LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 0DDD1734T1A c*^ o • » ' V^ • * .^■^' ^'^^^ ' * -T %,*^ - O'^ •!.•»' V 7 ^\ « ^>'.^^:^>A it*' * • ^ cP\*-'-* '"^ .^ *'€.: .^^ ^y^^lii''*'^^ Sl^EECH HON. JOHN COCHRAN ^' THE UNION x\ND THE CONSTITUTION. DELITEKED IN THE nOQSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, DECEMBER 20, 1S59. I flo not know, ^\r. Clerk, whether it is in my power to submit anything to tliis House, in addition to what lias been said, that can influence its opinions or control its judgment on the grave ami important questions that are before it. K'or is it my intention to speak at any great lengtii on llie themes that have been propounded here for the consideration of tlie count)-y. I deem, however, tliat wliat has been suggested merits our gi'ave and consideiate attention — not, sir, in the spirit of an idle declamation tliat may excite and agitate while it does not decide; nor yet, sir, in any rhetorical sense, but only with a just appreciation of truth, and a serious intent to examine, scrutinize, and argue the questions that are l)efore us. Sir, it has been asserted that we are in the midst of a crisis; and the evidence has been adduced here, day upon day for these many days, and has gone througliout the country, proving to its every f^enst; and to its every fear, that, indeed, a crisis is upon us. Indeed, I may say, sir — and I say it witl\ all seriousness and earnestness — tliat a series of convul- sions have visited and are visiting the Republic. At one time it is "The Impending Crisis of the South — How to Meet it." At anotlier time it is an armed and warlike inva- sion, perceptible to the general sense, visiting and invading the soil of a neighboring .State. Arrd, now, the whole South, inflamed by these direful events, and exasperated to 'madness, simultaneously aiise and demand that there be a stay of action, and that they who aspire to patriotism bend themselves to the ♦ask of lesisting the storm. Sir, as an humble lU'presentalive of a constituency that has always stood by the Union and the guarantees of tlie Constitution, I come forward this day and declare that, with those constituents by my side, where danger is, there I will be; and that, whenever the flag of rebellion or sei'vile insurreetion is elevated, we conservative men of the North will be there to resist and suppress it. We will be there as dwellers in no one locality, as inhabitants of no one State; but as the proud citizens of the gi'eatest Republic tho world has ever seen. We will advance throughout its territory in every direction for tlie sup[iression of rebellion, and to proclaim safety and establish equity for the people. Sir, we are on the eve of important events. 1 am no alarmist. I have no belief in the disruption of this Union. Tlie blood that has been shed, and the efi'orts that have been made for it, are all too valuable thus to be dissipated and dispersed in a frozen air. The Union will continue, progress, and culminate to its destined glory. But yet, none the less are we on the eve of important events. They ai-e rife al)0ut us. They load the atmos- pliere. They are declared in everj' newspa|)er paragraph. They are exhibited in every cowutennnce, and heard in every speech. It is idle for gentlemen here on this occasion to cry "peace," while peace is a delusion, or to evade the true question which the country has presented to us, and which that countr\' wills that we determine. I sympathize, sir, deeply symphathize with our friends at the South, who now are in fearful trepidation of the'incendiary's torch, and of the assassin's knife, and who tremble as upon the volcano of servile insurrection. I sympathize with those emotions of kindred affection wliich press the father to the bosom of his wife, clasp the mother with the daughter, and brother and sister together; and I censure and reprobate that which has occurred and is occurring all over the North, endangering the peace of the Union, and teaching rebellion to the Constitution. But, sir, while I sympathize with these emotions, there are others of a more pleasant nature which engage my whole heart, and which, as I scrutinize the horizon of the North, aspire for utterance at this fearful hour. I see there myriads upon myriads .of sober, earnest, and fearless men gathering in their strength to assert the dignity of the Constitution, and to maintain the integrity of the Union. It is of no avail for gentlemen upon this floor to deny their force, or to endeavor to invalidate their effect. What, I am asked here, is the use, what the purpose, and above all what the efKcacv of Union tneetingsf Sir. permit me to demand in return, what is the use of aggregated and associate.! action! Where is the use of thought, and what the propriety of its enunciation, if there be no propriety, no use in these Union meetings? Do gentle- men discover virtue only in our ballots? " Do they ask only for that legal determination and decision of questions which the ballot-box furnishes? Why, sir, these meetings but prepare the people for that very act of decision ; they are but the preliminaries of the Hnal decree. Whoever, therefore, may conspicuously embark in and characterize with their names the Union meetings of the North, eloquent as rtay be the speaker. ai?j4 patri- otic the sentiments addressed'' to them, nothing is of moment saTe thdt tlife xa&st^ -wBb compose them are the true children of the Republic, and that tho^isancls npon thousands of those wlio hitiierto have sui?taiiied the constitution and suppoiied the Uniou, are yet awake to their importance, nor will ]>ermit detriment to either wliile life coiitinu-s and honor survives. Mr. Clerk, thei'e have been many fcrave and important questions discussed recently upon this floor, some of whicli have been pertinent and soiiie foreign to the occasion. Many of them have beeu loaded with grave complaints, in various quarters, of the politi- cal direction of the times observed in sections, localities, and Stale.s, and arguments have been adduced upon this floor, and interrogatories heard and answered in the fierce con- flicts of local grievances, and the congressional settlement of the disputes of a warm po- litical canvass. These, however diversified, and always interesting, at lea.^t to their im- mediate parties, have produced on my mind but the one conviction — that the Union is in no danger. Sir, such feelings are but the efTervcscence of local excitemenl, .the irritation of personal grief. Let theni"alone, sir. The more deeply engrossed by them are the sec- tions, the better established and the more strong will be the Union. Itisbut the anneal- ing process, which makes the more ductile the interests and tractaWe the opinions of parts to the general welfare of the whole. But among these escapades there was one of more significance than others, and to me, I confess, matter of painful importance. I refer to the assured action and the peremptory exclamation of the distinguished gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. ConwiN.j Wlien I entered these doors, I supposed that on the one side and the other of the House were arrayed the two large parties into which the politics of the country are divided, and over one of which, I was under the impression, was installed as its recognized and admired leader an honorable Senator from my own State — one upon whose shoulders had been imposed the whole burden of the political contest which recently transpired within our State borders. Must I confess it, sir? 1 was not prepared, at the moment, at least, for the sad catastrophe which awaited him at the hands of the honorable gentleman I have referred to. He announced to us that he was the embodiment of the great Republican party, and as the announcement was made, methought I saw the unhappy fall of the great Senator who formerly had controlled Republican destinies, and who, .even then, impressed his opinions npon the party creed — " From morn to noon lie fell, from noon to dewy eve, A summer's day " — while far above the majestic ruin, stretching its scaly folds full many a rood along, [laugh- ter,] there arose the magnificent and colossal pro])ortions of tlie gentleman from Ohio. [Renewed laughter.] Tliere he stood ; to the one of his colossal legs clung, as I thought, the constitutional friends of the fugitive slave law ; about the other were to be seen gathering the friends of a high protective tarilf, wliile underneath peeped about, in dire dismay, the great forsaken multitude, who saw neither in fugitive slave law, nor yet in higii protective tarifl", the representation of their jirinciples. Constei'nation sat in silence, brooding over the melancholy throng : that old party ; tliat new leader; that ruin. In- deed, sir, it was, to my devotional mind, l)ut anotlier illustration of the scriptural truth, that pouring new wine into old bottles is destructive to the \yhole coiicern. [Laughter.] I would now inquire, under )>erniission, sir, whether, installed, instituted, and established in his high office, this gentle marshal, with baton in hand, is recognized by that great and formidal)le party as its leader? I have heard suspicions that it is not so ; that some have even doubled his infallibility. I have seen occasional signs of open mutiny ; and lam quite sure that, if the discipline which we perceive to have ])revailed so long on that side of the House is still to be asserted, the mutineers will be biought in open House to a drumhead court martial, and strung up at the ta]i of the drum. My friends of the other side, no doubt, recognize the authority of many of the public prints that are issued daily in the State of New York, and especially of those which emanate from the city of New York. Upon' an editorial tripod seated there is a Republi- can Pythoness, inflated with Republican inspiration, and redolent of its principles. l>o gentlemen doubt the Sybil of the Evening Post? t!ic oracular integrity of her principles, or the truth of her oi'acles? Sir, t know her divine authority among them and I would ask the House to listen, for a moment, to the oracular chant that hasproc.-eded tVom her shrine, anlefe success of their adversaries. hir, I luay be permitted now, for a very fewjnomeuts, to advert to that which T con- ceive to be tiie grave and important question of this discussion. It is not what has occurred in the past, nor yet is" it referable to dangers in the future. It is a question which e.\ists in the present ; and to that question 1 would now recall the attention of gentlemen here t.<)-day ; and 1-ask them, in all fairness and sincerity, to give attention to iny statements; if wrong, impeach them; if right, admit them; and, above all, permit tliem I0 have their due force and elFect. I ask, Mr. Clerk, for the reading of the resolu- tion of lite gentleman from Missi^iri, [Mr. Cl.*uk.] While the Clerk was looking for the resolution, Mr. (iltoW said : We will take it in any shape you choose to put it. Mr. .lOllN COCIIRA.NK. Oii, no, my friend ; fdo not want it in any shape. I choose to have it in its true and real shape. Mr. STANTO^■. I ask the gentleman from iS'ew York if he will also have the Utica resolution read. [Lautrhter.] Mr. .lUlLN COCllUANE. If my friend desires information of those resolutions I shall be jilea-'^ed to a.ssist him. If he desires to aid me, I answer that I am sutheiently informed. lie refers to the meeting at Utica — I commend him to the meeting at Phillippi. [Laughter | The resolution offered by Mr. Clark, of Missouri, on the first day of the session, was read tis follows : Whereas certain members of this House, now in nomination for Speaker, did indorse and recommend the booU liereinuficr lueniioned, ^, • ■ <• .1 /{evolved. That the doeiniies and sentiments of a certain book, called the "Impending Crisis ot the gouth— How to .Meet il." purporiing to have l>cen written by one llinlon U. Helper, are insurreetionarj- mid hostile to Ibe Uoinesf e p. ace and Irampiililv of the country, and that no member of this House who has iud.ir^ed aud recommended it, or the eom|)eud from it, is lit to be Speaker of this House. Mr. JOHN COCHRANE. Now, Mr. Clerk, the resolution which has been read is not, in my judgment, suHieienlly comprehensive in its terras; it is not sufficiently declaratory of tile effect of the work to which it alludes, not only upon the individual, but on the party of which he is a member. 'I start with the proposition that the doctrines of that book, are the doctrinfes, in fact, of the Republican party, and that if it 's unfit to charge with lite duties of the Speaker's chair any gentleman who has subscribed to those doc- trines, it is equally unfit and improper that the destinies of the country should be in- trusted to a j.arty'which jjiofesses the same princiiiles. ^'or is this a new proposition. Kot many weeifi'since, the whole countrv was startled with an insurrectionary movement upon the foil of Virginia, in the dand of the night the peace of a quiet Virginia hamlet was di>turbcd. Ji. was fearfully invaded ; its citizens were affVighted, and martial law was ].ioclaiined. Though for the most part those who were directly instrumental 111 that act have paid the forfeit ol' their crime, though many of them have expiated their gudt upon the gallows, yet at the time the event occurred, and everywhere since, and today at the Xorih. JSoulh, East, aud West, is the inquiry still urged, what cause was there waich could possibly have influenced these meu to their rufiiau's work— Lo the perpetration of Mich ineoneei\ai.le horrors? At first it was charged upon the great leader of the Kepiib- licau party, Wili.i.vm IL Si;w.\r.i) ; that it was the true, proper, and logical eftect ot his speech pr<'.nounced at Rochester, October 2.5, 18.38. That the true effect of that speech may appear. I will read an extract from it: "Free lab..r and slave Iabor-the«e antagonistic systems are continually coming iiito close contact, and collision r->ulls. Miall 1 tell vou w hal this collision means? They who think il is accidental, unnecessary, the work of inleresied or li.milical agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. U is an irrepressible conflict between op|.osm(( and enduring fores, and it means that the Lnited f^UU^^mmX. and will, sooner or later, b.cn.e eilhe? eubrelj a slav.-hol.lmg nation, or en irely a tree- bor nat^^^^^^ iMih. r the coiion an.l fi< e ti.lds of SouUi Carolina and ihe sugar pla. taUons 0I Louisiana will ultimately be tilled bv free labor, and t'harleston and New Orleans become marls lor legiumate merchandize alone, w else lUerye fields and wheal lields «f Massuchuseils and iJew York must again be surrendered by then: farmers to elare culture and to the production of ilaTes, «nd Boston and New York become once more markets lor tradw iu tliu budies and souls ol" men." It must lie confessed that upou the careful reading of this extract from that speecli, tliere would seem to be some cause or reason for tlie conclusion at which many arrived, that the orator furnished tlie ineentire to those who engaged in the Harper's Ferry infa- my. But the friends of that gentlcaiau interposed tliis plea in his helialf, namely, that it was but a figure of rhetoric; that the collision alluded to, the irrepi-essible conflict as- Hertcd, was hut the harmless conflict of ideas, and tliat he should not be held i-esponsible for nulural yioience who had but counseled intellectual war. However indisposed gen- tlemen may have previously been to give to the great Senator the benetit of this ]ilea, for my jtart 1 am quite disposed to do it now. His friends may, for aught I shall object, securely insist upon their jieaceful construction of a declaration of war. 1 waive the argu- ment at this point, in view of tlie immeasurably more important evideuce now attained — evidence which teems to fix ujion V\'illiam U. Sewaku, and upon the v.iiole Re[)ublicaii party tlie responsibility of the murderous excesses of John Brown and liis associates in crime. it sliould be remembered that tlie invasion of Harper's Feriy occurred on the night of the loth of Octolier last. It was not until the 26th duy of the ensuing November that, through tiie columns of the JS'ew Yorlc Herald, were disclosed to the country the secret causes and tlie com[)Iicity therein of llepublican leaders. Then, for the first time, did the j>ublic learn that a secret poison had for four months been in iiidustiious cii'culatioii tlirough the vitals of the country; and then, for tlie lirst time, was it known that tlie circulators were the leaders, tiie counselors and advisers of the Pie[)ublicati party. The indisputable facts of the case may tlius be stated: A volume entitled "The Imjiending Crisis of the South — How to Meet- it," had been published'by one Hinton liowan Heljier. This book, having passed several editions, was at length sitbniitted to various llepublicau gentlemen, both in Congress and elsewhere, and by them was l)oth recommended and its «irculatioii provided for. I should here, howeyer, be permitted to premise that into what- ever course the argument may be forced by the defence interposed, the principal fact, above all others incontestably proved, is that the doctrines and principles of the Helper original volume of four hundred pages, are directly sanctioned and approved of by the llepublican party, and not merely the compendium of but two hundred pages. 1 will now, sir, direct the attention of the House to a few paragrajihs from botli the book and compendium. I do not intend to detain the House longer than sufficient only to learn the nature of the volume, and to infer from its character tlie doctrines held by gentlemen upou the other side of the House. In one portion of the work, after having spoken of the mineral and other wealth of the South, this language is held : " But of what arnil is all this latent wealth ? Of what avail will it ever bo, so long as slavery is permit- ted to play the dog in the manger? To these queries thers can be but one reply: Slavery niu>it be tkrot- tltd ; the South, so ^reat and bo glorious by nauire, must be reclninied Irom her infamy and degradation ; our cities, fields, aB the attention of the Honse, tliat the Hon. Willi.\m H. Sewahd, after having perused the entii-e work in whicli such doctrines are found, recorded tliese words: " I have read the ' Irnpendinir Crisis of the South' with deep attf-ntion. It seems lo be a work of great merit, rich, yet accurate, in biaiistieal information, and logical in analysis." Again follows a reconirnendation, to the same effect, from the Rev. Theodore Parker, Cassiits M. Clay, and Joshua It. Giddings of Ohio. As this latter gentleman is in full communion with tiie party which sits upon the other side of tlie Uouse, I will take the liberty to repeat his I'ccommendation for their edification and our information. He says: "It is a manual for the limes, calculated to meet the popular demand for information upon the great question of the age." Tlicn, sir. the New York Tribune — that paper wliieh incontestably is the advocate of tlie ddctrine entertained by my friends upon the other side, and which is the exponent at ail times of their ])roper principles, says: " P'orliinatc, inileed. are the non-slaveholding whites, that they have found such a spokesman; one who utters no ?tummeriug, hesiitalin';, nor uncertain sound, who possesses a perfect mastery of his mother tongui-. who speaks as well Ir.ni a long .study and full knowledge of his sul>iect as from profound con- victions, and in whose vocabulary the words fear and doubl seem to have no place.'' And then the l->enintr Post says: "The fuillior has collected in a volume of some four hundred pages, the most compact and irresistable array of lads and arguments, lo prove the impolicy of slavery that we have encountered." The (.Miio Jeffersonian Democrat also says : " II is the greatest anti-slavery work ever issued from an American press." Now, sir, 1 will put it to gentlemen in every part of this House to say whether every word, line.'and sentence contained in this work — 1 refer not now ti> the compendium, to which 1 will soon pav my attention, and endeavor to enforce the distinction which holds between it and the ).Vinc'ipal work— whether every sentence and principle of this lurid and glowing Helper book, is not clearly and specifically indorsed by the gentleman whose language I have cited ? If that be so, 'let us advance one step further in our scrutinizing examination, and learn by what means it is that the work of emancipation is sought to be consummated. At another page occurs this language: " Were we simply a Free-Soiler, or luivthing else less than a thorough and uncompromising Abolitionist, we should ccrtainlv lax our abilitv to the utmost to get up a cogent argument against the extension of elaverv over any part of our domiiin wliert it does not now exist ; but as our principles are hostile to the institution uv.ii where it dois exist, and, therefore, by implication and m lael, more hostile soil to Us intr(Hlucti(jn into new territory, we forbear the preparation of any special remarks on this particular """With regard fo the unnalional and demoralizing system of slavery, we believe the majority of northern people ure too scrui.ulous. Tliev seem to think that it is euoiigh for them lo be mere Frec-Soilers, to keep in cheek the dilTusive element of slavery, and to prevent it from crossing over the bounds within which it Is now regulated by municipal law. IJemiss in their mitioiuU duties, as we contend, they make no positive attack uiHin he Insiitulion in the southern Suites " * *,,*,.* tt-.u . ' *n " 1-reeinen ol Ihc North ! wp earnestlv entreat you to think of these things. Hitherto, as mere Free- Poiler-, you have approached but half-wav to the line i.f your duly ; now, for your own sakes and for ours and lor the purpose of perpetuating this great Hepublic, which your fathers and our fathers louudcdin sepicnnial streams of blood, we ask v<.u. in all seriousness, to organize yourselves aione man under the banner of liberty, and lo aid us in tJteiminutiiiy blavery, which is the only thing that militates against our coini)lete ageriindi/.enient as a nation. .,.„.. .u "In this extraordinary crisis of affairs, no man can be a true patriot without first becoming an Abo- litionisl." What, Mr. Clerk, is the meaning of the term "Abolitionist?" We are left in no doubt, for the author of the work records the detiiiition, and that definition is not only obligatory on his coiiipuragt.irs, but a|>iiroved by them. He says: " An.l here, perhaps, we may be pardoned for the digression necessary to show the exact definition of " Abolish r. t. To make void ; to annul ; to abrogate ; applied chiefly and appropriately to established laws, contraels, rites, customs, and institutions ; as to abolish laws by a repeal, actual or virtual. 7o clM- troi/ or put iin eiiil to : as to iiholiMh Ulul». , ,. , j ,,• .. _ j».. ..•^„ . "Abolition, n. ThJ act of abolishing ; or the state of being abolished ; aii annulling ; u er d estruct on; as the abolition of laws, i>rHCtiee of slavery in t e Lliuied Stales and en- lorclii^ a |ir<-ei<'e and adeqaate view"of its iiriislraiin;: elleels. niaierial and moral, has equaled that of the volnnu- eiuitled 'The Impending Crisis of the Soulh : lluw to Meel it,' by llialon Kowau ilelper, of Aijrili Carolina. '• No oiher volume now before Ihe pul^lic, as we conceive, is, iu all respects, so well caleulaled to induce in the niinils of its readers a decided ami persistent repiisinaace to slavery ami a willingness to co-operute ill llie elloi-l 10 restrain tlie shameless uilvances and hurtlid influences of that pernicious institution " 'Cliis opinion was indorsed by gentlenieti who are Representatives npoii this floor of coiistitneiicies in the Norlh, in this hingnatre: \\i\ the undersigned, members of the House of Itepresentatives of the national Congress, do cordially eiului-ne tlieojHiiion, and approve the eiUerprisa set lonh in the fore{;oiug circular: fjehuvler Colfax, I. Washburn, jr. J. F. FaruswortU, John ^'. Wood, Ansou IJiirliuiiaiue, J. A. Uiuuham, C. L N;ipf>. •''-•^"i ^'^- I'arUer, Owen Lovejoy, William Kello^^, It. E F nion, i«lephen C Foster, Amos I'. Cranijer, V.. B. Waslibiirne, rhilemon iiliss, Charles J. Gilmau, JCilwin B. Moiffan, Benjamin iStantou, Mason W. Tappan, Charles B. Hoard, Galu.-lia A. Crow, Fdward Uodd, Charles Case, John Thompson, Joshua i:. tiiddings, c;ydnor B. Tompkins, T. Davis, (Lovva.) .1. W. Sherman, Kdward Wade, .lolin ,Covoring. He says: WASniNCTON City, D^cemhe.r 6, IS.59. " Pr.Ar. Sir: I perceive that a debate has arisen in Congress in which Mr. Help,il work than any cited from the compendium. Among such matter is the following, !,nd, until il, be otherwise proved, we are to infer ihatthese objectionable particulars which do not appear in the compend were those which were brougfit to Helper's atten- tion by Mr. Blair, and which, in truth, were subsequently expunged from the compend by Mr. Helper, according tt) his promise to Mr. Blair: " So it seems that the total number of actual slaveowners, ineludiiiij Iheir entire crew of cringing lick- spittles, against whom we have to contend, is but three hundred anu'forlv-seveu thousand Hve hundred imd twenty-live. Against this army for the defense and propaeati(m ol'slavery, we think it will be an easy matter, independent of the negroes— w ho. in nine cases out often, would be delighted with an oppor- tunity to cttt their moKter'n Wi(•o«<^— and without acce))ting of a single recruit from either of the free States, Kiiglaiid, France, or Germany, to muster one at least three times as large and far more respectable, lor Us niter exlmeiion. We are determined to abolish shiverv at till hazards; in defiance of all the oppo- silioii. ol whatever nature, which it is possible for Ihe slaveocrals to bring against us. Of this they may lake due notice, and govern themselves accordingly." Among other phrases that occur throughout tlie pages of the principal work, and which (lo not appear in this comiiendium. and which, therefore, it is fair to presume fell under the process of excision are the following, which I will now read: " Slaveholders are a nuisance." " It is gur imperative business to abate nuisances. " " We propose to exterminate this catalogue from beeiBning to end." '• We Lielieve that thif.ves are. as a general rule, lis? ameiinJjle lo the moral law than slaveholders." "Slaveholders are more criminal than common nmrdenrs." " sjlaveboldrr."* and slave traders art', as a general lliitijr, unfit to occupy any honorable station in life." " It U our honest conviction that all pro-.slavery slaveholders, who are alone responsible (or the contin- uance of the baneful in.siitiUion anions us. ileserves to l>(i at onon redticed to a jiuroUelu'ith the hasest cHmiiuiU tkiit lie fettered witldn the ceUx iif our puldic j'lixonH.'''' " Were It possible that the whole number could be iialhered lOf;;elher and transferred inio four equal gangs of licensed KoiJbKits, Eufpia.vs, 'Ihieves, and Muudeueks, society, we feel assured, would suuer less from their atrocities than it does now." It is, therefore, fairly to l)e inferred that i.hoending Crisis of the .South — How to Meet it." Apparently it ha.s thegood of the countr}' stamped upon its title page, and those who open it forthefirst time must do so with the impression tliat they will find in it a summary process for the relief of every evil and for the restoration of peace and prosperity to the country. But there are others, sir, who have entertained opposite views. They are men who stand in authoritative positions and who occupy jilaces of trust. Anion:; the names of tho^e entertaining such opposite views are the following, which I will now recite lo the Honsie : Horace Greeley. -las. Kelley, (Chairman, State Central Con)rnittee of New York,) .lohu A. Kennedy, (Chairman Uepubiican General Conmnttee of New York city,) John .lay, Thurlow Weed, Abram U'akeman, Win. Henry Anthon, Wrc. C. Bryant. And their views arc forcibly expressed in this extract from their ciicu- l.ir, which accompanied that indorsed by the sixty-eight Republicans of the national Congress : " And it is very desirable that a cheap compend of its contents, fltted for grratiiitous circulation, be now made and generally diffused in those Slates — Pennsylvwiia, New Jersey, Indiana, and Illinois — which are to decide the next presidential contest." It wa:< not then for the purpose of emancipating slaves peaceably, but it was for the avowed ftini confe8seer's Ferry, we h.-ive this announcement nunle: " III aid of the general fund for circulating; one hundred thousand copies of the work in h.^nd. subscrip- tions up to the I.'nh of .June, IN'/J, auUHint to about three thousand seven hundred doli;ir>, of which the fidlowiiis, aa will respectively ai)pettr, have been received in sums of Irom ten to two luuulred and filty dollars." Who, tlien, is accountable for the circulation of this work? Yv'^e have seen who in- dorsed its principles and doctrines. There can be no question of the foice and eftect of these, when circiilaled ; but who ar. Morgan, Albany, New York, (Governor;) Republicans of I'ottsville and North Coventry, Pennsylvania; Republicans of Crolon Point, New York; Repiiblieans of Shawnee .Mound, South Bend, Indiana; Gerritt Smith, Peterboro, New York, (.\bolil.ioiii.oitance which 'they de.4rve?' We Slemrrt heTou h i;;*:-"^"V^ everywhere, from whatever qu'arter it may proceed. ^V the southetn Stile thy we w S ott" indy Imk ,"' ' *'>''" P'^^''-^- '^^''^^V ««" endure no hardship of ^vhicii one e.nial power protect, us all Sn7l' i ?i ^ ^H"" ^^""^^ "''^*'"'^ '*^'^ ^^"el<^« -ind the Democracy ot^le So tl? t. ' \ ^'''^ l'i"g"age of the Democracy of the North to tl o.e o Tom-, o' *no^^^^^ attached to our local customs, we will respect r dits eituvd Kn. e ^ n^' *'*■'' •""'^'" '"^'^'f'^ ^"6' 'd^ 0^ »fo ^- "^^ -"* %^ JL^ S^ • ■ • ."^O* -i.^ .*•>" -c » - . - • r ♦ • # 1 • 4.^' ^,^ • « ' %> ■• • •