral colleges of the several States. The electoral votes were counted in February, 1793, and found to be for George Washington 132 (all the electors having voted for him), for John Adams 77, for Georire Clinton 50, for Thomas Jefferson 4, and for Aaron Burr 1. Washington was inaugurated on the 4th of xMarch, 1793. At the close of his term of office Washimrton withdrew to his home at Mount Vernon, to enjoy the repose lie had so w^ell earned, and which was so ixrateful to him. His administration had been eminently successful. When he entered upon the duties of the Presidency the government was new and untried, and its best friends doubted its ability to exist long; the finances were in confusion, and the country was burdened with debt ; the disputes with Great Britain threatened to involve the country in a new war; and the authority of the general government was uncertain and scarcely recognized. When he left office the state of affairs was changed. The government had been severely tested, and had bQt»i found equal to any demand FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 21 upon it. The disputes with England had been ar* ranged, and the country, no longer threatened with war, but was free to devote its energies to its im- provement. Industry and commerce were growing rapidly. ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS. 4th of March, 1797— 4th of March, 1801. At the elections held in the flill of 1796 the Federalists put forward John Adams, of Massa- chusetts, as their candidate, while the Republicans or Democrats supported Thomas Jefferson, of Vir- ginia. The contest was very bitter, and resulted in the election of Mr. Adams. Mr. Jefferson, receiv- ing; the next liicrhest number of votes, was de- clared Vice-President, in accordance with the law as it then stood. The electoral vote was counted in February and was as follows : For John Adams 71, for Thomas Jefferson 08, for Thomas Pinckney 59, for Aaron Burr 30, and the rest scattering. On the 4th of March, 1797, Mr. Adams, the second President of the United States, was inau- gurated at Philadelphia, in the presence of both Houses of Comrress, and Thomas Jefferson was in- augurated as Vice-President. Mr. Adams was dressed in a full suit of pearl-colored broadcloth, and wore his hair powdered. He was in the sixty- second year of his age, and in the full vigor of health and intellect. 22 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Mr. Adams made no clianges in the cabinet left by President AVashington, and the policy of hh Administration corresponded throughout with thai of liis great predecessor. He came into office at a time when this policy was to bo subjected to JOHN ADAMS. the severest test, and was to he triumphantly vin- dicated by tlie trial. Mr. Adams began his official career with the declaration of his '^determination to maintain peace and inviolate faith with all nations, and neutrality and impartiality with the belligerent powers of Europe." FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 23 During the summer of the year 1800 the seat of the general government was removed from Phila- delphia to the new federal city of ¥/ashington, in the District of Columbia. On the 22d of Novem- ber, the session of Congress was opened in the un- finished capitol of Washington. THOMAS JEFFERSON. ADMINISTRATION OF JEFFEESON. 4th of March, 1801— 4th of March, 1809. The elections for President and Vice-President were held in the autumn of 1800. John Adams 24 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. was the Federalist candidate for the Presidency, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney the candidate of that party for Vice-President. The Republican or Democratic party nominated Thomas Jefferson for the Presidency, and Colonel Aaron Burr, of New York, for the Vice-Presidency. The alien and sedition laws had rendered the Federalist party so unpopular that the electors chosen at the polls failed to make a choice, and the election was thrown upon the House of Representatives; ac- cording to the terms of the Constitution. Tlie votes of the electoral colle2:e were for Jefferson, 73; Burr, 73; Adams, 65; Pinckney, 64 ; and John Jny, 1. The States that cast the electoral votes of their colleges for Mr. Jefferson and Colonel Burr were nine ; to wit, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, Kentuck}', North Carolina, Tennessee, South Carolina, and Georgia. Those that cast the electoral votes of their colleges for Mr. Adams and Mr. Pinckney were seven; to wit, New Hampshire, Massachu- setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, and Delaware. Rhode Island cast one vote for Mr. Jay, to prevent that equality of votes on the Federal ticket, which, for the want of a like precaution, resulted on the Republican side, and which caused so much excitement and confu- sion. Mr. Jefferson and Colonel Burr having re- ceived an equal number of votes, there was no election by the colleges, as the Constitution then FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 25 stood. It then devolved upon the House of Eep- resentatives, voting by States, to choose for Presi- dent and Vice-President between Mr. Jefferson and Colonel Burr. On the 17th of February, 1801, after thirty-six ballots, the House elected Thomas Jefferson Presi- dent, and Aaron Burr Vice-President of the United States, for a term of four years from and after the 4th of March, 1801. Thomas Jefferson, the third President of the United States, was inaugurated at the new capitol, in the city of Washington, on the 4th of March, 1801. He was in his fifty-eighth year, and had long been regarded as one of the most iUustrious men in America. He was the author of the Dec- laration of Independence, had represented the country as minister to France, had served in the cabinet of General Washinfrton as Secretary of State, f^nd had filled the high office of Vice-Presi- dent during the administration of Mr. Adams. He was the founder of the Democratic party, and was reo^arded bv it with an enthusiastic devotion which could see no flaw in his character. By the Federalists he w\as denounced with intense bitter, ness as a Jacobin, and an enemy of organized gov. ernment. He was unquestionably a believer in the largest freedom possible to man ; but he was too deeply versed in the lessons of statesmanship, and was too pure a patriot to entertain for a mo- inent the levelling principles with which his ene« 26 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. mies charged him. Under him the government of the republic suffered no diminution of strength, but his administration was a gain to the country. Mr. Jefferson began his administration by seek- ing to undo as far as possible tlie evil effects of the sedition act of 179S. A number of persons were in prison in consequence of sentences under this act at the time of his inauguration. These were at once pardoned by the President and re- leased from prison. At the meeting of the seventh Congress, in December, 1801, President Jefferson, in pursuance of an announcement made some time before, in- augurated the custom which has since prevailed of sending a written message to each House of Congress, giving his views on public affairs and the situation of the countrv. Previous to this the President had always met the two Houses upon their assembling:, and had addressed them in person. In the fall of 1804 the fifth Presidential election was held. The Republicans, or Democrats, voted for Mr. Jefferson for the office of President; this time Mr. Burr was dropped by his party, who nomi- nated George Clinton, of New York, for Vice-Presi- dent in his place. The Federals su[)ported Charles Cotesworth Pinckriey for President, and Rufus Ku]position to a high tariff. Being, as we have said, an agricultural section, its interests demanded a -free market, and it wished to avail itself of the privilege of purchasing where it could buy cheapest. The South and the West were the markets of the East, and the interests of that sec- tion demanded the exclusion of foreign competition in supplying these markets. In July, 1827, a convention of manufacturers was held at Harris burg, Pennsylvania, and a me- morial was adopted praying Congress to increase the duties on foreign goods to an extent which would protect American industry. When Congress met in December, 1827, the protective policy was the miost important topic of the day. It was warmly discussed in Congress and throughout the country. The interests of New England were championed by the matchless eloquence of Daniel Webster, who claimed that as the adoption of the protective policy by the government had forced New England to turn her energies to manufac- tures, the government was bound to protect her against competition. The Southern representatives argued that a protective tariff was unconstitutional, and was injurious in its operations to the interests of the people of the Southern States, who, being producers of staples for export, ought to have liberty to purchase such articles as they needed 40 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. wherever thej could find them cheapest. They declared tliat duties under the protective policy were not only bounties to manufacturers, but a heavy tax levied upon their constituents and a great majority of the consumers in all the States, which never went into the public treasury. The tariff bill was passed by the House on the 15th of April, 1828, and was approved by the President a little later. It was termed by its opponents the " Bill of Abominations." In the midst of this excitement the presidential election occurred. Mr. Adams was a candidate for re-election. The contest between the two parties, the Administration and Opposition, over the powers and limitations of the Federal Govern- ment, became almost as hot and fierce as it was in 1800, between the Federalists and Kepublicans of that day. General Jackson, without any caucus nomination, was supported by the Opposition every- where for President, and Mr. Calhoun for Vice- President. The friends of the Administration put forth the utmost of their exertions for the re-elec- tion of Mr. Adams to the office of President, and Richard Rush to the oflice of Vice-President. The result of the vote of the Electoral Colleges was, 178 for Jackson, and 83 for Adams; 171 for Mr. Calhoun, and 83 for Mr. Rush. The vote for President by States stood : 15 for Jackson and 9 for Adams. The 15 States that voted for Jackson were : New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 4l Carolina, Soath Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Ten- nessee, Ohio, Louisiana, Indiana, Mississippi, Illi- nois, Alabama, and Missouri ; the 9 that voted for Mr. Adams were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massa- chusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland. ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JACKSON. March 4th, 1829— March 4th, 1837. Andrew Jackson, the seventh President of the United States, was inaugurated at Washington, on the 4th of March, 1829. President Jackson was in many respects one of the most remarkable men of his day. He pos- sessed a combination of qualities seldom met with in any one person. Education had done but little for him ; but by nature he was fitted for the gov- ernment of men both in the field and in the Cabi- net. During the Administration of the elder Adams he had occupied a seat in the United States Senate from Tennessee, and gave a most cordial support to the principles of Mr. Jefferson. Resign- ing his place in that body, he was afterwards elected one of the judges of the Supreme Court of his State. His military achievements in the wars against the Creek and Seminole Indians, and his victory over the British at New Orleans, have been fully recorded. The election of General Jackson to the Presi- AIsDllLW JACKSON. FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 43 dency was regarded with some anxiety, for though his merits as a soldier were conceded, it was feared by many that his known imperiousness of will and liis inflexibility of purpose would seriously dis- qualify him for the delicate duties of the Presi- dency. Nature had made him a ruler, however, and his administration was marked by the fearless energy that characterized every act of his life, and was on the whole successful and satisfactory to the great majority of his countrymen. General Jackson began his administration by appointing a new cabinet, at the head of which he placed Martin Van Buren, of New York, as Secre- tary of State. Until now the postmaster-general had not been regarded as a cabinet officer. General Jackson invited that officer to a seat in his cabinet and a share in its deliberations, and his course has been pursued by all of his successors. Early in 1831, the question of the Presidential succession was agitated. The Legislature of Penn- sylvania put General Jackson in nomination for re-election, he having consented to be a candidate. The election took place in the fall of 1832. General Jackson was supported for the Presidency by the Democratic party, and Mr. Clay by the Whig party. The contest was marked by intense bitterness, for Jackson's veto of the cliarter of the Bank of the United States, his other vetoes of public improvement bills, and his attitude in the " Nullification " controversy between the United 44 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. States and South Carolina, had created a strong opposition to liini in all parts of the country. In spite of this opposition he was re-elected by a tri- umphant majority, and Martin Van Buren, of New York, the Democratic nominee, was chosen Vice-President. The following^ electoral votes were cast for the respective candidates : for Jackson, 219 ; for Clay, 49 ; and for Wirt, the Anti-Masonic candidate, 7 votes. For Vice-President, the electoral votes stood: for Martin Van Buren, 189; for John Sergeant, 49 ; for Amos Ellmaker, 7. The vote by States for the candidates for the Presidency stood: 16 for Jackson; 6 for Clay; and 1 for Wirt. The 16 States that voted for Jackson were: Maine, New Hampshire, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, Ohio, Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, Alabama, and Missouri ; the 6 States that voted for Mr. Clay were : Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Delaware, Maryland, and Kentucky ; the State that voted for Mr. Wirt was: Vermont; South Carolina cast her vote for John Floyd, of Virginia, for President, and Henry Lee, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. President Jackson was inaugurated for his second term on the 4th of March, 1833. In the meantime serious trouble had arisen be- tween the general government and the State of South Carolina. During the year 1832 the tariff FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 45 was revised by Congress, and that body, instead of diminishing the duties, increased many of them. This action gave great offence to the Southern States, which regarded the denial of free trade as a great wrong to them. They were willing to sub- mit to a tariff sufficient for a revenue, but were utterly opposed to a protective tariff for the reasons we liave already stated. The State of South Carolina resolved to "nul- lify " the law within its own limits. A convention of the people of the State was held, which adopted a measure known as the " Nullification Ordinance." This ordinance declared that the tariff act of 1832, being based upon the principle of protection, and not upon the principle of raising revenue, was un- constitutional, and was therefore null and void. This ordinnnce was to take effect on the 12tli of February, 1833, unless in the meantime the general government should abandon its policy of protection and return to a tariff for revenue only. The country at large was utterly opposed to the course of South Carolina, and denied its right to nullify a law of Congress, or to withdraw from the Union in support of this right. Intense excitement prevailed, and the course of the President was watched with the gravest anxiety. Pie was known to be opposed to the protective policy ; but it was generally believed that he was firm in his intention to enforce the laws, however he might disapprove of them. 46 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. President Jackson took measures promptly to enforce the law. He ordered a large body of troops to assemble at Charleston, under General Scott, and a ship of war was sent to that port to ass^ist the federal officers in collecting the duties on im- ports. Civil war seemed for a time inevitable. The President was firmly resolved to compel the submission of South Carolina, and the issue of such a conflict could not be doubtful. Fortunately a peaceful settlement of the trouble was effected. Mr. Verplanck, of New York, a sup- porter of the administration, introduced a bill into Congress for a reduction of the tariff, and the State of Virginia sent Benjamin Watkins Leigh, a dis- tinguished citizen, as commissioner to South Caro- lina, to urge her to suspend the execution of her ordinance until March 4th, as there was a proba- bility that a peaceful settlement of the difficulty would be arranged before that time. South Caro- lina consented to be guided by this appeal. Henry Clay, with his usual patriotic self-sacrifice, now came forward in the Senate with a compromise which he hoped would put an end to the trouble. He introduced a bill providing for the gradual re- duction in ten years of all duties then above the revenue standard. ^'One-tenth of one-half of all the duties for protection above; that standard Avas to be taken off annually lor ten }ears, at the end of which period the whole of the other half was to be taken ofl, and thereafter all duties were to be FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 47 levied mainly with a view to revenue and not for protection." This measure with some modifica- tions was adopted by both Houses of Congress, and was approved by the President on the 2d of March, 1833. The people of South Carolina rescinded their ^' Nullification Ordinance," and the trouble was fortunately brought to an end. The Administration of Gen. Jackson was distin- scuished for many acts of forei2:n as well as domes- tic policy which cannot be embraced in this brief sketch. Taken all together, it made a deep and lasting impression upon the policy and history of the States. On his retirement following the ex- ample of Washington, he issued a Farewell Address, in which he evinced the most ardent patriotism and the most earnest devotion to the cause of constitu- tional liberty. The presidential election was held in the fall of 1836. General Jackson having declined to be a candidate for a third term, the Democratic party supported Martin Yan Buren for President, and Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, for Vice-Presi- dent. Mr. Yan Buren was elected ; but the electors having failed to make a choice of a candi- date for Yice-President, that task devolved upon the Senate, which elected Colonel Richard M. Johnson by a majority of seventeen votes. The electoral votes cast for the several can- didates for President were as follows: 170 for Martin Yan Buren, 14 for Daniel Webster, 73 for 48 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. William Henry Harrison, 11 for W. P. Mangum, of N. C, and 26 for H. L. White, of Tennessee. Mr. Van Buren, having received a majority, was duly declared President for the next term. The vote by States in tliis election was : 15 for Mr. Van Buren, 7 for General Harrison, 2 for Mr. White, and 1 for Mr. Webster. The 15 States that voted for Mr. Van Buren were : Maine, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Louisiana, Mississippi, Illinois, Ahihama, Missouri, Arkansas, and Michigan; the 7 that voted for General Har- rison were: Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio, and Indiana; the 2 that voted for Mr. White were : Georgia and Ten- nessee ; the one State that voted for Mr. Webster was Massachusetts. The votes of the Electoral Colleges for Vice- President were : 147 for Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky; 77 for Francis Granger, of New York*, 47 for John Tyler, of Virginia; and 28 for Wil- liam Smith, of Alabama. Neither of the candi- dates for Vice-President having received a majority of the votes, the choice of that officer devolved upon the Senate, and that body elected Col. Johnson by a vote of 33, against 16 for Mr. Granger. ADMINISTRATION OF VAN BUREN. 4th of March, 1837— 4th of March, 1841. Martin Van Buren, the eighth President of the FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 4D United States, was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1837, in the 55th year of his age. "At high noon the President elect took his seat, with his venerable predecessor, General Jackson, in a car- riage, made from the wood of the frigate Con- stitutiou, presented to General Jackson by the Democracy of the city of New York. In this from the White House they proceeded to the Capitol. After reaching the Senate Chamber Mr. Van Buren, attended by the ex-President, and the members of the Senate, led the way to the rostrum, where the Inaugural Address was delivered in clear and im- pressive tones. At the close of the Address the oath of office was admhiistered by Chief-Justice Taney." In the Address Mr. Van Buren indicated his purpose, on all matters of public policy, to follow in the " footsteps of his illustrious predecessor." A distinguished writer, in speaking of Mr. Yan Buren's Administration, as a whole, says : " The great event of General Jackson's Admin- istration was the contest with the Bank of the United States, and its destruction as a Federal institution — that of Madison's was the war — while Jefferson's was a general revolution of the anti- Democratic spirit and policy of the preceding Administration. The great event of Mr. Yan Buren's Administration, by which it will hereafter be known and designated, is, the divorce of Bank and State in the fiscal affairs of the Federal Gov- 4 iSARTIN VAN BUR£J FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 61 ernment, and the return, after half a century of deviation, to the original design of the Constitu- tion." In the fall of 1840 another Presidential election was held. Mr. Van Buren and Vice-President Johnson were nominated for re-election by the Democratic party, and the Whigs supported Gen- eral William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, for Presi- dent, and John Tyler, of Virginia, for Vice-Presi- dent. The financial distress of the country which had been very great since 1837, was generally attributed by the people to the interference of the government with the currency. This feeling made the Democratic nominees exceedingly unpopular, and the political campaign was one of the most excitino; ever conducted in this country. The principal issues in this contest were the Bub-treasury system, extravagant appropriations, defalcations, and profligacy of numerous subordi- nate officers. The "gold spoons" furnished the Executive Mansion figured prominently in the canvass. All the opposing elements united under the Whig banner. This party held a general con- vention at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on the 4th of December, 1839, for the purpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice-President. It was generally supposed that Mr. Cl^y would re- ceive the nomination of this body for President. But his course on the Tariff Compromise of 1833 bad greatly weakened him with the ProtectionistB. 52 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. When he adopted that course he was told it would lose him the Presidency. His reply at the time was, '' I would rather be right than be President." The Democratic party held their general conven- tion in Baltimore on the oth of May, 1840. Log- cabins and hard cider, which were supposed to be typical of Harrison's frontier life, became very popular with the Whigs. The result of the elec- tion, after a heated canvass, was 234 electoral votes for Harrison for President, and 234 for John Tyler for Vice-President. Mr. Van Buren re- ceived 60 electoral votes for President; Kichard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, received 48 for Vice- President; Littleton W. Tazewell, of Virginia, 11, and James K. Polk, of Tennessee. 1. The vote for President by States stood 19 for General Har- rison and 7 for Mr. Van Buren. The seven States that voted for Mr. Van Buren were : New Hamp- shire, Virginia, South Carolina^ Illinois, i^labama, Missouri, and Arkansas. ADMINISTRATIONS OF HARRISON AND TYLER. 4th of March, 1841— 4th of March, 1845. William Henry Harrison, the ninth President of the United States, was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1841, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. The citv of Washinirton was thronged with people, many of whom were from the most distant States" FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 53 of the Union. • A procession was formed from his hotel quarters to the capitol. The President-elect was mounted upon a white charger, accompanied by several personal friends, but his immediate escort were the officers and soldiers who had fought under hira. The inaugural address was delivered on a J#/ WILLIAM HENRY HAKillSON. platform erected over the front steps of the portico of the east front of the capitol. The oath of office was administered by Chief-Justice Taney, before an audience estimated at 60,000 people. He was a man of pure life and earnest character, and the certainty of a change of policy in the measures of the federal government had caused 54 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. the people of the country to look forward to his administration with hope and confidence. He began by calling to seats in his cabinet men of prominence and ability. At the head of the cab- inet he placed Daniel Webster as Secretary of State. The President was not destined to fulfil the hopes of his friends. He was suddenly at- tacked with pneumonia, and died on the 4th of April — just one month after his inauguration. It was the first time that a President of the United States had died in office, and a gloom waa cast over the nation by the sad event. The mourn- ing of the people was sincere, for in General Har- rison the nation lost a faithful, upright, and able leader. He had spent forty j^ears in prominent public positions, and -had discharged every duty confided to him wdth ability and integrity, and went to his grave a poor man. The office of President now, for the first time, de- volved upon the Vice-President, John Tyler, who, by the death of General Harrison, became the tenth President of the United States. He was not in the City of Washington at the time of the death of his predecessor, but repaired to that city without loss of time, upon being notified of the death of General Harrison, and on the Gth of April took the oath of office before Judge Cranch, Chief-Justice of the Dis- trict of Columbia. Mr. Tyler was in liis fifty-second year, and had served as governor of Virginia, and as representative and senator in Congress from FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 55 that State. On the 9th of April President Tyler issued an address to the people of the United States, in which there was no indication of a departure from the policy announced in the inaugural of Gen- eral Harrison. He retained the cabinet ministers of his predecessors in their respective positions. ' The last years of Mr. Tyler's administration were devoted to the effort to secure the annexation '^^^^^^^^.- JcHN TYL'ER. of the republic of Texas to the United States. The territory embraced within the limits of Texas con- stituted a part of the Spanish-American possessions, and was generally regarded as a part of Mexico. In April, 1844, Texas formally applied for ad- mission into the United States, and a treaty for that purpose was negotiated with her by the gov- 66 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. ernment of this country. It was rejected by the Senate. In the fall of 1844 the presidential election took place. The leading political question of the day was the annexation of Texas. It was advocated by the administration of President Tyler and by the Democratic party. Tliis party also made the claim of the United States to Oregon one of the leading issues of the campaign. Its candidates were James K. Polk, of Tennessee, and George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania. The Whig party sup- ported Henry Clay, of Kentucky, and Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey^ and opposed the annexation of Texas. During this campaign, which was one of unusual excitement, the Anti-slavery party made its appear- ance for the first time as a distinct political organ- ization, and nominated James G. Birney as it» candidate for the Presidency. The result of the campaign was a decisive vic- tory for the Democrats. This success was gen- erally regarded as an emphaticexpression of the pop- ular will respecting the Texas and Oregon questions. The result of the election by the colleges was: 170 electoral votes for James K. Polk, for Presi- dent, and 170 for George M. Dallas, for Vice-Presi- dent ; 105 for Henry Clay, for President, and 105 for Theodore Frelingliuysen, lor Vice-President. By States the vote stood : 15 for the Democratic ticket, and 11 for the Whig ticket. Mr. Birney FACTS ABOrjT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 57 received no electoral vote; but local returns showed that, out of the popular vote of upwards of two and a half millions, there were polled for him only 64,653. The fifteen States that voted for Mr. Polk were : Maine, New Hampshire, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia. Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas, and Michigan; the eleven that voted for Mr. Clay were : Massachu- setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Ken- tucky, Tennessee, and Ohio. After the expiration of his term of office, Mr. Tyler retired from the seat of Government to his residence in Virginia. His administration was a stormy one, but signalized by many important events. It was during this period that the electro- telegraphic system was established by Morse. A room was furnished him at the Capitol for his ex- perimental operations in extending his wires to Baltimore ; and among the first messages ever transmitted over them was the announcement of the nomination of Mr. Polk for the Presidency. ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES K. POLK. 4th of March, 1845-~4th of March, 1849. James K. Polk, the eleventh President of the United States, was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1845, in the 50th year of his age. The oath of office was administered by Chief-Justice 58 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Taney, in the presence of a large assemblage of citizens. In bis inaugural, the new President spoke favorably of the late action of Congress in relation to Texas, and asserted that the title of the United States to the whole of Oregon was clear and indisputable, and intimated his intention to maintain it by force if necessary. JAMES K. POLK. The new cabinet consisted of James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of State; Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Treasury; William L. Marcy, of New York, Secretary of Wnr; George Bancroft, of Massachusetts, Secre- tary of the Navy; Cave Johnson, of Tennessee, FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 59 Postmaster-General ; and John Y. Mason, of Vir- ginia, Attorney-General. President Polk had served the country as gov- ernor of the State of Tennessee, and for fourteen years had been a member of Congress from that State, and had been chosen speaker of that body. Two important questions presented themselves to the new administration for settlement : the troubles with Mexico growing out of the annexation of Texas, and the arrangement of the northwestern boundary of the United States. During the Presidential campaign of 1844 the Democratic party adopted as its watchword, " all of Oregon or none," and the excitement upon the question ran high. The election of Mr. Polk showed that the American people were resolved to insist upon their claim to Oregon, and when the new President in his inaugural address took the bold ground that the American title to " Oregon territory " '' was clear and indisputable," and de- clared his intention to maintain it at the cost of war with England, the matter assumed a serious aspect, and for a while it seemed that party pas- sion would involve the two countries in hostilities. President Polk, upon a calmer consideration of the subject, caused the secretary of state to reopen the negotiations by proposing to Great Britain the forty-ninth parallel of latitude as a boundary, and that was finally agreed upon. During the fall of 1848 another Presidential 60 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. election came off. The combined elements of opposition to the administration, in the main, continued to bear the name of Whigs, though the anti-slavery element now formed a distinct organi- zation known as '' Free-Soilers." The Democratic party held their General Convention at Baltimore, on the 22d of May, and put in nomination for the Presidency General Lewis Cass, of Michigan, and for the Vice-Presidency General William 0. Butler, of Kentucky. The Whigs held their Convention at Philadelphia on the 1st of June, and put in nomination for the Presidency General Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, and for the Vice-Presidency Millard Fillmore, of New York. The Free-Soilers held their Convention at Buffalo, N. Y., on the 8th of August, and put in nomination for the Presidency Martin Van Buren, of New York, and for the Vice-Presidency Charles -Francis Adams, of Massachusetts. The result of the election was 163 electoral votes for the Whig ticket and 127 for the Demo- cratic. The Free-Soil ticket received no electoral vote ; but local returns showed that out of a popu- lar vote of nearly 3,000,000, there were polled for it nearly 300,000 votes. The vote for Taylor and Fillmore by States stood 15; and for Cass and Butler 15 also. The 15 States that voted for Taylor and Fillmore were Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, North FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 61 Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Florida ; the 15 that voted for Cass and Butler were Maine, New Hampshire, Virginia, South Carolina, Ohio, Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, Ala- bama, Missouri, Arkansas, Michigan, Texas, Iowa, and Wisconsin. Taylor and Fillmore, having received a majority of the electoral votes, were declared elected to the offices of President and Vice-President. On the 4th of March, 1849, Mr. Polk retired to his home in Tennessee. His administration had been a stormy one. It will, however, always be distinguished in history by its eminently wise financial and revenue policy, the settlement of the Oregon question with England, and the immense acquisition of territory from Mexico. During its period also, great lustre was added to the military renown of the United States. ADMINISTRATIONS OF TAYLOR AND FILLMORE. 4th of March, 1849— 4th of March, 1853 The 4th of March, 1849, coming on Sunday General Taylor was duly inaugurated as the twelfth President of the United States on the next day, Monday, the 5th of that month, in the 65th year of his age. The oath of office was adminis- tered by Chief-Justice Taney, in the presence of an inxmense concourse of people. The new President was a native of Virginia, ZACHARY TAYLOK, (631) FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 63 but had removed with his parents to Kentucky at an early age, and had grown up to manhood on the frontiers of that State. In 1808, at the age of twenty-four, he was commissioned a lieutenant in the army by President Jefferson, and had spent forty years in the military service of the country. His exploits in the Florida war and brilliant vic- tories in Mexico had made him the most popular man in the United States, and had won him the high office of the Presidency at the hands of his grateful fellow-citizens. He was without political experience, but he was a man of pure and stain- less integrity, of great firmness, a sincere patriot, and possessed of strong good sense. He had re- ceived a majority of the electoral votes of both the Northern and Southern States, and was free from party or sectional ties of any kind. His inaugural address was brief, and was confined to a statement of general principles. His cabinet was composed of the leaders of the Whig party, with John M. Clayton, of Delaware, as Secretary of State. The last Congress had created a new executive depart- ment — that of the interior — to relieve the secre- tary of the treasury of a part of his duties, and President Taylor was called upon to appoint the first secretarv of the interior, which he did in the person of Thomas Ewing, of Ohio. The new de- parbnent was charged with the management of the public lands, the Indian tribes, and the issuing of patents to inventors. 64 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Since the announcement of the Wilmot Proviso, the agitation of the slavery question had been in- cessant, and had increased instead of diminishing with each succeeding year. It was one of the chief topics of discussion in the newspaper press of the country, and entered largely into every political controversy, however local or insignificant in ita nature. The opponents of slavery regarded the annexation of Texas and the Mexican war as efforts to extend that institution, and were resolved to put an end to its existence at any cost. The advocates of slavery claimed that the Southern States had an equal right to the common property of the States, and were entitled to protection for their slaves in any of the Territories then owned by the States or that might afterwards be acquired by them. The Missouri Compromise forbade the existence of slavery north of the line of 36° SCK north latitude, and left the inhabitants south of til at line free to decide upon their own institutions. The Anti-slavery party was resolved that slavery should be excluded from the territory acquired from Mexico, and in the Wilmot Proviso struck their first blow for the accomplishment of this pur- pose. Upon the organization of the House President Taylor sent in his first and only message. He re- cognized the danger with whicli the sectional con- troversy^ threatened the country, expressed hia views of the situation in moderate terms, and inti- MILLARD FILLMORE. f(Vc>y C6 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. mated that he should faithfully discharge his duties to the whole country. About the last of June, 1850, President Taylor was stricken down with a fever, which soon ter- minated fatally. He died on the 9th of July amid the grief of the whole country, which felt that it had lost a faithful and upright chief magistrate. Though the successful candidate of one political party, his administration had received the earnest support of the best men of the country without regard to partj^, and his death was a national calamity. He had held office only sixteen months^ but had show^n himself equal to his difficult and delicate position. By the terms of the Constitution the office of President devolved upon Millard Fillmore, Vice- President of the United States. On the 10th of July he took the oath of office, and at once entered upon the duties of his new position. Mr. Fillmore was a native of New York, and was born in that State in the year 1800. He had served his State in Congress, and as governor, and was personally one of the most popular of the Presidents. The cabinet of General Taylor re- signed their offices immediately after his death, and the new President filled their places by ap- pointing a new cabinet with Daniel Webster at its head as Secretary of State. On the 4th of July, 1851, the corner-stone of \lie two new wings of the capitol was laid. Mr. FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 67 Webster delivered a speech on the occasion which was considered one of the greatest of his life. It was delivered to an immense audience, on a plat- form erected on the east side of the capitol. In it, among other things, he said : "If it shall hereafter be the will of God that this structure shall fall from its base — that its foundations shall be upturned, and the deposit be- neath this stone be brought to the eyes of men — be it then known that on this day the Union of the United States of America stands firm, that this Constitution still exists unimpaired, and, with all its usefulness and glory, is growing every day stronger in the affections of the great body of the American people, and attracting more and more the admiration of the w^orld." During the fall of this year (1852) another Presidential election took place. The Democratic party nominated Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, for President, and Wil- liam R. King, of Alabama, for Vice-President. The Whig party nominated General Winfield Scott for President, and William A. Graham, of North Carolina, for Vice-President. The Anti-slavery party put in nomination John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, and George W. Julian, of Indiana. The election resulted in the choice of the candi- dates of the Democratic party by an overwhelming majority. Mr. King, the Vice-President elect, did not long 68 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. survive his triumph. His health had been deli- cate for many years, and he was obhged to pnss the winter succeeding the election in Cuba. Being unable to return home, he took the oath of office before the American consul, at Havana, on the 4th of March. He then returned to the United States, and died at his home in Alabama on the ISth of April, 1853. The result of the election was : 251 electoral votes for Pierce and King ; and 42 for Scott and Graham ; by States, 27 for Pierce and King, and 4 for Scott and Graham. The States which voted for General Scott were: Massachusetts, Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee. The anti-slavery ticket received no electoral vote, but out of the popular vote of nearly 3,500,000, it polled 155,825 indi- vidual votes, being little over half of what it polled at the previous election. In October, 1852, the whole country was again thrown into mourning by the announcement of the death of Mr. Webster, the last survivor of the great senatorial "trio," Clay, Calhoun and Webster. They were regarded as the three greatest states- men of the country in their day. They Avere all men of very great ability, of very different charac- ters of mind, as well as styles of oratory. They differed also widely on many questions of public policy. But they were all true patriots in tho ' highest sense of that term. FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. C9 ADMINISTRATION OF PIERCE. 4th of March, 1853— 4th of March, 1857. On the 4th of March, 1853, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, the fourteenth President of the United States, \Yas duly inaugurated in the 49th FRANKLIN PIERCE. year of his ago. Tiie oath of office was adminis- tered by Chief-Justice Taney. General Pierce was an accomplished orator, and his inaugural address was delivered in his happiest style, in a tone of voice that was distinctly heard at a great distance. It was responded to by shouts from the surrounding multitudes. 70 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. The most important measure of Mr. Pierce's ad- ministration was the bill to organize the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. The region embraced in these Territories formed a part of the Louisiana purchase, and extended from the borders of Mis- souri, Iowa, and Minnesota to the summit of the Rocky mountains, and from the parallel of 36° 30' north latitude to the border of British America. This whole region by the terms of the Missouri Compromise had been secured to free labor by the exclusion of slavery. The people engaged warmly in the discussion aroused by the reopening of the question of slavery in the Territories. The North resented the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and in the South a large and respectable party sincerely regretted the repeal of that settlement. By the passage of the Kansas- Nebraska bill the Thirty-third Congress assumed a grave responsibility, and opened the door to a bloody and bitter conflict in the Territories between slavery and free labor. The troubles in Kansas which followed gave rise to a new party which called itself Republican, and which was based upon an avow^ed hostility to the extension of slavery. A third party, called the American, or Know Nothing, also took part in the Presidential campaign of 1856, and was based upon the doctrine that the political offices of the country should be held only by persons of American birth. The Democratic party nominated James Buchanan, of FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 71 Pennsylvania, for the Presidency, and John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for the Vice-Presidency. The Republican nominee for the Presidency was John C. Fremont, of California; for the Vice- Presidency William L. Dayton, of New Jersey. The American or Know Nothing party supported Millard Fillmore, of New York, for the Presidency, and Andrew J. Donelson, of Tennessee, for the Vice- Presidency. The Whig party had been broken to pieces by its defeat in 1852, and had now entirely disappeared. The canvass v/as unusually excited. Slavery was the principal question in dispute. Party ties had little influence upon men. The sentiment of the nation at large had been outraged by the re- peal of the Missouri Compromise, and thousands of Democrats, desiring to rebuke their party for its course in bringing about this repeal, united with the Republican party, which declared as its lead- ing principle that it was " both the right and the duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism — polygamy and slavery." The elections resulted in the triumph of James Buchanan, the candidate of the Democratic party. Mr. Buchanan received 174 electoral votes ; Gen- eral Fremont 1.14, and Fillmore 8. The vote bj States was: 19 for the Democratic ticket; 11 for the Republican, and 1 for the American. The nineteen States that voted for Mr. Buchanan were: 72 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Ken- tucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas, Florida, Texas, and California. The eleven that voted for Fremont were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massa- chusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, Ohio, Michigan, Iowa, and Wisconsin^ The one that voted fjr Fillmore was Maryland. ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES BUCHANAN. March 4th, 1857— March 4th, 18G1. James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, the fifteenth President of the United States, was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1857, in the 66th year of his age, and was a statesman of ripe experience. The oath of office was administered by Chief- Justice Taney. His inaugural was conciliatory, and approbatory of the principles of the Kansas and Nebraska bill upon which he had been elected. He was born in Pennsylvania, in 17D1, and was by profession a law3'er. He had served his State in Congress as a representative and a senator, had been minister to Russia under President Jackson, and had been a member of the Cabinet of Presi- dent Polk, as Secretary of State. During the four years previous to his election to the Presidency, lie had resided abroad as the Minister of the United States to Great Britain, and in that capao- JAMES cuciiaxa:^. (73) 74 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. it J had greatly added to his reputation as a states- man. The intense sectional feeling which the dis- cussion of the slavery question had aroused had alarmed patriotic men in all parts of the Union, and it was earnestly hoped that Mr. Buchanan's administration would be able to effect a peaceful settlement of the quarrel. Mr. Buchanan selected his Cabinet from the leading men of the Democratic party. Lewis Cass, of Michigan, was appointed Secretary of State ; Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Sec- retary of the Treasury ; John B. Floyd, of Vir- ginia, Secretary of War; Isaac Toucey, of Connec- ticut, Secretary of the Nav}^; Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, Secretary of Interior; Aaron V. Brown, of Tennessee, Postmaster-General, and Jeremiah S. Black, of Pennsylvania, Attorney-General. The two .leading subjects which immediately engaged the attention of the new administration were the state of affairs in Utah on the one hand, and Kansas on the other. On the night of the 16th of October, 1859, John Brown, wlio had acquired a considerable notoriety as the leader of a Free Soil company during the war in Kansas, entered the State of Virginia, at Harper's Ferry, with a party of twenty-one men, and seized the United States arsenal at that place. He then sent out parties to induce the negro slaves to join him, his avowed object being to put an end to slavery in Virginia hy exciting an insurrection of the slaves. Several citizens were kidnapped by FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 75 these parties, but the slaves refused to join Brown, or to take any part in the insurrection. The effect of Brown's attempt upon the South- ern people was most unfortunate. They regarded it as unanswerable evidence of the intention of the people of the North to make war upon them under the cover of the Union. The John Brown raid was the most powerful argument that had ever been placed in the hands of the disunionists, and in the alarm and excitement produced by that event, the Southern people lost sight of the fact that the great mass of the Northern people sin- cerely deplored and condemned the action of Brown and his supporters. While the excitement was at its height the Presidential campaign opened in the spring of 1860. The slavery question was the chief issue in this struggle. The Convention of the Democra- tic party met at Charleston, in April, but being unable to effect an organization, adjourned to Bal- timore, and reassembled in that city in June. The extreme Southern delegates were resolved that the convention should be committed to the protection of slavery in the Territories by Congress, and fail- ing to control it withdrew from it in a body, and organized a separate convention, which they de- clared represented the Democratic party, but which, in reality, as the vote subsequently proved, repre- sented but a minority of that party. The original convention, after the withdrawal 76 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. of these delegates, nominated for the Presidency Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, and for the Vice* Presidency Ilerschell V. Johnson, of Georgia. It then proceeded to adopt the platform put forward by the entire party four years before, at Cincinnati, upon the nomination of Mr. Buchanan, with this additional declaration : " That as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a territorial legishxture, and as to the powers and duties of Con- gress under the Constitution of the United States over the institution of slavery within the Territo- ries, . . . the party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of constitutional law." The " Seceders Convention," as it was commonly called, also adopted the Cincinnati platform, and pledged themselves to non-interference by Congress with slavery in the Territories or in the District of Columbia. This party held to the doctrine that the Constitution recognized slavery as existing in the Territories, and sanctioned and protected it there, and that neither Congress nor the people of the Territories could frame any law against slavery until the admission of such Territories into the Union as States. The *' Seceders' Con- vention" put forward as its candidate for the Pres- idency John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, and f>ir the Vice-Presidency Joseph Lane, of Oregon. The Republican party took issue with both wings FACTS ABOUV ALL 07JR PRESIDENTS. 77 of the Democratic party. Its convention was held at Chicago, Illinois, and its candidates were, for President, Abraham Lincohi, of IHinois, and for Vice-President Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine. The platform of principles adopted by the Republican Convention declared that ''the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Inde- pendence and embodied in the federal Constitution is essential to the preservation of our republican institutions. . . . That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with cer- tain inalienable rights." A fourth party, known as the "American or Constitutional Union Party," proclaimed as its platform the following vague sentence : " The con- stitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws." The convention of this party met .at Baltimore, and nominated for the Presidency John Bell, of Tennessee, and for the Vice-Presidency Edward Everett, of Massachu- setts. Tlic contest between these parties was bitter beyond all precedent, and resulted as follows: Popular vote for Lincoln, . 1,866452 " '' Douglas, . 1,375,157 " " Breckinridge, 847,953 « « Bell, . . 590,631 The electoral vote stood as follows: For Lincoln, 180; for Breckinridge, 72; for Bell, 39; for Douglas, 12. 78 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Mr. Lincoln was thus elected by a plurality ol the popular vote, which secured for him the elec- toral votes of eighteen States. Tiiese States w^ere entirely north of the sectional line, and he received not a single electoral vote from a Southern State. The States which cast their electoral votes for Breckinridge, Bell, and Douglas, w^ere entirely slaveholding. The division thus made was alarm- ing. It was the* first time in the history of the republic that a President had been elected by the votes of a single section of the Union. The eighteen States that voted for Mr. Lincoln, under the plurality count of the popular vote, were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Iowa, Wisconsin, California, Minnesota, and Oregon. The eleven that voted for Mr. Breckinridge were : Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Louisiana, Mis- sissippi, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, and Texas. The three that so voted for Mr. Bell were : Vir- ginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee ; and the one that BO voted for Mr. Douglas was Missouri. Mr. Lin- coln did not receive the majority of the popular vote in but sixteen of the thirty-three States then constituting the Union ; so he had been constitu- tionally elected, without having received a majority oiwthe popular vote of the States or of the people. FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 7S ADMINISTRATION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. March 4th, 1861— April 15th, 1865. Abraham Lincoln, the sixteenth President of the United States, was inaugurated at Washington on the 4th of March, 1861. As it was feared that an attempt would be made to prevent the in- auguration, the city was held by a strong body of regular troops, under General Scott, and the Presi- dent elect was escorted from his hotel to the capitol by a miUtary force. No effort was made to inter- fere with the ceremonies, and the inauguration passed off quietly. The new President was in his fifty-third year, and was a native of Kentucky. When he was but eight years old his father removed to Indiana, and the boyhood of the future President was spent in hard labor upon the farm. Until he reached man- hood he continued to lead this life, and during this entire period attended school for only a year. At the age of twenty -one he removed to Illinois, where he began life as a storekeeper. Being anx- ious to rise above his humble position, he deter- mined to study law. He was too poor to buy the necessary books, and so borrowed them from a neighboring lawyer, read them at night, and re- turned them in the morning. His genial character, great good nature, and love of humor, won him 80 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. the friendsliip of the people among whom he re- sided, and they elected him to the lower house of the legislature of Illinois. He now abandoned his mercantile pursuits, and began the practice of the law, and was subsequently elected a representative ABRAHAM LINCOLN. to Congress from the Springfield district. He took an active part in the politics of his State, and in 1858 was the candidate of the Republican party for United States senator. In this capacity he en- gaged in a series of debates in various parts of the FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 81 State with Senator Douglas, the Democratic can- didate for re-election to the same position. This debate was remarkable for its brilliancy and intel- lectual vigor, and brought him prominently before the whole country, and opened the way to his nomination for the Presidency. In person he was tall and ungainly, and in manner he was rough and awkward, little versed in the refinements of so- ciety. He was a man, however, of great natural vigor of intellect, and was possessed of a fund of strong common sense, which enabled him to see at a glance through the shams by which he was sur- rounded, and to pursue his own aims with single- ness of heart and directness of purpose. He had sprung from the ranks of the people, and he was never false to them. He was a simple, unaffected, kind-hearted man ; anxious to do his duty to the whole country ; domestic in his tastes and habits ; and incorruptible in every relation of life. He was fond of humor, and overflowed with it; find- ing in his '' little stories " the only relaxation he ever sought from the heavy cares of the trying position upon which he was now entering. He selected his cabinet from the leading men of the Republican party, and placed William H. Seward, of New York, as Secretary of State ; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury ; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War; Gideon Welles, of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy ; Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, Secretary of the 6 82 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Interior; Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, Post master-General; and Edward Bates, of Missouri, Attornev-General. The Great Civil War was the all-important event of Mr. Lincoln's administration. In 1864 the next Presidential election was held. The Republican National Convention met at Bal- timore, June^T, and adopted a platform declaring war upon slavery, and demanding that no terms but unconditional surrender should be given to the rebellious States. It nominated Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, for President, and Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, for Vice-President. The latter was a United States Senator when his State allied itself to the Confederacy. He, however, continued to hold his seat, and was the only Senator from any of the States, who did so after the withdrawal of their States from the Federal Union. The Democratic Convention met at Chicago Au- gust 29, and nominated for the Presidency General George B. McClellan, of the Federal army, and for the Vice-Presidency, George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. The result was Messrs. Lincoln and John- son carried the electoral votes of every State ex- cept three, to wit : New Jersey, Delaware, and Kentucky; of the popular vote the Democratic ticket received 1,802.237, against 2,213,665 cajst for Lincoln and Johnson. Abraham Lincoln having been duly elected was FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 85 inaugurated for his second term on the 4th of March, 1865. On the night of April 14th, Presi dent Lincoln was assassinated at Ford's Theatre, iu Washington City, by John Wilkes Booth. ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JOHNSON. 15th of April, 1SC5— 4th of March, 1869. Upon the death of Mr. Lincoln, Andrew John- eon, the Vice-President, by the terms of the Con- stitution, became President of the United States. He took the oath of office on the 15th of April, and at once entered upon the discharge of his duties. His first act was to retain all the mem- bers of the Cabinet appointed by Mr. Lincoln. Mr. Johnson was a native of North Carolina, having been born in Raleigh, on the 29th of De- cember, 1808. At the age often he was bound aa an apprentice to a tailor of that city. He was at this time unable to read or write. Some yeara later, being determined to acquire an education, he learned the alphabet from a fellow-workman, and a friend taught him spelling. He was soon able to read, and pursued his studies steadily, working ten or twelve, hours a day at his trade^ and studying two or three more. In 1826 he re- moved to Greenville, Tennessee. He wa^ subse- quently chosen alderman of his town, and with this election entered upon his political career. Studying law he abandoned tailoring, and devoted himself to legal pursuits and politics. He was ANDREW JOHNSON. fW) PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 85 successively chosen Mayor, Member of the Legisla- ture, Presidential elector, and State Senator. He was twice elected Governor of Tennessee, and three times a Senator of the United States from that State. Upon the secession of Tennessee from the Union, he refused to relinquish his seat in the Senate, and remained faithful to the cause of the Union throughout the war, winning considerable reputation during the struggle by his services in behalf of the national cause. He was an earnest, honest-hearted man, who sincerely desired to do his duty to the country. His mistakes were due to his temperament, and proceeded from no desire to serve his own interests or those of any party. In his public life he was incorruptible. A man of ardent nature, strong convictions, and indomitable will, it was not possible that he should avoid errors, or fail to stir up a warm and determined opposition to his policy. The first duty devolving upon the new adminis- tration was the disbanding of the army, which at the close of the war numbered over a million of men. It was prophesied by foreign nations and feared by many persons at home, that the sudden return of such a large body of men to the pursuits of civil life would be attended with serious evils, but both the Union and the Confederate soldiers went back quietly and readily to their old avocar tions. Thus did these citizen-soldiers give to the world a splendid exhibition of the triumph of law 86 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. and order in a free country, and a proof of the Btability of our institutions. The restoration of the Southern States to their places in the Union was the most important work of Mr. Johnson's administration. In the ftill of 1868 another Presidential election was held. The Republican party nominated Gen- eral Ulysses S. Grant for the Presidency, and Schuyler Colfiix, of Indiana, for the Vice-Presi- dency. The Democratic party nominated Horatio Seymour, of New York, for the Presidency, and Frank P. Blair, of Missouri, for the Vice-Presi- dency. The election resulted in the choice of General Grant by a jDopular vote of 2,985,031 to 2,648,830 votes cast for Mr. Sejmiour. In tho electoral college Grant received 217 votes and Seymour 77. The States of Virginia, Mississippi and Texas were not allowed to take part in this election, being still out of the Union. ADMINISTRATION OP ULYSSES S. GRANT. 4th of March, 1869-— 4th of March, 1877. Ulysses S. Grant, the eighteenth President of the United States, w\as inaugurated at Washington with imposing ceremonies on the 4th of March, 1869. He was born at Mount Pleasant, Ohio, on the 27th of April, 1822. His father was a tanner, and wished him to follow his trade, but the boy had more ambitious hopes, and at the age of seven- FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 87 teen a friend secured for him an appointment as a cadet at West Point, ^Yhere he was educated. Upon graduating he entered the army. Two years later he was sent to Mexico, and served tiirough the war with that country with distinc- ULYSSES S. GRAI4T. tion. He was specially noticed by his comman- ders, and was promoted for gallant conduct. Soon after the close of the war he resigned his commis- Bion, and remained in civil life and obscurity until the breakim? out of the civil war, when he volun- B8 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. teered his services, and was commissioned by Governor Yates Colonel of the Twenty-first lUi- nois regiment. He was soon made a Brigadier- General, and fought his first battle at Belmont. His subsequent career has been related in all his- tories of the Great Civil War. He selected the members of his Cabinet more because of his per- sonal friendship for them than for their weight and influence in the party that had elected him. General Grant was the fifth President whose military achievements had contributed more to his election to this high office than any services ren- dered in the civil departments of the government. His inaugural, delivered before an immense crowd of enthusiastic admirers, on the east portico of the capitol, was brief and pointed. He was no orator, and his address on tliis occasion was rehearsed from a manuscript before him. It might be char- acterized as a good speciinen of the " midtum in 'parvoJ' He said '' he shduld have no policy of his own, except to carry out the will of the people, as expressed by the legislative department, and ex- pounded by the judiciary. Laws," said he, "are to govern all alike, those opposed, as well as those who favor them. I know of no method to secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their stringent execution." The oath of office was administered by Chief-Justice Chase. His cabinet consisted at first of Elihu B. Wash- burne, of Illinois, Secretary of State ; Alexander FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 89 T. Stewart, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury; John D. Rawlins, of Illinois, who had been his chief of staff from the beginning of the great war until its termination. Secretary of War; Adolph E. Borie, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Navy ; Jacob D. Cox, of Ohio, Secretary of the Interior; John A. J. Cress well, of Maryland, Postmaster-General ; and Ebenezer R. Hoar, of Massachusetts, Attorney-General. Several changes in the cabinet were afterwards made, the most notable of which were George S. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, Secretary of the Treasury, instead of Alexander T. Stewart, the famous merchant of New York. Soon after the confirmation of the latter by the Senate, it was ascertained that he was ineligible under the law, because of his being engaged in commerce. Mr. Washburne also gave up his place to accept the position of Minister to France, and the vacant Secretaryship of the State Department was given to Hamilton Fish of New York. The President on the 20th of March, 1870, issued a proclamation announcing that the Fifteenth Amendment had been duly ratified by a sufficient number of States, and therefore declared it to be part of the Constitution of the United States. In the fall of 1872, another presidential election occurred. The canvass was marked by the most intense partisan bitterness. The Republican party renominated General Grant for the presidency, and 90 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. supported Henry Wilson for the vice-presidencj. The measures of the administration had arrayed a large number of Republicans against it. These now organized themselves as the Liberal Republican party, and nominated Horace Greeley of New York for the presidency, and B. Gratz Brown of Missouri for the vice-presidency. The Democratic party made no nomhiations, and its convention indorsed the candidates of the Liberal Republican party. The election resulted in the triumph of the Republican candidates by overwhelming majorities. The elections were scarcely over when the country was saddened by the death of Horace Greeley. He had been one of the founders of the Republican part}*, and had been closely identified with the political history of the country for over thirty years. He was the "Founder of the New York Tribime,'' and had done good service with his journal in behalf of the cause he believed to be founded in right. He was a man of simple and childlike character, utterly unaffected, and generous to a fault. In his manner and dress he was eccen- tric, but nature had made him a true gentleman at heart. His intellectual ability was conceded by all. His experience in public life and his natural dis- position induced him to favor a policy of concilia- tion in the settlement of the reconstruction ques- tion, and, influenced by these convictions, he signed the bail-bond of Jeflerson Davis and secured the release of the fallen leader of the South from his FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 91 imprisonment. This act cost him a large part of bis popularity in the North. He accepted the presidential nomination of the Liheral party in the belief that his election would aid in bringing about a better state of feeling between the North and the South. He was attacked by his political opponents with a bitterness which caused him much suffering, and many of his old friends deserted him and joined in the warfare upon him. Just before the close of the canvass, his wife, to whom he was tenderly attached, died, and his grief for her and the excitement caused by the political contest broke him down and unsettled his mind. Ho was conveyed by his friends to a private asylum, where he died on the 29th of November, 1872, in the gixty-second year of his age. The result of the election by States w'as 286 electoral votes for Grant, for President, 286 for Wilson, for Vice-President, and 47 for B. Gratz Brown, for Vice-President. Mr. Greeley having died soon after the election, and before the meeting of the Electoral Colleges, the electoral votes that he carried at the popular election (only 65) were cast in the colleges for a number of persons whose names had never been connected with the office. The votes by States for Grant were Alabama, California, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Mississippi, Minnesota, Nebraska, Ne- vada, North Carolina, New Hampshire, New 92 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Khode Island, South Carolina, West Virginia, Vir- ginia, Vermont, Wisconsin — 29. Those casting electoral votes against Grant were Maryland, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, and .Texas — 6. The electoral votes of the States of Arkansas and Louisiana were not counted. On the 4th day of July, 1876, the United States of America completed the one hundredth year of their existence as an independent nation. The day was celebrated with imposing ceremonies and with the most patriotic enthusiasm in all parts of .the Union. The celebrations began on the night of the 3d of July, and were kept up until midnight on the 4th. Each of the great cities of the Union vied with the others in the splendor and complete- ness of its rejoicings ; but the most interesting of all the celebrations was naturally that which was held at Philadelphia, in which city the Declaration of Independence was adopted. In the summer of 1876 the various political par- ties met in their respective conventions to nomi- nate candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presi- dency of the United States, which officers were to be chosen at the general election in November. The Kepublican Convention assembled at Cincin- nati, Ohio, on the 14 th of June, and resulted in the nomination of Governor Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, for President of the United States, and of William A. Wheeler, of New York, for Vice* FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDEISTS. 93 President. The Democratic Convention was held at St. Louis on the 27th of June, and nominated Governor Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, for the Presidency, and Governor Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, lor the Vice-Presidency. A third Conven- tion, representing the Independent Greenback party, met at IndianapoUs on the 18th of May, and nomi* nated Peter Cooper, of New York, for President, and Samuel F. Gary, of Ohio, for Vice-President. The campaign which followed these nominations was one of intense bitterness, and was in many respects the most remarkable the country has ever witnessed. The election was held on the 7th of November. The popular vote was as follows : For SanuielJ. Tilden 4,284,265 " Rutherford B. Hayes 4,033,295 " Peter Cooper 81,737 Tilden thus received a popular majority of 250,970 votes over Hayes, and a majority of 169,- 233 votes over both Hayes and Cooper. Both sides claimed the success of their tickets. In several of the States there were two returns. Three hundred and sixty-nine was the aggregate number of votes of the electoral college. It re- quired 185 to elect. The advocates of Tilden and Hendricks maintained that by right they were en- titled to the electoral votes of South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana, which would give them an 04 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUB PRESIDENTS. aggregate of 203 votes ; but that if the votes of these three States, amounting to 19, were given to Hayes and Wheeler, Tilden and Hendricks would still have 184 undisputed votes, and that they were clearly entitled to one vote from Oregon, wdiich would give them 185 — the requisite majority. Meantime the Republican leaders maintained that upon a right count of the vote of the four States in dispute Hayes and Wheeler had the majority. Leading Republicans in Congress maintained that the presiding officer of the Senate had a right to count the votes as sent up from the several States, and to decide questions of dispute between differ- ent returning boards. The Democrats proposed that the matter should be settled and adjusted under the previously existing joint rule of the two Houses on the subject of counting the electoral votes. This the Republicans refused to do. The condition of affairs was assuming a threatening aspect, w'hen a proposition was made to provide by law for a Joint High Commission to whom the whole subject should be referred. This was to consist of five members of the House, five of the Senate, and five of the Supreme Court. The five .Judges of the Supreme Court were Clifford, Miller, Field, Strong, and Bradley ; the Senators were Edmunds, Morton, Frelinghuysen, Bayard, and Thurman ; the members of. the House were Payne, Hunton, Abbott, Garfield, and Hoar. To the commission thus constituted, the whole subject was referred by special act of Congress. FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 95 The two Houses of Congress met in joint con- vention on the 1st of Februiiry, 1877, and began the counting of the electoral vote. When tho vote of Florida was reached, three certificates were presented and were referred to the Electoral Com- mission. This body, upon hearing the arguments of the counsel of the Democratic and Republican parties, decided that it had no power to go behind the action of the Return Board, and that the cer- tificate of that body giving the vote of that State to Hayes must be accepted by the two Houses of Congress. The vote by which this decision waa reached stood eight (all Republicans) in favor of it, and seven (all Democrats) against it. A similar conclusion was come to in the case of Louisiana. Objections were made to the reception of the votes of Oreijon and South Carolina. In the Ore<::on case the decision was unanimously in favor of counting the votes of the Hayes electors. In tho South Carolina case the commission decided that the Democratic electors were not lawfully chosen ; but on the motion to give the State to Hayes the vote stood 8 yeas to 7 nays. So South Carolina was counted for Hayes. Objection was made on the ground of ineligibility to certain electors from Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, and Wisconsin, but the objections were not sustained by the two Houses. This Commission made its final report on all tho cases submitted to them, on the 2d day of March, 96 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. and according to their decision, Hayes and Wheeler received 185 votes, and Tilden and Hendricks 184 votes. The States that voted for Hayes and Wheeler were California, Colorado, Florida, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, Ohio, Oregon, Rhode Island, Pennsyl- vania, South Carolina, Vermont and Wisconsin ; and those which voted for Tilden and Hendricks were Alabama, Arkansas; Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and West Virginia. General Grant, on the expiration of his second term, retired from office, but remained in Wash- ington City, receiving marked demonstrations of the admiration of his friends for some months, before starting upon an extensive travel through Europe and around the world. ADMINISTRATION OF RUTHERFORD B. HAYES. 4th of March, 1877— 4th of Marqji, 1881. Rutherford B. Hayes, the nineteenth President of the United States, was inaugurated at Washington on Monday, March 5th, 1877. As the 4th of March fell on Sunday, the President-elect simply took the oath of office on that day. The inaugural ceremonies were carried aut on the 5th at the RUTHERFORD B. HAYES. (97) 08 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. capitol with the usual pomp and parade, and in the presence of an enormous multitude of citizens and visiting military organizations from all parts of the country. After the customary reception by the Senate, the new President was escorted to the eastern portico of the capitol, where he delivered his inaugural address to the assembled multitude, after which the oath of office was publicly adminis- tered to him by Chief-Justice Waite. The new President was a native of- Ohio, having been born at Delaware, in that State, on the 4th of October, 1822. He graduated at Kenyon Col- lege, Ohio, and obtained his professional education at the law school, Cambridge, Mass. He began the practice of law at Cincinnati in 1856. Soon after the opening of the war he enlisted in the Twenty- third Ohio Volunteers, with which regiment he served as major, lieutenant-colonel and colonel. He led his regiment, w4iich formed a part of General Reno's division, at the battle of South Mountain, in September, 1862, and was severely wounded in the arm in that engagement. In the fall of 1862 he was made colonel of the regiment, and in 1864 w^as promoted to the rank of brigadier- general of volunteers, and was bre vetted major- general, "lor gallant and distinguished services during the campaigns of 1864 in West Virginia, and particuUirly in the battles of Fisher's Hill and Cedar Creek." At the time of this last promotion h<^ was in command of a division. He served FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 99 until the close of the war, receiving four wounds and having five horses shot under him during his military career. In the fall of 1864 he was elected to Congress, and was returned a second time in 1866. In 1867, before the expiration of his Con- gressional term, he was elected Governor of Ohio, and was re-elected to that office in 1869, being each time the candidate of the Republican party. In 1870 General Hayes was again elected to Con- gress, and in 1874 was nominated for a third term as Governor of Ohio. His opponent was Governor William Allen, one of the most popular of the Democratic leaders of Ohio. General Hayes was elected by a handsome majority. He resigned this office in March, 1877, to enter upon his new duties as President of the United States. President Hayes selected as his cabinet William M. Evarts, of New York, Secretary of State; John Sherman, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury ; George W. McCrary, of Iowa, Secretary of War; Richard Yi. Thompson, of Indiana, Secretary of the Navy ; Carl Schurz, of Missouri, Secretary of the Interior ; David M. Key, of Tennessee, Post- master-General ; and Charles E. Devens, of Massa- chusetts, Attorney-General. The cabinet was of a composite character and generally regarded as a very conservative one. Mr. Hayes, early in his admin- istration, adopted several reforms in the civil service, one of which was not to allow Federal office- holders to take active part in elections. 100 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Few Presidents were ever so embarrassed upon entering on the duties of the office as he was. At this time the States of South Carolina and Lou- isiana were in a quasi civil war. Two Governors in each were claiming to be entitled to the execu- tive chair. Two legislatures in each were also claiming to be rightfully entitled to the law-making power. Mr. Hayes displayed the most consummate skill in the conduct and settlement of these most em- barrassing questions. In the summer of 1880 the various political parties of the country met in Con- vention to nominate candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States. The Republican Convention met in Chicago on the 2d of June, and nominated James A. Garfield, of Ohio, for President, and Chester A. Arthur, of New York, for Vice-President. (The platform and all the ballots of this convention will be found in another part of this work.) The Democratic Con- vention met in Cincinnati, on the 22d of June, and nominated Winfield Scott Hancock, of Pennsyl- vania, for President, and William H. English, of Indiana, for Vice-President. The Greenback Con- vention met at Chicauo, on the 9th of June, and nominated James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for Presi- dent, and B. J. Chambers, of Texas, for Vice- President. The election was held on the 2d of November, and resulted in the choice, of General James A. FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 101 Garfield, who received 214 electoral votes to 155 electoral votes cast for General Hancock. The States that voted for Gartield and Arthur were : Colorado, Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Ver- mont, Wisconsin ; and those that voted for Han- cock and English were : Alabama, Arkansas, Del- aware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, New Jersey, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, West Virginia. The State of California was divided. She cast one vote for Garfield and Arthur, and five for Hancock and English. . The last days of Mr. Hayes' administration were the happiest he spent in the White House. At the close of his term, he retired to his residence at Fremont, Ohio, followed by the good will of mil- lions of his fellow-citizens. ADMINISTRATION OF GARFIELD. 4th of March, 1881— 19th of September, 1881. On Friday, March 4th, 1881, the inauguration ceremonies took place upon a scale of unusual mag- nificence, and were participated in by numerous military and civic organizations, and by thousands of citizens from all parts of the country. After the 102 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. new Vice-President had taken the oath of office. President-elect Garfield was formally received by the Senate, and escorted to the eastern portico of the capitol, where, in the presence of an immense multitude of citizens and soldiery, he delivered .^ ■' JAMBS A. GARFIELD. an able and eloquent inaugural address, and took the oath of ollice at the hands of Chief- Justice Waite. The new President had been long and favorably FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. lOo known to his countrymen. He was in his fiftieth year, and in vigorous health. A man of command- ing presence, he was dignified and courteous in his demeanor, accessible to the humblest citizen, and deservedly popular with men of all parties. Born a poor boy, without influential friends, he had by his own eflbrts secured a thorough collegiate edu- cation, and had carefully fitted himself for the arduous duties he was now called upon to dis- charge. Entering the army at the outbreak of the civil war, he had won a brilliant reputation as a soldier, and been promoted to the rank of Major- General of volunteers. Elected to Congress from Ohio, in 1862, he had entered the House of Repre- .sentatives in December, 1863, and had seen almost eighteen years of constant service in that body, in which he had long ranked as one of the most bril- liant and trusted leaders of the Republican party. Early in 1880 he had been chosen a United States Senator from Ohio, but had been prevented from taking his seat in the Senate by his election to the Presidency. Immediately after his inauguration the names of the new cabinet were sent to the Senate, and were confirmed without opposition. James G. Blaine, of Maine, was Secretary of State : William Vv^indom, of Minnesota, was Secretary of the Treasury ; Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois, son of ex-Fresident Abraham Lincoln, was Secretary of War; William H. Hunt, of Louisiana, was Secretary of the Navy ; Samuel J. Kirk wood, of Iowa, was Sec- i04 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. rctary of the Interior ; Thomas L. James, of New York, was Postmaster-General, and Wayne Mc- Veagh, of Pennsylvania, was Attorney-General. The Cabinet was regarded, generally, as one very judiciously selected, being all men of marked ability, though of somewhat different shades of opinion in the Republican party. As the time wore on, President Garfield gained steadily in the esteem of his countrymen. His purpose to give to the nation a fair and just ad- ministration of the government was every day more apparent, and his high and noble qualities became more conspicuous. Men began to feel for the first time in many years that the Executive chair was occupied by a President capable of con- ceiving a pure and noble standard of duty, and possessed of the firmness and strength of will necessary to carry it into execution. The country was prosperous, and there was every reason to ex- pect a continuance of the general happiness. On the morning of July 2d, President Garfield, accompanied by a distinguished party, including several members of tlie Cabinet, preceeded to the Baltimore and Potomac depot, in Washington, to take the cars for Lons: Branch. The President arrived in company with Secretary Blaine. They left the President's carriage together, and walked arm-in-arm into the depot. In passing through the ladies' vv^ai ting-room, the President was fired at twice by a man named diaries J. Guiteau. The FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 105 first shot inflicted a slight wound in the President's right arm, and the second a terrible wound in the right side of his back, between the hip and the kidney. The President fell heavily to the floor, and the assassin was secured as he was seeking to make his escape from the building. The whole city w^as thrown into the greatest consternation and agitation when swift-winged rumor bore the news through every street and avenue, that the President had been assassinated ! The wires carried the same consternation through- out the length and breadth of the Union, as well as to foreign nations. In the meantime, the suffering President re- ceived every attention that could be given. He was borne as soon as possible to the Executive mansion, where many eminent surgeons of the country were soon summoned to hi^ bedside ; but no permanent relief was given. The ball w^as not found, and he continued to suffer and languish for weeks. His physicians thought it best to remove him to Long Branch. Suitable and comfortable ar- rangements were made for his travel from the White House to Francklyn Cottage, at Elberon, at that place, and his journey was successfully per- formed on the 6th of September. Here he continued to languish, with intervals of hopeful improvement until he suddenly grew worse on the 18th, and finally expired quietly at 10.35 p. M., on the 19th of September. 106 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. His remains were taken to Washington and laj in state in the rotunda of the capitol, after which they were conveyed to Cleveland, Ohio, and there interred with the most solemn and impressive cer- emonies. Never before was there such universal and unfeigned sorrow over the death of any public official. On the night of the death of the President at Elberon, the members of the Cabinet present joined in sending the following telegram to Mr. Arthur, the Vice-President, who was at that time in the city of New York : " It becomes our painful duty to inform you of the death of President Garfield, and to advise you to take the oath of office without delay." Mr. Arthur, as advised by Mr. Garfield's Cabi- net, immediatelv took the oath of office before Judge Brady, -one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of the State of New York. On the 22d of September President Arthur again took the oath of office, this time at the hands of the Chief-Justice of the United States, and was quietly inaugurated in the Vice-President's room, in the Capitol at Washington, delivering upon this occasion a brief inaugural address. President Arthur entered quietly upon the duties of his administration, and his first acts were sat- isfactory to a majority of his countrymen. As he had been the leader of " the Stalwart " section of the Republican party, it was felt by the mem- PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. lOT bers of the Cabinet of the late President that he should be free to choose his own advisers. There- fore, immediately upon his accession to the Execu- tive chair, Mr. Blaine and his colleagues tendered CHESTER A. AKTIIUil him their resignations. They were requested, however, by the new President to retain their offices until he could find suitable successors to 108 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. them. To this they agreed, but before the year was out several important changes had been made in tlie Cabinet. The principal of these were the sub- stitution of Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, for Mr. Blaine, as Secretary of State, and the appointment of Judge Charles J. Folger, of Ohio, to the Treasury Department. One of the first acts of the new administration was to cause the indictment of Charles J. Guiteau for the murder of President Garfield. After some delay the trial of the assassin began on the 14th of November. It ended on the 25th of Januarj-, 1882, in the conviction of Guiteau for the murder of the late President. The execution took place in the District jail on the 30th of June, 1882, and was witnessed by about 200 people, many of whom were represen- tatives of the press. The administration of President Arthur resulted in the prosperity of the whole country, and was satisfactory to the mass of the people. ADMINISTRATION OF GROVER CLEVELAND. The twenty-second President of the United States was Grover Cleveland. Mr. Cleveland was a native of New Jersey, and was born in Caldwell, Essex Co., March 18, 1837. He came from sturdy New England stock, many of his ancestors having held honorable positions in their respective locali- ties. Some of them were ministers, of which PRESIDENT GROVER CLEVELAND. 109) 110 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. number was President Cleveland's father. The training in the family was such as to make the boys, of whom there were several, upright, self- reliant, acquainted with public affairs, and quali- fied for useful life. President Cleveland, after teaching two or three years, studied law in Buffalo, was admitted to the bar, became sheriff of the county, and, having re- ceived the nomination for Governor of New York, was elected by a large majority. This was fol- lowed by his nomination in the Democratic Con- vention of 1884 and his election in the fallowing November. With very imposing ceremonies Mr. Cleveland was inaugurated at Washington on the 4th of March, 1885. His inaugural address was a clear, manly and forcible presentation of the duties be- longing to his high office, with vsome suggestions concerning the vital questions of the hour. President Cleveland's administration was char- acterized by a conservative policy, a desire to pu- rify official life, a bold and vigorous dealing with the tariff question, and a careful guarding of the public treasury. At the close of the third year of his administration the Democratic party naturally looked to him to be their standard-bearer during the ensuing campaign. Appendix A. Figures are said to be dry, but figures some- times have a large meaning. They are the skele- ton^ and no body would be good for much without the skeleton. It is all a question of figures as to whether a man is a millionaire or a pauper, whether he is elected to the highest office in the gift of the people or suffers inglorious defeat. Figures are mighty; they tell thrilling tales; they rule the world. The next morning after an exciting election every one wishes to know what figures have to say. The following pages will be no less interesting as records of history. You will find" it profitable to study the contests of party and the results of the great campaigns as expressed in these tables. They present the cold, hard facts ; they have the force that always goes with statistics. The reader will see that the two great political parties are very evenly matched; neither has an overwhelming advantage over the other in the popular vote. This appendix also gives a full list of Govern- ment Officers, Members of Congress, and Diplo- matic Corps. POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 1860. RtatM. Alabama, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, ^linnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Vermont, Virginia, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Tutalb. lincolu, Douglas, Breckinridge, 3eU, R. 1). D. U. 13651 48831 27875 5227 23732 20094 39173 38516 34334 6817 43792 15522 14641 3291 3815 1023 7337 3864 367 8543 5437 11590 51889 42886 172161 160215 2404 4913 139033 115509 12295 5306 70409 55111 1048 1763 1364 25651 53143 66058 7625 22681 20204 62811 26693 6368 2046 2294 5966 42482 41760 106533 34372 5939 22331 88480 65057 805 405 22069 11920 748 62 3283 40797 25040 17028 58081 5801 31317 58372 37519 22811 2212 441 58324 62500 362646 312731 48539 44990 231610 18822 11403 12194 5270 3951 5006 183 268030 16765 178871 12776 12244 7707 Electors chosen by Legislature. 11350 64709 69274 47548 15438 33808 6849 218 1969 1929 16290 74323 74681 86n*0 65021 '888 '"iei 1866452 1375157 847953 590631 POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 1868. 1864. ] Electoral Grant, Seymour, r Lincoln, McClellan, States. Vote. R. D. R. D. Alabama, 10 76366 72086 Arkansas, 6 22152 10078 California, 6 54592 54078 62134 43841 Colorado, 3 Connecticut, 6 50996 47951 44691 42285 Delaware, 3 7623 10980 8155 8767 Florida, 4 Electors chosen by Legislat ,ure. Georgia, U 57134 102822 Illinois, 21 256293 199143 189996 158730 Indiana, 15 176552 166980 150422 130233 Iowa, 11 120399 74040 89075 40596 Kansas, 5 31047 14019 16441 3691 Kentucky, 12 39569 115889 27786 64301 Louisiana, 8 33263 80225 Maine, 7 70426 42396 6814 46992 Maryland, 8 30438 62357 40153 32739 Massachusetts, 13 136477 -^9408 126742 48745 Michigan, 11 128550 97009 91521 74()04 Minnesota, 5 43542 28072 21060 17375 Mississippi, 8 Missouri, 15 85671 59788 72750 31678 Nebraska, 3 9729 5439 Nevada, 3 6480 5218 9826 6594 New Hampshire, 5 38191 31224 36400 32871 New Jersey, 9 80121 83001 60723 68024 New York, 35 410883 429883 368732 361986 North Carolina. , 10 96226 84090 Ohio, 22 280128 237800 265154 205568 Oregon, 3 10961 11125 9888 8457 Pennsylvania, 29 342280 313382 296391 276316 Rhode Island, 4 12903 6548 14349 8718 South Carolina, , 7 62301 45237 Tennessee, 12 56757 26311 Texas, 8 Vermont, 5 44167 12045 42419 13321 Virginia, 11 West Virginia, 5 29025 20306 23152 10438 Wisconsin, 10 369 108857 84710 83458 65884 Totals, 3013188 2703600 2223035 811754 4 I'OPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. *1876. tl880. Hayes, Tikleu Garfitld Hancock Weaver, Dow, States. R. D. R. D. G. P. Alabama, 68,708 102,989 56,221 91,185 4,642 Arkansas, 38,069 .58,071 42,436 60,775 4,079 Calitbrnia, 79,279 76,468 80,348 80,426 3,392 Colorado, By Legislature. 27,450 24,647 1,435 Connecticut, 59,034 61,934 67,071 64,415 868 409 J)ela\vare, 10,752 13,381 14,133 15,275 120 Florida, 23,849 22,927 23,654 27,964 (loorgia, 50,446 130,088 54,086 102,470 ***969 Illinois, 278,232 258,601 318,037 277,321 26,358 ' 443 Indiana, 208,011 213,526 232,164 225,522 12,986 Iowa, 171,326 112,121 183,927 105,845 32,701 592 Kansas, 78,322 37,902 121,549 59,801 19,851 25 Kentucky, 97,156 159.696 106,306 149,068 11,499 258 Louisiana, 75,315 70,508 38,637 65,067 439 jMaine, 66,300 49,917 74,039 65,171 4,408 93 Maryland, 71,981 91,780 78,515 93,706 818 Massachusetts, 150,063 108,777 165,205 111,960 4,548 682 ^liehigan. 166,534 141,095 185,341 131,597 34,895 942 Minnesota, 72,962 48,799 93,903 53,315 3,267 286 IMississippi, 52,605 112,173 34,854 75,750 5,797 Missouri, 145,029 203,077 153,567 208,609 35, 1 35 Nebraska, 31,916 17,554 54,979 28,523 3,950 Nevada, 10,383 9,308 8,732 9.613 NewHampshir e 41,539 38,509 44,852 40,794 528 180 New Jersey, 103,517 115,962 120,555 122,565 2,617 191 New York, 489,207 521,949 555,544 534,511 12,373 1,517 North Carolina , 108,417 125,427 115,874 124,208 1,126 Ohio, 330,698 323,182 375,048 340,821 6,456 2,616 Oregon, 15,206 14,149 20,619 19,948 249 l^ennsylvania, 384,184 366,204 444,704 407,428 20,668 1,939 Rhode Island, 15,787 10,712 18,195 10,779 236 20 South Carolina, 91,870 90,896 58,071 112,312 566 Tennessee, 89,566 133,166 107,677 128.191 5,917 '**43 Texas, 44,803 104,803 57,893 156,428 27,405 A'^ermont, 44,428 20,350 45,567 18,316 1,215 Virginia, 95,558 139,670 84,020 128,586 West Virginia, 42,046 56,495 46,243 57,391 9,079 AVisconsin, 130,070 123,926 144,400 114,649 4,454,416 4,444,952 7,986 308,578 69 Total, 4,033,768 4,285,992 10,305 Maj. over all, 145,911 t9,464 ♦1876— Greenback, 81,737; Prohibition, 9,522; American, 539 ; imper- fect and scatteriiij^, 14,715. f 1880 — Greenliack, 308,578; Proliibitiuii, 10,305 ; American, 707 ; imperfect and scattering, 989. J Plurality. All, over Garfield, 311,115. POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. *1884. States. Alabama, Arkansas, Calilbrnia, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, IMaryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Vermont, Virginia, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Total, Plurality, Blaine, Cleveland, Butler, St. John, R. D. G. P. ' 59,591 93,951 873 612 50,895 72,927 1,847 102,416 89,288 2,017 2,920 36,290 27,723 1,958 761 65,923 67,199 1,688 2,305 12,951 16,964 6 55 28,031 31,766 72 48,603 94,667 "145 195 337,474 312,355 10,910 12,074 238,463 244,990 8,293 3,028 197,089 177,316 1,472 154,406 90,132 1*6,341 4,495 118,122 152,961 1,691 3,139 46,347 62,540 72,209 52,140 3,953 *2,i60 85,699 96,932 531 2,794 146,724 122,481 24,433 10,026 192,669 149,835 42,243 18,403 111,923 70,144 3,583 4,684 43,509 76,510 202,929 235,988 2,153 76,912 54,391 2,899 7,193 5,578 ***26 43,249 39,183 552 1*571 123,440 127,798 3,496 6,159 562,005 563,154 16,994 25,016 125,068 142,952 454 400,082 368,280 b'S'l'd 11,069 26,860 24,604 726 492 473,804 392,785 16,992 15,283 19.030 12,391 422 928 21,733 69,890 124,078 133,258 * 957 *i*,i3i 93,141 225,309 3,321 3,534 39,514 17,331 785 1,752 139,356 145,497 138 63,096 67,317 "sio 939 161,157 146,459 4,874,986 4,598 175,370 7,656 4,851,981 150,369 23,005 * 1884 — Blank, defective and scattering, 14,904. In consequence of the uncertainties in tlie count resulting from the " fusions " formed, the plu- rality shown for Cleveland must be considered an approximation to thd actual result — not a definite result. All, over Cleveland, 317,038. 6 APPENDIX A. TOTALS OF PREVIOUS PRESIDENTIAL VOTES. 1828—1,156,328. 1832—1,217,601. 1836—1,498,205. 1840— 2,410,772. 1844—2,698,608. 1848—2,872,806. 1852—3,142,877. 1856—4,053,967. 1860—4,676,853. 1864—4,024,762. 1868— 5,724,624. 1872—6,431,149. 1876—8,426,273. 1880—9,219,947. 1884—10,067,610. ANALYSIS OF PRESIDENTIAL VOTES. 1876— Republican, 4,033,950; Democratic, 4,284,757; Green- back, 81,737; Prohibition, 9,522. 1872— Republican, 3,507,070; Democratic, * 2,834,079 ; Prohi- bition, 5,608. 1 1868— Republican, 3,015,071 ; Democratic, 2,709,613. J 1864— Republican, 2,216,067; Democratic, 1,808,725. UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT, 1888. Principal Executive, Judicial and Diplomatic Officers. The Executive. Grover Cleveland, of New York, President of the United States, salary, $50,000. [The Vice- Presidency is vacant, by reason of the death of Mr. Hendricks.] The Cabinet. \\ Thomas Francis Bayard, of Delaware, Secretary of State, salary, $8,000. CiiARLE-s S. Fairchild, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury, salary, $8,000. William C, Endicott, of Massachusetts, Secretary of War^ salary, $8,000. Don M. Dickinson, of Michigan, Postmaster- General, salary, $8,000. AucusTUS H. Garland, of Arkan.sas, Attorney- General, salary, $8,000. * Exclusive of 29,408 for Charles O'Conor. t Mississippi, Texas and Virginia did not vote. J The eleven " (Confederate " States did not participate. II Arranged in the order of succession named in the Presidential Succession act of January 19, 1886. APPENDIX A. , 7 William C. Whitney, of New York, Secretary of the Navy, salarj^ $8,000. William M. Yilas, of Wisconsin, Sea-etary of the Interior, sal- ary, $8,000. Principal Departmental Officers. [The figures after each name indicate the year of appointment or assignment.] STATE DEPARTMENT. Assistant Secretary— George L. Rives (1887), New York ; salary, $4,500. Second Assistant Secretaiy—Ahey A. Adee (1882), New York, $3,500. Third Assistant Secretjn-y— John B. Moore (1886), Delaware, $3,500. TREASURY DEPARTMENT. Assistant Secretaries — Isaac H. Maynard (1887), New York, $4,500; Hugh S. Thompson (1886), South Carolina, $4,500. Bureau of Engraving and Printing — Edward 0. Graves (1885), New York, $4,500. S^ipervising Architect — William A. Freret (1887), Louisiana, $4,500. First Comptrollei — Milton J. Durham (1885), Kentucky, $5,000. Second Comptroller — Sigourney Butler (1887), Massachusetts, $5,000. Commissioner of Customs — John S. McCalmont (1885), Pennsyl- vania, 4,000. First Auditor— J RVAes Q. Chenoweth (188.5), Texas, $3,600. Second Auditor— Vi^iWmm A. Day (1885), Illinois, $3,600. Third Auditor— John S. Williams (1885), Indiana, $3,600. Fourth Auditoi^— Charles M. Shelley (1885), x\labama, $3,600. Fifth Auditor— Anthony Eickhoif (1885), New York, $3,600. Sixth ^»c7/^o?'— Daniel McConville (1885), Ohio. $3,600. Treasurer U. >S'.— James W. Hyatt (1887), Connecticut, $6,000. Register of the Treasury — William S. Rosecrans (1885), Califor- nia, $4,000. Comptroller of tlie Cw^renc!/— William L. Trenholni (1886), South Carolina, $5,000. Commksioner of Internal Revenue — Joseph S. Miller (1885), West Virginia, $6,000. 8 APPENDIX A. Commmioner of Navigation — Charles B. Morton (1886), Maine, $3,000. Solicitor of Internal Revenue — Charles Chesley (1871), New Ilaiupshire, $4,500. Director of the Mint — James P. Kimball (1885), Pennsylvania, $4,500. Chief of the Secret Service Division — James J. Brooks (1876), Pennsylvania, $3,500. Supervisinff Surgeon- General of the Marine Hospital Service — - John B. Hamilton (1879), Illinois, $4,000. Snpe7'visi)ig Inspe/:tor- General of Steam Vessels — James A. Du- mont (1876), New York, $3,500. ^o?/c/Vor— Alexander McCue (1885), New York, 14,500. Superintendent of Life- Saving Service — Sumner I. Kimball (1876), Maine, $4,000. Bureau of Statistics — William F. Switzler (1885), i\Iissouri, $3,000. WAR DEPARTMENT. Adjutant- General— R'ldvcird C. Drum (1880), Pennsylvania.* Inspector- General — Absalom BairJ (1885), Pennsylvania.* Quartermaster- General — Samuel B. Holabird (1883), Connecti- cut.* Commissary- General — Robert Macfeely (1875), Penns3'lvania.* Surgeon- General — John Moore (1886), Indiana.* Paymaster- General — William B. Roche-ster (1882), New York.* Chief of Engineers — James C. Duane (188r)), New York.* Chief of Orc/>mHcc— Stephen B. Benet (1874), Florida.* Acting Judge- Advocate- General — Guido N. Lieber (1885), New York.t Chief Signal Q/Ttccr— Adolphus W. Greely (1887), Louisiana.* NAVY DEPART.MENT. Bureau of Yards and Docks — David B. Harmony (1885), Penn- sylvania. Bureau of Navigation — John G. Walker (1881), Iowa. Bureau of Ordnance — Mont,u;omery Sicard (1881), District of Columbia. Bureau of Provisions and Clothing — James Fulton (1887), Ten- nessee. *Pay and allnwances of a Brigadier-General. tPay and aLo'vaiiccs of a Colonel. APPENDIX A. 9 Bureau of Medicine and Surgery — Francis M. Gunnell (1884), District of Columbia. Bureau of Construction and Repair — Theodore D. Wilson (1886), New York. Bureau of Equipment and Recruiting — WinficlJ S. Sclile}' (1884), Maryland. Bureau of Steam Engineering — George W. Melville (1887), N, Y. Judge- Aduocate- General — William B. Remey, U. S. Marine Corps (1878), Iowa, $3,500. Commandant of Marine Corps — Charles G. McCawley (1876), Pennsylvania. POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT. First Assistant Postmaster- General — Adlai E. Stevenson (1885), Illinois, $4,000. Second Assistant Postmaster- General — A. Leo Knott (1885), Maryland, $4,000. Third Assistant Postmaster- General — Henry R. Harris (1887), Georgia, $4,000. Assistant Attorney- General — Edwin E. Brj'^ant (1885), Wiscon- sin, $4,000. Superintendent of Foreign Mails — Nicholas M. Bell (1886), Mis- souri, $3,000. Supeiintendent of Money Order System — Charles F. Macdonald (1864), Massachusetts, $3,500. General Superintendent of Railway Mail Service — Thomas E. Nash (1887), Wisconsin, $3,500. Superintendent of Dead Letter Office — John B. Baird (1885), Georgia, $2,250. Chief Post Office Inspector— \N m. H. West (1886), Miss., $3,000. INTERIOR DEPARTMENT. First Assistant Secretary— U. L. Muldrow(1885), Miss., $4,500. Assistant Secretanj — David L. Hawkins (1886), Missouri, $4,000. Assistant Attorney- General — Zachariah Montgomery (1885), Cal- ifornia, $5,000. Commissioner of Pensions— J o\m C. Black (1885), III, $5,000. Commissioner of Indian Affairs — John D. C. Atkins (1885), Ten- nessee, $4,000. Commissioner of the Patent Office — Benton J. Hall (1887), Iowa, $5,000. 10 APPENDIX A. Commissioner of Railroads — Joseph E. Johnston (1885), Vir- ginia, $4,500. Commissioner of Education — Nathaniel A. H. Dawson (1886), Alabama, $3,000. Director of Geological Survey— J. W. Powell (1881), 111., $6,000. Commissioner of Labor — Carroll D. Wright (1885), Mass., $3,000. Architect of the Capitol— Edward Clark (1865), Penn., $4,500. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. Solicitor- General — George A. Jenks (1886), Pennsylvania, $7,000. Assistant At toniei/s- General — Robert A. Howard, Arkansas; William A. Maury, District of Columbia, $5,000 each. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. Fuhlic Printer— Thom?iS E. Benedict (1886), New York, $4,500. DEPART.^IENT OF AGRICULTURE. Commissioner — Norman J. Colman (1885), Missouri, $4,500. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. Librarian— km^Vforih. R. SpofFord (1865), Ohio, $4,000. GOVERNMENT DIRECTORS IN THE UNION PACIFIC R. R. COMPANY. Frederic R. Coudert, N. Y. ; Franklin McVeagh, 111. ; iNIarcus A. Hanna, Ohio ; Alexander C. Haskell, South Carolina , James W. Savage, Nebraska. CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSIONERS. Alfred P. Edgerton, Indiana ; John H. Oberly, Illinois ; Charles Lyman, Connecticut, $3,500 each. Justices of the Supreme Court* Chief-Justice—Mohl\\e^Y. Fuller, Illinois. Appointed in 1888. JUSTICE. NO. OF CIRCUIT. WHEN APPOINTED. Samuel F. :Miller, of Iowa 8 1862 Stephen J. Field, of California 9 1863 Joseph P. Bradley, of New Jersey 3 1 870 John M. Harlan, of Kentucky 7 1877 Lucius Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi 5 1888 Stanley Matthews, of Ohio 6 1881 Horace Gray, of Massachusetts 1 1881 Samuel Blatchford, of New York 2 1882 Retired Justice — William Strong, Pennsylvania, $10,000 a j'ear. * Salary of the Chief-Justice, $10,500 ; of each Justice, $10,000. Appendix B. WHAT IT COSTS THE PRESIDENT TO LIVE. The official salary of the President is fixed by law at fifty thousand dollars ])er annum, or two hundred thousand dollars for his term of four years. At the beginning of eacli term Congress makes an appropriation for refurnishing the Executive Mansion. The kitchen and pantry are supplied to a consid- erable extent by the same body. Congiesa pays all the emj)loyees about the house, from the private secretary to the humblest boot- black; it provides fuel and lights; keeps up the stables; and furnishes a coips of gar- deners and a garden to supply the Presiden- tial board with fruits, flowers, and vegetables. Many persons suj)pose that these allowances ought to be enough to enable him to live comfortably. They are mistaken, however. The President is required by public opinion to live in a style consistent with the dignity of his position and the honor of the countiy, and such a mode of life imposes upon him many very heavj^ expenses. Besides this, he is expected to be liberal and charitable towards persons and meritorious causes seek- ing his aid, and "their name is legion." He cannot give as a private individual; his do- nation must be large. The expense of en- tertaining the various officers of the Govern- ment, members of Congress, and Foreign Z THE WHITE HOUSE. Ministers, is enormous. One hnndred tlion- Siinrl dolhu's per annum would not be too mueh to allow him. THE PRESIDENT'S VISITORS. Access to the President may be easily had by any person having legitimate business with him, or wishing to pay his respects to the Chief Magistrate of the Union, but, as His Excellency's time is valuable and mucli occupied, interviews are limited to the short- est possible duration. Visitors, upon siicli occasions, rei)air to the reception-room ad- joining the President's private office, send in their cards, and await His Excellency's pleasure. Besides granting these private interviews, the Pi-esident holds public receptions or levees at stated times during the sessions of Congress. His official title is ''Mr. President," but courtesy has added that of ''His Excellency." It is worthy of remark that none of the Ex- ecutive officers of the States of the Union, except the Governor of Massachusetts, have anv legal claim to the titles "His Excel- lency" and "Your Excellency." All sorts of peo])le come to see the Presi- dent, on all sorts of business. His immense patronage makes him the object of the efforts of many unprincij)led men. His in- THE WHITE HOUSE. 3 tegrity is subjected to the sevei'est trials and if lie come out of office poor, as happily all of our Presidents have don-e, he must in- deed be an honest man. His position is not a bed of roses, for he cannot hope to i)lease all parties. His friends exaggerate his good qualities, and often make him appear ridicu- lous, while his enemies masfniiV liis faults and errors, and slander and persecute him in every imaginable way. Pitfalls are set for him along every step of his i)ath, and he must be wary indeed if he would not fall into them. The late President Buchanan once said that there were at least two per- sons in the world who could not echo the wish experienced by each American niothei-, that her son might one day be President, and that they were the retiring and the in- coming Presidents, the tirst of whom was worn and weary with the burden he was lay- ing down, and the other for the tirst time fully alive to the magnitude of the task he had undertaken. CABINET MEETINGS. The Cabinet Ministers in our Government are the Secretaries placed at the heads of the various Departments. They are the constitutional advisers of the President, but he is not obliged to be governed by their advice. It is customary, however, to lay all 4 THE WHITE HOUSE. important matters before them for their opinions thereupon, ^vhich are submitted in writing at the request of the President, and for this purpose reguLir meetings of the Cabinet are lield at stated times in a room in the Executive Mansion, piovided for that purpose. It is located on the second tloor of the mansion, and is plainly but comfortably furnished. The relations existing between the Presi- dent and his Cabinet are, oi* ought to be, of the most friendly and confidential nature. They are well set forth in the attitude main- tained upon this point by Mr. Lincoln. Says Mr. Raymond, his biographer: ''He always maintained that the proper duty of each Secretary was to direct the details of every- thing done within his own Department, and to tender such suggestions, information, and advice to the President as he might solicit at his hands. But the duty and responsi- bility of deciding what line of ])olicy should be pursued, or what steps should be taken in any specific case, in his judgment, be- longed exclusively to the Pi'osident; and he was always willing and ready to assume it.'' THE WHITE HOUSE. The Executive Mansion is situated on Pennsylvania Avenue, near the western end THE WHITE HOUSE. 5 of the city, and is surrounded by the Treas- uiT, State, War, and Navy Departments. The grounds in front are handsomely orna- mented, and in the rear a fine park stretches awav to the rivci. Tlie h)cation is attractive, and commands a magnificent view of the Potomac, but it is not healthy. Ague and fever prevails in the Spring and Fall, and renders it anything but a desirable place of residence. The building is constructed of freestone painted white — hence its most common name, the "White House." It was designed by James Hoban, and was modeled after the palace of the duke of Leinster. The corner-stone was laid on the 13th of October, 1792, and the house was ready for occupancy in the Summer of 1800. It was partially destroyed by the British in 1814. It has a front of one hundred and seventy feet, and a depth of eighty-six feet. It con- tains two lofty stoi'ies of rooms, and the roof is surrounded with a handsome balustrade. The exterior walls are ornamented with fine Ionic pilasters. On the north front is a handsome portico, witli four Ionic columns in front, and a projecting screen with three columns. The space between these two rows of pillars is a covered carriage way. The main entrance to the house is from this por- tico through a massive doorway, which opens into the main hall. The garden front has a O THE WHITE HOUSE. rusticated basement, which gives a third story to the house on this side, and by a semi-circular projecting colonnade of six columns, witli two flights of steps, leading from the ground to the level of the principal storv. THE INTERIOR OF THE WHITE HOUSE. Entering by the main door, the visitor finds himself in a handsome hall, divided midway by a row of imitation marble pil- lars, and ornamented with portraits of former Presidents. Passing to the left, you enter the magnificent banqueting hall, or, as it is commonly called, THE EAST ROOM, which occupies the entire eastern side of the house. It is a beautiful apartment, and is handsomely finnished. It is used during the levees and upon great State occasions. The President sometimes receives here the congratulations and respects of his fellow- citizens, and is subjected to the torture ol having his hand squeezed out of shape by his enthusiastic friends. It's a great pity that some one of our Chief Mairistrates has not the moral courage to put a stop to this lidiculous ])i'actice of hand-shaking. The Kast Poom is eighty-six feet long, forty feet wide, and twenty-eight feet high. It has four THE WHITE HOUSE. i rire-l)laces, and is not an easy I'oom to warm. Adjoining the East Room are three others, smaller in size, the whole constituting one ol the handsomest suites in the conntry. The first, adjoining the East Room, is the Green Room, the next the Blue Room, and the third the Red Room. Each is handsomely furnished, the prevailing color of the apart- ment giving the name. THE RED ROOM is elliptical in form, having a how in rear, and is one of the handsomest in the house. It is used by the President as a general I'e- ception-rocmi. He receives here the official visits of the dignitaries of the Republic, and of foreia^n ministers. Previous to the com- pletion of the East Room, this apartment was used for all occasions of public cere mony. The building contains thirty-one rooms ol considerable size. West of the Red Room is the large dining-room used upon State occa- sions, and adjoining that is the small dining- room ordinarily used by tlie President and his family. The stairs to the upper story are on the left of the main entrance, and are always in charge of the door-keeper and his assistants, whose business it is to see that no impi'oper characters iind access tc the lu'ivate portion of the house. 8 THE WHITE HOUSE. The nortli front has six rooms, wliich ai*€ used as cliainbers by the family of the Presi- dent, and the south front has seven roonis — the ante-chamber, audience-room, cabinet- room, private office of the President, the ladies' parlor, and two others, used for vari- ous purposes. THE LADIES* PARLOR is situated immediately over the Red Room, and is of the same size and shape. It is for the private use of the Ladies of the Pres- ident's family, and is the handsomest and most tastefully furnished apartment in the house. There are eleven rooms in the basement, which ai'e used as kitchens, pantries, but- ler's loom, &c. The house is built in the old style, and has an air of elegance and comfort extremely pleasing to the eye. FIRST MISTRESS OF THE WHITE HOUSE. Mrs. John Adams came to Washington with her husband in November, 1800, and at once took possession of the Executive Mansion. Iler impressions of it are thus described by herself in a letter to her daughter, written soon after her arrival. She says : "The house is upon a grand and superb Bcale, requiring about thirty servants to THE WHITE HOUSE. 9 attend and keep the apartments in propei order, and perform the ordinary business of the house and stables — an establishment very well proportioned to the President's salary. The lighting the aj)artments, from the kitchen to parlors and chambers, is a tax indeed, and the fires we are obliged to keep to secure us from daily agues is an- other very cheering comfort. To assist ns in this great castle, and render less attend- ance necessary, bells are wholly wanting, not one single one being hung through the whole house, and promises are all you can obtain. This is so great an inconvenience, that I know not what to do or how to do. The ladies from Georgetown and in the €ity have many of them visited me. Yes- terday I returned fifteen visits. But such a place as Georgetown ai)pears ! Why, our Milton is beautiful. But no comparisons ; if they put me up bells, and let me have wood enough to keep fires, I design to be jjleased. But, surrounded with forests, can you believe that wood is not to be had, be- cause people cannot be found to cut and cart it ? . . . We have indeed, come into a new country, *'The house is made habitable, but there is not a single apartment finished, and all within-side, except the plastering, has been done since B. came. We have not the least 9 10 THE WHITE HOUSE. fence^ yard, or convenience witJiotd, and the great unfinished audience-room I make a drying-room of, to hang up the clothes in. . . .If the twelve years, in which this place has been considered as the future seat of government, had been improved, as they would have been in New England, very many of the present inconveniences would have been removed. It is a beautiful spot, capable of any improvement, and the moie I view it, the more I am deliglited with it.'' OLD TIMES AT THE WHITE HOUSE. Mr. Cooper thus desciibes a dinner at the White House, to which he was invited, during its occupancy by Mr. Monroe: *'0n this occasion, we were honored >vUh the pi'esence of Mrs. Monroe, and two or three of her female relatives. Crossing the hall, we wei'e admitted to a drawing-ioom, in which most of the company were ali'cady assembled. The hour was six. Bv far the greater pai*t of the guests were men, and perhaps two-thirds were membei's of Cim- gress. . . . There was very gieat gravity of mien in most of the company, and neither any very marked exhibition, nor any posi- tively striking want of gi*ace of mannei*. The convei'sation was commonplace, and a little sombre, though two or three men of the woi'ld got around the ladies, where the bat- THE WHITE HOUSE. 11 tie of words was maintained with sufficient spirit. ... To me the entertainment had rather a cold than a formal air. When dinner was announced, the oldest Senator present (there were two, and seniority of service is meant) took Mrs. Monroe, and led her to the table. The rest of the party foHowed without much oi'der. The President took a lady, as usual, and preceded the rest of the guests. ''The drawing-room was an apartment of good size, and of just proportions. It might have been about as large as the better sort of Paris salo7i in a private hotel. It was furnished in a mixed style, partly English and partly French. ... It was neat, sufficiently rich, without being at all mag- niticent, and, on the whole, was very much like a similar apai'tment in the house of a man of rank and fortune in Europe. The dining-ioom was in a better taste than is common here, being quite simple, and but little famished. The table was large and rather liandsome. The service was in china, as is uniformly the case, plate being ex- ceedingly rare, if at all used. There was, however, a rich plateau, and a great abun- dance of the smaller articles of table-i)late. The cloth, napkins, &c., &c., were line and beautiful. ''The dinner was served in the French 12 THE WHITE HOUSE. style, a little Americanized. The dishes were handed round, though some of the guests, ai)peai'ing to prefer their own cus- toms, coolly helped themselves to what they found at hand. Of attendants there were a good many. They were neatly dressed, out of liverv, and sufficient. To conclude, the whole entertainment might have passed for a better sort of European dinner-party, at which the guests were too numerous for general or very agreeable discourse, and some of them too new to be entirely at their ease. Mrs. Monroe arose, at the end of the dessert, and withdrew, attended by two or three of the most gallant of the company. No sooner was his wife's back turned, than the President reseated himself, inviting his guests to imitate the action. After allowing his guests sufficient time to renew, in a few glasses, the recollections of similar enjoy- ments of their own, he arose himself, giving the hint to his company, that it was time to rejoin the ladies. In the drawing-room, coffee was served, and everybody left the house before nine." AN OLD-TIME LEVEE. "On the succeeding Wednesday, Mrs. Monroe opened her doors to all the woi'ld. No invitation was necessaiy^ it being the usage for the wife of the Pi-esidcnt to receive THE WHITE HOUSE. 13 company once a fortnight during the session, without distinction of persons. - "We reached the White House at nine. The court (or rather the grounds) was filled with carriages, and the company was arriv- ing in great numbers. On this occasion two or three additional drawing-rooms were opened, though the frugality of Congress has prevented them from finishing the principal reception-room of the building. I will ac- knowledge the same sort of surprise I felt at the Castle Garden fete, at finding the assem- blage so respectable in air, dress and de- portment. "The evening at the White House, or drawing-room, as it is sometimes pleasantly called, is, in fact, a collection of all classes of people, who choose to go to the trouble and expense of ajipearing in dresses suited to an ordinary evening party. I am not sure that even dress is much regarded ; for I cer- tainly saw a good many there in boots. The females were all neatly and properly attired, though few W'Cre ornamented with jewelry. Of course, the poor and laboring classes of t-he community w^ould find little or no pleas- ure in such a scene. They consequently stay away. The infamous, if known, would not be admitted; for it is a peculiar consequence of the high tone of morals in this country, that grave and notorious offenders rarely 14 THE WHITE HObSE. presume to violate tlie public feeling by in«» vadino: society.* "Squeezing through the crowd, we achieved a passage to n part of the room wliere Mrs. Monroe was standing, surrounded by a bevy of female friends. After making oui* bow here, we sought the President. The hxtter had posted himself at the top of the loom, where he remained most of the evening, sliaking liands with all wlio ai)proached. Near him stood all the Secretaries and a great number of the most distinguished men of the nation. Individuals of importance fi'om all parts of the Union were also here, and were employed in the manner usual to such scenes. ''Besides these, one meets here a great variety of people in other conditions of life. I have known a cartman to leave his horse in the street, and go into the reception-room to shake hands with the President. He offended the good taste of all present, be- cause it was not thought decent that a laborer should come in a dirty dress on such an occasion ; but while he made a trifling mistake in this particular, he proved how well he understood the diflerence between government and society. He knew the levee was a sort of homage paid to political equal- ity in the person of the first magistrate, but * Thiii was over sixty years ago.— Author. THE WHITE HOUSE. 15 he would not have presumed to enter the house of the same person as a private indi- vidual, without being invited, or without a reasonable excuse in the wav of business. ''There are, no doubt, individuals who mis- take the character of these assemblies, but the great majority do not. They are a sim- ple, periodical acknowledgment that there is no legal barrier to the advancement of any one to the first association in the Union. You perceive, there are no masters of cere- monies, no ushers, no announcings, nor, in- deed, any let or hindrance to the ingress of all who please to come ; and yet how few, in com{)ari8on to the whole number who might enter, do actually appear. If there is any man in Washington so dull as to suppose equality means a right to thrust himself into any company he pleases, it is probable he satisfies himself by boasting that he can go to the White House once a fortnight, as well as a governor or anybody else." ETIQUETTE. The social observances of the White House are prescribed with the utmost exactness. At the commencement of A\^ashington's ad- ministration, the question of how to regulate such matters was discussed with great earn- estness. It was agreed that the exclusive rules by which European courts were gov- 16 THE WHITE HOUSE. erned would not entirely suit the new Re- public, as there were no titled personages in Anieiica, and as the society of our country was oi'ganized on a i)rofessed basis of equal- ity. .Washington caused the following arti- cles to be drawn up: "In order to bring the nienibei'S of society together in the first instance, the custom of the country has established that residents shall pay the first visit to strangers, and, among strangers, fii'st comers to later comers, foreign and domestic; the character of stran- ger ceasing after the iirst visit. To this rule there is a single exception. Foreign minis- ters, from the necessity of making them- selves known, pay the Iirst visit to the [cabinet] ministers of the nation, which is returned. "When brought together in society, all are perfectly equal, whether foreign or domestic, titled or untitled, in or out of office. "All other observances are but exempli- fications of these two principles. "The families of foreign ministers, arriving at the seat of government, receive the first visit from those of the national ministers, as from all other residents. "Members of the legislatui-e and of the judiciary, independent of their ottices, have a right, as strangers, to receive the first visit. THE WHITE HOUSE. 17 ''No title being admitted here, those of foreigners give no precedence. "Differences of grade among the diplo- matic members give no precedence. "At public ceremonies to whicli tlie gov- ernment invites the ])resence of foreign min- isters and their families, a convenient seat or station will be provided for them, witli any other strangers invited, and the families of the national ministers, each taking place as they arrive, and without any precedence. " To maintain the pi'inciple of equality, or of i^ele mete, and prevent the growth of pre- cedence out of courtesy, the members of the executive will practise at their own houses and recommend an adherence to the ancient usage of the country, of gentlemen in mass giving precedence to the ladies in mass, in passing from one apartment where they are assembled into another.'^ These rules w ere too arbitrary and exact- ing to give satisfaction, and society was not disposed to acknowledge so genuine an equality amongst its members. For some years, disputes and quarrels were frequent and bitter. In the winter of 1819, John Quincy Adams, then Secretary of State, ad- dressed a letter to Daniel D. Tompkins, the Vice-President, stating that he had been informed that the members of the Senate had agreed amongst themselves to pay no 18 THE WHITE HOUSE. first visits to any person except the Pres- ident of tlie United States. He declared tliat lie repudiated the claim on the pa)t of the Senators, and that he would pay no iirst calls himself as beina* due from him or his family. Mr. Adams was severely criticised for his aristocratic views, and the contio- versv went on as warmlv as before. The result, a few years later, was, that all parties interested agreed ui)on a code, which is now in force, and which may V)e stated as follows, as far as the AVhite House is con- cerned : THE CODE. The title of the Executive is Ah\ Pres- ident, It is not pi'oper to address him in conversation as Your Excellency. The President receives calls upon matters of business at any hour, if he is unengaged. He prefers that such visits should be made in the moining. Stated times are appointed for receiving persons who wish to pay their respects to him. One moi*ning and one evening in each week are usually set apart for this purpose. During the winter season, a public recep- tion, or levee, is held once a week, at which guests are expected to a])penr in full dress. They are presented by the Usher on such occasions, and have the honor of shaking THE WHITE HOUSE. 19 hands with tlie President, These receptions last from eight until ten o'clock. On the 1st of January of each year, the President holds a public reception, at which the Foreign Ministers present in the city appear in full coui-t di'ess, and the officers of the Army and Navy in full uniform. The Heads of Departments, Governors of States, and Members of Congress are received first, then the Diplomatic Corps, then the officers of the Army and Navy, and then the doors are thrown o|)en to the public generally for the space of two hours. The President, as such, must not be in- vited to dinner by any one, and accepts no such invitations, and pays no calls or visits of ceremony. He may visit in his private capacity, however, at pleasure. An invitation to dine at the White House takes precedence of all others, and a ])re- vious engagement must not be pleaded as an excuse for declining it. Such an invita- tion must be promptly accepted in writing. THE PRESIDENT'S RECEPTIONS. The levees held by the President differ in nothing from those of Mr. Monroe's time, described a few pages back, except that the East Eoom is now finished, and the whole magnificent suite of apartments is used. The elite of the land are present, but the 20 THE WHITE HOUSE. infamous are also there in the persons of those who live by plundering the public treasury. The President stands in one of the smaller parlors, generally in the Ked or Blue Room. He. is surrounded by his Cabinet, and the most distinguished men in the land. Near him stands his wife, daughter, or some relative representing the mistress of the mansion. Visitors enter from the hall, and are presented to the President by the Usher, who first asks their names, residences, and avocations. The President shakes each one by the hand cordially, utters a few pleasant words in reply to the greeting of his guest, and the visitor passes on into the next I'oom, to make way for those behind him. Before doing so, however, he is presented to the lady of the house, to whom he pays his re- spects also. This regular routine goes on for the space of two hours, when it is brought to an end, the President devoutly thanking Heaven that it does not last all night. These levees are no doubt very interesting to the guests, but they are the bugbears of the President and his family. The former is obliged by custom to shake hands with every man presented to him, and when the levee is over, his right hand is often bruised and swollen. It is said that some of the THE WHITE HOUSE. 21 Presidents have suffered severely from tliis species of torture, and that General Hai*- I'ison's death was to some degree hastened by it. President Arthur being a w^idower, and having no grown-up daughter, his sister, Mrs. McElroy, acted as lady of the White House, and her amiable way of making everybody at home, even at the receptions of the Diplomatic Corps and distinguished foreigners, will be gratefully remembered by all who have been honored by an invi- tation. The semi-annual receptions of the Pres- ident — New Year's Day and the Fourth of Julv — are brilliant affairs. At a little before eleven o'clock in the morning, the ap- proaches to the Executive Mansion are thronged with the spendid equipages of the various Cabinet officers and Foreign Minis- ters. The entrance at such times is by the main door, and the exit through one of the larG:e north windows of the East Room, in front of which a temporary platform is erected. The customs upon such occasions vary slightly with each administration. In the description given here, the order ob- served at the reception of the President, January 1, 1884, is followed. The East Eoom and the other parlors are handsomelv decorated with flowers and 22 THE WHITE HOUSE. other ornaments, the full Marine Band is in attendance to furniish music for the promenaders in the East Koom, and a strong i^olice force is present to preserve order when the people are admitted en masse. At a few minutes before eleven o'clock, the President and the ladies of the White House, in full dress, take their places in the Blue Eoom, the President standing near the door leading into the Eed Koom, and the ladies in the centre of the Bhie Koom. The President is attended by either the Commissioner of Public Buihiings, or tlie Marshal of the District of Columbia, Avhose duty it is to present the guests to him. A gentleman is also appointed to attend the ladies for the puipose of ])resenting the guests to them. Precisely at eleven o'clock the doors are thrown open, and the reception begins. The Cabinet Ministers and their families are ad- mitted first, and after they have passed on into the East Koom, through the Green Par- lor, the Secretary of State remains and pre- sents the Foreign Ministers and their fauii- lies. They are followed by the Justices of the Supreme Court and their families. Then come the Senators and Kei)resentatives in Congress and their famiUes. The next in order are the officers of the Armv, then the THE WHITE HOUSE. 23 officers of the Navy and Marine Corps, in full uniform, and then the officials of the District of Cohimbia. These personages generally occupy the first hour. The doors are then opened to the public, and the next two hours are devoted to receiving them. Several thousand persons are presented during this period. They say a few pleas- ant words to the President, receive a brief reply, and pass on. The pi'omenaders in the East Room often linger in tliat apartment during the whole reception. The scene is brilliant, the toi- lettes are magnificent, the uniforms and court dresses attractive, and the music fine. At a little after two o'clock the parlors are de- serted, and the gay throng has sought other attractions. Besides these public levees, the ladies of the White House hold receptions at stated periods, to which invitations are regularly issued. The President sometimes ap[)ear8 upon these occasions, but is under no obli- gation to do so. During tiie first two years of the adminis- tration of Mr." Lincoln, he always selected a lady to join the promenade with him at his evening receptions, thus leaving his wife free to choose an escort fi:om the distinguished throng which always surrounded heron such occasions. This custom did not please Mis 24 THE WHITE HOUSE. Lincoln, who resolved to put a stop to it She declared the practice absurd. "On such occasions," said she, "our guests recognize the position of the President as first of all ; consequently he takes the lead in every- thing; well, now, if they recognize his posi- tion, they should also recognize mine. I am his wife, and should lead with him. And yet he offers his arm to any other lady in the room, making her first with him, and placing me second. The custom is an absurd one, and 1 mean to abolish it. The dignity that I owe to my position, as Mrs. President, de- mands that 1 should not hesitate any longer to act." The spirited lady kept her word. Ever after this, she either led the piomenade with the President, or that diofnitarv walked alone or in company with some gentleman. It has long been the custom for the Presi- dent to give a series of State dinners during the session of Congress, to which the various members of that bodv, the hi2;her Govern- ment officials, and the Diplonuitic Corps are invited. In order to be able to entertain each one of these celebrities it is necessary to give about two dinners per week. The custom was not much observed durino: Mi*. Lincoln's administration, though it has been revived by his successor. THE WHITE HOUSE. 25 IMPERTINENT GOSSIP. Tlie President and his family are much annoyed by the impertinent curiosity of which they are tlie objects. There are scores of persons in Washington, some of whom are doul)tless well-meaning people, \vho are so ignorant of the common decencies of society, as to seek to lay bare before the public eveiy incident of the private life of the family at the White House. The whole city rings with gossip upon this topic, much of wliich finds its way into the columns of the newspaper press in various parts of the land, to the great annoyance of its victims. There are people who can tell you how the President gets out of bed in the moining, how he dresses, breakfasts, picks his teeth, what he talks about in the piivacy of his family, and a thousand and one other such private de- tails, until you turn from your informant with the most intense disgust. It is said that much of this comes from the servants employed in the Executive Mansion, who seem to think it adds to their importance to retail such scandal. Every year this goes on, and every new occupant of the Whito House is subjected to such persecution. 10 M mr>.M^ ,,1! .,1111,, ,jfr:^,-i:^/Z-/'^M3}iM}'L(l [vu'"\A^'l!lKll^ , '£ii„^Mj'^;-ii IM- -'il liiif Appendix C. Mf I'LT OF PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN EACH STATE OF THE UNION. The reader will find in the following pages the names of the candidates for President tliat each State has voted for at every Presidential election. Taking the Federalist party as the root of the Republican party, it is traced through the Loose Constructionist, National Republican and Whig parties to 1856, when the present Republican party presented Fremont, its first Presidential candidate. Taking the Republican party, as or- ganized by Jefferson, as the root of the Democratic party, it is traced through the Strict Construction- ist party to 1828, when the present Democratic party presented Jackson, its first Presidential can- didate. Alabama. — First Presidential election, 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.) 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Van Buren, Dem- ocrat. 1840, Van Buren, Democrat. 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckinridge, Democrat. 1864, under military rule, no election. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, rn 2 APPENDIX C. Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. Arhmsas. — First Presidential election, 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Van Buren, Demo- crat. 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Demo- crat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckinridge, Democrat. 1864, no election. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. California. — First Presidential election, 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Repub- lican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Blaine, Republican. Colorado. — First Presidential election, 1876, Hayes, Rep. 1880, Garfield, Rep. 1884, Blaine, Rep. Connecticut. — One of the original thirteen States. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) ] 792, Wash- ington, Federalist (Rep.) 1796, Adams, Federal- ist (Rep.) 1800, Adams, Federalist (Rep). 1804, Pinckney, Federalist (Rep.) 1808, Pinckney, Fed- eralist (Rep.) 1812, De Witt Clinton, Federalist (Rep.) 1816, King, Federalist (Rep.) 1820, Mon«roe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, J. Q. Adams, Loose Constructionist (Rep.) 1828, J. Q. Adams, National Republican (Rep.) 1832, Henry Clay, National Republican (Rep.) 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.j 1844, APPENDIX C. 3 Henry Clay, Whig (Rep.) 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.) 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fremont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, R-^piiblican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Dem. 1884, Cleveland, Dem. Delaware. — One of the original States. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1796, Adams, Federalist (Rep.) 1800, Adams, Federalist (Rep.) 1804, 1808, Pinck- ney. Federalist (Rep.) 1812, DeWittClinton, Feder- alist (Rep.) 1816, King, Federalist (Rep.) 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, Crawford, Strict Constructionist (Dem.) ; Adams received one of the three electoral votes of the State. 1828, J. Q. Adams, National Republican (Rep.) 1832, Clay, National Republican (Rep.) 1836, Harrison, Wliig (Rep.) 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.) 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.) 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckinridge, Democrat. 1864, McClellan, Democrat. 1868, Seymour, Democrat. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Han- cock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. Florida. — First Presidential election, 1848, Tay- lor, Whig (Rep.) 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckinridge, Dem- ocrat. 1864, no election. 1868, no election. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Repub- lican (electoral commission decision). 1880, Han- cock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. 4 APPENDIX C. Georgia. — One of the original States. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1792, Washington, Federahst (Rep.) 179G, Jefferson, Republican (Deni.) 1800, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) 1808, Madison, Re- publican (Dem.) 1812. Madison, Republican (Dem.) 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, Crawford, Strict Con- structionist (Dem.) 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat, 183G, White, Anti-Van Buren Democrat. 1840, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.) 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckinridge, Democrat. 1864, no election. 1868, Se^'mour, Democrat. 1872, Greeley, Dem- ocrat. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. Illinois, — First Presidential election, 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.), J. Q. x^dams, Loose Con- structionist (Rep.), receiving one of the three electoral votes of the State. ^828, Jackson, Dem- ocrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Van Buren, Democrat 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Demo- crat. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes. Republican . 1880. Garfield, Republican. 188i, Blaine, Rep. APPENDIX C. 5 Indiana. — First Presidential election, 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1820, Monroe, Re{3ub- lican (Dem.) 1824, Jackson, Strict Construction- ist (Dem.) 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Harrison, Wiiig (Re[).) 1840, Harrison, AVliig (Rep.) 1844, Polk, Demo- crat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Demo- crat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Garfield, Repub- lican. 1884, Cleveland. Democrat. Iowa. — First Presidential election, 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fre- mont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Rep. 1868, Grant, Rep. 1872, Grant, Rep. 1876, Hayes, Rep. 1880, Garfield, Rep. 1884, Blaine, Rep. Kansas. — First Presidential election, 1864, Lin- coln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Rep. Kentucl'ij. — First Presidential election, 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1796, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) 1800, JefTerson, Republican (Dem.) 1804, JefTerson, Republican (Dem.) 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.), one electoral vote not cast. 1812, iVladison, Republican (Dem.) 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, Clay, Loose Construe- 6 APPENDIX C. tionist (Rep.) 1828, Jackson, Democrat (Dem.) 1832, Clay, National Republican (Rep.) 1836, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1840, Ilarrison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Clay, Whig (R(>p.) 1848, Taylor"^, Whig (Rep.) 1852, Scott, Whig (Rep.) 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Bell, Constitutional Union. 1864, McClellan, Democrat. 1868, Sey- mour, Democrat. 1872, Greeley, Democrat. At the meeting of the electoral college, Mr. Greeley having died meantime, the electoral vote of the State was cast : eight for Hendricks and four for Brown. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. Louisiana. — First Presidential election, 1812, Madison, Republican (Dem.) 1816, Monroe, Re- pu])lican (Dem.) 1820, Monroe, Republican (Deuj.) 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.) Adams, Loose Constructionist (Rep.), re- ceived two of the five electoral votes of the State. 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Demo- crat. 1836, Jackson, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Tay. lor. Whig (Rep.) 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckinridge, Demo- ernt. 1864, no election. 1868, Seyuiour, D^mho- crat. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican — decision electoral commission. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland. Democrat. Maine. — First Presidential election, 1820, Mon- roe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, Adams, Loose Con- APPENDIX C. 7 structionist (Rep.) 1828, Adams, National Re- publican (Rep.) Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.), received one of the eight electoral votes of the State. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fremont, Republi- can. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Rep. Maryland. — One of the original thirteen States. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep.), received six of the eight electoral votes of the State, two not cast. 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1796, Adams, Federalist (Rep.) 1800, the ten electoral votes of the State were divided equally between Jefferson and Burr, both Republicans (Dems.) 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) Pinckney, Federalist (Rep.), received two of the eleven elec- toral votes of the State. 1808, Madison, Republi- can (Dem.) Pinckney, Federalist (Rep.), again received two of the eleven electoral votes of the State. 1812, Madison, Republican (Dem.) De Witt Clinton, Federalist (Rep.), received five of the eleven electoral votes of the State. 1816, ivlonroe. Republican (Dem.) ; three votes were not cast, Monroe receiving eight of the eleven. 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.), received seven; Adams, 8 APPENDIX C. Loose Constructionist (Rop.), three, and Crawford, Strict Constructionist (Dem.), one of the electoral votes of the State. 1828, Adams, National Re- publican (Rep.), received six of the electoral votes of the State, and Jackson, Democrat, five. 1832, Clay, Loose Constructionist (Rep.), received five of the electoral votes of the State, and Jackson, Dem- ocrat, three. 1836, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.) 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.) 1852, Pierce, Demo- crat. 185G, Fillmore, Know Nothing. 1860, Breckinridge, Democrat. 1864, Lincoln, Republi- can. 1868, Seytnour, Democrat. 1872, Greeley, Democrat. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Han- cock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. M(i8S((c]msetts. — First Presidential election, 1816, King, Federalist (Rep.) 1820, Monroe, Republi- can (Dem.) 1824, Adams, Loose Constructionist (Rep.) 1828, Adams, National Republican (Rep.) 1832, Clay, National Republican (Rep.) 1836, Webster, Whig (Rep.) 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.) 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.) 1852, Scott, Whig (Rep.) 1856, Fremont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republi- can. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Rep. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Bhiine, Rep. Micliigan. — First Presidential election, 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Polkj Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. APPENDIX C. 9 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 185G, Fremont, Republi- can. 18G0, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Rep. Minnesota. — First Presidential election, 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republi- can. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. Mississippi. — First Presidential election, 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.), one electoral vote not cast. 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.) 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Demo- crat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Har- rison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckinridge, Demo- crat. 1864, no election. 1868, no election. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Dem. 1884, Cleveland, Dem. Missouri. — First Presidential election, 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, Clay, Loose Constructionist (Rep.) 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Van Buren, Democrat. 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Douglas, Democrat. 1864, Lincoln, Re* publican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Greeley, 10 APPENDIX C. Democrat. In the electoral college the vote of the State was cast: for Hendricks, 9; Brown, 8; David Davis, 1. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Han- cock, DcMnocrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. Nthraska. — First Presidential election, 18G8, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Re- publican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. Nevada. — First Presidential election, 1864, Lin- coln, Republican ; one of the three votes not cast. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Repub- lican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Blaine, Republican. New Hampshire. — One of the original thirteen States. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1796, Adams, Federalist (Rep.) 1800, Adams, Federalist (Rep.) 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) 1808, Pinck- ney, Federalist (Rep.) 1812, DeWitt Clinton, Federalist (Rep.) 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) J. Q. Adams, Loose Constructionist, received one of the eight electoral votes of the State. 1824, Adams, Loose Constructionist. 1828, Adams, National Re- publican (Rep.) 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Van Buren, Demo- crat. 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Demo- crat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fremont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. APPENDIX C. 11 1872, Grant, Kepublican. 1876, Hayes, Republi- can. 1880, Garfield, Rep. 1884, Blaine, Rep. New Jersey. — One of the original thirteen States. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1792, Wash- ington, Federalist (Rep.) 1796, Adams, Federalist (Rep.) 1800, Adams, Federalist (Rep.) 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) 1808, Madison, Re- publican (Dem.) 1812, DeWitt Clinton, Federalist (Rep.) 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1820^ Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.) 1828, J. Q. Adams, Na- tional Republican (Rep.) 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.) 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.) 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, Lincoln, Re- publican, received four of the electoral votes of the State, and Douglas, Democrat, three ; the latter had a majority of 4,477 on the popular vote of the State. 1864, McClellan, Dem. 1868, Seymour, Dem. 1872, Grant, Rep. 1876, Tilden, Dem. 1880, Hancock, Dem. 1884, Cleveland, Dem. New York. — First Presidential election, 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1796, Adams, Federalist (Rep.) 1800, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.) George Clinton, Re- publican (Dem.), received six of the nineteen elec- toral votes of the State. 1812, DeWitt Clinton, Federalist (Rep.) 1816, Monroe, Republican 12 APPENDIX C. (Dem.) 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, J. Q. Adams, Loose Constructionist (Rep.), received .sixteen of the twenty-six electoral votes of the State; Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.), re- ceived one ; Crawford, Strict Constructionist (Dem . ) , received five, and Clay, Loose Constructionist (Rep.), four. 1828, Jackson, Democrat, received twenty, and J. Q. Adams, National Republican (Rep.), sixteen electoral votes. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1S3G, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, AVhig (Rep.) 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.) 1852, Pierce, Demo- crat. 185G, Fremont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Seymour, Democrat. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Garfield, Republi- can. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. North Carolhia. — First Presidential election, 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1796, Jeffer- son, Republican (Dem.); Adams, Federalist (Rep.), received one of tlie twelve electoral votes. 1800, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.); Adams, Federalist (Rep.), received four of the twelve electoral votes. 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) 1808, Madi- son, Republican (Dem.); Pinckney, Federalist (Rep.), received three of the fourteen votes. 1812, Madison, RepubHcan (Dem.) 1816, Monroe, Re- publican (Dem.) 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.) 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. APPENDIX C. 13 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.) 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.) 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 18G0, Breckinridge, Democrat. 1864, no election. 1868, Grant, Repub- lican. 1872, Grant, Rep. 1876, Tilden, Dem. 1880, Hancock, Dem. 1884, Cleveland, Dem. Oliio. — First Presidential election, 1804, JefTur- son. Republican (Dem.) 1808, Madison, Repub- lican (Dem.) 1812, one vote not cast, Madison, Republican (Dem.) 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, Clay, Loose Constructionist (Rep.) 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.) 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fre- mont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Repub- lican. 1872, Grant, Rep. 1876, Hayes, Rep. 1880, Garfield, Rep. 1884, Blaine, Rep. Oregon. — First Presidential election, 1860, Lin- coln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Seymour, Democrat. 1872, Grant, Repub- lican. 1876, liases. Republican. 1880, Garfield, Republican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. Pennsylvania. — One of the thirteen original States. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1796, Jef- ferson, Republican (Dem.) ; Adams, Federalist 14 APPENDIX C. (Rep.), received one vote. 1800, Jefferson, Repub- licim (Dem.), received eight of the fifteen elec- toral votes of the State, and Adams seven. 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.) 1812, Madison, Republican (Dem.) 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) ; one vote not cast. 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.) 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Demo- crat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Har- rison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.) 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 18G0, Lincoln, Re- publican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Republican. 1880, Garfield, Re- publican. 1884, Blaine, Republican. Rhode Island. — First Presidential election, 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1796, Adams, Federalist (Rep.) 1800, Adams, Federalist (Rep.) 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) 1808, Pinck- ney. Federalist (Rep.) 1812, De Witt Clinton, Republican (Dem.) 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, J. Q. Adams, Loose Constractionist (Rep.) 1828, J. Q. Adams, National Republican (Rep.) 1832, Henry Clay, National Republican (Rep.) 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.) 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.) 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, APPENDIX C. 16 Fremont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Repub- lican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Ilaje.s, Rep. 1880, Garfield, Rep. 1884, Blaine, Rep. South Carolina. — One of tbe oriuinal thirteen States. Presidential electors elected by State Leg- islature until 1868. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1796, Jefferson, Republican (Deni.) 1800, Jeffer- son, Republican (Dern.) 1804, Jefferson, Repub- lican (Dem.) 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.) 1812, Madison, Republican (Dern.) 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.) 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, John Floyd, Democrat. 1836, Mangum, Democrat. 1840, Van Buren, Democrat. 1844, Polk, Demo- crat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 18-32, Pierce, Dem- ocrat. 1856, Buchanan, Democrat. 1860, . 1864, no election. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1873, Hayes, Rep. 1880, Hancock, Dem. 1884, Cleveland, Dem. Tennessee. — First Presidential election 1796, Jef- ferson, Republican (Dem.) 1800, Jefferson, Re- publican (Dem) 1804. Jefferson, Republican (Dein.) 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.) 1812, Madison, Republican (Dem.) 1816, Monroe, Re- publican (Dem.), one vote not cast. 1820, Mon- roe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, Jackson, Strict Constructionist (Dem.) 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 11 16 APPENDIX C. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Hugh L. White, Democrat. 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Clay, Wliig (Rep.) 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.) 1852, Scott, Whig (Rep.) 1856, Buchanan, Dem- ocrat. 1860, Bell, Constitutional Union. 1864, no election. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Greeley, Democrat. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Han- cock, Democrat. 1884. Cleveland, Democrat. Texas. — First Presidential election, 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Bu- chanan, Democrat. 1860, Breckinridge, Democrat. 1864, no election. 1868, no election. 1872, Greeley, Democrat. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Dem. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. Vermont. — First Presidential election, 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep.), one vote not cast. 1796, Adams, Federalist (Rep.) 1800, Adams, Federalist (Rep.) 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.) 1812, Madison, Republican (Dem.) 1816 Monroe, Re- publican (Dem.) 1824, J. Q. Adams, Loose Con- structionist. 1828, J. Q. Adams, National Repub- lican. 1832, William AVirt, Anti-Masonic. 1836, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1840, Harrison, Whig (Rep.) 1844, Clay, Whig (Rep.) 1848, Taylor, Whig (Rep.) 1852, Scott, Whig (Rep.) 1856, Fremont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Repub- lican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Rep. 188i), Garlield, Rep. 1884, Bhiine, Rep. APPENDIX C. 17 Virginia. — One of the original thirteen States. 1789, Washington, Federalist (Rep.), two votes not cast. 1792, Washington, Federalist (Rep.) 1796, Jefferson, Republican (Dern.); Adams, Fed- eralist, received one of the twenty-two electoral votes of the State. 1800, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) 1804, Jefferson, Republican (Dem.) 1808, Madison, Republican (Dem.) 1812, Madison, Re- publican (Dem.) 1816, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1820, Monroe, Republican (Dem.) 1824, Craw- ford, Strict Constructionist (Dem.) 1828, Jackson, Democrat. 1832, Jackson, Democrat. 1836, Van Buren, Democrat. 1840, Van Buren, Democrat. 1844, Polk, Democrat. 1848, Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Buchanan, Demo- crat. 1860, Bell, Constitutional Union. 1864, no election. 1868, no election. 1872, Grant, Re- publican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Han- cock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Democrat. Vy^est Virginia. — First Presidential election, 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Republican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Tilden, Democrat. 1880, Hancock, Democrat. 1884, Cleveland, Dem. Wisconsin. — First Presidential election, 1848. Cass, Democrat. 1852, Pierce, Democrat. 1856, Fremont, Republican. 1860, Lincoln, Republican. 1864, Lincoln, Republican. 1868, Grant, Repub- lican. 1872, Grant, Republican. 1876, Hayes, Rep. 1880, Garfield, Rep. 1884, Blaine, Rep. Appendix D. THE PRESIDENTS AND THEIR CABINETS. The Postmaster-General was not recognized as a cabinet ofTicer until 1829. Tliose preceding tliis date are, however, included in the cabinets to show when they were appointed. First Adiuviistratiou — Washington, 1 789-1 793. President, George Washington, of Virginia; Vice- President, John Adams, of Massachusetts; Secre- tary of State, Tliomas Jefferson, of Virginia ; Secre^ tary of the Treasury, Alex, Hamilton, of New York Secretary of War, Henry Knox, of Massachusetts Attorney-General, Edmund Randolph, of Virginia Postmaster-General, Timothy Pickering, of Penn- sylvania. Second Administration — Washington^ 1 793- 1 797. President, George Washington, of Virginia; Vice- President, John Adams, of Massachusetts; Secre- tary of State, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, to January, 1794, Edmund' Randolph, of Virginia, to December, 1795, Timothy Pickering, of Massar chusetts; Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander (1) 2 ' APPENDIX D. Hamilton, of New York, to February, 1795, Olivei VYolcott, of Connecticut; Secretary of War, Henry Knox, of Massachusetts, to January, 1795, Timothy Pickering, of Massachusetts, to January, 1796, James McHenry, of Marykmd; Attorney-General, Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, to January, 1794, William Bradford, of Pennsylvania, to December, 1795, Charles Lee, of Virginia; Postmaster-General, Joseph Habersham, of Georgia. Third Admi?iistj^aimt — Adams, 1 797- 1 80 1 . President, John Adams, of Massachusetts ; Vice> President, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia; Secretary of State, Timothy Pickering, of Massachusetts, to May, 1800, John Marshall, of Virginia; Secretary of the Treasury, Oliver Wolcott, of Massachusetts, to January, 1801; Secretary of War, James Mc- Henry, of Maryland, to May, 1800, Roger Gris- wold, of Connecticut; Secretary of the Navy, George Cabot, of Massachusetts, to March, 1798, Benj. Stoddert, of Maryland ; Attorney-General, Charles Lee, of Virginia, to February, 1801, Theo. Parsons, of Massachusetts; Postmaster-General, Gideon Granger, of Connecticut. Fourth Administration — Jefferson, 1 80 1 - 1 805 . President, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia; Vice- President, Aaron Burr, of New York ; Secretary of State, James Madison, of Virginia; Secretary of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania ; APPENDIX D. 3 Secretary of War, Henry Dearborn, of Massa- chusetts; Secretary of the Navy, Robert Smith, of Maryland ; Attorney-General, Levi Lincoln, of Massachusetts. FiftJi Administration — jfefftrson, 1 805-1 809. President, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia; Vice- President, George Clinton, of New York ; Secretary of State, James Madison, of Virginia ; Secretary of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania; Secretary of War, Henry Dearborn, of Massa- chusetts; Secretary of the Navy, Jacob Crownin- shield, of Massachusetts ; Attorney-General, Robert Smith, of Maryland, to xlugust, 1805, John Breck- inridge, of Kentucky, to January, 1807, Csesar A. Rodney, of Pennsylvania. Sixth Administration — Madison, 1 809- 1 8 1 3. President, James Madison, of Virginia; Vice- President, George Clinton, of New York ; Secre- tary of State, Robert Smith, of Maryland, to April, 1811, James Monroe, of Virginia; Secretary of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania ; Secre- tary of War, William Eustis, of Massachusetts, to January, 1813, John Armstrong, of New York ; Secretary of the Navy, Paul Hamilton, of South Carolina, to January, 1813, William Jones, of Pennsylvania ; Attorney-General, Caesar A. Rod- ney, of Pennsylvania, to December, 1811, William Pinckney, of Maryland. 4 APPENDIX D. Seventh Adininistratio7i — Madison^ 1813-1817. President, James Madison, of Virginia; Vice- President, Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts ; Secre- tary of State, James Monroe, of Virginia ; Secretary of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania, to February, 1814, George W. Campbell, of Ten- nessee, to October, 1814, Alex. James Dallas, of Pennsylvania, to October, 1816, William H. Craw- ford, of Georgia; Secretary of War, James Monroe, to August, 1815, William II. Crawford, of Georgia; Secretary of the Navy, William P. Jones, of Penn- sylvania, to December, 1814, B. W. Crow^ninshield, of Massachusetts; Attorney -General, William Pinckney, of Maryland, to February, 1814, Eichard Rush, of Pennsylvania; Postmaster-General, Return J. Meigs, of Ohio. Eighth Administration — Monroe, 1 8 1 7- 1 82 1 . President, James Monroe, of Virginia; Vice- President, Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York; Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, of Massa- chusetts; Secretary of the Treasury, William H. Crawford, of Georgia; Secretary of War, Isaac Shelby, of Kentucky, to April, 1817, George Graham, of Virginia, to October, 1817, John C. Cal- houn, of South Carolina; Secretary of the Navy, B. W. Crowninshield, of Massachusetts, to Novem- ber, 1818, Smith Thompson, of New York; Attor- ney-General, Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, to Nov€mber, 1817, Wm. Wirt, of Virginia. APPENDIX D. 5 Ninth Administration — Monroe, 1 8 2 1 - 1 8 2 5 . President, James Monroe, of Virginia; Yice- President^ Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York; Secretary of State, Jolm Quincy Adams, of Massa- chusetts; Secretary of the Treasury, William If. Crawford, of Georgia ; Secretary of War, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina ; Secretary of the Navy, Smith Thompson, of New York, to September, 1823, Samuel L. Southard, of New Jersey; Attor- ney-General, William Wirt, of Virginia; Post- master-General, John McLean, of Ohio. Tenth Administration — y. Q. Adatns, 1 825-1 829. President, John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts Vice-President, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina Secretary of State, Henry Clay, of Kentucky Secretary of the Treasury, Richard Rush, of Penn- sylvania; Secretary of War, James Barbour, of Virginia, to May, 1828, Peter B. Porter, of New York ; Secretary of the Navy, Samuel L. Southard, of New Jersey ; Attorney-General, William Wirt, of Virginia. Eleventh Administration — Jackson, 1 8 29- 1 8 3 3 . President, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee ; Vice- President, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina; Secretary of State, Martin Van Buren, to May, 1831, Edward Livingston, of Louisiana; Secretary of the Treasury, Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsyl- vania, to August, 1831, Louis McLane, of Dela- APPENDIX D. ware; Secretary of War, John H. Eaton, of Ten- nessee, to August, 1831, Lewis Cass, oi" Ohio; Secretary of the Navy, John Branch, of North Carohna, to May, 1831, Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire; Attorney-General, John M. Berrien, of Georgia, to July, 1831, Roger B. Taney, of Maryhmd ; Postmaster-General, William T. Barry, of Kentucky. Tzvclfth Administration — jfackson^ i S 3 3- 1 8 3 /. President, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee ; Vice- President, Martin Van Buren, of New York; Sec- retary of State, Louis McLane, of Delaware, to June, 1834 ; Secretary of the Treasury, William J. Duane, of Pennsylvania, to September, 1833, Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, to June, 1834, Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire ; Secretary of War, Lewis Cass, of Ohio ; Secretary of the Navy, Louis Woodbury, of New Hampshire, to June, 1834, Mahlon Dickerson, of New Jersey ; Postmaster- General, William T. Barry, of Kentucky, to May, 1835, Ainos Kendall, of Kentucky; Attorney- General, Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, to Novem- ber, 1833, Benjamin F. Butler, of New York. Tliirtccfith Admiyiistration — Van Bur en , 1 8 3 7- 1 84 1 . President, Martin Van Buren, of New York Vice-President, Richard M. Johnson, of Kentuckv Secretary of State, John Forsyth, of Georgia Secretary of the Treasury, Levi Woodbury, of APPENDIX D. 7 New Hampshire; Secretar}^ of War, Benjamin F. Butler, of New York, to March, 1837, Joel K. Poinsett, of South Carolina; Secretary of the Navy, Mahlon Dickerson, of New Jersey, to June, 1838, James K. Paulding, of New Jersey; Post- master-General, Amos Kendall, of Kentucky, to May, 1840, John M. Niles, of Connecticut; At- torney-General, Benjamin F. Butler, of New York, to July, 1838, Felix Grundy, of Tennessee, to January, 1840, Henry D. Gilpin, of Pennsylvania. FoiirtccniJi Adjuinistration — Harrison^ Tyler, 1 841-1845. President, William Henry Harrison, of Ohio; Vice-President, John Tyler, of Virginia; Secretary of State, Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, to May, 1843, Plugh S. Legare, of South Carolina, to July, 1843, Abel P. Upshur, of Virginia, to March, 1844, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina; Secre- tary of the Treasury, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, to September, 1841, John C. Spencer, of New York, to June, 1844, George M. Bibb, of Kentucky; Secretary of War, John Bell, of Tennessee, to September, 1841, John C. Spencer, of New York, to March, 1843, James M. Porter, of Pennsylvania, to February, 1844, then William Wilkens, of Pennsjdvania; Secretary of the Navy, George E. Badger, of North Carolina, to September, 1841^ Abel P. Upshur, of Virginia, to July, 1843, Daniel Henshaw, of Massachusetts, to February, 1844, Thomas W. Gilmer, of Virginia, to March, 1844, b APPENDIX D. then John Y. Mason, of Virginia; Postmaster- General, Francis Granger, of New York, to Sep- tember, 1841, then Charles A. Wickliffe, of Ken- tucky; Attorney-General, Jolin J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, to September, 1841, Hugh S. Legare, of South Carolina, to July, 1843, then John Nel- son, of Maryland. FifteentJi Administration — Polk^ 1 845- 1849. President, James K. Polk, of Termessee ; Vice- President, George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania; Secretary of State, James Buchanan, of Pennsyl- vania; Secretary of the Treasury, Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi ; Secretary of War, William L. Marcy, of New York ; Secretary of the Navy, George Bancroft, of Massachusetts, to September, 184G, then John Y. Mason, of Virginia; Post- master-General, Cave Johnson, of Tennessee ; At- torney-General, John Y. Mason, of Virginia, to October, 1846, Nathan Clifford, of Maine, to June, 1848, then Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut. Sixteenth A dininistratioii — Taylor, Fillmore, 1 849- 1853. President, Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana; Vice- President, Millard Fillmore, of New York; Secre- tary of State, John M. Clayton, of Delaware, to July, 1850, Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, to December, 1852, then Edward Everett, of Massa- chusetts; Secretary of the Treasury, William M. Meredith, to July, 1850, then Thomas Corwin, of APPENDIX D. 9 Ohio; Secretary of War, George W. Crawford, of Georgia, to July 20, 1850, Edward Bates, of Mis- souri, to July 23, 1850, Winfield Scott, of Vir- ginia, to August, 1850, then Charles M. Conrad, of Louisiana ; Secretary of the Navy, William B. Preston, of Virginia, to July, 1850, William A. Graham, of North Carolina, to July, 1852, then John P. Kennedy, of Maryland ; Secretary of the Interior, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, to July, 1850, James A. Pierce, of Maryland, to August, 1850, Thomas M. T. McKennan, of Pennsylvania, to September, 1850, tlien Alexander H. H. Stuart, of Virginia; Postmaster-General, Jacob Collamer, of Vermont, to July, 1850, Nathan K. Hall, of New York, to August, 1852, then Samuel D. Hubbard, of Connecticut; Attorney-General, Reverdy John- ^ son, of Maryland, to July, 1850, then John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky. Seventeenth Administratmi — Pierce, 1 8 5 3- 1 8 5 /. President, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire; Vice-President, William R. King, of Alabama; Secretary of State, William L. Marcy, of New York ; Secretary of the Treasury, James Guthrie, of Kentucky ; Secretary of War, Jefferson Davis, of Missis8ipj)i ; Secretary of the Navy, James C. Dobbin, of North Carolina; Secretary of the In- terior, Robert McClelland, of Michigan; Post- master-General, James Campbell, of Pennsylvania; Attorney-General, Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts. 10 APPENDIX D. Eig hteenth Adminisiration — Buchajtan, 1 8 5 7- 1 86 1 . President, James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania-, Vice-President, John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky; Secretary of State, Lewis Cass, of Michigan, to March, 1857, then Jeremiah Black, of Pennsylva- nia ; Secretary of the Treasury, Howell Cobb, of Georgia, to December, 1860, Phillip F. Thomas, of Maryland, to January, 1861, then John A. Dix, of New York; Secretary of War, John B. Floyd, of Virginia, to January, 1861, then Josepli Holt, of Kentucky ; Secretary of the Navy, Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut; Secretary of the Interior, Jacob Thompson ; Postmaster-General, Aaron V. Brown, of Tennessee, to March, 1859, Joseph Holt, of Kentucky, to February, 1861, then Hora- tio King, of Maine; Attorney-General, Jeremiah S- Black, of Pennsylvania, to December, 1860, then Edwin M. Stanton, of Pennsylvania. Nineteenth Administration — Lincoln, 1 86 1 - 1 865 . President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois; Vice- President, Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine ; Secretary of State, William H. Sew^ard, of New York; Sec- retary of the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, to July, 1864, then William Pitt Fessenden, of Maine ; Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, to January, 1862, then Edwin M. Stanton, of Pennsylvania; Secretary of the Navy, Gideon Welles, of Connecticut; Secretary of the Interior, Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, to January, APPENDIX D. 1] 1863, then John P. Usher, of Indiana; Postmaster- General, Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, to Sep- tember, 1864, then William Dennison, of Ohio; Attorney-General, Edward Bates, of Missouri, to June, 1863, T. J. Coffey, of Pennsylvania, to De- cember, 1864, then James Speed, of Kentucky. Twentieth Administration — Lincoln^ Johnson, 1 865-1 869. President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois; Vice- President, Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee; Secre- tary of State, William II. Seward, of New York; Secretary of the Treasury, Hugh McCulloch, of Indiana; Secretary of War, Edw^in M. Stanton, of Pennsylvania, to August, 1867, U. S. Grant, of Illinois, to February, 1868, Lorenzo Thomas, of Delaware, to May, 1868, then John M. Schofield, of Illinois; Secretary of the Navy, Gideon Welles, of Connecticut; Secretary of the Interior, John P. Usher, of Indiana, to May, 1865, James Harlan, of Iowa, to July, 1866, then 0. H. Browning, of Illinois; Postmaster-General, William Dennison, of Ohio, to July, 1866, then Alexander W. Ran- dall, of Wisconsin; Attorney-General, James Speed, of Kentucky, to July, 1866, Henry Stanberry, of Ohio, to July, 1868, then William M. Evarts, of New York. Twenty-first Adfuinistration — Grant, 1 869-1 873. President, U. S. Grant, of Illinois; Vice-Presi- dent, Schuyler Colfax^ of Indiana; Secretary of 12 APPENDIX D. State, E. B. Washbnrne, of Illinois, to March, 1869, then Hamilton Fish, of New York ; Secre- tary of the Treasury, George S. Boutwell, of Mas- sachusetts; Secretary of War, John A. Rawlins, of Illinois, to September, 18G9, then William T. Sherman, of Ohio, to October, 18G9, then William W. Belknap, of Iowa; Secretary of the Navy, Adolph E. Borie, of Pennsylvania, to June, 1869, then George M. Robeson, of New Jersey; Secre- tary of the Interior, Jacob D. Cox, of Ohio, to No- vember, 1870, then Columbus Delano, of Ohio; Postmaster-General, John A. J. Creswell, of Mary- land ; Attorney-General, E. Rockwood Hoar, of Massachusetts, to June, 1870, Amos T. Akerman, of Georgia, to December, 1861, then George H. Williams, of Oregon. Tzventy-scco7id Administration — Grant, 1 87 3- 1 877. President, U. S. Grant, of Illinois; Vice-Presi- dent, Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts; Secretary of State, Hamilton Fish, of New York; Secretary of the Treasury, William A. Richardson, of Mas- sachusetts, to June, 1874, Benjamin F. Bristow, of KenUicky, to June, 1876, then Lot M. Morrill, of Maine; Secretary of War, William W. Belknap, of Iowa, to March, 1876, Alphonso Taft, of Ohio, to May, 1876, then Donald Cameron, of Pennsyl- vania; Secretary of the Navy, George M. Robe- fon, of New Jersey; Secretary of the Interior, Columbus Delano, of Ohio, to October, 1875, then APPENDIX D. 15 Zach«iriah Chandler, of Michigan; Postmaster- General, John A. J. Creswell, of Maryland, to August, 1874, Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut, to July, 1876, then James M. Tyner, of Indiana; Attorney-General, George H. Williams, of Oregon, to April, 1875, Edward Pierrepont, of New York, to May, 1876, then Alphonso Taft, of Ohio. Twe7ity-third A dtninistration — Hayes, 1 8 7 7- 1 8 8 1 . President, Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio; Vice- President, William A. Wheeler, of New York; Secretary of State, William M. Evarts, of New York; Secretary of the Treasur}^, John Sherman, of Ohio; Secretary of W^ar, George W. McCrary, of Iowa, to December, 1879, then Alexander Ramsey, of Minnesota; Secretary of the Navy, Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, to January, 1881, then Nathan Goff, of West Virginia; Secre- tary of the Interior, Carl Schurz, of Missouri; Postmaster-General, David McKey, of Teiniessee, to August, 1880, then Horace Maynard, of Tennes- see; Attorney-General, Charles Devens, of Massa- chusetts. Twenty-fourth Administration — Garfield ^ Arthur ^ 1881-1885. President, James A. Garfield, of Ohio; Vice- President, Chester A. Arthur, of New York; Sec- retary of State, James G. Blaine, of Maine, to September, 1881, then Frederick Frelinghuysen. 12 14 APPENDIX D. of New Jersey; Secretary of the Treasury, Wil- liam Windom, of Minnesota, to September, 1881, then Charles Folger, of New York; Secretary of War, Robert Lincoln, of Illinois; Secretary of the Navy, William L. Hunt, of Louisiana, to April, 1882, then William Chandler, of New Hampshire ; Secretary of the Interior, Samuel J Kirkwood, of Iowa, to April, 1882, then Henry F. Teller, of Colorado ; Postmaster-General, Thomas L. James, of New York, to October, 1881, Timothy 0. Howe, of Wisconsin, to October, 1883, then Walter Q. Gresham, of Indiana; Attorney-General, Wayne McVeagh, of Pennsylvania, to September, 1881, then Benjamin H. Brewster, of Pennsyl- vania. Twenty fifth Adim?iistration — Cleveland, Hendricks, iS8s-iS88. President, Grover Cleveland, of New York; (the Vice-Presidency is vacant, hy reason of the death of Mr. Hendricks;) Secretary of State, Thomas Francis Bayard, of Delaware ; Secretary of the Treasury, Charles S. Fairchild, of New York; Sec- retary of War, William C. Endicott, of Massachu- setts ; Postmaster-General, William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin; Attorney-General, Augustus H. Gar- land, of Arkansas ; Secretary of the Navy, William C. Whitney, of New York ; Secretary of the In- terior, Lucius Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi. Mr. Fairchild succeeded Daniel II. Manning as Secre- tary of the Treasury. Don. M. Dickinson, of Mich- igan, succeeded Mr. Vilas as Postmaster-General. Mr. Vilas succeeded Mr. Lamar as Secretary of the Interior. Mr. Lamar was elevated to the Supreme Court. Appendix E. HOW STATES WERE REPRESENTED IN PRESIDENTIAL AND CABINET OFFICES. The subjoined statement shows the Presidential and Cabinet offices held by the different States of the Union from the organization of the government to the present time. Alabama. One Vice-President — King. Colorado. One Secretary of Interior — Teller, Connecticut. One Secretary of Treasury — Wolcott; One Sec- retary of War — Griswold ; Two Secretaries of Navy — Toucey and Welles; One Attorney-General — Toucey; Four Postmasters-General — Granger, Niles, Hubbard and Jewell. Delaware. Three Secretaries of State — McLane, Clayton, and Bayard; One Secretary of Treasury— McLane; One Secretary of War — Thomas. Geoj'gia. One Secretary of State — Forsyth; Two Secre- 15 IQ APPENDIX E. taries of Treasury — Crawford and Cobb ; One Sec- retary of War — Crawford ; Two Attorneys-General — Berrien and Akerman ; One Postmaster-General — Habersham. Illinois. Two Presidents — Lincoln and Grant ; One Sec- retary of State — Washburne ; Four Secretaries of War — Grant, Schofield, Rawlins and Robert Lin- coln ; One Secretary of Interior — Browning. ' Indiafia. Two Vice-Presidents — Colfax, Hendricks ;, One Secy of Treasury — McCulloch; OneSec'yof Navy — Thompson; Two Secretaries of Interior — Smith and Usher ; Two Postmasters-General — Tyner and Gresham. Iowa. Two Secretaries of War — Belknap and McCrary ; Secretaries of Interior — Harlan and Kirkwood. Kentucky. Two Vice-Presidents — Johnson and Breckin- ridge ; One Secretary of State — Clay ; Three Sec- retaries of Treasury — Bibb, Guthrie and Bristow ; Two Secretaries of War — Shelby and Holt ; Three Attornej's-General — Breckinridge, Crittenden and Speed; Four Postmasters-General — Barry, Kendall, Wicklille and Holt. Louisiana. One President — Taylor; One Secretary of State — Livingston ; One Secretary of War — Conrad ; One Secretary of Navy — Hunt. APPENDIX E. 17 Maine. One Vice-President — Hamlin; One Secretary of State — Blaine ; Two Secretaries of Treasury — Fessenden and Morrill ; One Attorney-General — Clifford ; One Postmaster-General — King. Maryland. One Secretary of State — Smith ; Two Secreta- ries of Treasury — Taney and Thomas; Two Sec- retaries of War — McHenry and Stoddard; Two Secretaries of Navy — Smith and Kennedy; Five Attorneys-General — Smith, Pinkney, Taney, John Nelson, and Johnson ; One Secretary of Interior — Pearce * Postmasters-General — Blair and Creswell. Massachusetts. Two Presidents — Adams and John Qumcy Adams; Three Vice-Presidents — Adams, Gerry and Wilson ; Five Secretaries of State — Pickering, John Quincy Adams, Webster, Marcy and Everett; Four Secretaries of Treasury — Wolcott, Dexter, Bout well and Richardson ; Five Secretaries of War — Knox, Pickering, Dexter, Dearborn and Eustis ; Five Secretaries of Navy — Cabot, J. Crowninshield, B. W. Crowninshield, Henshawand Bancroft; Five Attorneys-General — Parsons, Lincoln, Gushing, Hoar and Devens ; One Postmaster-General — Osgood Michigan. One Secretary of State — Cass ; Two Secretaries of Interior — McClelland and Chandler. 23 APPENDIX E. Minnesota. One Secretary of Treasury — Windom ; One Secretary of War — Ramsey. Mississippi. One Secretary of Treasury — Walker ; One Sec- retary of War — Davis ; One Secretary of Interior — Thompson. Alissoiiri. One Secretary of War — Bates; One Attorney- General — Bates; Secretary of Interior — Schurz. New Hampshire. One President — Pierce ; One Secretary of Treas- ury — Woodbury; Two Secretaries of Navy — Wood- bury and Chandler. Neiv Jersey. One Secretary of State — Frelinghuysen ; Three Secretaries of Navy — Southard, Dickerson and Kobeson. New York. Four Presidents — Van Buren, Fillmore, Arthur, Cleveland; Seven Vice-Presidents — Burr, Clinton, Tompkins, Van Buren, Fillmore, Wheeler and Arthur ; Four Secretaries of State — Van Buren, Seward, Fish and Evarts ; Four Secretaries of Treasury — Hamilton, Spencer, Dix and Folger; Five Secretaries of War — Armstrong, Porter, B. F. Butler, Spencer and Marcy ; Two Secretaries of Navy — Thompson and Paulding; Three Attorneys- APPENDIX E. 19 General — B. F. Butler, Evarts and Plerrepont; PostniJisters-General — Granger, Hall and James. Noi'-th Carolina. Four Secretaries of Navj — Branch. Badger. Graham and Dobbin. Oregon. One Attornej^-General — Williams. Ohio. Three Presidents — Harrison, Haj^es and Garfield; Four Secretaries of Treasury — Ewing, Corwin, Chase and Sherman ; Four Secretaries of War — Cass, John McLean, Sherman and Taft ; Two At- torneys-General — Stanbery and Taft ; Three Sec- retaries of Interior — Ewing, Cox and Delano ; Three Postmasters-General — Meigs, McLean and Dennison, Pennsylvania. One President — Buchanan ; One Vice-President — Dallas ; Two Secretaries of State — Buchanan and Black ; Seven Secretaries of Treasury — Gal- latin, Dallas, Rush, Ingham, Duane, Forward and Meredith ; Five Secretaries of War — Porter, Wilkins, Simon Cameron, Stanton and Don Cam- eron ; Two Secretaries of Navy — Jones and Borie ; Nine Attorneys-General — Bradford, Rodney, Rush, Gilpin, Black, Stanton, Coffey, McVeagh and Brewster; One Secretary of Interior^ — McKennan; Postmasters-General — Pickering and Campbell. 20 APPENDIX E. South Carolina. One Vice-President — Calhoun ; Two Secretaries of State — Legare and Calhoun ; Two Secretaries of War — Calhoun and Poinsett; One Secretary of Navy — Hamilton; One Attorney-General — Legare. Tennessee. Three Presidents — Jackson, Polk and Johnson ; One Vice-President — Johnson ; One Secretary of Treasury — Campbell ; Two Secretaries of War — Eaton and Bell ; One Attorney-General — Grundy ; Four Postmasters-General — Cave Johnson, Brown, Key and Maynard. Vermont. One Postmaster-General — Collamer. Virginia. Five Presidents — Washington, Jefferson, Madi- son, Monroe and Tyler; Two Vice-Presidents — Jefferson and Tyler; Seven Secretaries of State — Jefferson, Randolph, Marshall, Madison, Monroe, Upshur and Stuart; Six Secretaries of War — Monroe, Graham, Barbour, Mason, Scott and Floyd ; Four Secretaries of Navy — Upshur, Gilmer, Mason and Preston ; Four Attorneys-General^- Randolph, Lee, Wirt and Mason. West Virginia. One Secretary of Navy — Goff. Wisco7isi7i. Two Attorneys-General — Randall and Howe. Appendix F. THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. The Presidential election will take place on Tuesday, November 6, 1888. The Constitution prescribes that each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in Congress. For the election this year, the electors by States will be as follows : States. Electoral Vote. Alabama 10 Arkansas 7 Cahfornia 8 Colorado 3 Connecticut 6 Delaware 3 Florida 4 Georgia 12 Illinois 22 Indiana 15 Iowa 13 Kansas 9 Kentucky 13 Louisiana 8 Maine 6 Maryland 8 Massachusetts 14 Michigan 13 Minnesota 7 Mississippi 9 Necessary to a choice, 201. states. Electoral Vote. Missouri 16 Nebraska 5 Nevada 3 New Hampshire 4 New Jersey 9 New York 36 North Carolina 11 Ohio 23 Oregon 3 Pennsylvania 30 Rhode Island 4 South Carolina 9 Tennessee 12 Texas 13 Vermont 4 Virginia 12 West Virginia 6 Wisconsin 11 Total 401 APPENDIX F. No Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of profit or trust under the United States, shall be an elector. In all the States, the laws thereof direct that the people shall clioose the elec- tors. The Constitution requires that the day when electors are chosen shall be the same throughout the United States. The electors shall meet in their respective States on the first Wednesday in Decem- ber, and vote by ballot foi' President and Vice-Presi- dent, one of w^hom at lea.">t shall not be an inhab- itant of the same State with themselves. They shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President ; and they shall make dis- tinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as V'ice-President, and of the number of votes for each; w^hich lists they shall sign and certify and transmit, sealed, to Vv^ashington, directed to the President of the Sen- ate, before the first Wednesday in January. On the second Wednesday in February, the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certifi- cates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes for Presi- dent shall be the President, if such number shall be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have such p. majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not ex- ceeding three, on the list of those voted for as APPENDIX F. 23 President, the House of Representatives shall choose, immediately, hy ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the vote shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President when- ever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in case of the death or other constitutional disa- bility. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have a majoritv^, then from the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the w^hole number shall be necessary to a choice. No person, except a natural-born citizen or a citi- zen of the United States at the time of the adop- tion of the Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be elisfible to that office wdio shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years- The qualifications for Vice-President are the same. ii(if 11 Sill !''il '^;' [;, ^': ' .' '' ' Sl^^^M m '' ■ ■lii'il I* 't (ill iiiiii!iri ri! I Appendix G. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. We the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, in- sure domestic Tranquility, provide for the com- mon defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. Article I. Section 1. All leirislative Powers herein <2:ranted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. Sec. 2. 1 The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the Elec- tors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous branch of the State Le2;islature. 2 No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years and been seven vears a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inb^•^»itant of that State in which he shall be chosen. (1) 2 APPENDIX 3 Representatives and direct Taxes shall be ap« portioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their re- spective numbers, wliich shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, includ- ing those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The Number of Repre- sentatives shall not exceed one for every 30,000, but each State shall have at least one Represen- tative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three; Massachusetts, eight; Rhode Island and Providence Plantation, one; Connecticut, five, New York, six; New Jersey, four; Pennsylvania, eight ; Delaware, one ; Maryland, six ; Virginia, ten ; North Carolina, five ; South Carolina, five ; and Georgia, tliree. 4 When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 5 The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers ; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. Sec. 3. 1 The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two senators from each State, APPENDIX 3 chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years; and each senator shall have one vote. 2 Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any State, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 3 No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 4 The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 5 The Senateshall choose their other officers, and also a President pro-tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. G The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the 4 APPENDIX President of the United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside : And no person shall be con- victed without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 7 Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and dis- qualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit under the United States; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punish- ment, according to law. Sec, 4. 1 The times, places and manner of hold- ing elections for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the ' places of choosing senators. 2 The Con2;ress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. Sec. 5. 1 Each House shall be the judge of the election, returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties as each House may provide. 2 Each House may determine the rules of its APPENDIX 5 proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member. 3 Each House shall keep a journal of its pro- ceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgmentrequire secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the members of eitlier House on any question shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 4 Neither House during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. Sec. 6. 1 The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony and breach of peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and return- ing from the same; and for any speech or debate in either House they shall not be questioned in any other place. 2 No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time ; and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of either House durinsr his continence in office. ^ 13 6 APPENDIX Sec. 7. 1 All bills for raising revenue shall origin