■ 
 
 i- 
 
 
 

 ^s ^^ 
 
 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 
 
 
 ^^^^ 
 
 - "^ 
 
 
 "^c^ CÄ 
 
 ^^^^- 
 
 
 
 
 Cl 
 
 -e 
 
 
 <:> 
 
 
 
 
 ^.^Ö 
 
 
 
 ■^^d« 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . <^ 
 
 
 ^ .^^ ^^S?%\ '^^^ ^*v%^-Y= ^.^ 
 
 
 
 
 .'J" 
 
 
 
 
 -^^0^ 
 
 .^''-> 
 
 \.^ 
 
 9?, ''^..s 
 
 
 
 -4" : ; '"^'^^^ 
 
 ^^. 
 
 
 
 vS 
 
 ■^>o^ 
 
 "'•-%_ 
 
 
 0^ . 
 
 r:^ 
 
 
 
 *^ 
 
 
 ^0^ 
 
 H Q. 
 
 
 
 
 
 / 
 
 "*. 
 
 ■:^--^ 
 
 00^^ 
 
 • "/• 
 
 — "^cJ^ 
 
 -^^d« 
 
 ::■■ "^d^ 
 
 
 
 
 <i5 Q,^ 
 
 
 %' 
 
 
 .' -^^^ 
 
 . '^"^-'V^- 
 
 
 
 .^ 
 
 
 
 
 0° .-^: 
 
 "-. 
 

 
 
 ^Q> ' » <, ^ ^ \ V 
 
 \^^^ 
 
 
 cS ^ 
 
 
 
 &^' -^ "> 
 
 ^ ^' .. ^■ 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 RECENT TIMES 
 
 181G-1Ö75 
 
 WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO GERMANY 
 
 WILHELM MÜLLER 
 
 PROFESSOR IN TUBINGEN 
 
 REVISED AND ENLARGED BY THE AUTHOR 
 
 ']^'>r,6 
 
 ^ranslntcö 
 
 AVITH AN APPENDIX COVERING THE PERIOD FROM 1876 TO 1881 
 BY THE 
 
 REV. JOHN P. PETERS, Ph.D. 
 
 ■\ 
 
 :EP 25 1882 , 
 
 NEW YORK 
 HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE 
 
 18 8 2 
 
 ^0. / 
 
^^W^"^ 
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in tlie year 1882, by 
 
 HARPER & BROTHERS, 
 In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 
 
 All ligJits reserved. 
 
/ 
 
 l^i' 
 
 ?3 
 PKEFACE. 
 
 In presentiug Professor Müller's " Politische Gescliiclite der Neu- 
 esten Zeit" to tlie public in an English dress, the translator, with 
 Professor Miillcr's permission, has somewhat abridged the space 
 allotted to Germany, and enlarged that allotted to England, while 
 omitting the United States entirelJ^ He has also accorded slightly 
 fidler mention to one or two of the secondary States. These, and 
 a few other insignificant changes, he has not thought it necessary 
 to indicate in the text. The third edition of Professor MüUer's work, 
 from which this translation has been made, appeared in 1875. The 
 translator has added several sections, bringing the history forward 
 to the year 1882; in doing which he has relied for his materials 
 almost exclusively (up to 18S1) on Professor MüUer's annual publi- 
 cation, " Politische Geschichte der Gegenwart "—the* same metliod 
 which Professor Müller himself pursued in writing tlie history of 
 the period 1870-1875. It would, therefore, be unfair to make Pro- 
 fessor Müller responsible for that portion of the work. Tlic trans- 
 lator has used for the most part his materials, but followed his own 
 discretion in the selection and mode of presentation. 
 
 Tiie difficulty of composing an unbiassed record of the immediate 
 past must be so manifest to all, that it is hardly necessary to ask 
 the reader's indulgence for the shortcomings of the last period. 
 Since the section on France was written, Gambetta, the " man of 
 revenge," has fallen (January 2G, 1883), substantially on the question 
 of " Scrutin de liste," and been succeeded by de Freycinet, the man 
 of peace, supported by L6on Say and Jules Ferry, thus reversing for 
 the present French foreign policy. In other countries the outlook 
 has not materially changed since the various sections went to press. 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 The publication of the ofRcial statistics of the Franco-Prussian war, 
 liowever, necessitates a few changes in the numbers given on j^age 
 459. The total number of French officers who were made prisoners, 
 laid down their arms, or were disarmed, was 31,508 ; of common 
 soldiers, 702,343. The number of French officers taken as prisoners 
 of war to Germany was 11,360; of common soldiers, 371,981. The 
 number of cannon captured was 7441 ; of eagles and colors, 107. 
 
 I have endeavored to make the book useful for purposes of 
 general reference by the addition of a general index, arranged as 
 far as possible under general heads ; a complete index of all per- 
 sons mentioned ; and an exact index of principal dates. 
 
 My thanks are due to the friends who have assisted me in vari- 
 ous ways, and, above all, to President White (of Cornell University) 
 
 and Professor Müller. 
 
 John P. Peters. 
 
PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 For many years — as Professor of Modern History, first at the 
 State University of Michigan, afterward at Cornell University — I had 
 been seeking a work which should give to thoughtful students a 
 view, large but concise, of the political history of Continental Eu- 
 rope in the nineteenth century. 
 
 Such a work was needed by students preliminary to the lecture- 
 room, and by the general jjublic preparatory to reading the news- 
 papers. 
 
 The search seemed hopeless. Tlie number of historical works 
 upon the period was immense, but there was nothing which an- 
 swered the purpose; all were either lifeless compilations or ex- 
 tended treatises, giving a world of confusing incidents. 
 
 Occasionally I found a work which seemed likely to be useful; 
 but if short, it was dry, and if long it wove about the subject a web 
 of details which soon shut out any large general view. But at last I 
 came upon the "Politische Geschichte der Neuesten Zeit," by Profes- 
 sor Wilhelm Müller, of Tübingen. The fact that it had run through 
 several editions showed that it was appreciated in Germany ; three 
 readings of it satisfied me that it is what is needed in America. 
 
 The whole course of Continental history since 1815 is wisely di- 
 vided into periods, and the development of each nation is kept dis- 
 tinct, yet easily brought into relations with that of every other; the 
 events presented are those an American mainly cares to know, and 
 unobscured by those he does not care to know. It is not an abridg- 
 ment ; it is a living history ; the style is clear, the spirit manly and 
 liealthy. 
 
 Pervading the whole is faith in the existence of good on earth. 
 
vi PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 hope in well-ordered liberty; skepticism as to the efficiency of noise 
 and political hysterics ; contempt for sham statesmanship ; hatred 
 for selfish and stupid statesmanship, yet withal impartiality, though 
 often the impartiality of a just judge reviewing careers and courses 
 of scoundrelism. 
 
 I liave succeeded in inducing a gentleman, whose ability gives 
 every guarantee, to translate this book, and would most heartily 
 commend it to every young man, whether he call himself a student 
 or not, who desires a clear idea of that political development in 
 modern Europe which has brouglit on the amazing events of these 
 latter years. 
 
 To general readers it will give what they most wish to know ; for 
 students it will serve to bind together and bring into proper rela- 
 tions what they may secure by special studies. 
 
 Andrew D. White. 
 Berlin, July 8, 1881. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 FIRST PERIOD. 181G-1830. 
 
 POLICY OF THE EESTOEATION. — STRUGGLES FOR A CONSTI- 
 TUTION. CONGRESSES. 
 
 Page 
 
 § 1. Germany. — Austria. — Prussia 1 
 
 § 2. Italy. — Eevolution in Naples and Piedmont. — Congresses of 
 
 Troppau and Laibach 23 
 
 § 3. Spain and its American Colonies. — Portugal and Brazil. — 
 
 The Congress of Verona and French Intervention 42 
 
 § 4. Great Britain 62 
 
 § 5. Greece. — Turkey. — Russia '70 
 
 § 6. France, and the Restoration of the Bourbons 90 
 
 SECOND PERIOD. 1830-1848. 
 
 THE JULY REVOLUTION, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES FOR EUROPE. 
 
 § 7. France, and the " Great Week " 102 
 
 § 8. The Consequences of the July Revolution in Belgium, Eng- 
 land, Germany, Switzerland, Italy, and Poland 112 
 
 § 9. Spain and Portugal 143 
 
 § 10. England 149 
 
 § 11. Turkey and Egypt 155 
 
 § 12. Germany. — Austria. — Prussia 159 
 
 § 13. Switzerland and the Sonderbund 169 
 
 § 14. France under Louis Philippe 1Y2 
 
viii CONTENTS. 
 
 THIRD PERIOD. 1848-1863. 
 
 THE FEBRUARY KEVOLUTIOX AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. THE 
 
 SECOND EMPIRE AND ITS ASCENDENCY IN EUROPE. 
 
 Pagh 
 § 15. The February Revolution, the French Republic, and the 
 
 Empire 186 
 
 § 16. Italy 202 
 
 § 17. Revolutions in Germany, Austria, and Prussia 212 
 
 § 18. The Crimean War 253 
 
 § 19. Italian War 270 
 
 § 20. Extra-European Countries 292 
 
 FOURTH PERIOD. 1864-1869. 
 
 PRUSSIA USURPS THE SUPREMACY IN GERMANY. 
 
 § 21. SCHLESVeiG-HoLSTEIN 300 
 
 § 22. War in Germany and Italy. — Austria's Exit from Germany. 
 — Dissolution of the German Confederation. — Formation of 
 A North German Confederation under Prussian SuprExMacy. . 326 
 
 § 23. The Luxemburg Negotiations. — French Preparations for War. 
 — The North German Confederation and the South Ger- 
 man States 369 
 
 § 24. Affairs in other Countries. — The Vatican Council 394 
 
 FIFTH PERIOD. 1 870-1875. 
 
 WAR BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. THE ESTABLISH- 
 MENT OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE. STRUGGLE WITH THE 
 
 VATICAN. 
 
 § 25. The Franco-Prussian War 409 
 
 § 26. The German Empire and the Hohenzollern Imperial House.. 460 
 
 § 27. The Commune and France 468 
 
 § 28. The Neutral States 476 
 
 § 29. The German Empire and the Culturkampf 493 
 
CONTENTS. ix 
 
 SIXTH PERIOD. 1876-1881. 
 
 Pagk 
 
 § 30. Turkey and the Russo-Türkish War 505 
 
 § 31. Russia 5ß7 
 
 § 32. Great Britain and Ireland 576 
 
 § 33. austro-hungary 587 
 
 § 34. Italy 593 
 
 § 35. Spain 599 
 
 § 36. Belgium, Switzerland, Holland, Denmark 604 
 
 § 37. France 611 
 
 § 38. Germany 630 
 
 § 39. South America G52 
 
 INDEX 659 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 EECENT TIMES. 
 
 FIEST PERIOD. 1816-1830. 
 
 POLICY OF THE RESTORATION.— STRUGGLES FOR A CONSTITU- 
 TION.— CONGRESSES. 
 
 GERMANY. AUSTRIA. PRUSSIA. 
 
 The battle of Waterloo had been fought. For the second time 
 the Parisians had been compelled to see the victorious allies with- 
 in their walls — for the second time peace liad been dictated to 
 them ; and the man who had filled two decades with his military 
 genius and his ambition, who, not content with the splendid crown 
 of France, had stretched forth his insatiable hands after a con- 
 tinental empire, now lay condemned to powerlessness, on the rock 
 of St. Helena. But at the very time when, to the relief of the 
 Bourbons, the light of the great Corsican's life went out upon that 
 world-renowned island, in both the Old World and the New, pop- 
 ular outbreaks against the restored princes and their mediajval 
 governments flamed up like a monstrous funeral pyre, a clear sign, 
 had one been needed, that the day of freedom had not broken 
 with Napoleon's fall ; that in his fall one insolent giant had but 
 been replaced by a swarm of swaggering pygmies. Europe was 
 indeed in need of peace after the enormous strain and excitement 
 of so many years of war; but the peace with which the returning 
 rulers blessed their people was such as to bring new convulsions 
 on the weary region. From the mouth of the Tagus to the Neva 
 
 1 
 
2 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 and the islands of the Grecian Arcliipelago all was effervescence 
 and fermentation, and hot streams of national exasperation were 
 poured upon those feudal dynasties which " had forgotten noth- 
 ing and learned nothing." Promises on the part of the princes ; 
 unrestrained devotion and satisfaction on the part of the people ; 
 a call for constitutional freedom ; open and secret reaction ; revo- 
 lutions in the south ; intervention of the areopagus of princes ; 
 abrogation of popular rights : this is in brief the history of the 
 years 1816-1830. 
 
 One might have believed that the sovereigns had no less an 
 aim in mind than to give to the world a new Golden Age. For 
 on September 26th, 1815, Alexander, Czar of Russia, Francis, Em- 
 peror of Austria, and Frederic William III., King of Prussia, issued 
 a proclamation wherein they announced their firm resolve, from 
 that time forth, to adopt the Christian religion alone as their 
 standard ; to rule wholly in accordance with Christian love and 
 peace, as well within their respective states as in their intercourse 
 with foreign governments ; to afford one another assistance in all 
 cases, and to regard themselves merely as the plenipotentiaries of 
 Providence appointed to rule three branches of one and the same 
 family. Within the next few years all European sovereigns, Avith 
 the exception of the King of England, the Pope, and the Sultan, 
 entered this holy alliance. It was essentially the work of Alexan- 
 der, who was influenced by a certain religious enthusiast, Frau von 
 Kriidcner. It was during the summer of 1815, in Heilbronn, 
 Heidelberg, and Paris, that she aroused him to the formation of 
 such a league by personal exhortations, naming him, in contrast 
 with the "black angel" Napoleon, the "white angel of peace" 
 and the chosen of the Lord. 
 
 Alexander, with all his susceptibility to such influences, was un- 
 questionably the most important and influential of the monarchs 
 of that time ; but his nature was not of a greatness calculated to 
 carry out successfully and to the advantage of Europe the part 
 which he felt himself called upon to play — the Napoleon of peace. 
 Of a yielding disposition and excitable temperament, he was much 
 inclined toward magnificent creations and political reforms, and 
 readily inflamed with noble ambitions. He was full of general 
 good intentions, but energy and perseverance failed him, formi- 
 dable hinderances frightened him, new persons rendered him un- 
 true to his former resolutions and principles ; and hence he easily 
 
ALEXANDER OF RUSSIA. 3 
 
 gave the impression of an untrustworthy man. The brilliant suc- 
 cesses of the last years of the war, the idolization he had met with 
 in Paris, London, and Vienna, had changed his former modesty 
 into inordinate self-esteem, and the pleasure with which he re- 
 ceived the homage of princes and diplomats displayed a feminine 
 vanity. Napoleon, in comparing the times of Tilsit and Erfurt 
 with later years, found in him a " Byzantine Greek," and named 
 him .the " Talma of the North." 
 
 The judgment upon Alexander would have been a more favor- 
 able one, if it had not been that in all important questions another 
 name was coupled with his — the name of a man who, more than 
 he, was the true ruler of Europe. That man was Prince Metter- 
 nich. From October 8th, 1809, until March 13th, 1848, he was 
 minister of foreign affairs in Austria; and after 1821, when he 
 celebrated his Italian triumphs, he also sustained the rank of chan- 
 cellor. He was frivolous enough to wish, in the midst of enter- 
 tainments and love affairs, to take into his hands the guidance of 
 Europe. Not content to rule the motley empire of Austria after 
 his very simple system, he wished to make Germany and Italy his 
 prefectures, to treat the upward-striving Prussia as his vassal, and 
 to take the lead everywhere. He knew how to conceal his limited 
 knowledge by great versatility of expression in speech and on pa- 
 per, to cloak his mean endowments as a statesman by a rigid ad- 
 hesion to conservative principles. In the thirty-eight years of his 
 ministerial activity he never and nowhere showed leading, crea- 
 tive thought ; he worked everywhere merely for the law of iner- 
 tia, of inactivity, and made himself at last so hated and despised 
 that in 1848 a liberal minister, one of the so-called March minis- 
 ters, was able to say, with universal assent, " I sum up the whole 
 disgrace of the last decades in the name Metternich." Playing 
 before princes " the submissive courtier, corrupting diplomats by 
 his fine-gentleman bearing, confounding the ambassadors of the 
 lesser states by condescension and princely splendor," he had ex- 
 alted himself to a kind of oracle of whose title no one could give 
 a satisfactory account. To carry conservatism to the point of ab- 
 surdity and barbarous harshness, to forbid to the people all par- 
 ticipation in the government, and reduce them to a tax-paying 
 mass, to regard the princes not as the regents, but as the private 
 possessors of their states, and to cause them to govern accordingly 
 — these were the principles on which turned the whole political 
 
4 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 wisdom of a man who, as Napoleon said, mistook intrigue for 
 statesmanship. 
 
 How convenient for him must have been the phrases of the 
 Holy Alliance, speaking to the nations like a second Gospel, 
 proclaiming the infallibility of the princes, those " plenipoten- 
 tiaries of Providence !" In regard to his own people, each sov- 
 ereign was henceforth to wear in political matters the same halo 
 as the Pope in matters spiritual, which, however, did not prevent 
 the English diplomats from perpetrating their insular witticisms 
 on the " triune monster " of the Eastern powers. 
 
 In his disinclination to allow his enjoyable life to be disturbed 
 by political innovations, Metternich was in complete accord with 
 liis master, the " good " Emperor Francis. The latter enjoyed great 
 popularity in Austria, and especially in Vienna. He passed there 
 for a good-natured, benevolent monarch, who readily gave audience 
 to each of his subjects, and entered into the details of their wishes; 
 and he was master of the Austrian dialect in its broadest form. 
 It was quite a different story when he saw his carefully hedged 
 state threatened with innovations. " New ideas are being promul- 
 gated of which I cannot and will not approve. Abide by the old ; 
 for they are good, and our fathers have prospered under them — 
 Avhy should not we? I do not need savants, but brave citizens. 
 It is your duty to educate the young to become such. He who 
 serves me must learn what I command ; he who cannot, or who 
 comes to me with new ideas, can go, or I will dismiss him." 
 With this address to the professors of the Laibach Lyceum, he 
 openly announced himself an absolute governor whose nod was 
 law. He was, furthermore, so impressed with the idea of unlim- 
 ited authority that he accorded to no one a lasting influence, and 
 least of all to those who had the best right to it. Distrustful of 
 himself, he was more so of others — of each superior, powerful 
 personage — a thing which the most deserving of his generals, 
 Schwarzenberg and Radetzky, and the most distinguished of his 
 brothers, the Grand-dukes Charles and John, were compelled to 
 learn by bitter experience. Even the clergy did not attain under 
 him the position of an independent power ; they were the assist- 
 ants of the Imperial power, but not its rivals. Metternich was 
 able to retain his post for so long a time by the fact that, owing 
 to the very formation of his mind, he did not interfere in the em- 
 peror's favorite department. The latter had no inclination but 
 
EMPEROR FRANCIS— HIS SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT. 5 
 
 for the rainutice, the details of government ; while the former 
 showed a dislike for details, and did not busy himself with the 
 actual administration. 
 
 Austria must make herself felt, not by her military strength, 
 but through the skill of her diplomats and the omnipresence of 
 her police and her spies. This was Metternich's chosen field, 
 while the emperor found his pleasure in the details of the police 
 system, which was developed under him into a system of espio- 
 nage of the most unworthy sort. This was, however, admirably 
 adapted to that patriarchal system in accordance with which the 
 government, so far from denying its Oriental views, even dared to 
 inculcate in its subjects the doctrine that the sovereign " has full 
 power over their lives and property." No less care was exer- 
 cised in shutting up Austria against other lands. The influx of 
 foreign intellects and intellectual products was guarded against 
 like the smuggling in of the cattle plague. Study in foreign 
 universities was forbidden. The entrance into Austrian schools 
 of foreign teachers, and of scholars over ten years of age, was 
 forbidden, and even for younger children special permission had 
 to be obtained. The imparting of private instruction Avas ren- 
 dered very difficult, permission being granted by the police only 
 under oppressive conditions, and, even then, revocable every six 
 years. All political literature, as well as modern histories, was 
 subjected to strict censorship, with a view to police prohibition. 
 For Austria, the German movement in the province of philoso- 
 phy and theology, the progress in history and the natural sci- 
 ences, did not exist. What was there permitted and pursued was 
 the study of Oriental languages and literature, a little poetry, and 
 by preference music, in order to charm the excited spirits into a 
 soft world of sense, and to rock the empire into an Epimenidean 
 sleep of years. And as for popular instruction, scarcely three- 
 fifths of the children of school age attended school, and those 
 who attended were, with their teachers, confined to a mechanical 
 drill from which the ivhy and wherefore wera carefully excluded. 
 The object was not to produce savants, but subjects and officials 
 trained to blind obedience. For this purpose no guard and over- 
 seer could be more effective than the clergy. Upon their religious 
 certificate depended every advance in the gymnasiums and uni- 
 versities, and confession was exacted from teachers and scholars 
 six times yearly. It will readily be understood that the Protes- 
 
6 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 tants were much oppressed — hardly tolerated. Upon purchasing 
 a house — upon assuming a trade — they "were obliged to apply 
 for a dispensation. To enter the military academy in Vienna- 
 Neustadt they must abjure their religion. 
 
 As to material interests the situation was not much better. 
 There was scarcely a country in which business and industry 
 were at so low an ebb as in Austria. Almost nothing had been 
 done to unfetter the land and establish better relations between 
 the tillers of the soil and its owners ; and rich Austria, which un- 
 der favorable agricultural laws and business conditions could have 
 earned an enormous income from its grain export, produced scarce- 
 ly enough for its own needs. The favorable situation on the Adri- 
 atic Sea, with the ports of Venice and Trieste, was sadly misused ; 
 the development of a prosperous merchant marine was hindered ; 
 and a good navy was looked upon as useless furniture, so that 
 merchants Avere compelled to place their ships under the protec- 
 tion of the Turkish fleet against the insolence of the Barbary 
 States. It was with a doubtful pride that the authorities could 
 point to their German Austria as the land where, rather than in 
 Italy, Spain, Germany, or France, the " old Europe " was still to 
 be found. 
 
 In its internal political development, also, Austria sought to re- 
 main as far behind as possible. In the year 1816 and the follow- 
 ing years, in order to satisfy in some measure the requirements of 
 the Act of (Confederation, parliamentary representation had been 
 introduced into the Germano-Slavonic provinces, or been re-estab- 
 lished there. Since, however, the powers of these assemblies, of 
 which the nobles and clergy had complete control, and which often 
 began and ended on the same day, were limited to the granting of 
 taxes and raising of recruits, they soon sunk to a mere formality 
 — to expensive "farces," as Stein said — which might just as well 
 have been replaced by any sort of decree-issuing machine. The 
 nobility, which was without education or patriotism, leading, ac- 
 cording to the expression of one of its members, a " polypus " 
 life, had neither the will nor the ability to play a part in politics; 
 and the people, growing up in uncertain striving for their daily 
 bread, or sunk in sybaritic indulgence, had no inclination for pub- 
 lic affairs. Yet, even in Austria, the time could not pass wholly 
 without a memento mori. The emperor and his Metternich had 
 succeeded in lulling all the German provinces to sleep, in taming 
 
HUNGARIAN DIET.— GERMANY. 1 
 
 the obstinate Diet, and in leading back student-like South Ger- 
 many to a quiet, tradesmanlike state of being- ; but the Hunga- 
 rian heath, they found, nourishes wild and spirited steeds. For 
 fourteen years the Hungarian Äe^c/ista^, which ought constitution- 
 ally to have assembled every three years, was not called together ; 
 and, spite of all opposition, government business v/as conducted 
 by commissioners and soldiers, who impressed recruits and collect- 
 ed the taxes. But though the Hungarians bent before superior 
 force, they still abode by their protest. At last, too, the arrears 
 of taxes reached a serious figure. At the very same time — it was 
 in the year 1825 — there was every reason for not pushing affairs 
 to an extreme, for in consequence of the Grecian war of indepen- 
 dence there was fear of a war between Russia and Turkey, and 
 hence of complications on the lower Danube. Unless the object 
 were to bring about an open revolt in Hungary, the dissatisfaction 
 could not be allowed to increase further. So Metternich himself 
 advised giving way, and the Hungarian Reichstag was opened in 
 Presburg in September, 1825. Here bitter complaints about the 
 policy of the Hapsburgs — their inclination toward absolutism, their 
 disregard of constitutional rights — soon found expression; and 
 when the emperor spoke of the " mad endeavors of innovators 
 and of punishment of the disobedient," he was compelled, in oi*- 
 der to check the excitement caused thereby, to interpret his " mis- 
 understood words " into a recognition of the rights of the Reichs- 
 tag. There the matter rested ; and, after an existence of almost 
 two years, the Reichstag separated without having effected much 
 more than the sharper definition of its rights, and their definite 
 recognition by the crown. The policy of suspense and passivity 
 had gained the victory. 
 
 Another field of activity presented itself to Metternich in Ger- 
 many. Here, owing to late events, several hundred independent 
 states had been mediatized — absorbed in their neighbors — and a 
 league of thirty-nine sovereign states founded. Great hopes at- 
 tached themselves to this transformation. The need born of long 
 oppression had once more given the name "father-land" a mean- 
 ing — the exaltation and self-sacrifice of the war of freedom, the 
 victory won by the common efforts of all German peoples, had 
 awakened their national feeling and roused them to a conscious- 
 ness of their natural union. Princely proclamations, ministerial 
 explanations, and the judgment of the foremost patriots, all seem- 
 
8 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ed to show that the time had come for the formation of a united 
 *' father-hmd," strong without, free within. As to the details of 
 the national structure there were differences of opinion. 
 
 The first thing to be considered was the interior structure of 
 the individual states. From the Lake of Constance to the Baltic 
 Sea resounded the demand for a constitution. Even the articles 
 of confederation had been compelled to take notice of this, and in 
 the 13th article was the following : " In all countries of the Con- 
 federation there will be [originally, " shall be"] a constitution 
 with representation." In this, however, nothing was said about 
 the when and how, and a broad field left to the ill-will of individ- 
 ual sovereigns. A beginning in the path of progress was made 
 by Charles Augustus, Grand-duke of Saxe-Weimar, Avho had up 
 to that time been known as the Majcenas of Germany's greatest 
 poets. In full harmony with the Estates of the land he granted, 
 in May, 1816, a constitution, which contains all the essential 
 points of modern state life — viz., representation of all citizens, 
 right of voting taxes, freedom of the Press. But among all 
 the north German princes he stood alone. In the north the 
 aristocracy was still too powerful, and with too slight a compre- 
 hension of the times to yield any of its old privileges, or toler- 
 ate any other sort of representation of the estates than one in 
 which there was no semblance of a proper representation of the 
 middle and lower classes, one in which the different estates, still 
 in part divided, debated as "little chambers," the nobles having 
 the preponderance. Outside of Weimar there was not in all 
 north Germany a constitution granting representation in which 
 the people as such, and not the separate estates, Avere represented. 
 In Saxony, Mecklenburg, Ilanover, Brunswick, Oldenburg, the 
 aristocratic system was in force as well after the Act of Confed- 
 eration as before it. 
 
 The comical element among these mediaeval forms was repre- 
 sented in the seventy-year-old Elector William I. of Hesse, who 
 had been in banishment from 1806 to 1813, and who had been 
 one of those whose lands were converted into the kingdom of 
 Westphalia. Upon his return he struck out those years com- 
 pletely, and set everything so exactly upon the footing of the 
 year 1806 that he even recalled to their former barracks the regi- 
 ments furloughed in November of that year, and censured the 
 commandant of Hanau because he had not delivered the quarter- 
 
SOUTH GERMANY. 9 
 
 ly report of the fortress since that time. The soldiers once more 
 wore cues and powder, the pensioned officials were reinstated, 
 the new laws abolished, and the purchasers of the crown-lands 
 disposed of by the Westphalian Government were compelled to 
 restore the same without compensation ; and yet he offered his 
 people a constitution which was not among the worst, and which 
 included representation of the whole people. Since, however, 
 owing to his notorious avarice, he wished to have free scope in 
 financial matters, would not consent to a separation of the public 
 purse from his private one, and would grant no right to levy 
 taxes, the negotiations miscarried, the delegates were sent home, 
 and Hesse remained without a constitution. 
 
 Matters took another form in south Germany, where the 
 princes, in order to amalgamate the old and the new parts of 
 their lands, and to break the opposition of the mediatized nobles, 
 took the lead in the introduction of liberal constitutions. They 
 were led to this action furthermore by the consideration that 
 through the means of liberal constitutions they could the more 
 readily escape the ascendency and consequent oppression of the 
 great powers; and they moved all the more emphatically upon 
 the path of liberalism, since the reactionary system was in force 
 with the great powers of Germany. So King Maximilian of Ba- 
 varia, in the year 1818, granted a constitution, which Stein greet- 
 ed as a significant advance in the constitutional career. In August 
 of that year Grand-duke Charles of Baden gave a still more liberal 
 one, in order to outbid the hated Bavaria, which would fain round 
 out its own dominions by the possession of the Maine and Tauber 
 districts. In the following year, 1819, the contest over a con- 
 stitution came to an end in Wiirtemberg. In that state King 
 Frederic had taken the initiative, but had died during the con- 
 flicts that arose. His son William resumed the negotiations im- 
 mediately upon his accession, and after a struggle of three years 
 with the Estates, which showed no wisdom or enlightenment in 
 the whole matter, agreed with them upon a constitution. This 
 constitution was the more readily accepted, since at that time the 
 storm of the diplomatic conference at Carlsbad threatened to 
 break. In consequence of these precedents Hesse-Darmstadt was 
 also forced to yield to the pressure of the people (December, 
 1820). In Nassau, after the death of the prince, the constitution 
 given in 1814 was as far as possible neutralized by the bureau- 
 
 1* 
 
10 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 cratic minister Marschall. It was not until 1818 that the first 
 parliament (which, by the way, Stein was obliged to leave), was 
 opened. 
 
 Before the ill-will and the illegal measures of the east and north, 
 the aspirations after freedom had taken refuge in the south Ger- 
 man chambers, and had there made themselves a place. The ques- 
 tion was, whether the position could be maintained, whether new 
 alliances could not be formed, whether Prussia could not be drawn 
 into the liberal current. King Frederic William III. had, in his 
 decree of May 22d, 1815, expressly promised a general representa- 
 tion of the people, and set the limit of time within which a com- 
 mission of delegates and royal officials should meet to draw up 
 a constitution. The time elapsed, but the commission was not 
 called together, for the king was no longer in the hands of those 
 who during the last three years had led him to victory. In po- 
 litical matters Frederic William III, proved himself a man of wa- 
 vering and undecided character. He had no comprehension of the 
 aspirations of a new period, but saw in each movement of the peo- 
 ple, even though wholly intellectual, future revolution. He loved 
 to bury himself in theological studies and fashions. He possessed 
 all the virtues of a simple, honorable father of a family, but was 
 not richly enough gifted for the government of a great kingdom ; 
 he felt no call to set himself at the head of the new Germany, to 
 compel the second-rate German states — Bavaria, Saxony, etc. — 
 into his orbit, and to leave Austria no other choice than either to 
 abdicate in Germany, or to break completely with her former pol- 
 icy. Instead of this he gave himself up more and more to the 
 extreme reactionary party, and sought the advice of his most pli- 
 ant courtiers, such as Prince Wittgenstein, In his chancellor, von 
 Hardenberg, he found a minister, but no character. Although 
 Hardenberg was inclined toward a constitutional system, yet at 
 the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle he allowed himself to be brought 
 over to the party of the Berlin nobles and the Austrian policy by 
 Prince Metternich, who knew no more terrible spectre than a lib- 
 eral Prussia, Under such conditions nothing else could be ex- 
 pected than that the king, out of good nature and thankfulness 
 toward his self-sacrificing subjects, should promise a constitution, 
 but that the fulfilment of his promise should be constantly post- 
 poned, and finally wholly abandoned. On this point Bishop Eylert 
 expresses himself in the näivest manner in his defence of the the- 
 
REACTION IN PRUSSIA. 11 
 
 ological sovereign : " The king has acted like a wise father, who, 
 touched by the devoted love of his children upon his birthday or 
 his recovery from illness, is in a kindly humor, and consents to 
 their wishes ; but afterward, upon consideration, he modifies his 
 assent, and asserts his natural authority." 
 
 Between the 22d of May and the 1st of September, the limit 
 set for the meeting of the commission, appeared Privy-councillor 
 Schmalz's denunciation. Although a brother-in-law of the noble 
 Scharnhorst, this man in a badly-written pamphlet reproached the 
 German patriots with revolutionary machinations, and attributed 
 to them the most atrocious plans for the overthrow of all the ex- 
 isting states and the attainment of German unity. With these 
 plans he connected the Tugendbund (league of virtue), to which 
 in the time of need all the great men of Prussia had belonged. 
 Enthusiasm and exalted sentiment on the part of the people, who 
 had achieved so much in the war of freedom, he utterly denied. 
 He ascribed all that had then been accomplished solely to the 
 command of the king. His subjects simply yielded him a natu- 
 ral obedience, and hastened to arms, " as, at the alarm of fire, from 
 the commonest feeling of civil duty, one hastens to help in extin- 
 guishing the conflagration." And this man and privy-councillor, 
 over whose pamphlet the court and the whole noble party raised 
 a cry of triumph, received from the king the red order of the 
 eagle — from the same king from whose eyes tears had streamed 
 when, in the spring of 1813, Scharnhorst led him to a window of 
 the palace in Breslau, pointed out the troops of volunteers that 
 were pouring in, and asked him whether he was now convinced 
 that the enthusiasm and self-sacrifice of his people were real. A 
 significant result of the bestowal of this order, which is to be re- 
 garded as the beginning of the reaction in Prussia, was that the 
 constitutional commission was not summoned, and the project 
 was postponed. It can readily be understood how stirred those 
 men must have been who had raised Prussia out of her abasement 
 to a noble height. Blücher stormed about "scoundrels" in his 
 free-and-easy fashion. Gneisenau urged the chancellor, behind 
 whose back the order had been granted, to protest against it while 
 there was yet time. 
 
 If gray-haired men did not restrain their indignation, what was 
 then to be expected of the young ? They had founded the most 
 ardent hopes on Prussia's pledge and on the opening of the Diet 
 
12 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 — to be deceived in the latter case, as they had been in the former. 
 The Austrian delegate, Count Buol-Schauenstein, opened the Diet 
 at Frankfort, November 5th, 1816, with a beautiful speech full of 
 promises, all of which were followed by no one satisfactory act ; 
 but, on the contrary, by such acts as called down the heartiest 
 curses upon a system which spoke constantly of the exalted posi- 
 tion of princes and of their rights, but never of the rights of the 
 people. The first year of its activity soon showed that the Diet, 
 itself still in the dark as to its own powers, was a dam against the 
 liberal stream of the second decade ; that at least in every ques- 
 tion of importance, whether in the intellectual or material sphere, 
 whether political or social, it would not agree with the popular 
 sentiment. The postponement of decision in questions where the 
 delegates had received no instructions recalled too vividly the dolce 
 far niente of the old Ratisbon Diet. This lamentable condition of 
 affairs was keenly felt, especially in student circles — in the newly 
 founded Burschenschaft (students' league). At the general cele- 
 bration of the German Burschenschaft, to which the branch in 
 Jena invited the branches in the other institutions, this sentiment 
 received expression in a way which in point of definiteness left 
 nothing to be desired. The meeting took place October 18th, 
 1817, at the historically famous Wartburg, near Eisenach, and 
 was to celebrate at the same time the battle of Leipzig and the 
 jubilee of the Reformation. About 500 young men from all parts 
 of Germany met together, and Professors Kieser, Fries, and Oken, 
 from Jena, also took part. The whole character of the proceed- 
 ings was earnest and religious; hymns were sung at the opening 
 and the close ; the addresses spoke of the disappointment of 
 German hopes, of the political oasis of Weimar, of true endurance 
 in the strife. Toward evening an afterpiece was enacted. A few 
 students remained behind, and in memory of Luther's deed of 
 December 10th, 1520, in token of "fierce hatred toward all ras- 
 cals and knaves in the father-land," held a critical auto-dafe of 
 several "lampoons" in which absolutism was defended, and sus- 
 picion thrown on the call for constitutions. In addition to the 
 insignia of a "slavish and unnatural time" — a periwig, a corpo- 
 ral's staff, and a pair of stays — the writings of un-German men — 
 such as the pamphlet of Schmalz, the police codex of Kamptz, 
 Kotzebue's " German History," and others — were, after an intro- 
 ductory address, cast into the fire. 
 
STOURDZA'S MEMORIAL ON GERMANY. 13 
 
 Schmalz bad already shown that BerHn privy-councillors were 
 not to be trifled with. Privy-councillor von Kamptz wished to 
 distinguish himself also, and, in his indignation at the slight that 
 bad been put upon his codex, composed a special address of ex- 
 postulation, and wrote the Grand- duke of Weimar a shameless 
 letter, full of reproaches for not keeping better order in his do- 
 minions. Pressure was exerted upon the liberal prince from all 
 sides ; it was not alone Austria and Prussia, even France and Rus- 
 sia sent notes, ambassadors, and spies to Weimar and Jena, in or- 
 der to compel the grand-duke to take measures against the Press, 
 the professors, and the students. Such a quadruple alliance could 
 not be wholly without effect : the government was obliged to con- 
 sent to a few repressive measures. 
 
 An article written by a young Moldavian bojar, Alexander 
 Stourdza, added new material to the general agitation. At the 
 command of Emperor Alexander, he had composed a memorial 
 on the situation in Germany, which he presented to the princes 
 and diplomats assembled at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle in 
 the autumn of 1818. The immediate cause of this congress was 
 the relation of the four great powers to France ; it was to con- 
 sider the proposal to make an end of the occupation at once, af- 
 ter three years instead of after five, and to withdraw the foreign 
 troops from French barracks. But such a convenient opportu- 
 nity of having the leading members of the Holy Alliance together 
 could not be allowed to pass without considering European poli- 
 tics in general, i. e., affairs in Germany, and we have already seen 
 how Metternich made use of Hardenberg's presence to bring him 
 to book about his Prussian constitution. In such circles Stourd- 
 za's memorial, which held before the princes the Gorgon-head of 
 a German revolution in case the strongest measures were not 
 adopted against the Press and the universities, was a welcome 
 novelty. They decided to carry out Stourdza's proposition, but 
 for this purpose they preferred to assemble a purely German con- 
 gress, to which the other German states should also be invited, 
 not an international one ; and so they separated, to meet the next 
 year in Carlsbad. In the following year the diplomats had already 
 prepared to make a journey to the Bohemian health resort, when 
 news reached them than which nothing could have been more ac- 
 ceptable. 
 
 Stourdza's article, which was nothing else than the open inter- 
 
14 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ference of Russia, still further increased the excitement in Ger- 
 many. The young men in Jena gnashed their teeth with rage. 
 Two students of the place, Counts Bochholz and Keller, challenged 
 the bojar as the enemy of the German youth. The latter now 
 found the climate of Weimar too sultry for his health, exchanged 
 it for Dresden, and declared that he was not really the composer 
 of the article ; he had thought it, written it, and completed it at 
 Alexander's command. After this modest acknowledgment the 
 students replied that they could not, of course, demand further sat- 
 isfaction from a " writing and acting machine." But a new oppo- 
 nent appeared upon the board. In the summer of 1817 the Rus- 
 sian Government had sent State-councillor Augustus von Kotzebue 
 to Weimar, in order to obtain regular information regarding the 
 spirit and doings of the liberal party. Already ill thought of as 
 the author of several frivolous writings, this Russian spy, who 
 published a periodical, the Literary Weekly, drew general hatred 
 upon himself by his attacks upon the men and principles of the 
 national party, by the raillery which he sliowered upon the polit- 
 ical students, and, finally, by his open approval of Stourdza's arti- 
 cle. Then Professor Luden, of Jena, succeeded in getting posses- 
 sion of one of Kotzebue's despatches to the Russian Government, 
 which he printed without delay in his journal, Nemesis. The 
 consequences were a suit on Kotzebue's part, and a Russian note 
 about the " insolence of the Press in Weimar," but at the same 
 time a publicity unwelcome to Kotzebue. All eyes were now 
 turned on him ; in him were hated reaction, the interference of 
 foreign powers, treason against the most sacred sentiments. The 
 question was asked, whether for one month a German spy would 
 dare to do in France or Russia what this German -Russian had 
 been doing with impunity for more than a year in the very heart 
 of Germany, under the eyes of the grand-duke, in the immediate 
 neighborhood of the excited Burschenschaft in Jena. Men re- 
 called the deed of the eighteen-year-old Frederic Staps, of Naum- 
 burg — how at Schönbrunn, October 12th, 1809, after Austria's 
 overthrow, he made an attempt upon Napoleon, in whom he saw 
 the Attila of Germany. And were the purposes of the reaction- 
 ary governments, those "plenipotentiaries of Providence," of men 
 like Kotzebue, Kamptz, Schmalz, and the like, toward the people 
 one jot better? Kotzebue had won his suit against one Nemesis, 
 would he also win it asainst the other? 
 
KOTZEBUE'S MURDER. 15 
 
 A special branch of the Burschenschaft was the society of the 
 "Uncompromising," whose members sought to carry out uncom- 
 promisingly whatever they recognized as true and right. To this 
 belonged Charles Sand, of Wunsiedel, an honest, morally irre- 
 proachable young man ; a zealous but not prominent member of 
 the league, inclined to religious enthusiasm, and of a brooding 
 disposition withal. The two brothers Follenius, one of whom 
 was privat-doceni at Jena, and the soul of the society, exerted a 
 decided influence over him. It had become his fixed idea that 
 something great must be done, if the father-land were not to go 
 to pieces; and it became daily clearer to him that this must be 
 wrought by him, that he must give himself as an offering for the 
 father-land. Kotzebue appeared to him the person most worthy 
 of hatred, the one who had done the greatest injury to the aspir- 
 ing freedom of Germany, Pie, the spy, the traitor, the frivolous 
 mocker, the personification of servility and every tendency hostile 
 to the rights of the people, appeared to him the fittest victim for 
 the goddess of revenge — to be forfeit to the vehmic tribunal of 
 the people. His resolve was taken. He had earlier felt the 
 strength within him, had occasion offered, to raise his hand against 
 Napoleon's life, and he had not in the mean time grown weaker. 
 
 Without giving any one the slightest indication of his inten- 
 tions, he travelled in March, 1819, from Jena to Mannheim, where 
 Kotzebue had been living since the end of the previous year, fur- 
 ther residence in Weimar having become quite impossible. Sand 
 reached Mannheim at ten o'clock in the morning of March 23d, pre- 
 sented himself at Kotzebue's house about eleven, and made an ap- 
 pointment to come between four and five in the afternoon. He 
 returned punctually, and was ushered into a room. Kotzebue ap- 
 peared shortly. The first salutations had hardly been exchanged, 
 when, with the cry, " Take that, thou traitor to the father-land !" 
 Sand thrust a dagger into his heart, following this by two thrusts 
 more. Then he stabbed himself in the breast, ran down the 
 stairs, shouted to the passers-by, " Long live my German father- 
 land !" knelt down and thrust the knife a second time into his 
 breast, with the words : " I thank thee, God, for this victory !" 
 Taken in charge by the watch, who had been summoned to the 
 spot, he was carried to a hospital and soon afterward to prison. 
 There he recovered from his wounds, and was subjected to a 
 searching examination. But diligently as they sought to discov- 
 
16 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 er a far-reaching conspiracy — of at least 300 young men, as in 
 the case of Mucins Scaevola — no trace was found of complicity 
 or cognizance on the part of any one. They had to content 
 themselves with the blood of this one theological student. May 
 20th, 1820, Sand, who gloried in his deed to the last, was behead- 
 ed in Mannheim — admired by many, pitied by still more, hated 
 by but few. He had done a deed of which Gorres, at that time 
 still liberal, said that though disapproved of by all Germany, its 
 motives were approved. In two ways it was a political error: the 
 reaction, which he imagined he could combat and destroy, was not 
 to be checked by the death of a single man, whoever he might be, 
 it was in fact strengthened and encouraged to more vehement as- 
 saults ; and even if it could have been overcome by the downfall of 
 a single individual, that individual was in any case not Kotzebue, 
 but was to be sought for in a quite different quarter. The exact 
 opposite of that which Sand had designed came to pass. And 
 when in Schwalbach, soon after his attempt, July 1st, 1819, a 
 young apothecary, Charles Löhning, attempted to assassinate State- 
 councillor von Ibell, one of the principal tools of the reaction in 
 Nassau, it was merely pouring oil upon the flames. 
 
 At that very time AVilliam von Humboldt was busy draughting 
 a constitution for Prussia, regarding which he was in consulta- 
 tion with Stein, both by letter and by word qf mouth. Then the 
 news of Kotzebue's assassination reached Berlin. " Now the con- 
 stitution is impossible," were Hardenberg's first words. The king 
 ordered funeral honors to the murdered man. The harvest of the 
 Berlin privy-councillors was ripe. 'Metternich did not cease harp- 
 ing on the two assassinations and the bugbear of the revolution, 
 until he completely drove all idea of a constitution out of the 
 Prussian king's mind, influenced him to a common campaign 
 against constitutional governments, and excited him against all 
 prominent men of the national party. By this Metternich gained 
 further a special advantage for Austria. In assigning to Prussia 
 the principal role in the persecution of the " demagogues " — in 
 torpid Austria there were no "demagogues" to molest — he com- 
 pelled her to lose the position of preference which she had hith- 
 erto enjoyed in public opinion. 
 
 Blow followed blow. In July, 1819, the places for gymnastic 
 exercise were closed. Jahn, torn from his dying child, was sent 
 to Spandau, later to Küstrin ; the three Bonn professors — Arndt 
 
CARLSBAD DECREES. 17 
 
 and tlie brothers Welker — were imprisoned, and their papers 
 seized. Many other arrests of teachers and students took place. 
 In Berlin a committee of investigation was formed, to which 
 Prince Wittgenstein, the reactionary minister of the palace, and 
 Privy -councillor Kamptz belonged. This was followed by the 
 Carlsbad decrees. August 6th, 1819, the congress of ministers 
 was opened in Carlsbad. At this, besides Austria and Prussia, 
 eight inferior states were represented, according to invitation. 
 Metternich presided, and the Austrian court-councillor, von Gentz, 
 draughted the protocol. He was a talented man, skilful with 
 tongue and pen ; earlier inclined to liberal views, he had later, in 
 order the better to indulge his love of pleasure, entered the ser- 
 vice of Metternich, who used him to draught protocols at most of 
 the congresses, to write newspaper articles, and the like. What 
 Gentz thought of his own and his master's system is shown by 
 a saying of his shortly before his death, in 1832 : "It still bears 
 under Metternich and me." From such leaders nothing else was 
 to be expected than that which actually occurred. The resolu- 
 tions concerned principally five points : the freedom of the Press 
 was restricted by censorship ; a central commission was estab- 
 lished at Mayence for the investigation of demagogical intrigues; 
 the Burschenschaft, together with its gymnastic institutions, was 
 forbidden ; the universities were placed under the inspection of 
 government deputies (curatores) ; and, finally, it was decided that 
 all German governments must submit to the conclusions of the 
 Diet. These Carlsbad decrees were only to take effect in case 
 they were confirmed by the Diet of the confederation in Frank- 
 fort. That body, in general so inactive, very readily adopted 
 them in its sitting of September 20th, 1819, sanctioning them at 
 the outset for five years, a limit which was constantly extended. 
 And yet this was not enough ! In order utterly to destroy the 
 last bulwark of freedom — the south German representant consti- 
 tutions — to change them into old-fashioned, harmless representa- 
 tions of the estates, and to do away with the publicity of their 
 meetings, new conferences of ministers were opened in Vienna, 
 November 25th. The conclusions reached by them. May 16th, 
 1820, were confirmed by the diet of the confederation on June 
 8th, under the name of the " Vienna Schlussakte" and received 
 among the fundamental laws of the German confederation. It is 
 true that the measures intended to affect the character of the south 
 
18 POLITICAL HISTORY 'OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 German parliaments could not be carried through on account of 
 the resistance of Bavaria and Würteraberg; yet the relation of the 
 individual governments to the confederation had entirely changed. 
 Those who drew up the Act of Confederation at the Congress 
 of Vienna had directed their efforts toward giving the confed- 
 eration as little power, and the individual governments as much 
 power as possible ; and had meant in any case to leave the lat- 
 ter free and sovereign jurisdiction over their own internal affairs. 
 But the situation had been changed by the various alliances, con- 
 gresses, and conferences. Tbe diet of the confederation was now 
 armed with supreme power in all questions external and internal ; 
 the individual governments, on the other hand, had to follow with- 
 out variation the tune set at Frankfort ; and, as Austria and Prus- 
 sia gave the key-note there, the sovereignty of the lesser princes 
 soon appeared to be in a very critical condition, and foreseeing 
 rulers were already forced to reconcile themselves to the thought 
 of mediatization. 
 
 But even Prussia did not stand as peer by the side of over- 
 bearing Austria. Many a noble heart felt itself deeply stirred on 
 seeing the country of Frederic the Great degraded into a vassal 
 of the Hapsburgs and a subordinate of Metternich. There were 
 still sober, intelligent men in the ministry, who wished to throw 
 aside the Carlsbad decrees, indict the minister of foreign affairs 
 for his part in them, and under a liberal banner make head against 
 reactionary Austria. But the king did not support them, and so 
 William von Humboldt, von Boyen, the minister of war, and von 
 Beyme, high chancellor, were compelled to hand in their resigna- 
 tions, and leave the field to Wittgenstein and Kamptz, There- 
 upon the Prussian government adopted the sternest measures of 
 censorship. The Carlsbad decrees were insultingly promulgated 
 upon the 18th of October, the anniversary of the Wartburg fes- 
 tival. Measures were also taken against the professors. De 
 Wette, professor of theology in Berlin, had written Sand's mother 
 a consolatory letter, in which he spoke of her son's deed, in so 
 far as its subjective motives were concerned, as a beautiful sign 
 of the times ; for this he was deprived of his position, and had 
 finally to remove to Basle. Görres, who, in the year 1819, had 
 escaped arrest by flight, also lost his place. Arndt remained sus- 
 pended, and only received his papers and letters twenty years later 
 from the government of Frederic William IV. Jahn was acquit- 
 
KING WILLIAM OF WÜRTEMBERG. 19 
 
 ted after several years' detention, but placed under police super- 
 vision. At the same time, tlie ministry commenced a campaign 
 against red-black-gold pipe-heads, tassels, and ribbons ; busied it- 
 self for weeks with the form of students' caps and coats; made 
 the clergy police servants by virtue of their office ; and in a 
 cabinet order of the year 1821 actually forbade the ambiguous, 
 revolutionary -sounding names, " Protestant " and "Protestant- 
 ism." The censors could no longer allow those words to stand 
 in any publication, but were obliged to substitute " evangelical." 
 The question of a constitution was settled by one quick stroke. 
 Instead of a representation of the whole country, provincial par- 
 liaments were instituted by a royal patent of June 5tb, 1823. 
 These had merely an advisory voice, and could only advise when 
 the ministers asked their advice. They were to discuss mere- 
 ly the affairs of their respective provinces, not of the whole king- 
 dom, and were so composed that the aristocratic element had a 
 great preponderance. In this way, it was claimed. Article 13 of 
 the Act of Confederation was fully carried out. If a proof were 
 still needed that Germany is not the home of revolution, one 
 might surely bring forward the fact that such an unheard-of breach 
 of trust had been committed against the German people — in other 
 states as well as in Prussia — and yet the people had let it pass. 
 
 Prussia had cast herself unreservedly into the arms of Metter- 
 nich's system ; but south Germany, with its representative con- 
 stitutions, was more coy. King William of Wiirtemberg was 
 the soul of the opposition. In the prime of his manhood, heart- 
 ily concerned for the welfare of his people, accessible to the influ- 
 ences of modern thought and feeling, he would not be dictated 
 to in the government of his land. He was by nature too much 
 of a soldier to become the prefect of the government offices at 
 Frankfort. This effort was to influence the smaller states to enter 
 into a political and military alliance, in order to deprive the great 
 powers of their preponderance and hold the balance against them. 
 But in view of the position of north Germany, and the perpetual 
 jealousies of the various governments, this was almost an impos- 
 sibility. Yet for a long time he maintained the unequal strife, in 
 which he was ably supported by his delegate to the Diet, the keen 
 and critical Baron von Wangenheim. Both were detei-mined op- 
 ponents of the whole system of the Vienna and Carlsbad con- 
 gresses. To avert the threatened evil. King William applied per- 
 
20 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 sonally to liis brotber-in-law, Czar Alexander. lie also appealed 
 to England, which had defended the cause of freedom in the 
 European congresses, and whose sovereign had hence passed in 
 the eyes of Prussia and Austria for a crowned Jacobin, his land, 
 like Spain, for a hot-bed of revolution. When, in consequence of 
 the resolutions adopted at the Congress of Verona, King William 
 reproached the congressional powers with wishing to wield the 
 same might " which Napoleon arrogated in Europe ;" and when, 
 in the diet of the confederation, Wangenheim assisted with all his 
 eloquence the gentry and prelates of Holstein, who were there to 
 accuse the King of Denmark of infringement of the constitution, 
 and even proposed that a definite short period should be assigned 
 for the introduction of the promised constitution — Austria wish- 
 ing to see the accusers repulsed and referred to the good-will of 
 the Danish king — Metternich's patience was exhausted. lie de- 
 nounced Wangenheim as a foe of Austria's German policy, even 
 of the Holy Alliance itself, and demanded his recall. As this de- 
 mand was not at once acceded to, the Austrian ambassador left 
 Stuttgart, and the Prussian and Russian ambassadors followed 
 his example. Without the support of the south German states, 
 nothing was left for Würtemberg, as a small state, but to yield. 
 King William wrote penitential letters to his brother-in-law, to 
 Francis, and to Frederic William, and recalled Wangenheim from 
 Frankfort. In the following summer (1824) he sent his minister, 
 Waucler, to Johannisberg. Metternich was there holding a court 
 of princes and diplomats, and revelling in the thought that the 
 Diet had been purified by the removal of all liberal delegates, and 
 restored to its primary intention — according to which it was to 
 be a "permanent congress of ministers," an "international union 
 of sovereign princes," a mere princes' council " at whose purely 
 diplomatic transactions the princes alone should represent their 
 subjects, since the latter ought to stand in no closer political con- 
 nection with the confederation than with any foreign land." So 
 the Diet had become a holy alliance in miniature, a simple tool of 
 Prince Metternich, who openly announced, as the principle of his 
 policy, " that at no point in Europe must the status quo be dis- 
 turbed, and that divinely appointed majesty, protected by relig- 
 ion and historical right, must be defended at any price against 
 the assaults of innovators." Here was proclaimed in the most 
 absolute and objectionable manner the principle of intervention. 
 
KING LOUIS OF BAVARIA. 21 
 
 And Metternich's proteges, such as Charles of Brunswick and the 
 blood-thirsty Miguel of Portugal, were certainly pretty specimens 
 of a " divinely appointed majesty." 
 
 Metternich now had an easy game in Germany. His proposal 
 to prolong the Carlsbad resolutions was accepted by the diet of 
 the confederation (1824), and the Mayence commission of inves- 
 tigation was lucky enough to discover a revolutionary league of 
 youths and men who wished to establish a German republic, or 
 to erect again the German empire under William of Würtem- 
 berg. After this the hated commission pursued its work more 
 industriously than ever, and was supported therein by Prussia in 
 a way than which nothing could be more acceptable to Austria. 
 Enthusiastic youths were sentenced to terms of imprisonment 
 from thirteen to fifteen years ! These revolutionary associations 
 were the natural consequences of the Carlsbad decrees, and their 
 prosecution and punishment was a new sowing of the dragon's 
 teeth. In south Germany there were also disturbances bearing 
 the stamp of the new regime. In Baden the new grand-duke ap- 
 peared to be working directly for the subversion of the constitu- 
 tion. He would allow no interference in military matters, and, in 
 defiance of the Chambers, allowed himself many liberties with the 
 constitution. In Bavaria, under Maximilian, the government had 
 carried things to a point where the people patiently endured every- 
 thing. A new era appeared to have commenced after his death, 
 when his son Louis mounted the throne. Like his neighbor in 
 Würtemberg, at the time of the Confederation of the Rhine he 
 had been the exact opposite of his father. He had shown every- 
 where genuine German sympathies ; had associated in old German 
 costume with the artists in Italy as one of themselves ; had drunk 
 to the unity of Germany ; had sung a merry good-luck to the re- 
 volted Greeks (1821), "spite of the great ones of the earth, and 
 the raging of all hell." As an art-loving prince, he strove to ren- 
 der Munich a metropolis of art and science. In 1826 he trans- 
 ferred the university from Landshut to the capital, and called thith- 
 er famous men, like Sclielling, Schubert, Oken, and Görres. But, 
 as might have been expected, this rage for reforms and new insti- 
 tutions soon fell lame. Side by side with the splendor of the 
 colleges and academies was experienced an enormous degenera- 
 tion of the public schools, and little money was to be had for the 
 repair of roads and other means of communication. Louis was 
 
22 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 too mucli of a romanticist to take pleasure in actual governing; 
 and his ministers, who were in dangerous alliance with the clergy, 
 readily took the burden from him, in order to guide the car of 
 state after the old system. 
 
 In literature, as in politics, the two opposing principles made 
 themselves felt. Upon the one side stood romanticism with its 
 media3val forms and cloudy images. At fii-st in league with the 
 advocates of freedom, after the conquest of the external foe, it 
 drew ever nearer and nearer to political reaction. The formerly 
 honored Görres went over to it openly, and wrote indigestible 
 books in behalf of romanticism and mysticism ; while Arndt and 
 Jahn, with whom he had for a time formed a triumvirate, with- 
 drew from the public stage. The most extreme men of this 
 school, among whom were Gentz and Frederic Schlegel, defended 
 aristocracy and the theory of the "grace of God" to their ulti- 
 mate consequences. In matters of religion they accepted domi- 
 neering and unctions ultramontanism and pietism. They helped 
 the King of Prussia to carry into effect the union of Lutheranism 
 and Calvinism, a part of which was the agende (liturgy) drawn 
 up by himself in conjunction with Bishop Eylert. Against this 
 theological production the opposition of the theologian Schleier- 
 )nacher, who was constantly wavering between orthodoxy and ra- 
 tionalism, availed nothing. Opposed to romanticism stood liber- 
 alism, which, presenting itself in religion as rationalism, in poe- 
 try as young Germany, battled against outlived conditions and 
 beliefs. The abandonment of the irrational hatred of France, 
 which dated from the revolution and the times of Napoleon, 
 belonged to this tendency. Men would no longer blind them- 
 selves to the good resulting from that period — the idea of politi- 
 cal equality, and the rest. Charles Rottek, professor of history 
 and political science in Freiburg, and one of the most prominent 
 men in the Baden Chambers, worked in the service of liberalism 
 as an historian. By his history of the world, spread abroad in 
 thousands of copies, bearing on every page the stamp of a liberal 
 man, he had in spite, or perhaps on account of his one-sidedness, 
 more effect in awakening political consciousness than any other 
 historian, even than one so much his superior as Schlosser. 
 
 It should be added that at Berlin, the very focus of mysticism, 
 the philosophy of Hegel was widely diffused. By its fundamen- 
 tal principle that reason is the only source of knowledge, and that 
 
HEGELIAN PHILOSOPHY.— ITALY. 23 
 
 nothing can avoid its criticism, it set itself in open opposition to 
 pietism, which, averse to all free inquiry, sought to forge unen- 
 durable fetters for the new age. Much as Hegel sought to re- 
 main at peace with the powers that were, his system was, never- 
 theless, of a sort which must necessarily break the way to a freer 
 political development. This was especially shown in the forties, 
 when his disciples overcame the clumsy presentation of their mas- 
 ter — obtaining thereby great influence over society — and from the 
 premises of their fundamental principles deduced in politics also 
 the logical consequences. 
 
 Metternich had for a time taken pleasure in Heine, reading 
 his witty, slippery poems with great delight. He hoped that 
 the Germans would so bury themselves in poetry and science as 
 to lose their taste for political promenades and rambles for a long 
 time to come. There he was to find himself mistaken. Although 
 he had succeeded in driving liberalism out of the field of active 
 politics, of cabinets and congresses, it still worked in silence, con- 
 stantly advancing, and counted the ablest minds among its fol- 
 lowers. 
 
 § 2. 
 
 ITALY. REVOLUTION IN NAPLES AND PIEDMONT. CONGRESSES 
 
 OF TROPPAU AND LAIBACH. 
 
 Metternich regarded Italy as well as Germany as his especial 
 province. In fact, essentially similar conditions existed in both 
 countries. Italy, like Germany, was a conglomerate of numerous 
 separate, mutually independent states, whose princes, exceedingly 
 jealous of one another, had estranged their people by their resto- 
 ration policy. And the Italian princes, like the German, now had 
 as colleague the Emperor of Austria. The latter, by the reacqui- 
 sition of Milan and the occupation of Venice, had appropriated 
 a choice morsel of the Napoleonic inheritance ; moreover, he was 
 determined to substitute his influence for that of France, and from 
 upper Italy to rule the whole peninsula. In order to attain this 
 end, Austria must spread the principles of the Holy Alliance, and 
 here, as in Germany, carry on war against all aspirations after free- 
 dom, against the Press and against constitutions; she must repress 
 
24 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 with all her power any longings after unit}', leaving only that form 
 of unity according to which all Italian states had to regard them- 
 selves as the vassals of Austria. But the question whether Ger- 
 man long - suffering would spread its infection across the Alps, 
 whether the inhabitants of Vesuvius would adapt themselves to 
 the old feudal relations, as did the dwellers at Königstein and 
 Brocken, still remained to be answered. Besides the readily in- 
 flammable temperament of the southerners, many things spoke 
 against it. The transition from the French rule to that of the old 
 dynasties was far sharper here than in Germany. There, in most 
 of the states, the pre-existing governments had maintained them- 
 selves under Napoleon, whereas in Italy not a single sovereign had 
 remained upon his throne ; further, in Italy, as the result of the 
 French Revolution, equality of all classes before the law, religious 
 liberty, freedom in the tenure of property, and the prosecution 
 of all industries, had been introduced everywhere ; and the for- 
 mer deficient aduiinistration of justice had been remedied by the 
 Code Najpohon. A multitude of abuses, the whole littleness of 
 a system of miniature states, the unnatural oppression of an all- 
 powerful hierarch}', had been done away with ; and the return- 
 ing royal families could not have done better than to retain the 
 good of the French institutions, under which the majority of the 
 people were prosperous, and upon this foundation build a popu- 
 lar structure. Instead of this, most of them acted like the Elector 
 of Hesse; they struck a couple of decades out of their memories, 
 connected themselves immediately with the old conditions, and at 
 the most allowed such institutions to stand as lent more power 
 and splendor to their authority. So of necessity dissatisfaction 
 soon reached a high point. 
 
 There was no lack of Organization among the different ele- 
 ments of opposition ; for the league of the Carbonari (charcoal- 
 burners), which had been for a long time spread over the whole 
 peninsula, had definite political aims. Taking its rise in the eigh- 
 teenth century from the freemasons, it had borrowed from them 
 their different degrees, their ceremonies, and that mystery which 
 exerts so powerful an attraction, especially upon the young. At 
 the outset striving for enlightenment in opposition to ecclesi- 
 astical oppression, it soon, chiefly in consequence of the French 
 Revolution, entered the field of politics and began to labor for 
 freedom. It was disinclined toward the French rule as the rule 
 
CARBONARI.— POPE PIUS VII. AND HIS PRETENSIONS. 25 
 
 of strangers, and disappointed the expectations of Murat when, 
 in 1815, he summoned all the peoples of the peninsula to the 
 battle for Italy's independence and unity. It did nothing for 
 him in the hope of better attaining its end with the Bourbons. 
 The end sought was in reality the same thing which Murat had 
 already proclaimed. As to the form of government to be set 
 up, whether it should be a constitutional monarchy or a republic, 
 the opinions of the Carbonari differed widely. In the year 1819 
 it was estimated that there were about 60,000 members in all 
 Italy. Their head - quarters were at Naples. They constantly 
 strove to strengthen themselves while awaiting from France the 
 signal to strike. 
 
 The Carbonari had a favorable field in the States of the Church. 
 There, upon the return of the captive Pope, Pius VII. (1814), 
 everything was placed once more on the old footing, and un- 
 bounded claims set up. It was not enough to demand back all 
 the parts of the former States of the Church ; Pius even believed 
 that, without degenerating into the comic, he could advance the 
 claim that the old Holy Roman Empire, with all its filigree work, 
 be restored ; that the ecclesiastical states be re-established in Ger- 
 many, and that secularized church property be given back. One 
 might have believed himself transported into the times of the 
 Augsburg Interim and the Edict of Restitution on hearing in the 
 nineteenth century such pretensions on the part of a state that 
 could not go without crutches. Iland-in-hand witli such assump- 
 tions went the equipment of a complete establishment to combat 
 heresy. The inquisition was restored, and in 1816 the inquisitor 
 of Ravenna condemned to death a Jew who had apostatized after 
 conversion. The congregation of the index of books to be pro- 
 hibited assembled once more, and by way of prelude forbade all 
 political writings. The miracle-working, eye-winking madonnas 
 again gave audiences, and 2436 convents, whose support was a 
 burden upon the state, were at once called into existence. By 
 a decree of August Vth, 1815, the order of Jesus was reinstituted ; 
 and, despite all opposition on the part of the people, it forced 
 its way once more into Spain, Switzerland, and Germany. Car- 
 dinal Pacca abolished the French institutions in a manner so 
 sweeping and unreasoning that even vaccination and street-lamps 
 were not excepted. All the higher positions in the administra- 
 tion and on the bench fell once more into the hands of prelates, 
 
 2 
 
26 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 under whose rule begging and robbery increased alarmingly. 
 Whole communities pursued highway-robbery as their profession, 
 and once the names of fifty-seven men guilty of both robbery and 
 murder were posted at the same time. Agriculture, commerce, 
 and industry were neglected. The attempted remedies of the 
 more liberal Cardinal Consalvi met with insuperable opposition 
 from Pacca's party. In spite of this failure in the adminis- 
 tration of its own country, the Curia sought to extend its gov- 
 ernment over other lands, and to this end concluded concordats 
 with both Italian and foreign states. In Naples so many conces- 
 sions were made to the clergy that they really formed a state 
 within a state. It was not much better in the duchy of Modena, 
 which, like Parma, lay wholly under Austrian influence. But 
 while in Parma the Arch-duchess Marie Louise, Napoleon's wife 
 (perhaps more correctly the Austrian general. Count Neipperg), 
 ruled, relatively speaking, with the greatest possible mildness, 
 Duke Francis of Modena found his pleasure in the most sense- 
 less, hardly endurable despotism. Grand-duke Ferdinand III. of 
 Tuscany, following in the footsteps of his father Leopold, wielded 
 the mildest and most enlightened sceptre. Bent upon making 
 his capital, Florence, the centre of the intellectual movement, he 
 strove for the greatest possible independence from Austria, and 
 permitted the free introduction of foreign papers and books. 
 Nevertheless, there, too, the French institutions, even the best of 
 them, were done away with ; but although they were replaced by 
 the earlier institutions of Leopold, yet those were something 
 much better than Avas to be found in the States of the Church, 
 Naples, or Sardinia. 
 
 Austria sought to keep its subjects at Milan and Venice in good- 
 humor by other means. The fostering and advancement of the 
 material interests, and a well-administered government, were the 
 principles of her rule ; she also permitted the clergy and nobles 
 no ascendency, and bestowed the offices, with the exception of 
 the highest, on natives. But in both of the separately admin- 
 istered countries the central congrer/ations were a poor substi- 
 tute for a national representation ; for their selection was wholly 
 dependent upon the government, and their sphere of activity 
 scarcely extended beyond the composition of petitions. In ac- 
 cordance with the wishes of the people, an archduke was appoint- 
 ed viceroy, and held his court in Milan. But the jealous emper- 
 
THE AUSTRIAN ADMINISTRATION IN MILAN AND VENICE. 27 
 
 or took care that it should not be one of the ablest of his broth- 
 ers who filled this important position, and that he should be al- 
 lowed no political influence. Archduke Rainer spent there thirty 
 years of his life from 1818 on. On the other hand, here, as iu 
 the whole empire, the police system showed itself as powerful as 
 hated. This was alone sufficient to cause all liberal and intelli- 
 gent men to hold aloof from the administration, and left it in all 
 local questions dependent upon unworthy subjects. If the lower 
 classes and the peasants were content with their material circum- 
 stances, the entire cultivated portion of the population, already re- 
 pelled by the difference of language, felt the oppression of a con- 
 quered province, and nourished no less hatred against Austria 
 than formerly the states of the old Lombard League had cherish- 
 ed against the rule of the Ghibellines. 
 
 Austria had to fear nothing so much as that the other Italian 
 states might yield to the pressure of the Carbonari, and grant rep- 
 resentant constitutions, and, in general, more liberal institutions. 
 In that case it was impossible that the " poison of freedom " should 
 not penetrate into Milan and Venice as well, rendering the popu- 
 lation still harder to control, and leaving the system of Metternich 
 no other way to maintain itself than by a display of overwhelm- 
 ing military strength. In order to prevent this danger, Metternich 
 concluded with Ferdinand IV. of Naples — who, after his return, 
 had named himself Ferdinand I., King of the Two Sicilies — the 
 secret treaty of June 12th, 1815, in whicli the latter bound him- 
 self to introduce no constitution into his land, to permit no insti- 
 tutions which were more liberal than those of Lombardy, to make 
 those liis example in everything, and, when possible, even to re- 
 main a couple of degrees below the Milan thermometer. Noth- 
 ing was easier for the old king than to carry out these promises, 
 as far as he was concerned. He was a weak, ignorant man, whol- 
 ly dependent upon his surroxmdings, and bestowed most confidence 
 upon the man who confirmed him most in his conviction of di- 
 vine appointment, and supported him most in the practice of his 
 absolutism. AVhen he returned to Naples after the fall of Murat, 
 lie abolished everything pertaining to the French regime which 
 was inconvenient to him, and proclaimed Naples and Sicily one 
 kingdom, under the name of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. 
 Since one-half of his realms could not have a constitution and the 
 other half none, a wished-for opportunity was afforded to repeal 
 
28 POLITICAL HISTORY OF EECENT TIMES. 
 
 the liberal Sicilian Constitution of 1812, granted under the com- 
 inanding influence of Lord Bentinck, the English general, and to 
 re-establish an unlimited monarchy. With the acceptance of the 
 concordat, the whole school system was transferred to the control 
 of the Jesuits, and set back a century. On the other hand, rob- 
 bery prospered so well that in 1817 about 30,000 )nen pursued 
 this profession, and the government found itself obliged to con- 
 clude formal treaties with the individual robber chiefs, in order 
 to drive out the robbers by their chiefs — the devil by Beelzebub. 
 But the most foolish thing, under the circumstances, was the in- 
 troduction of dissatisfaction among the soldiers by the slights put 
 upon Murat's oflScers, the contemptuous treatment of the army in 
 general, and the insult to the national spirit in intrusting an Aus- 
 trian general — Count Nugent — with the military organization. 
 But, although every effort was made to keep liberals out of the 
 army, the government always had to fall back on them at last, 
 and set them in the highest places. One of the ablest of the 
 liberal leaders — the Calabrian republican, William Pepe, who all 
 his life had done nothing but plan conspiracies — was sent into 
 the provinces to organize the militia. Pepe sought to make them 
 not merely good soldiers, but also zealous Carbonari. All looked 
 on him as the head of the conspiracy, which was already so wide- 
 spread in the land that there was scarcely need of an occasion 
 for outbreak. But occasion was not wanting. News came that 
 a revolution had broken out in Spain, and that the king had been 
 compelled to accept the constitution of 1812. 
 
 July 2d, 1820, Lieutenant Morelli, of the cavalry regiment Bour- 
 bon, stationed in the town of Nola, called upon his soldiers to en- 
 dure no longer the disgrace of their country, but to imitate the ex- 
 ample of the Spanish army. The soldiers shouted their assent, a 
 part of the inhabitants joined them, and under the tri-colored ban- 
 ner of the Carbonaria (black, rose-color, and sky-blue) the crowd 
 of soldiers, monks, and citizens moved toward Avellino. The col- 
 onel at that place — De Conciliis — joined Morelli, and caused the 
 Spanish Constitution to be proclaimed, the militia streaming in 
 from all sides. The procession at once set out for Naples. There 
 the greatest confusion prevailed on the report of Morelli's revolt. 
 Pepe, as the most popular man, was commissioned to suppress the 
 insurrection ; but out of distrust the commission was immediate- 
 ly revoked. Thereupon Pepe, with two regiments of cavalry 
 
WILLIAM TErE.— A CONSTITUTION L\ NAPLES, 29 
 
 which had attached themselves to him, went over to the rebels 
 at Avellino, and was placed by them at the head of the under- 
 taking. On tlie evening of his departure five Carbonari ap- 
 peared in the palace, and demanded in the name of the nation 
 the proclamation of the constitution. King Ferdinand replied 
 that in a week he would publish the principles of a constitution, 
 and in the mean time named his eldest son, the Prince of Cala- 
 bria, his vicegerent. But the trick was of no avail. On the fol- 
 lowing day, July 7th, the prince was compelled to proclaim the 
 Spanish constitution, and on the same evening the king ratified 
 it. Thereupon Pepe presented his conditions: he demanded of 
 the king a formal oath to the constitution, the establishment of 
 a junta of fifteen persons to prepare for the introduction of the 
 constitution, and, as security for the fulfilment of the royal prom- 
 ises, his own appointment as commander-in-chief of the whole 
 army. Everything had to be granted. On July 9th, at the head 
 of the revolted troops and a vast concourse of people, William 
 Pepe made his entrance into Naples, while the Prince of Cala- 
 bria, his brother, the Prince of Salerno, and the whole court, 
 decked with the colors of the Carhonari, appeared on the bal- 
 cony of the palace. The king was sick abed with vexation and 
 distress, and hoped, under pretence of sickness, to escape the oath. 
 But on July 13th he was compelled to swear to the constitution 
 upon the Bible before a great assembly ; and after the oath had 
 been recited he added the words: "Almighty God, whose all- 
 seeing eye reaches the soul and the future, if I lie or should 
 break my oath, send down at once the lightning of thy revenge 
 upon me !" Here and there tears of joy were shed ; the princes 
 embraced ; ecstasy and noisy jubilation took possession of all the 
 streets, and it was called a beautiful day. And yet this was noth- 
 ing but a farce, such as twenty-eight years later was enacted in 
 many a capital city of Germany with no less outlay of art ! 
 
 A new ministry and a junta were at once formed, and for the 
 most part friends of Murat were chosen for both. October 1st 
 the national parliament was opened. It advised certain changes 
 in the Spanish constitution, did away with feudal rights, ordained 
 a more equitable distribution of taxes, and introduced improve- 
 ments in all departments of the administration. By January 30th, 
 1821, the parliament had completed its work : the new constitution 
 was sworn to by the prince-regent, and a permanent committee 
 
30 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 of seven members was left behind in the name of the dissolved 
 parliament. In the mean time, of course, anarchy had at first, 
 ruled in the capital and the provinces ; the number of the Car- 
 bonari rose to 300,000 ; even women were admitted, and founded 
 the lodge of le G iar diniere ; but quiet and moderation soon re- 
 turned, for the chiefs of the Carbonari wished to give Austria no 
 pretence for intervention, and succeeded in making their follow- 
 ers take this into consideration. This wise tact was more than 
 outweighed by the terrible blunder in Sicily. The news of the 
 revolution reached Palermo from Naples July 14th. It was the 
 festival of Saint Rosalie, and the streets swarmed with people. 
 It was at once agreed not to accept the Spanish constitution, 
 but to set up once more their own constitution of 1812, and to 
 make themselves as independent of Naples as possible. " Hurrah 
 for the constitution ! Hurrah for independence !" was the watch- 
 word shouted by a thousand throats. It did not stop there. The 
 populace stormed Fort Molo, possessed themselves of the store of 
 Aveapons there, and committed excesses against pereons and build- 
 ings. The Neapolitan troops were at once sent against the riot- 
 ers. The latter opened the prisons, released 3000 galley-slaves 
 and other prisoners, and dispersed the troops. Thereupon the 
 principal ofiicials fled to the main-land, their palaces were burnt 
 down, and whoever could not flee was mercilessly murdered. In 
 all about 4000 men were killed. A provisory junta of twenty 
 members, mostly nobles, was formed, and emissaries sent out in 
 every direction, in order to spread the revolt over the entire isl- 
 and, and array the whole population capable of bearing arms un- 
 der their banner. Voluntarily or under compulsion most com- 
 munities joined them. The town of Caltanisetta, which offered 
 resistance, was reduced to a heap of ashes ; men, women, and chil- 
 dren were massacred. Only Messina, Catania, Syracuse, and Tra- 
 pani were able to hold out against the power of the junta. 
 
 A deputation of the junta appeared in Naples and demanded a 
 separate parliament, a separate constitution, and a union of the 
 two states under one king ; in other words, a personal union. 
 The deputies were at first arrested, then sent back with the an- 
 swer that Sicily should have a separate parliament in case the 
 majority of the communities declared in its favor. It was hoped 
 that jealousy of Palermo would excite opposition to the junta. 
 At the same time Floristan Pepe, the brother of the commander- 
 
COUNTER MEASURES OF AUSTRIA. 31 
 
 in-cliief, was sent to Sicily with 6000 men to subdue the island. 
 After a fight of several days, he compelled the inhabitants of 
 Palermo to capitulate on the promise that the decision as to the 
 separation or union of the two kingdoms should be left to the 
 representatives of Sicily. But Parliament pronounced the treaty 
 void, and recalled Floristan Pepe. His place was filled by Gen- 
 eral CoUetta, who kept the people of Palermo, already disarmed 
 by Pepe, in submission; did away with their junta; introduced 
 the Neapolitan constitution, and issued writs for the elections to 
 the common parliament. Except the officials no one appeared 
 at the polls, and those who were elected would accept no certifi- 
 cate. Sicily remained subdued under the strong military force 
 stationed there; but this very subjugation was wrong in itself, 
 and under the existing circumstances it was a political error. It 
 is true that the Neapolitans had for a long time been accustomed 
 to regard Sicily as a subject land, a mere prefecture, but there 
 was no ground for such belief — both kingdoms had equal rights 
 in relation to one another; and it least of all became the men 
 who stood forth in Naples in behalf of freedom to rule in Sicily 
 as despots. And how, at a time when they must be prepared for 
 the armed intervention of the Holy Alliance, could they, for a 
 question in any case secondary, not only put themselves to the 
 necessity of retaining in Sicily the troops which they could so 
 well use elsewhere, but also render it impossible to summon 
 thence a single man, much less a contingent of enthusiastic fight- 
 ers for freedom ? Was that not to conjure up new dangers ? to 
 play into the hands of the foe ? to set up for the court, which 
 looked upon this family quarrel with a satisfied mien, a ladder to 
 its second restoration ? 
 
 That the revolution, if not suppressed, would not stop at Na- 
 ples, but would traverse the whole peninsula, and knock very audi- 
 bly at the gates of Milan, was plain. Metternich's programme was 
 quickly made out. His Carlsbad laurels were not yet faded, and 
 lie already planned to pluck still fresher leaves in Naples. He 
 announced to the Italian princes that Austria would uphold the 
 existing order in all Italy. In Lombardy and Venetia he forbade 
 participation in the Carbonaria under pain of death. He carried 
 on a war of extermination against the rising literature that made 
 the new birth of Italy its aim ; suppressed all liberal journals ; and 
 imprisoned the talented young Silvio Pellico as a contributor to 
 
32 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the Conciliatore. The s^arrisons in Ferrara and Comacchio were 
 put upon a war footing; strong bodies of troops were collected; 
 and by this means a dam was opposed to the agitation in all up- 
 per and middle Italy. All defensive measures had been taken ; 
 but he did not yet have the courage to assume the oflPensive and 
 seek the revolution at its crater, or at least he was not willing to 
 undertake it alone. Hence he summoned a congress of monarchs 
 and ministers to meet at Troppau, in Austrian Silesia, in order to 
 obtain from the potentates of Europe an authorization to intervene. 
 In the latter half of October, 1820, the monarchs of the three 
 eastern powers, the fathers of the Holy Alliance, appeared there, 
 and also the delegates of France and England. At the outset 
 Czar Alexander played the prude, and vented the opinion that 
 the Neapolitans could be influenced in a friendly Avay to change 
 their constitution — he could see no ground for armed interfer- 
 ence. England, in any case disinclined toward meddling with 
 the internal affairs of an independent state, agreed with him ; 
 and France was too jealous of the increasing influence of Austria 
 in Italy not to look with great disfavor on the overstepping of 
 the Lombard boundaries by her armies. Metternich Avas in great 
 embarrassment : Troppau appeared to be no Carlsbad. He could 
 only rely upon Prussia ; but her alliance was as valueless in Italy 
 as it was invaluable in Germany. In this dilemma he received 
 intelligence of the insubordination of the guard regiment Seme- 
 now in St. Petersburg, and by means of his ambassador at the 
 Russian court was in possession of the news before Alexander 
 himself. This outbreak among the soldiers had not the slightest 
 connection with the revolutions in Spain and Italy ; but what of 
 that ? He hurried at once to Alexander, reported to him the oc- 
 currence, and pictured to his imagination the spectre of a military 
 conspiracy spread over all Europe. The Czar, since his residence 
 in Warsaw, full of gloomy forebodings, allowed himself to be sur- 
 prised by the adroit chancellor, and the three eastern powers, as 
 " the centre of the union of the European states," formed a coali- 
 tion against the " tyrannical might of rebellion and crime." Af- 
 ter the treaty had been already signed, it was laid before the 
 representatives of England and France, who were not greatly edi- 
 fied by what had been done behind their backs. At the same 
 time, a new congress in Laibach was agreed upon, to which the 
 King of Naples was also to be invited. 
 
THE TROPPAÜ RESOLUTIONS.— CONGRESS AT LAIBACH. 33 
 
 The excitement caused in Naples by these Troppau resolutions 
 was immense. It was clear that these founders of the Holy Alli- 
 ance looked upon themselves as the dictatory triumvirate of Eu- 
 rope, and tolerated no constitution which did not bear the stamp 
 of the grace of God. Metternich went still farther, and categori- 
 cally announced in Laibach to the Russo-Grecian diplomat Capo- 
 distria, that Austria would rather make war on the King of 
 Naples than tolerate the introduction of a constitution in his 
 kingdom, even if that constitution were according to his wishes. 
 When the royal message concerning these resolutions was read in 
 Naples, Parliament hall and gallery uttered the same cry : " Con- 
 stitution or death !" and it found a thousand-fold echo in the 
 streets. In Parliament the question was, whether the king should 
 be allowed to go to Laibach, and whether they should consent to 
 a change in the constitution in the direction of conservatism, as 
 France advised. If they did not wish the latter, they should also 
 have refused to let the thoroughly hypocritical king go. They re- 
 solved, however, that the constitution should remain unchanged, 
 and that the king should go, in order, as he announced in a mes- 
 sage to Parliament, to represent the Spanish constitution at Lai- 
 bach. Thev even declined the king's proposition that four mem- 
 bers of Parliament should accompany him as witnesses and ad- 
 visers, and in their address, with more than childlike trustfulness, 
 gave as the reason : " Since the heart of the son of Charles III. is 
 naturally a temple of truth." So the "true" king departed, vis- 
 ited his colleague, the despotic Francis IV., in Modena, and on his 
 arrival in Laibach sent off his attendant, the Duke of Gallo, to 
 Gorice, since in such secret discussions no strangers are needed. 
 The king's first letter from Laibach to his son does not contain a 
 syllable about the object of his journey, but speaks of the pleasure 
 he experiences in the fact that his hunting -hounds are better 
 than those of the Russian Emperor. 
 
 In January, 1821, the congress Avas opened at Laibach, in Car- 
 niola. Besides the emperors of Austria and Russia and their 
 diplomats, the ambassadors of Prussia, England, France, and the 
 Italian states were present. Before the commencement of the 
 session the three eastern powers had already agreed that Austria 
 should send an army to Naples for the suppression of the rev- 
 olution, and that in case of necessity a Russian army should fol- 
 low. The ambassadors of Sardinia, Rome, Tuscany, and Modena 
 
 2* 
 
34 . POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 gave in their adhesion, and no attention was paid to the repeat- 
 ed objections of England and France. King Ferdinand, with his 
 " temple of truth," was very ready when Metternich, by way of 
 supplement, laid the resolutions before him, to break his oath to 
 the constitution, and represent himself as having acted under 
 compulsion. He merely took the precaution to purchase indul- 
 gence for such perjury by gifts to Sanf Annunziata in Florence. 
 The Duke of Gallo was at once recalled to Laibach, and inform- 
 ed that he must set out for Naples immediately. There he was 
 to announce that the revolutionary tribunals must disband, and 
 submit to the king; that 10,000 Austrians would occupy the 
 country until its complete pacification, and that, in case of pro- 
 longed resistance, 100,000 Russians and Austrians would follow 
 them, and remain for three years at the cost of the land. King 
 Ferdinand further said to him, privately, that he agreed com- 
 pletely with all the conclusions of the great powers. Six days 
 after the duke's departure, February 5th, the Austrian general, 
 Frimont, crossed the Po at the head of an army of occupation, 
 and at the end of the month stood at the Neapolitan frontier. 
 
 At Naples, on the reception of the news from Laibach, all was 
 fire and flame. Young and old, rich and poor, hurried to arms ; 
 and when, at a great fraternization meeting, it was asked which 
 of the generals would be the Miltiades, one of the enthusiasts 
 cried, " All will be Miltiades' !" Parliament did not declare the 
 king a perjured traitor, as Pope demanded, but a captive — his 
 letter, which he had given to Gallo, written under compulsion. 
 It further placed the Prince of Calabria at the head of the army, 
 as if the son would best conduct the war against his father. 
 There was no lack of enthusiasm, speeches, and processions; but 
 money, weapons, magazines, good soldiers — in short, all that is 
 needful for the conduct of a war — were lacking. Officers had 
 long since been commissioned to purchase in England 100,000 
 muskets, but the regent had always contrived to delay their jour- 
 ney. Now it became evident what folly had been committed in 
 Sicily. Naples' best battalions were there ; and in Naples itself, 
 in spite of all the warlike talk, not more than 25,000 regular 
 troops, with 2000 horses, could be brought together ; and these 
 were in part ill-armed and unreliable — no match for the compact 
 mass of 43,000 Austrians. Furthermore, they were under two 
 generals bitterly hostile to one another. Pepe, with 12,000 men, 
 
BATTLE OF RIETL— REACTION IN NAPLES. 35 
 
 mostly militia, was to hold the Abruzzia border, and in case of 
 need fall back on the Volturno, where his party foe, Carrascosa, 
 was stationed with the second army corps. On March Vth Pepe 
 attacked the Austrian advance under Count Wallraoden, at Rieti. 
 At first he drove them back from their position of vantage, but 
 was compelled to command a retreat when the enemy brought 
 up re-enforcements from Vicenti, and fell upon his right flank 
 with superior numbers. There was a cry of treason, and the re- 
 treat quickly turned into a rout so complete that no further stand 
 was attempted. The militia advancing to join them were carried 
 along, and on the following morning Pepe had scarcely 2000 men 
 left. These melted away like early snow. Thereupon Carrascosa 
 was obliged to fall back across the Volturno. The battalions of 
 the guards refused obedience, the militia disbanded, and Carras- 
 cosa's own life was endangered by his followers. He and Pepe 
 reached the capital with a few officers. There Parliament framed 
 an address to the king, who was awaiting results in Florence, ex- 
 pressing their readiness to alter the constitution, and the wish that 
 strangers might not come between king and people, which was, of 
 course, too late. With a protest against the infringement of pop- 
 ular rights, moved by the patriotic Poerio, the last session of Par- 
 liament, at which only twenty-six members were present, came to 
 an end on March 19th. On March 21st the Austrians entered 
 Capua, and on the 23d, Naples. Pepe succeeded in escaping on 
 a Spanish vessel, to plunge into new adventures. Carrascosa and 
 several members of Parliament had also fled. 
 
 On the 9th of May Ferdinand returned to his capital, and was 
 received with loud rejoicings by the lower classes. The appoint- 
 ment of Prince Canosa, whom he had earlier been compelled to 
 dismiss under foreign pressure on account of his outrageous po- 
 lice administration, led men to expect the most terrible deeds of 
 vengeance. In order to clip the wings of the spirit of freedom, 
 the strictest censorship was introduced ; the works of Voltaire, 
 Rousseau, and others were publicly burnt, and a special commission 
 established for the suppression of books. The Jesuits were re- 
 called; all public schools, as well as the universities, were closed, 
 the teachers discharged, and the whole system of instruction 
 changed in the interests of the hierarchy. The sternest measures 
 were adopted against the Carbonari. The whole league was out- 
 lawed ; a few members with bared backs, hung with the ribbons 
 
36 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 and other insignia of their order, and set on donkeys, were led 
 through the streets and flogged in the public squares. Many 
 escaped the royal wrath by fleeing to the forests and mountains, 
 to enter upon a robbers' life and come later to the gallows. Mu- 
 rat's ofiicers were for the most part dismissed; prominent generals 
 and members of Parliament, like Colletta, Poerio, and Borelli, were 
 sent to the fortresses of Graz, Prague, and Brunn. The same 
 course was pursued in Sicily. Ten thousand Austrians were sent 
 thither at the end of May, who succeeded, after a few bloody out- 
 breaks of popular indignation, in restoring quiet. 
 
 All Europe was astonished at such a result after the boasting 
 of the Neapolitan orators of freedom, and cried shame at the 
 empty-headedness of the leaders and the cowardice of the army. 
 And yet Naples' chances were by no means bad, if it had main- 
 tained the defensive and offered a long resistance ; for only three 
 days after the fight at Rieti the mutiny in Piedmont broke out, 
 delivering that state into the hands of the national party, and seri- 
 ously menacing the rear and flank of the Austrians. 
 
 After Napoleon's first overthrow, in March, 1814, King Victor 
 Emmanuel had returned to Turin, having tranquilly slept away 
 the time of the French dominion, a full eight years, in the island 
 of Sardinia, among the atrocious feudal conditions which were 
 still widely prevalent there, lie was a man of great goodness 
 of heart and weakness of head, and so broken by age and infirm- 
 ities that he would fain toss through this earthly sea under no 
 other sail than vows and pilgrimages. The Vienna congress en- 
 larged his kingdom by the territory of the Genoese republic. 
 He had scarcely reached Turin when he was surrounded by the 
 Piedmontese nobles. They had withdrawn into their castles 
 before the free ideas of the French Revolution, and now repre- 
 sented the foreign rule in the blackest colors, while they could 
 not praise enough the blessings of the good old times. By a 
 royal edict all French laws and institutions, whatever they might 
 be, were at once abolished, and in their stead was sought out, like 
 a wonder-working relic, the constitution of 1770, with its intoler- 
 ance, its caste distinctions, its wheel and quartering, and by its 
 tangle of antiquated laws an incomparable chaos was introduced. 
 Suits which had been decided before the French courts of final 
 appeal were reopened, and business thus made the prey of a de- 
 pressing uncertainty. Cloisters which had been turned into fac- 
 
RESTORATION IN SARDINIA.— CHARACTER OF PEOPLE. 37 
 
 tories were given back to the Capuchins; famine was remedied 
 by processions and crowns of thorns. The Jesuits again gained 
 possession of the schools, and the most talented professors of the 
 University of Turin had to give up their positions. In the grand 
 opera-house the queen, who was her husband's master, permitted 
 only the nobility to attend the representations, and to them places 
 were assigned according to the letigth of their pedigrees. In Tu- 
 rin, as in llesse-Cassel, the soldiers of 1800 were called back, as 
 though the commanders could regulate the very calendar. They 
 even wanted to tear down the splendid bridge which Napoleon 
 had built over the Po at Turin, and no passes were given for the 
 road over Mont Cenis, in order, forsooth, that this Napoleonic 
 work might fall into decay. The department officials, in their 
 Francophobia, threw the furniture of their predecessors out of the 
 windows, and the royal gardener was too good a legitimist not to 
 root out and destroy all French plants in the botanical gardens. 
 
 A deep gulf was formed between government and people by 
 a restoration which proceeded in such a way against men and 
 things. The neighborhood of France and Switzerland had kept 
 alive a freer spirit in this land. The first men of young Italy, 
 like Victor Alfieri and the unfortunate Pellico, were born Pied- 
 montese. The people of this race showed more industry, energy, 
 and spirit — in general, a firmer, erecter bearing than the other 
 Italians, and had ambition enough to wish to take the first place 
 in Italy. The young men, even members of the nobility, were 
 eager for a free Italy, were in correspondence with the opposi- 
 tion in France and with the Spanish cortes, and thirsted for a 
 war with Austria. Secret engagements were entered into with 
 the malcontents at Milan, and a plan of action arranged. The 
 Austrians were to be ejected from Milan, Lombardy united with 
 Sardinia, a strong north Italian kingdom formed, and in this way 
 the foundation laid for a united Italy. The revolutions in Spain 
 and Naples raised hopes to the highest pitch. Could there have 
 been a more promising time for carrying out the national plans 
 than those February days of 1821, when the Austrians moved 
 toward Naples? What more was needed than an energetic as- 
 sault upon their uncovered flank and Milan was free, and the 
 kingdom of north Italy a fact ? Charles Albert, the twenty-two- 
 year -old prince of Savoy-Carignan, a collateral branch of the 
 reigning family, was looked upon as the natural leader both of 
 
38 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the enthusiastic young men and the reformers. He had been ed- 
 ucated as a commoner, was possessed of good parts, railed at the 
 absurdity of the reaction, associated much with the reformers, had 
 a large following among the soldiers, and hated Austria as well 
 as the best. Owing to the childlessness of the king and his 
 brother Charles Felix, Duke of Genevois, he was the heir pre- 
 sumptive. He could never forgive the Vienna Cabinet for hav- 
 ing wished to deprive him of this right and confer it upon the 
 king's daughter, the Duchess of Modena. The eyes, not of Pied- 
 mont alone, but of all Italy, were upon him ; and no one had 
 another plan than, when the time came to strike, to set the prince 
 at the head of the movement, to call Victor Emmanuel to the 
 throne of upper Italy, and to compel him to a war with Austria. 
 There were only a few who held a different opinion of the Prince 
 of Carignan, and believed that they already discerned, side by side 
 with liberal ideas, a tendency to dissimulation, fickleness, and mys- 
 ticism. 
 
 At the moment of action the heads of the conspiracy found 
 that they could not depend upon him. He communicated their 
 preparations to the king, and urged upon him military precau- 
 tions. The leaders despaired of the possibility of striking, since 
 the prince's defection would necessarily exert too disheartening an 
 influence upon the soldiers, and gave orders to undertake nothing 
 for the present. But the ball had already been set in motion, 
 and could not now be checked. In Alessandria, where the Car- 
 bonari were numerous. Lieutenant -colonel Ansaldi and Captain 
 Count Palma had gained possession of the citadel in the night 
 of March 10th, 1821. On the following morning they formed a 
 provisional junta, proclaimed the Spanish constitution, and called 
 the nation to arms in the name of the " kingdom of Italy." But 
 neither in their own regiment, the Savoyard, nor among the loyal- 
 minded troops elsewhere, did they meet with an enthusiastic re- 
 ception. Full of anxiety, the king sought to appease the soldiers 
 by amnesties and increase of wages. On the 11th of March 
 Captain Ferrero, with a company of soldiers, stationed himself 
 before the gates of Turin, by the church of Saint Salvario, in 
 the hope of drawing over people and army to the revolution. 
 The troops sent out against him neither attacked him nor joined 
 him, and the people streamed out from curiosity, wishing to know 
 how the matter would develop before they chose sides. Only a 
 
ABDICATION OF THE KING.— CHARLES ALBERT. 39 
 
 few students attached themselves to Ferrero, and with these he 
 retired to Alessandria. In the night St. Marsan, the Sardinian 
 representative, returned from Laibach. Having ascertained that 
 the intentions of the allied monarchs were serious, he had prom- 
 ised emphatically for the king that he would not consent to any 
 change in the government. Reassured by his report, the king 
 promulgated, on March 12th, two edicts, in which he refused to 
 accept the constitution, as it would bring the Austrians into the 
 country, and commanded a corps of troops to assemble at Asti. 
 But the people had awakened from their indifference overnight, 
 and now tore the placards from the walls, and demanded the 
 Spanish constitution. The officers refused to shed the blood of 
 their fellow-citizens, and by mid-day the Italian tricolor was wav- 
 ing from the citadel of Turin. Victor Emmanuel then abdicated 
 in favor of his brother, Charles Felix, and went to Nice. Until 
 the new king, a proud, arbitrary man, who was at that time with 
 his friend and adviser, Duke Francis of Modena, returned to Tu- 
 rin, Charles Albert was to assume the regency. 
 
 A very pressing question was presented to him for solution. 
 Would he set himself at the head of the revolution, in order, as 
 the Carbonari delusively assured him, to win the crown of Italy ? 
 He was too well acquainted with the limited resources of the land 
 not to know that this meant nothing else than the presence of the 
 Austrians in Turin within a few days. And then how would it 
 be with his right of succession ? Would the Holy Alliance hesi- 
 tate to exclude a Carbonaro forever from the throne ? These 
 were very practical considerations, which the prince could not 
 fail to take into account. The means he adopted to extricate 
 himself from his difficult position was to surround himself with 
 a veil of mystery, and seek to postpone his decision. But the 
 people were pressing, the soldiers were becoming unmanageable, 
 and definite threats were uttered in the Carignan palace. Then 
 he called an assembly of thirty notables, accepted the constitution 
 on their written demand, set up a provisional junta, and formed 
 a new ministry. At the same time, however, he declared that he 
 would not consider this constitution binding without the consent 
 of the king, and forbade the soldiers to wear the Italian colors. 
 This bred such bitterness among the revolutionary party that they 
 spoke of seizing him as a hostage, or even murdering him. At 
 tlie same time, the Austrian ambassador was obliged to leave, while 
 
40 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Milanese deputies deceived the Turiners with hopes of an uprising 
 of their countrymen. 
 
 Then Chevalier Costa, whom the prince had sent to Modena 
 with a letter to the king, returned with the announcement that 
 the severest measures were to be resorted to. The prince was 
 commanded to join General la Torre at Novara, with the troops 
 who were still faithful. While apparently making preparations 
 to resist, he fled secretly to Novara, protested against the compul- 
 sion that had been put upon him, laid down the regency, and call- 
 ed on all the troops to return to the royal standard. By his flight 
 the revolutionary party got all the power into its hands. Santa- 
 I'osa, who had just been named minister of war by the prince, as- 
 sumed a sort of dictatorship. He hoped in vain for a revolution 
 in Milan and France. On the news of the defeats in Naples, his 
 generals deserted him. At length, with 3000 men, he marched 
 against Novara, in the expectation that la Torre's troops would go 
 over to him. The latter had already been joined by the Austrian 
 general, Bubna, and on April 8th, before Novara, a few cannon- 
 shots and a charge from the Austrians scattered the little revolu- 
 tionary band in wild flight — which, as far as panic, fright, and 
 fleetness of foot are concerned, did not yield to the catastrophe 
 of Rieti. La Torre entered Turin on the 10th of April. On the 
 11th he entered Alessandria, and the determined Ansaldi, not sup- 
 ported by the soldiers, had to yield. The insurgents crossed the 
 French frontier, or, like Santarosa, sailed for Spain to fight for a 
 similar cause on a different battle-field. Twelve thousand Aus- 
 trians occupied the country, and had to be maintained at its ex- 
 pense. Under their protection Charles Felix returned to Turin, and 
 brought the whole government machine back into the old grooves. 
 Many persons were condemned by special tribunals and military 
 commissions, although only two officers were actually put to death. 
 The reaction was not so bloody as in Naples, inasmuch as the ex- 
 cesses of the revolution had not been so great. The Prince of 
 Carignan had lost credit with both parties by his undecided con- 
 duct, and had to hear once more Austria's designs against his suc- 
 cession. From Novara he had repaired to Modena, and there 
 Charles Felix had refused to receive his visit. He sought and 
 found an advocate in France : under the Duke of Angouleme he 
 made the campaign against Spain, where, in the ranks of his foes, 
 lie met many of his old Piedmontese friends. 
 
AFFAIRS IX ITALY DüßING THE THIRD DECADE. 41 
 
 No one could have been prouder than Metternich after these 
 successes. At the close of the Laibach congress he is reported to 
 •have said to the Russian Emperor, with a triumphant air, much 
 as though the matter in hand were a boar-baiting : " There, see 
 what a revolution is when it is taken in time !" lie forthwith 
 had a conspiracy ferreted out in Milan, and cast many esteemed 
 men into prison. Two years later about forty of these prisoners 
 were conveyed to the prisons of Spielberg and Laibach, after hav- 
 ing publicly stood in the pillory in Milan. This latter disgrace 
 forever alienated from Austria the hearts of the Lombard nobili- 
 ty, many members of which were among the unfortunates. Sev- 
 eral of the prisoners died in prison ; others came out with sickly 
 bodies ; some fell a prey to insanity ; only one, Felice Foresti, 
 came again to the light of day with strength of mind and body 
 unbroken. The work of Silvio Pellico on his Spielberger impris- 
 onment made remarkable developments regarding a system which 
 bowed even such a spirit as his, and threw him into the arms of 
 mysticism. 
 
 Li Italy, also, the Holy Alliance had conquered ; the Austrian 
 influence had shown itself so strong that now the whole peninsula 
 looked not unlike a Hapsburg province. There were two princi- 
 pal causes which had led to such a disgraceful result — the lack of 
 systematic co-operation, and the slight participation on the part of 
 the people, proceeding from the fact that they still stood on too 
 low a plane of culture. Only the few cultivated men had origi- 
 nated the whole movement; the mass followed the one whom 
 they saw develop the greatest strength. 
 
 Anachronistic conditions throve luxuriously through the whole 
 of the third decade. The outlook was best in Tuscany, where 
 Leopold II. mounted the throne in 1824, and carried out a work 
 of great material benefit in the draining of the Maremme ; albeit 
 in intellectual matters he felt himself much restricted by the Aus- 
 trian dogmas. In Sardinia everything was administered quite to 
 Metternich's satisfaction ; the government was given over to the 
 most absolutist nobles and priests, while Charles Felix dragged 
 out his existence in idleness and pleasure-seeking. If any one 
 spoke to him of business, he gave as an answer, " I am not a king 
 to let myself be bothered." It was still worse in Naples. January 
 4th, 1825, the hypocritical Prince of Calabria ascended the throne 
 as Francis I., and his government was such that Chateaubriand 
 
42 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 said it was sunk to the lovvest stage of contemptibility. Every- 
 thing went to ruin amid luxurious banquets and shameless balls, 
 sale of offices and persecution of secret societies. The throne was ■ 
 not supported by its own army, but by 6000 men of the Swiss 
 guard, whose enlistment and maintenance was a costly matter. 
 The Romish court under Leo XII. (1823-1829) was travelling 
 backward in close competition with Naples. The exclusion of 
 laymen from all civil dignities, the unconditioned supremacy of 
 the priests in the government, in the administration of justice, in 
 the schools — this whole " theocratico-Turkish system " was more 
 vexatious than ever, and bred in the people, honey-combed by the 
 Carbonari, nothing but hatred and contempt. As early as this 
 no less a man than General Bernetti said that, in case he lived to 
 old age, he held it possible that he might witness the downfall of 
 the temporal power of the Pope. 
 
 SPAIN AND ITS AMERICAN COLONIES. PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL. 
 
 THE CONGRESS OF VERONA AND FRENCH INTERVENTION. 
 
 Spanish affairs resembled in essentials those of Germany. The 
 Spaniards had fought an heroic fight against Napoleon's am- 
 bition, and had conquered at last by the help of the Russian 
 campaign of 1812. After shaking off the foreign yoke, they did 
 not wish to resume the old native one. Their strength and self- 
 confidence had grown in the fight; they felt themselves entitled 
 to take part in the administration of the country by a constitu- 
 tion and a parliament, and to stamp upon this administration no 
 one-sided monarchical character, but a popular one. In this they 
 showed the same disposition as the German warriors, when they 
 marched home across the Rhine. But in what circles in Spain 
 did those aspirations rule ? The mass of the people were indif- 
 ferent ; they had fought against the foreign rule ; after this was 
 driven out, they willingly returned into the old conditions. Only 
 a small party of high-minded, educated men followed the new 
 flag, just as was the case in Italy. They were not, however, com- 
 pelled to begin by fighting for a constitution, for they already 
 
FERDINAND VII.— ABOLITION OF THE CONSTITUTION. 43 
 
 had one. In the midst of the war against the French the Cen- 
 tral Junta had convened the Cortes at Cadiz ; and in the year 1812 
 the new constitution, the same one which met with so mucli 
 favor in Naples and Piedmont, had been proclaimed and put in 
 force. It certainly had an outspoken democratic character, and 
 any sort of a bargain with the king, who returned from his French 
 captivity in 1814, was precluded by the provision that no changes 
 were to be made in it for eight years. 
 
 Ferdinand VII. was a thoroughly unprincipled man ; devoid of 
 all higher interests ; an adept in dissimulation ; distrustful of every 
 one who showed any power, even of his favorites ; cowardly to 
 servility when others had the upper hand ; cruel in the extreme 
 when he could play the master. He belonged to the worst class 
 of Bourbons. He trod Spanish soil once more in March, 1814, 
 but went first to Valencia instead of to Madrid, where he would 
 liavc had to come at once to an understanding with the Cortes. 
 Not merely his own following, like the gloomy Don Carlos, his 
 brother, and the reactionary Elio, captain-general of Valencia, but 
 even sixty-nine members of the Cortes, counselled him, in a me- 
 morial drawn up by Rosales, a lawyer (later Marquis of Mataflori- 
 da), to a coup cfetat. Accordingly, in a manifesto of May 4th, 1814, 
 he declared the constitution of 1812 repealed and the Cortes dis- 
 solved, and promised instead a cortes regularly assembled after 
 the old manner, security of person and property, and freedom of 
 the Press. In spite of these promises, the members of the re- 
 gency, four ministers, several members of the Cortes, and other 
 distinguished men, about seventy in all, were arrested by Greneral 
 Egnia, who had entered Madrid on the night of May 10th, and 
 were later sentenced to an imprisonment of several years or to 
 banishment. The Atalayay a clerical sheet, shamelessly demand- 
 ed " the gallows without right or sentence " for the liberals. And 
 what opinion was the king justified in forming of the disposition 
 of the people when, three days later, they thronged around his 
 carriage in Aranjuez, and even drew it into the capital? From 
 whom the rejoicings that greeted him there proceeded was 
 shrewdly indicated by one of his companions, io whom the king 
 said : " Do you see how the people cheer me ? how the handker- 
 chiefs wave from every window?" "Yes," was the answer; "but 
 few cambric ones." 
 
 The king did not really purpose to establish even the old cortes. 
 
44 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 whicli would have surpassed in servility the chambers of nobles 
 and prelates in north Germany. He was completely in the hands 
 of the most extreme men among the clergy and of a few courtiers, 
 some of whom were of the lowest extraction and most limited 
 education. These, in conjunction with some ladies, constituted 
 the Camarilla, that "government of valets-de-chambre,^'' under 
 which Spain was condemned to sigh both before and after Fer- 
 dinand. It was from such an atmosphere that the restoration 
 decrees proceeded which introduced the strictest censorship, and 
 the exemption of nobles and clergy from taxation, reinstated the 
 monastic orders, the Jesuits, and the inquisition with its torture, 
 and took back for the Church, without compensation, its secular- 
 ized property. Even men like Calvo de Rosas, who had been 
 among the most heroic defenders of Saragossa — generals who had 
 performed wonders of daring in the war for freedom — were cast 
 into prison. Whoever belonged to the Constitutionalists or the 
 Josefiiios (partisans of King Joseph Bonaparte), was not sure of 
 his life for an instant while the " Serviles " triumphed. This 
 nauseous rule of caprice lasted for six years, in which time agri- 
 culture and other industries reached such an ebb, the treasury was 
 so empty, that beggary and robbery throve apace, bare-footed offi- 
 cers begged an alms, and at the port of Ferrol three naval officers 
 died of starvation. At the same time, this senseless hierarchy 
 was making a show of fitting out expeditions to reduce the re- 
 volted South American colonies to their old bondage. But the 
 monarchy, which in the sixteenth century ruled the seas, had no 
 longer a fleet, and was obliged to purchase from the Emperor of 
 Russia, from whom Ferdinand expected all sorts of benefits, a 
 couple of rotten ships of the line. In the opinion of the English 
 ambassador, the wretched administration of the finances, under 
 which a debt of about $25,000,000 (two milliard reals) had been 
 incurred in five years, made a revolution almost a necessity. And 
 yet this system of terrorism, under which in 1816 there were al- 
 ready more than 50,000 political prisoners, still continued. 
 
 The patriots of 1812 could no longer endure in patience the 
 pain and need of their country, and their rage discharged itself, 
 in the years 1814 to 1819, in nine attempts at revolution, which, 
 as the work of individuals and representing little force, collapsed 
 like riots, and were suppressed with small trouble. The well- 
 known guerilla leader, Mina, raised the standard of insurrection 
 
RAPHAEL ßlEGO RAISES THE BANNER OF REVOLUTION. 45 
 
 in Pampeluna in 1814, but was forced to flee to France. In the 
 following year, in monkish Galicia, General Diaz Porlier issued 
 a call to freedom, and expiated his act upon the gallows. In 
 1816 War-commissioner Richard formed a plan to murder the 
 king, was betrayed, tortured, and liung. General Lacy headed a 
 rising in Catalonia in 1817, and was taken and shot on the island 
 of Majorca. Colonel Vidal originated a conspiracy in Valencia at 
 the end of the year 1818. "With twelve accomplices, he fell into 
 the hands of the blood-thirsty Elio, who hung some, shot others, 
 and tortured to death a woman that had but just given birth to 
 a child. 
 
 These outbreaks were like the hydra's heads. As often as 
 they Avere put down with torrents of blood, with dungeons and 
 torture, they sprung up anew tln-ough the efforts of the free- 
 masons, who were spread over the whole land. A favorable field 
 seemed to be offered at Cadiz, where for years an expeditionary 
 corps had been assembling destined for Buenos Ayres. The ha- 
 tred toward these American campaigns, and an epidemic which 
 broke out among tlie men, afforded great assistance to the con- 
 spirators. Count Abisbal, their commander, after wavering for 
 some time between the role of a rebel and that of a traitor, at 
 length, in July, 1819, assumed the latter, and arrested his own 
 officers. The government thought it necessary to ship such un- 
 reliable troops all the more quickly. The command to embark 
 came. It was to the soldiers as if " they were consigned to death 
 more in order to relieve the court from care than to effect the 
 reconquest of America, which had already become impossible." 
 They would not be led to the slaughter. Among those who were 
 to be shipped first was the battalion Asturias, stationed in the vil- 
 lage of Las Cabezasde St. Juan. 
 
 At eight o'clock on the morning of New - year's - day, 1820, 
 Raphael Riego, the commander of this battalion, proclaimed the 
 constitution of 1812 in the presence of his soldiers; then, after 
 capturing the new commandant. Count Calderon, and his whole 
 head-quarters by a sudden move, he marched on Cadiz with four 
 battalions. Through the fault of the less energetic Colonel Qui- 
 roga, who was to assume the command of the " national army," 
 the attempt to surprise this important city miscarried. The num- 
 ber of the insurgent force rose to 5000. By the precautions of 
 the new commandant, Freire, further attempts to gain possession 
 
46 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 of Cadiz were frustrated, and so the impatient Riego determined 
 to revolutionize Andalusia with 1500 men. Pursued by the royal 
 general, Jose O'Donnell, received with indifference by the people, 
 and gradually deserted by his soldiers, he was forced to flee into 
 the Sierra Morena, where the little company completely disband- 
 ed. In Cadiz the case of the insurgents seemed altogether lost. 
 Owing to the shameful treachery of General Freire, who prom- 
 ised the citizens the proclamation of the constitution of 1812, 
 and, when they had joyfully assembled, let his soldiers loose 
 among them to hew them down, the hopes of the constitutional- 
 icts had sunk to a low point. But in Madrid almost at that very 
 moment everything was already won. 
 
 On the news of Riego's outbreak the insurrection had gone the 
 round of the provinces. General Mina came back from Franco 
 to Navarre, and was received with loud rejoicings by the soldiers. 
 Nowhere could the royal generals any longer count upon their 
 troops. In Ocanna, three hours from Aranjuez, Count Abisbal 
 called upon his brother's battalion to restore the constitution, and 
 set himself at their head. As soon as the rebellion reached the 
 neighborhood of the capital, the government completely lost its 
 senses. Madrid was in a state of violent commotion. Ferdinand 
 thought a partial surrender would suffice, and on March 6th prom- 
 ised to convene the old cortes — the same promise which he had 
 made May 4th, 1814, and not kept. His throne, perhaps his life, 
 was lost if he did not yield completely. So at last, on March 
 7th, he signified his intention of confirming the constitution of 
 1812. On the 9th of March members of the city council and 
 resolute leaders of the people made their way into his palace, 
 and forced him to take the oath. Until the meeting of the Cor- 
 tes the suspected king was furnished with a provisional junta. 
 This body at once abolished the Camarillo and the inquisition, 
 released the political prisoners, established freedom of the Press, 
 caused the army to swear fidelity to the constitution, and so took 
 almost the whole power of the state into its own hands. March 
 12th a constitution-festival took place. Processions, illuminations, 
 and bull-fights seemed likely to have no end. The country seemed 
 mad with joy. The revolution was victorious. The council of 
 state, the ministry, all higher offices in the army and on the 
 bench, were filled by friends of the constitution, and in part by 
 men who were brought back from exile or out of prison. The 
 
SALE OF MONASTIC PROPERTY. 47 
 
 Cortes was opened by tlie king on July 9th, and he then publicly 
 repeated his oath. 
 
 In a land where the highest strata of society were scarcely 
 affected by education, and where the common people were still 
 completely in the leading-strings of the priests, the Cortes had a 
 difficult position. The hardest task was the regulation of the 
 finances, e specially since the peasants, as had been the case three 
 centuries earlier in Germany, had adopted the deluded notion that 
 with the new era all tithes and taxes were to be remitted. No 
 minister of finance could manage without inroads upon the church 
 domains ; hence several monastic orders, among others the Jesuits, 
 were abolished, and the lands of the suppressed cloisters declared 
 state lands, and offered for sale. This aroused the hostility of 
 the clergy, and especially of the bishops. The Pope espoused the 
 cause of the Jesuits in a personal letter to the king, and the latter 
 refused to sanction the law regarding convents, but was unable to 
 persist in his refusal. Soon afterward he was forced to dismiss 
 his father-confessor, to declare the appointment of the royalist 
 General Carvajal as commandant of Madrid a mistake, and to 
 return from the Escurial to Madrid. On the way he was sur- 
 rounded by wild crowds ; and, as he stood upon the balcony of 
 his palace, they raised upon their hands the son of the Lacy Avho 
 had been shot, and cried, " Long live the avenger of his father !" 
 The king was in a position like that of Louis XVL after his pas- 
 sage from Versailles to Paris. Full of rage over his disgrace, he 
 turned his eyes toward foreign help, for what was being done for 
 him in Spain was by no means suflHcient to restore his absolute 
 sceptre — neither the appearance of the "Army of Faith," under 
 Merino, a parish priest, and other party leaders; nor the institu- 
 tion of a " regency during the captivity of Ferdinand ;" nor yet 
 the revolt of the guards, who attempted, July 7th, 1822, by a bold 
 stroke, to set up again the absolute monarchy, but were defeated. 
 It had been bard enough for the king to place at the head of a 
 new ministry the leader of the Moderados, the eloquent but liter- 
 ary, rather than practical, Martinez de la Rosa, whom the JiJxal- 
 tados (radicals) named " Rosie, the pastry-cook." But now, after 
 the unsuccessful attempt of his guards, he had to accept an Exal- 
 iados ministry, receive in his palace the originator of the whole 
 revolution, Riego, now president of the Cortes, and act out a the- 
 atrical reconciliation. Thereupon General Elio, in Valencia, was 
 
48 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 condemned to be strangled — the only saciitice of life exacted by 
 the revolution. The new ministers took active measures against 
 the rebellion on the Pyrenean frontiers, which the "Army of 
 Faith " and the " Regency," with Marquis Mataflorida at their 
 head, maintained, and sought to fan into a counter-revolution. 
 The able General Mina was intrusted with the chief command. 
 He marched with the constitutional forces to Lerida, in Catalo- 
 nia, proceeded against the royalists with draconic severity, capt- 
 ured the fortress of Urgel, where the " Regency " held its court, 
 and chased the " Regency " and its abettors over the French fron- 
 tiers. So this pale ray of hope also vanished from the king's 
 sight. It remained to be seen what effect the letter would pro- 
 duce which he had written to King Louis XVIII. of France, July 
 22d, 1822, to solicit his armed support. 
 
 Louis and his minister Villele thought best not to hurry them- 
 selves in fulfilling this request. Even if the danger from a con- 
 flagration so near at hand was uncomfortably great, and if a war 
 to maintain the interests of legitimacy, and above all in behalf of 
 a Bourbon king, did accord very well with their system, yet, on 
 the other hand, they considered what drains upon the French 
 treasury this war would cause, and how by that means the revo- 
 lution might be stifled in Spain to break out in France. The fidel- 
 ity of the soldiers was still doubtful ; in consideration of the part 
 played by Spain in the Napoleonic war, the result seemed uncer- 
 tain ; and hence Villele deemed it best " to let the volcano quiet- 
 ly burn out." The royalists did not agree with him, and averred 
 that nothing could be more desirable for the Bourbons than a 
 war in order to attach the army to them, and to shovv that vic- 
 tory was possible without Napoleon. 
 
 According to the agreement entered into at Laibach, the con- 
 gress of Verona met in October, 1822. The monarchs of the 
 eastern powers and of Italy, with the exception of the Pope, again 
 appeared in person ; France was represented by its foreign minis- 
 ter, Matthew Montmorency, and b}' Viscount Chateaubriand, the 
 well-known author and legitimist. The political negotiations, the 
 special subject of which was Spain, were conducted side by side 
 with " Babylonish festivities," after the manner of the Vienna 
 congress. The wishes of the eastern powers and of Montmorency 
 harmonized. The former did not wish to let France interfere for 
 herself, but as commissioned by the Holy Alliance ; and the latter 
 
CHATEAUBRIAND'S FANTASIES. 49 
 
 wished that France should carry on the war, but only under the 
 firm name of the Holy Alliance, on whose material assistance it 
 might rely in case of need. It was resolved to demand of the 
 Spanish government in an identical note the alteration of the con- 
 stitution in the direction of conservatism, and the reinstatement 
 of the king in his rights. In case this was rejected, France was 
 to march into Spain. The English delegate, the Duke of Wel- 
 lington, declared that his government would never consent to an 
 armed intervention. England's foreign minister. Canning, even 
 threatened to recognize the independence of the South American 
 States (the former Spanish colonies) ; but all his representations 
 were treated as waste paper by the ovei'bearing congress. 
 
 Louis, not very well pleased with the warlike longings of his 
 minister, recalled " the unlucky Matthew, who is always making 
 stupid blunders," to Paris, dismissed him, and made Chateaubriand 
 minister of foreign affairs. But he, too, returned Avith martial 
 ideas — converted principally by the Emperor Alexander — and vpent 
 into plans and fantasies regarding the historical conduct of his 
 office, as though the matter in hand were the composition of an 
 epic poem. "To accomplish in six months what Napoleon could 
 not do in seven years" was undoubtedly an aim and a success of 
 which none but a poet could boast. The war was determined 
 upon ; the sending of French notes to Madrid was only a formal- 
 ity, and in the speech from the throne, January 28th, 1823, Louis 
 announced that " 100,000 Frenchmen stand ready to maintain a 
 descendant of Henry IV. upon the Spanish throne." 
 
 The Veronese notes of the three eastern powers had, in the 
 mean time, reached Madrid, and raised a mighty storm of indig- 
 nation in the Cortes and on the streets. Their arrogant language 
 was repaid in similar coin ; all interference was resented, and the 
 liussian ambassador, who, with the others, demanded his pass, was 
 informed that of course one could not expect from a "Calmuck" 
 the enlightenment of a civilized European. At the same time, the 
 ministers were fully conscious of their critical position, and turned 
 to England with imploring words, and to France with peaceful 
 ones. Both in vain ! In the one case matters had already gone 
 too far, in the other there was no intention of going beyond words 
 or engaging in a war with the whole continent on Spain's behalf. 
 Deserted by all the powers, even by its former defenders, ham- 
 pered by embarrassed finances, the Cortes resolved to carry on a 
 
 3 
 
50 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 guerilla warfare against the invading French, to give up Madrid, 
 and transfer the government to Seville. In spite of all opposition, 
 in spite of carefully nursed gout confirmed by the royal physician, 
 Ferdinand was obliged to depart with the Cortes on March 20th, 
 while a few wild fellows already cried, "Death to the king !" 
 
 April 7th, the Duke of Angouleme, who was accompanied by 
 several generals trained in Napoleon's school, crossed the border 
 stream Bidasoa with 95,000 men, 21,000 of whom were mounted. 
 He did not spare his gold in that beggarly country, winning offi- 
 cers and soldiers by bribery, and the population by generous pay- 
 ment for supplies. He despatched General Molitor against Bal- 
 lesteros. The latter had been detailed to protect Aragon, but 
 could not prevent Molitor from entering Saragossa — whose resist- 
 ance to Napoleon's soldiers has become world-renowned — on April 
 26th, amid the rejoicings of the population. General Moncey's 
 part was to drive the resolute Mina out of Catalonia. The duke 
 himself advanced against Madrid, and the first French entered the 
 capital May 23d. Count Abisbal, who had been intrusted with 
 the defence of Madrid, won by bribery, sought to bring over citi- 
 zens and soldiers to the French, but had to flee before the com- 
 mon execration. A regency with the Duke of Infantado at its 
 head was to rule the country on absolute principles until the king 
 was freed ; at which the populace manifested its pleasure by plun- 
 dering the houses of the constitutionalists. The French at once 
 set out in forced marches for Andalusia, to attack Seville, driving 
 the few Spanish troops before them. They reached Seville June 
 21st. There the Cortes had begun its sessions April 23d, and 
 spent the time until June 13th in useless discussions. On the ap- 
 proach of the French they retired to Cadiz, carrying the unwill- 
 ing king with them. The enemy speedily followed, and appeared 
 before Cadiz on the 23d. In the northern provinces generals Mo- 
 rillo and Ballesteros had already yielded. Outside of Catalonia 
 and Cadiz everything was in the hands of the French. On the 
 arrival of the Duke of Angouleme an assault was made, and Cadiz 
 attacked by land and water. The contest was very unequal. The 
 garrison numbered about 12,000 men, whose courage and fidelity 
 were somewhat doubtful ; the defences were in miserable condi- 
 tion, and the fleet numbered only one ship of the line, and a few 
 gun-boats. On August 21st the peninsula of Trocadero, command- 
 ing the entrance to the inner harbor, was taken by the besiegers. 
 
SURRENDER OF CADIZ, AND SUBJUGATION OF ALL SPAIN. 51 
 
 On this occasion the quondam Carionaro-prince, Charles Albert, 
 of Corignan, casting his whole past overboard, rendered valuable 
 assistance to the French. When, on September 20th, Fort St. 
 Petri and the Island of Leon were captured, citizens and soldiers 
 urged surrender. Negotiations were opened, but the duke per- 
 sistently refused to treat with any but a free king. In order to 
 overcome the last resistance, 4,000,000 francs were applied to- 
 ward bribing prominent persons. The Cortes at once declared it- 
 self disbanded, and the king free. To give the king opportunity 
 for a new breach of faith, he was caused to sign a declaration in 
 which, " of free-will and under guarantee of the royal word," he 
 promised general amnesty, a liberal constitution, and recognition 
 of the public debt. October 1st, the king repaired to the French 
 camp at Puerto St. Maria. Generals Baldes and Alava had ac- 
 companied him in a small boat as far as the shore, but, in spite 
 of all his entreaties not to refuse their true service in that stormy 
 time, did not land with him. Vexed at being thus foiled of his 
 vengeance, he cried after them from the shore : " Villains, you 
 arc lucky in escaping me !" 
 
 After the surrender of Cadiz the other fortified places were 
 also compelled to capitulate. Barcelona, in Catalonia, was one of 
 the last. There Mina fought for the honor of Spain with good 
 success. For two months, with but few troops, he held in check 
 29,000 French and royalists by a harassing guerilla warfare, and 
 then, severely wounded, threw himself into Barcelona. There he 
 was enclosed by land and sea. lie held out for four months, and 
 on November 1st concluded a treaty with General Moncey, where- 
 by the honor, freedom, and property of the troops and citizens 
 under his command were secured. After the surrender he betook 
 himself to England, whither several generals and members of the 
 Cortes had already fled from Cadiz and other places. 
 
 The Spanish revolution had stood its fire test in scarcely more 
 glorious fashion than that of Naples. It had afforded the Duke 
 of Angouleme occasion to esteem himself one of the greatest of 
 generals, and led M. de Chateaubriand to consider himself a states- 
 man of transcendent ability. Canning, in order to explode this 
 swindle, brought to the minds of men the fact that all acquainted 
 with the facts knew Spain to be a "western Turkey." What 
 now followed marked the result of the revolution as a terrible 
 one. Nobles, priests, and people united in bringing to prison and 
 
52 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the scaffold thousands of Negras (constitutionalists). In Madrid, 
 Saragossa, and Seville, notwithstanding the terms of capitulation, 
 they were plundered and imprisoned under the very eyes of the 
 French. Riego, who had given the signal of revolution, was one 
 of the earliest victims. He had left Cadiz in August, with a 
 couple of thousand men, in order to break the communications 
 of the French with Madrid, and force them to retreat by threat- 
 ening their rear. After a good deal of marching and counter- 
 marching, his forces were scattered by the enemy, and he himself 
 captured in a farm-house and handed over to the Spanish authori- 
 ties. He was conveyed to Madrid with dreadful maltreatment; 
 there he was loaded with chains, and cast into a disgusting dun- 
 geon ; and November Yth, already half dead, he was dragged to 
 execution. 
 
 The first decree ■which Ferdinand signed declared all the meas- 
 ures of the constitutional government null (abolition of the clois- 
 ters and the inquisition, expulsion of the Jesuits, sale of the 
 church lands, etc.), and confirmed all the foolish measures of the 
 reactionary junta. This was too much even for the Duke of An- 
 gouleme. He indicated to the king his dissatisfaction, and hast- 
 ened back over the Pyrenees to celebrate (December 2d) a pom- 
 pous entrance into Paris. But the occupation of Spain by the 
 French troops lasted five years longer. It was expensive glory. 
 This military promenade had cost France 200,000,000 francs — 
 and what had been won by it ? Louis's counsels were utterly un- 
 heeded ; and Chateaubriand, who had hoped to give the Spaniards 
 a suitable constitution, already wished to lend himself no longer, 
 as an accessory of "stupidity and fanaticism," to a king whom 
 he named " an odious prince," one " who only swore to the con- 
 stitution to betray it, who is capable of burning up his kingdom 
 in a cigar," whose government was " bloody, avaricious, fanatical, 
 an effete despotism, a complete anarchy of administration." This 
 " absolute-absolute " king, as the Madrid populace named him, 
 made his persecuting father-confessor, Victor Sanz, prime-minister 
 as well as confessor, caused 112 men to be executed as conspira- 
 tors within three weeks, and threatened with his bloody decrees 
 all who were not subservient to his despotism. And yet he could 
 not satisfy the " Apostolics," who saw Spain's salvation in the un- 
 controlled supremacy of the Church, monasticism, and the inquisi- 
 tion. He was condemned to see the society of "The Destroying 
 
DON CARLOS.— REPEAL OF THE SALIC LAW.— ISABELLA. 53 
 
 Angel " disseminating a pamphlet on " the necessity of raising 
 the Infant Don Carlos to the throne." In 1827 Catalonia re- 
 sounded with the cry : " Long- live Don Carlos ! Long live the 
 monks and the holy inquisition !" and the Apostolical insurrec- 
 tion was only suppressed by bloody severity. Don Carlos, the 
 king's eldest brother, was the hope of this Apostolical junta, whose 
 influence was felt in the whole land. This ignoramus was sure 
 of the throne in the event of the king's dying childless. The 
 latter's third wife died in 1829, and, lover of woman that he was, 
 he married in the same year the youthful Maria Christina, daugh- 
 ter of Francis, King of Naples. Out of love to her, he repealed 
 the law of succession introduced by the Bourbon Philip V. in 
 1713, in accordance with which females could only inherit the 
 throne in case of the total extinction of the male line. By a de- 
 cree of March, 1830, called the Pragmatic Sanction, he established 
 the old Castilian law, by which the daughters and granddaughters 
 of a king take precedence of his brothers and nephews. This 
 soon had a practical bearing; for on the 10th of October, 1830, 
 Maria Christina presented her husband with a daughter, Isabella, 
 who was presently declared successor to the throne and Princess 
 of Asturias, and January 30th, 1832, with a second daughter, 
 Louisa. Don Carlos's party, the Apostolics and absolutists, was 
 considerably disconcerted ; what they had thought they held in 
 their hands was now only to be obtained by a revolution. But 
 they were determined upon even this. King Ferdinand VII. died 
 September 29th, 1833. His three-year-old daughter Isabella was 
 at once proclaimed queen, and, according to the king's testament, 
 her mother assumed the regency. Whether she would or not, she 
 had to rely upon the liberals, the opposing party denying the 
 legality of the abolition of the Salic law, and holding firmly to 
 Carlos, the king of their fancy. He had already, before his broth- 
 er's death, protested against the Pragmatic Sanction, and with- 
 drawn to the court of his congenial nephew, Don Miguel of Port- 
 ugal. Spain's future was clearly marked out. A new civil war 
 stood before the door; here Carlos, there Christina, was the bat- 
 tle-cry. Under the party names of Carlists and Christinos, two 
 political principles were once more arrayed against one another to 
 wage a war to the knife. 
 
 It remains to narrate in a few words another important event 
 that falls in the reign of Ferdinand — the divorce of the American 
 
54 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 colonies from the mother country, Spain. These provinces were 
 Mexico and Central America ; and in South America, Venezuela, 
 New Granada, Ecuador, Peru, Chili, and the states of La Plata 
 (Buenos Ayres, Uruguay, and Paraguay) ; in all, a territory of 
 about 4,000,000 square miles, with a population of 17,000,000 
 souls. Bound to Spain for three centuries, their treatment at 
 the last was almost the same as under Philip 11. and his Alva. 
 Jesuits and the inquisition were here all-powerful in church and 
 school ; trade, which with the magnificent products of these rich 
 lands might have reached an amazing development, was crippled 
 by the prohibition to import any but Spanish wares, or to deliver 
 their own produce to any but Spaniards. Offices in Church and 
 State could be held only by Spaniards born in the mother country, 
 to the exclusion of those born in the colonies, the Creoles, not to 
 speak of the natives and half-breeds, who formed the greater part 
 of the population. The viceroys and captain-generals, who were 
 sent out from Spain with their whole swarm of superior and in- 
 ferior officials, indulged in such deeds of violence and extortion 
 as one reads of in the times of the Romish proconsuls. Napo- 
 leon's summons to recognize the government of his brother Jo- 
 seph met with as little response in the colonies as in Spain. Jun- 
 tas were formed everywhere, which governed in Ferdinand's name. 
 In this way the provinces learned the possibility and expediency 
 of self-government. To bring them again under the old yoke 
 was an impossibility. Spain must either grant the colonies equal 
 rights with the mother country, similar representation in the 
 Cortes, and freedom of trade, or, in her financial and naval impo- 
 tence, must be ready at any moment to have them torn from her. 
 Neither the liberal Cortes of 1812 nor the restored Ferdinand 
 acquiesced in these claims of the colonies, and so the second al- 
 ternative happened. 
 
 In Mexico, as early as 1810, the priest Hidalgo and others had 
 gathered bands of insurgents against the Spaniards. The inde- 
 pendence of the country Avas proclaimed in 1821 by Iturbide, a 
 descendant of the old imperial house of Mexico; and in 1822, 
 since Ferdinand would not accept the throne of the Mexican em- 
 pire, its complete separation from Spain was pronounced, and 
 Iturbide assumed the throne under the title of Emperor Augus- 
 tine I. A republican rising overthrew him, and Santa Anna pro- 
 claimed the republic at Vera Cruz in 1823. Iturbide had to flee 
 
INDEPENDENCE OF THE SPANISH COLONIES.— ENGLAND. 55 
 
 to Europe, and on his return in 1824 he was shot. Guatemala 
 also acquired its independence in 1821, and founded the federal 
 republic of Central America. The liberation of north-western 
 South America, where outbreaks had occurred as early as 1810, 
 is chiefly connected with the name of a rich Venezuelan Creole, 
 Bolivar, who had acquired an education by a long- residence in 
 Europe. After varying fortunes of war, Venezuela and New Gra- 
 nada were united in 1819; to them Ecuador joined herself in 
 1822, and these three constituted the Republic of Colombia. In 
 Buenos Ayres the Spanish viceroy was deposed in 1810, and in 
 1819 the Argentine Republic (United States of La Plata) was 
 founded. The neighboring states of Paraguay (for a long time 
 a pattern Jesuit state) and Uruguay became independent repub- 
 lics; the latter, however, not until 1829, after an intervening 
 period of Brazilian rule. The revolution in Chili, which had be- 
 gun in 1810, was assisted from Buenos Ayres by the sending of 
 General San Martin. In 1818 Chili became independent, and 
 adopted a republican constitution. The struggle in Peru was the 
 longest. There, in spite of the help of the Argentine general, San 
 Martin, and the Chilian admiral, Cochrane (an Englishman), the 
 land was not finally freed before the energetic interposition of Bol- 
 ivar, and the battle of Ayacucho, in 1824. Then the republic was 
 proclaimed, and the emancipation of all South America had been 
 effected. 
 
 What had failed in Spain had been accomplished in the col- 
 onies ; and what the Holy Alliance had successfully attempted in 
 Spain was, to their regret, impossible on the other side of the 
 ocean. The three eastern powers, who believed themselves in- 
 trusted with the suppression of rebellion in the whole world, 
 wished, after the restoration of Spanish absolutism, to bring back 
 South America also into the old track. This was scarcely practi- 
 cable without the co-operation of England, as the greatest mari- 
 time power of Europe. But England's trade derived great ad- 
 vantage from the independence of these states ; hence it was de- 
 termined not to see its protest treated as waste-paper this time, 
 and announced that it would oppose with its whole power any 
 interference with the Spanish colonies. France would have liked 
 to establish Bourbon kingdoms there — as in our days she sought 
 to make Mexico a vassal empire — a plan which foundered on the 
 jealousy of the other powers. " In order to maintain the mo- 
 
56 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 narchical principle, and to avoid a great scandal," the Holy Alli- 
 ance made England the most advantageous propositions with re- 
 gard to its trade interests, in case it v?ould itself undertake the 
 intervention. But Canning, as minister of foreign affairs, had his 
 own way, and on January 1st, 1825, the English ministry recog- 
 nized the independence of the Spanish colonies in South America. 
 The Iloly Alliance was richly indemnified for this failure in 
 another country. In Portugal, as well as in Spain, the aspirations 
 after freedom had to stand the test of a bloody war with absolut- 
 ism. The royal family had fled to Brazil in 1807 upon the occu- 
 pation of the land by Marshal Junot at Napoleon's command. 
 Upon the overthrow of the latter, although a regency had been 
 set up, all the power was in the bands of the English general, 
 Beresford, who had greatly distinguished himself in the Pyrenean 
 war. As commander-in-chief of the Portuguese army, he made 
 himself much hated. The military budget consumed two-thirds 
 of the revenue, and one-third of the officers were English. This, 
 added to his proud, arbitrary ways, irritated the national feelings 
 too much. Since the eighteenth century England had been ac- 
 customed to regard Portugal as her trade domain, and to enrich 
 herself from the people — intellectually and industrially degener- 
 ated through the unlimited sovereignty of the Jesuits and the 
 wealth which the East Indies and Brazil had poured into the 
 country — as though Portugal were an English province. The 
 hatefulness of this foreign rule was still further increased by the 
 military dictatorship of Beresford. To these causes of discon- 
 tent must be added the relations of the Portuguese to their sov- 
 ereign. After the death of the insane Qneen Maria in 1816, the 
 prince regent, her son, ascended the throne of Portugal and Brazil 
 as John VI. While people and army wished the royal family to 
 return once more to Portugal and rule the colony of Brazil from 
 Lisbon, the court had quite an opposite inclination. The king 
 invited the leading members of the nobility and the richest mer- 
 chants to emigrate to Brazil, and wished to draw money and 
 troops from the mother country for the subjugation of Uruguay. 
 All of these circumstances brought about in 181*7 a military con- 
 spiracy, which cost the gallant General PVeire and eleven of his 
 comrades their lives. Hence the hatred against Beresford grew 
 still more intense, and when the conflagration of the Spanish rev- 
 olution cast its sparks into neighboring countries, he determined 
 
INSURRECTIONS.— KING JOHN IN LISBON. 67 
 
 on a journey to Brazil, in order to consult personally Avith the 
 king respecting the measures to be adopted. Four months after 
 liis departure, August 24th, 1820, the city of Oporto rose, and 
 formed a provisional supreme junta, which was to rule in the 
 king's name until the Cortes was convened. The agitation spread 
 over the whole country, which, like Spain, was full of freemasons. 
 Lisbon joined in the movement. The regency was deposed, and 
 the two juntas of Lisbon and Oporto united and convoked the 
 Cortes, in order, on the basis of the Spanish constitution, to frame 
 a constitution adapted to Portuguese circumstances. In the mean 
 time Lord Beresford had returned from Brazil, but, not daring to 
 enter the harbor of Lisbon, had returned to England. 
 
 King John, a well-disposed man, readily adapted himself to this 
 turn of affairs, and promised to return to Europe in case the res- 
 olutions of the Cortes harmonized with his interests. But the 
 waves of the Portuguese reaction made themselves felt even in 
 Brazil, Li Rio Janeiro a junta was formed ; the Portuguese con- 
 stitution, although not yet completed, was sworn to, and the king, 
 urged thereto by the army and by his ambitious son, Don Pedro, 
 had to leave the latter behind in Brazil as viceroy, while he em- 
 barked with the rest of his family for Lisbon. He reached that 
 city July 8d, 1821, but was not allowed to disembark until he 
 had signed the preliminary draught of the decidedly democratic 
 constitution. He swore to the constitution October 1st, 1822, 
 when it was completed, compelled his second son, Don Miguel, to 
 do the same, and made a like demand upon Don Pedro. From 
 his wife. Queen Carlotta, he met with the most determined oppo- 
 sition. She was a sister of the King of Spain, dissolute and eager 
 for power, and she left nothing untried in order to undermine the 
 new constitutional system. This had, furthermore, bitter oppo- 
 nents in the clergy, and no hold upon the ignorant populace. 
 Her house was the meeting-place of the " Cringers," as the reac- 
 tionists were then called. She had an obedient tool in her con- 
 genial son, Don Miguel, whom she initiated into all her plans. 
 Upon her refusal to take the oath, she was banished from the 
 country, but, as she represented herself to be sick, she was placed 
 temporarily under surveillance in the pleasure palace of Ramalhao. 
 She did not, however, abandon her plans, and the French interven- 
 tion in Spain gave her a wished-for opportunity of carrying them 
 out. The counter-revolution which was attempted by Count 
 
68 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Amarante did not succeed; but in May, 1823, Don Miguel 
 brought the greater part of the Lisbon garrison over to his side, 
 oonipelled the Cortes under protest to disband and flee to Eng- 
 land, and caused his father to liold an entrance into Lisbon, amid 
 popular cries, " l^owu with the constitution ! Long live the abso- 
 lute king!" Tlie constitution was abolished, Queen Carlotta 
 brought back, and Don Miguel appointed commander-in-chief of 
 the army. But since John did not subscribe to tlie absolute sys- 
 tem of his spouse, and surrounded himself with persons who be- 
 longed in no way to her coterie, like Count ralmella. Count Sub- 
 serra, and the Marquis of Louie, the last-named was murdered in 
 one of the royal antechambers ; and Avhen this hint was not at- 
 tended to, a plan was formed to compel John to abdicate by 
 means of a palace revolution, and to put Don Miguel in his place. 
 April oOth, 1824, the latter set himself at the head of the troops, 
 took possession of the palace, made his father prisoner, and, as a 
 preliminary measure, forced absolutist ministers upon him. The 
 English ambassador and his colleagues, as w^cll as a few of the of- 
 ticers, protested against this coup iretaf. John tied to an English 
 ship, and communicated to his people the whole state of the case. 
 The coup had miscarried. The unsuccessful I)on Miguel had to 
 beg his father's forgiveness, and was banished to Vienna. Car- 
 lotta again rescued herself by an attack of sickness, and was 
 placed under state surveillance. 
 
 Soon afterward the relations between Portugal and Brazil were 
 regulated. The English trade interests and the wishes of the 
 Brazilians demanded the severance of Brazil from Portugal. A 
 treaty, concluded under English good offices, was ratified Novem- 
 ber 15th, 1825. in accordance with which King John declared Bra- 
 zil independent, and recognized his son Don Pedro as emperor of 
 that country, retaining for himself, also, the title during his life- 
 time. In a secret article it was ordained that the two crowns 
 should never be united upon one head. 
 
 The death of John, which took place on the 10th of March, 
 1826, gave rise to new disturbances, lie had settled nothing with 
 regard to the succession, but had named his daughter, the Infanta 
 Isabella Maria, regent. She held with the constitutional party, 
 and with it recognized Don Pedro as King of Portugal, while the 
 absolutist party sought to place Don Miguel on the throne. Ac- 
 cording to the above-mentioned secret article, Don Pedro could 
 
DON MIGUEL, KING AND TYRANT OF PORTUGAL. 59 
 
 not accept the throne. However, he proclaimed liis seven-year- 
 old daughter, Maria da Gloria, Queen of Portugal, gave the coun- 
 try a liberal constitution, and made his brother, Don Miguel, his 
 lieutenant. Don Miguel was to rule in accordance with the con- 
 stitution, and was designated as the future husband of Maria II. 
 The new constitution was proclaimed and put in operation in Lis- 
 bon by the regent Isabella, and sworn to in Vienna by Don Mi- 
 guel. At the same time Don Miguel's betrothal with his niece 
 took place. The old champions of the reaction — the Amarantes 
 and Abrantes — immediately took up arms. They received all pos- 
 sible support from the Apostolic junta in Spain, and made several 
 inroads into Portugal, but were driven back by generals Saldanha 
 and Villaflor, in part with English assistance. Canning, to whom 
 the hard-pressed Portuguese government had turned, influenced 
 the English cabinet to send ton ships of Avar and twelve regi- 
 ments, under General Clinton, to Portugal, and to frighten Spain 
 off from further hostilities by a threatening communication. 
 
 Don Pedro had to pay dearly for the incomprehensible short- 
 sightedness which he had shown regarding his brother. This 
 " Lisbon Gutedel^'' as he was called in Vienna, was an ignorant, 
 hypocritical man, but enjoyed the protection of Metternich, who 
 confiiTned him in his intention to overthrow the constitution, all 
 oaths to the contrary notwithstanding, and make himself absolute 
 King of Portugal. Not alone to the people, but even to kings, 
 did Metternich deny the right of framing a constitution. He 
 found the Portuguese prince full of " noble sentiments," and 
 affirmed that " the instruction received in Vienna had had the 
 best possible effect." Before his departure Don Miguel made a 
 pilgrimage to Mariazell, in order to strengthen himself for the 
 bloody work before him, and boastfully named himself " the arch- 
 angel Michael, who shall bring the liberals to judgment with his 
 trumpet." At his landing in Lisbon, February 22d, 1828, he was 
 greeted as king by the excited populace. February 24th he took 
 the oath of fidelity to their majesties, Don Pedro and Donna Ma- 
 ria, before the Cortes, yet in such wise that no one heard anything. 
 His mother again acquired complete control over him. It was 
 said that she forced him to each crime — when he needed any 
 spur thereto — by threatening to reveal the secret that he was not 
 the king's son, but the son of one of her favorites. All the con- 
 stitutionalists were deprived of their offices, and a ministry of 
 
60 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 "Cringers" formed; the Cortes was dissolved; the followers of 
 Don Pedro were branded as freemasons ; the old Estates of the 
 kingdom were convoked, and by these Don Miguel was declared 
 king on the 26th of June. A military insurrection, having its 
 origin in Oporto, had no results, owing to the lack of a good 
 leader, and to the determined course of the usurper. Those who 
 could fled to England. A terrible judgment fell upon those who 
 remained behind. In the course of a month about 16,000 per- 
 sons were apprehended, and those 16,000 were precisely from the 
 better classes. The property of those who were arrested and of 
 those who had fled was confiscated. The prisons were not large 
 enough to contain all the prisoners. Don Miguel was asked what 
 should be done. " Kill them ! kill them 1 Send the rest to Af- 
 rica ! I need room for still more criminals !" was the answer. 
 
 The English troops were very burdensome to him. The con- 
 stitutionalists and the English merchants resident in Portugal 
 earnestly besought the English ministry not to withdraw them. 
 Canning, however, stood no longer at the helm ; and the Duke 
 of Wellington, who in general sympathized with the principles 
 of the Holy Alliance, refused the request. At their departure 
 Don Miguel said to General Clinton, who had invited him to at- 
 tend a review before the embarkation of the troops, " You and 
 your soldiers may go to the devil !" The change in England^s 
 policy was shown in other ways also. Don Pedro, who, not 
 supported by the Brazilians, had to stand by and look on quiet- 
 ly at this whole usurpation, had sent his daughter, the young 
 queen, to Europe in July, 1828. Marquis Barbacena, to whose 
 care she had been intrusted, learned in Gibraltar of the usurpa- 
 tion of the throne by Miguel, and conducted Maria, not to Vien- 
 na, as had been arranged, but to England. There she was recog- 
 nized as queen, but not treated as such. Her ambassadors were 
 not received, nor were the 3000 refugees allowed to be transport- 
 ed to Terceira, in the Azores, where, under the command of the 
 brave Cabreira, the atteinpts of the Miguelists to gain possession 
 of the island had been repulsed. Nevertheless, 3000 men gradu- 
 ally assembled there under General Villaflor. Terceira was the 
 point of gathering for the Pedrists, and the base of operations 
 for their assaults upon the tyrant; and in 1831 they gained pos- 
 session of the other islands of the Azores group. 
 
 Queen Maria returned to Brazil in 1829, In 1830 Don Pedro 
 
DON MIGUEL OVERTHROWN. 61 
 
 fell out with tlie liberal party, abdicated in favor of his six-year- 
 old son, and embarked for Europe with his wife and daughter. 
 He repaired to Paris and London, and was well received in both 
 places, since Miguel had finally exhausted the forbearance of the 
 French and English governments by his shameful treatment of 
 their subjects. Yet the Prussian Staatszeitung wrote that he was 
 " by no means so bad." A loan was negotiated, ships and troops 
 equipped, and, June 7th, 1832, a fleet with 12,000 land-troops 
 from Terceira arrived at Oporto, and Don Pedro took possession 
 of the city. All Miguel's efforts to retake it were fruitless ; but, 
 on the other hand, Pedro did not find in the country at large 
 the support he had hoped for. Then an experienced English 
 captain, Charles Napier, entered his service, and undertook, with 
 General Yillaflor (who had been created Duke of Terceira), an ex- 
 pedition against Algarvia, the most southern part of Portugal. 
 Miguel's fleet was defeated, and the people called to arms. The 
 two generals moved on Lisbon — Xapier by sea, and Villaflor by 
 land. Miguel's forces were compelled to retreat, and they en- 
 tered the capital July 24th, 1833, amid the rejoicings of the in- 
 habitants, who had already opened the prisons, and proclaimed 
 Donna Maria queen. Don Pedro held his entry into Lisbon, and 
 brought his wife and daughter thither. An attack by Miguel's 
 army, under General Bourmont, a Frenchman, was repulsed. Mi- 
 guel took up a strong position at Santarem, north of Lisbon. The 
 Spanish general, Rodil, marched into Portugal in consequence of 
 the quadruple alliance concluded between England, France, Maria 
 Christina of Spain, and Pedro, for the expulsion of both pretend- 
 ers — Don Carlos and Don Miguel — and Miguel was again defeated. 
 May 26tli, 1824, lie signed the treaty of Evora, whereby he relin- 
 quished all claims upon the Portuguese crown, and promised to 
 leave the land, and never enter it again. Scarcely arrived in Italy, 
 he revoked the treaty, and thereby lost the yearly income of 
 375,000 francs which had been settled upon him. After various 
 wanderings in Italy and England, he finally settled down in Ger- 
 many, and married the Princess Löwenstein- Wertheira-Rosenberg. 
 He died, November 14th, 1866, in Klein -Henbach, in Bavarian 
 F'ranconia. 
 
 Don Pedro restored the constitution he had formerly granted. 
 He opened the Cortes August 15th, 1834, and was by it named 
 regent until his daughter should attain her majority. All mo- 
 
62 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 nastic orders and cloisters were abolished, and their estates ap- 
 propriated by the State ; confiscated property was restored, and 
 deprived officials reinstated. He died in the same year (1834), 
 after declarini^ his daughter Donna Maria of age in the event of 
 his death. The fifteen-year-old queen married Prince August, of 
 Leuchtenberg, in January, 1835, and, as he died in March of the 
 same year, she took Prince Ferdinand of Coburg as her husband 
 in April, 1836 ; and his son to-day holds the throne of Portugal. 
 
 GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 No land offered the Holy Alliance such an unfavorable rest for 
 its lever as England. Here was no dynasty to rescue, for it sat 
 comfortably upon its throne — no constitution to repeal ; for that 
 would have been impossible, even for a political Hercules, after 
 the land had grown up for centuries with parliament and consti- 
 tution — no revolution to crush ; for although occasional outbreaks 
 occurred, yet the spirit of law Avas too strong among all classes, 
 the means of advancing, spite of nobility and clergy, still farther 
 along the way of reform toward the freedom before them, and 
 giving this aristocratic republic with a crown in its escutcheon 
 constantly more of a democratic character, too simple and numer- 
 ous for the people to wish to tread the doubtful path of revolu- 
 tion. England had come out of a twenty years' war, unshaken, 
 comparatively almost without loss. As formerly, so now the ban- 
 ner of the great Orange, the banner of 1688, still waved its mot- 
 to : The Protestant religion and the liberties of England. Par- 
 liament still ruled ; the Press was free ; and the hegemony at sea, 
 after the annihilation of all the larger fleets, had been carried to a 
 point never reached before. The injury which Napoleon's em- 
 bargo had done them they had made good by the seizure of the 
 French colonies. The repossession of Hanover, with the addition 
 of Heligoland, assured them the control of the North Sea ; Gib- 
 raltar, Malta, and the Ionic islands were their citadels in the Med- 
 iterranean. 
 
 But the national debt had reached in 1815 the monstrous 
 
POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND. 63 
 
 sum of £814,000,000, and the annual expenditures amounted to 
 £114,000,000. The consequence of such high figures was an un- 
 usually high taxation. This was so distributed by the legislators 
 that the middle and lower classes had relatively the most to pay. 
 Their burden was in any case heavy enough, since the price of the 
 most necessary of all things, bread, had been largely increased by 
 the hard-heartedness and avarice of the great landholders, the no- 
 biUty. They had carried through a law by which the importa- 
 tion of corn and breadstutfs was either forbidden, or loaded with 
 very heavy duties. Hence the disagreement between rich and 
 poor assumed continually increasing dimensions, and clearly dis- 
 played itself both in agriculture and manufacturing. Almost all 
 real estate was in the hands of a few families, who farmed out 
 their latifundice in smaller parcels, and left the man without means 
 no other choice than to become a day-laborer or a factory hand. 
 And yet, in spite of the increase of great factories, which gradual- 
 ly wholly drove out the smaller establishments, labor was not so 
 much in demand, and not so well paid, since everywhere, even in 
 agriculture, the ever-encroaching machine had made many hands 
 superfluous. This was a very serious shadow-side — that the free 
 Englishman who owned no pedigree and no property had a posi- 
 tion scarcely better than that of the Plebeians at the beginning 
 of the Roman republic. 
 
 This comparison wins still greater force when the most impor- 
 tant mechanism in the state machine, Parliament itself, is taken 
 into account. Of the two houses, the upper one was exclusively 
 a province of the highest aristocracy, and in the lower house, also, 
 the aristocracy had a preponderating influence. This was partly 
 owing to the thoroughly untenable system in accordance with 
 Avhich, thanks to historical right, old rotten boroughs that had 
 scarcely a dozen voters possessed the right to send up a mem- 
 ber of the lower house, while manufacturing cities of more than 
 100,000 inhabitants had no representation : partly, it was due to 
 the high property qualification for the suffrage, which placed it 
 beyond the reach of most men ; partly, the shameless corruption 
 by which the nobles generally made the poor voters of these little 
 boroughs theirs was responsible. Complaints of the corn-law, or 
 the high taxes, always found in their way the aristocracy which 
 ruled England and made its laws. So long as no change was ef- 
 fected here, there could be no talk of improving permanently the 
 
64 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 position of the people. The opposition formed, it is true, a re- 
 spectable phalanx in every Parliament, but its fundamental prin- 
 ciples were none other than those of the majority and the minis- 
 ters, and the struggle turned principally upon the application of 
 the admitted maxim : " Make way, and let me there." This was 
 of slight service to the people. The cry for parliamentary re- 
 form, universal suffrage, secret ballot, abolition of sinecures, be- 
 came constantly more pressing. Either the cry must be heeded, 
 or a revolution would be kindled which would sweep away the 
 privileges of the nobles, as in 1789 in France. Fortunately the 
 English aristocracy was not blind. It was itself so leavened by 
 free ideas, so enthusiastic for the greatness of the country, that a 
 pilot was always found to guide the threatened ship of state, with 
 the help of high aristocratic hands, into safe waters. 
 
 Lord Liverpool had stood at the head of the ministry since 
 1812. He was the bearer of an honored name, although not a 
 man of remarkable parts. The life of the cabinet was Lord Cas- 
 tlereagh, minister of foreign affairs, England's Metternich, who 
 wished as far as possible to introduce the reactionary system of 
 the Continent into England also. He was haughty and imperious, 
 so little loved by the people that his burial was celebrated as a 
 feast. With the prince-regent, who for a long time exercised the 
 royal rights in place of his melancholy father, George HL, he al- 
 ways found a ready hearing for his unpopular counsels, and the 
 prince found in him a very serviceable tool. As the prince-regent 
 had caught the military mania, there was maintained in time of 
 peace, a thing hitherto quite unheard of in England, a standing 
 army of more than 100,000 men, which could, moreover, do good 
 service against popular outbreaks. Neither in this nor in any oth- 
 er department was economy practised in the expenditure of pub- 
 lic money, and the taxes were maintained at the former oppressive 
 level. In the years 1815 and 1816 came stagnation of business, 
 want of work, and an excessive rise of prices. All this brought 
 about an agitation that affected even the very lowest classes. 
 Meetings were held everywhere; people assembled in crowds 
 around the popular leaders Hunt and Cobbet, and listened to ora- 
 tions on misgovernment and parliamentary reform. There was 
 no lack of riots, murders, and interference of the military. The 
 exasperation became so great that mud and stones were thrown 
 at the carriage of the prince-regent as he returned from the open- 
 
MASSACRE OF PETERLOO.— THE GAG BILLS. 65 
 
 ino; of Parliament, January 28tli, 1817, and there were cries of 
 " Down with the prince-regent ! Down with the ministers !" In- 
 stead of restoring quiet by recognizing and remedying the exist- 
 ing evils, the ministry drew the reins still tighter. The habeas- 
 corjms act, that magna charta of civil freedom, was suspended for 
 a year, so that any person might be arrested and detained in jail 
 without further proceedings ; the right of meeting was limited ; 
 the Press laws were made severer, so that, as Cobbet said, the rope 
 was laid not about the neck, but about the hands of each Opposi- 
 tion writer. But the agitation did not diminish. August 16th, 
 1819, a meeting of about 80,000 persons took place in Manches- 
 ter, although such meetings were forbidden by the government. 
 The various bands paraded banners and mottoes. Here were the 
 words, " No corn-laws ! Liberty and brotherly feeling 1" there, 
 " Equal representation or death 1" There was even a troop of fe- 
 male reformers with a silk flag. But Hunt bad hardly been re- 
 ceived with thundering applause, and begun to speak, when hus- 
 sars broke up the meeting, striking blindly about them with the 
 flats of their swords, and causing a general sative qui pent. Sev- 
 eral were left dead on the spot, and a few hundred were wounded. 
 Hunt was carried off a prisoner, but had to be released on bail. 
 The " massacre of Peterloo " caused universal indignation, even in 
 aristocratic circles. And yet the ministry dared to go still far- 
 ther. It brought forward and carried through the six " gag bills," 
 by which a blow was struck at the right of meeting and at the 
 freedom of the Press similar to the blow struck at the German 
 Press and universities by the Carlsbad resolutions. No wonder 
 that, when everything was at greatest tension, the most excited 
 should not refrain from extreme measures. An old revolution- 
 ist, Arthur Thistlewood, organized a conspiracy. Like a modern 
 Catiline, he conceived the plan of murdering the ministers at a 
 cabinet dinner, February 23d, 1820, setting fire to the barracks, 
 and establishing a provisional government. The plot was be- 
 trayed, the ringleader and four comrades hung, and others trans- 
 ported. 
 
 In the midst of this excitement occurred the change of sover- 
 eigns and the divorce suit of the new king. The weak-minded 
 George III. died January 29th, 1820, and George IV. had scarcely 
 seated himself on the throne when he demanded of his ministers 
 that they should effect his divorce from his wife. As Prince of 
 
66 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Wales, when his aim was to be the " first gentleman in Europe," 
 he had spent his time as a fiinished rake in drinking, gaming, and 
 among disreputable women. When twenty-three years of age, he 
 had contracted a marriage with Mrs. Fitzherbert, a Roman Catho- 
 lic, several years older than he, and twice a widow. lie was loaded 
 with a debt of £700,000. As the price of payment of his debts, 
 he consented to marry Princess Caroline of Brunswick, in 1795. 
 Soon after she had given birth to the Princess Charlotte, he in- 
 formed her, in a politely cold letter, that she might leave his 
 house, and never enter it again. From 1796 to 1814 she lived in 
 England, exposed to constant insults and persecution ; then, con- 
 trary to the advice of her friends, sick of these mortifications, she 
 repaired to the Continent, and travelled through Italy and the 
 East. With a certain Bartolomeo Bergami, who had advanced 
 from the position of her waiting-man to that of her chamberlain, 
 and who was her constant attendant, she stood in relations which 
 must have called forth almost involuntary condemnation. The 
 administration had unnecessarily sent a secret commission after 
 her, surrounded her with spies, and received intelligence through 
 bribed servants of the most extravagant doings. During her ab- 
 sence her daughter Charlotte had married Prince Leopold, of Saxe- 
 Coburg, afterward King of Belgium, and had died in 1817, in 
 giving birth to a still-born child. This she learned from the news- 
 papers. June 6th, 1820, after the death of George III., she re- 
 turned to London, to the terror of her husband. He caused her 
 to be indicted in the upper house, and a bill to be brought for- 
 ward divorcing her from the king on the ground of adultery, and 
 depriving her of the title of Queen of England. The suit — in the 
 course of which a number of dirty witnesses were brought from 
 the Continent, and the most eloquent advocates, among others 
 Brougham, pleaded for the queen — developed in its progress a 
 seemingly unending series of scandals about both king and queen 
 such as only the strong nerves of Old England could have endured. 
 Yet, in spite of this — and it was a sign of the great contempt in 
 Avhich the king was held — no name in all England was more feted 
 in those days than the queen's. The visits and addresses on oc- 
 casion of Bliicher's visit, in the summer of 1814, were scarcely 
 more numerous than those which this repudiated wife now re- 
 ceived. The rejoicing was unbounded when, November 2d, after 
 the bill had passed its third reading with a majority of only nine 
 
SUICIDE OF LORD CASTLEREAGH.— CANNING. 67 
 
 votes, Lord Liverpool, not daring to bring it before tlie Commons, 
 withdrew it. 
 
 Yet all this disgrace did not affect the besotted George. July 
 16th, 1821, he caused himself to be crowned with all the pageant- 
 ry of the Middle Ages. The queen was repulsed from the door 
 of AVestminster Abbey, and died, August 7th, in consequence of 
 the unnatural excitement. But even in death she seemed deter- 
 mined to give her cruel husband no rest. On the day of her 
 funeral, when she was to be conveyed to Brunswick, a countless 
 crowd escorted her remains through London. It resulted in a 
 bloody collision with the mounted guards ; but the procession, 
 under the conduct of tlie lord mayor, passed through the middle 
 of the city as the people wished. 
 
 The kingdom had scarcely recovered from this blow, at which 
 all Europe maliciously cried "fy!" when it was noised abroad 
 that Lord Castlereagh had cut his throat (August 12th, 1822). 
 It was true. The man who had stood by the king through thick 
 and thin — who had brought, as it were by force, the wretclied 
 conditions of the Continent into England — who had seemed anx- 
 ious to force a revolution there too — had cut the artery of his 
 throat with a penknife in a tit of insanity. This event, which 
 was a turning-point in English politics, excited great rejoicings 
 among the people, and they could not be persuaded that insanity, 
 and not the furies of an awakened conscience, had put the pen- 
 knife into his hand. George Canning received the post of foreign 
 minister, displeased though the king was by his attitude during 
 the suit against the queen, and little as the majority of the cabi- 
 net were pleased with their new colleague. But, by virtue of his 
 character and his talents, especially his eloquence, he had outgrown 
 any other capacity. Moreover, internal and external affairs were 
 just at that time too complicated for men not to wish, or even be 
 compelled to choose, the most suitable man for the most difficult 
 post. His programme was: England's greatness and freedom; 
 renunciation of the Holy Alliance, which, where it had acted — in 
 Naples and in Spain — had, under the banner of legitimacy, brought 
 about semi -barbarism. England, which under Castlereagh had 
 sunk to a prefecture of the Holy Alliance, was again to take an 
 independent position — to constitute the first power in Europe ; 
 and, supported by the liberal element everywhere, to oppose the 
 Quixotism of the knights of the Holy Alliance with the enormous 
 
68 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 resources of its land and sea power and its wealth. Canning was 
 the pronounced enemy of European interventions, and laid down 
 the principle that each nation may manage its own affairs accord- 
 ing to its own tastes. Furthermore, he was Englishman enough 
 not to place the mercantile interests of his country quite in the 
 background. The recognition of the South American states, the 
 despatch of an auxiliary force to Portugal in 1826, and his sup- 
 port of the Greek cause, are sufficient proofs of the hostility of 
 his policy to that of the Holy Alliance. 
 
 In internal affairs also, although they did not properly belong 
 to his province, a new spirit was noticeable. The oppressive corn- 
 laws were modified at his proposition. AVith reference to slavery 
 in the British colonies, it was determined that the negroes should 
 be prepared by intellectual and moral means for their eventual 
 emancipation, and that the slave-trade was to be treated as piracy, 
 and punished with death. In another question which, after par- 
 liamentary reform, was the most burning question of the decade, 
 and which, if happily solved, involved the solution of the first, he 
 met with the most violent opposition from the nobility and clergy, 
 and was obliged to leave his successors to carry it through. That 
 was Roman Catholic emancipation — the civil equalization of Ire- 
 land — in which question free England was in confiict with her 
 own external and internal policy. But it was not granted Can- 
 ning to devote many years to these weighty questions. He be- 
 came prime-minister after Liverpool's retirement, in April, 1827, 
 and formed a ministry with liberal views. The treaty of July 
 6th gave a decisive turn to the Greek cause, but the consequences 
 of that treaty, the sea-fight of Navarino, on October 20th, he did 
 not live to see. lie died August 8th, 1827, mourned by a hemi- 
 sphere. 
 
 After a short pei'iod of transition followed the ultra-Tory min- 
 istry of Wellington, which lamented the victory at Navarino, and 
 allowed the Portuguese tyrant Don Miguel to try its patience to 
 the uttermost. And yet it was this very "Iron Duke" who had 
 to enter upon the solution of the Roman Catholic question, and 
 render at least partial justice to the Irish. For centuries Ireland 
 had held the place of step-child, and been compelled to suffer all 
 the evil consequences of the early wars of conquest. There, to a 
 greater extent even than in England, all the land was in the hands 
 of a few families, and the Irish population were their tenants or 
 
O'CONNELL AND ROMAN CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. 69 
 
 day-laborers. The rich lands and privileges of the Roman Cath- 
 olic church had passed by English decree into possession of the 
 Anglican church ; and so, while supporting his own church, the 
 Irishman had also to pay tithes for the maintenance of one to 
 ■which he did not belong. These and similar abuses, which at- 
 tached themselves to the difference of race, confession, and educa- 
 tion, could not be remedied as long as the law excluding all Ro- 
 man Catholics from Parliament existed. Here was another field 
 for the operation of secret societies. These were met on the 
 Protestant side by the Orangemen. Incendiarism and assassina- 
 tion were frequent, and there was no question that it was very 
 unwise on the part of England to keep this wound in its political 
 body always open. Finally, in 1828, the Test Act passed under 
 Charles II., which made the assumption of each political office 
 dependent upon the reception of the communion after the An- 
 glican ritual, was repealed. The agitation reached a crisis when 
 the Irish lawyer, Daniel O'Connell, who ruled the whole island by 
 his eloquence, set himself at the front, covered the country with a 
 web of Roman Catholic associations, and brought the matter to 
 a practical issue by being returned to Parliament, July 5th, 1828, 
 from Clare, where a seat was vacant. The exultation over this 
 victory among the Irish corresponded to the consternation among 
 the English. Wellington perceived that he must choose between a 
 civil war and yielding, and was statesman enough to prefer the lat- 
 ter. April 13th, 1829, the civil emancipation bill, which had been 
 introduced by him, and accepted by both houses, was signed by 
 the king in spite of all opposition. O'Connell, the mighty tribune 
 of the people hitherto, notwithstanding his election, repulsed from 
 the doors of Parliament, could now in person bring the complaints 
 of " green Erin " to the ears of her oppressors. He appeared in 
 Parliament with a radical proposition for universal suffrage and 
 secret ballot, and already spoke of giving Ireland its own Parlia- 
 ment to frame its own legislation, and of bringing the smaller 
 island into a position with reference to England similar to that 
 which Sicily wished to occupy toward Naples. 
 
 But first, in England and in Ireland, all opposition must unite 
 in the one cry for parliamentary reform. By the emancipation 
 of the Roman Catholics, the previous system had been broken 
 with, so far as the religious question was concerned. The second 
 breach must be opened from the social stand-point. Neither king, 
 
VO POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ministry, nor Parliament was favorably disposed ; but events were 
 in preparation which would, overnight as it were, bring quite dif- 
 ferent fio'ures to the surface. 
 
 GREECE. TURKEY. RUSSIA. 
 
 Among all the uprisings of the third decade, that of the Greeks 
 claimed in the highest degree the attention and sympathies of 
 Eui'ope. The reminiscences of antiquity joined themselves to 
 the heroic deeds of the present to render the Grecian war for 
 freedom the most popular of living dramas. Even if one does 
 not see in the Greeks the pure descendants of the lieroes of Mar- 
 athon and Salamis, even if one must admit that Slavonic immi- 
 gration and conquest have effected great changes — nevertheless, 
 the Slavonic element has become master here as little as in north- 
 eastern Germany, and the Hellenic character is attested by unmis- 
 takable signs. Especially is this true of the islands, where many 
 Homeric customs still hold their own. The splendid patterns of 
 antiquity, and the political agitation consequent upon the Napo- 
 leonic wars, aroused anew, after previous attempts had failed, the 
 hope of shaking off the Turkish yoke and winning independence. 
 The young men who had studied in France and Germany, the 
 bold seafarers who, with their rich merchant fleets, felt themselves 
 kings of the Grecian waters, could no longer endure to remain 
 Turkish slaves. It was merely a rule of caprice which the Turks 
 exercised: there was no talk of right; no property, no life was 
 safe before the whim of a pasha. 
 
 Like the Burschenschaft, the Carbonari, and the freemasons in 
 Germany, Italy, and Spain, respectively, there existed in Greece at 
 the time of the Vienna congress the Hetceria. In its lists were 
 enrolled the most illustrious names at home and abroad ; and it 
 had, as its visible aim, the promotion of scientific culture. The 
 rebellion of the murderous Ali Pasha of Janina, who sought to 
 make himself independent prince of Epirus — perhaps of Greece — 
 and who liked to hear himself called the new Pyrrhus, was very 
 favorable for an outbreak. The Porte was compelled to send 
 
OUTBREAK OF THE GRECIAN REVOLUTION. 71 
 
 strong armies against this powerful vassal in the years 1820 to 
 1822. It was not until February 2d, 1822, that the Serasquier 
 Churshid Pasha succeeded in removing by treachery the "Lion 
 of Epirus." 
 
 In the spring of 1821, while the best Turkish troops were oc- 
 cupied before Janina, the flames of revolt broke out simultaneous- 
 ly in north and south. At the head of the Hetceria stood Alex- 
 ander Ypsilanti, a member of an old Phanariote family, a Russian 
 general, and adjutant to the Emperor Alexander. Toward the 
 Czar, who, following the traditions of his house, looked with long- 
 ing eyes upon the shores of the Bosphorus and " the key to his 
 kingdom," the hopes of many Greeks were directed. They ex- 
 pected much, also, from their countryman. Count Kapodistrias, 
 Alexander's minister and favorite. March 6th, 1821, Ypsilanti, 
 Avith a few trusty followers, crossed the Pruth and entered Jassy, 
 the capital of Moldavia. He announced that Greece had risen, 
 and that Russia would lend her aid, and sought to unite under 
 his banner all the Christian elements in the northern provinces of 
 Turkey, i. e., Roumania, Servia, and Bulgaria. Failing in this, 
 and coldly received by the people everywhere, he marched into 
 "Wallachia, entered Bucharest, and on the 19th of June stood face 
 to face with the Turks, who had hastened into Roumania from all 
 sides. The treason of the WaHachian Vladimiresko — for which 
 lie was cut to pieces — and a letter from the Czar from Laibach, 
 where he was in Metternich's atmosphere, censuring Ypsilanti's 
 undertaking, and directing that his name be struck off from the 
 army list, still further discouraged the insurgents. A battle was 
 fought at the village of Dragatshan. Notwithstanding their nu- 
 merical inferiority, the Turks were victors. The so-called sacred 
 band was cut down, and the rest of the insurgents scattered. 
 Ypsilanti, who was more highly gifted with ambition and imag- 
 ination than political wisdom and military skill, fled to Transyl- 
 vania. After keeping him a prisoner in Mungaez and Theresien- 
 stadt for six and a half years, the Austrian government released 
 him, at the request of Russia, in 1827, and he died in Vienna the 
 following year. Georgios, an Olympian, led a part of the insur- 
 gents into Moldavia, and threw himself into the convent of Sek- 
 ka. With 350 men he defended for three days, against 1500 
 Turks, the approach, which led through a defile, and when he was 
 at length taken in the rear, blew up the bell-tower, in which he 
 
J2 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 and eleven comrades had taken refuge, witli the Turks who had 
 forced an entrance. The remnant of the little force capitulated, 
 but were nevertheless massacred. A proverb says, "One Turk 
 wastes a province in a night ;" and it may be imagined what havoc 
 the Janizaries now made in the Danubian principalities. 
 
 Upon the news of these occurrences and of the rebellion in 
 Morea, Sultan Mahmoud II. and his Turks evinced their Tartar 
 origin. A number of Phanariotes (members of a Grecian aris- 
 tocracy of birth or office in the service of the Porte) had already 
 been murdered, and passing Christians wantonly shot at, when, at 
 the Easter festival, the aged Greek patriarch Gregorios was seized 
 in the act of leaving his church, and hung at the door of his pal- 
 ace. Three archbishops and several priests shared the same fate. 
 The sultan openly exulted at the sight of the patriarch's corpse, 
 and caused it to be taken down by Jews, dragged through the 
 .streets, and cast into the sea. This Avas the signal for murdering 
 and plundering in Constantinople and other cities ; and in defi- 
 ance of all the representations of the ambassadors, the murdering 
 of bishops was renewed in the month of May. This so seriously 
 complicated the relations with Russia, which regards herself as 
 the protector of Greek Catholics, that the Russian ambassador 
 Stroganow demanded his pass. By these massacres the interpo- 
 sition of Russia, even if not immediate, was rendered almost cer- 
 tain. All Europe abhorred the Turks, and sympathized with the 
 Greeks as the natural consequence of such atrocities, which fur- 
 thermore rendered reconciliation between Greeks and Turks no 
 longer possible. 
 
 In Morea the revolution was well under way. April 4th, 1821, 
 Archbishop Germanos planted a cross before the church in Patras, 
 and made the Greeks swear to fight for their religion and their 
 country. The Mainotes, who boasted descent from the ancient 
 Spartans, under Petros Moromichalis (commonly called Petrobei) 
 and Theodore Kolokotronis, took Kalamata, the capital of Messe- 
 nia, and established a sort of provisional government there. From 
 this centre the insurrection spread over all Morea, over northern 
 Greece as far as ThermopylaB, and over the islands of the archipel- 
 ago. Among the latter, Hydra and Spezzia, opposite Argolis and 
 Psara, north of Chios, were especially prominent. These three 
 islands equipped 176 ships. The widow Bobolina, of Spezzia, 
 who had lost her husband in the Constantinople massacre, and 
 
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. 13 
 
 one of her sons in the defence of Argos, furnished two ships, and 
 commanded them herself Uke a modern Artemisia. During the 
 first year of the war the Turkish fleet could nowhere make head 
 against the Greek. The Turks were also unable to force their 
 way into northern Greece, being beaten back in the east by the 
 cunning Odysseus, and in the west by the brave Suliotcs under 
 Markos Bozzaris. In Morea the contest was almost wholly con- 
 centrated about Tripolizza, the residence of the vizier. This was 
 a city of 30,000 inhabitants, 10,000 of whom were armed men; 
 while the band of beleaguering Greeks, eager for booty, numbered 
 about 7000, nominally led by Petrobei, but really by Kolokotronis. 
 The city was taken by storm October 5th. The plundering, mur- 
 dering, and burning lasted three days, and a dreadful revenge was 
 taken for the scenes in Constantinople, Crete, and Cyprus. The 
 Turks had but six strongholds left in Morea; the Greek colors 
 even waved over Akrocorinth. 
 
 The year 1822 began with the first national assembly of the 
 Greeks in Piada, near Epidaurus. A constitution was proposed, 
 and a government of five men established, with Alexander Mau- 
 rokordatos as president. Superior to all his countrymen by his 
 knowledge of occidental affairs, by his European culture, and by 
 his integrity, he seemed called to play the part of an Oxenstiern ; 
 but he found in such men as Kolokotronis the foes of all subor- 
 dination, and of every well-ordered political system. This athletic 
 Kolokotronis was a typical klepht, and as such hated the semi- 
 Franks, with their frock-coats and their spectacles. In the previ- 
 ous summer he had opposed the plans of Demetrius Ypsilanti, 
 who came to Morea with the assumption that his very name enti- 
 tled him to the position of president and commander-in-chief. 
 Disunion was already the most dangerous enemy of the Greeks. 
 
 The most brilliant deed of this year (1822) was the revenge 
 for Chios. This flourishing island, rich in southern fruits, silk, 
 and mastic, inhabited by 100,000 Greeks and 6000 Turks, had 
 been dragged into the revolt by Samos against its will, and with 
 slight participation on the part of the inhabitants. On April 
 10th Kamudan Pasha appeared at the island with forty-six ships 
 and VOOO troops. The capital was burnt down, and the inhab- 
 itants killed or enslaved. After having proclaimed an amnesty, 
 the Turks fell upon the country people, thus lulled into a false 
 security, and murdered anew with unheard-of atrocity. Even the 
 
 4 
 
74 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 sick in the hospitals were hewn down. Those who could not 
 take refuge in the liouses of the consuls or on board ship Avcre 
 lost. Only 5000 were rescued; 23,000 were murdered; 47,000 
 were brought into the slave markets of Constantinople, Alexan- 
 dria, and Tunis. 
 
 This blow threatened the other islands. The Greek fleet quick- 
 ly gathered at I'sara. It consisted of fifty-six ships and eight 
 fire-ships, and was commanded by the Ilydriote Miaulis, who had 
 made his first voyage as a seven-year-old boy in his father's ship. 
 On the night between the 18th and 19th of June, Constantino 
 Kanaris of Psara, and George Pipinos of Hydra, with thirty-two 
 comrades — after they liad first received the sacrament, preparing 
 in case of need to blow themselves up — embarked at midnight on 
 two fire-ships, and sailed through the midst of the Turkish fleet 
 toward the brilliantly-lighted vessels of the admiral and vice-ad- 
 miral. The month of fasting had just closed, and Kapudan Pasha 
 was celebrating the opening of the Beiram by a grand feast. 
 There were more than 2000 men on his ship. Kanaris attached 
 his fire-ship to the forepart of the admiral's vessel, which was soon 
 wrapped in flames. Pipinos attached his to the vice-admiral's 
 ship, but was less fortunate, since it broke loose again, and sailed 
 about burning among the startled Turkish fleet. With the cry 
 of "Victory lo the Cross!" the Greeks rowed off in their yawls, 
 while the cannons of the admiral's vessel boomed behind them, 
 and then the vessel itself flew into the air with a terrible explo- 
 sion. Kapudan Pasha, struck by a falling mast, was carried 
 ashore to die on the very spot where, a couple of months before, 
 he had ordered the innocent Chian hostages to be massacred. 
 The Turkish fleet liastened back to the Dardanelles. The garri- 
 son of Chios, panting for vengeance, fell upon the hitherto un- 
 molested mastic villages, and murdered or enslaved the inhabi- 
 tants. By the month of August the population had dwindled 
 from 100,000 to 1800. Kanaris and his fellow-heroes escaped 
 safely to Psara, were there joyfully received, and at once repaired 
 to church to return thanks for victory and escape. 
 
 In this year the Porte had also made great exertions on land. 
 After annihilating the Pasha of Janina, it was free to turn all its 
 forces against the Greeks. " The result of the struggle is no 
 longer doubtful," wrote the sharp-sighted diplomats in Constanti- 
 nople to their courts. The main army was to force its way 
 
THE GREEKS AND THE CONGRESS OF VERONA. 75 
 
 through East Hellas over the isthmus into Morea, while a corps 
 of Albanians was to subdue West Hellas. Dramali (Mahmoud 
 Pasha of Drama) marched with 30,000 men through Therraopy- 
 la3 into BcEotia and Attica, entered Morea, and placed garrisons 
 in Nauplia and Argos, but had to fall back on Corinth through lack 
 of supplies. Kolokotronis, who had been appointed commander- 
 in-chief, waylaid him at the pass of Dervenaki, and inflicted a loss 
 of several thousand men. Nauplia had to surrender again to 
 Kolokotronis ; while the Turkish fleet, which had once more vent- 
 ured forth, without, however, accomplishing anything, lost near 
 Tenedos, on its return, the vice-admiral's ship, which, together with 
 1600 men, the untiring Kanaris, with his fire-ship, blew into the 
 air. In West Hellas the Greeks, strengthened by the Philhellenes 
 under the Wiirteraberg general Normann, had suffered a defeat 
 at Peta, in the neighborhood of Arta, through the treason of Go- 
 gos. This disaster was compensated by the repulse of the Turk- 
 ish assault on Mesolonghi on Christmas-day, when the assailants 
 were beaten back with the loss of all their artillery. They con- 
 soled themselves with the fatalistic proposition: "God has with- 
 drawn valor from the Moslems and granted it to the Giaours." 
 Another year had passed, and still the great Turkish empire was 
 not able, unassisted, to subdue little Greece. The Greeks, on their 
 part, were seeking to put themselves under the protection of Eng- 
 land or some other foreign power. To this end they sent Count 
 Metaxas and the Frenchman Jourdain to the congress of Verona. 
 They expected intercession at the least from Emperor Alexander, 
 whose army and people were eager for war with Turkey. But 
 he allowed himself to be completely blinded by Metternich, who 
 in diplomatic fashion set the Greek revolution in the same cate- 
 gory with the Spanish and Neapolitan, and approved of com- 
 manding the Greek plenipotentiaries to remain in Ancona. The 
 answer finally accorded them was: "The sovereigns are deter- 
 mined to discountenance the principle of rebellion, however and 
 whenever it show itself." Where Metternich was chief cook, the 
 Greeks, who were the same as any other rebels in his eyes, could 
 expect no dinner. Quite different was it in England, where Cas- 
 tlcreagh's penknife had just brought George Canning into the for- 
 eign ministry. As a sentimental young politician. Canning had 
 composed tender elegies on the bondage of Greece; as a matured 
 man, he could play the part of a Tyrtajus, and could cast Eng- 
 
16 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 land's weiglit into the scales in Greece as in South America. It 
 was a harbinger of future action when, in March, 1823, he recog- 
 nized the blockade declared by the Greeks, thus treating them as 
 belligerents. 
 
 Both Turks and Greeks had already pretty well exhausted 
 themselves; there could be no talk of decisive blows until the 
 allies on both sides entered the lists. Further, there was a schism 
 among the Greeks, who had already formed two mutually hostile 
 governments. Of these, the one was supported by klephts, like 
 Kolokotronis ; the other was the constitutional civil government, 
 and had the fleet on its side. The latter, at whose head stood 
 President Konturiotis in Nauplia, finally conquered. Kolokotronis 
 and twelve refractory chiefs were obliged to yield, and were shut 
 up in a cloister at Hydra. In West Hellas, also, the unruly cap- 
 tains had to submit to the provincial congress under the lead of 
 Maurokordatos. The wily Odysseus, who had gone over to the 
 sultan on the promise of being named governor of East Hellas, 
 had to surrender to Guras, and was strangled at Athens. The 
 party of order had never been stronger than at the end of the 
 year 1824; and in view of the threatening tempest they needed 
 all the strength they could command. 
 
 The military events of the two years 1823 and 1824 were not 
 important. In West Hellas, Omer Brione, Pasha of Scutari, 
 pressed forward against Mesolonghi. On the night of August 
 20th, 1823, the gallant Markos Bozzaris, with 350 Suliotes, sur- 
 prised the pasha's vanguard, consisting of 5000 men, at Karpenisi, 
 brought death and confusion into their ranks, and completely 
 scattered them. But the deed, which by its bravery reminds us 
 of Leonidas, had no results, and cost Bozzaris his life. In July, 
 1824, a companion piece to the butchery of Chios was enacted in 
 Psara. The Turkish fleet under Chosrew Pasha landed there; 
 the city was taken and plundered, and after a fearful massacre set 
 fire to. About 100 ships were carried off ; only nineteen escaped 
 laden with fugitives. The garrison of the fort, 600 strong, de- 
 fended themselves two days and two nights. Reduced to 200, 
 they blew themselves up on the third day, along with 2000 Turks 
 who had forced an entrance. The island was laid waste; 17,000 
 inhabitants killed or taken captive. Thereupon Miaulis, with his 
 fast-sailing vessels, hastened to Psara, surprised there twenty-seven 
 Turkish ships, and put them, with the garrison of the city, to 
 
MEHEMED ALI, OF EGYPT. 11 
 
 flight. Samos, on which it had been intended to make a similar 
 landing, was saved by Miaul is. 
 
 About this time a more active sympathy began to be displayed 
 in the West. The massacres of Constantinople and Chios had 
 made bad blood. Men shuddered at the thought of leaving so 
 heroic a folk to be butchered by Asiatic hordes — whose continued 
 rule in Europe is a disgrace — while the West, like the spectators 
 at a theatre, looked on, and the monarchs watched for a signal 
 from their claqueur, Metternich. It was felt, too, that no better 
 return could be made for the culture received from Hellas than 
 to support with gold and troops these late Epigonce in their war 
 for freedom. In Germany, Switzerland, Italy, and France, Greek 
 unions were formed. Troops were shipped from Marseilles, and 
 among them, in 1822, was the above-mentioned Count Normann, 
 who died at Mesolonghi in November, 1823. In England a loan 
 of £800,000 sterling was effected, £40,000 of which reached 
 Greece in March, 1824. The gifted Lord Byron, who had already 
 made a journey to Greece in 1809, and had drawn thence many 
 characters for his poems, arrived at Mesolonghi in January, 1824, 
 in order to assist the Greeks with money, counsel, and action, but 
 died April 15th, closing his restless life by an atoning act. His 
 body found a place beside those of Count Normann and Markos 
 Bozzaris. 
 
 All these little aids could give no decisive results. Quite an- 
 other lever must be applied to set afloat once more the cause 
 which seemed at that very moment hopelessly grounded. The 
 Porte had at last turned to its most powerful vassal, Mehemed 
 Ali, of Egypt. This cunning and able Thracian, a thorough mixt- 
 ure of barbarism and European polish, had accumulated a snug 
 treasure by systematically plundering the wealthy Nile valley, 
 and had organized his army in the European manner, in which 
 French instructors had been very useful to him, especially Colonel 
 Seve (Solinian Bey). Indulging hopes of becoming a great pow- 
 er, thinking even of Constantinople, he was very ready to be sum- 
 moned to Crete and Morea. Crete suffered first. The Turks had 
 already made fearful havoc there in 1821, until the brave Spha- 
 kiotes, descending from their mountains, had beaten them soundly. 
 Toward the end of 1823 an Egyptian fleet appeared, and Egyp- 
 tian troops traversed the whole island, burning and murdering as 
 they went. In the stalactitic grotto of Hermes 500 women and 
 
18 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 chiklron were suffocated by tlic application of fire. The Spliaki- 
 otc chiefs were summoned to surrender, and then cast into prison. 
 After Crete's subjugation, the whole Grecian marine was to be 
 destroyed, and the three islands chastised. Psara had already re- 
 ceived its castigation at the hands of Ohosrew l*aslia. In i\\\y, 
 1824, Mehcmed All's main force was embarked at Alexandria — 
 about 17,000 men, with 54 ships of war and 400 transports — 
 under the lead of his step-son, Ibrahim Pasha, a hard, cruel man, 
 whose military education had been acijuired in a campaign in 
 Arabia, lie drew back before no measures, even the most ex- 
 treme. The plan was to murder all the inhabitants of Morea, 
 or transport them to Egypt, and to repcople the country with 
 Arabians. 
 
 The P^gyptian and Turkish fleets united on the coast of Asia 
 Minor, but were constantly harassed by Miaulis, and every under- 
 taking of importance prevented. Ibrahim was compelled, with 
 the loss of six larger and fifty smaller ships, to sail to Crete and 
 winter there. In the spring of 1825 he landed with 2000 men 
 in the western part of Morea, and took the island of Sphacteria 
 and the fortress of Navarino, which gave him the possession of a 
 suitable harbor. In this strait the Greeks proclaimed a general 
 amnesty. Ivolokotronis and his companions were set free, and 
 the former once more appointed commander-in-chief. On his 
 return to Nauplia, he told the people that he had cast his grudge 
 into the sea, and they must do the same. Marching diagonally 
 through Morea, Ibrahim forced his way to Tripolizza, took the 
 city, and marched against Nauplia, but was prevented from at- 
 tacking it by the appearance of Commodore Hamilton, in com- 
 mand of an p]nglish station-squadron. Kolokotronis was repulsed 
 in an attack upon Tripolizza; and henceforward the Greeks, more 
 accustomed to guerilla warfare than to pitched battles with regu- 
 lar troops, dared not contend with Ibrahim in the open field. The 
 latter made devastating forays through all Morea, and was not to 
 be driven out. 
 
 He had scarcely received 10,000 fresh troops when he set out 
 from Navarino, with army and fleet, for Mcsolonghi, before which 
 he appeared January 9th, 182 G. Reshid Pasha had lain before 
 the place since the previous summer. It had a garrison of 3000 
 men, but was ill equipped with provisions and material of Avar. 
 However, all the assaults of the Turks were repulsed, and admi- 
 
LOSS OF MESOLOXGHI. 79 
 
 rals Miaulis and Sachturls had three times sacceeded in breaking 
 through the hostile fleot, and supplying the besieged with food 
 and powder. Keshid Pasha had to give up the siege in October, 
 bat remained in his outermost intrenchments, mindful of the sul- 
 tan's threat : " Mesolonghi or thy head I" On hLs arrival before 
 the fortress, Ibrahim made merry over "that hedge," which he 
 would take in fourteen days. Miaulis provided the city once 
 more with food and ammunition for two months. The summons 
 to surrender was refused, and Ibrahim's first assault repulsed, to 
 the great joy of Keshid, who had comfortably played the part of 
 spectator, and whose assistance must now be solicited. In April 
 Miaulis attempted once more, with an ill-equipped fleet, to come 
 to the assistance of the city, but found all approaches closed, and 
 could accomplish nothing in face of the superior numbers of the 
 enemy. And yet, according to Ibrahim's own confession, Meso- 
 longhi might have been saved if it had had supplies for three 
 weeks more, for his army, unaccustomed to the harshness of the 
 climate, had already greatly dwindled. 
 
 What neither his assaults nor his French engineers could ac- 
 complish, hunger effected. The distress reached a climax. Men 
 nourished themselves with sea -weed, and mice and rats were a 
 luxury. The city was a heap of ruins, and bitter cold prevailed. 
 Then the Greeks determined to cut their way through the enemy. 
 April 22d, 1826, at two o'clock in the morning, 3000 armed men, 
 with 5000 women and children, and others incapable of bearing 
 arms, in their raidst, broke out of Mesolonghi. They crossed the 
 trenches on boards, to find themselves beset on all sides, for their 
 plan had been betrayed. Bewildered by the terrified cry of 
 " Back I" some returned to the city ; the rest hastened on to 
 Mount Zygos, where Albanian hordes awaited them instead of 
 the help expected. These hewed down hundreds, armed and 
 unarmed: only 1300 escaped to Salona The fate of those who 
 returned was still worse. The enemy forced their way into the 
 city with them, killed the men, and seized the women and chil- 
 dren to sell as slaves. Scattered through the city to p>lunder, 
 many Turks met their death in the ruins of the houses which the 
 Greeks themselves blew up. 
 
 Ibrahim, who had already lost half of his troops, returned to 
 Morea to continue his ravages, in the course of which he was 
 beaten back several times by the Mainotes, into whose mountain- 
 
80 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ous territory he sought to penetrate. He passed the following 
 winter at Modon. In the mean time, Reshid Pasha was in Athens 
 besieging the Acropolis. Notwithstanding the brave defence of 
 the commandant Guras and his heroic wife ; of the gallant Karais- 
 kakis; of the Englishmen Cochrane and Church, and the French- 
 man Fabvier, who had hastened to its succor, the famous citadel 
 had to capitulate June 5th, 1827. Central Greece was lost. Ibra- 
 him Pasha was on the very point of delivering two dreadful 
 blows. He was about to ravage Messenia with fire and sword, 
 and reduce Maina ; and at the same time, by means of the united 
 Turkish and Egyptian fleets, he purposed annihilating Hydra, the 
 stronghold of the Grecian navy, and taking Nauplia from the 
 water -side. Army and fleet were considerably strengthened: 
 these few successes more, and all Greece, from Thermopylae to 
 Cape Matapan, lay in servile chains at the feet of the sultan and 
 his pasha. 
 
 Was no obstacle to be opposed to the accomplishment of these 
 plans ? Certainly not, if all went according to the wishes of Met- 
 ternich, whose warnings were stronger with regard to nothing than 
 " measures of compulsion, except against rebels." But there were 
 other men of importance in Europe who held the opposite opin- 
 ion. The fall of Mesolonghi caused a quick but lasting blaze of 
 philhellenism. The Greek unions in Germany and Switzerland 
 showed a greater activity than ever, and much money was sent 
 out to redeem the captured Greeks from slavery. In the first- 
 named country, King Louis, of Bavaria, was foremost in this mat- 
 ter; in the latter, Eynard, a Genevese banker. In France men 
 like Chateaubriand and Lafitte led the van ; the royal family took 
 part in the movement ; the legitimists saw in Greece no hearth 
 of revolution but a Christian Vendee, the champion of Christian 
 legitimacy in the midst of Mohammedan usurpation. In the 
 Chambers the ministers were obliged to hear many strong expres- 
 sions regarding their course in permitting French ofiicers to serve 
 under an Ibrahim. The Greeks themselves, who had again fallen 
 into the old dissensions, now returned to better ways. At the in- 
 stance of the English admiral Lord Cochrane, who had won lau- 
 rels in the struggle for freedom of the South American colonies, 
 and the English general Church, the national assembly at Trcezen, 
 April 11th, 1827, concluded to name the Korfiote Kapodistrias 
 president of Greece for seven years. 
 
SEA-FIGHT AT NAVARLNO. 81 
 
 But the decisive measures proceeded from England and Russia. 
 The young Miaul is had journeyed to London in 1825, and com- 
 municated to Canning the wish of the Greeks to place themselves 
 under English protection. Canning dared not undertake this Eng- 
 lish patronage, and recommended an appeal to the general media- 
 tion of the collective powers ; but he soon found an opportunity 
 to take more active measures. December 1st, 1825, the Emperor 
 Alexander died at Taganrog, and Nicholas, his successor, was not 
 the man to take his advice from Vienna. Canning sent the Duke 
 of Wellington to congratulate him on his accession. April 4th, 
 1826, an agreement was signed, by which both powers pledged 
 themselves to mediate a peace between Turkey and Greece on the 
 plan of placing Greece in a relation to Turkey similar to that of 
 the Danubian principalities. But when the English and Russian 
 ambassadors, supported by the French, demanded from the Porto, 
 a cessation of hostilities, the latter responded that the sultan was 
 as much master in his own dominions as any other sovereign in 
 his, and deprecated any interference. Thereupon the treaty of 
 London between England, France, and Russia was concluded July 
 6th, 1827, and the three powers agreed to prevent all further hos- 
 tilities, and compel an armistice if necessary. The Porte persist- 
 ed in its refusal. The allies sent their fleets into Grecian waters. 
 The English fleet was commanded by Sir Edward Codrington ; 
 the Russian, by Count Heyden ; the French, by de Rigny. 
 
 In the harbor of Navarino lay 126 Turkish and Egyptian ships, '^^ 
 ready at any moment to depart in order to inflict upon Hydra 
 the fate of Chios. On September 25th, 1827, Codrington and 
 de Rigny had an interview with Ibrahim, and demanded the ces- 
 sation of all hostilities. He promised to carry out their demands, 
 and retain liis ships in the harbor until he had received from Con- 
 stantinople or Alexandria an answer to his inquiries. But when 
 he heard that the Greeks, who had also acquiesced in the demands 
 of the powers, were nevertheless committing hostilities — that the 
 English captain Hastings, who had brought the Greeks their first 
 war steamer and entered their service, had destroyed at Salona, 
 September 30th, seven Turkish, and carried off three Austrian 
 ships, regaining thereby control of the Gulf of Corinth, and re- 
 establishing the connection between Morea and West Hellas — he 
 caused several villages in Messenia to be burnt, 60,000 fig-trees 
 and 25,000 olive-trees to be cut down ; thus ruining for many 
 
 4* 
 
82 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 years the prosperity of the country, and at the same time de- 
 spatched two divisions of his fleet to the Corinthian gulf. Cod- 
 rington, who lay before Zante, barred their passage into the gulf, 
 and drove them back with cannon-balls. He then joined his two 
 colleagues, and as they had also received news of the ravaging of 
 Messenia, the allied fleets sailed southward to the harbor of Nava- 
 rino. There they found the Turkish fleet ready for battle, drawn 
 up in the form of a horse-shoe. Ibrahim had gone to Pyrgos four 
 days before, apparently to evade the demands of the admirals. 
 His fleet consisted of 130 ships, 89 of which were ships of war, 
 with 2438 guns. To these the allies could only oppose 27 ships, 
 Avith 1276 guns. Codrington held the chief command over the 
 allied fleet. His ship, Asia, anchored within pistol-shot of that 
 of the Turkish admiral. The command was not to fire unless the 
 Turks did. Several shots had already been fired, several men had 
 already been killed on the English ships; but still Codrington 
 held back. Then the crew of the Turkish admiral's vessel fired a 
 volley, and the battle began. Right and left the Englishman sunk 
 his opponents, and the others did not fall behind him. Coolness 
 and discipline were on their side ; confusion, stupidity, and cow- 
 ardice on the other. All were tangled together in one knot, as it 
 were, out of which more than 3000 cannon thundered till the con- 
 tracted, hill-girt basin echoed again. The battle lasted four hours, 
 from two P.M. till six ; and in that time from 5000 to 6000 of 
 the enemy were killed, and almost their whole fleet destroyed. 
 Only twenty-nine ships were left which Avere in any way sea-wor- 
 thy. The harbor was covered with fragments. The explosions 
 of disabled ships blown up by the Turks lasted through the Avhole 
 night. On his return to Navarino that evening, Ibrahim saw be- 
 fore him nothing but destruction. The admirals caused him to 
 be informed that in case of the slightest hostility on his part the 
 forts and the remnant of his fleet would be completely battered 
 to pieces. Thereupon he displayed the white flag, and sent what 
 ships could be made sea-worthy to Alexandria, while the allies re- 
 tired to I'cpair damages. 
 
 There was joy over this victory in all Europe, save in the court 
 at Vienna, and there there was dismay. Canning had not lived 
 to witness this triumph. His successor, AVellington, caused the 
 king, in his speech from the throne, to name the victory an unfort- 
 unate event, since the destruction of the Turkish fleet seemed es- 
 
KAPODISTRIAS'S PKESIDENCY. 83 
 
 pecially favorable to Russia's designs. The Porte would not even 
 yet enter into any negotiations regarding the pacification of 
 Greece ; and between it and the ambassadors of the three powers 
 the strife was so hot that the latter left Constantinople, where- 
 upon a number of Franks were expelled from Turkey. A Russo- 
 Turkish war was imminent. In order to reap the full fruits of 
 the day of Navarino, the French general Maison, with 14,000 men, 
 landed in Morea, according to the resolution of the London con- 
 ference, compelling Ibrahim Pasha to depart for Egypt, and the 
 garrisons to capitulate. In October, 1828, Morea was free, and 
 there was nothing to prevent the Greeks from establishing an in- 
 dependent government there at once. 
 
 President Kapodistrias had been on Greek soil since January 
 18th, 1828, received by all parties as their deliverer. Such he 
 might have been, if as Russian minister he had not become so ac- 
 customed to absolute rule that, on his return to Greece, he judged 
 the there existing conditions falsely. His presidency was a sort 
 of dictatorship. The council of state, which should have served 
 as a check upon him, was composed of his creatures. The inde- 
 pendence of provincial and municipal authorities was destroyed, 
 and a government of prefects introduced, under which free munici- 
 pal elections were impossible. In order to make his will omnipo- 
 tent, he employed spies, like Metternich, limited the freedom of the 
 Press, and violated the secrecy of the mails. Schools were estab- 
 lished, it is true, but care was taken that no free ideas should en- 
 ter their halls. In Plato's home Plato's Gorgias could not be 
 read, because it spoke too strongly against tyrants. lie showed 
 no less hatred against everything that had been great and strong 
 in the Greek revolution than the Spanish Ferdinand had shown 
 against Napoleon's victorious antagonists. Toward the self-reli- 
 ant Ilydriotes, toward the independent Mainotes, toward those 
 proud chieftains who had borne their country's fate upon their 
 swords' points, he acted the part of Russian pasha. This could 
 not have been more plainly shown than by his first reception of 
 the captains of East Hellas, when he addressed them with the 
 words : " I know you ; you are all thieves and liars !" And when 
 General Church would have presented to him the heroes of Me- 
 solonghi, he said, " It is not necessary ; I know these gentlemen 
 already. You have brawled for nine years with the Turks, and 
 stolen sheep and goats ; those are your heroic deeds." Such a 
 
84 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 speech fi-om a man who had no other merit than that up to that 
 time he had been the obedient servant of the Emperor of Russia, 
 and had idled about in St. Petersburg and Geneva while his coun- 
 trymen were blowing Turkish flag-ships into the air, was a little 
 too much. 
 
 March 22d, 1829, the three powers determined that Greece 
 should form an hereditary monarchy ; that it should extend 
 northward as far as the gulfs of Arta and Volo ; but that it should 
 be tributary to Turkey. This was so modified, February 3d, 1830, 
 that Greece was to be entirely independent, and free from the 
 payment of tribute ; its northern boundaries were to be some- 
 what contracted ; and Prince Leopold, of Saxe-Coburg, was to be 
 its sovereign. But the prince, who foresaw that with such re- 
 stricted frontiers his government must begin by reclaiming, 
 through force of arms, the remaining Grecian provinces from the 
 Porte, declined the proffered crown ; especially since at that time, 
 owing to the ill-health of the King of England, he had the more 
 brilliant prospect of becoming regent for his minor niece Victoria, 
 This refusal was, of course, most acceptable to Kapodistrias. But 
 his days were numbered. Among those families against which he 
 waged a sort of war of extermination belonged the Mainote fam- 
 ily of Maumichalis. Its most prominent member, the aged Pie- 
 trobei, had been cast into jjrison. His brother Constantine and 
 his son Georgios supplicated his release, but only received the 
 command not to leave Nauplia, and not to walk abroad except 
 under the escort of soldiers. The entreaties of Pietrobei's nine- 
 ty-year old mother, who had seen forty-two members of her family 
 fall for Greece's freedom, also failed to effect his release. Then 
 Constantine and Georgios resolved to act. On the morning of 
 October 9th, 1831, Kapodistrias went to church with one attend- 
 ant. Constantine and Georgios walked in the same direction. 
 The former fired a pistol at the president's head ; the latter thrust 
 a dagger into his body. Constantine was wounded by a pistol- 
 shot from Kapodistrias's attendant, and killed outright by a mob ; 
 Georgios was shot before his father's window, October 22d. The 
 senate at once named Count Augustine Kapodistrias, brother of the 
 murdered man, president of Greece. lie brought things to such 
 a pass by his mode of governing, that Morea and Central Greece 
 took up arms for a civil war, and he was at length obliged to ab- 
 dicate, April 9th, 1832. In the following month the London 
 
KING OHIO'S GOVERNMENT. 85 
 
 conference named Prince Otho, of Bavaria, son of the crowned 
 pbilbellenist Louis, King of Greece, and restored the boundaries 
 of x\rta and Volo. But even in this determination of the fron- 
 tiers diplomacy again showed small wisdom. If any one province 
 deserved to be freed from the Turkish yoke, and made part of the 
 new kingdom, it was Crete, which from the beginning had endured 
 all the hardships of war. England's jealousy of Russia's influence 
 in Greece, and her anxiety lest the Russian navy should gain too 
 secure a footing in the Mediterranean, led to this determination — 
 which the Sphakiotes of 1866 had cause so bitterly to curse. 
 
 King Otho landed in Nauplia January 30th, 1833. As he was 
 not yet of age, a regency of three men was intrusted with the 
 government — Count von Armansperg, Councillor von Maurer, and 
 General Ileydeck. Three thousand five hundred Bavarian soldiers 
 were to maintain order until a national army could be created. 
 The regency developed a great activity, but was divided in itself, 
 and hence the more exposed to the conflicting influences of foreign 
 ambassadors. Conspiracies for the overthrow of the regency were 
 plotted, in which the aged Kolokotronis took part. lie was con- 
 demned to twenty years' imprisonment, but released after one year, 
 on Otho's assumption of the administration. The capital was 
 transferred, December 25th, 1833, from Nauplia to the classical 
 Athens. Though then nothing but a heap of rubbish, Athens 
 soon contained a university, and shortly became one of the most 
 important posts in the East. King Otho, who had undertaken 
 the government for himself July 1st, 1835, and married Princess 
 Amalie, of Oldenburg, in the following year, named first Arman- 
 sperg and then von Rudhardt prime-minister. After the latter 
 had been discharged in 1837, in consequence of his disagreement 
 with the English ambassador Lyons, who accused him of friendship 
 to Russia, only Greeks were taken into the ministry ; but the har- 
 mony was not thereby increased. A military insurrection, head- 
 ed by Kalergis of Crete, a member of the Russian party, and an 
 associate of the now deceased Kolokotronis, compelled the king, 
 who, moreover, in no way resisted, to grant Greece, September 
 15th, 1843, a representative constitution. But even this could not 
 remove the dissatisfaction of the people. The Greeks, who had 
 dreamed of a Byzantine empire, and of Constantinople, felt them- 
 selves unnaturally confined, and every storm which raged on the 
 Bosphorus rolled waves of hope and restlessness down to Greece. 
 
86 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES, 
 
 No one knew better how to excite these storms than Russia. 
 Its natural inclinations and its traditions led it toward the Balkan 
 peninsula, the possession of which would have accorded it an 
 enormous increase of power. So much the more jealously did 
 England watch over the pulse-beats of the " sick man," Emperor 
 Alexander had once indulged fond fancies of settling, in league 
 with Napoleon, the Eastern question in the Russian interests. 
 After Napoleon's fall, he became, as we have already seen, found- 
 er of the Holy Alliance, and opponent of revolutions in southern 
 Europe. In the internal affairs of his country he showed the lib- 
 eral side of his character. He abolished serfdom in the Baltic 
 provinces, and in 1818 gave the kingdom of Poland a constitu- 
 tion and a separate administration, spite of the opposition of the 
 old Russians. But it was with the Poles as with the Greeks — 
 their boundaries were far too narrow in comparison with those of 
 the good old time. Secret societies were formed, which sought 
 to carry the self-government of the kingdom to the point of ab- 
 solute independence from Russia. More dangerous still were the 
 associations of freemasons in Russia itself. Many members of 
 the first families having become acquainted with freer institutions 
 through travel, or through long residence in Germany and France 
 during the wars, formed a conspiracy to murder Alexander, and 
 overthrow the existing system of government. With their plans 
 fell in the great dissatisfaction of the people — especially the army 
 and the clergy — who could not forgive Alexander for having pur- 
 sued, through the influence of the Austrian government, an anti- 
 national policy toward their fellow - believers, the Greeks. The 
 news of this conspiracy, and the distressing consciousness of the 
 depth of his fall from the height of 1814 and 1815, made him 
 ever closer and more distrustful. In order to refresh himself, 
 bodily and mentally, he undertook a journey to the south, but 
 died of bilious fever, resulting from a cold, December 1st, 1825, 
 in Taganrog, on the Sea of Azov. 
 
 Of the three brothers of the childless emperor, the eldest, Con- 
 stantine, at that time viceroy of Poland, had already resigned 
 his right to the throne. Hence the succession fell to his second 
 brother, Nicholas. December 26th, 1825, was the day set for the 
 high officials and the military to take the oath. As Constantine's 
 resignation of his rights had hitherto been kept secret, the con- 
 spirators took advantage of this secrecy to represent him as the 
 
CZAR NICHOLAS. 87 
 
 rightful heir, and Nicholas as the usurper. Their plans included 
 assassination of. the emperor, and indeed of the whole imperial 
 family, and the proclamation of a constitution ; and a few even 
 dreamed of a republic of Russia. To the soldiers their cry was: 
 " Long live Constantino and the constitution !" and when the sol- 
 diers asked if the constitution were Constantine's wife, the conspir- 
 ators left them in that belief. The rebellious regiments assembled 
 in Isaac's Square, received the Czar with disorderly cries, and shot 
 Count Miloradovitch, the governor. They could not be brought 
 to reason until Nicholas caused them to be fired on with grape- 
 shot, and ordered his cuirassiers to cut them down. This was the 
 end of the insurrection in St. Petersburg. It lacked a leader, and 
 in the south, also, where the head -quarters of the conspirators 
 were Kiev, General Diebitch readily put it down. Numerous exe- 
 cutions and banishments were the immediate consequences of this 
 mad undertaking. 
 
 In almost all respects Nicholas was the exact opposite of his 
 brother. He lacked the gentleness, impulsiveness, and breadth, 
 but also the weakness and indecision of Alexander, and showed 
 himself from the beginning a practical and energetic character. 
 To rule absolutely, to hold down every other will, to bar the land 
 against European culture, to increase and perfect the army, to 
 break loose from Metternich's guardianship, to make Russia's in- 
 fluence paramount in all foreign questions — that was his pro- 
 gramme. The Grecian rebellion afforded him a wished-for op- 
 portunity of giving Europe a specimen. The war with Persia 
 had scarcely been brought to a successful conclusion, through the 
 capture of the fortress of Erivan by General Paskevitch in 1827, 
 when a Turkish campaign stood before the door. Distant Greece 
 lay far less upon the Czar's heart than the neighboring Danubian 
 principalities; hence, without a word about Greece, he concluded 
 the treaty of Akerman with the Porte, September 25th, 1826, in 
 accordance with which the hospodars of Moldavia and Wallachia 
 were to be chosen for seven years, and then again be eligible; to 
 depend no longer on the Turkish authorities, and not to be re- 
 moved without the consent of the St. Petersburg cabinet. By 
 this means the centre of gravity of those countries was transferred 
 to St. Petersburg. Soon after the Russians complained of breach 
 of faith; the London treaty of July 6th, 1827, the battle of Na- 
 varino, the expulsion of the Christians, the molestation of Russian 
 
88 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 shipping-, and much more of the same sort, followed ; and so, April 
 6tl), 1828, war was declared. 
 
 Russia wished to hasten on the war, since just at that time, 
 after the suppression of the Janizaries, the new Turkish military 
 organization was still in process of development. Those Turkish 
 pretorians, no longer what they had been in former centuries, had 
 become a cowardly, insubordinate horde, better at plundering than 
 at fighting. When the sultan, envious of the Egyptian successes 
 in Morea, announced his intention of establishing a disciplined 
 infantry with the help of chosen Janizaries, they flew to arms 
 (June 15th, 1827), and began to plunder and murder. As Nich- 
 olas had done with the St. Petersburg conspirators, the sultan 
 caused them to be fired upon with grape-shot by reliable troops. 
 He burnt their barracks, executed hundreds of them, sent many 
 more to Asia, and ordered the suppression of the Janizaries, who 
 revenged themselves by incendiarism. The people were summon- 
 ed to arms, and diligently drilled in their use with the help of 
 European oflBcers. In other branches of the administration, also, 
 the sultan planned sweeping reforms. All this increased the im- 
 portance of the Turkish grandees. One pasha bluntly asked the 
 French interpreter Desgranges how long the revolution in France 
 had lasted; and on his replying, "Twenty-five or thirty years," 
 said, boastfully, " Write to Paris that we have accomplished one 
 in twenty-three minutes !" 
 
 May Vth, 1828, the Russians crossed the Pruth, and entered 
 Moldavia and Wallachia. In spite of long preparations, they ap- 
 peared with only 70,000 men, and so the guards had to follow 
 after. The commander - in - chief was Count Wittgenstein, who 
 had not shown himself a military genius in the year 1813 at 
 Grossgörschen. Unfortunately, too, Nicholas was with the army, 
 with a crowd of diplomats and military plenipotentiaries. As 
 though to give the Turks time to assemble, Wittgenstein did not 
 cross the Danube for four weeks. The first operations, directed 
 against the small Danubian fortresses, were successful. In six 
 weeks six fortresses were taken — Isakdje, Matchin, Hirsova, Ba- 
 zardjik, Tultcha, and Kustendji. But no progress was made with 
 the siege of Silistria or of Shumla. Here the Russians suffered 
 considerable loss. The only important result of the campaign 
 was the taking of Varna (October 10th), which, invested by land 
 and sea, surrendered, with 7000 men, through the treason of the 
 
RÜSSO-TUßKISH WAR, 1829. 89 
 
 commandant Yussuf Pasha. A Russian garrison remained here ; 
 the siege of Silistria and Shumla was abandoned ; and the greater 
 part of the army crossed the Danube and took up their winter- 
 quarters there. The successes in Asia were more considerable. 
 Paskevitch, who bore the title of Count Erivan from the Persian 
 campaign, entered Turkish Armenia and took the strongholds of 
 Kars, Achalkalaki, and Achalzik, while his generals captured the 
 fortresses of Anapa and Poti, on the Black Sea. In the following 
 year, after defeating two Turkish armies, he entered Erzeroum. 
 
 The more insignificant the successes of 1828, so much the more 
 necessary it became for Russia, in spite of all Metternich's counter- 
 plans, to undertake, in the year 1829, a second campaign against 
 Turkey. This time Nicholas remained in St. Petersburg, and the 
 energetic Count Diebitsch, a Silesian, hitherto chief-of-staff, as- 
 sumed the chief command. He defeated Reshid Pasha, the Grand 
 Vizier, at Kulevdcha, on June 11th ; and Silistria yielded to him 
 on June 29th, after a seven weeks' defence. Leaving a corps of 
 observation before Shumla, he commenced his march over the 
 Balkans — whence the sobriquet of Sabalkanski. Nine days later 
 he reached the level country, and on August 20th he entered 
 Adrianople, the garrison capitulating. His soldiers already reach- 
 ed Chorla and Rodosto, and threatened Constantinople in their 
 forays, while Admiral Greigh was taking the small seaports south 
 of Varna. The hour of the Turkish empire seemed to have 
 struck. Diplomacy was in breathless suspense. Each moment 
 the occupation of Constantinople was expected. But Diebitsch, 
 who had only 20,000 men left, and was threatened in the rear by 
 Reshid Pasha, while the Pasha of Skodra was advancing on his 
 right flank with 40,000 men, found himself in a far worse dilem- 
 ma than the sultan. In order to conceal his real situation, he held 
 the same language as if he were at the head of 100,000 men, and 
 so succeeded in browbeating the Porte. England's jealousy had 
 reached such a pitch that Admiral Gordon received orders to en- 
 ter the Sea of Marmora with the British fleet as soon as the Rus- 
 sians appeared before Constantinople. In order to avert this 
 extreme action, the diplomats, especially General Miifiling, whom 
 the Prussian government had sent to mediate, influenced the Porte 
 to yield. Negotiations were entered into, and September 14th 
 the treaty of Adrianople was concluded, Russia restored all her 
 conquests in Europe, as well as Kars ; in Asia she retained Anapa, 
 
90 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Poti, Achalzik, and Achaikalaki, thereby becoming mistress of 
 the eastern shore of the Black Sea ; she acquired for the Da- 
 nubian principalities almost complete independence, and life-rule 
 of the hospodars ; for herself she gained great freedom of trade 
 by land and sea, and free passage through the Bosphorus and 
 Dardanelles (in which other countries were also to participate) ; 
 and with regard to Greece, the London treaty was agreed to. 
 
 Turkey was not utterly annihilated: it still remained an inde- 
 pendent state ; but if it had ever spread about itself a nimbus of 
 power, it ceased to do so from that time on. On the other hand, 
 Russia's power and influence rose vastly ; and in the next two dec- 
 ades not Turkey alone, but also Germany, was to feel this power. 
 
 FRANCE AND THE RESTORATION OF THE BOURBONS. 
 
 Chateaubriand says of his countrymen, " There is plenty of 
 esjn'it in France, but reason and sound common-sense are want- 
 ing ; a couple of phrases intoxicate us." It is certainly harder 
 to rule sucli a nation than a nation of sober, sensible men. Yet 
 the way in which the Bourbons could achieve stability for their 
 throne was clearly marked out. The constitution, which, at the 
 instance of foreign powers, Louis XVIIL had granted on his first 
 return, June 4th, 1814 — the charte constitutionelle — contained so 
 many liberal provisions that the government only needed to main- 
 tain it, and develop it further in accordance with the ideas of the 
 century, in order to have on its side the larger and better edu- 
 cated part of the French people. These belonged for the most 
 part to the constitutionals, who were again divided into Inde- 
 pendents and Doctrinaires. Among the former were reckoned 
 men like Lafitte, Manuel, Beranger, Lafayette, Benjamin-Constant; 
 among the latter, who affirmed the doctrine of constitutional gov- 
 ernment, and the necessity of a strong administration, Guizot and 
 Villemain. Two other parties, the Republicans and Bonapartists, 
 had no large following after the dearly-bought experiences of the 
 previous years. It was clear that the government could only be 
 really strong when it rested on the Constitutional party, drawing 
 
THE ULTRAS.— LOUIS XVIIL AND THE COUNT OF ARTOIS. 91 
 
 the Doctrinaires to it, not repulsing the Independents, and making 
 opportune concessions. But whoever believed that in France the 
 years 1789 to 1815 could be simply jumped over and ignored, 
 fell into a grave error, and in this error were the fourth party, the 
 Ultras, who were to be found principally among the nobility and 
 clergy. Reinvestiture in their prerogatives as specially privileged 
 classes ; restitution of the property of nobles and Church, which 
 had been confiscated and sold ; absolute dominion at court, in the 
 army, and in all higher grades of the civil service ; control of 
 education, and reduction of the people to hopeless bigotry — sucli 
 were the demands of these gentlemen. With this the charte was 
 not compatible. They regarded it, however, as a disgrace to the 
 kingdom that such a thing as the charte existed. The whole fif- 
 teen years that the government of the restoration lasted was noth- 
 ing but a battle between Constitutionals and Ultras. If the gov- 
 ernment adhered to the former, it would have strong support 
 among the people, and need feel no fears; but if to the latter, it 
 was to be feared that the people might overthrow it by a new 
 revolution. It had its choice. 
 
 King Louis, who, during the lifetime of his brother, the mur- 
 dered Louis XVI., had borne the title Count of Provence, was 
 possessed of good-nature, but of little wisdom and energy. The 
 Ultras did not please him, since he knew enough to perceive that 
 they might cost him his throne. The Constitutionals did not suit 
 his Bourbon poverty of intellect, and so he sought as well as pos- 
 sible to steer between the two. Owing to his childlessness, his 
 brother was the heir-apparent. This was the fifty-eight-year-old 
 Charles, Count of Artois, who, wholly devoted to the chase, thea- 
 tre, and amours — neither himself possessed of knowledge, nor fond 
 of it in others — after a dissipated life sought the cloak of the 
 Church, and formed truly heavenly conceptions of the majesty of 
 an earthly king. lie would allow the constitution to last so long 
 and extend so far as iron necessity demanded ; for the rest, he 
 affirmed that he would rather saw wood for a living than be king 
 after the English fashion. He was the right man for the Ultras, 
 who formed under his sceptre an actual side -government, the 
 " Pavilion Marsan," as it was called, after the place of meeting, 
 or the " Coblenz," transported to Paris. His influence was the 
 greater since he was commander of the national guard, and also 
 stood at the head of the Congregation (a confederation of strict 
 
92 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Roman Catholics). His sons were the Duke of Angouleme and 
 the Duke of Berry, both mentally insignificant — the former best 
 known on account of his wife ; the latter, of his early death. 
 Angouleme was married to the unfortunate daughter of Marie 
 Antoinette, who had lost parents, family, everything by the revo- 
 lution, and now cherished revenge in her feminine heart. In his 
 daughter-in-law Count Artois had a resolute confederate. This 
 marriage was also childless. Berry was gayer and better-natured 
 than his elder brother, but full of Bourbon pride, and so wanting 
 in tact toward the Napoleonic officers as to be actually insolent. 
 Since 1816 he had been married to the Neapolitan princess, Maria 
 Carolina, and on this marriage rested the hopes of the dynasty. 
 
 On his return, in order to meet the wishes of the people, Louis 
 had taken those two great traitors, Talleyrand and Fouche, into 
 his cabinet. A few months later they were discharged, and Sep- 
 tember 24th, 1815, the Duke of Richelieu was placed at the head 
 of a new ministry. He was a good royalist, but no Ultra, and 
 found himself facing a Chamber which far outbade him and his 
 administration in servility. In consequence of the burden press- 
 ing upon all France, and of the wretched system of suffrage, there 
 met, October 'Zth, a strongly aristocratic Chamber, called la cham- 
 bre introuvahle, since Louis himself had said that under existing 
 circumstances it had seemed to him impossible to find such a 
 chamber. By it the safety-laws — perhaps better the revenge- 
 laws — were adopted, which abolished personal freedom, punished 
 seditious cries and acts, and instituted provosts' courts, a species 
 of military tribunals. The arrests were so numerous that 7000 
 were soon counted. No official was any longer sure of liis post. 
 The rage against all memorials of the revolution and of Bona- 
 parte was like that in Piedmont. One prefect went so far as to 
 burn a life-size picture of Napoleon and a live eagle, and cast the 
 ashes of the " man-eater Bonaparte " into the water. Hand-in- 
 hand with this went the struggle of the Roman Catholic clergy 
 against the ideas of the 19th century. The system of spiritual 
 gloom recalls the times of the Gregorys and Innocents. Mission- 
 aries were sent through the land, and the effort was made, by gor- 
 geous pageants, by missionary hymns sung to well-known revo- 
 lutionary tunes, by sentimental or stirring preachers, to win the 
 people, especially the women. The army was in the highest de- 
 gree irritated by ill-judged persecution and neglect of the Bona- 
 
REACTIONARY MEASURES.— LIBERAL ELECTION LAW. 93 
 
 partists. Colonel Labedoyere and Marshal Ney were shot, and 
 Count Lavalette only saved from a like fate by the devotion of 
 bis wife, a niece of the Empress Josephine. In the year 1816 
 two more generals were shot, and numerous refugees condemned 
 to death. Was it to be wondered at if, scarcely a year after 
 Louis's return, conspiracies came to light, and the revolutionary- 
 game again began in Grenoble, Lyons, and Paris? The Ultras 
 cried all the louder for new victims, and all members of the Bona- 
 parte family, and the so-called regicides, who, as members of the 
 Assembly, had voted for the execution of Louis XVL, were ban- 
 ished. But when the Ultras in the Chambers sought to go still 
 farther, and so betrayed the fact that they were less concerned 
 about strengthening the throne than the privileges of the nobles 
 and clergy, Louis dissolved this Chamber, September 5th, 1816. 
 
 A new election law was laid before the new Chamber, which, 
 in order to counteract the efforts of the Ultras, granted suffrage 
 and eligibility to manufacturers and capitalists, i. e., the real mid- 
 dle class. The law was carried through notwithstanding the op- 
 position of the aristocracy, and as every year one-fifth of the rep- 
 resentatives retired, and their places were supplied by new elec- 
 tions, it resulted in bringing each year more Constitutionals into 
 the Chamber. In the autumn of 1818, of the fifty-five new mem- 
 bers no less than twenty-three were Constitutionals, and those 
 twenty-three were among the leaders of the Independents. Riche- 
 lieu was at the time in attendance at the congress of Aix la Cha- 
 pelle, at which he persuaded the foreign monarchs to withdraw 
 their troops from France at once, instead of after two years. 
 Stocked with good advice by Emperor Alexander, Metternich, 
 and Wellington, he returned to Paris resolved to unite more with 
 the Ultras, and to change the election law. But a part of his col- 
 leagues and a majority in the Cliambers manifested a decided op- 
 position, and so Richelieu laid down his office. The new ministry 
 entered office December 28th, 1818. Its president was General 
 Dessolles, its real head from the outset Decazes, minister of the 
 interior, a man much loved by Louis on account of his amiable 
 manners. Its beginnings were very liberal. The creation of six- 
 ty-five new peers strengthened the more liberal elements in the 
 upper Chamber; freedom of the Press was granted, reactionary 
 prefects dismissed, and several exiles, even " regicides," recalled. 
 The elections of 1819 looked in the same direction; of the fifty- 
 
94 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 five new members thirty-five entered tlie Chambers as Indepen- 
 dents. Among those elected was Gregory, Bishop of Blois, who 
 formerly, as member of the Assembly, sanctioned in writing the 
 execution of Louis, and was said to have declared that "Kings 
 are in the moral what monstrosities are in the physical world." 
 His election was too much for Louis XVIIL He required of 
 Dessolles a change of policy, and since DessoUes and two other 
 ministers resisted, Decazes was placed at the head of a new minis- 
 try, November 16th, 1819. Gregory's election was annulled, and 
 Decazes announced a change in the election law. 
 
 February 13th, 1820, the Duke of Berry was assassinated by 
 a saddler's prentice, named Louvel, a fanatical opponent of Bour- 
 bon rule, as he came out of the opera-house to escort his wife to 
 the carriage. This deed was employed by the Ultras to over- 
 throw the liberal-seeming ministry. They even declared Decazes 
 to be an accessory of Louvel, and the Count of Artois insisted 
 upon his dismissal. The king had to yield, and on February 20th 
 Richelieu again assumed the premiership. He at once laid three 
 bills before the Chamber concerning the reintroduction of Press 
 censorship in the case of journals, the limitation of personal free- 
 dom, and certain electoral provisions, intended to bring the elec- 
 tions entirely into the hands of the aristocracy ; and notwith- 
 standing the violent opposition of the Lidependents, and the 
 bloody street riots, he carried them through. Fortune seemed to 
 smile on the Bourbons. The Duchess of Berry gave birth to a 
 son, the Duke of Bordeaux, "Europe's child," over whom as 
 much humbug was enacted as over other similar wonder-children. 
 The continuance of the dynasty, and its maintenance upon the 
 throne of France, appeared to be assured. But there were many 
 who were as unwilling to believe in the legitimacy of this heir as 
 the English of 1688 in the legitimacy of the son of James H. 
 Some even spoke of the " death-knell of legitimacy." 
 
 It was the time of the military revolts in Italy and Spain. A 
 reflex wave could not fail to strike France. New conspiracies 
 appeared. The death of Napoleon, which took place May 15th, 
 1821, aroused afresh the spirits of the Ultras. They rejoiced in 
 the belief that their time was now come. Thanks to the new 
 election laws, they strengthened their ranks at each election. 
 Richelieu was no longer good enough for them ; the Chambers 
 overthrew him by a vote of lack of confidence, and brought the 
 
THE REACTIONARY MINISTRY OF VILLELE. 95 
 
 Count of Artois's friends to the beim. December 13th, 1821, M. 
 de Villele, a royalist of the purest water, formed a new ministry. 
 He was distinguished for parliamentary dexterity, and for his ac- 
 quaintance with questions of finance and trade, but equally dis- 
 tinguished for his reactionary tendencies. Yet at the outset he 
 hesitated about yielding to the wishes of the congress of Verona, 
 and sending an army to Spain. But no choice was left him. The 
 demand of 100,000,000 francs for this expedition called forth the 
 liveliest discussion in the Chamber. The liberals feared the sup- 
 pression of the Spanish revolution, and its consequences for France ; 
 the Ultras hoped to suppress that revolution, and looked forward 
 to a hierarchico-aristocratic government for France as the conse- 
 quence of such action. Deputy Manuel, who seemed to make a 
 casual allusion to the execution of Louis XVI., was expelled by a 
 majority of the Chamber, and dragged from the hall by gens- 
 darmes. Thereupon sixty -two members of the left withdrew. 
 The intervention proceeded. The Duke of Angouleme returned 
 a victor, and the Ultras made use of his success in a boastful and 
 injudicious manner. The Chambers were dissolved, and, as the 
 result of shameless interference in the elections, there assembled, 
 March 23d, 1824, a worthy counterpart to la chambre introuvable 
 of 1815 — hence named "the re-found." Out of 430 members, 
 the liberal opposition numbered only seventeen. In order to 
 hold this Chamber together as long as possible, and to remain for 
 seven years untroubled by any electoral agitation, Villele procured 
 the repeal of the article of the constitution ordaining the yearly 
 renewal of one-fiftli of the representatives, and substituted there- 
 for one providing that all the members should be elected for 
 seven years, and the whole Chamber renewed at the end of that 
 period. The new portfolio of public worship and instruction was 
 confided to Bishop Frayssinous, who put the entire school system 
 into the hands of the clergy, and removed all liberal teachers. 
 And what was still to come when the Count of Artois himself, 
 the head of the Ultras, should sit upon the throne ? Owing to 
 Louis's failing health, he already practically had the reins in his 
 hands. September 16th, 1824, the king died, having in his last 
 days, full of gloomy forebodings, said warningly to his brother, 
 "Do not forget that you have to preserve the throne for your 
 son and grandson !" 
 
 According to custom. King Charles opened his reign by acts of 
 
96 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 mercy. He granted amnesty to political offenders, and abolished 
 the censorship of the Press. But the aristocratical and ecclesias- 
 tical party — the Congregation — would not let him escape from 
 their hands even if he had wished to. In the Chamber of 1825 
 they passed three laws — for the establishment of more convents 
 for women, which was merely a pretext for the rc-establishraent 
 of the cloisters in general ; for the indemnification of the emigres, 
 by which the public debt was increased one milliard francs; and 
 for the punishment of sacrilege, by which not only theft, but 
 also desecration of the host and the holy vessels, was punished 
 with death. And they might consider themselves fortunate, the 
 minister of justice said, to escape a law against blasphemy. 
 Charles's true nature was becoming constantly more evident. He 
 retired 167 generals of the empire, revived the ridiculous old 
 court titles, and caused himself to be crowned at Rheims, May 
 29th, 1825, with mediaeval splendor. In the great processions of 
 the jubilee year, 1826, in a violet prelate's robe, at the head of his 
 court, he sung the miserere through the streets of Paris. The sin- 
 ister Abbe Tliarin, who had declared the Jesuits the heaven-sent 
 props of monarchy, was made tutor of the Duke of Bordeaux. 
 The king allowed his grand almoner, the Prince of Croi, in a pas- 
 toral letter, to pronounce all civil marriage concubinage, and hence 
 null, and to attach ecclesiastical penalties to neglect of the mass 
 and confession. Against this " Capuchin government," which af- 
 forded the popular poet Beranger so much material for satire, the 
 public sentiment grew constantly stronger, for the Frenchman is 
 a Roman Catholic, but not a bigot. The newspapers were excited 
 over the encroachments of the clergy, and the jealousy of the courts 
 for the independence of the Press procured the acquittal of the 
 journalists in all the suits by which Villele sought to clog them. 
 Even the Chambers were no longer willing to lend themselves as 
 tools to such a ministry. The Chamber of Peers rejected the 
 new Press law, which sought to stifle all education and intelli- 
 gence, make France a Jesuit machine, and set it back into the 
 times of the inquisition. A few days after this defeat the min- 
 istry had to listen to still plainer language. At a review of the 
 national guard which Charles held April 27th, 1827, the cry 
 rung out, "Long live the king!" but along with this the cries, 
 " Long live the constitution ! Down with the ministers ! Down 
 with the Jesuits !" And on their return to the city one legion 
 
VILLELE'S FALL.— THE MARTIGNAC MINISTRY. 97 
 
 cried out before the palace of the finance department, " Down 
 with Villele !" He replied by disbanding the national guard, al- 
 though lie left them their weapons. He restored the censorship 
 of the Press — only to abolish it again half a year later — caused 
 seventy-six new peers to be added to the upper house, and dis- 
 solved the Chambers. But his clerical system of government had 
 become so unpopular, that, notwithstanding all his efforts at the 
 new elections, out of 428 representatives only 125 were minis- 
 terialists. Several quarters in Paris celebrated this popular vic- 
 tory by illuminations ; barricades were erected, and the soldiers 
 had to clear the streets by firing. It was evident that if Villele 
 retained his post there would be a revolution in Paris. 
 
 So Charles allowed his minister to fall, and summoned, January 
 24th, 1828, Viscount de Martignac as president of the ministry. 
 Martignac was a stilful and experienced man of affairs, and a 
 man of honorable character, but without a high order of political 
 sagacity, and lacking conviction — a temporizer, whose programme, 
 as the Ultras sarcastically said, was comprised in the few words, 
 *' I love papa, the good God ; I love mamma, the Revolution." 
 The speech from the throne dwelt on the sea-fight at Navarino, 
 and France's participation in the liberation of Greece. To recon- 
 cile the opposition, Martignac brought before the Chamber liberal 
 election and Press laws, and effected the departure of a great part 
 of the Jesuits through a decree by which the eight Jesuit schools 
 were to be placed under the direction of the University, while 
 none of the instructors employed by the University could belong 
 to an unauthorized religious society. Greatly against his will, 
 Charles consented to these innovations of the ministry which had 
 been forced upon him, and worked with his confidential advisers 
 against them. The popular manifestations with which he was 
 greeted on a journey through Alsace and Lorraine strengthened 
 his belief that the real people were for him alone, and cared 
 nothing for the constitution, and that the Chamber and the Press 
 misguided the Parisians. As the Chamber showed itself not quite 
 satisfied with Martignac, and meddled with the number and pay 
 of the royal adjutants, he dismissed the ministry and named a new 
 cabinet, August 8th, 1829, from the ultra-royalists. At the head 
 of this stood the Prince de Polignac, whose poverty of intellect 
 kept even pace with his obstinacy of will. The war department 
 was conducted by Count Bourmont, the traitor of Waterloo. 
 
 5 
 
98 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 The appointment of this ministry, which made the royal words, 
 " No more concessions !" its programme, appeared to the liberals 
 an open declaration of war, the unfurling of the banner of the 
 counter-revolution. Even royalists found fault with this blunder 
 on the king's part, and saw in it the beginning of the end. The 
 Press ventured on the most violent attacks, and numerous were 
 the acquittals of journalists before the courts. Secret societies 
 were formed everywhere — some of them with republican princi- 
 ples — and maintained connections with the revolutionists in the 
 other Latin countries. There was already talk of refusing to pay 
 taxes, and associations were started for the indemnification of 
 those condemned for such refusal. The society, " Aide toi et le 
 del faidera,'''' already in existence, took on new activity. The 
 outspoken tactics of all the elements of opposition were : " To 
 make all government impossible, in oi-der to overthrow the existing 
 one." The old friend of the people, Lafayette, was received like a 
 monarch at Grenoble and Lyons on a tour through southern France ; 
 crowns and escorts of honor, serenades and illuminations were 
 forced upon him ; while the dauphin, the Duke of Angouleme, 
 who travelled through Normandy at the same time, did not receive 
 the slightest token of honor from the people, not even one cheer, 
 and most of the ladies of Cherbourg refused to take part in the 
 grand ball in his honor. The language of the new opposition sheet, 
 the National, issued by the historians Thiers and Mignet, was plain 
 and incisive. When they spoke of the Stuarts and the English 
 revolution of 1688 — how there was no social storm, but only a 
 change of dynasty ; how there the people had refused to regard 
 as their sovereign a king who did not respect their rights, and set 
 his own will higher than Parliament and the constitution ; how 
 they refused him allegiance, yet allowed him to escape unmolest- 
 ed to France, while they intrusted themselves to a man who gave 
 greater securities for the strict observance of the constitution, the 
 great Orange, William III — Avho Avas there to whom the allusion 
 to the incorrigible Bourbons did not sound like a prophecy ? who 
 was there to whom there did not, at the same time, occur the 
 name of him to whom in France the role of Orange should be 
 assigned ? 
 
 The Chambers were reopened March 2d, 1830. In his speech 
 from the throne, Charles let it be plainly understood that his roy- 
 al prerogative was superior to the constitution, and that he was 
 
DISSOLUTION OF THE CHAMBER.— CONQUEST OF ALGIERS. 99 
 
 prepared to meet revolutionary machinations with force. That 
 at the end of his speech his hat fell to the ground, and that it was 
 the Duke of Orleans who picked it up, was regarded as an omen. 
 The address prepared by the Chamber, in answer to the speech 
 from the throne, dwelt on the sanctity of the constitution as op- 
 posed to the prerogative of the crown, and contained a definite 
 vote of lack of confidence in the ministry. It was adopted by 
 221 votes to 181. The king's reply to the deputation which pre- 
 sented the address was that he regretted its contents, and that his 
 resolutions were not to be altered. He was not to be moved to a 
 change of the hated ministry. He would be found like a rock, 
 he announced to his friends, if the attempt were made to prescribe 
 his ministers; he would fight, if need be; he would rather walk as 
 he pleased than ride as others pleased. The Chamber was at once 
 prorogued. Soon after, May 1 6th, it was dissolved. The electoral 
 colleges were summoned for the end of June and beginning of July, 
 and August 3d was set for the opening of the new Chamber. 
 
 The government spared no means to control the elections, and 
 return a majority of the delegates. And could there be a more 
 effective means to turn excited spirits into other channels, and 
 surround the government with intoxicating popularity, than to 
 undertake a military expedition, and come before the nation so 
 susceptible to military glory with new trophies ? The opportunity 
 was not lacking. In April, 1827, the Dey of Algiers, in a dispute 
 regarding some money matters, had struck the French consul sev- 
 eral blows in the face with his fly-fan, and this was still unavenged. 
 War was now declared, a powerful fleet fitted out, and 42,000 
 men embarked, Bourmont, the minister of war, took the chief 
 command — a man so hated that the people wished him defeat in- 
 stead of victory. June 14th, the troops landed in the neighbor- 
 hood of Algiers. The Arabs, 40,000 to 50,000 strong, mostly 
 mounted, attacked, June 19th, before the French cavalry were dis- 
 embarked, but were routed ; and their camp with the supplies of 
 food and ammunition fell into the enemy's hands. Thereupon 
 the French moved upon Algiers, occupied the heights command- 
 ing the city, and bombarded it, July 4th, from the land side as 
 well as from the water. The Dey had to yield, and embarked for 
 Naples with his treasures. On the 5th of July the French entered 
 Algiers, where they found 48,000,000 francs in money, besides a 
 quantity of valuable wares and military supplies. 
 
100 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 But if the rninistei's thought that they could intoxicate the na- 
 tion by this brilliant action, they were enabled by the result of 
 the elections to perceive how greatly they had been deceived. 
 That this expedition was to be nothing but a channel to lead off 
 political excitement, was too apparent for it to make any impres- 
 sion. The call issued by the society Aide toi, to re-elect the 221 
 signers of the address, met with a favorable reception. Among 
 the members elected, the supporters of the ministry numbered 
 only 145, the opposition 272, among whom were 202 of the sign- 
 ers. For the second time the country had spoken. But was it 
 heard? The king supported his position by article 14 of the con- 
 stitution, which empowered him " to issue the decrees and ordi- 
 nances necessary to the carrying out of the laws, and for the safe- 
 ty of the state." If he interpreted this to mean that he was 
 thereby justified in unconstitutional enactments, he was in a posi- 
 tion similar to that of James II. of England, in 1688, who claimed 
 the right to dispense himself and others from the operation of any 
 law, to which it was replied that in that case it was impossible to 
 understand to what end Parliament and legislation served. 
 
 Charles had determined upon a bold measure. Five ordinances 
 were to establish quiet as at the word of military command. The 
 Chamber, which had not yet met, was dissolved, and new elections 
 ordered for September. The previous electoral system was abol- 
 ished, the suffrage made a privilege of the richest landholders 
 only, and the number of delegates reduced from 430 to 262. 
 All newspapers and books of less than twenty sheets required a 
 royal permit before they could appear, and this permit might be 
 retracted at pleasure. 
 
 These were changes of the constitution which could be effected 
 only by the Chambers, in concert with the king, consequently as 
 royal ordinances illegal and invalid. Circumspection was, at all 
 events, advisable. In the cabinet meeting, Polignac, who also ad- 
 ministered the war department in Bourmont's absence, was asked 
 what military precautions had been taken. His answer was that 
 he could assemble 18,000 men in Paris in a few hours. In fact, 
 he could dispose of scarcely more than 11,000, and these had 
 already somewhat fraternized with the population, as they had 
 been stationed in Paris six weeks. The command of this force 
 Avas given to Marshal Marmont, Avho had a grudge against the 
 court because the expedition against Algiers had not been com- 
 
PREPARING FOR A REVOLUTION, 101 
 
 tnitted to him, and against whom the people had a grudge be- 
 cause he had gone over to the Bourbons in 1814. No one was 
 initiated into the secret of tlie ordinances excepting the king, the 
 dauphin, the ministers, and the papal nuncio, Lambruschini. This 
 latter urged the king to extreme measures, hoping in that way to 
 establish the clerical system firmly in France, and from France to 
 support the same in Spain and Portugal. Even Marmont did not 
 know the secret, and hence could make no preparations. The pre- 
 fect of police, who was willing to stake his head that, whatever 
 happened, Paris should not rise, was equally in the dark. 
 
 June 25th, the ordinances were signed at St. Cloud. Once 
 more the blissfully confident Polignac averred that opposition on 
 the part of the people was impossible — that the most effective 
 measures of precaution had been taken. The king was in a 
 thoughtful mood, and said to his ministers, as they were leaving, 
 " These are serious measures ; you can count on me as I count 
 on you. Henceforward it is a matter of life and death with us." 
 At eleven o'clock at night the editor of the Moniteur was sum- 
 moned to the ministry of justice, and the ordinances handed to him 
 to be printed. " Well," asked Montbel, the minister of public in- 
 struction, as the editor hastily read them over, " what do you say 
 to that ?" " God preserve France and the king !" was the reply ; 
 " I have seen all the struggles of the revolution, and I leave with 
 serious apprehensions of new commotions." He hurried to the 
 printing-office to impart through the columns of the Moniteur 
 the important document to the Parisians at their breakfast on 
 the morning of June 26th. Even if they were no more startled 
 by it than M. Sauvo, the editor, it Avas still very questionable 
 whether Prince Polignac, with his Marmont and his 11,000 sol- 
 diers, could hold in check such a city as Paris. The Rubicon was 
 crossed ; but not every one who crosses it is a Caesar. 
 
102 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 SECOND PEEIOD. 1830-1848. 
 
 THE JULY REVOLUTION, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES FOR EUROPE. 
 
 FRANCE, AND THE " GREAT WEEK." 
 
 The Constitutional party set their hopes on Louis Philippe, 
 Duke of Orleans. This prince, born in 1773, was the son of that 
 notorious Egalite who during the revolution had ended his check- 
 ered career under the guillotine. His grandmother was the noble 
 Elizabeth Charlotte, a native of the Palatinate, who had the mis- 
 fortune to be the wife of the effeminate Duke of Orleans, brother 
 of Louis XIV. Louis Phihppe was a Bourbon, like King Charles; 
 but the opposition of several members of this Orleans branch to 
 the royal house had caused it to be regarded as a separate fam- 
 ily. From his youth up he had displayed a great deal of popu- 
 lar spirit and common-sense, and he was also gifted with an ex- 
 cellent memory. With youthful enthusiasm, he cast himself into 
 the movement of 1789 ; was present at the storming of the Bas- 
 tile, and entered the Jacobite club. In the battle of Jemappes 
 he served with distinction as a republican officer; but, with Gen- 
 eral Dumouriez, he left the army after the execution of the king. 
 He first repaired to the Austrian camp ; thence he went to Switz- 
 erland, where, October, 1793, he took a position as teacher in a 
 boarding-school at Reichenau, near Chur, under the name of Cha- 
 baud Latour, while his sister Adele found an asylum in the con- 
 vent of Bremgarten. After a residence of one year, he left Rei- 
 chenau, spurred by Dumouriez into becoming pretender. He wan- 
 dered through Scandinavia, and lived for three years in America ; 
 then returned to England, and sought a reconciliation with the 
 older Bourbon line, which, however, always regarded him with sus- 
 
LOUIS PHILIPPE, DUKE OF ORLEANS. 103 
 
 picion. His efforts to fight against Napoleon on some battle-field 
 were, fortunately for liini, unsuccessful ; and during the July rev- 
 olution his friends constantly laid emphasis on the fact that he 
 had never borne arms against France. In the year 1809 he mar- 
 ried a Neapolitan princess, Marie Amalie. On his return to France, 
 he was admired for his sagacity and knowledge, in contrast with 
 which the inability of the Bourbons appeared the more marked. 
 He lived with his family in a very retired manner. His private 
 life was exemplary — a model of simplicity and good behavior. 
 He sent his sons to the College de France to consort with lads of 
 common origin, which added greatly to his popularity. He was 
 careful in the management of his money matters, and knew how 
 to increase his fortune ; but he made a good use of his money, 
 supporting artists and artisans by his orders, and helping many 
 unfortunates. 
 
 Such virtues, to which must be added his natural eloquence 
 and his free and open bearing toward men of all sorts, could not 
 but make him a man of the people, especially of the educated 
 class which constitutes the Bourgeoisie. Seemingly created by 
 his nature and career to be a citizen king, he had long since, as 
 early as 1814, determined to accept the throne in case it were 
 offered him. But he wished to avoid the reproach of having 
 thrust out his kinsmen. He held himself justified in accepting 
 the vacant but not the occupied throne of France. Bitterly hated 
 in royalist circles, he was so much the more popular with the op- 
 position. The discontented came and went in the Palais Royal 
 and the country palace of Neuilly, and prominent among them 
 were Dupin the lawyer and Lafitte the banker, two of his staunch- 
 est and most trusted supporters. 
 
 No wonder that he was in bad repute with the Bourbon court, 
 which attributed to him an improper eagerness to step into its 
 shoes ! Louis XVHI. and the Duchess of Angouleme did not 
 conceal their aversion for him, and the former even refused him 
 the title "royal highness." Louis's feelings were pretty clearly 
 shown on occasion of the Duchess of Berry begging him to give 
 her a cabriolet like that of the Duke of Orleans. He counselled 
 her against an equipage so frail and dangerous, and, when she de- 
 murred that it was also dangerous for the duke, he replied that it 
 was a matter of indifference to him whether the duke broke his 
 neck or not. After the assassination of the Duke of Berry, mat- 
 
104 POLITICAL HISTORY OF KECENT TIMES. 
 
 ters became still worse, since after Angoulerae the Duke of Or- 
 leans was the next heir; and when the Duke of Bordeaux came 
 into the world, and there appeared in the English papers a pro- 
 test — not genuine, of course — from the Duke of Orleans against 
 the legitimacy of the child that had snatched his hopes of the 
 throne out of his mouth, as it were, it almost resulted in a second 
 exile. Even King Charles, who knew how to conceal his distrust 
 better than his brother had done, had to exert great self-control 
 in order, without evident unwillingness, to accompany his guests, 
 the King and Queen of Naples, to a ball at the Duke of Orleans's. 
 It was in 1830, during the political excitement, shortly before the 
 fateful elections. M. de Salvandy made up to the duke, and whis- 
 pered to him, " It is a truly Neapolitan fete : we are dancing on 
 a volcano." The duke entered into his meaning, and rejoined, 
 " It seemed so to him, too. The blame did not lie with him ; 
 he had tried in vain to open the king's eyes ; he did not know 
 where they would all be in six months ; where he would be, he 
 knew. He would not separate his fate from that of his coun- 
 try; that was his unalterable purpose." Not six, but scarcely 
 two months later, the duke was in a position where he had to 
 express himself unequivocally regarding his purposes. 
 
 Monday, July 26th, the ordinances appeared in the Mcmiteur. 
 The educated classes were filled with anger and astonishment ; the 
 masses did not yet rightly comprehend the case. Here and there 
 meetings of electors and journalists assembled. There was talk 
 of protests ; the more zealous demanded deeds. In the office of 
 Thiers's paper, the National, the excitement was intense. While 
 a few of the larger papers complied with the new requirements 
 and procured permission to continue, the opposition papers paid 
 no heed to the decree. The journalists gathered at Thiers's, and 
 drew np a protest containing forty-three signatures. This was 
 printed that evening. In the garden of the Palais Royal the or- 
 dinances were read aloud by young people. In the evening the 
 printers paraded the streets in closed ranks, crying, " Down with 
 the ministers!" Polignac was just driving to his palace; he was 
 greeted with a volley of stones, and his office-windows were bro- 
 ken. The king returned from hunting late in the evening. Mar- 
 mont informed him that government paper had fallen on the ap- 
 pearance of that morning's Moniteur. " It will rise again," re- 
 plied the king. 
 
STREET-FIGHT OF JULY 28. 105 
 
 The situation on the following day was far more serious. The 
 prefect of police caused the presses of the JVational and the Temps, 
 the two papers whicli had printed the protest, to be destroyed. 
 They were set up again with little labor. The protest was eager- 
 ly read in all stores and cafes. On the streets were to be seen 
 suspicious crowds. The discharged printers, numerous factory 
 laborers, students, and shopmen moved in a mass to the Palais 
 Koyal, threw stones at the gensdarmes, and erected barricades. 
 In the evening Marmont caused the troops to advance on them. 
 Several persons were killed or wounded, and the rage of the peo- 
 ple thereby increased. All the street lamps were broken, and 
 communication between the barracks and military posts thus ren- 
 dered impossible. Instead of summoning from Vincennes artil- 
 lery and whatever other troops were to be had, the apathetic Mar- 
 mont made no preparations for the following day, although all 
 the signs pointed to a fight. The people had already plundered 
 those stores where weapons wei'e to be had, and the marshal had 
 already had an opportunity to observe how little the troops were 
 disposed to fire on them. Only the Guards and the Swiss could 
 be relied on. 
 
 Wednesday, July 28th, at an early hour, the streets were full of 
 life. Everywhere there were armed men ; among these there were 
 even soldiers of the national guard, in uniform. The pavements 
 Avere torn up, barricades erected, the houses filled with missiles ; 
 arras were taken from the military magazines, powder and shot 
 procured in the shops ; the royal lilies and arms were torn down, 
 the signs of the court purveyors taken in. " Down with the Bour- 
 bons !" was the cry of the day — no longer merely, " Down with 
 the ministers !" The city hall was taken by one quick rush, and 
 from it and from the tower of Notre Dame waved the symbol of 
 revolution — the tricolor. At length the order came to declare the 
 city in a state of siege. But what were the means to carry it out ? 
 The prefect of police and his officers were in hiding or had fled, 
 and Marmont, with his few, and for the most part discouraged, 
 troops, was to begin a battle with the great city, in which every- 
 thing that had arms and hands, even women and boys, was re- 
 solved upon desperate resistance. It was more than a mere " cham- 
 ber-pot war," as the soldiers expressed it. Marmont kept his men 
 together in the neighborhood of the Tuileries, sending out four 
 detachments to the most important streets and squares. Every- 
 
 5* 
 
106 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 wliere they found barricades, Avhicli, if carried, closed again behind 
 them, while rioters lay in wait for them on the roofs and at every 
 window. General Talon did succeed, it is true, in recapturing the 
 city hall after an obstinate fight and a hail-storm of grape-shot ; 
 but here he was himself besieged, and had reason to be glad that, 
 under cover of the night, he reached the Tuileries with a whole 
 skin. The remaining divisions accomplished nothing ; and since 
 no arrangements had been made to provision the troops, and they 
 were left in the burning July heat the whole day without refresh- 
 ments, they were in a doleful humor. On the other hand, the de- 
 fenders of the barricades, who were partly led by students of the 
 Polytechnic School, were supplied with provisions from all sides. 
 There was nothing left, therefore, but to withdraw all the troops 
 from the city in the evening, and resume the former position. To 
 be sure, they had not more than 400 men disabled, but the spirit 
 and readiness to fight were completely gone. Even officers of the 
 Guard refused to fight any longer against the people, and took 
 their discharge. Marmont already gave up all as lost. He wished 
 to make of Paris no second Saragossa. There was left him noth- 
 ing but the role of the conquered. 
 
 In the afternoon several delegates to the Chamber met at 
 Perier's house. Lafayette and Lafitte were also present. It was 
 resolved to send a committee of five to Marmont, and request the 
 cessation of hostilities. His friend Arago had been with him 
 shortly before, and had advised him to lay down the command 
 at once. But Marmont could not reconcile this with his military 
 honor, for to give in his resignation at that moment were treason. 
 He could only comply with the request of the five delegates in 
 case the people also ceased hostilities. However, he declared him- 
 self in agreement with them as to their grievances against the 
 government, and sent an adjutant to St. Cloud with a letter ad- 
 vising the king to repeal the ordinances and dismiss the ministry, 
 according to the wishes of the people. Charles, however, saw in 
 the movement no revolution, but a plot contrived by the Duke of 
 Orleans, which Marmont would soon dispose of. But the difficul- 
 ties were increasing enormously. In the night, as soon as the 
 troops were withdrawn, barricades twenty feet apart were erected 
 in all the streets, and the city thus turned into a fortress impene- 
 trable for artillery and cavalry. 
 
 Thursday, July 29th, Marmont had scarcely 'J'OOO men left. 
 
TOO LATE !— REPUBLIC OR MONARCHY? 107 
 
 He attempted negotiations, and issued a proclamation promising 
 to put a stop to hostilities if the people would do the same. 
 But there was no one there to print it, no one to circulate it. 
 Then came the news that two regiments had gone over to the 
 people. The end quickly followed. The Louvre was stormed ; 
 the Tuileries were broken into, and many valuable articles carried 
 off or destroyed. The scenes of 1792 were re-enacted. A wild 
 crowd of men and women roamed through the archbishop's pal- 
 ace searching for Jesuits ; books and vestments were hurled out 
 of the windows, and everything was destroyed down to the foun- 
 dation-walls. In the fury of the fight many isolated outposts 
 were pitilessly massacred. Toward evening all fighting ceased. 
 The people were victorious at every point. Marmont had to 
 give the command to retreat to St. Cloud. The loss on both 
 sides was 951 killed, and 5078 wounded. 
 
 Now was the time for the delegates, who had assembled at 
 Lafitte's, to give a positive direction to the hitherto negative 
 movement, and guide back into its bed the raging stream. A 
 "municipal committee" was formed, consisting of Lafitte, Perier, 
 Lobau, Audry de Puyraveau, Mauguin, and Odilon Barrot. Lafay- 
 ette, the aged republican, became once more commander of the 
 national guard. Both departments — civil and military — took up 
 their head-quarters in the city hall, and despatched the most press- 
 ing business. 
 
 When Marmont and his adjutants, covered with sweat and dust, 
 arrived at St. Cloud, and unveiled the picture of Paris as it was, 
 the king at length resolved to repeal the ordinances, dismiss the 
 ministry, summon the hated opposition Chamber for August 3d, 
 restore the national guard, and name a new ministry under the 
 Duke of Mortemart. Three commissioners hastened to Paris with 
 this news— which might have saved the dynasty on July 27th — 
 but they were not received by the committee, under the pretence 
 that they had no written authorization. By the populace^they 
 were greeted with the cry, " Too late ! no Bourbons more !" The 
 Duke of Mortemart received the same answer when, on the fol- 
 lowing morning, he came to Paris, and sought to make interest 
 for his new ministry. 
 
 The time had now come when the question of a definitive 
 form of government must be decided. The question was, quite 
 simply, republic or monarchy ? The men who had won the vie- 
 
108 POLITICAL HISTORY OF EECENT TIMES. 
 
 tory — the laboring classes, the students, the young men in gen- 
 eral, and the old Carbonari — would hear nothing more of a king- 
 dom, and spoke of the sovereign people, which should manage its 
 government for itself. The "Society of friends of the people," 
 consisting wholly of pronounced republicans, issued a proclama- 
 tion to that effect. Those who wished to see the monarchy re- 
 tained under a different head had to act all the more quickly. 
 To the latter belonged the majority of delegates to the Chamber, 
 the middle classes, and the national guard, none of whom had 
 rendered much assistance toward the victory, but who could not 
 think of the republic freed from its terrors. One man held the 
 decision in his hands. If Lafayette, who enjoyed unlimited con- 
 fidence, spoke the word " republic," it would be taken up by 
 thousands in an instant, and become an irrevocable fact. He did 
 not speak it on Friday, July 30th, and Lafitte and his friends 
 made every effort to win him for the man of their party. 
 
 On the 28th of July Lafitte, who, as member of the opposition, 
 a man of character, and a rich banker, was in good repute, began 
 to hint at the Duke of Orleans. On the 29th he had sent him 
 word at Neuilly that he must come to Paris with all speed, other- 
 wise the republic, or the Duke of Reichstadt, would be proclaimed 
 on the next day. He could choose between a crown and a pass- 
 port. But the duke was very much on his guard ; he wished to 
 await complete victory, in order that he might have nothing what- 
 ever to fear from St. Cloud. So, in order to avoid being forcibly 
 carried off by his friends, he retired to a neighboring house. On 
 Friday Thiers, who had already done effective work for him by a 
 proclamation, came to Neuilly, but did not see him. The duchess 
 was very reticent, but his sister Adele was resolved to influence 
 him to accept. On his return to Paris, Thiers attended a meet- 
 ing of fifty delegates in the Bourbon palace. Lafitte presided, 
 and it was decided to name the Duke of Orleans lieutenant-gen- 
 eral of the kingdom, and invite him to come to Paris. Twelve 
 members went to the l*alais Royal, and, as they did not find him 
 there, sent a message to Neuill}'. 
 
 Prince Talleyrand advised him to accept, and he at length left 
 his concealment, and arrived at the Palais Royal at midnight, a 
 tricolored ribbon about liis hat. He caused the Duke of Morte- 
 mart to be summoned, and said to him, " Report to the king that 
 I have been brought hither by force, but tliat I would rather let 
 
LOUIS PHILIPPE ÄND LAFAYETTE. 109 
 
 myself be hewn to pieces than set the crown on my head !" 
 Soon afterward, however, the twelve delegates came to him, and 
 explained that he did not seem to comprehend the truth — that 
 there could be no more thought of Charles X. Thereupon he 
 committed to them a proclamation concluding with the words, 
 " The constitution shall henceforth be a reality," The fifty mem- 
 bers of the Chamber received this with joy ; and, when they heard 
 that Louis PhiUppe would come in person to the city hall, repaired 
 at once to the Palais Royal. There Lafitte read him a memorial 
 designating the new liberties ; and then, at three o'clock on the af- 
 ternoon of July 31st, the whole procession set out — a drummer 
 at the head, the duke and an adjutant following on horseback, 
 and after them officers of the national guard and members of the 
 Chamber arm-in-arm. They passed through a countless crowd — 
 part of which looked with threatening glances on the new candi- 
 date for the throne — to the city hall, where Lafayette placed a 
 tricolored flag in his hands, and led him to the window. The 
 duke waved the flag to the people, and then embraced Lafayette. 
 Monarchy and republic seem to have fallen into one another's 
 arms. So the crowd interpreted it, and with boundless satisfac- 
 tion cried, " Long live the Duke of Orleans ! Long live Lafay- 
 ette !" 
 
 The " Society of the friends of the people," not very well 
 pleased with this result of the "great week," laid before Lafay- 
 ette, on the following day, the " programme of the city hall," and 
 commissioned him to make the duke guarantee the popular rights 
 therein set forth by his signature. With this document in his 
 pocket, Lafayette made his return visit to Louis Philippe in the 
 Palais Royal. In the course of conversation he said to him, " You 
 know that I am a republican, and consider the American constitu- 
 tion the most perfect." " I am of the same opinion," replied the 
 duke ; " no one could have been two years in America and not 
 share that view. But do you think that that constitution could 
 be adopted in France in its present condition — with the present 
 state of popular opinion ?" " No," said Lafayette ; " what France 
 needs is a popular monarchy surrounded by republican — thor- 
 oughly republican — institutions." "There I quite agree with 
 you," rejoined Louis Philippe. Enchanted with this political 
 harmony, the old general considered it unnecessary to present the 
 programme, and went security to the republicans for the duke, the 
 
110 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 patriot of 1789. Louis Philippe now named his ministry. The 
 republican Dupont de I'Eure had the department of justice ; the 
 Doctrinaire Guizot the department of the interior, and Gerard the 
 war department ; while the duke's most trusty friends, Lafitte, Du- 
 pin, Perier, and Broglie, were ministers without portfolios. 
 
 In the mean time the court had left St. Cloud. The king de- 
 prived Marmont of the chief command, and bestowed it upon the 
 incapable Dauphin. The desertion of the troops increased, and 
 Versailles declared for the revolution. A report arose that 1500 
 armed men were on their way to surprise the palace in the night 
 (July 30th), and all at once fled to Trianon. After a brief rest, 
 on the receipt of Lafayette's answer that all reconciliation was 
 impossible, the flight was continued to Rambouillet. There the 
 Duchess of Angouleme, who had been taking the baths at Vichy, 
 joined them. The ministers now made off, and sought to reach 
 the frontier ; three of them succeeded in doing so ; Polignac and 
 two others were overtaken and brought to Vincennes. The de- 
 spondency of the court increased. From Rambouillet Charles 
 sent the duke his. commission as lieutenant-general of France, but 
 received the answer that he held that office by the choice of the 
 people, and not by royal favor. On the 2d of August Charles 
 sent him word that he and the dauphin resigned the crown in 
 favor of his ten-year-old grandson, the Duke of Bordeaux, and 
 commissioned him to proclaim the accession of Henry V. Louis 
 Philippe imparted the news of the abdication to the Chamber, 
 August 3d, without adding in whose favor it was made. He 
 spoke no word of a Henry V., and even allowed the old protesta- 
 tion against his legitimacy to be again published. He was al- 
 ready steering under full sail toward the crown of France, and 
 could scarcely wait until the late king was safely over the water. 
 Hence be sent four commissioners to Charles to persuade him to 
 leave Rambouillet for the sake of his own safety. Charles would 
 not receive the commissioners, whereupon it was rumored in Paris 
 that he was about to advance upon the capital with his guard, 
 summon the legitimists to his standard, and cause fresh blood- 
 shed. The streets at once resounded with the cry, " To Ram- 
 bouillet !" Six thousand men of the national guard, under Gen- 
 eral Pajol, were called out by the government ; a crowd of work- 
 ing-men, the heroes of July 28th, joined them ; wagons and omni- 
 buses were pressed into service ; and so 20,000 men — "a most sin- 
 
CHARLES FLEES TO ENGLAND. Ill 
 
 gular and interesting army," as Lafayette testifies — set forth, and 
 encamped at evening three hours from Rambouillet. The com- 
 missionei's had hurried on ahead. They were finally admitted, 
 and spoke to the king of 60,000 Parisians under way. He still 
 had 8000 men left, and General Vincent was ready, with a few 
 cannon shots and one determined assault, to drive the whole mot- 
 ley horde back to Paris. But Charles, still hoping for his grand- 
 son, now consented to depart, and left for Cherbourg, August 4th, 
 in company with the commissioners. On the whole journey he 
 was received by the populace with evident signs of dislike. In 
 Argentan he learned of the elevation of Louis Philippe to the 
 throne of France, and remarked, " This is his 100 days ; they will 
 not last so long as his brother's ; he has no Napoleon to deal 
 with." Rocking himself in such delusions, he reached Cherbourg, 
 August 16th, after parting with his guard. There he shipped 
 with his family on an American ship, and landed the following 
 day in England, where he was not received by the government as 
 king, but as a private individual. He resided for a short time at 
 Lullworth Castle ; then he went to Edinburgh ; and in 1832 he re- 
 moved to Austria. He died at Gorice, November 6th, 1836. His 
 son, the Duke of Angouleme, died at the same place, June 3d, 
 1844. The wife of the latter, the unfortunate Maria Theresa, 
 died at Frohsdorf, the residence of the Duke of Bordeaux, Octo- 
 ber 19th, 1851. 
 
 Charles X. had not greatly hastened his journey, principally be- 
 cause he reckoned on a legitimist uprising in the south or west of 
 France. But no trace of such a thing appeared anywhere. The 
 departments, which had chosen the 272 members of the opposi- 
 tion, were in complete agreement with their latest acts. The 
 change was accomplished everywhere in a very simple manner, 
 the troops going over to the side of the citizens. Lyons alone 
 had not waited for Paris to decide the matter. On the news of 
 the ordinances^ July 29th, barricades had been erected there, and 
 a provisional government established. Owing to the neutrality 
 of the troops, this insurrection was bloodless. Even in Algiers 
 the tricolored flag was raised by army and fleet, and Bourmont, 
 who had been made marshal, was forced to take to flight. What 
 had been prophesied to the Bourbons was fulfilled. Their resto- 
 ration had proved a political blunder. 
 
 On the 3d of August the Chamber was opened by the Duke 
 
112 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 of Orleans, and the abdication of the king and dauphin an- 
 nounced, but nothing said about the Duke of Bordeaux. The 
 question whether the constitution was to be changed, and how, 
 gave rise to an animated contest between radicals and liberals. 
 The confidence in Louis Philippe was so great, that they were 
 content with a few improvements. The throne was declared va- 
 cant, and Louis Philippe proclaimed king of the French. August 
 Yth, in solemn procession, the representatives repaired to the Palais 
 Koyal, and communicated their resolutions to the duke. At night 
 came a deputation from the Chamber of Peers, and brought their 
 agreement to the resolutions of the lower house. August 8th, 
 Louis Philippe appeared in the Palais Bourbon, took the oath to 
 the constitution, and was thereupon proclaimed king. The revo- 
 lution was, for another while, concluded. A " new era" began. 
 
 §8. 
 
 THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE JULY REVOLUTION IN BELGIUM, ENG- 
 LAND, GERMANY, SWITZERLAND, ITALY, AND POLAND. 
 
 The first waves from the French revolution broke over Bel- 
 gium. For a decade abundant inflammable material had been 
 heaped up there, and an explosion had long been predicted. The 
 allies of 1814 had this blunder on their consciences as well as the 
 restoration of the Bourbons. In order to have a stronger bul- 
 Avark against the encroachments of France in the north, the Vienna 
 congress ordained that Belgium should be united with Holland, 
 as an " increase of territory," under the house of Orange. At the 
 same time the hegemony of Holland was recognized, and Bel- 
 gium was regarded and treated as a kind of subject province. 
 And yet in these United Netherlands two-thirds of the popula- 
 tion belonged to Belgium, and but one-third to Holland. For 
 more than two centuries each of the two countries had gone its 
 own way. Since the separation of Holland from the Spain of 
 Philip IL, in 1579 — with the exception of a few years under the 
 Napoleonic rule — they had been separated from one another. 
 Belgium had been first under Spanish, later under Austrian rule. 
 Holland, as a young republic, had developed into a maritime 
 
DISAGREEMENT BETWEEN BELGIUM AND HOLLAND. 113 
 
 power of the first rank, ruling an enormous colonial dominion. 
 In the humanities and painting, the latter had rivalled Germany 
 and Italy. 
 
 To this difference of their past were added still deeper lying 
 differences of religion and language. Belgium was Roman Catho- 
 lic ; and French was there the official language and the language of 
 society, although two-thirds of the population — the inhabitants of 
 the northern part of the country — spoke Flemish, a dialect akin to 
 Dutch. In Holland, on the other hand, Calvinism had early be- 
 come firmly established, and the language was Teutonic. Out of 
 hatred toward France, and everything French, King William con- 
 stantly sought to limit the use of the French language more and 
 more, and this made itself unpleasantly felt throughout the south- 
 ern provinces, in the courts of justice, and in the army. The Bel- 
 gian clergy, in any case dissatisfied under a Protestant govern- 
 ment, felt their existence threatened when the king proposed to 
 place the whole system of instruction, that domain of the hier- 
 archy, under the control of the government. The course of in- 
 struction in the Belgian schools, gymnasiums, and universities 
 was very much raised; and in 1825 a philosophical college was 
 established at Louvain, which every one must attend who wished 
 to enter an episcopal seminary. This institution, fairly abreast 
 of the age, was to act as a dam against the excesses of ultramon- 
 tanism. Ultramontanism accepted the challenge. Yet, great as 
 ultramontane influence over the people was, the government had 
 nothing to fear so long as it had the liberal elements on its side. 
 But these it repelled by abolishing trial by jury, disciplining ofli- 
 cers of justice for belonging to the opposition, limiting the free- 
 dom of the Press, and definitely refusing to propose a law re- 
 garding the responsibility of ministers. Since neither clericals 
 nor liberals could obtain anything alone, there arose the unnatural 
 alliance of these two great parties. The former helped the latter 
 in their agitation for freedom of the Press ; the latter the former 
 in their effort after freedom of instruction, by which the clergy 
 hoped to get the whole education of the people again into their 
 hands. 
 
 It should have been possible to settle these disagreements in 
 the States-general, the parliament. But here, too, the Belgians 
 were at a disadvantage. Notwithstanding their decided majority 
 of population, they had no more delegates than the Dutch ; each 
 
114 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 state having fifty-five. While the Dutch members stood together 
 like a solid phalanx, the Belgians, many of whom the government 
 had succeeded in drawing over to its side, not being in the same 
 degree united, could accomplish nothing. 
 
 Furthermore, although the gain-loving king supported enthusi- 
 astically all industrial enterprises, yet their material interests sep- 
 arated the two states. Belgium had to share Holland's enormous 
 debt, and, in order to extinguish this, must allow itself to be loaded 
 with imwonted taxes — among others, duties on bread and meat. 
 It was this tax which excited the lower classes most, and so in the 
 year 1829 almost all the delegates to the States-general were lib- 
 erals. Even then the king allowed himself to be deceived, as to 
 the true sentiment of the people, by the reception he met with on 
 his journey through the Belgian cities, just as Charles X. was de- 
 ceived in Alsace. At the reception of the municipal authorities 
 of Liege he declared that he now knew what to think of the pre- 
 tended grievances — that he recognized in them only the views of 
 a few who had their own private interests to further thereby ; 
 that such action was infamous! An order was at once formed 
 in Flanders, the hearth of the clericals, whose members wore a 
 medal with the ]egend,^^J^ideleftjusqu''ä V infamie T an allusion 
 to the motto of the Genevese in 1566, "Faithful even to beg- 
 gary !" The excitement was increased by a message of the king 
 to the States-general (December 11th, 1829), betraying too clear- 
 ly his absolutism, and by a circular of the minister of justice, van 
 Maanen, and of the minister of the interior, to all their subordi- 
 nates, requiring them to make a formal statement of their assent 
 to the principles of the royal message. The Dutch exulted over 
 the blow which had been struck at the Belgians ; the latter, in 
 their papers, spoke of the manifesto of absolutism against liberty, 
 and set van Maanen, the soul of the ministry, on the same level 
 with Polignac. The separation of Belgium from Holland, to 
 the extent of a separate constitution and administration for the 
 former country, was already spoken of. It was useless for the 
 ministry, at the instance of the Belgian opposition, to make a few 
 concessions in the language controversy, and with regard to the 
 freedom of the Press, and to abolish the philosophical college at 
 Louvain. It had shown its true character too plainly, and had 
 just aroused new hatred by deposing officials and punishing au- 
 thors. Among the latter was de Potter, who had proposed the 
 
OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLUTIOX IN BRUSSELS. 115 
 
 formation of a league to secure its members against all measures 
 of force. He was arrested, and in April, 1830, banished from the 
 country for eight years. He had scarcely reached Aix la Cha- 
 pelle, on his way to Lausanne, when he heard of the events of the 
 July week in Paris. He at once went to France, and from Paris 
 put himself in communication with his friends in Brussels. 
 
 The idea of freeing themselves from an anti-national govern- 
 ment, as France had just done, was a natural one. In this they 
 thought that they might safely calculate on the July monarchy 
 and the enthusiasm of the French people. De Potter's most in- 
 timate friend, Gendebien, travelled to Paris for the purpose of ef- 
 fecting the union of his country with France, and offering a con- 
 tingent toward the conquest of the Rhine frontier. But Louis 
 Philippe had no wish to endanger, by a war of conquest, the 
 throne he had just ascended, and rejected the offer. Thereupon 
 Gendebien and his friends sought to bring about a popular move- 
 ment, in order to compel France to occupy Belgium, in case Prus- 
 sia supported the Dutch. They went to work so openly that 
 they frankly made it known by posters : " Monday, fireworks ; 
 Tuesday, illumination ; Wednesday, revolution !" 
 
 In the mean time the royal officials were doing nothing to allay 
 the excitement. On the 25th of August, 1830, in the theatre at 
 Brussels, they allowed the opera La muette de Portici to be per- 
 formed, which represents the rising of the Neapolitans under the 
 lead of the fisherman Massaniello. Every allusion to domestic 
 circumstances was applauded vehemently, and outside crowds of 
 the common people cried, "Long live de Potter! Down with 
 van Maanen !" After the opera, the populace attacked the houses 
 of van Maanen and of Libri, the ministerial editor. One was 
 completely gutted, the other burnt down. During the night all 
 the gun -stores were plundered. On the 26th the work of de- 
 struction was continued, the tricolored fiag of Brabant planted 
 on the city hall, and the royal arms demolished. As these ex- 
 cesses, perpetrated by the lowest classes, increased, the citizens 
 rose, formed a citizen guard, suppressed the anarchy, and arranged 
 for a meeting of the most influential men on the 28th of August. 
 At this meeting it was determined to send a delegation to the 
 king to beg him to change his previous system of government, 
 dismiss his ministers, and convoke the States -general at once. 
 The revolt rapidly spread over the whole country, and was every- 
 
116 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ■where victorious, only a few fortresses holding out. But the king, 
 like Charles and Polignac, was unwilling to hear of any conces- 
 sions until Belgium was again subdued, and sent his eldest son, 
 the Prince of Orange, to Brussels to see how matters really were. 
 His second son, Prince Frederic, was despatched to Antwerp to 
 gather troops. At the same time, he summoned the States-gen- 
 eral to meet in extraordinary session at the Hague, September 
 13th. His plan was in this way to gain time, and meanwhile to 
 occupy Brussels. To the deputation from that city he said that 
 he would not let himself be forced at the muzzle of the pistol, as 
 it were, to dismiss van Maanen. 
 
 The princes, with the troops, entered Vilvoorden, three hours 
 from Brussels, on the 31st of August, and caused Baron Hoog- 
 vorst, the commander of the citizen guard, to come to their head- 
 quarters, in order to consult regarding the re-establishment of the 
 royal authority. He invited Orange to come to Brussels without 
 troops, but the latter insisted on the entry of the troops and the 
 restoration of the royal emblems. When Hoogvorst brought this 
 answer to Brussels, great excitement prevailed ; there was a gen- 
 eral call to arms. Women and children took part in the work. 
 Cartridges were prepared, missiles carried into the houses, and 
 over fifty barricades erected. At the same time, the prince was 
 informed by a second delegation that the acceptance of his con- 
 ditions was impossible. At length he yielded, and made his en- 
 trance into the city alone through the crowded streets (Septem- 
 ber 1st), his ears greeted by cries of "Liberty ! Down with van 
 Maanen !" He appointed a commission to advise means for 
 bringing about a good understanding between the government 
 and the citizens. This commission reported that the only means 
 was the legislative and administrative separation of Belgium from 
 Holland, a special ministry for Belgium, and a personal union of 
 the two countries, like that of Sweden and Norway. The prince 
 promised to lay their wishes before the king and give them his 
 support, and journeyed to the Hague for that purpose. The gar- 
 rison of Brussels marched out, and joined the troops of Prince 
 Frederic. But the king — emboldened by the delusion that the 
 great powers would not allow their own creation to be overturned, 
 that England surely could not refuse him her aid — would not listen 
 to the representations of his son and a minority of his ministers. 
 He dismissed van Maanen, it is true ; but in a proclamation merely 
 
THE DUTCH TROOPS REPULSED. 117 
 
 referred the impatient to the conckisions of the States-general, 
 while he emphasized once more the maintenance of the real union 
 and adhesion to legal methods. The attitude of the Dutch peo- 
 ple made matters still woi'se. The)' behaved more royally than 
 the king himself, and so fanned the strife into a war between the 
 two peoples. The Dutch papers said that rebel blood is not 
 brothers' blood — that the time for negotiations was past : " War 
 to the rebels and murderers !" The States-general were opened 
 September 13th. The speech from the throne spoke very indefi- 
 nitely about the separation of the two states. The Dutch dele- 
 gates knew no other means to recommend than the application 
 of armed force. 
 
 On the 11th of September, before the opening of the States- 
 general, a committee of safety had been successfully established 
 in Brussels " for the maintenance of the dynasty and of public 
 order ;" but, on the receipt of the news from the Hague, quite 
 different forces gained the control. A horde of revolutionists and 
 penniless laborers, from the other Belgian cities and from Paris, 
 had arrived, determined to fight out the long fight in the streets 
 of Brussels. September 20th, they gained possession of the city 
 hall, disarmed the citizen guard, drove out the committee of safe- 
 ty, and restored to the populace the power which had passed over, 
 on August 27th, from them to the citizens. Against this rule of 
 working-men even Belgian representatives begged the king to em- 
 ploy armed force. Prince Frederic received the command to ad- 
 vance from Vilvoorden against Brussels. He issued a proclama- 
 tion promising amnesty to the insurgents in general, but threaten- 
 ing with severe punishment the " chief instigators of these alto- 
 gether too criminal transactions." He appeared before Brussels, 
 September 23d, with 10,300 men and twenty-six guns. At first 
 he gained a slight advantage, and forced his way into the city ; 
 but there he found such obstacles in the barricade and house- 
 fighting that he withdrew to the Park (outside of the city) ; and 
 on the 20th, as his troops, hemmed in and assaulted from all 
 sides, were worn out with fatigue, and as, in addition to all this, 
 the ammunition had given out, he had to set out on his return 
 to Vilvoorden. Among those in charge of the arrangements for 
 defence, the gallant Pletinckx, a second lieutenant, and Juan van 
 Halen, a Spaniard, deserve especial credit. 
 
 With this battle, after the shedding of so much blood, the ob- 
 
118 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ject of the revolution was determined, A personal union was 
 no longer satisfactory ; the house of Orange was no longer possi- 
 ble ; only the complete independence of Belgium, only the estab- 
 lishment of a separate state, could satisfy the Belgian people, 
 high and low. To this end the provisional government, in which 
 de Potter, who had returned September 20th, had a seat, directed 
 its efforts. With the news of the victory, the victory itself spread 
 through all Belgium. The Dutch garrisons and officials were 
 driven out ; the Belgian troops, freed from their oath by the pro- 
 visional government, went over to the people. Only the cities of 
 Luxemburg, Yenloo, Maestricht, and Antwerp still remained in the 
 hands of the Dutch, 
 
 At last the Dutch government yielded. September 28th the 
 States-general declared themselves in favor of a separate adminis- 
 tration for Belgium, and on the 4th of October the king gave his 
 consent, and sent the Prince of Orange to Antwerp. He pro- 
 claimed the separation of Belgium from Holland, educational lib- 
 erty and unconditional amnesty, and was even willing to set him- 
 self at the head of the movement and recognize the resolutions 
 of the Belgian congress. But, as his father disapproved of these 
 imauthorized measures, and at the same time sought to excite civil 
 war in Belgium, the son also was distrusted, and his proposals re- 
 jected. Thereupon he betook himself to London, where the dele- 
 gates of the great powers were at that very time assembled in 
 conference. 
 
 Soon after, 8000 volunteers, under the French general Mellinet, 
 advanced against Antwerp. Two officers, who had distinguished 
 themselves in the Park fights, were assigned him as assistants — 
 Niellon and Kessels. Of these the former had last been the direc- 
 tor of a children's theatre, the latter had travelled about exhibit- 
 ing the skeleton of a walrus. Fortune now favored them on the 
 theatre of war. The Dutch troops were driven out of the city of 
 Antwerp, and General Chasse had to withdraw to the citadel. 
 When the Belgians would have attacked him there, he bombarded 
 the city for several hours, with all his batteries, destroying over 
 200 houses, and burning goods to the value of several million 
 francs. Venloo also fell into the hands of the Belgians, so that 
 only Maestricht, Luxemburg, and the citadel of Antwerp still re- 
 mained in possession of the Dutch. The independence of Bel- 
 gium was already a fact. The London conference proposed the 
 
SEPARATION OF BELGIUM FROM HOLLAND. 119 
 
 suspension of hostilities, and the adoption of the boundaries which 
 had existed before the union of the two states, and these propo- 
 sitions were accepted by the provisional government. The Na- 
 tional Congress, which met on the 10th of November, adopted a 
 resolution excluding the house of Orange-Nassau forever from the 
 Belgian throne. The political constellations were favorable for 
 Belgium ; for of the Eastern powers, generally so eager to inter- 
 vene, Russia was busy with the suppression of the Polish insurrec- 
 tion, and Austria had to stand guard in Italy. From the West- 
 ern powers there was absolutely nothing to be feared. In Eng- 
 land, after Wellington's fall, a more liberal policy had gained the 
 ascendency ; and Louis Philippe was so little in a position to act 
 against Belgium that he even declared he would endure no inter- 
 vention there. 
 
 So the Belgians were masters in their own house. On the 
 question of the form of government to be adopted, the repub- 
 lican de Potter disagreed with the majority, and retired into pri- 
 vate life. The congress decided with 174 voices for a constitu- 
 tional monarchy ; only thirteen members were in favor of a re- 
 public. February lYth, 1831, the constitution, which was found- 
 ed on the principle of the sovereignty of the people, and accord- 
 ing to which the people were to be represented in a senate and 
 a house of representatives, was unanimously adopted by the con- 
 gress. More difficult of settlement was the question regarding 
 the boundaries. In this the London conference, which had al- 
 ready, December 20th, 1831, pronounced for the separation of 
 Belgium from Holland, decided to the disadvantage of Belgium. 
 The Grand-duchy of Luxemburg, which William had received in 
 exchange for the hereditary domain of his family, was to remain 
 Dutch. Against this the Belgians protested, on the ground that 
 the inhabitants had risen with them against King William, and 
 wished union with their country, and not with Holland. For the 
 decision of this controversy much depended upon the choice of 
 the new king. At first the crown was offered to the Duke of 
 Nemours, Louis Philippe's second son. When his father, on the 
 reasonable supposition that the great powers would not consent 
 to such an increase of French influence, refused the offer, the 
 Duke of Leuchtenberg, a son of the former viceroy Eugene, 
 seemed to have the best prospects. But this grandson of Napo- 
 leon was so unwelcome a neighbor to Louis Philippe that he 
 
120 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 made every effort to defeat his election, and ceased to oppose the 
 choice of his own son. February 3d, 1831, the Duke of Nemours 
 was named king by a small majority. But for the second time 
 Louis Philippe refused the Belgian crown. He had attained his 
 main object in preventing the election of the Leuchtenberg prince, 
 and was aware that the London conference had declared his son 
 unacceptable. Hence it was necessary to make a new choice. 
 This could not have resulted more favorably than it did. June 
 4th, the congress elected Prince Leopold, of Saxe - Coburg, who 
 had distinguished himself in the wars for freedom. In 1816 he 
 had married the daughter of the Prince-regent of England. In 
 the following year he had become a widower, and since that time 
 he had resided in England. By the marriage of his sister with 
 the Duke of Kent, he was the uncle of Victoria, the future Queen 
 of England. In the year 1830 he had refused the Grecian crown, 
 but he now accepted the Belgian, after the congress had assented 
 to the conclusion of the London conference of June 26th (the 
 eighteen articles) — that in the Luxemburg question the status quo 
 was to be maintained for the present, and the definite decision 
 relegated to the future. He made his entrance into Brussels July 
 21st, took the oath to the constitution, and was proclaimed King 
 of the Belgians. 
 
 The new king had just entered upon a tour of inspection, when 
 (August 2d) the Dutch troops, over 70,000 strong, entered Bel- 
 gium, defeated the Belgian army at Hasselt and Louvain, and 
 threatened Brussels. Leopold called on France and England for 
 aid. A French army entered Belgium, and an English fleet took 
 up its position on the Dutch coast. The Dutch had to withdraw, 
 but, by the assistance of the Eastern powers — which, after the 
 suppression of the Polish insurrection, were free to remember 
 once more the principles of the Holy Alliance — a change was 
 effected in the London treaty, October 6th. According to the 
 new protocol (the twenty-four articles), the whole of Luxemburg 
 was not to fall to Belgium, but only the western part, with 
 165,000 inhabitants, mostly Walloons; while the eastern, or Ger- 
 man part, with 170,000, was to be restored to the King of Hol- 
 land, who had held the fortress of Luxemburg throughout. In 
 compensation for the first -mentioned part, a few Limburg dis- 
 tricts were also taken from Belgium, and she was to pay Holland 
 yearly 8,400,000 gulden (about $3,950,000) as her share of the 
 
LEOPOLD'S ADMINISTRATION. 121 
 
 national debt of the Netherlands. As King William was not 
 content with this, and refnsed his signature, an Anglo-French fleet 
 blockaded the Dutch coast, and a French army, under Marshal 
 Gerard, passed the Belgian boundaries, November 15th, 1832, in 
 order to take the citadel of Antwerp. The gallant General Chasse 
 was still planted there with his Dutch garrison. After holding 
 out for more than a month, he had to surrender the citadel, De- 
 cember 23d, and the Belgian troops at once marched in, Chasse 
 and the garrison were carried to France as prisoners of war, and 
 not released before the following year, when King William con- 
 sented to the preliminary treaty of May 21st, 1833. The uncom- 
 fortable struggle was not wholly set at rest before the London 
 treaty of April 19th, 1839, in which William at length accepted 
 the twenty-four articles, and conceded the free passage of the 
 Scheide. 
 
 Under the government of Leopold L,who married, in 1832, the 
 eldest daughter of Louis Philippe, Princess Louise, of Orleans, 
 Belgium was at liberty, undisturbed, to advance on the road of 
 material and intellectual development. The union of clericals 
 and liberals, having served its purpose, soon gave place to a de- 
 cided rupture. Both parties sought to secure the majority in 
 the Chambers, and thereby control the formation of the minis- 
 try ; and King Leopold, the pattern of a constitutional king, un- 
 der whom, far more than under his father-in-law, the constitution 
 was a reality, allowed them their own way. In the most difficult 
 times, even after the February revolution, and during the suprem- 
 acy of annexation -craving Napoleonism, he steered his ship of 
 state with the sagacity and circumspection of a statesman. At 
 his death, December 10th, 1865, the whole land manifested un- 
 feigned sorrow. 
 
 This could not be said of England when George IV. died, June 
 26th, 1830. Men were glad to take leave of the old reform-hater, 
 and greeted with pleasure the accession of his brother, the Duke 
 of Clarence, who ruled as William IV. According to custom, un- 
 der a new king a new Parliament must be chosen. The old one 
 was dissolved July 25th, that unlucky day on which Charles X. 
 signed the ordinances, and so the new elections fell exactly in a 
 time when a freer, fresher air was blowing across the Channel. 
 The victory of the French people was greeted Avith joy by the 
 English. It was regarded as a triumph which would be for the 
 
122 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 good of all Europe. Moreover, the national rivalry could not en- 
 dure to see free England fall behind monarch-ruled France — to see 
 Wellington still Premier, while his protege in Vincennes, Polignac, 
 had already been deprived of office. Hard as it was for him, first 
 among all the ministers of foreign powers, Wellington had already 
 had to recognize Louis Philippe's government. When he sur- 
 veyed the result of the general elections, he found more than fifty 
 votes less at the disposal of the ministry than before. The speech 
 which he caused the king to make from the thi'one, November 2d, 
 was all the more defiant. About reforms it said nothing. Ire- 
 land was only so far touched that measures for the maintenance 
 of order were announced, as if that were enough to cause the so- 
 cial evils to remedy themselves. Holland was praised ; the Bel- 
 gian revolution censured as causeless ; and the prospect of the 
 recognition of Don Miguel, Portugal's tyrant, held out. Such a 
 speech was too much for even English nerves. In London and 
 other cities the popular indignation displayed itself in riots. The 
 dismissal of the ministers was loudly demanded in public meet- 
 ings. The temper of the people was not improved by the fact 
 that the king and his ministers took no part in the Lord Mayor's 
 dinner, on account of a proposed attempt on Wellington's life. 
 With military pride Wellington still remained at his post. When, 
 in the House of Lords, the liberal Earl Grey indicated parliamen- 
 tary reform as the only means of saving England from revolution, 
 Wellington responded, with a kind of scorn, that the present mode 
 of representation was truly model, since it gave the great land- 
 holders an overweening influence, and that he would oppose any 
 measures looking to parliamentary reform. Men began to see 
 more plainly whither they were moving. In a debate on the civil 
 list, the ministry were left in a minority, and tendered their resig- 
 nations ; and, on the 1 6th of November, Earl Grey was intrusted 
 with the formation of a new ministry. This consisted of mem- 
 bers of the Whig party, favoi-ers of parliamentary reform. Fol- 
 lowers of Canning, like Palmerston, here sat by the side of tried 
 men of the people, like Brougham. Grey at once announced to 
 Parliament his policy — non-intervention without, and parliamen- 
 tary reform within. It was here, as it always is in great histori- 
 cal questions — what the government at first persecutes and calum- 
 niates, it is at last obliged to adopt. 
 
 Germany, too, spite of its proverbial patience, could not wholly 
 
DUKE CHARLES OF BRUNSWICK. 123 
 
 escape the effects of the July revolution. But there was again a 
 marked distinction between north and south Germany. In the 
 latter there had existed for more than a decade representation not 
 merely of certain classes, but of the whole people ; and the south 
 German constitutions were, according to Prince Metternich's views, 
 only too liberal. In the former, on the other hand, there was, at 
 the most, representation of the upper classes, in addition to which 
 the rights of the nobles were extravagant, and the division of tax- 
 ation unjust. Hence the excitement was far greater in the north 
 than in the south. Here and there it resulted in slight disturb- 
 ances, and in collisions between the lower classes and the police ; 
 in a few cities it took a more serious form. 
 
 In Brunswick, as in France and Belgium, a throne became va- 
 cant. The heroic Duke Frederic William, known for his march 
 to the North Sea in 1809, and his death at Quatrebras in 1815, 
 left two sons, Charles and William, who were not yet of age. By 
 his testament their guardianship was intrusted to King George 
 IV., of England, who was at the same time King of Hanover. The 
 Hanoverian minister. Count Münster, established for Brunswick a 
 board of privy councillors, with von Schmidt-Phiseldeck at its 
 head, and made good provision for the administration of justice 
 and of the finances, but allowed representation in the Chamber of 
 the Estates only to the nobles and clergy, and to the cities through 
 their burgomasters. This left the government comparatively un- 
 restrained. Such was the condition of affairs when Duke Charles 
 assumed the government in 1823. He had been educated at dif- 
 ferent courts, and for that reason not symmetrically educated. In 
 Vienna he had been lectured by his patron Prince Metternich on 
 the irresponsibility of princes, and after having endured the board 
 of privy councillors by his side for three or four years, he abol- 
 ished it, in 1827, in order from that time on to rule independent- 
 ly. Schmidt-Phiseldeck fled to Hanover, and refused to give up 
 the state papers. This caused a scandalous quarrel between the 
 duke on the one side, and King George and Count Münster on 
 the other. Charles went so far as to hang up a picture of the lat- 
 ter in his garden and shoot at it, and to challenge him to a duel. 
 He even claimed that the guardianship had been abused for the 
 purpose of crippling his intellect, and educating him to ignorance 
 and dependence. 
 
 He would not recognize the constitution because it was too 
 
124 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 aristocratic, but accorded no more popular one, simply setting his 
 sovereign caprice above everything. Furthermore, his mode of 
 life gave the greatest offence. His officials were in part incapa- 
 ble and immoral creatures, who permitted, with slavish subservi- 
 ence, his interference in the administration of justice and of the 
 finances, and the sale of public lands for the benefit of his private 
 purse. lie aroused against him not merely the common people, 
 but the nobility as well. During the July revolution he was in 
 Paris, and, full of consternation at the catastrophe in that city, he 
 hurried home, resolved in a similar event to act quite differently 
 from Charles X. Rumor said that he had poisoned von Oyen- 
 hausen, his master of the horse, and purposed giving his place to 
 a Frenchrrian named Aloard, whom he had brought back with 
 him. A deputation of citizens represented to him the temper of 
 the people, and demanded the redress of grievances, and the sum- 
 moning of the Estates. Thereupon he doubled the guards, and 
 mounted sixteen cannon before the barracks. Then the people 
 rose, September Vth, 1830; and while the duke, with his troops, 
 stood in the palace square, stormed the palace at an unguarded 
 spot. The discontented officers stood by and let it happen. 
 Charles had to flee, and his palace was burnt behind him. The 
 committee of the Estates convened the Estates of the country, 
 and begged the duke's brother. Prince William, who was in mili- 
 tary service in Berlin, to undertake the government. lie arrived 
 from Berlin three days later, assumed the government " for the 
 present " as governor-general of the duchy, to which he was ap- 
 pointed by Charles, and caused the Estates to solicit the King of 
 England's mediation. But Charles left London, whither he had 
 fled, went to Frankfort, and issued proclamations promising envi- 
 able institutions. He found only unbelievers ; and when, in No- 
 vember, with about eighty men enlisted in the Harz, he entered 
 Brunswick territory, he was driven back by an outpost of black 
 Jägers. He again fled, this time to Paris. Henceforward he 
 wandered about like a knight-errant, everywhere distinguished by 
 ]iis extravagancies. His repeated attempts to re-establish him- 
 self in his duchy were vain. He never came to Germany again, 
 and died at Geneva, August 18th, 1873. 
 
 It was a peculiar irony of fate that it was a special protege of 
 Metternich upon whom the lot of dethronement fell, and that his 
 pli^mt toql, the Diet, was forced to rjatify the fact. Little as the 
 
WILLIAM. IL OF HESSE AND THE NEW CONSTITUTION. 125 
 
 channjcs in Brunswick and the other north-German states were to 
 the taste of the Diet, it did not dare to step in, bayonet in hand, 
 after the manner of the previous decade, for fear that, in the then 
 condition of the world, this might fan, and not quench, the fire. 
 It even gave the different governments the wise advice to redress 
 actual grievances and redeem previous pledges, in order to avoid 
 all cause of insurrection. The very Diet which, before and after- 
 ward in all quarrels about constitutions, judged the princes only 
 right, and even had an encouraging word for their illegal encroach- 
 ments, now set itself on the side of the subjects, accepted their 
 complaints against Charles of Brunswick, affirmed his absolute in- 
 capacity to govern, and ratified the accession of his brother Wil- 
 liam. He entered upon the government, April 25th, 1831, with 
 the consent of all his paternal relatives. The nobles, who were 
 the originators of this insurrection, satisfied by the change of 
 rulers, wished no further alterations whatever; but the people 
 clamored for an improvement of the constitution, and got it. 
 The new constitution was proclaimed October 12th, 1832, as the 
 fundamental law of the land. 
 
 In Electoral Hesse, also, the chief stone of stumbling was the 
 person of the prince. Elector William II. had succeeded his fa- 
 ther in the government in 1821. lie did away with the restored 
 cues of the soldiers, it is true, but himself caused much dissatis- 
 faction by his coarse conduct ; by his open neglect of his wife, a 
 sister of the King of Prussia ; by his offensively open intercourse 
 with his mistress, whom he had made Countess Üeichenbach ; and 
 by the arbitrary levying of taxes, a great part of which flowed 
 into the pockets of the elector and the countess, instead of into 
 the public chest. For the sake of protection against his people, 
 and in order to have the sons of the Reichenbach made Aus- 
 trian counts, he had, after a short spasm of opposition, cast himself 
 unreservedly into the arms of the Metternich system, and from 
 that time on he allowed himself the greatest indiscretions. The 
 events in Paris and Brussels awakened hopes and plans in Elec- 
 toral Hesse, which viewed its prince and his government with dis- 
 like and contempt. The agitation began with a bread riot on 
 September 16th, and ended by compelling the elector to convene 
 the Estates of the country, and to sign, January 5tli, 1831, the 
 new constitutional charter, in drafting which Professor Jordan, of 
 Marburg, had been especially active. But as the citizens of Cas- 
 
126 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 sei also insisted upon the departure of Countess Reichenbach, 
 and twice compelled the elector to send her away, residence at 
 the capital or at Wilhelmshöhe became distasteful to him, and he 
 betook himself to Hanau, and soon afterward to Frankfort-on-the- 
 Main. But according to the constitution he could not rule the 
 country from foreign territory ; and hence, September 30th, 1831, 
 he appointed his son Frederic William co-regent. The latter, 
 whose character was more in harmony with that of his father 
 than was good either for himself or the country, conducted the 
 business of the government from this time forward. 
 
 The neighboring Upper Hesse was also affected by the general 
 fever for revolutions. In September of 1830 a peasant outbreak 
 occurred there, which recalls in many of its traits the years 1524 
 and 1525. A few thousand peasants came together, sought to 
 dictate laws by means of scythes and pitchforks, spoke of equali- 
 ty and liberty, raved about the abolition of imposts and customs, 
 showed their courage principally in burning custom-houses and 
 baronial documents, and after a few days were dispersed by the 
 troops of Prince Emil, of Hesse. 
 
 In the kingdom of Saxony it was not a court scandal which 
 excited revolt and brought about an upheaval, but an effete sys- 
 tem of government. In September, 1 830, there were street riots 
 in Leipzig and Dresden. In the capital, the city hall and police 
 head-quarters were carried by storm, and a citizen guard estab- 
 lished. The dismissal of the ministers, the adoption of a consti- 
 tution granting representation of the people, change of the mu- 
 nicipal system, abolition of Press censorship, and expulsion of the 
 Jesuits, were demanded from the king. The Jesuits exerted a very 
 harmful influence on several members of the Roman Catholic royal 
 house; and the land that was once the cradle of Protestantism was 
 of necessity most deeply stirred when it saw Protestantism's arch- 
 enemies nesting on its hearth. A memorial from 120 village com- 
 munities estimated that 80,000 peasants were without represen- 
 tation in the parliament, and demanded representation for them. 
 The king had to yield. He appointed his nephew, the universally 
 popular Prince Frederic, co-regent, and, September 4th, 1831, he 
 took the oath to the constitution drawn up by the Estates of the 
 country. The movement for liberty spread over the Saxon duch- 
 ies, and attained there, also, its immediate aims. 
 
 The kino-dom of Hanover was drawn into the new movement 
 
THE PATRICIANS IN SWITZERLAND. 127 
 
 from causes similar to those operating in Saxony. Here Junker- 
 thum blooined in fullest luxuriance. February 8th, 1831, an insur- 
 rection, in which both students and citizens took part, broke out 
 in Göttingen. A citizen guard was formed, a new constitution 
 demanded, and an "Accusation of the administration of Münster 
 before the tribunal of public opinion" circulated through the 
 country. The governor-general, the Duke of Cambridge, caused 
 Göttingen to be occupied by soldiers, before whom the whole 
 revolution vanished. Moreover, he went thither in person, listened 
 to the grievances, and promised a constitution adapted to the age 
 — one permitting representation of the people. By his persuasion, 
 King William was brought to dismiss Count Münster as the rep- 
 resentative of all that was hated. Cambridge was appointed vice- 
 roy of Hanover ; the Estates — a part of the deputies to which 
 were newly elected — met, and approved of the draft of a consti- 
 tution prepared by a committee comprising the historian Dahl- 
 mann among its members. This new constitution was adopted 
 in 1833, spite of the opposition of the nobility. 
 
 So to the south -German constitutions four new ones were 
 added in the north. The efforts of the Diet to press these coun- 
 tries down into the old system of Estates was frustrated, and 
 thereby a victory won for constitutionalism. Even the princes 
 were very far from calling in the Diet and the great powers, 
 whose dicta they feared more than they did the demands of the 
 people. The question was how long this would last ; whether 
 the events in Poland and Russia would not drive the thermometer 
 down. 
 
 Where monarchies followed the liberal lead, republics could not 
 remain behind. The separate cantons and the general government 
 of Switzerland had, in the third decade of this century, relapsed 
 into the same reaction as the other countries of Europe. The 
 disproportion which we have found in north Germany, between 
 the rights of the nobles and those of the people, existed here also. 
 Most of the cantons had an aristocratic government, in which a 
 few privileged families, the patricians, had so decided a prepon- 
 derance that there was practically no representation of the people. 
 As formerly, among the Hanseatic cities, a distinction was made 
 between Stadt and Amt (city and subject province), so now in 
 Switzerland the same distinction was made between Stadt and 
 Landschaft (city and outlying district). The citizens of the lat- 
 
128 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ter could send but few representatives to the Great Council of a 
 canton. 
 
 With such privileges in the hands of the patrician families, the 
 administration of the country was as bad as possible. The offi- 
 cials were appointed rather on the score of birth than merit ; the 
 finances were not always managed in the public interest ; the ad- 
 ministration of justice was proverbially bad. As little attention 
 was paid to general laws for the benefit of domestic intercourse 
 and traffic as in Germany ; and the Swiss Diet, which met in one 
 of the Directorial Cantons (Berne, Zurich, and Luzerne), did not 
 yield to the German in reactionary sentiment. It was strongly 
 attached to the Metternich system, and sent its people as merce- 
 naries to France and Naples, in order to aiford the young patri- 
 cians appointments as officers. 
 
 With such republics the young generation, which was growing 
 up at the universities and elsewhere, was not satisfied. There 
 sprung up everywhere a liberal opposition to the rule of the oli- 
 garchies ; and, after the uprisings in north Germany, the demand 
 for constitutional reform became still more general. Societies 
 were formed ; the liberal Press was never weary of proclaiming 
 the principles of the new era — political equality, abolition of all 
 privileges, equal representation for all the citizens of a canton, 
 freedom of the Press, etc. — and demanding their adoption in 
 Switzerland. Berne — at that time the Directorial Canton, and 
 the one whose government was the most aristocratic — issued, Sep- 
 tember 22d, 1830, a circular to the various cantonal governments, 
 urging the adoption of measures against the Press, and the main- 
 tenance of the old constitutions. This only fanned the excitement 
 into a blaze. In the months of October and November meetings 
 of the notables and people were held in almost all \he cantons ; 
 the principles of the new constitutions were laid down ; and after 
 a'few weeks the governments were compelled to accept them. 
 
 Before the July revolution, in May, 1830, the oligarchico-ultra- 
 montane government had been overthrown in Tessin, and another 
 set up on a democratic basis. In the autumn the Thurgovians 
 were the first to exact a constitutional assembly and a change of 
 the constitution, and the new constitution was adopted by the 
 people in March, 1831. Matters took the same course in Zurich 
 — where the essential point was the relative representation of the 
 Landschaft and the too powerful city ; in Aargau, in St. Gallen, 
 
CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES IN THE SWISS CANTONS. 129 
 
 in Luzerne, in Soleure, in Freiburg — where the hierarchical aris- 
 tocracy, supported by the Jesuits and Congregationalists who had 
 been driven out of France, called out the soldiers, but were over- 
 thrown with all their appurtenances; in Vaud — where, with 
 French hot-headedness, the members of the Great Council of 
 Lausanne were assailed with the cry, " Down with the tyrants !" 
 and a radical constitution was adopted ; in Schaffhausen and in 
 Berne — where for a long time the government entertained the 
 mad plan of maintaining itself by the help of the discharged 
 Swiss guards of Charles X. Li Basle, where there were bloody 
 collisions between the soldiers of the Landschaft and those of the 
 city, and the troops of the Swiss Diet had to interfere to adjust 
 the quarrel, the Great Council of the city preferred a separation 
 from the Landschaft to submitting to its requirements. So in 
 the year 1832 the two half-cantons of the city of Basle and the 
 Landschaft of Basle (with its government at Liestal) were form- 
 ed. A similar desire for separation of city and Landschaft man- 
 ifested itself in Switz and Valais, and was only removed after bit- 
 ter struggles. In Uri, Unterwaiden, Zug, Geneva, Glarus, Appen- 
 zell, and the country of the Grisons, on the other hand, the old 
 constitutions remained in force. In Neuchatel, where the liberal 
 party was unwilling longer to recognize the King of Prussia as 
 their sovereign, but was held down by the energy of the Prussian 
 general von Pfuel, the movement ended in a victory for the ex- 
 isting government. 
 
 Different from all the hitherto depicted situations was the state 
 of affairs in Italy. This time it was not Naples and Piedmont,- 
 as ten years before, but the States of the Church, which were the 
 theatre of the movement. The government, which consisted of 
 nothing but cardinals, was thoroughly hated, and was compared, 
 and to be compared, only with the Turkish government. In 
 spite of all persecutions, the Carbonari had spread over the whole 
 country, and had many adherents among the educated classes. 
 Upon these circles the news of the July revolution fell with con- 
 vulsing effect. The centre of the new conspiracy was Bologna. 
 One citizen of that place was so delighted with the Great Week 
 in Paris that he wanted to have it set " by the side of the six 
 days of the creation." From Bologna the agitation spread to 
 other cities, and even to Rome itself. Pope Pius VIIL died No- 
 vember 30th, 1830. The ensuing interregnum seemed a good 
 
 6* 
 
130 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 time to strike. Hopes were entertained of France, which had 
 long been jealous of Austria. The French cabinet, it is true, an- 
 nounced, in answer to inquiries, that it would not meddle in Ital- 
 ian affairs, but at the same time, also, that it would permit no in- 
 terference on the part of any other state. If this non-interven- 
 tion principle, the very opposite of that which had formerly been 
 adopted and put into practice by the congresses of Troppau, Lai- 
 bach, and Verona, were strictly adhered to, and Austria restrained 
 from intervention, the Carbonari were sure of their ability to dis- 
 pose of the domestic government, and carry out the national pro- 
 gramme. And if Austria should interfere, then France would be 
 forced by her pledge into armed participation, and out of the con- 
 test between these two states they hoped to see the white-red- 
 and-green of the national colors issue. 
 
 The Napoleon family was deeply involved in this movement. 
 The July revolution had inspired them with new hopes. Napo- 
 leon's son, the unfortunate Duke of Reichstadt, was pressed by se- 
 cret agents and letters to allow himself to be proclaimed Napo- 
 leon 11. But, though "Europe's prisoner," full of talent and 
 zeal for military studies, like his father, glowed with longing at 
 France's call to set himself at her head, he was condemned, under 
 the watchful eyes of his grandfather and Metternich, to the pain 
 of causing his holiest feelings to appear the opposite of what 
 they were, and, as a Napoleon, had to speak in favor of the Bour- 
 bons. The movements of the other Napoleons were less ham- 
 pered. Jerome's two sons attracted the attention of the Carbo- 
 nari, as well as of the Roman government ; and the two sons of 
 the Dutch ex-king and Hortense threw themselves into the arms 
 of the revolution at the instigation of the Modenese Menotti, un- 
 concerned as to whether this would cost their aunt, the ex-empress 
 Marie Louise, her widow's portion or not. 
 
 The head of the Modenese conspirators, Menotti, designed 
 striking in Modena, February 4th, 1831, but was apprehended, 
 with fifteen of his accomplices, by the old despot, Duke Francis 
 IV., on the preceding evening. But since almost at the same 
 time the whole duchy broke out in rebellion, Francis had to leave 
 the country, February 5th, and fled first to Mantua and then to 
 Vienna, dragging Menotti along with him. A provisional gov- 
 ernment was established, and the Modenese army placed under 
 the command of General Zucchi, a man trained in the Napoleonic 
 
POPE GREGORY XVI.— AUSTRIAN INTERVENTION. 131 
 
 school. February 13tli, Parma rose, and Marie Louise had to flee 
 to Piacenza. Of most importance were the proceedings in Bo- 
 logna. The news of the occurrences in Modena aroused immense 
 e.vcitement in that city. The papal commissioner was obliged to 
 give his consent to the organization of a citizen guard and a pro- 
 visional government. Within three weeks all the States of the 
 Church were in rebellion, with the exception of Rome and a few 
 cities in le Marche. The provisional government of Bologna, 
 under pressure from the Carbonari, declared, February 8th, that 
 " the temporal rule which the Romish High-priest has exercised 
 over this province has actually and rightfully ceased forever," 
 and summoned the representatives of the cities and provinces to 
 meet at Bologna. This new parliament assembled in Bologna 
 February 26th, and adopted a provisional constitution for " the 
 united Italian provinces." A president, a council of ministers, and a 
 legislative assembly, were to stand at the head of the state. Diplo- 
 mats were sent to England and France, and the world enlightened 
 by a manifesto regarding the situation in the States of the Church. 
 In the mean time, February 2d, a new Pope, Gregory XVI., 
 liad been chosen, who, with his resolute secretary of state. Cardi- 
 nal Bernetti, had no intention of letting himself be so easily 
 shaken out of the saddle. However, his proclamation to his 
 " dearly beloved subjects " found but few listeners ; and Cardinal 
 Benvenuti's mission to excite a counter-revolution in the provinces 
 was thwarted through his capture by the rebels. These, poorly 
 armed though they were, advanced under Colonel Sercognani into 
 the neighborhood of Rome, and threatened the city with a sack, 
 but had to retire in spite of the fantastic plans of Hortense's two 
 sons, who accompanied the expedition. The Austrians pressed 
 forward all the more quickly, true to their old principle of hur- 
 rying with their extinguishers to any spot in Italy where a crater 
 opened. The threats of the French government gave them little 
 concern. They knew, furthermore, that Louis Philippe was of a 
 quite different mind from his ministers — a double-dealing which 
 so disgusted Lafitte, the minister president, that he gave in his 
 resignation. Louis Philippe was as little inclined to rush into 
 war with another power, and inflame the revolutionary passions 
 of France for Italy as for Belgium. AVith a protest against the 
 invasion of the Austrians, which the French ambassador was to 
 deliver at the Romish court, the matter was at an end. 
 
132 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECEXT TIMES. 
 
 The Austrian general Frimont, who had conducted the inter- 
 vention in Naples in 1821, was intrusted with the chief command 
 on this occasion also. February 25th, the rebels were defeated at 
 Firenzuola, and the whole of Parma was occupied. The Moden- 
 ese, under Zucchi, were defeated at Novi, by General Geppert, after 
 a gallant resistance ; and March 9th, Duke Francis, thirsting for 
 vengeance, re-entered his capital. Zucchi fell back on Bologna, 
 where, trusting to France, but slight preparations for resistance 
 had been made. In order to give no offence to Louis Philippe, 
 the two Napoleonic princes had been removed from the army, 
 and permission refused them to serve even as volunteers. On the 
 way to Ancona, the elder. Napoleon Louis, fell ill in Forli, and was 
 carried off by the measles, March l7th, before his mother could 
 reach him. The younger, Louis Napoleon, destined to sit on the 
 imperial throne of France, was rescued from the greedy hands of 
 the Austrians, after various adventures and disguises, by the en- 
 ergy and cunning of his mother. 
 
 . Italy's was already a lost cause. A third Austrian division, 
 under General Bentheim, crossed the Po, March 6th, and occupied 
 Ferrara and Comachio. Zucchi, appointed to the chief command 
 of the Bolognese army, fell back with the provisional government 
 to Ancona. The Austrians entered Bologna March 21st, were vic- 
 tors in the bloody battle of Rimini on the 25th, and occupied An- 
 cona, under General Geppert, on the 29th. Zucchi and the leaders 
 of the revolution had already embarked for Corfu, but were over- 
 taken by the boats sent in pursuit and brought back to Venice. 
 
 On the representations of Louis Philippe, who had to act with 
 circumspection in presence of the opposition and the Press, the 
 Papal government, after the suppression of the revolt, behaved 
 with more moderation than men had expected. An amnesty, 
 from which only the leaders of the rebellion were excluded, was 
 published, and a few improvements introduced into the adminis- 
 tration. The Duke of Modena, the only prince in Europe who 
 bad not recognized Louis Philippe, proved less accessible. He 
 executed Mcnotti and the lawyer Borelli, condemned others to 
 the galleys or cast them into prison, and confiscated their estates. 
 The Austrians evacuated the States of the Church in July, 1831 ; 
 but January 28th of the following year, when Cardinal Albani, 
 with his armed mob, gained possession of the so-called legations, 
 and committed a shameful massacre in the city of Forli (21st 
 
rOLAND UNDER THE CZAR NICHOLAS OF RUSSIA. 133 
 
 January), they ve-entered Bologna, received by the inhabitants as 
 deliverers. This second invasion was very awkward for the French 
 cabinet. In order to establish a counterpoise, troops were hastily 
 embarked in Toulon, and Ancona was occupied, without Papal 
 consent, on the 23d of February. However, the native authori- 
 ties were respected, and the occupation almost wholly confined to 
 the citadel. 
 
 So this second Italian revolution had failed for the same rea- 
 son as the first. Without help from abroad, limited to a small 
 part of Italy, it was no match for the Austrian arms. If, in 1831, 
 the Carbonari in Naples vainly expected a revolution in the States 
 of the Church, while those in Piedmont awaited in vain the rising 
 of Milan, so now the revolutionists of central Italy saw themselves 
 thrown on their own resources. Neither Naples nor Piedmont 
 was willing to bleed a second time. Moreover, both states had 
 at that time new rulers, who sought in their first months to make 
 themselves popular by liberal measures. In Naples, King Ferdi- 
 nand I. had died in 1825. His son, Francis L, who had played 
 the revolutionist in 1820, and then as king proved as bad as his 
 father, died in November, 1 830, Ferdinand IL, his twenty-year- 
 old son, seemed for a short time to be steering for the liegeraony 
 of Italy, with the help of the liberal party ; but he soon allowed 
 himself to be brought about by Metternich. In Piedmont the 
 inflexible Charles Felix had held down with a strong hand all 
 attempts at rebellion. He died in April, 1831, and liis successor 
 w^as Charles Albert, that Prince of Carignan who, in 1821, had so 
 completely compromised himself with both sides. But, as he ap- 
 peared to have broken utterly with the absolute system of his 
 predecessor, and to have initiated a more liberal policy, he be- 
 came again the object of hopes. 
 
 The revolution in Italy had rendered it impossible for Aus- 
 tria to bestow her patriarchal attention on the changes in Ger- 
 many and Switzerland. The insurrection in Poland prevented 
 the Emperor Nicholas, of Russia, from giving vent in a military 
 way to his rage at the revolutions in France and Belgium. He 
 had received the kingdom of Poland from his brother Alexander 
 as a constitutional monarchy, having its own array, the manage- 
 ment of its own finances, a separate administration — in general, 
 a moderately independent existence. And yet the Poles, who 
 could not forget the greatness of former centuries, felt that they 
 
134 POLITICAL HISTORY OF EECENT TIMES. 
 
 were merely an impotent appendage of the Russian colossus, and 
 that they and their constitution lived only by the Czar's favor. 
 Their relations to Nicholas were disturbed at his very accession. 
 Many Poles, who sought to take advantage of that opportunity 
 for the reunion of Lithuania with Poland, were involved in the 
 military conspiracy in St, Petersburg in the year 1825. The tri- 
 bunal which had to pronounce sentence acquitted them. Although 
 Nicholas confirmed the sentence, he could not refrain from ex- 
 pressing his displeasure. The prosperity of the land increased 
 greatly under Prince Lubecki's excellent administration of the 
 finances, and sensible Poles preferred the furtherance of material 
 and intellectual development to that of political and national. 
 The enthusiasts, on the other hand, thought that they could 
 make a revolution with a handful of students and lieutenants. 
 They looked toward France, which had always been closely con- 
 nected with the Poles, especially by the late brotherhood of arms 
 during the Napoleonic wars, and held everything which the Em- 
 peror Alexander had given them as nothing in comparison with 
 that which they, in their wild fancies, hoped to be able to obtain. 
 Politicians of sentiment, as they are to this day, they considered 
 it possible, in spite of the three great neighboring states, not only 
 to rend Poland completely from Russia, but also to reunite into 
 one great kingdom of Poland all the provinces which had been 
 torn from her since the first partition between Russia, Austria, 
 and Prussia in 1772. 
 
 As commonly happens in such cases, a great blunder was made 
 in filling the most important post. Alexander had confided the 
 military command in Poland to his eldest brother, Constantino. 
 This prince, who, on account of his utter incapacity, had been 
 obliged to abandon the imperial throne to his younger brother 
 Nicholas, was good enough, forsooth, for Poland. But it was in 
 Poland that a man of tact was, in reality, most needed. Constan- 
 tino was guilty of the most stupid breaches of the constitution. 
 He interfered in the administration of justice; for insignificant 
 offences against " red tape " he treated officers as dishonorable 
 subjects ; like his friend Metternich, he maintained at home and 
 abroad a horde of spies to deceive him and plunder the land ; 
 and he saw in Polish patriotism the most heinous of crimes. No 
 wonder that, when men spoke of hatred toward Russia, Constan- 
 tine was the name first named. And yet, married to a young 
 
GRAND-DUKE CONSTANTINE.— PARTIES IN POLAND. 135 
 
 Pole who bore the title Princess of Lowicz, he affected a special 
 affection for that kingdom. 
 
 A few men wished to raise the standard of rebellion in the 
 year 1828, when Russia was occupied with the Turkish war. In 
 the following year, during the presence of the Czar in Warsaw, 
 the most impatient even talked of assassinating him and the 
 princes that were with him. Both plans were given up because 
 it was believed that they would find too little sympathy among 
 the people, and because the parties were not united. It was de- 
 termined to await an uprising in France. That came, and the 
 old conspirators. Lieutenants Zaliwski and Wysoki, at once called 
 a council of a few of their friends. As they were not yet pre- 
 pared, it was decided to wait until the following February. The 
 old generals were applied to to take the chief command, but none 
 of them would accept it. The other generals and colonels also 
 refused to work with the conspirators, although they might not 
 work against them. The latter did not let themselves be dis- 
 mayed, however, but named a committee of direction, and sent 
 agents to Lithuania, Podolia, and Volhynia. The undertaking- 
 seemed likely to be wrecked at the very start on the old disunion 
 of the Poles. Each of the different parties believed itself the 
 sole possessor of the right means to win the independence of Po- 
 land. The aristocratic party, at whose head stood Prince Adam 
 Czartoryski, wished to avoid a premature collision with Russia, to 
 strengthen the country by reforms of every description, and to 
 increase its power of attraction on the sundered provinces. The 
 democrats, foremost among whom was Joachim Lelewel, quon- 
 dam professor in the university at Wilna, disregarding the actual 
 conditions of politics, demanded immediate action — separation 
 from Russia, re-establishment of the old Polish kingdom, and equal- 
 ity of all classes in their political rights. Between these two 
 there were many shades of opinion. On one point all were united 
 — the greatest possible freedom from Russia. In respect of the 
 means to be used, and the social ends to be attained, views differed 
 widely. 
 
 At the end of October appeared a manifesto of the Czar, which 
 was looked upon as the herald of a declaration of war and the 
 formation of a coalition against France and Belgium. The com- 
 mand was issued to place the Polish army on a war footing. The 
 Poles feared that their army would be led across the frontier, and 
 
136 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 put to foreign uses. It was necessary to act all the more quickly. 
 At the same time, it was easy to see that the secret of the conspir- 
 acy was no longer preserved. There were acts as imprudent as 
 in the August days in Brussels. On the Belvedere, the pleasure 
 residence of the Grand-duke Constantine, was found posted this 
 placard : " To rent after New-year's." Yet the grand-duke acted 
 as though there were not the slightest danger in sight. The 
 evening of November 29th, 1830, had been fixed upon as the 
 time for action, as on that day all the sentinels on duty would be 
 Poles. The officers of all Polish regiments were assembled, the 
 plan imparted to them, and their participation required in the 
 name of the nation. 
 
 The 29th of November came. Six o'clock in the evening was 
 the hour agreed upon. The conflagration of a brewery at one 
 end of the city was to be the signal. The flames were not visi- 
 ble everywhere, and hence arose some confusion at the outset. 
 Some had undertaken the assassination of the grand-duke ; others, 
 the surprising and disarming of the Russian cavalry and infantry ; 
 others, the capture of the arsenal. With the cry, " Death to the 
 tyrants !" about twenty men fell upon the Belvedere, and killed 
 the vice-president and a general who looked like the grand-duke, 
 but did not find the grand-duke himself, for at the first alarm he 
 liad fled, with the Prussian ambassador Schmidt, to a neighboring 
 hut. The disarming of the Russian regiments also failed ; for 
 they had drawn up in battle array before their barracks, and the 
 160 ensigns, with whom Wysoki came marching up, were repulsed. 
 An attack on their part would have made an end of the whole 
 matter, but no one gave the command. Several of their generals 
 and colonels had been shot on their way to the barracks ; for 
 Zaliwski had succeeded in the capture of the arsenal, and 1 5,000 
 muskets had been distributed among the people. On the follow- 
 ing morning the Russian troops found themselves hemmed in on 
 all sides, and Constantine, in the belief that it was merely a popu- 
 lar tumult which he might quietly leave to wear itself out, vacated 
 the city. He halted for two days at Wierbzna, about four miles 
 from AVarsaw, and it was not until the 3d of December, when the 
 Polish troops that had marched out with him returned to Warsaw, 
 that he and his Russians marched to the frontier. The whole 
 country rose behind him. Both fortresses yielded, with their 
 enormous military stores. In eight days all was over, and the 
 
GENERAL CHLOPICKI DICTATOR. ISl 
 
 country was free from Russian garrisons. Poland had had its 
 "great week." The jubihition was indescribable. After such 
 successes nothing was considered impossible. But the military 
 power of Russia was a different adversary from Charles X. and 
 his courtiers, and not quite the same as Holland. 
 
 Prince Lubecki, the most influential member of the Council of 
 Administration, the highest tribunal for the internal affairs of Po- 
 land, thought that by taking a few popular aristocrats into that 
 body he could guide the rebellion into a quiet channel. But the 
 revolutionists, who under Lelewel's lead had formed a patriotic 
 club in the city hall, were ill satisfied with this. Lubecki had to 
 disband the Council of Administration, and establish a provisional 
 government, with Prince Adam Czartoryski at its head. Lelewel 
 was also a member of this government, but the ruling element 
 was overwhelmingly aristocratic. December 5th, it appointed the 
 sixt3^-year-old General Joseph Chlopicki commander-in-chief, and 
 then dictator. This man, who had served under Kosciuszko, and 
 had made several campaigns under Napoleon, possessed the most 
 popular name of all the generals; but neither his strategical 
 knowledge nor his political sagacity were such as to fit him for a 
 post of this description. He did not hope to succeed by fighting, 
 but by negotiations. With the well-known character of the Czar 
 Nicholas, negotiations were useless, and deprived the Poles of the 
 possibility of rapidly carrying the rebellion over into the old Po- 
 lish provinces. To restrain the democratic elements seemed to 
 him of more importance than to prepare for an implacable war. 
 Hence it was that, in a sitting of the provisional government, he 
 proclaimed himself dictator, dismissed Lelewel, retained the other 
 members as ministers, sent back the volunteers who were hurry- 
 ing up from Lithuania, Galicia, and Posen, and despatched Prince 
 Lubecki and Count Jezierski to St. Petersburg as ambassadors to 
 assure the Czar of Poland's fidelity, and to urge upon him three 
 wishes — adherence to the constitution, exclusion of Russian gar- 
 risons, and (as far as possible) union of Lithuania with Poland. 
 
 The Polish Diet assembled December 18th, sanctioned the rev- 
 olution of November 29th as the expression of the popular will, 
 confirmed Chlopicki as dictator, and adjourned at his wish until 
 January 19th. The dictator named a ministry, into which he was 
 compelled to admit Lelewel, and a national council with Czarto- 
 ryski as president. He found himself exposed to the attacks of 
 
138 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the " clubists," who reproached him with inability, and even with 
 treason. They sought to undermine his position, and to alienate 
 the army from him ; and, although he caused the arrest of Lelewel 
 and others, he was obliged to set them free again. Then appeared 
 the Czar's proclamation of December 19th, in which unconditional 
 submission was required, and the invasion of the Russian troops 
 announced; and on January 13th Count Jezierski returned and 
 reported that Nicholas left no other choice than unconditional 
 submission or war. Thereupon Chlopicki announced to the Na- 
 tional Council that he would only retain the dictatorship on con- 
 dition that unlimited power be granted him. As this was not ac- 
 cepted, he laid down the dictatorship and the chief command, 
 January 17th. 
 
 January 19th the Diet reassembled, and on the 25th, at the mo- 
 tion of Count Roman Soltylc, pronounced the independence of 
 Poland, and the deposition of the Romanow dynasty. A new gov- 
 ernment of five men was formed, in which Czartoryski was presi- 
 dent, while Lelewel was the only democrat. The army was in- 
 creased as quickly as possible, and the chief command intrusted 
 to Prince Radziwill, in the expectation that his friend Chlopicki 
 would assist him with military counsels. 
 
 The Russian field-marshal, Count Diebitsch Sabalkanski, crossed 
 the Polish boundaries, in the first week of February, Avith 118,000 
 men, and advanced upon Warsaw in several divisions. After a 
 few insignificant engagements, battle was delivered at Grochow, 
 February 25th. The Poles had 45,000 men, the Russians 70,000, 
 and twice as many cannon as the Poles. Notwithstanding all 
 their bravery, the Poles had to retire from the field, leaving 8000 
 dead and wounded behind them, to 12,000 on the part of the Rus- 
 sians. Then Radziwill, to whom the seriously wounded Chlopicki 
 could render no further assistance, laid down the chief command, 
 and Strzynecki was chosen in his stead. Like all the Polish gen- 
 erals, this one was better fitted to command a division than to play 
 the strategist. He neglected to take advantage of Diebitsch's 
 passage of the Vistula, and of his division of his army into small- 
 er detachments to defeat the Russians in detail. And when he 
 was in a position to attack the Russian guards with superior num- 
 bers, through fear of a surprise of Warsaw he detached a consid- 
 erable force for its defence, and gave Diebitsch time to come to 
 their assistance. So the unlucky battle of Ostrolenka was brought 
 
THE REVOLUTION IN THE OLD POLISH PROVINCES FAILS. 139 
 
 on (May 26th), in which no amount of personal valor could sup- 
 ply the lack of good generalship. The Poles lost 7000, and the 
 Russians 9000 men. Diebitsch, who had showed less energy in 
 this campaign than in the Turkish campaign of 1829, died at Pul- 
 tulsk, June lOth, of the cholera, and on the 27th of June the Grand- 
 duke Constantine died at Witepsk, The former had no heart for 
 this war, and was hence frowned on by the National Russians. 
 The latter is said to have expressed pleasure at the valor of the 
 Poles as if that valor were his doing. Hence arose the report 
 that the sudden deaths of both men were not natural. 
 
 Still worse than the loss of a battle was the news which poured 
 in from the old Polish provinces. What Chlopicki had neglected 
 in the first weeks of his dictatorship must now be dearly paid for. 
 The bold Dwerniki, who had won the first advantage over the 
 Russians, February 14th, was sent with 6000 men to Volhynia, 
 to arouse that and the more southern provinces. General Count 
 Rüdiger was opposed to him with 15,000 men, and before his 
 superior numbers Dwerniki had to retire (April 27th) into Aus- 
 trian territory, where he was held prisoner until the close of the 
 war. His troops were disarmed, but the greater part of them 
 stole back over the Polish frontier. In spite of this mishap, the 
 Polish nobility rose in Volhynia, Podolia, and the Ukraine, and 
 set themselves at the head of their peasants ; but they were easily 
 overpowered by the superior force of the Russians. Matters were 
 no better in the north, in Samogitia and Lithuania. General 
 Gielgud, one of the richest landed proprietors in Lithuania, had 
 been sent thither with 12,000 men. Genei'als Chlapowski and 
 Dembinski \yere in command under him. A rapid attack on the 
 weakly garrisoned Wilna might have brought the whole coun- 
 try into their hands, and made it a barrier against Russia. 
 But Gielgud, more concerned about his estates than about the 
 great cause, squandered valuable time in inaction, was repulsed 
 before Wilna, the garrison of which place had been in the mean 
 time strengthened, and finally, July 12th, he and Chlapowski con- 
 cluded to cross the Prussian frontier at Mesnel and lay down 
 their arms. At the moment of crossing, a Polish ofiicer sprung 
 out of the ranks, and with the cry, " Die, traitor !" shot Gielgud. 
 Dembinski behaved more heroically, and, with the 4000 men that 
 he had separated from the main body, fought his way safely 
 from the farthest limits of Samogitia through Lithuania, which 
 
140 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 was full of Russians, to Warsaw, and entered it, August 3d, amid 
 the rejoicings of the people. 
 
 The failure of all enterprises, and the suspicion that the people 
 were betrayed by the aristocratic party, brought about in Warsaw 
 the most violent and terrible scenes. All attempts to interest 
 foreign powers, especially France and England, came to nothing; 
 Poland was thrown on her own resources. The democratic party 
 sought to arouse among the peasants zeal for the revolution, and 
 for that purpose demanded that the Diet should make the peas- 
 ants, at the expiration of their military service, proprietors of the 
 land farmed by them. The aristocracy, threatened in its purse, 
 opposed this proposition. So there resulted finally the popular 
 excesses of August 15th, when the prisons, where thirty or forty 
 persons, accused of being in communication with the Russians, 
 were confined, were broken open, and all alike, guilty and inno- 
 cent — even women — murdered. The government, whose mem- 
 bers were threatened with death, disbanded. Czartoryski fled in 
 disguise into the Polish camp. The intriguing General Kruko- 
 wiecki had himself named president of the government by the 
 Diet, which was overawed by the people, in order to find an op- 
 portunity to betray his country to Russia, and receive his reward 
 from the Czar. 
 
 Changes had also been made in the command of the army. 
 The incapable Skrzynecki had been deposed, August 10th, and 
 succeeded by Dembinski. But as he could conjure up no vic- 
 tories, he too had to lay down the chief command. It was then 
 intrusted by the new president to the incapable Malachowski. 
 While on the part of the Poles the strength of thp nation was 
 being idly dissipated by disunion, and by incapacity and treason 
 among the leaders on the part of the Russians, after Diebitsch's 
 death, the power had been committed to a strong hand. Count 
 Paskewitch Eriwanski had been promoted to the chief command, 
 owing to his able conduct of the war against the Persians, and 
 his success in Asia Minor. lie transferred the theatre of opera- 
 tions to the lower Vistula, crossed to the left bank, and advanced 
 on Warsaw. Instead of holding all his troops together for the 
 defence of the capital, and playing his last card before its walls, 
 Kruckowiecki sent away several detachments, nominally for the 
 sake of procuring supplies. Among these was a detachment of 
 20,000 men under the Genoese adventurer Ramorino. Only 
 
CAPTURE OF WARSAW. 141 
 
 34,000 soldiers remained in the city, which was attacked by 
 Paskewitch with 70,000. He assaulted on the 0th and 7th of 
 September, and lost 20,000 men ; for the Poles, in spite of bad 
 generalship, fought with the utmost braver3\ However, he suc- 
 ceeded in driving- them out of their first two lines of intrench- 
 ment. At the same time, he entered into negotiations with 
 Kruckowiecki, who promised unconditional surrender of the city, 
 and the retreat of the Polish army to Praga. But when General 
 Berg, who was conducting the negotiations, returned to the city 
 to make the final arrangements, he found that Kruckowiecki had 
 been deposed by the more resolute members of the Diet, and 
 Niemojewski named president. A truce of forty-eight hours was 
 agreed upon, and during that time the Diet and the army aban- 
 doned Warsaw and Praga, and retired to Modlin. September 
 8th, the Russians entered Warsaw, from which they had been 
 driven by the Poles, amid the most extravagant hopes, on the 
 30th of the previous November. 
 
 Since, however, the Russians had suffered in the assault great 
 losses which could not be so quickly repaired, the Polish generals 
 thought of carrying on the war, and even of attacking Warsaw, 
 where the Russians had a difficult position among an angry pop- 
 ulation. So Ramorino received the command to join the main 
 army in Modlin ; but, instead of obeying, he marched toward Ga- 
 licia, and on the 16th of September crossed the Austrian frontier 
 witb 10,000 men, and laid down his arms. The gallant General 
 Rozycki, with a smaller detachment, was driven back by over- 
 whelming numbers, and forced to flee to Cracow, September 
 25th. On the receipt of this news, Paskewitch adopted quite a 
 different tone. He had entered into negotiations with head- 
 quarters at Modlin, and allowed it to appear as though he had 
 authority to grant a general amnesty and the retention of the 
 constitution of 1815, but now he required unconditional submis- 
 sion. This the army and the Diet would not hear of. Officers 
 and soldiers alike demanded to be led once more against the en^ 
 emy, that they might slake their thirst for vengeance in his 
 blood. But Rybinski, who had succeeded the aged Malachowski 
 in the chief command, did not wish to cause useless bloodshed, 
 and so, October 5th, he crossed the Prussian frontier with the re- 
 mainder of the army, 24,000 men and ninety-five guns, and gave 
 up his arms. Soon afterward the fortresses of Modlin and Za- 
 
142 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 mosc surrendered, and for the second time finis Polonice was pro- 
 nounced. 
 
 Czar Nicholas was firmly resolved to annihilate Poland as an 
 independent state, a separate nationality, and to absorb it into 
 the grand total as a Russian province. The constitution of 1815 
 was abolished, a council of state established, whose members were 
 nominated by the Czar, and Paskewitch, now Prince of Warsaw, 
 was placed at the head of the civil and military power as gov- 
 ernor. The Polish contingent no longer constituted an indepen- 
 dent army, but was lost in Russian regiments, and sent to the 
 most distant regions, especially to the Caucasus. The whole coun- 
 try was disarmed ; the rustic was deprived of his very scythe, and 
 the concealment of weapons was visited with capital punishment. 
 Those members of the Diet who had voted for the deposition of 
 the house of Romanow were sent to Siberia ; in the case of gen- 
 erals, an investigation was set on foot, and the miserable Krucko- 
 wiecki was confined in a small town in the interior of Russia. 
 Most of those who were compromised had fled abroad, to await, 
 in France, Italy, England, Switzerland, or America, the return of 
 better times. Their property was confiscated, which, in the case 
 of Czartoryski alone, amounted to about 20,000,000 Polish gul- 
 den (between nine and ten million dollars). 
 
 A war of annihilation was also waged against the Polish lan- 
 guage and educational institutions. The universities of Warsaw 
 and Wilna were closed temporarily ; all schools were established 
 on a Russian footing; the acquisition of the Russian language 
 and history was made a sine qua non ; and Russian oflScers were 
 set at the head of the higher institutions of learning. Every- 
 thing was done to promote the spread of the Greek Church 
 among the Roman Catholic Poles, and the children of mixed 
 marriages were brought up in the Greek faith. There ruled a 
 system of terrorism rivalling the government of the most capri- 
 cious pasha. Under such conditions, further attempts at revolu- 
 tion could not fail to be made. 
 
 Russia's position in Europe was quite changed after the sup- 
 pression of the Polish insurrection. Germany, many of whose 
 princely houses were connected with the Russian court by mar- 
 riage, had to feel this. Even Austria and Prussia eluded with 
 difficulty the iron grasp of the new guardian. This was still 
 more difficult for the smaller states. In addition to the chancel- 
 
SUBJUGATION OF THE CAUCASUS. 143 
 
 lor's office at Vienna, the secret cabinet at St. Petersburg was now 
 ready to give "good" counsels to princes and ministers. The 
 reaction again dominant in Germany and the rest of Europe 
 could rely on strong support. The name of Nicholas signified, 
 not alone for Poland, but for many other states as well, stagna- 
 tion, retrocession, the rest of the grave. 
 
 But Russia was casting her eyes not only on western Europe, 
 but also on Asia. She wished to advance against Central Asia, 
 and to become England's rival there ; and hence it became neces- 
 sary for her to possess the Caucasus, which was inhabited by free- 
 dom-loving, warlike races — the Tcherkesses, Tchetchenzes, Les- 
 ghians, and others. Fraudulently basing her claims upon the 
 treaty of Adrianople of 1829, Russia began to carry on this war 
 in earnest in 1834. She suffered at that time considerable losses, 
 especially from the unwearying Shamyl, the leader of the Tchet- 
 chenzes; and the same was the case in 1845, when Prince Wo- 
 ronzow commanded the Russians. Shut in on all sides, Shamyl 
 had to surrender to General Bariatynski in 1859. By the mag- 
 nanimity of Czar Alexander II,, he was allowed to take up his 
 residence in Kaluga. It was not until the year 1864 that the 
 subjugation of the Caucasian populations was fully effected. The 
 advance of Russia against Turkestan was at the outset not favored 
 by fortune. The expedition of General Perowski, with 20,000 
 men and 10,000 camels, perished in the steppes between the Cas- 
 pian sea and the sea of Aral, in the snow-storm of the winter of 
 1840. But this loss was fully compensated by the successes of 
 the followinsr decades. 
 
 §9. 
 
 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 The eyes of King Ferdinand VII. were scarcely closed, Septem- 
 ber 29th, 1833, when the Apostolic party — whose strength lay in 
 the north of Spain, and especially in Navarre and the Basque 
 provinces — proclaimed his brother, Don Carlos, king under the 
 title of Charles V. In order to offer a successful resistance to 
 the Carlists, who were fighting for absolutism and priestcraft, 
 
144 POLITICAL HISTOKY OF KECENT TIMES. 
 
 there was no other course for the regent, Maria Christina, than 
 to throw herself into the arms of the liberal party. So the 
 seven years' war between Carlists and Christinos, from a war of 
 succession, became a strife of principles and a war of citizens. 
 At the outset, owing to the skill of General Zumalacarreguy, to 
 whom the Christinos could oppose no leader of equal ability, the 
 Carlists had the advantage in the field. Don Carlos threatened 
 the Spanish frontiers from Portugal, where he had been living in 
 exile with his dear nephew, Don Miguel. In this strait, Christina 
 applied to England and France, and between those two states and 
 Spain and Portugal was concluded the quadruple alliance of April 
 22d, 1834, the aim of which was to uphold the constitutional 
 thrones of Isabella and Maria da Gloria, and to drive out the two 
 pretenders, Carlos and Miguel. In that year both pretenders, who 
 enjoyed to a high degree the favor of the Pope and the Eastern 
 powers, had to leave Poi'tugal. Carlos reached England on an 
 English ship in June, but fled again in July, and, after an advent- 
 urous journey through France, appeared suddenly in Navarre, to 
 inspire his followers with courage by the royal presence. The 
 Avar was conducted with passion and cruelty on both sides. Af- 
 ter the death of Zumalacarreguy at the siege of Bilbao, June 14th, 
 1835, the Christinos, who Avere superior in point of numbers, 
 seemed to have the advantage. But they could accomplish little 
 against the restless ecclesiastic Cabrera, who, after receiving his 
 first ordination, had gone over to the pretender's camp. He was 
 the most dexterous of the guerilla chiefs. The turning-point was 
 reached when the command of the Christino army was committed 
 to Espartero. In 1836 he defeated the Carlists in the murderous 
 battle of Luchana. In 1837, when Carlos advanced into the neigh- 
 borhood of Madrid, he hastened to the succor of the capital, and 
 compelled him to retreat. 
 
 To these losses were added disunion in the Carlist camp. The 
 utterly incapable, dependent pretender was the tool of his Cama- 
 rilla, which made excellence in the catechism a more important 
 requisite for the chief command than military science, and which 
 deposed the most capable generals to put its own creatures in 
 command. The new commander-in-chief, Guergue, said, bluntly, 
 to Carlos, " We, the blockheads and ignoramuses, have yet to con- 
 duct your Majesty to Madrid ; and whoever does not belong in 
 that category is a traitor." This Apostolic hero was defeated 
 
DEFEAT OF THE CARLISTS.— MARIA CHRISTINA. 145 
 
 several tinTcs by Espartcro in 1838, and the enthusiasm of the 
 northern provinces gradually cooled down. He was deposed, and 
 the chief command intrusted to the cunning Maroto. As an en- 
 emy of the Camarilla, he could only maintain himself against its 
 constant attacks by great victories ; but, as he did not succeed in 
 ■winning victories over Espartero, who overmatched him, he con- 
 cluded, instead, August 31st, 1839, the treaty of Vergara, in ac- 
 cordance with which he went over to the Christinos, with his 
 army, and by that means obtained full amnesty, and the confir- 
 mation of the privileges of Navarre and the Basque provinces. 
 After this, Don Carlos's cause was hopelessly lost. He fled, in 
 September, to France, with many of his followers, and was com- 
 pelled to pass six years in Bourges under police supervision. In 
 1845, after he had I'esigned his claims in favor of his eldest son, 
 the Dute of Montemolin, he received permission to depart, and 
 went to Italy. He died in Trieste, March 10th, 1855. His fol- 
 lowers, under Cabrera, carried on the war for some time longer 
 in Catalonia. But they, too, were overcome by Espartcro, and in 
 July, 1840, they fled, about 8000 strong, to France, where they 
 were put under surveillance. The civil war was at an end, but 
 the strife of principles continued. Espartero, who had been made 
 Duke of Victory (Vittoria), was the most important and popular 
 personage in Spain, with whom the regent, as well as everybody 
 else, had to reckon. 
 
 In the mean time Christina had contrived to alienate the respect 
 and affection of the Spaniards, both by her private life and her 
 political conduct. Her liberal paroxysms were not serious, and 
 gave way, as soon as the momentary need was past, to the most 
 opposite tendency. On the increase of the Carlist insurrection in 
 1834, she had set the once persecuted Martinez de la Rosa, known 
 as poet and author, at the head of the ministry, and given the 
 country a constitution that satisfied nobody. After a long inter- 
 val the Cortes again came together, and soon divided into the two 
 hostile parties of Moderados and Progressists. Ministries changed 
 rapidly ; Toreno, Mendizabal, Isturiz, succeeded one another. 
 Owing to the desperate condition of the finances, and out of oppo- 
 sition to the Apostolical-Carlist party, the Progressists demanded 
 abolition of the monastic orders, and confiscation of their prop- 
 erty; v/hlch was partially carried out. In a few cities bloody 
 excesses were committed; cloisters were demolished, monks and 
 
 1 
 
146 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 nuns murdered, and parish priests and Jesuits hunted over the 
 border. The constant wavering, and the frequent prorogations 
 of the Cortes, increased the dissatisfaction. In 1836 the Progress- 
 ists apprehended a reaction, and sought to anticipate it. Insur- 
 rections were organized in the larger cities, and the constitution 
 of 1812 was made the programme of the revolt. The govern- 
 ment replied by hanging the state of siege over Madrid, and dis- 
 banding the national guard. Then the insurrection broke out in 
 the summer residence of La Granja, whither Christina had retired 
 with her court. Soldiers of the guard forced their way into the 
 palace, and compelled her to accept the constitution of 1812. 
 A constitutional assembly undertook a revision of this, and there- 
 from resulted the new constitution of 1837. Christina swore to 
 it, but hoped, by controlling the elections, to bring the Moderados 
 into the Cortes and the ministry. When she succeeded in this, 
 in 1840, she issued a municipal ordinance placing the appoint- 
 ment of the municipal authorities in the hands of the administra- 
 tion. This occasioned riots in Madrid and other cities; and when 
 Christina commissioned Espartero, who was just returning victo- 
 rious, to suppress the revolt in Madrid, he refused to constitute 
 himself the tool of an unpopular policy. But he was the only 
 man who could hold in check the revolution which threatened to 
 break out on all sides; and so, September 16th, 1840, he had to 
 be named minister president. lie chose only Progressists into 
 his ministry. September 29th, he made a triumphal entrance 
 into Madrid, and October 5th he laid before the regent in Valen- 
 cia his programme, demanding repeal of the municipal ordinance, 
 dissolution of the Cortes, and dismissal of the Camarilla. Under 
 such circumstances the regency had but little charm for Christina, 
 and there were, moreover, other causes working with these to the 
 same result. Soon after the death of her husband, she had be- 
 stowed her favor on a young lifeguardsman named Munoz, made 
 him her chamberlain, and been secretly married to him. This 
 union soon published itself in a rich blessing of offspring, but it 
 was not until the year 1844 that her public marriage with Munoz, 
 and his elevation to the rank of duke (of Rianzares) and grandee 
 of Spain took place. Having by this course of life forfeited the 
 fame of an honest woman, and exposed herself to all sorts of 
 attacks, she preferred to leave the country. October 12th, she 
 abdicated the regency, and journeyed to France. 
 
ESPARTERO.— ISABELLA ASSUMES THE GOVERNMENT. 147 
 
 May 8th, 1841, the newly elected Cortes named Espartero re- 
 gent of Spain, and guardian of Queen Isabella and her sister, the 
 Infanta Luisa Fernanda. He on his part showed himself not 
 unworthy of this high post, and sought to establish order in all 
 branches of the administration, and also to preserve his dignity 
 in his dealings with the clergy and the Pope. But in a country 
 where it is to this day the custom for a popular officer, with a 
 couple of regiments and some programme or other, to renounce 
 bis allegiance, it is, especially for an upstart, hard to hold power 
 long. Since he knew how actively Christina, supported by Louis 
 Philippe, was working against him with gold and influence, he 
 entered into closer relations with England, whereupon his envious 
 foes and rivals accused him of the sale of Spanish commercial 
 interests to England. Because he quieted rebellious Barcelona 
 by a bombardment in 1842, he was accused of tyranny. In 1843 
 new insurrections broke out in the south ; Colonel Prim hastened 
 to Catalonia, and set himself at the head of the soldiers whom 
 Christina's agents had won over by a liberal use of money ; Es- 
 partero's deadliest foe, General Narvaez, landed in Valencia, and 
 marched into Madrid at the head of the troops. Espartero, 
 against whom Progressists and Moderados had conspired together, 
 found himself forsaken, and embarked at Cadiz, July 26th, 1843, 
 for England, whence he did not dare to return to his own country 
 until 1848. 
 
 In November, 1843, the thirteen-year-old Isabella was declared 
 of age. She assumed the government, made Narvaez, now Duke 
 of Valencia, minister president, and recalled her mother. There- 
 by gate and doors were opened to the French influence, and the 
 game of intrigue and reaction recommenced. In 1845 the con- 
 stitution of 1837 was altered in the interests of absolutism. The 
 freedom of the Press was restricted, the national guard abolished, 
 and the Cortes relegated to an existence even more nominal than 
 that of the French Chambers. In order to secure to his house a 
 lasting influence in Spain, and acquire for it the reversion of the 
 Spanish throne, Louis Philippe, in concert with Christina, effect- 
 ed, October 1 6th, 184G, the marriage of Isabella with her kinsman 
 Francis of Assis, and of the Infanta Luisa with the Duke of 
 Montpensier, his own youngest son. (At first his plan was to 
 marry Isabella also to one of his sons, the Duke of Aumale, but 
 he abandoned it on account of the energetic protest of the Palmer- 
 
148 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ston cabinet, and, instead, chose for Isabella, in Francis of Assis, 
 the person who, by reason of his mental and physical weakness, 
 would be least likely to stand in the way of his son Montpensier.) 
 This secretly negotiated marriage cost Louis Philippe the friend- 
 ship of the English cabinet. The pleasure-loving Isabella, who 
 followed in her mother's footsteps, soon found her Francis un- 
 endurably tedious, while a young Progressist, General Serrano, 
 proved so handsome and agreeable that, in July, 1847, she amused 
 herself with him and other oflScers at La Granja, while Francis 
 found himself condemned to lead a hermit's life in the hunting- 
 castle of Pardo. The marriage was in all respects an unfortunate 
 one ; the legitimacy of the royal children was matter of grave 
 doubt ; and Christina, the evil genius of Spain, went one day and 
 returned the next. The Spanish government won military lau- 
 rels in the winter of 1860, when General O'Donnell (Duke of Tet- 
 nan) conducted a successful war against Morocco. 
 
 Portuguese politics ran a course somewhat similar to the Span- 
 ish. On receipt of the news of the occurrences at La Granja, 
 September 9th, 1836, Lisbon echoed with the cry, " Long live the 
 constitution of 1820!" Queen Maria da Gloria had to summon 
 a ministry of Septembrists, and a constitutional assembly. In 
 1838 this latter somewhat altered the constitution of 1820 in the 
 direction of moderation. Four years later this was again over- 
 turned. Don Pedro's Charta of 1826 was raked out, and a rigid 
 administration was conducted by the Duke of Terceira and Count 
 Thomar (Costa Cabral). The exhausted land was exasperated by 
 the burden of taxation, and when a new insurrection affected the 
 Avhole country the queen was so hard pressed (1847) that she had 
 to appeal to the three powers with which she had concluded the 
 Quadruple Alliance, and quell the rebellion with the help of an 
 English fleet and a Spanish army. Several years then passed un- 
 der the rivalry of Count Thomar and the Duke of Saldanha, who 
 opposed and overthrew one another quite after the manner of 
 their Spanish prototypes. The queen died, November 15th, 
 1853, at the age of thirty-five, after the country under Saldanha's 
 strong rule had gradually settled into rest. Her husband, Ferdi- 
 nand of Coburg, conducted the government for his minor son, 
 who assumed it for himself, under the name of Pedro V., Septem- 
 ber l7th, 1855. He died in 1861, and was succeeded by his 
 brother Luiz, the present king. 
 
THE REFORM BILL. 149 
 
 10. 
 
 The immediate question which occupied all Great Britain and 
 Ireland was Parliamentary reform. The new premier, Earl Grey, 
 kept his word; he caused the Reform bill to be brought before 
 the Lower House by Lord John Russell, March 1st, 1831, and an- 
 nounced that he would stand or fall by that measure. La accord- 
 ance with this, rotten boroughs were to be deprived of their rep- 
 resentation, which was to be given to the cities, and the property 
 qualification for election was to be diminished. There was no 
 talk of radical measures here ; the poorer classes would have the 
 right to vote after the bill as little as before it; the aristocracy 
 would still have the controlling influence, but the well-to-do mid- 
 dle class would no longer be excluded from the Lower House. 
 The sittings of the House were very stormy. The famous histo- 
 rian Macaulay, and the L-ish agitator O'Connell, spoke in favor 
 of the measure ; Robert Peel, the son of the cotton-spinner — with 
 Wellington, a pillar of the aristocracy — spoke against it. The 
 bill did not pass, and Parliament was dissolved. The new elec- 
 tions resulted overwhelmingly in favor of the reformers. Sep- 
 tember 21st, 1831, the Reform bill passed the House with a ma- 
 jority of 109. On the following day it came before the Lords, 
 and was rejected. This raised a great excitement in London and 
 other cities. Wellington, who had spoken very strongly against 
 the bill, barely escaped personal violence. Men spoke of the 
 abolition of the Lords, as in Cromwell's time, and recalled the 
 fate of the Stuarts and of Charles X. of France. Parliament was 
 prorogued, and met again in December. Again the Commons 
 passed the Reform bill, and again the Lords rejected it. Then 
 Earl Grey desired of the king power to name new peers, in order 
 thereby to give the ministry a majority in the Lords; but the 
 king, under pressure of the high nobility, the foreign ambassa- 
 dors, and the queen, a Meiningen princess, refused the request, 
 accepted the resignations which the ministers thereupon tender- 
 
150 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ed, and intrusted the Duke of Wellington with the formation of 
 a new cabinet. He could not have made a worse choice. A Wel- 
 lington ministry meant revolution — a "great week" in England 
 — it meant the breaking of a terrible storm on the heads of the 
 high nobility. All business came to a stand-still ; all armed for 
 the battle. In Birmingham more than 100,000 men assembled, 
 and swore to fight, if need be, for their good rights, and sent 
 word to London that they would hasten thither, arms in hand, at 
 the first call. Thousands of Scots declared themselves ready to 
 march over the border. Angry Ireland awaited but the signal. 
 The meetings had no other words for Wellington than, "To the 
 gallows with him !" Men were provoked at the queen's interfer- 
 ence, and said, " Petticoats aren't good for politics ; she had bet- 
 ter go back across the Channel." Such an open expression of the 
 popular feeling had its effect. Wellington, it is true, did not hes- 
 itate even before civil war, but the most influential Tories to whom 
 he applied to accept seats in the cabinet refused. He had to 
 signify to the king that he could not form a cabinet, and Lord 
 Grey was once more summoned ; but he consented to take office 
 only on condition that he be allowed to create more peers. The 
 Tories, who saw in this an annihilation of the independence of 
 the Lords, would not push matters to that extreme. The most 
 zealous withdrew their resistance, and so the Reform bill passed 
 the Upper House, June 4th, 1832, and was confirmed by the 
 king. This was a defeat of the aristocracy, and must be follow- 
 ed by other defeats, if a citizen of the nineteenth century was to 
 find residence in England possible. It was to be hoped that with 
 the same weapons of reform many more breaches would be made 
 in the wall of English feudalism. 
 
 Not the mass of the people, but only the middle classes, derived 
 any tangible benefit from the Reform bill. As formerly these, 
 so now those in their turn believed themselves entitled to de- 
 mand political equality with the upper classes. The Radical 
 party, which had branched off from the reformers, and would fain 
 give the principle of Parliamentary reform a still broader exten- 
 sion, attached itself to the people — to the numerous working- 
 men's clubs — and this new social-political party composed the 
 People's Charter (whence its members received the name of 
 Chartists), with the following five articles containing their de- 
 mands : universal suffrage, secret ballot, annual parliaments, abo- 
 
CHARTIST AGITATION. 151 
 
 lition of the property qualification for membership of the House, 
 and payment of the members of Parliament. O'Connell, Hume, 
 Atwood, and the Irish lawyer O'Connor conducted the agitation 
 in popular meetings, through the Press, and in Parliament. In 
 Manchester, a meeting, said to consist of 300,000 persons, de- 
 clared in favor of the Charter ; and in Bath a meeting of 4000 
 women did the same. A Chartist committee was formed, and in 
 1839 the National Petition, which had 1,285,000 signatures, and 
 had to be carried on a wagon, was presented to the House, At- 
 wood recommending this weighty petition to Parliament as a rea- 
 son for granting the People's Charter. The rejection of a bill to 
 that effect caused among the laboring classes an excitement which 
 could scarcely be allayed. Trusting to their numerical superior- 
 ity, after the February revolution of 1848, the Chartists attempt- 
 ed to bring new pressure to bear upon Parliament and the admin- 
 istration, and announced a petition with 5,000,000 signatures. 
 But the whole middle class arrayed itself against them in such 
 imposing numbers, and with such determination, that Feargus 
 O'Connor's exertions again proved futile. The time of the 
 "fourth estate" was not yet come. But the influence of the 
 Chartist movement on the course of parliamentary activity was 
 undeniable. This showed itself most conspicuously in the bill 
 for the repeal of the corn-laws, which was introduced (1846) by 
 the then premier, Robert Peel, and carried through both houses 
 of Parliament (largely by Wellington's help in the Lords) not- 
 withstanding the opposition of the aristocracy, which, as possess- 
 or of the land, was interested in the retention of the corn-laws. 
 For this success the nation had principally Richard Cobden to 
 thank, the champion of free -trade, who, from having as a boy 
 tended sheep, rose to be the first political economist in England. 
 The next great question which clamored for solution was the 
 Irish question. Notwithstanding the Emancipation Bill of 1829, 
 which had rendered a seat in the House of Commons possible for 
 a Roman Catholic, the most crying injustices toward the Irish 
 still continued in full force. The rich property of the Roman 
 Catholic Church was still in possession of the Protestants ; the 
 6,000,000 Irish Roman Catholics still had to pay tithes and fees 
 to the Anglican clergy ; while their own churches and schools, 
 supported by private contributions, led an anxious existence. All 
 juries still consisted exclusively of Protestants. The first demand 
 
152 POLITICAL HISTORY OF KECENT TIMES. 
 
 of the Irish was tlie abolition of the hated tithes. In order to 
 strike at the root of the evil, O'Connell agitated for the repeal of 
 the legislative union of Ireland with England, and the establish- 
 ment of a separate Irish Parliament. The word Repeal became 
 in a few months the watchword of all Irishmen, and a network 
 of Repeal organizations was spread over the whole country. But, 
 although O'Connell could command his countrymen as a general 
 his army, and although in the monster meetings hundreds of thou- 
 sands received his word as gospel, yet he was shrewd enough not 
 to overstep the limits of legality. However, the spirit which he 
 had conjured up gradually passed beyond his control. In many 
 places the payment of tithes was refused, ejectment was resisted, 
 and revenge was wreaked on the hated " Saxon " with fire and 
 sword. 
 
 In this English Poland, too, radical reforms, ecclesiastical and 
 political, were needed in order to make of an artificial member of 
 the national body a natural and healthy one. But every liberal 
 measure was wrecked on the unreasonableness of the Anglican 
 clergy, who cried out about papacy, as in the days of the Stuarts, 
 and on the ill-will of the Tories, who saw their power and their 
 money-bags threatened together. Only drop by drop could leni- 
 tives for Irish need be expressed from Parliament. The Irish 
 Tithe Bill, which was over and over again brought forward by the 
 Whig ministries, finally came out of the parliamentary debates in 
 1838, but in an emasculated form. The tithes from which the 
 Irish were exempted were rolled off on to the landed proprietors, 
 and they indemnified themselves by raising the rents. And when 
 Lord John Russell proposed to apply the surplus revenue of the 
 Irish Church for the general improvement of the educational sys- 
 tem — that is, in the main, for school purposes — the Established 
 Church cried profanation, and the measure fell through. No won- 
 der that the demand for Repeal was never extinguished in the 
 Emerald Isle — not even after the death of the great agitator in 
 1847 — and that the famine of 1846, and the French revolution of 
 1848, fanned the fire again to flame. Thereupon the government 
 undertook to overcome the evils by armed force, instead of curing 
 them. The new agitator. Smith O'Brien, was transported to Aus- 
 tralia (1848) for high-treason; but was afterward pardoned, and 
 allowed to die at home in 1864. The Fenian conspiracy, which 
 was the work of Irish-American revolutionists, and which sought 
 
THE ORANGE LEAGUE.— VICTORIA. 153 
 
 in the sixties to combat English rule, partly on Canadian and 
 partly on Irish soil, had likewise for its aim the separation of Ire- 
 land from England, but met with no success whatever. Tlie bill 
 for the emancipation of slavery, brought in by the Grey ministry 
 in 1833, deserves to be mentioned with praise. In accordance 
 with its terms, the slaves in the West India colonies were to be 
 made freemen after a brief interval of apprenticeship, and their 
 owners were to receive an indemnity of £20,000,000. It was also 
 a great step in advance when the Jews, who had been eligible for 
 municipal offices since 1828, were at length admitted into the 
 House of Commons in 1858, an innovation which is perhaps to 
 be ascribed to respect for wealth. Baron Nathan de Rothschild 
 was the first Jew who was allowed to tread the holy halls of 
 Westminster. 
 
 The league of the Orangemen was largely responsible for the 
 bitterness of the opposition of this period between English and 
 Irish. Founded at the time of William of Orange for the main- 
 tenance of English laws and of Protestantism, it had recently, 
 since the revival of the Irish question, reappeared. All Tories 
 gave it their support. Lodges were established, as among the 
 Freemasons. It spread in the army also, and the membership 
 rose to 300,000. The ideal of this party, and the head of the 
 league, was the Duke of Cumberland, the king's brother, who 
 shortly after, as King of Hanover, attained an unenviable reputa- 
 tion in the constitutional controversy. Ultimately the plans of 
 this powerful league did not stop at the maintenance of Protes- 
 tant supremacy in Ireland, but aimed also at strengthening and 
 maintaining the Tory rule in England. The Tories could not 
 think, without a shudder, of the death of the childless and sickly 
 William IV., who, according to English law, would be succeeded 
 on the throne by his niece, Victoria, daughter of the eldest of his 
 l»rothers, the deceased Duke of Kent. As she had been brought 
 up in Whig principles, and, as niece of the King of the Belgians, 
 was accredited with liberal ideas, the Tories might reckon on a 
 decrease of their influence, while the Duke of Cumberland, on the 
 other hand, would have been quite the man as king to carry out, 
 or at least attempt to carry out, the extremest principles of their 
 party with the obstinacy of a Charles X., and the heedlessness of 
 a Polignac. Hence was ascribed to them the plan of setting aside 
 the succession, and placing the duke upon the throne. Hume, a 
 
154 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECKST TIMES. 
 
 Radical, brought tbe matter before Parliament, and moved the 
 suppression of the so-called Orange lodges. Rumors of the mach- 
 inations of the league caused such a sensation, and so much bad 
 blood, that the Duke of Cumberland himself was obliged to rec- 
 ommend to his party, in 1836, the disbanding of the league. King 
 "William died June 20th, 1837. Victoria ascended the throne, and 
 the continental princes began a pious pilgrimage across the Chan- 
 nel to St. James's palace to have their sick hearts healed by the 
 wonder-working virgin. Prince Albert, of Saxe-Coburg, nephew 
 of the King of the Belgians, distinguished for noble manliness, and 
 for his finished education, was the fortunate suitor to whom Vic- 
 toria was married in 1840, and with whom she led an unusually 
 happy married life. The prince consort had a very difficult posi- 
 tion among the English people, who were jealous of his natural 
 influence ; but he succeeded, nevertheless, in winning universal es- 
 teem by his sagacity and tact. lie died December 4th, 1861, 
 mourned by the queen her whole life since. 
 
 Under Victoria's government. Great Britain's sovereignty and 
 commerce received important accessions in Asia. In 1824 the 
 English had begun to establish themselves in Farther India. In 
 a war with the Burmese, they took the territories of Arakan and 
 Assam, and, in 1852, Pegu and the coast land. The advance of 
 the Russians involved them in a war with the Afghans, among 
 whom they established a friendly prince in 1839. But the Af- 
 ghans, at the instigation of the Russians, rose again in 1841, and 
 the English array was compelled to retreat, and almost utterly 
 annihilated. The English took revenge in the campaign of 1842 
 — devastated the country, and destroyed the cities of Candahar 
 and Cabul, and then evacuated that remote territory. On the 
 other hand, Scinde, at the mouth of the Indus, submitted to the 
 English, and after a struggle of several years (1844-49) the conn- 
 try of the Sikhs was subdued — the Punjaub, with the city of La- 
 liore. In this last-named place enormous booty was found, and, 
 among the rest, the Koh-i-noor (mountain of light) diamond. A 
 controversy about the opium trade, which the Chinese government 
 prohibited, involved England, in 1840, in a Avar with China, in 
 which Canton was captured, and Nanking threatened ; and in 
 1842 the Chinese were compelled to conclude the peace of Nan- 
 king. F>y this the island of Hong-Kong was ceded to the Brit- 
 ish, five Chinese porta were opened to commerce, and the trade 
 
OPENING OF CHINA AND JAPAN.— IBRAHIM PASHA. 155 
 
 in the enervating opium was perpetuated. While, owing to the 
 rebellion of Taiping, a destructive war was being waged in the 
 interior of China, the indiscreet conduct of Yeh, Governor of Can- 
 ton, gave the English and French occasion to take that city in 
 1857. The entrance of the allied fleet into the river Peiho ex- 
 tracted the peace of Tientsin in 1858. As this was not kept, a 
 new French -English expedition was undertaken in 1860. The 
 Peiho forts were captured ; the Chinese defeated in the field ; the 
 imperial summer palace plundered by the French, and destroyed 
 by the English ; Pekin, the capital, threatened, and a new peace 
 concluded. By this new harbors were opened, and the Celestial 
 Middle kingdom, hitherto so exclusive, was brought into active 
 communication with European states. The similarly exclusive 
 Japan was also opened to the British in 1854, and then to other 
 nations. The decided ground taken by the President of the 
 United States in 1851 — that no nation has the right to shut it- 
 self up against intercourse with other nations — gave the occasion 
 for the last-mentioned action. 
 
 § 11- 
 
 TURKEY AND EGYPT. 
 
 England's interest in none of the European questions was so 
 great as in the Eastern question. This entered upon a new phase 
 through the bold aggression of a Turkish vassal. The peace of 
 Adrianople (1829) had greatly discredited the authority of the 
 Porte ; insurrections multiplied, and Turkish armies had to enter 
 Bosnia and Albania. In these and all other matters by which 
 the embarrassment of the Porte was increased, the ambitious Me- 
 hemed Ali, Pasha of Egypt, had a hand. As payment for his 
 services against the Greeks, he had demanded the pashalik of 
 Damascus. Sultan Mahmoud II. had refused the demand, and 
 only given him the promised Candia. Hence, while the Western 
 powers were occupied with the consequences of the July revolu- 
 tion, and all Europe appeared to be on the verge of a new up- 
 heaval, he undertook to seize his booty for himself. In conse- 
 quence of a quarrel with Abdallah, Pasha of Acre, Ibrahim Pasha, 
 
156 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 notorious for his barbarous conduct of the war in Peloponnesus, 
 crossed the Egyptian frontier, October 20th, 1831, with an army- 
 organized on the European system, took Gaza, Jaffa, and Jerusa- 
 lem without resistance, and besieged Acre, which was resolutely 
 defended by Abdallah. Mehemed Ali now demanded both pasha- 
 liks — Damascus and Acre. The sultan commanded him to evac- 
 uate Syria. The demand was naturally refused ; so Mehemed and 
 his son Ibrahim were outlawed. But the latter proceeded with 
 his operations, took Acre by storm May 25th, 1832, and entered 
 Damascus. In the mean time, a Turkish army, under Hussein 
 Pasha, had advanced into Syria. Mehemed Pasha, Hussein's lieu- 
 tenant, was defeated at Horns, July 9th. Hussein himself, attempt- 
 ing to retrieve this loss, was defeated at Beylan July 27th, and his 
 army scattered. The sultan sent a new army against Ibrahim, un- 
 der Reshid Pasha, the Grand Vizier, who had displayed great efB- 
 ciency in the red\iction of the Albanians and Bosnians. Reshid 
 did not have troops enough, and was hampered by the jealousy 
 of the Serasquicr, Chosrew Pasha. He was utterly defeated at 
 Konieh December 20th, and was himself taken prisoner. The 
 sultan was in a critical situation. He could not at the moment 
 bring together another considerable army, while Ibrahim had 
 100,000 well-trained troops, and the road to Constantinople lay 
 open before him. The boldest wishes of his father, who even 
 aspired to the possession of the imperial throne, seemed near 
 fulfilment. 
 
 Russia had many reasons for not desiring the satisfaction of 
 this ambition, but she also wished to use the sultan's need for 
 her own advantage. She offered him her help, and in his deserted 
 condition he had to accept this " gift of the Danai." All was 
 in train : a Russian fleet appeared in the Bosphorus, and landed 
 troops at Scutari, while a Russian army was on the march from 
 the Danube to cover Constantinople. What Peter the Great and 
 Catherine II. had held before them as the Russian policy — to 
 plant the Greek cross upon the church of Saint Sophia, in Con- 
 stantinople — appeared in the way of attainment under the guise 
 of the most disinterested friendship and magnanimous benevo- 
 lence. 
 
 At length England and France perceived how dangerous it was 
 to forget the East in their study of the Dutch-Belgian question. 
 Their ambassadors had enough to do, by a hasty peace, to make 
 
SECOND TURCO-EGYPTIAN WAR. 157 
 
 Russia's help unnecessary. As their threats made no impression 
 on the victorious Mehemed Ali, they filled the sultan with dis- 
 trust of Russia, and by representing a cession of territory to his 
 vassal as the lesser of the two evils, persuaded him into the peace 
 of Kutayah (May 6th, 1833), by which Mehemed Ali received the 
 whole of Syria and the territory of Adana, in south-eastern Asia 
 Minor. Russia had to retire with her object unattained, but had 
 no sooner been thrown out of the front door than she came in at 
 the back. She called the sultan's attention to the favor shown 
 the insatiable pasha by England and France in the peace of Ku- 
 tayah, and concluded with him, July 8th, 1833, the treaty of 
 Unkiar-Skelessi, by which he entered into a defensive alliance 
 with Russia for eight years, and pledged himself to permit no 
 foreign vessel of war to pass through the Dardanelles. 
 
 The Western powers took this outwitting very ill, and from 
 that time on kept a sharp eye on Constantinople. David Urqu- 
 liart in several journals, especially in the Portfolio, started iu 
 1835, subjected the Russian policy to an unsparing criticism, and 
 so quickened the watchfulness of his government. This was 
 peculiarly inconvenient for Mehemed Ali. He paid his tribute as. 
 formerly, but raked up everything possible against the Porte, and 
 succeeded in representing himself as the protector of Islam in op- 
 position to the heretical reformer Mahmoud. The west coast of 
 Arabia, as far as the English post at Aden, had been in his pos- 
 session since 1829. He now sought to extend his sway over the 
 eastern coast, and subdue the Sultan of Muscat ; and with that end 
 in view took the Bahrein islands, and threatened the important 
 commercial city of Basra. If this were to continue, the two most 
 important roads to the East Indies, by Suez and by the Persian 
 Gulf, would be in the hands of Mehemed Ali ; and he was one 
 who well nnderstood how to make the most of such commercial 
 advantages by his oppressive system of monopolies, and by bur- 
 dening the trade of foreign nations with high export and import 
 duties. With Egypt, Syria, and Arabia in his hands, England's 
 position in the East would receive a blow that must be felt. So 
 it was a foreirone conclusion which side England would take. In 
 1838 she concluded with the Porte a commercial treaty by which 
 the abolition of all monopolies, as well as free exportation from 
 all parts of the Turkish empire, including Egypt and Syria, was 
 secured to her. Mehemed Ali hesitated about accepting this 
 
158 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 treaty ; and Mabmoud, full of hate against a vassal who threatened 
 ultimately to devour him, declared him a traitor, deprived him of 
 all his dignities, and caused an army to advance into Syria under 
 Hasiz Pasha. But again fortune was not favorable to the Turks. 
 In their camp, as military adviser of the commander-in-chief, was 
 a Prussian captain, Hellmuth von Moltke. For two years he had 
 been assisting the sultan in planning and putting into execution 
 military reforms. Recognizing the weakness and unreliable char- 
 acter of the Turkish army, he advised Hasiz Pasha to fall back on 
 the strong camp at Biridshik, bring up the re-enforcements which 
 were under way, and then risk a battle. But the Pasha would 
 not listen to Moltke's advice, pronouncing retreat a disgrace. Ho 
 was completely routed at Nisib, on the Euphrates, June 24th, 
 1839, and his army scattered. For the second time the road to 
 Constantinople lay open to Ibrahim. Misfortunes fell thick and 
 fast upon the Turks. Sultan Mahmoud died June 30th, and the 
 empire fell to a sixteen-year-old youth, his son Abdul Medshid. 
 Five days later, Capudan Pasha, with the Turkish fleet, sailed out 
 of the Dardanelles under orders to attack the Egyptians. In- 
 stead of this, he went over to Mehemed Ali with his whole fleet — 
 in consequence of French bribery, it was said. Fortune seemed 
 to be emptying its cornucopia on the Egyptian ; but he forgot 
 the ring of Polycrates. He was deaf to all proposals of compro- 
 mise on the part of the Porte, and demanded, as a preliminary to 
 peace, nothing less than the right of hereditary transmission of 
 all his possessions in Egypt, Syria, and Candia. 
 
 In order to prevent Turkey from casting herself a second time 
 into Russia's arms, four great powers — England, France, Austria, 
 and Prussia — declared, July 2Vth, 1839, that they would themselves 
 take the Eastern question in hand. To save herself from being 
 wholly left out, Russia had to give her consent, and become a 
 party to the treaty. But there were very different views as to 
 the way in which the question was to be settled. France, which 
 was striving after the control of the Mediterranean, and which, 
 since Napoleon's campaign, had turned its eyes toward Egypt, 
 wished to leave its friend Mehemed Ali in full possession. Eng- 
 land saw her interests endangered by the pasha, thought France's 
 occupation of Algiers quite enough, and was afraid that if Turkey 
 were too weak she might become the defenceless prey of Russia. 
 The latter wished at no price to allow the energetic pasha to en- 
 
SUBJUGATION OF MEHEMED ALL 159 
 
 ter upon the inheritance of Turkey, or even of a part of it, and 
 was pleased at seeing the cordial understanding between France 
 and England destroyed. Austria and Prussia supported England 
 and Russia, and so France was left alone. The Anglo-Russian 
 view found expression in the quadruple alliance which the great 
 powers, with the exception of France, concluded in London, July 
 15tli, 1840. By this the hereditary possession of the pashalik of 
 Egypt, and the possession for life of a part of Syria, were secured 
 to Mehemed Ali in case he submitted to the conclusions of the 
 conference within ten days. Without troubling themselves very 
 much about the warlike outcry in France, the military prepara- 
 tions of Minister Thiers, or the call to the Rhine frontier — since 
 Louis Philippe's disinclination to go to war was too well known 
 — the allied powers began hostilities against Mehemed Ali, who, 
 relying on French assistance, refused to submit. The Anglo-Aus- 
 trian fleet sailed to the Syrian coast, and took Beirut and Acre ; 
 and Alexandria was bombarded by Commodore Napier. This 
 and the fall of the Thiers ministry brought Mehemed Ali to a 
 full realization of his mistake. He might consider himself lucky 
 in being allowed to hold Egypt as hereditary pashalik upon evac- 
 uating Syria, Arabia, and Claudia, and restoring the Turkish fleet. 
 For this favor he had to thank England, which sought by this 
 means to secure his friendship and the Suez road to India. The 
 catastrophe of the " sick man" was again put off for a few years. 
 Later France also assented to the conclusions of the quadruple 
 alliance. 
 
 §12. 
 
 GERMANY. AUSTRIA. PRUSSIA. 
 
 The fall of Warsaw and the passage through Germany of Po- 
 lish refugees awakened, as in the case of the Greek rebellion, sym- 
 pathy for an unhappy people ; but it also awakened dissatisfac- 
 tion with existing conditions. This was still further increased by 
 the fact that reaction, spurred on by Russia, became ever bolder. 
 The political excitement displayed itself particularly in two events 
 — the Hambach festival of May 4th, 1832, and the Frankfort con- 
 spiracy of April 3d, 1833. About 30,000 persons from all parts 
 
160 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 of Germany, the raen decked with ribbons of black, red, and gold, 
 and the women wearing belts of the same colors, streamed from 
 Neustadt, in Rhenish Bavaria, toward the ruins of Hambach cas- 
 tle. The ideal and impracticable nature of German popular ora- 
 tors was once more well displayed. The speakers, like Dr. Wirth, 
 editor of the Deutsche Tribüne, and Dr. Siebenpfeifer, editor of 
 the Westboten, demanded nothing less than the republican ization 
 of united Germany, or even a "confederation of republican Eu- 
 rope," and the audience cried, " Down with the Princes ! To 
 arms ! to arms 1" How little the resources and deeds of this party 
 corresponded with their words was soon shown when the Bava- 
 rian field-marshal Prince Wrede, with but a few troops, succeeded 
 without trouble in bringing all Rhenish Bavaria into submission. 
 The doings in Frankfort were still madder. About seventy con- 
 spirators, including a Wiirtemberg lieutenant, Koseriz, had per- 
 suaded themselves that in south Germany thousands of soldiers 
 were only waiting for a leader ; and that at the first signal the 
 flames of rebellion would blaze up simultaneously in Lyons, Italy, 
 and Poland. Under the lead of Dr. Giirth and Dr. Rauschenplatt 
 (already known for his part in the Göttingen disturbances of 
 1831), they attacked the main guard-house and police head-qnar- 
 ters, and overpowered the Frankfort soldiers. But when re-en- 
 forcements arrived the tide turned, and after a short street fight, 
 the people paying no heed to their summons, they were put to 
 flight or captured. They had fondly believed that the surprise of 
 Frankfort and the forcible dissolution of the Diet would bring all 
 south-western Germany into the revolutionary stream. 
 
 No better service could be rendered to the reactionary longings 
 of the German governments than by such displays of swaggering 
 impotence. With reference to the Ilambacher festival, Metter- 
 nich wrote : " If well used, it may prove a festival of the good ; 
 at least the bad have been much too hasty." The Diet was fully 
 informed beforehand in regard to the Frankfort conspiracy ; but 
 purposely let it pose with the whole apparatus <^i its amateur the- 
 atre, even at the cost of a couple of soldiers, in order, as Metter- 
 nich said, not "to lose an opportunity which may never occur 
 again, and to reach the very root of an evil that for years has been 
 a grievous burden to princes as well as people." Metternich and 
 the Diet Avei*e again as active as after the murder of Kotzebue. 
 The Carlsbad resolutions of 1819 appeared in a new, revised, and 
 
MEASURES OF REPRESSION. 161 
 
 enlarged edition, as it were. The resolutions of the Diet of June 
 25th and July 5th, 1832, and the decisions of the ministerial con- 
 ference at Vienna in 1834, which was preceded by consultations 
 of the ministers of Austria, Russia, and Prussia in Teplitz, and a 
 meeting of the monarchs of those three countries in Miinchen- 
 grätz in 1833, made the most far-reaching encroachments into the 
 rights of the Assemblies of the Estates, The right of refusing 
 taxes or rejecting the conclusions of the confederation was denied 
 them ; the Press censorship was extended even to the publication 
 of the transactions of the Estates, and for the adjustment of quar- 
 rels between governments and Estates a tribunal of final appeal 
 was established — the impartiality of which was tested by the Han- 
 overian controversy a few years later — consisting only of pleni- 
 potentiaries of the different governments. The universities also 
 were to be more closely watched ovei', and all associations of stu- 
 dents were forbidden. 
 
 As in Mayence, in 1819, so now in Frankfort, a central com- 
 mittee of inquiry was established to thwart demagogical machina- 
 tions, and the sovereign republic of Frankfort had to accept an 
 Austro-Prussian garrison. In all the German states a new wild- 
 beast hunt after demagogues was started. About 1800 persons, 
 some of them highly respected men, were thrown into prison, and 
 many of them mentall}' and physically most shamefully maltreat- 
 ed. In Darmstadt Pastor Weidig was driven to suicide by the 
 brutal treatment received from his inquisitor, Georgi, while in 
 Frankfort two of the April prisoners went mad, and were put in 
 the insane asylum. Many suspected persons fled to Switzerland 
 or Paris, to wait for better days, or sought to begin a new life in 
 America. Some of the Estates, especially those of Baden, attempt- 
 ed opposition to the resolutions of the confederation. But Baden, 
 where, since 1830, the popular Grand-duke Leopold had sat upon 
 the throne, where absolute freedom of the Press existed, and where 
 delegate Welcker had already made a motion for a German par- 
 liament, was now the very state most strictly disciplined. In 'con- 
 sequence of a special resolution of the Diet, the liberal Press law 
 had to be repealed, and censorship again introduced. Professors 
 Rotteck and Welcker were deprived of their position at the uni- 
 versity of Freiburg, and the university was for a time closed. 
 Even princes whom liberal Germany had formerly thought of for 
 the imperial throne, William of Würtemberg, and Louis of Bava- 
 
162 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ria, let themselves be carried away by the reaction. The latter, 
 who had for some time been gradually more and more yielding 
 to Ultramontane influences, even gave orders that political prison- 
 ers should beg pardon of his picture, thus bringing back the days 
 of Tell and Gessler. 
 
 Germany scarcely seemed to have become a little calmer, when 
 an English ultra-Tory caused fresh agitation. By the death of 
 William IV. of England, the personal union between Hanover and 
 England, which had lasted since 1714, was dissolved. In Hanover, 
 the Salic law — the exclusion of the female line — was in force ; 
 and so, while in England Victoria became queen, June 20th, 1837, 
 her uncle Ernest Augustus, Duke of Cumberland, obtained the 
 Hanoverian throne. It seemed as though he were determined to 
 win in Hanover, also, the unpopularity, or rather hatred, which he 
 had brought upon himself in England. He made his entrance into 
 the capital June 28th, and on July 3d he announced that he did 
 not recognize the constitution of 1833, which had been made with- 
 out his consent, and which did not appear to him adapted to further 
 the prosperity of his subjects. And yet it was the fundamental 
 law agreed upon by crown and Estates, and as little to be done 
 away with at the wish of only one of the parties as any other 
 law. Further, it was asserted, especially by Dahlmann on minis- 
 terial authority, that all the male members of the family — and 
 hence Ernest Augustus also — had given their consent to the fam- 
 ily law of the Hanoverian dynasty, and, by that very fact, to the 
 constitution on which that law was based. A patent of Novem- 
 ber 1st formally declared the constitution abolished; and in its 
 stead the old constitution of 1819, with its different estates, was 
 raked out of the dust, and this, Avith a few modern alterations, 
 was to serve for the Hanoverians. The true reason for this coup 
 cfetat was the indebtedness of the English prince. By the con- 
 stitution of 1833, the crown-lands were declared state property, 
 and the king received a civil list. But it was just the income 
 from these crown-lands, of which he at once took possession, that 
 Ernest Augustus could so well use to appease his English credit- 
 ors; and, as a proposition to grant him this income manifestly 
 could not pass the Assembly of the Estates, the whole constitu- 
 tion had to fall. 
 
 Some of the officials from whom the oath of allegiance was re- 
 quired came into conflict with their consciences. Seven profess- 
 
THE "GÖTTINGEN SEVEN."— THE DIET. 163 
 
 ors of tlie university in Göttingen — Albreclit, Dahlmann, Ewald, 
 Gervinus, Weber, and the two Grimms — refused to take the oath, 
 calling attention at the same time to the continued validity of the 
 abolished constitution. They were deprived of their posts; and 
 three of them — Dahlmann, Gervinus, and Jacob Grimm, who had 
 published their protestation — received a command to leave the 
 country within three days. All Germany paid a tribute of ap- 
 plause to their firmness; and William of Würtemberg, who open- 
 ly disapproved of the new king's breach of the constitution, was 
 one of the first that attempted to make amends for the injustice 
 by reinstatement of the " Göttingen seven " — he called Ewald to 
 Tübingen. But Ernest Augustus did not allow himself to be 
 moved by this. He laid the plan of a constitution before the 
 Assembly of the Estates of 1838. That body declared itself in- 
 competent to vote in the question of the constitution, inasmuch 
 as it had not been elected according to the fundamental law of 
 1833, and resolved to lay a memorial before the Diet invoking its 
 protection for the maintenance of this fundamental law. There- 
 upon it was prorogued. The governmental plan, which was com- 
 posed in the aristocratic interests, was at length adopted, with a 
 few changes, in 1840. The action of the Diet in regard to the 
 appeal was truly classic. By a majority of nine to seven (among 
 these seven were the representatives of all south Germany), it re- 
 jected the complaint of the Hanoverian Estates, " since, under ex- 
 isting circumstances, a cause founded on the law of the Confed- 
 eration for interference in these internal affairs does not exist." 
 The king had conquered ; but expressions of the intensest scorn 
 and indignation formed his hymn of triumph. 
 
 In Austria, as long as State-chancellor Prince Metternich re- 
 mained in power, no change of constitution was to be thought of. 
 In this respect, the death of the Emperor Francis II. (1835) pro- 
 duced no alteration, for his eldest son and successor, Ferdinand I. 
 — who was both bodily and mentally a weakling, and was, fur- 
 thermore, subject to epileptic attacks — abandoned the govern- 
 ment to Metternich more completely than even his father had 
 done. However, in the first years of his reign, a somewhat milder 
 spirit showed itself, as well as a greater care for the commercial 
 and general industrial interests of the country. But the repre- 
 sentation of the estates sunk to a mere name on the Austrian 
 side of the Leytha ; the public schools were utterly neglected ; in 
 
164 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the higlier schools and colleges the exact sciences were cultivated 
 by preference; and the government appeared to aim at making 
 its subjects, the inhabitants of the capital in particular, forget all 
 ideals in a luxurious Phseacian life. Only Hungary maintained 
 its parliamentary constitution intact, and in time began to con- 
 stitute a dangerous opposition. In Italy the national spirit was 
 held down with difficulty. The Poles also began to stir once 
 more. At a time when there appeared no prospect of success (in 
 1846), a provisional government was set up in the free state of 
 Cracow, and the spread of the insurrection on all sides was at 
 once expected. In Posen, Mieroslavski and many other conspir- 
 ators were arrested. In Galicia, the imperial officials called out 
 the peasants against their landlords, the Polish nobles, and a sort 
 of war of annihilation between the peasants and their former op- 
 pressors was the result. Cracow itself was occupied by the East- 
 ern powers, and incorporated in the Austrian empire. 
 
 But Metternich's power was already on the decline. Liberal 
 ideas were too strong for him to be in a condition to repress 
 them in the enormous province which he once called his own 
 (besides Austria, Prussia, all Germany, and Italy, at the least). 
 Prussia was freeing herself more and more from Austrian guid- 
 ance, and inclining toward Russia. Since the suppression of the 
 Polish insurrection, the Emperor Nicholas had played unquestion- 
 ably the first part in eastern Europe, from the Ural mountains to 
 the Rhine. While seeking to keep alive the mutual jealousy of 
 Austria and Prussia, that he might have nothing to fear from 
 their reunion, he promoted, on the other hand, their agreement 
 so far as was needful in order always to have a coalition ready 
 against revolutionary western Europe. Further, he warned the 
 lesser German courts against the Austrian and Prussian designs 
 of mediatization, and gave them plainly to understand that their 
 independence was only to be assured by accepting him as their 
 protector. 
 
 Prussia's efforts to gain a firmer footing in Germany showed 
 themselves in the formation of the Zollverein (customs-union). 
 At the beginning of the twenties there were as many customs 
 boundaries as there were states. No industry could thrive under 
 such conditions. In the year 1828 a customs-union was formed 
 between Wiirtembcrg and Bavaria, and scarcely a month later a 
 similar union was entered into between Prussia and Ilesse-Darm- 
 
CONTROVERSY REGARDING MIXED MARRIAGES. 165 
 
 Stadt. In order to promote the prosperity of the country, and 
 attach to itself the mercantile interests of the other parts of Ger- 
 many, the Prussian government made every eflEort to extend the 
 limits of the Zollverein. It succeeded in effecting the accession 
 of Electoral llesse in 1831; Bavaria, Würtemberg, Saxony, and 
 Thuringia in 1833 ; Baden and Nassau in 1835 ; and the free city 
 of Frankfort in 1836. Imperceptibly the states of the Zollverein, 
 with a population of about 27,000,000, came into a certain de- 
 pendence upon Prussia, which, although at first only affecting in- 
 dustrial and commercial interests, might readily be improved for 
 national and political ends. 
 
 There was a change of sovereigns during this period in Prussia 
 also. After an eventful reign of forty-two years, Frederic William 
 III. died, June 7th, 1840, leaving to his eldest son a land outward- 
 ly in good condition, inwardly full of longing for freer forms. 
 The controversy about mixed marriages was not yet settled. In 
 the year 1825 the Prussian government had extended to West- 
 phalia and the Rhine provinces the regulations already existing 
 in the eastern provinces of the kingdom, in accordance with 
 which the religious education of the children, in the case of mix- 
 ed marriages, depended upon the will of the father. In 1834 a 
 convention on this subject was concluded with the bishops of 
 Westphalia and the Rhine provinces. The Archbishop of Co- 
 logne, Droste von Vischering, supporting his action on a Papal 
 brief, forbade the religious sanction of such a marriage if the 
 promise were not first given to educate the children as Roman 
 Catholics, although before his appointment as archbishop he had 
 recognized the convention. As he would not submit to the gov- 
 ernment, even denying the state all right to a voice in religious 
 matters, and as he finally sought to excite the fanaticism of clergy 
 and laity on his side, he was arrested, November 20th, 1837, and 
 taken to the fortress of Minden. For similar reasons Martin von 
 Dunin, Archbishop of Posen and Gnesen, was carried to Colberg. 
 The new king, inspired by the wish to grant the church all the 
 freedom it could desire-, at once annulled the royal placet, and ac- 
 corded the bishops freer intercourse with Rome. Through the 
 medium of the Roman Catholic Count Brühl, he entered into ne- 
 gotiations with the Pope ; and in 1841 concluded a convention by 
 which Dunin was to be restored to his bishopric, Droste was to 
 be released, and Bishop Geissel, of Spires, be assigned him as co- 
 
166 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 adjutor, and a Roman Catholic department was to be added to 
 the cultus ministry. This department was intrusted with the 
 protection of the rights of the state in matters of marriage as 
 against the ecclesiastical authorities ; but it soon made itself the 
 representative of ecclesiastical interests as against the civil gov- 
 ernment. This was especially the case in 1850, when it could 
 not do enough for the church in the draughting of the religious 
 paragraphs of the constitution. 
 
 Frederic William IV. was a man of intellect, to whom all look- 
 ed with hope. His first official acts showed the wish to concili- 
 ate and to heal. Full amnesty for political offences was granted. 
 Arndt was reinstated in his professorship at Bonn ; Jahn released 
 from his confinement at Freiburg, on the Unstrut ; and Jacob and 
 AVilliam Grimm called to Berlin. But the test question, the 
 touchstone of his ability to be a great sovereign of the nineteenth 
 century, was the question of the constitution. The Landtag of 
 the province of Prussia, at the festival of Königsberg, on occasion 
 of taking the oath of allegiance, petitioned the king, in a memo- 
 rial, to introduce a general representation of the country. But 
 however much inclination he might have toward free institutions, 
 he still had too high a conception of the authority of a king — of 
 the divine right — to be willing to share his power with a parlia- 
 ment. Moreover, his gaze was directed toward former centuries, 
 toward the Middle Ages, rather than the present. Only that which 
 was rooted in the past attracted him and was valid in his eyes, 
 and into this he sought to breathe a fresher spirit. But old bot- 
 tles are proverbially unsuited to new wine ; and the political de- 
 velopment of the century was thoroughly dissatisfied with a polit- 
 ical system imitated from the Middle Ages, and demanded rep- 
 resentation. The Prussian Landtag received the answer that the 
 provincial parliaments would be retained, but a parliament of the 
 whole kingdom not introduced. There appeared two pamphlets, 
 one by Schön, the over-president of Prussia, and the other by 
 Jakoby, a physician in Königsberg, bearing respectively the titles 
 " Whence and Whither " and " Four Questions." The first repre- 
 sented the granting of a constitution of the realm as a concession 
 to political necessity, the second represented it simply as a right 
 of the people. Attention was now turned to the provincial par- 
 liaments, and they were urged by petitions and addresses to take 
 the initiative in a movement for the attainment of more liberties. 
 
RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS. 167 
 
 The censorship for books of more than twenty sheets was done 
 away with, and a superior college of censors established. In 
 1842 the provincial committees were summoned to Berlin, in 
 order to " supplement the provincial institutions by an element 
 of unity," and to consult regarding the common interests of the 
 state. It was a feeble first step toward a parliament, but its ten- 
 dency was recognized. The attempted assassination of the king 
 by Burgomaster Tschech, July 26th, 1844, worked, like most such 
 attempts, in the interest of reaction. 
 
 Side by side with the political went the religious question, the 
 one playing over into the other. The king was strictly orthodox, 
 and his minister of public instruction, Eichhorn, assumed a tute- 
 lage and surveillance of religious teachings and writings that re- 
 calls the fairest days of Villele's ministry under Louis XVIII. and 
 Charles X. But all prescriptions and synods were of no avail 
 against the force of the stream, which had its sources in the philo- 
 sophical tendency of the decade. Philosophy was the ruling force 
 in those days. Men like David Frederic Strauss, Frederic Vischer, 
 and Bruno Bauer were mightier than Eichhorn. Free congrega- 
 tions, the so-called Friends of Light, were formed under the Saxon 
 preacher, Uhlich, under Wislicenus in Halle, and Rupp in Königs- 
 berg. Professor Hengstenberg declaimed against them in Berlin, 
 and set forward in his Evangelische Kirchenzeitung the most ortho- 
 dox principles. Apostasy occurred even in the bosom of Roman 
 Catholicism. The Rhenish clergy could not refrain from some 
 public celebration of triumph over the result of the late religious 
 controversy, and so they exhibited at Treves, in 1844, the holy un- 
 seamed coat. Over a million persons made the pilgrimage to this 
 relic, which was reported to have wrought unheard - of miracles. 
 Then appeared an open letter " against the idol-feast at Treves to 
 the bishop of that place, as the Tetzel of the nineteenth century," 
 from a suspended priest in Silesia, Johannes Ronge. This was 
 the beginning of the foundation of the German Catholic church 
 in Breslau, which soon won adherents in all parts of Germany. 
 At the same time a Christian Catholic congregation came into be- 
 ing in Schneidemühl, in Posen, under the Roman Catholic pastor 
 Czerski. All these religious movements had a political coloring. 
 The adherents of the Berlin court and state theology were abso- 
 lutists of the purest water, while the rationalists were eager for a 
 parliament like England's, an example which was often brought 
 
168 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 up. In conflicts between the Roman Catholic church and the 
 German Catholics, the former was always sure of protection from 
 the government. 
 
 It was a time when all Germany looked toward Prussia, and 
 when it was each day expected that something was about to hap- 
 pen there. February 3d, 1847, appeared a royal patent by which 
 the " United Landtag " was created on the basis of the hitherto 
 existing provincial parliaments. Its competence did not extend 
 over too wide a field. Its consent was to be requisite to the levy- 
 ing of new taxes or the increasing of those already existing, and 
 in the conclusion of national loans. In the matter of legislation 
 it could, like the provincial parliaments, merely express its opin- 
 ion. This Landtag consisted of two curice, of which the first, the 
 Herrencurie (House of Lords), was composed of the princes of 
 the blood, foreign princes holding fiefs from the Prussian crown, 
 Standesherren (mediatized nobles, i. e., whose lands had in former 
 times been independent), and the representatives of certain founda- 
 tions and corporations ; the second, the Dreiständecurie (House 
 of the three Estates), was composed of the representatives of the 
 Ritterschaft (the lesser nobility and gentry), the cities, and the 
 country parishes. It was a second step toward a parliament, and 
 as such was examined in all its bearings by the Breslau jurist 
 Henry Simon, in a pamphlet entitled " Accept or Refuse." 
 
 April 11th, the United Landtag was opened by the king with 
 a brilliant speech. He had put into it his whole political creed, 
 and solemnly announced : " No power on earth shall ever succeed 
 in persuading me to exchange the natural relation between king 
 and people for a conventional, constitutional one ; and neither 
 now nor ever will I permit a written sheet, like a second provi- 
 dence, to thrust itself in between our God in heaven and this land 
 to displace the old sacred fealty." "The Crown can and must 
 rule only according to the laws of God and the country, and ac- 
 cording to its own free decision, and not according to the will of 
 majorities, Prussia cannot endure such a condition ! Throw a 
 glance upon the map of Europe, on the situation of our land ; 
 above all, cast a mental glance over our history !" The dissatis> 
 faction with this speech, which, ignoring the votes and wishes of 
 the people, commended an almost unlimited absolutism, was so 
 great that the delegates from the province of Prussia wished to 
 return home on the spot. However, they let themselves be per- 
 
SIEBENER-CONCORDAT AND SARNER-BUND. 169 
 
 suadcd, by their fellow-liberals from the Ehine provinces, to help 
 in building further on this foundation. Brilliant oratorical tal- 
 ents were displayed in this Landtag, and a fresh, free spirit per- 
 vaded the assembly. The opposition had the upper hand, and 
 expressed to the king the expectation that the " patent of Feb- 
 ruary 3d will be the beginning and not the end of the parlia- 
 mentary development of the realm." The Landtag was closed on 
 June 26th, without any other result than to incite men to strive 
 for something more. In December the consultations of the unit- 
 ed provincial committees began again in the old easy-going way. 
 It was clear that this could not last, and just as clear that the 
 king would not sign that " sheet of paper," that " second provi- 
 dence," without the pressure of outward necessity. And yet 
 what was the patent of February 3d? Was it not itself such a 
 written sheet? But it certainly had not the value of a second 
 providence. At this time great attention was attracted by a 
 pamphlet from D. F. Strauss, entitled " The Romanticist on the 
 Throne of the Caesars." 
 
 § 13. 
 
 SWITZERLAND AND THE SONDERBUND. 
 
 The party which had effected the adoption of freer constitu- 
 tions in most of the cantons in 1831 was now striving to bring 
 about a federal reform. It carried, through the Diet of 1832, the 
 appointment of a commission which was to revise the act of con- 
 federation, and submit its conclusions to a special session in 1833. 
 The liberal cantons — Berne, Aargau, Thurgovia, St. Gallen, Soleure, 
 Zurich, and Luzerne — concluded the Siebener-Concordat (treaty of 
 seven) for the maintenance and accomplishment of popular sov- 
 ereignty. In opposition to this, the conservative cantons — TJri, 
 Switz, Valais, Neuchatel, and Basle city — united in the Sarner- 
 Bund. In conjunction with the neutrals, the latter succeeded in 
 frustrating the revision in 1833. With this success, their hopes 
 and demands increased. Armed bands from Switz and Basle city 
 entered (.July 30th, 1833) the landschafts of Ausser-Schwyz and 
 Basle-l.indschaft, which had seceded from them, in order to force 
 
 S 
 
170 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 them to submission. The consequence was that Switz and Basle 
 city were occupied by federal troops, and the Sarner-Bund was 
 declared dissolved. The separation of Basle into two indepen- 
 dent cantons was recognized; Ausser -Schwyz and Alt-Schwyz 
 were reunited, but with complete equality of rights. 
 
 The accumulation of fugitives from Germany, Poland, and Italy, 
 who found an asylum in republican Switzerland, brought with it 
 complications with foreign powers, some of the fugitives abusing 
 the hospitality afforded them. The most active of these revolu- 
 tionists was Joseph Mazzini, of Genoa, who, without the least pros- 
 pect of success, was constantly contriving new attempts at revolu- 
 tion, in order to keep his Italian countrymen in practice. " Young 
 Italy," which he founded at this period, arranged an inroad into 
 Savoy, February 1st, 1834, under the General Raraorino whose 
 course in Poland was so suspicious, in order, from Savoy, to revo- 
 lutionize Piedmont and the rest of Italy. After the occupation 
 of a few villages, the undertaking fell through, owing to the non- 
 participation of the people. J'rom that time on, Switzerland was 
 regarded abroad as the hearth of radicalism. Matters became se- 
 rious when Mazzini, wishing to extend his activity over all Europe, 
 founded " Young Europe," to revolutionize the continent. Then 
 it rained political notes. The neighboring powers complained of 
 the abuse of the rights of asylum, and held in prospect the most 
 hostile measures in case Switzerland did not expel the participants 
 in the above-mentioned inroad, and exercise a better surveillance 
 over the remaining fugitives. The language of Louis Philippe 
 was especially severe, and he even threatened war in case Switzer- 
 land did not expel Louis Napoleon, who had returned from Amer- 
 ica, and was living at Arenenberg as a Thurgovian citizen. To 
 free the hospitable republic from this embarrassment, the latter 
 left Switzerland of his own accord, and went to England. 
 
 The religious conflicts were still more important in their re- 
 sults. The call of Dr. Strauss, from Wiirtemberg to the univer- 
 sity in Zurich, in 1839, brought the country people to arms, and 
 caused the overthrow of the liberal regime in Zurich, and the lib- 
 erals did not come into power again until 1845. Of more con- 
 sequence was the monastic question. Seven cantons, in a confer- 
 ence at Baden in 1834, had resolved upon the subjection of the 
 church to the authority of the state, and the employment of the 
 cloisters for i)urposcs of general usefulness. The controversy on 
 
FORMATION OF THE SOXDEKBÜXD.— ITS DEFEAT. 171 
 
 this point was most violent in the canton of Aargau. The rad- 
 ical government of that canton finally (1S41) closed all cloistei's, 
 among others the wealthy Muri, and sequestered their property 
 for " purposes of instruction and benevolence." The excitement 
 thereat among the bigoted Roman Catholics was great, and it was 
 the means of bringing about the victory of the ultramontane par- 
 ty in Luzerne and Valais in 184-4. The Jesuits were called to 
 Luzerne, and intrusted with the education of the youth. Joseph 
 Leu, a rich peasant, and Sigwart-MüUer were especially active in 
 bringiug this about. The Jesuits had also effected a lodgment in 
 Freiburg and Switz. Their expulsion from Switzerland was aimed 
 at by all the liberal cantons. A volunteer expedition in 1845, 
 under the lead of Ochseubein, of Berne, miscarried. The govern- 
 ment of Luzerne, still more enraged by the assassination of Leu, 
 resorted to terroristic measures, and demanded the punishment of 
 the volunteers and the restoration of the xVrgovian cloisters. As 
 no heed was paid to its demands, it formed, with Switz, L^ri, Unter- 
 walden, Zng, Freiburg, and Valais, a Sonderbund (separate league), 
 for mutual protection against foreign and domestic foes. This 
 league within a league could not be tolerated ; and, since the lib- 
 eral cantons formed the majority, they resolved, at the session of 
 the Diet in Berne, in July, 1847, upon the dissolution of the Son- 
 derbund, as incompatible with the treaty of confederation, and the 
 expulsion of the Jesuits. As the fanatics of Luzerne would not 
 yield obedience to the Diet, a federal execution was ordered against 
 the cantons of the Sonderbund, the Helvetic army called out, and 
 the experienced General Dufour, of Geneva, put in command. 
 
 The cabinets of Vienna, Berlin, and Paris did everything to 
 prevent an actual collision ; but, as they were too favorably dis- 
 posed toward the Sonderbund, and assisted it with money and 
 arms, so it, in the hope of intervention, allowed the quarrel to 
 terminate in war. The liberals sought to bring the war to a con- 
 clusion by one rapid campaign. The courier of the French Prem- 
 ier, Guizot, w^is still under way with despatches for the chiefs 
 of the Sonderbund, when the}'' had already fled across the Alps, 
 and all that was left for him was to hurry after them. Perhaps 
 a few months later an intervention would have taken place ; but 
 before those months were sped, Guizot, Metternich, and many oth- 
 ers were in exile, glad that there were still states which afforded 
 political fugitives asylum. 
 
172 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 General Dufour settled the controversy quickly and completely, 
 lie took Freiburg by capitulation, defeated the principal army of 
 the Sonderhund (November 23d), and entered Luzerne. All the 
 cantons had to yield, and accept the conditions of peace which 
 were dictated to them. Among these were payment of the ex- 
 penses of the war, a change of government in the cantons, the dis- 
 solution of the Sonderhund, and the expulsion of the Jesuits. In 
 a few weeks all was accomplished. Then the reform of the Hel- 
 vetian constitution was proceeded with, and in 1848 the new fed- 
 eral state was established. The Ständerath forms a sort of upper 
 house, which is to represent the governments of the several can- 
 tons ; while the Nationalrath forms a lower house, which is elect- 
 ed by the people in proportion to the population. By this united 
 congress the highest tribunal of Switzerland — the Bundesrath — is 
 chosen, and at the head of this is a president. 
 
 §14. 
 
 FRANCE UNDER LOUIS PHILIPPE. 
 
 None of the great monarchs had so difficult a task as Louis 
 Philippe. If he attached himself to the majority of his people 
 and showed himself in earnest with " the rcpu"blican institutions 
 Avhich ought to surround the throne," he had all the continental 
 powers against him ; if he inclined toward the absolute system of 
 the latter, then not alone the extreme parties, but also the men 
 of the constitutional monarchy, who held to the royal word that 
 "from now on the constitution shall be a reality," rose against 
 him. The former was the lesser danger, for the foreign powers 
 had enough to do with the revolutionary spirit of their own peo- 
 ple, and a liberal France would have given them still more. Louis 
 Philippe's worst foe was the dissatisfaction at home, which, if too 
 boldly challenged, would send him the same way that Charles X. 
 Avent in 1830. There was in reality not so much need of skill in 
 balancing as of liberal principles, in putting which into effect he 
 must keep pace with the spirit and wishes of his people. His 
 system, which he himself named a happy medium (juste milieu), 
 would have been a happy medium if he had struck the middle and 
 
REPUBLICAN TRIUMVIRATE.— TRIAL OF EX-MINISTERS. 173 
 
 kept it ; but lie ijradnally swerved so mueh toward the riglit that 
 the middle was far to his h^ft. 
 
 From the outset he had three parties against him — Legitimists, 
 lionapartists, and Kopublieans. The two former were in them- 
 selves of small moment; it was the last wliich he liad to consider, 
 for thoy hud made the revohition, and naturally did not wish to 
 see themselves deprived of its fruits. As long as three members 
 of this party were in possession of the most important posts 
 (Odilon Barrot, prefect of the Seine; Dupont de I'Eure, minis- 
 ter of justice; Lafayette, commander-in-chief of all the national 
 guards of France, and by that fact at the head of 1,500,000 bay- 
 onets) the government had to be carried on with some respect for 
 the wishes of the City Hall. But how long would this llepubli- 
 can triumvirate sit in the king's council? The main-stay of his 
 throne, as he comprehended it, was the Bourgeoisie, the well-to-do 
 middle class. After the fall of the Bourbons, under whose gov- 
 ernment the nobles and clergy had disputed their rule, the Bour- 
 (feoijfie had quickly gained possession of the power and brought 
 liim to the throne; and now, with h'un as king, it wished to have 
 peace at any price, in order to increase its prosperity and enjoy 
 its riches in quiet and comfort. It was only this class which had 
 won in the July revolution, for which it had itself shed very little 
 blood ; the laboring classes, the " horny-hands," on the other hand, 
 derived as little advantage from the change as the Roman Plebe- 
 ians from the overthrow of the kings. By means of the electoral 
 law and the provision that the members of the national guard 
 must themselves pay for their costly outfits, Louis Philippe gained 
 both the Chamber and the national guard. The foreign powers 
 also showed themselves complaisant, and recognized the July mon- 
 archy. But the Euqieror of Uussia did not do this without speak- 
 ing of the " deplorable events " which brought about this change 
 of dynasty, and in addressing Louis l*hilippe he did not give him 
 the customary title, " My Brother." 
 
 The trial of the ex-ministers of Charles X. — of whom, to the 
 embarrassment of the new government, three besides I*olignac 
 had been arrested in their flight — caused the first excitement. 
 The populace demanded the death of those who, by signing the 
 ordinances, had brought on the revolution, and hence were indi- 
 rectly guilty of the death of so many. But even Lafayette was 
 against this, lie was magnanimous enough to wish to rescue 
 
174 POLITICAL HISTORY OF EECENT TIMES. 
 
 them, for the very reason that they were his enemies. This caused 
 a split in the ranks of the ministry also. Five members, among 
 them Guizot, withdrew ; and, November 2d, 1830, Lafitte, as min- 
 ister president, undertook the formation of a new ministry of lib- 
 eral tendencies. The Chamber of Peers condemned the ex-min- 
 isters to imprisonment for life, and Polignac, in addition, to the 
 loss of his civil rights. In consequence of the clemency of this 
 sentence, there was great excitement in Paris for two whole days. 
 The arms but just laid down seemed about to be resumed. But 
 the circumstance that the Republican triumvirate was on the side 
 of the administration and the Chambers, prevented the agitation 
 from developing into an actual outbreak. Yet Lafayette lost so 
 much of his popularity that the king could dare to cause a bill 
 to be brought before the Chambers abolishing the office of com- 
 mander-in-chief of all the national guards of France. Thereupon 
 Lafayette gave in his resignation, and, after some hypocritical 
 hesitation, Louis Philippe accepted it. Soon after, Dupont left 
 the ministry. Odilon Barrot still for a short time remained at 
 his isolated post. The new municipal law, which put the choice 
 of mayors wholly in the hands of the minister and the prefects, 
 was a step backward. This was made up for by an improved 
 electoral law, lowering the qualification for suffrage, and raising 
 the number of voters from 80,000 to 200,000 — certainly a low 
 enough figure with a population of 30,000,000. 
 
 In the mean time, the revolution had entered upon its marcli 
 through Europe. Wherever it came into danger, France was 
 looked upon and applied to as its natural helper, Lafitte's min- 
 istry wished to conjure up no foreign complications, and hence 
 set up the principle of non-intervention. But what had succeed- 
 ed in Belgium did not succeed in Italy. On the announcement 
 of the Austrian ambassador that his government was about to 
 intervene in the States of the Church, Lafitte threatened war. 
 Metternich replied, " If this intervention occasion war, then war 
 may come. We would rather expose ourselves to the dangers of 
 war than perish in the midst of rebellions." lie might well vent- 
 ure to speak in this way, for, while Lafitte was demanding non- 
 intervention, Louis Philippe, behind his back, had consented to 
 intervention. When Lafitte became aware of this, he gave in his 
 resignation ; whereupon, March 31st, 1831, Casimir Perier formed 
 a new ministry. He was the true representative of the Bour- 
 
DUCHESS OF BERRY'S REVOLUTION, AND DAUGHTER. l75 
 
 geoisie ; a banker, like Lafitte, but possessing more energy and 
 political talent. He was overbearing enougb to bend even Louis 
 Philippe to his will; and, as minister president, wished to have 
 the actual conduct of affairs, and not merely the responsibility. 
 Peace without, quiet and order at home, were his aims. 
 
 The Legitimists, as well as the Republicans, thought they had 
 found in him their man. The former were so infatuated as to 
 believe that their time was come agaiu. February 13th, 1831, the 
 anniversary of the Duke of Berry's assassination, they had ar- 
 ranged a pompous memorial service in the church of Saint Ger- 
 main I'Auxerrois, which bears a bad reputation from the night of 
 Saint Bartholomew's. The exasperated populace, seeing in this a 
 challenge, pressed into the church, and destroyed the relics, altars, 
 etc. On the following day they stormed the Archbishop's pal- 
 ace, and threw all the movables into the street. Notwithstand- 
 ing this very distinct rebuke, the Duchess of Berry, Marie Caro- 
 line, assisted by the ultra -legitimist Duke of Modena, and by 
 Charles Albert, of Sardinia, set out for France with a few trusty 
 followers. She landed in Marseilles; and, as the people there did 
 not respond to her call, she traversed the whole country, after va- 
 rious adventures, and presented herself in the Vendee as the re- 
 gent of France for her son, the legitimate king, Henry V. Spite 
 of all their valor, her followers had to succumb before the supe- 
 rior numbers of the troops sent against them. The duchess her- 
 self fled to Nantes, and remained four months in hiding with a 
 family devoted to her interests. She was finally discovered, and 
 taken, November 2d, 1832, through the treachery of a baptized 
 Jew named Deuz, who received 500,000 francs for betraying her. 
 Her kinsman, Louis Philippe, was extricated from his embarrass- 
 ment as to what to do with her by her delivery of a daughter as 
 to whose paternity she could give the world no satisfactory expla- 
 nation. Under such interesting circumstances, there was nothing 
 left for the Duchess of Berry but to take ship for Palermo, in the 
 summer of 1833. The Legitimists lost for a while all inclination 
 to risk their heroes and heroines on the slippery soil of France, 
 and only rested their hopes on some general change of circum- 
 stances. 
 
 The contest with the Republicans was more difficult for the 
 government. The fall of Warsaw aroused them to action. Li 
 Paris barricades were erected, gun-stores plundered ; and the min- 
 
176 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 isters, who, notwitlistanding all their promises to the beseeching, 
 hoping Poles, had given no help, were cursed. But the armed 
 power remained master. There were also riots in other cities ; 
 among others, a very bloody one in Lyons, in November of 1831, 
 in consequence of the quarrels between the silk manufacturers 
 and their workmen. Perier acted everywhere with severity and 
 energy; but he was scarcely able to silence the dissatisfaction, 
 far less to suppress it altogether, for governmental expenses were 
 being constantly increased, and business was at a stand-still. It 
 was at a time so ill chosen that Louis Philippe asked from the 
 Chamber an increase of his civil list to 18,000,000 francs, al- 
 though, at the time of his coming to the throne, he had said to 
 Dupont, "With a civil list of 6,000,000, a citizen king has enough 
 and to spare." The Chamber chose for the king of the juste 
 miUeu a happy medium between the two sums, and voted him 
 12,000,000. At the funeral of the Republican General Lamarque, 
 June 5th, 1832, there was a serious street fight, and cries of "Vive 
 la Republique !" 
 
 Fortunately, the government could show a few things in its 
 favor. The hereditary character of the Peers was taken away. 
 (Later, the nomination of life peers was conceded to the king, by 
 whicli that Chamber lost the last vestige of its independence.) 
 On the second intervention of the Austrians in the States of the 
 Church, Perier occupied Ancona, and announced in the Chamber 
 that he sought to give the Pope's subjects some security that 
 the Pope would keep his promises. " If the Austrians stay, then 
 we stay too ; if they go, then we shall go also." The occupation 
 lasted seven years — just as long as the Austrians remained in 
 ßomagna. 
 
 May 16th, Prime-minister Perier died of the cholera, and the 
 other ministers resigned at the opening of the Chambers. The 
 king's unchangeable idea (la pensee immuable) made itself more 
 and more felt with each new change of ministers. October 11th, 
 1832, Marshal Soult became at the same time minister of war and 
 head of a new ministry, in which Guizot, the quondam professor 
 of history, took public instruction, and the former editor of the 
 National, Thiers, the department of the interior. It was in great 
 part a Doctrinaire ministry, and its programme was a strong exec- 
 utive, and a firmer tone in foreign affairs, the department which 
 was administered by Broglie. New laws directed against the 
 
FIESCUrS INFERNAL MACHINE.— SEPTEMBER LAWS. 177 
 
 Press, societies, and juries created great dissatisfaction. The of- 
 fering for sale of newspapers in public places was forbidden ; 
 the existence and establishment of societies was made dependent 
 upon the permission of the government ; offenders against these 
 laws were to be brought, not before juries, but before police mag- 
 istrates, and, in case of attacks upon the king or the constitution, 
 before the Chamber of Peers. The Republicans, who saw in this 
 their complete suppression, risked a new fight in the streets of 
 Lyons and Paris, in April, 1834. They were defeated, and the 
 government used the insurrection to carry through the Chambers 
 a law forbidding, under heavy penalties, the carrying of weapons 
 without police permission. At the same time, the standing army 
 was raised to 360,000, and the participants in the April insurrec- 
 tion brought before the Court of Peers. The most important of 
 the accused, Cavaignac and Marrast, escaped to England ; the rest 
 were condemned to imprisonment, but none to death. This trial, 
 which was accompanied by tumultuous scenes, brought the gov- 
 ernment more injury than advantage. 
 
 The government gained more through the infernal machine of 
 the Corsican Fieschi. July 28th, 1835, the king, attended by his 
 sons and a brilliant staff, rode to the Boulevards to review the 
 national guard and the gaiTison of Paris. On his arrival at the 
 Boulevard du Temple a fearful explosion took place, and from 
 the windows of a house opposite a hail-storm of bullets burst 
 upon the crowd. In an instant sixty persons lay dead or wound- 
 ed in the street. Marshal Mortier and several other members of 
 the king's cortege were killed ; he himself, for whom it was in- 
 tended, was not even wounded. Fieschi and two Parisians whom 
 he named as his accomplices were executed. The whole Repub- 
 lican party was unjustly made responsible for this attempt, and 
 new blows were struck at the juries and the Press. Every Press 
 offence involving a libel of the king or the administration was to 
 be tried from this time on before the Court of Peers, and the 
 composition of that body rendered conviction certain. With 
 these " September laws " the reaction was complete, the power 
 of the Republicans was broken. Their activity did not cease, 
 liewever. Their numerous societies continued to exist in secret, 
 and to the political affiliated themselves the social societies, which, 
 after the communistic teachings of Count St. Simon and his fol- 
 lowers, demanded, among other impossibilities, the abolition of 
 
 8* 
 
178 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 private property. It was these baleful excrescences whicli de- 
 prived republicanism of all credit, and outbreaks like that of May 
 12th, 1839, where a few hundred members of the " Society of 
 the Seasons," with Barbes and Blanqui at their head, disarmed 
 military posts and proclaimed the republic, found not the slight- 
 est response. The repeated attempts which were made on the 
 king's life were also unsuccessful. In the year 1836 Alibaud 
 made an attempt, and soon after him Meunier ; in 1840 Darmes ; 
 in 1846 Lacomte, and after him Henri. 
 
 Louis Philippe felt himself so secure upon his throne that in 
 1837 he published an amnesty by which Polignac and his fellows 
 again obtained their freedom and their civil privileges. His rela- 
 tions to foreign powers became better the more he approximated 
 to their system, putting restraints upon societies, the Press, and 
 juries, and energetically crushing popular revolts. Naturally he 
 was by this very means constantly further estranging the mass of 
 the people. It was regarded as a humiliation of the nation that 
 he wished to live at peace with the great powers at any price; 
 that he sacrificed Italy, Poland, and Mehemed Ali, and only vent- 
 ured upon a threatening attitude or actual hostilities against 
 weaker states — against Portugal, under Don Miguel, against 
 Switzerland, Morocco, etc. His two eldest sons, the Dukes of 
 Orleans and Nemours, made a journey to Germany in 1836, and 
 were received with the greatest honor at the courts of Berlin and 
 Vienna. The former married Princess Helen, of Mecklenburg- 
 Schwerin, in 1837, and became by her the father of a son, the 
 Count of Paris — the fourth royal child since the unhappy son of 
 Louis XVI. to enter the world with golden hopes and brilliant 
 expectations, but small part of which were to be realized. The 
 Chamber readily voted an increase of the establishment of the 
 Duke of Orleans to 3,000,000 francs; but it was regarded as 
 contemptible avarice on the king's part that, notwithstanding his 
 wealth, he was constantly requiring new appropriations for his 
 children. 
 
 What the Legitimists and Republicans had not effected — a 
 change of government — the Napoleonids now took in hand. Af- 
 ter the death of the Duke of Reichstadt (1832), Louis Napoleon 
 Bonaparte, son of the ex-king Louis of Holland and Hortense 
 Beauharnais, step -daughter of the Emperor Napoleon, regarded 
 himself as the regular heir of the imperial throne. Born April 
 
LOUIS NAPOLEON'S ATTEMPT AT STRASBURG. 179 
 
 28th, 1808, he had lived with his mother in banishment since his 
 seventh year, first in Augsburg, and then in the castle of Arenen- 
 berg, in the canton of Thurgovia. He entered the Swiss army, 
 and under General Dufour's guidance studied gunnery as a science. 
 The rebellion in the States of the Church, in 1831, drew him and 
 his elder brother into the ranks of the Carbonari. The latter 
 met his death there ; the former escaped to England. Thence he 
 returned to Arenenberg, and busied himself with literary labors, 
 lie composed the " Reveries Politiques," in which he endeavored 
 to show the impossibility for France of any other than the Napo- 
 leonic dynasty. Perceiving how unpopular the July monarchy 
 was, he believed his time to be come. He was in secret commu- 
 nication with a few officers of the Strasburg garrison ; and hoped, 
 by his mere appearance and the magic of his name, to win over 
 the whole garrison, and, as in an avalanche-like march of victory, 
 like that of the great Napoleon in 1815, to enter Paris at the 
 head of a great army. October 30th, 1836, he suddenly appeared 
 in the court of the artillery barracks in Strasburg, with a few 
 trusted followers, and was received by the soldiers with the cry, 
 " Vive I'Empereur !" But in the infantry barracks, to which the 
 conspirators then marched, he did not meet with the same recep- 
 tion. The governor, Voirol, succeeded in retaining the soldiers 
 in their allegiance, and Louis Napoleon and several of his accom- 
 plices were captured. He was brought to Paris, and Louis Phi- 
 lippe was generous enough to send him off, without further inves- 
 tigation, on a steamer for America. This mild sentence had for 
 the king the unpleasant result that the seven accomplices — some 
 of them officers in active service — who were brought before the 
 jury in Strasburg were acquitted, the populace hailing their ac- 
 quittal with joy. The people did not hold it right that the 
 high-born principal should be allowed to escape, while his more 
 humble creatures were punished. 
 
 While Thiers, the historian of the French Empire, was minister 
 president (March 1st to October 21st, 1840), it was determined, in 
 order to win over public opinion, to bring the bones of Napoleon 
 from the island of St. Helena to France. The English govern- 
 ment gave its consent. The honor of escorting them was assign- 
 ed to the king's third son, the Prince of Joinville. He landed in 
 Cherbourg with his precious freight, and, December 15th, 1840, 
 the emperor's remains were borne in a splendid sarcophagus, vast 
 
180 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 throngs of people crowding round, to the Invalides, where later a 
 special monument was erected for them. 
 
 The enthusiasm which the mere preparations for this transfer 
 of the imperial remains had called forth in France led Louis Na- 
 poleon to make a second attempt to present himself to the na- 
 tion as nephew and heir of the emperor. He had returned from 
 North America to Switzerland, and had spontaneously left that 
 country and gone to England, when Louis Philippe demanded his 
 expulsion and threatened war. Thence he embarked, with about 
 sixty persons, clothed in the uniform of the old imperial guards, 
 and landed in the neighborhood of Boulogne, August 6th, 1840, 
 In order to produce more effect, he had brought a live eagle with 
 him. In a proclamation he declared that the Bourbon-Orleans dy- 
 nasty had ceased to reign, and promised France the restoration of 
 her former greatness. A decree established for the time a provis- 
 ional government, set Thiers, then premier, at its head, and made 
 Marshal Clauzet commander-in-chief of the army. But this at- 
 tempt also came to nothing. The regiment of the line in Boulogne 
 remained passive, but the customs soldiers attacked him, and he 
 and his attendants had to spring into a boat to try and reach the 
 steamer that brought them thither. The boat turned over, and 
 he was drawn, dripping, out of the water and taken to prison. 
 Set before the Court of Peers, he developed, with the strength of 
 faith and the obstinacy peculiar to him, his Napoleonic principles 
 and claims. He was condemned by the Court of Peers to im- 
 prisonment for life, and confined in the castle of Ham. Thence 
 he escaped, clothed as a mason, May 25th, 1846, and succeeded in 
 reaching England. All the world laughed at his folly ; but with- 
 out the scenes of Strasburg and Boulogne, and the martyrdom of 
 a six years' imprisonment, his name certainly would not have pro- 
 duced such an effect in the year 1848. 
 
 The isolation into which France had been brought by its East- 
 ern policy had, as has been narrated in connection with the dis- 
 agreement between Turkey and Egypt, occasioned Thiers's dis- 
 missal. After having made great preparations for war, and per- 
 suaded the Chamber to approve of the fortification of Paris, he 
 had to resign, since Louis Philippe had no desire to bring about 
 a coalition of Europe against himself. The military preparations 
 were discontinued, but the fortification of Paris was energetically 
 pushed forward. The reproach was made against the government 
 
ALGERIA AND ABD-EL-KADER. 181 
 
 that the fortification was directed less against an outward enemy 
 than against the revoKition- loving Parisians — an end which it 
 certainly did not serve in later years. The new ministry, in which 
 (October 29th, 1840) Soult presided, and was at the same time 
 minister of war, while Guizot had foreign affairs, Count Duchatel 
 the interior, and Villemain public instruction, maintained itself in 
 its principal members (Guizot and Duchatel) until the February 
 revolution, and soon succeeded in establishing good relations once 
 more with the four great powers. Among the people it was very 
 unpopuUir as the " Ministry of Abroad," and Thiers's active oppo- 
 sition to his more successful rival added greatly to this unpopu- 
 larity. As minister Thiers had succeeded in maintaining an in- 
 dependent position, and had laid down the principle : Ic roi regne, 
 mais il ne gouverne pas. Guizot adopted the ossified system of 
 the aging king with all the tenacity of an incorrigible bureaucrat 
 of honorable character. 
 
 A favorable field for military activity was afforded the July 
 monarchy in the conquest of Algiers, an inheritance which it had 
 received from the Bourbons. If this new province did not bring 
 in much income to the French, who are not great masters in the 
 art of colonization, but rather consumed quantities of men and 
 money, nevertheless the war with the fanatical Bedouin and Kabyl 
 tribes was an excellent school for the soldiers, and at the same 
 time afforded the government a welcome channel to lead off the 
 uneasy, turbulent Parisian youth. Here were trained the gener- 
 als of the second empire, which could show scarcely an ofl^icer of 
 distinction who had not won his spurs in Algeria. Among the 
 Arabs the Emir Abd-el-Kader, a second Jugurtha, far overtopped 
 all others. At once priest and warrior, he enjoyed among his 
 countrymen unlimited confidence, and by his cunning and knowl- 
 edge of the country succeeded in maintaining himself for sev- 
 eral years against the French generals. Scarcely was he defeated, 
 scarcely had it gone abroad that he was annihilated, when he ap- 
 peared with fresh forces to resume a creditable offensive. Mas- 
 cara, his residence, was captured, under Marshal Clauzet, in 1835 ; 
 but the expedition against Constantine, the ancient Cirta, failed. 
 It was not until the second expedition, in 1837, that General Valee 
 carried the city by storm (October 13th), after General Dararemont 
 had fallen on the first day of the assault. At the time of the 
 Eastern war France built wide-reaching plans on this new posses- 
 
182 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 sion in North Africa. England's jealousy burnt so much the 
 more hotly, and it was ascribed to her machinations that in 1839 
 the Arabs in great numbers took the field against the French in 
 a holy war, carrying their incursions to the very gates of Algiers. 
 In 1841, General Bugeaud succeeded to the chief command, and, 
 supported by capable officers, like Colonel Lamoriciere and Chan- 
 garnier, gave a new and surprising turn to the war. Abd-el-Iva- 
 der, whose smalah (travelling palace) had been plundered by the 
 Duke of Aumale, the king's fourth son, and from whom several 
 tribes had fallen away, was driven out of Algiers, and had to seek 
 protection from Abderrahman, Emperor of Morocco. The latter 
 allowed himself to be drawn into the war, and sent out his son 
 with an army. But while the Prince of Joinville with the French 
 fleet bombarded and demolished the fortifications of Tangiers and 
 Morocco, Bugeaud won a brilliant victory at the river Isbyl (Au- 
 gust 14th, 1844), and forced the emperor to a peace. The war 
 was carried on by the untiring Abd-el-Kader, and horrible atroci- 
 ties were committed on both sides. There arose a storm of in- 
 dignation in Europe when it became known that Colonel Pelissier 
 (in the Crimean war the Duke of Malakoff) had caused a large 
 number of Arabs who, with their wives and children, had taken ref- 
 uge in a cave, to be suffocated therein — a proceeding which, how- 
 ever, the minister of war, Soult, accustomed to Napoleon's bloody 
 decrees, deemed justifiable. And when, finally, in 1847, Abd-el- 
 Kader, deserted by all, and hemmed in on every side, surrendered 
 to Lamoriciere on condition of a safe passage to Syria or Egypt — 
 a condition assented to by the Duke of Aumale, Bugeaud's suc- 
 cessor in the government — the royal father refused to confirm his 
 son's treaty, but caused Abd-el-Kader to be brought to France, 
 where he was kept in close confinement at Amboise for several 
 years. The Emperor Napoleon released him, and assigned him 
 an annual revenue, on the promise that he would live for the rest 
 of his life at Brusa, in Asia Minor. He lived there until the year 
 1855, when the city was destroyed by an earthquake. He then 
 chose Damascus for a residence, apd on occasion of the atroci- 
 ties of the Druses and Turks against the Christians in 1860, as- 
 sisted the latter to the best of his ability. For this Napoleon 
 conferred upon him the grand cross of the Legion of Honor. 
 
 The death of the universally respected and beloved Duke of 
 Orleans was the first memento mori for the July dynasty. July 
 
SYMPTOMS OF APPROACHING DISSOLUTION. 183 
 
 13th, 1842, he drove to Neuilly to take leave of his family before 
 his departure for the camp at St. Omer. The horses took fright ; 
 he leaped from the carriao-e, was dashed against the pavement, 
 and four hours afterward was dead. Of his two sons, the elder, 
 the Count of Paris, was only four years of age, and hence a long 
 minority was looked forward to, as Louis Philippe was then sixty- 
 nine years old. At the proposition of the government the Cham- 
 bers intrusted the regency, in case of the king's death, not to the 
 beloved Helen, Duchess of Orleans (nominally on account of her 
 Protestantism), but to the Duke of Nemours, unpopular on ac- 
 count of his aristocratic leanings. Some reparation for the loss 
 of his eldest son was made to the king in the marriage of his 
 youngest son, the Duke of Montpensier, with the Infanta, Luisa 
 Fernanda, in 1846. But this alliance, which held out to the Or- 
 leans family the prospect of the Spanish throne, broke up those 
 good relations with the English cabinet which had been restored 
 after the settlement of the Eastern question, that cabinet accusing 
 Louis Philippe's government of political dishonesty. In other 
 matters, also, dark shadows fell upon the July monarchy. Two 
 former ministers — Teste, president of the court of cassation, for- 
 merly minister of public works, and Cubieres, the late minister 
 of war — were accused and convicted (1847) of gross peculation 
 and venality. The murder of the daughter of Marshal Sebastiani 
 by her husband, the Duke of Praslin, made a still worse impres- 
 sion. And when he escaped condemnation by poisoning himself 
 in prison it was said that the government had helped him to the 
 means of making away with himself that they might not have to 
 afford the people the spectacle of the execution of a duke. It 
 was difficult to furnish proofs that the king and his system of 
 government were responsible for these crimes, but the Legitimists 
 and Republicans held to an inner connection between the one and 
 the other, and declared such crimes to be the necessary conse- 
 quences of the ruling system. The king, it was said, had his own 
 way in the Chambers without question, and then gave himself up 
 to the delusion that the majority of the Chambers was the expres- 
 sion of the popular will. Where the electors are persuaded to 
 elect the ministerial candidates by the prospect of the building 
 of roads and railroads in their district, and where these candidates 
 arc led by the distribution of profitable posts and dignities to 
 themselves and their families to obey unconditionally and follow 
 
184 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the ministry through thick and thin, there, even if only the well- 
 to-do class has the suffrage, it was said, the popular representa- 
 tives are no longer representatives of the people, and he who as 
 king listens to their voice is but listening to his own. 
 
 This was the position of Louis Philippe and the ministry, in 
 which Guizot had presided since Soult's retirement, in September 
 of 1847. Guizot's opponent and rival, Thiers, did not hesitate to 
 attack him unsparingly in the Chamber. He laid bare the cor- 
 ruption which, spreading downward, was constantly on the in- 
 crease, and declaimed against the disgrace with which Guizot was 
 covering the country by his partiality for the Jesuits and the 
 Sonderbund in Switzerland. Neither Thiers nor Odilon Barrot, 
 who wished for the maintenance of the liberties that had been 
 gained in 1789, were for the overthrow of the dynasty, or even 
 for universal suffrage. In contrast with the lawyer Ledru Rollin, 
 who would fain raise the banner of the red republic, and the poet 
 Lamartine, who indulged in indefinite phrases about equality, 
 these two united in opposition alike to the ministry and radical- 
 ism. They wished to uphold the monarchy and ward off a new 
 revolution — a thing only to be effected by electoral reform. 
 Hence they several times offered in the Chamber a motion re- 
 ducing the qualification for suffrage, raising the number of dele- 
 gates, and excluding from the Chamber of Deputies all dependent, 
 removable officials. Each time the ministers opposed the meas- 
 ure, and a majority of the Chamber rejected it. So they resolved 
 to apply directly to the people, and by this means exert a pressure 
 on the Chambers and the ministers. This gave occasion to the 
 " Reform Banquets." There members of the opposition and 
 journalists united in a banquet with people of all classes, in order, 
 in memory of the revolutions of 1789 and 1830, to advocate sov- 
 ereignty of the people, resistance to the system of the adminis- 
 tration, and proper care for the working - classes, and to sign a 
 petition for electoral reform. These banquets, the first of which 
 was held in the neighborhood of Paris, July 9th, 1847, found a re- 
 sponse in the whole country, and added to the existing excitement. 
 
 In the Chamber, which was opened December 28th, 1847, there 
 were very stormy scenes. The speech from the throne spoke of 
 the " hostile and blind passions " of the opposition, and showed 
 as little disposition toward electoral reform on the part of the 
 ministry as on that of the majority of the Chamber. Hence the 
 
LOUIS PHILIPPE AND CHARLES X. 185 
 
 opposition concluded to hold a Reform Banquet in Paris itself 
 on tlie 22d of February, and made preparations in the grandest 
 style. They invited the national guard to form a double line 
 from the Place Madeleine to the place chosen for the banquet in 
 the Champs Elysees, unarmed, but in uniform, nominally for the 
 preservation of order, but, in reality, in order to win the national 
 guard for reform, and, by the publicity of the matter, to force it 
 on the notice of the masses. But Count Duchatel, minister of the 
 interior, forbade this exhibition of the national guard, and threat- 
 ened military interference. Thereupon the opposition, the more 
 moderate part of which wished to avoid an armed collision, gave 
 up altogether the plan of the Reform Banquet, and presented to 
 the president of the Chamber of Deputies a memorial, signed by 
 fifty-four delegates, calling for the impeachment of the ministry 
 for treason to the principles of 1830. 
 
 The populace, who had been looking forward to a great spec- 
 tacle, were ill pleased with this. Some did not know tliat the 
 banquet was given up, and assembled on the streets (February 
 22d) in crowds, sung the Marseillaise, and cried, "Hurrah for re- 
 form ! Down with Guizot !" If the king dismissed the ministry 
 on that day, called the reformer Odilon Barrot to form a minis- 
 try, and made electoral reform his programme, his throne was safe. 
 But he did nothing of the sort; he allowed the excitement to in- 
 crease, and was only willing to yield when it was already too late. 
 " No more concessions 1" Charles X. had said. Louis Philippe 
 thought the same thing ; and when necessity at length compelled 
 him to make them drop by drop, then no more were made to 
 him. It is remarkable how little perception the otherwise well- 
 informed king showed in those February days — how little mem- 
 ory he had for the teachings of history, for the events of 1830, 
 to which he was about to contribute a companion piece. Sup- 
 ported by his bribed majority in the Chambers, he thought he 
 stood upon thoroughly legal ground — that he might still name 
 the constitution a reality, and sharply distinguish his position 
 from that of Charles in 1830. There certainly was a distinction. 
 Royal decrees and resolutions of the Chambers are not the same 
 thing. But for the people it was a matter of complete indiffer- 
 ence whether the sovereignty on which it prided itself was ham- 
 pered by ordinances of the king or resolutions of the Chambers. 
 Therein lay the short-sightedness of the aged king. 
 
186 POLITICAL HISTORY OF KECENT TIMES. 
 
 THIRD PERIOD. 1848-1863. 
 
 THE FEBRUARY REVOLUTION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. — THE 
 SECOND EMPIRE AND ITS ASCENDENCY IN EUROPE. 
 
 § 15. 
 
 THE FEBRUARY REVOLUTION, THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, AND 
 THE EMPIRE. 
 
 The leaders of the secret societies were ready to strike. They 
 wished only to ascertain beforehand how far they could carry 
 the people with them in this matter, and which side the national 
 guard would embrace. Naturally, they left nothing untried to 
 incite and inflame the populace. One of their men, Charles La- 
 grange, who had distinguished himself before this in the insur- 
 rection at Lyons, in 1834, as a skilful conductor of revolutions, 
 had already carefully studied out the parts for his corps de re- 
 vanche. Barricades were erected on the 22d of February, and 
 street fights took place. On the 23d this street -fighting had 
 assumed a more serious character, especially as the national guard 
 not only did not support the regular troops, but even joined in 
 the cry of " Down with Guizot !" This influenced the king to 
 dismiss the Guizot ministry, and call Count Mole, with some 
 members of the Left Centre, to power. Although the appoint- 
 ment of Mole, who did not materially differ from Guizot in his 
 principles of government, was a blunder, and only Odilon Barrot, 
 the. leader of the reform party, was then capable of stemming 
 the rising flood, yet Giiizot's dismissal, which became known on 
 the morning of the 23d, brought about a momentary suspension 
 of hostilities. In the evening there was a voluntary illumination 
 of the city, and peace seemed once more restored. 
 
 At ten o'clock that night the crowd, shouting and singing, 
 ■were surging hither and thither on the brilliantly-lighted boule- 
 
REVOLUTION OF FEBRUARY TWENTY-FOURTU. 187 
 
 vards. Lagrange, with Ins wild crew, was among them. A red 
 banner and torches were borne in advance, and women and chil- 
 dren followed on behind. They broke the windows of Hebert, 
 minister of justice. Then they moved toward the ministry of 
 foreign affairs, to pay their respects to M. Guizot, There stood 
 a guard of about fifty men. Suddenly a shot was fired from 
 among the crowd (it is said that Lagrange fired it with careful 
 calculation of the results). The guard took this for an attack, 
 and fired a volley into the closely-packed mass. There was a 
 startled scattering, but about fifty dead and wounded were left 
 upon the square to be carried off by the more courageous of 
 their comrades, put on wagons, and drawn through the streets 
 with cries of "Murder! Treason! To arms!" The alarm-bell 
 sounded ; barricades were erected in all parts of the city, and 
 thousands of armed men manned them. 
 
 On the morning of the 24th appeared a proclamation, signed 
 by Odilon Barrot and Thiers as the new ministers, announcing 
 the dissolution of the Chamber, and the appointment of the be- 
 loved General Lamoriciere as commander-in-chief of the national 
 guard. It was vain. An article in the Reforme, a radical sheet, 
 said: "Louis Philippe lets the people be shot down as Charles 
 X. did. Let us send him after his predecessor !" The regular 
 troops, who had ah'eady been thirty-six consecutive hours under 
 arms, and who were not properly supplied with provisions, hear- 
 ing Marshal Bugeaud, Duke of Isly, the only man fit to cope 
 with such an insurrection, named commander one minute, and 
 the decrepit Marshal Gerard the next, remained for the most 
 part inactive on-lookers at the fury of the volcano, especially as, 
 in consequence of the proclamation, the order had been given 
 them to withhold their fire. So the crowd succeeded, between 
 ten and eleven a.m., in taking the Palais Royal, the private prop- 
 erty of the Orleans family, and destroying all the valuables there. 
 The guard stationed opposite the Palais Royal refused to surren- 
 der their arms, and were massacred. Then the crowd moved on 
 the Tuilerics. 
 
 There everything was already in a state of disorganization. 
 Erail Girardin, the editor of the Presse, entered unannounced, 
 and asked, as the price of the salvation of the throne, the imme- 
 diate abdication of the king. The queen opposed this most res- 
 olutely, and others added their words to hers, especially — and in 
 
188 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 a very offensive manner — the Duke of Montpensier. Bugeaud, 
 who had prepared a complete plan of attack, to the last moment 
 urged a life or death fight. At length Louis Philippe drew up 
 a declaration of abdication in favor of his grandson, the Count 
 of Paris. The news spread rapidly on all sides, but was too late 
 to check the storm of popular passion. When the king, in civil- 
 ian's clothes, a round hat on his head, gave his arm to his wife, 
 to wander forth in his old age from the fulness of prosperity 
 into the land of banishment, all, even the soldiers, were moved. 
 " This is your work, sir ! You have brought it to this pass ! 
 You did not deserve to have so good a king!" said the queen 
 to Thiers, comprehending with a true instinct that his bill for 
 electoral reform had given the first impulse to rebellion. The 
 royal pair, accompanied by the Duchess of Nemours and her 
 children, went on foot through the garden of the Tuileries to 
 the Place de la Concorde, entered two cabs which awaited them 
 there, and drove to St. Cloud. There they were soon joined by 
 their children, the Duke of Montpensier and Duchess Clemen- 
 tine of Coburg ; and all proceeded on the same day, by way of 
 Trianon, to Castle Dreux, where the king hoped to be able to rest 
 for a few days. 
 
 At his command, the Duchess of Orleans had remained behind 
 to guard the interests of her son. By Dupin's advice, she went 
 on foot to the Chamber of Deputies, attended by her two sons 
 and the Duke of Nemours. She had scarcely left the Tuileries 
 when the barricaders pressed in, with the cry, "Vive la repu- 
 blique !" and gave free course to their rage of destruction. The 
 duchess was respectfully received by the deputies, and Dupin 
 with timid voice called upon them to proclaim the Count of 
 Paris king, and the duchess regent. But, from fear of the peo- 
 ple, now pressing in in constantly increasing crowds, the Cham- 
 ber did not dare to raise its voice for the monarchy ; and even 
 Odilon Barrot's words, effectively calculated though they were — 
 " The July monarchy now rests on the heads of a woman and a 
 child" — had no effect. To prevent them from coming to any 
 decision, and to produce a division among the supporters of the 
 monarchy, a republican delegate, Marie, declared that, by the law 
 adopted by the Chambers, the Duke of Nemours, and not the 
 Duchess of Orleans, was made regent; but nevertheless, as though 
 that were consistent, he moved the establishment of a provis- 
 
OVERTHROW OF THE CHAMBERS. 189 
 
 ional government. The galleries shouted their approbation. New- 
 crowds pressed in. Smock-clad, drunken men, who had wandered 
 into the cellars of the Tuileries, broke into the hall with the force 
 of an overflowing stream, crying, "Down with the Bourbons, 
 new and old ! Down with the regency ! Down with the bribed 
 Chamber ! Down with all traitors !" 
 
 This was the mortal hour of the July monarchy ; in that mo- 
 ment all was lost. After Guizot had been overthrown and the 
 king forced to abdicate, the Chamber might still have rescued 
 the monarchy by its vote, as was the case in 1830. But then 
 the people and the majority of the Chamber were in harmony ; 
 now they were not. The Chamber was now regarded as acces- 
 sory to the hated system of administration, and in its conscious- 
 ness of guilt dared do nothing. Consequently it was unresist- 
 ingly set aside by the same popular power which broke in pieces 
 the throne in the Tuileries, and ceased to rule as completely as 
 the king. From the moment when those rough working-men, 
 black with powder and smoke, and drunken with the costly wines 
 from the palace cellar, broke into the council-hall, there was no 
 longer monarchy or Chamber ; the claims of the Count of Paris 
 were no more regarded than those of the Duke of Bordeaux in 
 the July days of 1830. Most of the delegates fled precipitately. 
 The duchess with her children had to break a way through the 
 terrible crowd. Several times she was almost suffocated ; her 
 children were torn from her ; and she herself finally escaped into 
 the garden, and thence into the neighboring house of President 
 Sauzet, only by the self-sacrifice of her attendants. She was in 
 despair at the loss of her children. The Count of Paris soon re- 
 appeared, after having been rescued from the dangerous embrace 
 of a murderous ruffian. The recovery of the younger son, the 
 seven-year-old Duke of Chartres, was not effected without costing 
 the luckless widow an anxious night and an anxious day. The 
 poor child came near being crushed and trampled underfoot in 
 the crowd. He Avas finally rescued by a door-keeper of the 
 Chamber, and was brought to his mother the next day at the 
 castle Ligny, whither she had gone. Soon after she journeyed 
 with her children to Germany by way of Belgium. The Duke 
 of Nemours had taken refuge in an out-house. Aware of his un- 
 popularity, he thought it prudent to effect his escape disguised as 
 a soldier of the national guard. 
 
190 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 When Louis Philippe learned, on the morning of February 25th, 
 that the republic had been proclaimed in Paris, he esteemed it no 
 longer safe to linger at Dreux. While the other members of the 
 family sought to reach .their future asylum in other ways, the king 
 and queen, with borrowed money and a false pass, made for the 
 coast of Normandy in order to cross to England on a fishing- 
 smack. The stormy Aveather forbade this, and the king had to 
 make up his mind to a journey to Havre, spite of the danger of 
 being recognized. But as few difficulties were thrown in the way 
 of his departure as formerly in that of Charles X. He embarked 
 on the English packet in Havre and landed safely in England, 
 where the other members of his family shortly joined him, the 
 Prince of Joinville and the Duke d'Aumale being the last. The 
 former of these was in command of the fleet in the Mediterra- 
 nean; the latter, as governor of Algeria, was at the head of 100,- 
 000 men. The provisional government felt some uneasiness at 
 the outset in view of the great power of the two princes, but, af- 
 ter all France had followed the example of the capital and declared 
 for the republic, a restoration from Algeria was no longer to be 
 thought of. The princes laid down their commands, and travelled 
 to England by way of Gibraltar. There the royal family took up 
 its abode at Clareraont, the property of Leopold of Belgium, the 
 king's son-in-law, and there Louis Philippe died, August 26th, 
 1850, at the age of seventy-seven, Giiizot and the other min- 
 isters also succeeded in making good their escape into foreign 
 parts. 
 
 It was the Republicans and the Socialists who by a daring coup- 
 de-main had overturned the July monarchy, which the most intel- 
 ligent opponents of the Guizot system wished to maintain. But 
 since intelligence seldoni throws itself behind barricades, so now 
 the men of the barricades overrode it and for a time had their 
 own way. The matter was settled when the Chamber of Deputies 
 allowed itself to be surprised. After the flight of the Duchess of 
 Orleans matters there took the most extravagant turn. A butch- 
 er's employe strode gravely up and down in the middle of the 
 hall, a bloody apron on, and a butcher's knife in his hand. One 
 *' smock-man " levelled his gun at the president, another at Lamar- 
 tine. To seem to stand above the mass was a criminal offence. 
 The old republican, Dupont de I'Eure, took the chair, and finally 
 succeeded in bringing about some sort of order. The diflicult 
 
A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT ESTABLISHED. 191 
 
 problem of forming a provisional government was solved by La- 
 martine. He caused all present — delegates, members of the na- 
 tional guard, students, and " smock-men " — to write down the per- 
 sons of their choice. He received these ballots, and after some 
 consideration drew up from them a list. This he handed to Du- 
 pont, who read it aloud amid universal applause. The names were 
 Dupont do I'Eure, Lamartine, Arago, Marie, Garnier-Pages, Ledru 
 Rollin, and Creraieux. This provisional government hastened to 
 declare its entrance into office by taking possession of the city hall. 
 It was high time, for after the seven provisional rulers, attended 
 by a few hundred armed men, had forced their way through the 
 countless mass of people filling the city hall and its environs and 
 found accommodation in a small room, they learned that a pro- 
 visional government had likewise been set up in the editorial 
 rooms of the two papers Reforme and National. In this govern- 
 ment were the same names as on Lamartine's list, with the addi- 
 tion of five more. This difficulty was settled by accepting these 
 five as secretaries of the provisional government. But only one 
 of them, Pagnerre, the leading publisher of Republican writings, 
 was content with this subordinate position ; the others — Flocon 
 and Armand Marrast, editors of the above-mentioned journals, 
 Louis Blanc, the spokesman of socialism, and Albert, who as a 
 locksmith's hand was a representative of the laboring classes — 
 soon rose from the position of mere consulting members to that 
 of voting ones. 
 
 The new government had scarcely been installed, with Dupont 
 as president (February 25th), when about 30,000 armed men sur- 
 rounded the city hall, and the government was in danger of being 
 overturned by the red republic. As the third estate had acquired 
 the sovereignty in 1789, so now the fourth estate sought to grasp 
 the reins. The crowd, misguided by socialistic and communistic 
 twaddle, cried, " Hurrah for the democratic and socialistic repub- 
 lic !" and one of their number, a factory hand, made his way into 
 the council chamber of the provisional government, struck the 
 stock of his loaded gun against the floor with such force that 
 the whole room shook, and demanded, in the name of the people, 
 the introduction of the system of community of property, the in- 
 stitution of a proletarian government, and the adoption of the red 
 flag and cockade instead of the tri-color. That the February rev- 
 olution did not result in the rule of the masses is to be attributed 
 
192 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 principally to Lamartine, who during this period, in addition to 
 an irresistible, popular eloquence, displayed admirable presence 
 of mind, and utter fearlessness of death. The first decree of the 
 government contained a ratification of the republic, and was sol- 
 emnly published at the Place de la Bastille, February 27th, in 
 presence of hundreds of thousands. The streets of Paris gradu- 
 ally resumed their wonted appearance, even before the ruins of 
 the burnt and plundered palace of Ncuilly had ceased to smoke. 
 At this latter auto-da-fe several plunderers in the cellars, quite 
 too forgetful of self, shared the fate of the building. 
 
 With such unruly elements, the task of the government was 
 one of enormous difiiculty. With its recognition of the so-called 
 " right to labor," it had assumed the duty of " guaranteeing the 
 support of the workman by work," and all who had no work, 
 as well as those who wished none, now called upon the govern- 
 Tuent to support them, as though they were government officials. 
 Naturally, in those unsettled times all trade and industry stood 
 still, while at the same time the influx into Paris, and conse- 
 quently the number of breadless workmen there, increased greatly. 
 This led to the establishment of national workshops, in which 
 all were offered work and wages by the state. These works, 
 in which about 100,000 persons, among them even scholars and 
 artists, were engaged, were confined to useless excavations and the 
 like in Paris and a few other cities, and finally developed into 
 complete idleness. If this state of affairs were to last a couple of 
 months, financial and moral bankruptcy would be not merely im- 
 minent, but actually present. The condition of the treasury was 
 in any case desperate enough, so that the minister of finance 
 found himself obliged to raise the direct taxes forty-five per 
 cent., a measure which markedly diminished the enthusiasm of 
 the country people for a republic. And yet the fourth estate 
 believed that the state was nothing but an experimental machine 
 for eccentric and crack-brained communists. In the Luxembourg- 
 palace, where the Chamber of Peers had lately burnt its incense 
 before the encroaching monarchy, a " Working-men's Parliament" 
 was in session, with the "apostle" Louis Blanc as president. This 
 body, consisting chiefly of journeymen mechanics and day-labor- 
 ers, debated the question of national economy — how with less 
 work a man is to secure a larger income. The watchwords liberte, 
 egalite, fraternite were here the order of the day, and one had to 
 
SOCIAL DEMOCRATS. 193 
 
 be prepared at any moment to see the baldest and crudest com- 
 munism converted from theory into practice. The democratic Press 
 and the political clubs likewise urged the people on. A crowd of 
 new papers had sprung up, and several hundred political clubs had 
 been organized. Not merely the old revolutionists, like Barbes, 
 Bhmqui, Cabet, Raspail, and the like, but also others not so well 
 known, sought to gather their little parliaments about them. They 
 were the sworn foes of all civil order, and as such made several 
 attempts to overthrow the Provisional Government and defer the 
 elections for the National Assembly, which had been fixed for the 
 month of April. They well understood that they would not have 
 the majority in this assembly, and that it would be far more diffi- 
 cult to set this aside, inasmuch as it would be the expression of 
 the popular will. But neither on March 16th nor on April 16th 
 did the Social Democrats, as the united ultra-republicans and so- 
 cialists named themselves, succeed in carrying out their purpose, 
 notwithstanding the enormous crowds they brought together. 
 The newly-formed garde mobile and the national guard, thanks 
 to Lamartine's firmness, carried the day. 
 
 The fateful elections to the National Assembly approached. 
 By a decree of the Provisional Government each Frenchman who 
 had reached the age of twenty-one was entitled to vote, and any 
 Frenchman over twenty-five was eligible for election. The num- 
 ber of the delegates was fixed at 900, one for each 40,000 of the 
 population. The I'esult of the elections was an overwhelming de- 
 feat of the Social Democrats. The sittings began May 4th, and 
 the republic, first proclaimed February 24th, was once more pro- 
 nounced the permanent form of government. The resignation of 
 the Provisional Government was accepted, and an account of its 
 doings rendered. The proposition to commit the executive power 
 provisionally into the hands of one man, the popular Lamartine, 
 who had been elected in ten electoral districts and had received 
 in all over 2,000,000 votes, was rejected by Lamartine himself, 
 from fear of the strong measures necessary to hold down the in- 
 subordinate opposition. Hence (May 10th) the National Assem- 
 bly elected an executive commission consisting of five members. 
 Their choice fell on Arago, Gamier-Pages, Marie, Lamartine, and 
 Ledru Rollin, and these five were to conduct the government by a 
 responsible ministry until the constitution about to be discussed 
 was completed. Arago, as the one first chosen, presided over the 
 
 
 
194 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Executive Commission. The nomination most important in its 
 consequences was that of Cavaignac as minister of war. 
 
 In opposition to the political order thus being restored, the clubs 
 resolved to overthrow the National Assembly and the Executive 
 Commission, and set up a Social-democratic dictatorship. The 
 presentation of a monster petition for the re-establishment of a 
 free and independent Poland formed the pretext under which, on 
 May 15th, a crowd of 100,000 persons, under the leadership of 
 Blanqui, Raspail, Sobrier, and Iluber, gathered on the Place de la 
 Bastille and marched against the palace of the National Assem- 
 bly. Drunken men with savage, murderous faces crowded into 
 the hall. All was wild confusion. Huber, " in the name of the 
 people deceived by its own representatives," declared the Assem- 
 bly dissolved. Its members left the hall, and the victorious revolt 
 established a new government. The news of the approach of 
 troops disturbed them in their work, and they repaired with all 
 speed to the city hall, formed a government under Louis Blanc, 
 Blanqui, Ledru Rollin, Raspail, Proudhon, Albert, and four others, 
 and drew up a declaration of war on Russia, Austria, and Prussia, 
 in case they should oppose the restoration of Poland. But, owing 
 to Lamartine's energy, the national guard was quickly called out, 
 the city hall retaken, and Blanqui, Raspail, and their fellow-con- 
 spirators were sent as prisoners to Vincennes. In order to be 
 prepared for similar risings, the garrison of Paris was raised to 
 55,000 men, and these were placed under the command of the 
 new minister of war, Cavaignac, who had been summoned back 
 from Algeria. 
 
 The supplementary elections, which took place early in June, 
 brought new and important members into the National Assembly, 
 such as Thiers, Changarnier, and Victor Hugo. But all these 
 names were outweighed by one whichi was already setting all 
 France in commotion — the name of Louis Napoleon. Elected a 
 delegate in Paris and three other electoral districts, he was ready 
 to follow France's call ; but the Executive Commission, mindful 
 that his attempts at Strasburg and Boulogne qualified him less for 
 a deputy than for a pretender, moved that the decree of banish- 
 ment issued against the Napoleonids in 1832 be enforced against 
 Louis Napoleon. The National Assembly, however, which had 
 already consented to the admission of his cousins, the sons of 
 Jerome and Lucien, declared his election valid. For the present, 
 
CAVAIGNAC PUTS DOWN THE JUNE INSURRECTION. 195 
 
 after he had recognized the government by a brief visit in Paris, 
 he continued to reside in England, observing the development of 
 affairs from a distance. 
 
 The question of the national workshops was the first which 
 demanded solution. The number of workmen enrolled had risen 
 to 117,000, each one of whom received two francs daily. Their 
 complete suppression had to be preceded by a few preparatory 
 measures, such as the order that the work should be paid by 
 the job, and that a part of the workmen should be removed from 
 Paris and employed in remote provinces. The Social Democrats, 
 perceiving the tendency of these measures, armed themselves for 
 a life or death struggle. Bat the government was also armed. 
 Cavaignac had prepared a regular plan of campaign for these 
 street fights. The battle, for which the rebels mustered 40,000 
 men, began on June 23d, at the gate of St. Denis, with an attack 
 on the national guard. On the 24th it had assumed so serious a 
 character that the National Assembly decided to declai*e Paris in 
 a state of siege, and to intrust General Cavaignac with dictatorial 
 power. The battle raged until the 26th, and more than 10,000 
 persons were killed. Notwithstanding his character as the bearer 
 of terms. General Brea was shamefully murdered by the insur- 
 gents; and Archbishop Affre, who addressed them with words of 
 conciliation, was mortally wounded. With the bombardment of 
 the Faubourg St. Antoine the victory of the party of order was 
 assured. It was the fiercest street fight which Paris had ever 
 seen. From 12,000 to 14,000 of the rebels were taken prisoners, 
 and those wdio Avere convicted of participation were condemned 
 to transportation to a transatlantic colony, while the leaders were 
 referred to a court-martial. 
 
 On July 28th, after the retirement of the Executive Commis- 
 sion, the National Assembly made General Cavaignac chief of 
 the executive and president of the cabinet, as a token of grati- 
 tude for the rescue of the country. He at once formed a new 
 ministry, and named General Changarnier commander-in-chief 
 of the Parisian national guard. It was natural that, after those 
 bloody June days, a reaction against the wild outgrowths of the 
 revolution should set in. The national workshops were closed, 
 the most unruly clubs and papers suppressed, and the state of 
 siege protracted. The majority of the National Assembly was 
 in favor of a strong government, and supported Cavaignac. In 
 
196 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 November the debates on the new constitution reached a conchi- 
 sion. The last question was whether the election of the presi- 
 dent should proceed from the National Assembly or directly from 
 the people. The latter plan was adopted, although the poet Felix 
 Pyat foretold the results of such an election in the most forcible 
 manner. November 12th the new constitution was solemnly pro- 
 mulgated on the Place de la Concorde. The presidential election 
 was to take place on the 10th of December. Louis Napoleon 
 had appeared in the National Assembly for the first time on Sep- 
 tember 26th, and had made no very marked impression, either 
 by his personal appearance or by the explanation which he then 
 read. His friends pressed his claims for the presidency with all 
 their power, and befooled the country people with the notion 
 that, as president, the emperor's nephew would pay back, out of 
 his own pocket, the forty -five per cent, increase on the land- 
 tax. This proved extraordinarily effective, although, in reality, 
 the nephew's pockets were full of nothing but bills. The coun- 
 try population, which hated the February revolution, the repub- 
 lic, and everything belonging to them, had the decision ; and 
 hence, in the presidential contest between Cavaignac and Louis 
 Napoleon, the latter came out victor. Of 7,300,000 votes which 
 were cast he received 5,430,000, and Cavaignac only 1,448,000; 
 while the remainder were divided between Ledru Rollin, Raspail, 
 Lamartine, and Changarnier. The word " Napoleon " was still 
 all-powerful among the masses ; and there were, further, many 
 who voted for him and against Cavaignac, because the latter's 
 energetic suppression of the June revolt held out the prospect 
 of a too rigid rule ; while they regarded Napoleon as weak and 
 incapable, and hoped to be able to use him for their party pur- 
 poses. This singular judgment, for Avhich a few eccentricities 
 had, perhaps, furnished the occasion, might at that time have 
 been heard almost anywhere in France and Switzerland. The 
 disillusion was soon to follow. 
 
 December 20th Cavaignac laid down his office, and Louis Na- 
 poleon was proclaimed president, and took the oath. He swore 
 to remain true to the one and indivisible democratic republic, 
 and then added, " My duties are prescribed for me, and I will 
 fulfil them as a man of honor." At the conclusion of his ad- 
 dress he went up to Cavaignac (who had resumed his place as 
 delegate), seized his hand, and said, " General, I am proud to be 
 
LOUIS NAPOLEON PRESIDENT. 197 
 
 tlic successor of such a man as yon." Cavaignac mutely thanked 
 him by a bow. Accompanied by several officials of the National 
 Assembly and numerous officers, he repaired to the Palace Elysee 
 Bourbon, which had been assigned him, and was there received 
 by his kinsmen and partisans, who already saw in him their 
 sovereign. 
 
 The constituent assembly expired May 26th, 1849, and on 
 May 28th the legislative assembly began its sessions. Here the 
 Legitimists and Orleanists had the majority : the republic was 
 already almost a thing of the past — a fact which worked princi- 
 pally to the advantage of the president. The inherent hostility 
 between him and the representatives of the people became each 
 day more irreconcilable. From the Social Democrats there was 
 hardly anything more to be feared. Their outbreak of June 
 13th, on occasion of Ledru Rollin's motion to impeach the pres- 
 ident and his ministers because of the expedition against the 
 Roman republic — a motion which fell through in the Assembly 
 — was quickly and without much trouble suppressed by General 
 Changarnier, commander-in-chief of the national guard and reg- 
 ular troops in Paris. Ledru Rollin had to flee ; Paris was de- 
 clared in a state of siege. Social-democratic papers forbidden, and 
 all political associations, with the exception of electoral assem- 
 blies, prohibited. By these constant limitations of the popular 
 rights, and by the petty party quarrels of the various coteries 
 which were aiming at such different results, the representatives 
 of the nation lost popularity and respect among the people. The 
 "Prince President" made use of the popular mood, and repre- 
 sented himself on all occasions as the one from whom the coun- 
 try, if it would only let him rule alone, might expect the fulness 
 of fortune's horn. Most of the June prisoners were pardoned by 
 him ; frequent tours were made in the provinces, and occasion 
 found to say constantly more and more about the great uncle and 
 the splendor of the old empire. When opportunity offered the 
 taciturn man allowed even his most secret wishes to shine through. 
 So, in Lyons, in the fall of 1851, on occasion of receiving the re- 
 spects of the well-to-do classes, he condescended to explain that 
 "he was ready to carry out the popular will, whether it bade him 
 to resign or persevere." Li Normandy he expressed himself still 
 more definitely, and referred to the great blunders of the consti- 
 tution, as the greatest of which he regarded Article 45, whereby 
 
198 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the presidential term was limited to four years, while the retiring 
 president could not be chosen again until after an intervening 
 period of four years. 
 
 This provision thwarted Napoleon's ambitious aspirations; 
 hence he instigated a rain of petitions for a revision of the con- 
 stitution. For such a change a majority of three-fourths of the 
 National Assembly was legally necessary, and that majority was 
 not to be had. The matter was brought before the general coun- 
 cils of the depai'tments, and eighty out of eighty-five declared in 
 favor of revision. The breach grew ever more serious. Every 
 one felt that a dictatorship of some sort was imminent ; the ques- 
 tion was, who was the dictator to be ? As the popular representa- 
 tives and their followers were hopelessly split up — some inclining 
 toward Count Chambord (Duke of Bordeaux), others toward the 
 Prince of Joinville, or Changarnier, while the Socialists leaned 
 toward Carnot — Napoleon had an easy game, provided he did not 
 shrink from extreme measures, which was by no means his weak 
 side. His principle was to persuade as many as possible, and 
 compel the rest. He endeavored to win the officers and soldiers 
 by banquets with unlimited wine and cigars. He took away from 
 the incorruptible Changarnier the command of the troops in Paris, 
 By frequent changes of ministry he had discredited the most fa- 
 mous names, and beginning with Odillon Barrot, as president of 
 the cabinet, had ended with his trusty St. Arnaud as minister of 
 war. The next step in the plan was to secure continuance in 
 office, notwithstanding Article 45, by a new popular election, for 
 it was thought that the outspoken will of the people would have 
 more force than a paragraph on paper. For this purpose the 
 president caused a bill to be brought forward for the restoration 
 of universal suffi'age, which had been somewhat limited by a law 
 of May 31st, 1850. The National Assembly rejected the bill, and, 
 in expectation of an approaching struggle, sought to take from 
 the hands of the minister of war the disposition of the armed 
 forces. But this measure fell through, owing to the opposition 
 of la Montagne (the extreme party), which was exasperated by the 
 limitation of the suffrage, and so the National Assembly was left 
 a defenceless prey for the next energetic coup-de-main. There 
 were not wanting sagacious and bold men who gave good counsel 
 — not to wait and let themselves be sent to Vincennes by the prince 
 president, but to seize him in his palace, the Elysee Bourbon, and 
 
THE COUP D'ETAT OF DECEMBER SECOND, 1851. 199 
 
 secure him in Vincennes behind bolts and bars. But it required 
 more courage and military strength to carry tliis out than the 
 Orleanist party possessed, and so there was only the other alterna- 
 tive left. 
 
 Only a few persons were admitted into the secret — St. Arnaud, 
 minister of war; Count Morny, a delegate to the Assembly and a 
 natural brother of Napoleon (son of ex-queen Hortense and the 
 imperial adjutant. Count Flahaut) ; Maupas, prefect of police; and, 
 as far as was necessary, General Magnan, commander of the first 
 military division. Napoleon had perfected the whole plan with a 
 quondam non-commissioned officer, Persigny, who in Strasburg 
 and Boulogne had already shown himself his most resolute adhe- 
 rent. December 2d, 1851, the anniversary of the coronation of 
 Napoleon I. and of the battle of Austerlitz, was chosen for the 
 coiqj-d'etat. On the previous evening there was a brilliant gath- 
 ering in the Elysee. The president was very cheerful, and on 
 taking leave asked his cousin, the Princess Mathilde (daughter of 
 the ex-king Jerome, and divorced wife of the Russian Count Demi- 
 doff), for a friendly token, in case they should not meet again. 
 Morny is said to have shown far more courage and determination 
 than Napoleon in the matter of the coup-d^efat, and to have been, 
 in fact, the leading spirit. 
 
 After the company had separated at midnight the prefect of 
 police, under pretext of a Social-democratic conspiracy, arrested 
 about 100 persons, members of the National Assembly, chiefs 
 of the secret societies, and popular leaders from the faubourgs. 
 Among those apprehended were generals Changarnier, Cavaignac, 
 Lamoriciere, and Bedeau, as well as Colonel Charras, Thiers, and 
 Lagrange. Simultaneously the most important points in the city 
 were occupied by troops, and several decrees were posted. These 
 informed the people of the dissolution of the council of state and 
 the National Assembly, announcing that the latter had come to 
 be a mere nest of conspirators, and that it was forging weapons 
 for a civil war. The decrees also announced the restoration of 
 universal suffrage, and the suspension of the state of siege over 
 Paris and ten neighboring departments, and summoned primary 
 assemblies of the French people to vote on the principles of the 
 new constitution. These principles were to be a presidential term 
 of ten years, exclusive dependence of the ministers on the head of 
 the state, the elaboration of legislative measures by the council of 
 
200 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 state, and the establishment of a senate and a legislative body. It 
 was a faithful copy of the consular constitution of 1799. 
 
 On the morning of December 2d the Parisians read these de- 
 crees, signed by Morny, as minister of the interior, and learned 
 that a new government had been set up overnight, and that they 
 were now nearer the empire than the republic. The general im- 
 pression was more one of astonishment than indignation, but 
 with a great part of the delegates to the National Assembly the 
 latter feeling naturally predominated. As the place where they 
 held their regular sittings was guarded by troops, about 200 of 
 them assembled in the mairie of the tenth district, deposed the 
 president, declared that the executive power had passed over to 
 the National Assembly, and named General Oudinot commander 
 of the military force in Paris. They were soon enabled to per- 
 ceive how ineffective their decrees were. The police ordered 
 them to disperse, and on their declaration that they would yield 
 only to force they were seized and carried off in the wagons of 
 the galley prisoners to various jails and forts. All newspapers 
 were subjected to censorship, and several were totally suppressed. 
 The barricaders of December 3d and 4th were mercilessly mowed 
 down by a force, of 80,000 soldiers, and the casemates of the 
 Parisian forts were filled with several hundred prisoners. Most 
 of these, by virtue of a " general measure of safety," were trans- 
 ported to Cayenne or Algeria. Of the delegates arrested on the 
 2d of December the majority were set free, but about eighty of 
 them — among whom were Thiers, Victor Hugo, Changarnier, Ca- 
 vaignac, Lamoriciere, and Bedeau — were banished from the coun- 
 try. How the country took the coup-d''etat was shown by the 
 plebiscite of December 20th and 21st, when seven and a half 
 million votes were cast in favor of prolonging the president's 
 term to ten years, and 650,000 against it. Louis Napoleon now 
 left the Elysee Bourbon and took up his quarters in the Tuile- 
 ries. January 14th he promulgated the new constitution, and 
 in a decree of January 22d he announced the confiscation of all 
 those possessions of the Orleans family which Louis Philippe, on 
 ascending the throne, had made over to his children, instead of 
 uniting them, according to ancient custom, with the public do- 
 main. Even Moi'ny disapproved of this measure, and laid down 
 his office as minister of the interior, to be succeeded by Persigny. 
 On March 29th the senate and the legislative body, to which 
 
THE NEW EMPIRE UNDER NAPOLEON III. 201 
 
 scarcely any but Bonapartists had been elected, were opened, and 
 the cotip-d'' etat was justified by the necessity of a " rescuing act." 
 The sole activity of the senate consisted in the increase of the 
 salary of the prince president to twelve million francs. The leg- 
 islative body had to regulate the budget, and accepted with due 
 submissiveness the propositions of the government. In order to 
 win over the working-classes, eighty million francs were appro- 
 priated for public works ; and in the year 1852 began the execu- 
 tion of those magnificent works which were intended to make 
 Paris the finest city in the world, to give the working-classes a 
 rich harvest, and to lessen the possibility of barricade fights. 
 
 On a new tour through France Napoleon met with an enthu- 
 siastic reception everywhere, and was openly invited, especially 
 among the country people, to go one step farther. " Vive I'Em- 
 pereur !" was a cry frequently heard, and one for which he had 
 ardently longed. He caused it to appear as though he were not 
 striving after this new dignity, but would not refuse to take it, if 
 such were France's earnest wish. But there was one serious dif- 
 ficulty — that at home, and still more abroad, no one could think 
 of the empire without war and conquests. To allay these qualms 
 Napoleon said at a banquet at Bordeaux : " France seems to wish 
 to return to the empire. Many think that the empire is war. No, 
 gentlemen, the empire is peace." The general councils again re- 
 ceived a hint to send in to the senate petitions for the proclama- 
 tion of the empire. A few maires were impatient enough, with- 
 out waiting for anything further, to proclaim the empire in their 
 districts on their own responsibility. The senate, which was 
 called together November 4th, accepted the proposed change of 
 constitution and voted the restoration of the empire on the Yth. 
 The people confirmed this senatus consultum November 21st and 
 22d with 7,800,000 votes against 253,000, and on December 2d, 
 1852, the anniversary of the coup-d' etat, Napoleon III. was pro- 
 claimed " Emperor of the French by the grace of God and the will 
 of the people." The foreign powers, who had welcomed the couj}- 
 d'etat as a safeguard against the revolution, were not so well pleased 
 with the new empire ; but, their wishes to the contrary notwith- 
 standing, there was nothing for them to do but to recognize it. 
 The three Eastern powers delayed the longest ; and, as in the case 
 of Louis PhiUppe, so now in the case of Napoleon, Czar Nicholas 
 could not prevail upon himself to give him the customary title of 
 
 9* 
 
202 POLITICAL HISTORY OF KECENT TIMES. 
 
 " brother," and so named him his *' good friend." After the ex- 
 ample of his uncle on occasion of his second marriage, the par- 
 venu emperor loolied about him for a bride from one of the ancient 
 princely houses ; but the Eastern powers succeeded in thwarting 
 his suit for Princess Charlotte of Vasa. Thereupon he married 
 (January 30th, 1853) the beautiful Spaniard, Eugenie Montijo, 
 Duchess of Teba; and on the 16th of March, 1856, she bore him 
 an heir, Prince Napoleon Eugene. 
 
 § 16- 
 
 ITALY. 
 
 The revolution of 1831, which affected the States of the 
 Church, Modena, and Parma, had been suppressed, like the still 
 earlier rebellions in Naples and Piedmont, by Austrian interven- 
 tion. If revolution had fair play in Italy, it was sure of the 
 victory. It was only foreign power for which it was not yet a 
 match. Hence, all the hatred of the Italians was directed against 
 foreign rule, as the only obstacle to the freedom and unity of 
 the peninsula. As in the times of Barbarossa and his grandson, 
 so also in the forties the watchword was: "Death to the Ger- 
 mans !" — by which the Austrians were now meant. The secret 
 societies and the exiles in communication with them — especially 
 Joseph Mazzini, who issued his commands from London — took 
 care that the national spirit should not be buried beneath mate- 
 rial interests, but should remain ever wakeful. 
 
 Singularly, the first encouragement came from the very quar- 
 ter in which formerly nothing but a fondness for Chinese meth- 
 ods had been experienced. Pope Gregory XVI., a man of the 
 olden time, who thought of nothing beyond spiritual rule and 
 Austrian bayonets, had died June 1st, 1846, and been succeeded 
 by the fifty -four -year -old Cardinal Count Mastai Ferretti, who 
 took the name Pius IX. If the pious world which visited him 
 was charmed by the amiability and clemency of its new head, 
 the cardinals were dismayed at the reforms which this new head 
 would fain introduce in the States of the Church and in all Italy. 
 He published an amnesty for all political offences ; permitted the 
 
A REFORMING POPE. 203 
 
 exiles to return with impunity ; allowed the Press freer scope ; 
 threw open the highest civil offices to laymen ; summoned from 
 the notables of the provinces a council of state, which was to 
 propose reforms ; bestowed a liberal municipal constitution on 
 the city of Rome ; and endeavored to bring about an Italian con- 
 federation, in which all Italian states should take part — Rome 
 being the federal city in which they were to consult regarding 
 peace and war, customs' duties, commercial treaties, and other 
 common matters. After the French revolution of 1848 he 
 granted a constitution. There was a first chamber, to be named 
 by the Pope, and a second chamber, to be elected by the people, 
 while the irresponsible college of cardinals formed a sort of privy 
 council. A new era appeared to be dawning. The old-world 
 capital, Rome, once the mistress of the nations, still the mistress 
 of all Roman Catholic hearts, was to become the central point of 
 Italy, to break the way for the century, to raise the national ban^ 
 ner, and unite in one irresistible whole the scattered strength of 
 Young Italy. It was as though the Pope himself were become 
 a Carbonaro. Before the February revolution drove European 
 monarchs into the liberal camp for the rescue of their thrones, 
 all Rome was already full of the new reformer, full of ifivas for 
 Pio Nono, full of hopes of final liberty. In Milan and Modena 
 a viva to the Pope was looked on as political heresy, as a revo- 
 lutionary cry — something which had not happened for centuries. 
 But when the flames of war broke out in the north, and the 
 fate of Italy was about to be decided between Sardinia and Aus- 
 tria on the old battle-fields of Lombardy, the Romans demanded 
 from the Pope a declaration of war against Austria, and the de- 
 spatch of Roman troops to join Charles Albert's army. Pius re- 
 jected their demands as unsuited to his papal office, and so broke 
 with the men of the extreme party, who, just amnestied and re- 
 called by him, now wished to lord it over him. In this time of 
 agitation Pius thought that in Count Pellegrino Rossi of Carra- 
 ra, who had been Louis Philippe's ambassador in Rome, he had 
 found the right man to carry out a policy of moderate liberal- 
 ism, and on the 17th of September, 1848, he set him at the head 
 of a new ministry. The anarchists, who saw their only chance 
 in Rome, as in Paris, in general subversion, could not forgive 
 Rossi for grasping the reins with a firm hand, for endeavoring to 
 establish law and order, and for being intellectually far superior 
 
204 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 to all the babblers and demagogues of the capital. And he had 
 against him not merely the radical party, but also the extreme 
 hierarchical party. November 15th, notwithstanding all warn- 
 ings, he drove to the Chambers, in order to open them after 
 their prorogation with a speech. In this speech he was about to 
 promise abolition of the rule of the cardinals and introduction 
 of a lay government, and to insist upon Italy's independence and 
 unity. He had scarcely alighted from his carriage when some 
 miscreant in the mob thrust a dagger into his neck, and he sunk 
 to the earth without a sound. The next day an armed crowd 
 appeared before the Quirinal and attacked the guard, which con- 
 sisted of Swiss mercenaries, some of the bullets flying into the 
 Pope's antechamber. He had to accept a radical ministry and 
 dismiss the Swiss troops. Defenceless, as he now was, abandon- 
 ed to the coercion of the party of subversion — to which Prince 
 Charles of Canino, a son of Lucien Bonaparte, belonged — Pius 
 fled in disguise from Rome to Gaeta, November 24th, and sought 
 shelter with the King of Naples. 
 
 Mazzini and bis party had free scope. A constitutional con- 
 vention was summoned, which declared the temporal power of 
 the Pope abolished (February 5th, 1849), and Rome a republic. 
 To them attached itself Tuscany. Grand-duke Leopold II. had 
 granted a constitution, February l7th, 1848, but, nevertheless, the 
 republican-minded ministry of Guerrazzi compelled him to join the 
 Pope at Gaeta, February 21st, 1849. The republic was then pro- 
 claimed in Tuscany, and union with Rome resolved upon. But 
 there things did not go so smoothly after the flight of the Pope 
 as was expected, for he had applied to the Roman Catholic powers 
 for their assistance, and Louis Napoleon, president of the French 
 republic, had more than one reason for wishing to send troops 
 against the Roman republic. The inconsistency of causing one 
 republic to suppress another occasioned him no conscientious 
 scruples. For him the essential point was that, by supporting 
 the papacy, he would win over the French clergy, whose influence 
 on the people he hoped to use for the furtherance of his own 
 plans. Further, it would give him prestige if, after Louis Phi- 
 lippe's government had been so long accused of disgraceful cring- 
 ing and servility toward foreign powers, he could cause French 
 banners to wave once more in foreign capitals, and could give the 
 Austrian hegemony in Italy check. Accordingly, Marshal Oudi- 
 
THE ROMAN REPUBLIC AND FRENCH OCCUPATION. 205 
 
 not was despatched with 8000 men. He landed in Civita Vecchia, 
 April 26th, 1849, and appeared before the walls of Rome on the 
 30th, expecting to take the city without any trouble. But there, 
 after the defeat of the Sardinian army, a crowd of desperate men 
 from all the countries of Europe had assembled. Joseph Gari- 
 baldi, of Nice, the daring leader of volunteers, had returned to 
 Italy after long years of battle in the service of the South Ameri- 
 can republics. At Mazzini's invitation he set himself at the head 
 of Rome's defenders, and they received the marshal with such a 
 well-directed fire that, after a fight of several hours, he had to 
 retreat to Civita Vecchia with a loss of 700 men. A few days 
 later the Neapolitan army, which was to attack the rebels from 
 the south, was defeated at Velletri ; and the Spanish troops, the 
 third in the league against the red republic, prudently avoided a 
 battle. But Oudinot received considerable re-enforcements, and 
 on June 3d he advanced against Rome for the second time, with 
 35,000 men, while the force in the city consisted of about 19,000, 
 mostly volunteers and national guards. In spite of the bravery 
 of Garibaldi and the volunteers, into whom he breathed his spirit, 
 Rome had to capitulate, after a long and bloody struggle, owing 
 to the superiority of the French artillery. On the 4th of July 
 Oudinot entered the silent capital. Garibaldi, Mazzini, and their 
 followers fled, and the foreign rule, against which the rebellion 
 had been undertaken, was re-established in another form. Pius, 
 for whose nerves the Roman atmosphere was still too strong, did 
 not return until the 4th of April, 1850. His ardor for reform 
 was cooled. He, as little as the King of Naples, could be pre- 
 vailed on to restore the constitution ; and although he did grant 
 laymen some privileges with regard to the council of state and 
 municipal administration, all higher offices and the whole govern- 
 ment machine again fell into the hands of the cardinals. Their 
 peacock-like display of their power seemed all the stranger the 
 more evident their impotence became. In the Legations they had 
 to protect themselves by Austrian bayonets, and in Rome and 
 Civita Vecchia by French. This lasted in the Legations until 
 1859, and in Rome and Civita Vecchia until 1866 and 1870. 
 
 Simultaneously with Rome the south of Italy had entered into 
 the movement so characteristic of the year 1848. The scenes of 
 1820 and 1821 were repeated. Sicily once more sought to raise 
 herself from the position of a province to that of an independent 
 
206 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 kingdom. On the 12th of January the revolt broke out in Pa- 
 lermo. The city was bombarded from the citadel, but finally the 
 Neapolitan garrison, beset on every side, had to return to Naples 
 on French and English ships of war. King Ferdinand II. be- 
 lieved that he could allay the excitement in no other way than 
 by promising the introduction of a constitution after the French 
 pattern of 1830. This constitution was sworn to on the 24th of 
 February, the day of the revolution in Paris, and a liberal ministry 
 was appointed. But, as it created a united parliament for Naples 
 and Sicily, the Sicilian provisional government, with the venerable 
 Rear-admiral Ruggiero Settimo at its head, refused to accept it, and 
 demanded the Sicilian constitution of 1812 and a separate Sicilian 
 parliament. After the February revolution in Paris, King Ferdi- 
 nand in his alarm consented to their demands, summoned a Sicil- 
 ian parliament, and named Settimo governor -general of Sicily. 
 But the Sicilians, likewise affected by the Parisian revolution, 
 now went still farther, and required that the union between Na- 
 ples and Sicily should be a mere personal one, and that in addi- 
 tion to its own parliament Sicily should have its own ministry, 
 separate finances, and a separate army. These demands seemed 
 to Ferdinand excessive, and he rejected them, acting therein in 
 harmony with the Neapolitans. Thereupon the Sicilian parlia- 
 ment declared that the king had forfeited the Sicilian crown, and 
 voted the perpetual exclusion of the Bourbon dynasty. On the 
 11th of July they chose the Duke of Genoa, son of Charles Al- 
 bert, King of Sicily. But Charles Albert, who was scarcely able 
 to save his own throne in his struggle with the Austrians, did not 
 dare to accept a second one for his family ; and England, which 
 favored the separation, went no farther in its selfish sympathy for 
 the island than pious wishes and unctuous speeches. If Sicily 
 would be free, she must win freedom with her own arm. 
 
 In Naples itself monarchy seemed to be rapidly rolling down 
 an inclined plane. April Vth Ferdinand was obliged to declare 
 war on Austria, and send 13,000 Neapolitans, under the old revo- 
 lutionist William Pepe, to join Charles Albert's army in upper 
 Italy. The radicals, pointing to Paris, already spoke of a consti- 
 tutional assembly, and of setting up a republic. At the opening 
 of the Chambers, May 1 5th, barricades were erected in the streets 
 of Naples. Ferdinand ordered his Swiss troops to charge, and 
 the revolt was suppressed in an hour. The city was given over 
 
SICILY IS SUBDUED. 207 
 
 to the revenge of the soldiers and the robbery of the lazzaroni. 
 The national guard ^¥as at once disarmed, the Chambers dissolved, 
 a new ministry formed after the king's liking, and the Neapolitan 
 contingent recalled from upper Italy. Only about 1500 men re- 
 fused obedience, and marched on to Venice with Pepe to assist 
 in its defence; more than 11,000 returned home, and were sadly 
 missed by Charles Albert on the battle-fields of Lombardy. The 
 democracy in Naples had been annihilated, and the Bourbon Fer- 
 dinand was the first of the monarchs to master the revolution. But 
 the subjugation of seceded Sicily still remained to be achieved. 
 
 The Austrians had just driven Charles Albert back across the 
 Ticino, and reoccupied Lombardy, when King Ferdinand sent a 
 fleet, with 8000 land troops, to Sicily, under General Filangieri, 
 Prince of Satriano. The city of Messina was bombarded for 
 several days without intermission from the fleet and the cita- 
 del, which was in the hands of the Neapolitans, and, after being 
 partially reduced to a heap of ruins, was carried by assault and 
 plundered, on the Tth of September, 1848. The fugitives found 
 shelter on the French and English fleets, the admirals of which 
 attempted mediation. Ferdinand consented to offer a separate 
 parliament and administration, as well as a pretty inclusive am- 
 nesty, but refused to consent to a special ministry for war and 
 foreign affairs. The Sicilians, not content with this, began the 
 war anew simultaneously with Charles Albert's second campaign. 
 Mieroslawski, a Pole, was made commander-in-chief. He threw 
 himself into Catania, and Filangieri attacked him there. The 
 Neapolitans were repulsed ; but when the Swiss troops came up 
 the city was carried by storm, April 6th, 1849. Filangieri next 
 marched against Palermo. The government disbanded, and fled 
 to Malta. The populace would not hear of capitulation ; but the 
 artillery fire of army and fleet brought them to terms, and Filan- 
 gieri entered Palermo on the l7th of May. He ordered a gen- 
 eral disarmament, and established an oppressive military rule over 
 the whole island ; and there was no more talk of parliament and 
 constitution. 
 
 All these struggles in central and southern Italy stood in close 
 connection with the events of 1848 and 1849 in upper Italy. 
 If the cast of the dice were favorable — if the national cause tri- 
 umphed there — both Pius and Ferdinand would have to tread 
 more popular paths ; but if the fates ordained disaster on the 
 
208 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Po, then the doom of the revolutions in the south was sealed. 
 In the north the struggle was to shake off the Austrian yoke. 
 Austria had not yet succeeded in reconciling Italian hearts, nor 
 won over even the smallest party. The reforms of Pope Pius 
 IX. in 1847 revived the national wishes and aspirations once 
 more. Demands similar to those of Sicily were now made on 
 Austria — a vice-kingdom, with separate parliament, Italian min- 
 isters, and only Italian troops. The imperial state was at that 
 time still in a condition in which it could venture to refuse these 
 demands. In order to diminish the Austrian revenues, the Ital- 
 ians refrained from tobacco and lotteries, in both of which the 
 state had a monopoly. During the month of January, 1848, 
 there was constant friction between the citizens and the military 
 in Milan and the university cities of Pavia and Padua. Sicily 
 was in flames — Ferdinand had already been compelled to grant 
 Naples a constitution — Tuscany and Home had been drawn into 
 the stream, and Charles Albert had become a convert (February 
 8th) to a constitutional system ; but Austria still believed that 
 she could best hold political passions in Lombardy in check 
 by means of martial law (February 22d, 1848). The bow was 
 stretched to the breaking- point. Two days later Paris rose. 
 On March 13th even good-natured Vienna was in rebellion; and 
 then no chain was strong enough to hold the insurrection down. 
 March 18th, Milan rose. All classes took part in the fight; and 
 the eighty-two-year-old field-marshal Count Joseph Radetzky, a 
 glory-crowned veteran of the Napoleonic wars, was obliged, after 
 a street fight of two days, to draw his troops out of the city, call 
 up as quickly as possible the garrisons of the neighboring cities, 
 and take up his position in the famous Quadrilateral, between 
 Peschiera, Verona, Legnago, and Mantua. March 22d, Venice, 
 where Count Zichy commanded, was lost for the Austrians. Ma- 
 nin, a lawyer, took his place at the head of a provisional govern- 
 ment in the city of lagoons, and other cities followed the lead of 
 Venice. The little duchies of Modena and Parma could hold out 
 no longer ; Dukes Francis and Charles fled to Austria, and pro- 
 visional governments sprung up behind them. Like Naples, the 
 duchies and Tuscany also sent their troops across the Po to help 
 the Sardinians in the decisive struggle. 
 
 The hopes of all Italy were centred on Sardinia and its king. 
 The character of the Sardinian people had in it something sturdy 
 
CHARLES ALBERT IS DRIVEN OUT OF LOMBARD Y. 209 
 
 and soldierly. There was also considerable culture among them. 
 Gioberti, philosopher and enemy of the Jesuits, and the historian 
 C?esar Balbo had their home in Sardinia; and literary merit, unit- 
 ing itself to patriotism, exercised great influence. The army was 
 in good fighting trim. Former rulers had sought to escape from 
 the Austrian guardianship ; but Charles Albert, whose succession 
 Metternich had disputed, had additional reasons for disliking that 
 guardianship. The house of Savoy, from which the king was de- 
 scended, like the house of Ilohenzollcrn, is instinctively led, by 
 the history of centuries, to extend its power, whether by peaceful 
 or by warlike means ; and so Charles Albert, called to the aid of 
 Lorabardy, entered Milan to win for himself the Lombardo- Vene- 
 tian kingdom and the hegemony in Italy. He presented himself 
 as the liberator of the peninsula, but it was not a part for which 
 he was qualified by his antecedents. One who, after being a Car- 
 honaro, had fought under the Duke of Angouleme against the 
 Spanish revolution, and surrendered himself to the most bigoted 
 absolutism, was better suited for the camp of the Austrians than 
 for the Italian tricolor. His hatred against Austria was not na- 
 tional, but dynastic. He was a brave soldier, but a poor captain, 
 and so full of distrust and jealousy of the good commanders of 
 his own country that he preferred to set doubtful strangers at the 
 head of the army rather than tried and trusty countrymen. His 
 opponent, Radctzky, was old, but his spirit was still young and 
 fresh. He had a practised eye, abundant energy and resolution, 
 skilled generals, and a well-disciplined army. The re-enforcements 
 which Naples and the duchies brought to the Sardinian army 
 were not worth much. The Neapolitans were early recalled ; 
 the duchies sent untrained troops ; and even Milan, with all its 
 speeches and demonstrations, gathered scarcely 8000 men. 
 
 Radetzky received re-enforcements from Austria, and on the 
 6th of May repelled the attack of the Sardinian king south-west 
 of Verona, May 29th, he carried the intrenchments at Carta- 
 tone ; but as the Sardinians were victorious at Goito and took 
 Peschiera, while Garibaldi with his Alpine rangers threatened the 
 Austrian rear, he had to desist from further advances, and limit 
 his operations to the recapture of Vicenza and the other cities of 
 the Venetian main-land. In the mean time the Austrian court, 
 chiefly at the instigation of the British embassy, had opened 
 negotiations with the Lombards, and offered them their indepen- 
 
210 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 dence on condition of their assuming a considerable share of the 
 public debt, and conckiding a favorable commercial treaty with 
 Austria. But, as the Lombards felt sure of acquiring their free- 
 dom more cheaply, they did not accept the proposition. Ra- 
 detzky was now in a position to assume an active offensive. lie 
 won a brilliant victory at Custozza, July 25th. The Sardinians 
 attempted to make a stand at Goito and again at Volta, but were 
 driven back, and Radetzky advanced on Milan. Charles Albert 
 had to evacuate the city in Avhich, again accused of treason, he 
 barely escaped the popular rage, and Radetzky, so recently ex- 
 pelled, had the satisfaction of receiving a municipal deputation 
 beseeching him to enter the city with all speed, and put a check 
 on the fury of the unchained populace. He entered Milan, and 
 on August 9th concluded an armistice with Charles Albert, who 
 had to withdraw his troops from Lorabardy and the duchies. 
 
 This was so great a humiliation for the king who had called 
 forth and fostered such extravagant hopes, that he gladly yielded 
 to the pressure of the radical party in Turin, and tried once more 
 the chance of war. He intrusted the chief command to the 
 Polish general Chrzanowski, who had fought with distinction 
 under Napoleon, and also in 1831 in Poland, but who proved to 
 be nothing more than a capable division commander. He also 
 intrusted General Ramorino, who was a favorite among the radi- 
 cals, with a command. March 20th, 1849, he put an end to the 
 armistice, with the intention of marching into Lombardy, the in- 
 habitants of which had given him much valuable information 
 regarding their enthusiasm for freedom and the poor condition 
 of the Austrian arm3^ But the disillusion speedily followed, 
 Radetzky crossed the Ticino, and in a four days' campaign on 
 Sardinian soil defeated the foe so completely — March 21st at 
 Mortara, and March 23d at Novara — that there could be no more 
 thought of a renewal of the struggle. The Genoese, Ramorino, 
 who failed to occupy the post assigned him on the river Po, 
 thereby facilitating the advance of the Austrians, was court- 
 martialed. The court condemned him to death, without decid- 
 ing whether the accusation of treason was well grounded or not, 
 and he was shot at Turin, May 22d. Charles Albert, who had 
 vainly sought death upon the battle-field, was weary of his throne 
 and his life. In the night of March 23d, at Novara, he laid down 
 the crown and declared his eldest son king of Sardinia, under the 
 
-BßESCIA AND VENICE. 211 
 
 title of Victor Emmanuel IT. He hoped that the latter would 
 obtain a more favoi'able peace from the Austrians than he him- 
 self, who was so hated by them, could hope to do. Then, saying 
 farewell to his wife by letter, attended by but two servants, he 
 travelled through France and Spain to Portugal. He died at 
 Oporto, July 26th, 1849, of repeated strokes of apoplexy. The 
 new king had a meeting with Radetzky at a farm-house near 
 Novara, March 24th, and concluded an armistice with him. The 
 negotiations for peace, which were carried on in Milan, dragged, 
 owing to the high demands of Austria, and it was not until Au- 
 gust 6th that they were brought to a conclusion, Austria having 
 somewhat moderated her claims through the representations of 
 France and England. Sardinia retained its boundaries intact, and 
 paid seventy-five million lire as indemnity. 
 
 The false report of a Sardinian victory at Novara had caused 
 the population of Brescia to fall upon the Austrian garrison and 
 drive tliem into the citadel. General Haynau hastened thither 
 with 4000 men, well provided with artillery. The city was bom- 
 barded, and on the 1st of April it was reoccupied, after a fearful 
 street fight, in which even women took part; but Haynau stain- 
 ed his name by inhuman cruelties, especially toward the gentler 
 sex. Venice was not able to hold out much longer. It had at 
 first attached itself to Sardinia, but after the defeat of the Sar- 
 dinians the republic was proclaimed. Without the city, in Hay- 
 nau's camp, swamp fever raged ; within, hunger and cholera. On 
 the news of the capitulation of Hungary, August 22d, it surren- 
 dered, and the heads of the revolution, Manin and Pepe, went 
 into exile. 
 
 All Italy was again brought under its old masters. The ex- 
 pelled princes returned ; the Austrians occupied Bologna and 
 Ancona, and, owing to the valor of their armies and the skill of 
 their generals, their dominion seemed invincible. The storm that 
 had raged over the whole peninsula had subsided, and the Ital- 
 ian sun smiled once more ; but Italian hatred of foreign rule 
 grew ever darker and darker. They thought that they now 
 knew the country which under more favorable constellations 
 would renew the fight with Austria. Notwithstanding Custozza 
 and Novara, the Savoyard cross continued to be the hope of Italy. 
 
212 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 §1T. 
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN GERMANY, AUSTRIA, AND PRUSSIA. 
 
 In no country was so much inflammable material heaped up 
 as in Germany. The intelligence and patriotism to be found 
 there were wholly out of proportion to the amount of freedom 
 and power which the cabinets allowed the people, and hence they 
 everywhere met with opposition. Every government measure 
 was subjected to an unsparing criticism. In the forties a few 
 young philosophers greatly distinguished themselves in that field. 
 The political songs from the pens of various talented poets, 
 which appeared at that time, also had no small effect in kindling 
 and maintaining the patriotic fire. In 1847 every one became 
 convinced that the existing state of affairs would not continue, 
 and that an explosion must shortly take place. Even such pop- 
 ular princes as William of Wiirtemberg were, in that year of 
 scarcity, subjected to personal insult — in his case on occasion of 
 a bread-riot. Men felt themselves too much tied down ; they 
 had outgrown their guardians, and were confident of their ability 
 to raise the nation to a higher position at home and abroad than 
 those who had hitherto occupied the green chairs at Frankfort ei- 
 ther could do or would do. The disgraceful conduct of the Diet, 
 and the objectionable character of Metternich's system, had never 
 been so keenly felt, and so fearlessly denounced, as just at that 
 time. Germans were tired of being constantly admired or ridi- 
 culed in English papers as the " nation of thinkers." A people 
 which had had a not inglorious history reaching over centuries, 
 whose scattered and discordant parts needed merely to be united 
 under a single Avill to enable it to assume the first place in Eu- 
 rope — it longed to escape from the pettiness and powerlessness of 
 a system of small states. The German people wished to turn a 
 confederation of states into a federal state, place a strong central 
 government at its head, and give that the firm support of a na- 
 tional parliament. The Diet, which had generally shown itself 
 nothing more than a league of police directors, was regarded as 
 
SYMPATHY WITH SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN. 213 
 
 an antiquated institution that would be overturned by the next 
 squall. The most modest wishes contemplated nothing less than 
 the supplementing of the Diet, as the representative of the princes, 
 by a parliament chosen by the people, as the representative of 
 the people. 
 
 The speedy conclusion and the consequences of the Sonder- 
 bund war, by which Switzerland became a strongly concentrated 
 commonwealth resting on popular sovereignty, met with the 
 most hearty favor in Germany. This was in miniature what 
 they would like to carry out at home on a larger scale. On the 
 top of this came the excitement regarding Schleswig-Holstein, 
 which by the open letter of King Christian VIII., July 8th, 1846, 
 was made a German " martyr-child." Arrogant little Denmark 
 must not be allowed to perpetrate so flagrant a breach of justice ; 
 new pieces must not be broken from the body of Germany ; and 
 gallant countrymen, whose hearts beat longingly for return to 
 the paternal home, must no longer be abandoned to the abuse 
 of a brutal sailor-folk. The sympathy for Schleswig-Holstein's 
 rights and wishes penetrated all classes of the German people, 
 so that scarcely a city could be found in which " Schleswig-Hol- 
 stein, stammverwandt^ (Schleswig -Holstein, kith and kin) was 
 not sung with great fervor. 
 
 Perhaps they would have been content with singing for a good 
 while to come, if the February revolution had not given an out- 
 ward impulse to an energetic carrying out of all that was con- 
 sidered as demanded by the German people. The grand-duchy 
 of Baden, whose chamber was an ornament to all Germany, was 
 most exposed to the influences of the revolution, not alone through 
 its proximity to France, but still more through the political devel- 
 opment and tendencies of the lively and susceptible race which 
 inhabits it. In September, 1847, Hecker, a lawyer, and Struve, 
 a journalist, had spoken at a meeting at Offenburg in behalf of self- 
 government by the people, a general armament, and a labor-guar- 
 antee on the part of the state, thus showing themselves comrades 
 in point of doctrine of the social democrats of Paris. In Octo- 
 ber a meeting at Heppenheim discussed popular representation 
 in the Diet. February 12th, 1848, in the Baden Chamber, Bas- 
 sermann, of Mannheim, brought in a bill to summon a German par- 
 liament, in order to fill up the deep gulf that had been formed 
 between princes and people by means of the Diet. 
 
214 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 The princes were unpleasantly astonished at the course of 
 events in Paris. But they thought that they could remedy the 
 evil in their usual manner with a few innocent reforms — by put- 
 ting on a little sticking-plaster. The courts of Berlin and Vi- 
 enna decided to hold a congress of princes at Dresden, March 
 loth, and discuss the welfare of Germany, the meaning of which 
 was ambiguous. But the inexorable logic of events saved diplo- 
 macy the trouble. In Baden a popular meeting at Mannheim, 
 followed by an armed procession to Carlsruhe, February 27th, 
 called upon the government to establish freedom of the Press 
 and trial by jury, to arm the people, and to endeavor to bring 
 about the establishment of a German parliament. The govern- 
 ment agreed to everything. The other German governments 
 were also unable to resist the pressure. Similar demands were 
 everywhere made and granted, and the former heads of the op- 
 position were summoned into the ministries — Römer in Wiirtem- 
 berg, Wipperman in Electoral Hesse, Stüve von Osnabrück in 
 Hanover, and Henry von Gagern in Hesse-Darmstadt. In Bava- 
 ria there was even a change of monarchs. King Louis, who, 
 once an enthusiastic friend of the Greeks and an opponent of 
 Metternich's policy, had afterward become a tool of the ultra- 
 montane party, and occasioned much indignation by his knee- 
 bowing edict, had had his old head completely turned by an ad- 
 venturous danseuse, Lola Montez. In February, 1847, he made 
 her countess of Landsfeld, and her influence in the government 
 almost challenges comparison with that of the Marchioness de 
 Pompadour or Countess Dubarry under Louis XV. This brought 
 him into conflict with his ultramontane minister Abel, and led to 
 the formation of the so-called " Lola ministry." But there was 
 such indignation over this government of mistresses in the cham- 
 ber, and among the students and people in general, that he was 
 obliged to banish the countess from Bavaria ; and, March 20th, 
 1848, deprived of respect and confidence, he had to abdicate in 
 favor of his eldest son, Maximilian II. (l848-'64). 
 
 In south-western Germany the liberal party set itself at the 
 head of the movement, as the liberal party in Paris had done dur- 
 ing the July revolution of 1830. The Heidelberg assembly of 
 March 5th, consisting of the former opposition leaders in the 
 various Chambers, issued a call to the German nation, and chose 
 a commission of seven men, who were to make propositions with 
 
PRELIMINARY PARLIAMENT IN FRANKFORT. 215 
 
 regard to a permanent parliament and to summon a preliminary 
 parliament at Frankfort. This preliminary parliament assembled 
 in St. Paul's church, March 31st, with Mittermaier, a Heidelberg 
 professor, as presiding officer. The majority, consisting of con- 
 stitutional monarchists, resolved that an assembly chosen by direct 
 vote of the people, the suffrage to be independent of property, 
 rank, or religious belief, should meet in the month of May, with 
 full and sovereign power to frame a constitution for all Germany, 
 and that a committee of fifty men should watch over the exact 
 fulfilment of these resolutions on the part of the governments. 
 These measures did not satisfy the radical party, whose leaders 
 were Ilecker and Struve. As their proposition to set up a sov- 
 ereign assembly, and republicanizc Germany, was rejected, they 
 left Frankfort, and held in the highlands of Baden popular meet- 
 ings at which they demanded the proclamation of the republic. 
 A Hesse-Darmstadt corps under Frederic von Gagern, who had 
 formerly been in the Dutch service, was sent to disperse them. 
 An engagement took place at Kandern, in which Gagern was shot, 
 but Ilecker and his followers were put to flight. The German 
 laborers from France, who entered Baden under the lead of the 
 poet Herwegh, were scattered by the Würtemberg troops at Dof- 
 fenbach, and the republican party was suppressed for the time 
 being. The disturbances in Odenwald, and in the Main and Tau- 
 ber districts, once the home of the peasant war, were of a differ- 
 ent description. There the country people rose against the landed 
 proprietors, destroyed the archives, with, the odious tithe and rental 
 books, and demolished a few castles. 
 
 The Diet, which in the mean time continued its illusory exist- 
 ence, thought to extricate itself from the present difficulties by a 
 few concessions. It adopted the arms and the formerly repudi- 
 ated colors of the empire — the eagle, and the black, red, and gold — 
 and invited the governments to send confidential delegates to un- 
 dertake, along with its members, a revision of the constitution of 
 the confederation. One delegate was to be sent for each one of 
 the seventeen votes of the existing Diet. These confidential 
 delegates, among them the poet Uhland, from Würtemberg, began 
 their work on the 30th of March. 
 
 The elections for the National Assembly stirred to their inner- 
 most fibres the German people, dreaming of the restoration of 
 their former greatness. May ISth about 320 delegates assemr 
 
216 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 bled in the Imperial Hall, in the Römer (the Rathhaus), at Frank- 
 fort, marched in solemn procession to St. Paul's church, and de- 
 clared the National Assembly organized. Henry von Gagern, an 
 imposing personage, was chosen president on the following day. 
 Never has a political assembly contained a greater number of 
 intellectual and scholarly men — men of character and capjjble of 
 self-sacrifice ; but it certainly was not the forte of these numer- 
 ous professors and jurists to conduct practical politics. The 
 moderate party was decidedly in the majority ; neither the repub- 
 licans nor the reactionists had much strength at their disposal. 
 The first questions, concerning the validity of the acts of the 
 National Assembly, and the institution of a central executive, 
 were decided in favor of popular sovereignty. It was decided 
 that such provisions of individual constitutions as might be in 
 conflict with the general constitution about to be adopted were 
 invalid, and that a provisional central executive should be created 
 in the place of the Diet, and created, not by the National Assem- 
 bly in concert with the princes, but by the National Assembly 
 alone. June 2'7th, following out the bold conception of its presi- 
 dent, the assembly decided to appoint an irresponsible adminis- 
 trator, with a responsible ministry ; and June 29th, Archduke 
 John of Austria was chosed Administrator of Germany by 436 
 votes out of 546. He iiiade his entry into Frankfort July 
 lith, and entered upon his oflSce on the following day. The 
 hour of the Diet had struck, apparently for the last time. It re- 
 signed its authority into the hands of the Administrator, and 
 after an existence of thirty-two years left the stage unmourned. 
 
 Archduke John was a popular prince, who found more pleas- 
 ure in the mountain air of Tyrol and Styria than in the per- 
 fumed atmosphere of the Vienna court. But, as a novice sixty- 
 six years of age, he was not equal to the task of governing, and 
 as a thorough Austrian he lacked a heart for all Germany. The 
 main question for him and for the National Assembly was, what 
 force they could apply in case the individual governments re- 
 fused obedience to the decrees issued in the name of the Nation- 
 al Assembly. This was the Achilles's heel of the German revo- 
 lution. To begin with, they must be clear on this point — in 
 what way the National Assembly could enforce the pronounced 
 will of the people against the governments of the thirty-five sov- 
 ereign states of the confederation, thirty-one of which had a mo- 
 
THE SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN QUESTIOX. 217 
 
 narchical forui of government, two of them being great powers. 
 How was it possible to accustom the great military states, Aus- 
 tria and Prussia, to the commands of Frankfort? And if they 
 did not obey, what was to be expected of the secondary and 
 smaller states, which were accustomed to seek and find help in 
 Vienna and Berlin ? Nothing was more certain than that all 
 these princes would put up with the National Assembly not one 
 hour longer than the danger on their own hearths compelled 
 them to. Orders were issued by the federal minister of war 
 that all the troops of the Confederation should swear allegiance 
 to the federal administrator on the 6th of August ; but Prussia 
 and Austria, with the exception of the Vienna garrison, paid no 
 attention to these orders ; Ernest Augustus, in Hanover, success- 
 fully set his hard head against them, and only the lesser states 
 obeyed. And even where this allegiance was recognized, it was 
 hardly to be expected that in old monarchical states the officers 
 would pay more heed to the commands of the distant central 
 government than to their own princes and military chiefs. There 
 certainly was no other way out of the difficulty than by the for- 
 mation of a parliamentary army, such as the English revolution 
 created and led to victory in the seventeenth century. The Na- 
 tional Assembly must be prepared to strike to the ground the 
 first refractory government, and venture upon a life or death 
 struggle for the maintenance of its authority. With mere reso- 
 lutions and hypotheses, with long speeches and sentimentalities, 
 no real step could be made in advance. Either it must act bold- 
 ly, or it must soon become the defenceless victim of those who 
 would. Instead of meeting these dangers resolutely, and in a 
 common -sense way, the Assembly left matters to go as they 
 would, outside of Frankfort. One humiliation was submitted to 
 after another, while the Assembly, busying itself for months with 
 a theoretical question, as if it were a juristic faculty, entered into 
 a detailed consideration of the fundamental rights of the German 
 people. 
 
 The Schleswig-Holstein question, which had just entered upon 
 a new phase of its existence, was the first matter of any impor- 
 tance to manifest the disagreement between the central adminis- 
 tration and the separate governments ; and it opened, as well, a 
 dangerous gulf in the Assembly itself. The question at issue 
 was one of succession. According to Danish law, on the extinc- 
 
 10 
 
218 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 tion of the male line of the Oldenburg house the succession would 
 pass to the female line ; but according to Schleswig-Holstein law 
 the succession was confined to males. As the son and brother 
 of Christian VIII. were childless, the time was approaching when 
 Denmark must lose both duchies, with their desirable coast line 
 and the harbor of Kiel, and be confined to her own restricted 
 territory. In Denmark the succession would fall to the king's 
 sister, who was married to Prince William of Hesse, and her son 
 Frederic ; in Schleswig-Holstein it would fall to Duke Christian 
 Augustus of Augustenburg. The pride of the Danes, long ac- 
 customed to misuse and impoverish the duchies, protested against 
 the diminution of the kingdom, and in 1846 the king issued a 
 manifesto extending the Danish law of succession to Schleswig- 
 Holstein, and aflSrming their union with Denmark. To sweeten 
 this bitter pill. King Frederic VII., who succeeded his father on 
 the throne, January 20th, 1848, published a liberal constitution 
 for all parts of his realm. But the duchies protested against a 
 common constitution for all the states, and insisted upon their 
 rights — separate succession, separate constitution, and indivisibil- 
 ity. The February revolution hastened the course of events. 
 The Estates of the duchies established a provisional government, 
 applied at Frankfort for the admission of Schleswig into the Ger- 
 man confederation, and besought armed assistance both there and 
 at Berlin. The preliminary parliament approved the application 
 of Schleswig for admission, and commissioned Prussia, in con- 
 junction with the tenth army corps of the Confederation, to oc- 
 cupy Schleswig and Holstein. On the 21st of April, 1848, Gen- 
 eral Wrangel crossed the Eider as commander of the forces of 
 the Confederation ; and on the 23d, in conjunction with the 
 Schleswig-Holstein troops, he drove the Danes out of the Dane- 
 xvcrk. On the following day the Danes were defeated at Oever- 
 see by the tenth army corps, and all Schleswig-Holstein was free. 
 Wrangel entered Jutland and imposed a war tax of 3,000,000 
 thalers (about $2,250,000). He meant to occupy this province 
 until the Danes — who, owing to the inexcusable smallness of the 
 Prussian navy, were in a position unhindered to injure the com- 
 merce of the Baltic — had indemnified Prussia for her losses ; but 
 Prussia, touched to the quick by the destruction of her commerce, 
 and intimidated by the threatening attitude of Russia, Sweden, 
 and England, recalled her troops, and concluded an armistice at 
 
ARMISTICE OF MALMÖ AND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. 219 
 
 Malniö, in Sweden, on the 26th of August. All measures of the 
 provisional government were pronounced invalid; a common 
 government for the duchies was to be appointed, one half by 
 Denmark, and the other by the German confederation ; the 
 Schleswig troops were to be separated from those of Holstein ; 
 and the war was not to be renewed before the 1st of April, 1849 
 — i. e., not in the winter, a time unfavorable for the Danes. 
 
 This treaty was unquestionably no masterpiece on the part of 
 the Prussians. All the advantage was on the side of the con- 
 quered Danes, and the incorporation of Schleswig with Denmark 
 was as good as granted. The news of this treaty aroused univer- 
 sal indignation at Frankfort. It was not merely the radicals who 
 urged, if not the final rejection, at least a provisional cessation of 
 the armistice, and the countermanding of the order to retreat; 
 the conservative historian Dahlmann, an old friend and defender 
 of the " forsaken brother-race," was foremost in contending for 
 such action. A bill to that effect, demanded by the honor of 
 Germany, had scarcely been passed by the majority, on the 5th of 
 September, when the moderate party reflected that such action, 
 involving a breach with Prussia, must lead to civil war and revolu- 
 tion, and call into play the wildest passions of the already excited 
 people. In consequence of this the previous vote was rescinded, 
 and the armistice of Mai mo accepted by the Assembly, after the 
 most excited debates, September 16th. This gave the radicals a 
 welcome opportunity to appeal to the fists of the lower classes, 
 and imitate the June outbreak of the social democrats in Paris. 
 On the I7th of September a popular gathering was held on the 
 Pfingstweide, the democratic associations of the whole surround- 
 ing country flocking in to attend it. Under pretence of suscepti- 
 bility for the national honor genuine thunder-bolts were hurled 
 against both monarchs and National Assembly. The majority in 
 the latter were pronounced traitors to the German nation, and a 
 petition was resolved upon to be presented by the whole mass of 
 the people, on the following day, in St. Paul's church. It was 
 manifestly the aim of the leaders to dissolve the Assembly by 
 force, proclaim a republic, and rule by means of a sovereign 
 assembly. The next morning the crowd attempted to press into 
 the church; but the ministry, informed of the danger, had brought 
 up a few battalions of Austrians and Prussians from Mayence, and 
 occupied all the entrances. A collision ensued ; barricades were 
 
220 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 erected, but were carried by the troops without much bloodshed. 
 Unwarlike as the rebels showed themselves here, their assault 
 upon two delegates to the National Assembly was blood-thirsty 
 enough. General Auerswald and Prince Lichnowslcy, riding on 
 horseback near the city, were followed by a mob. They took 
 refuge in a gardener's house on the Bornheimer-hcide, but were 
 draffo-ed out and murdered with the most diso-raceful atrocities. 
 Thereupon the city was declared in a state of siege, all societies 
 were forbidden, and strong measures were taken for the mainten- 
 ance of order. The March revolution had passed its season, and 
 reaction was again beginning to bloom. Pointing to the excesses 
 of the red republic, reaction drew moderate men to its side, and 
 then used them as stepping-stones to immoderation. The events 
 on tbe Danube and the Spree paved the way for this turn of 
 affairs. 
 
 Not even Metternich's state could escape a catastrophe. By 
 shutting out foreign political life, by repressing all aspirations 
 after a constitution, and by assiduously cultivating the sensuous 
 nature of the people, this political juggler believed that he could 
 keep Austria in an ideal condition. But the more immature and 
 uneducated the people were, so much the easier was it, when the 
 waves of revolution had once swept in, for new pilots to mislead 
 them ; so much the more liable were they to abuse unwonted lib- 
 erties; so much the wilder and more unrestrained were their pas- 
 sions. Metternicli had no thought of concessions ; on the con- 
 trary, after the February revolutions he was anxious to avoid all 
 appearance of being influenced by fear to make concessions. In 
 the council of state, which conducted a sort of regency for the 
 Emperor Ferdinand, on account of his mental and physical inca- 
 pability, he emphasized the danger arising from such an interpre- 
 tation. This council consisted of Archduke Louis, Prince Met- 
 ternich, and Count Kolowrat. The longer the delay of the govern- 
 ment, the greater the number of the petitions and addresses which 
 were presented to it. The Vienna students unceremoniously de- 
 manded freedom of the Press, of speech, of teaching and learning, 
 religious freedom, and general representation of the people. The 
 opening of the Landtag of lower Austria, on the 13th of March, 
 was the occasion for thousands of men to assemble before the 
 Landhaus, where it met. Excited by a speech of Kossuth, the 
 Hungarian popular leader, read to them by a student, they com- 
 
VIENNA BECOMES UNRULY. 221 
 
 pellod the members of tlie Landtag to go to the palace and repre- 
 sent there the wishes of the people. The haughty answer which 
 the council of state returned to their representations increased the 
 exasperation. Citizens and soldiers trod on one another's heels. 
 One concession after another was wrested from the government 
 — freedom of the Press, arming of the people, summoning of dele- 
 gates from all the provincial parliaments. Metternich had to lay 
 down office and flee to England, like Louis Philippe. The power 
 now lay in the hands of the Vienna students and the citizen guard. 
 They made the revolution permanent, and by armed demonstra- 
 tions compelled the retreat of every person and the withdrawal 
 of every measure that displeased them, Kossuth, who entered 
 Vienna on the night of March 15th, was received with music and 
 torches like a conqueror. 
 
 The new ministry, anxious to avoid a constitutional convention, 
 published, on the 25th of April, a " fundamental law," which satis- 
 fied no one, inasmuch as the voting for representatives was made 
 dependent upon a definite property qualification. Consequently, 
 when the ministers would have disbanded the central committee 
 of students and members of the national guard, which formed a 
 real side-government stronger than the nominal government, they 
 were compelled (May 15tli), by a petition presented by 15,000 
 men, who surrounded the Hofburg, not only to permit the com- 
 mittee to continue in existence, but also to summon a constituent 
 Reichstag, with but one chamber, the members to be elected on 
 the basis of universal suffrage. These constant tumults, and the 
 fear of still more threatening scenes, induced those about the per- 
 son of the emperor to effect his flight to Innsbruck, on the l7th 
 of May. This was followed by a brief revulsion of public opinion. 
 The absence of the emperor was quite too severe a blow for the 
 loyal Viennese, and they overwhelmed him with petitions to re- 
 turn to the capital. Instead of at once taking advantage of this 
 more favorable mood by energetic measures, the ministers, after 
 making the emperor's return conditional on the disbanding of the 
 student legion, and publishing the decree disbanding it, let them- 
 selves be frightened by a third uprising and new.barricades (May 
 26th) into recalling the decree and withdrawing the regular troops 
 into the barracks. The minister of the interior, Baron von Pillers- 
 dorff, intrusted the restoration of order to the very persons who 
 had disturbed it, and consented to the formation of a committee 
 
222 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 of safety composed of privy councillors, members of the national 
 guard, and students. This was nothing else than a dictatorship 
 of the people, by which the ministry w^as set aside ; and it had 
 the effect of driving the educated and moderate part of the com- 
 munity away from the uncertain paths of revolution. 
 
 To fill up the measure of embarrassments — as though the re- 
 bellion in Italy, the craving for independence of the spur-jingling 
 Magyars, and the committee of safety in Vienna were not enough 
 — Prague entered the ranks of the revolution. There the Czech- 
 ish population manifested hostility toward the German. The 
 Czechs were no longer willing to form a part of Germany ; they 
 wished to unite Bohemia, Moravia, and Austrian Silesia into a 
 separate Slavonic kingdom, with a constitution of its own. In or- 
 der to organize themselves into a powerful party, they summoned 
 a general Slavonic congress at Prague (June 2d), with Palacky as 
 president ; set up, in opposition to the servile ministry at Vienna, 
 a provisional government; and commissioned Rieger to frame a 
 Czechish constitution. Here, too, the students engaged in politics 
 on a grand scale. There was no lack of collisions with the Ger- 
 mans and with .the troops. In Prince Alfred Windischgiätz (to 
 whom is ascribed the saying, "Humankind begins Avith the bar- 
 on") the latter had a resolute, although extremely aristocratic, 
 commander. He flatly refused the request of the Czechish stu- 
 dents for a battery and 60,000 cartridges ; for it was easy to see 
 that these cartridges would be used against the prince and his 
 soldiers, and that a government of the people would be formed 
 here, as in Vienna, and a Czechish one at that. On the 12th of 
 June there was a bloody encounter, before the palace of the 
 prince, between the Czechs and the soldiers ; and the prince's 
 wife, who was listening at a window, was mortally wounded by 
 a bullet. A few cannon-balls, then and on the following day, 
 put an end to the revolt, and made it clear to the Czechs that 
 they had claimed more than they could take. The Slavonic con- 
 gress was dispersed; and, after some delay, it once more became 
 plain that Austria's military power was not likely to abdicate. 
 
 Soon after the constituent Reichstag met in Vienna, and was 
 opened by Archduke John, the Administrator of Germany, It 
 was a Babel-like confusion of tongues, from which little in the 
 way of a constitution was likely to result, especially as external 
 relations were constantly furnishing material for the most ex- 
 
THE REICHSTAG AND REVOLUTION. 223 
 
 cited debates. The return of the emperor, which took place 
 August 12th, at the special request of the Reichstag, did little 
 toward allaying the excitement. A bill to abolish all relations 
 of socage and villanage — ^. e., to shake off all feudal burdens, as 
 they were shaken off during the French revolution, in the mem- 
 orable night of August 4th, 1789 — was carried, with the proviso 
 that the holders of such rights should receive a moderate indem- 
 nity from the state. The Reichstag soon found itself in an un- 
 tenable position between the ministry and the working-men's 
 leagues, and the general desertion of the Slaves reduced it to a 
 rump parliament. An open collision could not long be avoided. 
 The position of affairs became more and more a copy of the 
 working-men's rule in Paris. Business was at a stand-still. The 
 rich families sought more idyllic abodes. The proletariat daily 
 increased in numbers, and its demands rose proportionally. Pub- 
 lic works, like the national workshops in Paris, had to be started 
 by the government; and the already consumptive treasury was 
 obliged to pay a fine sum as wages to idlers. The Wessenberg 
 ministry, which followed that of Pillersdorff, at last plucked 
 up courage, made a reduction of five kr. (two and a half cents) 
 in the daily wages, and reduced the refractory laborers to sub- 
 mission by the help of the national guard (August 23d). Then 
 came a new complication. The breach with Hungary assumed 
 such proportions that, on the 6th of October, the Vienna garrison 
 was ordered to march against the Hungarians. A battalion of 
 grenadiers refused obedience. The cavalry received orders to 
 compel them to march ; and a fight ensued, in which the grena- 
 diers were supported by the students, the national guard, and the 
 working-men. General Bredy was shot, and several cannon were 
 carried off by the people. Barricades were erected everywhere, 
 and the alarm-bell tolled in St. Stephen's tower. A raging crowd 
 hurried to the ministry of war to look for Minister Latour, whose 
 measures against Hungary were not to the mind of the Vienna 
 democracy. Drawn from his hiding-place, he was dragged into 
 the court-yard, and barbarously murdered by hammer-blovvs and 
 sabre-cuts, and then, bleeding from forty-three wounds, hung to a 
 gas-lamp. After this the arsenal w^as stormed, and its rich stores, 
 consisting in part of rare and costly weapons, divided among the 
 people. The Reichstag declared itself permanent, and, in an ad- 
 dress to the emperor, required the formation of a new ministry, 
 
224 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 and the deposition of Jellacliicli, Banns (viceroy) of Croatia, with 
 other demands of a like character. The Vienna democracy had 
 conquered, but in conquering insured its own defeat. 
 
 Under such circumstances the emperor could no longer linger 
 in Schonbrunn. On the 7th of October he fled, with a strong 
 escort, to Olmütz, in Moravia ; commissioned Prince Windisch- 
 grätz to reduce Vienna, and appointed him commander-in-chief 
 of all the imperial troops with the exception of the Italian. 
 Windischgratz marched out of Prague with his army, and ap- 
 peared before Vienna on the 20th of October. There he formed 
 a junction with the troops which Jellachich had brought up from 
 Croatia, and with the garrison of Vienna, which Auersperg, the 
 commandant, had led out, and, on the 23d, summoned the city to 
 surrender unconditionally. The revolutionists, who were conduct- 
 ing a reign of terror in Vienna, foresaw little benefit for them- 
 selves in such a course, and preferred fighting it out, trusting to 
 help from Hungary. At the head of the national guard was 
 Messenhauser, a quondam lieutenant. The academic legion and 
 the garde mobile (which latter consisted of paid proletaries) were 
 commanded by General Bcm, a Pole. Two members of the Diet 
 in Frankfort, Julius Fröbel and Robert Blum, enlisted among the 
 volunteers. The fighting lasted a whole week, day and night, 
 displaying the greatest rancor on both sides. At length the sub- 
 urbs were carried ; and Messenhauser himself advised surrender, 
 as ammunition and serviceable men were both lacking. In the 
 afternoon of October 30th, while a deputation from the common 
 council was negotiating a surrender at the head-quarters of Prince 
 Windischgratz, the approach of the Hungarian auxiliaries was de- 
 scried from St. Stephen's tower. The volunteers and the prole- 
 tariat pressed for renewal of the battle, and Messenhauser had to 
 retain the command, and share it with Fenner von Fenneberg. 
 But the Hungarians Avere repulsed by a detachment which Win- 
 dischgratz sent against them, and Vienna was taken by storm on 
 the 31st of October. By evening of that day the imperial troops 
 occupied every square. The lamp on which Latour had been 
 hung was destroyed. Murder, rapine, and arson had free course, 
 and those who could flee fled. The city was placed in a state of 
 siege ; an unlimited military despotism reigned, and martial execu- 
 tions with powder and ball seemed likely to have no end. Bem 
 and Fenneberg escaped ; Fröbel. was set free ; but Blum, who had 
 
FRANCIS JOSEPH EMPEROR OF AUSTRU. 225 
 
 relied too miicli on his character as member of the Diet, was shot 
 in the Brigittenau (November 9th). Messenhauser, although he 
 had been recognized as commandant by the Reichstag and the 
 ministry, also suffered death. The revolutionists of Pesth and 
 Frankfort were to be taught that the army, in whose camp Aus- 
 tria lay, would not be trifled with any longer. 
 
 Before this catastrophe (October 22d) the Reichstag had been 
 adjourned to meet in the small Moravian city of Kremsier, where, 
 free from democratic influences, it eould devote its undisturbed 
 attention to the discussion of a constitution. It was reopened 
 on the 22d of November; and on the previous day Prince Felix 
 Schwarzenberg, known as general and diplomatist, formed a new 
 ministry. In this Count Francis Stadion had the interior, and 
 Baron Brück, formerly book-dealer in Bonn, and founder of the 
 Trieste Lloyd, took commerce. This change, which implied a 
 stricter regime, was quickly followed by another. On the 2d of 
 December Emperor Ferdinand laid down his crown. His broth- 
 er, Archduke Francis Charles, whose wife Sophie Avas much dis- 
 liked, renounced his right to the succession, and his son Francis 
 Joseph ascended the throne of the Hapsburgs. New vigor was 
 needed to deal with the new conditions, and a man was required 
 who was bound by no pledges to the revolution, and above all to 
 Hungary. This was what the liberal party feared, and it now 
 believed reaction to be in full march. The Reichstag in Krem- 
 sier, treading in the steps of the Frankfort Diet, wandered into 
 long debates on fundamental rights, and soon stood in irreconcil- 
 able opposition to the ministry. To the "grace of God" theory, 
 which the ministry emphasized, the Reichstag opposed the doc- 
 trine of the sovereignty of the people. To reach a speedy con- 
 clusion, and not allow the conquered spirit of revolution again to 
 raise its head in the streets of Vienna, the ministry dissolved this 
 constituent Reichstag on the 7th of March, 1849, and itself pub- 
 lished a constitution for all Austria. This was never put into 
 effect; and in 1851, after the subjugation of Hungary, it was 
 formally withdrawn. 
 
 The revolution in Berlin took a course similar to that in Vien- 
 na. The king clung to his "united landtag,'''' regarding that im- 
 potent creation as the utmost concession in the way of popular 
 government that could be expected of him. The people held 
 quite a different opinion. Although not blind to the many ex- 
 
 10* 
 
226 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 cellences of the civil and military administration, they esteemed 
 it a disgrace that a state which professed to stand at such a height 
 intellectually should politically belong among the hindmost. The 
 February revolution was the lightning flash that kindled this dis- 
 satisfaction into flame. From the 6th of March on there were 
 popular gatherings before the Tents {die Zelten), and deputations 
 were sent to the king. On the way home from these gatherings 
 there were collisions with the troops, and on the 15th and 16th 
 the soldiers made use of their guns. After the news of the Vien- 
 na revolution of March 13th the Berliners became still more res- 
 tive. On the lYth came a deputation from Cologne, representing 
 the threatening humor of the Pthine provinces, and even hinting 
 at a separation from the Prussian monarchy in case no reforms 
 were made in the direction of freedom. Another delegation from 
 Berlin on the 18th of March demanded from the king, among 
 other things, dismissal of the ministry, adoption of a liberal con- 
 stitution, and the arming of the citizens. The delegates were 
 well received, and at two o'clock that afternoon it was announced 
 that two royal patents were in preparation granting the wishes 
 of the people — abolishing censorship, improving the Prussian con- 
 stitution, and proposing changes in the German confederation to 
 be carried out in harmony with the other German governments. 
 The people were in a good humor ; they gathered in crowds on 
 the Schlossplatz, and received the king with loud applause. But 
 the fact that all entrances to the palace were occupied by soldiers 
 aroused their indignation when they, thought of the dead and 
 wounded of the last few days. The cry, " Away with the troops !" 
 became more and more violent and imperative. Infantry ad- 
 vanced with fixed bayonets to scatter the crowd. Two shots were 
 fired — from the ranks of the soldiers, as the people believed, as 
 others assert, from the ranks of the party of subversion — in the 
 hope of results like those before Guizot's hotel in Paris on the 
 23d of February. The first thought of the people was that they 
 Avere deceived, that they had been lured thither by fair promises 
 in order to be slaughtered in crowds. " We are betrayed ! Mur- 
 der ! To arms !" was the universal cry. All scattered in wild 
 haste. In a couple of hours about 200 barricades had been erect- 
 ed, and over them floated the black, red, and gold banner. At 
 three o'clock the troops began the attack, and by seven they had 
 cleared the greater part of the Königsstrasse by the use of grape- 
 
FREDERICK IV. JOINS THE REVOLUTION. 227 
 
 shot. The fighting lasted through the whole night, accompanied 
 by the terrible noise of alarm-bells. On the morning of the 19th, 
 after the exertions of the day before and the trying service of 
 the previous week, the soldiers were so exhausted that a victory 
 over the angry populace could not be reckoned on with any cer- 
 tainty ; so the king yielded at last to the pressure of the citizens, 
 commanded the troops to leave Berlin, consented to the forma- 
 tion of a citizen guard for the protection of the city and palace, 
 and summoned a new ministry, with Count Arnim-Boytzenburg 
 at its head. The corpses of the 216 men who fell behind the bar- 
 ricades, their heads decked with flowers and green boughs, were 
 brought on biers and open wagons into the court-yard of the pal- 
 ace, and the king and queen were compelled to show them their 
 respect with uncovered heads. In consequence of the amnesty 
 issued for all political offenders, the Poles, held prisoners in Ber- 
 lin on account of tlie outbreak of 1846, were liberated; and on 
 the 20th Mieroslawski and his comrades in suffering made a sort 
 of triumphal procession through the city, speaking of the alliance 
 of Germany and Poland, and the re-establishment of a great, free 
 Poland as a barrier against Russia. 
 
 Frederic William IV, seemed to have undergone a transforma- 
 tion. The proud Hohenzollern, in whose eyes royal power was 
 radiant with a majesty more than human, descended from his 
 heavenly heights and became like "one of us." On the 21st of 
 March he issued a proclamation " to the German nation," in which 
 lie declared that " for the rescue of Germany " he set himself " at 
 the head of the collective fatherland ;" and in the afternoon, sur- 
 rounded by the royal princes and several ministers and generals, 
 he rode about the city, he and his escort wearing black, red, and 
 gold favors, while a German flag was borne before them. In 
 front of the university he halted, and spoke in enthusiastic terms 
 of German freedom and unity. A proclamation of the same day, 
 addressed " to my people and the German nation," contained the 
 famous sentence: "Henceforward Prussia takes the lead in Ger- 
 many." The burial of the victims of the barricades in a gigantic 
 grave in the Friedrichshain on the 2 2d, when the king with bared 
 head stood on the balcony of the palace while the procession, 
 20,000 strong, passed by, was the close of the revolutionary days 
 in Berlin. The king's brother, the Prince of Prussia, who was 
 falsely accused of inspiring the opposition of the court to liberal 
 
228 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 measures, and of having given the troops the order to charge, 
 journeyed to England at the express command of the king, that 
 his presence might be no obstacle to a reconciliation. The " unit- 
 ed landtag " met once more on the 2d of April, and was in ses- 
 sion eight days, to examine and accept the electoral law for a con- 
 stitutional convention laid before it by the Camphausen ministry, 
 which had succeeded that of Arnim on the 29th of March. 
 
 In the grand-duchy of Posen the Poles were not satisfied with 
 the partial separation and distinct administration of the eastern 
 part. They demanded the complete separation of the grand- 
 duchy from the kingdom of Prussia, and an insurrection broke 
 out under Mieroslawski. After a little fighting it was put down 
 by the Prussian troops in the months of April and May ; and the 
 rebellion in Cracow met with the same fate at the hands of the 
 Austrians. 
 
 The constitutional convention was opened in Berlin on the 
 2 2d of May. Not only was the best political intelligence drawn 
 ofi by the parliament at Frankfort, but the convention was, fur- 
 thermore, wholly under the influence of the Berlin demagogues, 
 who, after the retreat of the soldiers, felt themselves masters of 
 the city and country, and were quite ready to play the sovereign 
 for once by way of change. The draft of a new constitution laid 
 before it by the ministry was rejected, and the discussion of an- 
 other one began ; but, owing to frequent interpellations of the 
 ministers, and time spent in disposing of the burning questions 
 of the day, no more progress was made here than in Vienna and 
 Frankfort. At every important debate the Schausjnelhaus, where 
 the sessions were held, was surrounded by a crowd which threat- 
 ened with violence every one that did not speak or vote as it 
 wished. On the 15th of June the arsenal was stormed and plun- 
 dered by the populace. The disaffection and weakness of the 
 municipal authorities and the citizen guard was manifest. The 
 convention adopted a resolution that the ministry should warn 
 the officers against reactionary tendencies, and make it a point of 
 honor with them to leave the service in case they were not in 
 harmony with the new political principles ; whereupon the min- 
 isters handed in their resignations, and the Pfuel ministry was 
 formed (September Vth). Orders and titles of nobility Avere 
 abolished, and distinctions of rank done away with. On the 31st 
 of October, on the receipt of the news from Vienna, Waldeck, the 
 
REVOLUTION SUPPRESSED AND A CONSTITUTION GRANTED. 229 
 
 leader of the Left, moved that the ministry be called upon " to 
 employ all the means in its power for the protection of the en- 
 dangered liberties of the people in Vienna." Matters reached 
 such a pass that the crowd drew knives against the moderate 
 members of the convention and threatened them with the halter ; 
 and all saw that they were rapidly approaching the same state of 
 affairs which had recently prevailed in Vienna. It was the res- 
 toration of order in that city by Windischgrätz which encouraged 
 the adoption of a similar course in Berlin. Pfuel handed in his 
 resignation, and on the 2d of November Count Brandenburg, a 
 natural son of Frederic William II., announced to the convention 
 that he was intrusted with the formation of a new cabinet. The 
 convention sent a deputation to the king at Potsdam to protest 
 against the choice of so aristocratic a person, and to demand a 
 popular ministry. The king was immovable ; and Jakoby, the rep- 
 resentative from Königsberg, said to him on leaving, " That is the 
 misfortune of kings: they will never listen to the truth" — words 
 which, spoken at that time, did more harm than good. The cabi- 
 net was formed on the 9th, and was really under the direction of 
 von Manteuffel, minister of the interior. Its first greeting to the 
 convention was a royal message informing it that, in order to 
 guard against the appearance of intimidation, it was transferred 
 from Berlin to Brandenburg, and prorogued from the 9th of No- 
 vember to the 27 th. At the same time General Wrangel received 
 orders to enter Berlin with a large force. The city was placed 
 in a state of siege, the citizen guard disbanded, a general disarm- 
 ament ordered, and political associations suppressed. The at- 
 tempts of the radical majority of the convention under their 
 president, von Unruh, to continue their sessions elsewhere, after 
 the closing of the Schauspielhaus, were rendered futile by the 
 precautions of the police, and they hardly succeeded in voting 
 that the payment of taxes to the Brandenburg government be 
 refused. But they had no means to render effective such a 
 measure, which was meant to burl the brands of revolution into 
 every hamlet in the kingdom. November 27th the members of 
 the Ilight met in Brandenburg. Deceitiber 1st, about 100 mem- 
 bers of the opposition appeared, but only to repeat their protest 
 against the transfer from Berlin. After their withdrawal there 
 was no longer a quorum, and so the same thing happened here 
 which occurred a few months later in Kremsier — the convention 
 
230 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 was dissolved on the 5th of December, and the government pub- 
 lished a constitution of its own making. This constitution aban- 
 doned the old Prussian system of different estates, and rested on 
 democratic principles. Two chambers were to be elected, and the 
 constitution was to be laid before them on their opening in Ber- 
 lin on the 26th of February, 1849, for examination and acceptance. 
 By this step Prussia entered the ranks of modern, constitutional 
 states. 
 
 The more rapidly the two great military states of Germany rose 
 again from the ruins of the revolution, and on the basis of the 
 state of siege regained a firm footing in their capitals, the more 
 uncertain became the position of the March ministers in the other 
 states, and the more speedily the days of Frankfort drew toward 
 their close. September 21st, 1848, the revolutionary Struve with 
 a party of volunteers made an irruption into Baden from Basle, 
 His followers were scattered by General Hoffmann in an engage- 
 ment at Stauffen, September 24th, and Struve was captured, and 
 imprisoned at Bruchsal. Hecker, despairing of the success of his 
 plans, had turned his back on his fatherland and embarked for 
 North America shortly before. In Frankfort the situation was 
 gradually becoming simpler. By the end of the year the funda- 
 mental rights of the German people were at last disposed of. 
 The numerous liberties which the German citizen was to enjoy 
 looked very fine, but who was to guarantee their enjoyment? 
 Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Hanover, and Saxony refused before- 
 hand to accept them. If the most powerful states proved refrac- 
 tory in the matter of fundamental rights, how would it be with 
 the general constitution, where wholly different questions, and 
 questions intimately affecting the sovereign rights of the individ- 
 ual princes, were involved? They must not merely take into con- 
 sideration the establishment of a House of the States and a House 
 of the People, and their respective powers, but likewise the neces- 
 sary limitations of the independence of sovereign states, the rela- 
 tions of the two great powers to one another and the other states 
 of the Confederation, and the question of a head for the Confed- 
 eration. It now became apparent what folly had been committed 
 in beginning with the fundamental rights when the revolution was 
 at its height, and taking up the constitution at a time when the 
 reaction was gathering strength. It was only during the first 
 three months, while the strength of the people was irresistible 
 
THE GERMAN CONFEDERATION SEEKS A HEAD. 231 
 
 and the power of the monarchs Avas broken, tliat a new Germany, 
 with or without Austria, could have been founded. At that time 
 even Frederic William IV. would have accepted the imperial 
 throne from the hands of the people. Matters had taken quite a 
 different form in 1849, when Austria was erecting her monuments 
 of victory in Italy, Prague, and Vienna, and was on the very point, 
 albeit with foreign assistance, of subduing the Magyars, and it was 
 no longer the weakness of the monarchs, but that of the people, 
 which was apparent. 
 
 After Prince Schwarzenberg had announced as part of his pro- 
 gramme the indivisibility of the collective Austrian provinces and 
 kingdoms, the Frankfort parliament had either to renounce the 
 wished-for unity of Germany, in order to retain the German prov- 
 inces of Austria in the Confederation, or abandon those provinces 
 in order to attain German unity. The question whether Austria 
 was to be admitted into the new confederation, or excluded from 
 it, brought about a serious schism in the existing majority. The 
 Grossdeutsche wished to admit it, the Kleindeutsche to exclude it. 
 The former regarded any diminution of Germany as a disgrace 
 and a misfortune, tlie latter maintained that a small and compact 
 Germany was stronger than a large and loosely united one. Henry 
 von Gagern, who had become the head of the ministry on Decem- 
 ber 16th, brought forward a proposition for an inner confedera- 
 tion, into which Austria should not be admitted, and with which 
 its relation should be one of union merely. This measure was 
 adopted, to the great chagrin of the Administrator and the Aus- 
 trian delegates. Thereupon Prince Schwarzenberg announced 
 without hesitation that Austria would neither let itself be ex- 
 pelled from the German confederation, nor let its German prov- 
 inces be separated from the indivisible monarchy. When it was 
 decided that a ruling prince should be set at the head of the Ger- 
 man confederation, and on the 28th 'of March, 1849, the heredi- 
 tary dignity of "Emperor of the Germans" was conferred upon 
 the King of Prussia, not only the Emperor of Austria, but other 
 provinces as well, declared that they would not submit to the new 
 emperor. The King of Würtemberg significantly said, "To the 
 House of Hohenzollern I will never submit ; to the Emperor of 
 Austria, had he been chosen, I would have submitted." 
 
 A deputation of thirty-four members brought the weighty in- 
 telligence to Berlin. April 3d, the king received them in the Rit- 
 
232 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 tersaal of his palace. At first he returned an indefinite answer 
 to the address of Simsen, the president, but afterward he refused 
 point-blank. A crown the only prerogative of which was a sus- 
 pensive veto had in itself but little charm for him. Its value 
 sunk still lower when he reflected that he would have to assert 
 his claims by war with Austria and the four German kingdoms 
 — perhaps also with some foreign state — and risk losing his Prus- 
 sian crown for the sake of winning this one. Perhaps, notwith- 
 standing all these obstacles, a Frederic the Great would have ac- 
 cepted, and brought Prussia to the front in Germany. Frederic 
 William IV. could only accept it in case the German princes con- 
 sented to his doing so, or, rather, in case they, and not the Nation- 
 al Assembly, which he hated as revolutionary, offered it to him of 
 their own free will ; in case the imperial crown were a crown by 
 the grace of God, and did not (as he wrote to Bunsen) " horri- 
 bly pollute the bearer with the carrion smell of the revolution 
 of 1848." The Prussian Chamber, which came together on the 
 26th of February, sought to exert pressure on the king; and 
 after twenty-eight governments had signified their acceptance of 
 the constitution and the hereditary empire of Frederic William, 
 it voted to recommend the government to assent to the constitu- 
 tion, and accept the imperial dignity. April 27th, the Branden- 
 burg ministry dissolved the Chambers, and set to work to influ- 
 ence the German governments by underhand means to confer the 
 central administration on Prussia. 
 
 The Frankfort parliament was wounded in a vital part by this 
 rebuff from the King of Prussia, and by the unpropitious attitude 
 of his government. Its continued existence was merely an illu- 
 sion. Its embarrassments increased each day. The King of Wiir- 
 temberg had been induced, by a petition enforced by the threats 
 of the mob, to accept the Frankfort constitution ; but from Aus- 
 tria only hostility was to be expected ; while Hanover and Sax- 
 ony, following Prussia's example, dissolved their chambers, which 
 were urging acceptance of the constitution ; and Bavaria did not 
 summon hers at all. The Diet responded to all this by its vote 
 of May 4th, in which the administrations, parliaments, and munic- 
 ipalities — in short, the whole German people — were appealed to. 
 If Prussia should not be represented at that Diet, the ruler of the 
 state containing the greatest number of souls among those repre- 
 sented was to enter upon the rights and duties of chief of the 
 
REVOLT IN SAXONY, THE PALATINATE, AND BADEN. 233 
 
 empire, under the title of Stadtholder of the same. This was a 
 challenge to Prussia, and an incitement to revolt to the people in 
 those states which had not recognized the constitution. The con- 
 sequences were soon to become apparent. 
 
 In all Germany great excitement was manifested when it be- 
 came evident that the opposition of a few princes was about to 
 neutralize all that had been won by the March revolutions, and 
 frustrate the union of the divided parts of the German father- 
 land. The democratic party once more resorted to desperate 
 measures. In the month of May, 1849, there were riotous dem- 
 onstrations in Crefeld, Elberfeld, Düsseldorf, Iserlohn, and other 
 Prussian cities. But the government was strong enough not only 
 to suppress every such movement in its own dominions, but also 
 to assist other princes with its bayonets. In Dresden the people 
 resolved to compel the king by force of arms to accept the Ger- 
 man constitution, a step which he had resolutely refused to take. 
 On the 3d of May the soldiers were attacked by the citizen guard 
 and a number of volunteers. That night the king, with his fam- 
 ily and ministers, fled to the fortress of Konigstein ; and from 
 there application was made to the King of Prussia for help. A 
 provisional government, under Tzschiruer, Heubner, and Todt, was 
 set up in Dresden ; and Bakunin, a Russian refugee, was intrusted 
 with the arrangements for defence. Re-enforcements came up 
 from the country, but Prussian troops also came ; and the city 
 was taken after an obstinate resistance lasting from the 6th to 
 the 9tli. Some of the leaders escaped to the Palatinate or to 
 Baden ; Heubner and Bakunin Avere captured. A state of siege, 
 military tribunals, and exceptional laws replaced the former free- 
 dom ; and for many years the prison of Waldheim was peopled 
 with the prisoners of that May. 
 
 At the same time a rebellion broke out in the Palatinate. The 
 natives of the Palatinate are vivacious and very susceptible to 
 political impressions. Having in any case but little sympathy 
 with the Bavarian government, the present hostile attitude of that 
 government toward the Frankfort constitution developed actual 
 hatred among them. At a great popular gathering on the 1st of 
 May separation from Bavaria and the establishment of a popular 
 government were resolved upon. A people's guard was formed ; 
 and volunteers from all parts of the country, as well as numerous 
 deserters from the garrisons of Landau and Germersheim, poured 
 
234 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 in. At first Fenner von Fonneberg, a quondam Austrian officer 
 and participant in the October revolution in Vienna, was set at 
 the head of tliis guard, and later Blenker, formerly travelling clerk 
 for a wine firm. The rebellion spread into Baden, although the 
 government of that country exercised a liberal rule, and had ac- 
 cepted the constitution. The country bad been too thoroughly 
 undermined by Hecker and Struve and their like to be content 
 with orderly freedom ; a mild form of anarchy presented itself to 
 many as the ideal of their wishes. In addition to this, the dis- 
 cipline of the troops was completely relaxed ; and they openly 
 declared that, in case of revolution, they would not fire on their 
 "brothers," but on their officers. On the 11th of May the gar- 
 rison of Eastatt rebelled. IIofEmann, the minister of war, hast- 
 ened thither from Carlsruhe, with the troops that remained faith- 
 ful ; but it was with difficulty that he and the greater part of his 
 officers escaped from the abuse of the drunken and quarrelsome 
 soldiers. Citizen guard and regular troops fraternized. Affairs 
 took a similar course in Lörrach, Freiburg, and Bruchsal ; and in 
 the last-named place Struve was released from prison. On the 
 13th of May a popular meeting at Offenburg demanded the dis- 
 solution of the Chambers, the summoning of a constitutional 
 convention, dismissal of the Bekk ministry, and general amnesty. 
 Brentano, a lawyer, who was at the head of the numerous popu- 
 lar associations, could scarcely prevent the proclamation of the 
 republic. However, the resolutions were extreme enough as it 
 was. The revolution was declared permanent, a national com- 
 mittee appointed, and, by way of recognizing the communistic 
 ideas, a " national pension fund for citizens become incapable of 
 work " was proposed. 
 
 On the evening of the same day a mutiny broke out in Carls- 
 rulie. Two companies of soldiers, returning in a drunken con- 
 dition from Bruchsal, gutted a barrack, demolished the dwelling 
 of an unpopular colonel, killed Laroche, a captain of cavalry, who 
 opposed their proceedings, together with a non-commissioned of- 
 ficer and a common soldier, and made an assault upon the arsenal, 
 which was gallantly defended by the citizen guard. In the night 
 the duke and his family, escorted by dragoons and artillery, fled 
 to Germersheim, and then to the little town of Lauterburg, in 
 Alsace. Thence he repaired to Frankfort ; but, as the central ad- 
 ministration could not support him with a suflicient number of 
 
 4 
 
THE REVOLUTION TRIUMPHANT IX BADEN. 235 
 
 troops, lie applied to the Prussian government. On condition of 
 joining tiie League of the Three Kings, and accepting a ministry 
 of Prussian tendencies, his request was granted, and the troops 
 stationed in readiness in the neighborhood of Kreuznach were at 
 once ordered to advance. On the evening of May 14th, after the 
 grand -duke's departure, Brentano, with the national committee, 
 entered Carlsruhc and took possession of the government. The 
 Chambers w^ere dissolved, and a constitutional convention, the 
 composition of which was of such a character that Brentano had 
 reason to be ashamed of it, was summoned to meet on the 10th 
 of June. All persons between the ages of eighteen and thirty 
 capable of bearing arms were called out, as in the wars of the 
 tirst French revolution ; the arsenals were opened, civil and mili- 
 tary commissioners were appointed, and the attempt was made to 
 supply the lack of great ideas and national feeling by the immod- 
 erate use of spirituous liquors. Adventurers came from all parts 
 of Germany, from France, Hungary, and Poland ; the revolution- 
 ary party in all Europe had a rendezvous in Baden. An offen- 
 sive and defensive alliance was concluded with the Palatinate. 
 Tlie array was at first placed under the command of a quondam 
 lieutenant, Sigel (afterward General Sigel in the American civil 
 war), and later under that of the Polish Mieroslawski, who had 
 within the last few months conducted unsuccessful revolutionary 
 campaigns in Posen and Sicily. In the Palatinate a former Po- 
 lish general, Sznayde, born in Poland of German parents named 
 Schneider, was put in command. The question now was whether 
 the conflagration could be carried over into the neighboring states, 
 and first of all into Hesse-Darmstadt and \Yurtemberg. If this 
 could not be done, then the new revolution must wear itself out. 
 In Darmstadt the murder of Councillor Prinz, on the 24th of 
 May, while attempting to persuade a popular meeting in Oberlau- 
 denbach to disperse peaceably, so enraged the soldiers that, far 
 from showing any inclination to make common cause with the 
 Baden revolutionists, they defeated them at Heppenheim, May 
 30th, and drove them back to Heidelberg. The situation was 
 different in "Würtemberg, where, to the unreliable character of the 
 troops and the general political excitement, a further and unex- 
 pected element was added. 
 
 In the mean time the national assembly in Frankfort was hast- 
 ening with quick steps to its dissolution. Its impotence had re- 
 
236 POLITICAL HISTORY OF KECENT TIMES. 
 
 cently been manifested in tlie recall of the greater part of its 
 members by their respective governments. The Austrian govern- 
 ment answered its action with regard to the obligatory character 
 of the constitution and in the choice of an emperor by recalling 
 all its subjects among the delegates. The Prussian government 
 took the same step when the assembly, on the 10th of May, de- 
 clared the Prussian intervention in Dresden to be a grave breach 
 of the peace of the empire. There were, also, disagreements 
 with the Administrator. He became tired of his thankless office, 
 and gradually fell back to his sectional stand-point. Completely 
 abandoning the ideas of 1848, he named a ministry consisting of 
 Grävell, Jochmus, and Detmold, a choice which was regarded as 
 an " insult to the principle of national representation." In his 
 stead it was decided to choose a stadtholder, whose office it should 
 be to convene the National Assembly according to the provisions 
 of the constitution. The right of governments to withdraw their 
 commission from delegates chosen by the people was contested. 
 But, even if such views with regard to rights were correct, the 
 question still remained whether no heed was to be paid to actual 
 conditions. Abstract rights and sentimental politics might crown 
 their defenders with a halo, but the benefit which the country de- 
 rived from them was very slight. This was the view taken by 
 Gagern and his followers. The contending parties had reached 
 opposite poles ; an intermediate position between revolution and 
 reaction no longer existed. Those who wished to introduce and 
 carry through such measures as the above would have to be ready 
 to defend them with arms. Matters having reached such a pass, 
 more than 100 members, among thena Gagern, Dahlmann, Arndt, 
 and Welcker, resigned, on the 21st and 23d of May. 
 
 Through their withdrawal, the Left acquired the upper hand ; 
 but the ranks of the Assembly were so thinned that the number 
 requisite to constitute a quorum had to be reduced to 100. The 
 Bavarian government and several others recalled the representa- 
 tives from their states, and adjournment seemed inevitable. But 
 instead of that a removal was determined upon. In the hope of 
 raising a general tempest in behalf of the constitution among the 
 south German people, the rump parliament left Frankfort, which 
 was too decidedly within the sphere of activity of the Prussian 
 troops, and migrated to Stuttgart, 100 and odd strong. On May 
 30th they said farewell to St, Paul's Church, and on June 6th 
 
THE RUMP PARLIAMENT IN STUTTGART DISPERSED. 237 
 
 they held their first session in Stuttgart. A regency of five mem= 
 bers — Raveaux,Vogt, Henry Simon of Breslau, Schuler, and Bech- 
 er — was appointed, the Administrator deposed, the rebellion in 
 Baden and the Palatinate approved of, and men and money de- 
 manded from the Würtemberg government. A few days' delay 
 and there would be the same state of affairs in AVürtemberg as in 
 Baden. The popular associations were trying to bring this about; 
 the public meeting at Reutlingen, May 27th, would fain have im- 
 itated the part played by that of Offcnburg ; and the republican 
 Fielder, llcckcr's friend, was despatched from Carlsruhe to Stutt- 
 gart with considerable money to be expended among the soldiers. 
 That the country might not be exposed to danger by the acts of 
 an assembly which no longer represented the will of the German 
 people, but merely the sentiments of a party, the government 
 gave notice to the rump parliament that the hospitality of Wür- 
 temberg was withdrawn, and called upon it to remove to some 
 other place. As no attention was paid to this, Römer, the soul 
 of the ministry, a man firm of hand and hard of head, took the 
 bold step of barring the riding-school, where they met, June 18th, 
 and dispersing with infantry and cavalry the delegates, who were 
 repairing thither in procession. Among these were his father-in- 
 law, Schott, and his friend Uhland. It was a tragic provision of 
 fate that a man who had done so much toward summoning the 
 parliament, who had sat in the Committee of Seven and the pre- 
 liminary parliament, should give the death-blow to his Avork, and 
 subject himself to life-long reproach from the adherents of his old 
 party for having dispersed the parliament he helped to summon. 
 Representatives from other states received the command to leave 
 Würtemberg at once ; some of them went to Baden, and others 
 to Switzerland. Fickler Avas arrested and sent to the fortress of 
 Asberg, and the troops were retained in their allegiance. 
 
 Accordingly, the revolt in Baden and the Palatinate found no 
 support in the neighboring states, and had to meet by itself the 
 attack Oi the Prussians who had been called in. While the troops 
 of the Confederation under General Peuker, the former minister 
 of war, strengthened by a Prussian division under General Groben, 
 advanced along the Bergstrasse, the Prince of Prussia, who com- 
 manded the main body, marched from the Nahe into the Palati- 
 nate, drove the volunteers back across the Rhine with little diffi- 
 culty, and relieved the fortresses of Landau, and Germersheim, 
 
238 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 which had been ahiiost stripped of troops. After the reduction 
 of the Palatinate, which was at once reoccupied by Bavarian 
 troops under Prince Taxis, the Prussians crossed the Rhine at 
 Philippsburg, and on the 20th of June defeated the Badish army, 
 15,000 strong, at Waghäusel. Mieroslawski was again defeated 
 at Durlach, and finally, on the 29th and 30th of June, on the 
 Murg. Notwithstanding all their bravery, there was no further 
 hope for the rebels, and they had to retreat, 10,000 strong, into 
 Swiss territory. The fortress of Rastatt, which held out in vain 
 hopes of the success of the red republic in France, and of a vic- 
 tory in Hungary, surrendered at discretion on the 29th of July. 
 The whole land was in the power of the victors. The court-mar- 
 tials held on the captured leaders were no more merciful than 
 in Vienna. Several were shot; among others von Trützschler, 
 a member of the Frankfort parliament; Tiedemann, governor 
 of Rastatt ; Elsenhaus, editor of the Festungssboten ; and Boning, 
 a veteran of the Greek war for freedom. Gottfried Kinkel, 
 tlie poet, who had taken part in the storming of the arsenal in 
 Siegburg, was captured on Badish soil, and condemned to impris- 
 onment, with hard labor, for life. Through the brave, assistance 
 of his friend Carl Schurz, he escaped to England, after a year of 
 physical and mental torture. At the invitation of the Provisional 
 Government, Hecker had returned from America, to inspire the 
 people to great deeds by the magic of his name. He arrived in 
 Strasburg on the 16th of July, only to hear that all was lost, 
 whereupon he journeyed back to his transatlantic farm. Bren- 
 tano, Struve, Sigel, and others followed the same road, while the 
 non-commissioned officers and soldiers who had taken refuge in 
 Switzerland returned after a time to their homes. Until the Ba- 
 dish army was reorganized the country was occupied by the Prus- 
 sians. The recovery of the country from the wounds inflicted 
 upon it by this revolution was very slow. As for Grand-duke Leo- 
 pold, he received such a shock from his late experiences that he 
 shortly fell ill, and his death ensued on the 24th of April, 1852. 
 
 It was not without jealousy that Austria saw Prussia carry its 
 victorious eagle up the Rhine to Constance, and set firm foot in 
 south Germany by the acquisition of the Hohenzollern lands and 
 the family castle, which the related princes of Hohenzollern-Sig- 
 maringen and Hechingen made over by the treaty of succession 
 of December 7th, 1849. But the Prince of Prussia did not allow 
 
DISAGREEMENT BETWEEN AUSTRIA AND HUNGARY. 239 
 
 himself to be dislodged by the energetic Schwarzenberg, and the 
 latter was at that very moment occupied with the final struggles 
 in Hungary. The disputes between Hungary and the Vienna 
 cabinet were of ancient date. Hungary aimed at the greatest 
 possible independence from Austria — at a mere personal union in 
 which even the army and the revenue should be dependent on the 
 good-will of the Hungarian parliament. The Vienna cabinet, see- 
 ing in this the beginning of the dismemberment of the polyglot 
 empire, sought, as far as possible, to evade the consequences of 
 the Hungarian constitution. Louis Kossuth was regarded as the 
 soul of the new opposition — a lawyer and journalist, who shone 
 neither by reason of vast knowledge nor special endowments as a 
 statesman, but, that which is of most weight in times of excite- 
 ment, by the possession of an irresistible eloquence. Kossuth had 
 been the chief agitator in the matter of the protective-union, by 
 which the use of Austrian manufactures was interdicted for the 
 benefit of native industry, so that even the richest families went 
 clothed in coarse material. His importance increased when he 
 was elected to parliament in 1846. There his position was like 
 that of an ofiicer in command of his regiment. On the 12th 
 of November, 1847, Emperor Ferdinand opened the last parlia- 
 ment in Presburg with a speech from the throne in the Hungarian 
 tongue, therein making a concession to the decision of the parlia- 
 ment that Hungarian was to be used as the ofläcial language in- 
 stead of Latin. Out of gratitude Archduke Stephen was chosen 
 Palatinus (viceroy) of Hungary by the parliament in place of his 
 father, Joseph, recently deceased. After the February revolution 
 the tone of the parliament became constantly bolder. Kossuth's 
 speech of March 3d, calling for a constitution for all the various 
 Austrian lands, suggested the immediate aim of the Vienna revo- 
 lution of March 13th ; and when, on the 15th, a Hungarian depu- 
 tation came to Vienna to lay before the emperor an address em- 
 bodying the demands of the parliament, Kossuth was the lion of 
 the day. As others have done under the same circumstances, the 
 emperor promised everything. August 10th he closed the parlia- 
 ment in person, confirming its decisions with regard to a separate 
 ministry, universal suffrage in the election of delegates, union of 
 Hungary and Transylvania, abolition of the freedom from taxa- 
 tion enjoyed by the nobility, and abrogation of all feudal burdens. 
 The new Hungarian ministry, in which Count Louis Batthyani 
 
240 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECEx\T TIMES. 
 
 presided and Kossuth administered the finances, established itself 
 in Pesth, where from that time the sessions of the Hungarian 
 Reichstag were held. The first one held at that place was opened 
 by Archduke Stephen, as sovereign representative of the emperor, 
 July 5th, 1848. It consisted of the Table of Magnates, which 
 was now called the Upper House, and the Table of Estates, or 
 Lower House. It w^as a necessary consequence of the prevailing 
 spirit that the first of these, formerly of overweening importance, 
 should sink into insignificance, while the latter came to the front, 
 or rather was pushed into that position by the Pesth students and 
 the youth in general. These gentlemen, as was the case in Vienna, 
 dictated the policy to be pursued, and already acted as though 
 for them Austria no longer existed. They refused to assume a 
 part of the Austrian national debt, and treated the Hungarian de- 
 pendencies — Croatia, Slavonia, and the Military Frontier, with 
 Transylvania — with the same disregard to their wishes which 
 they had indignantly complained of in their own treatment by 
 the Austrian government. This bore its fruit. A deputation of 
 Magyars in Vienna demanded and obtained the union of these 
 provinces with Hungary to form one great kingdom ; but at the 
 same time, in order to avert this threatened evil, a Croatian depu- 
 tation was besieging the imperial cabinet wäth entreaties for com- 
 plete separation from Hungary, and for the erection into a triple 
 kingdom of Croatia, Slavonia, and Dalmatia, with the Military 
 Frontier. This would at the same time have given these coun- 
 tries greater independence with reference to Austria. This jeal- 
 ousy of the various nationalities was used by the Austrian gov- 
 ernment for the purpose of checking, waging war upon, and put- 
 ing down one by means of the other. Baron Jellacliich, a Magyar 
 hater, who was very popular at court, was named Banus of Croa- 
 tia, and the government supported him in his preparations against 
 Hungary. Although it removed him at the complaint of the 
 Hungarian ministry, yet it restored him to office when the court 
 espoused his cause. Jellachich set himself at the head of his 
 troops and marched into Hungary as the champion of a united 
 Austria, while in the south-east, in the Banate, the Servians and 
 Frontiers -men were skirmishing with the Hungarian soldiers. 
 To make head against present and prospective dangers, Kossuth 
 carried through the Reichstag a levy of 200,000 national troops 
 {honveds), and the issue of 42,000,000 gulden ($21,000,000) paper- 
 
KOSSUTH AS DICTATOR. 241 
 
 money (Kossuth-notes). Matters had become so complicated on 
 all sides that only the sword could loose the knot. Archduke 
 Stephen's attempts at mediation were vain. He laid down his 
 office as Palatinus,aud withdrew into a sort of voluntary exile on 
 his hereditary estate of Schaumburg, on the Lahn. Batthyani left 
 the ministry, and all the power was in the hands of Kossuth and 
 the war party. To avoid hostilities, the court intrusted Count 
 Lanibero;, Batth3"ani's friend, with the chief command of all the 
 Hungarian and Croatian forces, provisionally superseding Jella- 
 chich. When Lamberg reached Pesth he learned that the Reich- 
 stag had protested against his appointment. The populace sus- 
 pected treason on the part of Austria, and on the 27th of Sep- 
 tember Lamberg was hacked to death by the mob with axes and 
 clubs on the bridge of boats across the Danube. 
 
 This revolting murder and the feeble prosecution of the mur- 
 derers called forth the imperial manifesto of October 3d, dissolv- 
 ing the Reichstag, pronouncing its acts invalid, except in so far as 
 they had been confirmed by the emperor, placing all Hungary 
 under martial law, and making Jellachich governor of Hungary 
 and commander-in-chief of the Hungai'ian troops. The Hunga- 
 rian Reichstag on its part declared the manifesto illegal and in- 
 valid, and Jellachich guilty of high treason. The committee of 
 national defence, which had been in existence since the 22d of 
 September, now resolved itself into a provisional government, 
 with Kossuth as dictator. Jellachich was driven back to the 
 Austrian frontier, and Latour's endeavor to send him re-enforce- 
 ments from Vienna resulted in the October revolution in that 
 city and Latour's murder. Then Jellachich was recalled from 
 Hungary to assist in subduing Vienna, and was placed under the 
 command of Prince Windischgräz. The latter, the conqueror of 
 Prague and Vienna, seemed to be the right man to reduce Hun- 
 gary to subjection. His programme was the indivisible Austrian 
 empire, with the central government in Vienna. As the Emper- 
 or Ferdinand had in the most solemn manner granted conces- 
 sions to Hungary which were inconsistent with this programme, 
 his abdication took place on the 2d of December, and Francis 
 Joseph ascended the throne in his stead. The Reichstag protested, 
 and refused to acknowledge the new emperor until he had been 
 crowned king of Hungary and sworn to the constitution. 
 
 Windischgräz was put in command of more than 100,000 
 
 11 
 
242 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 men, and on the 15th of December he began his advance with the 
 main army along the upper Danube, while smaller divisions en- 
 tered Hungary from Moravia, Galicia, Transylvania, and Styria, 
 under Simonich, Schlick, Puchner, and Nugent respectively. The 
 plan was to surround the Hungarians completely and make a com- 
 mon movement on Pesth. To carry this out a resolute advance 
 of the main army, and exact co-operation of all the divisions, were 
 essential. Both requisites were wanting. Windischgräz drove 
 the Hungarians back, and took the cities of Oedenburg, Presburg, 
 and Raab. He demanded iinconditional submission, and refused 
 even to give audience to a deputation from the Reichstag. Janu- 
 ary 5th, 1849, he entered Buda-Pesth. The government and the 
 Reichstag had shortly before removed to Debreczin, while the 
 army had retreated southward. Windischgräz remained three 
 precious months at Buda, as though with the capture of the cap- 
 ital the campaign were as good as ended. From the other com- 
 manders came one Job's messenger after another. Schlick was 
 repulsed by Görgei and Klapka. Puchner, with the 10,000 Rus- 
 sians he had called to his assistance, Avas chased out of Transyl- 
 vania into Wallachia by the Polish Bem, who found allies in the 
 Szeklians of Transylvania. In the Banate the Hungarians were 
 also successful. Fortunately for the Austrians, Kossuth made a 
 military and political blunder in appointing Dembinski, a Pole, 
 commander-in-chief. He was not fit for the task; as a foreigner, 
 the jealous Hungarian generals did not yield him ready obedi- 
 ence ; and his appointment, by giving the war a new objective in 
 Poland, might bring Russia into the contiict. He advanced on 
 Pesth, but was defeated at Kopolna on the 26th of February ; 
 then the army demanded his removal, and Kossuth had to yield. 
 In contrast with this faikire, Görgei, whose generalship threw 
 that of all others into the shade, and who, with the exception of 
 Kossuth, had the most popular name in Hungary, moved forward 
 in the direction of Pesth with 50,000 men, and defeated Prince 
 Windischgraz's forces between Gödöllö and Isasgez on April 6th. 
 The Olmütz cabinet now perceived that bombarding cities and 
 conquering warlike nations were two wholly different matters. 
 Windischgräz was recalled, and the command conferred on Gen- 
 eral Weiden, who was not one whit more capable. He evacu- 
 ated Pesth, leaving in Buda a garrison commanded by the gallant 
 General Henzi, a Switzer. Görgei received orders to storm Buda. 
 
AUSTKIA APPLIES TO RUSSIA FOR HELP. 243 
 
 Notwithstanding a courageous resistance on the part of General 
 Henzi, who lost his life in the fight, the city was carried on the 
 21st of May. But the disagreement among the leaders of the 
 revolution had already reached an alarming point. April 14th, 
 as the Schwarzenberg ministry had published a constitution for 
 all Austria, and so reduced Hungary to the level of the other prov- 
 inces, Kossuth, against Görgei's wishes and advice, caused the 
 Reichstag at Debreczin to declare " the House of Hapsburg de- 
 prived of its dominion and banished from Hungary forever." 
 Hungary was now an independent state — a republic i.i the midst 
 of the old monarchies — certain of being looked upon in any case 
 as threatening danger to all its neighbors. Kossuth was named 
 chief of the republic, as responsible governor-president of Hun- 
 gary. He surrounded himself with a new ministry, in which the 
 jealous Görgei was minister of war as well as commander-in-chief. 
 The Reichstag was again transferred to Pesth. 
 
 It was but a brief honey-moon which the victorious Hungarians 
 enjoyed in their regained capital. For Austria the possession of 
 Hungary was a question of life or death, and she strained every 
 nerve for its reconquest. The chief command was conferred upon 
 Baron Haynau, notorious for his merciless conduct at the taking 
 of Brescia, and Russia was applied to for assistance. There were 
 two things which Kossuth's sentimental statesmanship had not 
 taken into account — that Austria would become master in Italy 
 so quickly, and that a second power might intervene. But owing 
 to the participation of Poles in the Hungarian war for freedom, 
 and to the neighborhood of the two countries, the latter contin- 
 gency was a very probable one. No one doubted that, the inde- 
 pendence of Hungary once achieved, Poland could no longer be 
 held back. Hence Czar Nicholas did not hesitate for a moment 
 to fulfil Francis Joseph's wish ; and at the same time he hoped by 
 sucli a service to chain the youthful monarch securely to his policy, 
 and, when occasion offered, require from him a service in return. 
 
 With Russia's interference the matter was as good as decided. 
 Hungary's further resistance was nothing but an heroic death-strug- 
 gle. While Paskevitch with 80,000 Russians marched across the 
 Carpathian mountains and advanced toward the upper Danube, 
 other Russian divisions entered Transylvania from Bukovina and 
 Wallachia, Jellachich reappeared in southern Hungary with a Ser- 
 vian-Croatian army, and Haynau crossed the Raab and moved on 
 
244 POLITICAL HISTOEY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Komorn from the west. After several days' fighting, Görgei left 
 General Klapka behind in Komorn, and fell back across the 
 Theiss; and on the 12th of July Haynau entered the sister cities 
 of Buda-Pesth. For the second time Kossuth had to leave the 
 capital. The Reichstag and paper-money press, the latter of which 
 had been busily at work in the mean time, were transferred to 
 Szegedin, on the Theiss, and finally to Arad, on the JMaros. On 
 his retreat Görgei succeeded in inflicting a defeat upon the Rus- 
 sians under Rüdiger at Waizen. By masterly manoeuvring he 
 carried his army safely through the midst of the Russian forces 
 to Arad. But neither Bern nor Dembinski could succeed in mak- 
 ing head against their opponents. The former was defeated by 
 the Russian General Lüders at Schässburg (July 31st) and other 
 places, and driven out of Transylvania ; and Haynau, advancing 
 rapidly, defeated the latter at Szöreg and Temesman (August 5th 
 and 9th). The Hungarian troops were concentrated at Arad. 
 Great indecision prevailed at head-quarters, and only a military 
 dictatorship appeared to hold out some slight hope. Kossuth 
 was obliged to lay down his ofiice as governor on the 10th of Au- 
 gust, and Görgei assumed the dictatorship. On the 30th of Au- 
 gust, with 23,000 men and 130 guns, he surrendered to the Rus- 
 sian General Rüdiger at Yilagos, with the knowledge and consent 
 of Kossuth and the government. There Avas nothing more to be 
 won, yet the nation had expected a different conclusion. The 
 hope of obtaining more favorable terms for his country, the wish, 
 after so much had been done for military honor, to avoid useless 
 bloodshed, dislike of the Polish generals and the republican gov- 
 ernment, which had several times been on the point of depriving 
 him of the chief command — all these things had influenced Gor- 
 ge! to take this surprising step, about which he had already been 
 for some time in negotiation with Paskevitch. Haynan's morti- 
 fication that Görgei had surrendered to the Russians and not to 
 him was not diminished by Prince Paskevitch's proud report to 
 Czar Nicholas : " Hungary lies conquered at the feet of your maj- 
 esty." Haynau could justly retort that it was the Austrian army 
 which had in six battles brought the foe to the point of annihila- 
 tion and effected the surrender of Görgei's corps. Görgei received 
 a pardon for his own person merel}^ and from that time on lived 
 for the most part in retirement at Klagcnfurt. 
 
 After the catastrophe of Vilagos all the fortresses capitulated ; 
 
HUNGARY IS PUNISHED.— SCHLESWIG-HOLSTELV. 245 
 
 Koinorn, where Klapka commanded, holding out until September 
 27th. The smaller detachments of troops surrendered, the hon- 
 veds hurried home. Only about 5000 men, with Kossuth, Bem, 
 Deuibinski, and others, took refuge in Turkey, which afforded 
 them an asylum in spite of the threats of Austria and Russia. 
 llaynau inflicted a severe chastisement on those who remained 
 beliind or were captured. Courts-martial were set up in Pesth 
 and Arad. Many of Hungary's best men were condemned to 
 powder and lead, or to the gallows ; among others Count Batthy- 
 ani, the former prime-minister. The property of fugitives and 
 condemned persons was confiscated. Many pined away in prison ; 
 several thousands were drafted into the Austrian army. The con- 
 stitution was annulled, and Hungary treated like a newly-con- 
 quered country, as though it had forfeited all its former rights. 
 Whether these acts of vengeance, which recalled the scenes of 
 1687, were born of political wisdom, is another question. 
 
 AVhile Hungary was wrestling with death, another land was 
 bleeding in the north — Schleswig-Holstein. The duchies had re- 
 signed themselves with wonderful submissiveness to the armistice 
 of Malmö, which had given rise to the September disturbances in 
 Frankfort ; but as soon as it expired they took the field with an 
 army of 14,000 men under General Bonin, a Prussian. The cen- 
 tral administration at Frankfort appointed stadtholders in the 
 place of the joint government which had been set up by Den- 
 mark and Prussia ; and the choice fell on two worthy men — Count 
 Pteventlow-Preetz and William Beseler. At the same time the 
 federal troops, consisting of Bavarians, Würtembergers, Hanoveri- 
 ans, and Prussians, marched in for the purpose of protecting Ger- 
 man provinces from the unendurable process of Danizafion. On 
 the 26th of March, 1849, the Danes brought the armistice to a 
 close ; and on the 5th of April, in the harbor of Eckernförde, 
 a Danish ship of the line. Christian VIII., was set on fire by 
 the shore batteries of the Schleswig-Holsteiners, and the frigate 
 Gefion so badly injured tliat it had to surrender. The Düppel 
 trenches were carried by the federal troops on the 13th of April, 
 and the Danes were driven back to the island of Alsen. The 
 Schleswig-Holsteiners, under Bonin, were also victorious. On the 
 20th of May they took the Jutland border town of Kolding by 
 assault ; they lost it again, but retook it once more, and forced the 
 Danes to retreat to the fortress of Fredericia. General Prittwitz, 
 
246 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the commander of the federal troops, now received orders to re- 
 main inactive. Taking advantage of this inactivity, the Danes, 
 nnder General Rye, who were numerically superior to the Schles- 
 wig-Holsteiners, made a sally from Fredericia in the night of July 
 5th. The latter were worsted, but not discouraged, and would 
 have resumed the fight, when the news arrived of the conclusion 
 of an armistice between Denmark and Prussia (July 10th). A 
 definitive peace between the two states, in the negotiation of 
 which Prussia acted, at the same time in the name of the Ger- 
 man confederation, was concluded some time later (July 2d, 
 1850). In consequence of this armistice the German troops had 
 to evacuate Schleswig, the northern part of which was occupied 
 by Swedish and the southern by Prussian soldiers. A separate 
 administration, consisting of one Prussian and one Danish com- 
 missioner, was set up, and the Schleswig-Holstein army had to 
 retire behind the Eider. 
 
 This was the consequence of a diplomatic intervention on the 
 part of England and Russia. They preferred to see the sea-girt 
 duchies in the hands of little Denu)ark rather than in those of 
 Germany, or rather Prussia ; and hence, in the London protocol of 
 June 2d, they affirmed the union of Schleswig-Holstein with Den- 
 mark to be in the interests of the European balance of power. 
 The honor of Frederic William IV. and his army was pledged to 
 maintain the rights of the duchies ; but the king's character was 
 too peace-loving, and his horror of popular movements was still too 
 easily excited, for him not to shrink back from a struggle which 
 might assume European dimensions. He signed the peace, and 
 delivered Schleswig to the Danes. It was to be separated from 
 Holstein, and was to be distinguished from Denmark by a con- 
 stitution, although politically united with it. These indefinite 
 terms the Danes naturally took advantage of as far as they could, 
 as the conduct of their commissioner, von Tillich, during the 
 armistice had already shown they would do. 
 
 The stadtholders did not recognize the peace of Berlin. De- 
 termined to undertake the fight single-handed, they strengthened 
 the Schleswig-Holstein army, and replaced General Bonin, who 
 had been recalled, by General Willisen, also a Prussian. The 
 choice was in so far unfortunate that Willisen had a reputation 
 as a military writer, but not as a practical strategist, and it was to 
 be feared that he might prove lacking in decision and in that 
 
SCHLESWIG ABANDONED TO THE DANES. 24V 
 
 faculty of quick comprehension which is so necessary to a gen- 
 eral. After the withdrawal of the Prussian troops the Danes 
 advanced into Schleswig from Jutland and Alsen, and encountered 
 Willisen, who had moved up from the south, between Flensburg 
 and Schleswig. On the 25th of July, 1850, a battle was fought 
 at Istedt between 37,000 Danes and 26,000 Schleswig-Holstein- 
 ers. The latter, after having the victory in their very hands, 
 were finally defeated, and obliged to retreat to the fortress of 
 Rendsburg, abandoning all Schleswig to the foe. An attack at 
 Missunde, September 12th, and an assault on Friedrichstadt, Oc- 
 tober 4th, were both repulsed by the Danes. The stadtholders, 
 hoping to repair their losses by a change of command, removed 
 Willisen, and appointed in his place General von der Horst, who 
 liad distinguished himself in the battle at Istedt. But it was 
 already too late. At the Olmütz conference the Schleswig-Hol- 
 stein war was placed on a level with the rebellion in Baden and 
 the Palatinate, and the German great powers resolved to smother 
 this national flame. 
 
 The last act of the German revolution was at an end. Wherever 
 the revolution had appeared in any form it had been crushed. 
 The March ministers had been dismissed everywhere, and their 
 places had been filled by men such as the governments would not 
 have dared before 1848 to offer to the people. And what was to 
 become of Germany ? Under what form were the sundered mem- 
 bers again to come together? Was no heed to be paid to the 
 call of the German people for unity? for a central parliament? 
 for greater freedom ? AVere the last two years to be erased from 
 the political calendar of the monarchies, as the Elector of Hesse 
 struck out the period of French rule, and reintroduced the anti- 
 quated cues? Were the old blunders to be repeated forever? 
 Were revolutions always to be suppressed with powder and ball, 
 and never put an end to by the introduction of rational reforms ? 
 When Prince Schwarzenberg was asked, he roundly declared that 
 there could be no more talk of parliaments and the like, and that 
 Germany must return to the old Diet under the presidency of 
 Austria. Prussia struggled hard against this disgrace. She was 
 Avilling to make a partial concession to the demands of the Ger- 
 man people, and build a new Germany on the foundation of the 
 federal constitution ; and by union with the German princes she 
 Loped to acquire the hegemony which slie had refused to accept 
 
248 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 from the German people. In this way arose the so-called League 
 of the Three Kings of the 28th of May, 1849, between Prussia, 
 Hanover, and Saxony, in which the first was intrusted with the 
 military and diplomatic direction of the league. This was to be 
 the beginning of a more closely connected federal state — the 
 Union. Austria held aloof from the consultations on this subject, 
 and Bavaria followed her example. The Frankfort imperial par- 
 ty, on the other hand, strongly approved of the plan. It brought 
 about a meeting of those who favored it at Gotha, June 26th, and 
 itself pronounced in its favor. In order to have some common 
 ground in the mean time, Austria and Prussia, in the so-called In- 
 terim — a name of bad memory since the Reformation — undertook 
 the administration of the central government for the German 
 confederation until some definite arrangement was effected. On 
 the 20th of December, 1849, the federal administrator. Archduke 
 John, resigned his office into the hands of the Interim commis- 
 sioners. 
 
 Prussia went still farther on the path along which she had started. 
 The Prussian state had gained in credit with the German people 
 by the fact that in the Landtag^ which had assembled at Berlin 
 in accordance with an electoral law published by the king, a con- 
 stitution had been adopted, which he had sworn to on the 6th of 
 February, 1850. This was a long step toward the union of king 
 and people. The opposition of the princes became only the more 
 obstinate. Bavaria, Saxony, and Würtemberg met the Prussian 
 plan by a proposition for a new constitution, according to which 
 Austria, the five kingdoms, and the two Hesses were to form a 
 federal government consisting of seven members. However, the 
 Erfurt parliament, to which Prussia had invited those states form- 
 ing a closer confederation, came together on the 20th of March, 
 1850. This adopted the Union constitution, which had already 
 been made the foundation of the League of the Three Kings. A 
 princes' congress, composed of all the princes of the Union, was 
 held in Berlin in May, and this constitution was laid before it for 
 adoption. The congress was not pervaded by the greatest har- 
 mony, and there was scarcely unity enough to establish a college 
 of princes as the central administration of the Union. The greater 
 part of the German princes and almost all the small states par- 
 ticipated in the Union, but the participation of some of them was 
 only external. The larger states were steering under full sail 
 
THE HUMILIATION OP OLMUTZ. 249 
 
 toward the Austrian banner, wliicli, after the triumphs in Italy 
 and Hungary, was to be unfurled once more in Frankfort. At 
 the invitation of Austria, issued on the 26th of April, the am- 
 bassadors of thirteen governments met there and formed an " ex- 
 traordinary, plenary assembly." Czar Nicholas, appealed to by 
 both sides, gladly undertook the office of arbitrator in the Ger- 
 man complications. In June he had a meeting with the Prince 
 of Prussia and Prince Schwarzenberg in Warsaw, and pronounced 
 in favor of the Austrian plan. On the 14th of August a circular 
 despatch was issued inviting all former members of the confeder- 
 ation to send delegates to an old-fashioned Diet on the 1st of 
 Septeii>ber. Prussia refused to take part, and in a separate me- 
 morial protested against the re-establishment of the Diet, which 
 had been unanimously abolished in 1848. The opposing views 
 of the Frankfort parliament were now transplanted to the cabi- 
 nets. Germany was divided into two camps ; Prussia with the 
 College of Princes, and Austria with the Diet, seemed as irrecon- 
 cilably opposed to one another as the republicans and the reac- 
 tionists in St. Paul's church had been. Once more Avas heard 
 the clang of sabres and the clink of spurs. 
 
 The news from Bregenz was of the most warlike character. On 
 the 11th of October, Francis Joseph met the Kings of Bavaria and 
 Würtemberg at that place, and King William said, with youthful 
 fire, as though he had again been summoned to fight against 
 the French : " If the emperor commands, I follow whithersoever 
 he calls me." In Bregenz it was decided that an army composed 
 of Austrians and Bavarians should march into Electoral Hesse on 
 the part of the Confederation. There the elector had once more 
 displayed the full beauty of his character. After dismissing a 
 liberal cabinet he had called Hassenpflug to the head of a new 
 ministry, a man who had long been hated in Hesse, while in Prus- 
 sia he had even been prosecuted for forgery. His popular nick- 
 name, Hessenfluch (Hesse's curse), comprised a complete judg- 
 ment in the briefest possible form. After dissolving two parlia- 
 ments which would not sanction his illegal measures, he under- 
 took to reign without a parliament, and levy taxes at his own 
 pleasure. As this met with opposition from the courts, he de- 
 clared the whole country under martial law, September Vth, 1850. 
 All the officials, including even the police and array officers, re- 
 fused obedience, so he persuaded the elector to flee to Frankfort, 
 
 11* 
 
250 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 and apply in person to the Diet for help. There the old Metter- 
 nichian view was again in the ascendant — that a prince must never 
 be abandoned, and that in a quarrel between him and his people 
 they are always wrong — so the help of the Confederation was 
 readily promised by a vote of September iVth. But Prussia pro- 
 tested. It still held fast to its Union, and had not recognized the 
 Diet, hence it could not suffer the latter to carry out an execution 
 in friendly territory without its consent. General von Radowitz, 
 a highly cultivated man, who was on very friendly terms with 
 King Frederic William IV., and who was also a decided adherent 
 of the Union, was called into the ministry and intrusted with the 
 management of foreign affairs. The army was put on a war foot- 
 ing, the landwehr called out, the troops stationed in Baden — which 
 was too far advanced — recalled, and the military roads appertain- 
 ing to Prussia by virtue of the Confederation occupied. Before 
 proceeding farther. Czar Nicholas was again appealed to for his 
 good offices. A new meeting took place in Warsaw. Emperor 
 Francis Joseph and Prince Schwarzenberg on the Austrian side, 
 and Count Brandenburg, minister-president, on the side of Prus- 
 sia, met Nicholas at that place. Austria's conditions for a peace- 
 able solution were, that Prussia should give up the Union and 
 acknowledge the restored Diet — demands which Nicholas most 
 energetically supported. The Bavarian and Austrian troops en- 
 tered Hesse, and marched against Cassel. This was occupied by 
 the Prussians, and hence a collision seemed inevitable. But on 
 the 2d of November the peace party conquered in Berlin ; Rado- 
 witz laid down his office, and Manteuffel became minister of for- 
 eign affairs. Like the Diet, he saw nothing but revolution in the 
 resistance of the Hessians to oppression, and he dreaded a war 
 which could result in victory only thi'ough the help of the consti- 
 tutional and democratic party. The Prussian commander in Cas- 
 sel, Count von der Groben, received orders to retreat. On the 8th 
 of November, at Bronzell, there was a slight skirmish with the 
 Bavarian outposts, which was described by the innocent name of 
 " military misunderstanding." Manteuffel himself went to Olmütz, 
 to make peace with Schwarzenberg at any price. For Prussia 
 the price was a high one. Schwarzenberg, who was far superior 
 to the Prussian minister in boldness and diplomatic skill, won a 
 complete victory. In the treaty of Olmütz, November 29th, 1850, 
 it was agreed that Prussia should offer no opposition to the occu- 
 
SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN AND THE LONDON PROTOCOL. 251 
 
 pation of Hesse, that peace should be dictated in Schleswig-Hol- 
 stein by the two great powers, on the basis of one united Danish 
 state, and that conferences of all the German governments should 
 be held in Dresden to effect a final settlement with reference to 
 the Confederation. 
 
 In Electoral Hesse, under the e3'es of Austrian and Prussian 
 commissioners, and under the protection of foreign bayonets, be- 
 gan a rule of caprice. Soldiers were billeted on the citizens in 
 excessive numbers, officials were arbitrarily removed, the prisons 
 were filled. The country — in any case poor enough — was still 
 further impoverished, while emigration increased apace. 
 
 In Schleswig-Holstein, Schwarzenberg acted in a manner worthy 
 of Metternich, who had admitted the right of revolution in the 
 case of no people — not even of the Greeks. In the catechism of 
 those high-born gentry the princes alone were always right. An 
 Austrian and a Prussian commissioner appeared in Holstein, Janu- 
 ary 6th, 1851, and assumed the government of the country, while 
 a detachment of Prussians and an Austrian army corps, under Field- 
 marshal Legeditz, occupied the most important places. The stadt- 
 holders laid down their office, and the army Avas disbanded. The 
 legal union of the two duchies was dissolved, and the idea of 
 a united Danish state not merely carried out with reference to 
 Schleswig, as the Eider -Danes had wished, but even extended 
 to Holstein, a member of the German confederation. It was a 
 united Denmark on the same principle as Schwarzenberg's united 
 Austria. The German troops were withdrawn, all the military 
 stores of the Schleswig -Holstein army were delivered to the 
 Danes, and the government was handed over to the King of 
 Denmark. That the question of succession might furnish no 
 occasion for further dissensions, the female (Hessian) line and the 
 Augustenburg line were passed over, and in the new London pro- 
 tocol of May 8th, 1852, all the great powers recognized Prince 
 Christian of Glücksburg and his male descendants as heirs to the 
 united monarchy. Neither the German Diet nor the Estates of 
 Schleswig and Holstein assented to the protocol, but the wisdom 
 of the cabinets never dreamed that this omission might have ulte- 
 rior consequences. 
 
 No one could expect decent treatment from such a people as 
 the Danes, but there was scarcely any one who had supposed that 
 treaty conditions would be so set at naught as they were, that 
 
252 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 shameless brutality would be practised toward persons of both 
 sexes and all conditions, and that recourse would be had to such 
 shocking means to root out everything German in Schleswig. 
 No land in all Europe was abused and trodden underfoot with 
 such cynical brutality as Schleswig; and every German with a 
 spark of honor in him, while cursing a diplomacy which in the 
 nineteenth century still treated the people like cattle, and execrat- 
 ing a system of government which could dispose in that whole- 
 sale way of so many German souls, blushed for shame and rage 
 when he heard the name of Schleswig-Holstein, Such unnatural 
 conditions must bear their fruit : the time of revenge could not 
 be postponed forever. 
 
 The Dresden conferences lasted from the 23d of December, 
 1850, to the 1st of May, 1851, but were wholly without result. 
 A number of proposals were made. Austria and Prussia wished 
 to form a directory with full power of making peace or war; 
 Austria also wishing to bring all her varied countries into the 
 German confederation. Bavaria proposed a triple directory, the 
 so-called t7'ias, and Würtemberg a German parliament. With the 
 active participation of Russia, which put a decisive veto upon the 
 first two propositions especially, all novelties were rejected, and 
 the old regime restored in its simplicity. Prussia dissolved its 
 Union, and on the 30th of May, 1851, the Diet was re-established 
 in the old form as the representative of the German princes. 
 Federal constitution and fundamental rights were thrown into the 
 waste-paper basket in the various states by which they had been 
 recognized ; constitutional changes of reactionary tendency were 
 made ; measures were taken against the Press and societies; the 
 ultramontane party was pampered ; concordats of incredible cali- 
 bre were concluded or negotiated for; and the governments of the 
 second-rate and lesser states, in their relations to the Diet, adopted 
 the same disgraceful tactics against their own people as before. 
 
 Of all the German states, none came out of this crisis so dissat- 
 isfied as Prussia. Never before had such an opportunity pre- 
 sented itself. Only the answer yes had been needed to lift it out 
 of its mongrel condition — less than a great power, and more than 
 a second-rate one — and give it a commanding position in Europe. 
 But it lacked at that time the proper persons, the great charac- 
 ters, the men of decision and political sagacity. That which it 
 claimed — the political and military leadership in north Germany 
 
COMMANDING POSITION OF RUSSIA. 253 
 
 — it lost tlii'ouuli mere indecision and over-carefulness. It had 
 to resume the old yoke. But the humiliation of Olmütz was 
 a wound that smarted. Prussia had learned how not to attain 
 its object, and that, if it were resolved to attain it, it must try 
 another way. 
 
 i 
 
 §18. 
 
 THE CRIMEAN WAR. 
 
 It was in general the greatest states which suffered most 
 severely from the revolution, but Russia remained unaffected. 
 Thanks to the bloody experiences of 1831, the Poles had vent- 
 ured on no outbreak, only looking with hope toward the Hunga- 
 rian insurrection, in which some of their own people took part. 
 The final catastrophe at Vilagos condemned them to continued 
 endurance. Nicholas's pride was all the greater. His credit as 
 autocrat of Europe had not undergone the least diminution, but 
 had on the contrary been much increased by the assistance he 
 liad rendered in Hungary. He felt as sure of Austria as though 
 she had been his vassal ; and his relations with the King of Prus- 
 sia were so intimate that the latter shortly after dismissed Gen- 
 eral Bonin, his minister of war, because on the breaking out of 
 the Eastern war Bonin had expressed the opinion that an alli- 
 ance with Russia in that matter would be suicidal, and recalled 
 Chevalier Bunsen from the Court of St. James because he was too 
 much of an English partisan. France, where Louis Napoleon had 
 recently seated himself on the imperial throne, appeared to Nich- 
 olas too much exhausted and distracted by internal feuds to be 
 able to enter upon great and remote undertakings ; and in Eng- 
 land, which had always displayed the most lively interest in all 
 Eastern quarrels, he had an old-time friend in the prime-minister. 
 Lord Aberdeen, so that he made no doubt that he could readily 
 fome to an understanding with that formidable maritime power. 
 Neither of the two Western powers was competent alone to un- 
 dertake an offensive war against Russia ; and that an alliance 
 should be concluded between them appeared to Nicholas out of 
 the question, in consideration of the deep distrust of Napoleon 
 felt by English statesmen. The constellations seemed to favor 
 
254 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the resumption of the plan of Catherine II. and the seizure of 
 " the key to the Russian house." It was noised abroad that there 
 was an old prophecy to the effect that in the year 1853, after 
 four hundred years of Turkish rule in Europe, that rule should 
 cease. In his conferences with the English ambassador in St. 
 Petersburg, Sir Hamilton Seymour, Nicholas called Turkey a " sick 
 man " whom no doctor could help, so that it was already time to 
 come to some definite agreement about his inheritance. Accord- 
 ing to his plan, Servia, Bulgaria, and Bosnia were to be made in- 
 dependent states, and, with Moldavia and Wallachia, be placed 
 under the Russian protectorate. If England wished to appropri- 
 ate Egypt and Candia, Russia had no objections. In his opinion 
 England and Russia were the only countries concerned, as they 
 were the only ones who had a tangible interest in Turkey, and 
 if they were agreed about this transaction there was no need of 
 consulting the other powers. 
 
 The English cabinet was not edified by Nicholas's opinion re- 
 garding Turkey's health, which was forwarded by its ambassador. 
 It well knew that a Russian protectorate was only a diplomatic 
 name for Russian dominion, and that if Russia were once in pos- 
 session of Bulgaria she would soon cross the Balkans to Con 
 stantinople, and would never rest until the whole Olympian pen- 
 insula, from the Danube to Cape Matapan, had bowed beneath 
 lier sceptre. Neither England's interests in the Mediterranean 
 nor the possession of an Asiatic empire allowed her to consent 
 to the establishment of such a power. Moreover, the acquisition 
 of Egypt was of very doubtful value for England, since it would 
 be sure to involve her in a war with France. Hence, England 
 decidedly rejected the whole project, and affirmed that the sick 
 man had more vitality than might prove agreeable to his would- 
 be heir. It is alleged that Nicholas then applied to Napoleon, 
 but, notwithstanding the alluring bait of the left bank of the 
 Rhine, did not find a favorable hearing there either. But he did 
 not allow himself to be frightened out of his plans by this recep- 
 tion. He made use of the old strife between Greeks and Latins 
 about the holy sepulchre as a pretence for advancing his designs. 
 In 1852 a firman of the Sultan had recognized the right of the 
 Greek church to the possession of the holy sepulchre, but had at 
 the same time granted the Roman Catholics (Latins), who were 
 energetically supported by Napoleon, the right to celebrate mass 
 
RUSSIA SEEKING A PRETENSE FOR WAR. 255 
 
 in the cliapel of tlie Mount of Olives. This the Greek Catholics 
 regarded as prejudicial to their church. In order to maintain her 
 privileged position, Russia demanded formal security by treaty 
 for the rights of the Greek church. Trusting to the uncondi- 
 tional submission of Prussia and Austria — the latter of which, 
 however, had just crossed the Russian designs in Montenegro by 
 sending Count Leiningen to Constantinople — Nicholas equipped 
 a fleet in the ports of the Black Sea, and assembled an army in 
 the southern part of his dominions, while at the same time, in the 
 hope of browbeating the Porte, he sent Admiral Prince Menzikoff 
 to Constantinople to exact for Russia a religious protectorate over 
 all Greek Christians. This would have given him the right of 
 constant intervention in the internal affairs of the Turkish em- 
 pire — a thing which interested him far more than the protection 
 of the Greek Christians did. March 2d, 1853, Menzikoff appeared 
 in a solemn session of the Divan in overcoat and dusty shoes, as- 
 tonishing the Turkish cabinet as much by this contemptuous dis- 
 regard of etiquette as by the purport of his instructions. Acqui- 
 escence in his demands was not to be thought of, for that would 
 have made the Russian emperor co-regent of Turkey — a title 
 which he would soon have found occasion to shorten by a sylla- 
 ble. So Menzikoff received a negative answer, and on the 21st 
 of May he left Constantinople with loud threats. 
 
 The two principal measures taken by Sultan Abdul Medshid — 
 who had in this the assistance of Redshid Pasha, his grand-vizier, 
 a man of European education — to avoid being the defenceless 
 pi'ey of his powerful foe in the impending war, were a firman 
 solemnly assuring to his Christian subjects their rights, for the 
 sake of keeping them well-disposed, and his application for help 
 to the Western powers. To Napoleon, who considered himself 
 called to revenge the fall of his great uncle and tear up the 
 treaties of 1815, the Turkish cry for help afforded a welcome 
 . opportunity for humiliating hostile Russia, and surrounding his 
 * new imperial throne with splendid trophies. Notwithstanding 
 the scruples of Lord Aberdeen, he dragged the English cabinet 
 along with him. The fleets were made ready, and on the 14th 
 of June they lay at anchor in Besika Bay, at the entrance to the 
 Dardanelles. Nicholas, who represented himself to his people as 
 the defender of the Greek Catholics, forthwith ordered Prince 
 Michael Gortschakoff, with two army corps, consisting of 40,000 
 
256 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 men each, and commanded by Generals Lüders and Danneberg, 
 to invade the Danubian principalities, and take possession of 
 them as a material pledge until the Porte complied with his de- 
 mands. The invasion took place on the 2d of July. Public 
 money was seized, taxes imposed, soldiers levied, and both coun- 
 tries — Moldavia and Wallachia — treated as Russian provinces, as 
 they had been under Potemkin, the Taurian, in 1789. The ef- 
 forts of diplomacy to avoid a war, even at the last moment, were 
 all the more zealous. The ambassadors of the great powers held 
 conferences in Vienna, and united in a mediatory note. The 
 Porte was to assent to Russia's demands, with the exception of 
 the protectorate, which was not, however, to be refused, but mere- 
 ly to be passed over in silence. The difficulty certainly could 
 not be settled by avoiding the real point at issue in this way. 
 Nicholas accepted the note, but interpreted it as approving of all 
 his claims, including the protectorate. This caused great excite- 
 ment in London and Constantinople. Li the House of Com- 
 mons, Layard, who thoroughly understood Eastern affairs, made 
 a violent attack on the Russophile ministry, and demanded deci- 
 sive action in favor of the Turks. In Constantinople the old- 
 Turkish party left the Sultan no other choice than abdication or 
 the rejection of the note. 
 
 Warlike preparations were actively pushed forward in Turkey. 
 The tributary states, Egypt and Tunis, were called upon to fur- 
 nish their contingents ; the taxes were collected for several years 
 in advance ; and religious enthusiasm was appealed to, just as it 
 had been in Russia. On the 4tli of October war was declared 
 in case the Danubian principalities were not evacuated at once. 
 Russia replied on the 1st of November by a declaration of war, 
 and fighting began. The main force of the Turks was on the 
 right bank of the Danube, under the command of Omer Pasha. 
 He crossed over to the left bank at Widdin, fortified Kalafat, and 
 on the 4tli of November, in an intrenched position at Oltenizza, 
 repulsed the attacks of the numerically superior Russian forces. 
 But this success was more than outweighed by a disaster at sea. 
 The Russian admiral, Nachimoff, sailing from Sebastopol, sur- 
 prised a Turkish squadron under Osman Pasha at Sinope one 
 cloudy day, November 30th, and almost completely destroyed it. 
 The English leopard, which assumed a sort of maritime autocracy, 
 could no longer be held back. Lord Aberdeen had to resign, and 
 
THE TURKISH CHRISTIANS AND THE GREEKS QUIET. 257 
 
 Lord Palmerston, wlio stood in friendly relations with Napoleon, 
 and who wonld not hesitate at war, took his place. December 5tli, 
 the Vienna conference sent another note to Russia, making a few 
 concessions, but at the same time demanding the evacuation of 
 the Danubian principalities. As Nicholas refused to accede to 
 these demands, the Western powers concluded an offensive and 
 defensive alliance with Turkey, March 12th, 1854; and on the 
 28th declared war on Russia. If Austria and Prussia did the 
 same Nicholas would have to yield. All depended on his keep- 
 ing them neutral at the least. A meeting with Francis Joseph in 
 Olmütz, and a journey to Berlin (1853) had that object in view. 
 The interest of the two German great powers in this question 
 was not equal. What took place away off in Turkey did not di- 
 rectly affect Prussia, while it did affect Austria; so it was the 
 latter which exacted the promise that the Russian armies should 
 not cross the Danube. Wlien the Danube was crossed, in spite of 
 this promise, Austria concluded Avith Prussia an offensive and 
 defensive alliance, by which both bound themselves to make 
 war on Russia if it incorporated the Danubian principalities or 
 crossed the Balkans. A note was also sent to St. Petersburg de- 
 manding the immediate evacuation of the principalities. The 
 Bamberg conference of the second-rate German states — which 
 wanted, acting in the name of the Diet, to meddle in external 
 politics and support Russia — not satisfied with the action of Aus- 
 tria and Prussia, addressed notes to those two states, but was 
 brought without much difficulty to acquiesce in the course that 
 liad been pursued. The Austrian and Prussian notes made little 
 impression on Nicholas, as he thought himself sure of Prussia, 
 and reckoned with confidence on Austria's gratitude. Matters 
 assumed a more doubtful appearance on the 14th of June, when 
 Austria concluded a treaty with the Porte, by which she obtained 
 the right to enter and occupy the Danubian principalities, on the 
 very borders of which she had already concentrated an army. If 
 this treaty were carried out, the Russian line of retreat would be 
 threatened, and the Russians would find themselves between two 
 fires. 
 
 Other hopes which Nicholas had entertained were also disap- 
 pointed. He had counted upon the rising at his approach of all 
 the Christian subjects of the Sultan, as well as the inhabitants of 
 Greece, in a crusade against the Crescent. The Bosnians, Ser- 
 
258 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 vians, and Bulgarians were partly lield down by Omer Pasha and 
 by the threatening attitude of Austria, and partly they wished to 
 be on the safe side, and wait for decisive Russian victories. In 
 Greece, on the other hand, great excitement prevailed. The ha- 
 tred of the old oppressor was rekindled. The northern bounda- 
 ries seemed more contracted than ever, now that an opportunity 
 for extending them appeared to have arrived, and there was even 
 talk of a resurrection of the Byzantine empire. The Western 
 powers sent a few ships to the Piraeus to repress these warlike 
 aspirations, and French troops landed and compelled the govern- 
 ment to join them in holding the restless elements in check. 
 Thievish klephts made a few inroads into Thessaly and Epirus ; 
 but nothing of importance occurred, which lack of energy on 
 King Otho's part so offended the people that a change of mon- 
 arch began to be thought of. 
 
 Russia was thus thrown on her own resources, and could only 
 console herself with the thought — More foes, greater glory. But 
 the glory was not so easily won. The expedition against Kala- 
 fat failed, where Achmet Pasha Avas stationed with 16,000 men. 
 Iskender Bey (the quondam Polish Count Jelinski), a dashing com- 
 mander of cavalry, succeeded in surprising and defeating the Rus- 
 sians at Cetate. Prince Paskevitch was now intrusted with the 
 chief command. He crossed the Danube and besieged Silistria, 
 while Omer Pasha withdrew to the fortress of Shumla. But all 
 the Russian assaults on Silistria, all the skill of General Schilder, 
 distinguished engineer though lie was, availed nothing against the 
 gallant and prudent defence of the commandant, Mussa Pasha, 
 assisted by Grach, a Prussian artillery officer. Mussa, Grach, and 
 Schilder were all mortally wounded, and Paskevitch was grazed 
 by a bullet. Despairing of the capture of the city, he finally 
 drew off his shattered army (June 21st), and fell back, first across 
 the Danube, and then across the Pruth ; for the Western powers 
 had already landed troops in Varna, and an Austrian army was 
 advancing from Transylvania against the Danubian principalities, 
 which it entered on the retreat of the Russians. 
 
 At the same time an English fleet, under Admiral Chai'les Na- 
 pier, with some French ships, under Baraguay d'Hilliers, entered 
 the Baltic, to induce Sweden to make common cause with the 
 Western powers, and to carry the wai-, with its horrors, up the 
 Gulf of Finland to Cronstadt and St. Petersburg. But Sweden 
 
THE ALLIES AT VARNA. 259 
 
 remained neutral, and Cronstadt, which had been made practical- 
 ly impregnable of late years, laughed the English naval guns to 
 scorn. Toward autumn Napier had to turn back with his object 
 unaccomplished. Except the capture of a few merchantmen, the 
 bombardment of peaceful Finnish villages, and the burning of 
 magazines of tar and wood, he had no heroic deeds to show. 
 The French had to content themselves with the capture of the 
 fortress of Bomarsund, on one of the Aland islands (August 
 16 th). 
 
 The war must be decided in the south. If the Western pow- 
 ers wished to afford Turkey any real assistance they would have 
 to come with a strong land-force. England shipped an army of 
 20,000 men, under the command of Lord Raglan, who was a com- 
 panion-in-arms of Wellington, and had lost an arm at Waterloo. 
 The French land-troops numbered about 50,000 men, most of 
 whom had served in Algiers. They were commanded by Mar- 
 shal St. Arnaud, who stood high in Napoleon's favor on account 
 of his service in the coup-cTetat of December 2d. The Duke of 
 Cambridge and Prince Napoleon, a cousin of tlie emperor, at- 
 tached themselves to the army, where the latter — Prince Plon- 
 plon — became better known for his lack of courage than for 
 great deeds. The transportation of the troops lasted several 
 weeks, during which time the allied fleet bombarded Odessa. 
 They took care, however, not to do too much injury to the de- 
 fenceless mercantile city, where a great deal of English proper- 
 ty lay. At last the land -troops arrived at Gallipoli, and were 
 brought from there to Varna, partly by sea and partly by land. 
 There they soon made the acquaintance of the cholera. A fire 
 reduced almost the whole city to ashes, and it was with difficulty 
 that the great powder magazine was saved. The useless march 
 into the Dobrudsha during the burning August heat cost 2000 
 men. After the retreat of the Russians Varna had no further 
 importance, and a council of war was lield to decide at what point 
 a blow could best be struck at the Russian power. The Turkish 
 commanders wished to effect a landing in Asia, in order to drive 
 the Russians out of the Caucasus ; but St. Arnaud, who was suf- 
 fering more and more from the fever he had brought with him 
 from Marseilles, wished to illuminate the last days of his life by 
 a brilliant deed of arms, and urged an attack on Sebastopol, the 
 most important military post in the Crimea. As the Russian na- 
 
260 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 val power in the Black Sea would be thereby annihilated, Lord 
 Raglan was of the same mind. 
 
 The execution of the Crimean project progressed rapidly. Fif- 
 ty-five thousand French and English and six thousand Turks land- 
 ed at Eupatoria, on the west side of the peninsula, on the 14th of 
 September, 1854; and on the 20th Prince MenzikofF, governor 
 of the Crimea, was defeated at the river Alma. The day was 
 won principally through the valor of General Bosquet, who with 
 his zouaves scaled the heights occupied by the Russians. When 
 the allies arrived before Sebastopol, on the 27th, they found the 
 fortifications on the north side of the city too strong to be taken 
 without siege-guns, and those must first be brought. The Rus- 
 sians had made entrance into the harbor impossible by sinking 
 seven large ships of war at the mouth. The works of defence 
 were strengthened from week to week by the restless energy of 
 an able artillery officer, Todleben, and large re-enforcements from 
 the interior of Russia came up over the isthmus of Perekop. 
 Hence the allies decided upon a regular siege, and encamped 
 south of the city, the French, at the bight of Karaiesh, and the 
 English at that of Balaklava. A sudden attack upon the north- 
 ern side of the city might have succeeded, perhaps ; but St. Ar- 
 naud's failing health was not favorable for energetic operations. 
 He surrendered the command to General Canrobert, and embarked 
 for Constantinople, but died on board ship of the cholera (Sep- 
 tember 29th), 
 
 The siege which now began was one of the most obstinate and 
 bloody on record. In order to become masters of this stronghold 
 before winter set in, the allies undertook a bombardment of the 
 city, October 17th, both from the land batteries and the ships, but 
 suffered, especially on the ships, more damage than they inflicted. 
 This encouraged the Russians to assume the offensive. October 
 25th, General Liprandi attacked the English at Balaklava, and 
 inflicted heavy losses on their cavalry. The action of November 
 5th, at Inkerman, where the English escaped disaster only by the 
 timely assistance of Canrobert and Bosquet, was far more serious, 
 but finally resulted in the defeat of the Russians, who were forced 
 to beat a hasty retreat behind their fortifications. That ended 
 the fighting for the year 1854, for the setting in of winter, and 
 especially the pouring rain, rendered action in the field impossible. 
 But the soldiers were not prepared for a winter campaign. The 
 
AUSTKIA AND SARDINIA JOIN THE ALLIES. 261 
 
 Eno-lisli and Turks, whose commissariat system was very bad, suf- 
 fered terribly, and cholera and dysentery carried off thousands. 
 Tiie French were better provided, and their native adaptability 
 and cheerfulness enabled them to care for themselves better. 
 They were light-hearted enough even to improvise a theatre in 
 their camp. 
 
 Diplomacy made use of the winter season while war rested. The 
 Vienna conference again came together ; but Russia, which partici- 
 pated only in the hope of separating the allies, rejected the condi- 
 tions offered it, so that on the 2d of December Austria entered 
 into a formal offensive and defensive alliance with the Western 
 powers, and strengthened her armies in Transylvania and Galicia. 
 But as Prussia could not be brought to make war on Russia, and 
 the secondary German states went no farther than to prepare for 
 war, Austria did not dare, even if she had had any intention of 
 doing so, to lead her armies eastward, leaving her rear exposed. 
 While by this course she was earning no thanks from any side, 
 was prejudicing her authority as a great power, and was bleeding 
 herself financially by the maintenance of so many troops on a war 
 footing, little Sardinia, by the treaty of January 26th, 1855, en- 
 tered the ranks of tlie belligerent powers, and sent 15,000 men to 
 the Crimea under General Lamarmora. Count Cavour's political 
 sagacity had at once perceived the favorable opportunity which 
 Sardinia now had. The alliance of the three Eastern powers — the 
 Holy Alliance — was destroyed by Austria's ingratitude. France 
 and England were placed under obligations to the King of Sar- 
 dinia by the assistance of his brave soldiers. It might be foreseen 
 that by a skilful Italian policy, for which Count Cavour was quite 
 the man, it could readily be brought about that, in case of another 
 war in the valley of the Po, Sardinia would have a powerful ally 
 at her side, while Austria would stand completely isolated. 
 
 Emperor Nicholas strained the military resources of his people 
 to the uttermost, and sent lai-ge re-enforcements of troops to the 
 Crimea, many of whom never reached their destination, but were 
 lost in the snow-fields of southern Russia. The command came 
 from St. Petersburg to surprise the Turks under Omer Pasha at 
 Eupatoria. February l7th, 1855, General Chruleff undertook the 
 assault, but the wakeful Turks repulsed him. These numerous 
 Job's messages so affected the health of the proud Czar that he 
 died on the 2d of March, 1855. He was succeeded by his eldest 
 
262 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 son, Alexander IL, a mild, peace-loving monarch. The honor of 
 Russia and the manes of his angry father imperatively demanded 
 the continuance of the struggle, although Russia had already lost 
 250,000 men, the greater part by disease. Alexander recalled Prince 
 Menzikoif, and intrusted the chief command to Prince Michael 
 Gortschakoff. The Western powers on their part could conclude 
 no peace before the capture of Sebastopol. Especially was this 
 the case with Napoleon, whose first great undertaking must be 
 victorious, if his throne were not to be endangered. Accordingly, 
 he sent his ablest military engineer, the artillery-general Niel, to 
 the Crimea, that he might give his counsels on the spot. He 
 soon found the proper place for the main attack, and advanced 
 his lines ever nearer and nearer to the southern suburb, Karabel- 
 naya. His opponent, Todleben, met him half-way where possible. 
 He threw up new intrenchments at this new point of attack, and 
 made the so-called Malakoff tower almost impregnable. Day and 
 night the battle raged above ground and below. The army of the 
 allies had been raised to 174,000, that of the Russians to 150,000. 
 On the 6th of April 500 shots were fired into the city, and the 
 bombardment was continued for fourteen days without intermis- 
 sion. But the Russian guns did not remain silent, and Todleben 
 rebuilt his defences as soon as they were destroyed. In the mean 
 time the allied fleet made an expedition to the Sea of Azov, to de- 
 stroy the cities of Kertsh, Yenikale, Mariopol, Taganrog, and An- 
 apa, with their valuable depots of supplies. The expedition suc- 
 ceeded, but there was as little glory to be won here as in the 
 Baltic. The conduct of the soldiers of the "most civilized na- 
 tion," in not sparing Kertsh — the ancient Panticapa3um, where 
 the aged Mithridates met his death — with its valuable collection 
 of antiquities, did not meet Avith the approval of the civilized 
 world. 
 
 In Paris, Avhere the news of victory was eagerly awaited, Can- 
 robert's progress was not viewed with satisfaction. His relations 
 to Lord Raglan were very strained, and that prevented cordial 
 co-operation. Accordingly, a change of commanders seemed ad- 
 visable, and Canrobert himself recommended it. General Pelis- 
 sier, the perpetrator of the cave massacre in Algeria, owing to his 
 unhesitating energy, appeared to be the right man, and General 
 Canrobert had self-renunciation enough to serve under his suc- 
 cessor as general of division. The consequences of the change 
 
THE STORMING OF SEBASTOPOL. 263 
 
 soon became apparent. However fast the men fell, Pelissier kept 
 pushing his lines nearer ; and on the V-th of June he carried the 
 "green mamelon " by storm. But the general assault, which was 
 undertaken on the 18th of June (Waterloo-day), miscarried, and 
 cost the allies VOOO men. Lord Raglan, who had not fulfilled the 
 expectations entertained regarding him, died of the cholera, June 
 28th, and in his stead General Simpson, likewise an old man, as- 
 sumed the command of the British troops. The Russians also 
 lost a leader about this time : Admiral Nachimoff, the victor of 
 Sinope, was killed by a bullet while with his customary fearlessness 
 inspecting the fortifications. 
 
 The allies paid another visit to the Baltic, but had as little 
 success with the fortress of Cronstadt as in the previous summer. 
 The bombardment of the Finnish city of Sweaborg was the only 
 result of the expedition worth mentioning. 
 
 Before Sebastopol the siege works had been pushed so close 
 that the Russian position was becoming critical. If the enemy 
 kept on advancing at the same rate, the days of Sebastopol were 
 numbered. Accordingly, on the 16th of August, General Read 
 undertook a sortie. The siege works were to be destroyed and 
 the thick chain of hostile forces broken. Favored by a fog, he 
 surprised the allies; but the French and Sardinians quickly col- 
 lected again, and he was repulsed, with the loss of several thou- 
 sand men. Pelissier followed out his plan with mathematical 
 inexorableness. From the 19th of August on, the rain of cannon- 
 balls was so terrible that in three days 5000 Russians were killed 
 or wounded on the walls and in the streets. Eight hundred can- 
 non were directed against the city. The earth quaked, and the 
 inhabitants were stupefied. There was no more thought of repairing 
 the works which were battered down. Against such an infernal 
 fire even Todleben's skill could do nothing more. It was one con- 
 tinued thunder-clap. The Russian guns were no longer capable 
 of answering the fire. It was decided to make a general assault 
 .on the 8th of September. At exactly mid-day the cannonade of 
 the allies suddenly ceased along the whole line, and at the same 
 moment the French dashed upon the Malakoff tower, while the 
 English charged the Redan, a saw -shaped fortification. The 
 French storming column under MacMahon's lead had quickly 
 scaled the outer works of the Malakoff, but within they met with a 
 stubborn resistance; and when they had overcome this tliey were 
 
264 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECEiXT TIMES. 
 
 in danger of beino- blown into the air with the tower, for subter- 
 ranean wires led from the powder magazine to the city. These 
 were quickly severed, and a trench sunk. The French also car- 
 ried the little Redan and the Central Bastion, but lost 7300 men 
 in these assaults within a few hours. The English were less 
 fortunate. Notwithstanding a terrible fire of grape-shot they 
 forced their way into the great Redan, but were driven out again, 
 with a loss of 2400 men. After the capture of the MalakofE Se- 
 bastopol was no longer tenable. Prince Gortschakoff, who had lost 
 13,000 men in this attack, blew up the remaining fortifications 
 on the southern side, sunk the rest of his ships, fell back to the 
 north side of the bay, and took up a strong position in the moun- 
 tains to the east. Here he was in communication with Perekop 
 and the other parts of Russia, and had for the time nothing to 
 fear from the allies, who were embarrassed with their own losses. 
 Enormous stores of material of war and wood for ship-building 
 were found in the city. The siege had lasted eleven months, 
 greatly exhausting all the belligerents. All wished for peace ; 
 and, fortunately for Russia, on the 28th of November Kars, in 
 Asia Minor, surrendered to General Muravieff, after it had been 
 gallantly defended for several months by the commandant, Was- 
 sif Pasha, with the assistance of Williams, an Englishman, and 
 Kmety, a Hungarian. 
 
 Casting this victory into the scales. Emperor Alexander sent 
 Count OrloflE to the peace congress at Paris. At this congress, 
 besides Russia, France, England, Austria, and Turkey, Sardinia 
 also took part in the persons of Count Cavour and the Marquis 
 of Villamarina. Prussia, too, was finally drawn in by reason of 
 certain changes in the Vienna treaties. The Peace of Paris was 
 signed on the 30th of March, 1856. Russia regained Sebastopol 
 and whatever else she had lost, and had, on her part, to restore 
 Kars, cede to Turkey a small strip of land at the mouth of the 
 Danube, and renounce the protectorate of the Danubian princi- 
 palities and the Grecian Christians in Turkey. She was to erect 
 no more arsenals on the Black Sea, and to maintain no more 
 ships of war there than Turkey. The passage of the Danube 
 was declared free, the integrity of the Porte affirmed, and the 
 Christian subjects of Turkey, Avhose equality with the Turks be- 
 fore the law had already been proclaimed, placed under the joint 
 protection of the great powers. 
 
FRANCE PREDOMINANT. 265 
 
 By these provisions it was intended to take away from Russia 
 the power and the opportunity to interfere in the internal affairs 
 of Turkey. A long time would be needed to gather strength for 
 a new blow ; but, however often Russia may be unsuccessful, she 
 will always renew the attempt until she has planted her cross on 
 the church of St. Sophia at Constantinople. But the belief in 
 Russia's boundless resources and invincibility, which Nicholas had 
 contrived to spread, was gone. Germany was freed from Russian 
 pressure. The first place, which Russia had occupied for a long 
 time, was taken by Napoleon, who from a despised parvenu had 
 suddenly become a very courteously treated majesty, to whose 
 palace princes made their dutiful pilgrimages. France shone once 
 more in her old military glory. She was the first great power. 
 Austria and Prussia were condemned to impotence by their per- 
 petual rivalries. The rest of Germany was treated like a baby 
 scarcely out of long-clothes. England, which had accomplished 
 nothing great, either at sea or on land, was regarded as on the 
 decline. The chancellor of the Russian empire. Prince Alexander 
 Gortschakoff, a brother of the general, in his circular of Septem- 
 ber 2d, 1856, described Russia's new programme in the words: 
 " Russia does not repine, she collects herself " (" La Russie ne 
 houde pas, eile se recueille "). Against Austria, which had " aston- 
 ished the world by its ingratitude," Russia cherished a most bit- 
 ter grudge, while it recognized Prussia's favorable attitude by 
 friendly approaches. 
 
 According to the statement of his physicians, the " sick man " 
 was once more in a thoroughly normal condition. That a part of 
 his dominions — his Christian subjects — was placed under the guar- 
 dianship of the great powers was proof of something abnormal. 
 In the hattisherif of Gulhane (November 3d, 1839) Sultan Abdul 
 Medshid had already granted all his subjects equality before the law. 
 After the Crimean war, at the instance of the English ambassa- 
 dor. Lord de Redcliffe, he issued the so-called Hat Hmnayun of 
 February 8th, 1856, by which the Christians were granted equal 
 rights with the Turks in all respects, and all difference between 
 the two in political life was to be removed. But if it is not in- 
 frequently the case that the performances of Christian sovereigns 
 fail to correspond with their promises, what was to be expected 
 from a Mohammedan, who was not even acting according to his 
 own free-will ? The terrible atrocities which the Turkish popula- 
 
 12 
 
266 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 tion in Syria, and especially in Damascus, perpetrated upon the 
 Christians in the year 1860, which gave the French occasion to 
 occupy Syria for ten months, demonstrated the hatred of Chris- 
 tians cherished by the Turkish race. Abdul Medshid died, just at 
 the end of that occupation, June 26th, 1861, having dissipated 
 his powers in the delights of the harem. His brother Abdul Aziz 
 succeeded him, and, after some feeble attempts to bring about a 
 better condition of affairs, fell into the same coui'ses. He was un- 
 able to prevent Moldavia and Wallachia, which had in 1859 chosen 
 Colonel Alexander Cousa as their hospodar, from proclaiming 
 their union, under the name of Roumania, on the 23d of Decem- 
 ber, 1861. This reduced the suzerainty of the Porte to a mere 
 shadow. The caprice and extravagance of the new prince finally 
 brought about a conspiracy, and in the night of February 23d, 
 1866, he was surprised in his palace and compelled to abdicate. 
 Prince Charles of IlohenzoUcrn- Sigmaringen was chosen in his 
 place, and confirmed by the Porte as hereditary prince of Rou- 
 mania. 
 
 Greece was very much dissatisfied with the Peace of Paris, 
 which guaranteed the Turkish boundaries. Henceforward King 
 Otho had a difficult position. The nation could not forgive him 
 for having shown no enterprise or military ambition during the 
 Crimean war ; and from that time on he was regarded as wholly 
 unfit to carry out the " great idea " of a great Greece and trans- 
 fer his residence to Constantinople. When the Italian campaign 
 of 1859 was decided in favor of the principle of nationality, and 
 when, in 1860, Garibaldi set out upon his expedition to Sicily and 
 Naples, and in 1862 attempted to raise the whole shore of the 
 Adriatic Gulf for the conquest of Venice, the Hellenes asked them- 
 selves whether that which the Italians had striven after with al- 
 most complete success was to be forbidden them — whether they 
 did not have the same right to give ear to their Grecian brothers, 
 who were sighing under the yoke of a barbarian people, and unite 
 into one state all the Grecian provinces of the Olympian penin- 
 sula. Italian agents, and even the Italian ambassador in Athens, 
 stirred the fire. In February of 1862 a military insurrection 
 broke out in Nauplice. This was put down, but the rebels found 
 King Otho a lenient judge. In October, while the king and liis 
 wife, Amalie of Oldenburg, were visiting the Peloponnesus, the 
 cities of Vonizza, Patras, and Athens rose against him. A pro- 
 
EMANCIPATION OF THE SERFS. 267 
 
 visional government was formed, and Otho declared dethroned. 
 On the news of this military conspiracy the royal pair returned 
 to Piraeus (October 23d) ; but they were not allowed to land. 
 They sailed back to Salamis, and embarked on an English ship 
 for Trieste, whence they returned to their German home. The 
 Greeks then chose Prince Alfred, Queen Victoria's second son, 
 to be their king ; but the English cabinet declined the honor. 
 March 30th, 1863, they made Prince George of Glücksburg king, 
 whose father had been designated by the London protocol as 
 the future king of Denmark. The young George I. landed in the 
 Pirpeus October 30th. He had made the union of the Ionian 
 islands with Greece a condition of acceptance, and England had 
 consented to the union. The Greek nation regarded it as a lucky 
 omen that the new king brought this acquisition with him as a 
 dower, as it were, and hoped that he would satisfy the national 
 expectations with regard to Turkey. This hope found confirma- 
 tion in 1866, on occasion of the rebellion of the Candiotes against 
 Turkey, when King George did not prevent the fitting out of ex- 
 peditions to Crete, and openly took the side of the rebels. 
 
 This hostile attitude on the part of Greece and the rebellions 
 in the Grajco-Turkish provinces were greatly encouraged by Rus- 
 sia so long as it was a question of attacking Turkey, and not of 
 dividing it. If it came to a division of Turkey, Greece was cer- 
 tain to "find in Russia a very self-seeking co-heir — not merely in- 
 clined to claim for herself the whole inheritance, but even to 
 swallow Greece itself. Indeed, Nicholas, in his conversations with 
 Seymour, would hear nothing of the enlargement of Greece, not 
 to speak of the re-establishment of a Byzantine empire. 
 
 Alexander II. proclaimed himself at the outset a promoter of 
 civilization. A meeting which he had with Napoleon in Stutt- 
 gart, at the court of King William of Würtcmberg (September, 
 1857), established friendly personal relations between the two em- 
 perors. At home he endeavored, by the construction of railroads, 
 by commercial treaties, and by improvement of the system of in- 
 struction, to heal the wounds the country had received, and to 
 rid Russia more and more of its Asiatic forms. His most impor- 
 tant measure, requiring courage no less than sagacity and good 
 intentions, inasmuch as 23,000,000 of his subjects were slaves, 
 was the abolition of slavery. Serfs of the peasant class were to 
 receive from their owners a certain amount of land, and in a term 
 
268 POLITICAL HISTORY OF EECENT TIMES. 
 
 of years, by a sort of rederaption, consisting in money or other 
 services, tliis was to become their own property. Serfs engaged 
 in manufactures and household servants were to be freed from 
 their obligations to their former masters within two yeare. Alex- 
 ander set a good example : he freed all the serfs on the imperial 
 estates, and bestowed upon them without payment the lands they 
 farmed. Neither the opposition of the nobility, whose power was 
 endangered, nor the risings of peasants, who found it more desir- 
 able to acquire their land without redemption, could check the 
 Czar in the pi'osecution of his work of civilization. His mani- 
 festo of March 1 7th, 1861, clearly showed his purposes, and the 
 execution of those purposes must inevitably work a total change 
 in the social and political condition of Russia. 
 
 In the midst of these reform movements occurred a new Po- 
 lish rebellion. Although Alexander had improved their condi- 
 tion considerably, botli from a material and sentimental point of 
 view, and was planning still further improvements, yet after the 
 Italian war of 1859, where the claims of nationality had won the 
 day, there arose a great agitation among the Poles, and they once 
 more looked to France for help. The erection of an independent 
 kingdom with the old boundaries as they had existed before the 
 first division of 1772 was the aim of the agitation. From Novem- 
 ber of 1860 onward memorial mourning solemnities on a grand 
 scale in honor of the beginning of the revolution of 1830, of the 
 battle at Grochow, and of Prince Czartoryski, who had died in 
 Paris, kept political passions alive. The middle classes in the 
 cities, the students, and the Iloman Catholic priesthood were the 
 main-stays of the movement. On the death of Prince Paskevitch 
 the Czar made Prince Gortschakotf, the defender of Sebastopol, 
 Governor-general of Poland. The Polish margrave Wielopolski, 
 a moderate patriot, was his coadjutor, intrusted with the adminis- 
 tration of the department of religion and instruction. But no 
 concessions satisfied the people. They made mourning the na- 
 tional color, and sung revolutionary hymns in the churches, while 
 the nobles employed the Agricultural Society for their political 
 ends. Before long there were collisions in Warsaw between the 
 people and the troops. October 14th, 1861, Count Lambert de- 
 clared all Poland in a state of siege ; and General Lüders, who 
 removed the state of siege, caused the arrest of several promi- 
 nent men. But the government did not omit conciliatory meas- 
 
POLISH REBELLION OF 1863 QUELLED. 269 
 
 nres. The priest Felinski was named Archbishop of Warsaw ; 
 Grand-duke Constantine, the Czar's brother, was made Governor 
 of Poland, and Wielopolski intrusted, under him, with the civil 
 administration. A series of national reforms began. But the 
 population of Warsaw was under the ban of a conspiracy. At- 
 tempts on the life of General Lüders, the Grand-duke, and Wie- 
 lopolski revealed the threatening abyss. In order to get rid of 
 the revolutionary elements in the population, in the night of Jan- 
 uary 14th, 1863, the government resorted to a forcible conscrip- 
 tion, although no conscription had taken place for several years, 
 and all the young men in Warsaw who were regarded as suspi- 
 cious were seized and forced into the army. This led to civil 
 war. A provisional national government was formed, which suin- 
 moned the people to fight for freedom, and sought to win the 
 hitherto halting peasants by promising them the free and heredi- 
 tary possession of the laud they farmed, if they took part in the 
 national battle. General Mieroslavvski was named dictator, a man 
 whose name was known from the years 1848 and 1849 ; but after 
 a few days he was beaten by tlie Russians, and fled to Prussia. 
 Langiewicz, of Posen, succeeded him as dictator, but held the dig- 
 nity for a few days only. March 19th, he had to flee. He took 
 refuge in Austria, and after a long confinement received permis- 
 sion to emigrate to Switzerland. The national government then 
 resumed the conduct of affairs, and, like a Vehmic tribunal, side 
 by side with the official Russian government, issued commands, 
 levied taxes, and dealt out death. The irregular warfare in the 
 Polish forests could not endure forever, nor could the revolution- 
 ary tribunal in Warsaw long continue to maintain itself, especially 
 aftpr Wielopolski was dismissed and the energetic General Berg 
 placed at the head of the administration, October 31st, 1863. 
 Tlie whole land was full of Russian soldiers. In Poland, Podolia, 
 and the Ukraine the nobles were rendered harmless by imprison- 
 ment ; an extraordinary income tax was laid on the Roman Cath- 
 olic clergy ; and the peasants were won by bestowing their farms 
 on them as their own private property. In Lithuania General Mu- 
 ravieff waged a war of extermination against the Polisli element. 
 The insurrection was quelled at the end of the year 1863, and 
 the Russian chancellor. Prince Alexander Gortschakoff, was able 
 to inform the French cabinet that there was no further occasion 
 whatever for political notes. Napoleon had endeavored to utilize 
 
2V0 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 this opportunity, also, to act as arbiter of Europe. But he got no 
 farther than identical notes (notes of identical tenor, but not pre- 
 sented jointly) from France, England, and Austria, to which Gort- 
 schakolf replied that the rebellion would be quelled the more 
 quickly the more energetically those powers held down the revo- 
 lutionary party in their own lands, and the less they encouraged 
 it in others. England and Austria were not willing to engage in 
 war with Russia on Poland's account — which would have signified 
 for Austria the cession of Galicia- — hence Napoleon attempted to 
 extricate himself from the embarrassment by proposing a general 
 congress, to play the part of a supreme Areopagus in all European 
 affairs. The congress never came into existence, and the death 
 of the King of Denmark brought quite different complications 
 to the foreground of the political stage. Prussia had once more 
 shown her Russian sympathies, and on February 8th, 1863, she 
 concluded a secret treaty with Russia for the suppression of the 
 Polish rebellion. This met with decided protests in the Prussian 
 Chamber, as well as from foreign cabinets, and was never carried 
 out. 
 
 § 19. 
 
 ITALIAN WAR. 
 
 Count Camillo Cavour, who had been ministei'-president in 
 Sardinia since 1852, laid before the peace ■ congress in Paris a 
 memorial to the effect that Europe could not come to a lasting 
 peace until the national demands of the Italians were fulfilled. 
 These demands were specified as follows : that the great powers 
 should recognize the national unity of Italy ; that Austria should 
 grant a liberal constitution in the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom ; 
 that the foreign troops should be withdrawn from the States of 
 the Church, and that the government of those states should be 
 administered by a temporal governor under the suzerainty of the 
 Pope ; and that the arbitrary system of administration in Naples 
 and Sicily should be brought to an end by an intervention. These 
 demands could not be discussed at Paris, nor did they claim dis- 
 cussion there, but the mere mention of such a programme, the evi- 
 dent approval <>f France and England, and the malicious pleasure 
 
THE POWER AT AUSTRIA'S DISPOSAL. 27l 
 
 wbich Russia scarcely concealed, all indicated that the Italian 
 question would come up for solution as soon as the Eastern was 
 fairly settled. 
 
 The moment was not badly chosen. Austria, the state with 
 which battle must be done, was completely isolated. To outward 
 appearances it had enormous power at its disposal. Its provinces 
 had a population of 38,000,000, and inexhaustible resources. In 
 the Diet its word was still law, and in Italy every state but Sar- 
 dinia obeyed its behests. But in its internal administration, cast- 
 ing aside the experiences of the late revolutions, it clung to an 
 effete system. On the 3d of December, 1851, the constitution 
 which had been promulgated on the 4th of March, 1849, was re- 
 pealed, and absolutism again resorted to. The concordat of Au- 
 gust 18th, 1855, accorded to the Roman Catholic clergy nnlimited 
 inÜuence over education and the Press, and sacrificed actual rights 
 of the throne and the country to the papal stool. Religious in- 
 tolerance, infringement on the rights of the non-Catholics, un- 
 warrantable interference in the religious education of children — 
 these were the order of the day. The light and air so essential 
 to healthy political life were consequently excluded. Under such 
 conditions neither the intelligence nor the self-sacrificing, enthu- 
 siastic patriotism so necessary in great political crises could exist. 
 Austria's preponderance in the Diet was not likely to be of much 
 service in a foreign war not directly affecting German territory; 
 although most of the German governments certainly did seek shel- 
 ter under the double eagle, and administered their affairs accord- 
 ing to the wishes of Austria. March 27th, 1852, the constitution 
 of Electoral Hesse, which had been adopted in 1831, was repealed 
 by the Diet as irreconcilable with the laws of the confederation, 
 and another constitution, reducing all popular rights to an illu- 
 sion, was published by Ilassenpflug without consulting the repre- 
 sentatives of the people, and this grievance lasted until 1862, when 
 Prussia finally entered the lists'for the restoration of the constitu- 
 tion of 1831. In Mecklenburg, after the "fundamental law" of 
 1849 had been set aside, that of 1755 was raked out to satisfy 
 the demands of the petty nobles who played at pasha there. But 
 Austria derived no tangible advantage from these imitations and 
 this sympathy of sentiment on the part of the secondary and lesser 
 German states. During the Crimean war the Bamberg confer- 
 ence had proved that those states could agree upon no decided 
 
272 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 course of action ; and even if tbey could have agreed upon siicli a 
 course, that was still far removed from puttino; their decision into 
 effect. Everything depended upon the attitude of Prussia. Only 
 when she Avas sure of Prussia could Austria command the forces 
 of all Germany ; otherwise scarce a battalion was at her disposal. 
 Prussia was also pursuing a reactionary policy. By means of a 
 pliant chamber, the Manteuffel ministry, despised both at home 
 and abroad for its small-mindedness and lack of intelligence, was 
 endeavoring in a constitutional way to alter the constitution for 
 the worse. However, there was no lack of light in Prussia. In 
 spite of Cultus-minister Ranraer and his school-laws, there was 
 hardly any place where the sciences had made such progress. 
 Such names as Alexander von Humboldt, Carl Ritter, Ranke, and 
 Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm were among the most honored in all 
 Europe. During the lifetime of Frederic William IV., a man at 
 home only in peaceful pursuits, no change in the system of gov- 
 ernment was to be expected. In one matter only, in the matter 
 of the German Zoll-verein, Prussia won a victory over Austria. 
 The latter, jealous of Prussia's successful conduct of the Zoll- 
 verein, demanded admission. Prussia, opposed by the govern- 
 ments, especially the south German ones, but supported by the 
 tradesmen and manufacturers, refused to yield to this demand, 
 and forced Austria to be content with the conclusion of a com- 
 mercial treaty (February 19th, 1853). At the same time Prussia 
 acquired from Oldenburg the port of Jahdebusen, which afforded 
 a secure position on the North Sea for the creation of a navy. 
 
 On only one other occasion did King Frederic William seem in 
 danger of becoming involved in war. September 2d, 1856, Count 
 Frederic de Pourtales set himself at the head of a small royalist 
 party, planted the HohenzoUern flag on the castle of Neuchatel, 
 and overthrew the republican government, which had in 1848 
 freed the canton from Prussian suzerainty and changed the prin- 
 cipality to a republic. But at the end of two days this royalist 
 riot was suppressed, and the leaders imprisoned. Prussia de- 
 manded their release. Through French mediation a compromise 
 was brought about between the two parties, who Avere already 
 arming, by which the royalists were released and the King of 
 Prussia renounced his claims on Neuchatel (May 26th, 1857). 
 But Frederic William's days were numbered. In that same year 
 he was attacked by an incurable disease of the brain, and on the 
 
THE NEW ERA UNDER KING WILLIAM I. 273 
 
 23d of October, 1857, he was obliged to appoint his brother, the 
 Prince of Prussia, as his representative. The disease became 
 so alarming that a mere representation was no longer sufficient, 
 and on the 7th of 'October, 1858, the Prince of Prussia assumed 
 the complete direction of the administration under the title of 
 Regent. This arrangement lasted until January 2d, 1861, on 
 which day Frederic William IV. died at Sans Souci, and the 
 Prince of Prussia succeeded him as King William I. The new 
 king was not of a romantic temperament, but a practical, com- 
 mon-sense man, in the full vigor and freshness of mind and body. 
 lie was far from believing in his brother's system of government, 
 especially disapproving of the overweening influence which had 
 been accorded to certain of the persons by whom he was sur- 
 rounded, and he clearly perceived what Prussia and Germany 
 needed. Austria could not expect to find him as pliable as his 
 brother. The "new era" in Prussia, which manifested itself un- 
 der the Ilohenzollern-Sigmaringen ministry in a more indepen- 
 dent attitude in foreign politics, began with the regency. The 
 disgrace of Bronzell and Olmütz, the insulting arrogance of Prince 
 Schwarzenberg, whose aim had been to reduce Prussia from a 
 great power to a second-rate German state, were deeply felt by 
 those now in authority. They manifested in all matters a lively 
 feeling with regard to Prussia's greatness and Germany's military 
 position. Under the late government Austria had succeeded in 
 defeating- Prussia's plans of aggrandizement in Electoral Hesse, 
 in Schleswig-Holstein, and in the matter of the Union, and had 
 forced her troublesome rival back into the old Brandenburg paths ; 
 but now it was Austria's turn to tremble for her position. Fied- 
 eric William might have said of his brother, quoting the words 
 of Frederic the Great's father : " There stands one who will avenge 
 me." After the death of Schwarzenberg, in 1852, his successor, 
 Count Buol-Schauenstein, had pursued a more conciliatory policy. 
 It was principally the Italian question which compelled him to 
 adopt such a course. The more likely it became that Sardinia 
 would have an ally in France, the more Austria strove after a 
 Prussian alliance. In the new era that alliance could be won only 
 by concessions in the management of German affairs. 
 
 Austria's position in Italy was not much more satisfactory. 
 Her immediate dominion extended over the most fruitful tracts 
 in the whole peninsula, comprising about one-fifth of the total 
 
 12* 
 
274 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 population ; while in Tuscany and Modena the rulers were princes 
 of the Austrian line, wont to receive their watchword from Vien- 
 na. Furthermore, Austria had garrison - right in the important 
 fortresses of Ferrara and Piacenza, and her influence was prepon- 
 derant in Parma, Rome, and Naples. But in a war for the inde- 
 pendence of Italy these vassal states would prove more of a bur- 
 den than a help, for the relations of government and people were 
 far worse there than in the lesser German states — even worse than 
 in Electoral Hesse. With the fall of the Austrian dominion all 
 these thrones would not merely totter, but be altogether over- 
 turned. In some of the Italian states the condition of things was 
 such that one might have believed himself in the midst of the 
 densest barbarism of the Middle Ages instead of in the nineteenth 
 century. The old Duke of Modena, Austria's faithful squire, pur- 
 sued his Jesuitico-absolutist practices after the suppression of the 
 revolution the same as before. Under Duke Charles III. of Par- 
 ma, a Spanish Bourbon, who made his English equerry, Ward, 
 minister, despotism wreaked its hatred on all men of patriotic 
 sentiments. In 1854 the duke was murdered in the public street, 
 and in 1859 his favorite, Count Anviti, colonel of the yens (Tarmes, 
 fell a prey to the daggers of the exasperated populace. In Tus- 
 cany Duke Leopold's rule was as mild as formerly, but the repeal 
 of the constitution and the influence exerted upon him by the 
 Vienna cabinet were not forgiven by the people. Pope Pius IX., 
 on his return from Gaeta, promised administrative reforms, but 
 the terrors of the revolution had so affected him that he could 
 not resolve to keep his promise. He wrapped himself more and 
 more in the folds of his spiritual dignity, leaving the guidance of 
 Peter's ship to Cardinal Antonelli, secretary of state, and finally 
 fell completely into the hands of the Jesuits. The persecution of 
 republicans was carried to the farthest extreme. In 1854 there 
 were 13,000 political prisoners in the States of the Church, and 
 the political fugitives from those states numbered 19,000. In 
 Naples, King Ferdinand IL, nicknamed King Bomba by the peo- 
 ple, filled the prisons and galleys with the opponents of his des- 
 potism, shutting up together political offenders of high birth and 
 the commonest criminals. He relied upon his Swiss mercenaries 
 for the maintenance of his throne, and was deaf alike to the 
 warnings of the earthquake of 1857, which destroyed 20,000 
 houses and buried 10,000 men; to the risings of Baron Venti- 
 
SARDINIA AND ITS NATIONAL POLICY. 275 
 
 venga (in Sicily) and of Colonel Pisacane ; and to the attempt of 
 a soldier, Milano, upon his life. From a dislike of the neighbor- 
 hood of men, he lived for the most part in retirement in his well- 
 guarded castle of Caserta, or at Gaeta. During the Crimean war 
 he was impolitic enough to blaze abroad his sympathy with Rus- 
 sia, and to irritate the Western powers by a prohibition of exports. 
 Grladstone's letters pilloried his despotism before all Europe, and 
 made his dynasty an object of abhorrence in England. 
 
 In a war for its Italian possessions Austria would be thrown on 
 its own resources. Lombardy and Venetia were held down by 
 armed force, the well-to-do citizens and the rich nobles were exas- 
 perated by police regulations and imposts, and the property of 
 emigrants was sequestrated. This occasioned difficulties with Sar- 
 dinia, which protested against such sequestration, as many of the 
 emigrants were naturalized within its borders, and was supported 
 in its protest by the Western powers. The journey to Italy of 
 the Emperor Francis Joseph and his wife, Elizabeth of Bavaria, 
 and their long residence in Milan, in the winter of 1856, did not 
 make the slightest change in the relations of government and 
 people, notwithstanding the proclamation of amnesty and the re- 
 peal of the sequestration law. Reconciliation was wholly impos- 
 sible. This perpetual friction, this constant skirmishing, this se- 
 cret war, could end only with the utter destruction of one party 
 or the other. Sardinia was working against the Austrians with 
 all its powers, and was supported by a Press eager for war, by the 
 agitation of Mazzini and Garibaldi, and by the National Union 
 spread over all Italy. 
 
 Amid these wretched conditions, here revengeful reaction and 
 there foreign rule, Sardinia formed an oasis. King Victor Em- 
 manuel had a heart for Italy's greatness, and his policy was dia- 
 metrically opposed to that of Austria in all respects. He carried 
 out the provisions of the constitution in a liberal spirit, received 
 all Italy's fugitive patriots into his state, and broke completely 
 witli ultramontane ideas, unconcerned at the ill-will of Rome and 
 its bishops. His government, conducted by Cavour with boldness 
 and sagacity, was I'cgarded as the refuge of all liberal aspirations, 
 and his dynasty, which, although originating in French Savoy, 
 had been naturalized in Italy for centuries, was regarded as the 
 only national dynasty in the peninsula. Although a state of 
 scarcely 5,000,000 inhabitants, yet Sardinia was powerful, for all 
 
276 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Italy stood beliind it. This was not the first time it had cherished 
 plans of aggrandizement and nationality. At the beginning of 
 this century, in London and St. Petersburg, the Sardinian states- 
 men had urged the necessity of excluding Austria from upper 
 Italy, and erecting a strong north Italian kingdom. In 1814 the 
 Sardinian ambassador at the Russian court, Joseph le Maistre, 
 wrote : " Sardinia has no higher interest — and the interest of all 
 Italy is the same — than that Austria should not possess one 
 hand's-breadth of land in the peninsula. The king must make 
 himself the head of the Italians; he must even call revolutionists 
 to all civil and military posts in the capital itself." He knew no 
 other choice for Sardinia than either to be swallowed up by Aus- 
 tria, or to drive Austria out of Italy and set itself in her place. 
 If this aim had not been realized heretofore, the reason was that 
 Sardinia had imagined it could vanquish Austria with the same 
 system of government which Austria practised. Success was pos- 
 sible only in case Sardinia reformed its system from the very 
 foundation, opposed to the Austrian principle of unchangeable- 
 ness the most unshackled freedom of development, and convinced 
 all Italy that the new war was no Sardinian war, but an Italian 
 one ; no cabinet war, but a national one ; that the interests of the 
 house of Savoy and of Italy were one and the same. Cavour was 
 the first to enter upon this policy. Without a man like him the 
 goal would have been unattainable. Enthusiastic for the inde- 
 pendence and greatness of Italy, he was possessed of uncommon 
 sagacity in developing the most carefully-spun plans and prepar- 
 ing for years the way to their execution ; and in reference to the 
 means he was too good an Italian and successor of Macchiavelli 
 to be readily disturbed by conscientious scruples. 
 
 Bat with all this it would have been impossible even for a Ca- 
 vour, depending on the resources of Sardinia alone, to have come 
 out of the struggle with Austria victorious. Only the help of a 
 great power and Austria's isolated position at that time could 
 have held out a prospect of victory. The fruits of the Crimean 
 war were ripe, and Sardinia could receive payment for the assist- 
 ance she had rendered. Even under the Tory ministry of the 
 Earl of Derby the sympathies of England might safely be relied 
 on, for there was an almost morbid hatred manifested there to- 
 ward King Bomba, the papal rule, and the whole Romish-abso- 
 lutist system in Italy. At the bare thought of the Hungarian 
 
NAPOLEONS ITALIAN PLAN. 277 
 
 rebellion and the Crimean war Russia fell into such a rage that it 
 could scarcely wait for the moment to come when peace should 
 be dictated to Austria. Although Sardinian troops had stood be- 
 fore Sebastopol, Russia yet displayed a sentimental friendship for 
 Sardinia. Great Russia and little Sardinia pressed hands most 
 affectionately on occasion of a visit of the empress dowager in 
 Nice in 1856, and the harbor of Villafranca was even given up to 
 the Russian fleet. 
 
 But more important than this exchange of sentiments were 
 Sardinia's relations to France. Napoleon, delighting in his new 
 role of conqueror, since the Peace of Paris the recognized arbiter 
 of Europe, found the Austrian influence in Italy nnendurable. 
 This land above all, where, since the time of Francis I., French 
 and Austrian influence had struggled for the mastery, where his 
 great kinsman had won his first and most splendid triumphs, he 
 regarded as a political domain of France. It was his expressed 
 wish to oppose in this field his new public law to the treaties of 
 1815; and a beginning had already been made by the occupation 
 of Rome in 1849. Nothing could be more opportune for him 
 than an alliance with Sardinia, which by the conquest of Milan 
 and Yenice was to become large enough to form a dam against 
 Austria, and yet remain so small as constantly to need the help 
 of France. Then bis plan was to unite this north Italian king- 
 dom with the other states of the peninsula in an Italian confeder- 
 ation, like the powerless German one, and by means of his pro- 
 tege play in Italy the part of a protector. 
 
 An unexpected event hastened the maturation of his plans. 
 On the 14th of January, 1858, as Napoleon was driving to the 
 Opera with his wife, three pear-shaped bombs were hurled at his 
 carriage. A number of persons were killed or wounded, but the 
 imperial pair were only slightly hurt. The author of this desper- 
 ate deed was Felix Orsini. lie had been a member of the con- 
 stituent assembly in Rome, and then a prisoner in Mantua. After 
 his escape from that place to England he had formed a conspiracy 
 with three other refugees — Pierio, Rudio, and Gomez — to murder 
 tlie emperor. Revenge was to be taken on him because he, who 
 in 1831 had been admitted to the Carbonaria, had overthrown 
 the Roman republic, and was now seeking to cast the shadow of 
 his Napoleonic despotism over the whole continent. His person 
 appeared to Mazzini's party the principal hinderance to Italian in- 
 
278 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 dependence, and it was resolved that lie must fall. On his trial 
 Orsini stated that he had formerly regarded Napoleon as Italy's 
 destined savior, and, recurring to that opinion, during his impris- 
 onment he addressed two letters to him. In the first of these he 
 reminded the emperor that " Italy's sons had shed their blood for 
 his uncle," concluding with the words, " Free ray country, and 
 the blessing of 25,000,000 citizens will follow you into the next 
 world." This letter was published in the French papers. Orsini 
 and Pierio were executed, and the others transported. There 
 came near being a breach between France and England on account 
 of a fifth conspirator, a Frenchman named Bernard, who had re- 
 mained behind in England, and who was acquitted by an English 
 jury. But, as England was busy in the East Indies, and Napo- 
 leon had his Italian war on hand, a reconciliation was in the in- 
 terest of both parties. This reconciliation was sealed, outwardly 
 at least, by the personal participation of Queen Victoria at the 
 inauguration of Cherbourg harbor (August 5th, 1858). The exe- 
 cution of Orsini's testament, which was published at Napoleon's 
 desire in the Gazetta Piemontese, progressed rapidly. In July, 
 1858, Napoleon and Cavour had a meeting at the baths of Plom- 
 bieres, at which the plans with reference to Italy were matured, 
 and the treaty conditions agreed upon. On his return Cavour 
 visited AVilliam, the Prince-regent of Prussia, at Baden-Baden, in 
 order to insure Prussia's neutrality in the coming war with Aus- 
 tria. The prince afterward said of him : " But he is really by no 
 means so revolutionary as they say he is." Soon after Cavour 
 sent Marquis Pepoli to the Prussian minister- president. Prince 
 HohenzoUern, at Düsseldorf, to endeavor to procure a benevolent 
 neutrality. There was the more reason why Prussia should pur- 
 sue such a policy, because, as he represented, she must sooner or 
 later be drawn into the same national current in which Sardinia 
 then was ; for Olmütz was for Prussia what Novara was for Sar- 
 dinia. 
 
 On the 30th of January the marriage of Victor Emmanuel's 
 eldest daughter, the Princess Clotilde, with Prince Napoleon Bo- 
 naparte, Jerome's son, took place. This marriage formed part of 
 the Plombieres programme, and was to make the new alliance 
 still closer through the ties of relationship. A few weeks before — 
 New-year's-day, 1859 — on occasion of the congratulatory visits at 
 the Tuileries, Napoleon said to the Austrian ambassador. Baron 
 
WAR BETWEEN AUSTRIA AND FRANCE AND SARDINIA. 279 
 
 Ilübncr : " I regret that our relations arc not so good as I could 
 wish to see them ; but I beg you to inform the emperor that my 
 personal feelings toward him are ever the same." At the open- 
 ing of the Sardinian Chambers, January 10th, Victor Emmanuel 
 expressed himself still more plainly. He said that, notwithstand- 
 ing all his respect for treaties, he could not be insensible to the 
 cry of distress which was borne to his ears from so many parts 
 of Italy. In the Press of both countries much was said about 
 the " rights of nationality " and " revision of treaties." Austria 
 understood this language, and armed herself for war. Archduke 
 Maximilian, brother of the emperor, who as governor-general had 
 tried to make the hardship of foreign rule as light as possible, 
 was recalled, the country placed under martial law, and troops 
 upon troops despatched to upper Italy. Preparations were not 
 wanting on the part of Sardinia ; and France held her best troops 
 in Algeria in readiness to embark at a moment's notice. Diplo- 
 macy still exerted itself to keep the swords in their sheaths. But 
 it was to no purpose that Lord Cowley, the English ambassador 
 in Paris, journeyed to Vienna and spoke of concessions ; and Rus- 
 sia's proposition of a congress of the great powers in which the 
 Italian question should be decided proved futile. Austria well 
 knew in whose favor the question would be decided, and pre- 
 ferred a speedy decision by arms to a state of peace by which 
 only her opponents, who were not yet fully armed, could profit, 
 while she must be financially ruined. Accordingly, on the 23d 
 of April she announced in Turin, as her ultimatum, that she 
 would begin hostilities if the Sardinian array were not disarmed 
 within three days. On the 25th of April Sardinia refused to 
 comply with this demand, and on the following day Napoleon 
 caused his ambassador in Vienna to announce that he would re- 
 gard the passage of the Ticino by the Austrians as a declaration 
 of war on France. 
 
 The Austrians crossed the Ticino on the 29th of April, and the 
 war began. But from the very outset blunder followed blunder 
 on their side. Radetzky, tlfe contjueror of Novara, had died in 
 the previous year. Count Francis Gyulai was appointed com- 
 mander-in-chief in his place ; but, excepting his old Hungarian 
 patent of nobility, there was nothing to distinguish him from 
 common mortals. In the interests of Austria there was already 
 ground for complaint that Frederic the Great's strategy of 1756 
 
280 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 had not been imitated, and that the Austrians had not broken 
 into Sardinia in the middle of winter, as soon as they learned of 
 the conspiracy of Plombieres, before there was a single French- 
 man in the country. As long as the Austrian government could 
 not bring itself to adopt so bold a course, it was the part of the 
 commander-in-chief to move rapidly on Turin, destroy whatever 
 troops and material of war he could find, and occupy the roads to 
 Savoy and Genoa, in order to cut off the French divisions in de- 
 tail as they came up, and drive them back to their ships and to 
 the mountains. Instead of this, Gyulai occupied the Lomellina, a 
 fruitful tract between the Sesia and the Ticino, and, as though it 
 were a case at law, regarded this as a security, safe in the posses- 
 sion of which he might quietly observe the further course of 
 events. In the mean time some French troops, following the 
 land route, marched over Mont Cenis and Mont Genevre ; but the 
 greater number came by sea to Genoa, and among them Napo- 
 leon himself, with his most famous generals — MacMahon, Canro- 
 bert, and Niel. Though little more than a theorist in the art of 
 war. Napoleon assumed the chief command of the Franco-Sar- 
 dinian forces. Finally, in order to ascertain the position of the 
 enemy, Gyulai ordered a reconnaissance in force. This brought 
 on the engagement at Montebello, May 20th, which resulted to 
 the disadvantage of the Austrians. Gyulai then turned his atten- 
 tion to his left wing. May 30th and 31st, the allies defeated his 
 right wing at Palestro, while Garibaldi, with his Alpine rangers, 
 pushed forward into the north of Lombardy, occupying Como, 
 and threatening Milan. 
 
 Gyulai could no longer hold his ground. He had to abandon 
 the Lomellina, and on the 1st of June he recrossed the Ticino at 
 Favia. Tiie allies followed him closel}'. For a time Napoleon, 
 with his Guard, was in great danger at the bridge of Buffalora ; 
 but the arrival of MacMahon, late though it was, decided the bat- 
 tle of Magenta in favor of the allies (June 4th) ; for which ser- 
 vice MacMahon received the title Duke of Magenta. The Aus- 
 trian soldiers fought heroically, but fliere was no head ; no one 
 knew who Avas commander ; the individual corps commanders 
 were left to themselves. This defeat was followed by the loss 
 of Lombardy. Gyulai abandoned Milan and the other cities, 
 blew up the fortifications of Pavia and Piacenza, recalled all the 
 Austrian garrisons from the States of the Church, and fell back 
 
THE BATTLE OF SOLFERINO. 281 
 
 with liis whole army across the Mincio, to take up a position un- 
 der cover of the fortresses of the Quadrilateral. On the 8th of 
 June, Napoleon and Victor Emmanuel entered Milan amid the re- 
 joicings of the populace ; and the former, in a proclamation to 
 the Italian people, declared that he had not come from selfish 
 motives, but only to set Italy free. Central Italy rose in revolu- 
 tion behind the retreating Austrians. Duke Francis of Modena, 
 the dowager Duchess Louisa of Parma, with her minor son Rob- 
 ert, and Grand-duke Leopold of Tuscany, had to leave their states 
 and seek refuge in Austria and Switzerland, while provisional 
 governments were formed behind them, and union with Sardinia 
 proclaimed. In Bologna the papal legate had to Avithdraw with 
 the Austrians, and the people proclaimed the dictatorship of Vic- 
 tor Emmanuel. Other cities also fell away from the States of 
 the Church, and it was only the bloody storming of Perugia by 
 the Swiss troops that still held a few in check. 
 
 To revive the fainting courage of his troops and restore unity 
 among his generals. Emperor Francis Joseph joined the army and 
 assumed the chief command. All burned with impatience to 
 avenge the defeat of Magenta, so the emperor resolved not to re- 
 main on the defensive and undergo a tedious siege, but himself 
 to attack the enemy. June 14th, the Austrian army Avas drawn 
 up between the Mincio and Chiese in the form of a semicircle, in 
 order to advance upon the enemy concentrically from three sides. 
 The line was too long — twelve miles or thereabouts in extent — and 
 the centre was too weak ; further, it was not properly supported 
 by reserve troops. A height by the village of Solferino formed 
 the central point of the centre. Fully informed of all the enemy's 
 arrangements, Napoleon was not taken by surprise. His main at- 
 tack was directed against the weak centre of the Austrians. The 
 French, whose long-range rifled cannon gave them an advantage, 
 charged the heights of Solferino several times, but were beaten 
 back each time. At length, toward evening, they were success- 
 ful, just as a terrific thunder-storm burst, putting an end to the 
 battle at most points. The Austrians retreated across the Mincio 
 in good order, while General Benedek, on their right wing, after 
 having twice repulsed the Sardinians at San Martino, continued 
 the fight until about eight o'clock in the evening. On the side of 
 the allies General Niel, who commanded the right wing, distin- 
 guished himself most, and would have considerably increased the 
 
282 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 amount of the Austrian losses, if lie had been opportunely sup- 
 ported by Canrobert. The Austrlans lost 25,000 men in dead 
 and wounded, 6000 prisoners, and 30 cannon. The French loss 
 was 15,000 dead and wounded; the Sardinians lost 5000 dead 
 and wounded, and 3000 prisoners. Part of the blame for this 
 catastrophe must be ascribed to the Avretched army administra- 
 tion. The negligence and peculation were disgraceful. Enormous 
 supplies of cattle, bread, and wine were paid for and never de- 
 livered, so that the poor soldiers starved for days together, and 
 finally went into battle exhausted. It seems almost incredible 
 that when Emperor Francis Joseph, in order to retake the lost 
 position at Solferino, gave the command to bring the reserve ar- 
 tillery into action, the answer came that the artillery and a cavalry 
 division had marclied off to the Mincio a couple of hours before. 
 But it was not only the conduct of the Austrian army that dis- 
 played a total lack of intelligence and strategy; tlie French gen- 
 erals had scarcely given a single proof of strategical genius, and 
 Napoleon himself was more indebted to chance than to the wis- 
 dom of his calculations for his victories. This condition of af- 
 fairs did not escape the observation of the Prussian staff, where 
 the art of war was pursued not merely as a matter of routine and 
 mechanical dexterity, but as a science, and the years 1866 and 
 1870 were prepared for with tranquillity, albeit with unremitting 
 diligence. 
 
 The allies followed the Austrians up, crossing the Mincio on 
 the 28th of June. They were re-enforced by Prince Napoleon's 
 corps, which he had collected in Tuscany after his landing in Li- 
 vorno, principally for the purpose of winning the sympathies of 
 that beautiful land for a French prince. But as the people did 
 not seem in any way inclined to let their sympathies be won, he 
 crossed the Po and joined the allied army. A French fleet ap- 
 peared before Venice, and all Europe awaited the further devel- 
 opment of the war, in which Austria seemed about to be assailed 
 from two sides, west and south. Europe was all the more aston- 
 ished by the news that a truce had been concluded at Villafranca, 
 July 8th ; and on the 11th of July the preliminaries of peace were 
 arranged at a personal interview between Francis Joseph and Na- 
 poleon. The world did not know whether to be more surprised 
 that Francis Joseph, after a defeat which had seriously weakened 
 the enemy, should at once pay the price of war ; or that Napo- 
 
PRUSSIA'S UNCERTAIN ATTITÜDE. 283 
 
 leon should prove untrue to his programme — " Italy free to the 
 Adriatic" — and after two brilliant victories be content with the 
 half instead of the whole. Yet the reasons for the action of both 
 monarchs were tolerably clear. Napoleon required no further 
 victories to establish his military reputation, while, on the other 
 hand, those already won had terribly thinned the ranks of his 
 best troops ; and while each day made it harder to re-enforce and 
 supply his army, it was becoming in the same ratio easier for the 
 Anstrians, who were approaching their base of supplies. At the 
 same time a quite different sort of war was now about to begin, 
 in which the impetuous charges and irregular valor of the Zouaves 
 wore not of so much consequence. The siege of the forts of the 
 Quadrilateral would certainly have been a worthy counterpart to 
 Sebastopol as far as the difficulty of the undertaking is concerned. 
 There was not much to win, and that assuredly could not be won 
 quickly, but there was a great deal to lose. The turn which Ital- 
 ian affairs had taken, too, was not at all to Napoleon's taste. 
 That Sardinia should absorb the whole peninsula, and grow into 
 a state needing neither mentor nor protector, had not been planned 
 in Plombieres ; and yet that was what everything was tending to- 
 ward. The agreement there made concerned Lombardy, Venice, 
 Parma, and Modena, but nothing further. The other vacant, or 
 soon to be vacant, thrones Napoleon wished to fill with his kins- 
 men Murat and Napoleon, a change which would have been of 
 doubtful advantage for Italy. Sardinia seemed to him large 
 enough by the acquisition of Lombardy and the prospective ac- 
 quisition of the duchies, and according to his ideas French inter- 
 ests required that Cavour's avalanche should be commanded to 
 halt. But even an emperor finds it hard to deal with an avalanche 
 as he would with battalions. 
 
 There were other weighty considerations arising from the atti- 
 tude of the German states, among which the political precedence 
 assumed by France, and the embarrassment of the German impe- 
 rial state, had caused great excitement. In south Germany open 
 support of Austria was called for, and there was even talk of 
 marching to Paris. In Berlin the temperature was considerably 
 cooler. Francis Joseph had already several times made overtures 
 to the prince-regent, asking for Prussia's alliance, and represent- 
 ing the matter as one concerning not merely the Po, but, and in 
 a far higher degree, the Rhine as well, so that no other choice 
 
284 POLITICAL UISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 was left to Prussia than, either in union with Austria and the rest 
 of Germany, to fall upon France under favorable auspices, or, after 
 an eventual defeat of Austria, to form the next objective of a Na- 
 poleonic war, and find itself in a position as isolated as that of 
 Austria at present. The nephew had adopted the uncle's princi- 
 ple : "Z'«?^ apres rautrey Russia had been the first to suffer, 
 then Austria, and after that it would be Prussia's turn, and even 
 England would come in for its share. This was as certain as that 
 the year 1805 (Austerlitz) Avas followed by the year 1806 (Jena). 
 Not until then would Leipzig and Waterloo be avenged, and the 
 new Cajsar satisfied. Owing to the impenetrability of Napoleon's 
 plans, his notorious ambition, and his desire, already several times 
 manifested, to imitate his uncle in all things, these political max- 
 ims and prophecies of the Austrian cabinet had something seduc- 
 tive about them. Prussia's answer was not altogether unfavora- 
 ble ; but neither was the policy of the "free hand," on which it 
 laid so much stress, entirely favorable, inasmuch as it contained a 
 possibility of the most unfriendly intentions. In any case it was 
 well for Germany to arm. Prussia mobilized its whole ai'my, pro- 
 posed to the Confederation the stationing of the seventh and 
 eighth army corps on the upper Rhine, and asked for the supreme 
 command over the united forces of Germany. It appeared deter- 
 mined under certain conditions to assist Austria in asserting her 
 claims to her Italian possessions, not, however, as a mediaeval vas- 
 sal, but as a European and German great power. Those condi- 
 tions concerned the internal affairs of Germany, where the Berlin 
 cabinet, which seemed resolved to make up for the humiliation 
 of Olmiitz at one stroke, demanded a higher position in the Con- 
 federation for Prussia, and a more binding federal constitution in 
 matters concerning war. Austria acted on a principle similar to 
 that which an Austrian minister had propounded during the first 
 Silesian war, in 1741, aud held that it would be better to cede all 
 its Italian possessions to the King of Sardinia than one foot- 
 breadth of land to Prussia. In Austria it was believed that the 
 Prussian longings after the hegemony, which Schwarzenberg's im- 
 perious policy had once put down, were seeking opportunity to 
 break out again with fresh violence, and hence Austria was ready 
 to make concessions in Italy, in order that she might be free to 
 force her Prussian rival back into its former modest position. 
 She objected to Prussia's request for the chief command, and 
 
FRANCIS JOSEPH OUTWITTED BY NAPOLEON III. 285 
 
 proposed that the prince-regent shonld assume the office of com- 
 mander of the forces of the Confederation, subject to the direction 
 of a central council of war at Frankfort, instead of taking into 
 his own hands, as regent of Prussia, the chief direction of the war. 
 The essential incompatibility of the positions of the two states 
 was most distinctly marked. 
 
 This made it all the easier for Napoleon to persuade Francis 
 Joseph to conclude a speedy peace. By pointing out the Prus- 
 sian plans, and holding before him the danger, in case he prose- 
 cuted the war in Italy, that Prussia would make use of his embar- 
 rassments to subdue the secondary and lesser German states, set 
 herself at the head of Germany, and exclude Austria altogether, 
 and laying on the colors with unsparing hand, he outwitted his 
 opponent and won the game.* In point of fact Napoleon was 
 
 * In considering the causes which induced Austria to consent to the peace 
 of Zurich it may be woi'th while to take into consideration Kossuth's nego- 
 tiations with Napoleon, with a view to a rising in Hungary, as recounted in 
 his memoirs. In May, 1859, he had an interview with Napoleon in Paris, in 
 which he refused to excite a Hungarian rebellion simply as a diversion for 
 France and Sardinia, but engaged to raise 200,000 men if France would send 
 an army to Hungary and irretrievably commit herself and Sardinia to the 
 cause of Hungarian independence. Napoleon objected that the English Tory 
 cabinet, which was Austria's staunch and only friend, would be sure in that 
 event to intervene, and Kossuth undertook to procure from the English cabi- 
 net written assurances of neutrality in case the war were extended to Hun- 
 gary. Kossuth, Teleki, and Klapka constituted themselves a National Direc- 
 tory, and the last two went to Genoa to collect a Hungarian legion, while the 
 former repaired to England. He was successful in his mission ; the Man- 
 chester men united with the other Liberals, and the Derby government was 
 overthrown. Kossuth joined Napoleon in Italy after the battle of Solferino, 
 bringing with him private written assurances of neutrality — one of the condi- 
 tions of union exacted by the Manchester men — from Lord Palmerston, Lord 
 John Russell, and three other members of the new cabinet. In the mean 
 time the National Directory had negotiated an alliance with Prince Couza, 
 the hospodar elect of Moldavia and Wallachia, by which he was to receive 
 the Bukovina in return for his assistance, and arms for himself and the Hun- 
 garians had actually been sent to him from France. Negotiations of a simi- 
 lar character were pending with the Prince of Servia ; and efforts were being 
 made to secure the co-operation of the Croatians. Napoleon had received 
 from Russia assurances of neutrality in case the war spread to Hungary, but 
 had been obliged to give counter-assurances that no thrones were to be 
 erected for members of his family. The Hungarian legion, composed of ex- 
 iles and a few Hungarian prisoners of war, now numbered 4000, and with 
 Napoleon's approval the National Directory had prepared a manifesto, wliicli 
 
286 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 guilty of outrageous perfidy in making such representations. It 
 was ho who as early as 1851 had, through M. de Persigny, pro- 
 posed to King Frederic William IV. a Franco-Prussian alliance 
 for the purpose of driving the Austrians out of Italy, to the ad- 
 vantage of France, and organizing Germany in the national inter- 
 ests, according to the wishes of Prussia. And it was also he who, 
 in February of 3 859, offered Prussia Hanover, Holstein, and Elec- 
 toral Hesse, and consequently the hegemony in Germany, in case 
 she would support him in the Italian war. On both occasions 
 his proposals were rejected. Francis Joseph listened to Napo- 
 leon's insinuations, and consented to cede Lombardy, with the 
 exception of the fortresses of Mantua and Peschiera, to France, 
 which was then to hand them over to Sardinia. Italy was to con- 
 stitute a confederation of states under the presidency of the Pope, 
 who was to be solicited to introduce reforms in the States of the 
 Church. The restoration of the sovereigns of Tuscany and Mo- 
 dena was to depend on their formal recall by their subjects with- 
 out the intervention of any foreign power. What had been pro- 
 visionally agreed upon in the preliminary consultations at Villa- 
 franca was ratified by the Peace of Zurich, November 11th, 1859, 
 and Austrian influence in Italy came to an end. Although Aus- 
 tria still retained Venetia and a small part of Lombardy, yet the 
 rest of Italy was making such rapid progress in unification that 
 on the next opportunity it would be able to claim those territo- 
 ries also as its property. 
 
 The Italians made no haste about carrying out those provisions 
 of the peace of Zurich which were rather in Austria's interest. 
 They would hear no more of a system of small states. They 
 
 was just about to be issued, calling upon the Hungarian soldiers in the Aus- 
 trian army to join the French and Sardinians and fight for Hungarian free- 
 dom. Then came the truce of Villafranca. Napoleon had made use of Kos- 
 suth to secure a benevolent neutrality on the part of England, and to frighten 
 Austria by the bugbear of a Hungarian rebellion. It might have been con- 
 venient under certain conditions to have appeared as the champion of Hun- 
 garian liberty, but as matters stood it seemed to him that nothing was to be 
 gained by the continuance of the war. Nice and Savoy were his in any case, 
 and the attitude of Russia must have sealed his conviction that Europe would 
 never consent to a kingdom of central Italy for Prince Napoleon. As was 
 the case after the Crimean war, he sought to make friends of the Mammon 
 of unrighteousness, and magnanimously gave the half-beaten foe terms which 
 were calculated to win iiis gratitude. — Translator. 
 
GARIBALDI EMBARKS AT GENOA. 287 
 
 wished for no federal state, much less a confederation of states, 
 but for a single state ; and they foreboded little good from the 
 presidency of the Pope, whose government in his own land was a 
 genuine monstrosity. They were angry with Napoleon for not 
 leading them to the Adriatic, and helped themselves all the more 
 greedily in central and southern Italy. The National Assembly 
 in Bologna announced, on the 6th of September, 1859, that the 
 whole northern part of the States of the Church — the so-called 
 Emilia — would not return to the papal rule, but would unite with 
 Sardinia. Victor Emmanuel accepted their offer; and Napoleon 
 recommended to the Pope the voluntary renunciation of his rights 
 over those provinces — advice which the latter rejected. A French 
 publication, " The Pope and the Congress," in the composition of 
 which Napoleon was concerned, held in prospect still further ces- 
 sions, for it propounded the maxim that the less land the Pope 
 has to rule, the better Pope can he be. By the plebiscite of March, 
 1860, Tuscany, Modena, and Parma pronounced for union with 
 Sardinia ; and, to give the lie to Napoleon's professions that he 
 did not draw the sword for an increase of territory but for an 
 idea, a plebiscite was taken in Nice and in Savoy, the hereditary 
 territory of Victor Emmanuel's house, which was intended to 
 make the world believe that the vast majority of the population 
 wished for union with France, the annexation of these two prov- 
 inces being one of the conditions Napoleon had made at Plom- 
 bieres. 
 
 With such progress on the part of the national party, Naples 
 and Sicily could not remain quiet. Ferdinand II. had died on 
 the 22d of May, 1859, and bequeathed the government to his in- 
 experienced son, Francis IL, who was in the leading-strings of the 
 queen-mother and the Camarilla. At a time when all Italy was 
 like a Vesuvius, absolutism was retained in Naples as the system 
 fraught with popular blessing, and all the counsels and warnings 
 of the English and French ambassadors rejected. The ground 
 was all the more favorable for the revolutionary attempts of the 
 Mazzinists, and they managed, furthermore, to effect the discharge 
 of the Swiss mercenaries, the only troops on whom the king could 
 rely, at the very time when they were most necessary. In April, 
 1860, outbreaks occurred in Palermo and Messina, which were 
 quickly suppressed. But on the 6th of May, Garibaldi, with more 
 than 1000 volunteers, embarked at Genoa, under the very eyes of 
 
288 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the authorities. If his undertaking succeeded, the result Avould 
 be accepted by the Sardinian government ; if it failed, it would 
 be disavowed. On the 11th of May he landed near Marsala, on 
 the west coast of Sicily, under the protection of two English cor- 
 vettes, and by re-enforcements from the island his forces were 
 soon increased to 4000. He issued a proclamation assuming the 
 dictatorship of Sicily in the name of Victor Emmanuel, " King 
 of Italy." On the 27th of May he appeared before the gates of 
 Palermo. In a few days one-lialf of the city had been captured ; 
 but it was bombarded by the Neapolitan general, Lanza, who had 
 a force of 25,000 men, and partially reduced to ashes. Finally, 
 on the 6th of June, Lanza, who had the whole population against 
 him, had to capitulate and embark for Naples. A few weeks 
 later Messina yielded, and all Sicily was free. Garibaldi, with 
 5000 men, at once crossed the Straits, in which the Neapolitan 
 licet was cruising, and landed safely on the main-land. He met 
 Avith no* resistance anywhere. All the garrisons surrendered; ex- 
 isting authorities laid down their offices; everything went over to 
 him. His march through Reggio, Cosenza, and Salerno was a 
 triumphal procession ; and on the Yth of September, almost with- 
 out a military following, wearing the red blouse and the felt hat, 
 he reached Naples by special train, and was received by the people 
 with inexpressible enthusiasm. The day before Francis II. had 
 left his capital and embarked for Gaeta. His army, about 40,000 
 strong, retreated behind the Volturno to the neighborhood of 
 Capua. Too late he had decided to yield ; and after the surren- 
 der of Palermo he restored the constitution of 1848, called a lib- 
 eral ministry, and proffered his alliance to Sardinia. This farce 
 had already been so often enacted in Naples that no one would 
 believe him, and so there was nothin;^- left but to retreat into his 
 fortresses before the revolution. 
 
 Garibaldi now assumed the dictatorship of Naples also. He 
 cherished the plan of marching into the States of the Church, 
 after defeating the Neapolitan royal troops, and planting his ban- 
 ner for the second time on the Capitol in Rome. Hence he did 
 not at once proclaim the annexation of Naples and Sicily, because, 
 as he explained, his design was to proclaim the Kingdom of Italy 
 from the Quirinal. This aroused not merely the Pope and the 
 Roman Catholic world, but also Napoleon. In the States of the 
 Church everything was ripe for revolt. Where no French troops 
 
ANNEXATION OF UMBRIA AND LE MARCHE. 289 
 
 were stationed the Pope had already ceased to rule, and yet he 
 would hear nothing of mediation, and trusted to the effect of his 
 excommunication of the robbers of Peter's Church, as though he 
 lived in the age of Gregory and Innocent, and not in a century 
 which regards such things merely from the antiquarian point of 
 view. The clergy in all countries were ordered to agitate for the 
 Peter's penny, and to persuade young men to enter the papal 
 army, which was to be reorganized. The French general, Lamori- 
 ciere, a friend of Merode, the minister of war, was put at the 
 head of this army ; but it was not possible even for him to ac- 
 complish the impossible. Napoleon wished to wrest the power 
 from Garibaldi at any price, as he guessed that Mazzini and the 
 republican party were behind him, and from them he feared the 
 worst in case they came into possession of Rome. So on his 
 journey through Savoy he caused Victor Emmanuel to be inform- 
 ed that he should have free scope to annex Le Marche and XJm- 
 bria to his kingdom, and to invade Naples, in order to establish 
 an orderly monarchical government there instead of Garibaldi's 
 revolutionary dictatorship, provided only that he should leave 
 Rome itself untouched and the so-called Peter's Patrimony, which 
 the French would occupy. Thereupon Fanti, the Sardinian min- 
 ister of war, occupied Umbria, and General Cialdini entered Lc 
 Marche. Notwithstanding the inferiority of his forces, Lamori- 
 ciere confronted the latter at Castclfidardo on the 18th of Sep- 
 tember, but after a brief engagement had to yield to numbers. 
 With a few followers he threw himself into Ancona, and on the 
 29th of September, attacked by land and sea, he and the whole 
 garrison surrendered themselves prisoners of war. A j^iebiscite in 
 Umbria and Lc Marche declared for iinion with Sardinia. 
 
 Victor Emmanuel arrived in Ancona on the 9th of October, as- 
 sumed the chief command of his troops, and marched to Naples. 
 Garibaldi was still there ; and although he had about 25,000 men 
 under him, he had not yet succeeded in breaking through the 
 Volturno lines, or persuading the Neapolitan army to revolt. On 
 Victor Emmanuel's arrival, he made a solemn entrance into Na- 
 ples in his company, and, after the accession of Naples to Victor 
 Emmanuel had been proclaimed, he surrendered his dictatorsliip 
 into his hands, and scorning every mark of distinction, returned 
 to the island of Caprcra. The Sardinian king at once drove the 
 Neapolitan army across the Garigliano into the fortress of Gaeta. 
 
 13 
 
290 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 There King Francis and his wife, Maria of Bavaria, held out for 
 three months, defending the fortress with great bravery. But 
 when the French fleet, which had occupied the harbor, was re- 
 called, and the Neapolitan fleet, now belonging to King Victor 
 Emmanuel, took its place, lack of provisions and ammunition be- 
 gan to make themselves felt, typhus raged, and no star of hope 
 was visible on any side; so finally, February 13th, 1861, King 
 Francis capitulated. He embarked on a French ship for Terra- 
 cina, and from there repaired to Rome. Here, as a pretender, he 
 vainly organized little bands for the purpose of raising the Bour- 
 bon standard in Naples once more. These royalist robbers cost 
 him a great deal of money, and the disgraceful deeds perpetrated 
 by them soon obscured the glory of Gaeta. 
 
 On the 18th of February, 1861, Victor Emmanuel opened the 
 first Italian parliament in Turin, and with its consent adopted the 
 title King of Italy. That which Cavour had demanded in the 
 peace congress at Paris, to which Napoleon had assented at Plom- 
 bieres, which the peace of Zurich had granted, seemed insignifi- 
 cant in comparison with these results of the exertions of two 
 years. With the exception of Venctia and the districts belonging 
 to Rome, all the provinces of Italy, diverse though they were, 
 were united into one single state. But this unity was as yet 
 mainly external, and the efforts of Italian statesmen must now be 
 directed toward rendering it internal, and amalgamating the vari- 
 ous parts into one inseparable whole. To this end it was neces- 
 sary to refrain from all further imdertakings for the next few 
 years, and with energy and good-fortune make the best use of a 
 season of peace to cleanse the old Bourbon stables, and institute 
 a thorough reform in the army, finance, and civil administration. 
 In this task, also, one far harder than mere conquest, Cavour dis- 
 played great skill. On one side were the raging republicans to 
 be conciliated, on the other the angry Napoleon, who took it very 
 much amiss that his doctrines of the principle of nationality and 
 the right of self-determination had been put in practice against 
 his will ; and in addition to these diflSculties the Pope, who showed 
 very little appreciation of Cavour's maxim, "A free church in a 
 free state," still had an arsenal full of thunder-bolts. On the 6th 
 of June, 1861, while things were in this somewhat chaotic condi- 
 tion. Count Cavour died, worn out by his gigantic labors. Rica- 
 soli, his successor, preserved an attitude of reserve toward Frence, 
 
RETIREMENT OF RICASOLI FOR RATAZZI. 291 
 
 but in his internal policy followed in the footsteps of the great 
 statesnian. He despatched General Cialdini against the brigands 
 in Naples, and by numerous executions and a display of merciless 
 energy order was established there. This independent course was 
 not to Napoleon's taste. Ricasoli, who would not consent to be 
 a French prefect, had to retire and make room for Ratazzi. His 
 policy was to unite all parties, which still came now and again 
 into sharp conflict, and above all to conciliate the so-called party 
 of action, at the head of which stood Garibaldi. He took into 
 the army the remnant of the volunteers, who had been treated 
 with conspicuous neglect after they had played their part, and de- 
 clared the decision of parliament of March 27th, 1861, that Rome 
 was the future capital of Italy, still in force. This set the party 
 of action and with it all Italy in a blaze once more. " Rome and 
 Venice !" cried the ItaUanissinii ; and not content with that, they 
 spoke of the conquest of southern Tyrol, Istria, and the Dalma- 
 tian coast. Garibaldi wished to complete his work, and applied 
 himself first of all to the solution of the Romish question, which 
 seemed to his patriotic impatience to have become altogether too 
 complicated. He sailed to Sicily, collected about 3000 volun- 
 teers, and landed in Calabria, with the watchword " Rome or 
 death !" But as the government had received from Napoleon a 
 very decided intimation that this must be stopped, it issued a 
 proclamation declaring his action criminal, and despatched Cial- 
 dini against him. At Aspromonte, on the 28th of August, 1862, 
 Colonel Pallavacino encountered Garibaldi and his volunteers. 
 An engagement resulted, several volunteers fell, and Garibaldi, 
 dangerously wounded in the ankle-joint, had to surrender with 
 his followers. They were soon set free again. Garibaldi lingered 
 for some time between life and death, but the ball was at length 
 extracted from the wound by a French physician in Pisa, and in 
 December Garibaldi again returned to his retirement in Caprera. 
 The government had demonstrated that it was master in its 
 own house, and that it would not let itself be forced into impru- 
 dent acts by any one, not even by its noblest sons. Hence it was 
 time for France to remove a stone of stumbling, and itself to 
 practise the principle of non-intervention which it was so ready 
 to preach to other powers. The French occupation of Rome was 
 a continual threat to Italy, as well as a sign of French tutelage, 
 and hence it must be brought to an end. The treaty concluded 
 
292 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 on the 15th of September, 1864, between France and Italy, pro- 
 vided that the French troops should be withdrawn within two 
 years at the farthest; that Italy should make no attack on the ter- 
 ritory belonging to the Pope, and should protect that territory 
 against every assault from without ; that Italy should assume a 
 part of the Roman debt, renounce its pretensions to Rome as its 
 capital, and transfer its seat of government from Turin to Flor- 
 ence. These provisions were carried out. In 1865, king and 
 parliament remove^ to Florence, and by the end of the year 1866 
 there was not a French soldier in Peter's Patrimony. 
 
 §20. 
 
 EXTRA-KUROPEAN COUNTRIES. 
 
 It was not merely in Italy that a question of nationality arose; 
 India was agitated by the same question, and a " revision of the 
 treaties " would have been very welcome there also. It was only 
 under compulsion that the Hindoos endured the dominion of a 
 completely alien race, whose religion was different, and which had 
 such a contempt for their own religion. That a company of mer- 
 chants — the East India Company — should possess an empire of 
 180,000,000 souls to govern, with a view to their trade interests, 
 was something hitherto unheard of in history. The English gov- 
 ernment could select only the governor-general and the military 
 commander-in-chief; all officials were appointed by the twelve 
 directors of the East India Company, and confirmed by the gov- 
 ernor. The administration itself was subject to the control of a 
 royal commission only in the most weighty matters. Where the 
 government was conducted as a mercantile business there was im- 
 minent danger that it would be conducted, not in accordance with 
 justice, but caprice ; not for the purpose of promoting the well- 
 being of the governed, but for the satisfaction of avarice. The 
 inhabitants of Hindostan are partly adherents of Brahmanism, 
 partly of Islam. Both saw in the English missionaries a com- 
 mon foe, by whom they were at that very time treated with great 
 contempt, and both conspired together for the overthrow of the 
 conmion enemy. The army was soon won over. It consisted for 
 
THE SEPOY REBELLION. 293 
 
 the greater part of natives, the Sepoys, who could, however, never 
 attain a higher rank than that of captain. In an army of 250,000 
 men there were only 30,000 English, the rest being all Sepoys, 
 most of whom were ready to take part in the Mutiny. The days 
 of British rule seemed drawing to a close ; England's power was 
 threatened with a mighty shock. An old prophecy was set in 
 circulation, that the foreign rule, which had been established by 
 Lord Olive's victories exactly a century before, was to last no 
 longer than one century. 
 
 A circumstance which from an Occidental point of view was 
 thoroughly insignificant threw the spark into the powder-maga- 
 zine. In the cartridges which were distributed for the new En- 
 field rifles the bullets were believed by the natives to be smeared 
 with cow's fat and hog's lard. They regarded this as an insult to 
 their religion, as the Hindoos might not touch the former, nor 
 the Mohammedans the latter. In Meerut, in the neighborhood of 
 Delhi, May 9th, 1857, some Sepoys refused to receive these car- 
 tridges. They were arrested, but their companions set them free 
 and massacred the English officers, with their wives and children. 
 Two days later the important city of Delhi rose. One hundred 
 and fifty cannon, vast military stores, and two million pounds 
 sterling fell into the hands of the Sepoys. The Mutiny affected 
 all the garrison cities of the upper Ganges, and almost the whole 
 of northern India. A straw emperor was set up in the person of 
 the ninety-two-year-old Akbar, formerly Grand Mogul. The mal- 
 treatment to which the English and their families were exposed 
 was terrible. Mere murder was not enough, they were put to 
 death with the most refined tortures. Not one of the cursed 
 Frengi brood should remain alive. The horrors of Cawnpore, 
 Avhere Nana Sahib gave full vent to his rage, is one of the most 
 grewsome pictures afforded by the embittered wars of races. 
 
 Fortunately for the English, the Mutiny did not break out 
 everywhere at the same time, but was confined at the outset to 
 Delhi and Oude. This enabled them to localize the war, and 
 they sought to destroy the germs of rebellion by dealing out fear- 
 ful vengeance, thus spreading terror, and retaining the timid in 
 their obedience. Transport after transport sailed for India, over 
 100,000 men in all ; while of the native regiments the warlike 
 Sikhs, who inhabit the Punjaub, and the Ghorkas, whose home is 
 a part of the Himalaya range, remained faithful. After a siege 
 
294 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 of three months General Wilson took Delhi. General Havelock 
 brought assistance to Lawrence, who was shut up in the citadel 
 of Lucknow, the capital of Oude, with 400 women and children ; 
 and as their supplies were begiuning to give out, both of them 
 were relieved by the new commander-in-chief, Colin Campbell, who 
 hurried thither from Calcutta. Campbell had too few troops to 
 storm the city, which was defended by 50,000 Sepoys, and it was 
 not until March 13th, 1858, after he had won other victories and 
 received re-enforcements from Calcutta, that he took Lucknow by 
 a three days' assault, and gave free course to the vengeance of his 
 soldiers. Hard judgment was meted out to the rebels, and many 
 hundreds were hanged, or bound to the cannon's mouth and 
 blown to pieces. Nana Sahib succeeded in escaping. His com- 
 panion, Tantia Topi, one of the most capable of the rebel leaders, 
 was captured and put to death on the gallows. With the year 
 1858 the rebellion, in which both sides vied with one another in 
 bloody cruelty, was at an end, and the moderation of Lord Can- 
 ning, the governor-general, a son of the famous statesman, could 
 once more have its way. In England it was felt that the task of 
 ruling so vast an empire exceeded the powers of a private com- 
 pany, and hence Parliament took away the privileges of the East 
 India Company, and decided. that the English government should 
 itself take in hand the administration of India. A special secre- 
 tary of state for India was created, and a viceroy sent thither as 
 representative of the crown. This changed the East Indies from 
 a commercial settlement into an English province, and the ques- 
 tion now is whether the people have gained much by the change. 
 The Indian Mutiny was an attempt of the natives to cast off 
 foreign rule ; the direct counterpart of that was the attempt of 
 the French emperor to force a foreign ruler on the natives of Mex- 
 ico. It was while the United States, torn by civil war, and bleed- 
 ing from a thousand wounds, exerted but little influence abroad, 
 that this genuine Napoleonic piece was enacted in Mexico. The 
 " great uncle " had been imitated in many things — one thing only 
 was still lacking ; many a throne had been overturned by the Na- 
 poleonic idea, but none had as yet been erected, and Napoleon 
 in., especially after his fiasco in Italy, could not deny himself 
 the sweet satisfaction of imitating his uncle in this respect also. 
 Spain's invitation to participate in an intervention in Mexico 
 came very opportunely. England was also interested, and so the 
 
ENGLAND, FRANCE, AND SPAIN INTERVENE IN MEXICO. 295 
 
 London convention of October 31st, 1861, was held, and military 
 measures for the protection of injured European interests an- 
 nounced, but any intention of a seizure of territory or interfer- 
 ence in the form of government expressly repudiated. The Wash- 
 ington cabinet refused to take part in the convention. Benito 
 Juarez, the president of the Mexican republic, a lawyer, of Indian 
 extraction, had certainly been guilty of numerous infringements 
 of the rights of Europeans. He had impressed them for military 
 service, arrested their consuls, and postponed all payments to for- 
 eign countries for two years. In these measures he found his 
 support among the liberals and radicals, while he had aroused the 
 Roman Catholic clergy by the confiscation of church property, 
 and they, with the conservatives in general, were arrayed against 
 him. He did not yield even when a fleet of the three European 
 powers appeared before Vera Cruz and took possession of that 
 and other cities. Through the mediation of the Spanish general, 
 Prim, the convention of Soledad was concluded with Juarez, on 
 the 19th of February, 1862. According to this convention the 
 independence of the Mexican republic was not to be molested, 
 and a conference was to be held in Orizaba to settle the conflict- 
 ing claims. 
 
 Soon after this General Almonte, who had been banished by 
 President Juarez, appeared in the camp of the allies. He was a 
 man in whom Napoleon had reposed his confidence, and Juarez's 
 demand for his surrender was refused. Napoleon was already in 
 negotiation with Maximilian, and as his plans became more and 
 more apparent, the divergency of views and intentions on the 
 part of the alHes became more marked, and, finally, the confer- 
 ence of Orizaba was dissolved. The plenipotentiaries issued a 
 manifesto to the Mexican government, the English and Spanish 
 troops re-embarked in April, and the London convention in real- 
 ity ceased to exist. 
 
 So the French alone remained behind. Napoleon, reckoning 
 with certainty on the victory of the Confederate States, thought 
 that he could win the game alone. In a land of such vast extent, 
 however, the 5000 additional troops which Lorencez brought over 
 from France could accomplish little, and Almonte's representa- 
 tions to the emperor, that the population would rise in crowds 
 against Juarez, proved to be merely the product of an ultramon- 
 tane imagination. The people were less ready to afford the em- 
 
290 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 peror assistance tlie more evident it became that he and Ahnonte 
 in their interviews had agreed to transform the republic into a 
 monarchy. If Napoleon meant to carry out his plans he must 
 furnish money and troops in greater abundance than even the 
 pliant French Chambers would be willing to consent to. After 
 an unsuccessful attack on Puebla, Lorencez led his troops to Ori- 
 zaba, and there awaited the arrival of General Forey with a larger 
 force. On his arrival, Forey assumed the chief command of the 
 army, now about 45,000 strong. He renewed the attack on Pue- 
 bla, which was bravely defended by General Ortega, and after a 
 siege of three months succeeded in taking it on the 17th of May, 
 1863. About 12,000 men surrendered with Ortega. Juarez was 
 no longer able to maintain himself in the capital, Mexico, where 
 the conservatives were especially active, and retreated northward 
 to San Luis Potosi. On the 10th of June, Forey and Almonte 
 entered Mexico, at the head of 15,000 men. An assembly of not- 
 ables was summoned to meet there. This assembly, consisting 
 only of enemies of President Juarez, decided on the 12th of July 
 Co establish an hereditary constitutional monarchy, and offer the 
 imperial throne of Mexico to Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian of 
 Austria, with whom Napoleon had already come to an understand- 
 ing. An embassy hurried across the Atlantic to the castle of 
 Miramar, on the Adriatic Sea, and imparted this decision to the 
 archduke. He was ready to accept the throne as soon as the 
 whole nation should pronounce for him by a free vote. On the 
 news that 2000 towns, the great majority of the people, had voted 
 for him (the French are famous for understanding the manipula- 
 tion of such plebiscites) he embarked with his wife, Marie Char- 
 lotte, daughter of the Belgian king, Leopold L, and entered Mex- 
 ico on the 12th of June, 1864. He had previously concluded 
 with Napoleon the treaty of Miramar, by which the latter pledged 
 himself to retain 25,000 soldiers in Mexico, and not to withdraw 
 them until Maximilian was able to organize for himself an army 
 of natives and foreigners. On his part the new emperor had prom- 
 ised to pay the expenses of the French expedition (270,000,000 
 francs), in fixed instalments, and after the 1st of July, 1864, to 
 maintain the French army of occupation wholly at the expense of 
 the Mexican treasury. He had also incurred further pecuniary 
 obligations quite surpassing the powers of Mexico at that time. 
 It was one of those treaties which are made to be broken. 
 
MAXIMILIAN ABANDONED BY THE FRENCH. 297 
 
 All the world wondered when it became known that a Haps- 
 burger liad accepted a throne from Napoleon. No one had be- 
 lieved Maximilian so short-sighted as not to perceive that in the 
 summer of 1864 this throne had already become an impossibility, 
 for the defeat of the Confederate States was then as good as as- 
 sured, and as soon as the Union regained its old strength one of 
 its first acts would certainly be to shatter this Mexican imperial 
 throne. The United States would not quietly submit to the blow 
 which Napoleon had aimed at the Monroe doctrine of 1823. Ac- 
 cording to that doctrine no European power might interfere in 
 the internal affairs of American States, yet here was an interfer- 
 ence which had been carried to the point of erecting a throne 
 close to their own frontiers. Those were right who affirmed that 
 this throne would last as long as the American civil war, and no 
 longer, and that the chimes of Union victory would be the knell 
 of the Mexican empire. Bazaine, who had succeeded Forey, now 
 a marshal, in the command, forced Juarez to flee to Texas; but 
 after the victory of the Union he returned to Mexico, supported 
 by the United States. The north of Mexico had remained true 
 to the president, and he had not a few friends in the south. His 
 influence and that of his protectors increased daily, while Maxi- 
 milian's position was becoming constantly more difläcult. He 
 had at first relied on the liberal party, and broken on that account 
 with the clericals and the Pope, who, by liis nuntius Meglia, re- 
 quired unconditional submission. Later he attached himself to 
 the clericals, as the liberals gradually deserted him, but he could 
 never wholly win them over to himself, since the restoration of 
 the church property, which had been sold, was a demand that 
 could no longer be complied with. The Avorst came from Wash- 
 ington and Paris. The United States government gave Napoleon 
 plainly to understand that he had no other choice than either to 
 withdraw his troops from Mexico or to engage in a war with the 
 United States. Napoleon had been altogether at fault in his 
 judgments on American affairs, and he saw more clearly each day 
 how hated the costly Mexican expedition was in all France. Fear- 
 ing for his own throne, he was more willing to abandon Maximil- 
 ian to his fate than to engage in so venturesome a war on his 
 account. On the 30th of July, 1866, he forced on Maximilian a 
 new treaty, by which he was to cede the greater part of his reve- 
 nues to the French, and be deprived in a short time of the pro- 
 
 13* 
 
298 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 tectlon of the French soldiers. This left him an almost defence- 
 less prey to the republican troops, who had already pressed well 
 southward. Empress Charlotte hastened from Mexico to Paris 
 and reminded Napoleon of the treaty of Miramar; but he re- 
 mained inexorable, for the Americans were becoming constantly 
 more threatening with their " either — or," and affairs in Germany 
 were growing critical. In despair Charlotte hastened to Rome, 
 and from there she returned to Miramar a victim to insanity. In- 
 stead of abdicating under such circumstances and returning to 
 Europe, Maximilian allowed himself to be persuaded by the ultra- 
 montanes, into whose hands he had surrendered himself complete- 
 ly, that they could raise a national army and the necessary funds, 
 and that French help was no longer needful. Clinging to his im- 
 perial throne, he was blind enough not to see that they were de- 
 ceiving themselves and him, and in a manifesto of December 1st, 
 1866, he announced to the Mexicans that he would make his de- 
 cision dependent upon the decision of a national congress. But 
 the summoning of a national congress was an impossibility, since 
 the greater part of the country was already in the hands of the 
 republicans. 
 
 January 14th, 1867, he convened a junta at Mexico, and laid 
 before it the question of abdication or persistence. An over- 
 whelming majority was in favor of maintaining the struggle 
 against the republic ; but they deceived both themselves and the 
 emperor regarding the possibility of such a course. Maximilian 
 believed that his honor would not permit him to leave his adhe- 
 rents in the lurch, and that with and for them he must fight out 
 the fight with Juarez. February 19th, between the departure of 
 the last French from the capital amid the rejoicings of the popu- 
 lace and their embarkation at Vera Cruz, he arrived at Queretaro 
 with a couple of thousand men. There he was shut up by the 
 republicans under Escobedo, into whose hands he fell on the 15th 
 of May through the treason of Colonel Lopez. On the 13th and 
 14th of June he was tried before a court-martial. The issue of 
 the decree of October 3d, 1865, which directed that all republi- 
 cans found with arms in their hands should be shot within twen- 
 ty-four hours, was the principal charge against him. He was con- 
 demned to death and shot at Queretaro on the 19th of June, 1867, 
 together with generals Miramon and Mejia, who had been taken 
 at the same time. The capital surrendered to the republicans on 
 
INTERMENT OF MAXIMILIAN AT VIENNA. 299 
 
 the 21st of Juno, and Vera Cruz on the 27tli. July 15tli, Presi- 
 dent Juarez made his entrance into Mexico and resumed the gov- 
 ernment of the country. MaximiUan's body was brought back to 
 Austria by Rear-admiral Tegetthoff, and on the 18th of January, 
 1868, the imperial victim was solemnly interred in the Hapsburg 
 vault in the Capuchin church at Vienna. 
 
 Contemporary with the latter part of Maximilian's career was 
 the war which broke out in 1865, between Paraguay on the one 
 side, and Brazil, La Plata, and Uruguay on the other, although the 
 last two contributed but little toward the successful result. At 
 first Paraguay was victorious, but in 1868 and 1869 the Brazilian 
 troops won several victories, first under Marshal Caxias, and later 
 under the Count of Eu, the son-in-law of the Emperor of Brazil. 
 The death of Lopez on the 1st of March put an end to the war, 
 Paraguay being obliged to pay the costs. 
 
300 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 FOURTH PERIOD. 1864-1869. 
 
 PRUSSIA USURPS THE SUPREMACY IN GERMANY. 
 
 § 21. 
 
 SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN. 
 
 Before affairs in Mexico had quite assumed the form recorded 
 in the last section they were crowded out of the foreground of 
 history by events of great importance in Europe, and, to the sur- 
 prise of the French nation, this time it was not France that set 
 the world agog, but Germany; yet not that Germany which in 
 Eschenheimer Lane, in Frankfort, busied itself with trifles and 
 absurdities and called them politics, but the new and progressive 
 Germany whose centre was Berlin. The desire for unity, politi- 
 cal importance, and a development of power commensurate with 
 its external possibilities and its internal resources, had not been 
 expelled from the German system spite of the numerous unpala- 
 table concoctions which Austrian and Prussian court quacks, or 
 second and third class doctors, had prescribed for it to swallow 
 since 1849. Then the movement had failed because precious 
 time had been dreamed away in painting the fresco of freedom 
 before the building of unity had been erected; now an opposite 
 principle was about to be adopted — unity was to be forced upon 
 the German people at the cannon's mouth, however loudly some 
 tribunes of the people might complain of loss of freedom. As 
 at the close of 1849, it was again the two German great powers 
 which, like gigantic gladiators, confronted one another in the 
 German arena. The words which Maria Theresa had used with 
 reference to Frederic the Great, " the bad man," charging him 
 with endeavoring to usurp the rank in Germany that belonged of 
 right to the Austrian liouse, received in these latter years many 
 
"OCTOBER DIPLOMA" AND "FEBRUARY PATENT." 301 
 
 confirmative illustrations. Austria's supremacy in Germany had 
 certainly been most seriously threatened since the time of the 
 second Hobenzollern Frederic, and the more the house of Haps- 
 burg basked beneath the blue Italian heaven, or buried itself in 
 the mediaeval lore of papal jurisprudence, the greater the danger 
 became. Nothing in recent times had wrought such injury to 
 Austria as the concordat with Rome, by which it had been re- 
 duced almost to a level with Spain and Turkey. Let any one 
 look about and ask himself which states in Europe show the 
 greatest youthful vigor; his answer must surely be — not those 
 which still continue to hold the papal stirrup. 
 
 After the peace of Villafranca it was hoped that a total 
 change of system would supervene in Austria, for it was not so 
 much the brave soldiers of the empire that had been beaten at 
 Solferino as its theocratical and absolutist system, tlic existence 
 of which three centuries after the Reformation was a vicious an- 
 achronism. Either that antique mode of government must be 
 abolished or new Solferinos must ensue. Only the removal of 
 the corner-stone of priestcraft and despotism could save the Aus- 
 trian structure from overthrow. Necessary as other reforms 
 might be, their necessity was secondary ; this one great radical 
 reformation was vital. 
 
 A few reforms were exacted by the disorder of the finances 
 and the unending strife with Hungary. A feeble beginning of 
 these was made in 1860, when the "strengthened Meichsratk" 
 was convened, in which the nobles and clergy had an overwhelm- 
 ing majority. As enemies of centralization, they pronounced for 
 the historical rights of the separate crown lands, and so on the 
 20th of October, 1860, appeared the so-called "October diploma," 
 which gave a modernized constitution to the lands pertaining to 
 the Hungarian crown, and to the other provinces separate parlia- 
 ments, so constituted, however, that feudalism should again hold 
 sway. Common interests were to be considered in a common 
 Reichsrath. No one was charmed by such a " diploma " except- 
 ing the gentry of antiquity. The Hungarians longed for their 
 old constitution of 1848, and cursed this innovation. The other 
 countries would gladly have accepted a new deal, provided only 
 tliey were freed from the rule of clerical long-coats and knightly 
 spurs. The universal discontent led to a new change of front; 
 Chevalier von Schmerling was made minister of state, and cen- 
 
302 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 tralization received another trial. February 26th, 1861, appeared 
 the so-called " February patent," which created an inner Reichsrath 
 side by side with the general or outer one. In the former the 
 common interests of the German and Slavonic provinces were to 
 be dealt with ; in the latter, which was developed into a com- 
 plete parliament, consisting of House of Lords and House of 
 Representatives, the affairs of the whole empire were to be dis- 
 cussed, and hence the Hungarians as well as Germans and Sla- 
 vonians would have to send representatives thither. But not only 
 did Hungary refuse to send representatives, and protest against 
 the validity of the measures of the Reichsrath, so far as Hun- 
 garian affairs were concerned, it even demanded the recognition 
 of the constitution of 1848 as the primary condition of its par- 
 ticipation. As that meant personal union, and would have made 
 Austria dependent upon the good-will of the Hungarian parlia- 
 ment, the demand was refused, and it was announced that the 
 " continuity of the Hungarian kingdom," insisted upon by the 
 Hungarians, had been forfeited by the revolution, and that in a 
 conquered country new laws might be introduced by right of 
 conquest. So the Hungarian parliament was dissolved. Chevalier 
 von Schmerling confidently remarking, " We can wait." 
 
 These words could become more than a mere phrase only in 
 case government and Reichsrath travelled together the road of 
 freedom ; in case the Vienna court was in earnest with the new 
 constitutional system, and by abolishing feudalism gave free play 
 to the principles of the nineteenth century. By adopting such a 
 course as this it might enable the western half of the empire to 
 exert a powerful attraction on the eastern. But nothing of all 
 this occurred. The government employed the Reichsrath princi- 
 pally as an assistant in the task of extricating itself from its finan- 
 cial difficulties, and showed no inclination whatever to speak with 
 voice of thunder into the darkness of old Austria's political and 
 religious condition the creative words, " Let there be light !" The 
 dispute with Hungary continued without any step being made 
 toward a final settlement ; Hungary, for its part, not making the 
 least sign of an intention to recognize the February constitution 
 and send delegates to the Reichsrath. Even in the western half 
 of the empire opposition to the Reichsrath manifested itself, the 
 Slavs, who cherished separatist tendencies, finding the preponder- 
 ance of the German element in that body objectionable. The 
 
DISSATISFACTION AND CHANGES OF SYSTEM. 303 
 
 financial estimates of the year 1865 revealed a veritable abyss not 
 many steps ahead. The House of liepresentativcs was all the 
 more urgent in its demands for economy, especially in the expen- 
 ditures for array and navy, the very points on which the court 
 circle was most sensitive. Count Moritz Esterhazy and the old 
 noble party took advantage of this difference between court and 
 representatives to get rid at the same time of Schmerling and the 
 February constitution, and to make another attempt at the con- 
 ciliation of Hungary. At the beginning of June, 1865, the em^ 
 peror made a journey to Pesth, where be met with a brilliant re- 
 ception. This afforded him an opportunity to make acquaintance 
 with the leading men in Hungary, above all, Francis Deak. The 
 Hungarian chancellor. Count Zichy, was dismissed, and the popu- 
 lar Count Mailath put in his place. Schmerling's ministry ten- 
 dered its resignation, and was succeeded after a crisis of four 
 weeks by the " ministry of the three counts," in which Count 
 Belcredi was minister of state, and Count Lariscb minister of 
 finance, while Count Mensdorff-Pouilly (who had been minister 
 since October 21st, 1864) continued in charge of foreign affairs. 
 The plans of the new ministry were soon made public. The 
 lands of St. Stephen's crown — Hungary, Transylvania, Croatia, etc. 
 — wore again, to constitute one whole, the outer Reichsrath was 
 to be abolished, but the inner Reichsrath was still to form the 
 bond of union for the Germano-Slavonic provinces. Even this, 
 however, was not allowed to continue long in existence. By the 
 patent of September 20th, 1865, the whole February constitution, 
 including both outer and inner Reichsrath, was suspended, the 
 parliaments of the various lands of the Hapsburg imperial crown 
 summoned, and the promise given to lay before them the results 
 of the Hungarian" settlement. This new coup-d'etat re-established 
 something very like the old absolutism, and hence in all the Ger- 
 man provinces the "inhibition" of the constitution was protested 
 against, and the emperor requested to restore it ; but the Slavs of 
 Bohemia, Moravia, and Carniola were jubilant. The Bohemian 
 Czechs, who did not wish to stand second to Hungary, dreamed 
 of a holy throne of Wenceslaus, and held a language toward the 
 German population which recalls the Danish brutalities in Schles- 
 wig. The tendencies Avhich in 1848 had been forced to yield to 
 "Windischgrätz's cannon Avere again rife, and Schmerling's suc- 
 cessor, Belcredi, was foolish enough to encourage this Slavonic 
 
304 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 separatism and talk of " historico-political indivicliialities." If he 
 and Mailath thought that the government could come out of the 
 negotiations with Hungary so cheaply — with the abolition of the 
 constitution — they were sorely mistaken. The Hungarians would 
 have all or nothing. They insisted on complete independence, 
 on tlie restoration of their constitution of 1848, and on the 
 establishment of a special Hungarian ministry, and tlie utmost 
 they would concede was that, as the administration of foreign 
 affairs, finance, and the army concerned them in common with 
 the other parts of the empire, those departments might be admin- 
 istered by imperial ministers. In the year 1865 the Vienna cab- 
 inet was not willing to consent to such a division of its power, 
 but the events of the following year were about to make it more 
 compliant. 
 
 Quite different was the course of affairs in Prussia, although 
 there, too, collisions between government and people were not 
 lacking. The constitution was not, indeed, " inhibited," but it 
 was found to contain a very serious, and for the government not 
 altogether unwelcome, "omission." From the day of his acces- 
 sion King William I. had bestowed his chief attention on the 
 military administration. A soldier through and tlirough, for him 
 the power and glory of Prussia consisted in a well-trained, well- 
 equipped army. He did not mean to submit to an Olmiitz, as 
 his brother had done, and from the beginning of his reign his 
 purpose seemed to be to wipe out that disgrace and win for 
 Prussia the position in Germany to which she was of right enti- 
 tled when real power was allowed to weigh. As the existing 
 army system did not seem to him altogether adapted to rapid 
 mobilization, it was his wish to introduce some changes, and 
 above all to strengthen the regular army by a longer period of 
 service.* This reorganization of the army, his pet work, was one 
 
 * The reorganization of 1861 increased the time of service in the standing 
 army from five years to eight, the increase being in the time of reserve ser- 
 vice, which was raised from two years to five. The reorganized Prussian 
 army of 1861 was in all important points similar to that of the North Con- 
 federation after 1867, with the exception that the time of service in the 
 standing army had been reduced from eight years to seven. The following 
 sections of the army laws of November 9th, 1867, will enable the reader to 
 understand the essential features of tlie system : 
 
 § 1. Every North German is liable to military service, and may not per- 
 form that service by proxy. 
 
THE PRUSSIAN ARMY. 305 
 
 wliich later, unflcr the test of w.ir, approved itself completely ; 
 but as it would cost the country much money, besides depriving 
 it of valuable labor, the House of Representatives, not recognizing 
 its national aim, could not be induced to provide the means for 
 carrying it out. Prorogations and dissolutions ensued. March 
 
 § 2. The armed power consists of the army, the navy, and the lanrMurm. 
 
 § ;j. The army is divided into: 1st, the standing army; 2d, the lan/lwchr. 
 The navy is divided into: 1st, the fleet; 2d, the secwehr. The lan(hturm con- 
 sists of ail persons liable to military service between tlie ages of seventeen 
 and forty-two, inchisive, who belong neitiier to the army nor the navy. 
 
 § 5. Tiie Inndwehr and the sccvieltr are intended for the support of the 
 standing army and the fleet. 
 
 § 6. The obligation to serve in the standing army or tlie fleet begins witli 
 the 1st of January, in the year in which the person completes liis twentieth 
 year, and lasts seven years. 
 
 (Tiie first three years are spent in unljrol<en active service. During the 
 remaining four years tlie man belongs to tlie reserve, liable in case of war to 
 take his place among tlie three-year men; in case of peace obliged, during 
 his four years of reserve service, to take part in two " exercises," each of 
 wliich sliall last not more than eight weeks.) 
 
 g 7. The duration of the period of obligatory service in the landwchr or 
 Hecvichr is five years. 
 
 (The landwehr consists of those who have already served their time in the 
 standing army. In case of peace they are liable to be called out only twice 
 during the five years for periods of from eight to fourteen days ; in case of 
 war they constitute a second reserve.) 
 
 § 10. In order in general to interfere with scientific and technical educa- 
 tion as little as is compatible with the universal obligation to military ser- 
 vice, each young man is permitted, on the completion of his seventeenth 
 year, to enter the service voluntarily, provided he possess the requisite moral 
 and physical qualifications. 
 
 § 11. Young persons of education wlio clothe, arm, and maintain themselves 
 during tiieir time of service, and wlio have acquired the requisite amount of 
 knowledge [equivalent to a diploma from a German /7//mrt<«iMm, or reahchnle], 
 siiall be transferred to the reserve after one year's active service in the stand- 
 ing army, reckoned from the actual commencement of such service. In pro- 
 portion to their capacities and acquirements they may become ofiicers of the 
 reserve and landwchr. 
 
 (The whole period of service is not shortened by this arrangement, and 
 hence one-year volunteers must serve six years instead of four in the re- 
 serve.) 
 
 § IG. The landsfurm can be called out only by the commander-in-chief of 
 the Confederation fthe King of Prussia], in case a hostile invasion occupies 
 or threatens portions of the territory of the Confederation. 
 
 The provisions regarding service in the navy are practically the same as 
 for the army. — Translator'' s icotc. 
 
306 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 18tli, 1862, the liberal ministry was dismissed. On the 23d of 
 September the conservative Hohenlohe ministry resigned, and on 
 the same day von Bismarck-Schönhausen assumed the ad interim 
 presidency of the cabinet. On the 8th of October he became 
 minister president with the special department of foreign affairs. 
 This was the man whom King William required to carry out his 
 plans. Distinguished for the acuteness of his political diagnosis, 
 of unbending will, an ardent enthusiast for Prussian and German 
 greatness, at the age of forty-seven he already had a checkered 
 career behind him. He had gathered a rich store of experience 
 in the various posts which he had filled, had seen into the secret 
 plans and motives of cabinets, had made the acquaintance of the 
 ruling personages of the day, had learned to distinguish between 
 the real and fictitious power of foreign states, and in 1860 was 
 already regarded by those who knew him well as a statesman of 
 the first order, who would effect the unity of Germany, even 
 though his way of doing it might cause much offence. In the 
 United Landtag of 1847 he was the leader of the extreme right, 
 and distinguished himself by his determined opposition to a na- 
 tional assembly and a constitution. In 1849 he stigmatized the 
 war in Schleswig-Holstein as " a revolution against the rightful 
 ruler, a fight about the emperor's beard, a genuine querelle alle- 
 mande.''^ He accepted for his party the nickname Junker, and 
 replied to his opponents : " Be assured that we for our part will 
 bring the name of Junker to respect and honor." As delegate 
 to the Diet at Frankfort, in 1851, he had an opportunity to ob- 
 serve Austria's influence over the second-rate and lesser German 
 states, and to appreciate thoroughly Prnssia's false position. 
 Hitherto, in Junker fashion, he had overflowed with praise of 
 Austria, but now " there fell from his eyes as it had been scales," 
 as he himself said, and from that time he stood forward as her 
 open and secret adversary. That he might not be compromised 
 by Bismarck's sympathy for the cause of Italy, the king trans- 
 ferred him to St. Petersburg as ambassador at the beginning of 
 1859. In the spring of 1862 he became ambassador at Paris, 
 and had a chance to study his future rival, Napoleon. In politi- 
 cal affairs his conviction was firm as granite that Prussia must 
 regard the Confederation in its existing form as a burdensome 
 fetter from which she ought to free herself as soon as possible, 
 and that the total dissolution of the Confederation would be 
 
BISMARCK'S "BLOOD AND IRON" POLICY. 307 
 
 more advantageous for her than its continued existence in its 
 present form. Austria and the secondary states, refusing to take 
 into consideration the real power of the various countries com- 
 posing it, profited at Prussia's expense, acquiring a high position 
 wliich in no way corresponded to their actual strength. Hence 
 a revolution in the distribution of power, or the complete disso- 
 lution of the Confederation, was the goal toward which as prime- 
 minister Bismarck drove with all his might. His words in the 
 budget committee attracted universal attention : " Prussia must 
 collect its strength for the favorable moment, which has already 
 been several times allowed to pass. Prussia's borders are not 
 adapted to sound health in the political body. It is not by 
 speeches and resolutions of majorities that the great questions 
 of the time are to be decided — that was the mistake of 1848 and 
 1849 — but by blood and iron." He met the opposition of the 
 House of Representatives, which in a short-sighted way insisted 
 on its parliamentary rights, especially its control of the budget, 
 by his national programme, which, however, was for the present 
 somewhat veiled. Not understood by the liberal fractions, and 
 repulsed by them, lie abandoned all attempts at an understanding 
 with the House of Representatives, and sought support among 
 his former associates, the feudal party, who willingly assented to 
 tlie army reorganization, and proved amenable to his wishes in 
 every way. As the House of Representatives each year refused 
 the money for the reorganization, which had been already car- 
 ried out, and rejected the budget, which the House of Lords as 
 regularly accepted, Bismarck announced that such a division be- 
 tween the two houses had not been contemplated, and that the 
 " omission in the constitution " justified the Government in ad- 
 ministering the finances without laws. He was equally undis- 
 turbed by the refusal of a loan, and said, with a frankness leaving 
 nothing to be desired, that in that case he would take the money 
 which he needed wherever he could get hold of it. 
 
 His external policy was not dissimilar in character. In the 
 matter of I'russia's position in Germany he was resolved on 
 energetic measures. Prussia's subordination to the Confedera- 
 tion with Austria as its president was to cease. Little value was 
 set on " moral conquests in Germany," or on the political sym- 
 pathies of the German people. A strong army was in Bismarck's 
 estimation a far surer means for carrying out Prussia's wishes 
 
308 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 and founding its relations to the other members of the Confed- 
 eration on the basis of actual strength. In December of 1862, 
 in conversation with the Austrian ambassador, Count Karolyi, 
 Bismarck declared himself in regard to Prussia's future attitude 
 toward Austria. " Prussia wished for better relations with Aus- 
 tria. Austria had the choice whether she would persist in her 
 present hostile policy, trusting for support to a coalition of the 
 secondary states, or whether she would enter into an honorable 
 alliance with Prussia, involving the giving up of her anti-Prus- 
 sian activity at the different German courts. By such an alli- 
 ance the conduct of the Confederation would be in the hands of 
 its two greatest states, in such a manner that no question of real 
 importance could be submitted to its decision excepting after 
 previous agreement of those states, nor be decided by Austria 
 against Prussia's will simply through a majority vote. Any 
 overstepping of the competence of the Diet by mere majority 
 votes would be regarded by Prussia as a breach of the articles 
 of confederation, and treated accordingly. It would be well for 
 Austria to put away the illusion that in case of war Prussia 
 would in any event stand by her, and she would certainly be 
 acting for her own best interests by transferring her centre of 
 gravity to Buda." These views did not meet with Austria's ap- 
 proval. The Austrian statesmen did not credit Prussia with the 
 courage to assert her independence, and even in case she resolved 
 upon a struggle they looked for the support of all Germany, 
 and hoped to inflict a lasting humiliation on this aspiring rival. 
 They believed that Austria's power in the German confederation 
 must be strengthened, not weakened, and it was with this end in 
 view that Francis Joseph laid his reform project before the con- 
 gress of princes in Frankfort, August 16th, 1863. Instructed by 
 Bismarck as to the significance of the project, King William took 
 no part in the congress, and refused his consent to the Frankfort 
 resolutions. Bismarck declared Austria's schemes of reform in- 
 compatible with the position to which the Prussian monarchy 
 was of right entitled, and with the interests of the German peo- 
 ple ; and in an official document of September 15th, after subject- 
 ing the proposed new constitution to a destructive criticism, he 
 put forward in contrast with it his own widely different plan. 
 The whole scheme went to wreck on Prussia's opposition. The 
 Diet, where Austria sought to grasp the reins more firmly than 
 
SCHLESWIG INCORPORATED WITH DENMARK. 309 
 
 ever, in order by that means to compel Prussia to submission, 
 continued unchanged, and it was not long before its total lack 
 of character was forcibly exhibited. 
 
 King Frederic VII. of Denmark died on the 15th of Novem- 
 ber, 1863. His successor was Christian IX., who had been des- 
 ignated as king by the London protocol of 1852. That he was 
 king in Denmark proper no one denied, but whether he was king 
 in the disputed duchies was another question. Neither the Estates 
 of those duchies nor the German confederation had signified their 
 assent to the protocol ; and, although Christian had already taken 
 possession of them, they still remained faithful to Prince Frederic 
 of Augustenburg, who on his part protested without delay against 
 Christian's usurpation, and assumed the title Duke of Schleswig- 
 Holstein. Even those states which had signed the protocol — 
 such as Austria, Prussia, and, among the secondary states, Hano- 
 ver, Saxony, and Würtemberg — were under no real obligation to 
 carry out the treaty, inasmuch as Denmark had failed to fulfil the 
 conditions on her side. She had pledged herself to restore the 
 provincial constitutions of the duchies, and never to incorporate 
 Schleswig with Denmark proper ; but on the 30th of March, 
 1863, the Eider-Dane party, which, in order to get a firmer hold 
 on Schleswig, was willing to let Holstein go, since it belonged to 
 the German confederation, had succeeded in carrying through the 
 so-called March patent; and, without the consent of its Estates, 
 Holstein (although, in accordance with the treaty, it was sepa- 
 rated from the Danish monarchy) was converted into a tributary 
 province, whose soldiers were commanded by Danish officers in 
 Danish garrisons. At the same time a joint parliament for Den- 
 mark and Schleswig was convened at Copenhagen, where a com- 
 mon constitution, formally pronouncing the incorporation of the 
 latter, was proposed and debated. It was adopted by the parlia- 
 ment on the 14th of November, and on the 15th King Frederic 
 died. The new king had the choice of signing this constitution 
 and setting all Germany on fire once more, or refusing his signa- 
 ture and being torn from his throne by the Copenhagen mob 
 that threateningly surrounded the palace. Regarding the former 
 as the lesser danger, and hoping for the help of England and 
 Sweden, he signed the new constitution on the 18th of Novem- 
 ber. Under his predecessor an offensive and defensive alliance 
 with Sweden had been arranged, but at the time of his death this 
 
310 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 had not yet been ratified by Sweden. Of the great powers Eng- 
 land was the one which gave herself the most trouble to avert 
 from Denmark the threatening danger ; but, as in the case of 
 Poland shortly before, her efforts did not pass the limits of mere 
 diplomatic intervention ; and when she protested in Frankfort 
 against a federal execution in Holstein, she was told that that was 
 wholly a German affair, and did not concern foreign countries. 
 
 Since 1848 no such agitation had been known in Germany as 
 that of the winter of 1863-'64. Every one felt that it was not 
 merely a question concerning the defence of an unhappy and 
 deserted brother race, but one involving Germany's future, and 
 promising a speedy development of that endless drama whose 
 final act, they hoped, would represent Germany as a united and 
 powerful state, the peer of the mightiest great power. The rights 
 of Schleswig-Holstein were maintained in the Press, in popular 
 assemblies, and in parliaments with an enthusiasm that did not 
 hesitate to challenge all Europe to arm and enter the lists against 
 it. The higher the flood of popular excitement rose, the cooler 
 and more reserved became the ministers of the German great 
 powers, Bismarck and Rechberg. Both affected a violent respect 
 for the binding character of the London protocol, and conducted 
 themselves as though its validity would be likely to last to the 
 end of the world. In Vienna the agitation in behalf of the 
 duchies was very ungraciously received, and so far as possible 
 put down. With Bismarck it met with a little more favor; not 
 that he would set himself at the head of the German volunteers, 
 but if the matter could be turned to account for the purpose of 
 increasing Prussian power or enlarging the Prussian borders, then 
 he would be quite willing to set the London protocol at defiance. 
 If anything were to come of the whole matter, the Diet must first 
 raise its voice. It made one step forward and half a step back. 
 After excluding the Danish delegates from its sittings, it resolved, 
 on the l7th of December, yielding to the pressure of the two 
 great powers, not to occupy Holstein, as the German people wish- 
 ed, but only to carry out an execution there. Petitions were re- 
 ceived from the members of the Holstein Estates, from the no- 
 bles and prelates, and from the university of Kiel, begging for 
 the recognition and institution of their rightful duke, Frederic 
 VIII, In addition to this, almost all the officials in Holstein 
 refused to take the oath to King Christian. 
 
DECLARATION IN FAVOR OF DUKE FREDERIC. 311 
 
 But it was much the same whether it was occupation or exe- 
 cution, provided only some active measure was taken. Hanover 
 and Saxony were intrusted with the execution, each of them fur- 
 nishing 6000 men. These were to march into Holstein under 
 the chief command of the Saxon Lieutenant-general Hacke. Aus- 
 tria and Prussia were each to hold 5000 men in reserve on the 
 border, and in case of need put larger forces in the field. De- 
 cember 23d the troops of the Confederation crossed the Holstein 
 frontiers, and by the end of the month they were in possession 
 of the whole duchy as far as Kiel and Rendsberg, the Danes 
 having retired across the Eider within the strongly fortified line 
 of the Danewerk. On their departure all the towns proclaimed 
 Frederic duke ; and, although the civil commissioners of the Con- 
 federation wished to avoid any open demonstration before Fred- 
 eric was recognized by the Diet, yet on the 27th of December 
 about 20,000 Holsteiners met in the open air at Elmshorn, de- 
 clared Duke Frederic their rightful sovereign, and invited him to 
 come and rule over them. Up to this time he had been residing 
 at Gotha, but, in accordance with their invitation, he appeared at 
 Kiel on the 30th of the same month. 
 
 The question now was whether the German Confederation 
 would recognize Frederic as Duke of Schleswig-Holstein, and af- 
 ford him, as a prince of the Confederation, armed assistance for 
 the conquest of Schleswig. The governments of the secondary 
 states, partly forced into that attitude by the people, showed a 
 willingness to recognize him ; but the Augustenburg claims to 
 the succession needed to be once more carefully investigated be- 
 fore any definite action could be taken. The matter was rendered 
 somewhat doubtful by the fact that in 1852 the father of this 
 prince had renounced his rights on receipt of 2,250,000 thalers, 
 without protest on the part of his two sons, both of whom were 
 then of age, and it was not until seven years later that Prince 
 Frederic had protested. The Bavarian delegate, von der Pford- 
 ten, who had been appointed referee by the Diet, had not more 
 than half-completed his work of investigation when Austria and 
 Prussia took the matter out of the hands of the Confederation 
 into their own. Prussia, not pleased that the secondary states 
 should take the lead in this matter, persuaded her rival, Aus- 
 tria, to fight out the German-Danish quarrel in league with her. 
 Bismarck neither intended to renounce the London treaty, as he 
 
312 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 feared tliat that might lead to war witli England and Russia, 
 nor to set up the Prince of Augustenburg as duke, his plan be- 
 ing, in case Denmark persisted in a breach of the treaty, to unite 
 Schleswig-Holstein to Prussia. If Denmark fulfilled her treaty 
 obligations there would be no war; if she did not fulfil thein 
 then the maintenance of the London protocol afforded an excel- 
 lent pretence for marching into llolsteia and occupying Schles- 
 wig by way of security for their fulfilment. The Austrian alli- 
 ance was welcome to Bismarck partly because it prevented her 
 from taking part with the foreign powers, and partly because 
 such opposition on Austria's part to the plans of the Diet would 
 breed dissension between her and the secondary states. On the 
 other hand, Austria accepted his invitation to joint action be- 
 cause she hoped by that means to curb Prussia's lust for annex- 
 ation. Accordingly the two great powers announced that they 
 would take into their hands the assertion of German rights in 
 reference to Schleswig; and the protest of Bavaria and the other 
 German States passed unheeded. If those states did not wish 
 to conjure up a civil war there was nothing left but to submit 
 to their fate. January 16th, 1864, the two powers announced 
 in Copenhagen that if the Danish-Schleswig constitution of 1863 
 were not repealed within forty-eight hours, they would occupy 
 Schleswig with their troops, and recall their ambassadors. The 
 Eider-Dane leaders, thinking that, as in 1848, the foreign powers 
 would not allow Germany to enter upon a war for the settlement 
 of her own affairs, compelled the king to return an unfavorable 
 answer. 
 
 The new alUes already stood on the Holstein border. Although 
 the Prussian House of Representatives, making a question of min- 
 isterial o'pposition out of a matter of foreign policy, refused their 
 consent to a war loan of 12,000,000 thalers (about $9,000,000), 
 and gave expression to the most decided distrust of Bismarck's 
 policy, he did not hesitate to go forward with the execution of 
 his plans. Toward the end of January the allied army entered 
 Holstein; the Prussians, with 39,000 men and 110 guns, under 
 Prince Frederic Charles ; the Austrians, with 20,800 men and 48 
 guns, under Lieutenant Field-marshal Baron von Gablenz. The 
 eighty-year-old Prussian Field-marshal Wrangel was commander- 
 in-chief of both corps, and consequently Prussia had the deciding 
 voice in this campaign. Frederic Charles was on the right wing. 
 
THE. ALLIES DRIVE THE DANES OUT OF SCHLESWIG. 313 
 
 Gablcnz led the centre, and the Prussian Guard division, under 
 General von der Mülbe, formed the left wing. In this order the 
 allies advanced against the famous Danewerk, of which it was be- 
 lieved in Copenhagen that there the gallant Danish array would 
 be as safe as in Abraham's bosom. But these thirty or forty 
 miles of trenches, whose origin dates back to the year 808, in 
 the time of Charlemagne, required for their defence an army of 
 C0,000 men at least, and de Meza, the Danish commander, had 
 not more than 30,000. The allies crossed- the Eider on the 1st 
 of February. Prince Frederic Charles occupied Eckernförde, and 
 after an unsuccessful assault on the trenches at Missunde, on the 
 2d, he bridged the Schlei farther down, at Amis, and directed his 
 march toward Flensburg, in order to intercept the enemy's re- 
 treat. At the same time the Austrians, whose part it was to at- 
 tack the enemy in front, reached the Danewerk proper, after en- 
 gagements with the Danes at Jagel, Overselk, and Königsberg. 
 As they were preparing to storm it they learned that it had been 
 evacuated, and the enemy were in full retreat toward the Düppel 
 trenches. In the night of February 5th, since General de Meza 
 perceived that he could neither meet the superior forces of the 
 alHcs in the field, nor hold the Danewerk against them, with the 
 almost unanimous consent of a council of war he retreated toward 
 the second line of intrenchments, the Düppel heights, in order 
 to rescue for his country her army at the least. The allies fol- 
 lowed him closely. At Oeversce, on the 6th of February, the Aus- 
 trian van overtook the Danish rear and defeated it in a bloody 
 engagement. Without a pause the allies moved northward along 
 the whole line. Prince Frederic Charles toward Düppel, and Ga- 
 blenz and Mülbo toward Northern Schleswig and Jutland, On 
 the 19th of February Mülbe occupied Kolding, a border town in 
 Jutland. With the exception of the islands and the Düppel lines 
 on the peninsula of Sundewitt, all Schleswig was already in the 
 hands of the allies. The Prussian Guards and the Austrians 
 did not turn southward until they had chased the enemy — who 
 were once more defeated by Gablenz at Voile — across the Lym- 
 fiord, in Northern Jutland. Part of the Guards then went to 
 Düppel to take part in the assault, and the rest moved with the 
 Austrians against the fortress of Fridericia. This was quietly 
 evacuated by the Danes on the 29th of April, ten days after the 
 capture of the Düppel lines, 
 
 14 
 
314 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 The intrenchments at Düppel were so strong as to necessitate 
 a regular siege, if too many men were not to be sacrificed, and a 
 siege involved the bringing of siege artillery from Prussia. It 
 was a little Sebastopol, where the subterranean work took up sev- 
 eral weeks. On the IStli of April the assault took place, under 
 the lead of Prince Frederic Charles. Obstinate though the de- 
 fence was, the valor and devotion of the Prussian soldiers over- 
 came all obstacles. By two o'clock in the afternoon the Düppel 
 lines were in possession of the Prussians, and the main-land of 
 Schleswig freed from its Danish oppressors. The Prussians lost 
 1188 dead and wounded, including 70 officers. The Danish loss 
 was 110 officers and 4736 men, of whom 2600 were unwounded 
 prisoners. The remainder of the Danish force was driven across 
 the bridge of Sonderburg to the island of Alsen. One hundred 
 and twenty cannon and 4000 stand of arms fell into the hands of 
 the victors. The allies now moved northward, occupied all Jut- 
 land as far as Lymfiord, and levied a contribution on the inhabi- 
 tants by way of compensation for the blockade of German ports 
 and the capture of German merchantmen. There was also some 
 fighting at sea, although here the former negligence of the Ger- 
 man great powers made itself painfully sensible. March l7th, on 
 the east side of Rügen, an engagement took place between the 
 Prussian navy, under Rear-admiral Jachmann, and a Danish fleet 
 superior in number, in which the Prussians conducted themselves 
 creditably ; and on the 9th of May, under Rear-admiral TegetthofF, 
 the two Austrian frigates Schwarzenberg and Radetzhj, together 
 with three Prussian ships, attacked a Danish squadron near Heli- 
 goland ; but as the Schwarzenberg caught fire they had to draw 
 oflE and retire to the mouth of the Elbe. This " brilliant victory " 
 of the Danish fleet gave occasion for malicious exultation in the 
 English parliament. 
 
 The English cabinet had done everything in its power to main- 
 tain the sanctity of the London protocol. It even called upon 
 Napoleon to make a hostile demonstration on the Rhine for the 
 relief of Denmark. But, popular as a Rhine campaign would 
 have been in France, Napoleon, mindful of his uncle's fate, had 
 no inclination to undertake such a demonstration alone — and if 
 he had undertaken it he would not have been content to stop at 
 a simple demonstration — so he returned answer that he could not 
 possibly oppose by force of arms the national wishes of Germany 
 
 II 
 
THE LONDON CONFERENCE PROVES ABORTIVE. 315 
 
 and Schleswig-Holstein for a closer union. It was his belief that 
 Prussia, which he had not hitherto been able to make serviceable 
 for the furtherance of his projects, now that she had at last step- 
 ped into the arena of great political and military measures, would 
 soon become involved in such external and internal difficulties 
 that she would be obliged to accede to his demands without re- 
 sistance. Napoleon's position put any European intervention out 
 of the question. The English ministers could not venture upon 
 military intervention without allies, and at the same time they 
 could make no consistent accusation against Austria and Prussia, 
 inasmuch as they had themselves recognized Denmark's obliga- 
 tion to carry out its promises in the matter of Schleswig-Hol- 
 stein's constitutional rights. The German powers had nothing 
 whatever to fear from Russia, which welcomed this new compli- 
 cation as likely to draw off attention from Poland's fate. At last 
 England, where the daughter of the Danish king. Princess Alex- 
 andra of Wales, exerted all her powers to arouse the prim old 
 gentlemen of the cabinet to engage in a hearty tilt for her father, 
 brought about a conference of the signers of the London proto- 
 col. This was opened in London on the 25th of April, and its 
 first work was to arrange a cessation of hostilities from the 12th 
 of May to the 12tli of June, which was afterward prolonged to 
 the 26th of that month. The German confederation was repre- 
 sented by the Saxon minister, von Beust. The German Press 
 and associations, as well as the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, 
 protested against the assumption on the part of this conference 
 to act as arbiter in a matter which did not concern it. Fortu- 
 nately, Germany had the best ally it could have wished for in the 
 obstinacy of the Danish delegate. May 17th, Austria and Prus- 
 sia proposed a personal union between Denmark and the duchies, 
 but the Danes recoiled from such a possibility, and would not 
 even consent to consider it. But that was the utmost concession 
 which Prussia would make, and if that were refused it would 
 offer still less. Moreover the military par-ty, which reckoned ac- 
 cording to the very simple system of the right of conquest, and 
 not according to the complicated clauses of the London protocol, 
 had gained the upper hand in the Berlin court. Prussia and 
 Austria now openly refused to be bound by the protocol, and in 
 the session of May 28th they demanded the complete separation 
 of the duchies from Denmark, and their union into one state 
 
316 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 under the rule of tlie hereditary prince of Augustenburg, without, 
 however, committing themselves definitely as to his hereditary 
 rights in the duchies. England endeavored to secure for Den- 
 mark as much of Schleswig as possible, and a long higgling en- 
 sued about a more northern or more southern boundary. The 
 most the German powers were willing to concede was the restora- 
 tion to Denmark of the most northern part of Schleswig, which 
 was principally Danish, by way of compensation for Lauenburg. 
 This offer the Danish delegates rejected. Tliey also rejected von 
 Beust's proposition to allow the population of Schleswig-Holstein 
 to decide the matter by vote ; and, finally, they rejected England's 
 proposal to choose an arbitrator to settle the boundary line. The 
 resources of English wit were exhausted, for there is no helping 
 the man who will not take advice. June 25th, the conference 
 separated without having accomplished anything. The sword 
 must hew the Danish knot asunder. The Danes were deceived 
 as to England's attitude as the Poles had been, for it was a dip- 
 lomatic intervention only, and not a military one, on which both 
 cabinet and Parliament were agreed. 
 
 Germany was well pleased with the position taken in the con- 
 ference by its two great powers on the 28th of May, and rejoiced 
 at the thought that the decision was again about to be referred 
 to the cannon. Prince Frederic Charles, who had assumed the 
 cliief command in old Wrangel's place, transported his battalions 
 across the Alsen Sound on 160 boats before daybreak of June 
 29th, and effected a landing on the island under the fire of the 
 Danish batteries. General Herwarth von Bittefeld was in imme- 
 diate command of the Prussian troops. The Danes were defeated 
 at all points and driven back to the extreme corner of the island 
 of Alsen, the peninsula of Kelenis, whence on the following day 
 they escaped to the island of Fiinen. About 3000 prisoners with 
 a large amount of material of war fell into the hands of the vic- 
 tors. The Danes themselves set fire to the little town of Sonder- 
 burg. Almost at the same time with the attack on Alsen the 
 allies began their advance in Jutland. They crossed the Lymfiord, 
 forced the Danish army of 5000 men to embark for Zealand, and 
 planted their banners on the northernmost point of Denmark, 
 Cape Skagen, and on the shores of Otho's sound, where Emperor 
 Otho had once hurled his spear far out into the waves. The Aus- 
 trian ships were also finally successful in freeing the West Frisian 
 
THE DUCHIES CEDED TO AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA. 317 
 
 islands, Syl, Führ, and the rest, from their tyrant, the Danish sea- 
 captain Hammer, who was taken prisoner, with his boats and 
 crews. 
 
 Violent as the rage of the Copenhagen populace had been 
 after the evacuation of the Daneiverk, which had cost Meza the 
 chief command, it was pusillanimous enough now that the whole 
 Danish monarchy consisted of a few islands. Even Copenhagen 
 no longer felt itself safe from Prussian attacks, and called for the 
 protection of army and fleet. King Christian took advantage of 
 the popular despondency to dismiss the Eider-Dane ministry of 
 Monrad, beg for a truce, and send an ambassador to Vienna to ne- 
 gotiate a peace. August 1st the preliminaries were arranged be- 
 tween Austria, Prussia, and Denmark, with total exclusion of the 
 German Confederation, and on the 23d of October peace was 
 concluded. By this Vienna peace the King of Denmark re- 
 nounced all his rights to Schleswig, Holstein, and Lauenburg 
 in favor of the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia. 
 The long injustice was righted at last; insolent, arrogant Den- 
 mark was remanded to its islands, and poor Schleswig could once 
 more speak its mother-tongue. Three German duchies had been 
 restored to Germany. But it might be asked : To whom in Ger- 
 many ? The duchies themselves, the rest of Germany, and even 
 Austria, believed that nothing now stood in the way of the 
 Prince of Augustenburg's inauguration as Duke of Schleswig- 
 Holstein. But whoever studied the phraseology of the treaty 
 more closely could scarcely entertain a doubt that it was Prus- 
 sia's unaltci'able purpose to establish herself in the duchies ; for 
 in the peace express mention was made of the rights of King 
 Christian, which rights Prussia by her renunciation of the Lon- 
 don protocol had distinctly repudiated. If she now returned to 
 the old stand-point, it was manifestly in order that she might 
 find a way to set aside the rights of the Augustenburger, which 
 she had maintained on the 28th of May, and acquire all rights 
 for herself and Austria. They and no one else were to have a 
 right to the duchies. Austria's joint possession was certainly 
 burdensome, but Bismarck, the soul of the new policy of annexa- 
 tion, believed that the constant embarrassments of that state 
 would readily furnish means to effect a dissolution of the part- 
 nership. Austria had no conceivable interest on the North Sea, 
 and could not possibly covet this remote possession for herself. 
 
318 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 From the beginning Austria had evidently been more inclined to 
 favor Denmark than the Augustenburger ; why should she not, 
 then, be willing to shut her eyes while her ally of '64 either al- 
 together appropriated provinces which had been freed principally 
 by Prussian blood, or made them completely dependent upon it- 
 self in maritime and military matters? And if in her jealousy 
 at the progress of this younger rival Austria should wish to in- 
 flict upon its voracious appetite the torments of Tantalus, she 
 had herself a Hungary and an Italy, and these were a very moun- 
 tain of embarrassments, which might be placed across her path in 
 case she failed to show herself a pliant comrade. Bismarck fur- 
 ther reasoned that if Austria proved unfriendly it would be ä 
 favorable opportunity to settle accounts with her at last, to put 
 the German question on the carpet, and with the reorganized 
 army and the needle-gun drive the Austrians out of Germany 
 and form a new confederation in which the Prussian state should 
 be the one to utter the word of command. Then and not till 
 then would Prussia — by the acquisition of the duchies potentially 
 a naval power — become a real great power; then and not till then 
 would Frederic the Great's work be completed. 
 
 Immediately after the conclusion of peace sagacious politicians 
 prophesied that the victorious allies would become involved in 
 war about the division of the booty. Their hatred had been 
 gathering for a hundred years. Prussia's Union in 1849 and 
 1850 had almost brought on a war, which Frederic William was 
 able to avoid only by yielding; and the sting of that surrender 
 still rankled. But King William and Bismarck would not hesi- 
 tate even at a war, if Prussia's position were in danger. No 
 other choice was left to Austria than either to abandon the 
 duchies to Prussia or engage in a life or death struggle, for Bis- 
 marck's mind was made up on that point; and the more evident 
 it became that he was the only man capable of carrying through 
 the army reorganization, the higher rose his influence with the 
 king. He viewed with unconcern the opposition of the Prussian 
 landtag, while the Diet and the secondary and lesser German 
 states were treated by him as powerless creatures, which were 
 ready enough to set up a great outcry, but which always went 
 quietly back to their civil duties the moment they saw any real 
 danger. This was well exhibited at that very time in the prov- 
 ince of the Zollverein. In the name of the Zollverein Prussia 
 
CONFEDERATION" TROOPS EVACUATE THE DUCHIES. 319 
 
 had in 1862 concluded a commercial treaty with France, to which 
 several of the secondary states, influenced by Austria, whose com- 
 mercial interests were threatened, refused their assent. Prussia 
 replied by notice of the eventual dissolution of the Zollverein^ 
 and the recalcitrant states, threatened with industrial ruin, under 
 pressure of the mercantile and manufacturing classes gave up 
 their customs' treaties with Austria, which state had, further- 
 more, offended them by the slight she put upon the Confedera- 
 tion in the Schleswig -Holstein war, accepted the obnoxious 
 treaty, and sent their plenipotentiaries to the customs' conference 
 in Berlin, September 30th, 1864. This was at the same time a 
 blow for Austria, who now found herself excluded from all inti- 
 mate relations with the Zollverein, and obliged to negotiate with 
 it like any foreign state. 
 
 Prussia's course toward the commissioners and generals of the 
 Confederation in Holstein was not a whit gentler. During the 
 war she had not paid the least heed to them or their regulations, 
 and "for the security and freedom of the military operations" 
 had occupied Altona, Kiel, and Neumünster, and, on the 21st of 
 July, the fortress of Rendsburg as well. On conclusion of the 
 peace she declared that, as Holstein was now to be surrendered 
 to Prussia and Austria, any further occupation of the country by 
 troops of the Confederation was unnecessary. Hanover and Sax- 
 ony did not acquiesce in this view. The Austrian troops had 
 already for the most part left Holstein, and the Prussians from 
 Schleswig were slowly following, when the latter were suddenly 
 diverted from their homeward march in order to occupy all the 
 important points in Holstein. Hanover and Saxony were sum- 
 moned to withdraw their troops, and, in order to hasten their ac- 
 tion, Prussia stationed a division at Minden, and another south of 
 Berlin, as a threat to those two states. Hanover took the hint, 
 but Saxony armed itself and brought the matter before the Diet. 
 Here Austria helped its ally, and the withdrawal of the troops of 
 the Confederation was ordered, as the execution was now at an 
 end. December Yth, 1864, the commissioners of the Confedera- 
 tion surrendered Holstein and Lauenburg to the Austro-Prussian 
 commissioners, and the homeward march of the Hanoverians and 
 Saxons at once began. Prussia established herself in the duchies 
 in such a way as to make it evident that she would not leave of 
 her own free-will. Among the people, however, she met with lit- 
 
320 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 tie encouragement. Only the Lauenburg noLility wished to see 
 tlie country joined to Prussia by a personal union ; in Schleswig 
 the sentiment was cooler, and went no farther than submission to 
 the inevitable ; while Holstein held fast to the right of the Au- 
 gustenburger, and declared that he must first of all be inaugurated 
 as duke — then he would be in a position, in concert with the rep- 
 resentatives of the people, to determine what concessions should 
 be made to Prussia. This method did not seem to Bismarck suf- 
 ficiently sure, especially as the Prince of Augustenburg during his 
 stay in Berlin had not been willing to consent to any concessions 
 of importance. It appeared to him far better to make the rec- 
 ognition of the duke dependent on a preliminary cession to the 
 King of Prussia by prince and people of the unconditional control 
 of the military and naval strength of the duchies. If this were 
 not done, he would listen to no talk of an independent Schleswig- 
 Holstein and a Duke Frederic, and the Prussians would for the 
 present remain masters of the country. To involve matters still 
 further, Bismarck called upon the Grand-duke of Oldenburg to 
 prove his claims to Schleswig-Holstein, asserted smiilar claims on 
 the part of the Prussian royal house, and convened the crown 
 lawyers for a legal examination of this complicated question. 
 Their decision was that none of the claimants was entitled to 
 the whole, but each one to some part ; that the Augustenburger 
 had in no case more right than the others, and that, in conse- 
 quence of his father's renunciation of liis claims, and acceptance 
 of a money compensation, with the constructive consent of his 
 sons, what rights he had had were forfeited ; and that Prussia 
 and Austria, which alone had conquered the country, were not 
 responsible to any one, not even the Diet, for any disposition 
 which they chose to make of the ceded duchies. 
 
 Austria's proposition to surrender the duchies to the Augus- 
 tenburger, as the one who had on the whole the best title, was 
 rejected by Bismarck; and, on the 13th of December, 1864, he 
 declared that, before pronouncing decision on the matter of the 
 succession, the question of Prussia's future position in the duchies 
 must first be decided, and gave Austria to understand that Prus- 
 sia was thinking of annexation, naturally, however, not without 
 payment of a money equivalent. But in the mean time a change 
 had taken place in the Vienna cabinet. Count Ptechberg, who 
 had let himself be led by Bismarck altogether too easily, and had 
 
AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA BEGIN TO DISAGREE. 321 
 
 forfeited the confidence of the secondary states by his conduct 
 in the matter of the duchies, made way, on the 21st of October, 
 1864, for Count Mensdorff-Pouilly. The new minister did not 
 propose to go so far as to engage in war with Prussia on account 
 of this much-blundered question, but merely to put as many hin- 
 derances as possible between her and the attainment of her object. 
 He had the means for such a course at his command in the fact 
 that Austria was joint possessor and had equal rights with Prus- 
 sia. It was the policy of the latter to prevent the erection of the 
 duchies into an independent state, doing nothing for and every- 
 thing against such a solution of the question. As the best means 
 to thwart this policy. Count MensdorflE fell in with Prussia's prop- 
 osition of annexation, and sent to the duchies, as civil commis- 
 sioner on the part of Austria, von Halbhuber, who understood 
 how to hold his own against the Prussian commissioner, Baron 
 von Zedlitz, better than his predecessors had done. Mensdorff's 
 reply to Bismarck's despatch of December 21st was to the effect 
 that Austria could consent to the annexation of Schleswig-Hol- 
 stein only in consideration of an equivalent increase of her own 
 German territory. Thereupon Bismarck, in his despatch of Feb- 
 ruary 22d, 1865, specified what Prussia demanded before she could 
 consent to an independent Schleswig-Holstein. The essential part 
 of her requirements was the surrender to the King of Prussia of 
 unconditional control over the land and sea forces of the duchies. 
 Austria, while not denying that there was some sort of justifica,- 
 tion for these demands, replied that the formation of a semi-sov- 
 ereign state was not compatible with the rights of the Confed- 
 eration, and on the 6th of April in the Diet gave her assent to 
 a motion of the south German states that the administration of 
 Holstein be at once and unconditionally made over to the Au- 
 gustenburger. The motion was carried, but led to no results, 
 owing to Prussia's opposition. An assembly of the leading men 
 of the duchies indicated the concessions which they were willing 
 to make ; but Bismarck, who openly declared that the Schleswig- 
 Holstein question could be settled only in connection with the 
 German one, and who was working toward the attainment of that 
 result, would consent to no compromise, and at once began prep- 
 arations to convert Kiel into a Prussian naval station. Here 
 the watchful von Halbhuber, without whose consent von Zedlitz 
 could do nothing, was very much in the way. All resources were 
 
 14* 
 
322 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 exhausted in vain. Prussia wished to convene the Estates of 
 Schleswig -Holstein, but Austria objected; and when, later, she 
 withdrew her opposition, Prussia was no longer willing that they 
 should be convened, demanding first of all the expulsion of the 
 " pretender," on the ground that under the influence of the 
 "Augustenburg side-government" no free expression of opinion 
 on the part of the Estates was possible. Through dread of the 
 public opinion of Germany, Austria was unwilling to subscribe 
 to such a measure, nor did she find herself, furthermore, in any 
 way hampered by the existence of this " side-government." She 
 was not at all displeased that the 6th of April, the Augusten- 
 burger's birthday, was celebrated throughout the whole country, 
 numerous deputations from both Holstein and Schleswig Avending 
 their way to Niedstädten, the residence of the duke, while the 
 number of persons that celebrated the King of Prussia's birthday 
 was noticeably small. 
 
 Each week me situation grew more critical. In July, while 
 the king and Bismarck were in Carlsbad, the Vienna cabinet re- 
 ceived a despatch full of bitter reproaches for its opposition in 
 Holstein, and intimating that Prussia might be induced to pro- 
 ceed to violent measures without consulting Austria. With his 
 well-known frankness Bismarck told the Duke of Gramont, the 
 French ambassador in Vienna, that, far from fearing a war with 
 Austria, he rather wished for one. By fair means or foul, Prussia 
 was resolved to acquire the duchies and the first place in Ger- 
 many. That weighty events were impending was shown by the 
 cabinet council which was held while the king was on the way 
 from Carlsbad to Gastein. July 21st all the cabinet ministers, 
 together with the French and Austrian ambassadors, were sum- 
 moned to Ratisbon, and shortly after Bismarck had a meeting 
 in Salzburg with the Bavarian minister, von der Pfordten, in 
 which he endeavored to impress upon the secondary states the 
 necessity of maintaining a strict neutrality in the approaching 
 war between Prussia and Austria. He professed unconcern as to 
 the result of the struggle, as Austria was not prepared and had 
 no money with which to carry on the war. At the same time 
 he put in execution his threat of acting independently in the 
 duchies. June 26th, without consulting the Austrian commis- 
 sioner, he caused May, a Silesian by birth, an editor who was agi- 
 tating in behalf of the Augustenburger, to be arrested in Altona 
 
THE KLNG MAKES BISMARCK A COUNT. 323 
 
 and taken to the fortress of Rendsburg ; and a member of the 
 Prussian parliament, Frese, who was in Kiel for the purpose of 
 agitating against annexation to Prussia, to be expelled from Hol- 
 stein. Austria did not fail to protest, but she had by no means 
 made up her mind to go to war, for it was just at the time when 
 the constitution had been repealed, and she was endeavoring to 
 come to an agreement with Hungary ; and furthermore her finan- 
 cial calamities had made a bad impression on the people. Au- 
 gust 14th, after some negotiating, in which Austria at first main- 
 tained the rights of the Confederation, while Prussia was in favor 
 of annexation, the Gastein convention was concluded. Without 
 prejudice to the rights of both powers to both the duchies, the 
 government of Schleswig was committed to Prussia, and that of 
 Holstein to Austria, while Lauenburg was wholly ceded to Prus- 
 sia, in consideration of the payment of 2,500,000 thalers to Aus- 
 tria. The harbor of Kiel was to belong to the Confederation, 
 Prussia being provisionally intrusted with the military command 
 and police administration, Rendsburg was made a fortress of 
 the Confederation, and occupied by a mixed Austrian and Prus- 
 sian garrison, the command alternating year by year; and Prussia 
 was allowed to carry the Baltic and North Sea canal through 
 Holstein, and to build railroads and lay telegraph wires there. 
 
 This brought Prussia somewhat nearer the attainment of her 
 object, and on the 16th „of September, as a reward for his ser- 
 vices, the king made Bismarck a count. September 15th the 
 joint government of the duchies was dissolved, and in its place 
 Baron von Gablentz appeared in Kiel as Austrian stadtholder of 
 Holstein, while Baron von Manteuffel took up his abode in Flens- 
 burg as Prussian governor of Schleswig. But there was still no 
 prospect of a definitive settlement ; Bismarck was as far from 
 formal annexation after the Gastein convention as before it; it 
 was merely the exchange of one provisional arrangement for an- 
 other. As a result of all that had occurred, Prussia's relations to 
 Austria were as bad as they could be without actual war, and that 
 must inevitably break out, if one of the two did not yield to the 
 wishes of the other. But, in view of Austria's jealousy of any 
 increase of Prussia's strength, and the latter's determination to 
 increase her strength and raise herself from her present contract- 
 ed circumstances to the position of a dangerous and respected 
 great power, there was not the slightest prospect of a reconcilia- 
 
324 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 tion. If Prussia could have offered its ally any land as compen- 
 sation, Austria would cheerfully have evacuated her already half- 
 lost position in Holstein and ceded it to Prussia, as she had al- 
 ready ceded Lauenburg. A part of Silesia, with the fortress of 
 Glatz, would have satisfied the Austrian cabinet, but Prussia could 
 not part with them. She and Italy were already on the way to- 
 ward a mutual understanding. The conclusion of a commercial 
 treaty between Italy and the German Zollverein contributed 
 greatly to this result. Prussia had proceeded as energetically 
 here as in the negotiations for a similar treaty with France, and 
 there was nothing left for the secondary German states but to 
 sign (end of 1865 and beginning of 1866), and by that act for- 
 mally recognize the kingdom of Italy. This naturally made the 
 latter favorably disposed toward an alliance with Prussia. 
 
 From France Bismarck thought that he had nothing to fear in 
 case of a war with Austria. At his meeting with Napoleon in 
 Biarritz late in the autumn of 1865 he had frankly said to him 
 that Prussia could not continue in her present position, but that 
 she must round out her territory. Napoleon acquiesced, but at 
 the same time spoke of " compensation." It is probable that Bis- 
 marck left him in the belief that in case of a victory over Aus- 
 tria he should receive from Prussia some sort of compensation for 
 his neutrality or other services; but it is certain that Bismarck 
 did not make him the slightest promise, although on his part ho 
 was able to carry away with him the impression that he might 
 depend upon the neutrality of France, and would not be under 
 the necessity of occupying the ßhine frontier. Notwithstanding 
 the Gastein convention, Bismarck was firmly resolved on war, as 
 the only way in which he could hope to gain both his Prussian 
 and German objects at one blow ; for, much as he desired to gain 
 possession of Schleswig-Holstein, which was an absolute necessity 
 if Prussia was to become a great power, yet this was not every- 
 thing. Prussia's false position toward Austria and the secondary 
 states, in matters pertaining to the Confederation, would be the 
 same after that acquisition as before it, unless the Schleswig- 
 Holstein question were regarded as only one member of a larger 
 whole, as a part of the German question. The solution of the 
 former did not necessarily involve the solution of the latter, but 
 the solution of the latter carried with it that of the former. In 
 order to bring the German question to a final settlement, to en- 
 
BISMARCK IS BENT ON WAR. 325 
 
 large Prussia, and set it at the head of Germany, and thus con- 
 vert despised Germany into the first power in Europe — this 
 was the grand and national, if dangerous and audacious, plan 
 of Count Bismarck. But he had great difficulties to contend 
 with at home. The queen as well as the crown prince and 
 princess were decidedly opposed to a war, and the last two ex- 
 pressed themselves very emphatically in favor of the rights of 
 the Augustenburger, and did not conceal their dislike of the 
 minister -president. Nevertheless, he won the king more and 
 more to his plans, and imbued him with something of his own 
 confidence in the successful result of the war. But there were, 
 of course, times of wavering. One plan, to which Bismarck was 
 not at all favorably inclined, was to persuade Austria to yield in 
 the Schleswig-Holstein matter by guaranteeing to her the posses- 
 sion of Venetia. In addition to the fact that there were many 
 undertakings in which such a guarantee might prove a serious 
 hinderance, the German question would still be left unsettled. At 
 one time, when the king could not be brought to venture upon a 
 war, Bismarck advised him, if he were resolved upon a peaceful 
 policy, to proclaim the German constitution, enter upon the path 
 of moral conquests, and seek to unite the different German peo- 
 ples under the black, red, and gold banner. But in that case, he 
 explained, he would have to retire from office, even if his retire- 
 ment were only temporary, since by reason of his antecedents he 
 was not the right man for such a task. The men of the liberal 
 era would have to appear upon the stage once more. This was 
 what thousands of patriotic Germans had been asking of Prussia 
 in the latter years. Whether such a course would lead to a 
 speedy result or to any result at all was, however, very questiona- 
 ble at the least. 
 
326 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 §22. 
 
 WAR IN GERMANY AND ITALY. AUSTRIa's EXIT FROM GER- 
 MANY. DISSOLUTION OF THE GERMAN CONFEDERATION. FOR- 
 MATION OF A NORTH GERMAN CONFEDERATION UNDER PRUS- 
 SIAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 The year 1866 began under unfavorable auspices. January 
 23d nineteen members of the Holstein gentry presented an ad- 
 dress to Count Bismarck praying for the personal union of the 
 duchies with Prussia; but on the same day, in Altona, an assem- 
 bly of three or four thousand persons out of both duchies, with- 
 out adopting formal resolutions, demanded that the Schleswig- 
 Holstein Estates be convened, and cheered their " rightful and 
 beloved prince, Duke Frederic." This occasioned Count Bis- 
 marck's despatch of January 26th, in which he attacked, from a 
 political point of view, Austria's whole system of government in 
 Holstein, pronouncing it detrimental to conservative interests, ex- 
 pressed his regret that " revolutionary tendencies of a character 
 hostile to every throne " should be allowed to develop under the 
 protection of the Austrian double eagle, and threatened a breach 
 of the existing alliance. In his answer of February ^th Count 
 Mensdorff denied the charges made against Austria's policy in 
 Holstein, closing with the remark that the emperor was deter- 
 mined to persist in that policy even at the risk of a breach with 
 Prussia. It had become necessary to look the possibility of im- 
 pending war fairly in the face. In recognition of this fact the 
 council of marshals was summoned to meet in Vienna, and re- 
 mained in session from the Vth of March to the 13th, the emperor 
 presiding, while troops were ordered from Hungary and other 
 provinces to Bohemia in numbers for which the persecution of 
 the Jews, that had broken out in a few Bohemian towns, could 
 afford no adequate pretext. On her part, Prussia put her Saxon 
 and Silesian fortresses in readiness for war, and entered into nego- 
 tiations with General Govone, the Italian ambassador, who reached 
 Berlin on the 10th of March, with reference to a Prussian-Italian 
 alliance against Austria, a measure for which Bismarck had been 
 
ENERGETIC MILITARY PREPARATIONS. 327 
 
 preparing the way ever since he entered the ministry. On the 
 10th of April a treaty between the two states was concluded, 
 Italy pledging herself to stand by Prussia in case, within three 
 months, the latter became involved in war on account of her re- 
 form measures; while in the like event Prussia promised the King 
 of Italy her assistance in the acquisition of Venetia. Bismarck 
 would not consent to the further demand of the Italian minister- 
 president, Lamarmora, that the Trentino should be annexed to 
 Italy, since that involved the cession of territory belonging to the 
 German Confederation. These negotiations were conducted with 
 Napoleon's full cognizance, neither Victor Emmanuel nor Lamar- 
 mora taking a single step without first obtaining his consent. 
 
 After the conclusion of this treaty both states energetically 
 pushed forward their military preparations. The secondary 
 states, which were for the most part arrayed on the Austrian 
 side, also prepared for war, especially Saxony, whose royal family 
 was on terms of close friendship with Francis Joseph, while its 
 minister-president, von Beust, was a bitter eftemy of Count Bis- 
 marck. In the mean time the latter had freed himself from the 
 inconvenience of parliamentary opposition by closing, on the 23d 
 of February, the session which had opened on the 15th of Janu- 
 ary. The opposition, although thus ignominiously sent home, 
 possessed so much national spirit that only eight members of the 
 Prussian parliament took part in the general parliamentary gath- 
 ering {Abgeordnetentag) at Frankfort on the 20th of May; and 
 Twesten, a leader of the opposition, said in his letter of refusal 
 that he must take into consideration not alone the right of pop- 
 nlar self-determination, and the rights of the people over against 
 the government, but, in addition to that, the position of his coun- 
 try with reference to other states, and that he would never give 
 his consent to any measures which would result to the disadvan- 
 tage of Prussia, since there was no other power that could do 
 anything for Germany. This was the prevalent sentiment among 
 an overwhelming majority of the Prussian people ; and hence, al- 
 though in general disinclined toward war, they cheerfully ranged 
 themselves beneath the unfurled banners of their country ; and 
 even when the landwehr was called out there were but few dis- 
 turbances — a thing greatly to the credit of both their patriotism 
 and their discipline. 
 
 Both great powers sought to secure thegood-vvill of the secon- 
 
328 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 dary states, with a view to the impending war, Austria directing 
 her eiforts toward an actual alliance, Prussia's utmost hope, at 
 least with regard to the south German states, being to persuade 
 them to remain neutral. In a confidential circular of March 
 16th Austria imparted to the governments with which she was 
 on friendly terms her proposed plan of operations with regard to 
 Prussia. She would absolve herself from her pledge to settle the 
 Schleswig-Holstein question in concert with that state, and com- 
 mit its settlement to the Confederation. If this led to Prussia's 
 taking up arras, she was to be met by the Yth, 8th, 9th, and 10th 
 army corps of the Confederation, in conjunction with the Aus- 
 trian army, and hence immediate mobilization was necessary. On 
 his side, Bismarck, in a circular to the German governments, is- 
 sued on the 24th of March, propounded the question whether and 
 to what extent he might rely upon their support in case of war 
 with Austria. At the same time he called their attention to the 
 necessity of a reform which would bring the relations of the dif- 
 ferent members of the Confederation into conformity with their 
 real power, and prophesied for Germany Poland's fate in case 
 Prussia were defeated. Repulsed by most of the governments, 
 Prussia moved in the Diet on the 9th of April that a German 
 parliament be convened, on the basis of universal suffrage and 
 direct election by the people, to consider the revision of the ex- 
 isting constitution of the Confederation in accordance with prop- 
 ositions to be laid before it by the respective governments. The 
 Prussian official organ attributed the proposed reform to Prus- 
 sia's desire to unite about herself in a practical manner the mili- 
 tary strength of northern and central Germany. This sounded 
 to the sovereigns too much like mediatization. Neither people 
 nor princes showed any enthusiasm for a parliament ; the former, 
 altogether in the dark as to Prussia's aims, were unwilling to re- 
 pose any confidence in such an uncertain ally, while the latter 
 since 1848 stood in the greatest dread of a German parliament. 
 After a meeting of plenipotentiaries from nine of the secondary 
 states in Augsburg to discuss their common interests, a simulta- 
 neous disarmament of all the members of the Confederation was 
 moved in the Diet on the 19th of May, and carried by a unani- 
 mous vote. But, inasmuch as Austria and Prussia assumed the 
 right of naming the conditions upon which they would disarm, 
 this unanimity proved useless. 
 
FAILURE OF THE PEACE CONGRESS. 329 
 
 Eager to play the rule of "prince of peace," on the 28tli of 
 May, Napoleon, in conjunction with the cabinets of London and 
 St. Petersburg, extended in Vienna, Florence, Berlin, and Frank- 
 fort invitations to a peace conference to take place in Paris. This 
 conference was to consider the burning questions of the moment, 
 namely, the disposition to be made of the Elbe duchies, the Ital- 
 ian claims on Venetia and Trentino, and, in so far as it concerned 
 the European balance of power, the reorganization of the German 
 Confederation. Prussia, Italy, and the Diet accepted the invita- 
 tion. Austria was willing to accept only on condition that every 
 combination looking to the enlargement of the territory or the 
 increase of the power of any one of the invited states be excluded 
 from the discussions. England and France declared the confer- 
 ence impossible under those conditions, and the plan was aban- 
 doned. 
 
 The diplomatic game which Napoleon was playing was full of 
 the most perfidious double-dealing. A war between Prussia and 
 Austria was very welcome to him. He hoped that it would be 
 of long duration, greatly weakening both parties, and that it 
 would result in driving Prussia, of whose defeat he made no 
 doubt, into his arms, and disposing her to accede to his plans of 
 conquest. It was in this hope that he urged Prussia into war, 
 assuring her of his benevolent neutrality, and giving his express 
 consent to the Prussian-Italian alliance, which was to tear Ve- 
 netia from Austria, and keep a part of the Austrian army busy 
 on the Mincio. He also negotiated directly with Bismarck, who 
 in his circular of July 29th, 1870, forming part of the famous 
 disclosures so compromising to Napoleon, says, with regard to 
 these negotiations, that as early as the year 1862, while he was 
 still ambassador in Paris, the French Government made overtures 
 to him with a view to carrying out its designs on Belgium and 
 the Rhine frontier by means of Prussian assistance. In the Ger- 
 man-Danish war France had remained neutral only in the hope 
 of winning over Prussia to its plans, and hence the treaty of 
 Gastein was very ill-received in Paris through fear that a perma- 
 nent understanding between Austria and Prussia might deprive 
 the cabinet of the Tuileries of the fruits of its non-intervention. 
 But in 1865, as soon as the relations between those two states 
 began to be manifestly inharmonious, France, counting with cer- 
 tainty on a war, again of her own accord made friendly advances 
 
330 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 in Berlin. Before the outbreak of the war propositions were 
 made to Bismarck, partly by relatives of the emperor (Prince 
 Napoleon), partly by confidential agents, looking to the conclu- 
 sion of a treaty for mutual increase of territory, the emperor 
 sometimes speaking of Luxemburg, or the boundaries of 1814 
 with Landau and Saarlouis, sometimes suggesting the annexation 
 of French Switzerland and broaching the question of the proper 
 language-boundary in Piedmont. In May of 1866 all these in- 
 formal suggestions were comprised in the formal draught of an of- 
 fensive and defensive alliance, the main provisions of which were 
 that, in case of a congress, the two allies should direct their ef- 
 forts toward the acquisition of Venetia for Italy and Schleswig- 
 Holstein for Prussia; that, in case no congress were convened, 
 Prussia, ten days after the signature of the treaty, should declare 
 war upon Austria; and that, after the commencement of hostili- 
 ties, France should do the same, assisting her ally with an army of 
 300,000 men. Peace was to be concluded by France and Prus- 
 sia under the following conditions : Ycnetia to be ceded to Italy ; 
 Prussia to receive German territory — location to suit herself — 
 with a population of seven or eight millions, and liberty to reor- 
 ganize the German Confederation in accordance with her own 
 wishes ; France to take the territory between the Mosel and the 
 Pthine, with the exclusion of Coblenz and Mayence, i. e., a piece 
 of Rhenish Prussia, Rhenish Bavaria, Birkenfeld, Homburg, and 
 Rhenish Hesse. 
 
 In spite of several almost threatening admonitions Bismarck 
 definitely rejected this plan of alliance, although, in order to se- 
 cure Napoleon's neutrality, he held out some hopes of later con- 
 cessions in case of victory. As soon as the French emperor per- 
 ceived that his proposals were not favorably entertained he di- 
 rected his efforts toward securing Prussia's defeat, as a means of 
 rendering her more amenable to his demands. For this purpose 
 he endeavored to undermine the Italian alliance, confirm Austria 
 in her warlike mood, and obtain from her the most favorable 
 terms possible for France. The negotiations with Austria were 
 carried on almost at the same time as those with Prussia. In 
 1865 Italy had sent an agent to Vienna with an offer of very 
 considerable financial, economical, and political advantages, in 
 consideration of the cession of Venetia, bat met with a refusal, 
 Austria replying that her military honor would not admit of 
 
NAPOLEON'S INTRIGUES WITH AUSTRIA. 331 
 
 such a course. But now, at the instigation of France, May 5th, 
 1866, Austria, unsolicited, offered the Italian cabinet Yenetia free 
 of compensation, on the sole condition that Italy should remain 
 neutral in the approaching struggle. The temptation was great, 
 but the breach of treaty was too flagrant ; furthermore, the Ital- 
 ian ministers believed that a victorious Austria would be a con- 
 stant menace to the kingdom of Italy, and so the offer was re- 
 jected, and the alliance with Prussia remained unbroken. But 
 Napoleon did not give np his plans. The alliance might be ren- 
 dered useless tlirough the failure of Italy to carry on the war 
 with the necessary energy. The president of the Italian cabinet, 
 Laniarmora, an unconditional admirer of Napoleon, was readily 
 accessible to such counsels. At the same time negotiations were 
 iu progress elsewhere resulting in the French - Austrian treaty 
 of June 9th, by which Emperor Francis Joseph was to cede 
 Yenetia to France for the benefit of Italy, and receive Silesia as 
 compensation. It is uncertain what Napoleon was to acquire in 
 accordance with this carefully guarded treaty, but it is not likely 
 that Austria, which has not scrupled in times gone by to sacrifice 
 German territory, would have hesitated to cede the left bank of 
 the Fthine, if by doing so she could defeat her hated rival. Na- 
 poleon now felt sure of success. On the 11th of June, three 
 days after the conclusion of this secret treaty, he wrote a letter 
 to his minister of foreign affairs, Drouin de Lhuys, in which he 
 expressed himself very openly : " The conflict that has arisen is 
 attributable to three causes: Prussia's unsatisfactory geograph- 
 ical position, the wish of Germany for a political organization 
 more in conformity with the wants of its people, and the neces- 
 sity on Italy's part of securing her national independence. So 
 far as we arc concerned, we should have wished for the minor 
 states of the German Confederation a closer union, a more pow- 
 erful organization, and a more important role; for Prussia, an 
 increase of territory and military strength in the north; for 
 Austria, the maintenance of her influential position in Germany. 
 Further, we should have wished the cession of Yenetia to Italy 
 in return for a moderate compensation, for if Austria in common 
 with Prussia, disregarding the treaty of 1852, could wage war 
 against Denmark in the name of German nationality, it appears 
 to us that the same principle should be recognized in Italy, and 
 the independence of the peninsula completed." Napoleon s plan 
 
332 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 would not have abated the rivalry between Austria and Prussia, 
 which was crippling Germany's power. Prussia was to receive 
 the Elbe duchies, and perhaps Hanover or Hesse Cassel, as com- 
 pensation for Silesia, while it was hoped that the secondary and 
 lesser states would be ripe for a renewal of the Confederation of 
 the Rhine. For France the immediate result of these political 
 changes would have been the annexation of Belgium and the left 
 bank of the Rhine. 
 
 Something of how matters stood with regard to the cession 
 of Venetia and the proposed compensation for Austria became 
 known in Berlin in the early part of May. The Duke of Co- 
 burg, who had gone thither to work for peace, cautioned the 
 Prussian ministers against Napoleon's double-dealing, and pro- 
 nounced Italy's friendship unreliable. As his words found little 
 credit, he exhibited a letter which he had received from the Aus- 
 trian minister, Count MensdorflE, in which he expressed his confi- 
 dence of victory, and added that, if Prussia went to war, she 
 would have to deal not only with Austria, but with France as 
 well, since Francis Joseph had come to a complete understanding 
 with Napoleon, had ceded Venetia to him to dispose of accord- 
 ing to his pleasure, and had received his assurance that he would 
 offer no objection in case Austria indemnified herself by the an- 
 nexation of Silesia. If Italy made war upon Austria she would 
 be appeased by Napoleon, who would deprive her of all occasion 
 for hostility by the present of Venetia. This would break up 
 the Prussian -Italian alliance, and Austria and her confederates 
 would be at liberty to direct all their strength against isolated 
 Prussia. -For reasons easy to be understood, no mention was 
 made in this letter of the compensation required by Napoleon — 
 Avhether or not Austria had offered him Rhenish Bavaria, Rhen- 
 ish Hesse, and Luxemburg. 
 
 All sorts of negotiations and mediations had failed to main- 
 tain the peace. Charles Cohen, a step-son of Blind, one of the 
 refugees from Baden, sought to secure its maintenance in a to- 
 tally different manner. This gallant but fanatical young man, 
 who had spent his time of late in the study of agriculture at 
 Hohenheim, and on the Bläsiberg, near Tübingen, came to Ber- 
 lin for the purpose of murdering Bismarck. The attempt was 
 made on the 7th of May, and miscarried, Bismarck escaping un- 
 wounded. Cohen put an end to his own life while awaiting trial. 
 
THE PRUSSIANS OCCUPY HOLSTEIN. 333 
 
 By this time Austria, Prussia, and Italy had about completed 
 their armaments. The two latter complained that they had been 
 forced to arm because Austria had done so, and when disarma- 
 ment was proposed insisted that Austria should take the initia- 
 tive. Austria, on the other hand, solemnly averred that she would 
 never assault Prussia, and represented herself as obliged to main- 
 tain her army on a war-footing on account of Italy, which wished 
 to conquer Venetia. On the 26th of April Austria had made 
 still another attempt to come to an understanding with Prussia, 
 regarding Schleswig-Holstein within the limits of the legal rights 
 of the Confederation, but without a single concession to the 
 demands which Bismarck had formulated two months previous. 
 As Prussia would not agree to this, and, indeed, could not, unless 
 she wished to pave the way to a second Olmiitz, Austria, on the 
 1st of June, according to the notice she had already given, sub- 
 mitted the Schleswig -Holstein question to the decision of the 
 Confederation, pledging herself to yield the readiest submission 
 to that decision. At the same time she announced that the 
 imperial stadtholdcr in Holstein had been authorized to convene 
 the Estates of that duchy, since the wishes and views of the 
 country itself would have an important influence on its fate. 
 On the following day Gablenz issued a summons to the Estates 
 of Holstein to meet at Itzehoe on the 11th of June. Prussia 
 pronounced the transfer of the quarrel to the Diet a breach of 
 the Gastein convention, and Manteuffel received orders to enter 
 Holstein with his troops, and form, in conjunction with the Aus- 
 trian stadtholder, a joint government for the two duchies, as had 
 been the case before that convention. Gablenz refused to co-op- 
 erate with MantenflEel ; and when, on the 7th of June, 20,000 Prus- 
 sians crossed the Eider and occupied Kiel, Rendsburg, and Itze- 
 hoe, he, with the Kalik brigade, consisting of about 3000 men, 
 accompanied by Prince Frederic, who had spent two years and a 
 half in vain waiting for his dukedom, and the members of the 
 government, retired to Altona. On the 10th of June Mantcuf- 
 fel dissolved the existing government, and appointed Baron von 
 Scheel-Plessen first president of the two duchies. On the follow- 
 ing day he resorted to force to prevent the Estates from meeting 
 in Itzehoe. On the 12th, Gablenz, who could not in such a dis- 
 tant outpost undertake a contest with a force six times as large 
 as his own, crossed the Elbe into Ilainover, whence he continued 
 
334 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 his march, by way of Cassel and Frankfort, to Bohemia, hoping 
 to carry the Austrian flag to victory on a more convenient battle- 
 ground. A few weeks previous Austria had entertained the plan 
 of strengthening her forces in Holstein, uniting them with the 
 Hanoverian army, and concentrating the combined forces, under 
 the command of Gablenz, at Stade, to be used as a sort of parti- 
 san corps in the rear of the Prussian main army. But this plan 
 failed, owing to Hanover's irresolution. 
 
 The alliance of 1864 had resulted in the separation from one 
 another as foes of the armies which had entered Schleswig-Hol- 
 stein as brothers in arms. The war, Avliich had been undertaken 
 for the liberation of the duchies, had developed into a struggle 
 for the leadership in Germany. Both questions, that of the 
 duchies, and that of reorganization of the German Confederation, 
 were to be settled at one stroke ; and to these two had been 
 added further the Italian question. Count Bismarck now took 
 in hand what the German National Union had been striving 
 since 1859 to accomplish, and proposed to make Prussia the 
 military and political director of Germany ; for nothing else 
 than this was meant by the " outlines of a new constitution for 
 the Confederation," which was submitted to the German govern- 
 ments, with the exception of Austria, on the 10th of June. The 
 question was put whether, in case of a dissolution of the old con- 
 federation, they would unite with Prussia in forming on the basis 
 of this proposed constitution a new confederation, from which 
 the Austrian and Netherlandish members were to be excluded. 
 The aim of this constitution was to concentrate the power of all 
 Germany in the hands of military Prussia, exacting from the Ger- 
 man sovereigns only such sacrifices as were necessary in the in- 
 terests of unity, and dividing the land forces of the Confederation 
 into a northern and a southern army, the former lander the chief 
 command of the King of Prussia, the latter under that of the 
 King of Bavaria. This proposition drove those sovereigns who 
 were still wavering, like the King of Hanover and the Elector of 
 Hesse, and who dreamed of nothing less than sovereignty and in- 
 dependence, completely over to the side of Austria, under whose 
 double eagle they thought to sway a less hampered sceptre. 
 
 On the 11th of June Austria moved in the Diet the prompt 
 mobilization of the entire army of the Confederation, Avith the 
 exception of the Prussian contingent, on the ground that Prussia 
 
PRUSSIA SECEDES. 335 
 
 by its invasion of Holstein was guilty of an act of forcible 
 expropriation, which by articles 18, 19, and 20 of the Vienna 
 Schlussakte of 1820 the Confederation was bound to prevent. 
 This meant a declaration of war on Prussia, to which Savigny, 
 the Prussian delegate, with right objected that the law of the 
 Confederation knew no declaration of war, but only a process of 
 execution according to certain set forms. Without paying any 
 attention to such formal provisions the Diet resolved on the 14th 
 of June, by a vote of nine to six, to mobilize the troops of the 
 Confederation against Prussia. Among these nine votes was one, 
 that of the 16th curia, which was with justice challenged. Upon 
 the announcement of this result the Prussian delegate declared 
 that Prussia regarded the former treaty of confederation as no 
 longer binding, laid before the Diet the draught of a new treaty — 
 involving also a German parliament — which had already been 
 communicated to the individual governments, and then withdrew. 
 The states which had voted with Prussia — Luxemburg, Mecklen- 
 burg, Oldenburg, the Saxon duchies, and the free cities, with the 
 exception of Frankfort — followed her example and recalled their 
 delegates from Frankfort within the next few weeks. The repre- 
 sentatives of the other states declared Prussia's withdrawal from 
 the Confederation illegal, and continued to regard themselves as 
 the German Diet, whose right it was to force refractory members 
 into obedience. The relation of the majority to the minority 
 was compared to that of the Northern States of the American 
 Union to the Confederate States, or with that of the Swiss Tag- 
 satzung to the Sonderhund, and with considerable justice. But 
 when war has once broken out, the question ceases to be one of 
 right and becomes one of might. In point of numbers the might 
 was decidedly on the side of the majority. Austria alone, it was 
 said, could put in the field at once from six to eight hundred 
 thousand men, a number which reassured her credulous allies, but 
 which did not impose on Prussia, where it was believed to be too 
 large by half. But spirit and energy, which outweigh mere num- 
 bers, were on the side of the minority. Austria was so confident 
 of victory that in the session of June 16th the presiding delegate 
 announced that the imperial government expressly guaranteed to 
 all who remained faithful to the Confederation their territories, 
 little thinking that it would be well if some one could guarantee 
 to the Austrian imperial state its own territory. 
 
336 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Prussia showed no lack of energy and decision. In order to 
 remove the theatre of war as far as possible from Brandenburg 
 and Berlin, and not to allow the connection between the Rhine 
 province and the eastern half of the kingdom to be sundered, it 
 was necessary to make sure of Saxony on the one side, and Ilan- 
 over and Electoral Hesse on the other. These three states had 
 voted against Prussia on the 14th of June. On the 15th they, 
 and Nassau as well, received an ultimatum from Prussia requir- 
 ing them to remain neutral, to disband their aritiies, and to con- 
 sent to the reorganization of the Confederation, at the same time 
 guaranteeing the integrity of their territory and the preservation 
 of their sovereign rights. Refusals were returned on the same 
 day, and, as it had been announced beforehand that a refusal 
 would be treated as a declaration of war, Prussian soldiers entered 
 those states on the 16th. In the west, imder the chief command 
 of General Vogel von Falckenstein, were the two divisions of 
 Goben and Beyer, numbering in all about 36,000 men, and Man- 
 teuflfel's division of 14,000, which had been ordered to enter 
 Hanover from Holstein and join the force already with Falcken- 
 stein. While this division was marching down from the north, 
 Falckenstein, with Göben's division, set out from Minden, and on 
 the iVth was in the Hanoverian capital, king and crown prince 
 having beat a hasty retreat southward with the army. June 18th 
 the little fortress of Stade was surprised, and by the 22d all Han- 
 over had been occupied, with the exception of Göttingen, whither 
 the Hanoverian army had retreated. Valuable military stores 
 also fell into the hands of the Prussians. 
 
 June iVth the south German contingents, the Vth (Bavaria) 
 and 8th (Wiirtemberg, Baden, and Hesse-Darmstadt) army corps, 
 assembled, the former on the Main, in Lower Franconia, and the 
 latter at Frankfort. Prince Alexander of Hesse, who had won 
 some military reputation in the Italian campaign, where he had 
 served as an Austrian general, was appointed commander of the 
 8th army corps. The 7th was commanded by the aged Prince 
 Charles of Bavaria, to whom was also intrusted the chief com- 
 mand of the whole south German contingent, with the proviso 
 that he should carry out the plan of operations agreed upon with 
 Benedek, the Austrian commander-in-chief. This was the agree- 
 ment which had been concluded between Austria and Bavaria at 
 Olmiitz on the 14th of June. According to that treaty Austria 
 
PRUSSIA INVADES HESSE-CASSEL. 331 
 
 pledged herself to negotiate no peace without the consent and 
 participation of Bavaria, and if territorial changes became neces- 
 sary to exert all her powers to prevent Bavaria from undergoing 
 any loss, securing her compensation in case a cession of territory 
 should prove necessary. Whether this compensation was to bo 
 in Baden, which was too favorably inclined toward Prussia, or 
 where it was to be, was not mentioned in the official document. 
 (Prussia had also opened negotiations with Bavaria at the same 
 time, offering her a prominent position in New Germany in case 
 she would remain neutral ; but these negotiations came to noth- 
 ing owing to the Austrian tendencies of von der Pfordten, the 
 Bavarian minister.) Not much could be expected from this mili- 
 tary arrangement between Austria and Bavaria. It was too com- 
 plicated, requiring at least a couple of weeks to be set up and put 
 in order. Counting upon this slowness, the Prussians pushed for- 
 ward the execution of their plan of occupation at the expense of 
 temporarily stripping some important posts of troops. Leaving 
 Wetzlar on the 16th, and marching through Giessen and Marburg, 
 Beyer entered Cassel on the 19th with 17,0Q0 men. The elec- 
 tor's army had left for Fulda by rail on the 16th for the purpose 
 of joining the 8th army corps^tlie Nassau contingent pursuing 
 a similar course — but he himself still remained at his residence 
 at Wilhclmshöhe. On the 24th, as he persisted in his refusal of 
 the Prussian demands, he was carried to Stettin as a prisoner of 
 state. 
 
 The fate of the Hanoverian army, eighteen or nineteen thou- 
 sand strong, with a well-equipped and numerous force of cavalry, 
 and fifty-two guns, was soon decided. The occupation of Cassel 
 by the Prussians had blocked the road to Frankfort ; and so, af- 
 ter having lingered too long in Göttingen, they at length turned 
 south-eastward with the intention of forcing a passage to Bavaria 
 by way of Gotha. On the 21st of June, encumbered by an endless 
 train of baggage-wagons and carriages of state, and loaded with 
 untold plate, they crossed the Prussian border, passed through Hei- 
 ligenstadt, Mühlliausen, and Langensalza, and on the 24th had 
 reached a point midway between Eisenach and Gotha. That 
 night Onno Klopp, Councillor of the Archives, was despatched to 
 the Bavarian head-quarters at Bamberg to urge a speedy advance 
 to the assistance of the Hanoverians. But Prince Charles could 
 not be prevailed upon to abandon his defensive attitude, and ex- 
 
 15 
 
338 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 pressed the opinion that an army of 19,000 men ought to be able 
 to fight its own way tlirough. At the same time negotiations 
 had been opened with the King of Prussia, both through the me- 
 dium of the Duke of Coburg and directly. June 25th Prussia 
 again offered King George alliance on the same conditions which 
 had been offered on the 1 5th ; but he refused the offer, and de- 
 manded unmolested passage to Bavaria. On the 26th the Prus- 
 sians, who had been joined by the Coburg troops, were strong 
 enough to render any farther advance impracticable ; and accord- 
 ingly the Hanoverians retraced their steps to Langensalza, aim- 
 lessly marching northward. General Falckenstein, who had fol- 
 lowed them from Hanover with the divisions of Göben and Man- 
 teuffel — while Beyer had advanced from Cassel to Eisenach — had 
 orders from Berlin to remain at Gotha and await the Bavarians 
 there. But he waited in vain ; for, beyond a brigade of cavalry 
 which was pushed forward as far as Meiningen on the 26th, no 
 Bavarians appeared. Falckenstein's plan was to attack the Han- 
 overians at once, in case the Bavarians advanced and endeavored 
 to form a junction with them, otherwise to wait until all the 
 approaching Prussian columns were on the spot, and an attack 
 could be made from all sides with the certainty of victory. Ac- 
 cordingly, General Flics, who, with 9000 men of Manteuffel's di- 
 vision, stood nearest to the enemy, received orders on the 26th 
 not to attack them, but in case of retreat to follow close upon 
 their heels. On the 27th Falckenstein went to Cassel on a polit- 
 ical mission, and in his absence a despatch arrived from Berlin 
 commanding him to attack the Hanoverians under any circum- 
 stances and compel their immediate capitulation. In consequence 
 of these commands Flies attacked them at 10 o'clock in the morn- 
 ing of June 27th. He had but 9000 men and very little artillery 
 to oppose to their 18,000 men and 52 guns, and the attack was 
 too premature for him to reckon on any assistance from the other 
 divisions. After a sharp struggle the Hanoverian van was driven 
 back through Langensalza ; Flies followed them, and endeavored 
 to carry the heights of Merxleben by storm, but was met by a hot 
 fire of grape. Confronted by the whole force of the enemy, he 
 was obliged to retreat, the squares of his infantry gallantly re- 
 pulsing the attacks of the Hanoverian cavalry. The Prussian loss 
 was 41 ofiicers, 800 men, and two cannon ; that of the Hanoveri- 
 ans, 1400 men. The former had in so far the advantage that the 
 
THE HANOVERIAN ARMY SURRENDERS. 339 
 
 enemy was prevented from leaving Langensalza. The net was 
 constantly being drawn tighter. About 40,000 Prussians and 
 Coburgers were ready to dispute every step, and the only choice 
 was to fight to the last man or capitulate. King George chose 
 the latter, and surrendered to the Prussians on the 29th of June. 
 The common soldiers were disarmed and sent liome ; the officers 
 gave their word of honor not to bear arras against Prussia before 
 the close of this war. All the military stores, including 500 ex- 
 cellent horses, fell into the hands of the Prussians. The king 
 and crown prince — having received permission on the guarantee 
 of their private property to take up their residence wherever they 
 pleased, provided only it was not in Hanover — travelled to Vien- 
 na, with their suites. From the North Sea to the Main all op- 
 position had been overcome. There could be no farther hope of 
 the co-operation of the Austrian allies in the Bohemian cam- 
 paign, and Prussia was at liberty to turn all her strength against 
 Austria and the south German states. 
 
 ■^ Prussia's ally, the King of Italy, had less success to boast of. 
 The proffer of Venetia exerted a crippling influence on Lis con- 
 duct of the war ; in addition to which, France did not weary of 
 impressing upon him the fact that energetic military action on 
 the part of Italy was entirely superfluous; that it was a mere 
 military duel with Austria which she was fighting, and not a 
 serious war. Accordingly, Lamarraora said that he went into the 
 field with Venetia in his pocket. A mere duel did not accord 
 with Prussia's interests, and was not a satisfaction of the duties 
 of an ally ; and hence Count Usedom, the Prussian ambassador 
 in Florence, addressed a letter to Lamarmora on the 17th of 
 June, in which he sought to convince him that the approaching 
 campaign must be a thorough one {guerra a fondo). Italy must 
 not be content with advancing to the northern boundary of Ve- 
 netia ; she must break her way through to the Danube and meet 
 Prussia at the central point of the Austrian Empire — in other 
 woi'ds, she must march on Vienna. To secure to Italy the per- 
 manent possession of Venetia, the Austrian power must first be 
 wounded to the heart. While the main army was thus marching 
 on Vienna, Garibaldi's volunteers, on its right flank, should force 
 their way into Hungary, there to join hands with the Prusso- 
 llungarian corps, which was to enter that province from Silesia. 
 According to all vcports, these partisan flying columns would 
 
340 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 meet witli an enthusiastic reception among the Hungarians and 
 Slavs. This bold and brilliant plan, which marked ont Vienna 
 as the point of junction of the Prussian and Italian armies, and 
 proposed revolutionizing Hungary, as an auxiliary to the complete 
 overthrow of Austria, was not at all to the taste of the mentor 
 of the Italian cabinet, Napoleon. He represented to Lamarmora 
 and the king that the maintenance of a strong Austria within its 
 natural limits was far more to the advantage of Italy than the 
 establishment, under Prussian guidance, of a German empire 
 stretching from the Baltic Sea to Trieste. The docile scholars 
 followed their French teaching. Lamarmora took not the least 
 notice of Usedom's letter, communicated it to none of his col- 
 leagues, and never made it public until July of 1868, when, long 
 after he had ceased to be minister, he complained in the Italian 
 Parliament of the way he had been handled in the report of the 
 Prussian staff. Instead of the plan recommended in this letter 
 he proceeded to carry out his own, substituting, in the old style 
 of military tactics, isolated for combined action, and uselessly bat- 
 tering his horns against the walls of fortresses. Victor Emman- 
 uel declared war on the 20tli of June. On the 22d he crossed 
 the Mincio with two army corps, leaving a third aimlessly idle 
 at Goito ; while Cialdini, with a fourth corps, stronger than the 
 rest, was to cross the lower Po and push forward to the Adige. 
 At the same time Garibaldi was to enter the Tyrol with his vol- 
 unteers. The Italians had a field army of 218,000 men; the 
 Austrian field army numbered only 85,000, but had behind it the 
 support of the strongly fortified Quadrilateral. Archduke Albert, 
 a son of the Archduke Charles, who defeated Napoleon at As- 
 pern, held the chief command, and had in General John an able 
 chief of staff. His head-quarters were at Verona, and the greater 
 part of bis army were in and about that place. The Italians, ad- 
 vancing in an incomprehensibly careless manner, neglected to oc- 
 cupy the barrier of hills north-west of Custozza. The Austrian», 
 perceiving this omission, hastened to occupy that important posi- 
 tion, and on the 24th of Juno, the anniversary of Solferino, the 
 battle of Custozza was fought at the same place where, fourteen 
 years before, old Radetzky had won a glorious victory over the 
 Piedraontese. The battle lasted all day beneath a burning sun. 
 At seven o'clock in the evening the Italian army, notwithstand- 
 ing all its bravery, was defeated. It was driven back across the 
 
TUE PRUSSIANS OCCUPY SAXONY. 341 
 
 Mineio, and did not re-form until the Oglio had been passed. The 
 Italians lost 8250 men, including 4350 prisoners; the Austrian 
 loss was 7850, of whom 2000 were taken prisoners. After this 
 defeat the right wing, under Cialdini, could not carry out its pro- 
 posed operations on the Po, and retired toward Bologna. Arch- 
 duke Albert made no farther use of his victory. He could not 
 pursue the defeated enemy, for, in the secret treaty witli France, 
 Austria had pledged herself in case of victory not to cross the 
 Mineio, and to leave Lombardy untouched. Accordingly, he 
 waited in Verona for Victor Emmanuel to recover himself and 
 make another attack. Practically, it was a fourteen days' truce 
 which now ensued, during which time the Prussian army in Bo- 
 hemia was hastening from victory to victory, and conquering 
 for Italy the province which her own strength did not suffice 
 to win. 
 
 As in Hanover and Hesse-Cassel, on the 16th of June the Prus- 
 sians entered Saxony, on the borders of which they concentrated 
 enormous masses of troops, in order to fight out the war with 
 Austria rapidly and thoroughly. There had been no formal dec- 
 laration of war against that State; but as Saxony's application to 
 the Diet for speedy assistance against Prussia's violence had been 
 granted on the 16th of June, by a vote of ten to five, and the 
 Austrian presiding delegate had announced that Austria would 
 oppose Prussia with her whole military strength, it was believed 
 in Berlin that there was no need of waiting for anything farther. 
 Three great armies were put in the field. On the right wing 
 was the army of the Elbe, consisting of 40,000 men, under Gen- 
 eral Herwarth von Bittenfeld, who had commanded at the pas- 
 sage of the Alsen Sound on the 29th of June, 1864; in the cen- 
 tre was the 1st army, 100,000, under Prince Frederic Charles; 
 and on the left wing, in Silesia, the 2d army, 116,000 men, un- 
 der the crown prince of Prussia. In addition to these forces 
 there was a reserve of 24,000 landwehr troops, so that the whole 
 army amounted to 280,000 men, with 800 cannon. Of these 
 the reserve corps was left behind in Saxony, and a force of 
 100,000 men in Silesia, so that there remained 246,000 men 
 (according to others, 255,000 or 260,000) for the invasion of 
 Bohemia. The army of the Elbe and the 1st army entered Sax- 
 ony on the 16th of June. Herwarth occupied Dresden on the 
 18th, and Leipzig on the 19th; while, at the same time, Frederic 
 
342 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES, 
 
 Charles took possession of Bautzen and Zittau. On the 20tli all 
 Saxony, with the exception of the fortress of Königstein, was in 
 the hands of the Prussians. 
 
 • Contrar}"^ to all expectation Austria made no attempt to an- 
 ticipate her opponent in the occupation of a territory strategi- 
 cally so important. The Saxons, numbering 23,000 men, with 
 sixty guns, abandoned their country, and, under the command of 
 the crown-prince, accompanied their king to Bohemia, in order 
 there to form a junction with the Austrian army. This consist- 
 ed of 230,000 men, with 750 cannon and seven rocket-batteries, 
 so that the combined Austrian-Saxon northern army numbered 
 about 250,000. Tlie Austrians were divided into seven army 
 corps, commanded by the Archdukes Ernest and Leopold, Counts 
 Clam-Gallas, Thun, and Festetics, and Lieutenant Field-marshals 
 von Gablenz and von Ramming. Master of Ordnance, Chevalier 
 von Benedek, who had distinguisLed himself by his conduct on 
 the left wing at the battle of Solferino, was commander-in-chief. 
 Army and people wished to see him at the head of the troops, 
 and so the emperor bad intrusted him with the chief command, 
 putting everything into his hands. But, excellent though Bene- 
 dek was as a division commander, it was questionable whether he 
 possessed the quickness of comprehension needful to plan and 
 execute bold and skilful strategy, and it was also questionable 
 whether his corps commanders were fit for their positions, and 
 whether they would yield obedience to their chief. Benedek did 
 not belong to the high Austrian nobility, and he was a Protestant, 
 two serious defects in Austrian eyes; and it is commonly believed 
 that the archdukes and counts did not distinguish themselves by 
 prompt obedience in this campaign. Benedek needed to exert 
 his utmost strength against the opponents who had taken the 
 field with a force about equal to his own. Although the Prus- 
 sians had no recent campaigns behind them, with the exception 
 of that in Schleswig and one against the Badish rebels in 1849, 
 they had, nevertheless, known how to appropriate the very best 
 in all branches of the service. They had an excellent organizer 
 in General von Roon, the Minister of War, while in von Moltke 
 they possessed an incomparable chief of staff and a strategist at 
 once bold and cautious. Among the common soldiers, thanks to 
 the system of general compulsory service, the grade of intelli- 
 gence was high, and among the oflScers a far higher average of 
 
BENEDEK'S RADICAL ERROR. 343 
 
 education prevailed tlian in any other army. The needle-gun, 
 with which they were able to shoot some six times as fast as tlic 
 Austrians, gave them an enormous advantage, against which the 
 impetuous onset of the latter, adopted into their system from the 
 French since the battle of Solfcrino, proved of little use, for be- 
 fore a battalion could come to close quarters its ranks were terri- 
 bly thinned by the rapid and deadly tire of the I'russians. More- 
 over, the Austrians were at a disadvantage through the fact that 
 the greater part of their infantry had served only one year, and 
 had a very feeble sense of personal honor, while the lack of ac- 
 quaintance with military science and the weakness of morale dis- 
 played by the officers was astounding. The Seven Years' War and 
 the two Silesian wars offer many interesting analogies to this one 
 both in conditions and events — the substitution of the iron ram- 
 rod for the wooden, the masterly strategy of the Prussians, the 
 occupation of Saxony, the union of the Saxon army with the 
 Austrian, the repeated inroads into Bohemia through the passes 
 of the Erzgebirge and the Sudetes. Naturally those who were 
 not intimately acquainted with the internal conditions of both 
 parties surrendered themselves to expectations of the most extrav- 
 agant character ; and so it was that south Germany reckoned with 
 confidence on the victory of Austria, while North Germany 
 counted with eqi a' certainty on that of Prussia. 
 
 Benedek, whose army extended in a bow-shaped line from Cra- 
 cow to the left bank of the Elbe, thought hniisclf too weak to 
 assume the offensive, lie felt obliged to await the invasion of 
 Moravia or Bohemia by his opponents. When the designs of 
 the Prussian generals became apparent he transferred his head- 
 quarters from Olmütz to Joseplistadt, in which neighborhood 
 inost of his army was at once concentrated. Even if it had been 
 necessary to maintain the defensive at the outset, there was now 
 nothing to prevent him from passing over at once to an energetic 
 offensive, meeting the divided Prussian armies with overwhelm- 
 ing force, rendering their union impossible, and attacking and 
 defeating them in detail one after the other. Instead of this he 
 sent Clam-Gallas, with only 6000 men, including the Saxons, 
 ngainst the 140,000 of the Elbe and 1st armies; while to the 
 Silesian army, as it emerged from the mountain passes, he 
 thought it necessary to oppose an Austrian army corps for each 
 Prussian one, as though it were a play at fence, and not a strug- 
 
344 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 gle between half a million of men. Such tactics could not but 
 result in disaster. 
 
 Early in the morning of June 23d, in the best of spirits, the 
 Elbe and 1st armies crossed the Bohemian border, one on the 
 road to Rumburg, the other to Reichenberg. The latter place 
 was occupied on the 24th, and the Zittau-Reichenberg railroad, 
 so far as it had been made impracticable, was quickly repaired by 
 the skilled workmen who accompanied the army for that special 
 purpose. June 26th the troops of Count Clam-Gallas were de- 
 feated by Ilerwarth's advanced guard at Hünewasser, and on the 
 same night by Prince Frederic Charles's advanced guard at Liebe- 
 nau and Podol. This compelled Clam-Gallas to withdraw all his 
 troops from the right bank of the Iser, and suffer the Elbe army 
 to join that of Prince Frederic Charles. On the 28th both armies, 
 advancing in company, forced the passage of the Iser after severe 
 fighting, and obliged Clam-Gallas, with a loss of about 1800 men, 
 to abandon the whole line of that river, and take up a stronger 
 position fourteen miles away in the hilly country at Gitschin. 
 On the 29th he was again defeated by two divisions of Prince 
 Frederic Charles's army, and Gitschin, which was occupied by the 
 Saxons, was taken by assault the same night. This one day, on 
 which 14,000 Prussians were pitted against 22,000 Austrians and 
 Saxons, cost the former 1020 dead and wounded, while the loss 
 of the enemy was 5000 men, including 2000 prisoners. Clam- 
 Gallas, with his disheartened and exhausted troops, fell back to 
 Königgrätz. Frederic Charles allowed his army to rest at Gits- 
 chin, and awaited the arrival of the Silesian army, that being the 
 appointed rendezvous. 
 
 Between the 20th and 23d of June, in order to mask his march 
 through the passes of the Reisengebirge, the crown prince, who 
 'was in command of the 2d army, sent flying columns from Neisse 
 toward the border, to delude the enemy into the belief that the 
 whole army was advancing through Austrian Silesia into Mora- 
 via. There was some insignificant cavalry skirmishing, and the 
 ruse was so far successful that the sudden appearance of tliis 
 army in Bohemia was a great surprise to Benedek. On the 
 morning of June 27th, leaving 10,000 men to defend Silesia, the 
 2d army crossed the border in three columns. The 1st army 
 corps, under General Bonin, was to set out from Landshut, march- 
 ing by way of Trantenau ; the Guard corps, under Prince August 
 
STEINMETZ DEFEATS THE AUSTRIANS. 345 
 
 of Würteraberg, from Brannaii by way of Eypel ; the 5th array 
 corps, under General Steinmetz, forming the left wing, from Rei- 
 iierg by way of Nachod and Skalitz ; while the 6th, under Gen- 
 eral Mutins, was to follow the 5th. To oppose this new foe 
 Benedek had the four army corps of Gablenz, Ramming, Feste- 
 tics, and Leopold. Of these he despatched the first two to Tran- 
 tenau and Nachod, retaining the last two as a reserve. Accord- 
 ingly, Gablenz bad to encounter Bonin and the Guards, while 
 Ramming was to measure swords with Steinmetz, supported by 
 Mutins. 
 
 June 27th Bonin, with the 1st army corps, drove the Austrians 
 out of Trantenau and pushed them back to Kapellenberg. To- 
 ward evening Gablenz, having received a re-enforcement of two 
 brigades, resumed the fight, attacking the Prussians, who were 
 exhausted by the march, the heat, and the battle, with such ve- 
 hemence that they were obliged to retreat across the Aupa to 
 Schömberg, whence they had set out that morning. Their loss 
 was 1208 dead, wounded, and missing, but no cannon ; while the 
 Austrians lost 5730 men, half of whom were taken prisoners. 
 On the 28th the Guard corps, whose assistance Bonin had refused 
 as unnecessary on the previous morning, attacked the Austrians 
 at Burgersdorf and Soor, near Trantenau, with such success that 
 Gablenz lost about 4000 dead and wounded, 4500 prisoners, and 
 10 cannon, and had to retreat to Königinhof, his soldiers worn 
 out by two days of hard fighting. On the 29th Königinhof was 
 taken by the Guards, and the bridge over the Elbe at that place 
 occupied, thus removing all obstacles to a junction with Prince 
 Frederic Charles, 
 
 The 3d army corps, under Steinmetz, had the most difficult 
 task. June 27th, as it was advancing along the narrow road 
 toward Nachod in a line at least nine miles long, it encountered 
 the 6th Austrian corps, under Ramming, who for a short time 
 at the outset had the advantage ; but, not exerting himself suf- 
 ficiently to prevent the enemy from concentrating his forces, he 
 was ultimately so badly beaten that on the following day his 
 troops were not fit to resume the battle, and had to be relieved 
 by Archduke Leopold. Twenty-five hundred prisoners and six 
 guns were captured, the total loss of the Austrians being about 
 5000 men, while only 1200 Prussians Avere killed and wounded. 
 June 28th Steinmetz gathered new laurels at Skalitz, where he 
 
 15* 
 
346 POLITICAL HISTORY OF KECENT TIMES. 
 
 defeated Archduke Leopold, taking 2500 prisoners and five guns. 
 The next day, on his inarch toward Königinhof, he met and de- 
 feated the 4th Austrian corps, under Count Festetics, at Schwein- 
 schädel (Jarowirz), carrying the pursuit up to the very walls of 
 Josephstadt. On the 30th at Gradlitz he formed a junction with 
 the other divisions of the crown prince's army. Rendered com- 
 plete by the arrival of General Mutins, this army now held the 
 line of the Elbe from Arnau to Josephstadt. Having in the last 
 few days captured 10,000 prisoners, 20 cannon, five colors, and 
 two standards, it was natural that they should look forward with 
 confidence to a decisive battle. 
 
 Within a few days Benedek had lost about 35,000 men. Of 
 his seven army corps five had been beaten, only one of them hav- 
 ing won an advantage on the first day. lie now concentrated his 
 army, still numbering 200,000, but weakened and discouraged by 
 this series of isolated encounters, at Königgrätz, and made ready 
 for a general engagement. He himself had but little desire to 
 hazard a battle ; but his report that, after so many disasters, the 
 army was neither in the proper mood nor condition for a decisive 
 action, had been answered by a direct command from the emperor 
 to engage the enemy at once. Battle being inevitable, he took 
 up his position between the Elbe and the little stream of Bistritz, 
 with a front six or seven miles in length, and occupied the most 
 favorable heights with his 500 rifled cannon. This position was 
 objectionable, inasmuch as his flanks were not protected except 
 by his own troops, while a possible retreat across the Elbe with 
 such numbers was no trifling undertaking. As for his soldiers, 
 their spirits had risen a little at the prospect of wiping out recent 
 blunders by victory. 
 
 On the evening of July 2d, as soon as Prince Frederic Charles 
 received news of this movement, he reported it to Prussian head- 
 quarters at Gitschin. King William, who had left Berlin on the 
 29th of June, had just arrived there, accompanied by Bismarck, 
 Roon, and Moltke, and assumed the chief command over all the 
 Prussian armies. He received the news shortly before midnight, 
 and at Moltke's advice resolved to adopt the prince's proposition 
 and attack on the following day with his whole force. Adjutants 
 at once bore the order to advance to Herwarth and the crown 
 prince. The former received the order at 1 o'clock, and the 
 hitter, who was at Königinhof, at 4 o'clock in the morning, and 
 
THE BATTLE OF SADOWA. 347 
 
 both set out for Königgrätz with as little delay as possible. But 
 the crown prince's troops were at a considerable distance from 
 the field of battle, two and a half army corps being more than 
 twelve miles away. The plan was for Prince Frederic Charles, 
 who was nearest to the enemy, to occupy him in front until Her- 
 warth, who was at Smidar, seven or eight miles distant on the 
 right, and the crown prince's army, which formed the left wing, 
 could attack the enemy on both flanks. If everything worked as 
 it had been planned at head-quarters, it was hoped not merely to 
 defeat but to annihilate Benedek's army. 
 
 The Prussians numbered 200,000 ; but of these only about 
 150,000 actually took part in the battle, as several divisions of 
 the crown prince's army did not arrive in time. At 8 o'clock, at 
 the village of Dub, the king, attended by the Duke of Coburg, 
 Roon, Moltke, and Bismarck, joined the advance-guard of Prince 
 Frederic Charles, which was already in action, and assumed com- 
 mand in person. During the whole forenoon the 1st army had 
 to bear alone the brunt of the severe fighting at Sadowa and the 
 Bistritz fords — three army corps against six for four or five hours, 
 some divisions suffering terribly from the Austrian artillery and 
 chasseurs. On the enemy's left, where the Saxons obstinately 
 defended the village of Ober-Prim and the lieights of Proclus, 
 Ilcrwarth found more resistance than he had expected, and it 
 was not until 3 o'clock in the afternoon that he was sufficient- 
 ly master of the situation to unite with the army of Prince Fred- 
 eric Charles. On the enemy's right Fransecky's division in the 
 woods before the heights of Chlum, exposed for four hours, from 
 9 to 1, to a terrible fire of grape-shot and to the impetuous 
 charges of the Austrians, far superior in point of number, fought 
 with unconquerable bravery, and, in spite of the loss of a full 
 quarter of their infantry, covered the left wing of the Prussian 
 line until the first columns of the crown prince's army came in 
 sight, bringing the much-needed succor. Those had been mo- 
 ments of suspense, as the Prussian generals anxiously strained 
 their eyes in the direction from which the crown prince's army 
 was expected to arrive. If that army delayed, the battle was 
 lost, and only retreat could save the Prussian centre from de- 
 struction. It was a repetition of Wellington at the battle of 
 Waterloo anxiously awaiting Bliicher's arrival. It had already 
 been proposed to draw off the infantry, when, like Blücher, at 
 
348 POLITICAL HISTORY OF KECENT TIMES. 
 
 the last moment the crown prince appeared, and the battle was 
 won. 
 
 The crown prince's army, especially the artillery, was seriously 
 retarded in its march by the hilly nature of the country, and the 
 soft condition of the roads owing to the recent rains, so that it 
 was not until almost 10 o'clock that one division of the Guards 
 reached the scene. This was followed by the 6th army corps, 
 then by the 1st, and, finally, the second division of the Guards 
 arrived, each entering into action as it came up. The Austrian 
 right wing, which had been inflicting terrible damage with its ar- 
 tillery on Prince Frederic Charles's left, was obliged to turn about 
 and begin a new battle with the Guards and the 6th army corps 
 (Mutins). In their first onslaught the latter took the villages of 
 Horeniowes and Ratschitz. The space between Maslowed, Cis- 
 towes, and Chlum, where Fransecky's division was still fighting, 
 had been almost stripped of defenders. Into this gap pressed 
 General Hiller with the first division of the Guards, and in face 
 of a murderous artillery fire succeeded in taking the heights of 
 Chlum, the key to the whole Austrian position, and the village of 
 Rozberitz. This turned the Austrian position on the heights of 
 Lipa, whence death and destruction had been hurled into the 
 Prussian lines the whole morning. Shortly before 3 o'clock Bene- 
 dek, who had taken up his station at that point, learned what had 
 been happening in his rear during the last half-hour, but could 
 scarcely believe it possible until he saw it with his own eyes. 
 From the beginning of the campaign it had been his mistake and 
 infatuation to disregard the crown prince's army, and attribute no 
 importance to its movements. In the disposition of his forces at 
 Königgrätz he had acted exactly as if no such army existed to 
 threaten him with destruction by an attack in flank and rear. 
 Now that he realized the situation, he lost no time in hurling his 
 reserves against Killer's division, in order to recover the lost posi- 
 tions at any price. Rozberitz was retaken, but on the heights of 
 Chlum Hiller received re-enforcements of cavalry and infantry, 
 the first columns of the second division of the Guard corps and 
 the 1st army corps (Bonin) coming to his assistance. For a full 
 hour the battle raged furiously about this point. The gallant 
 Hiller himself was laid low by a bombshell. At half -past 4 
 the battalions of the 1st army corps, which had just reached the 
 heights of Chlum, repulsed the last attack of the Austrians, and 
 
LOSSES OF BOTH COMBATANTS. 349 
 
 dashed forward against Rozberitz, sweeping everything before 
 them, while the advance-guard of the second Guard division car- 
 ried the heights of Lipa. The raost important positions had been 
 won, and victory was in the hands of the Prussians. 
 
 Benedek gave the order to retreat. All the cavah-y of Prince 
 Frederic Charles's army set themselves in pursuit. A division 
 of Mutins's corps seized the reserve cannon, which had been sta- 
 tioned at Swietj to cover the line of retreat, and bombarded the 
 retiring Austrians from the heights at that place ; then, pushing 
 forward to the Königgrätz road, compelled the enemy to swerve 
 off toward the sonth-west. The Austrian reserve cavalry took 
 up its position at Streselitz, south of Chlum, for the purpose of 
 rendering the retreat of the infantry and artillery easier, but was 
 unable to withstand the attack of the Prussian horse. The re- 
 treat degenerated more and more into wild flight, some taking 
 refuge under the guns of Königgrätz, the rest making their way 
 to Pardubitz. The Austrian loss was enormous — about 42,000 
 men — of whom 4600 were killed, 14,000 wounded, 20,000 capt- 
 ured, and 4000 missing. In addition to this, 174 cannon and 
 11 colors were left in the hands of the enemy. That some at 
 least of Benedek's soldiers had fought well was shown by the 
 fact that the Prussians had 1840 dead and 6688 wounded, in 
 addition to which there were 278 missing, making a total loss 
 in round numbers of 8800 men. No cannon were lost on the 
 Prussian side. At half-past two o'clock in the afternoon of July 
 3d the commandant of Josephstadt telegraphed an Austrian vic- 
 tory to Vienna; on the 4th the Austrian papers announced, "Our 
 northern army no longer exists." 
 
 The battle of Königgrätz decided the campaign. The north- 
 ern army, which had met with nothing but disasters in the last 
 eight days, was so shattered that the emperor could not venture 
 another battle, especially against an enemy who, besides his other 
 advantages, had confidence of victory, and after his recent suc- 
 cesses felt equal to any undertaking. Gaps were filled up, and 
 fresh strength added to the Prussian army by bringing up a part 
 of Mülbe's reserve corps, which had been left behind in Saxony. 
 As the capture of an Austrian field post revealed Benedek's in- 
 tention of retiring to the strongly fortified Olmütz — in the con- 
 viction that the Prussians would not dare to march against Vi- 
 enna if they were threatened in flank and rear by a numerous 
 
350 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 army — only sending Gablenz's corps and the greater part of the 
 cavah-y to the capital by way of Briinn, King William determined 
 to detail the crown prince's army to keep the enemy prisoner in 
 Olmütz, while Prince Frederic Charles moved on Vienna by way 
 of Brunn, and Ilerwarth pursued the direct road through Iglau. 
 The truce which Gablenz, at Benedek's direction, attempted to 
 negotiate in Prussian head-quarters on the 4th of July and again 
 on the 10th was not granted for very evident reasons. The fail- 
 ure to pursue the foe energetically, as Gneisenau had done after 
 the battle of Waterloo, had already detracted quite enough from 
 the military and political advantages of the great victory that 
 had been won. On the 6th of July the whole Prussian army set 
 out from Pardubitz southward, leaving only a corps of observa- 
 tion before the fortresses of Königgrätz and Josephstadt. On 
 the 8th General Rosenberg -Gruszinsky with a division of the 
 gardelandxi^ehr occupied Prague, which had been evacuated by 
 the Austrians. 
 
 In Vienna the threatening danger was fully appreciated. The 
 specie in the bank was at once transported to the Hungarian for- 
 tress of Komorn ; and, notwithstanding the Florisdorf trenches, 
 north of the capital, which were being strengthened and put in 
 order with feverish haste, every one prepared for the capture of 
 the city. The emperor could think of no more skilful means to 
 check the victorious advance of the enemy than the cession to 
 Napoleon, before all the world, of the province of Venetia, which 
 had already been ceded secretly, and the use of his intervention 
 for the restoration of peace. Accordingly, on the 5th of July 
 the cession of Venetia to France was made public. The emperor 
 reasoned that if by this means Venetia became a French prov- 
 ince, Victor Emmanuel could win it only by yielding to Napo- 
 leon's wishes, and Austria would thus have its whole southern 
 army, the conquerors of Custozza, free to hurl against the Prus- 
 sians. At the same time he secretly hoped that Napoleon, jeal- 
 ous of Prussia's new trophies, would command an instant halt, 
 
 and dictate an imperative either or, leaving no other choice 
 
 than the acceptance of his conditions, or a war on the Rhine in 
 addition to that on the Danube. As Lombardy had been sur- 
 rendered in 1859, so Venetia was surrendered in 1866, in order 
 to check Prussia and maintain Austria's position in Germany. 
 Napoleon and his statesmen were "filled with patriotic anxiety 
 
FRENCH MISCALCULATION. 351 
 
 by the improbable and unexpected occurrence of the victory of 
 Königgrätz," as Ronher, then Minister of State, said in the Legis- 
 lative Assembly in March of 1867. They had calmly looked on 
 at the commencement of the war in the expectation that it would 
 be of the most stubborn description, and that both Prussia and 
 Austria would come out of it so weakened that Napoleon might 
 step between as arbitrator whenever he chose, re-model Europe 
 according to his plan of June 11th, and, by way of compensation 
 for his trouble, secure for himself the coveted left bank of the 
 Rhine. Like Austria and the German secondary states, he had 
 undervalued the capabilities of the Prussian army, and paid too 
 little attention to the certainty and precision of its operations 
 daring the Danish war. This only made his consternation at the 
 victory of Königgrätz, and his fear of the consequences, greater. 
 His plans were at once readjusted ; for it was plain that hence- 
 forward not Austria but Prussia would hold the place of influ- 
 ence in Germany, and that the increase of strength and territory 
 in the north, which he had indicated as desirable, had already 
 overstepped the wishes and supposed interests of France. It was 
 necessary now to direct his efforts toward restraining Prussia's 
 victorious career as much as possible, and depriving her so far as 
 might be of the fruits of her victory. 
 
 This result could, of course, have been most readily attained by 
 military intervention ; but, to Napoleon's intense grief, the French 
 army had been reduced to such a wretched plight in consequence 
 of the Mexican expedition, that intervention was at that time an 
 utter impossibility. Randon, the then minister of war, unwilling 
 constantly to ask for new appropriations for the Mexican expe- 
 dition from a chamber so discontented with that enterprise, al- 
 lowed not only the army but also all the reserve stores, arsenals, 
 armories, and magazines to fall into such a state of utter decay, 
 that on the 3d of July, 1866, France was unable to equip and 
 put in the field even 50,000 men. Such a state of affairs was 
 not adapted to armed intervention, and consequently no other 
 course remained than to play the more modest and less danger- 
 ous role of officious monitor and adviser. By the offer of Vene- 
 tia he endeavored to dissuade Italy from the further prosecution 
 of the war, and hoped, in any event, to induce both Italy and 
 Prussia to conclude an immediate truce. But neither of the 
 allies accepted his propositions. King William definitely an- 
 
352 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 iiounced tliat he would gladly meet Napoleon's efforts half-way, 
 at least so far as a truce was concerned, as soon as Francis Joseph 
 was ready to accept his main conditions ; but in the mean time 
 he would not allow his military action to be interfered with. 
 So the Austrian project was in the main frustrated, Venetia lost, 
 and nothing gained by it in Germany. The 80,000 men which 
 Francis Joseph transferred from Italy, where the strictest defen- 
 sive was to be observed, to the Danube, were not strong enough, 
 in conjunction with the fragments of the shattered northern 
 army, to make head against the Prussians ; and, furthermore, 
 they could not all be collected in the neighborhood of Vienna 
 before the 22d or even the 26th of July, and by that time the 
 capital might be already taken. July 13th Archduke Albert, 
 who had been recalled from Italy, assumed the chief command 
 of all the Austrian armies, Benedek being deprived of his office, 
 but remaining in service temporarily as subordinate to the arch- 
 duke. Generals Clam-Gallas, Henikstein (chief of staff), and Kris- 
 manic (quartermaster-general), had been removed on the 3d of 
 July, before the beginning of the battle. Later they were tried 
 before a court-martial, but acquitted. 
 
 King William remained with the army of Prince Frederic 
 Charles, which was to march on Vienna by way of Brunn. The 
 latter place was entered on the 13th with no other resistance on 
 the part of the Austrians than an insignificant cavalry engage- 
 ment at Saar on the lOth. On the 16th Lnndenburg, on the 
 Thaya, was occupied, which made the Prussians masters of the 
 railroad between Olmiitz and Vienna. On the 18th the royal 
 head-quarters were in Nicholsburg, forty-five miles from Vienna, 
 while the advanced posts had been pushed forward within eigh- 
 teen miles of that city. In the mean time General Herwarth, who, 
 with the army of the Elbe, formed the right wing, marching by 
 way of Iglav and Znaym, defeated a cavalry brigade at Jetzelsdorf 
 on the 14th, and occupied Ilollebrunn on the 16th, his advanced 
 posts being not more than fourteen miles from Vienna. Arch- 
 duke Albert held the presence of the northern army to be abso- 
 lutely necessary for the protection of the threatened capital. 
 Shortly after his arrival at Olmiitz, Benedek had despatched the 
 3d army corps and the greater part of the Saxon troops to Vi- 
 enna by rail, but he still retained in his intrenched camp five 
 infantry corps and one cavalry division. His plan was to attack 
 
BENEDEK RECALLED TO VIENNA. 353 
 
 the army of the crown prince with these forces and prevent his 
 junction with the two other armies; but on the 12th and 13th 
 he received imperative commands to set out for Vienna at once 
 with all liis troops. As the direct road by way of Brunn and 
 Nicholsburg was already closed, he was obliged to have recourse 
 to the Ohnütz-Presburg railroad. This had been cut at Lunden- 
 burg, and could be used only part of the way, the remainder of 
 the distance being accomplished on foot, from the valley of the 
 March across the lesser Carpathians to the valley of the Waag, 
 and thence to Presburg. The greater part of his troops reached 
 that city on the 26th, one corps only — the 2d, commanded by 
 Than — arriving as early as the 22d. To reconnoitre Benedek's 
 march from Olraiitz, and mflict as much damage as possible, the 
 crown prince sent out Hartman's cavalry corps and one of Bo- 
 nin's divisions. At Tabitschau they drove back one army corps 
 of the enemy, making over six hundred prisoners, and capturing 
 eighteen guns. The liglit horse advanced as far as the railroad 
 station at Prerau, but after a brief encounter were obliged to re- 
 treat before superior numbers. Leaving Bonin's corps — which 
 was shortly reduced to a single division of that corps — to watch 
 the fortress of 01 mutz, the crown prince marched southward, 
 and joined Prince Frederic Charles on the 19th at Nicholsburg 
 and Lundenburg, forming tlie reserve of his army. 
 
 The whole Prussian army, increased to 240,000 by the addi- 
 tion of reserves, was again united. Its extreme left wing was 
 only half a day's march from Presburg; its extreme right was in 
 Krems, wliere the Austrians had blown up the bridge over the 
 Danube. Before them the blue river mirrored the towers of 
 Presburg and Vienna, and by night the foremost troops saw the 
 lighted windows in the iVustrian capital. Notwithstanding hard- 
 ships and cholera, all burnt with eagerness for the attack, antici- 
 pating the triumphal entrance that would follow. July 20th the ad- 
 vanced posts were only six and three-quarter miles from the Floris- 
 dorf trenches. One quick stroke, and Vienna was taken. Not more 
 than 130,000 defenders stood before the city; but, in addition to 
 these, 110,000 men of the northern army were expected at Pres- 
 burg between the 22d and the 26th. On the 21st Prince Fred- 
 eric Charles sent Fransecky against that city with two divisions 
 of cavalry and one of infantry. On the 22d Fransecky attacked 
 Thun's corps, which was just arriving, and Mondl's brigade, which 
 
354 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 was stationed at Blumenau. Ordering Bose's brigade to pass 
 around to the left across the spurs of the lesser Carpathians, and 
 take Mondl in the rear, he maintained the fight in front, chiefly 
 at artillery distance. About 11 o'clock he charged the enemy, 
 and forced his left wing to yield ground. It was 12 o'clock 
 when he received news from Bose that the manoeuvre had been 
 successfully carried out ; that he had scattered several battalions 
 of Thun's corps, and was already at the Jägermühle, on the road 
 between Presburg and Blumenau. The annihilation of Mondl's 
 brigade and Thun's fatigued and scattered troops, and the conse- 
 quent capture of Presburg, would have been the certain results of 
 the daj^ but at that very moment an Austrian otficer appeared 
 under a flag of truce to inform Fransecky that a five days' armis- 
 tice had been concluded, to take effect at mid-day on the 22d. 
 All hostihties were therefore forthwith suspended. General Bose 
 had the satisfaction of bivouacking for twenty-four hours in the 
 position wliich he had won, thus making Mondl's troops pass in 
 front of l]im on their march to Presburg, by way of showing how 
 certain a Prussian victory would have been. The engagement at 
 Blumenau closed the fighting between Prussia and Austria, and 
 diplomacy began its battles. 
 
 Napoleon made every exertion to prevent the Prussians from 
 entering Vienna, as that might tend to obscure his uncle's fame. 
 The activity of his diplomats was unremitting. At his command 
 Benedetti, the French ambassador in Berlin, arrived at Prussian 
 head-quarters on the 14th of July, while at the same time the 
 Duke of Gramont was busily at work in Vienna. The former 
 was to dissuade from excessive demands, the latter persuade to 
 greater concessions. To Bismarck the diplomatic intervention of 
 France was so unwelcome that, in order to spare Napoleon farther 
 trouble, he made direct overtures to the Vienna cabinet through 
 Giskra, the burgomaster of Briinn. Austria was at liberty to en- 
 ter into relations with south Germany, which was to remain mis- 
 tress of its own destiny, but only on condition that all French in- 
 tervention or mediation should be excluded. The negotiator was 
 detained in Vienna so long that on his return to Nicholsburg 
 French intervention was already a fait accompli. On the 14th 
 of July Napoleon laid before the two cabinets six propositions, 
 which, after being modified by Count Bismarck into a shape far 
 more favorable to Prussia, formed the basis for the preliminaries 
 
PRELIMINARIES OF PEACE. 355 
 
 of peace later adopted. It was to the advantage of Prussia to 
 protract the negotiations, in order that she might be able to 
 throw the military successes of the next few days into the scale. 
 As preliminary conditions to any negotiation the King of Prus- 
 sia demanded Austria's withdrawal from the German Confedera- 
 tion, free scope to round out the Prussian boundaries and organ- 
 ize a new confederation in north Germany, and finally the an- 
 nexation of Schleswig-Holstein ; and announced that until Austria 
 accepted these conditions any truce or negotiations with refer- 
 ence to peace were impossible. The king was more concerned 
 about the increase of territory, Bismarck about the formation of 
 a new confederation ; but it proved quite possible to harmonize 
 the two points of view. If Napoleon did not wish to become in- 
 volved in war with Prussia, or perhaps with Germany, there was 
 nothing left but to assent to the Prussian programme, which he 
 did, in a despatch of July 19th, with remarkable modesty. The 
 only cession of territory exacted from Austria was Venetia, which 
 she had long since resolved to cede. To withdraw from Ger- 
 many was a severe blow for all Austria, but especially for the 
 Uapsburg dynasty, and it was only the pressure of iron necessity 
 that extracted from Francis Joseph his consent. July 20th, the 
 most important points having been agreed upon, negotiations for 
 a temporary suspension of hostilities commenced. This took ef- 
 fect, as above mentioned, at mid-day of the 22d, and was to last 
 five days. During that time negotiations were conducted in the 
 Prussian head-quarters at Nicholsburg with reference to a formal 
 truce and the preliminaries of peace, the Austrian Counts Carolyi 
 and Degenfeld, and the Italian Count Barral meeting the Prussian 
 plenipotentiaries in the presence of the aged king. The Bava- 
 rian minister, von der Pfordten, appeared, uninvited, to negotiate 
 in the name of the south German states ; but as he had no cre- 
 dentials from Wiirtemburg, Baden, and Hesse-Darmstadt, which 
 were not themselves represented, he could not be admitted. On 
 the 27th of July a formal truce and the preliminaries of peace 
 were signed. To gain time for Italy's consent, the existing sus- 
 pension of hostilities was prolonged to the 2d of August, at 
 which date a formal truce of four weeks was to begin. On the 
 28th of July a truce for three weeks, to commence on the 2d of 
 August, was concluded with Bavaria also, her request for an im- 
 mediate cessation of hostilities on the Main not being granted. 
 
356 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 With reference to tlie other three south German states, a prom- 
 ise was given that they should be treated the same as Bavaria, in 
 case they made express application to that effect. 
 
 In the preliminaries of Nicholsburg, Francis Joseph recognized 
 the dissolution of the existing Confederation, and gave his con- 
 sent to a reorganization of Germany with Austria left out. Sim- 
 ilarly in Art. 4 he promised to recognize the more closely united 
 confederation which the King of Prussia proposed to establish 
 north of the line of the Main. The states lying south of that 
 line were to be at liberty to form a separate union, the connec- 
 tion of which with the North German Confederation was to be 
 defined by agreement of the two parties. The Austrian emperor 
 ceded to Prussia his rights in the Elbe duchies — by Art. 5 the 
 northern districts of Schleswig were to decide by a free vote 
 whether they would be re-united to Denmark or not — paid about 
 $15,000,000 (20,000,000 thalers) war indemnity, and consented 
 to the territorial changes which Prussia proposed to make in 
 north Germany. In exchange for this Prussia left Saxony in 
 full possession of its former territory, and undertook to settle 
 the position of that state in the North German Confederation by 
 a treaty of peace. Prussia also engaged to procure the King of 
 Italy's consent to the truce and the preliminaries as soon as Na- 
 poleon surrendered Venetia. Until a definitive peace was con- 
 cluded the Prussian troops were to occupy almost the whole of 
 Bohemia and Moravia. August 23d the preliminaries agreed 
 upon at Nicholsburg were finally ratified by the peace of Prague. 
 
 Napoleon, anxious that the re-organization of Germany should 
 begin with a schism, did not wish to see the states south of the 
 Main — Bavaria, Würtemberg, Baden, and Hesse-Darmstadt — sub- 
 ject to Prussia^ and so the words " and which shall have an inter- 
 national, independent existence" were appended to Art. 4, the 
 article treating of south Germany. It was not in the interests of 
 Austria, but of France, that Napoleon wished to see this Main line 
 drawn, and an independent position accorded to those states. He 
 hoped by this means to rescue at least some part of his pro- 
 gramme of June 11th, and expected that south Germany would 
 seek a protector in the French emperor, as it had done in 1806, 
 and become in political and military matters the ally of France 
 against the new and dangerously strengthened Prussia. But this 
 was not enough to satisfy him. His ambassador, Count Bene- 
 
PEACE OF PRAGUE. 357 
 
 detti, had been excluded from the conferences with the Austrian 
 plenipotentiaries in Nicholsburg, and first learned from Bismarclc, 
 on the 26th of July, that the preliminaries had been agreed upon. 
 In answer to his question as to what compensation France was to 
 receive on the left bank of the Rhine, he was informed that after 
 such a brilliant campaign it would be impossible to persuade the 
 king to surrender Rhenish territory. Benedetti reported this to 
 the emperor, and on the 5th of August received from him from 
 Vichy the draught of a treaty by which France was to acquire 
 Rhenish Bavaria and Rhenish Hesse, including the fortress of 
 Mayence — the boundaries of 1814 — the existing relation between 
 Luxemburg and the German Confederation was to be dissolved, 
 and the Prussian right of garrison in the fortress of Luxemburg- 
 renounced. This document was at once communicated to Bis- 
 marck, who, together with the king, had reached Berlin on the 4th, 
 and on the 6th Benedetti had a personal interview with him. In 
 this interview he announced that in case these demands were not 
 granted France would declare war. He added, furthermore, that 
 he should recommend the emperor to insist on these conditions, 
 since the failure to obtain compensation might endanger his very 
 throne. Bismarck's reply was simple : " Good ; then it is war." 
 With this answer Benedetti took his departure for Paris. But 
 Napoleon concluded to think twice before casting away through 
 a declaration of war the line of the Main, which it had been so 
 hard to win, and himself assisting in the unification of Germany. 
 Accordingly Bismarck was informed that the demand for a ces- 
 sion of territory and the threat of war had been wrung from the 
 emperor during his illness ; and by way of proving this Drouyn, 
 the minister of foreign affairs, was dismissed. The idea of the 
 left bank of the Rhine was given up, and Napoleon turned his 
 eyes toward Luxemburg and Belgium. 
 
 In the mean time the Italians had again assumed the offensive. 
 In the diplomatic negotiations of July 5th their behavior had 
 been unexceptionable, but in military matters the case was differ- 
 ent, and neither at sea nor on land did they achieve any success. 
 They were very proud of their fleet, which had been considerably 
 strengthened in the last few years, and felt certain that in the 
 event of a naval encounter the Austrians must be annihilated. 
 On the 17th of July Admiral Persano sailed out of the harbor of 
 Ancona with twenty-three ships, ten of them iron-clads, and 2200 
 
358 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 landing troops, for the purpose of possessing himself of the isl- 
 and of Lissa, which was of great importance for the control of 
 those waters. The bombardment of the forts began on the 19th, 
 and Persano was just about to land his troops on the 20th, when 
 Rear-admiral Tegetthoff appeared upon the scene with twenty -two 
 ships, only seven of which were iron-clads. In a sharp fight of 
 four hours' duration the Austrians gave a most brilliant proof of 
 their superiority in point of manoeuvring. The large Italian iron- 
 clad King of Italy was run down by the armored ram Archduke 
 Max, and the armored gun-boat Palestro set on fire and blown 
 up. The Austrian Kaiser, although a wooden ship, succeeded by 
 its well-directed fire in repulsing all the attacks of the Italian 
 iron-clads. Persano was compelled to return to Ancona. He 
 was later court-martialed and found guilty, although on his trial 
 he attempted to lay the blame upon the administration of the 
 navy, which he accused of fitting out the fleet poorly, and then 
 forcing him into battle against his will. 
 
 The war on land presented no great difiiculties after Austria 
 had drawn off 80,000 men to the Danube. Victor Emmanuel 
 did not recognize the cession of Venetia to Napoleon ; and the 
 latter, unable, on account of the Prussian-Italian alliance, to turn 
 the Austrian gift to account in the way he had intended, let mat- 
 ters take their own course. The Austrians, vacating the open 
 country, shut themselves up in the Quadrilateral — which Lamar- 
 mora needlessly watched with a force of six or seven divisions 
 — so that Cialdinl's march with eight divisions across the Po, 
 Adige, Brenta, and Tagliamento was nothing more than a mili- 
 tary promenade. The only deed of arms was the capture of the 
 important barbacan of Borgoforte, on the Po, where the works 
 were so battered by the Italian artillery that the garrison evacu- 
 ated them (July l7th), and retreated to Mantua. Garibaldi, with 
 his volunteers, accomplished less in the Tyrol than had been ex- 
 pected of him. lie made his way into the valley of Judicaria, 
 west of Lake Garda, but could do nothing against the practised 
 Tyrolese sharpshooters, especially as he was suffering from a 
 wound received in an engagement on the 3d of July. The cam- 
 paign dragged on for four weeks in a series of petty skirmishes. 
 It seemed about to take a more favorable turn for Garibaldi 
 when General Medici, whom Cialdinl had sent with one division 
 against Trento, succeeded, after a few victorious encounters, in 
 
ANNEX^VTION OF VENETIA. 359 
 
 making his way to within a few miles of that town ; but just 
 then the suspension of hostilities agreed upon in Nicholsburg 
 put an end to the fighting in the Tyrol, as it had already done 
 elsewhere. It was published in Italy on the 25th of July; but 
 as Victor Emmanuel, claiming for Italy the Italian -speaking 
 southern Tyrol, as well as Venetia, announced that he would 
 continue to occupy the part of the former which he had al- 
 ready taken, the war seemed in danger of breaking out afresh. 
 Austria would not surrender a single village in southern Tyrol. 
 Prussia's treaty with Italy mentioned Venetia only, and she felt 
 no desire to assist her ally to this additional acquisition. Napo- 
 leon, on his part, wished to keep the new kingdom within mod- 
 est limits. Matters looked critical when Austria, her hands once 
 more free upon the Danube, transferred large bodies of troops to 
 Italy, collecting a strong army at Isonzo, and massing a reserve 
 force at Villach. Victor Emmanuel ran a great risk in case he 
 engaged single-handed in a war with Austria ; and, comprehend- 
 ing how great that risk was, he at length yielded to the coun- 
 sels of Napoleon and King William, and, choosing the certain in 
 preference to the uncertain, withdrew his claims. On the 11th 
 of August he concluded a truce for four weeks, which was im- 
 mediately followed by the evacuation of all southern Tyrol. A 
 peace between Austria and Italy was signed in Vienna on the 
 3d of October, and the iron crown of Lombardy was at length 
 handed over to the latter. Italy was obliged to receive Venetia 
 from the hands of France, and it was not to be surrendered until 
 the wishes of the people had been expressed by a j^l^bisclte. The 
 Austrian troops began to evacuate the Quadrilateral on the 9th 
 of October. On the 16th Venice was evacuated, and on the 18th 
 Napoleon, through General Leboeuf, surrendered the city to a com- 
 mittee of the common council, and the Italian troops marched in. 
 The vote upon the union of Venetia with the kingdom of 
 Italy took place on tlie 21st and 22d of October, and resulted 
 in 651,758 votes in favor of union, and 69 against it. Novem- 
 ber 4th this result was communicated to the king in Turin by a 
 Venetian deputation. In his reply the king said: "To-day the 
 foreign rule has come to an end. Italy is created, but not yet 
 completed. The Italians must defend it and make it great." The 
 decree of annexation was signed at once, and on the 'Fth of No- 
 vember Victor Emmanuel made his entrance into Venice amid 
 
360 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the greatest rejoicings. The dream of the old Carbonari of n 
 united Italy had almost reached its fultihncnt. In spite of all con- 
 ventions isolated Rome could not much longer hold out against 
 the march of the century, with its tendency to unite things ho- 
 mogeneous. It was to the victors of Sadowa that Italy owed the 
 acquisition of a province without a single victory, after lier army 
 and her navy had suffered complete defeats at Custozza and at 
 Lissa ; and the history of war affords no second example of such 
 success in disaster. 
 
 The war had already come to an end in Bohemia and Italy 
 when it was just beginning on the Main. To the right, at Bam- 
 berg, was stationed the Bavarian army, at first 42,000 strong, but 
 later raised to 50,000, under Prince Charles, who, at the age of 
 seventy-one, found himself for the first time at the head of an 
 army. To the left, at Frankfort, stood the 8th army corps of 
 the Confederation, to Avhich Würtemburg contributed 14,000 
 men, Baden 10,000 — under Prince AVilliara — Ilesse-Darmstadt 
 9000, Hesse-Cassel 8000, Nassau 4000, and Austria 12,000. Of 
 these the greater part of the contingent from Hesse-Cassel re- 
 mained in or by the fortress of Mayence, so that the force actu- 
 ally in the field numbered a little more than 50,000 men. Prince 
 Alexander of Hesse commanded this corps, and had a hard task 
 to perform, with six generals under him who were mostly unac- 
 quainted with him or one another. With the exception of a few 
 aimless marches, and the occupation for a couple of days of Gies- 
 sen and the Prussian town of Wetzlar, this division remained at 
 Frankfort, in order to protect the Diet from attack. In accord- 
 ance with a decision of that body of the 25th of June, a bat- 
 talion of Würtemburgers had already occupied Hohenzollern in 
 the name of the Confederation, as indemnity for the territory 
 which had been occupied by Prussia. 
 
 Opposed to these two armies stood General Vogel von Falck- 
 enstein, with three divisions of Guben, Beyer, and Manteuffel, 
 numbering about 45,000 in all, inclusive of a contingent of 3000 
 from Saxe-Coburg and Lippe-Detmold. Although this army was 
 no stronger than either one of the south German armies, its en- 
 ergetic leader determined, like his colleagues in Bohemia, to as- 
 sume the offensive. His immediate plan was to prevent the 
 union of the two hostile armies, and drive them back across the 
 Main one after the other. After the capitulation of the Han- 
 
THE SOUTH GERMAN ARMIES DRIVEN BACK. 361 
 
 overians, he concentrated liis forces at Eisenach on the 2d of 
 July, and set out for Frankfort by way of Fulda and Hanau. In 
 order to bring assistance to the Hanoverians, the Bavarians had 
 advanced as far as Coburg and Meiningen ; but after the capitula- 
 tion of the former they turned westward, and attempted to unite 
 with the 8th army corps. This bi'ought them into collision with 
 the Prussian troops, and in a series of engagements beginning on 
 the 4th of July they were driven back to the Saale, the 8th army 
 corps, which was only eight or ten miles away, making no effort 
 to come to their assistance, while the conduct of the Bavarians 
 themselves was not altogether creditable. Falckenstein crossed 
 the Bavarian boundary at Brückenau on the 9tb, and after more 
 fighting forced the passage of the Saale on the 10th. Defeated 
 at all points, the Bavarians abandoned the line of that river to 
 the Prussians, and crossed the Main at Schweinfurth. Falcken- 
 stein now turned westward. Sending Beyer's division northward 
 to the Gelnhausen pass, he marched down the Saale, and set out 
 on the 13th with the other two divisions across the Spessart to 
 seize Aschaffenburg and take his adversary on the flank. If this 
 succeeded the line of the Main was lost, and Frankfort must be 
 abandoned. Recognizing the danger. Prince Alexander sent the 
 Hesse-Darmstadt troops from Frankfort to Aschaffenburg by rail 
 on the 12th, with orders to venture no engagement until re-en- 
 forcements should arrive. But the Hessian general, Perglas, not 
 wishing to lose the favorable opportunity of falling upon the 
 Prussians as they emerged from the Spessart, attacked them on 
 the 13th, was defeated by Göben at Laufach and Frohnhofen, 
 and driven back on Aschaffenburg. The promised re-enforce- 
 ments, consisting of Austrian and Hessian troops under General 
 Neipperg, arrived on the evening of the same day. Göben at- 
 tacked them on the 14th, took the city after some insignificant 
 street-fighting, and captured the bridge over the Main. Fifteen 
 hundred prisoners, chiefly Austrians, fell into his hands. Prince 
 Alexander now evacuated Hanau and Frankfort, and on the 14th 
 of July led his whole army across the Main, with the intention 
 of marching to Würzburg by way of Mittenberg, and there form- 
 ing a junction with Prince Charles. 
 
 The Diet and its military commission applied about $90,000 
 (180,000 fl.) to the erection of intrenchments in the neighbor- 
 hood of Frankfort, displayed the German colors, planting a red, 
 
 16 
 
362 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 black, and gold flag on their palace, summoned landwehr and vol- 
 unteers into the field, and made every effort in the hour of dan- 
 ger to call armies out of the ground. But it was too late, and, 
 like the "rump parliament" of 1849, with a foreboding of its ap- 
 proaching end, the Diet left Frankfort on the 14tb, and migrated 
 to Augsburg, there to take up its quarters in the Three Moors, 
 an inn famous for its excellent wines. 
 
 On the 16th Falckenstein marched into Hanau with Göben's 
 division, entering Frankfort the same evening, and taking posses- 
 sion of that city, upper Hesse, and Nassau — which latter had al- 
 ready been occupied by troops of the Prussian lanchvehr under 
 Prince Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen — in the name of his king. He 
 was able to report : " The countries north of the Main now lie at 
 your royal majesty's feet." On account of its too great sym- 
 pathy with Austria, a contribution of 6,000,000 gulden (about 
 $3,000,000) was levied on the city of Frankfort. On the 19th 
 a second contribution of 19,000,000 was demanded by Manteuf- 
 fcl, but never exacted. July iVth Falckenstein received an order, 
 dated the 12th, directing him to surrender the command of the 
 army of the Main to Manteuffel, and appointing him governor 
 of Bohemia. Apparently the intention was to give him the com- 
 mand of a new army, which was to invade Bavaria from the east; 
 but this plan was abandoned, and minor operations only were un- 
 dertaken on that side under the conduct of the Grand-duke of 
 Mecklenburg- Schwerin. This latter, setting out from Leipzig 
 with a reserve corps of about 21,000 men on the 20th, reached 
 the Bavarian town of Hof on the 23d. As the Bavarians could 
 put only four poorly equipped reserve battalions in the field 
 against him, his progress, like that of Cialdini in Italy, was a 
 mere military promenade. He entered Baireuth on the 29th, 
 and after one insignificant skirmish reached Nuremburg on 
 the 31st. 
 
 Manteuffel allowed his soldiers to rest five days in Frankfort. 
 The Oldenburg-Hanseatic brigade — from Oldenburg, Hamburg, 
 Lübeck, and Bremen — a Schvvarzburg battalion — from Waldeck 
 and Sondershausen — and some newly-formed Prussian battalions, 
 raised his forces to 66,000. Leaving 6000 of these in and near 
 Frankfort, with 60,000 he again assumed the offensive. The en- 
 suing campaign was a series of petty victories for the Prussians. 
 On the 20th General Göben occupied Darmstadt, and set out 
 
THE PRUSSIANS VICTORIOUS IN SOUTH GERMANY. 363 
 
 across the Odenwald for the Tauber, while General Flies, who 
 commanded Manteuflfel's former division, marched from Aschaf- 
 fenburg along the left bank of the Main to Mittenberg, Beyer 
 following him as reserve. The enemy fell back across the Tau- 
 ber. Manteuffel followed, and on the 24th forced the passage 
 of that river at Wertheim, Werbach, and Bischofsheim. The de- 
 feated 8th army corps directed its march toward Würzburg, halt- 
 ing on the heights of Gerchsheim, where, after five weeks of vain 
 manoeuvring, it finally formed a junction with the Bavarians, but 
 too late to be of much use. The generalship of the south Ger- 
 mans had been weak from the outset ; there was a complete lack 
 of punctual co-operation on the part of the separate divisions ; 
 and the presence of three princes had certainly not been advanta- 
 geous. On the 25th ManteufEel began an attack on the combined 
 armies. On the following day, after an obstinate and bloody 
 battle, he drove back the Bavarians at Uettingen and Rossbrunn. 
 Thereupon, leaving a detachment in the fortress of Marienberg, 
 on the left bank of the Main, the south German array crossed the 
 river at Würzburg, occupying that city, and taking up a position 
 at Rottendorff and Kitzingcn. July 27th the army of the Main 
 appeared before Würzburg, and began the bombardment of the 
 fortress. Negotiations for its surrender had already been opened 
 when news arrived of the conclusion of a truce. 
 
 The position of the south German states was desperate. From 
 Bohemia General Mülbe was advancing on Amberg with a Prus- 
 sian division, while from Saxony Anhalt and Brunswick troops 
 were marching in to re-enforce the reserve corps, which, as well 
 as the army of the Main, stood in the very heart of Bavaria. The 
 Vth and 8th army corps, which were on the right bank of the 
 Main, were cut off, and only a brilliant victory could open them 
 a way home. The capitals lay open to the foe, and jewels, treas- 
 ure-chests, and valuable papers had already been sent across Lake 
 Constance, while many a hot head which had inspired too sharp 
 a pen found a change of air on the lake or among the Alps abso- 
 lutely necessary for the sake of health. After the preliminaries 
 of Nicholsburg, farther resistance was quite impossible. All clam- 
 ored for peace and the recall of the troops. July 2 Vth Prince 
 Charles received a telegram from von der Pfordten with reference 
 to a suspension of hostilities imtil the commencement of the 
 truce. Negotiations were at once entered into with Manteuffel ; 
 
364 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 but as he was without instructions, they could lead to no definite 
 result. In point of fact, no suspension of hostilities before the 
 2d of August had been arranged, but a convention had been con- 
 cluded between Count Bismarck and von der Pfordten providing 
 for a three weeks' truce between Prussia and Bavaria — and, in 
 case they asked for it, the other three south German states — to 
 begin on the 2d of August, during which negotiations for a peace 
 were to be opened in Berlin. However, Manteuffel consented to 
 a provisional suspension of hostilities along the whole line of the 
 Main, and on the 1st of August concluded with Prince Charles a 
 truce which left the Bavarians in possession of Marienberg, while 
 the Prussians occupied Würzburg. Similar truces were concluded 
 with Wiirtemberg, Baden, and Hesse-Darmstadt, each state being 
 obliged to negotiate separately. Baden, where a complete change 
 of system had taken place, Edelsheim having been dismissed and 
 Mathy appointed minister of state, had already recalled its troops 
 on the 29th of July. Until the conclusion of peace, the whole of 
 Hesse-Darmstadt and the northern parts of the other three states 
 were to be occupied by the Prussians at the cost of tliose states. 
 To be freed from this expense as soon as possible, the south Ger- 
 man governments hastened to conclude a definitive peace. They 
 were obliged to accept the provisions of the Nicholsburg treaty, 
 and to pay in addition special penalties for their hostile attitude. 
 The Zollverein continued in existence, but with the proviso that 
 it might be dissolved on six months' notice, which gave Prussians 
 a means of exerting powerful pressure on the south German 
 states. Wiirtemberg and Baden, which concluded peace in Ber- 
 lin on the 13th and iVth of August respectively, lost no territory, 
 but the former had to pay eight and the latter six million gulden 
 as war indemnity. Hesse-Darmstadt, which concluded peace on 
 the 3d of September, was fined 3,000,000 gulden ; Homburg, Mei- 
 senheim, and some parts of upper Hesse — the remainder of upper 
 Hesse escaped annexation only by becoming a member of the 
 North German Confederation — were ceded to Prussia, and the 
 right of garrison in Mayence, formerly a federal fortress, was con- 
 fined to that state. At first it was intended to inflict a severe 
 punishment on Bavaria, against which the 01 mutz convention 
 between it and Austria would have proved of no avail. In the 
 face of that convention Bavaria found herself completely deserted 
 by Austria in the negotiations at Nicholsburg, and then accused 
 
APPEAL TO NAPOLEON FOR MEDIATION. 365 
 
 by the latter of having* left her ia the lurch. Count Bismarck 
 spoke of 20,000,000 thalers, and the cession of territory in the 
 northern Palatinate and Franconia containing at least 500,000 
 souls, Bavai-ia to receive partial compensation in Wiirtemberg 
 and Baden ; and he furthermore reminded von der Pfordten that 
 at the beginning of the century Ansbach and Baireuth had be- 
 longed to Prussia. These propositions alarmed the Bavarian 
 minister so much that he and the other south German cabinets, 
 with the exception of Baden, applied to Napoleon for his good 
 offices. 
 
 Such an appeal for mediation was very welcome to the latter, 
 and Benedetti was at once instructed to make representations in 
 Berlin on behalf of the three southern states. Thereupon Bis- 
 marck acquainted von der Pfordten with the astonishing fact that 
 his French champion had claimed the whole Bavarian Palatinate 
 as his reward for the war which he had not waged. To wean Ba- 
 varia from the dependence upon France to which, unhappily, she 
 had been for centuries accustomed, and attach her to Prussia by 
 bonds of gratitude, Bismarck receded from his original demands, 
 and on the 22d of August Bavaria ceded to Prussia two little 
 districts in the Spessart and Rhöngebirge, Orb and Gersfeld, with 
 a population of 33,900, and paid an indemnity of 20,000,000 tha- 
 lers. A farther reason why the conditions of peace for the south- 
 ern states were more favorable than their hostility and Prussia's 
 overwhelming victory gave cause to expect, lay in the offensive 
 and defensive alliances which they proposed in connection with 
 the peace negotiations. Such alliances were contracted with Ba- 
 varia, Würtemberg, and Baden at the same time that peace was 
 concluded, it being provided in each case that the contracting 
 parties should mutually guarantee the integrity of one another's 
 territory, and that in case of war each should place its whole mil- 
 itary force at the disposition of the other for that purpose, the 
 chief command being intrusted to the King of Prussia. These 
 treaties, provisionally kept secret, were first published on the 19th 
 of March, 1867, when the Luxemburg question threatened to as- 
 sume a dangerous form. An offensive and defensive alliance was 
 concluded with Hesse-Darmstadt on the 11th of April, 186*7, a 
 military convention having been entered into on the 7th of that 
 month, by which all the Hessian troops, reorganized after the 
 Prussian pattern, were to form a special division in the 11th 
 
366 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 army corps of the Prussian array, and both in peace and war be 
 subject to the command of the Prussian king. Peace with Sax- 
 ony was signed on the 21st of October. This state in particular 
 Prussia had intended to annex, in order to complete the work of 
 1815, and push her frontier forward to the strong line of the 
 Erzgebirge ; but Austria, which had found in Saxony a trusty ally 
 daring the whole campaign, held herself bound to insist as firmly 
 upon the integrity of that state as upon her own, and expressed 
 herself to that effect in the negotiations for the Nicholsburg 
 treaty. Napoleon, always ready to interfere, if by so doing he 
 might prevent Prussia from getting too much, and mindful, 
 moreover, of the service Saxony had rendered his nncle in 1813, 
 also spoke strongly in her behalf. At first he meditated propos- 
 ing to Prussia the annexation of Saxony, and the indemnification 
 of King John from the Eoman Catholic provinces on the left 
 bank of the Rhine, by which means he hoped to secure a more 
 convenient neighbor for his Luxemburg- Belgian designs. lie 
 afterward abandoned this idea, and insisted instead on the main- 
 tenance of the Saxon kingdom. Accordingly the project of an- 
 nexation was abandoned ; but Saxony was obliged to pay a war 
 indemnity of 10,000,000 thalers, join the North German Confed- 
 eration, place her troops nnder the command of the King of Prus- 
 sia, and convey her postal and telegraph system to the Prussian 
 crown. By this means Prussia obtained essentially what she 
 wanted. Baron von Beust, the former director of the Saxon 
 policy, had been dismissed on the 13th of August, Bismarck re- 
 fusing to negotiate Avith him. 
 
 The Diet at the Three Moors, in Augsburg, shrank to an ab- 
 surdly small number, after the defeats in Bohemia and on the 
 Main. One state after another recalled its delegates, until there 
 remained, on the 24th of August, only four of the nine delegates 
 who, by their vote on the 14th of June, had brought on the war 
 with Pj'ussia. By the Nicholsburg treaty, and the accompany- 
 ing events, the Confederation had in point of fact already been 
 dissolved. The only question now was how to give it a decent 
 burial. Baron von Kübeck, the presiding delegate, came on from 
 Vienna for that purpose, and delivered the funeral oration in 
 presence of the delegates from Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, Wür- 
 temberg, the two Hesses, Nassau, and Lichtenstein. June 8th, 
 1815, the German Confederation had been established by the 
 
THE PRUSSIAN ANNEXATIONS. 367 
 
 diplomats assembled at the Vienna Congress; November 5th, 
 1816, the Diet had been opened in Frankfort by Count Buol- 
 Schauenstein ; and August 24th, 1866, at the Three Moors, in 
 Augsburg, through the mouth of the Austrian delegate, the Con- 
 federation was declared dissolved. It had very little in the way 
 of great measures to show as the result of its fifty years of exist- 
 ence, and no small part of the blame for this resultlessness must 
 be attributed to the presiding power, Austria, which was unwill- 
 ing to abandon the Metternichian conception, that the Confedera- 
 tion was to be utilized merely for its own dynastic and political 
 purposes. In its place appeared the North German Confedera- 
 tion, under the lead of Prussia. 
 
 The formal dissolution of the old confederation was preceded, 
 in point of time, by certain annexations. The Prussian Landtag 
 was opened on the 5th of August. The speech from the throne 
 announced the formation of a new confederation, and the conven- 
 ing of a representative assembly of the people in the states be- 
 longing to that confederation. The king also asked indemnity 
 for administering the finances and levying taxes without the con- 
 sent of parliament, in order that the existing conflict might be 
 set at rest for all time. August l7th Count Bismarck read in 
 the Prussian House of Representatives a royal message announc- 
 ing the annexation of Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Nassau, and Frank- 
 fort to the Prussian monarchy; and by a patent of January 12th, 
 1867, Schleswig-Holstein, with the exception of a small district 
 ceded to Oldenburg, was also annexed. The newly-annexed ter- 
 ritory, together with Lauenberg and the districts ceded by Bava- 
 ria and Hesse -Darm Stadt, gave Prussia an increase of 28,034 
 square miles, containing a population of 4,815,700, making her 
 total area 137,066 square miles, with a population of 23,590,000 
 souls. But, in addition to this acquisition of territory — which 
 was purely German, and for the most part Protestant — she gained 
 the farther great advantage that her possessions, no longer di- 
 vided into two parts by a wedge of hostile states, now formed 
 one united, well-rounded whole. The Prussian Landtag approved 
 of the annexations, and also, at the motion of the government, 
 voted donations to Count Bismarck and Generals Roon, Moltke, 
 Herwarth von Bittenfeld, Steinmetz, and Vogel von Falckenstein. 
 
 Prussia received a farther increase of power through its north 
 German allies, who intrusted the conduct of their whole military 
 
368 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 establishments to the King of Prussia. All the princes and free 
 states from the North Sea to the Main united with Prussia in the 
 North German Confederation, giving that state a practical increase 
 of six or seven million subjects, and raising the total number at 
 her disposal to about 30,000,000, August 4th the Prussian gov- 
 ernment invited all tlie north German states to conclude a treaty 
 of confederation, and communicated a plan of organization based 
 upon the Prussian propositions laid before the Diet on the 10th 
 of June. This plan was approved of by all the states excepting 
 Meiningen and Keuss (elder line). December 15th their plenipo- 
 tentiaries met in Berlin to discuss the constitution proposed by 
 the Prussian government. February 9th, 18G7, they reached a 
 conclusion, which was next subjected to the farther consideration 
 of the north German Reichstag. This was elected on the 12th 
 of February, on the basis of universal suffrage and secret ballot, 
 and was opened by the King of Prussia in the palace at Berlin 
 on the 24rth with a speech full of German patriotism and self- 
 assertion, which attracted much attention in all Europe as the 
 proclamation of a great Germany. After a discussion of not 
 quite two months the proposed constitution, with a few changes, 
 was adopted by the Reichstag. It conferred upon the represent- 
 atives of the people powers of the greatest importance in the 
 control of the. finances and the framing of legislation, while it 
 made a firm and harmonious administration of the military and 
 naval establishments, commercial relations, and the like, possible 
 on the part of the central government. April l7th Count Bis- 
 marck announced the acceptance of the constitution of the North 
 German Confederation by the Reichstag and the respective gov- 
 ernments, and the king dissolved the assembly. An old dream 
 of former Prussian monarchs was at last fulfilled. In great part, 
 at least, the union of Germany, which Frederic the Great sought 
 to effect by his confederation of princes in 1785, which was the 
 aim of the north German Rcichshund that Frederic William III. 
 attempted to organize in 1806, in opposition to Napoleon's Con- 
 federation of the Rhine — which Frederic William IV. hoped to 
 bring about in 1850 by the formation of the Union, and which 
 they all failed to accomplish — had been at length successfully 
 achieved by King William I. 
 
ATTEMPTED TREATY WITH PRUSSIA. 369 
 
 §23. 
 
 THE LUXEMBURG NEGOTIATIONS. FRENCH PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR. THE NORTH GERMAN CONFEDERATION AND THE SOUTH 
 
 GERMAN STATES. 
 
 The enormous successes wliich had raised Prussia at one stroke 
 from her former position of comparative insignificance into the 
 first rank of great powers, if not to the very first position among 
 those powers, excited the astonishment of the whole world. 
 "While some countries, and above all England and the United 
 States, were loud in their expressions of pleasure and admiration, 
 others, like France, Holland, Denmark, and the States of the 
 Church, could not conceal their envy and vexation. " The world 
 is coming to an end!" was Cardinal Antonelli's exclamation on 
 hearing of the battle of Sadowa. Napoleon, whose policy in the 
 last few years had encountered such serious rebuffs in Mexico and 
 Italy, was uneasy in the knowledge that the disunion which had 
 so long entailed weakness upon Germany Avas now almost healed. 
 A powerful rival had sprung up in the North German Confedera- 
 tion, with its strongly organized presiding power. The period of 
 undivided French supremacy Avas at an end. Napoleon's attempt 
 to annex a slice of Germany, as he had annexed Savoy and Nice, 
 failed utterly. Defeated Austria could not give him the prom- 
 ised compensation, and victorious Prussia roundly refused all his 
 demands. But his anxiety to satisfy his jealous Frenchmen with 
 a portion of the booty from the re-distribution of his neighbors' 
 territory was such, especially as the opposition Press quoted almost 
 daily the words Thiers had spoken in the Chamber — " France has 
 sunk to the third rank " — that he once more opened negotiations 
 with Bismarck, while at the same time treating with the King 
 of Holland. Benedetti was instructed to propose to Count Bis- 
 marck an offensive and defensive alliance between France and 
 Prussia, by which the latter was to support the emperor in his 
 acquisition by purchase of Luxemburg, and assist him with her 
 whole land and naval force in case circumstances compelled him 
 
 IG* 
 
370 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 to march liis soldiers into Belgium for the conquest of that state. 
 In return for this assistance in the acquisition of Luxemburg and 
 Belgium, with a population of about 5,000,000, Napoleon prom- 
 ised to recognize the Prussian annexations of 1866, and offer no 
 opposition to the absorption of the south German states in the 
 North German Confederation. This proposition, which was re- 
 peated in 1870, was treated by Bismarck in a " dilatory manner," 
 decision put off, and no promise ever given. 
 
 King William of Holland proved more amenable. In his fear 
 that Prussia might compel him to enter the North German Con- 
 federation, and spurred on by the Prussophobists by whom he 
 was surrounded — especially by the queen, who ascribed to Prus- 
 sia the design of uniting all Teutonic peoples into one confeder- 
 ation, without scrupling at any sort of violence — he inquired of 
 the emperor whether he might rely on French assistance in case 
 Prussia should attempt to force him into an alliance. Napoleon 
 was delighted at this application, and through his ambassador 
 at the Hague asked the king (February 28th, 1867) whether he 
 were inclined to cede the grand-duchy of Luxemburg to France 
 for a reasonable compensation in money. The king, who was 
 very much in debt, expressed his willingness, and on the 22d of 
 March the treaty of cession was drawn up, it being provided that 
 the ratification on the part of France should take place not later 
 than the 5tli of April, and that the negotiations with Prussia, 
 which had the right of garrison in the fortress of Luxemburg, 
 should be conducted exclusively by Napoleon. It was further- 
 more agreed that complete secrecy should be observed ; but on 
 the 26th of March the king, who feared Prussia fully as much as 
 he hated her, communicated the negotiations to the Prussian am- 
 bassador, and asked whether his government would consent to 
 the transfer of Dutch sovereignty in Luxemburg to France. He 
 was directed to reply that the Prussian government would never 
 give its consent to the cession or sale of Luxemburg, and on the 
 1st of April the north German Reichstag took most decided 
 ground against the surrender of a German province. If Luxem- 
 burg, with its strong fortress, in which Prussia maintained a gar- 
 rison by virtue of the treaties of 1815, 1816, and 1817, were in 
 French possession, the independence of Belgium and the safety 
 of the Ehine provinces would be most seriously endangered, and, 
 in addition to that, Prussia would occupy a far less favorable posi- 
 
SETTLEMENT OF THE LUXEMBURG QUESTION. 371 
 
 tion from a military point of view in case war should break out 
 between France and Germany. Accordingly Prussia called in the 
 powers which had signed the treaty of 1839 dividing Luxemburg 
 between Belgium and Holland. As soon as Napoleon perceived 
 that Luxemburg was not to be thus easily secured he issued a cir- 
 cular despatch offering to renounce his designs, provided Prussia 
 would relinquish her right of garrison. This right had lost its 
 justification, it was claimed, since the events of 1866 had dis- 
 solved the German Confederation, and thereby severed Luxemburg 
 from Germany. Serious objections might have been made to 
 this assertion from the side of international law as well as from 
 that of nationality. In Berlin opinions were divided. One party, 
 with Moltke at its head, would hear nothing of concessions, but 
 wished to take advantage of the unprepared condition of the in- 
 triguing emperor, and leave him no other choice than to abandon 
 his claims altogether, or engage in a dangerous war with the well- 
 prepared Prussian armies. The other party, following Bismarck's 
 lead, not willing to stake all on one throw, and expose the acqui- 
 sitions of 1866 to a new war before they had become well con- 
 solidated, preferred a peaceful solution, so far as that was com- 
 patible with Prussian honor. The latter view was the one which 
 met with the king's approval. At Russia's proposition, the am- 
 bassadors of those powers which had signed the treaty of 1839, 
 with the addition of the Italian ambassador, met in London and 
 drew up a new treaty (May 11th). This treaty provided that 
 Luxemburg should remain in the possession of the house of 
 Orange-Nassau and constitute a neutral state, its neutrality to be 
 guaranteed by the signatory powers. The Prussian troops were 
 to evacuate the fortress, which was to be razed to the ground by 
 the King of Holland. Limburg was to be separated from Germany 
 and constitute an integral part of the kingdom of Holland, but 
 Luxemburg retained its connection with the German Zollverein. 
 
 Napoleon would certainly not have consented to recede from 
 his position if he had had a large and avcU prepared army. 
 "Herr von Bismarck has made me his dupe! An Emperor of 
 the French can be no one's dupe !" was his exclamation of indig- 
 nation at the course events had taken. Accordingly his exer- 
 tions to create a strong army in the shortest possible time were 
 redoubled. The new minister of war, Marshal Niel, was the 
 right man to execute such a project. A bill for the rcorganiza- 
 
372 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 tion of the array was laid before the Chambers, a new breech- 
 loading arm, the chassepot, introduced in imitation of the Prus- 
 sian needle-gun ; mitrailleuses constructed, horses purchased, and 
 the arsenals and magazines filled with ammunition and equip- 
 ments. The official Press teemed with rodomontade and bravado 
 of a sort calculated to excite a hostile and warlike spirit toward 
 Prussia. The French government could not refrain from annoy- 
 ing interference at every opportunity. In consequence of the 5th 
 article of the Peace of Prague, Prussia had opened negotiations 
 with Denmark regarding the northern districts of Schleswig, first 
 announcing, however, that, as a preliminary to any farther steps, 
 Denmark must give the requisite guarantees for the protection 
 of German subjects inhabiting the territory about to be ceded, 
 A despatch from the French cabinet, in July of 1867, took up 
 the Danish question, justly averring that such guarantees could 
 not be given without affording Prussia opportunity for constant 
 interference in the internal affairs of Denmark, The answer was 
 returned that Prussia most earnestly deprecated French participa- 
 tion or interference in the negotiations with reference to the exe- 
 cution of Art, 5 of the Peace of Prague, Napoleon was obliged 
 to pocket this rebuff also, and content himself with the glory of 
 the Paris Exposition, which was visited by almost all the sover- 
 eigns of Europe, The attempt of the Pole, Berezowski, to shoot 
 the Emperor of Russia in the Bois de Boulogne, on the 6th of 
 June, brought a disturbing element ihto the festivities. The ex- 
 travagant sympathy of the Parisian populace for the would-be 
 regicide did not tend towai'd inclining Emperor Alexander to 
 look with favor on the suggestion that he should give up his in- 
 timate relations with Prussia, and enter into a closer alliance 
 with France. A noticeable event, which wa^ regarded as the 
 prelude to a French-Austrian alliance, was the meeting in Salz- 
 burg in August of 1867 between Napoleon and Eugenie and the 
 Hapsburg imperial pair. This was followed in the immediately 
 ensuing years by negotiations between the Austrian minister, von 
 Beust, and the French ambassador, the Duke of Gramont, on the 
 question of a war with Prussia, the former earnestly advising the 
 French emperor to make a non-German question the occasion of 
 quarrel. The ostensible reason for the Salzburg meeting was 
 Napoleon's wish, from a feeling of responsibility for Maximilian's 
 fate, to pay a visit of condolence to his brother. 
 
POLITICAL REORGANIZATION OF THE AUSTRIAN EMPIRE. 3 7 3 
 
 Before the date of this visit the house of Hapsburg had at last 
 been induced to avert farther catastrophe by accommodating it- 
 self to the spirit of the times, for so much had become clear, that 
 if the system of concordat government and suspension of the 
 constitution were to last much longer in Austria, the so-called 
 statesmen of that country would have but little left to govern. 
 Solferino had not brought them to their senses, but Sadowa had 
 proved enough to awaken the very deepest sleepers from their 
 dreams. The sores of the empire had been exposed to the whole 
 world. Most of the thinking men of Austria were clamoring, to 
 use the last words of the great poet, for " more light." This was 
 utterly impossible under the ecclesiastico-political absolutism of 
 the existing government, and consequently a change became nec- 
 essary. In October of 1866 Emperor Francis Joseph called the 
 former Saxon minister. Baron von Beust, the oracle of the Bam- 
 berg petty state policy, and the antipode of Bismarck, into the 
 foreign ministry in place of Count Mensdorff. February Yth, 
 1867, the Czechish Count Belcredi, minister of state — whose hob- 
 by was " historico- political individuality," and who would fain 
 liave transformed the empire into a confederation of several in- 
 dependent kingdoms — was dismissed, and Beust became minister- 
 president. On the following day a definitive settlement with 
 Hungary was concluded in Vienna through Francis Deak, the 
 constitution of 1848 restored, and Count Julius Andrassy com- 
 missioned with the formation of an Hungarian ministry. This 
 ministry, which was chosen from the men of Deak's party, took 
 the oath to the emperor in the palace at Buda on the 15th of 
 March, 1867, and on the 8th of June Francis Joseph was crown- 
 ed King of Hungary. The dualism of the empire was thence- 
 forward an acknowledged fact. Transylvania — and in the year 
 1868 Croatia also — was united to Hungary. The reform in Hun- 
 gary was followed by the establishment of constitutional govern- 
 ment in the German and Slavonic provinces (Cisleithania) as well. 
 The Reichsrath was convened, and the settlement with Hungary 
 communicated to it as an accomplished fact. The constitution 
 of 1861 was revised, and adopted in its revised form on the 31st 
 of December, 1867. This conferred upon the people and their 
 representatives rights and privileges of the greatest importance — 
 equality of all citizens before the law, freedom of the Press, right 
 of association and meeting, complete liberty of faith and con- 
 
374 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 science, the unrestricted right to impose taxes and levy recruits, 
 etc. At the same time a responsible ministry was appointed for 
 the western half of the empire — the so-called " ministry of doc- 
 tors " — with Prince Carlos Auersperg at its head. As the Hun- 
 garian ministry had to deal with the Heichsrath, so the Cisleitlian 
 was responsible to the Reichstag, consisting of a house of lords 
 and a house of representatives. A separate ministry was ap- 
 pointed for the consideration of matters concerning the two 
 halves in common — foreign affairs, finances, and war — in which 
 Chancellor von Beust took the foreign portfolio, Beke adminis- 
 tered finances, and Lieutenant Field-marshal Kuhn was minister 
 of war. These three ministers were to discuss the common in- 
 terests of the empire with two delegations of sixty members 
 each, chosen from the JReichsrath and Reichstag respectively, 
 which were to meet alternately at Vienna and Pesth. It was a 
 rather complicated state machine which had been set up, inas- 
 much as there were three ministries and three parliaments, not 
 to speak of the seventeen minor parliaments of the various prov- 
 inces of Cisleithania, but there seemed to be no other way of 
 maintaining the simultaneous unity and dualism of the empire. 
 
 Peace was not established, however, by the mere adoption of a 
 constitution. The concordat of August 18th, 1855, which was 
 still in force, was an insupportable grievance both in church and 
 school, exasperating all non-Catholics by its intolerant interfer- 
 ence in the most sacred family rights. As long as this was in 
 force the constitution did not have the least value. Indirectly it 
 was already done away with by the provisions of the new consti- 
 tution, inasmuch as it was incompatible with freedom of faith 
 and conscience ; but a direct repudiation was necessary, and both 
 the government and the representatives of the people must have 
 the courage to carry out those provisions to their logical conse- 
 quences, and openly proclaim their breach with the concordat, 
 before any practical results could be expected. In the year 1867 
 the lower house made a move in this direction, although its 
 members were not altogether agreed as to the mode of effecting 
 the desired result. Some demanded the abolition of the con- 
 cordat outright, others were willing to content themselves for 
 the time being with three confessional laws modifying its most 
 obnoxious provisions. The latter were in the majority, and the 
 ministry accordingly brought forward the proposed three laws. 
 
THE THREE CONFESSIONAL LAWS. 375 
 
 Tlie marriage law restored civil marriage to the statute-book, in 
 so far as it introduced permissive civil marriage, depriving the 
 clergy of all jurisdiction in the premises and conferring it upon 
 the courts. The school law took the control of education, with 
 the exception of religious education, away from the church and 
 gave it to the state. The interconfessional law regulated the re- 
 ligious obligations of children in case of mixed marriages — by 
 the concordat the children of one Protestant and one Roman 
 Catholic parent must be educated in the faith of the latter, by 
 the new law male children followed the father and female the 
 mother — change of confession, burials, and the like. 
 
 These three measures passed the lower house, and, after meet- 
 ing with violent opposition in the upper house, received the un- 
 willing signature of the emperor. In the mean time the latter 
 had been vainly negotiating with the Curia for a revision of the 
 obnoxious concordat. Pius IX., yielding himself to the counsels 
 of the Jesuits, persisted in his non j)ossumus. June 22d, 1868, 
 in a meeting of the secret consistory, he announced in bis allocu- 
 tion that by virtue of his apostolic authority he rejected and 
 denounced the new laws, and declared them absolutely null and 
 void. In consequence of this most of the bishops in their pas- 
 toral letters and instructions directed the clergy and all good Cath- 
 olics to disregard the new laws and hold fast to the concordat. 
 For the first time it became clear to many persons what it was 
 to have an aggressively arrogant and domineering ecclesiastical 
 state superimposed upon the body politic. The government, al- 
 though supported in the most unhesitating manner by popular 
 representatives and assemblies, displayed toward this open con- 
 tumacy and instigation to disobedience a patience and forbear- 
 ance akin to weakness, such as it certainly would not have mani- 
 fested toward other refractory subjects, and which gave occasion 
 to well-founded suspicions of the good-will of high personages in 
 reference to the execution of these laws. 
 
 The attempt was also made to improve the condition of Aus- 
 trian finances, which had been for years proverbially bad. The 
 load of national debt pressed all the harder on the Ger.mnn. and 
 Slavonic provinces because, in the settlement that had been made 
 with Hungary, the latter had refused to assume more than 30 per 
 cent, of the common burden, leaving VO per cent, for Cisleithania. 
 Bankruptcy appeared inevitable, and was openly proposed in some 
 
376 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 quarters with cynical directness as the most convenient way out 
 of the difficulty. Instead of this, a coupon tax was passed at 
 the instance of the government (June 8th). Notwithstanding the 
 desperate condition of the finances, the government brought for- 
 ward a new army bill, calling for a yearly budget of 80,000,000 
 gulden for ten years, and fixing the strength of the army on a 
 war footing at 800,000 men — about $400 a man. The bill passed 
 the three parliaments without any important modification ; and 
 l>eust, who had distinguished himself by his zealous advocacy of 
 the measure, was raised to the rank of count, making him, out- 
 wardly at least, the equal of his Prussian rival. In view of the 
 prevalent desire among the nobility to avenge Sadowa, taken to- 
 gether with Beust's coquetting with France, and his restless, pom- 
 pous love of being concerned in mighty deeds, the 800,000 men 
 which were intended to give force and emphasis to Austria's 
 voice in the councils of Europe might well have been regarded 
 as a threat to Germany. But, leaving out of view the fact that, 
 for the present at least, this force existed only upon paper, all 
 parties in Hungary indicated their determination not to grant the 
 Vienna government a single kreutzcr or a single soldier for the 
 purpose of making war on that state. The Hungarians fully ap- 
 preciated the fact that their settlement with Austria was wholly 
 due to the defeat at Sadowa, and that, in case the house of Haps- 
 burg should again win a position of power in Germany, the con- 
 stitution would be liable to renewed suspensions. Hungary could 
 not stand alone, and so the Hungarians found it to their interest 
 to maintain in its present form the Austrian-Hungarian monarchy 
 (which was now the official title) ; but they would have nothing 
 to do with any attempts on the part of the house of Hapsburg 
 to regain its old position by interfering between north and south 
 Germany, and hindering the accession of the southern states to 
 the North German Confederation. Their attitude put it out of 
 the power of the Vienna court to oppose aggressively the forma- 
 tion of a new Germany. 
 
 This new Germany did not advance toward completion so 
 speedily as many had been led to expect from the rapid prog- 
 ress of the first few months. By halting at the Main in 1866, 
 Prussia had left the work of unification incomplete. For certain 
 reasons this was not so much to be regretted ; for, in view of 
 the opposing elements in the south, Bismarck could scarcely have 
 
GENERAL POSITION OF SOUTH GERMANY. 377 
 
 hoped for the adoption of a constitution conferring sufficient 
 power on the central administration. It was far better for Prus- 
 sia to begin with the formation of a North German Confedera- 
 tion, and attract to herself at the outset only homogeneous ele- 
 ments which she could readily assimilate. The decision of the 
 question whether and when they would by their accession make 
 the North German Confederation German was left entirely in the 
 hands of the four southern states, which, since the dissolution of 
 the old confederation, occupied a far more independent position 
 than before, and, on the whole, too independent for their own 
 advantage. Bismarck laid down this policy in the most unmis- 
 takable manner in his famous despatch of September 7th, 1867 : 
 " The North German Confederation, either now or in the future, 
 will meet half-way any desire on the part of the south German 
 governments to strengthen and expand the national relations be- 
 tween north and south Germany ; but we shall always leave to 
 the decision of our south German allies the determination of the 
 bounds within which these mutual advances shall be confined." 
 This forced upon the southern states the question what position 
 they would take up with reference to the rest of Germany. Leav- 
 ing out of consideration the fact that Austria was passing through 
 an exceedingly dangerous process of reorganization, a closer con- 
 nection with that state — which had at first been speculated npon 
 in some ultramontane circles — was rendered impossible by Art. 4 
 of the Peace of Prague, which provided that the reorganization 
 of Germany should be effected without any participation on the 
 part of the Austrian empire. It was possible for these states to 
 attach themselves to the North German Confederation, or to form 
 a confederation among themselves, according to the suggestion of 
 the Peace of Prague, the national connection of which with the 
 North German Confederation should be left to the farther agree- 
 ment of the two parties. There was also a third possibility : each 
 individual state might preserve as independent a position as pos- 
 sible, assuming a sort of European status, and entering into closer 
 relations with the other states and with the North German Con- 
 federation only so far as military and commercial interests ren- 
 dered it necessary. 
 
 Baden was the only one of these states in which both the gov- 
 ernment and the representatives of the people were inclined to 
 unite with the North German Confederation ; but when Mathy, 
 
378 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the minister of state, addressed a letter to Bismarck with this 
 end in view (November 18th, 1867), he received an unfavorable 
 reply. The hatred of the democratical and ultramontane ele- 
 ments, which had their head-quarters in Würtemberg and Bavaria 
 respectively, rendered the accession of those two states in the 
 immediate future highly improbable, except under pressure of ex- 
 treme necessity ; and, notwithstanding the fact that upper Hesse 
 was now a member of the North German Confederation, the an- 
 tipathy of the Hessian court was so intense that there seemed for 
 the present but little chance of bringing into the Confederation 
 the remainder of that country. The formation of a South Ger- 
 man Confederation appeared even more unlikely. Such a con- 
 federation, embracing not more than eight or nine millions, and 
 set in the midst between three great powers, would be unable to 
 stand on its own feet and pursue an independent policy. It 
 would be sure to become the sport of foreign intrigue, now beg- 
 ging favors in Paris or Vienna, now asking succor from Berlin, 
 and disappearing with the first storm that swept the face of cen- 
 tral Europe. That which most of all brought a southern con- 
 federation into discredit with the people was the ovei'-great inter- 
 est which Napoleon took in its formation. This called to mind 
 the disgmceful story of the Confederation of the Rhine, and in 
 doing so pronounced sentence on the proposed southern confed- 
 eration. Furthermore, the cabinets of three of those states had 
 not the least desire for such fraternization, inasmuch as a con- 
 federation would have involved their subordination to the most 
 powerful state among them, namely, Bavaria. If they must sub- 
 mit to the supremacy of some state, they much preferred, as Baron 
 von Barnbiiler openly announced in the Würtemberg house of 
 representatives, that that state should be powerful Prussia rather 
 than Bavaria, which was more nearly their own equal. 
 
 Only the third possibility remained, namely, that each of the 
 south German states should maintain an independent existence, 
 connecting itself with the North German Confederation only as 
 far as security and convenience positively required ; and this was, 
 accordingly, the actual condition of affairs after the conclusion of 
 peace with Prussia. The first tie attaching the southern states to 
 the confederation in the north was the offensive and defensive 
 alliance by which in case of war they placed their troops under 
 the command of the Kino; of Prussia. To this bond of union was 
 
CUSTOMS' TREATIES. 379 
 
 soon added another of equal importance. By a declaration of 
 Ano-ust 24tli, 1866, Prussia had reserved to herself the right of 
 debarring from the privileges of the Zollverein, on six months' 
 notice, those states which had opposed her in the late war. The 
 existing position could be only a passing one. On the 3d and 4tli 
 of June, 1867, a conference took place in Berlin between Count 
 Bismarck and the ministers of foreign affairs in the various south 
 German states. In this conference Bismarck proposed that 
 thenceforward the whole customs' legislation, the regulation of 
 the excise duty on native sugar, salt, and tobacco, and all meas- 
 ures necessary for the security of the common customs' frontier 
 should be determined by a majority vote of the North German 
 Bundesrath and Meichsruth, in which the representatives of south 
 Germany were to have seats for that purpose. In this new or- 
 ganization Prussia was to take the position of presiding power, 
 exercising the right of veto only for the maintenance of existing 
 institutions, in all other cases submitting, like any other govern- 
 ment, to the majority vote of the two legislative bodies. This 
 treaty was to remain in force until the end of December, 1877. 
 By this arrangement the senseless power of veto by which for- 
 merly each individual member of the Zollverein, like the nobles 
 in the old Polish parliament, could by its protest invalidate the 
 decision of the majority, was taken away, and the right of the 
 majority secured. The south German ministers assented to this 
 plan of a customs' parliament ; and after it had been submitted 
 to specialists commissioned for that purpose, the new customs' 
 treaty was concluded in Berlin on the 8th of July. 
 
 The next question was whether the two treaties, the customs' 
 treaty and the treaty of alliance, would be accepted by the south 
 German chambers. In Baden and Hesse (in the latter state the 
 customs' treaty alone was under consideration) the matter was 
 not attended with the slightest difficulty, but in Bavaria it seemed 
 likely that tlie upper house would not consent to the former, 
 while in Würtemberg the latter was in danger of being rejected 
 by the house of representatives. Prussia thereupon announced 
 that at the end of six months Bavaria and Würtemberg would be 
 excluded from the Zollverein, in case the one did not accept the 
 customs' treaty and the other the treaty of alliance. This meant 
 bitter earnest, and at once a number of town councils and in- 
 dustrial .associations declared in favor of accepting the Prussian 
 
380 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 propositions. The lower house of the Bavarian parliament 
 showed itself favorably disposed, and the obnoxious treaty was 
 accepted by a large majority. The upper house did not give its 
 consent until Baron von Thiingen, the leader of those who op- 
 posed the treaty, had convinced himself by an interview with 
 Count Bismarck that the threat which had been made would 
 prove no idle one. Similarly in Würtemberg the treaty of alli- 
 ance was adopted after a hot discussion; and on the 31st of Oc- 
 tober, 1867, under the influence of the Bavarian negotiations, 
 the customs' treaty was also accepted by the lower house. 
 
 But the mere acceptance of these treaties was not everything; 
 the treaty of alliance involved consequences. If south Germany 
 wished to be protected by Prussia's military power, it must con- 
 tribute its share toward the increase of tliat power. If the south- 
 ern troops were to fight by the side of the northern, under the 
 command of the King of Prussia, they must be organized in the 
 same way. According to the judgment of their own officers, the 
 organization under which they had fought in 1866 could not be 
 allowed to continue in existence without involving a most shame- 
 ful sacrifice of military honor. Moi'e must be exacted from the 
 officers, the soldiers must be subjected to far stricter drill, and, 
 above all, universal compulsory service must be introduced. Feb- 
 ruary 5th, 1867, the ministers of war of the four south German 
 states had made the attempt in the Stuttgart conferences to agree 
 upon a homogeneous organization of their respective armies. The 
 sentiment was very particularistic, each state showing a marked 
 preference for its own " justifiable race peculiarities." They were 
 soon convinced, however, that no advance could be made in this 
 way, and that the only way to render themselves satisfactory al- 
 lies of Prussia was to introduce the well-proved Prussian system. 
 So far as its essential features are concerned — universal compulsory 
 service and abolition of the substitute system formerly in exist- 
 ence, one year's service as a volunteer or three years' service in the 
 active army, at state expense, four years in the reserve, four to five 
 years in the landwehr — this system was introduced in south Ger- 
 many, but not without a sharp fight on the part of the Prussian- 
 haters ill the various parliaments. The resistance was most ob- 
 stinate in Würtemberg, where a compulsory service of more than 
 two years could not be carried through. Baden, on the other 
 hand, adopted the Prussian system so completely that its. division 
 
THE CUSTOMS' PARLIAMENT. 381 
 
 conld have been incorporated at any moment in the nortli Ger- 
 man army as a homogeneous member. Both of these states 
 adopted the Prussian needle-gun, which had already been intro- 
 duced in Hesse, in consequence of the military convention with 
 Prussia, but Bavaria still retained the Werder arm. 
 
 No less important were the elections for the customs' parlia- 
 ment. In Baden the government and the popular representa- 
 tives, in the other three states the national party, were in favor 
 of extending the somewhat too restricted competence of that 
 body, or even transforming it into a full parliament. In other 
 circles opinions were divided between a destructive hostility, 
 which was urged in the Press and in public meetings, and the 
 conservative hostility of strict adherence to the letter of the 
 treaties. The elections took place in February and March of 
 1868. In addition to the 297 members of the north German 
 Reichstag, the customs' parliament was to contain eighty-five rep- 
 resentatives from the south German states — forty-eight from Ba- 
 varia, seventeen from Wiirtemberg, fourteen from Baden, and six 
 from southern Hesse. There was a similar proportion in the up- 
 per house of the customs' parliament, which was composed of 
 the plenipotentiaries of twenty-five governments, with fifty-eight 
 votes. Of these Prussia, the presiding power, had seventeen, 
 Bavaria six. Saxony and Wiirtemberg four each, and Baden and 
 Hesse three each. The elections were attended with more excite- 
 ment and bitterness of feeling than had been displayed since 
 1848, and another disgraceful leaf of fraternal animosity was 
 added to the history of Germany. The particularists won the 
 day, carrying the majority of the elections in Bavaria, and every 
 single one in Wiirtemberg. This determined the programme of 
 the parliament. The competence of that body Avas to be main- 
 tained in matters of the tariff, but all discussion of political ques- 
 tions was to be energetically repressed. The parliament was 
 opened by the King of Prussia on the 27th of April, 1868, and 
 from its first session until its close, on the 23d of May, this pro- 
 gramme was punctually adhered to by the south German frac- 
 tion. This fraction consisted principally of Bavarian ultramon- 
 tanes and Wiirtemberg democrats ; but, out of hatred toward the 
 national liberals, the Prussian feudalists and the members of the 
 Fortschritt party voted with the south Germans, thus enabling 
 them to have their own way. May 18th, however, a reference 
 
382 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 of Probst, a Würtemberg delegate, to the threatening French av- 
 alanche gave Count Bismarck the opportunity for a brief pres- 
 entation of the relation toward each other of north and south 
 Germany, and drew forth his proud words: "An appeal to fear 
 never finds an echo in German hearts." On the 22d of May ap- 
 peared a '' statement to their voters," signed by thirty-one mem- 
 bers, in which they called upon the south German states to unite 
 their strength, inasmuch as such union would liave the effect of 
 mediating between the great powers and thus subserving the 
 cause of European peace, while at the same time farthering their 
 own material interests, and rendering it possible for them to fulfil 
 their treaty obligations toward north Germany without being ex- 
 posed to the danger of absorption in Prussia. This proposed a 
 great role for the impossible south German confederation — for 
 that was what it meant — and the worse that role was played the 
 better it was likely to be for Germany. 
 
 The more manifest it became that important difficulties stood 
 in the way of any national connection between north and south, 
 the more rapidly the amalgamation of Prussia's newly-annexed 
 provinces progressed, and the more effectual became the fusion 
 of the twenty-two members of the North German Confederation. 
 Thanks to the energy of the Reichstag^ the north far outstripped 
 the soutli in its commercial and industrial development. Even 
 Frankfort, the spoiled and petted darling of the old confedera- 
 tion, gradually accommodated itself to its new position ; and 
 there was scarcely a place where King William met with a 
 warmer Avelcome than in the Guelph city, Hanover. Since the 
 expensive pilgrimage to the silver wedding of the royal pair at 
 Hietzing, near Vienna (February 18th, 1868), the devotion of the 
 Hanoverians toward their exiled king had considerably cooled. 
 King George did all in his power to bring himself into complete 
 discredit with friend and foe, and in February of 1868 was guilty 
 of the combined treason and folly of sending the Guelph legion^ 
 aries — about 800 men — from Switzerland to France, in ordei 
 that, on the expected outbreak of war with Prussia, they might 
 make common cause with the French in invading Germany and 
 destroying the work of 1866. The Elector of Hesse, who had 
 taken up his residence in Prague, likewise counted on a European 
 war, and sent to all the different European courts a memorial, 
 protesting against the violence which had been employed against 
 
REICHSTAG AND CUSTOMS' PARLIAMENT IN 1869-"70. 383 
 
 him. As both princes had concluded a treaty with the Prussian 
 crown, renouncing their right to their respective thrones, and ac- 
 cepting a financial arrangement, the cabinet, not proposing to 
 contribute toward hostile agitation, sequestrated the property of 
 both, Parliament approving. All national Germany applauded 
 Bismarck when he spoke in the house of representatives of the 
 " reptiles " which must be followed into their holes, of the dis- 
 possessed princes " who do not concern themselves about the 
 smoking ruins of their father-land, provided only they stand on 
 top, and ending with the words : ' We must put an end to this 
 criminal game, by which the holiest interests of the nation and 
 the peace and honor of our country are endangered — this crimi- 
 nal, pitiable game, in which the peace of Europe is nothing in 
 comparison with a petty dynastic interest. This is our duty 
 toward ourselves, toward Germany, and toward Europe.' " 
 
 The north German Reichstag naturally sought to enlarge the 
 limits assigned it by the constitution, and include new matter in 
 the circle of its competency. It was with this view that, in the 
 session of 1869, Lasker and Miguel introduced a bill bringing all 
 the concerns of a citizen within the province of its legislative 
 authority. The bill passed the lower house, but was rejected by 
 the Bicndesrath. In the same session a bill to establish a central 
 court of trade in Leipzig passed both houses. The most note- 
 worthy measures of the session of 1870 were the adoption of a 
 new code of criminal law, and the appropriation of 20,000,000 
 toward the 85,000,000 francs which was the total sum necessary 
 for the construction of the St. Gothard road. The customs' par- 
 liaments of these two years were not productive of results in any 
 way corresponding to the national expectations. This was mainly 
 the fault of the south German fraction, whose principle of action 
 was " to spoil Bismarck's work of unification " as much as pos- 
 sible, and who kept most jealous watch lest the province of the 
 customs' parliament should be extended, and that of the separate 
 parliaments contracted. Although this fraction no longer found 
 the same support among the Prussian conservatives as In 1868, 
 nevertheless the activity of the customs' parliament remained 
 confined to the consideration of commercial treaties and tariff 
 reform. 
 
 In south Germany the opposition to union with the North 
 German Confederation still continued. The ultramontanes and 
 
384 POLITICAL HISTORY OF KECEx\T TIMES. 
 
 democrats, who joined hands in this work, were unremitting in 
 their endeavors to sow broadcast among the people the blindest 
 and most unreasoning hatred toward Prussia, stigmatizing the 
 treaties of alliance as a misfortune, and glorifying south Germany 
 as the stronghold of German liberty. The publication of the 
 Arcolay pamphlet was very opportune for them. This endeav- 
 ored to show that the loss of Austria had left in the system of 
 German defence a gulf that could not be filled, and that Prussia 
 was not in a position to protect south Germany in case of a war 
 with her powerful French neighbor; hence the southern states 
 were advised to maintain a strict neutrality. These unfounded 
 and unpatriotic assertions called forth a number of answers, show- 
 ing the deficiencies of the military organization in Würtemberg 
 and Bavaria, and that safety required the closest union with the 
 North German Confederation. The malcontents derived much 
 assistance from the particularistic attitude of the governments in 
 those states. This attitude was especially observable in the de- 
 liberations of the commission on fortifications, Bavaria and AViir- 
 temberg displaying the greatest concern lest the south German 
 commission should be expanded into a national one, under the 
 presidency of Prussia, for the purpose of administering the col- 
 lective German fortresses. 
 
 The opposition in Hesse was not so serious as in Bavaria and 
 Würtemberg, inasmuch as part of the country had already been 
 annexed to the North German Confederation, a military conven- 
 tion concluded with Prussia, and the fortress of Mayence given 
 up to that power. But, as far as it was possible to fight against 
 Prussian influence. Baron von Dalwigk, the Hessian minister of 
 state, certainly did so, among other things placing the whole Ro- 
 man Catholic school system in the hands of a hot-headed prelate. 
 Bishop Ketteler of Mayence. 
 
 Baden was an honorable exception among the four south Ger- 
 man states. Prince and parliament united in the effort to cany, 
 as soon as political relations permitted, the idea of nationality to 
 its ultimate consequences, and with drums beating pass over to 
 tlie northern camp. After the death of Mathy, in February of 
 1868, Joll)^ the former minister of the interior, became minister 
 of state ; and a few days later the Prussian military plenipoten- 
 tiary in Carlsruhe, General von Beyer, was appointed minister of 
 war, and at the same time lieutenant-general and aide-de-camp 
 
DEMOCRATIC OPPOSITION IN WURTEMBERG. 385 
 
 of the grand-duke. The cadet school was closed, the Badish ca- 
 dets entering Prussian institutions; and in May of 1869 a treaty 
 was concluded with the North German Confederation permitting 
 a sort of military emigration, so that subjects of both contracting 
 parties might serve their time indifferently in the territory of 
 cither. A temporary dissatisfaction on the part of the national 
 liberals, which found vent in the Offenburg meeting of Novem- 
 ber 8th, 1868, was in part allayed by the explanations of the 
 ministry, and in part the action of their political adversaries of 
 both wings forced them into harmony with the government 
 again. In the hope of turning the conflict in the liberal ranks 
 to their own advantage, the ultramontanes and their allies, the 
 Grossdeutsche, brought about a popular petition to the grand- 
 duke, praying for the dissolution of parliament, and the introduc- 
 tion of a system of direct votes and secret ballot. This had the 
 opposite effect from that intended. Peace was quickly restored 
 among the liberals ; all the principal cities presented counter-ad- 
 dresses to the grand-duke, and the national party was stronger 
 than ever. 
 
 The political condition in Wiirtemberg was in striking con- 
 trast with that in Baden. The elections of July 8th, 1868, gave 
 the democrats and Grossdeutsche the majority in the house of 
 representatives. Democrats and clericals united as a matter of 
 course, and there were some who went so far in their opposition 
 as to say, "Better France than Prussia!" They were resolved 
 to bend Barnbiiler's ministry to their wishes or to overthrow it. 
 The ministerial policy was to evade parliament as long as possi- 
 ble, and accordingly, after a brief session in December of 1868 — 
 chiefly distinguished by a debate on the address, lasting for three 
 days and accomplishing nothing — parliament was prorogued, and 
 not re-opened until the 8th of March, 1870. The democracy 
 made use of this long interval to cover the whole land with a 
 net-work of popular associations, organize meetings, and secure 
 signatures to an address to the house of representatives, demand- 
 ing the repeal of the recently adopted law Avith reference to mili- 
 tary service, and " the introduction of a really universal obligato- 
 ry system, with military preparation of the youth, and a shorter 
 period of active service." By means of unexampled terrorism — 
 which the government, strangely enough, allowed to pass unno- 
 ticed — the Wiirtemberg democrats were able to collect 150,000 
 
 n 
 
386 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 signatures. War on the military system of government and po- 
 litical organization represented by Prussia was openly advocated 
 in speeches and writings, and, in contrast to this, praise was be- 
 stowed upon " the free citizens, who were resolved to stand united 
 and firm against Prussian seductions and violence." 
 
 After such preparations forty-five democratic and Grossdeutsche 
 members of the chamber of 1870 introduced a bill diminishing 
 the time of active military service, in order to avoid the econom- 
 ical and financial disadvantages resulting from the law then in 
 force. After the first readmg the bill was referred to the com- 
 mittee on finance, but before that committee could report other 
 events of considerable importance had effected a change in the 
 situation. The ministers all resigned, and on the 24th of March 
 a new ministry was formed of such a character that any agree- 
 ment between the Grossdeutsche, ultramontanes, and democrats on 
 the one side and the government on the other became an utter 
 impossibility. This change of ministry, however, did not imply 
 any abandonment of the former particularistic attitude of the 
 Würtemberg government. At the same time with the entrance 
 upon ofiice of the new ministry the chamber was indefinitely 
 prorogued. The exasperation among the members of the various 
 anti-national parties was very great, and they at once made their 
 preparations for a new campaign, calculating on the necessity of 
 a speed}'^ session of the chambers to vote the requisite appropria- 
 tions. It seemed inevitable that in that event the new ministry 
 must make place for members of the anti-national parties. 
 
 Affairs in Bavaria took a somewhat similar course, excepting 
 that there it was not the democrats, but the clericals, who played 
 the important part. A liberal school law had failed to pass in 
 1868, owing to the ill-will of the upper house. The clericals 
 were full of hatred against the Ilohenlohe ministry party, because 
 it sought ways and means to bring about a closer connection with 
 the North German Confederation, but still more because, in a cir- 
 cular of April 9th, 1869, it had called the attention of the various 
 European powers to the danger threatened by a Vatican council, 
 inviting at the same time common action with a view to curbing 
 the Romish lust of conquest. The new elections took place on 
 the 20th of May, while the impression of this circular was still 
 fresh. The Roman Catholic clergy exerted all the means in their 
 power to secure a victory for the clericals, Bishop Senestrey even 
 
ULTRAMONTANE TRIUMPH IN BAVARIA. 387 
 
 going so far as to threaten the overthrow of the tlirone. The 
 elections resulted in the choice of seventy-five liberals and seven- 
 ty-nine clericals, but contested elections reduced the actual num- 
 bers to seventy-one on each side, and when the chamber met in 
 September it proved impossible to elect a president. Seven times 
 the vote was taken, and each time with the same result — seventy- 
 one for either candidate — so that finally, on the 6th of October, 
 a dissolution took place, and writs were issued for a new election. 
 This time eighty clericals were returned, and only seventy-four 
 liberals. Thereupon the ministers tendered their resignations, 
 of which the king accepted only two. January l7th, 1870, the 
 new parliament was opened, and both houses took advantage of 
 the debate on the address — which occupied twelve entire sittings 
 in the lower chamber — to give the most malignant expression to 
 their distrust of Prince Hohenlohe, the clericals, or, as they called 
 themselves, the Patriots, being guilty of the most incredible im- 
 proprieties. After the addresses had been adopted in both houses 
 Prmce Hohenlohe once more tendered his resignation, for after 
 such proceedings it had become impossible for him to act in har- 
 mony with Parliament. This time the king accepted it, and on 
 the 7th of March, Count Bray, the Bavarian ambassador in Vien- 
 na, was appointed minister of foreign affairs. The programme 
 which he laid before the chamber proposed the maintenance of 
 the treaties, but at the same time insisted on the preservation of 
 Bavarian independence and freedom of self-determination. This 
 meant the perpetuation of the status quo, and the continued sep- 
 aration of the south from the north. With the latter the Patri- 
 ots were in full accord, but the former did not satisfy their wish- 
 es. As they could notw-enounce the treaty of alliance altogether, 
 they attempted, like thobinti-nationalists in Wiirtemberg, to ren- 
 der it worthless, by effe^ng so far as possible the diminution 
 and deterioration of the Bavarian army. The immediate aim of 
 their measures was a considerable reduction of the time of active 
 service, and of the number of the troops, as well as the almost 
 complete abolition of the cavalry arm ; their ultimate purpose was 
 to remodel the whole system, substituting, in the place of the ex- 
 isting army, militia bands, or, rather, armed peasants' clubs, which 
 would render less obedience to generals and officers than to bish- 
 ops and chaplains. The general debate on the military budget 
 was ended on the fateful 15th of July, and the way was clear for 
 
388 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the introduction of the new measures of the clericals and the gov- 
 ernment; but by that time the political barometer promised so 
 severe a storm that the session was abruptly terminated by an 
 adjournment on the 18th. 
 
 The relations of Prussia to France, though outwardly courteous, 
 were in reality as bad as well could be. In Berlin it was believed 
 that war was inevitable, and in Paris all possible means were 
 taken to confirm that belief. The vain and ostentatious French 
 nation could not pardon Prussia for having cast its military glory 
 into the shade by her victories in 1866. The trophies of Sebas- 
 topol and Solferino were consigned to oblivion by the late Prus- 
 sian triumphs, and so it was that "Revenge for Sadowa!" be- 
 came a patriotic cry, as though the French and not the Austrians 
 had been beaten there. Prussia watched her neighbor's mad mo- 
 tions gun in hand, doing nothing to increase the excitement, but 
 not permitting the slightest interference in German affairs, and 
 all the time quietly perfecting her preparations for war. Utter- 
 ances of persons in high position evincing a consciousness of 
 strength were regarded in Paris as intolerable arrogance ; as, for 
 example, Moltke's words in the Reichstag on the 15th of June, 
 1868, when he gave expression to the belief that a united Ger- 
 many would be strong enough to hold in check the warlike incli- 
 nations of its neighbors. Of a similar nature was the king's an- 
 swer to a deputation in Kiel in September of the same year, when 
 he allayed their apprehensions regarding the dangers of war by 
 referring to " the here assembled representatives of the army and 
 navy, that strength of our country which has given evidence that 
 it will not hesitate to accept and carry through a war that is 
 forced upon us." In the winter of 1868-'69 Moltke presented 
 to the king from the staflE a plan of campaign against France so 
 carefully worked out even in the most minute details, that mobi- 
 lization might have taken place on the very day on which it was 
 presented. In this document the various possibilities as to the 
 movements of the French army were taken into consideration — 
 the participation of the south German states was not reckoned 
 on with certainty — the region between Metz and Strasburg being 
 regarded as the most likely place of meeting for the French 
 forces. In that case the German army was to assemble in the 
 Bavarian Palatinate, assume the offensive against Metz and Stras- 
 burg simultaneously, and by marching into France anticipate the 
 
FRENCH PLAN OF CAMPAIGN. 389 
 
 invasion of German territory. The possibility of such anticipa- 
 tion of the plans of the French generals was exhibited by detailed 
 calculations of marches and movements by rail. 
 
 Niel, the French minister of war, who since 1867 had been 
 working with unremitting energy at the re-organization of the 
 army, had also prepared a plan of campaign. According to this 
 plan the left wing was to enter Holland, dragging both that coun- 
 try and Belgium into the war; the right wing was to cross the 
 upper Rhine and, with the help of the south German particular- 
 ists, utilize the strength of that region in the formation of a new 
 Confederation of the Rhine ; while the centre was to take the 
 road toward Hesse and Hanover, and summon the population to 
 arms in behalf of their deposed princes. By sucli a division of 
 the German forces Niel hoped to be able to dispose of Prussia 
 without much, difficulty. On the assistance of the south German 
 states he relied with far greater certainty than Moltke did. (The 
 democrats and clericals of the south had done nothing to forbid 
 such confidence on the part of France, or even to weaken it. On 
 the iVtli of July, 1870, the editor of the Bavarian paper Father- 
 land telegraphed to Paris : " The patriotic party in the chamber 
 is resolved not to vote a single kreutzer for the mobilization which 
 has been ordered at Prussia's behest ;" and in his paper he went 
 so far as to call upon Bavaria to side with France, even daring to 
 assert that the Bavarian soldiers had long been eager to march 
 against Prussia.) Leaving out. of consideration the serious mis- 
 calculations and the numerous improbabilities upon which the 
 French plan was based, the death of Niel, August 13th, 1869, was 
 of itself fatal to its execution. General Leboeuf, his successor, 
 was not the man to carry out the reorganization with energy 
 and intelligence, and, as is well known, finally professed himself 
 more than ready at a time when the arrangements for mobiliza- 
 tion were in a hopelessly bad condition. 
 
 In the mean time the internal affairs of France had been as- 
 suming a more serious character. The personal rule, which had 
 been cheerfully endured as long as one victorious campaign fol- 
 lowed the other and the emperor was looked upon as the dictator 
 of Europe, had suffered a serious loss of credit through the recent 
 miscarriages of the Napoleonic policy, especially the retreat from 
 Mexico and the unfavorable solution of the Luxemburg question. 
 These humiliations were regarded as altogether due to a system 
 
390 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 of personal government no longer able to cope witli circum- 
 stances, and not merely the opposition, but even the moderate 
 members of the chambers, demanded the substitution of a par- 
 liamentary system. In the Press and public meetings, both of 
 which had acquired their freedom by the laws of 1868, a revolu- 
 tionary tone was adopted, and the overthrow of the emperor, the 
 extermination of the still more detestable clergy, and a radical 
 and complete revolution in all social matters, freely talked about. 
 The middle classes, on the other hand, perceiving the abyss which 
 yawned before them, lost all inclination for revolutionary proj- 
 ects. Nevertheless the emperor could not- depend upon them, 
 for their ideal was a government which should be well adminis- 
 tered as well as strong, and Napoleon's administration of the 
 finances, the fraudulent extravagance of which was laid bare in 
 the session of 1869, hardly gave much hope of that. Ministerial 
 responsibility, abandonment of the system of official candidates, 
 free elections, eflEective participation of the legislative branch in 
 the government, a well-regulated administration of the finances, 
 complete control of governmental expenditures, and a peaceful 
 policy — these were the rallying cries with which liberalism assail- 
 ed the personal regime. Minister Lavalette's announcement that 
 France would remain at peace with Prussia so long as the latter 
 respected the line of the Main, and did not encroach upon the in- 
 dependence of the south German states, met with universal ap- 
 proval in the chamber. The differences with Belgium, which 
 would not permit the sale of Belgian railroads to the French 
 Eastern railroad company, were settled by the Parisian conven- 
 tion of July 10th, 1869. This matter really concerned the rail- 
 road company much less than it did the French government, 
 which stood behind it, for by the possession of the railroads the 
 emperor had hoped to acquire a firm footing in Belgium, and 
 then gradually, by means of customs' treaties and treaties of alli- 
 ance, pave the way to the coveted annexation. 
 
 The new elections for the legislature took place on the 23d 
 and 24th of May, with the result that altogether 4,664,000 votes 
 Avere cast for the official and 3,310,000 for the independent or 
 opposition candidates, 199 friends of the government being re- 
 turned and 93 foes, so that the latter had one-third of the whole 
 number.* In Paris, Lyons, Marseilles, and the other large cities, 
 the fiercest opponents of the empire, so-called Irreconcilables, 
 
THE ELECTIONS OF 1869. 391 
 
 were elected. If the elections of 1857, 1863, and 1869 be com- 
 pared, it will be seen that there had been a large and steady in- 
 crease of the opposition. In 1857 they had succeeded in elect- 
 ing only five of their candidates, while in 1869 ninety -three mem- 
 bers of the opposition had seats in the chamber. The emperor 
 still had a majority in the legislature, but the minority was numer- 
 ous and dangerous, and the majority not altogether reliable. The 
 immediate result of the elections was the removal of Rouher, the 
 so-called " vice-emperor," who Avas appointed president of the 
 senate, while Forgade, the former minister of the interior, as- 
 sumed the guidance of a ministry made up from Rouher's party. 
 This change was followed by the introduction in the senate of a 
 bill proposing some changes in the constitution, and on the 6th 
 of September a senatorial decree appeared increasing the author- 
 ity of both senate and house of representatives, and granting in 
 principle the responsibility of ministers. In August the empei-or 
 was taken with a serious illness, which roused for a time the fears 
 of his friends and the hopes of his foes. After his recovery 
 the Empress Eugenie undertook a voyage to the East, in order 
 to be present at the opening of the Suez Canal on the l7th of 
 November. 
 
 The speech from the throne, with which the emperor opened 
 the new parliament on the 29th of November, spoke of the free- 
 dom combined with order which France desired, and announced 
 some political reforms. The investigations in the matter of con- 
 tested seats gave occasion for the most violent attacks on the 
 system of official candidates, and the consequent influencing of 
 elections. After this business was ended the ministry, finding 
 its position no longer tenable, gave in its resignation. December 
 27th the emperor commissioned OUivier, a member of the newly 
 formed middle party in the legislature, with the formation of a 
 "congenial ministry, which should be a true expression of the 
 sentiment of the majority, and begged his assistance in the task 
 of putting the constitutional system of government in practice." 
 This first parliamentary ministry of the second empire entered 
 upon its duties on the 2d of January, 1870. It consisted for the 
 most part of new men, among whom Count Daru, minister of 
 foreign affairs, and Buffet, minister of finance, are most worthy 
 of mention. Of the former cabinet General Leboeuf still retained 
 liis post as minister of war. One of the first acts of the new 
 
392 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ministry was the removal of Hausmann, the prefect of the Seine, 
 who had carried out with such relentless energy the emperor's plans 
 for remodelling the capital, thus burdening Paris with an enor- 
 mous debt. The unpunished shooting of a journalist, Victor Noir, 
 by Prince Peter Bonaparte, to whom he, in company with another 
 friend of Rochefort' s, had conveyed a challenge, and the arrest of 
 Rochefort, a member of the chamber, who in his paper, the Mar- 
 seillaise, had not scrupled to call the emperor and his family a 
 band of murderers, caused such excitement in Paris at the begin- 
 ning of 1870, that barricades were erected in the streets. The 
 rioters were not numerous, however, and the police remained mas- 
 ters of the situation. 
 
 To put a stop to the endless demands for changes in the con- 
 stitution, the emperor laid before the senate the draught of a new 
 fundamental law of the empire, by which a share in the framing 
 of constitutional provisions, which had up to that time been di- 
 vided between the emperor and the senate, was made over to the 
 legislative body. The proposed constitution, while asserting the 
 responsibility of ministers to the legislature, also made the Em- 
 peror of the French responsible to the people, and gave him the 
 right of appealing to the country at any time. He proposed to 
 make use of the latter provision at once, and lay the new consti- 
 tution before the people for their sanction as soon as it had been 
 accepted by the senate, without allowing the legislature an oppor- 
 tunity to discuss it. It was clear that such a popular vote would 
 be regarded not merely as a judgment on the special question 
 submitted, but also as an expression of opinion on the whole pol- 
 icy of the empire, so that if Napoleon received a large majority 
 at this plebiscite the question between monarchy and republic 
 would be decided in his favor for a long time to come. On the 
 other hand, a minority, or even a feeble majority, would be in the 
 same degree unfavorable. But of such a result there was little 
 likelihood, for the complete state machine was working under full 
 steam in preparation for the plebiscite. The question whether the 
 emperor should in all cases have the right of appeal to the peo- 
 ple caused a division in the ministry. Daru and Buffet, in con- 
 cert with the opposition in the chamber, wished to limit that 
 right, and, not succeeding in this, they tendered their resigna- 
 tions on the 14th of April. The senate adopted the proposed 
 constitution by a unanimous vote on the 20th of April, and the 
 
TUE WAR PARTY AND THE JESUITS. 393 
 
 8th of May was appointed for the plebiscite. This resulted in a 
 brilliant victory for the Napoleonic policy : 7,210,296 voted i/es, 
 and 1,530,610 no, to which should be added 41,213 affirmative to 
 19,484 negative votes in Algeria. That the larger cities cast more 
 negative than affirmative votes was not surprising, but that in the 
 army 46,000 and in the navy 5000 voted no was a more serious 
 matter. With this exception the emperor again felt firm ground 
 beneath him, and believed once more in the future of his dynasty. 
 The Bonapartists pressed forward more arrogantly than ever, and 
 the government felt strong enough to act with decision in foreign 
 affairs. Since Daru's withdrawal Ollivier had administered his 
 department, but on the 15th of May the foreign portfolio was 
 intrusted to Prussia's most pronounced enemy, the Duke of Gra- 
 inont, for so many years ambassador in Vienna. A few months 
 later some chauvinists attempted to find a pretext for war with 
 Prussia in the St. Gothard treaty, which had been entered into be- 
 tween France, the North German Confederation, Switzerland, and 
 Italy. Unlimited confidence was felt in the wonderful powers of 
 the chassepot and mitrailleuse. In his answer to an interpellation 
 on the 20th of June the Duke of Gramont let it be plainly un- 
 derstood how much he regretted the impossibility of making this 
 question furnish the desired pretext. Nevertheless, to be ready 
 for any emergency, on the 29th of June the marine prefect of 
 Cherbourg was asked what stores were in readiness at that place 
 for an expedition to the North Sea and the Baltic. In the face 
 of this Ollivier declared in the sitting of June 30th that the gov- 
 ernment had never followed a more peaceful policy, and that the 
 peace of Europe had never been in so little danger as at that mo- 
 ment. Four days later Press and legislature were ringing with 
 the discussion of the Ilohenzollern candidacy. 
 
 Napoleon was urged along the slippery path he was now pur- 
 suing, not alone by his fame -seeking generals, but also by the 
 ambitious, power-grasping Order of Jesus. The Jesuits could not 
 endure the thought of Protestant Prussia at the head of Germa- 
 ny, and, like the French ministers, held it necessary to prevent at 
 any price the accession of south Germany to the North German 
 Confederation, the accomplishment of German unity, and the erec- 
 tion of a powerful German empire iinder a Hohenzollern ruler. 
 The war party in Paris might reckon with certainty on the alli- 
 ance of the Jesuits in Rome, and the latter had an eloquent and 
 
394 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 influential advocate in that hot-blooded, bigoted, and devout Cas- 
 tilian. Empress Eugenie. In Rome the Jesuits were just about to 
 play their highest card. If they were successful, the whole Ro- 
 man Catholic world lay at their feet; Roman Catholic princes, 
 ministers, and parliaments became their creatures ; and the begin- 
 ning of a crusade against heretical Germany, with faithful France 
 to lead the van, Beust-governed Austria to form the reserve, and 
 the Bavarian " Patriots " as a sort of home-guard, would depend 
 upon their nod alone. The plan was bold and comprehensive, 
 the resources at their command on the Seine and Tiber enor- 
 mous, but their game failed of success. The Jesuits played their 
 card, but it chanced that the cards in their adversary's hand were 
 full as high as theirs. 
 
 §24. 
 
 AFFAIRS IN OTHER COUNTRIES. THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 To enter upon our section from an Occidental point of view 
 — the relations existing between America and Europe were in 
 general friendly. Russia professed her willingness to cede her 
 North American possessions to the United States on payment of 
 $7,200,000. This fell in with the American policy of excluding 
 foreign powers from the Western continent, and Congress ap- 
 proved of the purchase ; but Denmark was not so fortunate in 
 her attempt to dispose of the islands of St. Thomas and St. Juan. 
 The relations of the Union to the new Germany were of the most 
 friendly description. The reason therefor lay partly in the fact 
 that no country in Europe was brought into so close and recip- 
 rocal a connection with the United States by emigration as Ger- 
 many, and partly it was attributable to the decided sympathy and 
 friendship for the North which Germany had shown during the 
 war, and the readiness with which the German people had taken 
 up the Union loans. With England the case was quite differ- 
 ent. The quarrel about the Alabama, which had been built and 
 equipped in England under the very eyes of the authorities, and 
 had captured within eight weeks twenty-two Northern merchant- 
 men, dragged along until 1872. On the 14th of September of 
 
DISESTABLISHMENT OF THE IRISH CHURCH. 395 
 
 that year the Geneva court of arbitration, to the decision of which 
 both countries had agreed to submit, condemned England to pay 
 $15,500,000 gold as indemnity. The English, on their side, com- 
 plained of the unchecked raids into Canada of American Fenians, 
 who aimed at the separation from England of both Canada and 
 Ireland. To do the Irish justice, in one direction at least, and 
 to conciliate them in some degree, Gladstone, as leader of the Lib- 
 eral party in the Lower House, introduced his resolutions looking 
 to the disestablishment of the Irish Church. It seemed a crying 
 injustice that the Anglican Church, whose members in the sister 
 isle numbered not more than about 700,000, should be the state 
 church in a country where the Roman Catholic population amount- 
 ed to four and a half millions, even though the latter no longer 
 had to pay the tithes which once had been exacted. To put an 
 end to such an abnormal state of affairs, Mr. Gladstone gave no- 
 tice (March, 1868) of a series of resolutions declaring that, in the 
 opinion of the House of Commons, it was necessary that the Es- 
 tablished Church of Ireland should cease to exist as an establish- 
 ment, and praying the Queen to put at the disposal of Parliament 
 her interest in the temporalities of the Irish Church. The reso- 
 lutions were adopted by a majority of sixty-five. Parliament was 
 dissolved in July, and in November the new elections took place, 
 the main issue being the disestablishment of the Irish Church. 
 This was the first general election with the more extended suf- 
 frage and the new constituencies created by the reform bill of 
 1867. This reform bill was a Liberal measure, which had been 
 used as a float by the Conservative ministry of Lord Derby and 
 Mr. Disraeli. " It enfranchised in boroughs all male householders 
 rated for the relief of the poor, and all lodgers resident for one 
 year, and paying not less than £10 a year rent; and in counties 
 persons of property of the clear annual value of £5, and occupi- 
 ers of lands or tenements paying £12 a year" (M'Carthy). All 
 towns with a population less than 10,000, represented by two 
 members in Parliament, lost one. The cities of Manchester, Liv- 
 erpool, Birmingham, and Leeds each gained a third member. 
 Where three members were to be elected from the same city the 
 principle of minority representation was introduced, each voter 
 voting for only two of the candidates. The University of Lon- 
 don also gained a seat by this redistribution, and the Scotch bill 
 of 1868 transferred to Scotland some of the seats lost by English 
 
396 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 boroughs. The Liberals came out of tlie first contest after the 
 passage of this bill with a majority of about 120 members in the 
 house. Thereupon Disraeli resigned, and on the 3d of Decem- 
 ber Mr. Gladstone was commissioned to form a new ministry. In 
 1869, as prime-minister, he carried out the disestablishment of 
 the Irish Church, protecting the life interests of those already 
 holding positions in that church, and appropriating the fund re- 
 turning to the state, after all personal interests and all individual 
 rights of property had been provided for, to the relief of " un- 
 avoidable calamity and suffering." 
 
 Like the reform bill, the Abyssinian expedition falls under the 
 previous ministry, that of Derby and Disraeli. It was directed 
 against Theodore, the negus or king of Abyssinia, who had long 
 held Consul Cameron prisoner, together with other English officials 
 and missionaries, refusing to deliver them up, notwithstanding all 
 representations and threats. To maintain her credit, especially 
 in the East, England determined to compel the release of the 
 prisoners by force of arms. The outfit of the troops was in very 
 advantageous contrast with that of the Crimean expedition. Sir 
 Charles Napier, with a force of 12,000 men, arrived in the harbor 
 of ZuUa, from Bombay, on the 3d of January, 1868, penetrated 
 to the mountain fortress of Magdala in spite of the enormous diffi- 
 culties presented by the nature of tlie country; and on the 10th of 
 April defeated an assault of the Abyssinian soldiers before that 
 place. Thereupon Theodore restored the prisoners. The English, 
 not satisfied with this, demanded his unconditional surrender; and, 
 as he would not comply with their demands, the fortress was storm- 
 ed on the 13th of April. The Abyssinian monarch, perceiving that 
 it was impossible to hold the place, shot himself, to avoid falling 
 into the hands of the foe, and his corpse was found by the storm- 
 ing party just within the gate. After destroying Magdala, the 
 English withdrew at once, re-embarking at Zulla on the 1st of 
 June. Their prompt withdrawal occasioned considerable surprise 
 in Europe, and especially in France, where it called forth compar- 
 isons with the Mexican expedition of a nature not very flattering 
 to the Napoleonic policy. 
 
 England was deeply interested in the development of Oriental 
 affairs, regarding the Levant, for maritime reasons, as a part of 
 her political domain. As usual, there was no lack of complica- 
 tions in that quarter. Prince Michael Obrenovitch of Servia 
 
THE INSURRECTION OF THE CANDIOTES. 397 
 
 ■was murdered in the park of Topsbider, in the neighborhood of 
 Belgrade, on the 10th of June, 1868 ; and at first there was con- 
 siderable apprehension lest this might bring serious consequences 
 in its train. The footsteps of the crime led up to the very door 
 of Prince Alexander Karageorgievitch, who had been expelled in 
 1858, and he was accordingly condemned in his absence to im- 
 prisonment, with hard labor, for twenty years. The Skuptskina 
 (national assembly) was immediately summoned, and Milan Obre- 
 novitch IV., a cousin of the murdered man, chosen prince. As 
 he was but thirteen years of age, the Skuptskina appointed three 
 of its own members regents for three years, and harmony was 
 again restored. The neighboring Roumanian principality was 
 also for a considerable time the cause of much uneasiness. Prince 
 Charles of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, the hospodar of that state, 
 endeavored to reorganize the badly-ordered Roumanian army af- 
 ter the Prussian pattern, in which the Prussian government as- 
 sisted him with cannon and needle-guns, as well as officers to act 
 as instructors. Austrian apprehensiveness saw in this a threat 
 to Austria and Turkey, and credited Prussia with the desire to 
 set the match to the Oriental powder magazine. The dismissal 
 of Bratiano's ministry, November 28th, 1868, at Prussia's insti- 
 gation, brought this uncertainty to an end. 
 
 Of a more serious character, however, was Greece's struggle 
 with Turkey for the possession of Crete. This island had stood 
 faithfully by Greece in the nine years' war of independence, 1821- 
 '30 ; but the wisdom of the participants in the London conference 
 of 1832, principally at England's motion, instead of uniting it to 
 Greece, restored it to the Porte, and the latter committed it to 
 the care of the Egyptian khedive. After Mehemed Ali proved 
 refractory, and was brought back to his allegiance by the quad- 
 ruple alliance of 1840, Candia was taken from him and placed 
 directly under Turkish control, which was for the Candiotes a 
 veritable leap from the frying-pan into the fire. All the humane 
 laws which had been published at England's instigation — the 
 Hattisherif of Gulhane (November 3d, 1839), and the Hat Huma- 
 yun (February 18th, 1856), and which promised the Christians 
 equal rights with the Turks — were of no avail in defending the 
 former in the enjoyment of any rights, for the reason that they 
 were never put in force. Finally, abuses and grievances grew so 
 numerous that in April of 1866 the Candiotes applied to the Porte 
 
398 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 with a formal petition for redress. The petitioners met with a 
 rebuff, whereupon the whole island rose, and on the 2d of Sep- 
 tember a general assembly pronounced the termination of Turk- 
 ish rule in Candia, and the union of the island with Greece. 
 Turkish troops were at once landed there, and a desperate strug- 
 gle began, which dragged on for three years. As often as it 
 was reported that the rebellion was quelled, the Sphakiotes, the 
 brave mountaineers of the interior, rose anew. In March of 
 1867, the ambassadors of France, Russia, Prussia, and Italy, for 
 fear that the insurrection might develop into an Oriental war in- 
 volving all Europe, advised the Porte to cede Candia to Greece ; 
 but England, in her alarm lest this might increase the Russian 
 influence in the East, encouraged the Porte not to yield. The 
 Candiotes would have been obliged to surrender before that, if 
 they had not been supported by men, money, and arms from 
 Greece. King George fully comprehended that if he did not 
 wish to be driven from the throne, like his predecessor, he must 
 show more sympathy than Otho had done for the national senti- 
 ment, which regarded Thessaly, Epirus, and the Archipelago as so 
 many recruiting stations on the road to Constantinople. Mere 
 threats of war did not alarm the Grecian government ; and when, 
 in November of 1868, the Grecian minister of foreign affairs 
 openly announced in Parliament that the policy of the govern- 
 ment with reference to Candia was one of annexation, while new 
 hordes of volunteers for Crete passed the windows of the Turk- 
 ish embassy in Athens with colors flying, the Porte lost all pa- 
 tience. December 10th an ultimatum was sent to Athens; and 
 as this was rejected the Greek ambassador in Constantinople re- 
 ceived his passports. Both powers armed for war. Diplomacy 
 scarcely dared to breathe. At length Count Bismarck proposed 
 to the French minister of foreign affairs that he should convene a 
 special conference of the signers of the Peace of Paris of 1856. 
 This proposition met with universal approval, and on the 9th of 
 January, 1869, the conference began its sessions in Paris, under 
 the presidency of the French minister, Lavalette. Turkey's de- 
 mands that Greece should put a stop to the enlistment of bands 
 of volunteers in her dominions, disarm the corsairs or exclude 
 them from her ports, and allow the Candiote families which had 
 emigrated to Greece to return, were recognized as just, and a spe- 
 cial delegate was commissioned to secure the submission of the 
 
RUSSIAN CONQUEST AND CONCENTRATION. 399 
 
 Grecian government. This was rendered possible by a chanoje of 
 ministry, and diplomatic relations between Athens and the Porte 
 were resumed. Candia was obliged to submit, and will remain in 
 submission until it finds a favorable opportunity for a new out- 
 break. Such an opportunity cannot fail to present itself in time, 
 and Greece and the Greek provinces, still groaning under Turkish 
 misrule, will repeat the Italian scenes of 1859. 
 
 This result did not accord with Russia's wishes, although Alex- 
 ander himself recommended King George, who had married the 
 daughter of Grand-duke Constantine, to accept the decision of 
 the conference. Russian interests required the separation of the 
 Christian provinces from Turkey, and their erection into half or 
 wholly independent states, so that Russia might the more readily 
 seize the remainder of the Ottoman empire. So long, however, 
 as Russia's army was not reorganized and provided with breech- 
 loaders, and so long as her railroad system was not extended over 
 the southern provinces, she was not ready voluntarily to abandon 
 the position of reserve which she had imposed upon herself since 
 the Crimean war. In the mean time, however, her boundaries in 
 Asia were being pushed farther forward each year. For the time 
 desisting from the attempt to punish the Khivans after Perovski's 
 loss in the winter of 1839-40, the Russians turned their attention 
 to the region of the Syr Darya, the condition of the khanate of 
 Khokand being such as to invite attack and facilitate annexation. 
 Gradually advancing along the river, and at the same time mov- 
 ing down from the region of Lake Balkhash, in the north-east, 
 they captured Tashkent in 1865, and in 1866 completed the an- 
 nexation of Khokand by the occupation of Khojent, upon the up- 
 per Syr Darya. Bokhara was the next object of attack, and in 
 the spring of 1868 Samarkand, the ancient Marakanda of the 
 time of Alexander the Great, and the commercial metropolis of 
 the Middle Ages, fell into their power, and Bokhara itself was re- 
 duced to the position of a vassal state. In the Polish and Ger- 
 man provinces of the Russian empire the government sought 
 with inexorable fanaticism to eradicate all foreign elements and 
 reduce everything to the Russian level. The Russian language 
 and the Greek Catholic ritual were to be everywhere introduced 
 in the " Holy " Russian empire, and other languages and religious 
 confessions gradually rooted out. Poland ceased to exist as a 
 kingdom, and after 1868 was divided up into provinces and re- 
 
400 POLITICAL HISTORY OF EECEXT TlilES. 
 
 duced to the same condition as any other part of the Russian 
 dominions. There and in Lithuania the Polish language was 
 restricted to the household circle, and for purposes of instruction, 
 religious services, and business the use of the Russian language 
 was enjoined. In the German Baltic provinces, also, Russian be- 
 came the business language, and was soon to become the lan- 
 guage of the schools, notwithstanding the fact that the rights of 
 the natives were secured by the most definite treaty provisions. 
 To reduce to subjection the Polish bishops and clergy, who ap- 
 pealed from the commands of the Czar to their own consciences 
 and the orders of the Pope, all direct intercourse with Rome was 
 forbidden, and a Roman Catholic synod established in St. Peters- 
 burg, from which alone they were to receive their instructions. 
 They were farther forbidden to attend the Vatican Council in 
 1869. By these measures the already existing quarrel between 
 the Russian emperor and Pope Pius IX. was greatly embittered. 
 
 A still sharper conflict than that with Russia was brought upon 
 the Holy See by Garibaldi's renewal, in October of 1867, of his 
 cry of 1862 : " Rome or death !" At the outset he had the min- 
 ister-president, Ratazzi, on his side. Although in the September 
 convention with France the Italian government had promised 
 neither itself to make any attack on the Papal dominions, nor to 
 allow such an attack to be made by others, nevertheless Ratazzi 
 fell in with Garibaldi's plans, and proposed to join hands with 
 the party of action in taking Rome. This would have been an 
 irrevocable /az'^ accompli with which to answer Napoleon's angry 
 remonstrances. But Ratazzi was not Cavour, and when it came 
 to serious measures the king drew back and could not be per- 
 suaded to act. Ratazzi had to tender his resignation, and on the 
 27th of October General Menabrea formed a new ministry, which 
 issued a proclamation condemning the volunteer movement, and 
 calling for respect of treaty provisions. In the mean time Gari- 
 baldi had set out to march against Rome. The call of the na- 
 tional committee to the Roman citizens to rise met with but feeble 
 response. Some minor undertakings of the volunteers miscarried. 
 In order to maintain his side of the September convention, Napo- 
 leon despatched a fleet from Toulon, and on the 30th of October 
 two brigades under General Failly were landed in Civitavecchia, 
 the foremost battalions proceeding to Rome the same evening for 
 the defence of the Papal government. Messenger after messen- 
 
 I 
 
NAPOLEON'S FALSE POSITION. 401 
 
 ger arrived from Florence, but Garibaldi could not be persuaded 
 to lay down his arms and desist from bis enterprise. He had 
 about 8000 followers, many of whom were scarcely more than 
 boys. "With this force he met the enemy at Mentana on the 3d 
 of November. There were 3000 Papal troops, commanded by 
 General Kanzler, the Pope's minister of war, and a reserve of 
 2000 men from Polhe's French brigade. The Papal troops had 
 been beaten and driven back, when the French at length advanced 
 to the front and began to shoot down the Garibaldists by hun- 
 dreds with their chassejjots. "The chassepot did wonders," tele- 
 graphed Failly to Paris. One thousand of Garibaldi's followers 
 lay dead or wounded on the field, and 1400 were taken prisoners. 
 The Papal loss was 30 dead and 103 wounded, while the French 
 only lost two dead and 36 wounded. Garibaldi retreated to Italian 
 territory, where he was arrested and confined in Fort Yarignano, 
 in La Spezzia; but on the 26th of November he was allowed to 
 return to Caprera. 
 
 Kome was saved, but Napoleon found himself in a position of 
 great embarrassment, for the new Roman expedition was rather 
 an anomalous illustration of the right of nationality and the prin- 
 ciple of non-intervention, which he had proclaimed as the great 
 truths of the age. To escape from his embarrassment he endeav- 
 ored to convene a conference of European powers to consider the 
 farther destiny of Italy, and undertake a sort of guarantee for the 
 maintenance of whatever might be resolved upon ; but as he could 
 propose DO practical basis for the conference, and neither Italy 
 nor the Pope would agree beforehand to recognize its decisions 
 as binding, all the powers, excepting Austria, Spain, and Hesse- 
 Darmstadt, refused to take part. The idea was accordingly aban- 
 doned, and Napoleon was obliged to take upon himself the con- 
 sequences of the new occupation of Rome. The French troops, 
 who had left the Eternal City only two years before, had now 
 returned to stay ; consequently Italy saw in Napoleon its worst 
 foe. Even in France the occupation was severely blamed ; while 
 as for the clericals, whom it was intended to please, they would 
 have been satisfied only in case the States of the Church had been 
 re-established in their full extent prior to 1859, and such a long 
 step backward the spirit of the age would not tolerate. 
 
 The ruler of those states, the aged Pope Pius IX., had cast 
 himself unreservedly into the hands of the Jesuits. They under- 
 
402 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 stood how to acquire complete control over him. lie was by no 
 means a man of great mental calibre, and they were able to tickle 
 his vanity by offering to secure him a dignity which neither ec- 
 clesiastical nor worldly prince had ever possessed before. What 
 no man had ever achieved — to compel the world to believe in his 
 pretensions to divinity and bow their necks in slavish submission 
 before him — this Count Giovanni Mastai was to accomplish by 
 means of the Jesuits. Preparatory steps had been taken in the 
 year 18G4. The Encyclica and Syllabus of the 8th of December 
 of that year cursed our whole modern culture as much as heart 
 could wish. Freedom of belief and disbelief, freedom of worship 
 and education, freedom of speech and of the Press, independence 
 of the temporal power from the spiritual, equality before the law 
 of priest and layman, the right of the people to choose its own 
 rulers and frame its own laws, the free attitude of science, which 
 would fain emancipate itself from all ecclesiastical authority and 
 censorship — all this was classed in the category of error and 
 damned as heresy. The level of freedom must not rise at any 
 place above that of the Jesuit college at Rome. There and there 
 alone must an omnipotent power decide what should be the ulti- 
 mate limits of thought and volition in each separate state and 
 in each individual brain. All Europe must become one patri- 
 archal Jesuit state, patterned after what the South American 
 Paraguay had once been, where lived none but woolly lambs and 
 Jesuitic shearers. To attain this universal rule the Jesuits caused 
 the Pope to summon an ecumenical council to meet at Rome on 
 the 8th of December, 1869. For 300 years no church council 
 had been assembled. The Council of Trent, the last which had 
 been called, closed in 1563, leaving an unhappy memory behind, 
 but that was innocence itself in comparison with the council of 
 1869 and '70. It was not enough to elevate the damnatory judg- 
 ment of the Syllabus to the position of dogma, and thus force it 
 as an article of faith on the whole Roman Catholic world ; in or- 
 der utterly and forever to strike down, as it were by a flash of 
 heavenly fire, all opposition, whether of bishops rich in divine 
 lore or practical worldly governments, the Pope was to be 
 snatched from this erring, sinful world, and, throned on awful 
 clouds, be decked with the new crown of infallibility. In all 
 things pertaining to his pastoral and doctrinal functions — and 
 into that flexible circle almost, if not quite, everything was capa- 
 
COMPOSITION ÄND COMPLEXION OF THE COUNCIL. 403 
 
 ble of being forced — the Pope's word was to be infallible. It 
 was the chief business of the council to elevate this doctrine of 
 papal infallibility into a dogma. If this succeeded, then the 
 Jesuits would be the unlimited rulers of the whole body of the 
 clergy. The dogma of infallibility would be of far more value 
 to the men who ruled the Pope than to the Pope they ruled. 
 Ilis infallible claims did not originate in his own brain, but in 
 the instigations of his Jesuitic mentors. 
 
 Not merely the educated world outside the pale of the council, 
 including thousands of good Roman Catholics, struggled against 
 the passage under this Caudian yoke of infallibility, unwilling to 
 ascribe an attribute of Deity to a man whose intellectual and 
 moral weakness were facts patent to all ; there were even many 
 bishops who did the same. They were well aware, too, that the 
 new dogma would put an end to their episcopal power, for hence- 
 forth they would be distinguished from papal lackeys merely in 
 name, and their only privilege would be to inculcate among the 
 inferior clergy and the laity, as the chief and highest article of 
 faith, that which they th'omselves could not believe. But such 
 men were comparatively isolated, and, in an assembl-y which 
 found a despotic order of business prescribed for it to follow, 
 nothing could be done against the compact mass which blindly 
 followed the Jesuits. The formalities customary at previous 
 councils were set aside in so far as they did not suit the purposes 
 of those ecclesiastical politicians, the one aim which they con- 
 stantly held before them being to reduce the opposition to the 
 smallest possible dimensions, and drown its voice in the cry of 
 the mass whenever it sought to make itself heard. So sure were 
 they of this mass that they were able to predict with mathemati- 
 cal precision the result of the vote. Of the 764 bishops who 
 took part in the council the Italian bishops, whose obedience 
 could be relied upon, constituted more than one-third, and the 
 bishops of the States of the Church almost one-fifth, while those 
 of France, Germany, and Austro-IIungary, where the opposition 
 had its strength, numbered altogether not more than one fifth. 
 Farther, there were 300 bishops who had to be maintained at 
 the cost of the Papal See on account of their poverty, while 100 
 bishops in partibus infidelium, having titles without dioceses, 
 were entirely dependent for their farther career on the favor of 
 the Pope. The 300 papal beneficiaries, together with the 100 
 
404 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 titular bishops, voted passively for everything they were told to, 
 and would have added a decree of immortality to that of infalli- 
 bility, if the Jesuits had so commanded. So soon as unanimity 
 or approximate unanimity ceased to be required, and a simple 
 majority became sufficient to formulate a dogma, the victory was 
 really won. From that moment the debates in the aula of St. 
 Peter's had no more real value than so many good or bad decla- 
 mations. 
 
 The opposing bishops, with Cardinal Rauscher, Archbishop of 
 Vienna, and Bishop Hefele, of Rottenburg, at their head, made 
 one last attempt on the 15th of July to induce the Pope to make 
 some concessions. A delegation waited upon him with that ob- 
 ject, and Bishop Ketteler, of Mayence, even threw himself upon 
 his knees to supplicate the Holy Father. But all in vain ; Pius 
 could not and would not yield. No other course remained open, 
 and so the protesting bishops repeated their protest in a special 
 petition to the Pope, and left the Holy City before the final vote 
 was taken. The final ballot was held in the presence of Pope 
 Pius, on the 18tli of July — the day before the official declaration 
 of war between France and Prussia — with the result that the in- 
 fallibility of the Pope was declared to be a dogma of the Church 
 Catholic, 547 voting placet, and two — Riccio, of Ajaccio, and 
 Fitzgerald, of Little Rock, Arkansas — voting non placet. The 
 council was thereupon adjourned, to meet on the 11th of Novem- 
 ber. In the mean time French arms were to carry forward the 
 work of the Jesuits and crush Protestantism with the cannon. 
 The Vatican reckoned with certainty on a French victory, in ex- 
 pectation of which it still had a pretty string of dogmas in its 
 infallible pocket; and in any case it was determined to enforce 
 the decrees already passed with extreme and unrelenting energy. 
 It troubled itself little about the protest of the bishops who had 
 retreated across the Alps, for it knew their character too well. 
 At a meeting in Fulda a number of these opponents of the doc- 
 trine declared in favor of its acceptance, and one after the other 
 they passed over to the camp of the Infallibilists, in their turn 
 exacting from their subordinates the same submission to the de- 
 mands of the Jesuits which they themselves had so readily been 
 brought to render in the face of their better convictions. Forced 
 to choose whether they would persist in their opposition, invoke 
 the protection of their respective governments against any at- 
 
PAPAL INFALLIBILITY AND THE OLD CATHOLICS. 40Ö 
 
 tempt on the part of the Papal Stool to discipline them, and 
 press the matter to a breach with the Vatican and a schism in 
 the church, or whether they would give up their opposition — or, 
 rather, direct it against the governments which refused to recog- 
 nize the new dogma — and help to maintain the outward unity of 
 the church at the sacrifice of conscience, conviction, and honor, 
 all without exception chose the latter course, forfeiting thereby 
 the respect of their contemporaries and of posterity. Neverthe- 
 less the dreaded schism was not averted. Although the bishops 
 proved so docile there were others who had no inclination to hu- 
 mor a horde of papal beneficiaries, throw German science to the 
 winds, set a seal upon their possibilities of thought, and abandon 
 the truth at the order of a Jesuit tribunal. The chief seat of this 
 opposition, which consisted at the outset principally of university 
 professors and instructors, was located at first in Munich, and its 
 head was Professor von Döllinger. His answer to the Archbishop 
 of Munich, March 28th, 1871, attracted universal attention. With 
 great eloquence and learning he maintained his thesis that, as 
 Christian, as theologian, as historian, and as citizen, he could not 
 accept the new doctrine. The judgment pronounced by him 
 upon the cringing bishops — " No one of them believes it " — was 
 repeated in all circles. From this opposition was developed the 
 Old Catholic body, which soon managed to gain a firm footing 
 in Bavaria, Baden, and on the Rhine, numbering each year more 
 members and more congregations. It acquired a regular organi- 
 zation, held synods, and chose a bishop of its own in the person 
 of Professor Reinkens, of Breslau. He was recognized by several 
 German states, and especially by Prussia, from which he received 
 episcopal endowment, choosing Bonn as his residence. 
 
 In the mean time the Pope had lost a zealous supporter of 
 bigotry by the dethronement and exile of the Spanish queen. 
 Isabella followed more and more in the footsteps of her father, 
 Ferdinand, In the system of government which she pursued 
 military despotism was mated with clerical absolutism, and nuns 
 and father-confessors played a political role, even holding in their 
 hands the rudder of the ship of state. By this course the queen 
 repelled all liberal elements, while the irregularities of her con- 
 duct deprived her of all claims to respect. So shameless was she 
 in her amours that the legitimacy of all her children was a mat- 
 ter of universal doubt. No wonder that ever and anon insurrec- 
 
406 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 tions broke out, which, according to Spanish custom, were plan- 
 ned and conducted by officers of the arm}^ The government 
 resorted to executions and deportations to check the rebellious 
 spirit. The minister-president, Marshal Narvaez, who bore the 
 title Duke of Valencia, was always ready to adopt the most ex- 
 treme measures to keep the protesting elements in subjection. 
 He died on the 13th of April, 1868 ; and his successor, Gonzalez 
 Bravo, soon contrived to alienate the whole army. A great mili- 
 tary insurrection was planned for the month of July. Bravo trans- 
 ported the most influential generals, among others Serrano and 
 Dulce, to the Canary Isles, and even expelled from the country 
 the queen's brother-in-law, the Duke of Montpensier, whose name 
 the revolution seemed to use as a watchword. Nevertheless the 
 excitement continued to increase. Isabella, thinking it necessary 
 to enter into still more intimate relations with her friend and ally, 
 as she called Napoleon, arranged a meeting with him — which was 
 to take place on the 18th and 19th of September — in the two bor- 
 der towns of Biarritz and San Sebastian. Napoleon was accred- 
 ited with the plan of withdrawing his troops from Rome in case 
 the long-threatened war with Germany should break out, and fill- 
 ing their place with Spaniards. ■ Isabella, who had just been hon- 
 ored by the Pope with the gift of the golden rose of faith and 
 virtue, was not averse to such a plan ; but at the very moment 
 when the two monarchs had already reached their appointed 
 places and the French-Spanish alliance was about to be concluded, 
 the rebellion broke out in Cadiz. Serrano and Prim returned 
 from exile, and Rear-admiral Topete joined them with the whole 
 fleet. The few troops who remained faithful were defeated by 
 Serrano at Alcolea on the 28th of September; Madrid and all the 
 larger cities declared for the revolution, and the universal cry was, 
 " Down with the Bourbons ! Down with the Jesuits !" The rev- 
 olution began on the 18th of September, and on the 30th Isabella 
 was obliged to leave San Sebastian and escape to France, where 
 she at once took up her abode in Paris. The conduct of the gov- 
 ernment was intrusted to the leaders of the revolution. Marshal 
 Serrano taking the post of minister- president, Prim becoming 
 minister of war, and Topete undertaking the navy. The Jesuits 
 were expelled, a number of convents closed, and religious liberty 
 proclaimed. In Barcelona and Madrid Protestant services were 
 held. The newly-elected Cortes came together on the 18th of 
 
SEARCH FOR A SPANISH KING. 407 
 
 February, 1869, and adopted a new constitution. A majority of 
 the members declared themselves in favor of a constitutional 
 monarchy, and named Serrano regent until a suitable candidate 
 for the throne could be found. But Spain's political prospects 
 were in nowise favorable. There was a strong republican party 
 which threatened to resist by force of ai'ms the establishment of a 
 new monarchy. The island, of Cuba, " the pearl of the Antilles," 
 was in full rebellion, with a view to a complete severance of its 
 connection with Spain and the erection of an independent repub- 
 lic. In addition to all this the Carlists were again beginning to 
 raise their head. 
 
 It was Spanish affairs which at last furnished the Tuileries and 
 the Vatican with the cause for quarrel they had been seeking, and 
 set in motion the plans of Napoleon and the Jesuits. Spain now 
 had a monarchical constitution without a monarch, and the nu- 
 merous republicans made every effort, by speeches in the Cortes 
 and insurrections in the provinces, to render a monarchy impossi- 
 ble. They were assisted by circumstances, since no one seemed 
 willing to accept the crown of a country which was politically 
 crippled by faction and financially ruined. The minister-presi- 
 dent and the minister of war, Count Prim — the latter the real 
 ruler of the country — made every effort to find a suitable person, 
 but for a long time in vain. The former regent, Espartero ; the 
 Coburg prince, Don Fernando, father of the King of Portugal ; 
 King Louis of Portugal himself, the Duke of Aosta, Victor Em- 
 manuel's son ; Prince Thomas of Genoa, nephew of the King of 
 Italy — all in turn refused. The Duke of Montpensier, who had 
 married the sister of the ex-queen, Isabella, would have accepted, 
 but that very relationship raised up many opponents among the 
 monarchists, who would have preferred as their king Prince Al- 
 phonso, Isabella's son, if they were to have any Bourbon. Isa- 
 bella took her measures with a view to the selection of her son 
 for the vacant throne. At the advice of her friend, the Empress 
 Eugenie, she signed a formal abdication on the 25th of June, 
 18V0, making over all her political rights to Alphonso. But for 
 the moment the Spanish government was in favor of some other 
 prince. Among those who had refused the throne in 1869 was 
 Prince Leopold of Ilohenzollern-Sigmaringen, who, as a Roman 
 Catholic, as the husband of a Portuguese princess, as a kinsman 
 of Napoleon and a blood relation of the Prussian king, seemed a 
 
408 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 desirable candidate. In the year 1870 the Spanish government 
 resolved to make another attempt to secure him as their sover- 
 eign, and in June of that year a deputation was sent to Sigma- 
 ringen for that purpose. This time the prince accepted. The 
 deputation returned to Madrid, a council of ministers was held, 
 and on the 2d of July it was resolved to make Prince Leopold of 
 Hohenzollern a formal tender of the Spanish throne, and proclaim 
 his candidature publicly. July 3d tlie telegraph conveyed this 
 news to all the European capitals. 
 
UNDERSTANDING WITH EÜSSIA. 409 
 
 FIFTH PERIOD. 1870-1875. 
 
 WAB. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE.— THE ESTABLISHMENT 
 OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE.— STRUGGLE WITH THE VATICAN. 
 
 §25. 
 
 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR. 
 
 That Emperor Alexander of Russia, on the way to Ems, be- 
 came his uncle's guest at Berlin for a few days in May of 1870, 
 occasioned no remark, since the intimate personal relations of the 
 two monarchs were well known. Neither was the fact, that on 
 the 2d of June King William returned his nephew's visit at Ems, 
 of itself calculated to excite comment, since courtesy might seem 
 to require it ; but that the king was attended by his chancellor, 
 Count Bismarck, and that the Russian ambassador in Berlin, 
 Oubril, was also present, were facts that gave the visit a political 
 character, which the courts of Paris and Vienna were not slow to 
 remark. Count Bismarck, who with such unerring certainty in- 
 terpreted the meaning of events and penetrated the plans of 
 statesmen, well knew what Prussia had to expect from France in 
 consequence of the Duke of Gramont's appointment as minister 
 of foreign affairs, and could approximately foresee what use that 
 blundering and awkward diplomat would make of such an occur- 
 rence as the candidacy of a Hohenzollern prince for the Spanish 
 crown. As a statesman at once audacious, prudent, and far-see- 
 ing, in the conferences at Ems the Prussian chancellor provided 
 for the protection of Prussia's rear, in case of war with France, by 
 stipulating that in the event of victory the Peace of Paris of 1856 
 should be revised in Russia's interest. After this agreement had 
 been concluded the king and his chancellor returned to Berlin. 
 On the 8th of June Bismarck left the capital for a prolonged 
 sojourn at Varziu ; and on the 20th, after the departure of the 
 
 18 
 
410 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Russian emperor, the king, unattended by any of his ministers, 
 repaired to Ems to take the baths. 
 
 The Madrid telegram of July 3d acquainted Paris with the fact 
 that Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern -Sigmaringen was the des- 
 tined King of Spain ; and in its issue of the 4th Gramont's organ, 
 the Constittttionnel, in an article composed or inspired by him, 
 while acknowledging the right of Spain to regulate its destiny 
 according to its own pleasure, professed itself amazed beyond ex- 
 pression that France should be expected to look on and see the 
 sceptre of Charles V. wielded by a Hohenzollern. To the French 
 government Prince Leopold's candidacy was no novelty. Like 
 the cabinets of the other great powers the French ministers had 
 been for some weeks informed of the negotiations between him 
 and the Spanish government, and they merely assumed an appear- 
 ance of ignorance in order to pose before the country as innocent 
 lambkins taken by surprise and overreached by cunning, and give 
 the more effective vent to their righteous indignation at this un- 
 scrupulous game of intrigue. It is plain that it was in the power 
 of the French government to settle the Hohenzollern -Spanish 
 question in a peaceful or a warlike manner according to its own 
 choice. If it chose the former it was only necessary for Gramont 
 to follow the regular diplomatic method — enter into negotiations 
 with Prussia, and request the co-operation of the other powers, 
 and success was assured ; for it is scared}' credible that Bismarck, 
 who three years before had been unwilling to engage in war 
 where war would have been so popular as in the Luxemburg affair, 
 would, in a matter in no way involving German interests — for, 
 being merely personal to a prince who, although a Hohenzollern, 
 nevertheless did not belong to the Prussian branch, it could not 
 well be exalted to the dignity of a national question — disregard 
 the emphatic disapprobation and the real or feigned anxiety of 
 the French government and force the issue of war. But Gramont, 
 who, without a spark of the genius of his would-be prototype, 
 imagined himself a French Bismarck, did not wish for a peaceful 
 solution. His mind was full of the advice given him by his friend 
 Beust, to select as the pretext for war a purely dynastic question 
 instead of a national one, and so he at once brought the whole 
 affair before the tribune of the French legislature, indulging at 
 the same time in such hostile threats that war became unavoida- 
 ble. Without any sort of tact Prussia and the Prussian sovereign 
 
ATTEMPT TO MAKE PRUSSIA RESPONSIBLE. 411 
 
 were treated in an absolutely insulting manner. The conduct of 
 France toward Prussia in the year 1870 resembled, both in gen- 
 eral and in detail, the conduct of the same country in 1805 and 
 1806 ; but there was this difference in the way in which this treat- 
 ment was received, that whereas King Frederic William III. en- 
 dured a long series of insults« before unsheathing the sword, his 
 son took up the gauntlet the moment it was thrown down. The 
 intention of the French government was to inflict on him the 
 same humiliation which had been inflicted on his father. " Sub- 
 mission or war !" was the cry in the Tuileries ; and if Prussia had 
 submitted to the first insult, another would soon have followed, 
 and then still others, until, like his father, King William might 
 have been compelled at last to go to war under circumstances far 
 less favorable. War there must be, for the object of De Gra- 
 mont's policy was conquest. His plan was to acquire for France 
 Belgium and Luxemburg, or the left bank of the Rhine, or rather 
 both, for the conquest of the one would have been followed by 
 that of the other. If this plan succeeded, then the subject of so 
 much speech and thought would be at length accomplished, and 
 the Rhine would flow past French territory from Basle to the 
 German Ocean. Prussia had rejected all the proposed treaties 
 with this end in view, so now the attempt must be made to se- 
 cure the coveted increase of territory by war instead of through 
 alliance. 
 
 Although the Spanish ministers and ambassadors gave the 
 most definite assurances that in this whole transaction they had 
 never had any dealings with the Prussian government, but only 
 with Prince Leopold ; although every one was aware that that 
 prince occupied a thoroughly independent position, and that, in 
 such a matter as the acceptance of the Spanish throne, the King 
 of Prussia had no power over bira either to command or to for- 
 bid ; although Prussia could in no case derive any tangible ad- 
 vantage from the occupation of the Spanish throne by a German 
 prince, or at most the merely negative one that this would rele- 
 gate to the realm of impossibilities such a Spanish-French alli- 
 ance as had been planned by Isabella and Napoleon in 1868; 
 nevertheless, from the beginning the French government persist- 
 ed in pushing the person of the Prussian king into the fore- 
 ground, and making him responsible for the whole transaction. 
 They acted as though it were a purely Prussian and dynastic 
 
412 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 intrigue, and by that means shut out all possibility of a peaceful 
 settlement. 
 
 Events followed one another with unprecedented rapidity. 
 July 4th Gramont addressed an interrogation to State Secretary 
 Thile through the French charge (Taffnires at Berlin, and received 
 the reply that Prussia had nothing to do with Spanish affairs. 
 On the same day he commissioned the Prussian ambassador at 
 Paris, Baron von Wcrther, who was on the point of departure 
 for Ems, to tell the king that the French government expected 
 him to cause Prince Leopold to refuse the Spanish crown, and 
 that France would regard his failure to do so as a sufficient casus 
 hellL On the 6th of the same month, in the French parliament, 
 without waiting for an answer from Ems, he answered an inter- 
 pellation of the preceding day as follows: "We do not think 
 that respect for the rights of a neighboring people obliges us to 
 permit a foreign government, by setting one of its princes on the 
 throne of Charles V., to destroy the European balance of power, 
 and endanger the interest and honor of France. Relying upon 
 the wisdom of the German people and the friendship of the 
 Spanish, we hope that this eventuality may be avoided. If not, 
 then it will be our part, strong in your support and that of the 
 nation, to fulfil our duty without hesitation or delay." At the 
 same time preparations for war were made both by sea and land, 
 while the French Press assumed such a tone toward Prussia that 
 an ignorant observer might have fancied a second Jena had al- 
 ready taken place. 
 
 The French ambassador in Berlin, Count Benedetti, was at that 
 time at Wildbad, in the Black Forest. July Vth he received a 
 telegram directing him to set out for Ems without delay. On 
 the 9th he had his first audience with the king, and required him 
 in the name of his government to command Prince Leopold to 
 withdraw his acceptance of the Spanish crown. The king replied 
 that he had not commanded the prince to accept the crown, and 
 could not command him to withdraw his acceptance. This an- 
 swer was regarded by the French government as a mere subter- 
 fuge, and the responsibility of the king still insisted upon. July 
 12th a telegram from the castle of Sigmaringen was published 
 announcing the withdrawal of Prince Leopold from the candi- 
 dacy for the Spanish throne. This seemed to bring the conflict 
 to an end and remove every plausible excuse for a quarrel. Gra- 
 
GRAMONT DEMANDS FARTHER CONCESSIONS. 413 
 
 mont himself had already said to the English ambassador that 
 Prince Leopold's voluntary withdrawal would afford the simplest 
 and most satisfactory solution of the dispute ; and on the receipt 
 of the Sigmaringen telegram Ollivier, the minister of justice, had 
 at once stated in parliamentary circles that the episode was fin- 
 ished. But that would have prevented the war by which lost 
 prestige was to be regained ; consequently Gramont went one 
 step farther, although he must have perceived at the time that if 
 France were not satisfied with the prince's withdrawal, and ad- 
 vanced still farther claims, she would by that very fact take the 
 •whole responsibility of war upon herself, and subject herself to 
 the accusation of having all along had war as her aim. The 
 question had ceased to be purely dynastic, and was fast becoming 
 national, threatening to set half Europe in flames. 
 
 Gramont proceeded in his dictatorial career with total indiffer- 
 ence to any such considerations as the above. On the 12th of 
 July he said to the Prussian ambassador, who had just returned 
 from Eras, that Prince Leopold's withdrawal was a matter of sec- 
 ondary importance ; the essential point was, to remove the mis- 
 understanding which had arisen in consequence of his candidacy, 
 and quiet the excitement among the French people. For this 
 purpose the King of Prussia must address to the emperor a letter 
 intended for publication, to the effect that when the king empow- 
 ered Prince Leopold to accept the Spanish throne he had no in- 
 tention of infringing upon the interests or injuring the dignity 
 of the French nation, and that he now consented to the priuce's 
 resignation in the wish and hope that all occasion for disagree- 
 ment between the two governments was at length removed ! 
 Baron von Werther had sufficient tact not to telegraph such a 
 demand directly to the king, as Gramont wished, but not enough 
 to decline the commission altogether and leave Gramont to find 
 some other means of communication. He despatched an official 
 report to Count Bismarck, but received, instead of an oflacial 
 answer, an immediate leave of absence. After his conversation 
 with the Prussian ambassador Gramont telegraphed Benedetti to 
 demand the king's express approval of Prince Leopold's refusal 
 to be a candidate, and the assurance that he would never sanction 
 a repetition of his candidacy. Benedetti acquitted himself of his 
 commission with great lack of tact on the public promenade at 
 Ems on the morning of the 13th. The king replied that liis ap- 
 
414 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 proval of the prince's withdrawal could proceed from him merely 
 in his capacity as a private individual and not as King of Prussia, 
 and that in the interest of his country he must most decidedly 
 refuse to bind his future action in that or any other matter. A 
 few hours later Benedetti requested a new audience on the same 
 subject, and was informed that the king had already pronounced 
 his ultimatum ; if the ambassador were not content, he must ap- 
 ply to the Prussian minister of foreign affairs. The occurrences 
 at Ems were communicated to the Prussian ambassadors at for- 
 eign courts on the evening of the same day, and an extra of the 
 Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, Bismarck's organ, brought the 
 matter to the knowledge of the German people. 
 
 The firm and manly attitude of the king was very unfavorable 
 for the plans of the French war party. The news from Benedetti 
 produced great excitement and bewilderment in Paris. One par- 
 ty thought that the conflict was peacefully settled ; the other par- 
 ty, who had already gone too far, did not wish to retrace their 
 steps, preferring to plunge the dynasty and the country into a 
 rash and venturesome war, rather than allow it to be said that 
 they had again put forward demands on Prussia, and been again 
 refused — in fine, that they and not the King of Prussia had 
 been humiliated. Napoleon wavered between the two. It ap- 
 peared to him a very serious matter to go to war with the 
 compact power of the North German Confederation, perhaps 
 even with all Germany, for so slight a cause. For a long time 
 he could come to no conclusion, but listened to both sides, and 
 brooded in silence, as was his wont. There was a short time 
 Avhen peace seemed as good as concluded. But in the night of 
 the 14th, when the decisive cabinet council was held in St. Cloud, 
 Gramont and Lebceuf, who were eager for war, together with the 
 Empress Eugenie, who acted under the inspiration and instruction 
 of the Jesuits, brought strong pressure to bear upon the undecided 
 emperor, urging him to submit no longer to these perpetual re- 
 buffs and humiliations from Prussia, but, by a declaration of war, to 
 consolidate his throne, founded solely on the respect of the French 
 people, and in league with the great Roman Catholic nations re- 
 duce heretical Germany to submission. It was with manifest re- 
 luctance that the emperor, against his better judgment, finally 
 yielded to their representations. Thereupon the empress tri- 
 umphantly exclaimed, " This is my war ! With God's help we 
 
WAR DECLARED. 415 
 
 will subdue the Protestant Prussians !" In the senate and the 
 lower house, on the following day, official documents were read 
 by Gramont and Ollivier respectively — the latter, although no 
 enemy to Prussia, and disinclined toward war, was carried along 
 by his colleagues — in which the circumstances of the case and 
 the occurrences at Ems were completely misrepresented. Count 
 Benedetti had been insulted and shown the door, according to 
 this account, while a telegram of a nature dei-ogatory to the dig- 
 nity of France had been sent to foreign states. It was further- 
 more stated that Prussia had begun to make her preparations for 
 war on the night of the 13th, and accordingly the government 
 had called out the reserves, and would proceed to adopt farther 
 measures. At the same time a vote of credit was demanded for 
 the army and navy, and a bill brought forward with reference to 
 calling the garde mobile into active service and for the enlistment 
 of volunteers. The senate adopted the government measures by 
 a unanimous vote ; the legislative body granted the credit for the 
 army by a majority of 245 to 10, and passed the rest without a 
 dissentient voice. It was in vain that a few members of the op- 
 position, who saw through the web of ministerial lies, averred that 
 the King of Prussia had done everything that could have been 
 expected, and that no real insult had been offered. It was in 
 vain that they demanded by way of proof the production of the 
 despatches which were deemed so insulting to France. It was in 
 vain that Thiers, who for years had goaded on the vanity of the 
 French people and incited them to war, declared the occasion 
 awkwardly chosen, and affirmed that the military preparations 
 were not yet complete. The ministers and the Bonapartist ma- 
 jority overruled these isolated monitors. On the evening of the 
 15th the streets of Paris were full of tattered crowds crying, 
 " To Berlin ! to Berlin !" while the official Press spoke of the 
 defeat of Prussia and the appropriation of the left bank of the 
 Rhine as foregone conclusions. The formal declaration of war 
 was handed to the Prussian government by the French charge 
 d'affaires on the 19th of July. 
 
 The conduct of France in this whole matter had been arrogant 
 and false, inspired by lust of rule and lust of conquest. In con- 
 sideration of the vote of July 15th it is impossible to say that 
 only the emperor wished for war. When a unanimous senate 
 and 245 out of 255 members of the house of representatives 
 
41 G POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 approve the war measures of the government, it may be said that 
 the whole country, through its representatives, is responsible for 
 that war. In Germany the gauntlet was taken up not only with- 
 out hesitation but almost with enthusiasm. There was no more 
 talk of a mere dynastic struggle. The fact that Gramont, not 
 satisfied by Prince Leopold's withdrawal — although it was self- 
 evident that he had withdrawn only at the request of the King 
 of Prussia — demanded an apologetic letter for publication to the 
 world, and a formal promise that the whole house of Hohenzol- 
 lern should forever hold itself aloof from Spanish affairs, could 
 not fail to convince every one that the Hohenzollern candidacy 
 was a mere side-issue, and that it was the fixed intention of the 
 French government, by fair means or by foul, to find some pretext 
 for war, in order to interfere in German affairs, disturb the proc- 
 ess of unification, and appropriate German territory. The Ger- 
 man people felt that the humiliation which France had sought 
 to put upon the Prussian king was humiliation aimed at all Ger- 
 many ; whence they regarded this war as a national one, cherish- 
 ing the hope that the work of 1866 might be completed, at the 
 same time that the disgrace of one hundred years' standing should 
 be thoroughly avenged. The establishment of German unity, 
 which had been the aim of 1866, had failed at that time, owing 
 to French interference. By this new war France sought to make 
 that interference permanent and her influence supreme ; while 
 the German people, on their part, were resolved to utilize the war 
 thus forced upon them for the completion of their longed-for 
 unity. As in 1866 the Schleswig -Holstein question, the occa- 
 sion of the Austro-Prussian war, expanded to a German one, so 
 in 1870 the question of German unity, which was the real occa- 
 sion of the war, began with the first faint hope of victory to de- 
 velop into a thought of the possible restoration of Alsace and 
 Lorraine, which, after the initial triumphs had been won, expand- 
 ed into an irresistible demand for the reclamation of those long- 
 lost provinces. A war where so much of importance was involved, 
 both in that which was to be guarded and that which was to be 
 achieved, won ever greater popularity the more conscious the Ger- 
 man people became of the critical nature of the stopping-place 
 which the process of unification had reached. Thanks to the 
 south German governments, and the position of the south Ger- 
 man fraction in the customs' parliament, the hopes which had 
 
THE KING RETURNS TO BERLIN. 417 
 
 been founded on that institution remained unfulfilled. It now- 
 seemed improbable that the customs' parliament could ever be 
 developed into a real German parliament, unless external events 
 should give some unexpected impulse. The political situation in 
 Bavaria and Wiirtemberg was such that the accession of those 
 states to the North German Confederation was removed an in- 
 calculable distance into the future, and even the most sanguine 
 scarcely hoped to live to witness it. There was rather a proba- 
 bility of retrogression, for the Bavarian and Wiirtemberg clericals 
 and radicals seemed about to get the better of their respective 
 governments, with the result of cancelling the treaties with Prus- 
 sia, and bringing on the stage a wonderful medley of political 
 institutions drawn from the States of the Church, the Confedera- 
 tion of the Rhine, and the wildest speculations of radical repub- 
 licanism. These men, genuine Prussian-haters, would have con- 
 verted their proposed southern confederation into the foe of north 
 Germany rather than its ally, leaning on the one side on the will- 
 ing arm of France, and on the other finding support in Austria. 
 
 Such was the condition of aflfairs in Germany when Gramont 
 manufactured a casus belli of a description calculated to remove 
 the hinderances in the way of German unity as it were in a night, 
 so that the whole nation, from the Danish border to the Alps, 
 could sing with patriotic enthusiasm the " Watch on the Rhine." 
 But they did not stop at singing; decisive measures followed 
 quick and fast. July 12th Bismarck and Moltke arrived in Ber- 
 lin and held a conference with the other ministers. The next 
 day Bismarck said to the English ambassador that the king had 
 already shown too much modei'ation rather than too little, and 
 that it was now Prussia's part to require from France a with- 
 drawal of her threatening language and an explanation of her 
 military preparations. On the 15th the king left Ems and re- 
 turned to Berlin. His journey was one triumphal procession. 
 Wherever the train stopped the king received and replied to pa- 
 triotic addresses. The crown prince, Bismarck, Moltke, and Roon 
 came as far as Brandenburg to meet him, while in Berlin a 
 countless crowd awaited his arrival. Shortly before nine o'clock 
 he reached the capital, and learned for the first time that in Paris 
 both chambers had already pronounced for war. That same 
 evening the mobilization of the army was determined on, and 
 on the 16th precautionary measures were ordered on the North 
 
 18* 
 
418 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Sea coast, and a special session of the Bundesrath summoned. 
 On the 19th King William opened the North German Reichstag 
 with a speech full of boldness, patriotism, and confidence : " If 
 in former centuries Germany bore in silence infractions of her 
 rights and insults to her honor, she bore them only because in 
 her disintegration she was ignorant of her strength. To-day, 
 when the bond of legal and moral union forged in the wars for 
 freedom binds the German race ever closer ; to-day, when Germa- 
 ny's armor offers the foe no longer an unguarded spot, she carries 
 in herself both the will and the power to repel renewed French 
 violence. The more conscious the allied governments are that 
 they have done all which dignity and honor allow to preserve to 
 Europe the blessings of peace, and the plainer it becomes to all 
 that the sword has been forced into our hands, the more confi- 
 dently do we appeal, supported by the unanimous sentiment of 
 the German governments, both north and south, to the patriotism 
 and devotion of the German people for the defence of Germany's 
 honor and independence." July 21st the Reichstag unanimously 
 voted the 120,000,000 thalers asked for by the government. On 
 the 29th Bismarck published the various French propositions of 
 1866 and 1867, thereby revealing to Germany and the world at 
 large the plans of conquest cherished by Napoleon's government. 
 This information had already been imparted to the south Ger- 
 man governments, and they accordingly understood that in the 
 eyes of a power so false as France neutrality on their part would 
 offer no guarantee for the preservation of their territorial integ- 
 rity, but that on the conclusion of peace they might become the 
 victims of any bargain that was made. This confirmed them in 
 their resolution honorably to fulfil their treaty obligations. On 
 the 16th of July King Louis of Bavaria issued the command for 
 the mobilization of the army; and on the 19th the lower house, 
 hearkening to the voice of truth and honor, and deaf to the per- 
 suasions of Dr. Jörg and his committee — consisting for the most 
 part of ultramontanes — with their proposition of an armed neu- 
 trality, appropriated, by a majority of 101 to 47, the sum of 
 18,200,000 florins for the purpose of equipping and maintaining 
 the arm)-. This passed the upper house by a unanimous vote. 
 After Bavaria had set such an example the democrats and Gross- 
 deutsche in Würtemberg could venture upon no opposition. For 
 the moment almost the whole country forgot its hatred of Prus- 
 
ATTITUDE OF SOUTH GERMANY. 419 
 
 sia, and gave its approval to the resolutions adopted in a popular 
 assembly at Stuttgart on the 16th of July, calling on the govern- 
 ment to take part in the national war. King Charles returned 
 from Switzerland on the l7th, and at once issued the command 
 to mobilize the army. The chambers met on the 21st, and on 
 the 22d the war credit asked by the government was voted by 
 both houses unanimously in the upper and with only one dissen- 
 tient voice in the lower. At the same time the king named a 
 Prussian lieutenant-general, von Prittwitz, who had directed the 
 construction of the fortress of Ulm some twenty years before, 
 governor of that place ; and another Prussian lieutenant-general, 
 von Oberwitz, formerly military plenipotentiary at Stuttgart, com- 
 mander-in-chief of the Würteinberg forces. In Hesse the war 
 credit, which minister von Dalvvigk, much against his will, had to 
 ask from the chamber, was granted unanimously. In Baden the 
 grand-duke, conscious of the harmony existing between himself 
 and his people in the national question, ordered the mobilization of 
 the army on the 16th ; and on the 22d the French ambassador re- 
 ceived his passports. Communication between Kehl and Strasburg 
 was severed on the 16th by the demolition of the floating bridge, 
 and the removal of the rails from the railroad bridge. On the 
 22d every possibility of an invasion by rail Avas put an end to by 
 the blowing up of a pier of the latter bridge. The day before, 
 on the unfounded rumor that explosive bullets had been distrib- 
 uted to the Badish troops, the Badish ambassador in Paris had 
 been informed by a functionary of the French ministry that if 
 this report proved true France would resort to reprisals, would 
 regard Baden as excluded from the privileges of the law of na- 
 tions, and lay waste the country as in Melac's time, not even 
 sparing the women. 
 
 Both south and north were eager for the war. Every one was 
 infected with the national enthusiasm, and an amicable emulation 
 and self-sacrificing devotion pervaded all classes, such as had 
 never been seen before in Germany. " Now or never !" was the 
 watchword of the whole country. The repulse of the foe who 
 had brought on the war by his insulting arrogance was the imme- 
 diate aim. If this were successfully accomplished it must cer- 
 tainly be followed by the political union of divided Germany, and 
 in the centre of Europe would stand a people feared on account 
 of its compact and massive strength, as well as respected for its 
 
420 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 intellectual attainments. It was the thought that this high aim 
 might now be achieved at one leap which lent such wonderful 
 power to the German movement of 1870, arming the warriors 
 with incredible valor and endurance, and setting victory before 
 their eyes as absolutely enjoined upon them by duty and necessi- 
 ty. Volunteers hurried from all sides, even from distant lands, to 
 take their places in the army. Young men gave up the most ad- 
 vantageous positions in business or professions, the lecture-rooms 
 of universities were vacated by lecturers and listeners, all inspired 
 by the same motive, the rescue of the Father-land. " Germany 
 first !" was the proud cry with which the soldier grasped his gun, 
 and the watchword of those who stayed behind to heal the 
 wounded. Never and nowhere was such extensive and patriotic 
 provision made for the wounded, for the widowed and orphaned, 
 for the families of reserve and landtvehr soldiers, by the state, 
 municipalities, and private individuals, as in this war. From be- 
 ginning to end the whole German people took part in the good 
 work without cessation or intermission. Private persons, fur- 
 thermore, subscribed large sums to reward individual acts of bra- 
 very, and the King of Prussia renewed (July 19th) for the whole 
 army the Order of the Iron Cross, which had originally been 
 founded by his father. 
 
 The excellence of the military arrangements, the precision of 
 Moltke's plan of campaign, which did not overlook the smallest 
 trifle, and, in co-operation with these, Roon's energetic adminis- 
 tration of the war department, rendered it possible to put large 
 masses in the field at once, so that the mobilization, which was 
 ordered on the 16th, was completed on the 26th ; and eight days 
 later the German armies were in position on the left bank of 
 the Rhine. The strength of these armies Avas as follows: the 
 North German Confederation, including Hesse, put into the field 
 385,600 infantry, 48,000 cavalry, and 1284 guns; Bavaria, 50,000 
 infantry, 5500 cavalry, and 192 guns; Würtemberg, 15,000 in- 
 fantry, 1500 cavalry, and 54 guns; Baden, 11,700 infantry, 1800 
 cavalry, and 54 guns. The total field army numbered, therefore, 
 462,300 infantry, 56,800 cavalry, and 1584 guns. In addition 
 to this the garrisons, together with the troops intended to fill up 
 gaps, numbered 297,500 infantry, 25,890 cavalry, 40,500 garrison 
 artillery, and 462 field-guns. Consequently Germany had, accord- 
 ing to reckoning, a total army, including field, fortress, and reserve 
 
GERMAN PLAN OF CAMPAIGN. 421 
 
 troops, of 882,900 men and 2046 guns. But this number is in 
 reality too low, for every state did more than was prescribed in 
 the plan of mobilization. In the month of August, 1870, the 
 actual effective strength was : for the North German Confedera- 
 tion 982,064 men and 209,403 horses; for Bavaria, 128,964 
 men and 24,056 horses ; for Würtemberg, 37,180 men and 8876 
 horses; for Baden, 35,181 men and 8038 horses ; giving a grand 
 total of 1,183,389 men of all arms and 250,373 horses. 
 
 As was the case in the invasion of Bohemia in 1866, the whole 
 German army was divided into three parts, whose separate opera- 
 tions were regulated in accordance with one common plan. The 
 Crown Prince of Prussia was once more on the left wing, and 
 Prince Frederic Charles in the centre, while General Steinmetz 
 (in 1866 General von Ilerwarth) was on the right. Lieutenant- 
 general von Blumenthal, Major-general von Stichle, and Major- 
 general von Sperling were the respective chiefs of stall The first 
 army, under General Steinmetz, comprised the 7th and 8th army 
 corps, numbering 61,000 men, with 180 guns. The second, com- 
 manded by Prince Frederic Charles, consisted of six army corps 
 — 3d, 4th, 9th, 10th, 12th, and the Guard corps — and numbered 
 206,000 men, with 534 guns. The third, under the Crown Prince 
 of Prussia, embraced five army corps, the 5th and 11th Prussian, 
 the 1st and 2d Bavarian, and the two divisions of Würtembergers 
 and Badeners, amounting in all to 180,000 men, with 480 guns. 
 This third army was in so far the most interesting that south Gei"- 
 man and north German troops were there united. It represented 
 the unity of armed Germany, and the popular Crown Prince of 
 Prussia was wisely chosen to command it. On his way to the 
 army the prince visited the courts of Munich, Stuttgart, and Carls- 
 ruhe, everywhere meeting with an enthusiastic reception. 
 
 On the supposition that the French army could not be mobi- 
 lized with sufficient rapidity to assume the offensive and cross the 
 Rhine, Moltlce's plan was that the first army should advance from 
 Coblentz, its place of rendezvous, toward the Saar, at Saarbrücken ; 
 the second, from Bingen and Mayence toward the same river, at 
 Saarbrücken and Saargemünd; and the third army, from Mann- 
 heim and Rastatt toward the Lauter, in the north-east corner of 
 Alsace. The crown prince, whose army was at the outset closest 
 to the French frontier, was to begin the campaign by driving the 
 French left winff back across the Vosges and advancing as far as 
 
422 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the Moselle. At the same time Prince Frederic Charles and Stein- 
 metz were to push the French forces which should assemble before 
 Metz back as far as that fortress, cut off their retreat to Chalons 
 and Paris, oblige them to give battle at Metz, shut them up in that 
 fortress, or drive them northward toward the Belgian boundary, 
 and so open the way to Paris for the third army and any other 
 troops which might then be available. The plan was equally del- 
 icate and audacious ; but, notwithstanding its delicacy and audac- 
 ity, the military operations of the campaign were able actually to 
 follow the course thus laid out. 
 
 Besides these three armies, with tlieir thirteen army corps, 
 there was at the beginning of the war a first reserve, composed of 
 three and a half additional army corps, containing 112,000 men. 
 Of these the 1st and 2d corps, which had been stationed on the 
 north coast, to oppose any attack from French and Danish land- 
 ing columns, were ordered to the front at Metz as soon as the first 
 victories were won. The 6th army corps, which had been detailed 
 to cover Silesia, on account of Austria's preparations for war, 
 joined the crown prince's army in the month of August; and in 
 September the l7th division was ordered to the front, where it 
 later found an opportunity to distinguish itself by its conduct on 
 tlie Loire. The provinces bordering on the theatre of war and 
 the coast districts of the North and Baltic seas were put under 
 martial law, and five governors -general placed in command, of 
 whom General Vogel von Falckenstein, who had so honorably 
 distinguished himself by his conduct of the campaign on the 
 Main in the year 1866, was appointed Governor of Prussia (prov- 
 ince), Pomerania, Hanover, and Schleswig-Holstein, with his head- 
 quarters in Hanover. The iVth division, as well as the landwehr 
 division, which had been assigned to the defence of the coast, was 
 placed under the command of the Grand-duke of Mecklenburg- 
 Schwerin. 
 
 The commanders of the three great armies left Berlin on the 
 26th to join their troops at the appointed rendezvous. The king, 
 accompanied by Count Bismarck and Generals Moltke and Roon, 
 left the capital on the 31st to assume the chief command over all 
 the German forces. On the morning of August 2d he reached 
 Mayence, where the general bead-quarters were established, and 
 whence a proclamation was issued to the German army. At 
 Mayence and in the three great armies all the strength of Ger- 
 
NAPOLEON'S PLAN. 423 
 
 many was centred, and hence anxiety mingled with confidence as 
 the whole German nation eagerly watched for news of the first 
 encounter with the foe. 
 
 One of the peculiarities of French diplomacy at this crisis was, 
 that while it had it in its power to delay the commencement of 
 hostilities until France was ready to strike, it nevertheless declared 
 war at a time when the French preparations were still in such a 
 backward condition that not only was it impossible to assume the 
 offensive, but even a satisfactory defensive was out of the ques- 
 tion. The attitude of south Germany seriously thwarted Napo- 
 leon's plans. Considering the obstinate wrong-headedness of the 
 ultramontanes and democrats as irresistible, he felt sure of the 
 neutrality of Bavaria and Würtemberg, until he learned that the 
 orders to mobilize had actually been issued. To prevent the 
 union of the southern troops with the northern he now proposed 
 to carry out a part of Niel's plan, and supply by rapidity what 
 he lacked in numbers. The strength of the German field army 
 he reckoned at 559,000 men, and that of his own at 300,000. 
 He proposed to make up for this almost twofold superiority of 
 numbers on the part of the enemy by a quick and energetic ini- 
 tiative. One hundred and fifty thousand men were to assemble 
 at Metz, 100,000 at Strasburg, and 50,000 in the camp at Chalons. 
 He proposed to unite the two eastern armies and cross the Ehine 
 at Maxau at the head of 250,000 men, thus forming an iron bar- 
 rier, as it were, between north and south Germany, and compell- 
 ing the southern states into neutrality, or perhaps even forcing 
 upon them a new Confederation of the Rhine. If successful in this, 
 he hoped to secure the alliance of Italy and Austria, with both of 
 which states promising negotiations had already been opened, and 
 then it would be time to search out the Prussian army, which he 
 estimated at 350,000 at the utmost, and scatter it by the pro- 
 verbial elan of his brave soldiers. In the mean time the 50,000 
 men who had assembled in Chalons were to advance to Metz, in 
 order to cover the rear of the army of operation and guard the 
 north-eastern frontier, while the appearance of a French fleet in 
 the North and Baltic seas, and the binding of French and Danish 
 troops on the coast, was to draw off part of the Prussian forces. 
 
 The execution of this plan was possible only in case, simultane- 
 ously with the declaration of war, Napoleon could cross the Rhine 
 with 250,000 men. But there were at that time not more than 
 
424 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 100,000 in Metz and only 40,000 at Strasburg, while two divis- 
 ions were still lacking at Chalons. Artillery and cavalry were 
 not ready for action, not a single corps had a complete outfit for 
 field service ; and when Napoleon gave orders to hasten the arrival 
 of the missing regiments, his orders did not meet with rapid obe- 
 dience, under the pretext that Algeria, Paris, and Lyons could not 
 be stripped of their garrisons. Other things necessary for a cam- 
 paign were also lacking. Great stores of provisions, ammunition, 
 and accoutrements had been accumulated, but, unfortunately, not 
 where they were needed. The railroads were not properly equip- 
 ped for such colossal transports of men and goods, nor had the 
 officials any training in such matters; consequently everything 
 was soon in hopeless confusion, and while the railroad stations 
 were crowded with the necessaries of war the fortresses were in 
 dire need. 
 
 Under such circumstances there could be no thought of car- 
 rying out Napoleon's plan and assuming the offensive. Other 
 hopes also proved delusive. South Germany identified itself 
 completely with the north so far as the war was concerned. The 
 proposed alliances with Denmark, Austria, and Italy depended 
 for their signatures upon preliminary French successes. On Den- 
 mark's part there was no lack of inclination to invade Schleswig- 
 Holstein and other Prussian territory as well, but there still ex- 
 isted so vivid a recollection of the experiences of 1864 that the 
 government could not venture to act until 40,000 French troops 
 appeared, and genuine Napoleonic deeds of arms were reported 
 from the theatre of war; but troops for the North and Baltic 
 seas could not well be spared where soldiers were so scarce, 
 and Napoleonic deeds of arms were wholly lacking. In Austria, 
 where an alliance with France had been in negotiation ever since 
 the meeting of the two emperors in Salzburg in 1867, the opinion 
 prevailed that the occasion for war had been badly chosen ; nev- 
 ertheless the war party, which had been strengthened by Beust's 
 intrigues inspired by his hatred of Bismarck, thought the oppor- 
 tunity of humiliating Prussia and rehabilitating the Hapsburgs in 
 their old position too precious to be lost ; and hence the prom- 
 ise was given that preparations should be at once begun, and on 
 their completion, in the month of September, war declared and an 
 invasion of Germany undertaken. A formal treaty of alliance 
 between France and Austria had already been drawn up in St. 
 
ATTITÜDE OF AUSTRIA AXD ITALY. 425 
 
 Cloud, and simply awaited ratification. But this plan was never 
 carried out^ for Austria could not mobilize so rapidly as Prussia, 
 and before everything was ready the tempter of St. Cloud was 
 safe behind bolts and bars. Ifaly was in the peculiar position of 
 being the ally of both France and Prussia. To the former she 
 owed the possession of Lombardy, while to the latter she was 
 indebted for Venetia ; consequently one would have supposed 
 that she was almost obliged to remain neutral. And yet it seems 
 that the king, with a considerable party of generals and states- 
 men, could have been won for Napoleon, if the latter had been 
 willing to abandon to them Rome as the price of their assistance. 
 Nothing less than this would have overcome the parliamentary 
 opposition to a French alliance. But Napoleon, in whose pro- 
 gramme the Pope and the Jesuits played so important a part, 
 would not consent. Accordingly, Italy remained neutral, and 
 waited for a favorable opportunity to help herself. So far as 
 results are concerned, the events of 1866 were repeated, Italy 
 reaping the benefit of Prussian victories. 
 
 Accordingly, France remained isolated. Alone she had begun 
 the war, and alone she must end it. The fine speeches of the 
 French diplomats, and the journey of Thiers later to London, St. 
 Petersburg, Vienna, and Florence, wrought no change in this re- 
 spect. Every state warmly advocated neutrality, however lax 
 some of them were in the fulfilment of their neutral obligations 
 — like England and the United States, which furnished the 
 French ships with coal, and in the second stage of the war sold 
 the French army the arms without which the governing powers 
 could not have prosecuted the war. The Spanish government, 
 forbidden by Gramont to insist upon its Ilohenzollcrn candidate, 
 dishonorably submitted to French dictation. Prince Leopold's 
 resignation was accepted as final ; and Prim, now minister-presi- 
 dent, began to look about him for a new candidate. Germany 
 also entered upon the war without an ally, and she had cause to 
 consider herself fortunate in having none. In 1814 and 1815, 
 although she had borne the brunt of the conflict, she had received 
 the jackal's share of the booty, while her wisest and most impor- 
 tant recommendations and requests had been treated as so much 
 waste paper. In 1870 Germany was strong enough alone to un- 
 dertake the fight with France; and if victorious she would also 
 be strong enouo-h to disregard the oflicious recommendations of 
 
426 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the tender-hearted brothers of charity-in-other-men's-affairs, in 
 London and elsewhere, and dictate a peace at her own pleasure, 
 without consulting other interests than her own. But it was 
 also fortunate for Germany that she had some one to cover her 
 rear, and make it possible for her almost completely to strip her 
 eastern provinces of troops and concentrate her whole force at 
 the seat of war. That which kept Austria's sword in its sheath, 
 and perhaps the swords of some other countries too, was Emperor 
 Alexander's announcement, at the beginning of the war, that he 
 would I'cmain neutral as long as the other powers did the same, 
 but that, in case a third power interfered on the side of France, 
 he would abandon his neutrality and act as Prussia's ally. By 
 means of this resolute attitude on the part of the Russian emper- 
 or the war was localized and prevented from becoming European. 
 In case Austria should be induced by any untoward turn of events 
 to march her troops into Germany, the Russians would invade 
 Austria, and employ the opportunity to take revenge for 1854. 
 At the end of the war (February 27th, 1871), in a telegram to 
 Emperor Alexander, King William expressed himself as follows : 
 " Prussia will never forget that it is owing to you that the war 
 did not assume the most extreme dimensions." 
 
 Like the Prussian king, the French emperor undertook in per- 
 son the chief command of all his troops. General Leboeuf, the 
 minister of war, was appointed chief of staff. July 23d Napoleon 
 intrusted the regency to the empress for the period of his absence 
 from Paris; and on the 24th she set out for Cherbourg, to inspect 
 the fleet commanded by Vice-admiral Count Bouet-Villaumez, be- 
 fore its departure for the North and Baltic seas, and dismiss it 
 with a proclamation. On the 28th Napoleon, accompanied by 
 his son, left for Metz, to assume command of the army. The 
 proclamation to the " Army of the Rhine," far from breathing 
 the old confidence of victory, held in view " a long and toilsome 
 war." The array consisted of eight corps. Of these, the 1st, 
 under Marshal MacMahon, was stationed at Strasburg; the 2d, 
 under General Frossard, at St. Avoid ; the 3d, under Marshal Ba- 
 zaine, at Metz ; the 4th, under General Ladmirault, at Diedenho- 
 fen (Tlilonville) ; the 5th, under General Failly, at Bitsch ; the 
 6th, under Marshal Canrobert, in the camp at Chalons; the 7th, 
 under General Felix Douay, at Belfort; the 8th — the Imperial 
 Guard — under General Bourbaki, at Nancy. Accordingly, the 
 
THE BATTLE OF SAARBRÜCKEN. 427 
 
 French forces were divided into two groups, the larger stationed 
 on the Moselle, and the smaller in Alsace. To the latter belonged 
 the 1st and 7th corps, both of which were placed under the com- 
 mand of Marshal MacMahon, with orders to prevent the crown 
 prince's army from entering Alsace. The larger group comprised 
 the 2d, 3d, and 4th corps, the 2d being pushed forward as ad- 
 vance guard. The 6th and 8th were to have formed the reserve ; 
 but the greatly superior numbers of Prince Frederic Charles and 
 Steinmetz, who were advancing against this larger group, necessi- 
 tated the immediate bringing of those corps to the front. The 
 connection between the two groups was to be maintained by the 
 5th corps, stationed at Bitsch. 
 
 Skirmishing of the advanced posts and collisions between re- 
 connoitring parties began on the 19th of July. The most impor- 
 tant of these minor engagements was that at Saarbrücken, on the 
 2d of August. One thousand Germans (one battalion of fusiliers 
 and three squadrons of uhlans), under Lieutenant-colonel von Pes- 
 tel, were stationed at that place. In order to inform himself of 
 the enemy's strength and send the impatient Parisians news of 
 victory, Napoleon ordered General Frossard's corps to advance, 
 thus bringing about the so-called battle of Saarbrücken, where 
 1000 Prussians were attacked by 30,000 Frenchmen. Napoleon, 
 with his son, was present at the action, wishing to convince him- 
 self of the superiority of the chassejyots, and the effectiveness of 
 the mitrailleuses. The French, occupying the heights of Spichern, 
 on the left side of the Saar valley, opened fire upon Saarbrücken 
 and its occupants from twenty-three guns, simultaneously advan- 
 cing against the unfortified town. After a resistance of three 
 hours the Prussians withdrew to the right bank of the river, and, 
 leaving a force to occupy the opposite town of St. Johann and 
 the railroad station at that place, bivouacked four or five miles 
 away toward the north-west. Toward evening General Frossard 
 entered Saarbrücken, but withdrew again to the heights without 
 attempting a pursuit. In this engagement, which was principally 
 an artillery action, the Prussians lost four officers and seventy- 
 nine men, and the Freiich six officers and eighty men. News of 
 the victory Avas at once despatched to Paris, the emperor's tele- 
 gram to Eugenie speaking of the young prince's " baptism of 
 fire," and extolling his coolness and presence of mind. The Press 
 teemed with fantastic compositions, imagining the army of the 
 
428 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Khine already before the gates of Mayence, and greeting this 
 glorious feat of arms as " the sign of a new epoch." 
 
 This triumph was brief. August 4th the crown prince crossed 
 the French frontier and attacked the town of Weissenburg, on the 
 little river Lauter. MacMahon's advance-guard, General Abel 
 Douay's division, consisting of eleven battalions and four bat- 
 teries, held the town and the strongly fortified Geisberg. Weis- 
 senburg was successfully carried by Prussian and Bavarian bat- 
 talions combined, and the Geisberg by sixteen battalions of Prus- 
 sians alone. General Douay fell in the fight. The French loss 
 was 1200 dead and wounded, and 1000 un wounded prisoners, of 
 whom thirty were officers. The remainder of the defeated forces 
 escaped to Worth. The German loss was ninety-one officers and 
 1460 men. August 5th MacMahon with his corps took up his 
 position at Worth, fortifying the heights westward from Sauer- 
 bach, together with the villages of Froschweiler and Elsasshausen, 
 in the intention of meeting at that place the advancing columns 
 of the crown prince, whose attack he expected on the 7th. To 
 strengthen his army sufficiently for the task required of it he en- 
 deavored to bring up General Felix Douay's corps from Belfort 
 and Mühlhausen, and that of General Failly from Bitsch ; but only 
 one division of the former arrived in time, and a division of the 
 latter which was sent to his support did not reach the neighbor- 
 hood of the battle-field until the evening of the 6th, in time to 
 afford a partial protection on the retreat. Consequently, Mac- 
 Mahon was left with not more than 45,000 men to face the crown 
 prince's whole army. It was the prince's intention to deliver a 
 decisive battle on the Vth, as he could not undertake a concentric 
 attack with all five corps before that time ; but on the morning 
 of the 6th the advance guard of the 5th corps became involved in 
 a sharp action with the enemy at Worth, while the 11th corps on 
 the left and a Bavarian corps on the right also came into collision 
 with the French on the two wings. There was, accordingly, no 
 choice left but to continue the battle and concentrate as many 
 troops as possible at the threatened points. In this way from a 
 mere skirmish of the advance guard resulted the decisive battle 
 of Worth. With the exception of the Badish division every 
 corps ultimately took part in the battle. After Worth itself had 
 been carried, the fighting was most severe around the fortified 
 village of Froschweiler. This was finally taken, and a desperate 
 
THE BATTLES OF WORTH AND SPICHERN. 429 
 
 charge of the French cuirassiers repulsed. Thereupon MacMa- 
 hou's army broke and fled in wild confusion, some toward the 
 passes of the Vosges, others to Strasburg or Bitsch. The fugi- 
 tives were energetically followed, the pursuit continuing through 
 the following day. The trophies of victory were numerous and 
 valuable : 200 officers and 9000 men prisoners, one eagle, four 
 Turco banners, twenty -eight cannon, five mitrailleuses, twenty- 
 three wagons full of arms, 125 other wagons, 1193 horses, and 
 the array-chest with 222,000 francs in gold. The French lost 
 6000 dead and wounded ; the German loss was 489 ofiicers and 
 10,153 men — a loss greater than that of Sadowa. On the battle- 
 field, where the victorious army bivouacked, went up that night 
 from thousands of voices and hundreds of instruments the hymn 
 "jY«/i danket alle Gott.'''' MacMahon, with about 15,000 of his 
 defeated troops, reached Zabern on the morning of the 7th, and 
 set out thence for Chalons, whither Generals Douay and Failly 
 were also directed to lead their forces. A new army was to be 
 formed at that point, and northern Alsace was abandoned to the 
 crown prince's victorious troops. The Badish division received 
 orders to march against Strasburg, and by the 9th the whole 
 corps was assembled before that city, Hagenau having been taken 
 by the cavalry on the way. General Uhrich, of Pfalzburg, the 
 commandant, was summoned to surrender, and on his refusal 
 preparations for a siege were made, a regular siege corps being 
 formed from the Badish division, a Prussian reserve division, and 
 the gardelandwehr division, and placed under the command of 
 General Werder. With the remainder of the third army the 
 crown prince left Woi-th on the 8th of August, marched through 
 the unguarded passes of the Vosges, and entered Nancy on the 
 16th. On the way the AViirtemberg troops took the small for- 
 tresses of Lichtenburg and Lützelstein, and the Bavarians Marsal, 
 while detachments were left behind to blockade Bitsch and Pfalz- 
 burg. At Nancy the prince rested for a few days and waited for 
 decisive news from the Saar and Moselle. 
 
 A second victory was won on the 6th of August at Spichern. 
 Like the battle of Worth, this action was not the result of a 
 strategical combination, but rather of a misunderstanding. Ac- 
 cording to Moltke's plan Frossard's corps, which was stationed on 
 the heights of Spichern, was to be forced to beat a retreat by a 
 simultaneous movement of the first and second armies threatening 
 
430 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the French position in the rear at Forbach and Saargemiind. In 
 case the French made a stand, they were to be overwhehned by 
 weight of numbers. On the morning of August 6th, when Generals 
 Kameke and Rheinbaben with troops from the first and second 
 armies arrived in the neighborhood of Saarbrücken, they were led 
 by the reports of their reconnoitring parties to suppose that Fros- 
 sard was already in full retreat. Wishing to inflict upon the retir- 
 ing foe as much damage as possible, they at once attacked, driv- 
 ing the French outposts back to the steep and woody heights of 
 Spichern, where they for the first time ascertained that Frossard's 
 whole corps was before them. Holding it irreconcilable with 
 their honor to yield ground which had once been won and re- 
 treat across the Saar, they continued the uneven combat, a single 
 division maintaining the battle for four hours against three divis- 
 ions of the foe, with numerous artillery and an extraordinarily fa- 
 vorable situation. After three o'clock other divisions of both the 
 German armies began little by little to reach the field of battle, 
 attracted by the thunder of the cannonading, so that finally 27,000 
 Germans were matched against 40,000 French. Some battalions 
 at length succeeded in gaining a footing on the heights and plant- 
 ing twelve guns there. The resolution and endurance of the Ger- 
 man soldiers was almost unexampled. The Brandenburger gren- 
 adier regiment alone lost thirty-five officers and 771 men. After 
 the heights had been won Gliimcr's division advanced against the 
 French left wing, defeated it, and threatened the enemy's line of 
 retreat. Thereupon the French retired, the movement liere and 
 there degenerating into actual flight. As the Forbach road was 
 already occupied by the enemy, Frossard fell back on Metz by 
 way of Saargemiind. Bazaine, who, although not more tlian 
 seven or eight miles from the field of battle, had made no at- 
 tempt to come to Frossard's assistance, led his corps to the same 
 place. In this battle, owing to the unfavorable nature of the 
 ground, the losses of the conquerors were heavier than thosa of 
 the conquered. The Germans had 223 officers and 4648 men 
 dead, wounded, and missing; while the French, according to their 
 own reports, lost 249 oflScers and 3829 men, 2000 of wliom were 
 taken prisoners, August 7th the victors continued their forward 
 march, capturing great stores of provisions in Forbach, On the 
 9th St. Avoid was taken, and foraging parties advanced almost to 
 Metz, Marching through the Rhenish Palatinate, part of Prince 
 
OVERTHROW OF THE GRAMONT MINISTRY. 431 
 
 Frederic Charles's army directed its course toward Metz by way 
 of Saarbrücken, and part through Saargemünd. On receipt of 
 the news of the victory the king left Mayence, arriving at Saar- 
 brücken on the 9th and St. Avoid on the 11th. Here he issued 
 a proclamation to the French people to the effect that he was 
 waging war against soldiers and not citizens, and that the latter 
 should not be molested in person or property so long as they 
 were guilty of no hostilities toward the German troops. 
 
 In the imperial licad-quarters at Metz the greatest consterna- 
 tion prevailed. In the first moment of alarm it was decided that 
 the whole army should fall back on Chalons, leaving a garrison 
 of only 20,000 men in Metz, and that the emperor should return 
 to Paris. Other counsels, however, soon prevailed, and it was de- 
 cided to concentrate five army corps on the right bank of the 
 Moselle, at Metz, and to form a second army, consisting of four 
 corps, under MacMahon's command, in the camp at Chalons. The 
 first line of defence on the Rhine and Saar had been abandoned, 
 and France was to be defended on the Moselle. I>y this decision 
 Alsace and Lorraine were surrendered to the foe at the very out- 
 set. Everything now centred on the banks of the Moselle. Paris, 
 in the very midst of its wild intoxication of imagined victory, was 
 terribly undeceived by the news of August 6th. The opposition 
 in the lower house spoke openly of the incapacity of the emperor, 
 the necessity of his surrender of the chief command, and even of 
 his abdication. In the excitement of the moment some one ad- 
 ministered to Gramont a box on the ear, and Ollivier narrowly 
 escaped a like indignity. A vote of censure against the ministry 
 for their deficient preparations was moved and carried, whereupon 
 the Gramont-OUivier ministry resigned, and on the 10th a purely 
 Bonapartist cabinet was formed, with Count I'alikao (General 
 Montauban) as president. Under such conditions the retention 
 of the chief command, with its consequent responsibility before 
 all the world for the defeats of his marshals and generals, had 
 no farther attractions for the emperor. August 9th he re- 
 signed his position as commander-in-chief, and appointed 
 Marshal Pazaine as his successor, while Lcba-nf at the same time 
 withdrew from the direction of the staff. The whole energy of 
 the government was now directed toward the strengthening of 
 France's insufficient military organization. New levies were called 
 into the field, comprising all unmarried men between the ages of 
 
432 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 twenty-five and thirty not already enrolled in the garde mobile; 
 the project of sending troops to the Baltic was definitely aban- 
 doned, and even the soldiers stationed in the States of the Church 
 for the protection of the Pope were recalled, leaving Pius to his 
 fate and the discretion of the Italian government. The provis- 
 ioning of Paris was pushed forward with all speed, and the Ger- 
 mans resident in France, whose departure had been prevented at 
 the outbreak of the war, were now expelled with circumstances of 
 indefensible brutality. The maritime operations, not being sup- 
 ported by landing troops, were attended with small success. The 
 entrances to the German harbors were well guarded by batteries 
 and torpedoes, so that the French fleet could accomplish nothing 
 farther than a couple of months' blockade and the capture of a 
 few merchantmen. One division of the fleet, under Vice-admiral 
 Bouet-Villaumez, had sailed for the Baltic in July ; a second, un- 
 der Vice-admiral Fourichon, was despatched to the North Sea in 
 August ; and a third followed the second in October. With the 
 exception of a couple of insignificant actions at Iliddensee and 
 Danzig, on the iVth and 21st of August, nothing worth mention 
 in the way of naval operations occurred, and the fleets returned 
 home. 
 
 In the German head -quarters, which had been at St. Avoid 
 since the 11th of August, it was resolved in some way to make 
 Bazaine's army harmless, either by shutting him up in Metz or 
 by pushing him northward to the Belgian frontier. With this 
 end in view, the first army, under General Steinmetz, was to take 
 up a position on the right bank of the Moselle, and hold the French 
 troops there as long as possible, preventing them from attacking 
 the Germans in their passage of the river above Metz. In the mean 
 time by forced marches the second army, under Prince Frederic 
 Charles, was to cross the river at Noveant and Pont-a-Mousson, 
 where the bridges had not been destroyed, anticipate any attempt 
 on the part of the French to retreat by occupying the road to 
 Verdun, and hold them in check before Metz until all the corps of 
 the first and second armies were on the left bank of the Moselle, 
 in position to undertake a decisive battle. The task was a diflicult 
 one, and it was questionable whether all the parts of the various 
 corps could accomplish the long march from St. Avoid to the 
 Verdun road in time to effect the desired result. All depended 
 upon what course Bazaine might conclude to pursue, and the en- 
 
/ 
 
 PLANS AGAINST BAZAINE. 433 
 
 ergy with which he executed his plans. It was his purpose to 
 leave Metz with the field army and join MacMahon at Chalons. 
 There would then be 300,000 French at that place to block the 
 German march to Paris. In that event the Germans would have 
 to leave 60,000 men before Metz — which was adequately provis- 
 ioned for a small garrison — and Diedenhofen, and would not have 
 enough left to venture an attack on the united and well-intrenclied 
 armies at Chalons. Accordingly, the union of those two armies 
 must be prevented at any price, and Bazaine be attacked before 
 Metz. The execution of this plan led to the severe fighting near 
 that city — the battle of Colombey-Nouilly (Borny), on the 14th, 
 Vionville on the 16th, and Gravelotte on the 18th. On the 14th, 
 before the fighting began, Napoleon, with his son, left Metz for 
 Chalons by way of Verdun. 
 
 Bazaine made the great mistake of not carrying out with suffi- 
 cient energy the retreat to Verdun and Chalons, which had already 
 been determined upon on the 12th. On the morning of the 14th 
 the order to march was given. As soon as the advance guard of 
 the 'Tth Prussian corps perceived this retrograde motion on the 
 part of the enemy, supported by the 1st army corps, which had 
 arrived in the very nick of time, it assumed the offensive with the 
 object of delaying the purposed retreat. The attack was directed 
 against part of the 4th French corps (Ladmirault) and the 3d 
 corps, commanded by Decaen — who had taken Bazaine's place — 
 which were still on the left bank, the rest of the army having 
 already crossed the river. The battle lasted from half-past three 
 in the afternoon until nine o'clock in the evening, ending in the 
 retreat of the enemy to the fortifications of Metz. The positions 
 which he still lield at the end of the day he evacuated during the 
 night, withdrawing altogether behind the protecting outer forts. 
 The result of this improvised battle was such a delay on the part 
 of the French that two days later the Germans were able effectu- 
 ally to bar all farther attempts at retreat. The loss on the Ger- 
 man side in the battle of Colombey-Nouilly (Borny) was about 
 5000, including 222 officers, while the French lost 3408 men and 
 200 ofiicers. 
 
 Bazaine did not yet perceive the necessity of hastening his 
 retreat. On the morning of the 16th all his troops were on the 
 left bank of the Moselle, on the road to Verdun, but the lack of 
 suj)plies prevented any considerable a-^lvance. The roads were 
 
 19 
 
434 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 completely blocked up by the baggage-train, and that part of the 
 army which was following the southern road from Gravelotte to 
 Verdun lay encamped on the plateau of Rezonville and Vionville. 
 In this position it was attacked at ten o'clock in the morning of 
 the 16th by the 3d Prussian army corps — the Brandenburgers — 
 under General von Alvensleben IL, at Vionville, For six whole 
 hours this corps, assisted by two cavalry divisions and an infantry 
 brigade from the 10th, sustained the struggle against three French 
 corps, taking the villages of Vionville and Flavigny, and driving 
 Frossard back. Somewhat after two o'clock, as Canrobert ad- 
 vanced against the German centre, while Lebceuf — commanding 
 the 3d corps in the place of Decaen, who had been badly wound- 
 ed on the 14th — attempted to turn the left wing of the Branden- 
 burgers and take them in the rear, Alvensleben, merely to gain 
 time until re -enforcements should arrive, despatched Bredow's 
 cavalry brigade against Canrobert's batteries and infantry. The 
 cuirassiers and uhlans broke through the hostile ranks, shattering 
 them so completely that Canrobert's advance was abandoned, the 
 French being convinced, furthermore, that such a charge would 
 not have been undertaken unless the assaulting party had a large 
 force behind it. The cavalry who had participated in this daring 
 ride into death, 900 in number, were so terribly cut up that of 
 six squadrons only two returned. Soon after this charge, at half- 
 past three o'clock, Prince Frederic Charles arrived upon the field 
 and assumed the command. At four o'clock the Hanoverians 
 began to come up on the left wing. The two corps of Leboeuf 
 and Ladmirault made a new effort to outflank the Germans, and 
 a warm action on the heights of Bruville ensued. Again a caval- 
 ry cliarge was resorted to. This time it was the Guard dragoons, 
 under Count Brandenburg, who were intrusted with the task. 
 They broke their way through the ranks of the opposing infan- 
 try, but themselves lost almost all their officers and a large part 
 of their men. Then followed a brilliant cavalry engagement be- 
 tween twelve French and six German regiments, in which the 
 former were defeated, relieving the left wing from all farther 
 attack. Bazaine next attempted to turn the right wing ; but re- 
 enforcements arrived from the 8th and 9th corps, and the enemy 
 was repulsed. Late on the same evening the Germans in their 
 turn made an attack with infantry and artillery on the French 
 centre ; but Bazaine had planted fifty-four guns there, and no 
 
 I 
 
BATTLE OF GRAVELOTTE. 435 
 
 impression could be made. Between nine and ten o'clock, after 
 twelve hours of hard fighting, darkness put an end to the battle. 
 AVhen the French at length realized the German plan they fought 
 with desperate valor in the attempt to break through, but the 
 Brandenburgers and Hanoverians on their part maintained their 
 position with unwavering fortitude and daring courage. The 
 loss on the side of the Germans was 711 officers and 15,079 men, 
 while the French reckoned their losses at 879 officers and 16,128 
 men. The number of Germans who took part in this battle — on 
 the whole the most brilliant of the war — was 60,000, to whom 
 was opposed double that number of French. 
 
 Even now, when the danger of being shut up in Metz was so 
 imminent, Bazaine made no attempt to brealv through at all haz- 
 ards, but instead, fearing that his communications with the for- 
 tress might be broken, drew back his troops toward Metz, and 
 awaited the attack of the enemy in a position rendered strong 
 both by nature and by art. On the right Aving, at St. Privat, 
 stood Canrobert; on the left, at St. Hubert and Rozericulles, 
 Frossard ; in the centre, to the right, at Amanvillers, Ladmirault ; 
 to the left, at Leipzig and Moscou, Leboeuf ; while the Guard 
 corps was stationed behind the centre as a reserve. Before these 
 positions on the morning of the 18th stood seven German army 
 corps, and by evening they were joined by an eighth, the Pomera- 
 nian. Only the 1st corps was left behind on the right bank of 
 the Moselle. According to orders from head-quarters the Guards 
 and the Saxons were to operate against St. Privat, the 8th and 
 7th corps against Rozericulles, and the 9th, in the centre, against 
 Amanvillers, while the 3d and 10th, which had been roughly 
 handled at Vionville, formed the i-eserve. The enemy was to be 
 driven out of all his positions, forced from the open field back 
 to the guns of Metz and into the fortress itself, and shut up 
 there. This was Moltke's plan for the battle of Gravelottc, the 
 first battle in the war in which a pre-arranged plan was actually 
 carried out. King William assumed the chief command in per- 
 son. At twelve o'clock the battle began. The 9th corps, ad- 
 vancing against Ladmirault's position at Amanvillers, was at- 
 tacked on the right and left by Leboeuf and Canrobert, but suc- 
 ceeded toward evening in taking the foremost heights, and, after 
 the capture of St. -Privat had laid bare his right wing, forced Lad- 
 mirault to abandon his position and retire to the fortress. On 
 
436 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the left wing the Saxons took the village of St. Marie-aux-chfenes, 
 and attempted to turn Canrobcrt's position, for the purpose of 
 falling upon his left flank simultaneously with the attack of the 
 Guards in front. As this manoeuvre consumed more time than 
 had been expected, the commander of the Guards, Prince Augus- 
 tus of Wüi'temberg, undertook an attack in front without wait- 
 ing for the completion of the flank movement ; «but his men were 
 exposed to such a deadly fire in crossing the open ground before 
 the French position, that it became evident that the assault was 
 premature, and after suffering terrible losses it was abandoned. 
 Between six and seven the Saxons reached the desired position, 
 and the Guards again advanced to the charge. Attacked on two 
 sides, the village was taken at seven o'clock, and Canrobcrt's 
 forces driven back into the city. On the right wing everything 
 did not work so smoothly as could have been desired. After 
 three unsuccessful attempts the little hamlet of St. Hubert was 
 finally taken, but Rozerieulles still remained in the hands of the 
 French ; and at seven o'clock the latter, assuming the offensive, 
 even descended into the ravine and attempted to scale the 
 heights of Gravclotte. They were at length beaten back by the 
 artillery ; and the Pomeranian corps, which had just arrived on 
 the field, followed up the advantage, carrying all the enemy's 
 outlying intrenchments. As darkness fell, Frossard was in pos- 
 session of his main positions only, and during the night these 
 also were evacuated. 
 
 It was a brilliant victory, and followed by important results, 
 Bazaine's army was shut up in the fortress and among the outly- 
 ing forts, and rendered unavailable for farther service in the field. 
 The losses of the French amounted to about 13,000 men, includ- 
 ing 600 officers; the German loss was 899 officers and 19,260 
 men, of whom 328 officers and 4909 men were killed outright. 
 The number of combatants on the side of the French was about 
 140,000, on the side of the Germans 178,818, the former having 
 550, and the latter 822 cannon. It must be remembered, how- 
 ever, that the French occupied a position very much of the nat- 
 ure of a fortress, which had to be carried by storm, and for the 
 most part without any protection for the storming parties. 
 
 This victory was scarcely won when new plans were developed 
 by the strategists at German head-quarters. For the blockade of 
 Metz a siege army was foimed, under the command of Prince 
 
MACMAHON ORDERED TO RELIEVE METZ. 437 
 
 Frederic Charles, consisting of seven corps, two cavalry divisions, 
 Kuninier's reserve division, and one reserve cavalry brigade. Gen- 
 eral Steinmetz was relieved of his command, for reasons which arc 
 not yet clearly ascertained (various as accounts may be in other 
 respects, they yet all agree in assigning essential insubordination 
 toward Prince Frederic Charles as one cause of his removal), and 
 appointed governor of Posen. The Guard corps, the Saxon troops, 
 the .4th corps, and the 1st and 2d Bavarian corps were formed 
 into a new army, the fourth or Maas army, the command of which 
 was intrusted to Albert, Crown Prince of Saxony. This army and 
 that of the Crown Prince of Prussia were to carry out the farther 
 field operations, under the chief command of King William. In 
 the mean time the Prussian crown prince had been joined by the 
 6th army corps, which had been left behind in Silesia at the be- 
 ginning of the war, so that the two armies together consisted of 
 eight and a half army corps and four cavalry divisions. The 
 immediate objective of their operations was MacMahon's army 
 at Chalons. This had been raised to about 150,000 men, and 
 consisted of the 1st, 5th, 7th, and 12th corps — it is character- 
 istic of the French organization at that time that the 9th, 10th, 
 and 11th did not exist — commanded by Generals Dacrot, Failly, 
 Douay, and Lebrun. Before any certain information had been 
 received regarding the events before Metz it had been resolved 
 in a council of war that the emperor should at once return to 
 Paris and resume the government, and that MacMahon should 
 follow witlx the army. The empress and Count Palikao were 
 strongly opposed to the execution of this plan, and sent word 
 to Chalons that the emperor's return would be the signal for 
 a revolution in Paris. According to them the army was more 
 necessary for the support of Bazaine than for the protection 
 of the capital, which was rendered impregnable by its forts. 
 Although MacMahon did not share this view, yet, constantly 
 urged by Palikao to go to the relief of Metz, he set out on 
 the 21st of August from Chalons for Rheims, accompanied by 
 the emperor, who in this whole crisis displayed lamentable ir- 
 resolution, weakness, and general inefficienc3^ From Rheims he 
 marched on the 24th to Rethel, with the intention of crossing the 
 Maas at Stenay and there forming a junction with Bazaine, in 
 case the latter should succeed in breaking out. If the attempt to 
 break out failed, then MacMahon was to march up the right bank 
 
438 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 of the Maas toward Metz, and endeavor to release him from the 
 iron chain in which he was bound. This phin, for which Palilcao 
 was responsible, was exceedingly hazardous, as it gave the two 
 German field armies an opportunity to cut off his communications 
 and drive him across the Belgian frontier, or force him to engage 
 in battle against superior numbers. For its execution, in which 
 respect it resembled Bazaine's plan of retreat from Metz, the im- 
 portant question was whether he could reach the Maas in time or 
 not. He did not reach it, ascertaining on the SVth that Stenay 
 was already occupied by the Germans. 
 
 August 24th, as soon as MacMahon's departure from Chalons 
 and the direction of his march became known in German head- 
 quarters, the third and fourth armies set out with all speed for 
 the north, the latter from Verdun and the former from Vitry, far- 
 ther to the south, in order to prevent his junction with Bazaine. 
 The plan was to force MacMahon's army up toward the Bel- 
 gian frontier, surround it on three sides, and leave him no other 
 choice than either to lead his whole army into Belgium and be 
 disarmed, or, in case he deemed that incompatible with his mili- 
 tary honor, to venture a battle against superior numbers, and after 
 an honorable struggle surrender with all his forces. The Ger- 
 mans hastened forward by forced marches, the fourth army on 
 the right, the third on the left. The former gained Stenay be- 
 fore the French, rendering the passage of the Maas at that point 
 impracticable. On the 27th and 29th there was fighting at 
 Buganzy, Nouart, and Voncq, and on the 30th Failly's corps was 
 surprised at Beaumont. In the mean time the Bavarians in the 
 third army had driven in Douay's corps, so that MacMahon saw 
 no better chance of escape than to throw himself with his army 
 into the neighboring fortress of Sedan. Here he occupied the 
 hills which shut in the fortress on three sides, stationing Lebrun's 
 corps on the right wing, at Bazeilles ; Douay on the left, at Illy 
 and Floing; Ducrot in the centre, at Moncelle and Daigny ; and 
 Wimpffen in the Garenne forest, as reserve. The last-named gen- 
 eral had been appointed in place of General Failly, who had just 
 been removed on account of his conduct on the 6th of August. 
 
 August 31st the Germans advanced against Sedan in order to 
 encircle it with the iron ring of their unyielding troops. The at- 
 tack on the east side, at Bazeilles and Balan, was committed to 
 the 1st Bavarian corps, supported in the rear by the 4th Prussian, 
 
BATTLE OF SEDAN. 439 
 
 and on the left by the 2d Bavarian. The oth and 11th corps 
 were to carry the positions on the west and north-west, while the 
 Saxons and the Guards were to advance in the centre. The Wür- 
 temberg division was detailed to watch the fortress of Mezieres 
 and render any assistance from that side impossible. The 6th 
 corps was stationed farther west, at Attigny, in order to block 
 MacMahon's way in case he escaped westward. The battle be- 
 gan between four and five o'clock in the morning of September 
 1st, at the village of Bazeilles. After the severest fighting — the 
 Marines, probably the best soldiers in the French army, were sta- 
 tioned at this point — for several hours, in which the villagers 
 themselves took part, the Bavarians, supported by the 4th corps, 
 finally took the place by storm. At three o'clock in the after- 
 noon Balan was also taken, and toward evening the Bavarians 
 stood before the gates of Sedan. On their right the Saxons and 
 the Guards had taken the villages in the valley and stormed the 
 heights on the other side, while to the north-west the victors of 
 Weissenburg and Worth had captured heights and villages, and 
 repulsed numerous charges of the French cavalry. From all 
 sides the defeated troops flocked into the narrow space between 
 Sedan and the forest of Garenne. The German artillery, com- 
 manding the whole circle, was in a favorable position to hurl 
 death and destruction into this despairing mob and compel an 
 unconditional surrender. Sometime after four o'clock in the 
 afternoon bombshells fell into the town and set some houses on 
 fire, and each moment the situation of the French troops became 
 more untenable. 
 
 At length the emperor, seeing that farther resistance was hope- 
 less, planted a flag of truce on the walls of the fortress and sent 
 General Reille to King William to offer him his sword. The 
 king accepted it, on condition that the French army should lay 
 down its arms. That evening, in Donchery, Bismarck and Moltke 
 met General Wimpffen — who, since seven o'clock in the morning, 
 when MacMahon was wounded by the explosion of a shell, had 
 held the chief command — to negotiate regarding the capitulation. 
 On the following morning Napoleon had a meeting with Bismarck 
 at the same place, in the hope of securing better conditions. The 
 capitulation was finally concluded in the course of the morning 
 of the 2d. At one o'clock in the afternoon of the same day took 
 place the meeting between Napoleon and King William, and on 
 
440 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the following day Napoleon set out as prisoner of war for the 
 palace of Wilhehnshöhc, near Casscl. The trophies of the victory 
 consisted of one eagle, two colors, 419 field guns and mitrailleuses, 
 139 pieces of fortification ordnance, 1072 wheeled vehicles of all 
 sorts, 66,000 stand of arms, 6000 serviceable horses, 83,000 pris- 
 oners from the capitulation (including Marshal MacMahon, forty 
 generals, 230 staff oflicers, and 2595 officers of the line), 21,000 
 unwounded prisoners taken in the battle, and — as the telegraph 
 reported — one emperor. Fourteen thousand French had been 
 wounded in the battle, 3000 killed, and 3000 had escaped to 
 Belgium and been disarmed. Accordingly, the whole strength 
 of MacMahon's army, which had thus been utterly annihilated, 
 was 124,000 men. The prisoners were transported to Germany, 
 and placed under military guard at various places. The officers 
 were allowed to return to France on giving a written promise not 
 to serve against Germany during the remainder of the war. Five 
 hundred officers signed such a pledge ; but all did not keep their 
 word, some, like Generals Ducrot and Gambriels, escaping on the 
 way. The German loss in dead and wounded was 460 officers 
 and 8500 men. 
 
 The rejoicing of the German army was unbounded. Nothing 
 seemed any longer impossible. In every corner of Germany 
 there was a mighty outburst of enthusiasm when the telegraph 
 brought the news, " Emperor and army taken," and the con- 
 fidence in the ability of the German leaders was unlimited. For- 
 eign countries were filled Avith astonishment, and those which 
 had had some thought of taking part in the war now became as 
 peaceful as though they themselves had met with a Sedan. Sep- 
 tember 2d King William made the round of his troops, and the 
 unanimous cry of the soldiers was, " To Paris !" An hour after 
 the conclusion of the capitulation, on the self-same day, the order 
 to march was given. On the 3d the troops set forward ; and on 
 the 19th six and a half army corps and three divisions of cav- 
 alry, numbering in all 122,661 infantry and 24,325 cavalry, with 
 622 guns, stood before the French capital. This army was not 
 large enough to blockade such an enormous city, and at the same 
 time repulse any relief armies which might be formed, and ac- 
 cordingly in the next few weeks the two corps which Jiad been 
 left behind at Sedan — the iVth infantry division, nnder the Grand- 
 duke of Mecklenburg, and a gardelandwehr division — were also 
 
FALL OF THE EMPIRE. 441 
 
 brought up ; so that on the 21st of October the total strength of 
 the blockading army was nine and a half corps and four divisions 
 of cavalry, numbering in all 202,030 infantry and 33,794 cavalry, 
 with 898 guns. The third army, under the Crown Prince of 
 Prussia, guarded the southern half-circle ; and the fourth army, 
 under the Crown Prince of Saxony, the northern, the lines of 
 each extending from the Marne to the Seine. Only one mishap 
 occurred on the road to Paris. On the 9th of September, after 
 the capitulation had been signed, the citadel of Laon was blown 
 into the air by a French non-commissioned officer, with the result 
 that 100 Germans and 400 French were killed or wounded. 
 
 On their arrival before Paris the German armies found the 
 imperial government already overthrown, to the inevitable pro- 
 traction of the war. Palikao's ministry had kept the chambers 
 and the people in complete ignorance in regard to the fighting 
 before Metz and its results, for weeks maintaining themselves on 
 lies; and it was not until the 3d of September, when all the for- 
 eign papers were full of Sedan, that they found themselves com- 
 pelled, both in the chambers and in a proclamation to the people, 
 to acknowledge that Bazaine had been defeated and shut up in 
 Metz, MacMahon's army had capitulated at Sedan, and the emper- 
 or was a prisoner. Jules Favre, in the lower house, at once moved 
 the deposition of Napoleon and his dynasty, and the establish- 
 ment of a provisional government. The ministry, on the other 
 hand, asked for the formation of a committee of government and 
 defence, consisting of five members, and the appointment of Pali- 
 kao as governor -general. These measures were to come to a 
 discussion in the sitting of September 4th, at five p.m. ; but, as 
 on the 24th of February, 1848, at the time appointed the hall 
 was full of working-men and soldiers demanding the deposition 
 of the emperor and the proclamation of a republic. Ill at ease 
 in such a company as this, the ministers and the members of the 
 Right hurried off. Gambetta proclaimed the Napoleon family 
 dethroned in perpetuity. Then arose a general cry, " To the City 
 Hall !" and, escorted by thousands, the members of the Left made 
 their way thither. Th'e empress had fled from the Tuileries at 
 one o'clock on the same day. She reached in safety the little 
 coast town of Deanville, and on the 9th of September was landed 
 on the English coast. There she met her son, who had parted 
 from his father on the way from Chalons to Sedan and journeyed 
 
 19* 
 
442 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 to England by way of Belgium. Both of them took up their 
 residence at Chislehurst, in the neighborhood of London, where 
 they were joined by Napoleon on the 20th of March, 1871, after 
 the close of the war ; and there the ex-emperor died, on the 9th 
 of January, 1873. 
 
 The provisional government in the City Hall assumed the ofB- 
 cial title of " The Government of National Defence." It had been 
 set up by the radical delegates representing the city of Paris, and 
 its members were chosen wholly from their number. The names 
 of the eleven members of this government were: Favre, Gambetta, 
 Simon, Picard, Pelletan, Cremieux, Ferry, Glais-Bizoin, Emanuel 
 Arago, Garnier-Pages, and Rochefort. To his honor Thiers, who 
 had been offered a seat in this body, declined. General Trochu 
 was named president, and at the same time governor-general of 
 the capital. Favre was vice-president and minister of foreign 
 affairs, and Gambetta was minister of the interior. It could not 
 be regarded as a legal government, with which negotiations might 
 be opened and treaties concluded, inasmuch as it had been chosen 
 by the Parisians only, and hence represented the capital, and not 
 the French people at large. Elections for a constitutional assem- 
 bly, which could have given this government its sanction or a 
 successor, were ordered for October; but the government was not 
 in earnest in its endeavors to bring together such a body, nor 
 were the times propitious. " The Government of National De- 
 fence " was merely de facto, exercising a sort of dictatorship. 
 Proclamations and decrees were issued ad libitum. The republic 
 was formally proclaimed, the lower house dissolved, and the sen- 
 ate abolished. The Germans still remaining in Paris were com- 
 pelled to leave under penalty of martial law. Measures were 
 taken for fortifying and provisioning the city and calling new 
 forces into the field. In consequence of the enormous influx of 
 fugitives, the population rose to about 2,400,000, Outside of 
 the city walls were fifteen forts, as well as defences of other de- 
 scriptions, which were in part provided with heavy marine ord- 
 nance. The line of defence had a circuit of about thirty miles, 
 and the army defending that line numbered more than 400,000 
 men. The two corps of Generals Vinoy and Renault, numbering 
 about 60,000, together with 18,000 marines, formed the core of 
 the Parisian army. The remainder consisted of 100,000 soldiers 
 of the ffarde mobile from the neighboring departments and 30,000 
 
GAMBETTA AND THE GOVERNMENT IN TOURS. 443 
 
 from Paris, with 200,000 or more national guards from the capi- 
 tal, all of whom were of very doubtful value. In comparison with 
 King William's thoroughly discipliued troops, they were nothing 
 more than a street mob. But everything connected with the de- 
 fence was on such a colossal scale that a siege of the most ardu- 
 ous and tedious description was to be expected. Notwithstanding 
 the enormous number of inhabitants, there was a sufficient supply 
 of provisions for more than four months, and not for six or eight 
 ■weeks only, as had been at first supposed at German head-quarters. 
 To take so well-fortified a city by storm would have been a 
 most arduous enterprise even for a far more numerous army than 
 that of the Germans. The opening of an energetic bombardment 
 required a park of about 300 siege-guns, with the necessary am- 
 munition ; and as the railroads, which had considerable difficulties 
 of one sort and another to contend with, were fully occupied with 
 the transport of additional forces and provisions, this could not 
 be set in place before the end of the year. Consequently there 
 was no other course than to surround the city, completely cutting 
 off all communication with the outside world, and reducing it to 
 a state of isolation. Paris must be cast on its own resources for 
 defence and provisions. It soon became evident that there would 
 be two modes of opposition to be encountered in the execution 
 of this plan : first, sallies of the Parisians for the purpose of driv- 
 ing back the besiegers, breaking through their lines, and operating 
 in their rear ; and secondly, the formation of provincial armies, 
 which were to advance to the relief of the city, and, in concert 
 with the Parisian garrison, compel the Germans to raise the siege. 
 The latter mode of opposition was essentially the work of Gam- 
 betta, who on the Gth of October left Paris in a balloon for Tours, 
 where he set up an outside government, assumed the direction of 
 the war department in addition to that of the interior, and at last 
 exercised a provisional dictatorship. He made every effort to 
 arouse the national hatred against the Germans and array under 
 the French banner for the defence of their country all who were 
 capable of bearing arms. Under his direction large forces were 
 collected on the Loire and to the north and west of Paris, and 
 finally the communications of the besiegers with Germany were 
 threatened. To him, therefore, was due the prolongation of the 
 war ; and on him also rests the responsibility for the more bloody 
 character which it now assumed, and the severer nature of the 
 
444 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 wounds inllicted on his country. Nothing more than this could 
 be achieved, for his generals were no match for Moltke's strategy, 
 and their soldiers were scarcely better disciplined than the garde 
 mobile in Paris. 
 
 By the 5th of October King William's head-quarters Avere in 
 Versailles, but before that time some important diplomatic docu- 
 ments had been already written, and some oral negotiations had 
 taken place. In a circular note of September 6th Favre claimed 
 that since the overthrow of the empire the King of Prussia had 
 no reason for the continuation of hostilities, inasmuch as the pres- 
 ent government had not been in favor of the war. At the same 
 time he announced that if war were forced upon them he and his 
 colleagues would not prove remiss in its prosecution ; they would 
 throw the whole responsibility for its continuance upon the King 
 of Prussia ; but, whatever might be the result, not a single foot of 
 land nor so much as a solitary stone of a French fortress should 
 be surrendered to the Germans. To this document Bismarck re- 
 plied, in his circular note of September 13th, that since senate, 
 popular representatives, and Press had almost unanimously pro- 
 nounced in favor of the war, it could not be claimed that the 
 country had not wished it, and that only the imperial government 
 was responsible. Furthermore, Germany must expect a war of 
 revenge on the part of France, even if she exacted no cession of 
 territory and levied no money indemnity, contenting herself mere- 
 ly with the glory she had won ; this being the case, she must 
 consider her own security, and, by strengthening her boundaries 
 on the side toward France, seek to render more difficult the next 
 French attack on Germany, and especially on the hitherto unpro- 
 tected south German frontier. As the neutral powers, with the 
 exception of Russia, took part with France, and seemed inclined 
 to interfere in any negotiations for peace which might be opened 
 between the two belligerents in order to shield France from all 
 oppressive conditions, and as Thiers was at that very time mak- 
 ing his European tour for the accomplishment of that result, 
 Bismarck issued a second circular note on the 16th of September, 
 in which he recommended the powers not to prolong the war by 
 cherishing among the French people any hope of intervention, 
 since Germany had conducted the war alone and would alone settle 
 the terms of peace regardless of any attempted intervention, from 
 whatsoever source. It was the fixed determination of the German 
 
VAIN NEGOTIATIONS FOR A TRUCE. 445 
 
 governments and German people, he said, to protect Germany 
 against French attacks by better boundaries, and the fortresses of 
 Metz and Strasburg, which in French hands had been gates of in- 
 vasion constantly open toward Germany, must come into the pos- 
 session of the latter, a transfer through which they would acquire 
 a purely defensive character. 
 
 The Parisian government, which since the annihilation of the 
 French armies had been so ardent an advocate and admirer of 
 peace, was desirous first of all to ascertain under what conditions 
 King William would consent to a suspension of hostilities. With 
 this object Favre requested an interview with Bismarck, and held 
 several conversations with him at Ferrieres on the 19th and 21st 
 of September. In these conversations Favre asserted that the 
 most to which France could consent was the payment of a war 
 indemnity, and that it could never agree to a cession of territory. 
 For the decision of this matter it was necessary to elect a national 
 assembly, by which a regular government might be set up, and for 
 the election of this assembly a truce of fourteen to twenty-one 
 days was requisite, and such a truce France accordingly requested. 
 Bismarck replied that a truce was not to the interest of Germany 
 from a military point of view, and could, therefore, be granted 
 only on consideration of the surrender of the fortresses of Stras- 
 burg, Toul, and Bitsch. As the Parisian government would not 
 consent to these conditions, the negotiations Avere broken off, and 
 Favre and the other French diplomats complained in new circu- 
 lar notes of the intention of Prussia to reduce France to the con- 
 dition of a second-rate power. The absurdity and falsity of the 
 assumption that a country with 38,000,000 inhabitants, or, in- 
 cluding Algeria, 42,000,000, could be reduced to the condition of 
 a second-rate power by the cession of territory containing about 
 one and a half million, was clearly brought out by Bismarck in 
 his despatch of October 1st. A few weeks later negotiations were 
 resumed, and this time Thiers, now returned from his tour of tlie 
 European courts, appeared in Versailles (November 1st) as nego- 
 tiator. Again the question at issue was a suspension of hostili- 
 ties, to afford an opportunity for the holding of the mueh-talked- 
 of electitins. Not only would Gambctta have used this respite of 
 about four weeks for the collection of new forces, Thiers even 
 demanded permission to provision Paris unmolested ; and when 
 Bismarck in astonishment asked what France offered in return for 
 
446 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 all these concessions, he did not hesitate to answer — nothing. Of 
 course this brought the negotiations to an end. The republican 
 government was childishly defiant, the victim of a sort of crazy- 
 sense of its own importance. In every war where France had 
 been the victor she had imposed hard conditions on her van- 
 quished foes, never omitting to exact a cession of territory. Quite 
 recently, in the Italian war of 1859, after the victories of Magenta 
 and Solferino, she had exacted from Austria the cession of Lom- 
 bardy, and no reasonable human being in all Europe doubted 
 that, in case France had come out victor in the present war, the 
 left bank of the Rhine would have been lost to Germany. Yet 
 France had the impertinence to demand from the foe, so much of 
 whose territory she had in former centuries appropriated, and 
 whom she had intended in the present war to rob of her finest 
 provinces, that she should respect the French boundaries in their 
 full extent, regard French territory as sacred and inviolable, and 
 not attempt to win back even those provinces which had origi- 
 nally been German. Such arrogant pretensions could be answered 
 only by new defeats. The humiliation must be still )nore severe, 
 and Paris must have a still more bitter taste of need before France 
 could learn that every people, even the French, must pay the pen- 
 alty of its sins. 
 
 It was again necessary to resort to arguments from the can- 
 non's mouth, and both at Paris and at other points the iron con- 
 troversy at once commenced. On the first day of the investment, 
 September 19th, the Parisians, numbering about 40,000 men, made 
 a sortie on the side toward Chatillon, but were repulsed by Prus- 
 sian and Bavarian troops, and returned to Paris in disgraceful 
 flight. The sallies on the 30th of September and the 13th and 
 21st of October met with no better success. October 28th the 
 French succeeded in taking the feebly garrisoned village of Le 
 Bourget, to the north of Paris; but on the 30th they were dis- 
 lodged from this position by a division of the Guards. In Paris 
 great dissatisfaction prevailed in consequence of these constant 
 defeats. Taking advantage of this for the purpose of overthrow- 
 ing the government and establishing the Commune, the social- 
 democrats effected an uprising on the 31st of October and 1st 
 of November, and for a few hours held possession of the City 
 Hall. Rochefort was so seriously compromised in this matter 
 that he had to withdraw from the government. The Parisians 
 
THE ARMY OF THE LOIRE. 447 
 
 now rested all their hopes on the armies of relief which had been 
 formed outside, and passed a few weeks in quiet, awaiting their 
 action. The first attempt to relieve the capital was made from 
 the side of the Loire, where an army corps assembled under the 
 command of General de la Motterouge, and began an advance 
 from Orleans toward Paris. The 1st Bavarian corps, under Gen- 
 eral von der Tann, Wittich's infantry division, and two cavalry 
 divisions were sent out to meet them. On the 10th and 11th of 
 October the French were beaten at Artenay and other places, and 
 driven back across the Loire ; and on the evening of the 11th von 
 der Tann entered Orleans. Leaving the Bavarians to bold that 
 city, the remaining troops were employed to capture Chateaudun, 
 Chartres, and Dreux, to the north-west of Orleans, and put to 
 flight the parties of garde mobile and franctireurs which they 
 there encountered. Gambetta, who had joined to himself M, de 
 Freycinet, formerly a mining engineer, as a sort of adviser in mili- 
 tary matters, called out all the men between the ages of twenty- 
 five and forty, organized five new army corps, and established 
 special drill camps for the instruction of the new recruits. After 
 the defeat at Orleans General de la Motterouge was removed, and 
 General Aurelle de Paladines appointed in his place. The new 
 general crossed the Loire with two corps, and directed his mai'ch 
 toward the road leading from Paris to Orleans, with the intention 
 of severing the communications of the Bavarian general. On the 
 first news of this manoeuvre von der Tann abandoned Orleans, 
 leaving his sick behind him, and set out for Paris. After an ob- 
 stinate engagement with the enemy at Coulmiers, on his retreat, 
 November 9th, he finally took up a position at Toury, thus block- 
 ing the road to Paris. Another infantry division was sent from 
 Versailles to von der Tann's assistance, and the united forces 
 placed under the command of the Grand-duke of Mecklenburg. 
 Notwithstanding all Gambetta's urgency, General Aurelle with his 
 poorly equipped troops, now numbering four corps, would not 
 venture an attack upon this force, to whose assistance, further- 
 more, Prince Frederic Charles, with three additional corps, was 
 hastening by forced marches, lie accordingly intrenched him- 
 self before Orleans, and awaited the attack of the Germans there. 
 This sealed the fate of his troops, and freed the army of invest- 
 ment before Paris from all farther danger on that side. 
 
 In the mean time ffreat successes had been achieved in the 
 
448 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 east — successes important partly for themselves, and partly be- 
 cause of the possibility they afforded of new and more extensive 
 operations. The fortress of Toul capitulated on the 23d of Sep- 
 tember, opening- the railroad between Strasburg and Paris. The 
 capitulation of Strasburg, the ancient German imperial city, took 
 place on the 28th of September. As a bombardment lasting 
 from the 24th to the 27th of August had not induced General 
 Uhrich to surrender, it became necessary to besiege the city in 
 regular form. Everything was ready for a general assault, the 
 result of which seemed certain, when the commandant finally 
 yielded, surrendering himself, 451 officers, and 1Y,111 men as 
 prisoners of war. The news that the city which had been ac- 
 quired by shameful treachery on the 20th of September, 1681, 
 was once more German, was received with enthusiastic rejoic- 
 ings. From a military point of view the capture of Metz was far 
 more important than that of Strasburg. There lay the "Army 
 of the Rhine," under Marshal Bazaine, closely shut in by Prince 
 Frederic Charles. Like General Trochu in Paris, Bazaine made 
 several attempts to break out, but with no better success. The 
 most important attempt was that of the 31st of August and 1st 
 of September, which led to the battle of Noisseville. Informed 
 of MacMahon's advance toward the Maas, Bazaine endeavored to 
 break out and form a junction with him, but after an obstinate 
 fight his troops were driven back into their position between the 
 forts. The later attempts, on the 22d and 27th of September, 
 and the 2d and 7th of October, were little more than sallies for 
 the purpose of employing the troops and procuring food and 
 forage. On learning of the catastrophe of Sedan and the fall 
 of the empire, Bazaine resolved to hold out until the conclusion 
 of peace, which he supposed to be close at hand, in the belief 
 that, at the head of the only regular army left in France, he 
 would be able to play an important part in the reorganization 
 which must of necessity ensue. But the republican leaders 
 showed themselves in no hurry to conclude a peace, and the pro- 
 visions, which had been intended for a garrison of twenty or 
 thirty thousand, and not for an army of almost 200,000, were 
 soon exhausted. Through his adjutant. General Boyer, Bazaine 
 at length opened negotiations with Bismarck in Versailles, and 
 offered (October 14th) to capitulate for himself and his army, 
 but not for the fortress and the garrison. This proposal was 
 
THE FALL OF METZ. 449 
 
 naturally rejected, and the surrender of the whole force insisted 
 on. On the 24th of October the last rations of bread were dis- 
 tributed, and on the 25th Bazaine opened negotiations with 
 Prince Frederic Charles. An agreement was reached on the 
 27th, and a French council of war accepted the terms on the 
 following day. On the 29tli the city and the forts were sur- 
 rendered to the German troops. Three marshals — Bazaine, Can- 
 robert, and Lcboeuf — 6000 officers, and about 173,000 men, in- 
 cluding the National Guards and the sick, were made prisoners 
 of war; fifty -three eagles and colors, 541 field-pieces, 66 mitrail- 
 leuses, 800 stationary guns, about 300,000 stand of arms, and 
 other stores, fell into the hands of the enemy. The history of 
 war contains no similar capitulation. The King of Prussia at 
 once named the crown prince and Prince Frederic Charles field- 
 marshals -general, a dignity never enjoyed before by any prince 
 of the Prussian royal house. In recognition of his services 
 Moltke was at the same time raised to the rank of count, while 
 a general order of congratulation was issued to the allied German 
 armies. 
 
 The most important result of this capitulation was, that it set 
 the army of investment free for use where its presence was most 
 urgently required. The 2d corps, under General Fransccky, 
 marched to Paris to re-enforce the army of the Crown Prince of 
 Prussia. Of the remaining six corps two armies were formed, 
 the first under General Manteuffel, and the second under Prince 
 Frederic Charles, each consisting of three corps, with one cavalry 
 division. On the 2d of November Prince Frederic Charles set 
 out from Metz with 49,607 infantry, 5000 cavalry, and 276 guns; 
 and on the 14th his advance guard was able to participate in the 
 actions on the Loire. The Grand-duke of Mecklenburg's troops, 
 some detachments of which had in the mean time driven back 
 the western army, under Count Keratry, and occupied Dreux and 
 Chateauneuf, united with those of the prince and formed his 
 right wing. The army to which was assigned the task of dis- 
 lodging General Aurelle de Paladines and his 200,000 men from 
 their well-fortified position and driving them across the Loire, 
 numbered altogether 105,275 men, with 556 guns. Gambetta, 
 looking at the relative numbers rather than the quality of the 
 respective armies, was hopeful of victory, and incessantly urged 
 Aurelle to assume the offensive. In concert with the aggressive 
 
450 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 movement of the army of the Loire, on the 30th of November a 
 sortie on a grand scale was to be undertaken by the Parisian gar- 
 rison. Accordingly, unsuccessful attacks were made on the Ger- 
 man left wing on the 24th and 28th, and on the 2d of Decem- 
 ber a similarly unsuccessful attack was made on the right wing. 
 December 3d Prince Frederic Charles assumed the offensive, and 
 drove back the enemy in a general assault. On the 4th he con- 
 tinued the attack, taking the railroad station and the suburbs of 
 Orleans by storm ; and at midnight the Grand-duke of Mecklen- 
 burg marched into the city, part of the French army retreating 
 up the Loire, and part down the same stream. More than 12,000 
 prisoners fell into the hands of the Germans, as well as sixty 
 cannon and four gun-boats. Gambetta, dissatisfied with Aurelle's 
 generalship, removed him from the command, and divided the 
 army of the Loire into two parts, which were to act separately 
 or in concert, according as circumstances might dictate. Of these 
 the first army of the Loire, consisting of three corps, was station- 
 ed at Nevers, under the command of General Bourbaki; while the 
 second, consisting of three and a half corps, and commanded by 
 General Chanzy, was at Blois. 
 
 A detachment sent down the Loire in pursuit of Chanzy occu- 
 pied Meung, Beaugency, Blois, and the chateau Chambord, taking 
 more than 7000 prisoners, and capturing several cannon. The 
 government at Tours, deeming itself no longer safe in that city, 
 removed to Bordeaux on the 10th of December. General Chan- 
 zy I'etreated to Vendome, and from there still farther westward, to 
 Le Mans. Leaving one corps in Vendome to watch Chanz}', the 
 prince, toward the end of December, allowed the rest of his troops 
 to go into quarters at Orleans, in order to afford them an oppor- 
 tunity to refresh themselves and repair their outfit. January 6th, 
 1871, in accordance with orders from Versailles, with a force of 
 57,000 infantry, 15,000 cavalry, and 318 guns, he again took the 
 field against Chanzy. The latter had spent the intervening time 
 in camp at Le Mans. Where Bourbaki's army stood and what 
 its purpose was — whether it would march toward Le Mans to 
 support Chanzy, or advance on Paris by way of Fontainebleau, 
 or be ordered off to the east for the defence of Belfort — no one 
 knew. To be pi'epared for all contingencies, the Hessian division 
 remained behind at Orleans; Gien and Blois were occupied; the 
 2d corps, under Fransecky, took up a position at Montargis and 
 
THE ARMY OF THE NORTH. 451 
 
 to the east of that place ; and the 7th corps, under Zaskrow, was 
 stationed at Auxerre. The prince's march through the Perche was 
 rendered exceedingly difficult by frost, snow, and thaws. Fight- 
 ing their way step by step, the Germans advanced against Le 
 Mans along three different roads. As they were on the very 
 point of cutting off Chanzy's line of retreat, he hastily withdrew 
 to Laval and Mayenne on the morning of January 12th, and the 
 same evening the Hanoverians entered Le Mans. Taking up his 
 head-quarters in that city, the prince sent out detachments to 
 pursue the foe toward Laval and Mayenne. The empty camp of 
 Conlie was also occupied, and large stores taken. On the 19th 
 detachments of the German army entered Tours. The Grand- 
 diike of Mecklenburg, with the 13th corps, marched to Rouen by 
 way of AlenQon, in order to give the German northern army an 
 opportunity to force a decisive action on the part of the French. 
 For the present there was nothing more to be feared from Chan- 
 zy, who had retreated into Brittany, incapacitated from any far- 
 ther operations. Between the 6th and 12th of January he had 
 lost 18,000 prisoners and twenty guns, while his loss in dead and 
 wounded is unknown. Li the same time Prince Frederic Charles 
 had lost 180 officers and 3470 men killed or wounded. 
 
 The French army of the north met with the same fate as those 
 of the south and west. The command of this army was held in 
 succession by Farre, Bourbaki, and Faidherbe, the latter succeed- 
 ing to the position on the 3d of December. The northern for- 
 tresses. Arras, Cambrai, Douai, and Valenciennes, offered a favor- 
 able base of operations, as well as a convenient refuge in case of 
 defeat. At first one corps only was put in the field, with which 
 General Farre touk up his position south of Amiens. General 
 Manteuffcl was to operate against this foe. Of his army one 
 corps had to be left behind in Metz and before Diedenhofen 
 (Thionville) and Montinedy, and of the remaining two corps, 
 numbering altogether only 38,244 foot and 4483 horse, with 180 
 guns, several detachments were drawn off for the siege of the 
 northern fortresses. Leaving Metz on the 7th of November, Man- 
 teuffcl arrived in the neighborhood of Compiegne on the 20th, 
 and on the 27th encountered the enemy at Moreuil. The French 
 were defeated, Amiens taken, and the little fortress of La Fere 
 forced to capitulate. Manteuffcl now turned toward Normandy. 
 On the 5th his soldiers entered Rouen, and on the 9th Dieppe, 
 
452 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES, 
 
 after scattering on the way some detachments of French which 
 attempted to make a stand at various points along the Seine. In 
 tlie mean time Faidherbe, who had succeeded to the command, 
 had put a second corps in the field and begun a southward move- 
 ment, taking the little fortress of Ham on the way. Manteuffel, 
 turning about, attacked the enemy on the 23d at Querrieux, and 
 obliged him to retreat to Douai. On the 9th of January he com- 
 pelled the fortress of Peronne to capitulate. In the mean time 
 General Bentheim, %yho had been left behind in Normandy, had 
 driven back liostile detachments numbering 15,000 or 20,000 
 men toward Havre, taken the chateau Robert le Diablo by assault, 
 and barred the passage of the Seine against some ships of war 
 which attempted to ascend the river from Havre by sinking 
 eleven large boats at Dnclair. Among the sunken craft were six 
 English coal-ships, whose owners had to be compensated for their 
 loss. January 3d Faidherbe, again assuming the offensive, at- 
 tacked a division of the 8th corps at Bapaume, but suffered a 
 repulse. On the 6th of January General Göben, hitherto com- 
 mander of the 8th corps, succeeded General Manteuffel in the 
 command of the first army, the latter being transferred to the 
 army of the south. Ordered by Gambetta to co-operate with the 
 grand attempt to break out of Paris which had been planned for 
 the 19th, Faidherbe advanced for the third time, and took up his 
 position at St. Quentin with 60,000 or 60,000 men. With about 
 30,000 General Göben advanced to the attack on the 19th, and 
 after a seven hours' fight drove the French out of all their posi- 
 tions, taking six guns and 10,000 prisoners. The enemy fled to 
 Cambrai in a state of utter disorganization, and for several weeks 
 Faidherbe was as little capable of any farther action as Chanzy. 
 
 A third French army appeared in the east. There, after the 
 capitulation of Strasburg, General Schmeling, with a reserve divi- 
 sion, had reduced the fortresses of Schlettstadt and Neu-Breisach 
 on the 24th of October and the 10th of November respectively; 
 and on the 3d of November General Tresckow, with another re- 
 serve division, had invested the strong fortress of Belfort, the key 
 to the southern Vosges. These two divisions, with a third which 
 was formed later, belonged to the 14th corps, commanded by 
 Werder. That general left Strasburg in October with the Badish 
 division and the troops under General von der Goltz's command, 
 marched across the Vosges to Epinal and Vesoul, the monotony 
 
THREE DAYS' BATTLE AT CELFORT. 453 
 
 of the road being varied by daily fights, and on the 22d, at Etuz, 
 defeated Cambriels and drove him back to Besancon. Beyer, the 
 commander of the Badish division, was despatched against Dijon. 
 After a sharp fight and a sliort bombardment the city capitulated 
 on tlie 31st, and in November the whole of Werder's corps as- 
 sembled at that place. Garibaldi, possessed of a republican devil, 
 had arrived in Tours on the 9th of October, and had been ap- 
 pointed by Gambetta commander of the volunteers of the Vosges. 
 AVith a motley army of 20,000 men he advanced from Autun 
 against Werder's position at Dijon, only to be defeated at Pas- 
 ques on the 26th and 27th of November. On the 18th of Decem- 
 ber General Cremer's division, Avhich was advancing against Dijon, 
 was put to flight at Nuits by a part of the Badish troops under 
 General Gliimer, while General von der Goltz drove some other 
 hostile detachments into the fortress of Langres. On the 30th 
 of December, learning that large bodies of troops were assembling 
 between Lyons and Besancon for the purpose of making a pow- 
 erful demonstration in the direction of Belfort, Werder evacuated 
 Dijon and took up a position at Vesoul. Against his little army, 
 consisting of 33,278 infantry and 4020 cavalry, with 120 field- 
 guns, Bourbaki was advancing with about 150,000 men. Com- 
 missioned by Gambetta to make a diversion on a grand scale in 
 the rear of the German main army, in the middle of December 
 he had brought his three army corps from Nevers to Besangon, 
 and added to these a fourth corps from Lyons and the division 
 nnder Cremer's command. His plan was to overwhelm Werder's 
 corps by force of numbers, relieve Belfort, march into Alsace, sever 
 the communications of the German armies with their base of sup- 
 plies, and undertake a campaign of revenge in south Germany. 
 The danger for the besiegers at Belfort and for the communica- 
 tions of the army of investment before Paris was no small one. 
 Apprised by Werder of the situation, Moltke at once ordered the 
 formation of a southern army, consisting of the 2d, 7th, and 14th 
 corps, and conferred the command on Manteuffel, who received 
 his instructions in Versailles by word of mouth on the 10th of 
 January. The 2d and 7tb corps, which had been stationed at 
 Montargis and Auxerre, at once left those positions, and met at 
 Chatillon, on the Seine, on the 12th. 
 
 As soon as Werder knew that Bourbaki's immediate aim was 
 Belfort and not Vesoul, he evacuated the latter place, and, delay- 
 
454 POLITICAL HLSTOKY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ing Boiirbaki's march by an attack at Villersexel on the 9th, suc- 
 ceeded in gaining- the famous defensive position south-west of 
 Belfort before the arrival of the French. Ilei'c he strengthened 
 his forces by bringing up 10,000 men and thirty-seven siege guns 
 from the army of investment before tlie fortress of Belfort. His 
 lines of defence, strengthened in front by the Lisaine and the 
 swampy valley of the Allaine, extended from Frahier through 
 Hericourt and Montbeliard to Delle, on the Swiss frontier. To 
 carry this position and force a passage to Belfort it would be 
 necessary to cut down Werder's corps to a man, for the German 
 soldiers, appreciating the threatening danger, were resolved to 
 frustrate the accomplishment of Bourbaki's purpose at any cost. 
 Leaving out of consideration the fourfold numerical superiority 
 of the enemy, the external difficulties to be contended with were 
 great, for the supply of provisions was scanty, and the cold 
 reached 17° R. (10° F.), so that the Lisaine froze over, thus 
 affording the enemy a natural bridge; but the strong sense of 
 duty of the German soldiers surmounted every obstacle. Bour- 
 baki did not understand how to make a proper use of his supe- 
 rior numbers, and cither brealc through the German centre or 
 turn the weak right wing. In the three days' battle of Hericourt 
 or Belfort, January 15th, 16th, and 17th, all his assaults were re- 
 pulsed. He only succeeded in taking the weakly garrisoned vil- 
 lage of Chenebier, which he was obliged to evacuate again after 
 a few hours. On the 18th, learning of Manteuffel's approach, he 
 beat a retreat. The losses of the French in the battle and on the 
 retreat reached six or eight thousand, in addition to which 2000 
 were taken prisoners. On the 19th Werder set out in pursuit 
 of the foe. It was Bourbaki's object to retreat to Bcsan(;on, and 
 thence to Lyons ; but there was need of considerable haste, in 
 order to prevent the consummation of his plans. 
 
 General Manteuffel, who had assumed the command of the 
 southern army in Chatillon on the 12th of January, set out by 
 forced marches toward Belfort on the 20th. He passed through 
 the mountainous region of the Cote d'Or, and from there between 
 the fortresses of Langres and Dijon, without any interference on 
 the part of Garibaldi, who, after Werder's departure, bad taken 
 possession of Dijon Avith 25,000 men. On the news of Bour- 
 baki's retreat he turned south-east, in order with his two corps 
 (44,950 infantry and 286G cavalry, with 168 guns) to block the 
 
THE EASTERN ARMY DRIVEN INTO SWITZERLAND. 455 
 
 road to Lyons, and leave the French general no other choice than 
 to venture a battle with his denioraUzed troops, to surrender with- 
 out a battle, or to take refuge in Swiss territory. January 23d 
 the road to Lyons was occupied, and the first engagements with 
 Bourbaki's troops took place, the 2d and 7th corps moving up 
 from the south and west, and the 14th pressing down from the 
 north. The only exit was toward the east. In BesauQon, on the 
 26th, Bourbaki in despair made an attempt at suicide. At the 
 same time a telegram arrived from Gambetta removing him from 
 the command of the eastern army, and appointing General Clin- 
 chant in his stead. But he also was unable to carry out Gambet- 
 ta's wish that the army should retreat southward, and was obliged 
 to retire to Pontarlicr. Here he endeavored to save himself by 
 means of the armistice which had been concluded in Versailles, 
 but it turned out that the eastern armies were not included. The 
 final catastrophe could be no longer postponed. On the 1st of 
 February the last pass toward the south on the Swiss frontier 
 was occupied, Pontarlier was carried by assault, and the French 
 retreated to Neuchatcl, pursued by the enemy as far as the two 
 border forts of La Cluse. Ninety thousand three hundred and 
 fourteen men and 11,787 horses entered Swiss territory at the 
 border town of Vcrrieres, where the men were disarmed and dis- 
 tributed among the various cantons. Li the last few days the 
 Germans had taken 15,000 prisoners, and captured twenty-eight 
 cannon and mitrailleuses, together with a large quantity of wag- 
 ons and arms. In the mean time Garibaldi had been held in 
 check by General Kcttler with 6000 men. On the news that 
 larger bodies of Germans were approaching, he evacuated Dijon 
 and retired southward. Shortly after he laid down his command, 
 and returned to his island home in Caprera. The fortress of Bel- 
 fort, which was defended by Colonel Denfert, had been enabled 
 to hold out so long by the favorable nature of the country. A 
 former attack on the forts of upper and lower Perche had failed ; 
 but on the 8th of February they fell into the enemy's hands, ren- 
 dering it impossible for the fortress to hold out much longer; 
 and, King William consenting to an extension of the armistice 
 only on condition of the surrender of Belfort, the garrison, still 
 12,000 strong, marched out on the 18th of February with milita- 
 ry honors, and Tresckow's division took possession. Other for- 
 tresses, like Soissons, Verdun, Diedenhofen (Thionville), Pfalz- 
 
456 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 burg, and Montraedy, liad surrendered in 1870. Only the fortress 
 of Bitscli remained in the hands of the French until the 26th of 
 March, 1871. 
 
 In the mean time the Parisian garrison had not been inactive. 
 A grand attempt to break through the lines was arranged with 
 Gambetta for the 30th of November. General Ducrot, with about 
 50,000 men, Avas to break through the line of investment on the 
 east, inarch to Fontainebleau, form a junction there with the army 
 of the Loire, and, in concert with that army, raise the siege of 
 Paris. While demonstrations were made in other directions, 
 Ducrot directed his attack against Champigny and Brie, on the 
 Marne, driving the Würtembergers and an incomplete Saxon di- 
 vision out of those villages, but was unable to advance farther, 
 owing to the obstinate resistance of the German troops. Decem- 
 ber 2d the Würtemberg and Saxon divisions, supported by the 2d 
 corps and one brigade of the 6th, under the command of Fran- 
 sccky, again advanced to the attack, and, after severe fighting, re- 
 took one-half of Champigny. In the night of the 3d the French 
 evacuated Brie and the other half of Champigny, and fell back to 
 the right bank of the Marne. The German loss in the two bat- 
 tles was 232 officers and 4868 men, while the French lost 10,000 
 men, including 1600 prisonei-s. The sorties of December 21st 
 and 22d against Stains and Le Bourget were also repulsed. On 
 the 29th, after a two days' bombardment, Mont Avron, with its 
 heavy guns, was abandoned by the French and occupied by the 
 Saxons; and at the same time the bombardment of the eastern 
 forts began. January 5th, after the arrival of the siege park, fire 
 Avas opened against the southern forts, the guns of whicli were 
 soon silenced; and on the 8th the bombardment of the city be- 
 gan. In this bombardment the loft bank of the Seine suffered 
 most, though even there the damage done was not very serious. 
 The restlessness and discontent in Paris increased. New sorties 
 were demanded ; and accordingly unsuccessful attacks on the 
 German lines were made on the 10th, 13th, 14th, 15th, and 16th 
 of January. It was thought that a monster sally of at least 
 100,000 men directed against a single army corps must succeed 
 in forcing a passage. Such a sally was undertaken on the 19th 
 of January on the side toward Versailles. After an obstinate 
 battle with the 5th corps, under General Kirchbach, between 
 Mont Valerien and St. Cloud — the latter of which had been set 
 
PARIS CAPITULATES. 457 
 
 Oll fire by shells from the defenders' guns — the French were ut- 
 terly defeated, with a loss of 6000 men. 
 
 The destruction of the various armies of relief left Paris noth- 
 ing to hope from without, and the ill-success of the various sallies 
 had conclusively demonstrated the inability of the capital to raise 
 the siege unassisted. After the last failure Trochu, who had long 
 been convinced of the futility of such attempts, laid down his 
 office, and was succeeded by General Vinoy. A new uprising of 
 the social-democrats on the 22d of January was put down with 
 difficulty. The provisions, consisting of bad bread and horse- 
 flesh, were sufficient for not more than fourteen days ; after that 
 no one would be able to restrain the hungry masses from acts of 
 desperation. It was necessary to act at once, and so on the even- 
 ing of the 23d Favre appeared at Versailles to offer Count Bis- 
 marck the capitulation of Paris, on condition that the regular 
 troops, retaining their arms, should be allowed to march out of 
 the city and retire behind the Loire. These terms were not ac- 
 cepted, and after some farther negotiations the convention of 
 Paris was finally concluded on the 28th of January, This granted 
 an armistice of three weeks, in which the eastern departments, 
 where Bourbaki's army was at that very moment being driven to 
 its destruction, were not included. During the armistice a Na- 
 tional Assembly was to be elected to decide upon the question of 
 peace or war. All the Parisian forts and material of war were 
 surrendered to thtj Germans ; the garrison of Paris and the forts 
 became prisoners of war, and were obliged to give up their arms, 
 but remained in Paris, and were maintained at the expense of 
 the authorities there. One division of 12,000 men, however, was 
 to retain its weapons for the preservation of order, and, against 
 Moltke's will, at Favre's urgent wish — which he later bitterly 
 repented — a similar exception was made in the case of the Na- 
 tional Guards. The city of Paris was to pay a contribution of 
 200,000,000 francs within fourteen days, and the French were 
 allowed to provision the city. On the 29th the surrender of the 
 twenty-five larger and smaller forts to the Germans took place, 
 and the black, white, and red colors of their new masters were 
 raised in triumph. 
 
 This convention was very unwelcome to Gambetta; neverthe- 
 less he had hopes that the respite of three weeks might be turned 
 to account for the purpose of putting new armies in the field, and 
 
 20 
 
458 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 lie farther lioped by influencing the elections to be able to return 
 a radical National Assembly resolved on a war a outrance. AVitli 
 this end in view he published on the 31st of January a proscrip- 
 tion list, declaring ineligible for election all who had accepted any 
 higher office at the hands of the empire, or had been official can- 
 didates under that re(jime. Both Bismarck and the government 
 at Paris protested energetically against such despotism, and in- 
 sisted upon free elections. Finding himself unsupported by the 
 other members of the Bordeaux government, Gambetta resigned 
 on the Gth of February. The elections took place everywhere on 
 the 8th, and on the 12tli the National Assembly Avas opened in 
 Bordeaux. On the iVth Thiers was elected chief of the executive 
 department, on the 19th he forrhed his ministry, and on the 21st, 
 accompanied by ministers Favre and Picard, he repaired ta Ver- 
 sailles, commissioned by the National Assembly to open negotia- 
 tions for a peace. The French representatives felt that they must 
 make up their minds to the loss of Alsace with Strasburg ; but the 
 cession of Metz and Bclfort seemed to them, with their weak 
 memory for the terms Napoleon had been wont to impose, too 
 severe for acceptance. It was not until the war indemnity had 
 been reduced to live milliards, and the restoration of Belfort to 
 France agreed upon, that the negotiations again advanced. On 
 the 26th of February the preliminaries of peace were signed. 
 Thiers at once returned to Bordeaux, and laid the treaty before 
 the Assembly, which adopted it, by a vote of 546 to 107, on the 
 1st of March. Favre then brought the document to Versailles, 
 where it was signed by King William on the 2d. 
 
 By this preliminary treaty France ceded to the German em- 
 pire Alsace and part of Lorraine, with Strasburg, Metz, and Die- 
 denhofen (Thionville), and pledged herself to pay a war indem- 
 nity of five milliard francs, of which at least one milliard was to 
 be paid in 1871, and the rest within three years. The evacuation 
 of French territory was to keep even pace with the payment of 
 the indemnity, in such a way that after the payment of two mill- 
 iards only six departments, together with Belfort, were to be oc- 
 cupied by 50,000 Germans, as security for the remaining three 
 milliards. The western part of Paris was to be occupied by 
 30,000 Germans until the treaty was accepted by the National 
 Assembly. The Parisians were to be compelled to see the Ger- 
 man soldiers as victors within their walls that their fantastic no- 
 
STATISTICS OF THE WAR. 150 
 
 lions of tlin iiivioliibility ;iiid inviiicibilily of tliolr "holy" city 
 niii-ht bo (lis[)cllt!<l. Marcli I si, tlio ;{ü,üOO men wcro first re- 
 viewed by King WiHi;ini, and tlicn inarclicd into Paris. Seventy 
 tlioiisand men were held in reserve, and the Ciinnons of the forts 
 were all trained on the city. Any resistance would liavo been 
 punished in the most summary manner. On the 'Jd of Marcli 
 thousands of soldiers, armed only with their side-arms, wcro led 
 into the city by their officers and shown a few j)oints of interest. 
 The population remained (piicit ; but after the withdrawal of the 
 troo[)s on the foUowini^ day the pent-up noise and abuse broke 
 out. According to the terms of the treaty of Versailles, the 
 southern forts and some of the western and southern dci)artmentft 
 were at once vacated, but the northern and eastern forts remained 
 in tli(! possession of the Oernians until the ])aymont of the first 
 haU'-niilliard, and the liiu! from Konen to Dijon was maintained 
 unbroken. The head-quarters at Versailles were abaiuhmed on 
 the 7th of Marcli, and on the lYth the King of I'russiu was in 
 his own ca))ital again. From the actual commencement of hos- 
 tilities to the conclusion of the annistice the war had lastcid 180 
 days. During that time the German armies had been engaged 
 in 159 actions of all sorts, had won fifteen considerable battles, 
 taken twenty-six fortified places, shut three armies np in for- 
 tresses and compelled them to surrender, forced a fourth to take 
 refuge in 8witz(;rland, ca[>tured and carried to Germany 11,050 
 officers and ;JG3,UÜ0 men, and held 100,000 more ])risoners in 
 Paris. Besides this, there had fallen into their hands OVOO can- 
 non, 120 eagles and colors, and a vast amount of military stores. 
 The total loss of all the German armies had been 4990 officers 
 (1105 dead, n795 wounded, and thirty missing), and 112,041 
 non-commissioned ollicers and private soldiers (l8,l;{2 dead, 
 87,742 wounded, and 0145 missing). At th*; end of the cam- 
 paign a German force of 509,875 foot and 0;J,405 horse, with 
 1742 guns, stood on French soil. If officers, officials, pioneers, 
 camp followers, and the like be reckoned in, it may be estimated 
 that on the 1st of March, 1871, there were in France about 
 1,000,000 Germans, cither soldiers or in some way connected 
 with the army. In addition to this, there were still 250,000 
 troops in Germany as reserve forces or in garrison service. 
 
 Tlie negotiations with reference to a definitive peace were 
 opened in Drussels on the 28th of March. Tin; French repre- 
 
460 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 sentatives, however, put such difficulties in the way of the execu- 
 tion of the treaty of Versailles, especially the financial articles, 
 that the negotiations finally came to a stand-still. In Berlin there 
 was some talk of reopening hostilities ; and the return of the 
 French prisoners, who were so necessary for the suppression of 
 the Commune, was stopped. At last the French government was 
 brought to an appreciation of the serious nature of the situation. 
 The Brussels conference was dissolved, and on the 6th of May 
 the French ministers Favre and Pouyer-Querticr had a meeting 
 with Bismarck in Frankfort. This time the negotiations pro- 
 gressed favorably, and on the 10th of May the treaty of peace was 
 signed. This provided for a border-line more in accordance with 
 the nationality of the inhabitants, shortened the limits of payment 
 for the first two milliards, and prolonged the time of occupation 
 in certain districts. An additional article transferred the owner- 
 ship of the French eastern railroad, in Alsace and Lorraine, to 
 Germany on payment of 350,000,000 francs. With this last act, 
 which was played in Bismarck's temporary head-quarters, at the 
 sign of the Swan, in Frankfort, the curtain at length fell on the 
 Franco-Prussian war. 
 
 §26. 
 
 THE GERMAN EMPIRE AND THE HOHENZOLLERN IMPERIAL HOUSE. 
 
 Not least among the motives which bad induced French states- 
 men to favor the unfortunate war of 1870 was the desire to pre- 
 vent the formation of a strong German nation through the union 
 of the southern states with the North German Confederation. 
 For that very reason — because a foe so dreaded that union, and 
 sought to put all possible hinderances in the way of its attain- 
 ment — it became the goal of each true Teuton's efforts. In mili- 
 tary matters Germany had entered upon the war as a unit, she 
 must come out of it a unit in political affairs. This was the 
 opinion of thousands on the first news of victory, and Sedan con- 
 firmed all waverers. August 30th, 1870, a popular assembly in 
 Berlin appealed to the German people to unite in an address to 
 the King of Prussia demanding rejection of all interference from 
 foreign countries, and the formation of a German empire includ- 
 
NEGOTIATIONS WITH BAVARIA. 461 
 
 ing in its limits Alsace and Lorraine, The address received at 
 once thousands of signatures. Popular assemblies in Munich and 
 Stuttgart, on September 1st and 3d, gave expression to the same 
 sentiment. The south German governments were unable to re- 
 sist the stream of public opinion. On the 2d of September the 
 Baden cabinet addressed a communication to Bismarck favoring 
 the accession of south Germany to the North German Confedera- 
 tion, and the increase of the powers of the central government in 
 regard to military and diplomatic affairs. In their answers to the 
 addresses which had been presented to them, the Bavarian and 
 Wiirtemberg governments gave assurances of the speedy conclu- 
 sion of a constitutional alliance. At the wish of the Bavarian 
 ministry, Bismarck directed Minister Delbrück to return from 
 Versailles to Berlin by way of Munich, He arrived in the Bava- 
 rian capital on the 20th of September, and informed the ministers 
 that, while he had no proposals of his own to make, he should 
 be glad to listen to any wishes or propositions they might have 
 to communicate. They accordingly designated eighty points in 
 which they wished for alterations in the existing constitution of 
 the North German Confederation, and an exceptional position 
 for Bavaria. They specially insisted upon an independent ad- 
 ministration of the army, dispensation from contributing toward 
 the maintenance of a fleet, their own special legislation with re- 
 gard to the administration of justice in Bavaria, control of their 
 own railroads, canals, and other media of intercourse ; peculiar 
 privileges in the Bundesrath^ right of absolute veto in all matters 
 involving a change of the constitution, and participation in the 
 direction of the foreign policy. This would have admitted, it is 
 true, of a sort of constitutional alliance, but one very loosely 
 bound together. Upon what Bavaria could found her claims to 
 such a privileged and exceptional position it would be hard to 
 say. The Wiirtemberg minister, von Mittnacht, was also present 
 at these conferences. 
 
 It became evident that it would be necessary to begin the work 
 of forming a satisfactory constitution for all Germany with states 
 more amenable than Bavaria. Accordingly, Bismarck invited the 
 governments of Wiirtemberg, Baden, and Hesse to send plenipo- 
 tentiaries to Versailles, communicating the fact to the Bavarian 
 ministers and leaving it to their own discretion whether they 
 would themselves take part, or simply await the result in the case 
 
462 rOLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 of the tliree other states, and after that resume the negotiations 
 Avhie.h had ah'eady been begun at Munich. To avoid isolation, 
 the Bavarian ministers von Bray, von Lutz, and von Pranckh set 
 out for Versailles on the 20th of October. Ministers von Mitt- 
 nacht and von Siiccovv appeared from Würtemberg, von Jolly 
 and von Freydorff from Baden, and von Dalwiglc from Hesse. 
 The Prussian ministers von Delbrück and von Roon, who had 
 the general direction of the negotiations, refused the Bavarian 
 demand of the right of absolute veto in matters involving a 
 change of constitution, although ready to make concessions in 
 other directions. A conference with the plenipotentiaries of 
 Würtemberg, Baden, and Hesse on the 6th of November seemed 
 to promise a speedy settlement with those states, when, on the 
 13th, a telegram to the Würtemberg delegates, which remains a 
 mystery to this day, disturbed the negotiations and led to the 
 immediate departure of the Würtembcrgers for Stuttgart. On 
 the 15th a treaty was concluded with Baden and Hesse, on the 
 23d with Bavaria, and on the 25th, in Berlin, with Würtemberg. 
 Baden and Hesse reserved no rights, accepting the constitution 
 of the North German Confederation unchanged. Accoi-ding to 
 the military convention with Baden, its contingent formed a con- 
 stituent part of the Prussian army, being united with three Prus- 
 sian regiments to form the 14th army corps — commanded by 
 General Werder. The Hessian division was incorporated in the 
 11th corps. Würtemberg retained the special administration of 
 its own post, telegraphs and railroads, and, like Baden and Ba- 
 varia, set its own taxes, regulated at its own pleasure, on beer and 
 distilled liquors. The Würtemberg contingent was to be de- 
 veloped into a full army corps and enter the German army as 
 corps No. 13. Bavaria retained her own diplomatic service, the 
 administration of her own army, postal communications, tele- 
 graph lines and railroads, and was not affected by the laws of 
 the confederation regulating domiciliary rights and the like. It 
 was stipulated that the Bavarian members of the Bundesratk, in 
 connection with the plenipotentiaries of Saxony and Würtem- 
 berg, should form a " diplomatic committee," under Bavaria's 
 presidency, and that the veto of fourteen votes — which is the 
 number of the united votes of Bavaria, Würtemberg, and Sax- 
 ony — should render any change of constitution impossible. The 
 Bavarian army was to be organized according to the requirements 
 
STATES OF TUE GERMAN EMPIRE. 
 
 4G3 
 
 of the constitution of the North German Confederation, and to 
 the commander-in-chief of the confederation was given the right 
 to direct the mobilization and inspection of the Bavai'ian con- 
 tingent.* 
 
 * By the constitution of April IGth, 1871, the following states were united 
 in the German Empire : 
 
 status of States. 
 
 Prussia, with Laueuburg 
 
 Bavaria (kingdom) 
 
 Saxony (kingdom) 
 
 Wiirtemberg (kingdom) 
 
 Baden (grand-ducliy) 
 
 Hesse (grand-ducliy) 
 
 Mecklenburg-Schwerin (grand-duchy) 
 
 Saxe-Weimar (grand-duchy) 
 
 Mecklenburg-Strehtz (grand-duchy) 
 
 OUlenbnrg (grand-duchy) 
 
 Brunswick (duchy) 
 
 Saxe-Meiniugeu (duchy) 
 
 Saxe-Alteuburg (duchy) 
 
 Saxe-Coburg-Ootha (duchy) 
 
 Anhalt (duchy) 
 
 Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt (principahty) 
 
 Schwarzburg-Sondershauseu (principality) 
 
 Waldeck (principality) 
 
 Reuss, older line (principality) 
 
 Reuss, younger line (principality) 
 
 Schaumburg-Lippc (principality) 
 
 Lippe (principality) 
 
 Lübeck (free city) 
 
 Bremen (free city) 
 
 Hamburg (free city) 
 
 Total 
 
 Population in 1875. 
 
 No. of votes in 
 Bunde^ratk, 
 
 25,742,404 
 
 17 
 
 5,022,390 
 
 C 
 
 2,7C0,5S6 
 
 4 
 
 1,881,505 
 
 4 
 
 1,507,179 
 
 3 
 
 884,218 
 
 3 
 
 553,785 
 
 2 
 
 292,933 
 
 1 
 
 95,073 
 
 1 
 
 319,314 
 
 1 
 
 327,493 
 
 2 
 
 194,494 
 
 1 
 
 145,844 
 
 1 
 
 182,599 
 
 1 
 
 213,505 
 
 1 
 
 76,G7G 
 
 1 
 
 67,480 
 
 1 
 
 54,743 
 
 1 
 
 40,985 
 
 1 
 
 92.375 
 
 1 
 
 33,133 
 
 1 
 
 112,452 
 
 1 
 
 50,912 
 
 1 
 
 142,200 
 
 1 
 
 388,618 
 
 1 
 
 41,195,556 
 
 58 
 
 The total number of votes in the Bundesrath is accordingly fift3'-eight, ar- 
 ranged, as in the united States Senate, in such a manner that the representa- 
 tives of an actual minority may outvote the majority. The delegates to the 
 Bundesrath represent their respective governments, and not the people ; and, 
 although each government may, if it so desire, have as many delegates as it 
 has votes, all the votes of each government must be cast as a unit. In mat- 
 ters which do not concern the whole empire only those states vote which are 
 actually affected. In general the Bundesrath prepares beforehand the work 
 which is to be laid before the Rciclistag at each session, and in laying its 
 measures before the lower house it may explain or defend them upon the 
 floor of that house. Furthermore, the members of the Bundesrath, as repre- 
 sentatives of their respective governments, may at any time claim the right 
 to be heard in the Beic/ista//. The members of the latter are representatives 
 of the people, elected by direct vote on the basis of universal suffrage. By 
 tlie constitution of 1871 the Rciehstag was to consist of 382 members (in 1874 
 fifteen were added from Alsace and Lorraine) — forty-eight from Bavaria, sev- 
 enteen from Wiirtemberg, fourteen from Baden, six from southern Hesse, and 
 the remainder from the former North German Confederation. By comparing 
 these numbers with the numbers of the delegates to the former customs' par- 
 
4G4 rOLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Objectionable as were many of the provisions of the Versailles 
 treaties, especially the concessions to Bavaria, it must neverthe- 
 less be admitted that the unity of Germany, purchased by the 
 sacrifice of a few paraf>Taphs in the constitution, was vastly better 
 than the integrity of the constitution at the expense of Bavaria's 
 exclusion. In consideration of the many and important ties which 
 united Bavaria to the German Empire, the comparatively trivial 
 matters in which it still held aloof mi<;'ht be overlooked, especial- 
 ly as it was to be expected that of these Bavarian reserved rights 
 many would, in course of time, be modified or altogether done 
 away with by the attrition of the Bundesrath and Rcichstarf. It 
 was in tliis belief that the Versailles treaties received the appro- 
 bation of the North German Reichstag^ on the 9th of December. 
 Before the close of tlie same month they had received the con- 
 sent of the Badish, Hessian, and Würtemberg parliaments. In 
 i the last-named state the ministry had taken advantage of the op- 
 Iportunity to rid itself of the troublesome democratic chamber by 
 a dissolution on the 22d of October. December 5th new elec- 
 tions were ordered, which resulted for the most part in favor of 
 the national parties. The situation in Bavaria was not so satis- 
 factory, and not alone was a decision regarding the treaty need- 
 lessly and unseemingly delayed, but its very acceptance seemed a 
 matter of serious uncertainty. If the Bavarian ministers liad fol- 
 lowed the example of their Würtemberg neighbors and dissolved 
 the lower house, with its anti-national majority, there is no doubt, 
 in view of the patriotic sentiments inspired by the events of the 
 war and its successful prosecution, that the new elections would 
 have resulted in a strong majority of national and liberal dele- 
 gates ; but this was a result wliich the ministry appeared to dread 
 rather than to wish for. The upper house confirmed the Ver- 
 sailles treaty, on the 30th of December, by a majority of thirty- 
 seven to three. On the 15th of the same month the lower house 
 had consigned the matter to the consideration of a committee, 
 ■which, at the motion of its chairman, the inevitable Jörg, resolved 
 
 liament it will be seen that in the new Bundesrath and Reichstag we have the 
 customs' parliament with extended powers. In the new constitution the right 
 of veto exercised, according to the constitution of the North German Confed- 
 eration, by Prussia as presiding power against a majority of both houses in 
 favor of the maintenance of the statiis q^io, was slightly but not materially 
 modified. — Translator'' s note. 
 
THE E3irEK0R WILUAM I. 405 
 
 to recommend the n?jeotion of the treaty. The debate on this 
 rooommendation began on the 11th of January, and lasted through 
 ton sittings. The ministers and the loaders of the party of pr<^ 
 ross oxerievl all their powers in boluxlf of the trvatv, and even 
 uiemlvrs of the Patriot party, earriovl along by the national cnr- 
 rtuit, spoke on the same side ; nevertheless it was a matter of 
 great ditfieulty to secure the requisite two-thirvis majority. The 
 vote resulted in 102 voices in favor of acceptance aud forty-^ight 
 against, and the last stone in the structure of the Gtrman Empire 
 was finally set in place. At Versailles it had been cousidejr>?d 
 superriuoas to await the njsult of the Ravarian vote, and on the 
 1st of January, 1S71, the establishment of the German Empire 
 had already Wen officially prvvlaimevi. 
 
 In another matter Kivaria took the initiative, ^Vith the ap- 
 prolxation of all the Gorman governments. King Louis II. of Kv 
 varia teuviered to the King of Prussia, as head niler of the new 
 iiorman state, the title of German Emperor. At the Kanquet in 
 Vors.aiIles, on the 1st of Jamuary. 1S71, the Grauvinluke of Radea 
 reminded King AVilliam of the now prophetic wc^rvls of his breth- 
 or, Frvxloric AVilliam IV. : '* An imjxrial thrv>ne can only be won 
 on the battle -field." The solemn prvx^lamation of the empire 
 took place in the gre.at mirrv^r-hall, in the palace at Versailles, at 
 midni^y of the ISth of January. Count Bismarek read before 
 the numerous roy:\l princes, indopeuviont potentates, gvnerals, 
 ministers, and regimental deputations present at the ceremony 
 the proclamation of Emperor William I. to the Gx^rman jxvple. 
 The victories which had just Kvu or were just aK^tt to be won 
 — Le Mans on the lith. Bclfort on the 17th, St, Quentin and 
 Mont Valerien on the 10th. the capitulation of Paris on the 
 2Sth, and the fiight of BourKaki's army into SwiizerLauvI on the 
 1st of February — surrounde^l like gigantic monuments the day 
 of this assumption of imperial dignity, anvl never was an em- 
 peror create\l under cireumstances more impo^ng. 
 
 Mareh ilst, 1S71, the emporv^r opencvl the first German i?WcA*- 
 /(?<; with a sjHwh from the throne expressive of his pleasure 
 that "we have reachcvi that which since the time of our fathers 
 has been the object of effort for Germany — unity and the organic 
 oxpression of th.st unity, the security of our K>uudaries, and the 
 independont development of our laws." At the same time he 
 ouiphaticiUlv alKrme\i that the German eaupire, far from cherish- 
 
 30* 
 
466 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ing any love of conquest or any lust of intervention, would form 
 an empire of peace in the centre of Europe, neither interfering in 
 the affairs of other states nor enduring any interference in its 
 own; not assuming the offensive without just provocation, but 
 ready on all occasions to defend its own rights. On the same 
 day Count Bismarck, the imperial chancellor, to whose strong 
 and prudent guidance the re-establishment of the German Empire 
 was principally due, was raised to the rank of prince. The elec- 
 tions for the Reichstag had taken place on the 3d of March, and 
 an exceptionally large number of votes had been polled. Even 
 in south Germany the results were favorable for the national 
 party. Of the 382 delegates the government could count on 
 the support of a large majority. As members of variously desig- 
 nated parties — National -liberals, German i?«;/c/is - party. Liberal 
 Reichs-Tp?iviy — Germany's best men stood fast for the policy of 
 Emperor AVilliam and his great chancellor. It is worthy of note 
 that in north Germany, which had sent only eight Clerical dele- 
 gates to the last Reichstag, thirty-six members of that party were 
 elected in 1871. These, with the twenty Clericals from south 
 Germany, fifty-six in all — and for all measures of disloyal oppo- 
 sition they Avere sure, furthermore, of the assistance of the Polish 
 irreconcilables — constituted the Roman Catholic centre. Feb- 
 ruary iVth some members of this party had sent the emperor 
 an address at Versailles praying him to make use of the whole 
 power of the new empire for the restoration of the temporal 
 dominion of the Pope, and offering the government in that event 
 the support of the Clericals. It was astonishingly naive to request 
 the Protestant emperor of an empire for the most part Protestant 
 to break a diplomatic lance in behalf of the temporal dominion 
 of the Pope, the existence of which in Europe had been no less 
 a disgrace than the existence of the Turkish empire ; or, in case 
 diplomacy were not enough, to set his martial spear in rest and 
 undertake a mediaeval crusade for the rescue this time of the 
 " eternal city," to drive Victor Emmanuel's soldiers out of Rome 
 and the States of the Church, and put 100,000 sentries at the 
 Pope's most holy disposal. It betrayed on the part of the Cleri- 
 cals a scornful disregard of all rational politics, to offer their sup- 
 port at such a price as this ; and that support, furthermore, was 
 sure sooner or later to lead directly to Canossa. Tliat the gov- 
 ernment rejected all such crazy fantasies, and sought its support- 
 
IMPERIAL DICTATORSHIP IN ALSACE AND LORRAINE. 467 
 
 crs among the National-liberals instead, brought upon it and the 
 national policy the deadly hostility of the Clericals, under the di- 
 rection of their Jesuitic leaders in the Vatican, and we shall soon 
 have occasion to see how that hostility displayed itself in attacks 
 upon every measure looking toward national unity. 
 
 Under such circumstances the members of the national parties 
 in the Reichstag deemed it advisable to insert in the address a 
 distinct declaration to the effect that the new German Empire of 
 1871 was not to be the same as that of the Middle Ages. "The 
 days of interference in the internal affairs of other peoples will 
 not, we hope, return under any pretext or in any form." Bennig- 
 sen defended the address in the most able manner; and, notwith- 
 standing the attacks of Rcichensperger, Windthorst, and Bishop 
 Ketteler, it was adopted, on the 30th of March, by a vote of 243 
 to 63, and the counter-address rejected. Thereupon the Clericals 
 moved the adoption into the imperial constitution of the so-called 
 fundamental rights of the Prussian constitution — freedom of the 
 Press, right of association, and complete independence of the 
 Church. As every one understood that their object was to ac- 
 quire freedom of the Press only for the benefit of the Clerical 
 Press, the right of association only for the use of religious orders, 
 and ecclesiastical independence only for the advantage of the 
 Roman Catholic Church, and for the support of the bishops in 
 their disobedience to the laws of the state, the bill was rejected 
 on the 4th of April, after a three days' debate, by a vote of 223 
 to 54. At the suggestion of the government 240,000,000 thalers 
 were appropriated from the war indemnity for sick and wounded 
 soldiers, 4,000,000 for needy members of the reserve and land- 
 tvehr, and 4,000,000 for donations to deserving generals and states- 
 men. These latter were divided into four categories, to which 
 were assigned sums of 300,000, 200,000, 150,000, and 100,000 
 thalers respectively. Prince Frederic Charles, Minister of War 
 Roon, and General Manteuffel were in the first, and Generals Go- 
 ben and Werder, and Minister of State Delbrück in the second. 
 Prince Bismarck received as a gift from the emperor estates in 
 Schwarzenbeck, duchy of Lauenburg, valued at 1,000,000 thalers. 
 The regained provinces of Alsace and Lorraine were not united 
 with Prussia, as some wished, but, in accordance with a bill brought 
 in by the government, were to be for the present administered 
 provisionally as special territory of the empire, the imperial con- 
 
468 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 stitution not to come in force until the 1st of January, 1874 ; and 
 in the mean time the emperor to frame the laws in concert with 
 the Bundesrath, and in all other matters the government to be 
 directed by the emperor alone. This bill was passed on the 3d 
 of June by a large majority, only so far amended that the period 
 of probation was shortened by one year ; but on the 20th of 
 June, 1872, the imperial dictatorship was prolonged to the date 
 originally proposed, the majority not regarding the new provinces 
 as yet sufficiently ripe for the imperial constitution. On the 
 15th of June the Reichstag was closed, and on the 16th the trium- 
 phal entry into Berlin of a part of the returning army took place. 
 The procession consisted of 40,000 men — the Guards, a battalion 
 of the royal grenadier regiment, and deputations from all the va- 
 rious divisions of the German army — and a more brilliant pro- 
 cession Berlin has never seen. On the same day Roon was made 
 count, and Moltke field-marshal-general. 
 
 § 27. 
 
 THE COMMUNE AND FRANCE. 
 
 As soon as the German troops had evacuated the southern 
 forts the National Assembly removed from Bordeaux to Ver- 
 sailles, where it held its first sitting on the 20th of March, 1871. 
 The Parisians took this slight to the capital very ill, but at the 
 same time felt tliemselves so much the more unrestrained in the 
 execution of their political and social plans. The social-demo- 
 crats, who had been so often frustrated, thought that their oppor- 
 tunity had come at last, and allied themselves with the Interna- 
 tionale, a society having its head-quarters in London, which rec- 
 ognized no marriage and no right of inheritance, seeking to pull 
 down all the pillars of human society — family, community, state, 
 religion, property — and remodel the whole world by a merciless 
 system of levelling. These were the men who ruled the laboring 
 classes of Paris and the national guards of the faubourgs Belle- 
 ville, Montmartre, Montrouge, etc. On the 27th of February the 
 national guards had carried off twenty-seven cannon, under pre- 
 tence of rescuing them from the Prussians. After the withdrawal 
 
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE COMMUNE. 469 
 
 of the German troops they took many more — 417 in all — and 
 planted them on Montmartre, thus converting it into a genuine 
 fortress. At the same time they spoke of a " Central Committee 
 of the National Guards," to whose commands alone they rendered 
 obedience. They demanded the continuance of the payment of 
 the one and a half francs a day which they had received during 
 the siege, and the right to choose their own officers and their own 
 general. Farther than this, they refused to tolerate the presence 
 in Paris of any other military commanders than those appointed 
 by the municipality. This meant the abolition of the national 
 government, the erection of Paris into a free city, and the aban- 
 donment of the inhabitants to the mercies of socialistic and com- 
 munistic fanatics. General Vinoy, wishing first of all to settle 
 the " cannon question," occupied Montmartre in the night of 
 March iVth; but at seven o'clock on the following morning the 
 national guards advanced against him, his troops fraternized 
 with the rebels, he himself was forced to withdraw to Versailles, 
 and Generals Lecomte and Clement Thomas were captured and 
 shot. The central committee of the combined national guards, 
 headed by Assy, now assumed the government of Paris, and re- 
 duced the respectable portions of the community to submission 
 by terroi'ism. By their direction elections for a common council 
 or commune were held on the 26th of March. This body con- 
 sisted of eighty members, among whom were Blanqui, Pyat, Flou- 
 rens. Assy, and Delescluze. The Commune formed the regular 
 government, but in addition to this the central committee still 
 existed ; while above both, as directing power, was the committee 
 of the Internationale. But although successful in Paris the at- 
 tempt to set up the Commune in the other large cities failed. 
 The socialistic insurrections in Lyons, Marseilles, and other places 
 were all put down ; and Blanqui, who was acting as an emissary 
 of the Parisian Commune, was arrested. 
 
 The Commune elected ten commissions for the administration 
 of the various ministries, and set one delegate at the head of each. 
 All who were capable of bearing arms were pressed into the ranks 
 of the national guards, the pay of the soldiers was raised, their 
 families received assistance, and in case of death pensions were 
 to be secured to the survivors. It was the golden age of the 
 proletariat. To get money to defray these expenses the Com- 
 mune confiscated all church property, plundered the churches, 
 
470 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 obtained from the Bank advances of several millions, forced loans 
 from the insurance companies, and levied contributions on wealthy 
 individuals. Socialistic sheets provided for the propagation of 
 communistic principles among the people. Thiers believed that 
 the crater would soon burn itself out, but the eruption proved 
 more permanent than he had expected. The Commune on its 
 part did not believe in the permanence of the Versailles govern- 
 ment, and determined to pay Versailles a visit for the purpose of 
 dispersing the National Assembly. With that end in view Cluse- 
 ret headed two expeditions from Paris on the 2d and 3d of April, 
 but his troops were repulsed by the national forces, and one of 
 the leaders of the Commune, Flourens, fell in the fighting. These 
 defeats increased the fury of the rebels, and on the 4th Archbishop 
 Darboy, with a number of priests and other prominent men, was 
 arrested and sent to Mazas, as security for the safety of the na- 
 tional guards captured in the recent encounters. Thiers's house 
 was plundered and destroyed, the Column of Victory, on the Place 
 Vendome, thrown down, and an appeal issued to the French peo- 
 ple to inspire them with enthusiasm for the " modern revolution, 
 the most comprehensive and fruitful of all," by which the decen- 
 tralization of France was to be effected through the separation of 
 the united state into a number of municipal republics with unlim- 
 ited self-government. [English and Americans, bred in the prac- 
 tice of local self-government, will feel in some degree a sympathy 
 with this aspect of the Commune.] But the appeal had no effect, 
 especially as the establishment of a committee of safety, consist- 
 ing of five members, recalled the worst times of 1793 and 1794. 
 The "Eeign of Terror" was still more vividly brought to mind 
 by the rapidity with which power changed hands and the fate of 
 deposed leaders. The whole state of affairs in this particular was 
 well illustrated by the words of Rössel, the third or fourth minis- 
 ter of war, offering his resignation : " I have the honor to beg for 
 a cell in Mazas." 
 
 In April the Versailles troops, commanded by Marshal Mac- 
 Mahon, with Cissey, Douay, Vinoy, Ladmirault, and Clinchant as 
 division commanders, advanced against Paris on the west and 
 south. After several of the outside forts had been taken and 
 the Parisians driven behind the walls, preparations were made 
 for a combined attack upon the city. On the side of the insur- 
 gents Delescluze now stood at the head of the war department. 
 
FALL OF THE COMMUNE. 471 
 
 Incited by him, the Commune resolved, on the 20tli of May, to 
 drench all the public buildings and whole districts of the city with 
 petroleum and set fire to them, before the cnti-ance of the Ver- 
 sailles troops, that they might leave for the victors nothing but 
 a heap of ruins. On the evening of May 21st the soldiers en- 
 tered the city at an unguarded spot, pointed out to them at the 
 risk of his life by a citizen named Jules Ducatel. The plan was 
 to drive the rebels from the south-west toward the northern 
 heights of Montmartre and Belleville, from which there was no 
 mode of escape, as the northern forts were still in the hands of 
 the Germans. The desperate struggle lasted from the 22d to the 
 28th, even women taking part and helping to kindle the petro- 
 leum fires. Numerous prisoners, including Archbishop Darboy, 
 were shot by the communists. With the capture of Chaumont 
 (May 28th), where Delescluze sought and found death on a 
 barricade, the last post of the Commune was carried, and the 
 city in the power of the Versailles government and its angry sol- 
 diers. Thousands of prisoners were taken, their number ultimate- 
 ly rising to 50,000. MacMahon's loss was V514 men. Among 
 the public buildings burnt by the Commune were the Tuileries, 
 Palais-Royal, ministry of finance, ministry of justice, police head- 
 quarters, the City Hall, and several theatres. Some other build- 
 ings in which the combustibles had already been placed were 
 rescued. Of the members of the Commune a number were 
 taken, including Assy, Cluscret, Groussct, Rössel, and Rochefort. 
 The trials of the prisoners lasted several months, and of the con- 
 demned some were shot, and some transported to New Caledonia 
 or other distant places. 
 
 Not until the Commune was suppressed could the French gov- 
 ernment provide for an orderly and systematic administration of 
 the country. It had before it at the outset two aims — to rid the 
 land as soon as possible of the German troops, and to improve 
 the army according to the Prussian pattern. As large sums of 
 money were necessary for the attainment of both these aims, a 
 great strain was put upon the taxable strength of the country. 
 The result to be achieved by the increase of the army was, not 
 the strengthening of the defensive power of the country — for a 
 peaceful France had no assaults to fear — but a war of reve^j|fe 
 against Germany. The lost military glory must be restfft-ed, and 
 the ceded provinces regained, or compensation taken elsewhere — 
 
472 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 perhaps in Belgium. All parties in France, monarchists as well 
 as the most ultra-republicans, were animated by the same spirit, 
 and voted sum after sum for military purposes, even offering the 
 government more than it required. This longing for revenge was 
 favorable to the plans of the Jesuits. Their hope in the year 
 1870 had been, by the help of the French empire, to overpower 
 heretical Prussia, and render impossible the establishment of a 
 united Germany under a Protestant einperor. Their hope now 
 was to improve the national misfortune for clerical ends. With 
 this aim in view, religious hymns with a political refrain were 
 composed, in order to inflame the people against the Germans, 
 while the possibility of revenge was made dependent on strict 
 devotion and punctual observance of ordinary and extraordinary 
 ecclesiastical forms. Shattered France was to be brouglit com- 
 pletely under the sway of the Jesuits ; and in order to effect this, 
 national and religious fanaticism was to receive constant encour- 
 agement, the reorganization of the army was to be completed 
 with lightning rapidity, and, as soon as the general political con- 
 dition of Europe afforded a favorable opportunity, a national and 
 religious crusade against Germany undertaken. To attain this 
 high result the Virgin Mary made a few personal appearances in 
 France, the wonder-working springs of Lourdes were discovered, 
 and processions of ten or twenty thousand persons organized, 
 while the cultus of the Holy Heart of Jesus was carried to the 
 verge of insanity. In the name of republican freedom the Jes- 
 uits demanded for the Roman Catholic Church, and for that 
 alone, freedom of instruction and the right to establish "free 
 universities." The state universities were to be completely set 
 aside, and all who sought to make themselves a career obliged to 
 pass through the Jesuitic institutions — and in 1875 the National 
 Assembly was complaisant enough to accord the clergy these 
 privileges. 
 
 For the payment of the first two milliards of the war-fine 
 Thiers — named president of the French republic by the National 
 Assembly, August 31st, 1871 — contracted a loan of 2,500,000,000 
 francs in June of 1871, and for the payment of the remainder a 
 farther loan of more than three milliards was contracted in July 
 of the following year. When the subscription for the first of 
 these two loans was opened seven and a half milliards were sub- 
 scribed (two and a half in Paris), instead of the two and a half 
 
PAYMENT OF THE WAR INDEMNITY. 473 
 
 required ; -while for tLe second loan subscriptions of forty-one 
 milliards were offered. Allowing that all these subscriptions were 
 not genuine, nevertheless the transaction testified in the most fa- 
 vorable way to the high credit of France. Through Thiers's ef- 
 forts the German occupation — which had been in so far advanta- 
 geous that it had forced a certain moderation upon contending 
 parties, and led to the postponement of the more dangerous ques- 
 tions regarding the future form of government in France — was 
 brought to a close sooner than had been expected at the conclu- 
 sion of peace. According to an arrangement entered into on the 
 15th of March, 1873, the last quarter milliard of the war-fine was 
 to be paid on the 5th of September of that year, and its payment 
 was to be at once followed by the complete evacuation of French 
 territory by the Germans. Accordingly on that day the remain- 
 der of the war indemnity changed hands, and the evacuation of 
 Verdun, the last city in the possession of the invaders, began at 
 once. On the 16th of September, 1873, the last German soldier 
 crossed the French frontier. The army of occupation had won 
 much praise by its exemplary discipline, as a reward for Avhich 
 General Manteuffel was raised to the rank of field-marshal-general 
 on the 19th of the same month. 
 
 By the military law of July 28th, 1872, universal compulsory 
 service was introduced ; each Frenchman was to be liable to ac- 
 tive service for five years ; this was followed by four years in the 
 reserve, five years in the " territorial army," and six years in its 
 reserve. It amounted in practice to five years' active service for 
 one part of the community, and six months' drill for the other. 
 This law was complemented by the army organization law of July 
 24th, 1873, fixing the number of regiments and distributing them 
 among eighteen army corps, and by the cadre law of March 13th, 
 1875. According to the provisions of the latter the companies 
 were increased in size and decreased in number, the battalion 
 cadres being strengthened in such a way that for every three al- 
 ready existing battalions a fourth was created, so that while pre- 
 viously the regiment consisted of three battalions, with a maxi- 
 mum strength on a war footing of 3000 men, regiments of four 
 battalions were now formed, raising the maximum strength to 
 4000. The object of this measure appeared to be to form a 
 frame into which in case of war considerable bodies of undrilled 
 or comparatively undrilled men might be cast for immediate ser- 
 
474 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 vice. By its passage the Frencli infantry was raadc to consist of 
 641 battalions, 269 more than in 1870, and, on a peace footing, 
 171 more than the German army. This cadre law, together with 
 the inflammatory articles in the Press of all parties, caused such a 
 sensation, that in the spring of 1875 it was generally believed that 
 war must ensue, and many held that Germany should declare Avar 
 before these colossal preparations were completed; but the matter 
 never reached in reality a more dangerous stage than that of dip- 
 lomatic inquiries. 
 
 For the consolation of its military pride France sought to fasten 
 the whole responsibility for the disgrace of the late war on Mar- 
 shal Bazaine, who certainly had signed the capitulation of Metz 
 at a very opportune moment for the Germans. He was accord- 
 ingly court-martialed, and condemned to death on the 10th of 
 December, 1 873, but the sentence was commuted to twenty years' 
 imprisonment. December 26th he was confined in a fort on the 
 island of St. Marguerite, but escaped on the 10th of August, 1874, 
 with the assistance of his wife, and took refuge in Spain. 
 
 The National Assembly, divided into parties which viewed one 
 another with the most bitter hostility, developed very little legis- 
 lative activity. On one side stood the three monarchical parties 
 of the Legitimists, Orleanists (the decree of banishment against 
 the two families Bourbon and Orleans had been repealed by the 
 National Assembly, and the latter reinstated in the possession of 
 the estates which had been confiscated by Napoleon in 1851), and 
 Bonapartists, each one of which had its pretender to the throne ; 
 on the other the republicans — among whom Gambetta's influence 
 was constantly on the increase — divided into a moderate and an 
 extreme Left. Between the two stood a group of parliamenta- 
 rians which would have been content with either of the two forms 
 of government, provided only the constitutional system were ad- 
 hered to. This was, at the outset, Thiers's position also. The 
 monarchists were in the majority, but in the course of the next 
 few years they lost considerable ground by the unfavorable re- 
 sult of supplementary elections; while they were so disunited 
 among themselves that on the most important questions it several 
 times occurred that one fraction of the Right voted with the 
 Left, thus converting the majority into a minority. The "fu- 
 sion " — i. e., the amalgamation into a single party of the Legiti- 
 mists and Orleanists — did not succeed. On the 5th of August, 
 
THIERS SUCCEEDED BY MACMAHON. 475 
 
 1R73, tlic Count of Paris paid Count Chambord a visit at Frolis- 
 dorf, and recognized him as the head of the family and the only 
 representative of the monarchical principle in France ; but as 
 Count Chambord, in his letter of October 27th, 1873, demanded 
 an unconditional recall, and would not bind himself beforehand 
 either in the matter of the flag or the constitution, the Orleanists 
 were obliged to give up the fusion, and the Count of Paris bad 
 compromised liimself in vain. The monarchists became the more 
 dissatisfied with Thiers the more pronounced the latter became 
 in his preference of the actual republic to any one of the three 
 possible monarchies. Thiers's protectionist leanings had already 
 brought on a crisis in the beginning of the year 1872, but at that 
 time the Assembly could not do without him ; so that his resig- 
 nation was not accepted, and he was able to carry out his own 
 will against the majority — undoing about the only good work Na- 
 poleon had done. This little farce of resignation was re-enacted 
 once or twice ; but finally, in the reorganization of the ministry 
 on the 18th of May, 1873, he disregarded the monarchical major- 
 ity altogether, and recruited his cabinet only from the ranks of 
 the moderate Left. The monarchists moved a vote of censure, 
 which was carried on the 24th by a vote of 360 to 344. It is 
 p(jssiblc that Thiers would have done his country a service by 
 usurping the right to dissolve the Assembly and appeal to the 
 people ; but he was not the man to resort to such a measure, and 
 he and his ministers handed in their resignations. Somewhat to 
 Thiers's surprise the resignations were accepted, and in the same 
 sitting MacMahon was elected president of the republic. In or- 
 der to strengthen the " Marshal-president's " position, his term of 
 office was fixed at seven years (the Septennat). The Duke de 
 Broglie was the head of the first ministry formed under the new 
 president, but he did not long succeed in the difficult task of 
 steering his way successfully between the opposing parties. An 
 unfavorable vote on the electoral law compelled him to retire 
 from office on the 16th of May, 1874, and on the 22d he was 
 succeeded by Cissey, the minister of war. As the new cabinet 
 seemed too favorably disposed toward the Bonapartists, and the 
 only choice appeared to be between a republic and the third em- 
 pire, the moderate Orleanists withdrew their support from the 
 government, and a new majority was formed by a combination 
 of the Left with the liight centre. Toward the end of 1872 a 
 
476 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 committee of thirty had been appointed, to whom various ques- 
 tions \Yith reference to a constitution were from time to time 
 referred. Early in the year 1875 they were induced by MacMa- 
 hon's message to recommend two chambers instead of one ; and 
 on the 30th of January, on the motion of Wallon, who was sup- 
 ported by the moderate Orleanists and the moderate republicans, 
 against the recommendation of the committee of thirty, the Sep- 
 tennat was changed into a republic, with a president to be elected 
 by the two houses in joint session. On the 10th of March a new 
 ministry was formed, with Buffet as premier, most of the promi- 
 nent members of which belonged to the Right centre. 
 
 § 28. 
 
 THE NEUTRAL STATES. 
 
 The completion of Italian unity was a direct result of the 
 Franco-Prussian war. A French despatch of August 2d, 1870, 
 informed the Italian government that France would withdraw her 
 troops from the States of the Churcli, and recur to the September 
 convention of 1864; to which the Italian cabinet at once replied 
 that Italy would scrupulously adhere to the terms of that treaty. 
 In Parliament the Left stormed the ministry with appeals to dis- 
 regard the convention and occupy Rome. The ministers hesi- 
 tated, but at the same time diligently prepared for action. Then 
 came the news of the capitulation of Sedan and the establishment 
 of the republic in Paris, and the government found itself no lon- 
 ger able to hold back. On the 6th of September the occupation 
 of Rome was decided upon. This decision was duly communi- 
 cated to foreign governments, and King Victor Emmanuel in- 
 formed the Pope of his intentions in a personal letter. Septem- 
 ber 11th the Italian troops, under the command of General Ca- 
 dorna, entered the States of the Church; on the 16th Civita Vec- 
 chia was occupied, and on the 20th the invaders stood before 
 Rome itself. As the Papal general, Kanzler, refused to open the 
 gates, a breach was made in the wall at Porta Pia by the cannon 
 of the Italian troops, whereupon the Pope commanded the resist- 
 ance to cease, and Cadorna entered the city amid the acclamations 
 
ITALY: ANNEXATION OF ROME. 477 
 
 of tlic delighted populace. The so-called Leonine city, together 
 with the Vatican, was assigned to the Pope, and his troops were 
 disarmed and disbanded. Pins issued letters of protestation, and 
 fulminated excommunication against all who were concerned in 
 the "robbery." On the 22d of September, at his special wish, in- 
 asmuch as he did not feel himself safe in the power of the people, 
 Cadorna occupied the Leonine city also. The plebiscite of October 
 22d resulted in 133,681 votes in favor of annexation to the Ital- 
 ian monarchy, and 1507 against it. The newly-elected chamber 
 confirmed the annexation, and decreed the transfer to Rome of 
 the seat of government on the 30tli of June. A guarantee law, 
 defining the prerogatives of the Pope, and regulating tlie relations 
 to one another of churcli and state, was passed in May of 1871, 
 before Parliament left Florence. In accordance with this law 
 the Pope retained all the riglits and privileges of a sovereign, and 
 received a yearly revenue of 3,225,000 francs. The next ques- 
 tion is. Who will assume the responsibility in case the Pope com- 
 mits any hostilities against foreign powers ? In point of fact he 
 is neither sovereign nor subject, but he cannot be brought to ac- 
 count by any foreign power ; while inasmuch as the Italian gov- 
 ernment affords him unlimited protection, and docs not restrain 
 him from the commission of hostilities, it is constantly in danger 
 of becoming involved in quarrels on his account. 
 
 By the 1st of July, 1871, Parliament and all the ministries 
 were in Rome, and on the 2d the king made his entrance into 
 the new capital, and took up his residence in the Quirinal. It 
 was a proud moment for him when he saw the task of his life- 
 time accomplished, and all Italy finally united under his sceptre. 
 Parliament willingly voted the money required to reorganize the 
 army, strengthen the navy, and build fortifications. In 1873 a 
 government measure abolishing cloisters, but assuring a revenne 
 to the generals or heads of the various orders, was accepted by 
 both houses. In July of the same year the Lanza-Sella ministry 
 fell on a financial question, and was succeeded by that of Min- 
 ghetti, which was taken from the ranks of the Right. The new 
 elections of 1874 resulted in a majority for the government. 
 Among those elected was Garibaldi, to whom the lower house 
 voted a donation. He took part in the session of 1875, interest- 
 ing himself especially in projects of general usefulness — the im- 
 provement of the Campagna, and a Tiber canal to guard against 
 
478 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 inundations. The twenty-fifth anniversary of King Victor Em- 
 manuel's elevation to the throne was celebrated through the whole 
 length and breadth of the land on the 23d of March, 1874. The 
 great achievements of his reign might be summed up in the words 
 " from Novara to Rome " — a road which he had travelled in twen- 
 ty-one years in the face of no common obstacles. Against the 
 bandits in Sicily — whose operations, under the invisible guidance 
 of the Maffia, had assumed formidable dimensions — the govern- 
 ment was for a long time quite helpless. Severe measures raised 
 a storm among the radical members of Parliament, and clemency 
 only made the evil worse. In 1875 a committee of investigation 
 was appointed to examine into the condition of affairs and pro- 
 pose to king and parliament a remedy. The attitude of the Pope 
 was also unsatisfactory. Having protested against the guarantee 
 law and the closing of the cloisters, and refused to accept the 
 proffered revenue, he persisted in representing himself to the 
 world as the "prisoner of the Vatican." On his account, fur- 
 thermore, Italy's relations to France were somewhat clouded over. 
 The French government constantly maintained a ship of war at 
 Civita Vecchia for the Pope's use, in case at any time he desired 
 to leave the eleven thousand rooms of his gorgeous prison. 
 
 In Spain another candidate had been found in place of Prince 
 Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen. Marshal Prim persuaded 
 the second son of the Italian sovereign, Amadeo, Duke of Aosta, 
 to accept the throne; and on the 16th of November, 1870, the 
 Cortes elected him king by a vote of 191 to 98. January 2d, 
 1871, the new king entered Madrid and took the oath to the con- 
 stitution ; but the king-maker. Prim, had already perished at the 
 hands of assassins. Amadeo's government, under which Serrano 
 was the first minister-president, was one continued scramble for 
 office on the part of the regular monarchists, while the Carlists 
 and republicans busied themselves in organizing insurrections in 
 the north and south respectively. Serrano and Topete, Sagasta 
 and Zorilla, gained and lost ofl[ice with confusing rapidity. The 
 king held fast to the constitution of 1809, but was bitterly hated 
 by the powerful nobles and the clergy as a stranger and the son 
 of Victor Emmanuel. He and his family were exposed to con- 
 stant insults, until he was at length forced to the conclusion that 
 the house of Savoy, Italy's pride, could not take root in a land 
 where parties were more concerned to provide for their own in- 
 
SPAIN: KING AMADEO SUCCEEDED BY A REPUBLIC. 479 
 
 terests than for tbc welfare of their common country. Accord- 
 ingly, on the 8th of February, 1873, after a reign of two years, he 
 communicated to Zorilla, as minister-president, his irrevocable de- 
 termination to lay down the crown. On the 11th he sent to the 
 Cortes a message announcing his abdication, and on the following 
 day left Madrid for Italy, where he was reinstated in his former 
 position. On the receipt of the royal message of abdication the 
 Cortes declared in favor of a republic ; and on the day of the ex- 
 king's departure a ministry was chosen to carry on the govern- 
 ment, with Figueras as president, and Castelar as minister of for- 
 eign affairs. The programme of the new rulers was : a federative 
 republic for Spain, with self-government of the individual states, 
 after the pattern of Switzerland and the United States ; no cen- 
 tralization ; abolition of the standing army ; absolute separation 
 of church and state ; proclamation of the rights of the indi- 
 vidual on the basis of a democratic constitution and under the 
 authority of the law. If these political fantasies were adopted 
 into the new constitution Spain must cease to exist, and be re- 
 placed by a quantity of cantons, free cities, and communes, rent 
 by repeated Parisian rebellions. The Cortes was disbanded, and 
 a constituent Cortes summoned to meet on the 1st of June. On 
 the 8th of June this body declared for the federative republic, and 
 draughted a constitution embodying the above principles. But 
 even this did not satisfy the so-called Tntransigentes, who wished 
 for the red republic and a social revolution. As they could not 
 gain a majority for their views they seceded, and raised the red 
 flag in the southern cities. Ministries and presidents followed 
 one another in rapid succession. September 7th Castelar was 
 chosen president of the executive. He found himself face to 
 face with such a chaotic condition of affairs that he was obliged 
 to condition his acceptance on the surrender to him of full power 
 to adopt whatever measures, military or political, he deemed nec- 
 essary, among which was included the declaration of a state of 
 siege. The discussion of the proposed constitution was post- 
 poned, and the Cortes adjourned from the 18th of September to 
 the 2d of January, 1874. Castelar, the enthusiastic federative re- 
 publican — who had already, however, begun to understand the dif- 
 ference between theory and practice — had become a full-fledged 
 dictator. A strong hand was needed ; for in the north the Car- 
 lists — whose pretender, Don Carlos, together with his brother, Don 
 
480 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Alonzo, had appeared in person — were making alarming progress, 
 while in the south several cities had set up communes and refused 
 allegiance to the government; and, to enhance the difficulties of 
 the situation, shameful insubordination prevailed in the army — 
 soldiers fired on their own officers, and generals went over to the 
 rebels. It was necessary to take the cities of Alcoy, Seville, Ca- 
 diz, and Valencia by force, while other places only returned to 
 their obedience on the approach of the governmental troops. 
 The resistance in the maritime fortress of Cartagena lasted lon- 
 gest. There General Contreras, at the head of a committee of 
 safety, transacted diplomatic business with the foreign consuls 
 linder the title of President of Murcia, and even bombarded the 
 neighboring ports of Almeria and Alicante, and laid them un- 
 der contribution. But these piratical expeditions brought him 
 into conflict with foreign war-vessels ; and an energetic German 
 captain, Werner, supported by an English colleague, took away 
 from him two of his ships. Cartagena was finally beleaguered 
 on the land side, and bombarded by the national troops under 
 General Lopez-Dominguez. It was taken on the 12th of Janu- 
 ary, 1874, after a siege of four months; but Contreras, with the 
 revolutionary junta and several hundred followers, escaped on a 
 war-steamer, made his way through the weak blockading squad- 
 ron, and reached Algiers in safety. 
 
 That Castelar liad brought the federative republicans to reason 
 with powder and lead, had intrusted conservative generals with 
 commissions in the army, and had entered into negotiations with 
 the Papal stool with reference to vacant bishoprics — all these 
 things were unpardonable offences in the eyes of his former 
 party associates, who had neither forgotten anything nor learned 
 anything. On the reassembling of the Cortes, January 2d, 1874, 
 its president, Salmeron, procured a vote of lack of confidence 
 against Castelar's government, and Castelar accordingly resigned. 
 Before farther action could be had, on the morning of the 3d, 
 the Cortes was dispersed by Pavia, Captain-general of Madrid, 
 and a military dictatorship set up under Marshal Serrano. Be- 
 publican insurrections broke out in several cities, but were quick- 
 ly put down, and larger forces were put in the field against the 
 Carlists. The latter held the important fortress of Bilbao closely 
 invested, and had made themselves masters of Portugalete, the 
 port of that place. General Moriones had escaped annihilation 
 
THE CORTES DISPERSED, AND SERRANO DICTATOR. 4SI 
 
 at their hands only by taking refuge on board ship, and when he 
 again advanced to the relief of Bilbao from the west he was 
 defeated at Soramorostro (February 24th, 1874), and obliged to 
 retreat. Serrano, who bore the title President of the executive 
 poioer of the republic, hurried to tlie spot in person. In the bat- 
 tles of March 25th and 26th he was unable to break through the 
 strong positions of the Carlists at Sommorostro ; but on the 28th 
 of April, having in the mean time received re-enforcements, he re- 
 newed the attack, and on the 1st of May the enemy was obliged 
 to abandon all his positions, raise the siege of Bilbao, and evacu- 
 ate Portugalete. On the 25th of June General Concha, who had 
 been appointed commander-in-chief of the army of the north, 
 attacked Dorregaray, whose forces occupied a strongly fortified 
 position on the heights of Estella, but was defeated after three 
 days' fighting, and himself fell on the field. The Carlists neg- 
 lected to make at once the proper strategical use of their victory, 
 and were, furthermore, barbarous enough to shoot a number of 
 their prisoners. Don Alonzo, the brother of the pretender, Avas 
 no more civilized in his operations on the side toward Catalonia, 
 where he captured the Castilian city of Cuenca on the 15th of 
 July, and gave it over to plunder, fire, and sword. In the north 
 the Carlist general Mendiri failed to take the fortress of Irun, 
 and was defeated by Laserna on the 10th of November, 1874; 
 but on the 9th of December he in his turn defeated General 
 Loma and drove him back to San Sebastian. Serrano hurried 
 once more to the scene of action, with the intention of putting 
 himself at the head of four army corps, and by a general at- 
 tack drive the enemy back to the French frontier, but some 
 time elapsed before he could collect a force sufficient for the 
 purpose. 
 
 Don Carlos's disregard of the laws of civilized warfare had 
 raised up for Marshal Serrano unexpected allies. June 30th, 
 1874, the Spanish pretender had caused Schmidt, a quondam Prus- 
 sian captain, who, while acting as correspondent of German pa- 
 pers in Concha's head-quarters at EstcUa, fell into the hands of 
 the Carlists, to be shot, although he was not a combatant. This 
 action, which set at defiance all the laws of civilized warfare — 
 and in general their barbarous method of waging war — led 
 Prince Bismarck to take diplomatic steps against the Carlists, 
 The latter were supplied with funds by the Legitimists in France, 
 
 21 
 
482 POLITICAL HISTORY OF KEUENT TIMES. 
 
 the feudalists in Austria, and the Jesuits in the Vatican, Bis- 
 marck now induced the other powers to accord Serrano official 
 recognition, and exerted on the French government, which was 
 affording the Carlists on its Pyrenean border every possible ad- 
 vantage, an indirect pressure, resulting in a better fulfilment by 
 the latter of its neutral obligations. All the powers except Rus- 
 sia I'ecognized Serrano's government by sending ambassadors to 
 Madrid, where the German representative was received with 
 marked attention on the 12th of September. Two German 
 ships were also despatched to the Bay of Biscay, to protect the 
 interests of German citizens, and prevent the smuggling in of con- 
 traband of war. But the insignificant character of the successes 
 which Serrano was able to win against the Carlists brought about 
 another revolution toward the close of the year 1874. In Mur- 
 viedro, on the 29th day of December, General Martinez Campos, 
 who, like most of the officers, was an adherent of the deposed 
 Bourbon dynasty, proclaimed the son of ex-Queen Isabella, King 
 Alphonso XII. of Spain. The army everywhere forthwith pro- 
 nounced for Alphonso, Sagasta's ministry resigned, Serrano laid 
 down the presidency and the chief command ; a ministerial 
 regency was formed, with Canovas del Castillos as its chief (De- 
 cember 31st), and Isabella, Avho was in Paris, was at once informed 
 of the elevation of her son to the throne. Alphonso left Paris 
 on the 6th of January, 1875, landed in Barcelona, entered Madrid 
 on the 14th, and, although not quite eighteen years of age, at 
 once assumed the reins of government. The inexperienced sov- 
 ereign had a difficult position to maintain. The treasury was al- 
 most empty, while the war with the Carlists consumed vast sums 
 with very small results ; the intimate relations of the king to his 
 god-father. Pope Pius, necessitated special delicacy of manage- 
 ment in that direction, while the Papal nuntius demanded, in con- 
 sideration of his support, the most comprehensive concessions, 
 involving the restoration of the old intolerance and priestcraft, 
 and, if possible, the Inquisition ; at the same time the ex-queen, 
 Isabella, whose shameless life had long since deprived her of all 
 claims to respect, waited eagerly for her recall to Madrid. On 
 all sides appeared dangerous rocks on which the new government 
 threatened to go to shipwreck. In military affairs the capitula- 
 tion of the fortress of Seo de Urgel, in the northern part of Cata- 
 lonia, where the Carlist general Lizzaraga was in command (Au- 
 
AUSTRIAN AUTONOMISTS. 483 
 
 gust 27tli, 1875), was the most important success of the first year 
 of the young king's reign. 
 
 That which the federative republicans were endeavoring to 
 accomplish in Spain — the separation of a centralized state into 
 the greatest possible number of " historico-political individuali- 
 ties " — Francis Joseph and his new ministry Avere attempting to 
 effect in Austria. The political vagaries of the Czechish Count 
 Belcredi had scarcely been forgotten when another count was in- 
 trusted with the power to try the same dangerous experiments. 
 February 4th, 1871, Potocki's ministry was dismissed, and Count 
 Ilohenwart named minister of the interior, and commissioned 
 with the formation of a new " ministry independent of parties." 
 lie took into his cabinet two Czechs, members of the party of 
 autonom}^, and even gave one of them the portfolio of religion 
 and instruction — something which had never before occurred in 
 Austria; while he made Schäffle of Würtemberg — professor of 
 political economy at Vienna, and well known for his hatred of 
 Prussia — minister of commerce. This ministry made no secret 
 of the fact that it proposed to grant Galicia and Boliemia, as well 
 as the Slovenians and other nationalities, an independent position 
 with relation to the federal state similar to that of Hungary. To 
 carry these plans through the Reichsrath, Hohenwart dissolved 
 the lower house, together with all those provincial parliaments 
 which remained faithful to the constitution, and, in concert with 
 the Czechish leaders, Rieger and Clam-Martinitz, drew up the out- 
 lines of the new constitution to be given to Bohemia. Accord- 
 ing to his plan the kingdom of Bohemia was to have nothing in 
 common with the rest of Cisleithania but its relations to foreign 
 powers, and a part of its military and financial affairs, which were 
 to be settled by delegations from the different states in common ; 
 everything else — instruction, justice, taxation, police administra- 
 tion, railroads, and the like — was to be exclusively within the 
 competence of the Bohemian parliament, and the separate exist- 
 ence of the kingdom was to be farther manifested by the corona- 
 tion of the emperor with the holy crown of Wenceslaus. If this 
 arrangement had been actually carried out, the 1,800,000 Ger- 
 mans who live among the 2,800,000 Czechs in Bohemia would 
 have been reduced to the condition of pariahs. The excitement 
 among all the Germans in Austria was intense. The state was 
 again tottering on the verge of a precipice. Almost too late the 
 
484 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 emperor's eyes were opened to the disastrous consequences of 
 such an arrangement by his friend the Crown Prince of Saxony 
 and his prime -minister, Beust. The Hungarian minister-presi- 
 dent, Count Andrassy, who saw in this settlement with the Czech- 
 ish Slavs nothing but danger for Hungary, with its 4,000,000 
 Slavs, opposed it in the council of ministers on the 20th of Octo- 
 ber, and it was at last rejected, whereupon Hohcnwart handed in 
 his resignation. Count Beust, who had warned the emperor too 
 late, and thus compromised his position, was deprived of his office 
 on the 8th of November and made ambassador in London, Count 
 Andrassy becoming in his stead minister of foreign affairs and 
 president of the common council of ministers. November 20th 
 Prince Adolph Auersperg, in whose hands the constitution was 
 perfectly safe, undertook the formation of a Cisleithan ministry. 
 The separatist tendencies of the Czechs were at once curbed. 
 The Bohemian landtag, where the Czechs were the dominant 
 element, was dissolved on the 13th of March, 1872, and the new 
 elections resulted in a majority of more than two-thirds for the 
 German party. The subsequent withdrawal of the Czechish mem- 
 bers admitted of a more rapid despatch of business, and in a man- 
 ner more in harmony with the true interests of the country, A 
 bill for electoral reform was laid before the Reichsrath of 1873, 
 according to the provisions of which delegates to that body were 
 no longer to be elected by the provincial parliaments, but directly 
 by the people. The bill passed both houses, and in October of 
 the same year the working of the new law was tested for the first 
 time. At those elections 353 representatives were elected, and of 
 these 233 belonged to the constitutional party. Upon them de- 
 volved tlie task of considering the four church laws which M'cre 
 laid before the Reichsrath of 1874. These laws concerned the 
 external legal status of the Roman Catholic Church, the question 
 of cloisters, the contributions to the fund for the support of re- 
 ligious ministrations, and the recognition of the not yet recog- 
 nized religious societies. In the teeth of the protests of the Vat- 
 ican, and notwithstanding the declaration of the bishops that they 
 would continue to adhere to the concordat, whether done away 
 with by the state or not, the first three laws were accepted by the 
 Reichsrath and signed by the emperor. The consideration of the 
 fourth, which dealt especially with the position of the Old Catho- 
 lics — who were treated with manifest unfairness by the Austrian 
 
ELECTORAL REFORM AND CHURCH LAWS. 485 
 
 government — was deferred. But the passage of these laws did 
 not necessarily imply that important results would follow, espe- 
 cially as their execution was not committed to the courts, but 
 to the administrative officers of the government. Even now the 
 ministry showed an unpardonable weakness in its dealings with 
 the bishops; and when an interpellation on that subject was ad- 
 dressed to the minister of religion and public instruction, he made 
 the naive confession that his hands were tied, and he could not do 
 what he would. In the midst of this period of legislative activi- 
 ty (May 1st, 1873) the World Exposition at Vienna was opened, 
 which was visited during the summer by almost all the monarchs 
 of Europe. About the same time, in consequence of dishonest 
 enterprises and excessive speculation, occurred the crisis on the 
 Vienna Börse, which ruined so many banks and business houses. 
 
 Russia, taking advantage of the political situation of the year 
 1870, declared, in a note of October 31st of that year, that it 
 - could no longer be bound by those provisions of the Peace of 
 Paris of 1856 prescribing the size and number of the war-vessels 
 which it might maintain in the Black Sea, and indicated its will- 
 ingness to enter into negotiations upon that subject. London 
 and Vienna were in great excitement at this very natural step on 
 the part of the Russian government, while Turkey, which should 
 have felt the most concern, treated the whole matter with indif- 
 ference. Bismarck's opportunity to repay Russia for her neu- 
 trality had arrived, and he at once proposed a congress of the 
 signers of the Peace of Paris, to meet in London, for the settle- 
 ment of this question. Jules Favre endeavored to make use of 
 the opening of this Pontus conference (January l7th, 1871) for 
 laying before the powers French complaints against Germany, 
 but he could not leave Paris without a pass from its besiegers ; 
 so that Bismarck was enabled to make it plain to him that he 
 had more important matters to attend to in Paris than in Lon- 
 don, and the provisional government was ultimately represented 
 by the Duke de Broglie. The treaty drawn up by the confer- 
 ence on the 13th of March was quite in accord with Russia's 
 wishes. In central Asia Russian influence was greatly increased 
 during the period under consideration by the well prepared and 
 successfully executed expedition against Khiva, in Turkestan. In 
 1871 China, having lost Kashgar by insurrection, ceded to Russia 
 for temporary occupation Kulja, in the south-eastern corner of 
 
486 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Turkestan. In 1873 Russia was at length ready to attack Khi- 
 va; and General Kaufmann, with 14,000 men, sixty cannon, and 
 a few thousand camels, entered the capital, Khiva, after some in- 
 significant fighting, on the lOth of June of that year. For the 
 present the khanate was not directly annexed to the Russian em- 
 pire, but converted into a vassal state, the exclusive mercantile 
 domain of the Russians. Kaufmann deserves to be held up to 
 the detestation of all civilized nations for the barbarous cruelty 
 which he practised toward the Turcomans in this campaign. An 
 insurrection against the Khan of Khokand afforded an excellent 
 opportunity for an intervention in the affairs of that country, 
 resulting in annexation. Kaufmann entered the capital city of 
 Khokand in 1875, and in 1876 the country became part of the 
 Russian dominions, under its old name of Ferghana. While liis 
 soldiers were annexing new territory to the unwieldy Russian 
 state, the emperor was endeavoring to improve the organization 
 of his army by the introduction of compulsory military service 
 for all his subjects (January 13th, 1874), As Russia in Europe 
 has a population of some 71,000,000, this must result in raising 
 its military strength to a point dangerous for the neighboring 
 states. At the same time that Russian generals were commit- 
 ting the most fearful atrocities in central Asia a conference was 
 opened in Brussels, at the call of the Czar (July 27th, 1874), to 
 establish for all future wars an international rule in the interests 
 of humanity, which, however desirable it may be, is scarcely prac- 
 ticable at present. 
 
 During the years 1870-75 the position of the Turkish gov- 
 ernment toward its vassal states was becoming constantly more 
 untenable. By a judicious use of money Ismail Pasha, Khedive 
 of Egypt, procured for himself more and more privileges from 
 the Porte, until he had almost acquired full and independent sov- 
 ereignty. In the year 1874 he rounded out his territory toward 
 the south by the annexation of Darfur, the occasion for which 
 was presented by an inroad of the Sultan of that state into Cor- 
 dofan, an Egyptian dependency. The princes of Roumania and 
 Servia, on their part, found it almost difficult not to renounce all 
 allegiance to Abdul Aziz, the Turkish Sultan. In 1874 a demon- 
 strative friendship sprung up between the two princes, making it 
 appear as though they were preparing, in a certain event, for com- 
 mon action. In 1871 one of the two, Prince Charles of Rouma- 
 
TÜRKEY, TUE VASSAL STATES, AND GREECE. 487 
 
 nia, liad been on the point of abdicating. The radicals liad long 
 been anxious for his overthrow, and Minister Joan Ghika, a mem- 
 ber of that party, thought that he could make use of the riot oc- 
 casioned by the celebration by the Germans resident in Bucha- 
 rest of the triumph of Germany over France (March 22d, 1871) 
 to bring about the desired result ; but the insurrection was put 
 down, the compromised ministry obliged to resign, and the new 
 conservative ministry of Catargiu induced the prince to remain. 
 In August of 1875 disturbances broke out in Herzegovina, hav- 
 ing for their object the separation of that province from Turkey, 
 or, at the least, its erection into a semi-independent vassal state. 
 The relations of Greece to Turkey assumed, on the whole, a better 
 shape, but the interior development of the little kingdom was 
 crippled by partisan strife and incessant changes of ministry. 
 The only question that brought Greece before the political world 
 in the six years under consideration was one that does not re- 
 dound to her credit. A French and Italian company had received 
 a concession of the worked-out Laurion silver-mines, from which 
 their improved processes soon enabled them to derive considera- 
 ble profit. This unexpected result awakened Greek avarice, and 
 in May of 1871 a law was passed declaring the Laurion Moun- 
 tains national property, and dispossessing the enterprising for- 
 eigners. The French and Italian ministers took the matter up, 
 and negotiations were carried on with four rapidly changing 
 ministries — Comunduros, Zaimis, Bulgaris, Deligeorgis — resulting 
 finally in the purchase of the mines by the government in 1873. 
 England during this period was involved in one of those petty 
 wars which are partly the inevitable result of her contact with 
 barbaric tribes, and partly the reprehensible result of an insolent 
 and overbearing habit of the English mind, especially toward 
 weaker states. She had ceded her claims in Sumatra to Holland 
 in partial payment for the Dutch possessions on the Gold Coast. 
 The result of the transfer was that Holland became involved in 
 a war with Atchin, and England with Ashantee. The Ashantee 
 king disputed with the English the possession of the city of El- 
 mina — which was included in the ceded territory — made inroads 
 into the district under English protection, and carried off German 
 missionaries to his capital, Coomassie. On the 13th of June, 
 1873, the English bombarded Elmina and reduced it to a heap 
 of ashes. September 12th, in order to chastise the enemy in his 
 
488 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 own country, tlie government sent a larger force to the scene of 
 war under General Sir Garnet Wolseley. December 2Vth, after 
 driving the enemy out of the protectorate, the English forces set 
 out on their march to Coomassie — whereupon the imprisoned mis- 
 sionaries were at once released — and, after defeating the Ashan- 
 tees in several encounters, entered the capital on the 4th of Feb- 
 ruary, 1874. As the negotiations with reference to a peace led 
 to no result, Wolseley burnt Coomassie and returned to the pro- 
 tectorate, destroying on the way as many of the enemy's villages 
 as he could reach. This brought Kalkalli to reason, and a peace 
 was concluded, by which he agreed to pay a fine, his sovereignty 
 was limited, human sacrifices were abolished, and certain commer- 
 cial concessions were made. The English government now united 
 into one colony its various possessions on the west coast — Gold 
 Coast, Slave Coast, and the district of Lagos — under the name of 
 the Gold Coast Colony, and committed the administration of the 
 whole colony to two governors. At the same time it exacted 
 from the various native chiefs the abolition of slavery. In the 
 same year (1874) occurred the occupation of the Fiji Islands, 
 which were offered to England by the inhabitants themselves. 
 The abolition of the slave-trade in Zanzibar was extorted from 
 the Sultan of that place by the mission of Sir Bartle Frere, whose 
 representations were supported by a few men-of-war, the treaty 
 being signed on the 5th of June, 1873. In home affairs the prin- 
 cipal measures of Gladstone's administration had been an Irish 
 land bill — which made a beginning in the right direction — the 
 abolition of purchase in the army by an exercise of royal prerog- 
 ative, the introduction of secret voting by means of the ballot, 
 the removal of the remaining religious tests at the Universities of 
 Oxford and Cambridge, and the establishment of a uniform and 
 national school system. The ministry had come in on an Irish 
 question, and it was an Irish question on which it went out. Mr. 
 Gladstone's Irish university bill was defeated by a vote of 287 to 
 284, in the spring of 1873, and he at once resigned; but, as Dis- 
 raeli declined to undertake the task of forming a new ministry, 
 he withdrew his resignation and remained in office. In January 
 of 1874 he dissolved Parliament and appealed to the country. 
 The elections resulted in a large majority for the conservatives, 
 and on the 20tli of February Disraeli took office with a conserv- 
 ative cabinet. The Irish home-rulers in the new house brought 
 
HOLLAND AND BELGIUM. 489 
 
 forward a measure for tlie establishment of an Irish parliament, 
 which would have brought Ireland into a position toward Eng- 
 land similar to that of Hungary toward Austria; but the bill 
 was, of course, defeated by an overwhelming majority. Far more 
 hopeless even had been Sir Charles Dilke's republican agitation 
 in the year 1872. This had culminated in a scene in Parliament, 
 on occasion of Sir Charles Dilke's motion to inquire into the 
 manner in which the income and allowances of the Crown were 
 spent, which, although in itself more becoming Hottentot rioters 
 than English statesmen, at least demonstrated the intensity and 
 universality of royalist sentiment. Whatever success, too, Dilke 
 had at first acquired in his tour through the country had been 
 before that time more than neutralized by the dangerous illness 
 of the Prince of Wales, and the intensely loyal sentiment that ill- 
 ness had called forth. 
 
 Holland, which claimed a protectorate over all Sumatra, and 
 had (as has just been narrated) added the claims of England to 
 its own, made war, in 1873, upon the independent Malay state of 
 Atchin, in the extreme north-west corner of the island, under pre- 
 tence of putting a stop to the piracy and slave-trade which were 
 the chief industry of its Sultan, but in reality in order to annex 
 his territor)^ Tlie first expedition, in March of 1873, failed ut- 
 terly. In December of the same year a second expeditionary 
 corps, consisting of about 12,000 men, under the command of 
 General van Swieten, landed at Atchin, defeated the enemy in 
 several encounters, besieged the Sultan's fortified palace, the Cra- 
 ton, and began a bombardment. Thereupon the Sultan evacuated 
 the palace and fled into the interior, and on the 24th of January, 
 1874, van Swieten's troops marched in. The vassal states were 
 compelled to submit to Dutch supremacy, Atchin itself was incor- 
 porated with the Dutch possessions, and, on the return of the ex- 
 pedition, a strong garrison was left behind. The influence of the 
 Franco-Prussian war made itself visible in Holland in the intro- 
 duction of compulsory and universal military service, a bill to 
 this effect having finally been carried through the chambers to- 
 ward the close of 1873. In Belgium the necessity for such a 
 measure was universally recognized among military men, but the 
 clergy opposed it, on account of the educational advances which 
 it would involve. After a thirteen years' lease of office, the lib- 
 eral ministry in that country had been obliged to resign on the 
 
 21* 
 
490 POLITICAL HISTORY OF EECENT TIMES. 
 
 2d of July, 1870, in consequence of the results of the supple- 
 mentary elections. The enormous increase of the influence of 
 the clergy — who have in their hands not merely the common 
 school system and girls' schools of all sorts, but also for the most 
 part the higher educational institutions, and whose effort it is to 
 make even capital dependent upon their will — has been a serious 
 drawback in the way of national development. As far back as 
 the year 1866 there were in Belgium 1314 cloisters, inhabited by 
 18,162 monks and nuns. The root of this evil must be sought 
 in the constitution so long held up as a pattern, which, by adopt- 
 ing the principle of the independence of the church and its com- 
 plete separation from the state, has apparently strengthened the 
 hands of the Jesuits instead of producing liberal citizens. In 
 1875 the supplementary elections resulted in favor of the liberals, 
 without, however, giving them the majority in the chamber. 
 
 The Scandinavian countries are almost forgotten in European 
 history, as they have of late come so little into the sphere of 
 its politics. At the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian war great 
 hopes were entei'taincd in Denmark of the restoration of Schles- 
 wig and Holstein ; but it soon became evident that these hopes 
 ■were illusory. Internal affairs were nothing but a struggle be- 
 tween the king and a conservative Landsthing on the one side, 
 and a democratical Folkething on the other. In Sweden and 
 Norway the king made vain attempts to effect a union of the 
 two kingdoms into one. In 1872 Sweden followed the general 
 European current by adopting the principle of compulsory mili- 
 tary service. On the 18th of September of that year Charles 
 XV. was succeeded by his brother, Oscar II. The Left, which 
 was in the majority in the Swedish parliament, reduced the civil 
 list of the new king from 900,000 to 800,000 thalers, and ob- 
 jected so strongly to the expense of a coronation that the king 
 ultimately defrayed the costs of his Swedish coronation from his 
 own income. Norway still persisted in her resistance to union, 
 and even refused to join in a coinage convention with Sweden 
 and Denmark, although consenting to a postal union with those 
 two countries. 
 
 It was hard for republican Switzerland to see France, which 
 had so long been the object of its admiration, humbled, and Ger- 
 many, which it had despised and scorned, raised to a place among 
 the leading states. In Zurich the attack by a uniformed and un- 
 
SWITZERLAND: REVISION OF CONSTITUTION. 491 
 
 uniformed mob on the Germans at their celebration of the vic- 
 tory over France, March 9th, 1871, was a manifestation of a sen- 
 timent similar to that in Bucharest, and in general it may be said 
 that the sympathies of Europe were with France and against Ger- 
 many. The cantonal government proved remiss in dealing with 
 the rioters, but the federal authorities did all they could to atone 
 for the outrage. The efforts of liberal Switzerland were directed 
 at this time toward a revision of the constitution, and thorough 
 reforms in the army, the church, the school, the social laws, and 
 the system of roads, railroads, and intercourse in general. In the 
 sessions of 1871 and 1872 both houses of the federal congress 
 took up the matter of constitutional revision, and by the 5th of 
 March, 1872, had reached an agreement on all points. The re- 
 vision was next submitted to a double vote, that of the cantonal 
 governments and that of the people. The result of this was 
 (May 12th, 1872) that of the twenty -two cantons thirteen voted 
 to reject the revised constitution, while the popular vote stood 
 252,816 in favor of its acceptance, and 261,106 against it. This 
 result was due to the hatred felt by the non-German cantons 
 toward a work which had been branded as German, fear on the 
 part of the priests of a decrease of their influence in church and 
 school, and the particularism of the so-called Cantonese. The 
 liberals did not lose heart, however, and in the session of 1873 
 the fedei'al House of Representatives resolved to take up the re- 
 vision once more. A few points were changed in the interests of 
 cantonal sovereignty, while others, like the article defining the re- 
 lations of church and state, received a more pronounced form. 
 The new revision had again to pass through the ordeal of a 
 double vote. April 19th, 1874, fourteen and a half cantons pro- 
 nounced in favor of its acceptance, and seven and a half against, 
 while in the popular vote 340,186 ballots were cast for it to 
 198,182 against. The revised constitution accordingly became 
 law. The cause of this change in public sentiment between the 
 years 1872 and 1874 must be sought in the intervening ecclesias- 
 tical troubles by which the French cantons had been driven into 
 the liberal camp. Contrary to existing treaties, the Pope sep- 
 arated Geneva from the diocese of Freiburg, formed it into an 
 independent bishopric, and appointed Mermillod, a pastor in Ge- 
 neva, bishop of the new diocese. In spite of the prohibition of 
 ]>oth federal and cantonal authorities Mermillod proceeded to ex- 
 
492 POLITICAL HISTORY OF EECENT TIMES. 
 
 ercise his episcopal functions, for wliicli he was arrested, Febru- 
 aiy iVth, 1873, and sent across the French frontier. The adop- 
 tion of liberal church laws and the formation of an Old Catholic 
 congregation in Geneva were the immediate results of this ill-ad- 
 vised action on the part of the Roman Curia. Almost at the 
 same tiine steps were taken against Lachat, Bishop of Basel, 
 whose episcopal residence was at Solothurn, As he had without 
 authorization proclaimed the dogma of Papal infallibility, and 
 removed and excommunicated pastors who refused to recognize 
 it, and as he had answered with a refusal the demands of the 
 diocesan representatives that he should withdraw the decrees of 
 removal and excommunication — which he was not entitled to 
 issue independently — the diocesan conference of January 28th, 
 1873, resolved by a majority of five to three to depose him from 
 his office. This obliged him to give up his official residence, and 
 on the l7th he left Solothurn for Luzerne, As the cathedral 
 chapter obstinately refused to appoint an administrator of the 
 diocese, the diocesan conference decided (December 21st, 1874) 
 to disband the chapter and liquidate the episcopal property. The 
 protest of several priests in the Bernese Jura against Lachat's de- 
 position was answered by their removal by the Bernese govern- 
 ment, which sent troops to put down their agitation, and finally 
 expelled them from the Jura. This last measure, however, was 
 adjudged unconstitutional by the federal senate and repealed. 
 In other cases Senate and House of Representatives gave their 
 firm support in spite of all protests to the anti-clerical measures 
 of the cantonal governments. In his Eucyclica of November 
 21st, 1873, the Pope condemned these measures in the most em- 
 phatic manner, and threatened the perpetrators with excommuni- 
 cation ; whereupon Agnozzi, the Papal nuntius, received his pass- 
 port. Switzerland had thus stepped into the foremost rank of the 
 states which were doing battle against Romish ambition. January 
 l7th, 1874, the people of Berne accepted with an overwhelming 
 majority the liberal church law submitted to them by the great 
 council of the canton, and at the university of Berne an Old 
 Catholic theological faculty was set up, while the assembly of 
 delegates of the Swiss Old Catholics on their part pronounced 
 in favor of a national church and national episcopate. 
 
 During the years under consideration the United States had 
 once narrowly escaped becoming involved in war with a Euro- 
 
CASE OF THE " VIRGINIUS."— SOUTH AMERICA, 493 
 
 pean power. October 31st, 1873, the Vinjinius was captured by 
 Spanish vessels, and the major portion of the crew shot, their 
 offence being that, under cover of the American flag, they were 
 conveying men and arms to the rebels in Cuba. This almost 
 gave rise to a conflict between the United States and the Span- 
 ish republic ; but Castelar's government, which found complica- 
 tions enough to attend to at home, considered it wiser to yield 
 and make whatever reparation was required. In Mexico, after the 
 death of Juarez (July 18th, 1872), Lerdo de Tejada was chosen 
 president. Under him the authority of the state over the Cath- 
 olic hierarchy was successfully maintained, and all monastic or- 
 ders abolished. Among the republics of South America bloody 
 partisan struggles took place in Peru, La Plata, and Uruguay ; in 
 Venezuela and Chili recalcitrant bishops had to be recalled to their 
 obedience; in Ecuador the president himself inaugurated unlim- 
 ited sway of the Jesuits. In the empire of Brazil the Bishop of 
 Olinda — who, contrary to the laws of the country, published the 
 Papal brief excommunicating the Free-masons — was tried before 
 the supreme court (February 2'2d, 1874), and condemned to four 
 years' imprisonment, with hai^d labor — a sentence which the em- 
 peror, Pedro IL, commuted into simple imprisonment. Almost 
 everywhere, after the proclamation of the dogma of Papal infal- 
 libility, the state cither slavishly submitted to the Roman Curia 
 or became involved in open conflict with it; but the arena where 
 the battle waged fiercest was in the very centre of Europe. 
 
 § 29. 
 
 THE GERMAN EMPIRE AND THE CULTURKAMPF. 
 
 The relations of Germany to foreign powers were everywhere 
 amicable. Although she had nowhere gained in affection, she 
 had won increased respect on all sides. By Bismarck's despatch 
 of December 14th, 1870, the way had been prepared for friendly 
 intercourse with Austria ; and the meeting of Emperor William 
 with Francis Joseph, in Ischl and Salzburg, in 1871, was attended 
 with such favorable results that the year 18G6 seemed quite for- 
 gotten. The meeting of the three emperors, William, Alexander, 
 
494 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 and Francis Joseph, in Berlin, in September of that year, Avas a 
 triumph of the Bismarck policy. Each of the three sovereigns 
 was attended by his minister of foreign affairs, and political con- 
 ferences divided the time with court festivities. Formal alliances 
 were not concluded, but unity of sentiment was manifested to the 
 Avorld. The meeting signified that the three sovereigns of the 
 three eastern empires Avcre and would remain united, and that 
 Russia and Austria approved of the German victory, the estab- 
 lishment of a German empire, Germany's claims to a great his- 
 torical future, and, in general, the ways and aims of the German 
 imperial policy. All this was no threat against France, but it 
 was, nevertheless, an indirect warning against all attempts at re- 
 venge. This meeting, which was followed by return visits from 
 the German emperor in St. Petersburg and Vienna, was comple- 
 mented by a visit from Victor Emmanuel, attended by two of 
 his ministers, in Vienna and Berlin, toward the close of the same 
 month. His journey was one of considerable political signifi- 
 cance, for no one had more to fear than he from a Clerical 
 France, whether guided by Chambord or MacMahon ; and if he 
 looked about for future allies to strengthen him against this foe, 
 none could be found from whom so much was to be expected as 
 from the German empire, the mighty adversar}»^ of France and 
 the Vatican. Even princes who for decades had had no direct 
 personal intercourse with the Berlin court now visited the Ger- 
 man emperor. In 1872 he received a visit from the King of 
 Holland in Ems, and in 1875 King Oscar of Sweden visited Ber- 
 lin. With France diplomatic relations had already been resumed 
 before the end of 1871. Count Arnim was the first representa- 
 tive of the German empire in Paris. In 1874 he came into con- 
 flict with Bismarck, toward whom he displayed an intractability 
 resulting in open insubordination. Tins led to his removal, and 
 the appointment in his stead of Prince Ilohcnlohe-Schillingsfiirst. 
 It was then ascertained that Arnim had abstracted important 
 political documents from the archives of the German embassy 
 in Paris. As all demands for their surrender were answered 
 with refusal, he was arrested on the 4th of October, 1874 — but, 
 on account of his feeble state of health, was again allowed liis 
 freedom — and cited to appear before the criminal court. All 
 Europe was interested in the trial. The most weighty despatches 
 Avere read and published, and the Avorld had another opportunity 
 
COUNT ARNIM'S TRIAL. 495 
 
 to admire the consistency and far-sightedness of Bismarck's na- 
 tional policy. The despatches concerning Germany's position 
 toward France, the French republic and the French pretenders, 
 a contingent conflict between France and Italy, and the future 
 choice of a Pope, attracted great attention. The trial ended, on 
 the 19th of December, 1874, in Arnim's condemnation to three 
 months' imprisonment; but both accuser and accused appealed 
 from this decision. The appeal of the latter against the validity 
 of the proceedings in the lower court was rejected by the court 
 of third instance on the 20th of October, 1875, 
 
 The internal union of the German empire was completed in its 
 essential features by the legislative action of the Reichstag. The 
 laws regarding imperial mints, imperial notes, and a common 
 banking system brought unity out of intolerable confusion in the 
 department of finance. Lasker introduced a bill looking to the 
 same unity in the matter of civil rights, and in 1874 a judiciary 
 committee was appointed to draw up a law with that end in view. 
 In the session of 1874 an imperial military law was laid before 
 the house. The first paragraph of this bill ordained that the 
 strength of the army on a peace footing, exclusive of commis- 
 sioned officers, should be 401,659 men. The debate turned on 
 the acceptance or rejection of this paragraph. Not merely the 
 Clericals and other malcontents, but also the Party of Progress 
 and the left wing of the National Liberals, opposed it. While 
 the Social-democrats were in favor of reducing the time of ser- 
 vice to one year, and the Clericals would have limited it to 
 two, the parliamentarians saw in the permanent settlement of 
 the strength of the army an interference with their rights, and 
 claimed the power to determine the peace footing year by year 
 in the annual budget. Moltke, in a long speech, passed in review 
 the political condition of Europe and the military arrangements 
 of Germany and the other powers, especially France, and urged 
 the unconditional acceptance of the bill in the name of public 
 safety. Great excitement and disquiet prevailed ; meetings were 
 held, addresses drawn up, and instructions sent to the delegates 
 to vote according to Moltke's wishes. After protracted discus- 
 sions in committee, it became apparent that the government 
 measure could not obtain a majority in the Reichstag. A se- 
 rious illness prevented Bismarck from throwing the weight of 
 his presence and eloquence into the scales. The offer of the 
 
496 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 clerical party to vote for tlie paragraph on condition of a change 
 in the ecclesiastical policy of the government was rejected, and 
 the plan of dissolving the Reichstag abandoned, on acconnt of 
 the great uncertainty as to the result of new elections. Finally 
 a compromise was concluded between the government and the 
 majority of the committee, by which the proposed peace-footing 
 was to be adopted for seven years, from the 1st of January, 1875, 
 to the 31st of December, 1881. This compromise was accepted 
 by the Reichstag, vi'iih. a majority of 224 to 146, and the bill 
 finally became law. Not unjustly, some compared this iron 
 seven-years' measure with the MacMahon septennate. 
 
 A complete and successful development of the imperial consti- 
 tution was only possible in case the Bimdesrath and Reichstag 
 were clothed with the power to undertake, with the consent of 
 the individual governments, expressed through their plenipoten- 
 tiaries in the Bundesrath, necessary constitutional changes, to 
 increase the competence of the central government, and to ac- 
 cept on the part of privileged states the renunciation of their 
 reserved rights, without being obliged to obtain in these matters 
 the additional consent of the people of the various states through 
 their parliaments. The Democrats in the Würteraberg and the 
 Patriots in the Bavarian parliament opposed any such plan, and 
 declaimed about mediatization of the secondary states ; but the 
 ministers in both those countries favored the views of the impe- 
 rial government, and a majority in both parliaments rejected the 
 bills brought forward by the anti-nationalists. In November of 
 1873 the Saxon government won universal disapproval by taking 
 quite the opposite position. In the matter of separate ambassa- 
 dors, which was a sort of open question, Baden set a good exam- 
 ple, as she had always done in national affairs, by abolishing all 
 her embassies (October 24th, 1871). Würtemberg retained her 
 embassies at Vienna and Munich, in addition to those in Berlin 
 and St. Petersburg, but it was with great difficulty that a parlia- 
 mentary majority was obtained for the first two. Bavaria went 
 somewhat farther in the assertion of her sovereign rights, and 
 allowed herself the luxury of special representatives in Dresden, 
 Berne, and Rome. She also maintained an ambassador at the 
 Vatican; and on the 30th of January, 1875, a new nuntius, 
 Bianchi, was received in Munich. In view of all that had passed 
 between Germany and the Vatican in the years 187l-'74, this 
 
EMBASSIES. —ALSACE-LORRAINE. 497 
 
 action was calculated to arouse considerable indignation. The 
 change in Hesse — where the un-German minister, von Dalwigk, 
 was dismissed in 1871, to be followed first by a different minis- 
 try, with the same policy, and finally, in 1872, by the national 
 ministry of Hoffmann — made itself chiefly felt in the matter of 
 ecclesiastical legislation. In Alsace and Lorraine the anti-Ger- 
 man feeling of the major part of the population was maintained 
 at white -heat by French and clerical agitation. The imperial 
 government occupied a difficult position, but it displayed great 
 prudence and energy in the measures which it adopted for the 
 establishment of its authority. Vicar-general Rapp of Strasburg 
 was expelled from Alsace-Lorraine on the l7th of March, 1873, 
 as the head of a central committee which had for its object the 
 organization of opposition to the government. Lauth, the burgo- 
 master of Strasburg, expressed in his official capacity the hope 
 that the French would soon regain possession, and was removed 
 from oflSce in consequence on the 7th of April, 1873. The com- 
 mon council protested against his removal, and was suspended for 
 two years, and police-superintendent Back, as commissioner extra- 
 ordinary, clothed with the rights and duties of both burgomaster 
 and common council. The school system in the new provinces 
 was an object of special solicitude to the imperial government. 
 It was provided that the inspection and direction of the schools 
 should be in the hands of the state authorities; that only the 
 government should be consulted regarding the examination and 
 appointment of teachers, the organization of the schools, and the 
 course of instruction there given ; that those schools which did not 
 conform to the state regulations should be closed, and that in 
 German-speaking communities only the German language should 
 be taught in elementary schools after the 1st of October, 1873. 
 Notwithstanding the expressed determination of the French and 
 Clericals either to elect only men of the party of protest against 
 German occupation or not to elect at all, district assemblies were 
 introduced in 1873 for the management of the local affairs of the 
 districts. By an imperial decree of October 29th, 1874, a terri- 
 torial committee, with limited powers, was to be chosen from 
 these district assemblies as long as the establishment of a parlia- 
 ment for Alsace and Lorraine seemed impracticable. This com- 
 mittee came into existence in 1875, with beneficial results. 
 
 In opposition to the existing anti-German parties a third party 
 
498 POLITICAL HISTORY OF KECENT TIMES. 
 
 was formed in 1873, calling itself Alsatian. The programme of 
 this party, which had its head-quarters in Strasburg, was, while 
 recognizing existing facts, to remain Alsatian, to withdraw into 
 the shell of Alsatian particularism, and work exclusively for the 
 promotion of the industrial interests of Alsace. Althougli hav- 
 ing slight prospect of success, this party took an active part in 
 the election for members of the Reichstag. These elections took 
 place in other parts of the empire on the 10th of January, 1874, 
 and in Alsace and Lorraine on the 1st of February, and were every- 
 where attended with great excitement. The Clericals achieved 
 successes in the Prussian departments of Cologne, Münster, 
 Aachen, and Oppeln, as well as in Bavaria, chiefly at the expense 
 of the Conservatives. The Social-democrats were successful in 
 nine electoral districts, six of which were Saxon. The total re- 
 sult was that 135 enemies of the empire were chosen, and 240 
 friends, including in the latter category the Party of Progress, 
 and leaving out of consideration the Conservative party, which 
 had dwindled to twenty-two members. In the ranks of the op- 
 position the strongest contingent was that of the Clericals, who 
 numbered 101, and to these on the side of the government were 
 opposed 155 National Liberals. In Alsace-Lorraine ten Clericals 
 were chosen, including the bishops of Metz and Strasburg, and 
 five members of the party of protest. February 16th, 1874, 
 these fifteen delegates entered the Reichstag in procession ; but 
 they soon deserted it again for the most part. Their time was 
 chiefly spent in hollow declamations about the oppressive burden 
 laid upon their country, although it was capable of proof that it 
 had never been better administered than under the imperial gov- 
 ernment. Their bills for abolition of the law giving the first 
 president in case of danger a sort of dictatorship for the main- 
 tenance of public safety, and for the repeal of the educational 
 law in Alsace and Lorraine, were rejected by the Reichstag. The 
 greatest sensation was caused by the introduction of a bill sub- 
 mitting to the population of Alsace and Lorraine the question 
 whether they approved of the incorporation of their country in 
 the German Empire. This measure, which broke the point of 
 the Bishop of Strasburg's assertion that the Roman Catholics 
 of the annexed provinces had accepted the Peace of Frankfort, 
 was rejected by the Reichstag without debate, only twenty -three 
 votes being cast in its favor. 
 
STATE LAW AND CANON LAW. 499 
 
 Of the greatest importance to the present and the future were 
 tliose measures which were- directed, not against the Catholic 
 Church and Catholic confession, but against the ambitious de- 
 signs of the Vatican and its creatures. The existence of the 
 modern state is totally incompatible with the dogma of infalli- 
 bility. No law of the state is of any validity against the infalli- 
 ble principles and ecclesiastical laws of Rome, for if a state law 
 is not in harmony with the arbitrary decrees of the demigod of 
 the Vatican, the latter forthwith enjoins upon all Roman Catho- 
 lics disobedience to the godless and invalid rules of the temporal 
 state, and obedience to his own inspired mandates. Hence the 
 imperial government, if it did not wish to pronounce its own de- 
 struction, could neither recognize the dogma of infallibility nor 
 permit the removal of those clergy who were excommunicated 
 by their bishops for refusing to accept it. The government must 
 in self-defence protect such clergy in the exercise of their func- 
 tions and the enjoyment of their pi'ivileges. This was the course 
 pursued by the Prussian government toward Bishop Krementz 
 of Ermland, in 1871, on occasion of his excommunicating a relig- 
 ious instructor in Brunswick for refusing to be bound by the ob- 
 noxious dogma. The arrogant demeanor of the bishop made it 
 clear to the government in what a sorry position it had been 
 placed by the legislation of 1850, aided by the short-sightedness 
 and weakness of previous ministries. The paragraph assuring 
 independence to each religious society had been attended with 
 the result that, under King Frederic William IV., the bishops 
 had done what they pleased, getting into their power the instruc- 
 tion in the public schools, committing the education of the chil- 
 dren to the future clergy of the Roman Catholic Church, found- 
 ing more cloisters every year, and holding the lower clergy in 
 blind obedience. Consequently there existed not merely a state 
 within a state, but an ecclesiastical state above as well as within 
 the temporal. This state of things could not continue after the 
 victories of Sedan and Paris and the establishment of the Ger- 
 man Empire. Germany had not won on French battle-fields 
 freedom to order its internal affairs according to its own pleas- 
 ure, merely to let itself be reduced to slavery by the bloodless 
 victories of the Vatican. It had not freed itself from the dicta- 
 tion of Paris to bow its neck beneath the crook of Rome. No 
 German could for a moment admit the possibility of such a con- 
 
500 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 dition of affairs ; and as the Pope and his bishops held and sought 
 to enforce the opposite view, a conflict between them could not 
 be long delayed. 
 
 July 8th, 1871, the Prussian government decreed the abolition 
 of the Roman Catholic department in the ministry of public wor- 
 ship and education {culhis-miniatvy) , which had existed since the 
 year 1841, and had proved a safeguard, not for the interests of 
 the state, but for those of the Roman Curia. December 14th it 
 laid before the Prussian parliament the school inspection law, ac- 
 cording to which the inspection of all public and private educa- 
 tional institutions was to be confided to the state. The House, 
 unwilling to trust the execution of such a law to the then cultus- 
 minister. Mühler, who had made himself notorious by his bigoted 
 orthodoxy and unevangelical intolerance, threw out the bill. This 
 led to Miihler's dismissal, January 17th, 1872, and in his suc- 
 cessor, Falk, Bismarck found the ally he needed. The school 
 inspection law was again brought forward, and carried through 
 both houses. In the mean time the Reichstag had expressed its 
 opinion on the question under controversy. At the motion of 
 the Bavarian cwZ/MS-minister, Lutz, whose power was no longer 
 adequate to the task of curbing the episcopal Hotspurs in Ba- 
 varia, the " pulpit paragraph" was passed on the 28th of Novem- 
 ber, 1871, and thus a weapon against the seditious agitation of 
 the ultramontane clergy put in the hands of the various govern- 
 ments. The quarrel assumed a still more aggravated form when 
 the Pope declined (May 2d, 1872) to receive Cardinal Hohen- 
 lohe as the German ambassador at the Vatican; and on the 19th 
 of June in the same year fresh fuel was added to the flame by 
 the expulsion of the Jesuits, with their affiliated orders and congre- 
 gations, from the German empire. In 1873 the Bundesrath decided 
 that this included the Redemptorists, Lazarists, Priests of the 
 Holy Ghost, and the Society of the Holy Heart of Jesus — all of 
 which were accordingly compelled to evacuate German territory. 
 May 14th, 1872, in the debate regarding the post of ambassador 
 at the Vatican, the imperial chancellor said, " Of this you may be 
 sure, that we will not go to Canossa, either in our ecclesiastical or 
 political relations." In an address to the German Roman Catho- 
 lic reading club, in Rome, June 25th, 1872, the Pope expressed 
 himself as follows: "Be trustful and united, for some stone will 
 surely fall to shatter the heel of this colossus." And in his alio- 
 
THE MAY LAWS. 501 
 
 ciition of December 23d he spoke of the cruel pcrsecntions in 
 Germany, and of the "presumption" and " shamelessness " of 
 the imperial government. Thereupon the Prussian secretary of 
 legation, Stumm, who was in charge of the Prussian embassy in 
 Rome, received orders from Berlin to take an indefinite leave of 
 absence at once. 
 
 These were skirmishes with advanced guards and small arms, 
 but the heavy guns were soon brought into action. The Prus- 
 sian govei'nment had much ground to conquer in order to reach 
 the point where it had stood before the accession of Frederic 
 William IV. It was necessary to get into its hands once more 
 the education of the clergy, to do away with the unconditional 
 dependence of the lower clergy on the bishops, to bring contu- 
 macious bishops before the temporal courts, and, in case of need, 
 to render them harmless, by lessening the moral and material 
 means at their disposal for the prosecution of the strife, freeing 
 congregations and individual citizens from clerical oppression, 
 and giving them more freedom and independence with reference 
 to the management of their religious concerns. For this purpose 
 the government laid four church laws before the Prussian parlia- 
 ment of 1873, which were accepted and promulgated as laws of 
 the state in the month of May, and are hence commonly known 
 as the " May laws." The first of these was intended to prevent 
 the conversion of religious punishment inflicted by ecclesiastical 
 authorities on religious grounds into a social and civil penalty; 
 the second concerned clerical education, requiring as a prerequi- 
 site to clerical office a gymnasium and university education ; the 
 third dealt with the matter of leaving the church ; and the fourth 
 established a royal court for the settlement of ecclesiastical ques- 
 tions. These laws were supplemented in 1874 by three addi- 
 tional acts. The Prussian parliament accepted the laws laid be- 
 fore it by the government regarding the administration of vacant 
 Roman Catholic bishoprics, and requiring fuller specifications in 
 case of the appointment of ecclesiastical functionaries ; and on the 
 25th of April the Reichstag passed the law forbidding the unau- 
 thorized discharge of ecclesiastical office, by which the govern- 
 ment acquired the right to expel from certain specified districts 
 or from the empire at large, to imprison, and to deprive of civil 
 rights ecclesiastical functionaries who, having been removed from 
 any office, still persisted in the performance of the duties of that 
 
502 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 office. The most important step of all was the passage (January 
 25th, 1875), after severe conflicts with the Clericals, of the impe- 
 rial law introducing obligatory civil marriage, and registration of 
 births, marriages, divorces, deaths, and the like, into Avhich was 
 inserted the provision that Roman Catholic ecclesiastics and 
 members of religious orders could contract legal man-iage. 
 
 The Pope did not let these measures pass in silence. Impolitic 
 advisers persuaded him that Emperor AVilliam had given a very 
 unwilling consent to the May laws, and would be glad to cause 
 those laws to be carried out with as little strictness as possible, 
 provided only he were applied to directly by letter from the 
 Pope. Accordingly the exceedingly malapropos missive of Au- 
 gust 7th, 1873, was despatched, in which the Pope endeavored to 
 persuade the emperor to part with his ministers and express his 
 disapproval of the measures of his chancellor toward the Church, 
 and even ventured the assertion that the emperor, like every bap- 
 tized Christian, stood in a certain relation to the Pope. In his 
 answer of September 3d the emperor designated the Roman Cath- 
 olic clergy as the originators of the quarrel, inasmuch as they had 
 refused to render constitutional obedience to their temporal supe- 
 riors, affirmed the unity existing between himself and his chan- 
 cellor in the matter of ecclesiastical policy, and rejected as un- 
 evangelical the assumption that he could in any way regard the 
 Pope as a mediator in his relations to God. This correspondence 
 was shortly published in the Reichsanzeiger, and from all sides, 
 from foreign lands as well as from Germany, addresses of thanks 
 and approval poured in upon the emperor. In England, where 
 Roman Catholicism had been making considerable progress, a 
 meeting of sympathy was held on the 27th of January, 1874, 
 and resolutions drawn up approving of the German imperial pol- 
 icy, while Gladstone came out in a pamphlet against the Vatican 
 decrees and their political consequences. The Papal letter to the 
 emperor had proved a complete fiasco. This only increased the 
 hatred of the Clericals against the chancellor, who was made re- 
 sponsible for all the defeats of the party and held up as the 
 deadly foe of the Catholic Church. The arrest of several bishops 
 who obstinately disregarded the May laws and refused obedience 
 to the state, the removal of Archbishop Ledochowski in 1874, 
 and that of Bishop Martin of Paderborn, shortly after, only in- 
 creased the anger of the Clericals. By their Press and by means 
 
ATTEMPT ON BISMARCK'S LIFE. 503 
 
 of associations the people were systematically stirred up against 
 the government, and the leaders themselves did not scruple at 
 alliance with the Social -democrats, v One result of this intem- 
 perate agitation was the attempt of a Magdeburger cooper, KuU- 
 mann, on Prince Bismarck's life, at Kissingen, July 13th, 1874. 
 For this Kallmann was tried at Würzburg, and condemned to 
 fourteen years' imprisonment, with hard labor; while the Clericals 
 were tried before the tribunal of public sentiment throughout the 
 world and adjudged guilty of the crime. " Shake off the man 
 (Kullmann) as you will, he still holds fast to your skirts," were 
 the words Bismarck addressed to the fraction of the Centre, in 
 the Heichsfaff, DGcemher 4th, 1874; and on the following day, 
 when a debate had arisen with the Clericals regarding the pro- 
 posed abolition of the embassy to the Vatican, to their dismay 
 he made public a statement of Meglia, the former nuntius in 
 Munich, to the effect that only a revolution could help the 
 Church, 
 
 This was the end of the Pope's private letters ; now began a 
 period of infallible thunder and lightning. French bishops, who 
 had a natural interest in protracting and intensifying the ecclesi- 
 astical conflict in Prussia, agitated with all their energies. In 
 his Encyclica of February 5th, 1875, the Pope declared invalid 
 the new Church laws, which had been accepted by the representa- 
 tives of the people, signed by the emperor, and published as laws 
 of the state ; forbade all Roman Catholics to render obedience to 
 them ; and pronounced sentence of excommunication against the 
 whole body of the Old Catholic clergy. A few days later he 
 named the imprisoned Archbishop Ledochowski cardinal. It 
 was evident that the imperial government must prepare to meet 
 with an obstinate resistance to the new laws along the whole line 
 from Posen to Aachen. It had to consider whether a clergy 
 which held valid only those laws that met with the approval of 
 the Pope should any longer live at the expense of the state. 
 March 4th, 1875, Minister Falk laid before the Prussian landtag 
 the so-called sperrgesetz (interdict), by which all payments on the 
 part of the state to the bishops and other clergy were interdicted 
 in all cases where the latter were unwilling to pledge themselves 
 in writing to obey the laws of the state. After some excited de- 
 bates the measure finally passed both houses. In addition to this 
 a law was passed abolishing religious orders and kindred organi- 
 
504 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 zations ; another affecting the administration of property in the 
 Roman Catholic churches ; still another providing for a revision 
 of that part of the constitution dealing with church affairs ; and 
 finally, at the motion of Petri, a bill was passed regulating the 
 rights of the Old Catholics, which was in its essential points the 
 same which had been adopted in Baden in the previous year. 
 
 There was no lack of protests against these laws on the part of 
 the German bishops, nor of intervention on the part of the French 
 and Belgian bishops in tlie shape of pastoral letters expressing 
 their sympathy and abusing the German government. Toward 
 its own clergy the latter maintained its position with unchange- 
 able determination, at the same time addressing remonstrances to 
 the governments of France and Belgium regarding the offensive 
 pastoral letters of bishops in those countries. The Clerical cause 
 seemed on the decline, nor was this altered by the result of the 
 elections for the Bavarian parliament in July of 1875, although 
 the Clericals then acquired a majority of two votes in the House. 
 An address was adopted in which the dismissal of the existing 
 ministry and the formation of a Clerical cabinet were demanded, 
 but the king refused to receive the address, expressed his surprise 
 at the language adopted by some of the participants in the de- 
 bate, assured the whole ministry in a letter of October 19th of 
 their possession of his full confidence, and called on all moderate 
 men for their energetic support at the present moment. Parlia- 
 ment was then prorogued. The unexampled participation of all 
 classes in the celebration of the chancellor's birthday, and the en- 
 thusiastic reception which Falk met with on his visit to the Rhine, 
 showed very plainly on which side all the intelligence of the Ger- 
 man Empire was arrayed. Nor was the feeling confined to Ger- 
 many. On his return visit to Victor Emmanuel, in October of 
 1875, Emperor William was received with the greatest enthusiasm. 
 The Italian people, whose newly-won unity is constantly threat- 
 ened by plans for restoration of the Papal power, felt themselves 
 drawn with bonds of sympathy to the man who had founded the 
 German Empire and was at that moment engaged in deadly 
 struggle with the Vatican, believing that, search where they 
 would, they could find no more reliable and powerful allies than 
 Kaiser Wilhelm and the German Empire, 
 
MASSACRE OF MONTENEGRINS AT PODGORITZA. 505 
 
 SIXTH PERIOD. 1876-1881.* 
 
 § 30. 
 
 TURKEY AND THE RUSSO-TURKISH WAR. 
 
 In October of 1874 a collision between Montenegrins and 
 Turks, resulting in a massacre, bad taken place in Podgoritza. 
 For this, in January of 1875, five Turks were condemned to 
 death and twenty to imprisonment ; but the Turkish govern- 
 ment refused to permit the execution of the sentence, unless the 
 Montenegrins implicated in the disturbance were surrendered, to 
 be tried by Turkish courts on Turkish soil. Prince Nikita insist- 
 ed on the unconditional punishment of the culprits, and prepared 
 for war; but finally, through the mediation of the consuls of 
 the three empires, the Porte was induced to recede from its de- 
 mands, and orders were issued to the Governor of Scutari, in 
 Avhose jurisdiction the Turkish prisoners had been tried, to exe- 
 cute the sentence of the court. In the mean time the prisoners 
 had been allowed to escape, which did not prevent the Turkish 
 government, however, from reporting the sentence executed. The 
 whole affair aroused such indignation in Montenegro that an in- 
 formal kind of war might be said to have already begun, and 
 events in Bosnia and Ilerzegovma soon fanned this hidden fire 
 into an open conflagration. 
 
 Great distress prevailed in the last-named provinces on account 
 of the bad harvest of 1874 ; but the tax-gatherers, instead of tak- 
 ing this into consideration, carried off everything they could lay 
 their hands on. According to the Turkish system, a tenth of all 
 produce belonged to the government, but this was at times raised 
 
 * Condensed from Professor Miiller's GeschicJUe der Gegenwart. 
 22 
 
506 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 to an eighth or seventh. As the farmer of the taxes must also 
 make his percentage, it not unfrequently came about that one- 
 third of the produce was levied instead of one-tenth. To this 
 must be added house, land, cattle, tobacco, and pasturage taxes; 
 while, besides all these, the Christian population, not admitted 
 to military service, were taxed for this involuntary dispensation. 
 All these taxes, rendered doubly burdensome by the oppressive 
 and unjust mode of their collection, were liable at any time to 
 arbitrary increase on the part of the government. (For example, 
 the house tax had been suddenly raised from four dollars and a 
 half to thirteen dollars and a half.) Some of the peasants, driven 
 to desperation, offered resistance to the tax-collectors, and were 
 beaten or thrown into prison ; others sent a fruitless deputation 
 to the governor. Dervish Pasha. Hundreds of families fled with 
 what they could collect to Croatia, Dalmatia, Montenegro, and 
 Servia. In consequence of Prince Nikita's intercession, amnesty 
 was promised to all those fugitives who would return ; but no 
 sooner did some of them venture back than the promise was 
 broken. About this time occurred the Austrian emperor's trip 
 to Dalmatia, and the report spread that the object of his visit 
 Avas the acquisition of Bosnia and Herzegovina by purchase. 
 This report, together with the outspoken sympathy of Servia 
 and Montenegro, increased the excitement, and on the 6th of 
 July, 1875, an insurrection broke out in Herzegovina. Orders 
 had been given to collect the taxes in the village of Drashego, 
 on the plateau of Nevesinye, by force. The revenue collectors 
 and a mob of Mussulmans took advantage of the opportunity to 
 plunder the inhabitants. The latter flew to arms and shot ten 
 of the robbers dead. The news that a number of tax-payers had 
 been shut into a house and burnt alive added fuel to the flame. 
 The women and children were at once despatched to Dalmatia, 
 and in a few days those parts of Herzegovina bordering on that 
 province and on Montenegro were in open rebellion. The war 
 was prosecuted with the greatest cruelty on both sides. The 
 Turkish forces were small and poorly equipped. The mountain- 
 ous character of the country afforded great advantages for the 
 prosecution of an irregular warfare, and Dalmatia and Montene- 
 gro assisted the insurgents with men and arms, so that at the 
 outset the balance of success was in favor of the latter. This 
 induced Dervish Pasha to accept the proffered mediation of the 
 
STRENGTH OF THE INSURGENTS. 507 
 
 Roman Catholic bishop of Mostar and open negotiations. The 
 demands put foi'ward by the rebels as the condition of laying 
 down their arms were : a thorough reform of the system of taxa- 
 tion, the substitution of native for Turkish officials, and the es- 
 tablishment of a native militia for the maintenance of public or- 
 der in the province, and these demands the Porte was certain not 
 to grant, except, perhaps, on paper. 
 
 According to the census of 1868, the Greek Catholics in Bos- 
 nia, including Herzegovina, numbered 431,200, the Roman Cath- 
 olics 171,764, and the Mohammedans 418,315. A large part 
 of the Mohammedan population consisted of the territorial no- 
 bility (the oldest in Europe), who, although of Slavic origin, 
 were yet fanatical adherents of Islam, having found it to their 
 interest to change their religion after the conquest of the country 
 by the Turks. These took no part in the rebellion, and even 
 the Christian population did not rise in a body. The success of 
 the insurrection seemed to depend upon the attitude of Servia 
 and Montenegro, and at the outset those two countries were in- 
 duced by the consuls of the three empires to profess a sti'ict neu- 
 trality. Nevertheless, the Herzegovinians did not lose heart, and 
 by the beginning of August they had put into the field against 
 the Turks a force of twelve to fourteen thousand men. The lat- 
 ter made groat exertions to suppress the rebellion before it should 
 give rise to diplomatic intervention of too serious a character, or 
 involve the Porte in a war with the principalities. Dervish Pasha 
 was succeeded by Reouf Pasha, and 30,000 or 40,000 soldiers 
 were gradually collected in Herzegovina. Against such a force 
 the insurgents could not hope to maintain the field ; but by means 
 of a guerilla warfare they harassed the Turks at every point, and 
 when winter brought about a cessation of hostilities, the latter 
 had made no real advance toward the suppression of the revolt. 
 
 In the mean time the three empires, fearing that the insurree- 
 tion, if not speedily suppressed, might result in an Oriental war, 
 had been making efforts to bring about an understanding between 
 the Porte and its revolted subjects. Of the three, Germany was 
 a comparatively disinterested observer ; but, while Russia found 
 the insurrection to her advantage, Austria was seriously embar- 
 rassed by a disturbance threatening to shake the status quo ; and 
 indeed, in order to understand Austria's attitude through this 
 whole period, it must be borne in mind that the Austro-llunga- 
 
508 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 rian empire is not one firmly consolidated state, but merely a sort 
 of agreement on the part of a parcel of states and provinces of 
 differing nationalities and conflicting interests to maintain the 
 status quo. August 18th, the ambassadoi's of these three pow- 
 ers tendered their good offices for the pacification of the revolt, 
 and after considerable hesitation the Sultan accepted the offer. 
 Server Pasha was sent as a commissioner to examine into the 
 grievances of the insurgents, while the consuls of the six Great 
 Powers undertook to induce the rebels to lay down their arms 
 and present their complaints before the commissioner. Server 
 Pasha went to Mostar and made promises ; the consuls travelled 
 through the disaffected districts — Germany, Austria, and Italy 
 along the Austrian border, England, Kussia, and France through 
 the interior. By their interviews with the leaders of the insur- 
 rection the consuls ascertained that the latter would not lay down 
 their arms, unless guarantees of the most tangible description were 
 given for the execution of the desired reforms. 
 
 On the 2d of October the Sultan issued an irade full of prom- 
 ises, and on the 12th of December a firman of similar character 
 appeared. Members of the courts and of administrative councils 
 were to be chosen by the people, without distinction of religious 
 belief; suits between Mussulmans and Giaours were to be de- 
 cided by the civil tribunals ; arbitrary imprisonment was forbid- 
 den ; tax-gatherers were made elective ; the rights of property were 
 secured ; socage was abolished ; the free exercise of their religion 
 was guaranteed to the patriarchs and all other spiritual superiors ; 
 the right of holding public office and acquiring land was bestow- 
 ed upon non-Mohanuuedans. All these blessings the indulgent 
 Sultan promised to those who fulfilled their duties as true and 
 loyal subjects, a permission seemingly intended to exclude the 
 Bosnians and llerzegovinians from this glowing paradise of im- 
 aginary justice and good government. 
 
 These reforms were not worth the paper on which they were 
 wi'itten, unless their execution was guaranteed and supervised by 
 the Great Powers, a responsibility which the latter were unwill- 
 ing to assume.. It was with great difficulty that they were able 
 to unite in a joint note. This was drawn up on behalf of the 
 three empires by Andrassy, and, after having received the ap- 
 proval of the three remaining Great Powers, was presented to the 
 Porte in an apologetic and inoffensive manner on the 31st of 
 
THE ANDRASSY NOTE. 509 
 
 January, 1876. Five points were insisted on as essential to the 
 pacification of Bosnia and Herzegovina — unlimited religious free- 
 dom ; abolition of tlie system of farming the taxes; the applica- 
 tion of tlic direct revenue of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the bene- 
 fit of those provinces; establishment of a special commission, 
 consisting, in equal parts, of Moslems and Christians, to watch 
 over the execution of the reforms; and improvement of the indus- 
 trial condition of the country population. Mahmoud Pasha and 
 his master went through the solemn farce of laying the proposi- 
 tions of the powers before a ministerial council, after which they 
 were accepted, with some modifications of the third proposition, 
 and published in an imperial irade of the 13th of February. A 
 second irade on the 23d of the same month offered full amnesty 
 to the rebels, safe return to the fugitives, protection against all 
 oppression, a free gift of the necessary materials for rebuilding 
 their houses, and corn for sowing their fields, together with re- 
 mission of the tenth for one year, and all other taxes for two. 
 By these poetical decrees the Porte was for the moment relieved 
 from all interference on the part of the Great Powers, and at the 
 same time furnished with an excuse for carrying out no reforms 
 of any description whatever — for it took no prophet to foresee 
 that the rebels, mindful of the way in which the hatti-sherif of 
 1839 and the hat-hümayim of 1856 had been executed, would, 
 not submit unless the promised reforms were guaranteed and 
 supervised by the Great Powers. 
 
 The Andrassy note had become waste -paper, and the utter- 
 ances of the Russian Press — for when the Russian Press ventures 
 to speak on any political topic its utterances may be regarded as 
 inspired, or at least approved, by the government — showed that 
 Russia appreciated the necessity of armed interference, and chafed 
 at the restraint put upon her by the other powers. The powers 
 which specially exercised this restraint were England and Austro- 
 Hungary. The latter shared with Russia the position of the most 
 interested country ; but, as already stated, its interests were ultra- 
 conservative, inasmuch as any disturbance in the Balkan penin- 
 sula endangered the unsteady equilibrium of the composite em- 
 pire. Both Germans and Hungarians were opposed to annexa- 
 tion, as that would increase the strength of the Slavic element, 
 which both of them already found too strong. The increase of 
 Servia or the erection of a new Slavic state would make Russian 
 
510 POLITICAL HISTORY OF KECENT TIMES. 
 
 influence in tlie Balkan peninsula too powerful. Furthermore, 
 the Magyars (5,500,000 in number, ruling over 2,500,000 Rou- 
 manians, 1,500,000 Germans, and 5,000,000 Slavs), in their hatred 
 of the Slavs in general, and the Russians in particular, actually- 
 sympathized with the Turlvs, Consequently, Austria could not 
 venture to advance her own frontier, except under pressure of 
 actual necessity, neither could she allow the erection of any new 
 Slavonic states, or the increase of those already existing. Her 
 natural policy was the maintenance, so far as possible, of the sta- 
 tus quo, and for this purpose she sought the alliance of England, 
 and showed herself willing to follow any plan the latter might 
 propose. But England adopted a simple policy of obstruction, 
 encouraging the Porte in its opposition to all reform, rejecting 
 the plans proposed by other powers, and refusing to present any 
 of her own ; recognizing the principle of European concert, but 
 doing all in her power to prevent the fact. At the outset she 
 urged the Turk to put down the Herzegovinian insurrection with 
 all speed, and used her whole power to bring about that result. 
 Tt was English representations which led Austria, in the early 
 spring of 1876, to guard her frontiers more carefully against the 
 insurgents, and finally to withdraw all support from the refugees 
 within her borders. One other stroke of English policy, Oriental 
 in more senses than one, calls for mention here — namely, the pur- 
 chase from the Khedive of Egypt, on the 25th of November, 1875, 
 of 176,602 shares of the Suez Canal for £4,000,000. 
 
 In accordance with England's advice to suppress the revolt as 
 soon as possible, and thus avoid all foreign interference, the Sul- 
 tan raised Achmed Mukhtar Pasha to the chief command, and 
 despatched him to the seat of the disturbance with fresh forces, 
 toward the close of December, 1875. But the Andrassy note (not 
 yet formally presented) led to a change of policy, in so far that 
 on the 24th of January Ali Pasha, formerly ambassador at Paris, 
 appeared in Mostar as governor-general of Herzegovina, commis- 
 sioned by the Porte to appease the insurgents with promises. In 
 addition to this two special commissioners arrived, supplied witli 
 a small sum of money — enough to make a pretence, but nothing 
 more — for the assistance of returning fugitives. The Austrian 
 government, acting under English influence, put a more effectual 
 guard upon its frontiers toward Herzegovina and Montenegro, as 
 has already been narrated ; and Baron Rodich, the stadtholder 
 
VESSELITZKY'S MISSIOX.— REVOLT IN BOSNIA. 511 
 
 and military commander of Dalmatia, was directed to attempt me- 
 diation. Ilis attempts were ineffectual, because the insurgents 
 refused to put any faith in Turkish promises unsupported by foi'- 
 eign guarantees. After conferring with Rodich in Zara, Achmed 
 Mukhtar and Ali Pasha published a proclamation on the 28th 
 of March, 1876, promising special favors to all fugitives who 
 would return and lay down their arms, but threatening the re- 
 calcitrant with confiscation of their property, and exclusion from 
 the benefit of the reforms. At the same time a cessation of hos- 
 tilities was proclaimed from the 29th of March to the 10th of 
 April. 
 
 It is not impossible that up to this point the Russian govern- 
 ment had been acting in good faith for the pacification of the dis- 
 turbed districts. It was Russia which had prevented Montenegro 
 from declaring war, and induced Prince Nikita, whose land was bur- 
 dened with the support of 30,000 Ilerzegovinian fugitives, to use 
 his influence, at least ostensibly, for the restoration of peace. But 
 while England, and, following her lead, Austria were throwing all 
 their influence into the scale against the insurgents, Russia stood 
 forth as in a sense the champion of their just claims. On the 
 5th of April Vessel itzky, a private agent of Prince Gortchakoff, 
 arrived in the Suttorina, and entered into negotiations with the 
 insurgents. They demanded, as before, some guarantee for the 
 execution of the promised reforms. Vesselitzky constituted him- 
 self their plenipotentiary, and after a conference with Rodich in 
 Zara, and another with Prince Nikita in Chettinye, set out for 
 Berlin, in order to present in person the address of the insurgents 
 at the conference about to be held there. 
 
 Before the close of the armistice in the south an insurrection 
 broke out in the north-west, in Turkish Croatia, the centre of the 
 movement being the little garrison town of Bisca. This new re- 
 volt was liberally supplied with men and arms from Servia, and 
 a force of 10,000 rebels, some of them Mohammedans, was soon 
 brought together. Ibrahim Pasha, the governor-general of Bos- 
 nia, found the force of 15,000 men at his disposal entirely inade- 
 quate for the suppression of the revolt. On the 1st and 6th of 
 April, at Palanka and Yagrenitza, his troops were defeated by the 
 insurgents, the latter fighting under the battle-cry, "Long live the 
 Emperor of Austria !" 
 
 In the south, on the close of the armistice, Mukhtar Pasha set 
 
512 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 out from Gacko, througli the Diiga pass, to provision the hard- 
 pressed fortress of Niksich, but was defeated and driven back 
 with great loss. Undoubtedly the insurgents along the Montene- 
 grin bordei's were assisted by Montenegrin volunteers. Mukhtar 
 represented to his government that 7000 Montenegrins took part 
 in the battle in the Dnga pass, and orders were thereupon issued 
 to establish a camp at Scutari, with a view to an invasion of Mon- 
 tenegro. Russia, whose protege Prince Nikita was, called upon 
 the other Great Powers to assist her in averting war, and General 
 Ignatieff and Count Zichy, the Russian and Austrian ambassadors 
 at Constantinople, denied absolutely the credibility of Mukhtar's 
 report. The Sultan finally yielded to their representations, and 
 professedly countermanded his orders. The same pressure was 
 not brought to bear on behalf of Servia, and before the close of 
 April 40,000 men were assembled in the Turkish camp at Nish, 
 on the southern border of that principality. 
 
 The situation was daily growing more critical. Austria and 
 England had accomplished nothing, and Russia was becoming 
 tired of delays and promises. On the 10th of May Gortchakoff 
 had a meeting with Bismarck and Andrassy in Berlin, and laid 
 before them a memorandum based upon the Andrassy note. A 
 truce of two months was to be proclaimed in order to settle the 
 points in dispute with the insurgents, the execution of the prom- 
 ised reforms was to be supervised by the consuls of the Great 
 Powers, and an international fleet was to be despatched to the 
 support of the consuls. " More effectual " measures were held in 
 view, in case nothing had been accomplished before the expiration 
 of the two months. This memorandum was adopted by the three 
 emperors, and communicated to the other three Great Powers. 
 France and Italy accepted it without reserve, but England refused 
 her assent, on the ground that the Porte had not yet had sufficient 
 time in which to carry out the reforms, and that the suggestion 
 of "more effectual" measures Avould lead the rebels to persist in 
 their rebellion, while the supervision by foreign consuls was an 
 inadmissible interference with the sovereign rights of the Sultan. 
 The English cabinet even went so far as to communicate the con- 
 tents of the memorandum to the Porte, and in effect advised re- 
 sistance to the will of Europe by means of a dilatory policy — add- 
 ing, however, that Turkey could rely on nothing more than moral 
 support from England. The memorandum itself was never pre- 
 
THE SALONIKA OUTRAGE. 513 
 
 sented to the Turkish government, the course of events rendering 
 it for the moment superfluous. 
 
 In the mean time an event had occurred at Salonika which 
 involved the Porte in threatening complications with two of the 
 neutral or disinterested Great Powers. A mob of Turkish fanat- 
 ics murdered the German and French consuls, on the 6th of May, 
 by the command or at the instigation of the chief of police, the 
 disturbance which led to their interference having originated in an 
 attempt on his part to carry off a Bulgarian maiden for his harem. 
 Germany and France at once demanded satisfaction, and French, 
 German, Italian, Russian, Austrian, and Greek ships of war ap- 
 peared in the harbor of Salonika to protect the foreign residents ; 
 whereupon England despatched twelve iron-clads to Besika Baj-, 
 to guard the mouth of the Dardanelles. The peremptory attitude 
 of the injured powers compelled the Porte, after some shambling 
 and delay, to punish, not merely, according to its usual custom, 
 ignorant took and inoffensive lookers-on, but even pashas and a 
 chief of police. 
 
 Great embarrassment was occasioned at Constantinople by the 
 German demand of 300,000 francs for the widow of the mur- 
 dered consul. Turkish finances were in such a condition that it 
 was difficult to procure even this small sum. On the 5th of Oc- 
 tober, 1875, the Porte had declared itself unable to pay more 
 than fifty per cent, of the interest on the debt, with the excep- 
 tion of that portion guaranteed by England and France. On the 
 Ist'of April, 1876, payment of the coupons due on that day was 
 postponed until the 1st of July. Officials had received no pay 
 for months, and been obliged to rely wholly on bribes, while the 
 soldiers were left to subsist on plunder. But with all that the 
 foolish extravagance of the Sultan continued nnchecked. The 
 lack of money made itself sorely felt everywhere, and rumor said 
 that there was an abundance stored up in the vaults of the pal- 
 ace. The murder in Salonika, and the military fiasco in Bosnia 
 and Herzegovina, were used by the reform party to increase the 
 dissatisfaction. That party was hostile to Russia, and hence 
 anxious for the downfall of the grand vizier, Mahmoud Pasha, 
 and the Sheik-ul-Islam, both of whom were under Russian influ- 
 ence. Of a sudden great excitement displayed itself among the 
 Softas, or students, of whom there were about 10,000 at various 
 mosques in Constantinople. Providing themselves with arms, 
 
 22* 
 
514 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 they marched in crowds through the city, and drew up a pro- 
 gramme, in Avhich they demanded, among other things, an assem- 
 bly of notables, and the recall of Ignatieff by the Russian govern- 
 ment. They likewise clamored for the annihilation of the revolt 
 in Herzegovina, and for war with Montenegro. On the 11th of 
 May they presented themselves before the palace with arms in 
 their hands, and demanded the removal of Mahmoud Pasha and 
 the Sheik-ul-Islam. Their demands were granted; but, instead of 
 Midhat Pasha, the man of their choice, Mchemed Rushdi Pasha 
 was made grand vizier. This was counterbalanced, however, by 
 the appointment of Hussein Avni Pasha, the soul of the move- 
 ment, as minister of war and commander-in-chief of the army. 
 This was only a beginning. Abdul Aziz was not the man for the 
 energetic policy required by his new counsellors. His greed, his 
 extravagance, his leanings toward Russia, had long since deprived 
 him of all respect. On the 29th of May the grand vizier, the 
 Sheik-ul-Islam, Midhat Pasha, and the minister of war resolved 
 to dethrone this worthless and dissipated Sultan, and place the 
 legitimate heir, Murad, eldest son of the deceased Sultan, Abdul 
 Medshid, on the throne in his stead. Their plan was successfully 
 carried out, and the deposed monarch was forthwith removed to 
 the kiosk Top-Capu, and thence to the Palace of Therragan, 
 where he seems to have committed suicide a few days later. 
 
 But before Abdul Aziz ceased to reign, one of the cruellest 
 tragedies which modern history records had been enacted in 
 Bulgaria. Ever since the Crimean war it liad been the policy 
 of the Turkish government to eradicate the Bulgarians, and set- 
 tle Tartars and Circassians in the provinces south of the Danube, 
 in order to form a strong bulwark against Slavic aggression from 
 the north. The Tartars remained almost exclusively in the Do- 
 brudsha; the Circassians spread through the mountainous regions 
 of Bulgaria. Bravely though the latter had fought against the 
 Russians in their native mountains, in Bulgaria they proved noth- 
 ing more than lazy robbers. Work they would not ; they lived by 
 plundering the unfortunate natives. At length, inspired by the 
 example of Herzegovina and Bosnia, and incited in all probabili- 
 ty by Russian and Servian agents, after vain complaints and peti- 
 tions, on the 1st of May, 1876, some young men raised the stand- 
 ard of revol-t against such shameless oppression at Drenovo, near 
 Tirnova. Almost at the same time an insurrection broke out in 
 
BULGARIAN MASSACRES, 615 
 
 the region between Philippopolis and Sofia, and soon the insur- 
 gents numbered about 10,000 men. Abdul Kerim, commander 
 of the army in Roumelia and Bulgaria, could not muster more 
 than ten or fifteen thousand regular troops, and so recourse was 
 had to the expedient of commissioning Bashi-Bazouks — volunteers 
 without uniform — or, in other words, arming the Mohammedan 
 population to suppress the revolt. Even the prisons were emp- 
 tied, and murderers were enrolled to put down the rebellion. Such 
 a course could not fail to result in massacres of the most atrocious 
 description. The insurrection was soon suppressed, but still the 
 massacres continued. It seems to have been the intention of the 
 Turkish government to break the spirit of the Bulgarian people 
 finally and completely, and thus render any future revolt an im- 
 possibility. The number of the luckless victims of this barbarous 
 policy has been variously estimated at from three to one hundred 
 thousand. 
 
 Batak was the place which suffered most severely, as it is also 
 the name best known in connection with the massacres. All the 
 Bulgarian villages in the neighborhood had already been destroy- 
 ed before the Bashi-Bazouks appeared at Batak, on the 12th of 
 May. Hitherto the villagers of Batak had enjoyed immunity, and 
 as they were under the special protection of Achmed Aga, the lead- 
 er of the Bashi-Bazouks, they were in hopes that the storm might 
 leave them untouched. Achmed Aga, as chief of the police of 
 the district, called upon the inhabitants to surrender their arms. 
 His demand was at once complied with. One of the men who 
 brought the weapons was shot dead, and the rest were sent back 
 with orders to bring all the gold and jewellery in the place. But, 
 without awaiting their return, the Bashi-Bazouks fell upon the 
 hapless village, proclaiming themselves commissioned by the Sul- 
 tan to rob and murder all the inhabitants. The headman of the 
 village was impaled upon a spit and roasted alive. Of the women, 
 some were stripped naked, robbed of their jewellery, outraged, and 
 then murdered — others were carried off to grace the harems of 
 neighboring Turkish magnates. A correspondent, describing the 
 appearance of the village a few weeks later, says : " The path was 
 strewn with bones and children's skulls ; on the hill lay one hun- 
 dred and fifty whitened skeletons, still half covered with clothes. 
 When the sack of the village was completed, the girls and women 
 were brought to this spot, where, after the most terrible abuse, 
 
516 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 they were slaughtered like cattle. . . . Before the church a hide- 
 ous odor greeted us. The church-yard is surrounded by a wall 
 six feet high. The space between this wall and the church was 
 filled in three feet deep with corpses, which were covered with 
 nothing but stone slabs. The church itself was full of moulder- 
 ing pieces of flesh, half-burnt bones, and bloody garments. Op- 
 posite the church stood the school-house, where three hundred 
 women and children sought refuge, and were burnt alive by the 
 Bashi-Bazouks. ... At the lowest estimate, 4000 corpses were 
 lying unburied in the village. Before the massacre Batak num- 
 bered 13,000 inhabitants, it now numbers 1200. If we estimate 
 the missing at 1000, there still remains a difference of more than 
 11,000 to be ascribed to the bloody account of the Turks." 
 
 The number of Bulgarian maidens offered for sale after the 
 massacres was so great that in Philippopolis they Avere to be had 
 for three or four lire apiece. A correspondent writing from that 
 place on the 15th of August, says: "The actual participants in 
 the May insurrection were long ago sent to their last account ; 
 since then the authorities have been casting into prison chiefly 
 innocent men, who never thought of rising against the govern- 
 ment. Of 1028 Bulgarians who were imprisoned at Tirnova, 
 only four had been guilty of any acts of insubordination ; the 
 rest were prominent merchants, clergymen, teachers, and peasants. 
 About eight hundred unoffending clergymen and teachers have 
 been put to death. The rich merchants in Grabrovo, Tirnova, 
 Lovatz, and other places were seized in their shops, and killed 
 almost without exception ; their property fell to the treasury, or 
 rather to the officials, who shared it among themselves. The 
 poorer prisoners were for the most part allowed to live. So far 
 5628 persons have been released from prison. The poor creat- 
 ures are most of them thoroughly broken down, owing to the 
 miserable provision made for them during their imprisonment. 
 Many did not see the sun's rays for months, and Avere allowed no 
 clean garments whatever. In addition to this, all of them wore 
 heavy fetters on their hands and feet." 
 
 The American consul-general, Mr. Eugene Schuyler, who visited 
 Bulgaria in person, reported that these atrocities were wholly 
 unnecessary for the suppression of the revolt, and that they were 
 not provoked by any similar conduct on the part of the Bulga- 
 rians. On the news of the Bulgarian disorders, the government 
 
SERVLi AND MONTENEGRO DECLARE WAR. 51 "7 
 
 in Constantinople was earnestly requested to send regular troops 
 to the disturbed districts for the preservation of the public peace. 
 This request was not attended to, and the beys of Adrianople 
 and Philippopolis acted in complete accordance with the wishes 
 of the government in arming the Mussulman population, the 
 weapons being supplied from Constantinople. The outrages were 
 attributable no less to the regular troops than to the Bashi-Ba- 
 zouks. All doubt as to the complicity of the government is dis- 
 pelled when it is remembered that the worst offenders were 
 rewarded — the commander of Pestuvizza with a silver medal, 
 Tussoura Bey of Klissura with the Medshidi order, and Achmed 
 Aga of Batak with promotion to the Yuzbashi. 
 
 The Bulgarian massacre could not fail to excite the greatest 
 indignation in all Europe, but more especially in Servia and Mon- 
 tenegro. Servia had long hesitated between peace and war. She 
 had to fear, not alone the superior strength of the Turks, but also 
 the jealousy of Austria, or rather Hungary, which had no desire 
 to encourage the dream of a great Servia. In February of 1876 
 the war party at length gained the upper hand, and made such 
 open preparations for a campaign against Turkey that Austria 
 and Russia united in a joint note, urging the Servian government 
 to refrain from hostilities. There is every reason to believe that 
 Russia's efforts to maintain the peace were at the last merely os- 
 tensible both in Servia and Montenegro. In view of their inti- 
 mate relations with Russia, it is scarcely credible that either of 
 those states, but more especially the latter, should have ventured 
 upon a war with the Porte without a reasonable assurance of the 
 Czar's approval. In Belgrade Austria was looked upon as the 
 only obstacle ; and popular indignation ran so high that on the 
 9th of April, the national festival, stones were thrown at the Aus- 
 trian consulate. Austrian influence did not prove strong enough 
 to hold the Servians back. On the 5th of May an unmistakable 
 war ministry was formed, with Ristic as minister of foreign af- 
 fairs; and on the 22d a national loan of 12,000,000 francs was 
 decreed. The overthrow of Abdul Aziz was regarded, both in 
 Belgrade and Chettinye, as a sure sign of war. Prince Nikita at 
 once placed himself at the head of the Herzegovinian movement, 
 and issued orders to the insurgents. On the 26th of June the 
 latter proclaimed him as their prince, and two days later the Bos- 
 nian insurgents, imitating their example, proclaimed Prince Milan 
 
518 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 prince of Bosnia. The Servian army had already been for some 
 time assembled on the border, while the Turks had also collected 
 a considerable force on their side of the line. After some diplo- 
 matic correspondence the Servian government despatched an ulti- 
 matum on the 27th of June, demanding the "removal from the 
 Servian frontier of the Turkish army, together with the Avild 
 hordes of Baslii-Bazouks, Circassians, Arnauts (Albanians), and 
 Kurds," the appointment of Prince Milan as viceroy of Bosnia, 
 and the occupation of the disturbed provinces by the Servian 
 army. The union of Bosnia with Servia, and Herzegovina with 
 Montenegro, seemed to the Porte too high a price for the mainte- 
 nance of peace ; accordingly, on the 2d of July, the Servian army 
 crossed the Turkish border; and at the same time Prince Nikita, 
 who had already called into the field the whole able-bodied popu- 
 lation between the ages of seventeen and sixty, announced to the 
 Porte that he preferred open war to the state of virtual siege 
 in which his principality was kept by the Turkish forces on the 
 border. 
 
 The Servian field army numbered about 80,000 men ; but of 
 these only 3000 were regular troops, while there was, further- 
 more, no reserve from which to supply the losses of battle. This 
 force was unwisely divided : the main army, under the Russian 
 general ChernayeflF, was stationed in the south-east, at Alexinatz, 
 opposite the fortress of Nish ; a small force, under Colonel Les- 
 hyanin, on the Timok, opposite Viddin ; another small force on 
 the Ibar, opposite Novibazar ; and a fourth in the north-west, on 
 the Drina. Russia manifested the liveliest sympathy for the 
 Servians. Of the six to eight thousand foreign volunteers in the 
 Servian army fully three thousand were Russians, and many of the 
 officers were of the same nationality. Money and hospital stores 
 were freely supplied from the Northern empire ; the empress put 
 herself at the head of the benevolent societies organized for the 
 benefit of the Servians and Montenegrins ; collections were taken 
 up from house to house ; and numerous ladies and physicians 
 hastened to offer their services at the seat of war. The emperor 
 maintained an attitude of reserve, but the whole nation saluted 
 the Servians and Montenegrins as brothers fighting in the com- 
 mon quarrel of the Slavonic race. The Montenegrin army, con- 
 sisting almost exclusively of militia, numbered 15,000 men, di- 
 vided iato two parts, in order to make head at the same time 
 
FIRST SERVIAN CAMPAIGN. 519 
 
 toward the north and south. The insurgents in Herzegovina 
 were under the command of the Prince of Montenegro, while 
 those in Bosnia fought independently ; and it is rather a signifi- 
 cant fact that the activity in those provinces decreased in propor- 
 tion as that of Servia and Montenegro increased. The Turkish 
 army at the outset of the campaign numbered 150,000 men, un- 
 der the command of Abdul Kerim ; but this force was constantly 
 increased by fresh troops from Asia and Africa, who were paid 
 by means of Abdul Aziz's confiscated treasures. The Turks were 
 seriously impeded, however, in their prosecution of the war by 
 the fact that they were compelled to recognize the neutrality of 
 the Danube ; in addition to which the harbor of Klek, where re- 
 enforcements were to have been disembarked for Mukhtar Pasha, 
 was closed by the Austrians. 
 
 On the 2d of July Chernayeff crossed the Turkish frontier, 
 and severed the communications between Abdul Kerim at Nisb, 
 and Osman Pasha at Viddin. But he was unable to maintain his 
 position, and on the 14th Abdul Kerim became in his turn the 
 invader. On the 4th and 5th of August the Servians were de- 
 feated at Knyazebac ; but Abdul Kerim did not know how to 
 improve his victory, and Chernayeff was allowed to fortify him- 
 self at Bania and Alexinatz. This position was attacked by the 
 Turks on the 19th of August, but after six days' fighting they 
 were repulsed. The attack was renewed on the 28th, but with 
 the same result. An attack on the 1st of September was more 
 successful, and after eleven hours' fighting the Turks carried the 
 Servian position before Alexinatz; but again they failed to im- 
 prove their victory, and Chernayeff was allowed to intrench him- 
 self between Alexinatz and Deligrad. On the 11th and 16th the 
 Servians assumed the offensive, but were repulsed. The cam- 
 paign had lasted ten weeks, and had resulted slightly to the dis- 
 advantage of the Servians ; their main army, together with the 
 army of the Timolc, had been worsted, and the smaller forces op- 
 erating in the north-west and south-west had proved too weak to 
 accomplish anything. For the rest, although the Montenegrins 
 had been victorious both in the north and south, all the other 
 allies on whom Servia had counted had failed her utterly. Nei- 
 ther Roumania nor Greece had moved ; Bulgaria was crushed, and 
 the Bosnians were held in check by the Turkish troops which 
 had been sent thither, liussia offered nothing more than private 
 
520 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 assistance and semi-official encouragement. Servia and Monte- 
 negro were left alone to carry on an unequal struggle with the 
 Turkish empire. It was no wonder, therefore, that the demand 
 for peace should make itself heard in Belgrade, and on the 16th 
 of September a ten days' armistice was concluded. 
 
 This armistice was the direct work of the Great Powers. The 
 Gortchakoff memorandum had never been presented to the Porte, 
 on account of the revolution of May 30th. The leaders of that 
 revolution, Hussein Avni Pasha and Midhat Pasha, while agreed 
 in their hostility to Russia, differed radically in regard to internal 
 policy. The former belonged to the old Turks, and clung to an- 
 cient forms and customs ; the latter believed in pretending to rule 
 according to European methods. Although hostility to Russia 
 and a desire for change led them to sink their differences for a 
 time, it is doubtful how long this agreement would have lasted. 
 But fate solved the difficulty. On the 15th of June Hussein 
 Avni Pasha and Rashid Pasha were murdered by a dissatisfied 
 Circassian officer named Hassan. Their places in the cabinet 
 were supplied by Abdul Kerim and Savfet Pasha, the former 
 minister of justice. The whole revolution, of which this was 
 V the closing episode, was a defeat for Russian diplomacy, and had 
 the effect of replacing Count Tgnatieff by Sir Henry Elliot as the 
 confidential adviser of the Porte. On the 9th of June, in the 
 House of Commons, Disraeli expressed himself full of hope and 
 confidence in reference to the new Turkish era thus inaugurated. 
 Perhaps it was unwillingness to hamper the new government in 
 its work of reform which led the English ambassador at Constan- 
 tinople, or the English government, or both, to suppress the in- 
 formation in their hands regarding the atrocities in Bulgaria. 
 As indicating the sentiment of a large body of the English peo- 
 ple at this juncture, it may be worth recording that the London 
 Times also suppressed the communications of its correspondent 
 regarding the massacres, so that the first information which reach- 
 ed the English people came through the columns of the Daily 
 News, on the 26th of June. The same information had been 
 for some time in the possession of Sir Henry Elliot ; but the 
 ministry, when questioned in Parliament, denied all knowledge of 
 such events. Ultimately, however, they were forced to send a 
 commissioner to investigate the alleged outrages. As fuller news 
 arrived a revulsion in public opinion set in, and the government 
 
AUSTRIA'S DIFFICULT POSITION. 521 
 
 finally saw itself obliged to instruct the English ambassador in 
 Constantinople (September 5th) that so much public indignation 
 had been aroused by the late events in Bulgaria that, even in the 
 extreme case of a war with Russia, England would not be able to 
 interfere for the protection of the Ottoman empire. On the 21st 
 of September Elliot was directed to request an audience with the 
 Sultan, and demand compensation for the suiferers, punishment 
 of the offenders of high rank, and the appointment of an efficient 
 commissioner, either himself a Christian or surrounded by Chris- 
 tian counsellors, to whom should be intrusted the temporary ad- 
 ministration of Bulgaria. The Turkish government did none of 
 these things ; the ringleaders in the massacres, such as Achmed 
 Aga, were rewarded, and only a few underlings punished. 
 
 England's pro-Turkish attitude naturally excited the greatest 
 indignation in Russia, where all classes of the population were 
 clamorous for war with Turkey. The emperor, as has already 
 been narrated, preserved an attitude of reserve, and dissuaded 
 Servia and Montenegro from war, at the same time that he made 
 no effort to restrain his subjects from rendering assistance to 
 those states, and permitted Russian officers to take service in the 
 Servian army. The alliance of the three emperors compelled him 
 to consider Austrian interests, and be guided in his direct policy 
 by Austrian wishes. On the 8th of July a meeting took place at 
 Reichstadt between Alexander and Francis Joseph, attended by 
 their respective chancellors, at which it seems to have been de- 
 cided that no armed intervention should be attempted for the 
 present, and that neither state should in any case act indepen- 
 dently of the other. Germany, as the least interested, whose busi- 
 ness it was to act as mediator, and reconcile, so far as possible, the 
 conflicting views of her two colleagues, naturally assented to this 
 arrangement. It has already been indicated that the position of 
 the Austro-Hungarian government was no easy one, and the Ser- 
 vian war certainly did not tend to make it easier. In Cislutha- 
 nia sympathy was strongly enlisted on the side of the oppressed 
 Christian populations of the Balkan peninsula, while the Hunga- 
 rians, in their hatred of the Slavs, showed themselves ardent ad- 
 mirers of the Turks. General Klapka, one of the heroes of 1848, 
 arrived in Constantinople on the 21st of July, and put himself at 
 the disposal of the Turkish government, his intention being to 
 raise a Hungarian legion to fight under the crescent against the 
 
522 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Christian Slavs, This project met with the hearty approval of 
 the Hungarian Press. On the 23d of October the students of 
 Pesth expressed to Min istei'-p resident Tisza their wish to hold a 
 torch-light procession in honor of the Turkish consul, and on the 
 13th of January, 1877, a deputation of Hungarian students pre- 
 sented Abdul Kerim, the conqueror of the Servians, with a sabre, 
 as a " pledge of the intimate friendship between the two coun- 
 tries." The Magyars were also influenced by interest as well as 
 sentiment, for they perceived that a strong Slavonic state to the 
 south must result in giving the five million Slavs in Hungary a 
 share in the government of that country. The conflicting views 
 of the two great divisions of the empire seriously hampered An- 
 drassy's policy, and forced conservatism upon him. Although a 
 Hungarian, he realized the benefits accruing to the Austrian em- 
 pire from the alliance of the three emperors, and recognized the 
 fact that the interests of the country at large could not be subor- 
 dinated to the wishes of a handful of Magyars. The policy which 
 he favored aimed at a Christian administration of all those Turk- 
 ish provinces in which the Christian population was in the major- 
 ity, and the ultimate application of force, if necessary, to attain 
 this result. In this way he hoped to avoid the necessity for a 
 partition of the Ottoman empire, and the erection of dependent, 
 or independent, Slavonic states. 
 
 In addition to England and the Magyars, one other friend of 
 Turkish rule should be mentioned, namely, the Pope of Rome, 
 The ground of this friendship was indicated in an article in the 
 Voce dclla Verita, a Vatican sheet, to the effect that the rule of 
 the Turkish crescent was preferable to that of the Greek Catholic 
 cross. This alliance, which restrained from revolt the Roman Cath- 
 olic population in Bosnia and Herzegovina, was very welcome to 
 the Porte, and the latter showed its gratitude by settling certain 
 difficulties which had arisen regarding the Armenian Church, and 
 promising to bestow special privileges on its Roman Catholic 
 subjects. 
 
 The Sultan with whom Servia must negotiate a peace was no 
 longer Murad V. The " reformer of the Turkish empire," after a 
 reign of three months, fell a victim to an incurable brain trouble, 
 due to overmuch enjoyment of the pleasures of the harem, exces- 
 sive use of intoxicating liquors, and the effects of his three years' 
 imprisonment; and on the 31st of August his brother, Abdul 
 
UNSUCCESSFUL NEGOTIATIONS FOR A PEACE. 523 
 
 Hamid II., Avas declared Saltan in liis stead. Murad V. had been 
 a mere nonentity, and at first Lis brother seemed inclined to fol- 
 low in his footsteps and leave the government entirely in the 
 hands of the ministers. The Great Powers, which had been ne- 
 gotiating in Constantinople and Belgrade with a view to peace, 
 left it to the Porte to propose the terras, and on the 14th of Sep- 
 tember the latter laid before their representatives the plan of a 
 treaty containing, among others, the following conditions : occu- 
 pation by Turkish troops of the four fortresses which had been 
 handed over to Servia in 1866, payment of a war indemnity, con- 
 struction of a railroad under Turkish control between Nish and 
 Belgrade. These conditions were unacceptable, and almost re- 
 sulted in a declaration of war on the part of Russia ; but diplo- 
 macy averted the danger for the moment by arranging a truce of 
 ten days, afterward extended to sixteen, in which to reconsider 
 the terms proposed. England, which had heretofore refused to 
 act in harmony with the other powers, and evidently desired to 
 prove herself the arbiter of the Orient, was allowed to propose 
 terms of peace. Accordingly, on the 25th of September Sir Hen- 
 ry Elliot, supported by the ambassadors of the other powers, sub- 
 mitted to the Porte the following propositions : restoration of the 
 status quo ante in Servia and Montenegro, the establishment of 
 administrative autonomy in Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria, 
 and the execution of the reforms indicated in the Andrassy note. 
 The official answer, communicated on the 2d of October, while 
 accepting the first two conditions, refused autonomy to the three 
 provinces, on the ground that a constitution, including a central 
 parliament, was about to be granted to the whole empire, and all 
 branches of the administration thoroughly reformed. The rumor 
 of a proposed naval demonstration on the part of the powers was 
 answered by a threat to remove the capital to Adrianople ; the 
 hint of a joint occupation of Turkish provinces by Austria and 
 Russia was met by the threat of an appeal to Islam. An attempt 
 to lengthen the armistice was also unsuccessful, and resulted only 
 in increasing the bitterness of England and Turkey toward Rus- 
 sia, to whose charge they attributed the failure of the negotia- 
 tions. 
 
 But before matters had reached this point hostilities had been 
 again resumed. Servia refused to consent to the prolongation of 
 the armistice to sixteen days, inasmuch as the ten days' armistice 
 
524 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 had not been strictly observed. Accordingly, on the 28th of 
 September Chernayetf, who had taken advantage of the truce to 
 proclaim Prince Milan king of Scrvia, and cause the army to 
 take the oath of allegiance to him, resumed the offensive, de- 
 stroyed the two bridges which Abdul Kerim had thrown across 
 the Morava, and attacked the Turks in their positions. When vic- 
 tory seemed within his very grasp, Hafiz Pasha arrived on the scene 
 with 33,000 fresh troops, and the Servians were repulsed. After 
 a long pause, on the 19th of October the Turks attacked the Ser- 
 vian positions, and by the 31st of that month Alexinatz had been 
 taken and destroyed, and the way opened into the interior. The 
 greatest consternation prevailed in Belgrade in consequence of 
 these defeats, and telegram after telegram was sent to Livadia 
 entreating succor from the Russian emperor. Servia's tiny ally, 
 Montenegro, on the other hand, had been more successful, and 
 both to the north and south of their beggarly little patch of 
 mountains the Montenegrins had entered Turkish territory as 
 victorious invaders. 
 
 On the 30th of October, Tgnatieff, in an interview with Savfet 
 Pasha, informed the latter, in the name of the Russian emperor, 
 that unless within twenty-four hours the Porte signified its will- 
 ingness to conclude an armistice with Servia of six weeks or two 
 months, Russia would break off her political relations with the 
 Sultan. What Turkey might venture to refuse to the united de- 
 mands of the disunited Great Powers she did not dare to refuse 
 to Russia alone, and on the 31st of October a two months' truce 
 with Servia was signed. England at once proposed a conference 
 of the powers on the basis of the integrity of the Ottoman em- 
 pire, with a view to establishing administrative autonomy in 
 Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria ; and after some objections on 
 the part of the Porte, all the powers accepted her invitation and 
 sent delegates to the conference at Constantinople. 
 
 On the 2d of November the Czar, in a conversation with Lord 
 Loftus, the English ambassador at St. Petersburg, pledged his 
 word that he did not aim at the acquisition of Constantinople, 
 and that in case it became necessary to occupy Bulgaria, the oc- 
 cupation should be merely temporary. He did not believe that 
 anything could be accomplished without a display of arms, and 
 suggested that Austria should occupy Bosnia, and Russia Bul- 
 garia, while the English fleet should appear before Constantinople. 
 
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 525 
 
 In a despatch of the 3d Lord Derby expressed himself satisfied 
 with the Czar's assurances respecting his intentions. But it soon 
 appeared that the English government was not satisfied after all. 
 On the 9th of November, at the Lord Mayor's banquet, Lord Bea- 
 consfield, after glorifying the strength and resources of Great 
 Britain, said, " In a righteous cause, England is not the country 
 that will have to inquire whether she can enter upon a second or 
 third campaign. In a righteous cause England will commence a 
 fight that will not end till right is done." The allusion was man- 
 ifest, and the Emperor Alexander's speech to the nobles at Mos- 
 cow on the following day was an evident answer to the challenge 
 contained in the English Premier's words. If he could not suc- 
 ceed in obtaining with the concert of Europe, he said, such guar- 
 antees as he thought it necessary to exact, he was firmly deter- 
 mined to act independently, and was convinced that all Russia 
 would respond to his summons. 
 
 These utterances were ominous. On the 13th the Czar ordered 
 the formation of six army corps out of the divisions stationed in 
 the military districts of Odessa, Charkoff, and KiefF, and appointed 
 Grand-duke Nikolai Nikolaievitch their commander. A Crimean 
 army was also to be formed under the command of General Se- 
 myeka, and large re-enforcements were ordered for Loris Melikoff 
 in the Caucasus. In an explanatory circular GortchakoflE inform- 
 ed the Great Powers that Russia was determined not to rest until 
 justice had been done to the Christian subjects of the Porte. On 
 the 18th of November a loan of 100,000,000 roubles was or- 
 dered, which was taken up in the Russian empire within eight 
 days. Orders were also issued placing the railroads at the dis- 
 posal of the military authorities, the export of grain and horses 
 was forbidden, torpedoes were laid at the entrances of the most 
 important Black Sea harbors, and other necessary preparations 
 made for war. These measures called forth, not alone diplomatic 
 protests and inquiries from the English cabinet, but also counter 
 preparations, and on the 18th of November it was announced 
 that, in case Bulgaria were occupied by Russian troops, England 
 would occupy Gallipoli and Constantinople, in order to secure the 
 Bosporus and the Dardanelles against the Russian fleet. A war 
 between Russia and Turkey was everywhere regarded as certain, 
 and the fear was entertained that England or even Austria might 
 also become involved. It was generally felt that the peace cf 
 
526 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Europe depended on the attitude of Germany, and men asked 
 what Bismarck's policy wonld be. In answer to an interpellation 
 in the Reichstag by Richter, on the 5th of December, Bismarck 
 gave it to be understood that Germany would support Russia in 
 her demands relative to the Christian subjects of the Porte, and 
 that in case of war Austria's neutrality was assured ; Russia was 
 to make no conquests, and Austrian interests were to be provided 
 for. He also took occasion, at one of his parliamentary recep- 
 tions, to express the belief that England would not be a party to 
 the war. 
 
 During the interval preceding the conference Turkey was not 
 idle. Military preparations were pushed forward, and at the 
 same time a constitution intended to checkmate the approaching 
 conference was under preparation. On the 21st of November 
 this instrument was completed, under the direction of Midhat 
 Pasha, and laid before the Sultan for his signature. As it con- 
 ferred upon the Christians political equality Avith the Moham- 
 medans, Mehemed Rushdi Pasha, a fanatical old Turk, opposed it ; 
 but on the 19th of December his resignation was tendered, on 
 account of " ill health," and Midhat Pasha became grand-vizier 
 in his stead. On the 23d the new constitution was published in 
 the presence of the dignitaries of the realm, while cannon thun- 
 dered forth their welcome to the new-born sham. It is needless 
 to mention all the beneficial provisions of this document, for they 
 were never executed, and it was not intended that they should 
 be. The constitution was to serve as an excuse for paying no at- 
 tention to the advice of Europe. That advice was prepared in 
 a preliminary conference, from which the representatives of the 
 Porte were excluded, lasting from the 12th to the 20th of Decem- 
 ber. The reforms proposed were practically the same as before. 
 As the only means of securing their execution, Ignatieff advo- 
 cated the occupation of the disturbed provinces by Austria and 
 Russia, and the appearance of the English fleet in the Bosporus. 
 Neither the Austrian nor English representatives would consent 
 to this proposition, and finally, at Lord Salisbury's suggestion, it 
 was determined to execute the reforms under the protection of 
 Belgian troops. The conference proper was opened on the 23d, 
 Savfet Pasha presiding. Count Chandordy had scarcely present- 
 ed the proposition of the Great Powers when the sound of can- 
 non was heard, and Savfet Pasha announced that a constitution 
 
TURKEY REJECTS THE PROPOSALS OP THE CONFERENCE. 527 
 
 had been granted and a new era had begun. This did not have 
 the desired effect, liowever, and on the 1st of January the Porte 
 found itself obliged to lay before the conference a counter-prop- 
 osition. On the 15th of January the powers as an ultimatum 
 presented their demands in a somewhat modified form, omitting 
 among other things the condition with reference to the employ- 
 ment of foreign troops, but giving their representatives a voice 
 in the selection of governors, and providing two commissions 
 appointed by the Great Powers for the general supervision of the 
 reforms. 
 
 The position of the Porte was difficult in the extreme ; for 
 if these two conditions were accepted, the independence of the 
 Turkish government was lost ; while, if they were rejected, war 
 was inevitable. On the 18th of January a meeting of the Extra- 
 ordinary Grand Council was called, at which two hundred and 
 fifteen persons were present, including the Grecian patriarch and 
 delegates from the Armenian patriarch, the Bulgarian exarch, and 
 the Grand Rabbi. The council advised resistance, and on the 
 20th the Porte communicated to the conference its rejection of 
 the two obnoxious conditions. But these conditions were the 
 very kernel of the whole matter, inasmuch as they contained a 
 guarantee for the execution of the reforms. In their stead the 
 Porte offered no guarantee but promises, and so the conference 
 came to a close, and all the powers withdrew their ambassadors 
 as a sign of their displeasure. On the 5th of February Midhat 
 Pasha, the only man in whose intention and ability to introduce 
 reforms of some description Europe had any faith, was removed 
 from his office and banished, in accordance, so Savfet Pasha in- 
 formed the powers, with article 113 of the constitution — Mid- 
 hat's own constitution — which gave the Sultan the right to ban- 
 ish all who might be designated by the accredited organs of the 
 police as dangerous to the state. Edhem Pasha, an old Turk and 
 a Russian-hater, became grand-vizier, but Mahmoud Damad Pasha, 
 the Sultan's brother-in-law, was the real dictator of Turkish 
 policy. 
 
 After the failure of the conference, direct negotiations were 
 opened with Servia and Montenegro, and on the 1st of March a 
 peace was signed with the former state, by which the status quo 
 ante was restored, with the stipulation that the Turkish flag should 
 be planted on the citadel of Belgrade along with the Servian. 
 
528 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 With Montenegro matters did not run so smoothly. Turkey 
 would not consent to any cession of territory ; and finally, on the 
 13th of April, negotiations were broken off, and both sides pre- 
 pared for a renewal of the war. But this time Prince Nikita was 
 to have an ally more powerful than Servia. 
 
 On the 31st of January Gortchakoff addressed a circular to 
 the Great Powers, asking what they intended to do, now that 
 their advice had been rejected. England proposed a year's pro- 
 bation. Gortchakoff inquired what was to be done at the close 
 of the year, as " Russia could consent to such a probation only 
 on condition that the Great Powers pledged themselves to joint 
 measures of coercion " in case Turkey failed to carry out the re- 
 forms within that time. Such a pledge England was unwilling 
 to give, and the plan of the English cabinet, so far as it can be 
 said to have had one, seems to have been to shut its eyes and try 
 to believe the assurances of the Porte. In pursuance of this pol- 
 icy, the Queen's speech, on the 8th of February, expressed con 
 fidence that the evidence afforded by the late conference of the 
 existence of European concert could not fail to exert great in- 
 fluence on the Sultan's government. But Russia would not so 
 readily abandon the policy of joint action on the part of the 
 Great Powers, and in the beginning of March Ignatieff undertook 
 a mission to Berlin, Paris, Vienna, and London — professedly on 
 account of his eyes. Finally, on the 31st of March, the six pow- 
 ers signed a protocol calling upon the Porte to make peace with 
 Montenegro, reduce its army to a peace footing, and carry out 
 the desired reforms. The execution of these reforms was to be 
 v?atched over by the representatives of the powers ; and, in case 
 they were not carried out, the latter reserved to themselves the 
 right of indicating the measures which they considered necessary 
 to the welfare of the Christian populations in the dominions of 
 the Sultan. The object of the protocol, which was a feeble echo 
 of the Constantinople conference, was to convince the Porte of 
 the continued existence of the European concert. Before signing 
 it Shouvaloff, who represented Russia, stated that if a peace were 
 concluded with Montenegro, and the Porte showed itself ready to 
 accept the advice of Europe, a special ambassador might be sent 
 to St. Petersburg to treat regarding disarmament. (On the 3d 
 of March the Czar had ordered the formation of eight additional 
 army corps and a grenadier corps.) Lord Derby, on behalf of 
 
RUSSIA DECLARES WAR. 529 
 
 England, read a statement to the effect that the English govern- 
 ment consented to the protocol only on condition of the mutual 
 disarmament of Russia and Turkey, otherwise it must regard it 
 as null and void. To such a shift were the powers reduced, in 
 their attempt to preserve a decent appearance of concert, that 
 they had virtually yielded to the demands of the Porte. The 
 protocol itself was nothing more than the programme of the 
 Constantinople conference, minus the two clauses which Turkey 
 had found objectionable. But this emasculated concert was ren- 
 dered worthless by the explanations appended by Russia and 
 England respectively, for it was morally certain that Turkey 
 would not accept the Russian conditions, and in that case Eng- 
 land would regard the protocol as null and void. 
 
 The London protocol was presented to Savfet Pasha on the 
 3d of April, and the Porte refused to accept it. Montenegro 
 the Sultan regarded as an integral part of his dominions, and if 
 peace were not concluded, the fault lay with Prince Nikita and 
 not with his suzerain. The reforms should be carried out so far 
 as they did not interfere with the constitution, and no farther. 
 A special ambassador could be sent to St. Petersburg only in case 
 the Czar on his part sent a special ambassador to Constantinople. 
 On the 19th of April, in the English House of Lords, Lord Dfer- 
 by announced that the Porte had been warned to expect no as- 
 sistance from England — nevertheless, on the 30th of the previous 
 month, England, without consulting the other powers, had sent 
 Sir Austin Layard, a warm friend of the Turks, as ambassador 
 to Constantinople. The Tui'kish answer to the protocol was re- 
 ceived in St. Petersburg on the 12th of April, and on the 13th 
 orders were issued to mobilize the whole Russian army. On the 
 24th of the same month the emperor issued a manifesto order- 
 ing his troops to cross the Turkish frontiers ; and on the same 
 day a circular note was sent to the powers, informing them of 
 the fact. In his answer to this circular. Lord Derby expressed 
 his regret at Russia's action, which he regarded as a violation of 
 the Treaty of Paris of 1856 ; at the same time, however, he an- 
 nounced the intention of the English government to observe a 
 strict neutrality in case British interests were not interfered with. 
 Those interests were somewhat more closely defined shortly after 
 as being English communications with the East. For the pro- 
 tection of those communications the Suez canal must not be in 
 
 23 
 
530 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 any way obstructed, Constantinople must remain in the hands of 
 its present possessors, and the existing regulations with regard to 
 the Dardanelles and Bosporus must be maintained. It was also 
 indicated that the occupation of Bulgaria for any longer time than 
 was absolutely necessary might occfision unpleasant complications. 
 
 The position of Roumania between the two belligerents ren- 
 dered its alliance a matter of importance to both sides. On the 
 IGth of April a convention was concluded with Russia, by which 
 free passage through the principality was conceded to the Russian 
 army, together with the use of the railroads, post, and telegraph ; 
 and it was also provided that the Roumanian commander-in-chief 
 should establish magazines at all important points, excepting Bu- 
 charest, in the rear of the Russian army of operation. As this 
 convention was a virtual declaration of war with Turkey, orders 
 were issued on the 18tb to concentrate 10,000 men at Bucharest, 
 and two days later the mobilization of the whole army was com- 
 manded. Prince Charles assumed the chief command in person. 
 His available troops, thoroughly equipped, and well provided with 
 all the necessaries of war, numbered 38,000 infantry and 8200 
 cavalry, with 120 field guns. Leaving the eastern part of his 
 country to the Russians, the prince took up a defensive position 
 between Krayova and Kalafat, which he maintained until the 
 early part of September. 
 
 The Russian army entered Roumania on the 24th of x\pril, but 
 its progress toward the Danube was very slow. There was but 
 one railroad leading from Bessarabia to the Turkish frontiers, 
 and this had been rendered useless at places by the heavy rains, 
 while from the same cause the roads were almost impassable. 
 The Turks had it in their power to increase the difficulties of the 
 Russian advance by the prompt destruction of the railroad bridge 
 across the Sereth at Barboshi, but allowed the opportunity to slip 
 from their grasp. Skobeleff's cavalry brigade, pushing forward 
 with all speed, accomplished the distance from the Russian fron- 
 tier to Barboshi in one day. Infantry and artillery followed; 
 Galatz and Braila were strongly garrisoned, and the possession 
 of the bridge secured. The Turks had expected great things 
 from their Danube flotilla, but their expectations were doomed 
 to disappointment. Batteries were erected at Braila and other 
 points, and the passage of the river at Reni and Matshin was ob- 
 structed by torpedoes. (Later, torpedoes were also utilized for 
 
STRENGTH AND DISPOSITION OF THE COMBATANTS. 531 
 
 tlio protection of Russian bridges across the Danube.) On the 
 11th of May a Turkisli monitor was blown up by a shell from 
 the Braila batteries, and a few days later an iron-clad turret-ship 
 was disabled. On the 26th of the same month two Russian offi- 
 cers, Dubashetf and Shestakoff, succeeded in blowing up a Turk- 
 ish monitor in the Matshia canal by means of torpedoes. These 
 calamities damped the ardor of the Danube flotilla, and reduced 
 it to inaction. The Turkish fleet in the Black Sea, on the other 
 hand, proved of great value, enabling the Turks to send troops 
 and provisions by water, while the Russians were confined to land 
 communications. 
 
 On the 6th of June Emperor Alexander, accompanied by his 
 chancellor, arrived in Roumania and took up his head-quarters at 
 Playesti, north of Bucharest, where Grand-duke Nicholas had al- 
 ready been since the 15th of May. The waters of the Danube 
 were still 16 feet above the normal level, rendering the passage 
 of the river for the present impracticable. The army under the 
 grand-duke's command consisted of nine army corps. Of these 
 the 7th and 10th had been left behind, to guard the coast between 
 Odessa and the Crimea; the 14th was stationed between Galatz 
 and Braila, the 11th at Oltenizza and Giurgevo, the 8th at Sim- 
 nitza, the 9th at Turnu-Magurclli, and the 12th, 13th, and 4th 
 farther back, at Saleasa, Alexandria, and Bucharest. This dispo- 
 sition made it evident that the main passage of the Danube would 
 take place between Simnitza and Turnu-Magurelli, opposite the 
 Bulgarian fortresses of Sistova and Nikapoli. How strong the 
 Turkish forces opposed to the grand-duke's army were it is scarce- 
 ly possible to estimate even approximately. According to the 
 most probable guess there were 20,000 men in the Dobrudsha, 
 10,000 in Silistria, 30,000 in Rustchuk, 20,000 in Shumla, and 
 35,000 in Viddin, making a total of 115,000. In addition to 
 these, a reserve army, about 30,000 strong, was formed to the 
 south of the Balkans, and a number of soldiers were brought 
 back from Montenegro. These were all regulars ; the number of 
 the irregulars it is impossible even to conjecture. These forces 
 were under the chief command of Abdul Kerim Pasha, who ar- 
 rived at Shumla on the l7th of April, and distinguished himself, 
 so long as he remained in command, by complete inaction, failing 
 from first to last to do anything to hinder the Russian advance or 
 thwart the Russian plans. 
 
532 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Before tlie Russian armies crossed the Danube Gortchakoff 
 made one more attempt to bring England over to the side of 
 Russia, or secure her neutrality. For this purpose Shouvaloff 
 had an interview with Lord Derby on the 8th of June. In case 
 Turkey would yield before the Russian army crossed the Balkans, 
 the conditions of peace were to be the establishment of an auton- 
 omous Bulgarian state, under the suzerainty of the Porte, but 
 with an independent administration and its own militia; an in- 
 crease of territory for Servia and Montenegro, and such a settle- 
 ment in Bosnia and Herzegovina as should insure protection to 
 the Christians in those provinces. As indemnity for the costs of 
 the war, Russia was to acquire the part of Bessarabia which had 
 been taken from her in 1856, and the harbor of Batoum, with 
 adjoining territory. Roumania was to be repaid for the loss of 
 Bessarabia by a part of the Dobrudsha, or by independence from 
 the Porte. If Austria desired compensation, Russia was willing 
 to allow her to appropriate Bosnia and a part of Herzegovina. 
 Lord Derby was of opinion that Turkey would not accept these 
 conditions, even if England united with Russia in urging them 
 upon her. As to England's own attitude toward them he was 
 wholly non-committal. The real object of the negotiations had 
 been, not to win England's co-operation in exerting pressure on 
 the Porte, for it was certain that the Porte would not yield, but 
 to sound the English cabinet as to the conditions which might 
 be exacted without provoking war with England, and by making 
 the latter an accessary to insure her neutrality. But the attempt 
 proved abortive, and Russia was forced to enter upon the cam- 
 paign uncertain what to expect from the English government. 
 
 In the night of the 21st of June the Russians crossed the Dan- 
 ube in boats at Galatz, and dislodged the Turks from the heights 
 of Budyak. On the 23d Matshin was occupied by the Russians, 
 and by the 28th the whole of the 14th army corps, commanded 
 by General Zimmermann, was on the right bank of the river. The 
 Turks now abandoned the Dobrudsha, and fell back on the line of 
 defence between Czernavoda and Küstendshe (Trajan's Wall) ; but 
 this also was abandoned after a faint resistance, and occupied by 
 the Russians on the 19th of July. The passage of the main army 
 took place at Simnitza on the night of the 26th, the 8th army 
 corps leading the way. By three o'clock on the afternoon of the 
 2Vth Sistova was in the hands of the Russians, and the Turks 
 
UNOPPOSED ADVANCE OF THE RUSSIAN ARMY. 533 
 
 were in full retreat, some toward Nikopoli, others toward Tir- 
 nova. On the same day a proclamation was issued to the Bul- 
 garian people announcing their freedom from Mussulman oppres- 
 sion, and calling upon them to render the Russian army all the 
 assistance in their power. On the 29th the emperor transferred 
 his head-quarters to Simnitza. On the 2d of July a bridge across 
 the Danube was completed, and by the middle of that month four 
 army corps (8th, 9th, 12th, 13th) were on Bulgarian soil, the 11th 
 and 4th still remaining on the left bank. 
 
 For the next few weeks the Russians met with no check, and 
 almost with no resistance. Advancing southward along the lan- 
 tra, Biela was taken on the 1st of July, Tirnova on the 7th, and 
 Drenovo and Gabrovo on the 10th. On the 12th Grand-duke 
 Nicholas, accompanied by Prince Cherkassky, who was intrusted 
 with the reorganization of the civil administration of Bulgaria, 
 took up his head -quarters in Tirnova. On the 13th General 
 Gourko, with the advance-guard of the 8th army corps, consisting 
 of four battalions of riflemen, the Bulgarian legion (six battalions), 
 and some cavalry, commenced the passage of the Balkans by the 
 Ilankiöi pass to the east of the Shipka, On the 14th he was in 
 the Tundsha valley, and his Cossacks had destroyed the telegraph 
 wires at Yeni-Sagra. On the 17th, in spite of the opposition of 
 Reouf Pasha, he occupied Kasanlik and Shipka, at the southern 
 extremity of Shipka pass. On the 18th his forces entered the 
 pass from the south, co-operating with Prince Mirski, who had en- 
 tered it with two regiments from the north, and on the 19th both 
 the Shipka and Ilankiöi passes were in the hands of the Russians. 
 
 The Russian advance had been along the line of the lantra ; in 
 order to secure that line, it was necessary to reduce the fortress 
 of Nikopoli, and accordingly General Kriidcner, with the greater 
 part of the 9th corps, was detailed for that duty. On the 16tli 
 of July, after a three days siege, the garrison, consisting of two 
 pashas and 6000 men, surrendered to the Russians. Selvi and 
 Lovatz were also occupied by small detachments, so that the 
 greater part of Central Bulgaria, with the Balkan passes, was in 
 the hands of the invaders. From those passes Russian cavalry 
 were despatched still farther southward ; Eski-Sagra, Karabunar, 
 and Yamboli were occupied, and on the 25th Russian horsemen 
 appeared in Kaskiöi and Ilermanly, between Philippopolis and 
 Adrianople. 
 
534 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 The Russian advance had been so rapid and unchecked that the 
 Turkish authorities, filled with consternation, already regarded 
 Adrianople as lost, and fearfully expected to see the victorious 
 enemy before the gates of the capital itself, while fugitives from 
 all sides, seeking refuge in Constantinople, increased the confu- 
 sion tliat already prevailed. In Dogma-Bagtshe, the Sultan's pal- 
 ace, there was even some talk of removal to Brousa, in Asia Mi- 
 nor. But first it was resolved to try a change of ministers and 
 generals, and accordingly Savfet Pasha, Redif Pasha, minister of 
 war, and ChairuUa Effendi, the Sheik-ul-Islam, were removed from 
 their posts. Mustapha Pasha was made minister of war, and the 
 fanatical Kara Chalil Effendi Sheik-ul-Islam, while Mehemed Ali 
 Pasha, a descendant of the Huguenots, Detroit by name, from 
 Magdeburg, in Prussia, was appointed commander of the army 
 of the Danube. Aariti Pasha, formerly Turkish ambassador in 
 Vienna, was intrusted with the conduct of foreign affairs. He at 
 once issued a circular note announcing to the powers that, owing 
 to the barbarities perpetrated by the Russians and Bulgarians, the 
 Porte could not engage to prevent the Mussulman population from 
 resorting to reprisals, and massacring all the Christians whom they 
 could find. This caused a panic among the foreign population in 
 Constantinople, and many fled to Athens or the Prince's islands. 
 As it was in reality nothing more than a threat of the most atro- 
 cious description, calculated to excite the Mussulman population 
 to the commission of inexcusable outrages, the English and Ger- 
 man ambassadors at once protested, and on the 1st of August 
 Aarifi was replaced bj' Server Pasha. 
 
 The Russian victories had caused scarcely less consternation in 
 London than in Constantinople. On the news of the passage of 
 the Danube, Admiral Hornby, with thirteen iron-clads, was at 
 once despatched to Besika Bay. The crossing of the Balkans in- 
 duced the English cabinet to send 3000 men to Malta. The Eng- 
 lish ambassador, Layard, was now directed to inquire, semi-offi- 
 cially, whether the Porte desired the English fleet to enter tho 
 Dardanelles, for the better protection of Constantinople. Tho 
 Sultan, mindful of the fate of the Spanish Gibraltar and the Ital- 
 ian Malta, refused his consent to such a measure unless England 
 was willing to enter into an alliance of offence and defence with 
 Turkey. Layard then suggested that English troops should occu- 
 py Gallipoli ; but to this the Porte attached tlie same conditions. 
 
OSMAN PASHA FORTIFIES PLEVNA. 535 
 
 Not prepared to act solely on their own responsibility, the Eng- 
 lish ministers next sought to form an alliance with Austria ; but 
 Andrassy, certain of a recompense for his neutrality, was not will- 
 ing to abandon the alliance of the three emperors, and so England 
 was obliged to content herself with a position of observation in 
 Besika Bay and at Malta. 
 
 The four Russian army corps in Central Bulgaria were so dis- 
 posed as to form three separate armies. Two corps, under the 
 command of the Czarevitch, operated toward the east, against the 
 Turkish positions at Rustchuk, Rasgrad, and Shumla ; a third, 
 toward the south, occupied a position extending from Tirnova to 
 the southern extremity of the Shipka pass ; while General Krii- 
 dener, with the 9th army corps, faced toward the Osma and the 
 Vid. On the l7th of July the last named commander received 
 word that hostile troops had appeared in the neighborhood of 
 Plevna. Three regiments sent to dislodge them were defeated, 
 on the 20th, with a loss of 66 officers and 2771 men. Some 
 time before this, Osman Pasha, commander of Viddin, had pro- 
 posed to Abdul Kerim to leave a small garrison in Viddin, occu- 
 py Nikopoli with all the troops at his disposal, and from that 
 point threaten the Russian right flank ; but his proposal had been 
 rejected, and ho had been ordered to remain -where he was. Fi- 
 nally, about the middle of July, he received permission to carry 
 out his plans ; but it was too late ; and before he could reach Ni- 
 kopoli that fortress had already capitulated. Instead of retreat- 
 ing to Viddin, however, Osman turned southward, and selecting 
 the unfortified village of Plevna as the most favorable for his pur- 
 pose, improvised there, in a few days, a fortification of the first 
 rank. After the defeat of the Russians on the 20th, a Turkish 
 column was despatched against Lovatz ; and with Plevna and Lo- 
 vatz in their hands, Osman's 30,000 men were in a position to 
 checkmate the Russian plans completely. The Russian generals 
 had been taken at unawares ; it was to them as though a hostile 
 army had fallen from the skies. The advance in the Tundsha 
 and Maritza valleys was stopped, the Czarevitch's army was con- 
 demned to inaction, and all available troops were sent in hot haste 
 to the support of General Krüdener. Handing over Nikopoli to 
 the Roumanians, the latter officer, with 38,000 men, advanced 
 against Osman's position at Plevna ; but in the mean time the 
 strength of the Turkish army had been raised to 50,000. The 
 
536 POLITICAL HISTORY OF KECENT TIMES. 
 
 second battle of Plevna was foiiglit on the 30th of July ; and al- 
 though the Russian troops conducted themselves with the great- 
 est valor, they were repulsed with a loss of 8000 men. The Turks 
 stained the record of their victory by barbaric cruelty, putting to 
 death all the wounded prisoners who fell into their hands. 
 
 This victory caused a genuine panic at Russian head-quarters ; 
 but, fortunately for the Russian generals, Osman failed to fol- 
 low up his success, and contented himself with strengthening his 
 position and bringing up re-enforcements. It was evident that 
 they had underestimated the strength of their opponents, and 
 pushed forward without sufficient forces. Grand-duke Nicholas 
 at once transferred his head-quarters from Tirnova to Biela. The 
 two army corps which had been left behind as a coast-guard were 
 ordered to the front ; the guard corps, the grenadier corps, and 
 other regular troops were mobilized; 185,467 reserve and land- 
 wehr troops were called out, and an additional levy of 206,000 
 men commanded. But the regular troops could not reach the 
 seat of war before September, and the others were not ready for 
 action in time to take any direct part in the campaign. Hitherto 
 the Czar had refused to accept the co-operation of the Roumanian 
 army, on account of Austria's fear that a strong and victorious 
 Roumania might exert too great an attraction on the Roumanians 
 in Hungary ; but now the Austrian objections seem to have been 
 withdrawn, so that a new alliance of offence and defence between 
 Russia and Roumania called forth no protest. Two divisions of 
 the Roumanian army crossed the Danube at Korabia on the 2d 
 of September, a third was already in possession of Nikopoli, and 
 the fourth remained at Kalafat. The command of the army of 
 investment before Plevna was conferred on Prince Charles, and 
 the Russian general Zatoff was appointed his chief of staff. 
 
 On the 30th of August Osman awakened from his lethargy 
 sufficiently to attack the Russian positions at Pelifat and Selvi, 
 but both attacks were unsuccessful. On the 3d of September the 
 Russians again assumed the offensive. General Imeritinski, with 
 20,000 men, carried Lovatz by storm, and joined the Russian 
 army of investment before Plevna. With this addition, that 
 army consisted of nine infantry and four cavalry divisions, with 
 400 guns; and on the 11th a general attack on the Turkish po- 
 sitions was ordered. The Roumanians on the north succeeded in 
 taking the Grivitza redoubt, but the Russian centre was repulsed, 
 
THE FIGHTING IN SHIPKA PASS. 537 
 
 while an intrenchment which had been captured by Skobele£E on 
 the south was recaptured by the Turks on the following day. 
 This third battle of Plevna was in reality a Russian defeat; for 
 the Grivitza redoubt, which had cost 14,000 men, was command- 
 ed by a second redoubt, the Plevnitza, which still remained in the 
 hands of the Turks. 
 
 South of the Balkans, also, the Turks had developed more ac- 
 tivity since the change of ministers and commanders. There Su- 
 leiman Pasha, who had distinguished himself by an energetic and 
 brilliant but resultless march through the very centre of Monte- 
 negro in the month of June, had taken the place of Reouf Pasha, 
 the former commander of the army of the Balkans. Recalled 
 from Montenegro for the defence of the southern provinces, he 
 embarked on Turkish transports at Antivari on the 16th of July, 
 landed at Dedeagh, advanced by rail to Hermanly, and from there 
 directed his march toward the Shipka pass. On the 30th and 
 31st of July Reouf Pasha, without awaiting his arrival, attacked 
 General Gourko in a fortified position at Eski-Sagra, and was re- 
 pulsed. On the night of the 31st Suleiman arrived. Forming 
 a junction with the remnant of Reouf's defeated forces, he sur- 
 prised the Russians in their intrenchments, and routed them ut- 
 terly early on the morning of August 1st. Some of them fled 
 toward the Sliipka, others toward the Hankiöi pass. Suleiman 
 followed, burning and massacring as he went, and with about for- 
 ty battalions took up a position directly in front of the Shipka. 
 Instead of sending a detachment to attack the Russian garrison, 
 which numbered about 4000 men, in the rear, while the main 
 army assailed them in front, Suleiman hurled his whole force 
 against the southern entrance of the pass, and for four weeks, 
 from the 19th of August to the l7th of September, wasted his 
 men in useless attacks upon the Russian positions. On the 23d 
 of August the Turks had almost succeeded in forcing a passage, 
 when General Radetzki arrived on the scene with re-enforcements. 
 Before daybreak on the iVtli of September 3500 Turkish vol- 
 unteers, advancing in three columns, surprised the Russians on 
 Mount St. Nicholas, the highest pomt in the pass, and drove them 
 out of their intrenchments. Suleiman at once telegraphed to Con- 
 stantinople, " The Shipka is ours !" But the news was prema- 
 ture. By noon of the same day the Russians were again in pos- 
 session of the heights, no re-enforcements having arrived for the 
 
 23* 
 
.538 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 support of the Turkish storming columns. This was the last se- 
 rious attempt to dislodge the Russians from their position. Su- 
 leiman was shortly after transferred to the army of the Danube, 
 and Reouf Pasha, his successor, contented himself with an atti- 
 tude of observation. 
 
 The army of the Danube, to take command of which Mehemed 
 Ali Pasha had been recalled from Montenegro, consisted of two 
 army corps and an unknown number of irregular troops. To 
 these were opposed, on the Russian side, two army corps, com- 
 manded by the Czarevitch. The Turkish forces were stationed 
 behind the Black Lom. The Russians crossed that stream toward 
 the close of August, but were defeated in a number of engage- 
 ments and driven back toward Biela. If the enemy succeeded in 
 gaining that place, the bridge over the Danube at Sistova must 
 fall into their hands, and the armies before Plevna and in Shipka 
 pass be threatened in the rear. Accordingly, all available posi- 
 tions between the Lom and the lantra were fortified, and every 
 effort made to defend the line of the latter stream against the 
 Turks. Mehemed Ali, on his part, received orders from Constan- 
 tinople to carry the line of the lantra at any cost; but after a de- 
 feat at Cherkovna, on the 21st of September, he fell back again 
 to his original positions. This led to his removal, and on the 4th 
 of October Suleiman Pasha arrived in Rasgrad to succeed him in 
 the command of the army of the Danube. Instead of making at 
 once a vigorous attempt to carry the lino of the lantra, as was ex- 
 pected of him, Suleiman spent more than a month in strengthen- 
 ing the Turkish positions at Rustchuk and Rasgrad, and gather- 
 ing re-enforcements from the Dobrudsha and other points, and it 
 was not until the middle of November that he passed over to the 
 offensive. Several attacks were made on the Russian left wing 
 between the 18th and 26th of that month, but these were merely 
 intended to serve as a cover for the main assault directed agamst 
 the enemy's right. On the 4th of December Fuad Pasha, with 
 20,000 men, defeated the enemy's advance-guard, and pursued 
 them as far as Yakovitza, near Tirnova; but instead of following 
 up his success and attacking that place at once, he waited until 
 the 6th. By that time re-enforcements had arrived, and the at- 
 tack of the Turks was repulsed. Suleiman then made a serious 
 attempt to break through the Russian left wing. Unsuccessful 
 there also, he imitated the example of his successor, and fell back 
 
INVESTMENT OF PLEVNA. 539 
 
 across the Lorn. The Turkisli soldiers had everywlicre proved 
 themselves good fighters, but their leaders had no conception of mil- 
 itary strategy. No general plan of operations existed, each army 
 acting independently of the others, and consequently, even if tempo- 
 rary advantages were gained, ultimate defeat could not be avoided. 
 
 The unsuccessful attack of the 11th of September had shown 
 that Plevna was not to be carried by storm, A pause of about 
 a month ensued while the Russians were waiting for re-enforce- 
 ments. Toward the end of September Totleben, the hero of Se- 
 bastopol, arrived to direct the engineering operations necessary to 
 a regular siege. It was resolved to surround Osman's position, 
 and leave him no other choice than to capitulate from lack of 
 provisions or make an attempt to break out. The arrival of the 
 Guard and Grenadier corps in October enabled the Russians to 
 complete the investment toward the west, and close the road to 
 Sofia. In Orkanye, between Plevna and Sofia, a second Turkish 
 army, under Chefket Pasha, had been formed, by means of which 
 Osman was furnished with re-enforcements and supplies, and on 
 the 11th of October, in order to secure the communications be- 
 tween the two armies, 12,000 men had been placed in strongly for- 
 tified positions at Gornyi-Dubnik and Telish. On the arrival of the 
 Guard corps a Russian army of the west was formed, and General 
 Gourko was intrusted with the task of capturing the Turkish po- 
 sitions to the west of Plevna. Passing to the south of that place 
 he crossed the Vid, and attacked Gornyi-Dubnik on the 24th of 
 October. At the same time, in order to divert Osman's attention, 
 and prevent him from falling upon the rear of Gourko's forces, a 
 bombardment was opened along the whole line, as though in prep- 
 aration for an assault. The manoeuvre was successful ; Gornyi- 
 Dubnik was taken by storm, and four days later Telish capitu- 
 lated. Gourko's army at once spread itself out to the north and 
 south. On the 25th of November Etropol was taken, and on the 
 21st the Roumanians occupied Rahova. The whole country from 
 the Balkans to the Danube was in the hands of the Russians, and 
 Plevna was completely isolated. The operations of Gourko's 
 army compelled Mehemed Ali Pasha, who had succeeded Chefket, 
 to abandon Orkanye, and retreat across the Balkans to Sofia, leav- 
 ing a garrison in the Etropol pass. 
 
 Each week saw the iron ring around Plevna grow smaller as 
 one position after another fell into the hands of the Russians. 
 
540 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 On the 12tli of November Grand-duke Nicholas called upon the 
 Turkish commander to avoid useless loss of life by surrender, 
 since there was no longer any possibility of relief; but the latter 
 refused, announcing his determination to fight " to the last drop 
 of our blood for the honor of our country." At length provi- 
 sions failed, and a desperate attempt to break through the Rus- 
 sian lines was resolved upon. On the evening of December 9th, 
 leaving the sick and wounded behind in Plevna, the Turkish army 
 concentrated on the Vid. At daybreak of the lOtli they began 
 their advance toward Viddin in two columns. But the enemy 
 was fully informed of their plans. As soon as the fortifications 
 were abandoned by the Turks they were occupied by the Rus- 
 sians. The Roumanians and the Grenadier corps received the 
 attack of the Turkish troops, and hurled them back on the in- 
 trenchments, now occupied by Russian soldiers. The Turks 
 fought with desperation. Osman himself was wounded in the 
 leg. Finally, at 12.30 p.m., the white flag was raised, and the 
 Turkish army surrendered at discretion. Ten pashas, 2000 offi- 
 cers of the line, 128 stafl[-officers, and 36,000 men, besides the 
 sick and wounded, fell into the hands of the enemy. (The fact 
 that no Russian or Roumanian prisoners were found in Plevna is 
 but one more proof of Turkish barbarity. In answer to a re- 
 minder from the German government that the Turkish soldiers 
 were guilty of constant violations of the Geneva convention of 
 1865, to which the Porte was a party, subjecting the Russian 
 wounded and prisoners to barbarous abuse, the Turkish govern- 
 ment naively replied that the provisions of that convention were 
 not yet known to the soldiers, but that it would cause them to 
 be translated into Turkish, and communicate them to the troops.) 
 The joy at Russian head-quarters was unbounded, for the capture 
 of Plevna set the army free to cross the Balkans and march on 
 Adrianople. The emperor greeted generals Totleben, Imeritin- 
 ski, and Janetzki with the words, " This is wholly your work, 
 and especially thine, Edward Ivanovitch " (Totleben). Osman 
 Pasha, congratulated by his conquerors and lauded by the world, 
 was sent as prisoner of honor to Charkoff. For almost five 
 months (July 19th to December 10th), with inferior numbers and 
 improvised fortifications, he had held in check the whole Russian 
 army of occupation, inflicting upon it during that time a direct 
 loss of at least 30,000 men. 
 
THE RUSSIANS IN PHILIPPOPOLIS. 541 
 
 Tlie capture of Plevna enabled the Russians to resume an en- 
 ergetic offensive at all points. The Roumanian army at once 
 began the siege of Viddin. General Ziraniermann's army in the 
 Dobrudsha was strengthened, and that of the Czarevitch was 
 raised to 75,000 men. A reserve of three infantry divisions 
 was stationed at Tirnova. The Shipka army, under General Ra- 
 detzki, was increased to 60,000 men, and that of General Gourko 
 to 75,000. These two latter, operating in concert, were to ad- 
 vance on Adrianople, the former crossing the Balkans by the 
 Shipka, and the latter by the Etropol pass ; while, as a connect- 
 ing link between the two. General Karzoff, with a smaller army, 
 was to force the passage of the Trajan pass. On Christmas morn- 
 ing, leaving a detachment on the north side of the Baba-kenak 
 pass, to conceal his movements and keep the Turkish garrison 
 employed, with the main part of his army Gourko commenced 
 the passage of the mountains by a circuitous route, in order to 
 attack the enemy in the rear. The difficulties in his way were 
 enormous ; the cold was intense ; the mule-tracks, which formed 
 the only roads, were covered with ice and snow ; and at places 
 the ascent could be accomplished only by means of steps cut 
 in the ice, up which the cannon were pushed with infinite 
 trouble. The descent was still more difficult, and it proved a 
 well-nigh impossible task to bring down the cannon and horses 
 in safety; but by the evening of the 30th all difficulties had 
 been overcome, and two days later the Turkish positions were 
 in the hands of the Russians. This necessitated the evacuation 
 of Sofia; and on the 4th of January, for the first time since 
 1434, a Christian army was in possession of the old Bulgarian 
 capital. 
 
 By order of the Turkish minister of war, Suleiman Pasha, leav- 
 ing garrisons in the fortresses of Eastern Bulgaria, had crossed 
 the Balkans to oppose the Russian advance and protect Roumelia, 
 while Fuad Pasha had been appointed commander of the army 
 originally commanded by Chcfket. Pushing that army before 
 him, Gourko entered Ichtiman on the 11th of January, Tatar-Ba- 
 sardshik on the 13th, and Philippopolis on the 16th, after defeat- 
 ing Fuad Pasha at Kadikiöi on the preceding day. At Philip- 
 popolis he formed a junction with a part of the forces of Karzoff 
 and Kadetzki. The former of these had effected the passage of 
 the Trajan pass on the 3d of January, with the thermometer at 
 
542 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ^22 R. (17 below zero, Fahrenheit), driving the small Turkish gar- 
 rison before him. On the 5th the left wing of Radetzki's army, 
 under General Mirski, and the right wing, under General Skobe- 
 loff, commenced the passage of the mountains east and west of 
 Shipka pass. On the 8th Skobelefi was at Senovo and Mirski at 
 Yanina, and on the 9th, after a nine-hours battle, Vessel Pasha, 
 Reouf's successor, finding himself surrounded, surrendered to the 
 Russians with 32,000 men and 66 guns. This victory opened to 
 Radetzki's troops the road to Adrianople, and seriously threaten- 
 ed the rear of Suleiman's army. 
 
 On the 16th Fuad was again defeated at Bestalitza, and forced 
 to take refuge in the Rhodope mountains. Suleiman himself was 
 driven back toward Adrianople ; but Russian troops intercepted 
 his march, and on the 19th, abandoning the road to Adrianople, 
 he turned southward, with the intention of reaching the coast 
 and transferring the shattered remnant of his army by water to 
 Constantinople. On the 20th the Russian columns united in Ad- 
 rianople, and from this point detachments were sent out as far as 
 Charlu, on the road to Constantinople, and Rodosto, on the Sea 
 of Marmora. 
 
 The campaign in Armenia in so far resembled that in Bulgaria 
 that the Russians greatly underestimated the strength of their op- 
 ponents, so that preliminary successes were followed by disasters, 
 which were again retrieved on the arrival of sufficient re-enforce- 
 ments. The commander-in-chief of the Russian armies operating 
 in Armenia was Grand-duke Michael, the stadtholder of the Cau- 
 casus and a brother of the Czar, but General Loris Melikoff, an 
 Armenian, was intrusted with the actual conduct of the campaign. 
 The Turkish commander-in-chief was Mukhtar Pasha. On the 
 24th of April, 1877, four Russian columns crossed the Turkish 
 frontiers. The Rion column, under General Oklobyio, advancing 
 from Poti and St. Nicholas against Batoum, was defeated by Der- 
 vish Pasha on the 24th of June, and driven back across the bor- 
 der. The second column succeeded in taking Ardahan on the 
 l7th of May. Of the third column, a part invested Kars, but 
 the main body, under Loris Melikoff himäelf, crossed the Soghan- 
 ]y mountains, and advanced against Erzeroum. At Sevin they 
 were defeated by Feisy Pasha, and compelled to recross the Sog- 
 lianly mountains, abandon the siege of Kars, and return to Alex- 
 andropol. The fourth column, under General Tergukassoff, took 
 
SUBJECT STATES AND PROVLNCES. 543 
 
 the fortress of Bayazid on the 30th of April, and advanced as far 
 as Delibaba, with the intention of forming a junction with the 
 third column ; but the retreat of the latter forced Tergukassoff 
 on his part to retreat, followed by Ismail Pasha to the Russian 
 frontier town Igdir, destroying Bayazid on the way. By the 
 middle of July the Russian armies held the same position which 
 they had held before the declaration of war, excepting only that 
 Ardahan was still in their possession. Re-enforcements arrived 
 toward the end of September, and on the 2d of October an unsuc- 
 cessful attack was made on Mukhtar Pasha's strong position at 
 Aladsha. The attack was renewed on the 15th with complete 
 success ; the Turkish right wing, consisting of twenty-two battal- 
 ions, was forced to surrender, while the left was obliged to take 
 refuge in Kars. General Mclikofi at once commenced the siege 
 of that place, which was finally taken by assault on the night of 
 November l7th, while General Heiraann, with the i-emainder of 
 the third column, formed a junction with Tergukassoff and fol- 
 lowed Mukhtar Pasha toward Erzeroum. On the 4th of Novem- 
 ber their united forces attacked Mukhtar and Ismail in their posi- 
 tion on the heights of Deve-Boyun, near Erzeroum, and obliged 
 them to retreat behind the walls of Erzeroum itself. That city 
 was finally evacuated by the Turks on the 21st of February, 1878, 
 after the conclusion of a truce. 
 
 Russian victory was now secure. The Turkish empire seemed 
 tottering to its fall, and the neighboring and subject states each 
 prepared to appropriate the largest possible share of the booty. 
 The recall of Suleiman Pasha and Mehemed Ali, with all available 
 Turkish troops, had enabled the Montenegrins to reduce Nik- 
 sich, Antivari, and Dulcigno ; and on the 29th of January, 1878, 
 Prince Nikita led his army across the Boyana with the intention 
 of investing Scutari in northern Albania. The Servians also, after 
 the fall of Plevna had rendered Russian victory inevitable, brave- 
 ly took np arms, and succeeded in reducing Nish, as well as a few 
 other places of less importance. The insurrection in Bosnia and 
 Herzegovina still continued. Crete was in rebellion — the insur- 
 gents demanded union with Greece — only the fortresses remain- 
 ing in the hands of the Turks. Thessaly and Epirus were also in 
 open revolt ; and on the 12th of February, 1878, 12,000 Grecian 
 soldiers appeared to support the rebels, and take possession of 
 Thessaly, Macedonia, and Epirus in belialf of the government at 
 
544 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Athens. But the quarrels of the doctors, which had so long pre- 
 served the " sick man " from dissolution, intervened once more to 
 save him. 
 
 Austria still preserved her attitude of neutrality. The Poles 
 and Hungarians urged active interference in behalf of the Turks; 
 the Bohemians and south Slavs were equally loud in their de- 
 mands for co-operation with Russia. Pesth was the head-quar- 
 ters of the Turcophiles, and greeted with illuminations all tidings 
 of Mohammedan victories ; while Agram, the capital of the south 
 Slavs, welcomed with rejoicings the news of Russian success. (In 
 September of 1877 the Austrian authorities discovered on the 
 south-eastern frontier of Transylvania a depot of arms and mu- 
 nition for some 6000 men. An investigation revealed a conspir- 
 acy on the part of a number of Poles and Hungarians to make 
 an inroad into Roumania, destroy the railroad at Busco and Mara- 
 chesti, threaten the Russian line of communications, and form a 
 junction with a Turkish column which was to advance from Si- 
 listria.) But Andrassy's government, supported by the German 
 element, steered skilfully between this Scylla and Charybdis of 
 Turcophiles and Russophiles, maintaining the strictest neutrality, 
 although no state was in reality more deeply interested than Aus- 
 tria in the final settlement of the Eastern Question — for Austrian 
 interests would not permit Russia to dominate the mouth of the 
 Danube, or exercise an overweening influence in the Slavonic 
 states of the Balkan peninsula. 
 
 On the side of England, the danger of some interference seem- 
 ed more imminent. Russophobia was on the increase, and the 
 utterances of both ministers and Press grew steadily more war- 
 like. The fall of Plevna and the advance on Constantinople in- 
 creased the excitement. In London Parliament was summoned 
 to meet on the 17th of January, and in Constantinople Layard 
 became a regular attendant at the meetings of the Turkish min- 
 isters. On the 12th of December the Porte had addressed a use- 
 less circular to the Great Powers asking their interference for 
 the conclusion of a peace with Russia. Toward the end of that 
 month, by Layard's advice, the Sultan wrote a letter to Queen 
 Victoria asking her mediation, and the latter at once telegraphed 
 to the Czar urging peace, and tendering her good offices. The 
 Czar replied that, if the Sultan were desirous of peace, he must 
 apply directly, and not through other powers; and an inquiry 
 
CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES. 545 
 
 from the English cabinet regarding the conditions to be exacted 
 elicited merely an evasive answer. 
 
 On the 19th of January Server and Namyk Pashas appeared in 
 the Russian head-quarters at Kasanlik, as Turkish plenipotentia- 
 ries, to negotiate a peace. But the negotiations progressed slow- 
 ly ; for the Turks were full of hopes in Lord Beaconsfield and the 
 action of the English Parliament; while the Russians, on their 
 part, awaited fresh victories. The queen's speech at the opening 
 of parliament contained an announcement that, in case the hos- 
 tilities between Russia and Turkey were unfortunately prolonged, 
 "some unexpected occurrence may render it incumbent on me to 
 adopt measures of precaution." At the same time, the chancel- 
 lor of the exchequer. Sir Stafford Northcote, announced that he 
 would ask for a supplementary estimate of six million pounds for 
 naval and military purposes. This looked ominous, and Russia 
 found it to her interest to hasten the negotiations. On the 31st 
 of January preliminaries of peace and a cessation of hostilities 
 were signed by both sides. In accordance with the terms of this 
 armistice, the Turks evacuated and surrendered to the Russians 
 all fortresses still in their possession north of a line from Derkos, 
 on the Black Sea, to San Stefano, on the Sea of Marmora. The 
 English government, fearful for " British interests," now began 
 to act in earnest. It was announced in parliament that England, 
 supported by Austria, would not recognize any private treaty be- 
 tween Russia and Turkey, but would insist that the terms of peace 
 be submitted to a congress of the Great Powers. On the 31st of 
 January, in the face of a protest from the Porte, the English fleet 
 received orders to repair to Constantinople " for the protection 
 of the life and property of English subjects." Gortchakoff at 
 once announced to the Great Powers that in that event Russia 
 would find it necessary to march her troops into Constantinople 
 for the protection of the Christian subjects of the Porte. A com- 
 promise was finally effected; and on the 13th of February Admi- 
 ral Hornby, with six ships, passed through the Dardanelles, and 
 came to anchor at the Prince's, Islands, about ten miles below the 
 capital. 
 
 Every effort was now made on the part of the Russians to ac- 
 celerate the conclusion of a definite peace, and on the 3d of March, 
 1878, the treaty of San Stefano was signed by Ignatieff and Nel- 
 idoff on behalf of Russia, and Server Pasha and Sadullah Bey, 
 
54G POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Turkish ambassador in Berlin, on bclialf of Turkey, By this 
 treaty Montenegro, in addition to its independence, received Nik- 
 sicli and Gacko, with the adjoining territory in the north, -while 
 its boundaries were extended to the Sea of Scutari and the Bo- 
 yana river on the south. Servia also became independent, and 
 received a considerable increase of territory to the south and 
 west — her most important acquisition being the town and fort- 
 ress of Nish. lloumania, whose independence was recognized, 
 received the lower Dobrudslm from Turkey, in return for the 
 cession of Bessarabia to Russia. Bulgaria, with the Black ]>rina 
 for its western boundary, and extending southward to the ^Egcan 
 sea at the mouth of the river Karassu, was to be a self-governing, 
 tributary principality, with a prince chosen by the people and 
 confirmed by the Porte, with the consent of the Great Bowers, 
 By way of preparation for self-government the new principality 
 was to be administered for two years by a Piussian commissioner, 
 and be occupied at its own cost by 50,000 Russian soldiers. The 
 reforms indicated by the Constantinople conference were to be 
 carried out in Bosnia and ITci'zegovina; Crete was to receive the 
 organization promised in 1868; and a similar form of adminis- 
 tration was to be introduced in the remaining Christian prov- 
 inces. The war indemnity to be paid to Russia was fixed at 
 1,410,000,000 roubles: 900,000,000 for the expenses of the war; 
 400,000,000 for the injuries inflicted on Russian commercial in- 
 terests; 100,000,000 for the insurrection in the Caucasus ex- 
 cited by Turkish agents, and supported by Turkish troops; and 
 10,000,000 as compensation for the losses inflicted on Russian 
 subjects within the borders of the Ottoman empire. In view of 
 the condition of Turkish finances Ardahan, Kars, Batoum, Baya- 
 zid, and the territory between the Russian frontier and the 
 Soghanly mountains were to be accepted by Russia in lieu of 
 1,100,000,000 roubles, thus reducing the actual amount of the 
 money indemnity to 310,000,000 (about $248,000,000), It was 
 also provided that the Bosporus and the Dardanelles should re- 
 main open for the merchantmen of all neutral powers during 
 peace and war alike. 
 
 England and Austria at once declared this treaty unacceptable, 
 and demanded a European congress. Russia consented, but would 
 only agree to submit the treaty of San Stefano to the pernsal of 
 that body, reserving to herself the right of accepting or rejecting 
 
ENGLAND AND AUSTRIA OBJECT. 547 
 
 llie recommendations of the congress at her pleasure, and argued 
 that the questions concerning Turkey and herself were for Turkey 
 and herself to settle between them. England, on the other hand, 
 demanded that the treaty of Paris of 1856 should form the ba- 
 sis of negotiation, and that all the paragraphs of the treaty of 
 San Stefano should be submitted to the congress, to be accepted 
 or rejected by it. At the outset Austria seemed likely to side 
 with England in spite of the alliance of the three emperors. The 
 Austrian-Hungarian delegations were convened at Pesth on the 
 7th of March, and Andrassy demanded and obtained an extraor- 
 dinary credit of 60,000,000 gulden. Although he^ denied that 
 the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was the object of his 
 policy, it was nevertheless apparent that the occupation of those 
 provinces was imminent. To the formation of a Bulgarian prin- 
 cipality Andrassy expressed a determined hostility ; and he advo- 
 cated farther the strengthening of the Grecian element in the 
 Balkan peninsula as a balance to the Slavic. To remove his ob- 
 jections IgnatiofE was despatched to Vienna toward the end of 
 March; and, as the result of his mission, an understanding was 
 reached with the Austrian government. But with England the 
 case was different. The withdrawal of Lord Derby from the 
 cabinet (Lord Carnarvon, the only other peace member, had al- 
 ready withdrawn), and the calling out of the reserves looked as 
 though England would go to war in support of her view of the 
 case. The greatest activity prevailed in the English arsenals and 
 dock-yards, and on the 29th of April the first instalment of In- 
 dian troops which the cabinet had ordered to the Mediterranean, 
 0000 men in all, embarked at Bombay for Malta. On the 1st of 
 April Lord Salisbury, the new minister of foreign affairs, former- 
 ly secretary for Lidia, had issued a circular note to the effect that 
 England would not enter into a congress which was not free to 
 discuss the whole treaty of San Stefano. Gortchakoff's answer 
 showed equal firmness on the part of Russia. 
 
 Both parties seemed steering toward war, and there was a time 
 when people daily expected the news of a collision on the Bos- 
 porus. The Russians sought to obtain possession of Buyukdere, 
 one and a half hours from Constantinople, on the Bosporus, 
 near the Black Sea, under pretence of shipping the troops from 
 that point for Odessa. Against this project Layard protested, 
 and the English fleet received orders to anchor before Constant!- 
 
548 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 nople in case the Russians seized Buyulcdere. As the Russian 
 government persisted in its demands, and two Russian ships — of 
 which it was said that they were provided with torpedoes for the 
 purpose of closing the Bosporus against the Englisli fleet — ap- 
 peared in tlie roads before Buyukdere, the Turks began to for- 
 tify the heights, in oi'der to thwart any attempt to seize the place 
 suddenly. This action on the part of the Turks, as well as the 
 delay in the surrender of Varna and Shumla, and the Moham- 
 medan insurrection in the Rhodope mountains, was attributed by 
 the Russians to English machinations. Grand-duke Nicholas was 
 superseded by General Totleben ; shore batteries were erected 
 along the whole coast from Rodosto to San Stefano, in order to 
 prevent the landing of British troops; re-enforcements were de- 
 spatched from Russia to strengthen the army before Constanti- 
 nople; collections were made in Moscow and other places for the 
 equipment of privateers ; and men and officers from the Russian 
 navy were sent to the United States to take possession of the 
 ships which were to be purchased there. All Europe waited in 
 breathless suspense ; at any moment a tiny spark might kindle a 
 terrible explosion. 
 
 Every European state was interested in preventing such a ca- 
 tastrophe, and diplomacy exerted itself accordingly. Finally, a 
 means of adjusting the quarrel was found. Count Shouvaloff 
 conducted direct negotiations between the two capitals, and 
 through his exertions a secret agreement was signed in London 
 on the 30th of May, by which the difficulties in the way of the 
 proposed congress were at length removed, and the threatened 
 war averted. It was arranged that Bulgaria should be divided 
 into two provinces, the one north and the other south of the 
 Balkans; the former to be a tributary state, and the latter to pos- 
 sess a semi-autonomous administration under a Christian stadt- 
 holder appointed by the Porte, with the consent of the Great 
 Powers. Bayazid and the valley of the Alashkert were to be 
 restored to Turkey, on account of their importance to the trade 
 between that country and Persia, and the little district of Khotur 
 was to be surrendered to the latter state by the Sultan. The 
 Russian government also made some farther concessions of minor 
 importance, and promised that in the future the Russian bounda- 
 ries should not be extended toward Asiatic Turkey. As to the 
 retrocession of Bessarabia to Russia by Rouraania, England 
 
VAIN PROTESTS FROM ROÜMANIA. 549 
 
 agreed to make no objections, inasmuch as the other powers did 
 not oppose it, and English interests were not directly involved, 
 but reserved for the discussion and decision of the congress the 
 passage of the Russian troops through the principality. 
 
 The two last-named points — the cession of Bessarabia and the 
 passage through Roumania of the Russian troops — encountered, 
 as was to have been expected, bitter opposition from Prince 
 Charles's government. By the treaty of San Stefano, besides 
 ceding Bessarabia to Russia in return for a part of the Dobrud- 
 sha, his dominions were to remain open to the Russians for two 
 years for the passage of troops to and from Bulgaria, while Rou- 
 mania was, furthermore, left to make her own terms with Turkey 
 in regard to a war indemnity — which was equivalent to saying 
 that she was to receive no indemnity whatever. Bratiano, the 
 minister-president, undertook a mission to Berlin and Vienna to 
 win support for his government, but without success, and the 
 Emperor William with his own hand wrote a letter to Prince 
 Charles, urging him to put no difficulties in Russia's way with 
 regard to the cession of Bessarabia. Roumania showed consid- 
 erable spirit; but without support from some of the Great Pow- 
 ers nothing could be accomplished, and the mere protest of the 
 Roumanian government called forth from Gortchakoff threats of 
 a resort to the peremptory measures of occupying Roumania 
 and disarming the Roumanian army. Russia certainly cannot 
 be accredited with either gratitude or generosity in her treatment 
 of a valiant and efficient ally. Roumania was an objectionable 
 barrier between her and the Slavonic regions to the south and 
 south-west. Furthermore, Roumania was too independent. Rus- 
 sian policy dictated the formation in the Balkan peninsula of 
 small Slavonic states, which should be entirely under Russian in- 
 fluence, and Roumania was an obstacle in the way of that policy. 
 
 For somewhat similar reasons, Grecian claims were not viewed 
 with much favor in St. Petersburg. Greece looked with longing 
 eyes on Thessaly — where, out of a total population of 384,230 
 souls, 341,850 were Greeks — and Epirus, which numbered 415,965 
 Greeks as against 318,955 Turks and Albanians. The prospect 
 of a division of Turkey had caused the greatest excitement in 
 Athens. On the 29th of March, 1877, parliament voted the 
 formation of a new reserve of 20,000 men, raising the whole 
 force at the disposal of the Grecian government to 34,000. The 
 
550 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Russian declaration of war increased the excitement. A national 
 mobile guard was formed, the reserves called out, twelve battal- 
 ions of volunteers raised, torpedoes purchased, and orders issued 
 to establish camps on the northern frontier. Volunteers poured 
 in from the Grecian provinces under the dominion of the Sultan, 
 and were at once enrolled in the ever-increasing army. These 
 preparations led the Porte to address complaints, not to Greece, 
 but to France and England. The latter thereupon exerted lier 
 influence at Athens for the purpose of holding the Grecian gov- 
 ernment back, and English threats and English promises were 
 successful in restraining the little kingdom until the favorable 
 moment was past. The proper time for action was immediately 
 after the fall of Plevna, but the opportunity was allowed to pass, 
 and when at last, on the 2d of February, 1878, fearful of being 
 excluded from the division of the spoils, the government ordered 
 12,000 Greek troops across the frontier, it was already too late; 
 the armistice had set the Porte at liberty to utilize a part of its 
 forces for the protection of its southern borders. When the 
 Constantinople cabinet decided to send ITobart Pasha to the 
 Pirfeus with a fleet of iron-clads, and at the same time land 
 troops in Thessaly, Athens was seized with a panic, and on the 
 Vth of February, by the advice of the Great Powers, especially 
 England, the Grecian general, Soutzo, received orders to lead his 
 troops back to Lamia. (This was a deadly blow to the insurrec- 
 tion in Thessaly, and by the display of a little energy, accompa- 
 nied by abundant promises of amnesty, the Turks succeeded in 
 effecting its complete suppression by the end of March.) In re- 
 turn for her general amenity to English advice the English cabi- 
 net promised King George's government to use its influence in 
 behalf of Greece at the approaching congress. 
 
 The congress met in the north wing of Bismarck's palace (the 
 Radzivill palace), in Berlin, on the 13th of June, the German 
 chancellor presiding. Besides Turkey and the six Great Powers, 
 Greece, Roumania, Servia, and Montenegro had also sent dele- 
 gates, but these latter had not been formally invited, and were ad- 
 mitted only to such sittings as dealt with the special interests of 
 the states they represented. The first question before the con- 
 gress was the Bulgarian one. The English representatives aimed 
 at reducing the new principaUty to the smallest possible dimen- 
 sions, putting every possible hinderance in the way of Russian in- 
 
EAST ROUMELIA. 551 
 
 fliicnco, and, so far as possible, maintaining Ottoman supremacy in 
 East Roimiclia — the name wliicli was to be given to the Bulgarian 
 state south of the Balkans. As was the case in most of the oth- 
 er matters in dispute, the real decision was reached in private con- 
 sultations between the representatives of the states especially in- 
 terested, and then formally adopted by the congress. It was pro- 
 vided that Bulgaria, bounded on the south by the Balkans, should 
 form a self-governing, tributary principality, under the suzerainty 
 of the Sultan, with a prince chosen by the free vote of the popu- 
 lation and confirmed by the Porte, with the consent of the Great 
 Powers. No member of any European reigning house was to be 
 eligible as prince. The organic law of the principality was to be 
 settled by an assembly of notables, to be held at Tirnova before 
 the choice of the prince, the basis of this law to be the equality 
 of all religions and confessions in so far as political rights and 
 liberty of teaching and preaching were concerned. The pro- 
 visional government, Avhich was not to endure more than nine 
 months from the date of the signature of the treaty, was to be 
 conducted by a Russian commissioner, assisted by a commissioner 
 from the Porte, together with the consuls of the signatory pow- 
 ers, the representatives of those powers constituting a court of 
 appeal in case of disagreement. The principality was to assume 
 a part of the Turkish debt, and pay an annual tribute to the Porte 
 estimated on the basis of its average revenue. The Turkish army 
 was to evacuate Bulgaria at once, existing fortresses were to be 
 razed within a year, at the expense of the country, and no new 
 ones were to be erected. 
 
 The province of East lloumelia, to the south of the Balkans, 
 was to remain under the immediate political and military domin- 
 ion of the Porte, but with an autonomous administration and a 
 local militia, officered, however, by the Sultan. For the protec- 
 tion of the frontiers, the latter potentate was also allowed to erect 
 fortresses and maintain garrisons — of regular troops only. The 
 governor of the province was to be appointed by the Sultan, with 
 the approval of the Great Powers, for five years, and a European 
 commission was to organize the province in conjunction with the 
 Porte, and administer the finances until the organization was com- 
 pleted. The Russian army of occupation in Bulgaria and East 
 Roumelia, numbering not more than 50,000 men, and maintained 
 at the expense of the inhabitants, was to evacuate both provinces 
 
552 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 within nine months, and the passage of the Russian troops through 
 Roumania was to be accomplished within a farther space of three 
 months. These provisions materially altered the treaty of San 
 Stefano, in accordance with the wishes of England and Austria, 
 by reducing the Bulgarian principality to less than half its origi- 
 nal proportions, and correspondingly diminishing the power of 
 Russia in the Balkan peninsula. 
 
 The settlement of the Armenian question proved more difficult. 
 In her private agreement with Russia England had consented to 
 the cession of Batoum, but she now sought to diminish the value 
 of that post by stipulating that the fortifications should be demol- 
 ished and the port declared free. The dispute, which at one time 
 assumed a serious character, was finally settled by a declaration 
 on the part of the Czar that Batoum should be a free port. Kars, 
 Ardahan, and Batoum were ceded to Russia, the district of Kho- 
 tur to Persia, and the Sultan pledged himself to carry out the 
 requisite reforms in Armenia without loss of time, and to protect 
 the inhabitants against the Kurds and Circassians. At the same 
 time a secret treaty was made known which had been contracted 
 between England and Turkey on the 4th of June. By this treaty 
 the Porte pledged itself to carry out reforms in Asia Minor, and 
 England, on her part, guaranteed the integrity of the Sultan's 
 Asiatic possessions. To put England in a position to fulfil her 
 part of the treaty, and as a pledge for the execution of the prom- 
 ised reforms, the Porte surrendered Cyprus to England as a naval 
 and military station, the latter agreeing to regard the island as an 
 integral part of the Turkish empire, and to make over the surplus 
 revenue to the Sultan. This treaty, which had received the con- 
 sent of Germany and Russia at the time of its execution, aroused 
 great indignation in France and Italy, both of which countries 
 viewed with jealous alarm any increase of English power in the 
 Mediterranean. To pacify the former state, Beaconstield and 
 Salisbury entered into a secret arrangement with Waddington, in 
 accordance with which England was to put no obstacles in the 
 way of a French occupation of Tunis — an arrangement of which 
 the French government finally took advantage in the year 1881. 
 
 The English representatives had also entered into an arrange- 
 ment with Austria in reference to Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 
 the sitting of June 29th Andrassy read a memorandum in which 
 he set forth that Austria had been disturbed for a whole year by 
 
THE DANUBE AND OTHER QUESTIONS. 553 
 
 the insurrection in those provinces, and had been compelled to 
 receive and provide for over 150,000 Bosnian fugitives, who pos- 
 itively refused again to submit to the hardships of Turkish mis- 
 rule ; that Turkey was not in a position to restore order in the 
 disturbed districts, and that under Turkish dominion the existing 
 anarchy and revolution must continue, with the inevitable result of 
 involving the adjacent Slavic populations in Austria, Servia, and 
 Montenegro. Thereupon the Mai-quis of Salisbury moved that 
 Austria be charged with the occupation and administration of 
 Bosnia and Herzegovina, and, although Italy manifested displeas- 
 ure at this increase of Austrian power, and Turkey raised objec- 
 tions to the measure, the congress nevertheless decided to hand 
 over those two provinces to Austro-Hungary. 
 
 The questions concerning the Danube, the Bosporus, the war 
 indemnity and political reforms were solved without any particu- 
 lar diflBculties arising. The Danube below the Iron Gates was 
 declared neutral, all fortresses were to be razed, and Roumania 
 was admitted to the European commission charged with the gen- 
 eral police and commercial supervision of the river. With regard 
 to the Bosporus and the Dardanelles the status quo was main- 
 tained. The matter of a war indemnity was left to the settle- 
 ment of the belligerents themselves, with the proviso that it 
 should be paid in money and not by a cession of territory, and 
 that the rights of Turkey's former creditors should not be im- 
 paired. Finally, the Porte promised that in all parts of the 
 Turkish dominions the principle of religious freedom should be 
 maintained, that dijfference of religious belief should constitute 
 no obstacle to the free exercise of civil and political rights, and 
 that all, without distinction of creed, should be competent as wit- 
 nesses before tlie courts. 
 
 Besides these questions, which directly affected the Great Pow- 
 ers, the claims of the smaller states had also to be taken into con- 
 sideration. Austria was unwilling to concede too much to Servia 
 and Montenegro, as the increase of those states would have the 
 effect of barring lier advance toward the south. In particular 
 she desired to shut out Montenegro from the sea. Ultimately 
 Niksich, Podgorizza, and Antivari were given to Montenegro, 
 Spizza was annexed to Dalmatia, and Dulcigno was restored to 
 Turkey. But although Montenegro thus acquired a harbor, she 
 was forbidden to maintain ships of war, and Austria was intrust- 
 
 24 
 
554 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ed with the sanitary and naval police dnty in the port of Anti- 
 vari. Austria also acquired the right to construct a road and 
 railroad through Montenegro. The independence of Servia and 
 Montenegro was recognized on condition that full freedom and 
 political equality were accorded to the members of all religions. 
 Servia received an addition to her population of 280,000 souls, 
 her most important acquisition being the city and fortress of 
 Nish. She also assumed a part of the Turkish debt. The rec- 
 ognition of Roumanian independence was conditioned on the 
 cession of Bessarabia to Russia, and the admission to political 
 equality of the members of all religions — a condition which had 
 special reference to the Jews. In compensation for Bessarabia 
 Roumania was to receive the Dobrudsha and the islands at the 
 mouth of the Danube. The Grecian question was taken up in 
 the sittings of the 5th and 6th of July. Despite all her prom- 
 ises, it was not England, but France, which stood forth as the 
 champion of Grecian interests. Waddington wished to hand 
 over to Greece all the Grecian provinces in Turkish possession, 
 but this met with approval from no one, least of all, however, 
 from England and Russia. Finally it was recommended that the 
 southern part of Thessaly and Epirus should be ceded to Greece, 
 the Salambria and Kalamos rivers forming the new boundary 
 line. In case the Saltan and the King of the Hellenes could not 
 come to some understanding, the Great Powers were to have the 
 right of offering their mediation. As to Crete, the Sultan under- 
 took "scrupulously to apply the organic law of 1868." 
 
 The last session of the congress was held on the 13th of July, 
 and the delegates dispersed to their respective capitals, each of 
 them, excepting Count Corti and Karatheodori Pasha, bringing 
 some acquisition for his government. From one point of view 
 the congress was a great game of grab. Germany, having al- 
 ready received her share in 1870, now had to make good her 
 promises to Russia. The latter acquired Bessarabia and a slice 
 of Armenia. England appropriated Cyprus, and assumed a sort 
 of protectorate in Asia Minor. Austria occupied Bosnia and 
 Herzegovina, and took a long step on the road toward Constanti- 
 nople. France obtained a lien on Tunis, and only Italy had no 
 share in the distribution of the spoils. 
 
 The treaty had been made ; the next step was to execute it. 
 England at once took possession of Cyprus, and Layard laid be- 
 
AUSTRIAN OCCUPATION OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA. 555 
 
 fore the Turkish government a comprehensive project of reform 
 in all branches of the administration. The success of tins and 
 all subsequent plans and projects of reform in Asia Minor was 
 summed up in a despatch of the 27th of April, 1880, shortly be- 
 fore Layard's recall. In this despatch he says that the Turkish 
 empire had never been in so disorganized and critical a condi- 
 tion. The impossibility of an improvement he attributes to the 
 fact that the Porte promises everything that is demanded and 
 never keeps its promises, making use of every possible descrip- 
 tion of chicane and deception to protract decision and invent 
 excuses for inaction. He had exhausted every diplomatic means 
 without avail, and if anything was to be accomplished he held it 
 necessary to pass beyond mere threats. Only in Syria Midhat 
 Pasha, forced upon the Turkish government by the pressure of 
 England, succeeded in executing the desired reforms, and con- 
 ducting an efficient government, until, in the spring of 1881, a 
 charge of murdering the Sultan Abdul Aziz was trumped up 
 against him, and he was condemned to death — afterward com- 
 muted to imprisonment in Arabia. 
 
 Like England, Austria took possession of her share of the booty 
 at once, but not without the most obstinate resistance. Finding 
 it impossible to form any convention with the Porte regarding 
 the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina — inasmuch as the lat- 
 ter demanded that a limit should be set to the period of occupa- 
 tion, while the Austrian government meant that the occupation 
 should be perpetual, or, in other words, an annexation — Andrassy 
 determined to act without a convention, and on the 29th of July, 
 1878, General Philippovich, with three divisions, received orders 
 to cross the frontier. Bashi-Bazouks, Bosnian beys, the Albanian 
 League, and Turkish regulars united in opposing the Austrian 
 advance, and two out of the three columns into which Philippo- 
 vich had divided his forces met with disaster. Thereupon the 
 three divisions were increased to three full army corps, and by 
 the 4th of October both provinces were in full possession of the 
 invading army. Within the next three years Austria, by dint of 
 threats and diplomacy combined, concluded railroad and commer- 
 cial treaties giving her a general control of railroad communica- 
 tions in the Balkan peninsula, a practical monopoly of the Dan- 
 ube, and a politico-commercial dictatorship in Servia. In 1881 
 an Austrian occupation of Bulgaria seemed at. one time imminent. 
 
556 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 The present policy of the dual empire, in which it is strongly 
 supported by Germany, is to make Austrian influence dominant 
 on the road to Constantinople. 
 
 Russia, in order to secure the more rapid obedience to those 
 articles of the treaty of Berlin which concerned her interests, an- 
 nounced that her troops would maintain their position before 
 Constantinople until all the provisions of the treaty had been ex- 
 ecuted. This hastened the evacuation of Shumla, Varna, and 
 Batoum ; and, accordingly, in September the Russian positions 
 before Constantinople were evacuated, and Totleben transferred 
 his head-quarters to Adrianople. The Turkish troops at once 
 took possession of San Stefano, Chekmedye, and other important 
 positions ; but, some places being left unoccupied by the soldiers 
 on both sides, the Mohammedans, who had fled before tlie Rus- 
 sian advance and were now on their Avay home again, seized the 
 opportunity to massacre all the Bulgarians they could find. The 
 Russian retreat was at once changed into an advance, and some 
 of the places already occupied by the Turks were again seized by 
 the Russians. The difficulty of coming to an agreement regard- 
 ing the war indemnity, and those points of the treaty of San Ste- 
 fano which had not been touched upon in the Berlin congress, 
 gave rise to a farther conflict, and at one time a renewal of the 
 war seemed not improbable. Finally, however, on the 8th of 
 February, 1879, an additional treaty was concluded between Lo- 
 banoff, Russian ambassador at Constantinople, and Karatheodori 
 Pasha, Turkish minister of foreign affairs, by which the treaty of 
 San Stefano was declared binding, in so far as its provisions were 
 not expressly superseded by the treaty of Berlin, and the war 
 indemnity was fixed at 802,500,000 francs. 
 
 In Bulgaria the constituent assembly, consisting of two hun- 
 dred and eighty-six members, partly elected by the people, partly 
 appointed by the government, was opened at Tirnova on the 23d 
 of February, 1879, by the Russian governor-general. Prince Don- 
 dukoff. Admission was refused to the delegates from Thrace 
 and East Roumelia, and a strict observance of the treaty of Berlin 
 with respect to the territorial limitation of the principality was 
 enjoined upon the somewhat recalcitrant majority. An elaborate 
 and liberal constitution was adopted on the 28th of April, and on 
 the 29th the new national assembly, consisting of two hundred 
 and fifty members — twenty-two of them Mohammedans — was 
 
PRINCE ALEXANDER OF BULGARIA. 557 
 
 convened, and proceeded at once to elect Prince Alexander of 
 Battenberg, nephew of the Russian empress, and son of Prince 
 Alexander of Hesse, prince of Bulgaria. The new prince, a sec- 
 ond lieutenant in the Prussian garde du corps at Potsdam, who 
 had fought during the last war in the Russian ranks, entered his 
 capital, Sofia, on the 15th of July, after visiting the various Euro- 
 pean sovereigns, beginning with the Czar, and ending with the in- 
 dignant Sultan. On the 3d of August the Russian army evacu- 
 ated Bulgaria, but Russian influence remained behind. The prince 
 threw all the weight of his position on the side of the Conserva- 
 tives. On the 5th of December the radical national assembly 
 was dissolved, but the new elections resulted still more favorably 
 for that party. Finally, in May of 1881, the prince, by the advice 
 of the courts of St. Petersburg, Berlin, and Vienna, resorted to 
 a coup d'etat^ dissolved the assembly, and abolished the consti- 
 tution. By dint, apparently, of bribery and intimidation, with 
 Russian gold and Russian ofhcers, a conservative assembly was re- 
 turned, which met at Sistova in July to furnish the prince with a 
 constitution more to his tastes, and perhaps better adapted to the 
 needs of the population. 
 
 The organization of East Roumelia proved a task of great dif- 
 ficulty. By the treaty of Berlin an international commission 
 was charged with the organization of the province and the pro- 
 visional administration of the finances. In this commission Rus- 
 sia represented the wishes of the people ; and England, which 
 represented the interests of the Porte, accused her of fostering 
 hopes among the East Roumelians of a union with Bulgaria. It 
 was feared that an insurrection might break out on the with- 
 drawal of the Russian troops, and it was certain that this would 
 be the case if Turkey insisted on her right to occupy the Balkan 
 passes, thus forming a military cordon between East Roumelia 
 and Bulgaria. Finally, the Czar sent General Obrutcheff to Con- 
 stantinople to arrange a compromise. The Czar pledged himself 
 for the maintenance of order in the province of East Roumelia, 
 and agreed to remit the 20,000,000 francs, or thereabouts, due to 
 Russia for the maintenance of Turkish prisoners during the war, 
 in consideration of which the Sultan pledged himself " provision- 
 ally " not to exercise his right of garrison in Burgas, Ichtiman, 
 and the Balkan passes. Thereupon General Obrutcheff repaired 
 to Philippopolis and read in the cathedral of that place a mani- 
 
558 POLITICAL HISTORY OF KECENT TIMES. 
 
 festo announcing to the Eoumelian Bulgarians these concessions 
 on the side of the Porte, and warning them to observe the treaty 
 of BerUn and be satisfied with their present position. The popu- 
 lar leaders, whose hopes were dashed by this announcement, final- 
 ly resolved to accept the situation, but at the same time to main- 
 tain their military organization intact; and so this difiiculty was 
 settled. The constitution was completed on the 26th of April, 
 1879, and Prince Vogorides (Aleko Pasha), a Bulgarian Chris- 
 tian, formerly Turkish ambassador in Vienna, was appointed gov- 
 ernor-general for five years — a position of great delicacy, inas- 
 much as whatever measure pleases the Porte is sure to excite the 
 displeasure of the Bulgarian population, and vice versa. At the 
 very outset the new governor fell into disgrace with the Sultan by 
 discarding the official Turkish /^2 and adopting the national Bul- 
 garian kalpak, and by forming his cabinet exclusively of Bulga- 
 rians and foreigners. Nevertheless, his administration seems to 
 have been efficient and successful, and the budget for 1880-81 
 promised a surplus of receipts over expenditures. The evacua- 
 tion of East Roumelia by the Russian troops began on the 3d 
 of May, 187'9, and on the 27th of July the last Russian soldier 
 embarked at Burgas. 
 
 In the European provinces which still remain under the direct 
 administration of the Sultan the promised reforms have never 
 been carried out. In Macedonia Turkish misrule resulted in an 
 insurrection, which was suppressed with the most atrocious cru- 
 elty (some palliation for which may, however, be found in the 
 outrages upon Mohammedans of which the Bulgarians had here 
 and there been guilty in that province). The present condition 
 of Macedonia is- similar to that of Bulgaria before the rebellion 
 of 1876. The government is entirely one of caprice and oppres- 
 sion on the part of the Mohammedan rulers, and the whole re- 
 gion is rendered insecure by robber bands, Avhose depredations 
 the Turkish officials are either unwilling or unable to restrain. 
 Layard's despatch of April 27th, 1880, to which reference has 
 already once been made, asserts that " the organic laws provided 
 for by the 23d article of the Berlin treaty have not yet been pub- 
 lished; with the exception of Adrianople,the prescribed gendarme- 
 rie does not exist; and hence in Macedonia, Thessaly, and Epirus 
 life and property are insecure, anarchy prevails, and robber bands 
 plunder with impunity." In 1881 the situation is still unchanged. 
 
GREECE AND TÜEKEY. 559 
 
 The operation of the promised religious freedom was ilUistrated, 
 in December of 1879, by the arrest of Dr. Kolle and the Mollah 
 Ahmed Tevfik. The latter, a professor in some mosque at Con- 
 stantinople, had assisted Dr. Kölle, an agent of the British Bible 
 Society, in the translation and publication of psalms and religious 
 tracts. For this offence against Mohammedan law KoUe's papers 
 were seized, and Tevfik was condemned to imprisonment or death. 
 Layard at once announced that he would demand his pass if 
 Kolle's papers were not restored within three days, Tevfik re- 
 leased, and the chief of police, who had ordered the arrest, dis- 
 missed. At length, on the 6th of January, 1880, Tevfik was in- 
 terned in the island of Chios, Kolle's papers returned to him, and 
 a written apology addressed to Layard on the part of the chief of 
 police. In point of fact, the Berlin treaty has exerted no influ- 
 ence whatever in the matter of religious freedom. The same de- 
 gree of freedom which existed before that treaty exists now, and 
 the Christian has no rights now which he did not have then ; in 
 other words. Christians have rights as against one another, but 
 not as against Mohammedans. As for the mucli-vaunted parlia- 
 ment which was to have achieved such vast reforms, it had met 
 — with a quiet death even before the meeting of the Berlin con- 
 gress; on the 14th of February, 1878, it was prorogued sine die, 
 and the paper constitution was committed to the waste -paper 
 basket. To complete this brief sketch, it may be added that the 
 organic law of 1868 was never carried out in Crete, and that at 
 the present time (1881) that island is in a state of semi-revolt 
 which is fast becoming chronic. 
 
 To the recommendation of the congress, relative to the cession 
 of territory to Greece, Turkey paid no heed whatever ; the Turk- 
 ish government seemed resolved the rather to turn into a wilder- 
 ness the whole district which it had been advised to cede. In 
 spite of the promised amnesty, the Thessalian insurgents were 
 mercilessly executed, whole villages were burnt to the ground, 
 and the Bulgarian horrors were imitated in Thessaly. A Greek 
 note of July l7th, with regard to the territory to be ceded, re- 
 mained unnoticed by the Porte. In a second note the Grecian 
 government demanded, by the 6th of September, an answer with 
 reference to the appointment of a commission for the settlement 
 of a new boundary line. As no answer was returned, a circular 
 note was addressed to the signatory powers on the 9th of that 
 
560 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 month calling in tlieir mediation. Tliis drew out a circular de- 
 spatch from Waddington, asking the other powers to unite with 
 France in exerting pressure on the Porte. In the mean time the 
 Grecian government, in order to be prepared for all contingencies, 
 had raised the strength of the active army to 18,000 men, and 
 that of the reserve to 37,000, and obtained from parliament an 
 additional credit of 35,000,000 francs. At last, in December of 
 1878, Turkey consented to appoint plenipotentiaries — among 
 them Mukhtar Pasha — to consider the question of a new boun- 
 dary line. Mukhtar and his associates met the Greek commis- 
 sioners in Prevesa on the 8th of February, 1879 ; but, as they re- 
 fused to recognize the treaty of Berlin as the basis of negotia- 
 tions, and pursued a simple policy of obstruction, the conference 
 fell through, and the Greek delegates returned home (March 19th). 
 Again the Grecian government appealed to the Great Powers, and 
 again Waddington attempted to induce the other powers to unite 
 with France in exerting pressure on the Porte. (The fall of Wad- 
 dington, December 29th, 1879, deprived Greece of her principal 
 advocate. But the role of Grecian champion thus abandoned by 
 France was taken up a few months later by England, when Glad- 
 stone succeeded Beaconsfield in the government in April of 1880). 
 At last, after much negotiating, it was proposed to send a politico- 
 technical commission to Thessaly and Epirus to search for an 
 advisable border line, but this project was abandoned when the 
 Porte announced its inability to guarantee the safety of such a 
 commission. France then proposed an after-conference for the 
 settlement of the Greek question, and England called upon the 
 other powers to unite with her in presenting to the Porte identi- 
 cal notes with reference to Greece, Montenegro, and Armenia. 
 
 These notes were presented on the 12th of June, 1880. The 
 Porte was informed that representatives of the various govern- 
 ments would meet in Berlin on the 16th of that month, for the 
 purpose of fixing a new boundary line between Greece and Turkey, 
 and that immediately thereafter a commission would repair to 
 Thessaly and Epirus to settle on the spot any minor matters of 
 detail. The necessity of a settlement with Montenegro, and of 
 the execution of the promised reforms in Armenia, was also urged 
 upon the Sultan's government. As the Great Powers decided 
 not to admit Turkish or Grecian plenipotentiaries, the Porte an- 
 nounced that it would not regard the decisions of the conference 
 
SETTLEMENT BETWEEN GREECE AND TURKEY. 561 
 
 as binding. The new line proposed by France (Russia, contrary 
 to her former policy, proposed a still more northern one) was the 
 same which had been suggested by Prince Leopold of Coburg, 
 when the Grecian crown was offered to him in 1830. Starting 
 from the mouth of the Mavrolongos river, considerably farther 
 north than the point chosen by the Berlin congress, it followed 
 the course of the mountains until the Kalamos was reached, from 
 ■which point westward to the Ionian Sea that stream was to serve 
 as the boundary. The decision of the conference was communi- 
 cated to the Turkish and Grecian governments in the form of a 
 joint note on the 16th of July, but as the Great Powers were not 
 prepared to enforce the decision of the conference by armed in- 
 tervention, this joint note had no more effect than the former 
 identical ones. Gladstone's proposal to settle the Grecian diffi- 
 culty, like the Montenegrin, by a naval demonstration, met with 
 a decided refusal from the cabinets of Berlin, Paris, and Vienna ; 
 and England and Russia, with or without Italy, although in fa- 
 vor of active measures, were not prepared to move alone. Con- 
 sequently the Greeks, despairing of assistance from the Great 
 Powers, and realizing that the continued agitation and the enor- 
 mous expenses consequent upon the maintenance of a large 
 body of men were speedily driving them into bankruptcy, re- 
 solved to act for themselves, and seize by force of arms the ter- 
 ritory allotted to them by the conference. As this would cer- 
 tainly have caused a general conflagration, the Great Powers, 
 especially France and Germany, brought all possible pressure to 
 bear to restrain the impatient Hellenes, and convince them that, 
 single-handed, they could gain nothing and might lose everything. 
 Diplomacy left no means of settling the difliculty untried — ex- 
 cepting only the resort to actual force — but for a long time witli- 
 out apparent result. Both sides prepared for war, and gathered 
 armies on the frontiers. Finall}^ in March of 1881, an arrange- 
 ment was reached by which Janina and Prevesa, with the greater 
 part of Epirus, were to be left in the hands of the Turks, while 
 in Thessaly the boundary between the two countries was to be 
 substantially the same as that marked out by the treaty of Ber- 
 lin ; and, by autumn of that year, the ceded territory had already 
 been evacuated by the Turks. 
 
 Like Greece, Montenegro also had great difficulty in obtaining 
 from the Porte the territory allotted to it by the congress ; but 
 
 24* 
 
562 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 in this case it was necessary to overcome not alone the procrasti- 
 nation of the Porte, but also the hostility of a part of the popula- 
 tion of the ceded districts and of the Albanian League. Mehemed 
 Ali, one of the Turkish representatives at the Berlin congress, 
 was commissioned with the pacification of Albania and the con- 
 duct of the negotiations with Montenegro ; but he and the great- 
 er part of his retinue were killed by fanatics at Diakova on the 
 6th of September, 1878. The government did nothing toward 
 the punishment of the murderers, and the Turkish Press praised 
 the deed. In October the leaders of the league resolved to put 
 8000 men iu the field at Podgorizza, to prevent the surrender of 
 that place to Montenegro, and, in order to secure the greater free- 
 dom of action, they demanded from the Porte the recognition of 
 Albanian autonomy and the appointment of native officials. Fi- 
 nally, however, in February of 18*79 Prince Nikita succeeded in 
 obtaining the surrender of Podgorizza. But the attempt to gain 
 possession of the Albanian districts of Gusinye and Plava, which 
 had been assigned to Montenegro by the treaty of Berlin, was at- 
 tended with greater diflSculties. The Arnauts (Albanians) who 
 inhabited those districts took up arms, and even attacked a Mon- 
 tenegrin frontier post. Prince Nikita finally set a time within 
 which the refractory districts must be handed over; and when 
 this time passed without any action on the part of the Turkish 
 government, he threatened to occupy Gusinye by force and pun- 
 ish the inhabitants for their resistance. The Porte thereupon 
 (December 13th, 1879) appealed to the Great Powers for their 
 mediation, and new negotiations were commenced. The Albanian 
 League occupied the region in dispute, and Mukhtar Pasha, with 
 a Turkish army, remained inactive on the borders. At length, 
 after much negotiating, a new convention was concluded on the 
 12th of April, 1880, by which the district of Kutshi-Kraina, on 
 the little stream of Zem, was substituted for Gusinye and Plava ; 
 but the Turks, instead of carrying out the convention, handed 
 over this district to the Albanians. Li a collective note of April 
 25th the Great Powers called upon Turkey to re-occupy the dis- 
 trict and surrender it to the Montenegrins. The Turks promised 
 and procrastinated, Turkish troops went over to the Albanians, 
 Turkish commanders allowed provisions and military stores to 
 fall into their hands, and an Albanian, Abeddin Pasha, was ap- 
 pointed Turkish minister of foreign affairs. Montenegro was not 
 
SERVIA AND ROÜMANIA. 563 
 
 strong enough to assert her rights by force of arras, and of the 
 Great Powers Germany, Austria, and France were averse to mili- 
 tary intervention. England proposed a naval demonstration, and 
 in a collective note of August 3d the Porte was called upon to 
 surrender the Kutshi-Kraina district, or, as an alternative, the Dul- 
 cigno district, within three weeks, under pain of a demonstration 
 by a fleet of the Great Powers. The Sultan promised to cede 
 Dulcigno if sufficient time were given him, and Riza Pasha was 
 sent to Albania with 2000 men. But the Albanians occupied 
 Dulcigno and fortified the neighboring heights while Riza looked 
 on. Accordingly, an international fleet, consisting of twenty ships, 
 with 7300 men and 136 guns, under the general command of the 
 English vice-admiral Seymour, assembled in the harbor of Ragu- 
 sa, and on the 20th of September the naval demonstration before 
 Ragusa began. England and Russia were willing to convert this 
 theoretical demonstration into a practical reality, but Germany, 
 France, and Austria would not consent. The moral influence of 
 the fleet was not suflicient to enable the Montenegrins to wrest 
 Dulcigno from the superior forces of the Albanians and Riza Pa- 
 sha, which together numbered 15,000 men, and nothing was ef- 
 fected. Diplomatic pressure was once more brought to bear in 
 Constantinople, and at last the representations of Count Hatz- 
 feldt, the German ambassador, induced the Porte to yield. Der- 
 vish Pasha was sent to Scutari, with orders to effect the surrender 
 of Dulcigno to the Montenegrins. On the 22d of November, 
 with eight battalions, he attacked the Albanian positions. These 
 were carried after a sharp fight, and on the following day the 
 Turks took possession of the town. On the 2Vth of the same 
 month it was handed over to the Montenegrins, and the tedious 
 dispute was at an end. 
 
 Servia was more fortunate than Greece or Montenegro, inas- 
 much as her share of the Turkish territory was already in her 
 possession, and could, therefore, give rise to no diplomatic dilfi- 
 culties. Neither did the religious equality upon which the rec- 
 ognition of Servian independence had been conditioned by the 
 Great Powers occasion any difficulty, and on the 26th of January, 
 1879, the Skuptshina, by a unanimous vote, abolished the consti- 
 tutional provision limiting the political rights of Jews resident 
 in Servia, In Roumania, however, the Jewish question was far 
 more difficult of settlement. The circumstance that a large part 
 
564 POLITlCxVL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 of the landed property of the Roumanian nobles was mortgaged 
 to Jews rendered a complete and immediate emancipation of that 
 people dangerous from an economic point of view. Austria and 
 Russia recognized Roumanian independence without awaiting the 
 fulfilment of the condition, but the other four Great Powers in- 
 sisted upon its fulfilment as a prerequisite to their recognition. 
 Finally, in October of 1879, the difficulty was settled by the pas- 
 sage of a law providing that every foreigner, without distinction 
 of religion, might obtain the privilege of citizenship by application 
 to the government, followed by ten years' residence in the country, 
 during which time the applicant must prove himself a useful citi- 
 zen, and that only Roumanian citizens could acquire landed prop- 
 erty in the principality. This solution proved satisfactory, and 
 the four remaining Great Powers at once recognized Roumanian 
 independence. In 1881, with the consent of all the powers, Rou- 
 mania became a kingdom, and King Charles I. was added to the 
 list of European constitutional monarchs. 
 
 It remains to say a word concerning Turkey's most important 
 vassal state, Egypt, Avhich had sent 6000 men to assist the Porte 
 in its war with Russia. The sale of Suez Canal shares to Eng- 
 land in the year 1875 was necessitated by the Khedive's lack of 
 money. His already formidable financial difficulties were in- 
 creased in that year by a war with Abyssinia, This war, which 
 continued through the whole of the following year, resulted in 
 disaster to the Egyptian forces, and led to a successful insurrec- 
 tion against the Khedive's authority in Darfouv, in the year 
 1877. At the time of the purchase of the canal shares Ismail 
 Pasha also requested from England a competent financier to ex- 
 ploit his budget and act as general financial counsellor; and Mr. 
 Cave, with a stafE of experts, was accordingly sent to Egypt in 
 December of 1875. Cave's mission, and the purchase of the ca- 
 nal shares, excited the jealousy of France, and England saw her- 
 self compelled to share with that country the guardianship of the 
 Khedive's finances. The state of those finances grew worse and 
 worse, for Ismail Pasha understood the art of borrowing and wast- 
 ing money as well as his suzerain, the Sultan Abdul Aziz. At 
 length a French and English commission, which had been ap- 
 pointed to find some remedy against the impending bankruptcy, 
 recommended, among other things, the surrender to the state of 
 the Khedive's vast private property. This recommendation was 
 
EGYPT FALLS UNDER ENGLISH AND FRENCH INFLUENCE. 565 
 
 accepted by him on the 22d of August, 1878, and his own pri- 
 vate domain and those of the various princes were made over to 
 the state. On the 23d of August Nubar Pasha, the most efficient 
 and upright of the Egyptian statesmen, was intrusted with the 
 formation of a new cabinet, in wliich Wilson, an Englishman, ad- 
 ministered the finances, while de Blignieres, a Frenchman, had 
 charge of the department of public works. Great hopes were 
 built upon this new departure, and another Egyptian loan was 
 put upon the market. But the Khedive could hot long endure 
 the limitation of his powers involved in the existence of a respon- 
 sible ministry, and the close scrutiny of his pecuniary eccentrici- 
 ties by foreign financiers, and accordingly Nubar Pasha was over- 
 thrown by a military insurrection on the 18th of February, 1879. 
 The Khedive's attempt to rid himself of the two foreign ministers 
 met with resistance on their part, both Wilson and de Blignieres 
 refusing to surrender their positions without the express permis- 
 sion of their governments. At last, on the 19th of June, the two 
 western powers informed the Khedive that he must either abdi- 
 cate peacefully or be deposed by force. (The I'eal agent in the 
 matter of the deposition was, singularly enough, the German em- 
 pire.) English influence was also brought to bear upon the Sul- 
 tan, and on the 26th Ismail received ordei's from Constantinople 
 to abdicate in favor of his son, Tevfik. In return for this action 
 on the Sultan's part Egyptian dependence on Turkey was ren- 
 dered somewhat closer, and it was provided that customs or com- 
 mercial treaties, as well as all treaties regulating the position of 
 strangers toward the government, or toward the country in gener- 
 al, must first be submitted to the Sultan for his approval ; that no 
 new loans should be contracted without the sanction of the Porte 
 and the express consent of the Egyptian bondholders; and that 
 the peace strength of the Egyptian army should not exceed 18,000 
 men. To avoid offence to Mussulman susceptibilities, a native 
 ministry was formed ; but the practical management of the finances 
 was placed in the hands of English and French commissioners. 
 These commissioners pronounced Egypt bankrupt, and an inter- 
 national committee of liquidation was formed, in which all the 
 European Great Powers were represented. The liquidation law 
 drawn up by this committee was signed by Tevfik on the 18th 
 of July, 1880, and Egypt went into formal bankruptcy, England 
 and France actina: as receivers. 
 
566 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 By the arrangement of 1879 the government consisted of the 
 Khedive, a council of ministers, and two controllers, Mr. Colvin 
 and M. de Blignieres, appointed by England and France respec- 
 tively ; but the whole power lay in the bands of the latter, or, 
 rather, in the hands of the governments they represented. Under 
 this system Egypt was regarded as a financial undertaking, and 
 governed accordingly. From tbis point of view the control bas 
 been a complete success, and Egyptian finances have already been 
 placed on a tolerably secure foundation ; but from another point 
 of view the success of the new system has not been so complete. 
 Ismail Pasha left behind him an army of almost 100,000 men. 
 The controllers reduced that number to about 9000. This threw 
 out of employment a large number of officers and men, and thus 
 created a considerable body of malcontents. The Mohammedan 
 revival also, which is at present affecting so large a part of Islam, 
 was not without its effect in Egypt. A strong feeling of fanati- 
 cal hatred was developed against the giaours and their rule. On 
 the 9tli of September, 1881, the whole army, under the command 
 of Achmet Bey el Araby, a Mohammedan zealot, colonel of an 
 Egyptian regiment, surrounded the Khedive's palace in Cairo, 
 and extorted from him the dismissal of the Riaz ministry, and 
 the appointment of Sherif Pasha and a cabinet independent of 
 foreign control. For the present the political dictatorship re- 
 mains in the hands of Araby Bey ; but so long as the financial 
 control is not attacked, and the rights of foreigners are respect- 
 ed, England refuses to interfere, and France must pursue the 
 same policy. Of the two parties opposed to foreign influence, 
 the autonomous and the pan-Islamitic (the latter seeks to form 
 a close union of all Mohammedans, under the spiritual dominion 
 of the Sultan — a revival of the Caliphate), the former is the one 
 at present in power.* 
 
 * In Roumania, with a population of about 5,376,000 ; the Jews num- 
 ber 400,000, and the Gypsies 200,000. These Jews are the so-called Ash- 
 kenasim, or Polish Jews, who have come in from Russia in the last few 
 decades ; while the 75,000 Jews in the Balkan peninsula are Sephardim, or 
 Spanish Jews. In Bulgaria the Jews number about 9000, the Greeks 50,000, 
 the Bulgarians 1,100,000, and the Turks perhaps 400,000. In East Roumelia 
 the Jews number about 4000, the Greeks 43,000, the Bulgarians 570,000, the 
 Turks 180,000, and the Gypsies 20,000. In the immediate Turkish posses- 
 sions the Jews number about 55,000, the Greeks 1,200,000, the Bulgarians 
 
UNFRIENDLY ATTITÜDE TOWARD GERMANY. 567 
 
 § 31. 
 
 RUSSIA. 
 
 The treaty of Berlin left Russia dissatisfied, and put an end to 
 the cordial relations hitherto existing between that empire and 
 Germany. Gortchakoff had been outwitted. He had protected 
 the German rear in 1870 as effectively as if he had actively taken 
 part in the war, thus enabling Bismarck to annex Alsace and Lor- 
 raine, and exact whatever indemnity he saw fit ; and now, when 
 Russia's turn had come, Germany, instead of supporting the Rus- 
 sian claims, allowed other states to impose unfriendly conditions, 
 and herself sought to push Austria into Russia's would-be place, 
 as heir-apparent to the " Sick Man." Alexander's ardent admira- 
 tion and affection for his uncle, the Emperor William, seemed at 
 one time the only obstacle to war between the two empires. In 
 1879 and the first months of 1880 the Russian Press teemed with 
 attacks on Germany and Austria, both political and personal (for 
 example, great indignation was excited in Berlin by the insistence 
 of a St. Petersburg paper on the striking resemblance of the Ger- 
 man women to the bovine species, both in their inner nature and 
 their outward appearance), and the German Press remained no 
 whit behind. The increase of the tariff in Russia to ten per cent, 
 on goods of all sorts was regarded as a direct blow at German 
 industries, Germany being the country specially affected ; and a 
 similar interpretation was put upon the persistent policy of Rus- 
 sianization pursued in the semi-German Baltic provinces. The 
 people of both empires showed a tendency to magnify the most 
 indifferent actions into deliberate insult and intentional injury ; 
 but there was, nevertheless, in the actions of the Russian govern- 
 ment sufficient foundation for German accusations of ill-will. Two 
 
 1,000,000, the Turks 1,200,000, the Gypsies 50,000, the Albanians (principally 
 Mohammedan) 1,000,000, and the Roumanians 100,000. In the immediate 
 Turkish possessions in Europe the Christians of all confessions outnumber 
 the Mohammedans by about 600,000, and in Bulgaria and East Roumelia the 
 relative discrepancy is still greater. — Estimates from Andree's Atlas, 1881. 
 
568 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 hundred thousand Russian soldiers were massed on the German 
 frontiers in Poland and Lithuania, leaving the interior almost 
 stripped of troops at a time of great disturbance and discontent. 
 
 Russia had just emerged victorious, but bankrupt, from a war 
 with Turkey, in wliich, according to the official report, the Rus- 
 sian loss had been 321,000 men. That war had revealed cer- 
 tain deficiencies in the military system, rendering a reorganization 
 of the army advisable ; and this reorganization, which was to give 
 Russia an armed force of about 2,000,000 men, was scarcely yet 
 completed. Bankrupt, disaffected, and disorganized, she was in 
 reality in no fit plight to undertake a war with Germany. Aware 
 of this, Gortchakoif sought the alliance of France and Italy; in 
 order to neutralize which Bismarck, in the summer of 1879, con- 
 tracted an alliance with Austria. A Russian alliance with France 
 was rendered a final impossibility by the refusal of the latter 
 state, in March of 1880, to extradite Hartmann, accused of an at- 
 tempt on the life of the Czar. The somewhat questionable and 
 uncourteous conduct of de Freycinet's ministry, in spiriting 
 Hartmann across the Channel before OrloflE, the Russian ambassa- 
 dor, had had an opportunity to present all his proofs of the pris- 
 oner's identity — it should be added, however, that no extradition 
 treaty existed between the two countries — and the rather free 
 utterances of the Paris Press, so incensed the Russian emperor 
 that Orloff was directed to leave Paris for a time, and all idea of 
 a treaty seems to have been abandoned. The attempt on Alex- 
 ander's life in the Winter Palace, at St. Petersburg, February 
 l7th, 1880, and the subsequent "reign of terror" for the poor 
 Czar — calling forth, as they did, the warmest sympathy from 
 " Kaiser Wilhelm " — were also efficient factors in the preservation 
 of peace, by strengthening the strong bond of personal friend- 
 ship between the two sovereigns. Men came at last to feel that, 
 though the Czarevitch or the Crown Prince might go to war, so 
 long as the two emperors lived war between Russia and Germany 
 was an impossibility. 
 
 The last few years of Alexander's life were filled with a pa- 
 thetic and fruitless struggle against a hidden foe. His clemency 
 reaped the cruel harvest of Nicholas's despotism. The really 
 great reforms achieved by Alexander IL, following after the sav- 
 age tyranny of his father, served for the moment to corrupt rath- 
 er than improve the nation. When the wall that Nicholas had 
 
DEMANDS OF THE NIHILISTS. 569 
 
 erected between his empire and the rest of Europe was removed, 
 advanced ideas rushed in like a flood ; but, as the nation had not 
 been educated to receive them, their eifect was rather to destroy 
 all that existed — moral, social, and political — than to promote 
 civilization and good government. The past had become impos- 
 sible; the future was not yet ripe. The government — a compli- 
 cated bureaucracy, as well as an absolute autocracy — was corrupt 
 to the core ; and, however well-disposed an autocrat may be, cor- 
 ruption and bureaucracy do not readily lend themselves to any 
 reform, much less to the sweeping revolution which a comparison 
 of Russian conditions with the conditions of Western Europe 
 induced many to regard as an absolute and immediate necessity. 
 In the year 1874 a "social revolutionary" party was formed; 
 and from this, again, toward the end of 1876, the "People's par- 
 ty," which aimed at the overthrow of the existing political regime 
 and the formation of a new administration on a socialistic basis. 
 Out of the " People's party," about the middle of the year 1878, 
 was developed a new organization — the " Terrorists." These ex- 
 treme Nihilists believed in the use of the most desperate and 
 bloody means for the attainment of their ends, and, beginning 
 with the murder of obnoxious officials, rapidly progressed to that 
 of the emperor himself. The present strict, thorough, and secret 
 organization of Nihilism — with a directory and an executive com- 
 mittee, without whose knowledge and consent nothing can be 
 undertaken — was not perfected until the middle of the year 
 1879. 
 
 Eighty per cent, of the Nihilists belonged to the educated 
 classes, sixty per cent, of these being students of medicine, tech- 
 nology, and agriculture ; while twenty per cent, were peasants, 
 Jews, smugglers, and people of inferior education. Their adhe- 
 rents, in the army and among the ofiicial class, were numerous. 
 They were in possession of a large Press, and found means to 
 disseminate their publications far and wide among all classes of 
 the population. Immediately after the war with Turkey, in 1878, 
 they began to demand a constitution, and, in the name of the 
 people, declared war upon the whole existing governmental sys- 
 tem. Turkey had a constitution and a parliament, and the blood 
 of 300,000 Russians had been shed to obtain similar institu- 
 tions for Bulgaria. Was Russia alone unworthy of such free- 
 dom ? Their demands, printed in secret, and published broadcast 
 
570 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 through the land, could not fail to win adherents by opening 
 people's eyes to the terrible abuses under which they lived ; and 
 the half culture of the so-called educated classes, the venality of 
 officials, the uncertainty of judicial proceedings, each and all 
 helped to increase the evil. The demands of the Nihilists were 
 a constitutional government, abolition of the infamous third di- 
 vision (secret police), more humane treatment of political prison- 
 ers, reforms in the judicial system, and a prohibition of the in- 
 quisitorial proceedings by which confessions were extorted from 
 political prisoners by starvation, thirst, and the knout. The 
 third division, in particular, with its irresponsible processes and 
 its infamous system of inquisition, was a source of constant irri- 
 tation and a perpetual incitement to revolt. It had been estab- 
 lished by the Emperor Nicholas, in the year 1826, to detect cor- 
 ruption and repress revolution. It was independent of the law, 
 and from its proceedings lay no appeal. The chief of this de- 
 partment was responsible to the emperor alone. Although the 
 secret police could inflict no criminal punishment, their discre- 
 tionary power was enormous, for they could place under police 
 inspection, banish into distant cities, or imprison for life whom 
 they would, without being obliged to give account of their pro- 
 ceedings to any one whatever. And the more pronounced the 
 Nihilistic agitation became, the more despotic and unjustifiable 
 were the proceedings of the government and its secret agents ; 
 so that, in the years 1879 and 1880, 60,000 persons were sent to 
 Siberia by " administrative order," without any trial, merely on 
 suspicion of holding revolutionary opinions. 
 
 The desperate character of Nihilism, infecting the very women 
 and nerving their arms to the commission of the most atrocious 
 deeds, began to reveal itself in 1878. In that year General Me- 
 senzoflf, chief of the third division, was murdered in St. Peters- 
 burg, and unsuccessful attempts were made to assassinate officials 
 in Odessa. The resulting investigations, and the acquittal by a 
 jury of Vera Sassulitch, who had attempted to take the life of 
 Trepoff, the mayor, if he may be so called, of St. Petersburg, first 
 revealed to the government the extent of the evil, and the wide- 
 spread sympathy of the population. Resort Avas had to the se- 
 verest measures of repression ; trial of political offenders by jury 
 was abolished, and military law established in its place. The 
 Slavic committee in Moscow, so useful during the war, was sup- 
 
FIRST ATTEMPT OX THE EMPEROR. 571 
 
 pressed, on account of the democratic elements which were min- 
 gled in its pan-Shivic agitation. Several ministers, among them 
 the minister of justice and the minister of the interior, were re- 
 moved ; and Adjutant-general Drentelen was appointed chief of 
 the third division. EflEorts were also made to distract popular at- 
 tention from internal evils by military activity ; but all in vain — 
 the agitation only assumed a more definite form. A Nihilistic ex- 
 ecutive committee pronounced formal sentence of death on ob- 
 noxious officials, and its sentences were inevitably executed. The 
 daring and activity of the conspirators were appalling. Their 
 agents were ubiquitous, and woe betide the Nihilist who confess- 
 ed, for he was certain to be found murdered, with a paper affixed 
 to his person, narrating the cause of his death. On February 21st, 
 1879, Prince Krapotkin, governor of Charkoff, was assassinated, 
 and in all the larger cities a proclamation was posted, signed by 
 the executive committee at St. Petersburg, ascribing his death to 
 the tyrannous and brutal crimes of which he had been guilty. 
 
 On the 2oth of March an unsuccessful attempt was made to 
 assassinate Drentelen in St. Petersburg. Secret printing-presses 
 were discovered, and Nihilistic conspirators were condemned to 
 death or deportation ; but Nihilism was only spurred on to the 
 commission of more desperate deeds. On the 31st of March a 
 proclamation appeared, addressed to " Mr. Alexander Nikolaie- 
 vitch," in which it was announced that for the time being the 
 emperor's life was safe ; but that his officials, " the hell brood of 
 bloody despotism," must be exterminated by fire and sword. On 
 the 14th of April an attempt was made to shoot the emperor, 
 while walking in the neighborhood of the Winter Palace. It was 
 evident that the Nihilistic executive committee had hundreds of 
 resolute men and abundant means at its disposal ; and it was also 
 evident that the government, by introducing none of the required 
 reforms, was driving into active or passive participation in the 
 crimes of the Nihilists many who, under other circumstances, 
 might have proved good citizens. Men who disapproved of the 
 atrocious deeds of the conspirators, yet found themselves in par- 
 tial sympathy with their aims, were at last driven into active par- 
 ticipation in the crimes they abhorred by the tyranny of the se- 
 cret agents of the government. It seemed to them as well to be 
 Nihilists as to be punished for being so. 
 
 But the emperor and his advisers were afraid to make any con- 
 
572 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 cessions, lest they might strengthen the hands of the conspiracy, 
 and cherish a revohition which would sweep all before it. Se- 
 vere measures seemed to them the only hope of safety ; and ac- 
 cordingly, by a ukase of April 17th, Gourko, Loris Melikoff, and 
 Totleben were appointed provisional governor-generals, with dic- 
 tatorial powers, in the governments of St. Petersburg, Charkoff, 
 and Odessa, respectively ; and the already existing governor-gen- 
 erals of Moscow, Kieff, and Warsaw were clothed with similar au- 
 thority. This measure produced a momentary lull; but the after- 
 consequences were all the more disastrous. Incendiary fires, the 
 work of the Nihilists, broke out in Irbil, Perm, Uralsk, Oren- 
 burg, Moscow, and Nishni-Novgorod, doing great damage, and 
 causing everywhere a wide -spread feeling of uneasiness and a 
 vivid sense of the reality and determination of Nihilism. The 
 object of this move on the part of the Nihilists seems to have 
 been to spread distress, and consequent dissatisfaction, among 
 the people at large, the natural consequence of which would be 
 to weaken the government and increase the number of the disaf- 
 fected from whom to draw recruits for their ranks. 
 
 On the 1st of December another attempt was made to murder 
 the emperor, by blowing up the train on which he was to enter 
 Moscow. Usually the emperor's baggage-train preceded that in 
 which he himself travelled ; but on this occasion the order had 
 been reversed, and to this happy accident alone the emperor 
 owed the preservation of his life. On the l7th of February, 
 1880, an attempt was made to blow up the whole imperial fami- 
 ly, while at dinner in the Winter Palace, at St. Petersburg, and 
 again an accident saved his life. Dinner was half an hour late, 
 on account of Prince Alexander of Hesse, who had just arrived 
 in St. Petersburg. Detailed information of this plot had been in 
 the hands of General Gourko, General Drentelen, and those in 
 charge of the palace, since November of 1879, and yet nothing 
 whatever had been done to prevent its execution. The incompe- 
 tence and corruption revealed by the investigation were amazing. 
 The emperor's spirit seemed broken, and he even talked of re- 
 signiug his uneasy position to his son and leaving the country, 
 but was finally induced to abandon this design, remain in Russia, 
 and place the charge of the whole administration in the hands of 
 one trusty and efficient servant. An imperial ukase of February 
 24th abolished the post of governor-general of St. Petersburg, 
 
MELIKOFF DICTATOR. 573 
 
 and decreed that, for tlie preservation of order in the capital, an 
 executive commission should be established, consisting of Loris 
 Melikoff, as chief, assisted by members of his own appointment. 
 Melikoff was invested with the prerogatives of a military com- 
 mander in St. Petersburg and the surrounding district ; political 
 prosecutions throughout the whole empire were placed under his 
 direct control, and all officials were subordinated to him, and di- 
 rected to render him all the assistance in their power. Scarcely 
 had he been clothed with office when an attempt was made on 
 his life (March 3d) by a baptized Jew named Mloditzki. The 
 attempt failed, and the would-be murderer was strangled ; but 
 the spirit of Nihilism was well illustrated in his words : " If it is 
 not I, it will be another ; and if it is not the other, it will be a 
 third. Count Melikoff will be murdered by us." Almost simul- 
 taneously with this attempt appeared another Nihilistic proclama- 
 tion, affirming the government to be the greatest hinderance to 
 the free development of the national life, and announcing that 
 the Nihilists would not abandon the fight until Alexander II. 
 surrendered his power into the hands of the people, and the 
 foundation of a social reform was laid by a constituent national 
 assembly. 
 
 Much was expected of Melikoff, and the greatest confidence 
 was felt in both his ability and integrity. He at once denied 
 any intention of granting a constitution ; but, recognizing the 
 fact that the wide-spread disaffection could not be repressed by 
 force alone, proposed to introduce reforms of an administrative 
 nature. The Press laws were revised ; an inspection of the pris- 
 ons was undertaken, in consequence of which thirty per cent, of 
 the " rebels" confined in them were released, and the trials of the 
 remainder considerably expedited; and some 2000 young men 
 who had been expelled from government institutions were re-ad- 
 mitted. Important changes were also made in the organization 
 and ^^ersonneZ of the various departments of the government, 
 with the result of largely increasing Melikoff's sphere of activity. 
 Tolstoi, the unpopular minister of public instruction, who seemed 
 to regard the whole educational system as a police machine, sub- 
 jecting both teachers and students to wanton tyranny, was dis- 
 missed, and his place filled by Saburoff, the curator of the Dorpater 
 university. Drentelen, chief of the third division, was removed; 
 but the obnoxious institution itself was still retained, only under 
 
574 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 another name, " department of imperial police," whicli was united 
 with the ordinary police, and placed directly under Melikoff's 
 control as minister of the interior, A lull ensued in the activity 
 of the Nihilists, and a general hope was entertained that the con- 
 ciliatory measures of the new dictator might defeat the desperate 
 schemes of the conspirators ; but this hope was doomed to dis- 
 appointment. The eflFect of MelikoS's measures was scarcely 
 perceptible outside of St. Petersburg. The complicated bureau- 
 cratic system of administration in the Russian empire practically 
 left unlimited power in each province in the hands of the govern- 
 or of that province, and this power seems in many, if not most, 
 cases to have been exercised in an arbitrary and unjustifiable way, 
 so that thousands of innocent persons were still sent to Siberia 
 on mere " administrative order," thus supplying the Nihilists with 
 plentiful cause of complaint. The directory and executive com- 
 mittee had before this time been forced to leave the country and 
 establish themselves, no one knows where — perhaps in Austria ; 
 but the activity of their agents had suffered no check. 
 
 On the 13th of March, 1881, as the emperor, attended by an 
 armed escort, was driving through the streets of the capital, his 
 carriage was wrecked by the explosion of a glass bomb filled with 
 dynamite ; and as the monarch alighted from the shattered vehicle 
 another bomb, exploding at his feet, completed the work of assas- 
 sination. On the 14th his eldest son was proclaimed emperor, un- 
 der the title of Alexander III. The Nihilists forthwith addressed 
 a proclamation to the new emperor in justification of their deed, 
 denying that there was any real government in Russia, or any- 
 thing better than a " camarilla," which had reduced the masses 
 to ** beggary and ruin ;" proposing a complete amnesty, to be fol- 
 lowed by the election of a popular legislative assembly by uni- 
 versal suffrage; and offering to conform unconditionally to the 
 decision of such an assembly, and refrain " from violent proceed- 
 ings against the government" which it might sanction. The 
 emperor was, furthermore, threatened with assassination in case 
 the Nihilists concerned in the murder of Alexander II. were put 
 to death. For a time he seems to have wavered between a com- 
 paratively liberal and an ultra-repressive policy ; but the advocates 
 of severity prevailed. Melikoff was superseded by Ignatieff, and 
 at once left, or was banished from, the country. Recourse was 
 had to the policy so long pursued by Nicholas, and the endeavor 
 
RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA. 51 5 
 
 of the present administration is to bar out western ideas and civ- 
 ilization from the Russian empire. The emperor has become a 
 prisoner in remote palaces, surrounded by an army, and accessible 
 to no one. It is impossible not to believe, with the Nihilists, 
 that the end of all this must be a terrible convulsion, affecting alj 
 Russia, and perhaps a second French Revolution, involving the 
 whole of Europe. That this result is feared by Bismarck is evi- 
 dent ; and the meeting of the Russian and German emperors in 
 Dantzic, in September of 1881, and the proposed meeting of 
 Alexander III. and Francis Joseph, seem to indicate a renewal of 
 the alliance of the three emperors for the purpose of combating 
 Nihilism. Pressure has also been brought to bear upon Switzer- 
 land, and threats have been resorted to with a view to forcing 
 that republic to limit its objectionable hospitality ; in consequence 
 of which the authorities have prohibited a Nihilistic congress, 
 and forbidden Nihilistic demonstrations. 
 
 The policy of the new emperor in Central Asia seems likely, 
 under the influence of internal danger, to be less aggressive than 
 that of his predecessor. In 1879 a "punitory expedition," con- 
 sisting of 20,000 men, with 15,000 camels, under General Laza- 
 reff, was sent out to chastise the Tekke-Turcomans ; but the real 
 objective of the expedition was Merv, an important post, from 
 which both Medshed, in Persia, and Herat, in Afghanistan, are 
 readily accessible. Lazareff died on the march ; and his succes- 
 sor, Lomakin, was defeated at Dengiltepe, on the 9th of Sep- 
 tember. In the following year a new expedition was sent out 
 under General Skobeleff, who succeeded in defeating the Tekke- 
 Turcomans and taking Geoktepe and Askabat ; and there the 
 Russians have halted for the present. A quarrel regarding the 
 district of Kuldsha almost involved Russia in a war with China, in 
 the years 1879 and 1880. The Russians had taken possession of 
 this province in 1871, on account of the temporary inability of 
 the Chinese to control the inroads of the robber tribes i-esiding 
 there, but professed themselves ready to restore it on repayment 
 by the Chinese government of the costs of occupation, and a guar- 
 antee against farther predatory incursions. A treaty to this effect 
 was concluded by the Chinese ambassador, in St. Petersburg, in 
 1879, after the Celestial government had succeeded in subduing 
 the revolt in Kashgar ; but this treaty was rejected by the home 
 authorities, and the unconditional restitution of the district de- 
 
576 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 manded. At length, in 1880, a new treaty, confirmed by botli 
 parties, was concluded, by which the province was restored to 
 China, with the exception of a small district in the north-west, 
 ■which was reserved for those of the inhabitants who might prefer 
 to remain under Russian rule. 
 
 At a time when the Jewish question is exciting so much atten- 
 tion everywhere, it will not do to pass on to other countries with- 
 out recording the Jewish riots which broke out in Kieff and oth- 
 er governments in the spring and summer of 1881, resulting in 
 bloodshed, and assuming such proportions that the interference of 
 the police became necessary. The Jews residing in Russia num- 
 ber about 2,600,000. They are confined by law to certain lo- 
 calities, and are especially numerous in Poland and the Ukraine. 
 Within the last thirty or forty years 400,000 have emigrated to 
 Roumania, numbers are constantly leaving Russia for Germany, 
 and a movement is now on foot which promises a large emigra- 
 tion to the Iberian peninsula. 
 
 § 32. 
 
 GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 
 
 The Russian advance in Central Asia has long been a source of 
 uneasiness to a large part of the English nation, from a belief that 
 it must ultimately endanger British rule in India, the Conservative 
 leaders in general regarding Russia as England's natural enemy. 
 Disraeli did, indeed, state, in the House of Commons, in May of 
 1876, in answer to an interpellation from Cochrane, that Russia 
 had a great mission in the East, and that Russian conquests in 
 Asia furthered the cause of civilization, and should give the Eng- 
 lish people no occasion for uneasiness; but this state of mind was 
 merely temporary ; and it is even doubtful whether it was a state 
 of mind at all, for, in defence of the new title, Empress of India 
 {India; l77iperatrix), which was conferred upon the Queen in April 
 of that year, he argued that, to avoid disaffection in the Indian 
 empire, in view of Russia's near approach, it was necessary for 
 the British sovereign to bear a title not inferior to that of Rus- 
 sia's autocrat. This change of title was a sequence to the expen- 
 
RUSSIA AND ENGLAND IN AFGHANISTAN. 577 
 
 sive journey to India undertaken by the Prince of Wales in the 
 winter of 1875-76, with a view to dazzHng the eyes of Indian 
 potentates and peoples by a vision of England's power and splen- 
 dor. Both were parts of a new and imposing scheme of impe- 
 rial polic}^, which soon involved England in expensive and inglo- 
 rious wars in Africa and Asia, and came near embroiling her in 
 an afEray with Russia for the protection of the Turk, as has been 
 already narrated in a previous section. 
 
 It was characteristic of this new policy — more prone to brill- 
 iant foreign aggression than tame domestic improvement — that 
 Lord Lytton, the poetical governor -general of India, should at- 
 tempt to disregard and conceal a serious famine, involving great 
 loss of life, in a part of the empire under his control, at the same 
 time that he was contriving the annexation of new territory. In 
 1877, by a treaty with the Prince of Beloochistan, Quetta, in the 
 Bholan pass, on the road to Kandahar and Cabul, was occupied by 
 a British garrison. The Ameer of Afghanistan, Shere Ali, who 
 regarded Beloochistan as a tributary province, and saw in the an- 
 nexation of the tributary a preliminary to the conquest of the 
 suzerain, displayed from this time forward a disposition to seek 
 a Russian alliance. On the 22d of July, 1878, a Russian ambas- 
 sador. General Stolyetoff, appeared in Cabal, with a suite of sev- 
 eral officers and a guard of Cossacks, while a larger escort re- 
 mained in waiting on the frontier ; and, on the 5th of September, 
 General Kaufmann received a return embassy from the Ameer in 
 Tashkent. This was a breach of the understanding by which a 
 sort of neutral zone had been established between the English 
 and Russian possessions in Asia, and was afterward explained by 
 the Czar's government as part of their preparations for war at a 
 moment when war with England seemed imminent. At the time 
 English inquiries at St. Petersburg were answered with prevari- 
 cations and denials ; and when the fact of Stolyetofi's mission 
 was at length admitted, it was explained as a mere act of cour- 
 tesy on General Kaufmann's part, for which the central govern- 
 ment was not responsible. Simultaneously with these intrigues 
 in Cabul an expedition against Merv was in preparation, which, 
 if it had been successful, would have enabled Russia to seize 
 Herat, and contend for the mastery of Afghanistan on equal terms 
 with England. Lord Lytton, who had in the previous year vain- 
 ly endeavored to conclude a lre*aty of offence and defence with 
 
578 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Shere Ali, including the maintenance of English agents at Herat, 
 Kandahar, and Cabul, now sent Sir Neville Chamberlain as am- 
 bassador to Cabul, with an escort of about 1000 men. The com- 
 mandant at the mouth of the Khyber pass refused to permit this 
 force to enter Afghan territory until he had received farther in- 
 structions from his master. On the 2d of November an ultima- 
 tum was sent to the Ameer ; and, as no answer was received by 
 the 20th, the British troops were ordered to invade his territories. 
 The time granted appears to have been insufficient. The answer, 
 dated November 19th (which an Afghan officer delivered in Dak- 
 ka on the 30th), while offering to receive a temporary embassy, 
 with a moderate escort, declined, for reasons apparently valid, to 
 receive a permanent resident, or an army under the name of an 
 escort ; but the English were already on the road to Cabul. 
 
 On the 13th of December, leaving his son, Yakoob Khan, be- 
 hind him, as his representative, Shere Ali, attended by General 
 Rosganoff — who had remained in the Afghan capital after the 
 departure of the Russian embassy, professedly detained by the 
 Ameer against his will — fled to Mazarisherif, near Balkh. From 
 this place he sent four ambassadors to Tashkent, to entreat the 
 assistance of the Czar; but Russian relations with England had 
 undergone a change, and his request was refused. On the 21st 
 of February, 1879, Shere All died ; and a few days later Yakoob 
 Khan succeeded in driving out or reducing to submission the 
 various pretenders to the throne, and establishing himself in 
 Cabul as his father's successor. On the 8th of May he appeared 
 in the British head -quarters at Gundamak, between Jellalabad 
 and Cabul ; and on the 26th of the same month a treaty was 
 concluded by winch the Khyber and Peiwar passes, and the 
 Pishni valley remained in the hands of the English, who were 
 to hand over the surplus revenue to Yakoob Khan. Jellalabad 
 and Kandahar were restored, an annual subsidy of £60,000 was 
 guaranteed to the Ameer, and an English resident, with a suitable 
 escort, was to be received in Cabul. In accordance with the terms 
 of this treaty Sir Louis Cavagnari, with an escort of about seventy 
 men, appeared in the Afghan capital on the 24th of July, 1879, 
 and the English troops began to evacuate the Ameer's territory. 
 The events of 1841 were repeated almost in their details. On 
 the 3d of September a mutiny broke out in Cabul, and Major 
 Cavagnari was massacred, with his whole escort. Anarchy pre- 
 
THE WAR IN AFGHANISTAN. 579 
 
 vailed in all parts of the country, the Ameer's authority being 
 nowhere respected. He himself took refuge in the English 
 camp, abdicated his faint semblance of power, and was despatch- 
 ed to India, under grave suspicion of participation or connivance 
 in the massacre. To avenge Cavagnari's murder General Roberts 
 entered Cabul on the 13th of October, and at once instituted a 
 reign of terror, hanging, it is said, twenty-five or thirty persons 
 daily. The Afghan chiefs now managed for a time to lay aside 
 their private animosities ; and a force of 30,000 men, under Ma- 
 homed Yan and other leaders, obliged Roberts, who h:id but VOOO 
 men at his disposal, to evacuate Cabul and concentrate his forces 
 in the fortified camp of Sherpur, nine or ten miles away. On the 
 24th, however, he succeeded in scattering the enemy's forces and 
 retaking Cabul ; and on the same day General Gough arrived 
 with a re-enforcement of 2000 men. An amnesty was at once 
 published, from which only the leaders of the " insurgents " were 
 excluded ; and those who did not submit seem to have been 
 treated as rebels against lawfully constituted authority. The 
 question now was to find some chief who could maintain himself 
 upon the throne; that is, who was strong enough to hold the nu- 
 merous and unruly chieftains of the various tribes in some sort of 
 subjection, and who would at the same time preserve friendly 
 relations with England. The most promising candidate seemed 
 to be Abdurrahman, a direct descendant of Dost Mahomed, who 
 had just returned from an enforced retirement in Russian domin- 
 ions, and with him negotiations were forthwith commenced. The 
 Liberal government, which came into power in April of 1880, 
 decided to abandon the " scientific frontier " and retire within 
 the former boundaries ; but the task of getting out of the coun- 
 try proved almost as difficult as that of getting in had been. At 
 last, on the 22d of July, Mahomed Yan and a number of other 
 chieftains having acknowledged Abdurrahman as their sovereign, 
 the English authorities recognized him as Ameer, and prepared 
 to evacuate the country, without embarrassing him and endan- 
 gering his position by forcing him to conclude a formal treaty 
 of any description. Five days later, at Kushk-i-Nakhud, Ayoub 
 Khan, of Herat, with a force of 12,000 men, utterly defeated 
 General Burrow, with 3000, and forced him to take refuge in 
 Kandahar, leaving 1240 Englishmen dead or wounded on the 
 field, besides native troops. Ayoub followed him up, and com- 
 
580 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 menced the siege of Kandahar, but abandoned it again on tbe 
 approach of General Roberts from the north. The latter, hand- 
 ing over Cabul to Abdurrahman, and evacuating the whole north- 
 ern part of Afghanistan, reached Kandahar, after a brilliant march, 
 on the 31st of August, 1880. On the following day he attacked 
 Ayoub Khan at Sangiri, utterly scattered his forces, and sent him 
 in wild flight back to Herat. Little by little the remaining posi- 
 tions in Afghanistan were surrendered to the natives ; and at last, 
 abandoning Kandahar, the English troops retraced their steps 
 across the Bholan pass, leaving the Afghans to their own devices 
 — that is, during part of the year to gather their own or their 
 neighbors' crops, and during the remainder to wage a semi-pred- 
 atory warfare. When Abdurrahman's troops desert to Ayoub, 
 Ayoub is victorious ; and when Ayoub's troops desert to Abdur- 
 rahman, the tables are reversed ; and one rules at Herat and the 
 other at Cabul, and still others elsewhere ; and many neither rule 
 nor are ruled. More than $80,000,000 — made a burden on the 
 already embarrassed Indian exchequer — had been thrown away, 
 and 50,000 lives of friend and foe wasted, to re-establish anarchy 
 in Afghanistan, and revive among the natives the bitter hatred 
 toward England which time was gradually wearing out. Russia 
 could not have wished for any greater success. 
 
 British South African policy cannot plead the excuse of the 
 Russian spectre. The government aimed at the creation of a 
 South African confederation. Of the European states in South- 
 ern Africa, Cape Colony and Natal were directly under British 
 rule, while the Orange Free State and the Transvaal Republic 
 were independent colonies. In addition to these four European 
 states, there were several more or less highly organized native 
 ones, the chief of which was the Zulu kingdom, to the north of 
 Natal, consisting of a number of petty tribes, united under the 
 headship of Cetewayo. The new policy aimed at the formation 
 of a confederation under British control, embracing all the Euro- 
 pean states, and the subjugation or gradual extinction of the na- 
 tive kingdoms. The Transvaal, the independence of which had 
 been recognized by England in 1852, comprised a vast stretch 
 of country, thinly peopled by about 40,000 Dutch Boers and 
 1,000,000 negroes. The former, who had emigrated from Cape 
 Colony to escape from British rule, were fanatical and intolerant 
 Old Testament Christians. In addition to general bad treatment 
 
THE ZULU WAR. 581 
 
 of the natives, under the name of " apprenticeship," they seem to 
 liave practised a sort of slavery. Finally they became involved 
 in war with Secocoeni, chief of the Mantatis — who is said to 
 have received secret assistance from English sources — and their 
 very existence was seriously threatened. Some of the dissatisfied 
 Boers now applied for annexation to England, and Sir Theophilus 
 Shepstone was despatched to Pretoria, the capital of the Trans- 
 vaal, to open negotiations with that end in view, "British in- 
 terests" were also threatened by a proposed railroad connecting 
 the Transvaal with Delagoa Bay, a Portuguese possession. In 
 spite of the protest of President Burgers and the Volksraad, or 
 popular assembly, Shepstone, on the ground that these did not 
 represent the true sentiment of the country, annexed the republic 
 to England. English troops marched in; and on the 12th of 
 April, 1877, the English flag was hoisted in Pretoria, It seems 
 probable that the home government actually believed that Bur- 
 gers and the Volksraad did not represent the real wishes of the 
 population. That opinion once adopted, repeated protests and 
 remonstrances failed to find a hearing with either government or 
 people. It may be that " British interests " increased the general 
 deafness; at least, in 1878, Sir Michael Hicks Beach, colonial sec- 
 retary, explained the grounds of the annexation to be the necessi- 
 ty of opening new markets for English goods; and in the same 
 year, in order the better to control this new market, Delagoa Bay 
 was purchased from the Portuguese for the sum of £600,000, 
 and orders were issued for the construction of a railroad from 
 that point to the Transvaal. Lucia Bay, to the south of Dela- 
 goa, was also a desirable acquisition. This was in the hands of 
 the Zulus ; and, in order to gain possession of it, Sir Bartle Frere, 
 who had been sent to South Africa as lord high commissioner, 
 to carry out the confederation policy, deliberately picked a quar- 
 rel with Cetewayo, although the latter had always shown himself 
 disposed to maintain the most friendly relations with his English 
 neighbors. Lord Chelmsford invaded the Zulu country with about 
 10,000 men ; but, in his contempt for a savage foe, he allowed 
 himself to be completely outgeneralled. One column was anni- 
 hilated at Isandula, on the 22d of January, 1879; a second, un- 
 der Colonel Pearson, was besieged in Ekowe ; and a third, under 
 Colonel Wood, was obliged to retreat to Utrecht, in the Trans- 
 vaal. Inspired by Cctewayo's success, the Basutos also rose, un- 
 
582 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 der their chief Morosi, and destroyed an English provision train 
 at Lüneburg, in the Transvaal, on the 12th of March, The dan- 
 ger to the white settlers in Natal was imminent. Troops were 
 despatched with all speed from England, India, and Mauritius ; 
 while the Irish Press was jubilant over the news of English dis- 
 aster. In the House of Lords the Marquis of Lansdowne moved 
 a vote of censure against the government on account of its policy 
 in South Africa. In his answer to this motion, which was de- 
 feated by a vote of 156 to 61, Lord Beaconsfield admitted that 
 Sir Bartle Frere had overstepped his powers, but insisted, never- 
 theless, that he was the right man for the place. Lord Chelms- 
 ford, also, was at first retained in his position as commander-in- 
 chief ; but before long Sir Garnet Wolseley was sent out as civil 
 and military governor in Natal and the Transvaal, and lord high 
 commissioner for the direction of English relations with the na- 
 tives, thus superseding Lord Chelmsford, and limiting Sir Bartle 
 Frere's sphere of activity to the Cape Colony, As soon as re-en- 
 forcements reached him Chelmsford had again assumed the of- 
 fensive, and succeeded in relieving Colonel Pearson. Wolseley's 
 arrival redoubled his activity ; and on the 4th of July, at Ulundi, 
 he completely defeated Cetewayo's army. The brave chief's fol- 
 lowers deserted him ; and on the 28th of August, after a sixteen 
 days' chase, he himself was captured. Morosi and Secocoeni were 
 subdued shortly after — the former falling in battle, and the latter 
 being taken prisoner ; and so, after costing £4,500,000 — no part 
 of which the colonists would consent to pay — the Zulu war, 
 which had acquired a sort of an international character by the 
 death of Prince Napoleon (June 1st, 1879), while engaged in a 
 reconnoissance, was at an end. 
 
 But this did not terminate English troubles in South Africa. 
 The Boers still continued to protest against annexation, and, at 
 a meeting held on the 10th of December, 1879, determined not 
 to submit to English rule. Krüger was chosen president, and a 
 fruitless conference was held with Sir Garnet Wolseley. Glad- 
 stone's accession to power did not alter the situation, and a me- 
 morial presented by Krüger and Joubert, asking for the restora- 
 tion of their independence, met with a refusal. Toward the end 
 of the year 1880, taking advantage of a new rising of the Basutos 
 and other tribes, the Boers resolved to assert their independence 
 by force of arms. Five thousand men were soon collected ; Joubert 
 
WAR WITH THE BOERS.— IRISH TROUBLES. 583 
 
 was chosen commaTidcr-in-chief, and Krüger president of the re- 
 public — and hostilities began. Several successes were won, and, 
 to the surprise of the whole English nation, the Boers proved 
 themselves excellent fighters ; but it was, of course, manifest that, 
 however brave they might be, a mere handful of farmers could 
 not maintain a successful struggle against the inexhaustible re- 
 sources of the British empire. The justice of their cause was 
 universally acknowledged, even in England; but, inasmuch as 
 "civilized" policy forbids all retraction in dealings with weak or 
 semi-civilized states, it was assumed on every side that the war 
 would be prosecuted and the Boers subdued. Gladstone's gov- 
 ernment, however, convinced at last by their stubborn resistance 
 of the injustice and bad policy of the annexation, granted their 
 demands, and restored their independence — so far, at least, as the 
 administration of their internal affairs was concerned. By the 
 terms of the treaty England reserved a nominal suzerainty, the 
 management of the foreign relations of the republic, and the 
 right of interference for the protection of the natives ; while the 
 Boers conceded the principle of religious toleration, and abolished 
 slavery. It was the more difficult for England to make such 
 concessions because Sir George Colley, the commander of the 
 British forces, had just been defeated and slain in a rash attack 
 on Majuba Hill, undertaken to redeem his reputation from the 
 disgrace of previous defeat at the hands of undisciplined irregu- 
 lars. In conclusion, it should be added that, notwithstanding 
 England's vast outlay of men and money, the plan of a South 
 African confederation proved an utter failure, Cape Colony re- 
 fusing its consent to such a scheme. 
 
 This great activity in foreign affairs — a reaction against the 
 unenterprising foreign policy of the Liberal administration, which 
 had been overthrown in 1874 — was balanced by inaction in 
 domestic matters ; and had it not been for the Irish agitation, 
 we should have absolutely nothing to record in the home field. 
 The Irish people, without manufactures and without commerce, 
 are wholly dependent upon agriculture. The land is in the hands 
 of comparatively few liolders, and those, to all intents and pur- 
 poses, foreigners, of alien religion, who are a burden on the land, 
 bringing little money in and taking much out. The prevailing 
 English sentiment regards the Irish as incapable of managing 
 their own affairs, so that not only is the Irish secretary invariably 
 
584 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 an Englishman — and frequently offensively so — and not only is 
 Irish legislation framed by English legislators, without much ref- 
 erence to Irish -wishes or comprehension of Irish peculiarities, 
 but the landlords, as a rule, feel themselves at liberty to interfere 
 ■with and regulate the affairs of their tenants in the most minute 
 and personal details. Moreover, until the summer of 1881, the 
 laws left in the hands of the landlords practically absolute power 
 ■with reference to rents and evictions. A law limiting this power 
 ■was passed in 1870, as a result of the Fenian agitation, but proved 
 ineffectual, inasmuch as the tenants were allowed to contract 
 themselves out of its operation, and landlords -were always able 
 to find tenants willing to do so. Agitation was recommenced ; 
 the cry of home rule was raised once more ; and in 1876 a policy 
 of more or less systematic obstruction was begun by some of the 
 Irish members in the House of Commons, under the lead princi- 
 pally of Parnell. This obstruction consisted in long and irrele- 
 vant speeches, with repeated motions to amend or adjourn, and 
 was intended, by perpetually obstructing the business of the im- 
 perial parliament, to induce the English to give Ireland a parlia- 
 ment of its own. The bad harvests of 1879 and 1880 increased 
 the distress. Before the Conservative ministry went out of office 
 agrarian outrages had already commenced, and the collection of 
 rents was everywhere fast becoming an impossibility. The elec- 
 tions for a new parliament, which began on the 30th of March, 
 1880, and resulted in the return of three hundred and forty-two 
 Liberals, two hundred and forty Conservatives, and sixty-three 
 Home -rulers, forced Beaconsfield (Benjamin Disraeli, created 
 Viscount of Hughenden and Earl of Beaconsfield, August 12th, 
 1876), to lay down his office, and compelled the queen, much 
 against her personal wishes, to intrust Mr. Gladstone with the 
 formation of a new cabinet. A bill was at once brought forward 
 appropriating money for the relief of minor tenants evicted for 
 non-payment of rent. Notwithstanding the combined opposition 
 of the Conservatives and Home-rulers, this measure passed the 
 House by a majority of sixty-six, but was thrown out in the 
 House of Lords by a vote of two hundred and eighty-two to 
 fifty-one (August 4th) ; and nothing more was attempted during 
 that session. Among the chief opponents of the bill in the Up- 
 per House was the Marquis of Lansdowne, a great Irish land- 
 holder, who laid down the position of under-secretary of state for 
 
THE LAND LEAGUE AND THE LAND LAWS. 585 
 
 India to oppose what lie regarded as the socialistic and revolu- 
 tionary character of the bill. 
 
 In Ireland the excitement was on the increase. The Land 
 League had been formed, and had found numerous adherents ev- 
 erywhere, but especially in the western counties. The non-politi- 
 cal demands of its more moderate members were fair rent, fixity 
 of tenure, and free sale — the so-called " three F's." Violen^ meas- 
 ures were resorted to, and still more violent language indulged in, 
 Parnell went to America, to solicit assistance from Irish-Ameri- 
 cans. No rent was paid, landlords were shot, evictions were re- 
 sisted. Parliament I'eassembled on the 6th of January, 1881, and 
 Parnell's followers at once commenced a policy of the most fac- 
 tious obstruction. The debate on the address occupied the un- 
 precedented time of eight days. Then the ministry brought for- 
 ward a coercion bill suspending the habeas corpus act in Ireland, 
 and bestowing on the lord -lieutenant extraordinary powers for 
 the suppression of the disturbances. The obstruction in parlia- 
 ment became only the more obstinate ; until at last it was evident 
 that the House of Commons, like other legislative bodies — ex- 
 cepting the Hungarian and Swedish parliaments — must adopt 
 some form of the cloture, or " previous question." The crisis was 
 reached on the morning of Wednesday, February 2d — after the 
 House had been in uninterrupted session since the evening of the 
 previous Monday — by the arbitrary exercise of the Speaker's pre- 
 rogative, for the purpose of closing the debate ; whereupon the 
 Home-rulers left the House in a body. On the following day a 
 rule was adopted by which, at the motion of the ministry, a meas- 
 ure may be declared " urgent" by a vote of three to one in a house 
 of three hundred ; and so soon as urgency has been declared the 
 Speaker is obliged to put the question without adjournment or 
 debate. The coercion bill was passed, as well as an arms bill, for- 
 bidding the possession of arms in certain districts ; and finally the 
 land bill was brought forward. This bill, which in substance 
 granted the " three F's " demanded by the agitators, drove the 
 Duke of Argyll out of the cabinet, and frightened, if it did not 
 alienate, the whole body of Whigs, or conservative, land-holding 
 Liberals. It gave the tenant absolute fixity of tenure as long as 
 he paid a " fair rent ;" and in case of disagreement between land- 
 lord and tenant, that is to be determined for a period of fifteen 
 years by the decision of a court, at the end of which time a re- 
 
 25* 
 
586 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 adjustment may be made. In case of eviction for any cause the 
 tenant is entitled to compensation for his improvements — such 
 compensation to be paid by the landlord, or obtained by free sale 
 to the highest bidder; and no tenant paying less than $750 a 
 year is allowed to contract himself out of the operation of the act. 
 In addition to this a land commission was to be created, armed 
 with power to advance money to tenants for the purchase of their 
 farms, or the reclamation of waste lands, or for the purpose of as- 
 sisting would-be emigrants. The bill, although opposed by the 
 Parnellites, or extreme members of the Home-rule party, because 
 it did not abolish landlords altogether, and by the Conservatives 
 because it deprived the landlords of too many of their rights, 
 passed the House on the 29th of July by a vote of 220 to 14, 
 most of its opponents refraining from voting. In the Lords, 
 where Lord Salisbury had become the leader of the Opposition 
 by the death of Lord Beaconsfield, on the 19th of April, it met 
 with serious opposition, and was finally returned to the House 
 (August 9th) loaded down with amendments radically altering its 
 character. There was for a time considerable fear entertained of 
 a collision between the two Houses, resulting in a dissolution, but 
 this result was happily avoided. The Lords withdrew their oppo- 
 sition, and the land bill, with its main features unchanged, re- 
 ceived the royal sanction and became law on the 22d of August. 
 At first the Land-leaguers seemed inclined to give the new meas- 
 ure a trial, but their tactics soon changed, and a policy of obstruc- 
 tion began. Hitherto a mild use had been made of the extraor- 
 dinary powers conferred upon the government by the coercion 
 act, but in October a change of policy was resolved upon. The 
 government began to arrest all persons regarded as dangerous. 
 Parnell himself was lodged in Kilraainham Jail, in Dublin, on the 
 13th of October. At the instigation of the Irish-Americans, to 
 whom the Leaguers were indebted for so large a portion of their 
 funds, the chiefs of the League answered this action of the Eng- 
 lish government by the publication of a "no rent" manifesto. 
 This led to the prohibition of the Land League as a seditious or- 
 ganization, and also forced the Roman Catholic hierarchy to pro- 
 nounce against it. The ultimate effect of the land law it is as yet 
 impossible to predict, but the present condition of the Irish ques- 
 tion is eminently unsatisfactory. 
 
ÄNDR ASSY'S FOREIGN POLICY. 587 
 
 §33. 
 
 AUSTRO-nUNGARY. 
 
 The annexation to Austro-Hungary of Bosnia and Herzego- 
 vina, in accordance with the provisions of the Berlin treaty, has 
 already been narrated. A dispute at once arose as to which of 
 the two halves of the dual empire should receive the newly-ac- 
 quired provinces ; and it was settled that, like Alsace and Lor- 
 raine, in the German empire, they should be imperial lands, be- 
 longing neither to Austria nor Hungary, but governed directly 
 by the common imperial government. The sandshak of Novi- 
 Bazar was not occupied in 1878; the resistance met with in the 
 other parts of the annexed region, and the necessity of economy, 
 inducing Andrassy to confine the occupation as much as possi- 
 ble; but in 1879, a convention having been at last concluded 
 with the Porte, Austrian troops took possession of that district 
 also, thus building a wall of division between Servia and Monte- 
 negro, and giving Austria the command of the road to the ^geau 
 Sea. The attitude of the different parts of the empire, Avith re- 
 gard to the whole Eastern question, had obliged the premier, 
 with the support of the Austrian and Hungarian ministers, to 
 take the law into his own hands. He had found it expedient to 
 act first, and ask the wills of the popular representatives after- 
 ward. This course excited much dissatisfaction, especially among 
 the Constitutional party in Cisleithania. The budget laid before 
 the Austrian and Hungarian delegations in Pesth, in November 
 of 1878, was severely attacked in the budget commission of the 
 former by the Constitutional party, under the lead of Herbst, 
 who was hostile to Andrassy and aimed at his overthrow. The 
 latter finally obtained a vote of indemnity for the 41,000,000 
 gulden by which the original appropriation of 60,000,000 gulden 
 had already been exceeded, as well as an additional 35,000,000 
 gulden to cover the expenses of the occupation for the year 1879, 
 but not until the whole matter had been referred to the Reichs' 
 rath (Austria) and the Reichstag (Hungary), Avith the object of 
 
688 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 subjecting his policy to a more searching and public criticism, 
 and thus exerting a more efficient check upon his actions. It was 
 plain that, although they consented to accept an accomplished 
 fact, the Constitutional or German party were not satisfied with 
 Andrassy's policy in the matter of the annexation ; and it is also 
 plain that, if he had confined himself to strictly constitutional 
 measures, Bosnia and Herzegovina could not have been annexed, 
 nor the Berlin treaty concluded. The annexation, and indeed 
 the Berlin treaty in general, cost Austria the friendship of Rus- 
 sia, but proportionally strengthened her alliance with Germany. 
 It was evidently Bismarck's policy to push Austria forward on 
 the road to Constantinople, thus checkmating Russian ambition 
 in that direction, and at the same time definitively excluding Aus- 
 tria from all participation in German affairs ; and Austria had 
 accepted the part assigned her. The threatening attitude of Rus- 
 sia led to the formation of a still closer alliance between the 
 two middle powers in the summer of 1879, and in the autumn of 
 1881 Italy also entered into the alliance. But before this time 
 (October 8th, 1879) Andrassy had laid down his office and been 
 succeeded by Baron von Haymerle. The reasons for this change 
 are not clear, but at least it has led to no change in the Austro- 
 Hungarian foreign policy. The death of Haymerle (October 10th, 
 1881), and the appointment in his place of Count Kalnoky, for- 
 merly minister at St. Petersburg, will in all probability be equal- 
 ly inappreciable in its effect on the foreign policy of the Haps- 
 burg empire. The annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina were 
 not without effect on the internal affairs of the Austrian half of 
 the dual empire. The dissatisfaction of the German liberal Con- 
 stitutional party with the policy of the government led to the 
 resignation of Prince Adolf Auersperg on the 15th of February, 
 1879. As the elections for a new Reichsrath were near at hand, 
 no permanent successor was appointed ; but Stremayr, minister 
 of instruction and worship, was intrusted with a provisional presi- 
 dency. The new elections, in May, resulted in a defeat of the 
 Liberals by the Conservatives, assisted by the party of historical 
 rights (Federalists), i. e., those who aimed at preserving the indi- 
 viduality of the various countries comprised in the western half 
 of the empire, and perhaps transforming the existing dualism into 
 a triple or quadruple confederation. From one point of view the 
 result of the May elections (190 Conservatives and 160 Liberals) 
 
THE ARMY BILL. 589 
 
 may be described as a victory of the Slavic over the German ele- 
 ment, and as such it was followed by the return of the old Czechs 
 to the Reichsrath, from which they had seceded in 1877. Anew 
 cabinet was formed in August, with Count Taaffe, formerly stadt- 
 holder of the ultramontane province of Tyrol, as minister-presi- 
 dent, but von Stremayr and von Ilorst, members of Auersperg's 
 cabinet, were allowed to retain their portfolios. In spite of this 
 concession of two seats in the cabinet, the Liberals of all shades 
 resolved to unite in opposition to Taaffe's government, and a com- 
 mon programme was adopted, demanding, among other things, 
 increased economy and a diminution of the military budget. An- 
 other form of opposition displayed itself in the Conservative Upper 
 House, where Schmerling, with the two Auerspergs and Cardinal 
 Kutschker, Archbishop of Vienna, formed a " Constitutional par- 
 ty," in opposition to the demands of the Czechs. The opposition 
 of the Conservative majority of the Lords was, therefore, wholly 
 concerned with the federalistic tendencies of the new ministry, 
 while the Liberal minority among the Commons opposed its con- 
 servative as well as its federal tendencies. The address adopt- 
 ed by the majority in the Lower House, advocating decentraliza- 
 tion and increase of the powers of the separate provincial parlia- 
 ments, recognized the constitution merely as an existing fact, and 
 not as an inherent necessity ; that of the House of Lords was 
 conceived in a diametrically opposite spirit. 
 
 The most important bill laid before the new Reichsrath was 
 that fixing the strength of the army (800,000 in war and 255,000 
 in peace) for the next ten years, thus removing the whole matter 
 beyond the sphere of parliamentary control. As this involved a 
 change of the constitution, a two-thirds vote was necessary to its 
 passage. So long as the Liberals united in opposing the measure 
 it was impossible to obtain the requisite majority. Finally, how- 
 ever, more than forty Liberals yielded to the pressure brought to 
 bear upon them by the government, and on the 20th of Decem- 
 ber the bill passed the House by a vote of 223 to 105. This 
 measure, although from a civil and political point of view un- 
 doubtedly dangerous, on account of the power it put in the hands 
 of the government, was of great value from a military stand- 
 point, by removing the army for a definite time beyond the pos- 
 sibility of popular interference. In goveroment circles the main- 
 tenance of a powerful armament was considered necessary, in 
 
590 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 order that Austro-Hungary might maintain its position among 
 the European powers; but on economic grounds a reduction of 
 the military expenditure was earnestly to be desired, for each year 
 the budget contains a deficit, and the empire itself is virtually 
 bankrupt. 
 
 April 19th, 1880, an order was issued by the ministers of the 
 interior and of justice requiring imperial officials in Bohemia and 
 Moravia to make use, in all ofiicial dealings, of the language of 
 the parties concerned. This involved the dismissal of a number 
 of German oflScials who could not speak the Czechish tongue, and 
 was the signal, wherever the Slavs were at all numerous, for an 
 attack on the German language. In Bohemia feeling ran so high 
 that the attacks were not confined to the language alone, and a 
 number of outrages were committed against persons, especially in 
 Prague. Home rule, or the erection of the " Bohemian crown- 
 lands" into a separate kingdom, united with Austria by a mere 
 personal union, was the substance of the Czechish demands. All 
 this led to a ministerial crisis ; Stremayr, Horst, and two other 
 ministers resigned, and their places were filled by more pro- 
 nounced or more pliant adherents of the federal policy. This 
 change excited considerable apprehension in Hungary, the Mag- 
 yars dreading the effects of Slavic ascendency in Cisleithania on 
 the Slavs in the eastern half of the empire. For the maintenance 
 of their own position the Magyars had sought to limit Slavic 
 power in Hungary by every means in their power, without over- 
 scrupulousness as to the character of the measures adopted, pro- 
 vided only the desired end was obtained. This had led them to 
 postpone a final settlement with Croatia, which bore a relation to 
 Ilungary similar to that of the latter to Austria, and to delay the 
 incorporation with that kingdom of the portion of the old milita- 
 ry frontier that should of right have fallen to its share. By this 
 means the number of Croatian representatives in the Reichstag 
 was decreased, and Slavic influence proportionally diminished. 
 These and other measui-es, by which the Magyars sought to keep 
 the power out of the hands of the Slavs, might be interfered with 
 in case the latter gained the upper-hand in Cisleithania. Toward 
 the Germans, also, and the German language, the Magyars dis- 
 played a hostility in no respect inferior to that of the Czechs. 
 Not content with driving out all German officials of every de- 
 scription, they even went so far as to close the German theatre in 
 
SETTLEMENT BETWEEN AUSTRIA AND HUNGARY. 591 
 
 Pesth, and took into consideration the advisability of prohibiting 
 German religious services among the Saxons of Transylvania. 
 
 The finances of the eastern half of the empire are, if possible, 
 in a worse condition than those of the western. Hungarian finan- 
 cial policy is notoriously bad. The land is rich, but each year 
 the budget displays a deficit. Little or no money, however, is 
 laid out on necessary improvements — as witness the destruction 
 of Szegedin, in 1879, by an inundation of the Theiss, owing to 
 defective and neglected dams — all is squandered on the Honved 
 army. The agricultural system is antiquated. The administra- 
 tive system is so bad, and the rule of the Magyars so intolerable, 
 that large numbers of Slavs and Germans have left and are leav- 
 ing the country, many of the former emigrating to Bulgaria. 
 
 The relations of Hungary to Austria during the period under 
 consideration are also deserving of notice. The settlement con- 
 cluded by Beust in 1867 expired in the year 1877. That settle- 
 ment had been peculiarly favorable to Hungary, and the Magyars 
 attempted to secure equally favorable conditions in the new treaty. 
 The point of greatest difficulty was the bank question. Although 
 the majority of the stock was held in Austria, the Hungarian gov- 
 ernment insisted upon an equal share in the administration. In 
 case this were not conceded they threatened to establish a sepa- 
 rate Hungarian bank, and to regulate their tariff without any ref- 
 erence to that of Austria. They also refused to assume any part 
 of the debt of 80,000,000 gulden due the bank from the govern- 
 ment. The negotiations were protracted into the middle of the 
 following year before a settlement could be reached. It was 
 finally arranged that the president of the Austro-Hungarian bank 
 should be appointed by the emperor on the nomination of the 
 central cabinet, one vice-president on the nomination of the Aus- 
 trian minister of finance, and one on that of the Hungarian ; eight 
 directors were to be elected by the share-holders of their own free 
 choice — two on the nomination of the Austrian government, and 
 two on that of the Hungarian. The Hungarian government also 
 consented to assume an ultimate responsibility for thirty per cent. 
 of the government debt to the bank. In the matter of the tariff 
 it w-as agreed to levy a high tax on coffee and petroleum in the in- 
 terest of Hungary, where those articles do not find much sale, and 
 to put high duties on manufactured goods for the benefit of Aus- 
 trian manufactures. 
 
592 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 In the matter of religious liberty but slight progress was made 
 between the years 1876 and 1881, In spite of loud protests from 
 the Roman Catholic bishops, supported by the greater part of the 
 inhabitants, permission was granted to a few Protestant congre- 
 gations in ultramontane Tyrol to hold public religious services, 
 and in the year 1877 the Old Catholics at last received official 
 recognition from the state. But in general, although before the 
 elections of 1879 the Lower House of the Reichsrath was in favor 
 of full religious freedom, all attempts in that direction were frus- 
 trated by the Upper House, and still more by the emperor him- 
 self. By their union with the Federalists in 1879 the Clericals 
 hoped to restore the schools to the church, and otherwise increase 
 the power of the ecclesiastics ; but as Count Taaffe's ministry 
 proved more concerned for federal than for clerical interests, 
 twenty-seven members of the clerical party seceded from the 
 ministerial ranks in November of 1881. By this action, which 
 gives them the balance of power in the Lower House, they hope 
 to force the government to concede what they demand. 
 
 In conclusion, it may not be amiss to mention two ministerial 
 utterances which throw considerable light on certain peculiarities 
 of Austrian administration. The first is from Giskra, who was 
 called as a witness (January, 1875), in a suit for peculation, 
 against Ofenheim, formerly director of the Lemberg-Czernowitz 
 railroad. Giskra unblushingly averred in full court that in Aus- 
 tria every one takes trinlcgeld, from servants and waiters up to 
 the highest officials of the government, and instanced his own 
 acceptance in this way on one occasion of 100,000 florins, with 
 the full knowledge and permission of the emperor. The other 
 is a statement made by Prince Adolf Auersperg, while minister- 
 president, with reference to the passage of the protective tariff in 
 1878 ; a measure which was carried through the Reichsrath only 
 by the assistance of the Poles, a part of the Liberals opposing it : 
 " The official Press does not cost a penny, but the opposition 
 Press — that takes hush-money. We only needed a few votes in 
 the Lower House, but it cost a great deal." 
 
THE LIBERALS IN POWER. 593 
 
 §34. 
 
 In Italy tlie year 1876 was marked by the accession to power 
 of the Progressists (Liberals) after sixteen years of Moderate 
 (Conservative) rule. Minghetti's ministry had for some time 
 been losing ground. Their weak policy in the matter of ecclesi- 
 astical disregard of civil law, relative to the appointment and in- 
 stalment of bishops, pastors, and other religious functionaries, and 
 their apparent inability to put an end to brigandage in Sicily, had 
 largely reduced the number of their supporters before the close 
 of 1875. But it was not until the next year that they were 
 obliged to resign, and the question which ultimately brought 
 about their downfall was the manner of raising the hated grist 
 tax. Minghetti's successor in office was Depretis, the leader of 
 one section of the Progressists. This change of ministers in- 
 volved a dissolution and new elections. These resulted in an over- 
 whelming victory for the Progressists. In the new parliament, 
 which met on the 20th of November, over 400 out of the total 
 number of 508 seats were occupied by members of the various 
 sections of the Left. In January of 1877 the antipapal policy 
 of the new ministry manifested itself in the introduction of a 
 bill, directed chiefly against the higher clergy, to punish religions 
 functionaries for inciting disobedience to the laws of the state by 
 speech or writing. Although this bill was thrown out by the 
 Senate, yet the evident determination of the government to ex- 
 tort from all ecclesiastics strict obedience to the civil authori- 
 ties had a beneficial effect, and about thirty of the bishops sub- 
 mitted to the requirements of the law, and received the legal 
 exequatur at the hands of the Italian government. 
 
 The following year opened with the death of Victor Emmanuel 
 (January 9th), first king of Italy, and the accession to the throne 
 of his eldest son as King Humbert I. Parliament was re-opened 
 on the 7th of March, and before the close of tliat month Depretis 
 had ceased to be prime- minister, and Cairoli, leader of the ex- 
 treme Left, was directing the affairs of the nation. But no min- 
 
594 rOLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 istry can acliiovo a reasonable degree of permanence so long as 
 the niajority is divided into a number of sections under various 
 chiefs (Depretis, Xicotera, Crispi, Cairoli), each greedy of power, 
 and accordingly Cairoli in his turn soon made place for Depretis, 
 and Depretis for Cairoli, and Cairoli again for Depretis. During 
 Cairoli's first ministry occurred an attempt on the life of King 
 Humbert. The Internationale had appeared in Italy, republican 
 unions had been formed, and Barsanti clubs abounded. (Barsanti 
 was a corporal who had been executed by martial law for the 
 murder of his lieutenant, and forthwith exalted into a socialist 
 hero.) The king undertook a journey through the principal 
 cities of his dominion. In Bologna, Pisa, and Florence placards 
 appeared on the walls containing such sentiments as " Death to 
 the king !" " Down with the monarchy !" and letters were re- 
 ceived announcing an intended attempt at assassination. On the 
 l7th of November he made his entrance into Naples in a carriage, 
 the other occupants of whicli were the queen, the Prince of Na- 
 ples, and Cairoli. A cook named Giovanni Passanante, pressing 
 through the crowd, sprung on to the step of the carriage and at- 
 tempted to stab the king with a large knife. The first blow was 
 parried by Humbert himself, the second wounded Cairoli, who 
 had thrown himself between the monarch and his assassin. In 
 Florence and Pisa members of the Internationale threw bombs 
 among the crowd which gathered to celebrate the king's escape 
 from death, and a number of persons were killed or wounded. 
 These outrages aroused the loyalty and indignation of the whole 
 nation. Cairoli was forced to take active measures against the 
 Internationale, and especially to suppress the Barsanti clubs, and 
 the support of public opinion rendered his measures effective. 
 Passanante himself was condemned to death, but the king com- 
 muted his sentence to imprisonment for life. 
 
 In 1879 a bill passed the Chamber making civil marriage an 
 obligatory prerequisite to the performance of the religious cere- 
 mony. Civil marriage had long been compulsory, but as the law 
 did not require the civil to precede the religious contract, many 
 had contented themselves with the latter alone, until it was esti- 
 mated that the number of marriages of this description, invalid 
 in the eyes of the law, must reach about 120,000. The Pope and 
 his bishops vigorously opposed the new law, as was to have been 
 expected, protesting against it as an encroachment by the State 
 
PROGRESSIST FOREIGN POLICY. 595 
 
 on territory rightfully belonging to tlic Church. An extension 
 of tliC suffrage had been promised by the Progressists ever since 
 their accession to power, but the first bill with that end in view 
 was not introduced until 1879, and, after passing the House, was 
 thrown out by the Senate in 1880. After the new elections of 
 May, 1880, which resulted in the return of 346 Progressists and 
 IGO Moderates, the ministry introduced a second bill of a slight- 
 ly more radical character. Hitherto, out of a population of 
 30,000,000 souls, only 500,000 have enjoyed the privileges of the 
 franchise, and not more than one-half of the privileged few have 
 ever exercised their privilege. The proposed law practically be- 
 stows the suffrage upon all males above the age of twenty-one 
 who can sign their names, or about one-half of the adult male 
 population. This bill has already passed the House, and it seems 
 probable that it will be carried through the Senate also,* the gov- 
 ernment having created one hundred new Progressist senators for 
 the purpose of convincing that body of the advantages of a Pro- 
 gressist policy. Another Progressist measure, long demanded by 
 public opinion, and delayed by the necessities of the treasury, 
 where the receipts are always less than the expenditures, was the 
 abolition of the tax on the inferior cereals. This was farther ac- 
 companied by a provision for the total abolition of the grist tax 
 on the 1st of January, 1884. 
 
 In the matter of foreign policy the tendency of the Liberal 
 regime has been toward estrangement from France and alliance 
 with Germany, and latterly with Austria also. The death of Vic- 
 tor Emmanuel and the accession of King Humbert were both favor- 
 able to the anti-French party. Victor Emmanuel felt himself un- 
 der weighty obligations to the French emperor — and, indeed, it was 
 only the overwhelming rapidity of Napoleon's defeat which pre- 
 vented the Italian king from coming to his assistance — and was, 
 consequently, well disposed toward a permanent French alliance, 
 while Humbert was more inclined to enter into closer relations 
 with Germany. French lust of aggression and French arrogance 
 toward Italy finally converted the policy of a party into the senti- 
 ment of a nation. Whatever gratitude toward France the Italian 
 people still cherislied was completely blotted out by the conduct 
 of the French government in regard to Tunis (1880 and 1881), 
 
 * January, 1882. 
 
596 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 almost resulting in open hostilities with Italy. A riotous attack 
 upon Italian laborers in Marseilles, in the summer of 1881, and 
 the hostile tone of the French Press helped still farther to widen 
 the breach between the two nations, and to place Italy in the 
 foremost rank of France's bitterest foes. It has already been 
 stated that Italy has entered into intimate relations with Austro- 
 Hungary ; but this friendship was preceded by a period of strain- 
 ed relations between the two states, consequent upon the desire of 
 a large part of the Italian people to annex to Italy certain Italian- 
 speaking districts in the possession of their Austrian neighbors. 
 The Italia irredenta programme included territory possessed by 
 Switzerland, France, England, and Austria ; but considerations of 
 expediency induced the leaders of the agitation to reclaim the 
 Austrian districts first. In 1878 government encouragement 
 caused this agitation to assume formidable proportions, and, as 
 a matter of course, the inevitable Garibaldi figured among the 
 agitators. It seems probable that during the Russo - Turkish 
 war some sort of a treaty was concluded between Russia and Italy 
 for the event of Austria's interference with Russian movements 
 in the Balkan peninsula. This understanding was apparently re- 
 newed in 1879, but the conclusion in the same year of an alliance 
 between Austria and Germany rendered a change of policy advis- 
 able. Alliance with Germany now meant friendly relations with 
 Austria, and alliance with Russia involved a breach with Ger- 
 many ; accordingly, official countenance was withdrawn from the 
 Italia irredenta scheme, and, for the time being, the agitation was 
 deprived of its political importance. The increasing coolness be- 
 tween Italy and the French republic increased the necessity of 
 friendly relations with Austro-Hungary, and French hostility and 
 German friendship, working together, finally brought about a 
 friendly visit of the Italian royal pair in Vienna, in the autumn 
 of 1881, and something like an Austro-Italian alliance. 
 
 Unfortunately for Italy, Italian history involves a history of 
 the papacy. About a month after the death of Victor Emman- 
 uel, February 7th, 1878, occurred that of Pope Pius IX., the 
 first Christian to achieve infallibility. On the 20th of the .same 
 month Pecci, cardinal-camerlengo and Bishop of Perugia, candi- 
 date of the Moderate party, was elected Pope (Leo XIII.) by a 
 vote of forty-four to eighteen. Pecci had been appointed Bishop 
 of Perugia and created cardinal at the instance of King Leopold 
 
POPE LEO XIII. 597 
 
 of Belgium, in the year 1846 ; but the nomination was reserved in 
 2Jetto, and Gregory XVI. dying before it had been made public, 
 he did not receive the cardinal's hood until 1853. Under Pius 
 IX. the favorites of Gregory XVI. were thrust into the back- 
 ground, and the papal ear was monopolized by Cardinal Anto- 
 nelli. Accordingly, it was not until after the death of the latter 
 (November 6th, 1876) that Pecci was finally summoned to the 
 Vatican and appointed camerlengo (September 24th, 1877). It 
 was the new Pope's wish to make an end of the "imprisonment" 
 in the Vatican, and appear publicly in the streets of Home. With 
 this end in view, lie inquired whether, in case of a public corona- 
 tion in St. Peter's, the Italian government would be able to guar- 
 antee the maintenance of order. Crispi, minister of the interior, 
 fearing that the Pope's adherents might be guilty of indiscretions 
 which would excite the fury of the Roman mob, and provoke dis- 
 orders beyond the power of the government to restrain, refused to 
 undertake sucli a guarantee. Accordingly, the coronation took 
 place in private, and Leo, like his predecessor, assumed the role 
 of " Prisoner of the Vatican," It was at first popularly supposed 
 that, inasmuch as the new Pope belonged to the Moderate party, 
 a change of policy might be expected in the direction of recon- 
 ciliation with the civil authorities in those states where the policy 
 of Pius IX. had provoked a culturkampf. Time has shown, 
 however, that the expectation of important concessions on the 
 part of the papacy was based on an erroneous judgment of Leo's 
 character and position. Willing to make concessions in matters 
 of outward form, he is as obstinate as his predecessor in main- 
 taining the supremacy of ecclesiastical over civil authority, and 
 his apparent readiness to conciliate — his political affability — only 
 renders him a more dangerous foe. Franchi, a Moderate, succeed- 
 ed Simeoni, an Ultra, as secretary of state, and negotiations were 
 at once commenced with a view to establishing political relations 
 with Prussia, Switzerland, and Russia. Leo's demands Avere in 
 substance the same as those of Pius. Owing to the death of 
 Franchi these efforts at reconciliation remained for the moment 
 fruitless. In 1881, however, negotiations with Prussia and Russia 
 were again resumed, and resulted in the restoration of direct po- 
 litical communications with both those countries. A modus vivendi 
 was also found between the government of the former country 
 and the Roman curia, of such a nature that two of the vacant 
 
698 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 bisLoprics in Prussia (Treves and Fulda) were filled before the 
 close of the year. It is as yet impossible to say what concessions 
 have been made on either side, but the necessities of Bismarck's 
 position with regard to internal policy give just ground for the 
 belief that the essential concessions were on his part, and those 
 of form on that of the Pope. 
 
 A general programme of Leo's policy was contained in his en- 
 cyclica of April 21st, 1878, which "renewed and confirmed all 
 protests of his predecessor as against deprivation of the temporal 
 dominion, so also against infringement of the rights justly belong- 
 ing to the Roman Church." In other words, he assumed and prom- 
 ised to carry out in its general features the policy of Pius IX. 
 He did, however, in so far break with the system of his predeces- 
 sor as to attempt to free the church from the fetters of the 
 Jesuits; but in most matters the power of the latter has proved 
 too great for him to overcome. In certain directions he has 
 shown independence of their control, ultramontane and im- 
 practicable as his foreign policy may seem to outsiders, in the 
 eyes of the Jesuits it is too liberal by far. Any attempt at ne- 
 gotiations with refractory governments, involving as it must a 
 suggestion of concession, is an abandonment of Pius's position 
 of non possumus, and hence unacceptable to the Jesuits. In the 
 matter of the participation of his Italian followers in the civil 
 elections also, Leo has broken with the policy of his predecessor. 
 Pius forbade such participation as implying recognition of the 
 usurping Italian government. Leo has removed this prohibition, 
 and encouraged his followers to appear at the polls. As this 
 change of base has so far been visible only in Roman municipal 
 elections it is too early to predict its ultimate effects on Italian 
 politics at large. 
 
 The fracas attending the removal of the late Pope's body from 
 St. Peter's to the tomb prepared in the church of St. Lorenzo, on 
 the night of July 12th-13th, 1881, disturbed Leo's hitherto good 
 relations with the Italian government, and even raised the ques- 
 tion of his departure from Rome. Permission had been granted 
 to the executors of Pius's will to remove his body on the night 
 mentioned. Against the wishes of the executors, permission had 
 also been granted by the prefect of police, Bacco, to the members 
 of the "Society for the Guardianship of Catholic Interests" to 
 follow the hearse publicly with lighted torches. This torch-light 
 
SUPPRESSION OF THE CARLIST REVOLT. 599 
 
 procession in honor of their ancient tyrant naturally aroused the 
 wrath of the Roman mob. No provisions had been made for the 
 protection of the procession, and a disgraceful riot ensued. To 
 excuse the government for its neglect of the most common pre- 
 cautions, Depretis, the prime -minister, accused the late Pope's 
 executors, and indirectly Pope Leo, with breach of faith. The 
 whole affair was used by Leo's advisers to demonstrate to Leo 
 himself and to the world at large the reality of his " imprison- 
 ment" and the hostility of the civil authorities. The radicals 
 made use of the incident to commence an agitation for the repeal 
 of the law of papal guarantees ; the indirect accusation of the 
 prime-minister was repeated directly, and in public meetings and 
 the daily Press the Pope was freely called a "liar." Feeling ran 
 so high that the annual Italian pilgrimage was postponed for fear 
 of a serious collision. At the same time the Pope informed the 
 foreign ambassadors to the Vatican that " if the smallest leaf on 
 the pontifical tiara is ruflBed" he would leave Rome at once — an 
 event which seems improbable ; for even if Italy wishes to get rid 
 of him, no other country wishes to receive him. 
 
 35. 
 
 For Spain the period under consideration was ushered in by 
 an event of the most favorable nature — the final suppression of 
 the Carlist revolt in the northern provinces. On the 19th of Feb- 
 ruary, 1876, Estella, the strongest point in Navarre, surrendered 
 unconditionally to the royalist general Primo de Rivera. On the 
 21st King Alphonso entered Tolosa, and on the following day 
 San Sebastian. Lizzaraga, Dorregaray, and Saballs had crossed 
 the French frontier ; other Carlist leaders had made their submis- 
 sion to the legitimate sovereign. The Spanish government had 
 100,000 soldiers in the field, while the pretender, who had retreat- 
 ed to the historical valley of Roncesvalles, could muster scarcely 
 2000 men. Under these circumstances resistance was hopeless. 
 On the 28th of February Don Carlos crossed the French frontier, 
 his followers were disarmed, he himself was invited by the French 
 
600 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 authorities to take up his residence in some foreign country, and 
 tlie insurrection was at an end. Those provinces in which the 
 Carlists had found their chief support, the Basque provinces (Ala- 
 va, Viscaya, Guipuzcoa) and Navarre, were deprived of the fue- 
 ros or special privileges which they had hitherto enjoyed. Their 
 protest against the military conscription was disregarded, and 
 their provincial integrity in the matter of taxation was abrogated 
 in so far that the taxes were now levied directly by the central 
 government and not through the medium of the provincial parlia- 
 ments. The retention of i\\<i fueros had been promised in 1875 
 in case of immediate submission to Alphonso's government; but 
 the fact that such submission was not rendered, and that the re- 
 turn of the revolted provinces to their allegiance was efiected by 
 force of arras, thus giving the government the desired opportuni- 
 ty to abrogate the media3val privileges in question, must be re- 
 garded as a real gain for Spain. The abrogation of the fucros 
 met, however, with a most obstinate resistance, and it became 
 necessary to place the recalcitrant provinces in a state of siege. 
 
 In contrast with the enlightened and progressive conduct of 
 the Spanish government in the assertion of political unity was its 
 retrogressive and bigoted action with regard to liberty of con- 
 science. Article 11 of the new constitution, adopted by the 
 Cortes in May of 1876, contained the following provision: "The 
 nation pledges itself to the maintenance of the Catholic religion, 
 which is the state religion — the support of its clergy and wor- 
 ship. On Spanish soil no one can be punished for his religious 
 opinions, or for the practice of his own peculiar religious rites, 
 on condition that proper regard be had to the teachings of Chris- 
 tian morality. Nevertheless, no public ceremonies or demonstra- 
 tions will be permitted on the part of those not members of the 
 state church." Castelar and Sagasta advocated the restoration 
 of full religious freedom, as granted by the constitution of 1869 ; 
 the Clericals, on the other hand, most obstinately opposed the 
 small pretence of liberty which Article 11 conceded. Rome re- 
 garded the concordat of 1851, which forbade the practice of any 
 other religious rites than those of the Romish church, as still in 
 force. In this respect her policy was the same which it has ever 
 been, viz., a concordat is a perpetual treaty, and cannot be an- 
 nulled except with the consent of the Roman curia. The degree 
 of freedom actually granted by Article 11 depends largely upon 
 
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY AND ARTICLE ELEVEN. 601 
 
 the interpretation put upon it by the party in power. What 
 Canovas's interpretation would be had already been clearly shown 
 by his reactionary measures before the adoption of the constitu- 
 tion — namely, the suspension of Protestant newspapers, the clos- 
 ing of Protestant churches, the interference with freedom of in- 
 struction in the schools and universities, the abolition of civil 
 marriage, the restoration to churches and religious orders of their 
 confiscated property, and to the clergy of their former incomes. 
 As might have been expected from these precedents, so long as 
 Canovas del Castello remained in power, the words " public dem- 
 onstrations " received the narrowest possible interpretation. No 
 notice of the hours of service or of the religious character of the 
 building was allowed to appear on the outer walls of Protestant 
 churches; and in Cadiz (March 29th, 1877) one zealous alcalde 
 went so far as to send policemen into a church to interrupt the 
 service on the ground that the sound of the preacher's voice 
 could be heard in the street, although the doors were closed, and 
 that there had, therefore, been a " public demonstration." In the 
 Balearic Isles, under pi'etence that the introduction of the Prot- 
 estant religion was being made the vehicle of an English political 
 propaganda, bigotry was allowed to have full sway, and the au- 
 thorities even consented to the exclusion of Protestant children 
 from the public schools, for fear they might infect the orthodox 
 Romanists. This regime of illiberality lasted until 1881. The 
 resignation of the Canovas ministry in the early part of that year, 
 and the Liberal victory in the August elections, which at length 
 transferred the power to Sagasta, brought about a total change in 
 the religious policy of the government. The speech from the 
 throne on the re-assembling of the Cortes (September 20th, 1881) 
 called attention to the necessity of a liberal interpretation of the 
 constitution iu favor of liberty of conscience and of reforms in 
 schools and universities, and promised the introduction of ä bill 
 restoring civil marriage. 
 
 In addition to the Carlist insurrection and the religious ques- 
 tion, the financial situation constituted a third embarrassment for 
 Alphonso's government. In April of 1876 Salaverria, the minis- 
 ter of finance, laid before the Cortes a statement regarding the 
 condition of the finances, to the effect that it would be impossi- 
 ble to pay full interest on the public debt until, by some process 
 of consolidation, the principal had been so far reduced that the 
 
 26 
 
602 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 interest would not exceed 180,000,000 pesetas (francs). In order 
 to conduct the government, and pay any part of the interest in 
 the mean time, it was necessary to retain the extraordinary war 
 tax, increase the other taxes, and reduce the salaries of all officials, 
 including the clergy, twenty -five per cent. At the same time 
 a loan of fifteen or twenty million piasters (the piaster is equal 
 to five francs) was obtained from a syndicate of Spanish bankers 
 at ten per cent, interest, the Cuban customs being pledged for its 
 payment. This is a fair exhibit of the general condition of Span- 
 ish finances. The country is bankrupt ; the revenue is not suffi- 
 cient to pay the interest on the public debt ; and, like the Porte, 
 the Spanish government can no longer borrow except at high 
 rates of interest, the payment of which is secured by a lien on 
 some special source of revenue. 
 
 The particular loan above referred to was for the purpose of a 
 more vigorous prosecution of the war in Cuba. The insurrection 
 which had begun in 1868 still continued, and interference was 
 threatened on the part of the United States. The threat of for- 
 eign interference spurred the government to the adoption of en- 
 ergetic measures, which were at length rendered possible by the 
 suppression of the Carlist revolt. Toward the end of 1876 Gen- 
 eral Martinez Campos was despatched to Cuba to take command 
 of the military operations there ; at the same time the Spanish 
 troops already on the island were re-enforced by an addition of 
 25,000 men. In consequence of these measures Campos and Jo- 
 vellar, the governor-general, were able to report in the spring of 
 1878 that the central committee of the insurgents had submitted 
 and the revolt was at an end. Carapos returned to Spain, to be- 
 come the advocate of reform and a policy of justice toward the 
 colony he had reclaimed. He proposed to abolish slavery, to re- 
 move the oppressive restrictions which forced the Cubans to pur- 
 chase all their supplies from Spain at exorbitant prices, and in 
 general to place Cuba on an equal footing with the various prov- 
 inces of the mother country. The execution of all his plans in- 
 volved an immediate expenditure by the home government of 
 200,000,000 francs. As Canovas was unwilling to demand this 
 sum from the Cortes he resigned, and on the Vth of March, 1879, 
 Campos was intrusted with the formation of a new ministry. In 
 June of the same year he was able to lay his programme of re- 
 form before a newly-elected Cortes, but before the year closed he 
 
CUBA.— TWO ATTEMPTS ON THE KING'S LIFE. C03 
 
 had been relegated to the ranks of the opposition, and Canovas was 
 again in power. Under his administration a bill for the abolition 
 of slavery in the Antilles at length passed the Cortes (in January 
 of 1881), and the remainder of Campos's programme was finally 
 so far carried out, at least in what must be considered its essential 
 feature — the bestowal on Cubans of equal rights with Spaniards 
 — that in opening the newly-elected Liberal Cortes on the 20th of 
 September, 1881, the king was able to say, with reference to the 
 colonies, " The constitution has been promulgated and the previ- 
 ous censorship of the Press abolished. In Cuba and Porto llico 
 the sons of those provinces enjoy already, as citizens of the Span- 
 ish nation, the same rights as their brethren in the Peninsula." 
 These reforms have not been without eflEect, and the elections to 
 this same Cortes have shown that, although there is a considera- 
 ble party of autonomists, or home-rulers, in Cuba, yet the major- 
 ity of the inhabitants are contented with their present condition 
 and loyally disposed toward Spain. 
 
 As in Germany and Italy, so also in Spain, the year 18Y8 was 
 marked by a murderous attempt on the king's life, due to the in- 
 fluence of the Internationale. The would-be murderer, Moncasi 
 by name, a cooper from Catalonia, made the journey from Tarra- 
 gona to Madrid for the express purpose of murdering his sover- 
 eign. His attempt was unsuccessful, and he was executed. A 
 like fate overtook Otero, a Galician, who fired two shots at the 
 king as he was driving in an open carriage with the queen on the 
 30th of December, 1879. In conclusion, mention should be made 
 of the marriage of Alphonso with his cousin Mercedes, daughter 
 of the Duke of Montpensier, on the 23d of January, 1878. Mer- 
 cedes died on the 26th of June of the same year, and on the 29th 
 of November, 1879, Alphonso married the Archduchess Maria 
 Christina of Austria, by whom he became the father of a daugh- 
 ter in September of the following year. 
 
604 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 § 36. 
 
 BELGIUM, SWITZERLAND, HOLLAND, DENMARK. 
 
 The principal interest of Belgian history during tlie years 
 18 7 6-' 81 lies in the battle there waged — and still being waged — 
 between liberal ideas and ultramontane bigotry. Under the Cleri- 
 cal regime, which began in 1870, there was much truth in the boast 
 of Dumortier, a Clerical member of parliament, " Nowhere is the 
 Pope so truly Pope as in Belgium ; in Belgium he is more Pope 
 than in Rome." The clergy, although paid by the state, were ab- 
 solutely free from all interference or restraint on the part of the 
 civil authorities, and the entire educational system of the country 
 was practically in their control. The attitude of the government 
 toward them was well illustrated by the military reception accord- 
 ed to Dechamps, Archbishop of Mechlin, on the 21st of April, 
 1875, after his appointment as cardinal, the whole garrison turn- 
 ing out to receive him with music and the firing of cannons. In 
 view of the recent pastoral letters of the Belgian bishops, de- 
 nouncing Kaiser Wilhelm, Bismarck, and the Prussian ecclesiasti- 
 cal policy, this reception had every appearance of a hostile demon- 
 stration against Germany on the part of the Belgian government, 
 and the general attitude of the party in power at Brussels cer- 
 tainly justified such an interpretation. The sympathies of the 
 Clericals were unreservedly with France, in spite of the scarcely 
 concealed desire of the latter to disregard the guarantees of neu- 
 trality and annex Belgium to herself. Nor was this annexation 
 merely a part of Napoleon's plans of conquest; the Duke of 
 Broglie, while ambassador in London after the Franco-Prussian 
 war, openly announced France's willingness to leave Alsace and 
 Lorraine in the hands of Germany, provided she should receive 
 Belgium in return ; and Thiers made the same declaration to 
 Count Harry von Arnim while the latter was the German repre- 
 sentative at Paris. 
 
 The overthrow of the Conservative regime in France in 1878 
 exerted no small influence on Belgian politics, and contributed 
 
LIBERALS IN POWER.— BREACH WITH THE VATICAN. 605 
 
 largely toward the attainment of the same end in that country 
 also. In accordance with the constitution, one - half of both 
 Chambers must be changed every four years. The quadrennial 
 elections occurred in June of 1878, and resulted in a victory for 
 the Liberals. The latter had a majority of six in the Senate 
 (thirty-six to thirty) and ten in the lower House (seventy-one to 
 sixty-one). Accordingly, Malou's ministry handed in their resig- 
 nations, and Frere Orban was intrusted with the formation of the 
 new cabinet, which, to the discontent of the Clericals, comprised 
 a special minister of public instruction. The programme of the 
 new ministry comprised a reform of the educational system, with 
 a view to removing it from the control of the clergy and placing 
 it under that of the state, the more complete development of the 
 system of compulsory military service, and the introduction of 
 secret balloting. The first of these three measures, which was 
 also by far the most important, is the only one which specially 
 demands our attention. A bill laid before the Chambers in 
 April of 1879 deprived the clergy of the supervision of the 
 schools, banished religious instruction to the time before or after 
 the regular school hours, and made education absolutely free for 
 the poorer classes of the population. The opposition of the Cler- 
 ical party assumed the most bitter character. Placards appeared 
 threatening King Leopold with death in case he signed the bill. 
 Nevertheless, it passed both Houses, and on the 1st of July re- 
 ceived the royal signature. Placards now appeared advocating 
 the king's assassination, one of which was traced to the Jesuit 
 college in Brussels. A conclave of bishops, held in Mechlin on 
 the 1st of September, decided to refuse absolution to all teachers 
 in the state schools, and to all parents sending their children to 
 those schools. The clergy refused to impart religious instruction 
 under the new law, and the task accordingly devolved upon lay 
 teachers. The bishops held a new conclave, and decided to refuse 
 the sacrament to teachers in the state schools, and to confirm 
 only those children, attendants of state schools, whose parents 
 demanded their exemption from the religious instruction of lay 
 teachers. The Bishop of Tournai went so far as to lay the state 
 school in that place under an absolute interdict. Frere Orban 
 complained to the Pope, and the latter ostensibly interfered in 
 behalf of the government, sending a general vicar to replace the 
 Bishop of Tournai, and calling upon the other bishops to pursue 
 
606 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 a more moderate course. Bnt it soon transpired (revealed by 
 Dumont, Bishop of Tournai) that cither the infallible Pope, or 
 his secretary of state, Cardinal Nina, had been guilty of double- 
 dealing; and that, while ostensibly counselling the bishops to 
 moderation, the Pope was in reality encouraging them to persist 
 in the course which they had adopted with his express approba- 
 tion. The discovery of this deception induced the Belgian gov- 
 ernment to break oS all relations with the Roman curia. The 
 Belgian ambassador at the Vatican was recalled, Vanutelli, the 
 papal nuncius at Brussels, to whose intriguing character some 
 part of the difficulty is perhaps attributable, was dismissed, and 
 Frere Orban roundly accused the Pope of dishonesty. Belgium, 
 with its army of 30,000 priests and 18,000 nuns, the very strong- 
 hold of papacy — where ardent priests had exhibited to excited 
 multitudes straws from the imaginary cell of the " imprisoned " 
 Pius IX., and whose assistance had been counted on by fiery 
 ecclesiastics for the restoration of the temporal dominion of the 
 Pope — found itself suddenly plunged into the very centre of the 
 culturhampf^ a standard-bearer of the antipapal legions. 
 
 The chief interest of the history of Switzerland during the 
 years ISVö-'Sl lies, like that of Belgium, in the strife with the 
 Vatican. The expulsion of Bishops Lachat and Mermillod, and 
 the consequent severance of political relations with the Vatican 
 in the year 1875, had placed Switzerland in the front rank of the 
 culturkampf. Berne and Geneva were the cantons specially con- 
 cerned. To secure themselves against the hostile agitation of the 
 Roman Catholic priests of the Jura, sympathizers with Lachat, 
 whose expulsion had been pronounced unconstitutional by the 
 federal government, and who had accordingly returned to their 
 homes, the Great Council of the canton of Berne passed a law 
 (September 13th, 1875) punishing with fine and imprisonment 
 any person guilty of inciting opposition to the civil authorities, or 
 instigating members of one confession to hostilities against mem- 
 bers of another, demanding from all ecclesiastics a written pledge 
 of unconditional obedience to the laws of the land, prohibiting 
 the exercise of episcopal functions without express permission 
 from the authorities, and forbidding religious demonstrations of 
 any description in the streets or other public places. An appeal 
 to the federal parliament against the constitutionality of these 
 measures was rejected. Thereupon the Great Council went a step 
 
THE OLD CATHOLIC MOVEMENT. 607 
 
 farther, throwing open the graveyards to all citizens, without 
 distinction of belief or disbelief, and forbidding any religious 
 pomp in connection with funeral processions. The canton of 
 Geneva pursued a somewhat similar course, confining religious 
 ceremonies to the churches, abolishing religious orders, granting 
 to the Old Catholics the use of the church of Notre-Danie, in 
 common with the papists, and offering assistance toward the en- 
 dowment of an Old Catholic bishopric. About the same time 
 the Clerical party suffered a defeat in the country at large through 
 the confirmation by a popular vote of a bill passed by the federal 
 parliament in 1874, making civil marriage obligatory. A demo- 
 cratic provision of the Swiss constitution allows eight cantons or 
 30,000 citizens of the republic to demand the submission of any 
 measure to a plebiscite. More than 100,000 signatures had been 
 gathered, demanding the referendum in the case of the obligatory 
 civil marriage bill, and that measure was accordingly submitted to 
 the test of a popular vote. The result was the adoption of the 
 measure by the small majority of 8154 votes (June, 1875), 204,700 
 voting for, and 212,854 against the introduction of compulsory 
 civil marriage. 
 
 For the purpose of weakening and disintegrating the Clerical 
 party, the Liberal cantons decided to afford all possible assistance 
 to the Old Catholic movement. Equally with the adherents of the 
 Pope, the Old Catholics were regarded as Catholics, each parish 
 being allowed to determine by a majority vote whether it would 
 have a Roman Catholic or an Old Catholic pastor, or both par- 
 ties be allowed the use of the parish church at different hours. 
 In accordance with the noti possumus theory of Pius IX., that 
 they might not seem to recognize the right of the state to interfere 
 in ecclesiastical matters, many Roman Catholics refrained from 
 voting in parish elections, thus greatly furthering the cause of the 
 Old Catholics. In the year 1876 out of about 1,000,000 nominal 
 Catholics the Old Catholics numbered 73,380, constituting fifty- 
 five parishes and seventeen unions or clubs. Their organization 
 was completed in September of that year by the consecration of 
 Herzog, pastor and professor in Berne, as bishop of the Swiss 
 Old Catholics — the cantons of Geneva, Neuchatel, Solothurn, and 
 Aargau contributing to his support, to which number was add- 
 ed in 1877 the canton of Berne. The Roman Catholic bishops 
 greeted this unwelcome colleague with a formal anathema, and a 
 
608 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 declaration of the invalidity of his consecration as lacking the 
 approval of the Pope. Another blow to papal authority in Switz- 
 erland was the complete or partial abolition of the cloisters in 
 some of the cantons, reducing, according to oflScial statistics, the 
 number of monks and nuns from 8566 to SSVO between the years 
 1871 and 1877, But it must not be supposed that all the Swiss 
 cantons were engaged in this antipapal conflict, or were even 
 neutral. In the year 1878, after the accession of Leo XIII. and 
 his unsuccessful attempt to open negotiations with the Swiss gov- 
 ernment, several Ultramontane cantons protested against the con- 
 tinuance of the struggle, and demanded the restoration of political 
 relations with the Vatican, The canton of Tessin (Italian), which 
 had fallen completely into the hands of the Clerical party in 1875, 
 with the result, among other thino-s, of brino^ino; the whole school 
 system under the control of the clergy, formed the extreme on 
 the one side, as did Berne on the other. The Liberals in Tessin, 
 like the Clericals in Berne, were continually appealing to the 
 federal parliament. That body showed itself ready to assist the 
 Liberals whenever it could consistently do so, among other things 
 interfering in 1879 to prevent the admission of foreign monks to 
 capuchin cloisters in Tessin, and holding out a prospect of the 
 ultimate abolition of all cloisters. In general, however, the cul- 
 turkamjyf in Switzerland has assumed a more moderate character 
 since the accession of Leo XIII, The appointment in 1880 of 
 Cosandey as Bishop of Lausanne and Geneva, in place of the ob- 
 noxious Mermillod, removed one important obstacle in the way 
 of peace ; but in the matter of Lachat neither party has yet dis- 
 played an inclination to yield, Leo's change of policy with ref- 
 erence to the participation of his followers in parish elections has 
 exerted an unfavorable influence on the prospects of the Old Cath- 
 olics, depriving them of a number of parishes formerly in their 
 bands, and a corresponding amount of state support. The present 
 condition of the religious question has developed in several can- 
 tons a considerable party in favor of the con)plete separation of 
 Church and State ; but all attempts to realize this desirable end 
 Lave so far resulted in failure. 
 
 The proverbial parsimony of the Swiss people (which does not, 
 however, prevent the Swiss budget, like that of n)ost European 
 nations, from displaying a deficit) was strikingly exhibited in the 
 difficulties attending the completion of the St. Gothard tunnel. 
 
ST. GüTHARD TUNNEL.— HOLLAND. 609 
 
 The cost of this enterprise had been originally estimated at 
 187,000,000 francs, but this sum proved insufficient, and a new 
 estimate set the cost at 289,000,000 francs. Delegates from 
 Germany, Italy, and Switzerland met at Luzerne in June of 1877 
 to devise means for the completion of the undertaking and ap- 
 portion the additional expense between the three countries con- 
 cerned. By abandoning certain costly features of the original 
 enterprise the sura required was reduced from 102,000,000 to 
 40,000,000 francs— of which 8,000,000 was assigned to Switzer- 
 land, 10,000,000 each to Germany and Italy, and the remainder 
 was covered by issuing shares, Germany and Italy unhesitating- 
 ly appropriated the sum allotted them. In Switzerland the case 
 was different; several cantons refused to contribute their quota, 
 and for a time there was danger that Switzerland might fail to 
 meet her obligations with regard to the completion of the tunnel. 
 The federal government was obliged to interfere. Then follow- 
 ed an appeal to the people, and it was not until the year 1879 
 that the required sum was finally appropriated — 4,500,000 by the 
 federal government, 2,000,000 by the cantons immediately bene- 
 fited, and 1,500,000 by the two railroads especially interested. 
 The tunnel itself was finally completed, after eight years' work, 
 on the 29th of February, 1880, and opened to traffic on the 1st 
 of January, 1882. 
 
 There was no culturkampf in Holland, for the reason that 
 neither concordats nor previous concessions of any description 
 afforded the Pope either reasonable or unreasonable grounds for 
 laying claim to special rights and a privileged position in relation 
 to the law. The nearest approach to a religious contest was the 
 struggle, between the Liberals on the one side and the Uitramon- 
 tanes and extreme Calvinists on the other, on the question of con- 
 fessional schools. In this struggle the former have so far had 
 the upper hand, thus keeping the schools entirely out of the 
 arena of religious controversy. The majority in both Chambers 
 has, during these years, been steadily Liberal; but the Cabinet has 
 been in the main Conservative — King William assuming a more 
 direct part in the direction of the government than is perhaps al- 
 together consonant with his position as constitutional monarch. 
 Whether Liberals or Conservatives have held the tiller, each 
 year's budget has displayed an ominous deficit, largely caused 
 by the interminable war in Atchin, which constantly breaks out 
 
 26* 
 
610 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 afresh just as its termination has been joyfully announced or 
 hopefully predicted by the government. The death, without is- 
 sue, of William, Prince of Orange (June 11th, 1879), and Henry, 
 the king's younger brother (January 13th, 1879), has raised 
 the question of the future disposition of Luxemburg. The 
 connection of the grand-duchy with Holland is not organic, but 
 merely personal ; and, while women may inherit in the latter, in 
 the former the Salic law prevails. King William is sixty -five 
 years old. His only surviving son, Prince Alexander, is wealc, 
 both mentally and physically, and generally regarded as incapa- 
 ble of ascending the throne. The succession in Holland, there- 
 fore, devolves upon the king's infant daughter by his second mar- 
 riage (born August 31st, 1880), while the legal heir to the grand- 
 duchy of Luxemburg is uncertain, a fact which involves future 
 danger — the more so as there are grounds on which the inheri- 
 tance may be claimed by the King of Prussia. 
 
 The history of the little kingdom of Denmark during the 
 years 1876-81 is little more than the history of a struggle be- 
 tween the king and the Landthing, or House of Lords, on the 
 one side, and the Folkething, or popular House of Representatives, 
 on the other. This struggle, which began in a question relative 
 to an appropriation for military purposes, the Folhetldng disap- 
 proving of the costly system of fortifications proposed by the 
 government, finally developed into a permanent conflict. The 
 House refuses to pass any budget until the obnoxious ministry is 
 removed ; while the king, supported by the Landthing, refuses 
 to yield, maintaining that such a concession would put into the 
 hands of the Commons more power than was intended by the 
 constitution. 
 
 The marriage of Princess Thyra, younger sister to the Princess 
 of Wales and the Empress of Russia, with Prince Ernest Augustus, 
 Duke of Cumberland, son and heir of the late George V., dispos- 
 sessed King of Hanover, brought the Danish court into bad odor 
 in Berlin. After his father's death (June 12th, 1878) Ernest 
 Augustus, by the advice of his Hanoverian friends, and especially 
 Windthorst, announced his intention to maintain his claims to all 
 the late king's rights and titles. This forced the Prussian gov- 
 ernment to regard him as a pretender, and retain in its possession 
 the Guelph fund of 16,000,000 thalers, and it also involves his 
 exclusion from the succession in the duchy of Brunswick in case 
 
PRINCESS THYßA.— A REPUBLICAN CONSTITUTION. 611 
 
 of the death of the aged sovereign of that state. His marriage 
 with Princess Thyra was tlie union of two interests hostile to 
 Prussia, the one laying claim to North Schleswig, the other to 
 Hanover, and ultimately Brunswick also. The feeling of hostility 
 toward Prussia entertained at Copenhagen was farther emphasized 
 by the reception with marked honor of a deputation of Guelph 
 malcontents from Hanover as an official delegation sent to attend 
 the marriage of their king (December 21st, 1878). By way of 
 answer to this demonstration, in February of 1879 the German 
 chancellor published the text of an agreement entered into be- 
 tween the emperors of Germany and Austria modifying the treaty 
 of Prague (1866), and releasing Prussia from her obligation under 
 that treaty to surrender to Denmark the Danish-speaking north- 
 ern districts of Schleswig. The date of this agreement, October 
 11th, 1878, marks it as a partial payment on the part of Austria 
 for the territory conferred upon her by the treaty of Berlin. 
 
 §37. 
 
 FRANCE. 
 
 The adoption of a republican constitution in France antedates, 
 properly speaking, the period under consideration, belonging to 
 the year 1875. The majority of the committee of thirty ap- 
 pointed to frame a constitution were Royalists; consequently, the 
 constitution laid before the Assembly was of an indefinite char- 
 acter, not recognizing the republic as final, but merely as a sejjfen- 
 nate, the executive head of which they called the " Marshal-presi- 
 dent of the republic." To Wallon, a member of the Left Centre, 
 belongs the credit of proposing an amendment definitively recog- 
 nizing the republic, and so framed as to meet the approval of the 
 majority of the delegates. By this amendment it was provided 
 that " The president of the republic shall be elected by a major- 
 ity vote of the Senate and House of Representatives convened in 
 joint session. He shall be elected for seven years. He may be 
 re-elected." The Orleanists joined with the Republicans in vot- 
 ing for this amendment, which was finally adopted by a majority 
 of 200 (449 to 249). The organization of the Senate occasioned 
 
612 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 a division between these new allies. The former wished to con- 
 fer upon the president the right of appointing part of the sena- 
 tors ; the latter desired to assimilate the elections for the Senate 
 to those for the Lower House. Again Wallon proposed a com- 
 promise which met with the approval of both parties. The Sen- 
 ate was to consist of three hundred members, seventy-five elected 
 by the National Assembly, and holding office for life (vacancies 
 to be filled by the Senate itself), the remainder chosen by the de- 
 partments and colonies — their representatives in the Lower House, 
 the general and district {arrondissement) councils and municipal 
 {commune) representatives forming a college for that purpose — 
 with a nine years' term of office, one-third to be renewed each 
 three years. Li the matter of legislation both Houses were to 
 have equal rights, excepting that the Senate could not initiate 
 financial measures. This compromise was adopted by a vote of 
 448 to 221 ; and by the end of February, 1875, the republican 
 constitution was a, fait accompli. In June a new school law was 
 passed abolishing the state monopoly of public instruction, grant- 
 ing to all citizens the right to establish schools and colleges, and 
 bestowing the power to confer degrees upon a jury composed of 
 representatives of the state and free universities. The tendency 
 of this measure was to give the Roman Catholic priesthood the 
 eventual control of education in France. The Church was willing 
 to expend larger sums for educational purposes than the State ; 
 moreover, the coherence of its organization and its influence in 
 high circles opened to the graduates of its institutions a better 
 chance of making a career. In November the mode of voting 
 for the members of the new House came up. Gambetta and the 
 Republicans in general were in favor of the scrutin de liste, believ- 
 ing themselves more sure of a majority in case all the voters of 
 each department voted for the whole list of delegates from that 
 department. The Right favored scrutin d' arrondissement, since 
 the vote of the conservative country population would be more ef- 
 fective in case the electors of each district voted for one delegate 
 only. Both methods have their disadvantages. The former, by 
 increasing the unit of suffrage from the district to the depart- 
 ment, gives undue power to the majority ; the latter — which was 
 the method actually adopted by a vote of 357 to 326 — makes all 
 districts equal, giving one of 30,000 inhabitants the same repre- 
 sentation as one of 90,000. After choosing seventy-five life-sen- 
 
COLLISION WITH THE CLERICALS. 613 
 
 ators, the majority Moderate Republicans, and appointing a com- 
 mittee of twenty -five to represent it until the new Chambers 
 should be convened, the National Assembly, elected February 8th, 
 1871, came to an end on the 31st of December, 1875. 
 
 AVith the year 1876 begins the history of the definitive and 
 organized republic. The elections for the Senate, on the 30th of 
 January, resulted in a Monarchical majority. Out of the whole 
 number of 300 senators 100 were Moderate Republicans, 40 Bo- 
 napartists, and more than 120 Orleanists and Legitimists. The 
 elections to the Lower House, on the other hand, resulted in the 
 return, in round numbers, of 360 Republicans, 20 of whom were 
 Radicals, or Intransigeants, 90 Monarchists, and 80 Bonapartists. 
 Buffet, the minister-president, failed of election to either House. 
 In December he failed to be elected life-senator, in January he 
 failed to be elected ordinary senator, and in the February elec- 
 tions to the Assembly he was defeated in four different districts. 
 This rendered his resignation inevitable ; and Dufaurc, minister 
 of justice in the late cabinet, an adherent of order, who was ready 
 to support any form of government provided it were legitimate 
 and orderly, was intrusted with the formation of a new ministry 
 from the Right and Left Centres. The Chambers were opened 
 March 7th, 1876; the Duke of Audiffret-Pasquier was chosen 
 president of the Senate, and Jules Grevy of the House, and the 
 work of the organized republic had begun. The first efforts of 
 the Republican majority in the House were directed toward the 
 removal of the state of siege in Paris, Lyons, Marseilles, and Ver- 
 sailles, the repeal of the Clerical school laws of 1875, and a reor- 
 ganization of the personnel of the prefectures and mayoralties in 
 the interest of the Republicans. The first of these measures met 
 with no opposition in either House, and on the 4th of April the 
 four cities in question were restored to their full rights and privi- 
 leges. On the 22d of March Waddington, as minister of public 
 instruction, brought forward a bill restoring to the state the ex- 
 clusive right to confer academic degrees. This measure, which 
 Dupanloup, Bishop of Orleans and a member of the Senate, char- 
 acterized in an open letter as " an attack on religion and the 
 church," passed the Assembly with a majority of over 200 votes 
 (338 to 128), but was thrown out in the Senate by a majority of 
 five (144 to 139). At the funeral of the composer Felicien Da- 
 vid, who, as member of the Legion of Honor, was entitled to a mil- 
 
614 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 itary escort, the commanding officer, learning that in his ■will the 
 deceased had expressly desired to be buried without religious cer- 
 emonies, marched the escort back to their barracks. The action 
 of the ministry, in view of this act of Clerical impertinence, was 
 weak and undecided. They lost respect in both Houses, and be- 
 fore the end of the year Dufaure was obliged to resign. Mac- 
 Mahon summoned Audiffret-Pasquier to form a new Cabinet, but 
 the latter advised him to call a pronounced Republican to office. 
 MacMahon and his advisers believed that, if the Republicans were 
 once in power, they would alarm the country population by at- 
 tempting to carry out radical and revolutionary measures, and 
 thus strengthen the hands of the Conservatives. Jules Simon was 
 the man chosen to bring the Republicans into discredit. The 
 other members of the Cabinet remained substantially the same as 
 before. 
 
 MacMahon's expectations were not fulfilled. The new ministry 
 showed no inclination to hand over the country to radicalism. 
 The elections to the councils-general which were to participate in 
 the election of seventy-five new senators took place before the 
 end of 1877, and therefore it was necessary, before that time ar- 
 rived, to get rid of Simon and his Republican cabinet and commit 
 the government to statesmen of the Right. Simon controlled a 
 majority in the House, and could not be overthrown in a parlia- 
 mentary manner, hence it became necessary for the marshal- 
 president himself to force resignation upon him. In April the 
 " Catholic Assembly " met in Paris. It was resolved to collect 
 among the French Roman Catholics signatures to a petition to 
 the government regarding the Pope's "imprisonment," setting 
 forth the obstacles in the way of the free exercise of his spiritual 
 functions, expressing a fear that he might soon be forbidden to 
 hold any communication with the Roman Catholic world, and 
 calling upon the French government to interfere for the restora- 
 tion of his freedom. Simon issued an order directing all prefects 
 to prevent the circulation of this petition, as calculated to incite 
 French citizens to hostilities against a neighboring friendly power. 
 Some of the bishops issued pastorals and open letters containing 
 still more direct attacks upon the Italian government, and were 
 warned to desist from all farther interference in matters of foreign 
 policy. On the 3d of May, in the Lower House, Leblond interpel- 
 lated the ministry with regard to the measures employed for the 
 
THE FOURTEENTH OF MAY. 615 
 
 repression of the Ultramontane agitation, which he designated as 
 "a declaration of war on Italy." Simon detailed the measures 
 which had been adopted, and added, with reference to the letters 
 of the bishops, that they were based on the theory of the Pope's 
 "imprisonment." "It is, however, not a fact that the Pope is a 
 prisoner. The statements made are, if not altogether false, at 
 least exaggerated." Informed of Simon's words, the Pope toot 
 the earliest possible opportunity to complain publicly that the 
 French minister-president had called him a "liar." On the 15th 
 this complaint became known to MacMahon, among whose most 
 intimate counsellors were Madame MacMahon and Bishop Dupan- 
 loup, her conscience-holder. On the following morning Simon 
 received a letter from the president, practically asking for his 
 resignation, on the ground that he had not exercised sufficient in- 
 fluence on the House of Representatives with reference to the 
 Press Bill then under discussion. (At a later date the Duke of 
 Broglie ascribed the president's action to the undue influence 
 which Simon allowed Gambetta to exert upon him.) All the 
 ministers at once handed in their resignations. Although the 
 Republicans had a majority of 200 in the Lower House, a 
 Cabinet was formed containing one Bonapartist, two Legitimists, 
 and three Orleanists ; one of the latter, the Duke of Broglie, being 
 minister-president. At the same time the president prorogued 
 the Chambers for one month ; but, before they separated, 363 
 members of the House united in a manifesto of protest to their 
 constituents against the unconstitutional course pursued by the 
 marshal. 
 
 The new ministry displayed the greatest activity in the removal 
 of Republican officials. Out of 87 prefects 50 were either trans- 
 ferred or removed altogether; 150 subprefects, secretaries-general, 
 etc., suffered a similar fate, and the new officials extended the pol- 
 icy of removal to those below them in office. Repressive measures 
 were adopted with regard to clubs, meetings, cafes, and restaurants 
 of a Republican character, and, above all, the Press. The Chambers 
 re-assembled on the 16th of June. Broglie read a message of the 
 president to the Senate, asking the consent of the latter to a disso- 
 lution of the House. This consent was granted by a vote of 150 
 to 130, and on the 25th of June the Chamber was dissolved. The 
 electoral campaign for the new Chamber began at once. The four 
 Republican groups united in supporting for re-election the 363 rep- 
 
616 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 resentatives who had signed the manifesto of May 19th. Gambet- 
 ta was the virtual leader of the Eepublican forces. A speech of 
 his at a banquet in Lille, on the 15th of August, gave the watch- 
 word to the party : " When in the elections France shall have pro- 
 nounced her sovereign verdict, it will be necessary either to sub- 
 mit or to resign {se soumettre ou se demettre).^^ For these words 
 the ex-dictator was condemned to three months' imprisonment 
 and fined 2000 francs, but the government did not dare to en- 
 force the sentence for fear of a popular rising. Wherever the 
 liepublican chief appeared he was greeted with popular demon- 
 strations and public applause. The marshal, on the other hand, 
 who, pushed into the foreground by his reactionary ministers, 
 imdertook a tour of the provinces and made political speeches at 
 various places, was greeted with cries of " Long live the Repub- 
 lic !" " Long live the 363 !" " Long live Thiers !" 
 
 The latter, whose name was a pledge of order and patriotism, 
 the Republican moderator, who held the various fractions togeth- 
 er and was looked on by Gambetta as MacMahon's successor, died 
 on the 4th of September at the ripe age of eighty. Victor Hugo 
 (Senate) and Gambetta forthwith issued a letter designating Jules 
 Grevy as Thiers's successor in the representation of his vacant 
 Parisian electoral district, in the leadership of the 363, and as 
 future president of the republic. 
 
 September 19th MacMahon published his electoral manifesto. 
 In this he announced that the government would designate the 
 candidates who met with its approval, that hostile elections would 
 only prolong the crisis and retard the course of business, for he 
 would in no case yield to radicalism. This called forth a num- 
 ber of counter manifestoes from the Republican side. In his 
 address to his Belleville electors Gambetta declared that " France 
 will condemn the dictatorial policy, and leave the chief of the ex- 
 ecutive power no other choice than either se soumettre ou se de- 
 mettrey For these words he was condemned to three months' 
 imprisonment and a fine of 4000 francs ; but again the govern- 
 ment did not dare to arrest him. The bishops also took part 
 in the campaign, and threw the whole weight of their position 
 on the side of the government. A three days' supplication was 
 decreed for the favorable issue of the elections, and papal ab- 
 solution offered to all who rendered assistance to the marshal. 
 The electoral proclamations of the Republicans were for the most 
 
MACMAHON'S MANIFESTOES. 617 
 
 part confiscated by tlic prefects of the departments in which they 
 were issued. On the 12th of October, two days before the elec- 
 tions, the president issued a second manifesto, in which the 
 voters were appealed to in the following language: "You will 
 vote for the candidates whom I recommend to your free choice. 
 Go to the polls without fear. Follow my summons. I myself 
 am your security for the maintenance of peace and order." 
 
 The elections resulted in the return of about 320 Republicans 
 and 210 Royalists, 112 of whom were Bonapartists. Both par- 
 ties were mistaken in their reckoning. The Republicans had ex- 
 pected to elect 400 delegates in place of the original 363, while 
 the government had expected to have a majority at its disposal. 
 Tlie result was, however, a Republican victory, for 320 delegates 
 could refuse to vote the budget as well as 363, and a second dis- 
 solution was impossible, since the thirteen constitutional Orleanists 
 who held the balance of power in the Senate refused their con- 
 sent. The elections to the councils-general, whose members would 
 take part in the election of seventy-five new senators in the follow- 
 ing year, also resulted to the advantage of the Republicans. It 
 was evident that the great majority of all classes of the popula- 
 tion was against the Broglie ministry ; still the latter did not 
 resign. The Chambers met on the 7th of November. Albert 
 Grevy moved the appointment of a committee of thirty-three 
 for the investigation of abuses occurring during the late elec- 
 tions. In spite of the opposition of the government the motion 
 was carried by a vote of 320 to 203. The committee appointed 
 consisted entirely of members of the four Republican groups, as 
 the result of whose labors ninety -three members of the Right 
 were ultimately unseated. Finally, on the 20th of November, 
 all the ministers resigned. Still possessed of the infatuation that 
 he was justified in rescuing the country from the dangers of radi- 
 calism by the interference of his personal will, MacMahon formed 
 a new ministry (Rochebouet) consisting entirely of Royalists and 
 Bonapartists, differing from the preceding only in the fact that 
 none of its members were sufficiently prominent to have seats in 
 either House. This Cabinet presented itself to the Chambers on 
 the 24th of November, whereupon, at Jules Ferry's motion, the 
 Lower House resolved, by a vote of 323 to 108, to enter into no 
 relations with an unparliamentary cabinet. MacMahon would not 
 yield. On the 26th the minister of finance asked the Chamber 
 
618 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 to vote tlie four direct taxes in order that government business 
 might not come to a stand-still. The budget commission, presided 
 over by Gambetta, refused to take any notice of the measures of 
 the obnoxious cabinet. The president saw himself obliged to 
 dismiss Rochebouöt and summon Dufaure to form a new minis- 
 try (December 6th), but as he still persisted in his theory of per- 
 sonal government, and wished to fill three of the ministerial posts 
 (foreign affairs, war, and navy) with his own followers, Dufaure 
 declined the task. Thereupon negotiations with the Right were 
 renewed. Extremists talked of a coup d'etat. Others proposed 
 an appeal to the people, and the passage of the budget by means 
 of a 2'>l^biscite. There was even a military plot on foot. Busi- 
 ness came to a stand-still. Petitions and delegations urged the 
 marshal to yield. This lasted a week, then he surrendered. Se 
 soumettre was preferred to se demettre. Dufaure was again sum- 
 moned, and on the 14th the formation of a new cabinet was com- 
 pleted. All the ministers, with the exception of Borel (war), were 
 Republicans, and, as though to emphasize the defeat of the Cleri- 
 cals, four of them — Waddington, Say, Borel, and Pothnan (foreign 
 affairs, finance, war, marine) — were Protestants. Dufaure at once 
 introduced a bill granting amnesty for all political offences since 
 the 16th of May. Sweeping changes were also made in the joc?-- 
 sonnel of the prefectures. Out of eighty-seven prefects eighty-two 
 were removed and one transferred. Then the House adjourned 
 until the 8th of January. 
 
 The victory was Gambetta's victory. His power increased 
 every day. Experience had tempered his radicalism and taught 
 him moderation. He realized the danger arising from the social- 
 istic vagaries and wild fanaticism of the extreme Left, and exerted 
 all his influence to restrain them. The power must fall into the 
 hands of his party if they were patient and bided their time. It 
 might elude them if they grasped at it too hastily. The Radicals 
 called him an " opportunist ;" but he won the more adherents 
 among the lovers of peace and order. His appearance in the 
 provinces was the signal for a genuine ovation. In the autumn 
 of 18V8 he made a brief tour, which resembled a triumphal pro- 
 cession. When he appeared in the theatre the audience rose, the 
 representation was interrupted, and all joined in the Marseillaise. 
 On this tour he delivered political speeches — explanations of his 
 policy. In these speeches he denounced the Clericals, declaring 
 
GAMBETTA AND HIS ENEMIES. 619 
 
 clericalism to be tlie most dangerous foe the republic had to fear. 
 He would maintain the concordat, but insist upon its strict ob- 
 servance. From the report of Bardoux, minister of public in- 
 struction, it appeared that out of 138,252 monks and nuns in the 
 French republic 20,341 were educators of one sort or another, 
 giving instruction in 2328 public and 768 private schools. The 
 unauthorized religious orders numbered 21,444 members — 7444 
 male and 14,000 female — of whom a large part, and particularly the 
 Jesuits, busied themselves with education. This Gambetta con- 
 ceived to be a source of great danger to the republic, and he ex- 
 pressed himself accordingly, still farther exciting, if that were pos- 
 sible, the hatred of the Clericals against him. Besides the Cleri- 
 cals and the extreme radical wing of the Republicans, Gambetta 
 also enjoyed the cordial hatred of the Bonapartists. He was 
 scarcely allowed to speak without interruptions from Cassagnac ; 
 nor was he himself sufficiently guarded in his language. In No- 
 vember of 1878 some hasty words directed against Fourton led, 
 in accordance with the unfortunate and foolish traditions of 
 French politics, to a challenge, and a duel was fought with pistols 
 at thirty -five paces, but a kindly Providence interfered to save 
 each champion from the other's deadly aim. 
 
 As to the marshal-president, he seemed to have concluded to 
 allow the people their own way. He remained in office and did 
 the honors of the republic toward the numerous distinguished and 
 princely visitors to the Paris Exposition of 1878. Chief in the 
 latter category was the Prince of Wales, who showed Gambetta 
 marked attention, inviting him to breakfast at his hotel, and 
 speaking of him as an " hoinme vraiment siijierieurP France felt 
 that the presence of so many princely personages implied the full 
 and friendly recognition of the French republic by the European 
 monarchies, and the Paris papers exultingly expressed themselves 
 to that effect. Only Germany refused to take part in the Exposi- 
 tion at large, reluctantly consenting to participate in the exhibi- 
 tion of painting and sculpture. After the foreign princes had de- 
 parted, MacMahon became more sensible of his political impo- 
 tence. Whatever hopes he may have cherished of a conflict be- 
 tween the two Chambers was finally dispelled by the result of the 
 senatorial elections (January 5th, 1879). Of the seventy-five out- 
 going senators fifty-six were Monarchists and nineteen Republi- 
 cans; of the seventy -five incoming senators sixty were Republi- 
 
620 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 cans and fifteen Monarchists, A Monarchical majority of twenty- 
 four had been turned into a Republican majority of fifty-eight. 
 The Republicans, sure of both Chambers, at once began a more 
 aggressive policy. The removal of a number of Bonapartist gen- 
 erals was demanded. The marshal would not consent to the re- 
 moval of his old comrades in arms ; thereupon, Dufaure handed 
 in his resignation. Once more the marshal stood before the 
 alternatives se soumettre ou se demettre. This time he chose the 
 latter. On the morning of January 30th his letter of resignation 
 was read in both Houses, and at six o'clock on the same day Sen- 
 ate and Assembly met in joint session to choose a new president. 
 In accordance with the programme agreed to by the various Re- 
 publican factions in 1877, Jules Grevy was elected president, 563 
 votes being cast for him and 99 for General Chanzy. The post 
 made vacant by Grevy's elevation was filled the next day by the 
 election of Gambetta to the speakership of the House by a vote 
 of 314 to 91. 
 
 In order to leave the hands of the new president free, Dufaure 
 handed in his resignation. Waddington was thereupon intrusted 
 with the formation of a new cabinet. This displayed a farther 
 inclination toward the Left. Two of its members, Freycinet and 
 Lepere, belonged to the Republican Union — Gambetta's group — 
 the others were taken from the Left Centre and the Moderate Left. 
 The four questions which this cabinet had to solve were amnesty, 
 the prosecution of the Broglie ministry of 1877, removal of the 
 Chambers from Versailles to Paris, and the secularization of edu- 
 cation, ^. e., the withdrawal of the control of public instruction 
 from the hands of the priests. The Radicals, such as Victor 
 Hugo (Senate) and Louis Blanc (House), had long demanded 
 complete amnesty for the criminals of the Commune. The greater 
 part of the lesser offenders had already been pardoned by the 
 president. A bill was now brought in granting amnesty to all 
 those not condemned for offences against the common law. In 
 spite of the opposition of both Radicals and Monarchists, this bill 
 passed both Houses, and a credit of 300,000 francs was granted 
 for the purpose of bringing the released Communists back from 
 New Caledonia. The question of the prosecution of Broglie and 
 Rochebouet, with their associates, almost involved a ministerial 
 crisis. The committee reported in favor of impeaching the mem- 
 bers of both cabinets. AVaddington agreed with the committee 
 
JULES FERRY BEGINS THE CULTURE AMPF. 621 
 
 as to tbe grave character of the crimes committed, but regarded 
 an impeachment as impolitic. Finally, a resolution was passed in 
 the Lower Chamber to the effect that the ministers of May 16th 
 and November 23d (1877) had betrayed the republic. This reso- 
 lution the minister of the interior was requested to placard in 
 every commune. De Broglie, ßochebouet, and their colleagues 
 protested against being condemned and branded with infamy 
 without the formality of a trial ; but their protests passed un- 
 heeded. The third of the four questions before the Waddington 
 ministry was solved in June. The Chambers met in joint session, 
 and repealed the ninth article of the Constitution, which desig- 
 nated Versailles as their place of meeting. The constitutional 
 difficulty being thus removed, a bill was passed in both Houses 
 providing for a removal to Paris. 
 
 The solution of the fourth question involved a cuUurkamj)/. 
 In France the concordat and the organic laws were strict enough, 
 if enforced, to hold the clergy in obedience; but previous govern- 
 ments had not insisted on their observance, so that the bishops 
 and the various religious orders, particularly the Jesuits, had ac- 
 quired a degree of power, especially in the educational field, which 
 was both dangerous and intolerable. To reduce this power the 
 minister of public instruction, Jules Ferry, brought in a bill de- 
 priving the congregations (religious orders) of the right to main- 
 tain high - schools, or share in conferring academic degrees, and 
 forbidding the members of unauthorized congregations to con- 
 duct educational institutions of any description whatever, or give 
 instruction in them. It was also provided that only laymen 
 should in future be eligible for the Educational Council — a body 
 appointed by law for the assistance of the minister of public in- 
 struction; at the same time steps were taken to secure better 
 obedience to the concordat and the organic laws. A circular was 
 issued ordering prefects to enforce the reading in the churches 
 of the prayer for the republic, and directing them to report at 
 once any bishop who should absent himself from his diocese with- 
 out first obtaining permission from the government. The new 
 school law, which, it must be confessed, was somewhat too polem- 
 ical in its character, called forth fiery fulminations from the bish- 
 ops and the Clerical party at large, but the most dangerous op- 
 position came from the Republican Left Centre in the Senate. 
 Jules Simon and his followers opposed the bill as illiberal and 
 
622 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 iinrepnblican in its provisions. It passed the Lower Chamber by 
 a large majority in July of 1879 ; but its discussion in the Senate 
 was postponed until January of 1880. In the mean time Wad- 
 dington, who, like Simon, belonged to the Conservative Republi- 
 cans, was replaced by Freycinet, a member of Gambetta's group, 
 and a devoted personal adherent of the ex-dictator. This change 
 marked a step on Gambetta's road to the open assumption of 
 power, and was universally conceded to be a convincing proof, 
 had proof been wanting, that he it was who dictated the policy 
 of France. This change of ministry took place toward the end 
 of December, 1879. On the 9th of March, 1880, the Senate de- 
 bate on the school laws was ended. The bill was returned to the 
 Lower Chamber with Section 7, excluding members of unauthor- 
 ized religious orders from all participation in the work of educa- 
 tion, struck out. Freycinet was interpellated as to the course 
 which the government intended to pursue. He replied that the 
 existing laws against unauthorized congregations would be en- 
 forced. The Chamber thereupon adopted a resolution approving 
 of the policy proposed. There was abundant provision of un- 
 repealed laws, which, if enforced, would prevent Jesuits and mem- 
 bers of other unauthorized congregations from engaging in edu- 
 cation ; but it was generally supposed that these laws had be- 
 come antiquated and invalid from disuse. As the Senate refused 
 to exclude members of unauthorized congregations from the 
 schools, the government now had recourse to this half-forgotten 
 legislation. On the 30th of March President Grevy issued a 
 proclamation ordering the "so-called society of Jesus" to dis- 
 band, and vacate all institutions in its possession within three 
 months (they had 74 educational institutions with 1011 teachers 
 and about 10,000 scholars), a period which was extended to five 
 months in the case of educational establishments of a scientific 
 character. The other unauthorized congregations were ordered 
 to submit their constitution and statutes to the government for 
 approval, and to obtain recognition for each separate institution 
 before the 1st of July. These March decrees met with the hearty 
 approval of the Lower Chamber, and the Senate expressed no 
 formal disapproval. Loud protests were raised by the Clericals, 
 and disturbances predicted; but the protests passed unheeded, 
 ,and the closing of a number of Jesuit establishments, which took 
 place on the 1st of July, was attended by no disturbances of any 
 
AMNESTY OF TUE COMMUNISTS. 623 
 
 importance. As for the other iinauthorized congregations, al- 
 though they did not make their submission by the time appoint- 
 ed, no measures were talvcn against them ; but, instead, negotia- 
 tions for a compromise were opened with the Vatican. 
 
 In the mean time the question of full amnesty for the criminals 
 of the Commune had again come up, and at length received a de- 
 finitive solution. April 20th, 1879, the imprisoned Communist, 
 Blanqui, was elected to the Chamber from Bordeaux. The Rad- 
 icals once more demanded full amnesty for political offenders and 
 the recognition of Blanqui's election ; but Gambetta was against 
 them, and the election was annulled by an overwhelming majority 
 (372 to 33), A new election was ordered. Blanqui was again a 
 candidate ; but, fortunately for the Chamber, which was thus 
 rescued from an embarrassing predicament, was defeated by a 
 member of the Republican Union. In June of 1880 Blanqui 
 was again a prominent candidate in Lyons, and another ineligible 
 Communist, Trinquet, was elected in one of the Paris districts. It 
 was evident that, in the large cities at least, public sentiment de- 
 manded complete amnesty. A new amnesty bill was brought be- 
 fore the Chamber. Gambetta left his president's chair to speak 
 in its favor. His speech was greeted with thunders of applause, 
 and the measure was carried by a vote of 333 to 140. But Jules 
 Simon, Waddington, and the Moderate Republicans in the Senate 
 opposed the bill, and it was finally returned so amended as to be 
 unacceptable to the majority in the Chamber. Another conflict 
 had arisen betv/een the two Houses. But a way out of the diffi- 
 culty was at length discovered. A bill was passed granting am- 
 nesty to all not convicted of murder or incendiarism who were 
 pardoned before the 14th of July, and to all, without exception, 
 whose sentences were commuted before the 10th of the same 
 month. By this means the Senate found its conscience satisfied, 
 and the House gained its wish. The government granted the 
 necessary pardons and commutations within the time allotted, 
 and all the criminals of the Commune were restored to their full 
 rights and privileges as French citizens. 
 
 Prominent among the returning Communists was the notorious 
 Rochefort, who at once began through the columns of his paper, 
 the Intransigeant, an attack of the most virulent description on 
 Gambetta and his " opportunism." But neither Radicals nor 
 Conservatives could shake Gambctta's position. Indeed, the very 
 
624 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 epithets they made use of, and the ridicule they showered upon 
 hira, bore witness to their consciousness of his absohite power. 
 A Bonapartist journal, Le Pays, designated him as ^^3Ionsieur 
 Gamhetta, Dictateur.'''' The Orleanist paper Soleil said : " The 
 ministers are nothing; the president of the republic is less than 
 nothing. Gambetta, as has been wittily remarked, is the emperor 
 of the republic. He is more than that ; he is the republic itself." 
 Radical journals used similar language. It was manifestly the 
 opinion of the whole country — of those who feared and hated, as 
 Avell as those who trusted and admired him — and in this regard 
 foreign nations also were of the same opinion as the French. 
 Gambetta's utterances on questions of foreign policy were regard- 
 ed as semi-official utterances of the French people. The National 
 Festival was celebrated on the 14th of July, the anniversary of 
 the storming of the Bastile. There was a grand military display, 
 and President Grevy presented 436 new banners to the army. 
 The martial pageant revived national self-confidence. It began 
 to be felt that France was ready to take her revenge for Alsace 
 and Lorraine. This feeling colored Gambetta's speech at a ban- 
 quet in Cherbourg, August 9th, 1880. In guarded language he 
 declared that on the first favorable opportunity France must re- 
 claim her lost provinces. This speech attracted great attention, 
 especially in Germany. The question was, did Gambetta speak 
 for himself merely, or for France? To cause it to appear as 
 though the former were the case, Grevy and Freycinet took every 
 opportunity, in replying to delegations and on other public occa- 
 sions, to announce a policy of peace, and the latter, in a speech at 
 Montauban, was understood to characterize Gambetta's policy as 
 a "policy of adventure." 
 
 It was to his too independent attitude on this occasion that 
 P>eycinet's downfall seems to have been due ; but the ostensible 
 cause of his resignation was a question of internal policy. The 
 negotiations with the Vatican had resulted in a compromise. The 
 Jesuits were to be abandoned to the mercy of the French gov- 
 ernment, while the other unauthorized congregations were to re- 
 main undisturbed for the present, on condition of signing a sort 
 of general submission to the laws of the state. This arrangement 
 was opposed by Constans, Cazot, and Farre (interior, justice, and 
 war), Gambetta's special adherents in the ministry, and after vari- 
 ous attempts at a compromise Freycinet finally resigned (Septem- 
 
FREYCINET DISMISSED. 625 
 
 ber 19th), and Jules Ferry was charged witli the formation of a 
 now cabinet. That Freycinet's fall might not be attributed to his 
 Montauban speech, it was necessary to place in the foreign office 
 a known advocate of peace, and accordingly Bartheleray St. 
 Hilaire, an old friend of Thiers and an admirer of Bismarck's 
 policy, was selected to discharge the duties of that post. It was 
 more than ever manifest that Gambetta was the real, though 
 irresponsible, dictator of French policy, and that cabinets existed 
 merely at his pleasure. The new cabinet carried out the March 
 decrees without compromise. Early in November, 1880, after 
 the courts had declared the expulsion of the Jesuits legal, the 
 Carmelites, Franciscans, Capuchins, Dominicans, Marists, Redemp- 
 torists, and others were expelled from their cloisters. The total 
 number of institutions thus closed amounted to 261. In many 
 cases force was necessary to remove the monks from their cells. 
 Monasteries were besieged. Here and there the populace rose 
 in defence of the Sisters of Charity, the military were called in, 
 and blood was shed. Prominent men, like the Duke de Broglie, 
 encouraged the monks and nuns in their resistance, and even 
 shared with them the perils of a siege. A number of officials 
 resigned rather than be concerned in the execution of such god- 
 less measures ; others, who remained at their posts, were excom- 
 municated. The bishops thundered and the Pope protested ; but 
 the nation at large was with the government. The excitement 
 soon subsided, and the next local elections proved, by the test of 
 increased Republican majorities in the country districts, that even 
 the peasants approved of the course pursued. This encouraged 
 the ministry to go a step farther. The property of religious 
 orders was subjected to taxation, education made compulsory, and 
 religion practically excluded from the schools. 
 
 But public attention was soon diverted from internal affairs by 
 the course of events in Tunis. Since 1878 France had been mak- 
 ing preparations for the annexation of the Regency. At the time 
 of the treaty of Berlin both Germany and England had privately 
 signified their approbation of a French occupation. Bismarck's 
 policy is to isolate France. He has repeatedly urged England — 
 for that is what it amounts to — to annex Egypt, in the hope of 
 thus causing a quarrel between the two Western powers. He 
 favored a French occupation of Tunis for similar reasons. That 
 enterprise must, furthermore, result in the complete estrangement 
 
 27 
 
626 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 of France and Italy, if not in active hostility between them, and 
 would probably involve complications with Spain and Turkey. 
 In fact, it was an undertaking thoroughly well calculated to iso- 
 late France, in addition to which it might prove in itself a task 
 of unexpected difficulty. French statesmen accepted the bait. In 
 the winter of 1880-81 it became generally known in France that 
 the Kroumirs (nomad Arabs, on the north-eastern border of Alge- 
 ria) were guilty of frequent predatory incursions into French ter- 
 ritory, and that the Bey of Tunis was totally unable to restrain 
 his marauding subjects. Public sentiment was manufactured. It 
 soon became evident to all that French troops ought to cross the 
 Tunisian border and chastise the miscreants. There were 30,000 
 Italian colonists in Tunis. Italy was the country nearest to the 
 Regency, and most nearly concerned in its affairs. She intended 
 at some time to annex it. This rendered speedy action and the 
 display of considerable force all the more necessary. In April 
 of 1881 a French army corps, which had been quietly collected 
 in the eastern part of Algeria, crossed the border, French troops 
 were landed on the coast, and French ships proceeded to bombard 
 a Tunisian fort. The Bey protested against the violation of his 
 territory. England's hands were tied by Salisbury's concessions, 
 and Granville could only indicate to the French government that 
 the Tunisian policy must not be repeated in Tripoli or Morocco. 
 The Porte protested against the infringement of its sovereign 
 rights, collected troops in Tripoli, worked upon the religious fa- 
 naticism of the Arabs in Algeria and Tunis to incite them to re- 
 volt, and assiduously cultivated the friendship of Germany. Aus- 
 tria and Russia were indifferent. Italy, unprepared to enter 
 single-handed upon a war with France, waited for future combi- 
 nations to give her an opportunity of revenge. The borders 
 crossed, no Kroumirs eould be found. Nevertheless, French troops 
 were sent to Tunis, and M. Roustan, the French agent at the court 
 of the Bey, extorted from the latter a treaty, involving in reality 
 a French protectorate. France assumed the direction of the Bey's 
 foreign relations, occupied the Tunisian coast, exacted a war in- 
 demnity (or at least the promise of one), and placed a Resident at 
 the capital of the Regency. It was plain that the semi-fictitious 
 Kroumirs had been a mere pretext, and a clumsy one at that. 
 But the territory annexed was commercially of considerable value, 
 and the price paid promised to be small ; accordingly, the French 
 
GÄMBETTA ASSUMES OFFICE. 627 
 
 people showed themselves ready to overlook the doubtful chafac- 
 tcr of the means employed. All was couleur de rose. But this 
 did not last long. It soon became apparent that the treaty ex- 
 torted from the Bey was the beginning and not the end of the 
 matter. Something very like a religious war broke out along 
 almost the entire southern frontier from Morocco to Tripoli. In 
 Tunis the French held little more than the ground they camped 
 on. In Oran, in the extreme west of Algeria, Bon Amena proved 
 a troublesome foe. Moreover, his operations involved the French 
 in a foreign complication. In his raids he killed some Spanish 
 subjects engaged in the culture of esparto grass, drove many more 
 out of the country, and destroyed considerable property. This 
 caused bitter feeling against France on the part of the Spanish 
 people, which was enhanced by the apprehension of an invasion 
 of Morocco ; for the Spanish feel regarding Morocco as the Ital- 
 ians felt regarding Tunis. The great extent of the territory in- 
 volved, the intense heat, the neighborhood of the desert, the irreg- 
 ular nature of the warfare, and the intangible character of the as- 
 sailants, all combined to increase the difBculties of the French po- 
 sition. The enterprise assumed immense proportions. By the 
 middle of September (1881) 60,000 men had been put in the 
 field, and more than $20,000,000 expended. The end is not yet 
 in sight. It is in many respects a repetition of the recent English 
 experiences in Afghanistan and the Transvaal, only France neither 
 can nor will recede. It must also be added that under this ex- 
 perimental test the new army organization has not proved alto- 
 gether satisfactory. All this led to a change of sentiment among 
 the French people, and a general feeling of dissatisfaction with 
 the conduct of the whole affair soon took the place of the earlier 
 manifestations of approval. 
 
 The Tunisian expedition also completed the dislocation of an 
 already inharmonious ministry, and forced Gambetta to assume 
 the power at last. The elections for a new Assembly took place 
 in August. In preparation for that event a bill was introduced 
 replacing the scrutin (T arrondissement by the scrutin de liste. 
 The object of this measure was to return a compact, homogene- 
 ous Republican majority, with a definite programme, instead of a 
 number of Republican groups without homogeneity and with no 
 programme whatever. Such a result would obviously greatly in- 
 crease Gambetta's power, and render it much easier and safer for 
 
628 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 him to assume oflSce. Accordingly, he entered the arena in per- 
 son, in order to secure the passage of the bill. The ministry were 
 divided, and agreed to remain neutral. By the sheer force of his 
 eloquence and personal influence Gambetta carried the bill through 
 the Lower Chamber, but in the Senate neither eloquence nor in- 
 fluence could be exerted. Simon, Waddington, and the Moderate 
 Republicans were opposed to the change, and the measure was 
 finally defeated by a vote of 148 to 114 (June 9th), The August 
 elections took place under the old system, but the result was, nev- 
 ertheless, a victory for the Gambettists (460 Republicans of all 
 shades, and only 90 Bonapartists and Monarchists combined). 
 The new Chambers met on the 28th of October, the Ferry minis- 
 try resigned, and Gambetta at length took office. His attempt to 
 induce prominent politicians, sucii as Ferry and Freycinet, to ac- 
 cept seats in his cabinet failed, and the ministry, which was at 
 length announced, was generally regarded as being nothing but 
 Gambetta. The appointment of Paul Bert, an atheist of the 
 aggressive type, as minister of public worship and instruction, ex- 
 cited universal surprise. For the present the concordat will be 
 strictly observed, but apparently the complete separation of Church 
 and State is intended in the not distant future. 
 
 Gambetta himself assumed the portfolio of foreign affairs. 
 Since 1871 he has been regarded as "the man of revenge." This 
 gave a peculiar significance to his assumption of the foreign oflice, 
 and invested small actions with unusual importance — such, for 
 example, as the resignation of the Count St. Vallier, the peace 
 ambassador at Berlin. More significant than the removal of St. 
 Vallier was Count Chaudordy's appointment to St. Petersburg. 
 Amid all his changes of political party Chaudordy has always re- 
 mained a consistent Prussian-hater. Moreover, he passes for a 
 personal friend of Count Ignatieff. France needs allies, and Gam- 
 betta's present endeavor seems to be to secure the friendship of 
 England and Russia. Russia had been alienated by the Hartmann 
 episode in 1880. England was estranged by the Tunis affair, and 
 the failure to renew the commercial treaty of 1860. France, 
 which uader the empire adopted the principles of free-trade, has 
 under the republic become a convert to the doctrine of protec- 
 tion. The treaty with England expired in 1881, and the nego- 
 tiations for its renewal under the Ferry ministry were attended 
 with no results, Gambetta recoo-nized the value of the commcr- 
 
POSSIBILITIES OF WAR.— THE BONAPARTISTS. 629 
 
 eial treaty in the attempt to secure England's friendship, and has 
 appeared willing to make concessions, if need be, in order to insure 
 a complete entente cordiah. As the world expects sooner or later 
 a war between France and Germany, it may be well to observe 
 that since 1871 both countries have been diligently fortifying 
 their frontiers with such good effect that a direct invasion from 
 either side is practically impossible. Future attacks must appar- 
 ently be made by way of Switzerland or Belgium — the former of 
 which at least is quite undefended on the side toward France — 
 and both of those countries are rather more friendly to France than 
 Germany. The French government has also developed a thorough 
 system of sea transport for large bodies of troops ; an arm of the 
 service which would prove peculiarly valuable in case of war with 
 Italy, for there again the mountain barrier between the two coun- 
 tries has been so fortified as to be practically impregnable. In 
 regard to finances, the French republic is certainly in a more fa- 
 vorable condition than its future foes — if such they are — for in spite 
 of an immense annual expenditure ($780,000,000 for 1882), almost 
 double that of Great Britain, and the loss of half the wine crop, the 
 French budget still shows an excess of receipts over expenditure. 
 Within four years, according to the financial statement of 1882, 
 $200,000,000 of the debt has been paid, and the taxes reduced 
 by $60,000,000. Even allowing for considerable "financing," 
 this is a brilliant exhibit, rendered all the more so by comparison 
 with the prevailing deficits of European budgets. The senatorial 
 elections of the first days of 1882 resulted in a victory for the 
 Republican Union, thus giving Gambetta a working majority in 
 the Senate, and at the same time serving as a vote of confidence 
 in his policy. 
 
 To complete this survey of French history from 1876 to 1881 
 it is necessary to add a few words concerning the death of Prince 
 Louis Napoleon, and its effect on the prospects of the Bonapartist 
 party. Anxious to attract the attention of his countrymen by 
 deeds of martial valor, the young prince attached himself to the 
 English expedition against the Zulus, in South Africa, and was 
 killed while engaged in a reconnoissance, June 1st, 1879. His 
 will was opened at Rouher's house, in the presence of the leading 
 Bonapartists, on the 30th of the same month. By that document 
 the eldest son of Prince "Jerome" Napoleon, the seventeen-year- 
 old Prince Victor, was named his successor in the imperial pre- 
 
630 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 tendersliip. This contravened a senatus consultum of the second 
 empire by which Prince " Jerome" (Napoleon Joseph Paul Charles 
 Bonaparte, son of Jerome, King of Westphalia — called by liis fa- 
 ther's name for the sake of distinction — popularly known by the 
 nickname "Plon-Plon") had been declared successor. The Bona- 
 partists in general recognized the senatus consultum, and made 
 their respects to Prince "Jerome." The latter accepted the in- 
 heritance of head of the family, but refused to become an impe- 
 rial pretender. The Bonapartists hated "Jerome" for his repub- 
 licanism and his bitter hostility to the Clerical party. Some of 
 thera refused him allegiance, a few renounced Bonapartism alto- 
 gether, the rest were of necessity lukewarm adherents. For the 
 present the party has completelyJost its strength and significance. 
 
 §38. 
 
 GERMANY. 
 
 At the commencement of the year 1876 the cuUurlcampf ytas 
 at its height. Prussia was the centre of the straggle, but Baden, 
 Würtemberg, Bavaria, and the German Empire were also involved 
 to a greater or less degree. On the 10th of February, 1876, the 
 "pulpit paragraph," which had been passed in 1871 at the in- 
 stance of the Bavarian c«(/^«s-minister, Lutz, received an exten- 
 sion, this time also at the wish of Bavaria. The original law pro- 
 vided for the punishment of ecclesiastics who prostituted the pul- 
 pit to purposes of political agitation ; the new amendment render- 
 ed them liable to punishment for the composition or publication 
 of letters or other documents calculated to disturb the public 
 peace — a provision operative with regard to papal encyclicas and 
 pastoral letters. This practically completed the injperial culttir- 
 Jcampf legislation. The compulsory civil marriage law and the 
 " pulpit paragraph " had both been passed at the instance of 
 Bavaria. In that state the king and his ministers were liberally 
 inclined, but the majority of the Lower Chamber was Ultra- 
 montane, and resisted every attempt to restrain the power of the 
 clergy, thus forcing the government, contrary to its ordinary pol- 
 icy, to call in the aid of the empire. Baden and Prussia had en- 
 couraged the Old Catholics, as a serviceable weapon agsiinst the 
 
BAVARIA AND THE ROMAN CURIA. 631 
 
 Pope, placing them on a footing of equality witli the papists, and 
 granting them state support. In Bavaria this was rendered im- 
 possible by the attitude of the Lower Chamber, which would have 
 thrown out such an item, if inserted in the budget by the govern- 
 ment, and did summarily reject the petition of the Old Catho- 
 lics. Despite its disagreements with the Ultramontane majority 
 of the House, the relations of the government with the Roman 
 Curia remained unclouded until toward the close of 1876. At 
 that time the government, in accordance with the provisions of 
 the concordat, exercised its right of nomination to the vacant 
 bishoprics of Spires and Würzburg, and the nominees accepted, 
 subject to the approval of the Pope. The latter withheld his con- 
 sent, because the nominees were too liberal, and to avoid a direct 
 conflict the acceptances were withdrawn. The government re- 
 fused to malce new nominations, and, following the example of 
 Prussia, allowed the bishoprics to remain vacant. In 1877 the 
 Archbishop of Munich died ; and as there was no prospect that 
 Pius IX. would confirm any appointee other than an Ultramontane 
 of the most pronounced description, the government allowed that 
 chair also to remain unoccupied. The accession of Leo XIIL, and 
 the comparatively liberal policy of Cardinal Franchi, put an end 
 to this incipient culturkampf. In May of 1878 the government 
 nominated for the vacant sees three ecclesiastics of the same 
 moderate tendencies as those whose nomination had proved so 
 unacceptable to Pius IX. ; the Pope confirmed them at once, and 
 friendly relations were restored. 
 
 In Bavaria, out of eight. episcopal sees three were vacant at the 
 death of Pius IX. But the condition of Prussia was still worse, 
 for there out of twelve bishoprics eight were without a bishop, 
 and of these eight vacancies only two were due to the death of 
 the incumbents. (In July of 1878 a ninth bishopric was vacated 
 by death, and in 1881 occurred the death of Förster, the exiled 
 prince-bishop of Breslau.) The archbishops of Posen and Cologne, 
 and the bishops of Breslau, Paderborn, Münster, and Limbourg, 
 had been deposed for offences of a more or less serious character 
 against the Prussian church laws. In some cases the offence con- 
 sisted in encouraging the clergy to resistance by pastoral letters; 
 in others, in disobedience to the law requiring bishops to obtain 
 the consent of the state to all appointments of clergy {Anzeiye- 
 pflicht), and the like. Some of the offending bishops underwent 
 
632 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 imprisonment ; all of thcni were ultimately obliged to leave Prus- 
 sia and publish their attacks on the government from places of 
 safety in foreign lands. The contest assumed a most bitter char- 
 acter, and the laws were stretched to their utmost limit in the 
 attempt to silence the TJl tram on tan es. The Germania, the organ 
 of the Centre in Berlin, never failed to have at least one member 
 of its staflE imprisoned at Plötzen-See for so-called libel against 
 the government. Indeed, the papers of the Roman Catholic party 
 are said to have had on their staffs one or more editors {Sitz- 
 Redakteure) whose sole business it was to assume the responsibil- 
 ity for offensive articles, and serve out the terms of imprisonment 
 inflicted by the courts. In the imperial Reichstag and the Prus- 
 sian Landtag the party endeavored to make up for the enforced 
 reserve of its Press. In both bodies the Centre, marshalled and 
 commanded by Windthorst, formed a well-drilled phalanx ever 
 ready to attack the chancellor, and casting a solid vote against all 
 his measures. After the accession of Leo XIII. negotiations were 
 opened between the Vatican and Berlin, and for a time the pros- 
 pects of a peace seemed favorable. Franchi was willing to con- 
 cede the Anzeigepflicht (obligation of bishops to report nomina- 
 tions to the government, and obtain its consent to the same, as a 
 preliminary to instalment in office), and Bismarck on his part, in 
 return for this concession, was willing to resume direct communi- 
 cation with the Roman Curia by sending an ambassador to the 
 Vatican. Franchi died while these negotiations were still pend- 
 ing, and his successor, Cardinal Nina, refused to make the all- 
 important concession of the Anzeigepflicht. Negotiations accord- 
 ingly came to a stand -still. So much the world learned from 
 Bismarck's own mouth. 
 
 With regard to the conditions offered by the Prussian govern- 
 ment, it must be observed that there was nothing which could 
 not have been accepted by Roman Catholics in other countries. 
 Intrinsically they were not inadmissible. The attitude of the 
 Curia was rather that what the Church has once acquired, whether 
 by constitutional provisions, by concordat, or by use, cannot be 
 taken away without the consent of the Church itself. Holding, 
 therefore, a peculiarly favorable position in Prussia, through the 
 weakness or mistaken liberality of former administrations, it was 
 unwilling to concede points which were readily enough conceded 
 in other countries. 
 
NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE CENTRE. 633 
 
 The statement referred to above was made by Prince Bismarck 
 at a parliamentary soiree at liis palace in Berlin, on the 15th of 
 February, 1879. At that very time he was greatly in need of the 
 support of the Centre to carry through the Reichstag his new 
 financial policy, which without that support was certain of defeat. 
 On the 31st of March, Windthorst, ex-minister of Hanover, leader 
 of the Centre and Bismarck's bitter foe, who had not exchanged 
 a word with him in private for eleven years, called upon the 
 chancellor at his palace and remained closeted with him for an 
 hour. The ostensible occasion of his visit was to obtain from 
 the Guelph fund in the hands of the Prussian government a set- 
 tlement for the widow of King George of Hanover; but all the 
 world felt sure that other matters than that were at the bot- 
 tom of this meeting. The compromise concluded between the 
 Conservatives and the Centre in the Reichstag, with reference to 
 the chancellor's protective tariff, strengthened the general belief, 
 which received still farther confirmation in the resignation of 
 Falk on the 13th of July. In his place von Puttkammer, an 
 orthodox Lutheran and a strict Conservative, was appointed 
 cultus-m\m%tGv \ while von Gossler, a man of the same stamp, was 
 made minister of the interior. At a later date Falk, whose resig- 
 nation had been offered in the previous year, but not accepted, 
 explained the purpose of the change to be the furtherance of the 
 negotiations with the Vatican, by the removal of a man person- 
 ally obnoxious to the Roman party as the originator and repre- 
 sentative of the May laws. 
 
 In the early part of 1880 those negotiations seemed about to 
 reach a successful issue. The Pope appeared willing to make 
 concessions ; and small though these turned out to be when dip- 
 lomatically explained by Cardinal Nina, they were at least an ad- 
 vance toward a modus vivendi. The Prussian Landtag met on 
 the 20th of May, and the government at once laid before it a bill 
 modifying the existing church laws. There certainly was need 
 of peace. Out of twelve dioceses only four still had a regular 
 administration ; more than one thousand parishes were vacant ; 
 Roman Catholic professorships in the theological faculties of the 
 universities were unoccupied ; and Roman Catholic children were 
 left without religious instruction in the public schools. It was 
 questionable, however, whether the proposed law was calculated 
 to restore the needed peace. In general it conferred upon the 
 
 27* 
 
634 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 king and liis ministers discretionary power of a most far-reaching 
 character. The king was authorized to dispense with the A7i- 
 zeigepflicht, and to restore deposed bishops to office. Ecclesias- 
 tical discipline was to be removed from the courts of justice and 
 left to the discretion of the crown. The existing ecclesiastical 
 laws were not to be abolished, but their enforcement was to de- 
 pend entirely upon the will of the sovereign. The Pope regarded 
 this two-edged measure with distrust, as possibly more dangerous 
 to the Church by its arbitrary and discretionary character than 
 the severe laws already existing, and withdrew, in consequence, 
 what slight concessions he had made. The Centre, accordingly, 
 opposed the bill. This deprived it of all value in Bismarck's eyes, 
 and he consequently took no part in the debates that ensued, 
 leaving Puttkammer to defend his own work. It was even sup- 
 posed that certain features of the bill had been adopted against 
 the chancellor's wishes in consequence of pressure from above. 
 In detailing the difficulties encountered by him in the Schleswig- 
 Holstein affair, Bismarck once laid considerable stress on the 
 opposition he had encountered "from the ladies of the court." 
 Common and plausible report explained the Arnim episode as the, 
 result of a conspiracy to overthrow the chancellor, in which some 
 of those same ladies, and more especially the empress, were con- 
 cerned, and the new church bill was attributed to interference 
 from a like source. The defection of the Clericals rendered the 
 co-operation of the National Liberals necessary to secure its pas- 
 sage, and as the price of that co-operation the Conservatives were 
 compelled to abandon some of its more obnoxious features, par- 
 ticularly the section permitting a minister to dispense with the 
 Anzeigepflicht, and that enapowering the sovereign to reinstate 
 deposed bishops. But even in its amended form the bill granted 
 extensive discretionary powers to the king and his ministers, and 
 by authorizing them to dispense with the oath of allegiance until 
 January 1st, 1882, paved the way for the appointment of bishops 
 in those bishoprics rendered vacant by death. 
 
 One of the rejected clauses of the bill, that empowering the 
 king to reinstate deposed bishops, had been intended for the im- 
 mediate, purpose of restoring Archbishop Melchers of Cologne to 
 office in time for the festival (Dombaufest) at the completion of 
 the Cologne cathedral. Begun in 1248, the mighty Gothic struct- 
 ure was still unfinished when Cologne and the Rhine province 
 
COLOGNE CATHEDRAL. 635 
 
 were united to Prussia by the partition which followed Napole- 
 on's fall. Shortly afterward the original plans were brought to 
 light once more. In 1824 Frederic William III. restored and 
 repaired the choir. In 1842 Frederic William IV. laid the foun- 
 dation of the south portal, and appealed to the German nation to 
 complete the work according to the original design. Gifts poured 
 in from princes and people. In 1863 the whole building, with 
 the exception of the two western towers, was finished and dedi- 
 cated; and on the 14th of August, 1880, those towers had reach- 
 ed their full height of 160 metres. In its long, wearisome, and 
 frequently interrupted growth the massive structure was regarded 
 as a symbol of the history of the German nation, so long divided 
 and weak, at length united and strong. The 15th of October was 
 appointed for the formal completion of the work. At the in- 
 vitation of the emperor, German princes, magnates, and people 
 assembled to witness the ceremony and share in the festivities. 
 Cologne beheld such a pageant as her walls had never seen be- 
 fore. Amid the thunder of cannon and the ringing of bells, 
 while the assembled multitude raised the hymn, '"'■ J^tin danket 
 alle Gott^^ the key-stone was put in place, and the cathedral was 
 complete. The festivities were continued on the following day 
 by an historical procession— arranged with special reference to the 
 years 1248, 1322, and 1842 — the most important epochs in the 
 history of the building. Only the Clericals held aloof, ostenta- 
 tiously refusing to take part in the general rejoicing. They had 
 demanded the recall of Archbishop Melchers, and it had been 
 refused ; consequently they declined to participate. Thus the 
 national event, which filled German hearts with pride, seemed to 
 have widened the breach between Berlin and the Vatican, and 
 dispelled the hopes of peace which had been so bright a few 
 months earlier. 
 
 But, in spite of this little contretemps, the negotiations were 
 not broken oflF. The Prussian government began to allow the 
 Roman Catholic clergy to exercise their old influence in the ad- 
 ministration of the public schools. The rights of the orders en- 
 gaged in nursing the sick were enlarged, in accordance with the 
 recently adopted church laws. In other matters within its dis- 
 cretion the former harsh policy of the government was changed 
 to a policy of friendliness and reconciliation. Bismarck needed 
 the assistance of the Centre to carry through his reactipnary meas- 
 
636 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ures. Moreover, it seemed possible to make to Leo XIII. con- 
 cessions which, in the case of Pins IX., would have been attended 
 with the greatest danger. The culturkampf had been begun be- 
 cause the Roman Ciiurch displayed a spirit hostile to the unifi- 
 cation of Germany under the lead of Prussia ; the danger which 
 that hostility threatened had now vanished. Then, too, the anti- 
 Roman policy of the French government seemed to render a rec- 
 onciliation with the Vatican a possible means of Germanizing 
 the strongly Roman Catholic population of Alsace and Lorraine. 
 The papacy was no longer the ally of France, and might be of 
 service as its foe. On the other side, the increasing difficulties 
 between Italy and the Roman Curia were of a nature to render 
 the Pope more disposed toward peace than formerly. In the 
 summer of 1881 Dr. Kurd von Schloezer, German minister at 
 Washington, formerly secretary of legation at Rome, and a per- 
 sona grata at the Vatican, was commissioned by Bismarck to 
 open direct communication with the Holy Stool. The negotia- 
 tions were conducted with the greatest secrecy. In August Dr. 
 Korum, an Alsatian, was appointed bishop of Treves. Soon after, 
 Dr. Kopp was nominated to the vacant see of Fulda. It was evi- 
 dent that the negotiations had been at least partially successful, 
 and a modus vivendi reached at last. The mutual concessions 
 were not made public, but it was announced before long that 
 Prussia was to rcsume diplomatic communications with the Vati- 
 can. In the budget of lS82-'83 appeared an appropriation of 
 90,000 marks for that purpose, and Dr. Schloezer was designated 
 as ambassador. Apparently, also, Prussia agreed to modify the 
 oath of allegiance required from ecclesiastics, while the Pope, on 
 his part, conceded the Anzeigepflicht, The negotiations with the 
 Vatican cast a shadow on the good understanding with Italy. 
 There was even some talk of the substitution of an international 
 guarantee of the liberty and sovereign independence of the Pope 
 in place of the guarantee of Italy alone. In Germany itself the 
 first result of the conclusion of peace was a partial union of Cleri- 
 cals and Conservatives in the electoral campaign for the new 
 Reichstag^ in October of 1881. After the Reichstag met, Windt- 
 horst moved and carried a bill repealing the imperial law against 
 the unauthorized exercise of ecclesiastical offices. Bismarck, on 
 his side, could depend, at least so far as his policy was reaction- 
 ary, upon the support of a sort of Clerico-conservative alliance, 
 
SOCIAL DEMOCRATS.— ASSASSIN HÖDEL. C37 
 
 as the Conservative contribution to which the Prussian govern- 
 ment brought before the Landtag, in a somewhat strengthened 
 form, the rejected church bill of 1880. 
 
 The Roman Catholics had been the object of special legislation 
 as dangerous to the unification of the empire. In 1876 the im- 
 perial government attempted to forge a similar weapon (one of 
 the so-called " caoutchouc " paragraphs) against the Social Demo- 
 crats as dangerous not alone to the political, but also to the social 
 order of the state. Bebel, a member of the Reichstag, and one 
 of the leaders of the more moderate wing of the Social Democrats, 
 proclaimed the programme of the party to be : Universal, direct 
 suffrage of both sexes from the age of twenty on, with secret 
 compulsory ballot; direct legislation by the people themselves; 
 popular decision of questions of peace or war ; citizen soldiery ; 
 free administration of justice ; free instruction in all educational 
 institutions; total separation of Church and State. Tiic party was 
 well organized for purposes of agitation among the laboring 
 classes. It had twenty-three political organs — sixteen of which 
 were printed in co-operative Social-democratic printing establish- 
 ments, with 100,000 regular subscribers. It had well-paid officers 
 to direct its Press. Every year it distributed hundreds of thou- 
 sands of pamphlets broadcast, while 145 orators travelled from 
 place to place, propagating and expounding the views of the 
 party. To this agitation Bismarck did not hesitate to ascribe 
 both the existing financial depression and also the notorious in- 
 feriority of German labor and German manufactures to the labor 
 and manufactures of France, Belgium, and England. Neverthe- 
 less (in 1876) all parties, excepting the Conservatives, united in op- 
 posing any extraordinary legislation against the Social Democrats. 
 
 On' the 11th of May, 1878, as the emperor, accompanied by his 
 daughter, the Grand-ducliess of Baden, was driving up Unter den 
 Linden in an open carriage, a man standing on the sidewalk fired 
 two shots at him from a revolver. The would-be regicide proved 
 to be a young Leipzig tinsmith, named Ilödel. Expelled by the 
 Social Democrats for dishonest practices, he came to Berlin and 
 joined the Christian Socialists, a local party organized by court- 
 preacher Stöcker, with the support and sympathy of the court, for 
 the homoeopathic purpose of combating one form of socialism 
 by another. Hödel's attempt was laid to the account of the So- 
 cial Democrats. He himself was ultimately executed, and an 
 
638 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 antisocialist bill of raost stringent character, adopted by the Bun- 
 desrath at the motion of Prussia, was laid before the ReicJistag. 
 Once more, however, all parties united against the Conservatives, 
 and the bill was defeated. 
 
 On the afternoon of Sunday, June 2d, as the emperor, quite 
 unattended, was driving down Unter den Linden in an open car- 
 riage, two shots were tired in rapid succession from the window 
 of No. 18. The weapon used was a double-barrelled shot-gun, 
 charged with small buckshot. The emperor was wounded in the 
 head and arms. His helmet was perforated by so many pellets 
 that it resembled a sieve. As they brought him back to his 
 palace his first words were, " I do not understand why I am for- 
 ever shot at." The assassin was Dr. Charles Nobiling, an erratic, 
 aspiring egotist, and an unsuccessful applicant for office. He 
 was a Social Democrat, and there seems good reason to believe 
 that his attempt was planned, or at least approved by, the Inter- 
 nationale in London. lie resisted desperately the attempt to capt- 
 ure him, breaking the jaw of one of his captors, and inflicting on 
 himself a wound which ultimately proved fatal. 
 
 As the emperor's wounds, although not necessarily fatal, were 
 nevertheless of a very serious character, the duties of government 
 devolved for a time upon the crown prince. In the Bimdesrath 
 Prussia moved the dissolution oi i\\Q Reichstag, vihich. had refused 
 to pass a socialist bill, and her motion was carried. This amount- 
 ed to an appeal to the people on the question of special laws 
 against the Social Democrats. In the mean time the existing 
 laws were interpreted with the greatest possible severity. The 
 elections for the new Reichstag took place on the 31st of July, 
 and resulted in the return of a little more than one hundred Con- 
 servatives of all shades, and about the same number of Clericals. 
 The Liberals and Progressists combined also numbered about one 
 hundred. The Conservatives were the only gainers by the elec- 
 tion, polling 525,000 more votes than in the previous year, about 
 one-half of the increase being due to an absolute increase in the 
 total vote. The other important parties all showed a small fall- 
 ing off. The Social Democrats, who disclaimed all responsibility for 
 the attempts of Ilödel and Nobiling, polled 415,485 votes, 65,513 
 less than they had obtained the year before, returning nine mem- 
 bers, six of whom were from Saxony. In Berlin, out of 153,600 
 votes cast, 56,000 were for the candidates of the Social Democracy. 
 
ANTISOCIALIST LEGISLATION. 639 
 
 The Bundesrath met on the 14th of August, and prepared a 
 new socialist bill to be submitted to the Reichstag. The latter 
 came together on the 9th of September. Bismarck himself en- 
 tered the lists for the government measure. The debate was of 
 the most animated description. Both the Progressists and the 
 Social Democrats charged Bismarck with having formerly encour- 
 aged the latter, as a weapon to be used against the Progressists 
 and progressive liberalism in general ; a charge which he, for his 
 part, indignantly, if not altogether successfully, denied. The 
 National Liberals and some independent fractions united with the 
 Conservatives, and the bill was finally passed (October 19th) by a 
 vote of 221 to 149. It provided for the suppression of Social- 
 democratic meetings, the confiscation and prohibition of Social- 
 democratic newspapers, periodicals, and the like, and empowered 
 the government to place in a state of lesser, or civil, siege those 
 places in which the public safety was endangered by socialistic 
 agitation. The declaration of the state of siege involved the 
 power of forbidding any or all public meetings, the expulsion of 
 persons without visible means of support, the prohibition of the 
 possession of weapons, and strict police supervision of all inhabi- 
 tants. By a Liberal amendment the operation of this measure 
 was limited to two and a half years, namely, until the 31st of 
 March, 1881. 
 
 The new law was energetically enforced. One hundred and 
 fifty-three Social -democratic clubs and local organizations and 
 one hundred and seventy-five newspapers were forbidden before 
 the 2d of December. Berlin was declared in a state of siege, and 
 forty-two persons, including two members of the Reichstag, were 
 expelled, as dangerous to the public peace. On the 5th of De- 
 cember the emperor, restored to health once more, returned amid 
 popular I'ejoicings to a capital subjected to a police supervision of 
 a most minute and aggravating description. 
 
 In April of 1 880 the government asked for an extension of the 
 antisocialist bill, and the parties which had originally imited to 
 pass the bill united once more to extend the time of its operation 
 to the 30th of September, 1884. The state of siege, ultimately 
 suspended over Hamburg and Leipzig as well as Berlin, was re- 
 newed from year to year. The special laws were enforced with 
 the greatest severity ; but the greater the severity exercised the 
 greater the severity required. Freedom of the Press vanished. 
 
640 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 Vast power was placed in the hands of the government, both di- 
 rectly and indirectly endangering the liberty of all subjects ; but 
 the end aimed at was not attained. The Social Democrats re- 
 tained their organization and increased their power. Their ora- 
 tors were forbidden to address the people, their electoral assem- 
 blies were prohibited, their papers were suppressed, their leaders 
 were expelled. A division occurred in their own ranks. Most, 
 editor of Freiheit (London), the leader of the more radical 
 wing of the party, was expelled, and his teachings disowned, al- 
 though the moderate Social Democrats were sufficiently revolu- 
 tionary to announce their sympathy with the Russian Nihilists. 
 Nevertheless, in spite of persecutions without and divisions with- 
 in, in the elections of 1881 the party showed an increase of 
 strength, and with their allies succeeded in returning twelve rep- 
 resentatives in place of the nine of 1878. 
 
 Besides the Social Democrats each Reichstag contains a small 
 number of particularists, who are hostile to the empire — Poles, 
 Danes, Guelphs, or Hanoverians (who aim at the re-establishment 
 of the Hanoverian kingdom), and representatives of Alsace- 
 Lorraine. The thorough amalgamation of the last-named prov- 
 inces in the German Empire proved a task of the greatest diffi- 
 culty. In 1874 a Landesau sschuss, or territorial commission, was 
 created by an edict of the emperor. This body had, however, 
 merely a consultative character, and the Reichstag continued, as 
 before, to legislate for the imperial lands. In 1877 it was judged 
 safe to enlarge the powers of this commission by removing from 
 the province of the Reichstag all ordinary legislation for Alsace 
 and Lorraine, and making the consent of the Landesausschuss to 
 the measures of the Bundesrath requisite in all matters of the 
 budget or local affairs. In June of 1879 another step was taken, 
 and the imperial lands received a constitution. The executive 
 power was to consist of a stadtholder appointed by the emperor, 
 whose measures required the counter-signature of a secretary of 
 state, also appointed by the emperor. The stadtholder's council, 
 a sort of senate, was to consist of twelve persons, four of them 
 the holders of certain offices in the appointment of the emperor 
 or the stadtholder, eight of them confirmed by the emperor on 
 nomination of the Landesausschuss, and holding office for three 
 years. The Landesausschuss, or Lower House, was to be increased 
 to fifty-eight members — thirty-four to be chosen by the various 
 
ALSACE-LORRAINE.— BISMARCK'S USE OF PARTIES. 64 1 
 
 district assemblies, and twenty-four by indirect suffrage of the 
 people, their term of office to be three years. Where local in- 
 terests were concerned Alsace-Lorraine was to be represented in 
 the Bundesrath by deliberating members without a vote. Gen- 
 eral Manteuffel was appointed stadtholder, and filled the office 
 with great tact and discretion, doing away with some petty re- 
 strictions of a galling character, and displaying a commendably 
 conciliatory spirit. 
 
 The sentiments of the population remained French, but the 
 aggressive Gallicism of the first years of the annexation died 
 away. The emperor visited Strasburg and Metz in 1877, and was 
 received with enthusiasm. An autonomist party, which accepted 
 the existing situation, but bestowed its loyalty on the province in- 
 stead of the empire, began little by little to supplant the irrec- 
 oncilable party of protest. But young men of the better class 
 were still sent to French universities instead of to the magnifi- 
 cently equipped German university at Strasburg, and many pre- 
 ferred expatriation to service in the German army. The French 
 language was persistently retained, and even the debates of the 
 Landesausschuss were conducted in that tongue, although the na- 
 tive and natural language of the majority of the population was 
 German, 
 
 Opposition to the policy of centralization pursued by the im- 
 perial chancellor and his august master was also encountered from 
 the governments of the various German states, especially Bavaria, 
 Wiirtemberg, and Saxony. They were afraid of being " Prussian- 
 ized." It was Bismarck's aim to reduce these separate govern- 
 ments to nonentities, and constitute a strong imperial government, 
 in which the dominant influence must of necessity be Prussian. 
 To attain this end he was willing to use any tools ; as he himself 
 said, " to take his allies where he could find them." At first he 
 relied on the National Liberals. When their constitutional and 
 parliamentary theories began to interfere with his schemes, he 
 threw them aside and inaugurated a Conservative reaction. Con- 
 stantly seeking to divide the ranks of his opponents, he thus 
 fostered the growth of small parties, a coalition of two or more 
 of which is necessary to form a majority. With different parties 
 he must of necessity pursue different tactics. With the National 
 Liberals he bad been a free-trader ; to obtain the support of the 
 Conservative landholders he became a protectionist ; as a bait to 
 
642 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 the laboring classes he advocated state socialism, and proposed, 
 among other measures, the support of disabled laborers by the 
 state, by means of a compulsory system of accident insurance on 
 the part of employers. Surveying his changes of policy in these 
 respects, it becomes evident that the prince-chancellor himself be- 
 longed to no party and could belong to none. He regarded him- 
 self as above party programmes and party principles. To him 
 free-trade or protection were not permanent principles of legiskr 
 tion, but merely a means of acquiring votes, to be adopted or cast 
 aside as the immediate occasion required. In his eyes any measures 
 were justified which would strengthen the imperial government with 
 Prussia at its head. It must be farther premised that, from the 
 very nature of his political genius and previous activity, he tended 
 to look at all matters from the point of view of foreign policy. 
 lie made combinations of parties, and played one against an- 
 other, as though they were all so many foreign states, primarily 
 to strengthen the central power, not to improve the condition of 
 the people. The government, not the people, occupied the place 
 of importance in his eyes, and in so far his policy was essentially 
 autocratic. 
 
 Bismarck's breach with his former financial policy and with 
 his National Liberal supporters began in 1876, although it was 
 not consummated until the winter of ISVY-'VS, when the latter 
 flatly refused to take office on condition of supporting his scheme 
 of a government tobacco monopoly. On the 25th of April, 1876, 
 Delbrück, Prussian minister of state, and president of the impe- 
 rial chancery, who had guided the financial policy, first of the 
 North German Confederation, and afterward of the German Em- 
 pire, since 1867, retired from office, and was succeeded by Hof- 
 tnann, Hessian minister -president. His resignation was — acci- 
 dentally, it was claimed — coincident with the introduction of 
 Bismarck's railroad bill in the Prussian Landtag. 
 
 Since 1874 the imperial government had been endeavoring to 
 gain control over the German railroad system. A special impe- 
 rial railroad department had been created, and bills giving the 
 empire the general supervision and control of the state and pri- 
 vate railroads in the various German states had been laid before 
 the Bundesrath. Saxony and the south German states opposed 
 such a measure, as conferring too much power on the empire — 
 i.e., in the last resort, Prussia — at the expense of the individual 
 
STATE RAILROADS.— FINANCIAL POLICY. 643 
 
 members. Finding it impracticable to carry directly a bill giving 
 the empire the power desired, Bismarck next endeavored to use 
 Prussia as a lever to force the other states to terras. According- 
 ly, a bill was carried through the Prussian Landtag (May, 1876) 
 empowering the Prussian government to sell to the empire all 
 railroads in its possession, and at the same time to transfer its 
 right of control over private roads. But as a majority of the 
 members of the Bundesrath opposed the acquisition of railroads 
 by the empire, this method of exerting pressure on the other states 
 had to be abandoned. The chancellor's resources were not yet 
 exhausted, however. In November of 1879 the Prussian govern- 
 ment carried through the Landtag a bill authorizing the state to 
 purchase the private railroads. In this way Prussia will ultimate- 
 ly acquire control over about seventy-seven per cent, of the total 
 railroad system of Germany, and be in a position to coerce the 
 other states in somewhat the same way in which she formerly 
 forced the middle states to join the Customs' Union whether 
 they would or no. 
 
 One important result of the acquisition of the railroads by the 
 empire would be to diminish the financial dependence of the lat- 
 ter on the individual states. The proposed government monop- 
 oly of tobacco and the tariff revision both had the same object in 
 view. In 1875 Bismarck had advocated an exclusively revenue 
 tariff, in which the revenue should be raised by duties on such 
 articles of import as coffee, tea, tobacco, petroleum, and the like. 
 On the 15th of December, 1878, he laid before the Bundesrath 
 the principles of a tariff reform intended to increase the revenues 
 of the empire by an increase of the indirect taxes, and thus de- 
 crease the amount of the annual quotas of the separate states. 
 Emancipated from the influence of Delbrück and his free-trade 
 principles, he proposed to return to the system which had pre- 
 vailed in Prussia from 1818 to 1865, according to which all arti- 
 cles imported pay duty, with the protective modification that raw 
 material intended for manufacturing purposes, not produced in 
 Germany, or produced in insignificant quantities, should be admit- 
 ted free. A commission was at once appointed to frame a new 
 tariff, and Varnbiiler, of Wiirtemberg, a pronounced protectionist, 
 who had himself brought a protective bill before the Reichstag 
 in the previous year, was appointed president of the commission. 
 
 The bill proposed by the commission, in harmony with Bis- 
 
644 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 marck's susfgestions, was accepted by the Bundesrath on the 3d 
 of April, 1879, and laid before the Reichstag on the following 
 day. The motive of the bill, as set forth by the chancellor, was 
 the necessity, " not alone of assisting individual branches of in- 
 dustry by special protective duties, but still more to secure to 
 native industry in all branches an advantage over foreign indus- 
 try in the home market," and to increase the exportability of 
 native goods. The chancellor was sure of the support of the 
 Conservatives, for whose benefit the tax on corn and agricultural 
 products in general was materially increased. The attitude of 
 the National Liberals was uncertain. The left wing of the par- 
 ty, under Lasker, was either in favor of absolute free-trade or at 
 least against the increase of the corn-tax, and the majority, under 
 Bennigsen, was only partially reliable. The Progressists were, as 
 usual, in opposition, being pronounced free-traders. Under these 
 circumstances the vote of the Centre was necessary for the pas- 
 sage of the government measure. The successful negotiations 
 with that party have already been referred to. By the union of 
 Centre and Conservatives the bill was carried by a vote of 217 
 to 117 (July 13th), and Germany joined the majority of the Eu- 
 ropean states in the adoption of a protective tariff, llobrecht 
 and Friedenthal, Prussian ministers of finance and agriculture, re- 
 signed; pronounced Conservatives were appointed in their stead, 
 and the last trace of Liberal ascendency in the councils of Prince 
 Bismarck had vanished. 
 
 The new financial scheme did not end at the change from free- 
 trade to protection. The new tariff was a Conservative measure, 
 favoring the landholders and capitalists. Other measures were 
 necessary to win the support of the lower classes. One project, 
 intended to strengthen the hands of the government, and at the 
 same time secure support among the laboring men, was the to- 
 bacco monopoly. But this met with little favor in the Reichstag, 
 and although, like the quadrennial elections and the biennial ses- 
 sions and biennial budgets — measures intended to strengthen the 
 imperial government at the expense of the imperial parliament 
 — brought up year after year, was always rejected. 
 
 In September of 1880 Bismarck assumed in person the port- 
 folio of commerce and industry, and by an exercise of the pre- 
 rogative of the Prussian king created for himself an Economical 
 Council, in which commerce, agriculture, and manufactures were 
 
RESCRIPT AND REACTION. 645 
 
 all to be represented, part of its members being chosen from the 
 laboring classes. The attempt to create an imperial Economical 
 Council failed, owing to the refusal of the Reichstag to vote the 
 necessary appropriation. The project of compulsory state acci- 
 dent insurance also met with small favor in the Reichstag. But 
 the indefatigable chancellor, accustomed, by a skilful manipula- 
 tion of parties, to carry his object in the face of a hostile major- 
 ity, would not abandon his plans, lie was sure of the emperor's 
 support and approval, and relied on that sense of his indispen- 
 sableness which was so strongly felt by the nation at large, even 
 by many of those who could not approve of his policy. In the 
 elections of 1881 his new economical and financial projects were 
 submitted to the direct vote of the people. No efforts Avere 
 spared on the part of the government. Unlimited abuse was 
 heaped on all opponents of the government measures, and their 
 personal and political motives aspersed, but a similar tone toward 
 the government was punished by fines and imprisonment as libel. 
 The emperor was dragged into the struggle, and the chancellor's 
 schemes represented as the cherished wishes of the aged mon- 
 arch's heart. The result was a practical defeat of the govern- 
 ment. The alluring bait of measures for the laboring classes 
 (among other things the proceeds of the tobacco monopoly were 
 to be devoted to the insurance of laborers against accidents) 
 failed of the desired effect, and the candidates for whose election 
 the government had made the greatest exertions were defeated. 
 The total returns were : Conservatives, 76; Clericals and Guelphs 
 combined, 107 ; National Liberals, 43 ; Secessionists (formerly 
 the left wing of National Liberals), 47 ; Progressists, 68 ; Social 
 Democrats, with their allies, 12; Alsace-Lorrainers, 15; Poles, 18; 
 Danes, 2 ; Independents, 8. The previous Clerico - conservative 
 majority of 220 was accordingly converted into a minority of 183. 
 This defeat caused no change in Bismarck's policy. The em- 
 peror's message to the new Reichstag (October l7th, 1881) called 
 only the more urgently for the establishment of an imperial Eco- 
 nomical Council, a state monopoly of tobacco, state insurance of 
 working-men, quadrennial elections, and biennial sessions. Both 
 in the Reichstag and in the Prussian Landtag Bismarck was se- 
 verely criticised for bringing the emperor's person into the fore- 
 ground, and seeking to pass his own measures by an improper 
 use of the emperor's personal prestige and popularity. In answer 
 
G46 POLITICAL HISTORY OF KECENT TIMES. 
 
 to these attacks appeared the royal rescript of January 4th, 1882, 
 in which the emperor, speaking in his character as king of Prus- 
 sia, says : " The government acts of the king require the counter- 
 signature of a minister, and, as was also the case before the con- 
 stitution was issued, have to be represented by the king's minis- 
 ters, but they nevertheless remain government acts of the king, 
 from whose decisions they result, and who thereby constitution- 
 ally expresses his will and pleasure. It is, therefore, my will 
 that both in Prussia and in the legislative bodies of the empire 
 there may be no doubt left as to my own constitutional right, 
 and that of my successors, to personally conduct the policy of my 
 government, and that the theory shall always be gainsaid that 
 the inviolability of the king, which has always existed in Prussia, 
 and is enunciated by article 43 of the constitution, or the neces- 
 sity of a responsible counter-signature of my government acts, de- 
 prives them of the character of royal and independent decisions." 
 This extraordinary rescript, affecting primarily Prussia, and sec- 
 ondarily the empire, faithfully reflected the reactionary policy of 
 the chancellor. Officials and private individuals were decorated 
 for activity in assisting government candidates or inventing mo- 
 narchical theories. Men talked of a renewal of the struggle of 
 1862. The native Press scarcely ventured to comment upon the 
 rescript, and various foreign papei's, which criticised it too freely, 
 were confiscated. The Press censorship was so exercised as to 
 bring attacks on the government policy under the head of libels 
 of the sovereign or his ministers.* 
 
 * Copies of Punch containing a cartoon on the rescript were seized in the 
 Berlin cafes. The amount of freedom enjoyed by the Press under the pres- 
 ent Press laws may be gathered from the following incidents : An editor in 
 Breslau was fined 3000 marks for putting his paper in mourning for the 
 death of Förster, Prince-bishop of Breslau, and speaking of him in an obitu- 
 ary notice as having died in banishment. Another editor was imprisoned for 
 hinting that some of the numerous threatening letters received by Bismarck 
 were composed at his own command, adducing the analogy of the threatening 
 letters received by Napoleon III. Prof. Mommsen, the historian, is on trial 
 (Februar^', 1882) for insulting Bismarck in a campaign document, the insult 
 consisting in accusing him of having "dispossessed the Prussian Crown." 
 The sale of some of Heine's works, including the "Zeitgeschichte," has been 
 forbidden in Berlin. These facts will suffice to show that freedom of speech 
 and pen, as understood in England and America, do not exist in Germany at 
 the present time. 
 
AN IMPERIAL CODE. 647 
 
 A step of a different character toward the consolidation of 
 the empire was the adoption of an imperial code. January 18th, 
 1875, a committee of twenty-eight had been appointed by the 
 Reichstag to frame a code. Their work was laid before that body 
 in November of 1876, and the completed code was adopted in the 
 following month. In the matter of the location of the imperial 
 supreme court, however, particularism gained a signal victory. 
 Influenced by jealousy of Prussia, the governments of the various 
 states \>j their delegates in the Bundesrath elected Leipzig by a 
 majority of thirty to twenty-eight. The same distrust and jeal- 
 ousy of Prussian ascendency displayed itself in the Reichstag. 
 Saxons, Wiirtembergers, and Bavarians voted almost without ex- 
 ception against Berlin in favor of Leipzig. The various anti-im- 
 perial factions — Poles, Alsace-Lorrainers, Social Democrats, and 
 Centre — as well as the Party of Progress, also voted against Berlin, 
 giving a majority of 213 to 142 in favor of Leipzig. This vote, 
 showing clearly that jealousy of Prussia was not confined to the 
 governments of the individual states, but also shared by the peo- 
 ple at large, was just in so far an unfavorable omen for the speedy 
 consolidation of the empire, as such consolidation signified an in- 
 crease of Prussian ascendency. 
 
 Another measure with consolidation in view was the compul- 
 sion exerted on Hamburg to force it to enter the Customs' Union. 
 By the provisions of the imperial constitution of 1871 Bremen 
 and Hamburg, " with a district suitable to the purpose, either of 
 their own or of the surrounding territory, are to remain free ports 
 outside of the common customs limit until they themselves apply 
 to be included in the same." As they showed no inclination to 
 make such application of their own accord, Bismarck determined 
 to take the initiative, and in May of 1879 addressed to the sen- 
 ates of both cities an official letter requiring them to surrender 
 their special free-port privileges and enter the German Customs' 
 Union. Both cities refused to take the step required. 
 
 At the time of the ^innexation of the duchies of Schleswig and 
 Holstein, in 1867, as an act of friendship toward Hamburg, 
 Altona was left outside of the customs limits. Bismarck now 
 made use of Altona as a means of coercing Hamburg. On the 
 22d of April, 1880, Prussia moved in the Bundesrath the in- 
 clusion within the customs limits of Altona and the Hamburg 
 suburb of St. Pauli, defending the inclusion of the latter on the 
 
Ö48 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 ground that it was impossible to establish a satisfactory customs 
 frontier between Altona and St. Pauli, while the situation of the 
 latter rendered such a frontier between it and Hamburg feasible. 
 Ilamburg brought in a counter -motion to the effect that the 
 proposed incorporation in the customs territory of the suburb 
 of St. Pauli without the consent of Hamburg was contrary to the 
 terms of the constitution. St. Pauli contained .53,000 inhabi- 
 tants, was an integral part of Ilamburg, and with Altona com- 
 prised commercially the most important part of the whole city. 
 The measure would no doubt have met with violent opposition 
 if it had been laid before the Reichstag, and consequently, in 
 spite of Progressists and Liberals, the chancellor claimed that it 
 pertained solely to the jurisdiction of the Bundesrath. On the 
 22d of May the latter body voted to accept the measure pro- 
 posed by Prussia, only in so far modified that a part and not the 
 whole of St. Pauli was included. The chancellor followed up this 
 coercive measure by another, once more ignoring the claims of 
 the Progressists and Liberals in the Reichstag to co-ordinate 
 jurisdiction, namely, the removal of the customs line from a 
 point above to a point below Hamburg. This was calculated to 
 hamper the commerce of the latter city by subjecting it to annoy- 
 ing customs regulations. To a deputation from Hamburg he 
 announced his intention of building a direct railroad from Altona 
 to Berlin and Magdeburg, and of using all his power to build up 
 Altona at the expense of Hamburg. These various measures had 
 the desired effect, and in 1881 the Hamburg senate sued for 
 admission to the Customs' Union, the empire agreeing to pay 
 40,000,000 marks toward defraying the expenses involved. This 
 left Bremen the only free port in the empire, and afforded the 
 chancellor a precedent to be used in forcing that city also to sur- 
 render its special privileges. 
 
 This brief survey of the internal history of Germany in the 
 years 1876-'81 would be incomplete without some mention of 
 the Juden-hetze, or Jew-baiting, which began in 1879. The head- 
 quarters of the agitation was Berlin, as the point where the Jews 
 were most numerous and most wealthy ; but Pomerania was the 
 only place where it resulted in open rioting. It was a well- 
 organized movement, deriving its main support from the Con- 
 servatives, with their native abhorrence of Jews and commerce, 
 but owing its active inspiration to that aggressive Teutonism 
 
INCREASE OF THE ARMY. 649 
 
 which had been developed in Germany, and more especially in 
 Prussia, since the war of 1870. The leaders of the movement 
 circulated an anti-Semitic petition (1880) advocating restriction 
 of Jewish immigration from Russia, and curtailment of the polit- 
 ical rights of the Jews, A violent war was waged in pamphlets 
 and in the Press. A society was formed whose members pledged 
 themselves not to buy of Jews, or patronize cafes or restaurants 
 frequented by them. In Berlin, in the winter of 1880-81, feel- 
 ing on both sides ran so high that a number of personal encoun- 
 ters occurred, and the Jews were continually exposed to person- 
 al insults. Ardent anti-Semites violently ejected the obnoxious 
 Semites from the principal cafen and restaurants, the police observ- 
 ing the while a strict neutrality. The BerUn university was like- 
 wise the scene of disgraceful disturbances, even the professors tak- 
 ing active part for or against the Jews. The army officers did their 
 part by placing the Jews under a social ban, and effectually bar- 
 ring against them the military career. The Conservative Luther- 
 an clergy of Prussia also joined in the universal hue-and-cry. The 
 crown prince, to his credit, manifested a strong repugnance to 
 this illiberal agitation, but for a long time it was generally sup- 
 posed that it was not displeasing to the emperor and the court in 
 general. The elections to the Reichstag in October of 1881 re- 
 sulted in the defeat of the agitators in Berlin, and showed the 
 agitation itself to be on the decline. But it had already spread 
 across the border, and led to frightful excesses in Russia, to which 
 allusion has already been made. In Kief, Odessa, Warsaw, and a 
 number of lesser towns and villages, the Jews were plundered and 
 abused, or even outraged and murdered, the authorities remaining 
 inactive, and the judges at the trials not hesitating to express 
 their sympathy with the rioters. It was the same agitation, dif- 
 ferentiated by the character and civilization of the two nations. 
 
 The important military law of 1880, and the consequent in- 
 crease of the German army, has been reserved for later notice on 
 account of its bearing on the foreign relations of the empire. 
 The army law adopted in 1874, based on the census of 1867, 
 regulating the annual conscription and the annual budget, was to 
 expire on the 31st of December, 1881. The new law, based on 
 the census of 1875, and covering the period from April 1st, 1881, 
 to March 31st, 1888, proposed both an absolute and a relative in- 
 crease of the military strength of the empire, giving as the motive 
 
 28 
 
650 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 for this increase the niagiiitade of the French and Russian armies. 
 While the German army on a peace footing numbered 402,000 
 men, the French aruiy numbered 497,000, and that of Russia 
 800,000. And while the total period of military service in Ger- 
 many was twelve years (active, three ; reserve, four ; landwehr, or 
 second reserve, five), in France it was twenty, and in Russia fif- 
 teen ; thus making the discrepancy on a war footing still greater. 
 The new bill proposed to include in the conscription for active 
 service several classes which had hitherto been enrolled in the re- 
 serve, and to increase the peace footing of the army to one per 
 cent, of the total population. This involved an increase in the 
 peace footing of about 26,000 (from 401,659 to 427,250), and in 
 the war footing of more than 100,000, and a permanent addition 
 to the budget of more than 17,000,000 marks. The bill was 
 defended by von Moltke, who laid great stress on the military 
 prc[)arations of France and Russia, and the necessity of counter- 
 preparations on the part of Germany. The opposition was based 
 on the economical ground that the already overburdened people 
 could not stand the fresh burden thus laid upon them, and on the 
 pai'liamentary ground that it was not advisable to place the army 
 beyond the control of parliament, by voting the military budget 
 for seven years instead of one ; but, through a union of Conserva- 
 tives and National Liberals, the bill was carried by a vote of 186 
 to 128. 
 
 The attitude of Bismarck in the Berlin Congress of 1878 had 
 resulted in a breach of the alliance of the three emperors. He 
 had favored the interests of Austria at the expense of Russia. 
 Gortchakoff made no secret of his anger against Germany, and 
 openly announced his preference for France. Count Shouvaloff, 
 Russian ambassador at the court of St. James, was recalled on 
 account of his German proclivities, and replaced by Prince Loba- 
 noflf, a German hater. A Russian agent endeavored to negotiate 
 a formal alliance with France, and Russian grand-dukes appeared 
 at the French capital. Russian troops were massed on the Ger- 
 man border, the Russian official Press indulged in the most vio- 
 lent diatribes against Germany and all things German, and Alex- 
 ander himself wrote to the German emperor, " Your Majesty's 
 chancellor has forgotten the promises of 1870." 
 
 Emperor William was personally anxious to maintain good 
 relations with Russia at any price, and accordingly, without the 
 
ALLIANCE WITH AUSTRIA. 651 
 
 assistance of his chancellor, through the agency of General Man- 
 tenffel, he arranged a personal interview with his nephew, the 
 Russian emperor, at the border town of Alexandrovo, September 
 3d, 1879. But this interview, although an evidence of the personal 
 friendship of the two sovereigns, had no apparent effect on the 
 policy of the two empires. Bismarck, on the other hand, sought 
 to form a closer alliance with Austro-IIungary, On the 28th of 
 August he met Andrassy in Gastein, and on the 22d of September 
 followed up this interview by a visit to Vienna. The result was 
 a defensive alliance, providing that any attack upon the one state 
 should be regarded as an attack on both, and that Oriental affairs 
 should be settled in accordance with the decisions of the Berlin 
 treaty. As this was manifestly aimed at Russia, it was with the 
 greatest reluctance that the emperor gave his consent. It was 
 only Bismarck's determination to resign, if his policy of an Aus- 
 trian alliance were not adopted, which induced him to yield. 
 The situation was so serious that the foreign committee of the 
 Bundesrath was summoned to meet in Berlin in October, to con- 
 sider the measures taken by the government. In Russia the im- 
 mediate effect of the new alliance was the adoption by the Press, 
 at the command of the minister of the interior, of a somewhat 
 less warlike and offensive tone toward both Germany and Austria; 
 the visits of the Czarevitch in Berlin and Vienna, on his way home 
 from Cannes, at the emperor's express command, and much against 
 bis own wishes, and even a visit from Gortchakoff himself. 
 
 In alliance with Austria, Bismarck felt himself strong enough 
 to meet the combined forces of France and Russia. At the same 
 time diplomacy was preferred to war. Austria was to thwart 
 Russian pan-Slavism, and supplant Russian influence in the Bal- 
 kan peninsula, and both France and Russia were to be involved in 
 complications which would dispel all lust for aggressive measures. 
 The success of this policy in the case of France has already been 
 reviewed, as well as the internal disturbances which came to the 
 assistance of the German chancellor in paralyzing Russia. 
 
 It remains to notice the attitude of Germany toward the Sul- 
 tan. The latter showed a readiness to make concessions to the 
 mighty chancellor, which finds its explanation in his hope of 
 gaining in Germany an ally against Russia. This enabled Ger- 
 many to dictate to the Porte where the threats of other nations 
 proved unavailing (in reference to Greece and Montenegro). The 
 
652 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 invasion of Tunis by tin French redoubled tlie Sultan's friend- 
 ship. At the request of Germany he withdrew his protest against 
 Austria's introduction of the nnlitary conscription in Bosnia and 
 Herzegovina, and as a sign of special favor he bestowed upon 
 Emperor William an Ottoman order. The latter, in his turn, be- 
 stowed upon the Sultan the Order of the Black Eagle. The chan- 
 cellor's policy, manifestly, was to encourage the Sultan without 
 compromising Germany by direct promises or tangible treaty en- 
 gagements; thus greatly increasing the French embarrassments 
 in Northern Africa, and holding out a constant threat to Russia 
 without incurring any actual responsibility. 
 
 §39. 
 
 SOUTH AMERICA. 
 
 In Mexico the liberal church laws of 1874 had afforded a fa- 
 natical priesthood renewed occasion to incite the hot-blooded na- 
 tives to excesses against Protestantism and the national religious 
 reform movement of the Church of Jesus. Disturbances occurred 
 in various places, especially in Acapulco, where the reformers were 
 attacked while at worship, six of them killed outright, and nine 
 wounded. Early in 1876 a revolt broke out against the govern- 
 ment of President Lerdo de Tejada. The leader of this move- 
 ment was General Porfirio Diaz, whose head-quarters were at Mat- 
 amoras. At the outset the government troops were successful ; 
 and on the 24th of July Lerdo was re-elected president by a large 
 majority. Iglesias, chief -justice of the supreme court, and, by 
 virtue of that office, vice-president of the republic, contested the 
 validity of his election, and raised the standard of revolt in Leon, 
 in the state of Guanajuato, his soldiers attacking the American 
 mission-houses at that place with the cry, " Death to the Protes- 
 tants !" In the mean time the fortunes of General Diaz had 
 changed. November 15th he won a decisive victory over the 
 government troops, and on the 1st of December entered the capi- 
 tal. The other two presidents fled to Mazatlan and embarked for 
 foreign parts. Diaz assumed the presidency, and was confirmed 
 in that office by Congress on the 4th of May, 1877, he of his own 
 
SAN SALVADOR.— VENEZUELA. 653 
 
 will declaring that he would not accept a re-election. In Diaz 
 religious liberty found a protector, and the reform movement 
 spread rapidly, so that in 1878 it numbered 12,000 members. 
 This excited the bitterest feeling among the Roman Catholic 
 priesthood ; and in Atzala, in the fanatical state of Puebla, or- 
 thodox zeal found vent in a masspcre of the heretics. Diaz laid 
 down his office in 1882, and was succeeded by General Gonzales, 
 his minister of war, in whose cabinet he in his turn became min- 
 ister of public works. 
 
 In the republic of San Salvador a conflict between the govern- 
 ment and the bishop led to an insurrection in the capital in June 
 of 1875. The government had forbidden the i^ublication of an 
 inflammatory letter of the bishop's, whereupon the clergy incited 
 the people to revolt. After a few prominent citizens had been 
 murdered and several houses burned, the troops succeeded in restor- 
 ing order, and by the command of President Gonzales fifty of the 
 insurgents were shot. Some of the prisoners, in the examination 
 before the authorities, implicated the clergy, who, it seems, had 
 told them that they might plunder with impunity the houses of 
 the rich, provided only they gave a part of their booty to the 
 Church. 
 
 In Venezuela the claims of the Roman Curia led to a conflict 
 with Guzman Blanco's government, in which the latter won a 
 signal victory. Archbishop Guevara had been deposed for dis- 
 obedience to the laws of the state, and Bishop Arroyo of Guayana 
 appointed in his stead. The Pope refused to acknowledge Gue- 
 vara's deposition, or confirm Arroyo, and the latter accordingly 
 declined the honor conferred upon him. May 9th, 1876, Blanco 
 laid before Congress a church bill making the Venezuelan Church 
 independent of the Roman bishop — the pastors to be elected by 
 the congregations, the bishops by the pastors, and the archbishop 
 by Congress. Congress passed the bill in a still sharper form, 
 and elected Dr. Jose Ponte archbishop. Afraid of the complete 
 loss of Venezuela, the Pope now yielded. Roca Cocchia, the 
 papal nuncio, appeared in Caraccas, Guevara's deposition was ap- 
 proved, and Ponte's appointment confirmed. The new archbishop 
 took the objectionable oath of absolute obedience to the laws of 
 the land, and flatteringly compared Blanco to Pericles, Augustus, 
 and Charlemagne ; and Congress, at the recommendation of the 
 president, repealed the May Laws, which had only been intended 
 
.654 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 to force the Pope to yield. A difßculty with Holland, almost 
 resulting in war, arose from the facilities afforded to Venezuelan 
 refugees in the Dutch island of Curacao to plan and carry out 
 hostile expeditions against tlieir native country. 
 
 In the republic of Ecuador the unlimited sway of the Jesuits 
 was brought to a close by the murder of President Moreno, on 
 the 12th of August, 1875. The Freemasons were accused of be- 
 ing the authors of this deed, and renewed curses were pronounced 
 upon them. The result of the vote for a new president showed 
 that the people were thoroughly tired of unlimited priest rule. 
 Dr. Borrero, the Liberal candidate, was elected by 38,637 votes, 
 against 6000 cast for both the other candidates together; the 
 banished Liberals were recalled, and Jesuit rule was in some de- 
 gree restricted. 
 
 In the empire of Brazil the strife with the Vatican terminated 
 in 1875. The measures adopted by the bishops of Olinda and 
 Para against the Freemasons and other secret societies, being con- 
 trary to the law of the land, had led to the imprisonment of the 
 bishops. The administrator of the diocese of Olinda refused to 
 remove the interdict laid by the bishop, and was also imprisoned. 
 The administrator of the diocese of Para, as well as several of the 
 minor clergy, met with a similar fate. At the special request of 
 the Pope the imprisoned clergy were all pardoned on the l7th 
 of September, 1875, whereupon the interdict was removed and 
 the conflict at an end. Some slight insurrections in the northern 
 provinces, due to the conflict with the Church, were speedily put 
 down, and six Italian Jesuits, who had incited the people to re- 
 volt, were expelled from the country. In the year 1878 the Lib- 
 erals came into power. In 1879 the question of extending the 
 suffrage to non-Catholics (50,000 German Protestants) led to a 
 change of ministry, the Liberals, however, still remaining in power. 
 The law adopted in 1880, by which all naturalized citizens and 
 non-Catholics were ineligible for election to office, was sufficiently 
 illiberal to lead Don Pedro to direct the Brazilian ambassador 
 and consuls in Germany to publish the fact that this restriction 
 was contrary to his personal wishes. 
 
 To the vi'orld at large the principal interest of South American 
 history during the years 1875-81 lies in the war between Chili 
 and Peru. The origin of the struggle was a border strife between 
 Chili and Bolivia. The latter state claimed the whole of thö 
 
WAR BETWEEN CHILI AND PERU AND BOLIVIA. 055 
 
 province of Atacamba, between Chili and Pern, while the former 
 claimed the southern part of the province, whieli contained rich 
 deposits of nitrate and guano. A treaty was concluded between 
 the disputants in 1866 by which the territory in question was to 
 be common property in so far as taxation and the division of 
 revenue were concerned, Bolivia also pledging herself to interfere 
 in no way with the Chilian subjects who were in possession of 
 the saltpetre mines. In the hands of enterprising Chilians those 
 mines and guano deposits of Atacamba proved dangerous compet- 
 itors for Peruvian nitrate and guano, and served to increase the 
 rivalry and bitter feeling which had already sprung up between 
 the two countries. In 1873 a secret treaty of offence and de- 
 fence was concluded betv.een Peru and Bolivia. Supported by 
 Pern, Bolivia felt strong enough to disregard the treaty of 1866 
 and make good her claim to the whole province of Atacamba. 
 Finally, an arbitrary contribution was demanded from a Chilian 
 mercantile company in Antofagasta. The company refused to pay 
 the sum required, whereupon the Bolivian authorities arrested 
 some of its employes. Chili at once sent an armed force to 
 Antofagasta, with instructions to take possession of the whole 
 saltpetre region, and on the 6th of April, 1879, war was declared. 
 At this very time Chili was involved in a controversy with the 
 Argentine llepublic regarding the respective boundaries of the 
 two countries in Patagonia. Taking advantage of that fact, the 
 allies endeavored to persuade La Plata also to declare war upon 
 Chili. This attempt was so far successful that the Argentine 
 Congress rejected the Patagonian treaty just concluded by Chili- 
 an and Argentine plenipotentiaries, and voted an extraordinary 
 credit for military ]>reparatious ; but the speedy success of tlie 
 Chilians against the Peruvians and Bolivians led to a reconsidera- 
 tion of the subject, and the ultimate observance of a strict neu- 
 trality. 
 
 The population of the two allied states was more than double 
 that of Chili ; but the latter country had the advantage of supe- 
 rior intelligence and enterprise, as well as greater density of pop- 
 ulation and relative wealth. The first step of the Chilian gov- 
 ernment was to use its supposed naval superiority to blockade 
 Iquique and the southern coast of Peru, from which saltpetre and 
 guano were exported. But the Peruvian iron-clad Huascar proved 
 superior to tlie Chilii\n fleet, inflicting upon the latter considerable 
 
656 POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES. 
 
 loss, and forcing it to raise the blockade. This led to a popular 
 demonstration in Santiago de Chili, and the Chilian admiral and 
 minister of war were both obliged to resign. Finally, on the 8th 
 of October, the Huascar was captured, and the brief triumph of 
 the allies came to an end. On the 2d of November, after a five 
 hours' bombardment by land and sea, the Chilians took the sea- 
 port town of Pisagua. On the 19th the allied Peruvian and 
 Bolivian army was defeated at Dolores. On the 23d Iquique 
 was occupied. On the 27th an indecisive battle was fought be- 
 tween the Chilians and Peruvians near the town of Tarapaca, but 
 the Peruvians ultimately retreated, and the whole province, Avith 
 its rich deposits of nitrate and guano, was occupied by Chilian 
 troops. 
 
 These disasters caused a revolution in both the allied republics. 
 In Bolivia, Daza — himself an usurper, was overthrown, and Cam- 
 pero made provisional president — or, rather, a period of anarchy 
 set in. In Peru, Pierola, who had been already for several years at 
 the head of an insurrection, succeeded in making himself dictator ; 
 while General Prado, the regularly elected president, fled from the 
 country. But these changes of government brought about no 
 change in the fortunes of the war. May 27th, 1880, the allied 
 Peruvians and Bolivians were once more defeated at Tacna, where- 
 upon the latter abandoned the war and went home, burning and 
 plundering Peruvian villages on the way. On the 7th of June 
 Arica was captured. The United States bad already tendered its 
 good oflSccs for the restoration of peace, and now (October 22d) 
 plenipotentiaries of the three belligerent states met on the neutral 
 ground of a United States man-of-war to consult regarding terms. 
 Chili demanded the cession by Bolivia and Pern of the territory al- 
 ready occupied by her (Atacamba and Tarapaca), including the salt- 
 petre mines, and the payment of a war indemnity of $20,000,000, 
 Moquehua, Tacna, and Arica to remain in the hands of the 
 Chilians until the indemnity was paid. These terms the allies 
 rejected, declaring themselves ready, however, to submit the terms 
 of peace absolutely to the decision of the United States. This 
 the victorious Chilians on their part naturally refused to do, and 
 the war continued. 
 
 Peru was no longer able to offer any serious resistance. The 
 Chilians took the capital, Lima, and overran the whole country, 
 but found it impossible to conclude peace. The country was 
 
PERU OVERRÜX BY THE CHILIANS. 657 
 
 completely bankrupt ; no responsible government existed — merely 
 an anarcby of rival dictators and presidents — but a guerilla war- 
 fare still continued. Before peace could be concluded it became 
 necessary to restore order and create a government capable of con- 
 cluding a peace. This task, difficult in any case, was rendered 
 doubly difficult by the liope entertained in Peru of the inter- 
 ference in her behalf of some foreign country, particularly the 
 United States, and at the beginning of 1882 the desired end 
 seemed still as far removed as ever. 
 
 In Colombia, Uruguay, and the Argentine Republic occurred 
 a number of revolutions, insurrections, and minor disturbances, 
 including among others a popular attack upon the Jesuits in 
 Buenos Ayres — the latter defending themselves against the mob 
 with daggers. Nicaragua insulted a German consul, and refused 
 to make satisfaction for the offence until it was exacted, after 
 long negotiations, by German men-of-war. 
 
 This brief sketch will serve to demonstrate that there exists in 
 most parts of South America a turbulent, unsettled population, 
 among whom an intolerant, fanatical priesthood attempts — often 
 with total unscrupulousness as to the means employed — to main- 
 tain and extend unhindered the sway of the Roman Catholic 
 Church, thus repairing in America the losses sustained by that 
 Church in Europe. 
 
 OQ* 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Abyssinian expedition, 39G. 
 
 Act of Coiifedeiation, Germfiii, 6. 
 
 Administrative order, Russian, 570, 574. 
 
 Afghanistau: first English invasion, 154; 
 Russian embassy, 577 ; war, peace, mas- 
 sacre, 57S ; second invasion, 579 ; inter- 
 nal feuds, 5S0. 
 
 Agende, Prussian, 22. 
 
 Alabama claims, 394. 
 
 Albanian league, 562. 
 
 Algeria: invaded by French, 99 ; conquer- 
 ed, ISl, 1S2; plebiscite, 393; Tunisian 
 war, 627. 
 
 Alliances: Holy Alliance, 2; three Eastern 
 powers (1S20), 32 : quadruple (Spain, Port- 
 ugal, England, France), 144; quadruple 
 (Eugland, Austria, Russia, Prussia), 159 ; 
 T^rance, England, Turkey, Sardinia, Aus- 
 tria, 200; Austria and Prussia, 257; Aus- 
 tria and Turkey, 257; France and Sar- 
 dinia, 278; Prussia and Austria, 312; 
 Prussian-Italian, 327 ; French-Austrian, 
 331 ; Prussia and South German states, 
 301; three emperors, 494 ; Russian-Rou- 
 manian, 536 ; üerman-Austrian, 651. 
 
 Alsace-Lorraine : ceded to Germany, 45S ; 
 imperial dictatorship, 468; legislation, 
 497; elections, 498; cimstitution, 640; 
 partial change of sentiment, 641. 
 
 Anhalt, 403, note. 
 
 Anzeigepflicht, 681, 032, 034, 030. 
 
 Apostolics, 52. 
 
 Argentine Republic: formation, 53; war 
 with Paraguay, 299 ; partisan struggles, 
 493, 057. 
 
 Armenia: Berlin congress, 552. 
 
 Armies: Austria, 376, 5S9; Eirypt, 465; 
 Eugland, 64, 4SS (Indian) 299; France, 
 177, 351, 372, 473, 6.50 ; Germany, 420, 495, 
 650; Holland, 4S9; Italy, 340; Prussia, 
 304, 305, 341 ; Roumania, 397, 530; Russia, 
 4S6, 536, 50S, 650 ; Saxony, 342 ; South 
 German states, 3S0, 420 ; Sweden, 490. 
 
 Army of Faith, 47. 
 
 Article 45 (French constitution), 197, 198. 
 
 Ashantee war, 4SS. 
 
 Assassinations: KotzebUe, 15; Kapodis- 
 trias, 84 ; Duke of Berry. 94 : Count Ros- 
 
 si, 204; Prim, 473; Hussein Pasha, 520; 
 Mehemed Ali, 562 ; Mesenzoft", 570 ; Kra- 
 potkin, 571 ; Alexander II., 574 ; Moreno, 
 654. 
 
 Atchin, war with Holland, 4S7,4S9, 610. 
 
 Athens : taken by Turks, 79 ; capital of 
 Greece, 85. 
 
 Austria: (1816-'30) absolutism, religious 
 intolerance, 5; conditiou in 1S16, 5, 6; 
 intervenes in Naples, 34; Piedmont, 40; 
 (1830-'48) second intervention in Italy, 
 132; accession of Ferdinand I., 163 ; in- 
 ternal conditiou, 164; (184S-'03) rebellion 
 in Lombardy, 208 ; war with Sardinia, 
 209 ; Austria victorious, 210 ; Vienna un- 
 ruly, 221; insurrection in Prague sup- 
 pressed, 222; Reichstag and revolution, 
 223; siege of Vienna, 224; Francis Jo- 
 seph emperor, reaction, 225 ; Hungarian 
 revolt, 240-245; luterim, 243; Austria 
 all-powerful in Germany, 250; alliance 
 with Turkey, 257; enters principalities, 
 258 ; Crimean war, 257-204 ; power at 
 disposal, 271, 272: position in Italy, 274, 
 275; Italian war, 279-2S6; (lS04-'o'9) Oc- 
 tober diploma, 301 ; February patent, 
 302; constitution "inhibited," 303; Da- 
 nish war, 312-317 ; Austria and Prussia 
 in Elbe duchies, 318-323 ; Gasteiu Con- 
 vention, 323 ; prepares for war, 320, 327 ; 
 Austrian and Prussian circulars, 328; 
 peace congress fails, 329; French-Aus- 
 trian treaty, 331, 332; Austro- Prussian 
 war, 335-368; political reorganization, 
 dual empire, 373, 374 ; confessional laws, 
 375; fluances and army, 376; (1870-75) 
 French frieudship, 424 ; autonomists in 
 power, 483 ; electoral reform and Church 
 laws, 484, 4S5 ; (1870-'S1) Herzegoviniau 
 revolt, 507, 510; difficult position, 521, 
 544; objects to treaty of Sau Stefano, 
 547; Berlin congress, 550-554 ; occupies 
 Bosnia, 555, 587 ; federalist triumph, 588; 
 army bill, 589; race feeling, 590; treaty 
 with Hungary, 591 ; religious liberty, 
 venality, 592 ; agreement with Prussia, 
 611; German alliance, 651. 
 
 Austro-Prussian war: Austrian strength. 
 
660 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 335; Prnssiaus jii HaDOver, 336; Bava- 
 riau-Austiian treaty, 33C ; Prussians in 
 Cassel, 337 ; HaiiDveriaii army surren- 
 ders, 339; Italian indiftereiice, 339; Ital- 
 ians defeated, 340; Prussians occupy 
 Saxony, 341 ; Austrian and Prussian ar- 
 mies, 342, 343 ; Benedek's error, 343 ; 
 Prussians invade Bohemia, 344 ; Stein- 
 metz defeats Austrians, 345-, other suc- 
 cesses, 346; battle of Sadowa, 347,343; 
 losses, 349 ; cession of Venetia to France, 
 350; France unable to interfere, 351 ; 
 Prussians before Vienna, 353 ; truce, 354 ; 
 preliminaries of peace, 355; peace of 
 Prague, 350 ; Napoleon's threats, 357 ; 
 war in Italy, battle of Lissa,358; peace 
 with Italy, 359 ; South-German forces, 
 360; defeated, 361-303: peace, 3G4; terms 
 and alliances, 305, 366; Prussian annex- 
 ations, 367; North German Confedera- 
 tion, 36S. 
 
 Bauen; constitution, 9; heads liberal 
 movement, 213; revolution, 234; tri- 
 umphant, 235; Prussian interference, 
 238- Austro-Prussiau war, 335-307, 377; 
 customs' treaty, 379 ; army, 3S0 ; cus- 
 toms' parliament, 3S1 ; national feeling, 
 3S4; Franco-Prussian war, 419-400; joins 
 Confederation, 46^,403,496; Old Catho- 
 lics, 630. 
 
 Baltic provinces of Russia: serfdom abol 
 lj|si: 
 
 barded by Espartero, 147. 
 
 Barsanti clubs, 594. 
 
 Bashi-Bazouks, 515, 510. 
 
 Basle: stadt and landschaft, 129, 169; 
 struggle with bishop, 491. 
 
 Battles, land: Aladsha, 543; Alma, 260; 
 Alsen, 316; Artenay, 447; Aspromonte, 
 291; Ayacucho,55;"Balaklava, 260; Bel- 
 fort, 454; Beylan, 150; Blumeuau, 354; 
 Borny, 433 ; Castelfidardo, 289 ; Colom- 
 bey-Nouilly, 433; Cnstozza, (first) 210, 
 (second) 340 ; Uengiltepe, 575 ; Deve- 
 Boyun, 543; Dolores, 655; Düppel, 314 ; 
 Estella, 481; Etnz, 453; Eupatoria, 261, 
 Gödüllö, 242 ; Gravelotte, 435; Grochow, 
 138; Horns, 156; Inkerman, 260; Isan- 
 dula, 581; Isly, 1S2; Istedt, 247; Knya- 
 zebac, .509; Konich, 1,56; Königgrätz, 
 347; Kopolna, 242;' Kulevdcha, 89; 
 Kushk-i-Nakhond, 579; Langensalza, 
 33S ; Luchann, 144 ; Magenta, 280 ; Men- 
 tana, 401 ; Nisib, 158 ; Noisee^ille, 44S ; 
 Novara, (first) 40, (second) 210; Oever- 
 see, 313 ; Orleans, 450 ; Ostrolenka, 139 ; 
 Plevna, (first) 535, (second and third) 
 530; Rieli, 35; Saarbrücken, 427; Sado- 
 wa, 347 ; Sangiri, 580 ; Sevin, 542 ; Solfe- 
 rino, 281; Sommorostro, 481 ; St. Quen- 
 tin, 453; Tacua, 050 , Ulundi, 582: Vel- 
 
 ished, 86; Iij|sianizing, 400, 507. 
 Barcelona: bfflro^ed by French, 51; bom 
 
 letri, 205; Vionville, 434; Waghäusel, 
 238; Warsaw, 141; Weisseuburg, 42S; 
 Worth, 42S. Naval : Heligoland, 314 , 
 Lissa, 358; Navarino, 82; Kligen, 314. 
 
 Bavaria : constitution, 9 ; accession of 
 King Louis I., 21 ; reaction, 162 ; abdica- 
 tion, 214; revolt in Palatinate, 233; Prus- 
 sian assistance, 238; Austro- Prussian 
 war, 335-368, 378; customs' treaty, 379; 
 army and customs' parliament, 381,384 ; 
 ultramontane triumph, 387, 417 ; Franco- 
 Prussian war, 419-460 ; Bavarian de- 
 mands, 461 ; reserved rights, 402 ; joins 
 empire, 463, 464 ; embassies, 496 ; Cultur- 
 kampf, 030. 
 
 Belgium: condition after Napoleon's fall, 
 112, 113; Dutch oppression, 113, 114; 
 popular rising in Brussels, 115; Dutch 
 troops defeated, 117; separation from 
 Holland, 119; King Leopold I., 120; 
 Dutch invasion and intervention of 
 powers, 120, 121 ; Paris convention, 390; 
 clerical rule, 490, 004 ; Liberals in power, 
 breach with Vatican, 605. 
 
 Berlin congress: meets, 550; Bulgaria 
 and East Koumelia, 551; Armenia, Turk- 
 ish reforms, Cyprus, Tunis, 552; Bosnia, 
 Herzegovina, Danube, other questions, 
 553; Montenegro, Servia, Roumauia, 
 Greece, 554. 
 
 Berne, 128, 129, 109, 492, 603, 607. 
 
 Bokliara, Russian vassal state, 309. 
 
 Bolivia; war with Chili, 655, 056. 
 
 Bonapartists: under Louis Philippe, 173 ; 
 111 power, 201 ; in National Assembly, 
 474; numbers, 613, 017, 62S; disunion, 
 030. 
 
 Bosnia: revolt, 511, .519, 543; at Berlin 
 congress, 553; Austrian occupation, 555, 
 587. 
 
 Brazil: constitution, 57; independence, 
 58; war with Paraguay, 299; Freema- 
 sons and Church, 493, 654. 
 
 Bremen, 463. 
 
 British interests, 545, 581. 
 
 Brunswick: misrule, 123; revolution, 124; 
 in empire, 463 ; church trouble, 499. 
 
 Bulgaria: revolt, 514; massacre, 515-517 ; 
 treaty of Sau Stefano, 540 ; Berlin con- 
 gress, 551; Austrian occupation, 555, 
 587 ; constitution, 550 ; coup d'etat, 557 ; 
 population, .560, nnt^. 
 
 Bundesrath : North German, 379, 383 ; Ger- 
 man, constitution of, 463, 7iote. 
 
 Burschenschaft : general meeting at Wart- 
 burg, 12; suppressed in Prussia, 17. 
 
 Burmah ; English war, 154. 
 
 Cai>ue law, 473. 
 
 Camarilla: Naples, 287; Spain, 44,46, 144. 
 Cantonese, 491. 
 
 Carbonari: origin and aims, 24; in power, 
 29; outlawed in Naples, 35; spread, 129. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 661 
 
 Carlists: origin, 53; first rebellion, 144,145; 
 
 second rebellion, 4SI ; suppressed, 599. 
 Carlsbad decrees, 17, IS. 
 Caucasus: subjugation of, 143. 
 Central congregations, 27. 
 Chambre introuvable, 92. 
 Charte coustitutiouelle, 90. 
 Chartists, 151. 
 
 Chili: independence, 55; church troubles, 
 493; war with Bolivia and Peru, 055-057. 
 China: opium war, 1.54; war with Enslaud 
 and France, 155; Kuldsha question, 575. 
 Chios: massacre, 73. 
 Christian Socialists, 637,. 
 Christinos, 53, 144. 
 
 Civil marriage : declared concubinage in 
 France, 90; permitted in Austria, 375; 
 obligatory in Germany, 502— Italy, 594— 
 Switzerland, 6o7; abolished iu Spain, 001. 
 Clericals (iu Germany) : oppose army bill, 
 495 ; strength, 49S, 032 ; compromise, 
 C33; church laws, 034; Cologne Cathe- 
 dral, 035; compromise, 630; strength, 
 045. 
 Cloture in English Parliament, 5S5. 
 Cologne Cathedral, 635. 
 Colombia, Republic of, 55, 057. 
 Commune, 446; established iu Paris, 469; 
 excesses, 470, 471 ; suppressed, 471 ; am- 
 nesty, 020, 023. 
 Concordats: Austria, 271, 301, 374; Bava- 
 ria, 031 ; France, 021 ; Spain, 000. 
 Con fereuces — see Congresses. 
 Congregations in France, 621, 622, 624. 
 Congresses (conferences): Aix-la-Chapelle, 
 10, 13, 93; Bamberg, 257; Berlin, cus- 
 toms' couference, 319 — congress, 550-554 
 — after couference, 560, 561 ; Brussels, in- 
 ternational peace congress, 486 ; Carls- 
 bad, 17 ; Constantinople, 527; Dresden, 
 252; Frankfort, convention of princes, 
 SOS; Laibach, 337; London, on Belgian 
 question, 119— Danish question, 31.5 — 
 Pontus conference, 485 ; Ol mutz, 247, 250 ; 
 Paris, Cretan question, 398 ; Troppau, 32 ; 
 Verona, 4S, 75; Vienna, 17; miuisterial 
 conferences (1834), 161. 
 Conservatives iu Germany : weakness, 49S ; 
 alliance with clericals, 633; with Nation- 
 al Liberals, 634, 630, 637, 638, 644, 645, 650. 
 Conspiracies: iu Milan, 41; in Portugal, 
 55; Thistlewood,in England, 05 ; iu Rus- 
 sin, 81 ; Fenian, 1.53; Frankfort, 160 ; in 
 Poland, 269; in Hungary, 544. 
 Constitutions: Austria, 301-303, 373; Ba- 
 den, 9; Bavaria, 9; Belgium, 119; Bra- 
 zil, 57; Brunswick, 125; Bulgaria, 556; 
 Denmark, 309; France, 90 — imperial, 
 201— revised. 392— republican, 6U, 012; 
 Greece, 85 ; ILanover, 127— repealed, 102 ; 
 Hesse-Cassel,125— repealed, 271 ; Hesse- 
 Darmstadt, 9; Hungary, 373; Naples, 
 29— repealed, 35 ; Nassau, 9; North Ger- 
 
 man Confederation, 358; Portugal, 57— 
 changes in, 148 , Prussia, 230, 243 ; Rome, 
 204— repealed, 205 : Sardinia, 208 ; Saxe- 
 Weiniar, 8; Saxony, 120; Spain, 46, 146, 
 147, 407; Switzerland, changes In can- 
 tons, 129 ; New Helvetian, 173 — revision, 
 491 ; Turkey, 527 ; Wiirtemberg, 9. 
 
 Conventions : London, 295; Soledad, 295; 
 Gastein, 323 ; Paris (with Belgium), 390 ; 
 military, between Prussia and Baden, 
 462. 
 
 Corn-laws, 03, OS. 
 
 Coup d'etat in Frauce, 199. 
 
 Cracow : annexed to Austria, 164. 
 
 Crete : devastated by Egyptians, 78 ; re- 
 bellion, 267; 393,543,554,559. 
 
 Crimean war : war declared, 256 ; Eng- 
 land, France, and Austria, 257 ; Russians 
 defeated, 258; allied fieet iu the Baltic, 
 25S ; allies at Varna, 259 ; iu Crimea, 
 Alma, Balaklava, Inkerman, 260 ; Aus- 
 tria aud Sardinia .ioin allies, death of 
 Nicholas, 201 • siege of Sebastopol, 262- 
 264; allied fleet iu Sea of Azov, 262; iu 
 Baltic, 264 ; peace of Paris, 264. 
 
 Cuba : rebellion, 407, 493, 002. 
 
 Culturkampf: in general, 597, 598; Bava- 
 ria, 631 ; Belgium, 605, 006 ; Brazil, 493 ; 
 Frauce, 021 ; Italy, 594, 597, 599 ; Prus- 
 sia, begins, 500; May laws, 501; corre- 
 sj)oudence, 502; eucyclica, 503; negoti.i- 
 tious, 632; modus vivendi, 636; Swit- 
 zerland, 493, 606, 607, 60S; Venezuela, 
 053. 
 
 Customs' parliament, 381 , 416. 
 
 Cyprus; surrendered to England, 552. 
 
 Danish war : Austro-Prussian alliance and 
 invasion, 312: Danes defeated, 313 ; Düp- 
 pel, Rügen, Heligoland, 314; London cou- 
 ference, 314— fails, 315; battle of Alsen, 
 315 ; peace of Vienna, 317. 
 
 Danube question, 553. 
 
 Danubian principalities (Wallachia, Mol- 
 davia) : raid of Ypsilanti, 71 ; treaty of 
 Akermau, 87; semi-independence, 90; 
 occupied by Russians, 250; by Aus- 
 triaus, 258 ; consolidated iu Rouraauia, 
 206. 
 
 Deumark: Schleswig-Holstein question, 
 and war with Germany, 218 ; second 
 campaign and peace, 245, 246 ; battle of 
 Istedt, 247 ; incorporates Schleswig, 309 -, 
 Danish war, 312-317 ; West India colo- 
 nies, 394; attitude in Franco-Prussian 
 war, 424; constitutional struggle, 490, 
 010; Hanoverian marriage. Oil. 
 
 Diet, 7 ; Brunswick question, 125 ; resolu- 
 tions of 1S32, 161 ; rejects complaint of 
 Hanover, 163 ; disgraceful conduct, 212 ; 
 makes concessions, 215; disbands, 216; 
 re-established, 249, 252; Hessian appeal, 
 250 ; Schleswig-Holstein succession, 251; 
 
662 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 repeals Hessian constilntion, 2T1 ; orders 
 execution iu Holstein, 310; Saxon-Pius- 
 sian decision, 319; votes disaimamenl, 
 828; mobilisation, 335; evacuates Frank- 
 fort, 362; final dissolution, 3ÜT. 
 
 Eastern question: first collective inter- 
 ference of great powers, 158. See also 
 under respective countries. 
 
 East India Company, 292; dissolved. 294. 
 
 East Koumelia: Berlin congress, 551 ; or- 
 ganization, 557, 558 ; population, 5G6, 
 note. 
 
 Ecuador: independence, 55; Jesuit rule, 
 493; liberal triumph, 654. 
 
 Egypt: revolt of Mehemed Ali, 155-159; 
 annexation of Darfur, 486 ; financial trou- 
 bles, 564; English and French control, 
 565; revolt, 506. 
 
 Encyclicas : 1864, 402 ; 1S73, 492 ; 1875, 503 ; 
 of Leo XIII., 59S. 
 
 England: (lS16-'30) industrial condition, 
 63; Corn -laws agitation, 65; royal di- 
 vorce suit, 66 ; Canning's foreign policy, 
 C7 ; domestic policy, 08 ; tories in pow- 
 er, 69; (lS30-'48) eflects of French Revo- 
 lution, 122 ; Reform Bill, 149, 150; Chart- 
 ist agitation and repeal of ("orn-laws, 
 151 ; Irish repeal agitation, 152; Jews iu 
 Parliament, Ojangemen, 153 ; accession 
 of Victoria, 154 ; wars in Asia, 154, 155 ; 
 interference in Turkish affairs, 157-159 ; 
 (184S-'63) Schleswig-Holstein question, 
 246; rejects proposals of Nicholas, 254; 
 Crimean war, 257-264; cedes Ionian Isl- 
 ands, 267; Indian Mutiny, 292-204 ; in- 
 tervention in Mexico, 295 ; (1804-'69) dip- 
 lomatic intervention iu Denmark, 315; 
 Geneva arbitration, Irish disestablish- 
 ment, 395; Abyssinian expedition, 396; 
 Cretan revolt, 398; (1870-75) Ashantee 
 war, 487; Gladstone overthrown, 4SS; 
 (1S76-'S1) Herzegovinian revolt, 507, 510; 
 obstructive policy, 512, 513; Bulgarian 
 massacres, 520 ; Turkish policy, 525, 528, 
 529, 532; fleet at Besika Bay, 534; at- 
 tempts mediation, 544; war credit, fleet 
 in Dardanelles, 545 : objects to treaty, 
 prepares for war, 547 ; secret treaty, 548 ; 
 interference iu Greece, 550; Berlin con- 
 gress, 550-554 ; occupies Cyprus, 554 ; 
 naval demonstration, 503; policy in 
 Egypt, 564-566; imperial title, 570; In- 
 dian empire, 577 ; Afghan war and mas- 
 sacre, 57S ; second invasion, 579 ; evac- 
 nation, 580 ; Transvaal occupied, 581 ; 
 Zulu war, 582 ; war with Boers, 583 ; 
 Irish obstruction, 584; elections, 584; 
 Land League, 5S5 ; land laws, 585, 586. 
 
 Emancipation, Roman Catholic, 68, 69. 
 
 Exaltados, 47. 
 
 Executive commission, French, 193 ; re- 
 tires, 195, 
 
 Expositions: Paris (1867), 372; Vienna 
 (1873), 485 ; Paris (1878), 019. 
 
 Feuruaky Revolution, 180-190. 
 
 Fenians, 153, 395. 
 
 Finances: in Austria, 303, 370, 587, 590; 
 England, 63 ; Egypt, 564-560 ; France, 
 176, 192, 201, 472, 629 ; Holland, 114, 609 ; 
 Hungary, 591; Italy, 595; Russia, 525; 
 Spain, 44, 47, 602; Switzerland, 008; 
 Turkey, 513. 
 
 Fortschritt party, German : anti-national, 
 3S1 ; opposes army bill, 495; Socialist 
 bill, 639; protective tariff, 644; strength 
 of, 649. 
 
 France: (1810-'30) interferes in Spain, 50; 
 in Greece, 83; restoration of Louis 
 XVIII., 90; reaction, 92; assassination 
 of Berry, 94; death of Louis, 95; acces- 
 sion of Charles X., 90 ; illiberal policy, 
 97-99; war with Algeria, 99; preparing 
 for revolution, 100, 101; {1S30-'4S) Louis 
 Philippe, 102-104; street fighting iu 
 Paris, 104-107; Revolution victorious, 
 municipal committee, 107; Louis Phil- 
 ippe lieutenant-general, 109; king, 112; 
 intervenes in Belgium, 121 ; occupies 
 Ancoua, 133; interference iu Turkish- 
 Egyptian aftairs, 156-159 ; isolation, 159; 
 Louis Philippe's policy toward repub- 
 licans, 173, 174; Duchess of Berry, 175; 
 dissatisfaction, 176, 177 ; attempts on 
 king's life, 177, 178; Louis Napoleon at 
 Strasburg and Boulogne, 179, 180; con- 
 quest of Algeria, ISI, 182; symptoms of 
 dissolution, 183; Reform banquets, 184, 
 185 ; (1848-63) February Revolution. ISO, 
 187 ; king abdicates, 188; Chambers over- 
 thrown, 189 ; provisional government, 
 191; national workshops, 192; Social 
 Democrats, 193 ; National Assembly 
 and executive commission, 193; city 
 hall government, 194; Social Democrat- 
 ic iusurreciion suppressed, 195 ; presi- 
 dential election. Napoleon president, 
 190; preparing for empire, 197, 198; coup 
 d'etat, 199 ; plebiscite, 200 ; enipire pro- 
 claimed, 201; intervention in Rome, 
 205; Crimean war, 257-204 ; France su- 
 preme, 205; intervcntiou in Syria, 260; 
 Orsini bombs, 277 ; Italian war, 279-280; 
 evacuates Rome, 292 ; intervention in 
 Mexico, 295-298; (lS64-'69) decay of 
 army, 351 ; reorganization, 372 ; hatred 
 of Prussia, 388; plan of campaign, 389 ; 
 internal aff;iirs, elections, 390, 391; con- 
 stitution, 392; plebiscite, 393; Roman 
 intervention, 401 ; (187ö-'75) government 
 bent on war with Prussia, 410-414; war 
 declared, 415; Fianco-Prussian war, 
 420-400 ; Commune, 469-471 ; clerical ac- 
 tivity, 472; payment of indemnity, army 
 law, 473; parties, 474; MacMahon presi- 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 663 
 
 (lent, 475; (1S76-'81) Berlin congress, 
 650-554 ; Egyptian affairs, 564-566 ; con- 
 stitution adopted, 611, 612 ; elections, 
 collision with clericals, 613, 614; 14th 
 of May, 615; electoral campaign, 610; 
 liberal triumph, 61T; conflict with pres- 
 ident, 017, 61S; Gambetta's power, 618, 
 619; Grevy president, 620; party policy, 
 620, 621 ; Ferry begins Culturkanipf, 021, 
 622; amnesty of Communists, 624; Cher- 
 bourg speech, 624 ; cloisters closed, 625 ; 
 Tunisian expedition, 025-027; Gambettn 
 assumes office, 62S ; flnances, 629 ; Boua- 
 partists,030; Gambetta's fall — see preface. 
 
 Franco -Prussian war: war declared, 
 French sentiment, 415; German senti- 
 ment, 417, 420 ; war credit, 418 ; South 
 Germany, 419; German strength, 420: 
 plan of campaign, 421, 422 ; French plan, 
 423; Denmark, Austria, and Italy, 424, 
 425; Russia, 426; French dispositions, 
 426 ; Saarbrücken, 427 ; Weissenburg 
 and Worth, 42S, 429; Spicheru, 430; 
 France on the defensive, 431 ; plans 
 against Bazaine, battle of Borny, 433 ; 
 Viouville,434; Gravelotte,435, 430; Mac- 
 Mahon ordered to relieve Metz, 437; at 
 
 ■ Sedan, 43S; battle, Napoleon prisoner, 
 439 ; losses, Germans before Paris, 440 ; 
 empire overthrown, 441 ; Government uf 
 National Defence, 442; Ganibetta in 
 Tours, 443 ; diplomacy, 444, 445; sortie, 
 insurrection, 440; army of Loire, 447; 
 fall of Strasburg, 448 ; of Metz, 449 ; Or- 
 leans, 450; Le Mans, 451; army of the 
 north, 451, 452; war in the east, 453; 
 battle of Belfort, 454; French driven 
 into Switzerland, 455; sorties, 450 ; Par- 
 is capitulates, 457 ; elections and peace, 
 458; statistics, 459— <•/. prf/ac«; defini- 
 tive peace, 460. 
 
 Frankfort: conspiracy, 160; annexed to 
 Prussia, 307. 
 
 Freemasons: in Russia, 80; excommuni- 
 cated, 493 ; in Brazil, 493, 654 ; in Ecua- 
 dor, 054. 
 
 Frontiers, Grecian, 85, 559, 561. 
 
 Fueros, COO. 
 
 Gag bills, 05. 
 
 Garde Mobile, 193, 415. 
 
 Geneva : etrugfrlc with Pope, 492, 607. 
 
 Germany: (1816-'30) condition of in ISlC, 
 7-10; (1S30-'4S) effect of French Revolu- 
 tion, 123-127; Hambach festival and 
 Frankfort conspiracy, 1.59, 160; reac- 
 tionary measures, 101 ; Zollverein, 165; 
 (lS4S-'04) discontent, 212; sympathy 
 with Schleswitr-Holstein, 213; liberal 
 movement in Baden, 213; spreads, 214 ; 
 l)reliminary parliament, 215 ; National 
 Assembly, 216; intervention in Schles- 
 wig-Holstein, 218 ; armistice, 219; radi- 
 
 cal excesses, 220, 230 ; seeking a head, 
 231, 232; revolt in Saxony, 233; in Ba- 
 den, 234, 235; schism in National As- 
 sentbly, 230 ; National Assembly dis- 
 banded, 237 ; Prussian interference in 
 Baden and Palatinate, 238 ; second cam- 
 paign in Schleswig-Holstein and foreign 
 interference, 245, 240 ; league of three 
 kings. Interim, Union, 248; Hessian 
 troubles, humiliation of Olmiitz, 249, 
 250; Schleswig -Holstein and London 
 protocol, 251; Dresden conference and 
 reaction, 252 ; Bamberg conference, 257 ; 
 Italian war, 283; (1804-'Ü9) Schleswig- 
 Holstein agitation, 310; execution in 
 Holstein, 311 ; Frankfort Abgeordneten- 
 tag, 327 ; Austrian and Prussian circu- 
 lars, 328 ; Austro-Prussian war, 335-367 ; 
 North German Confederation, 368; posi- 
 tion of South Germany, 377, 378 ; cus- 
 toms' treaties, 379 ; army reorganiza- 
 tion in South Germany, 380; customs' 
 parliament, 381 ; South German opposi- 
 tion, 384; individual stales, 3S4-387; Old 
 Catholics, 405; (1870-75) attitude to- 
 ward France, 418,419; Franco-Prussian 
 war, 420^60; negotiations with South 
 German states, 401, 402; states of em- 
 pire, 403; empire proclaimed, 465 ; first 
 Reichstag, 460, 407; Alsace-Lorraine, 
 46S ; royal visits, Arnim trial, 494; army 
 bill, 495; embassies, 490; Alsace-Lor- 
 raine, 497; elections, 498; pulpit para- 
 graph, 500; civil marriage, .502; attemjit 
 on Bismarck, 503; (1876-81) relations 
 to Russia, 507, 568 ; not represented at 
 Paris exposition, 619 ; Culturkampf leg- 
 islation, 500, 630 ; Social Democrats, 037 ; 
 attempts on emperor, 037, 038 ; elections, 
 638; anti-Socialist legislation, 639; Al- 
 sace-Lorraine, 640, 641 ; Bismarck's use 
 of parties, 641, 042 ; state railroads, 643 ; 
 protective tariff, 644 ; Socialism and re- 
 action, 645 ; royal rescript, 046 ; imperial 
 code, 647; Hamburg and customs' union, 
 647, 648; Jew-baiting, 649; army in- 
 crease, 650; alliance with Austria, 651. 
 See also under separate states. 
 
 Gold Coast colony, 488. 
 
 GOttingen seven, 103. 
 
 Government of National Defence, French, 
 442. 
 
 Great Britain — see England. 
 
 Great week, 104-111. 
 
 Greece; revolt breaks out, 72 ; national 
 assembly, 73 ; massacre of Chios, 73 ; 
 naval exploit, 74 ; congress of Verona, 
 75; disunion, 76; massacre of Psara, 70; 
 European sympathy, 77; Egyptians in 
 Morea, 78; fall of Mesolonghi, 79; of 
 Athens, 80; treaty between England, 
 France, and Russia, 81 ; battle of Nava- 
 riiio, 83; misgovernraent of Kapodis- 
 
664 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 trias, assassination, 84; Otho made king, 
 85; French ti'oops in Alliens, 25S ; revo- 
 lution. Klug George, 266 ; acquires Io- 
 nian Islands, 267; Cretan revolt, 39S; 
 Lauriou mines, 4S7 ; invades Tliessaly, 
 543,550; Berlin congress, 554 ; frontier 
 question, 559-561. 
 
 Grossdeutsche, 231, 385, 418. 
 
 Guatemala : indejjeudeuce, 55. 
 
 Guelphs, 611,640, 645. 
 
 Guelph fund, 610. 
 
 Habeas corpus: suspended in England, 
 65— in Ireland, 585. 
 
 Hamburg: in empire, 463; forced into 
 cnstoms' union, 647, 648. 
 
 Hanover: constitution adopted, 127; ac- 
 cession of Ernest Augustus, repeal of 
 constitution, 162, 103; Austro-Prussiau 
 war, 336-307 ; annexed to Prussia, 367. 
 
 Hegelian philosophy, 23. 
 
 Herzegovina: revolt, 487; its origin, 506; 
 strength of rebels, 507; Turkish prom- 
 ises, 508; Berlin congress, 553; Austrian 
 occupation, 555, 587. 
 
 Hesse-Cassel : absurdities of restoration, 
 S, 9; revolution, 125; before Diet, 249, 
 250; tyranny, 251; Anstro-Prussian war, 
 335-367 ; annexed to Prussia, 367. 
 
 Hesse-Darmstadt: constitution granted, 
 9; insurrection, 126 ; Austro- Prussian 
 wnr, 335-368, 378 ; customs' treaty, 379 ; 
 army, customs' parliament, 381, 3S4; 
 Franco- Prussian war, 419-460; joins 
 Confederation, 462, 403. 
 
 Hetasria, 70. 
 
 Hohenzollern candidacy, 408, 410, 412. 
 
 Holland: oppressive rule in Belgium, 113, 
 114; troops defeated by Belgian insur- 
 gents, 117; separation of Belgium, 119; 
 war with Belgium and interference of 
 powers, 120, 121 ; Luxembonig question, 
 370, 371; colonial transfer, 487 ; Atchin 
 war, 489; compulsory military service, 
 489; school question, 609; snccession, 
 610 ; trouble with Venezuela, 654. 
 
 Holy Alliance: origin, 2; interference in 
 Naples, 32, 33; in Sardinia, 40, 41; in 
 Spain, 48, 49 ; attempts interference in 
 South America, 55. 
 
 Home rule, Irish, 584, 580. 
 
 Honveds, 240, 245, 591. 
 
 Hungary: Reichstag summoned, 7; oppo- 
 sition, 164; Hungarians defeated at Vi- 
 enna, 224; discontent, 239, 240 ; revolu- 
 tion, 241 ; successes against Anstrians, 
 242; republic, 243; Russian intervention, 
 insurrection suppressed, 244, 245; con- 
 stitution and discontent, 301, 304; con- 
 stitution and personal union, 37.^; 
 financial settlement, 375 ; friendship for 
 Turks, 521, 544; anti- German feeling, 
 590; finances, treaty with Austria, 591. 
 
 India: Sikhs subdned,154; Mutiny, 292- 
 294; imperial title and policy, 576, 577. 
 
 Insurrections : in St. Petersburg, 87 ; Tur- 
 key, 88 ; peasants in Hesse-Darmstadt, 
 126; Göttingen, 127 ; Portugal, 148 ; Cra- 
 cow and Galicia, 164 ; Vendee, 175 ; Ly- 
 ons and Paris (1834), 177 ; Social Demo- 
 crats in Paris, 195; Commune, 469; Car- 
 tagena, 480; Carlist, 4SI ; in Roumania, 
 487; Herzegovina, 506; Bosnia, 511; 
 Bulgaria, 515; Crete, 543; Thessaly, 550 ; 
 Macedonia, 558 ; Cuba, 407, 493, 602. 
 
 Internationale: aims, 408; in Paris, 469 ; 
 attempts in Italy, 594; in Spain, 602; iu 
 Germany, 638. 
 
 Intransigeants, 613. 
 
 lutransigentes, 479. 
 
 Ionian Islands: ceded to Greece, 267. 
 
 Ireland : emancipation agitation, 69 ; re- 
 peal agitation, 152; Fenians, 153, 395; 
 disestablishment, 395; first land bill, 
 university bill, home rule, 488; griev- 
 ances,584; Laud League, 585; land laws, 
 585. 
 
 Irreconcilables, 390. 
 
 Italia irredenta, 596. 
 
 Italianissimi, 291. 
 
 Italian war: Anstrians defeated at Ma- 
 genta, 280 — at Solferino, 281 ; ineflicien- 
 cy, truce of Villafranca, 2S2 ; reasons for 
 truce, 283 ; uncertain attitude of Prus- 
 sia, 284; Kossuth and the Hungarians, 
 285, note ; peace of Zurich, 286. 
 
 Italy: condition in 1816, 23; iu third dec- 
 ade, 42 ; eftect of French Revolution of 
 1S3(», 129-133; of French Revolution of 
 1848, 202-211; political condition, 274; 
 kingdom, 290; internal organization, 
 291, 292; Prussian alliance, 327; arms, 
 333; Austro-Prussian war, 335-359; Ve- 
 netia annexed, 359; Roman expedition, 
 400 ; (1870-75) negotiations with France, 
 425; annexes Rome, 476; (1876-'81) Pro- 
 gressists in power, 593; attempt on king, 
 594; electoral law, 595; foreign policy, 
 596 ; Papal stool, 597-599. See also un- 
 der separate states. 
 
 Janissaries suppressed, 88. 
 
 Japan : opened to foreigners, 155. 
 
 Jesuits: reinstitution oforder, 25; expul- 
 sion from Spain, 47; restored, 52; in 
 France, 96, 97 ; expelled from Saxony, 
 126; from Spain, 140; in Switzerland, 
 171 ; in power at Rome, 274, 375; insti- 
 gate Franco-Prussian war, 393, 414 ; Pa- 
 pal infallibility, 402-404 ; expelled from 
 Spain, 400; .activity in France, 472; as- 
 sist Carlists, 482; in Ecuador, 493, 0.54; 
 expelled from Germany, 500; LeoXIlL, 
 598 ; in Belgium, 005 ; expelled from 
 Fiance, 622, 625 ; iu Brazil, 654 ; Buenos 
 Ayres, 657. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 665 
 
 Jews : Jew condemned to death by Inqui- 
 sition, 25; admitted to Parliament, 153; 
 persecution in Boiiemia, 326 ; emanci- 
 jjatiou in Servia, 503 ; Roumania, 564; 
 luimbers, 506, note; Russian riots, 576, 
 649 ; Jew-baiting in Germany, 64S, C49. 
 
 Josetiuos, 44. 
 
 Junkers, 306. 
 
 KiiiVA, 399, 480. 
 
 Khokand: annexed by Russia, 399, 480. 
 
 Kioumirs, 026. 
 
 Kuldslia, 575. 
 
 Land laws, Irish, 585. 
 
 Land League, 585, 5S6. 
 
 Landsturm, 305. 
 
 Landwehr, 305 ; called out, 32T. 
 
 Lanenburg : ceded to Prussia, 323. 
 
 Legitimists in France: under Louis Phi- 
 lippe, 173; under republic, 197; fusion, 
 474. 
 
 Lippe, 463, notf. 
 
 Lombardy : Austrian rule, 27 ; rebels, 208 ; 
 Sardinian aid, 209; Austria victorious, 
 210; discontent, 275; annexed to Sar- 
 dinia, 2S8. 
 
 Lübeck, 463, note. 
 
 Luxembourg: divided, 120; Prussi.m ally, 
 336; Luxembourg question, 369 JmO; set- 
 tlement, 371. 
 
 Luzerne, 128, 129, 169, 171. 
 
 Maffia, 478. 
 
 March decrees, 622, 625. 
 
 Massacres: Peterloo, 65; Chios, 73; Psara, 
 76; in Crete, 78; Forli,132; in Algeria, 
 182; in Syria, 266; Cawnpore, 293 ; Pod- 
 gorizza, 505 ; Bulgarian, 515-517 ; Cabul, 
 578; Atzala, 65.3. 
 
 Mayence commission, 21. 
 
 May laws, .501. 
 
 Mecklenburg: antiquated system, 271; 
 Prussian ally, 336 ; votes in Bundes- 
 rath, 403, rwte. 
 
 >tesolonghi — see Siegen. 
 
 ^lexico: independence, 54 ; foreign inter- 
 vention, 295; Maximilian emperor, 296; 
 withdrawal of French, fall of empire, 
 298,299; cloisters abolished, 493; revo- 
 lution, 052 ; religious disturbances, 653. 
 
 Mixed marriages: controversy in Prussia, 
 105 ; Austria, 375. 
 
 Modena: insurrection, 130, 208 ; tyranny, 
 274 ; united to Sardinia, 281, 287. 
 
 Moderados, 47. 
 
 Jklonasticorders: Belgium, 490, 600; France, 
 019, 625; Italy, 477; Mexico, abolished 
 in, 493; Portugal, 02; Spain, 47, 52, 145; 
 Switzerland, 171, 60S. 
 
 Montenegro: massacre of Podgorizza, 
 505; war with Turkey, 518; successes, 
 524; negotiations, 527 ; invades Albania, 
 
 543 ; treaty of San Stefano, 546; Berlin 
 congress, 553 ; execution of treaty, 562, 
 563. 
 Morocco: war with Spain, 148; with 
 France, 182. 
 
 NAPr.Es: after restoration, 27; revolution, 
 29; intervention of Austria, 34 ; revolt 
 in Sicily, 206; revolt suppressed, 207; 
 reaction, 274; Garil)aldi's expedition, 
 288 ; absorbed in Italy, 290. 
 
 Nassau : constitution, 9 ; Austro-Prussian 
 war, 336-367 ; annexed to Prussia, 307. 
 
 National Assembly, French, 193; dissolved 
 by Napoleon, 200. 
 
 National Assembly, French : elected, 458 ; 
 removes to Versailles, 408, 472 ; parties, 
 474 ; constitution adopted, 012 ; dis- 
 solved, 613. 
 
 National Assembl}', German, 210 ; weak- 
 ness, 217, 231; withdrawal of moderates, 
 230; forcibly disbanded, 287. 
 
 National Guard, French : disbanded, 97 ; 
 Lafayette, commander, 107, 173 ; Feb- 
 ruary revolution, ISO, 193; suiipress re- 
 volt, 194 ; Changaruier, commander, 195 ; 
 Commune, 409. 
 
 National Liberal party, German, 460 ; army 
 bill, 495; strength, 498; 634, 638, 641, 
 642, 045, 650. 
 
 National workshops, 192 ; suppressed, 195. 
 
 Naval demonstration, 563. 
 
 Navies: Austria, 6; Prussia, 305. 
 
 Negros, Spanish party, 52. 
 
 Neuchätel: disturbance in, 129 ; ceded to 
 Switzerland, 272. 
 
 Nicaragua: trouble with Germany, 057. 
 
 Nihilists : origin and demands, 509, 570 ; 
 assassinations and incendiarism, 572, 
 573 ; murder of emperor, 574. 
 
 North German Confederation : created, 
 308; Luxembourg question, 371 ; proc- 
 ess of amalgamation, 382 ; Reichstag, 
 383 ; Franco-Prussian war, 419-400 ; de- 
 velops into empire, 461^05. 
 
 Norway, 490. 
 
 Or.T> Catholics, 405; in Austria, 484; Switz- 
 erland, 492, 007 ; Germany, 504, 630, 631. 
 
 Oldenburg: sides with Prussia, 330; vote 
 in Bundesrath,403, 7iote. 
 
 Orange league, 153. 
 
 Ordinances, five, French, 100, 101, 104. 
 
 Orleanisls: under republic, 197; fusion, 
 474. 
 
 Papat, stool : Leo XIII., Pope, relations to 
 Prussia, Switzerland, Russia, 597 ; gen- 
 eral policy, 598; relations to Italy, 599 ; 
 Belgium, 606; Switzerland, 608; Bava- 
 ria, 631; negotiations with Prussia, 632, 
 633; modus viveTidi, 6SG ; trouble iuVen- 
 ezueli», 053 — see also under States of the 
 Church. 
 
660 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Paraguay: indepencleiice, 55; war with 
 
 Brazil and allies, 299. 
 Painia: insurrection, 31, 20S ; united to 
 
 Sardinia, 281, 2ST. 
 Parties (partial lint; see aho under spe- 
 cial headings) : Austria, autonomists, 
 483 — Conservatives, Constiuitioualists, 
 Federalists, Liberals, 588 ; Belgium, 
 Clericals, Liberals, 490, 004 ; England, 
 Tories, Whigs, 69— Chartists, 151— Con- 
 servatives, Liberals, 4SS — Home-rulers, 
 584; France, Constitutionalists, Inde- 
 pendents, Uoctriuaires, Kepublicans, 
 Bonapartists, Ultras, 90 — Legitimists, 
 lT3_0rleanists, 19T— Irrecoucilables, 390 
 — Intransigeauts, 613; Germany, Gross- 
 dentsche, 231— Junker, 300— Fortschritt, 
 SSI— Patriots, 3S7— Reichs party, 466— 
 Alsatians, 498 — Democrats, 490- Conser- 
 vatives, 498 — Clericals, 495 — National 
 Liberals, 466 — Social Democrats, 495— 
 Christian Socialists, 637- Guelphs, Se- 
 cessionists, Poles, Danes, 645 ; Holland, 
 Conservatives, Liberals, 609; It,aly, Iia- 
 lianissimi, 291— Moderates, Progressists, 
 593; Russia, People's party. Terrorists* 
 5G9; Spain, Josetinos, 44— Exaltados, 47 
 — Negros, 52 ; Carlists, Christiuos, 144— 
 Moderados, Progressists, 146— Imransi- 
 gentes, 479; Switzerland, Cantonese, 491. 
 Party of Progress— see Fortschritt party. 
 Patriots: Bavarian ultramontanes, 387,498. 
 Peace: of Paris, 264 — modified, 485; of 
 Zurich, 286 ; of Vienna, 317 ; of Prague, 
 356, modified, 611; Austro-Italian, 359; 
 Franco-Prussian, 45S, 460; Sau Stefano, 
 545; Gundamak, 578. 
 Peers, in Prance : creation of, 93, 97 ; loss 
 
 of hereditary character, 176. 
 Persia: war with Russia, 87; Khotur 
 
 ceded to, 552. 
 Peru: independence, 55 ; partisan strug- 
 gles, 493; war with Chili, 655-057. 
 Peterloo— sec Massacres. 
 Plebiscite: in France, 200, 393; in Italian 
 duchies and Savoy, 287; in Umbria, 289 ; 
 in Mexico, 296 ; in Veuetia, 359 ; in 
 Rome, 477. 
 Poland: under Alexander. I., 86; Nicho- 
 las, 134 ; revolution in preparation, 135 ; 
 outbreak, 136; Russian successes, 138, 
 139; disunion, 140; revolution suppress- 
 ed, 142 ; dissatisfaction, 268 ; insurrec- 
 tion, 269 ; incorporated in Russia, 399. 
 Portugal : military dictatorship of Beres- 
 ford, 56; revolution, 57 ; constitution 
 proclaimed, 5S ; usurpation of Miguel, 
 60; success of Pedrists, 61; subsequent 
 liistory, 14S. 
 Pragmatic Sanction, 53. 
 Progressists, German — see Fortschritt 
 
 party. 
 Protective tarifl': in Austro-Hnngary,591; 
 
 France, 4T5, 628 ; Germany, 633, G43, 044; 
 Russia, 567. 
 
 Protocols: London, 251, 315; in Turkish 
 affairs, 528. 
 
 Provisional government, in France, 191- 
 193. 
 
 Prussia: (1816-30) reaction, 11, 18, 19; 
 (1830-'4S) Zollverein, 164 ; contest wiUi 
 Pope, 165 ; parliameutary aspirations, 
 166 , religious and philosophical thought, 
 107; united Landtag, 168; (lS48-'63) 
 armistice with Denmark, 219 ; popular 
 discontent, 226 ; revolution, 227 ; con- 
 stitutional convention, 228 ; revolution 
 suppressed, 229; empire refused, 232; 
 intervention iu Saxony, 233; in Badeu 
 and Palatinate, 235,237, 238 ; acquisition 
 ot'Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, 238 ; trea- 
 ty with Denmark, 246 ; league of three 
 kings. Interim, 248; humiliation of 01- 
 mütz, 250; alliance with Austria, 257; 
 treaty with Russia, 270 ; weak policy, 
 272; William L king, 273; Italian war, 
 284 ; (lS64-'69) army, 304, 305 ; Bis- 
 marck's policy, 307; Danish war, 312- 
 317 ; high-lianded jjolicy, 318-322 ; Gas- 
 tein convention, 323; alliance with Italy, 
 prepares for war, 327 ; circulars, 328 ; 
 negotiations with Napoleon, 329, 330; 
 occupies Holstein, 333; secedes, 335; 
 Austro-PruBsian war, 335-368 ; Luxem- 
 bourg treaty, 371 ; negotiations with 
 Denmark, 372 ; customs' treaties, 379 ; 
 plan of French campaign, 388 ; (1870- 
 '75) understanding with Russia, 409 ; 
 France declares war, 415 ; Franco-Prus- 
 sian war, 420-460 ; vote in Bundesrath, 
 463, note,- Culturkampf begins, 500 ; May 
 laws, 501 ; attempt on Bismarck, 503 ; 
 interdict, 503 ; (1876-81) Guelph fund, 
 610; agreement with Austria, 611; re- 
 lations to Rome, 631, 632 ; church laws, 
 034; Cologne cathedral, 635; modus vi- 
 vendi, 636; attempts on emperor, 637,638; 
 economical council, 644; royal rescript, 
 646 ; Hamburg question, 647. 
 
 Psara — see Massacres. 
 
 Pulpit paragraph, 500, 630. 
 
 Rati.uoads: French-Belgian convention, 
 390; Alsace -Lorraine, 460; Germany, 
 C43. 
 
 Rebellions: Cuba, 407; Grecian, 72-S3; 
 Polish, 136-141,269, Sepoy, 292-294; Sic- 
 ily, 206 — see also Insurrections. 
 
 Reform banquets, 184. 
 
 Ref(n-m bill, 149. 
 
 Reichs party. 466. 
 
 Reichsrath, Hungarian, 373. 
 
 Reichstag: Austrian, 223— dissolved, 225— 
 constitution of, 374; Gei-man, constitu- 
 tion of, 463, note ; Hungarian, 7, 240, 241 ; 
 NorthGerman, 3CS, 381. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 667 
 
 Repeal, 152. 
 
 Ifescript, 646. 
 
 Reiiss, okier nnd younger line, vote in 
 Bundesrat,!!, 463, noU. 
 
 Eevohitions: Austria, 223; Baden, 234; 
 Belginm, 115-119; Brunswiclc, 124; 
 France, (lS3n) lOT, (184S) 186-197, (1S51) 
 199, 200, (1870) 441 ; Greece, 72-83, 260; 
 Hesse-Cassel, 125; Hungary, 241 ; Mex- 
 ico, 652; Naples, 29; Poland, 136-141; 
 Portngal, 57 ; Prussia, 227 ; Sardinia, 38 ; 
 Saxony, 233; Sicily, 30 ; Spain, 45, 406, 
 482; States of Church, 204; Switzerland, 
 129; Turkey, 514; Tuscany, 204. 
 
 Right to labor, 192. 
 
 Koumania : created, 266 ; army reorgan- 
 ized, 397; disturbances, 487; convention 
 with Russia, 530 ; alliance, 536; army at 
 Plevna, 536, 540 ; Viddin, 541 ; treaty of 
 San Stefano, 546; vain protests, 549; 
 Berlin congress, 553, 554 ; Jewish ques- 
 tion, kingdom, 504; population, 566, woie. 
 
 Russia: (lS16-'30) under Alexander I., 86; 
 accession of Nicholas, 87; war with 
 Turkey, treaty of Adrian ople, 88, 89 ; 
 (1830-'48) suppression of Polish revolt, 
 136-142; in Caucasus, 143; interference 
 in Turkey, 156; (lS48-'63) intervention 
 in Hungary, 243, 244; Schleswig -Hol- 
 stein question, 240; interference in Ger- 
 many, commanding position, 253 ; seeks 
 pretence for war with Turkey, 255; in- 
 vades principalities, war declared, 256; 
 Western powers interfere, 257 ; Crimean 
 war, 257-205 ; serfs freed, 267 ; rebellion 
 in Poland, 269 ; treaty with Prussia, 270; 
 (lS04-'69) sale of Alaska, 394 ; annexa- 
 tion and consolidation, 399,400; (1870- 
 '75) attitude toward Prussia, 426 ; Pon- 
 tus conference, 486; advance in Asia, 
 480; (1S76-'S1) Herzegoviuian revolt, 
 508, 509, 511 ; sympathy for Servia, 518 ; 
 dictates truce, 524 ; preparations for war, 
 525; London protocol, 528; declares war, 
 529 ; Russo-Turkish war, 530-5.54 ; final 
 treaty, 566; anti-German feeling, 507, 
 568; dissatisfaction, Nihilists, 569; third 
 division, 570; assassinations, 671, 572; 
 Melikoflf dictator, reforms, 573 ; emperor 
 murdered, 574 ; advance in Central Asia, 
 575 ; Jewish riots, 576, 649 ; embassy in 
 Cabul, 577. 
 
 Russo-Turkish war: war declared, 529; 
 Roumanian convention, first operations, 
 630; strength of combatants, 531 ; Eng- 
 land's attitude, Danube crossed, 532; 
 unopposed advance, 633; ministerial 
 changes, English i)roposals, 534 ; three 
 battles of Plevna, 5S.% 536 ; Shipka pass, 
 .537; army of Danube, 538; Plevna in- 
 vested, 539; taken, .540; Balkans crossed, 
 541; Armenian campaign, 642; vassal 
 states, 543 ; Austria and England, 544 ; 
 
 cessation of hostilities, 545; treaty of ^ 
 San Stefano, 540 ; England and Au«filif' 
 object, 547; secret treaty, 548; Rouma- 
 nian protest, 549; Greece, 550 ; Berlin 
 congress, 550-554. 
 
 San Sat.vat>or: religious disturbances, 653. 
 
 Sardinia: condition after restoration, 36 ; 
 revolution, 38 ; suppressed, 40 ; charac- 
 ter of people, 209 ; war with Austria, 
 battle of Novara, 210; accession of Vic- 
 tor Emmanuel ll^jᚠ; Crimean war, 201 ; 
 Paris niemoriali'270 ; liberal policy, 275 ; 
 Italian war, 279-286; annexations, 287, 
 289— sec also Italy. 
 
 Saxe-Altcnbnrg: vote in Bundesralh, 463, 
 note. 
 
 Saxe-Coburg-Gotha : vote in Bundesrath, 
 403, note. 
 
 Saxe-Meiningen : vote in Bundesrath, 463, 
 note. 
 
 Saxe- Weimar: constitntion, 8 ; vote ia 
 Bundesrath, 463, note. 
 
 Saxon duchies: side with Prussia, 330. 
 
 Saxony: constitution extorted, 126; un- 
 successful revolution, 233; conflict with 
 Prussia, 319; Austrian ally, 327; Ans- 
 tro- Prussian war, 336-367; Franco- 
 Prussian war, 420-460; vote in Bundes- 
 rath, 403, note; separatist policy, 496, 
 641,642. 
 
 Schaumburg-Lippe: vote in Bundesrath, 
 463, 7iote. 
 
 Schleswig-Holstein : open letter of King 
 Christian, 213; armed interference of 
 Germany, 218; armistice, 219; second 
 campaign, 245, 240 ; Danes victorious, 
 247; London protocol, 251; Schleswig 
 incorporated in Denmark, 309 ; Holstein 
 appeals to Diet, 310 ; execution, 311 ; Da- 
 nish war, 312-317; ceded to allies, 317 : 
 Austria and Prussia in duchies, 318-323; 
 Gastein convention, 323; public senti- 
 ment, 326; Prussian occupation, 333; 
 annexation, 367, 611. 
 
 School laws: Belgium, 605; Holland, 609; 
 France, 612, 613, 621, 025 ; Prussia, 500. 
 
 Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt : vote in Bundes- 
 rath, 403, note. 
 
 Schwarzburg - Sondershauseu : vote in 
 Bundesrath, 403, note. 
 
 Scotland: Scotch electoral bill, 395, 
 
 Scrutin de liste, 612, 627. 
 
 Secret societies in Poland, SO. 
 
 Seewehr, 305. 
 
 Sepoy rebellicni, 292-294. 
 
 September laws, 177. 
 
 SeiJtennate, 475, 611. 
 
 Serfdom : abolished in Baltic provinces, 
 87— in Russia, 267. 
 
 Servia: Milan prince, 397; war feeling, 
 517 : army, 518 ; first campaign against 
 Turkey, 519 i unsuccessful negotiations, 
 
668 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 523 ; defeated, 524 ; peace, 52T ; second 
 ■war, 543 ; treaty of Sau Stefano, 546 ; Ber- 
 lin congress, 554; Jewish emancipation, 
 5Ü3. 
 
 Sicily: revolution, 30; suppressed, 31 ; re- 
 bellion, 206 ; subdued, 207 ; Garibaldi's 
 expedition, 2S8 ; brigandage, 593. 
 
 Siebener-Concordat, 169. 
 
 Sieges: Acre, 150; Athens, 79; Barcelona, 
 51; Belfort, 452, 455; Cadiz, 50; Carta- 
 gena, 480; Gaeta, 290; Kars, 264, 543; 
 jMesolonghi, 79; Metz, 436, 438; Paris, 
 441, 442, 446, 450, 456 ; Plevna, 539, 540 ; 
 Rome, 205; Sebastopol, 260-264; Silis- 
 trla, 89, 258; Strasburg, 429,448; Varua, 
 88; Venice, 211; Viddin, 541. 
 
 Silvhs, 154. 
 
 Skuptshina, 397. 
 
 Slavery: slave-trade declared piracy by 
 England, 63 ; abolished in colonies, 153 ; 
 in Zanzibar, 488. 
 
 Social Democrats: in France, 193 — in- 
 surrections, 194, 195, 197, 446, 457 — 
 Commune, 469; in Germany, 495, 498— 
 strength, 637, 638— laws against, 639— 
 increase, 640, 645. 
 
 Societies {partial list; see also under special 
 headings): Carbonaria, 24; Destroying 
 Angel, 53 ; Orange league, 69, 153 ; He- 
 taeria, 70; Freemasons, 86; Congrega- 
 tion, 91, 96 ; A ide toi et le del t'aidera, 98, 
 100; Friends of the People, lOS, 109; 
 Young Italy, 170; Young Europe, 170; 
 Seasons, 178; Internationale, 468 ; Nihil- 
 ists, 569. 
 
 Sonderbund, 171. 
 
 Spain : (l816-'30) condition after resto- 
 ration, 43 ; constitution repealed, 43 ; 
 French intervention, 50 ; revolution sup- 
 pressed, 51 ; reaction, 52; Salic law re- 
 pealed, Carlist revolt, 53 ; loss of Amer- 
 ican Colonies, 54 ; Independence of Colo- 
 nies recognized by England, 56; (1830- 
 '48) Carlist revolt, 144, 145; new consti- 
 tution, abdication of Christina, rule of 
 Isabella, 146-148 ; (1864-'69) revolution, 
 406; seeking a king, 407; (lS70-'75) Ama- 
 deo, king, 478; republic, 479; disorders, 
 480; Carlist revolt, 481; Alfonso, king, 
 482; Virginiusaflair, 493; (1876-'S1) Car- 
 list revolt suppressed, 599 ; religions in- 
 tolerance, 600, 601 ; Cuban insurrection, 
 602 ; attempts on king's life, 603. 
 
 Spanish marriages, 147. 
 
 States of the Church : at the restoration, 
 25; insurrection, 129, 131 ; liberalism of 
 Pius IX., 202, 203 ; Roman republic, 204< 
 French intervention, 205; reaction, 274; 
 Italian war, 281, 287 ; war with Sardinia, 
 289; Garibaldi's expedition, 291; second 
 expedition, 400 ; French occupation, 401 ; 
 Vatican council, 402-404 ; annexed to 
 Italy, 477 — see Papal stool. 
 
 St. Gothard tunnel : cost and German ap- 
 propriation, 383; treaty, 393; comple- 
 tion, 609. 
 
 Suez Canal: opened, 391; English pur- 
 chase of shares, 510. 
 
 Suffrage: Austria, 484; Brazil, 654; Eng- 
 land, extended, 149,395 ; France, extend- 
 ed, 93— limited, 99 — extended, 174 — man- 
 hood, 193— limited, 198— universal, 199; 
 Italy, 595 ; North Germany, universal, 
 368. 
 
 Sweden : compulsory military service, 490. 
 
 Switzerland : aristocracy, 127 ; revolutions, 
 129 ; Siebener-Concordat and Saruer- 
 bund, 169 ; right of asylum, 170 ; relig- 
 ious controversies, 170 ; Sonderbund, 
 171; new constitution, 172; constitu- 
 tional revision, 491; cnlturkampf, 492; 
 religious legislation, 606 ; civil marriage, 
 Old Catholics, 608 ; relations to Pope, 
 608; St. Gothard tunnel, 610. 
 
 Syllabus, 402. 
 
 Tekke-Tukoomans, 575. 
 
 Third division, 570; name changed, 574. 
 
 Three F's, 585. 
 
 Tobacco monopoly : in Lombardy, 208 ; 
 proposed in Germany, 642, 644, 645. 
 
 Transvaal : annexed by England, 581 ; re- 
 bellion, 583. 
 
 Treaties : Evora, with Dom Miguel, 61 ; 
 England, France, and Russia, for pacifi- 
 cation of Greece, 81 ; Akerman, Russia 
 and Turkey, 87 ; Adrianople, Russia and 
 Turkey, 89; England, France, Spain, 
 and Portugal, 144 ; Vergara, with Car- 
 lists, 145; Nanking, England and Chi- 
 na, 154; Tientsin, France, England, and 
 China, 155; Kutayah, Egypt and Tur- 
 key, 157; Unkiar-Skelessi, Russia and 
 Turkey, 157 ; Turkey and England, 157 ; 
 Austria and Sardinia, 211 ; Prussia and 
 Denmark, 246 ; Paris, Russia and al- 
 lies, 264; Prussia and Russia, 270; Zu- 
 rich, France, Austria, and Sardinia, 286; 
 France and Italy, 292; Miramar, Napo- 
 leon and Maximilian, 296 ; Vienna, Den- 
 mark and allies, 317 ; Prague, Austria 
 and Prussia, 356, 611 ; Austrian Italian, 
 359 ; Prussia and South German States, 
 361, Ltixembourg treaty, 371 ; St. Goth- 
 ard, 393 ; Versailles, France and Ger- 
 many, 458, 460 ; San Stefano, Russia and 
 Turkey, 545; secret, between England 
 and Russia, 548, and Turkey, 552; Gun- 
 damak, Ensilaud and Afghanistan, 578; 
 Chili and Bolivia, 655. 
 
 Tricolor: in Sardinia, 39 ; in France, 105. 
 
 Truce of Malmö, 219. 
 
 Truce of Villafrauca, 2S2. 
 
 Tunis: English -French understanding, 
 552 ; French invasion, 626 ; unexpected 
 difficulties, 627. 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 669 
 
 Turkey: (lS1C-'30) Ypsilaiitl's raid, 71; 
 outrages upon Christians, revolt in 
 Greece, 72 ; calls iu aid of Mehemed Ali, 
 7S; battle of Navarino, S2 ; suppressiou 
 of Janissaries, S8; war with Russia, trea- 
 ty of Adriauople, SS, 89 ; (1S30-'4S) Egyp- 
 tian revolt, 15G-159; Russian aid, 156; 
 ))eace of Kutayah and treaty of Unkiar- 
 Skelessi, 157; second war with Egypt, 
 15S; European intervention, 159; (1S4S- 
 ■63) "sick man," 254; reforms, 255; war 
 with Russia, declared, 250 ; alliance with 
 Western powers, 257; Crimean war, 257- 
 264; reform edicts, 205; Syrian massa- 
 cre, 260; (lS04-'e9) Cretan revolt, 398; 
 (1870-'75) condition of vassal states, 480, 
 487; (1S(6-'S1) trouble with Montene- 
 gro, 505 ; insurrection in Herzegovina, 
 506; promised reforms, 508; Audrassy 
 note, 509 ; Austria and England, 510 ; 
 Russia, revolt in Bosnia, 511 ; Gortcha- 
 koff memorandum, 512; Saloniki out- 
 rages, 513 ; palace revolution, 514 ; Bul- 
 garian massacres, 515-517 ; Servia and 
 Alontenegro declare war, 517; first Ser- 
 vian campaign, 519; England, 520; Aus- 
 tro-Huugary, 521 ; Rome, 522 ; unsuc- 
 cessful negotiations, 523 ; Servians de- 
 feated, 524 ; constitution proclaimed,526 ; 
 proposals of Constantinople conference 
 rejected, 527; protocol rejected, war de- 
 clared, 529; Russo-Turkish war, 530-554; 
 no reforms, 555; final treaty with Rus- 
 sia, 556; Macedonian insurrection, 55S; 
 KiJlle case, 559 ; Grecian frontiers, 559 - 
 561 ; Montenegrin frontiers, 562, 503 ; 
 interference in Egypt, 505 ; seeks Ger- 
 man alliance, 652. 
 
 United Landtag, 168, 228. 
 
 Union, 248,249. 
 
 Uruguay: independence, 55; war with 
 
 Paraguay, 299; internal troubles, 493, 
 
 C57. 
 
 Vatican Council : summoned, 402 ; com- 
 plexion, 403; infallibility voted, 404. 
 
 Venetia: Austrian rule, 27; rebels, 208; 
 retained by Austria, 288 ; ceded to 
 Prance, 350; surrendered to Italy, 859. 
 
 Venezuela : independence, 65 ; cultur- 
 kampf, 493, 053. 
 
 Vienna Schlussakte, 17, 335. 
 
 Virgiuius case, 493. 
 
 Waldeck : vote in Bundesrath, 463, note. 
 
 Wars : Persia and Russia, 87 ; Russia and 
 Turkey, 88, 89; Holland and Belgium, 
 120; Spain and Morocco, 148; England 
 and Burmah, 154 ; England and Afghan- 
 istan, 154; Sikh war, 154; opium war, 
 154 ; France, England, and China, 155 ; 
 Turkey and Egypt, 1.56, 158; France and 
 Algerians, 99, 181, 182 ; France and Mo- 
 rocco, 182; Crimean war, 256-265; Ital- 
 ian, 279-286; Paraguay with allies, 299; 
 Danish, 312-317 ; Austro-Prussian, 835- 
 308; Franco-Prussian, 420-400; Ashau- 
 tee, 488; Atchin, 489,010; Russo-Turkish, 
 530-554; Afghan, 578, 580; Zulu, 582; Boer, 
 583 ; Chili, Bolivia, and Peru, 655-657. 
 
 War indemnities: Austrian, 356; Bava- 
 rian, 365; French, 458, 479; Peruvian, 
 656; Saxon, 366; Turkish, 546, 553, 556. 
 
 Würtemberg: constitution, 9; Austro- 
 Prussian war, 335-367 ; customs' treaty, 
 379; army, 380; customs' parliament, 
 381, 384; Democratic opposition, 385, 
 3S6, 417 ; Franco-Prussian war, 419^60 ; 
 joins confederation, 462, 463, 404; em- 
 bassies, 490. 
 
 Zanzibau: slave-trade abolished, 488. 
 
 Zollverein: formation and extension, 164; 
 Austria excluded, 272, 319 ; treaty with 
 France, 319 ; Italy, 324 ; reorganization, 
 379; parliament, 381. 
 
 Zulu war, 581, 582. 
 
 Zurich, 128, 109,170,490. 
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 Aarifi, Turkish pasha, 534. 
 
 Abdallah, pasha of Acre, 155. 
 
 Abd-el-Kadcr, Algerian emir, 181,182. 
 
 Abderrahman, Emperor of Morocco, 182. 
 
 Abdul Aziz, Sultan of Turkey (lS61-'76), 
 260, 486 ; deposed, suicide, 514. 
 
 Abdul Hamid II., Sultan of Turkey (1870), 
 522. 
 
 Abdul Kerim, Turkish general in Roume- 
 lia, 515; commands against Servians, 
 519; in cabinet, 520; presented with 
 sabre, .522; commander-in-chief, 531. 
 
 Abdul Medshid, Sultan of Turkey (1839- 
 
 '61), accession, 158, 255; reforms, 265; 
 death, 260. 
 
 Abdurrahman, Ameer of Afghanistan, 
 579, 580. 
 
 Abeddin, Turkish pasha, 562. 
 
 Abel, Bavarian minister, 214. 
 
 Aberdeen, Lord, English premier, 253 ; 
 French alliance, 255 ; resigns, 2.56. 
 
 Abisbal, Count, Spanish officer, 45, 46, 50. 
 
 Achmet Pasha, commander at Kalafat, 
 258. 
 
 Achmed Aga, massacre of Batak, 515 ; pro- 
 moted, 517. 
 
670 
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 JVclcile, sister of Lonis Philippe, 102, 108. 
 
 AftVe, French archbishop, r.i5. 
 
 A^nozzi, Piipal uuutius in Switzerlaud, 
 4'.»2. 
 
 Akbar, ex-Grand Mogul, 29.1. 
 
 A-lava, Spanish geneial, 51. 
 
 Albaui, Cardinal, 132. 
 
 Albert, King of Saxony (1ST3), Crown 
 Prince, commands Maas army, 437, 441; 
 advises Austrian emperor, 4S4. 
 
 Albert, Prince of Saxe- Coburg, husband 
 of Queen Victoria, 154. 
 
 Albert, Austrian archduke, commands in 
 Italy, 340 ; recalled, 352. 
 
 Albert, member of French provisional gov- 
 ernment, 191 ; city hall government, 194. 
 
 Albert Edward — see Wales. 
 
 Albrecht, Professor, "Giittiugen seven," 
 163. 
 
 Aleko Pasha — see Vogorides. 
 
 Alexander I., Emperor of Russia (ISOt- 
 '25), author of Holy Alliance, character, 
 2; domestic policy, death, 80. 
 
 Alexander II., Emperor of Russia (1S55- 
 'Sl); 202; frees serfs, 267; attempt on 
 life, 372; understanding with King of 
 Prussia, 409; neutrality, 426; summons 
 Brussels conference, 480 ; imperial vis- 
 its, 493 ; Moscow speech, 525 ; at head- 
 quarters, 531 ; at Plevna, 540; personal 
 affection for German emperor, 567, 56S ; 
 attempt on life, 571 ; winter palace ex- 
 plosion, 572; assassination, 574; let- 
 ter to Emperor William, 050 ; meeting, 
 051. 
 
 Alexander III., Emperor of Russia (ISSl), 
 Czarevitch, in Turkey, 535, 538, 541 ; em- 
 peror, 574 ; at Dantzic, 575. 
 
 Alexander, Prince of Hesse, commands 
 eightli army corps,33G,360; retreats, 361, 
 557; in St. Petersburg, 572. 
 
 Alexander, Prince of Battenberg, son of 
 preceding, elected Prince of Bulgaria, 
 557. 
 
 Alexander, Dutch prince, 610. 
 
 Alexander, Karageorgevitch, 397, 
 
 Alexandra — see Wales. 
 
 Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh, refuses Gre- 
 cian crown, 267. 
 
 Ali, pasha of Janina, rebels, 70. 
 
 All Pasha, Governor-general of Herzego- 
 vina, 510, 511. 
 
 Alibaud, French assassin, 17S. 
 
 Almonte, Mexican general, friend of Na- 
 poleon, 295, 296. 
 
 Aloard, 124. 
 
 Alonzo, Don, 480; barbarity, 481. 
 
 Alphonso XII., King of Spain (1874), 482, 
 599; attempts on life, marriages, 603. 
 
 Alveuslebeu II., von, Prussian general, 
 434. 
 
 Amadeo, King of Spain (1871-'73), Duke 
 of Aosta, second sou of Victor Emman- 
 
 uel, refuses Spanish throne, 407 ; accepts, 
 47S; resigns, 479. 
 
 Amalie, Queen of Greece, 85, 206. 
 
 Amarante, Portuguese count, 5S. 
 
 Andrassy, Count Julias, Hungarian min- 
 ister, 373; Austro-Hungariau minister 
 of foreign affairs, 484; .joint note, 50S; 
 policy, 522, 535, 547; at Berlin congress, 
 552; resigns, 588; alliance with Ger- 
 many, 651. 
 
 Angoulcme, Duke of, son of Charles X., 
 commands French army in Spain, 50, 92, 
 98; death, in. 
 
 Angoulijine, Duchess of, 111. 
 
 Ansaldi, Sardinian revolutionist, 38. 
 
 Autouelli, Cardinal, Papal secretary of 
 state, 274,369,597. 
 
 Anviti, Italian count, murdered, 274. 
 
 Aruby Bey, Egyptian colonel, 566. 
 
 Arago, 106; member of French provision- 
 al government, 191; of executive com- 
 mission, 193; of government of national 
 defence, 442. 
 
 Argyll, Duke of, 585. 
 
 Armensperg, Count, Regent of Greece, 85. 
 
 Arndt, German professor, 16, 18, 22, 166, 
 236. 
 
 Arnim, Count Harry, German ambassador 
 in Paris, 494; trial, 495, 604, 
 
 Arnim-Boytzenberg, Count, Prussian min- 
 ister, 227, 228. 
 
 Arroyo, Bishop of Guayana, 653. 
 
 Assy, French Communist, 469 ; prisoner, 
 471. 
 
 Atwood, Chartist, 151. 
 
 Andifi'ret-Pasquier, Duke of, 013, 014. 
 
 Auersperg, Commandant of Vienna, 224. 
 
 Auersperg, Prince Adolf, Austrian minis- 
 ter, 484; resigns, 58S; in senate, 589; op- 
 position Press, .592. 
 
 Auersperg, Prince Carlos, Austrian minis- 
 ter, 374, 589. 
 
 Auerswald, General, murdered, 220. 
 
 August, Prince of Wiirtemberg, 345 ; at 
 Gravelotte, 430. 
 
 Angustenburg, Christian, Duke of, 218. 
 
 Angusteuburg, Frederic, Prince of, Duke 
 of Schleswig-Holstein, 309; in Holstein, 
 311; birthday, 322 ; retires, 333. 
 
 Aumale, Duke of, son of Louis Philippe, 
 147; commander in Algeria, 182; flees to 
 England, 190. 
 
 Aurelle de Paladines, French general, 447; 
 defeated, 450. 
 
 Ayoub, Khan of Herat, 579, 580. 
 
 Bacoo, Roman prefect of police, 598. 
 Back, Strasburg police Superintendent, 
 
 497. 
 Bakunin Russian refugee, 233. 
 Balbo, Ciesar, Italian historian, 209. 
 Ballesteros, Spanish general, 50. 
 Barbaceua, Portuguese marquis, 60. 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 671 
 
 Biirbds, French radical, ITS, 193. 
 
 Bardoiis, French minister, 611). 
 
 Bariatynslci, Russian general, conqueror 
 ofShamyl, 143. 
 
 Barral, Conut, Italian diplomat, 355. 
 
 Barrot, OdiUon, member of Parisian mn- 
 iiicipal committee, 107 ; of ministry, 178; 
 proclamation, 1S7; speech iu Chamber, 
 ISS; premier, 108. 
 
 Barsanti, Italian corporal, 504. 
 
 Bassermann, in Baden Chamber, 213. 
 
 Batthyaiii, Hungarian premier, 239; re- 
 signs, 241 ; executed, 245. 
 
 Bauer, Bruno, 107. 
 
 Bazaine, French marshal, commander in 
 Mexico, 297— iu Franco-Prussian war, 
 426; commander-iu-chief, 431, 433 ; de- 
 feated at Vionville, 434— Gravelotte, 435 ; 
 iu Metz, 436; surrenders, 440; coiirt- 
 marlialled, 474. 
 
 Beach, Sir Michael IIicks,5Sl. 
 
 Beaconsrteld— .see Disraeli. 
 
 Bebel, German Social Democratic leader, 
 637. 
 
 Becher, German radical, 237. 
 
 Bedeau, French general, arrested, 109; ban- 
 ished, 200. 
 
 Bekk, minister iu Baden, 234. 
 
 Bekke, Austriau minister, 374. 
 
 Belcredi, Count, Austrian minister of state, 
 303; dismissed, 373. 
 
 Bern, General, iu Vienna revolutiou, 224; in 
 Hungary, 242; defeated, 244 ; flight, 245. 
 
 Benodek, Austrian general, at Solferino, 
 2Sl ; commander-in-chief, 336 ; difticult 
 position, 342 ; defensive, 343 ; concen- 
 trates forces, 346; defeated at Sadowa, 
 340; removed, 352. 
 
 Benedetti, French ambassador at Berlin, 
 354, 357, 365, 369 ; at Eras, 413. 
 
 Benjamin-Constant, French Independeut, 
 90. 
 
 Bennigsen, leader of German National 
 Liberals, 467, 644. 
 
 Bentheim, Austriau general, 132. 
 
 Benlheini, German general, 452. 
 
 Beranger, French poet, 90. 
 
 Beresford, Lord, Governor of Portugal, 56. 
 
 Berezowski, Polish assassin, 372. 
 
 Berg, Russian general, 140 ; commander 
 in Poland, 209. 
 
 Bergami, Bartolomeo, chamberlain to 
 Queen Caroline, 06. 
 
 Bernard, French conspirator in England, 
 27S. 
 
 Bernetti, Cardinal, 131. 
 
 Bernetti, General, 42. 
 
 Berry, Duke of, son of Charles X., 92 ; as- 
 sassinated, 94. 
 
 Berry, Duchesa of, 92; mother of Count 
 Chaml)ord,94; attempts revolutiou, 175. 
 
 Bert, Paul, French minister of public wor- 
 ship, C2S. 
 
 Beseler, William, stadtholder in Schles- 
 wig-Holstein, 245. 
 
 Bellst, von, Saxon minister, 315 ; enemy of 
 Bismarck, 327; dismissed, 360; Austrian 
 minister, 372, 373 ; chancellor, 374 ; made 
 couut, 376, 410 ; removed, 4S4. 
 
 Beyer, Prussian general, 336 ; enters Cas- 
 ed, 337, 33S, 361, 363; Badish minister, 
 384; Badish commander iu French war, 
 453. 
 
 Beyme, von, Prussian chancellor, resigns, 
 IS. 
 
 Bianchi, Papal nuutins in Munich, 490. 
 
 Bismarck-Schouhansen, Otto von, Prns- 
 sian minister-president, 306; career, 
 306; "blood and iron," 307; foreign 
 policy, 30S, 310, 317, 31S ; Schleswig-Hol- 
 stein, 320, 321 ; bent on war, 322 ; made 
 couut, 323 ; interview with Napoleou, 
 324; palace opposition, 325; threatening 
 despatch, 326; Italian alliance, 327 ; cir- 
 cular to German governments, 328 ; at- 
 tempt on life, 332 ; at head-quarters, 346 ; 
 negotiates peace, 354, 355; auswer to 
 Napoleou, 357, 365; donation to, 367; 
 Luxembourg policy, 300-371 ; South Ger- 
 man states, 377, 37S ; customs' treaty, 
 370; in customs' parliament, 3S2; "rep- 
 tile" speech, 383; Cretan revolt, 398; 
 understanding with Russia, 409 ; at head- 
 quarters, 422; at Sedan, 430; circular 
 notes, 444; negotiations with French, 
 445, 448, 400 ; reads imperial proclama- 
 tion, 405; made prince, 406; donation, 
 467; Carlist revolt, 4SI; Poutus confer- 
 ence, 485; Arnim affair, 494; illness, 495; 
 " Canossa " speech, 500 ; attempt on life, 
 503; llichter's interpellation, 626; at Ber- 
 lin congress, 550 ; Austrian alliance, 568, 
 611; negotiations with Pope, 632, 633; 
 court opposition, 034 ; arrangement with 
 Pope, 630 ; Social Democrats, 637, 639 ; 
 use of parties, 641, 642 ; railroad policy, 
 643; protective tariff, 043: reactionary 
 policy, 045, 046 ; Hamburg, 647, 648 ; for- 
 eign policy, 651. 
 
 Blanc, Louis, French Socialist, member of 
 provisional government, 191 ; president 
 of Workingmeu's Parliament, 192 ; forms 
 city hall government, 104; in House, 620. 
 
 Blanco, Guzman, President of Venezuela, 
 653. 
 
 Blanqni, French radical, 178, 193 ; member 
 of city hall government, 104 ; Commune, 
 460; election, 623. 
 
 Blignit'resde, French commissioner in 
 Egypt, 565; controller, 560. 
 
 Blind, Carl, attempt ou Bismarck, 332. 
 
 Blücher, Prussian marshal, 11 ; visits Eng- 
 land, 66. 
 
 Blum, Robert, German revolutionist, 224; 
 executed, 225. 
 
 Blumeuthal, von, Prussian general, 421. 
 
672 
 
 INDEX OF PERSOxVS. 
 
 Bobolina, Grecian widow, mans sliips, 72. 
 Bochholz, Count, student at Jena, 14. 
 Bolivar, Venezuelan patriot, 55. 
 Bonaparte, Prince Peter, shoots Noiv, 392. 
 Bonin, Prussian general, in Schleswig- 
 Holstein, 245; recalled, 246; dismissed 
 
 from cabinet, 253; in Austro-Prussiau 
 
 war, 344, 345. 
 Boning, German revolutionist, shot, 2i?8. 
 Bordeaux, Duke of, grandson of Charles 
 
 X., birth, 94; proclaimed Henry V., 
 
 110; Count Chambord, 198; obstinacy, 
 
 475. 
 Borel, French minister of war, 618. 
 Borelli, Italian liberal, imprisoned, 36; 
 
 executed, 132. 
 Borrero, President of Ecuador, 054. 
 Bose, Prussian general, 354. 
 Bosquet, French general, 260. 
 Bou Ameua, Algerian chief, 027. 
 Bouet-Villauraez, Count, French admiral, 
 
 420, 432. 
 Bourbaki, French general, 426, 450, 451, 
 
 453; defeated at Belfort, 454; attempts 
 
 suicide, 455. 
 Bonrmont, Count, French minister of war, 
 
 97; expedition to Algiers, 99, 111; in 
 
 service of Dom Miguel, 61. 
 Boyen, von, Prussian minister of war, IS. 
 Boyer, French general, 44S. 
 Bozzaris, Markos, Suliote chief, 73; heroic 
 
 death, 76. 
 Brandenburg, Count, Prussian minister, 
 
 229, 232, 250. 
 Brandenburg, Conut, Prussian officer, 434. 
 Braliano, Roumanian minister, dismissed, 
 
 397; mission to Berlin, 549. 
 Bravo, Gonzalez, Spanish premier, 406. 
 Bray, Count, Bavarian minister, 3S7, 402. 
 Brea, French general, 195. 
 Bredow, German general, 434. 
 Bredy, Austrian general, murdered, 223. 
 Brentano, German revolutionist, 234, 235, 
 
 238. 
 Broglie, Duke of, minister under Louis 
 
 Philippe, 110, 156. 
 Broglie, Duke of, French premier, 475 ; at 
 
 Pontus conference, 485; ambassador in 
 
 London, 604; premier, 015; resigns, 617; 
 
 prosecution, 620, 621; encourages monks, 
 
 625. 
 Brougham, Lord, 66, 122. 
 Brnck, Austrian minister, 225. 
 Brühl, Count, 165. 
 Bubna, Austrian general, 40. 
 Buffet, French minister of finance, 891, 
 
 392; premier, 470; resigns, 613. 
 Bugeaud, French marshal (Duke of Isly), 
 
 commander in Algeria, 182, 187, 188. 
 Bulgaris, Grecian minister, 4S7. 
 Bunsen, Chevalier, 232 ; recalled, 253. 
 Buol-Schauenstein, Count, Austrian dele- 
 gate to Diet, 12 ; premier, 273. 
 
 Burgers, President of Transvaal, 581. 
 Burrow, English general, 579. 
 Byron, Lord, dies in Greece, 77. 
 
 Cahet, French revolutionist, 193. 
 
 Cabreira, Portuguese patriot, CO. 
 
 Cabrera, Carlist guerilla chief, 144. 
 
 Cadorua, Italian general, enters Rorae,47C. 
 
 Cairoli, Italian premier, 593, 594. 
 
 Calderon, Spanish officer, 45. 
 
 Cambridge, Duke of, governor-general of 
 Hanover, 127. 
 
 Cambridge, Duke of, English general, in 
 Crimea, 259. 
 
 Cambi'iels, French general, 440 ; defeated, 
 453. 
 
 Cameron, English consul, prisoner iu 
 Abyssinia, 396. 
 
 Campbell, Sir Colin, English commander- 
 in-chief in India, 294. 
 
 Campero, President of Bolivia, 656. 
 
 Camphausen, Prussian minister, 228. 
 
 Campos, Martinez, Spanish general, pro- 
 claims monarchy, 482; iu Cuba, 602. 
 
 Canino, Prince Charles, son of Lucieu Bo- 
 naparte, 204. 
 
 Canning, George, English minister of for- 
 eign affairs, 49, 50, 07 ; prime-minister, 
 68 ; favors Greece, 75, 81 ; death, 08. 
 
 Canning, Lord, sou of preceding. Govern- 
 or-general of India, 294. 
 
 Canosa, Prince, 35. 
 
 Canovas del Castillo, Spanish premier, 
 482 ; reactionary policy, 601, 602, 603. 
 
 Canrobert, French general, commander in 
 Crimea, 200; superseded, 202; in Italy, 
 280, 282; in Franco-Prussian war, 420; 
 Vionville, 434 ; Gravelotte, 435; prison- 
 er, 449. 
 
 Carlos, Don, brother of Ferdinand VII. of 
 Spain, 43; protests against Pragmatic 
 Sanction, 53; pretender, 143; death, 145. 
 
 Carlos IL, Duke of Montemolin, sou of pre- 
 ceding, 145 ; pretender, 479 ; barbarity, 
 481; flight, 599. 
 
 Carlotta, Queen of Portugal, wife of John 
 VI., 57. 
 
 Carnarvon, Lord, English minister, re- 
 signs, 547. 
 
 Carnot, French Socialist, candidate for dic- 
 tatorship, 198. 
 
 Caroline, Queen of England, wife of 
 George IV., 06 ; death, 07. 
 
 Carrascosa, Neapolitan general, 35. 
 
 Carvajal, Spanish general, 47. 
 
 Cassagnac, Bonapartist, 019. 
 
 Castelar, Spanish president, 479 ; resigns, 
 480; advocates religious freedom, GOO. 
 
 Castlereagh, Lord, English minister of 
 foreign affairs, 04; suicide, 07. 
 
 Catargiu, Roumanian minister, 487. 
 
 Cavagnari, Sir Louis, massacred at Cabul, 
 578. 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 673 
 
 Cavaiguac, Jean Baptiste, Fieuch icvolu- 
 tioiiist, ITT. 
 
 Cavaigiiac, Louis Eugene, iiepliew of pre- 
 ceding, French nainister of war, 10-1; sup- 
 presses revolt, cliief of executive, 195; 
 candidate for presidency, 19ü ; arrested, 
 19'J. 
 
 Cave, English financier, in Egypt, 564. 
 
 Ca vour, Count Caniillo, Sardinian premier, 
 Crimean war, 261; Paris congress, 2G4 ; 
 memorial, 2T0, '2T5, 2TG; meetings with 
 Napoleon and Prussian regent, 2T8 ; 
 death, 290. 
 
 Caxias, Brazilian marshal, 299. 
 
 Cazut, French minister, 624. 
 
 Cetewayo, Zulu king, 580-532. 
 
 Chairulla, EiTendi, 534. 
 
 Chalil, Kara Efleudi, 534. 
 
 Chamberlain, Sir Neville, 5TS. 
 
 Chambord, Count — see Bordeaux. 
 
 Changarnier, French general, in Algeria, 
 1S2 ; in National Assembly, 194 ; com- 
 mander of National Guard, 195 ; candi- 
 date for presidency, 196; suppresses re- 
 volt, 19T, 19S ; arrested, 199 ; banished, 
 200. 
 
 Ohanzy, French general, 450; defeated, 
 451 : candidate for presidency, 620. 
 
 Charles X., King of France (1824-'30), 
 Count of Artois, 91 ; king, 95; abdicates, 
 110; death, 111. 
 
 Charles I., King of WUrtemberg (1864), 
 mobilizes army, 419. 
 
 Charles I., Prince, later King, of Ron- 
 mania (ISOC), Prince of Hoheuzollern- 
 Sigmaringen, chosen hereditary Prince 
 of Ronmania, 266 ; reorganizes army, 
 39T ; wishes to resign, 486 ; assumes 
 chief command, 530; before Plevna, 536; 
 king, 504. 
 
 Charles XV., King of Sweden (1S59-'T2), 
 death, 490. 
 
 Charles, Duke of Brunswick (181 5- '30), 123, 
 124. 
 
 Charles II., Grand-duke of Parma, flight, 
 208. 
 
 Charles III., Grand-duke of Parma (1849- 
 '54), murdered, 2T4. 
 
 Charles, Austrian archduke, 4. 
 
 Charles, Prince of Bavaria, commands 
 South German contingent, 336, 33T, 360, 
 3G4. 
 
 Charles Felix, King of Sardinia (1821-'31), 
 Duke of Genevois, 38 ; king, 39 ; death, 
 133. 
 
 Charles Albert, King of Sardinia (lS31-'49), 
 Prince of Savoy-Carignan, 3T ; regent, 
 39; in French service, 51; king, 133; 
 grants constitution, 208 ; war with Aus- 
 tria, 209; defeated, 210; abdicates, 210 ; 
 death, 211. 
 
 Charles Augustus, Grand-duke of Saxe- 
 Weimar (1T5S-'2S), grants constitution, 8. 
 
 29 
 
 Charlotte, daughter of George IV., wile of 
 Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, U6. 
 
 Charlotte Marie, Empress of Mexico, 290; 
 insane, 298. 
 
 Charras, French colonel, 199. 
 
 Chartres, Duke of, grandson of Louis Phi- 
 lippe, 189. 
 
 Chasse, Dutch general, commaudant ia 
 Antwerp, US, 121. 
 
 Chateaubriand, Viscount, French minis- 
 ter, 4S, 49, SO. 
 
 Chaudordy, Count, French delegate at 
 Constantinople conference, 520 ; ambas- 
 sador at St. Petersburg, 628. 
 
 Chef ket Pasha, Turkish general, 539. 
 
 Chelmsford, Lord, English general in Zulu 
 war, 581, 582. 
 
 Cherkassky, Russian prince, 533. 
 
 Cfaernayeff, Russian general, Servian com- 
 mander-in-chief, 518, 519; defeated, 524. 
 
 Chlapowski, Polish general, 139. 
 
 Chlopicki, Joseph, Polish general and dic- 
 tator, 13T. 
 
 Chosrew, Turkish pasha, massacre of 
 Psara, 76; serasqnier, 156. 
 
 Christian VIII., King of Denmark (1839- 
 '48), open letter on Schleswig-Holstein, 
 213. 
 
 Christian IX., King of Denmark (1863), 
 Duke of Gliicksburg, 251 ; king, 309, 317. 
 
 Christina Maria, Queen of Spain, wife of 
 Ferdinand VIL, 53; regent, 144; abdi- 
 cates regency, 140; intrigues, 14T. 
 
 Chrzauowski, Polish general in Sardiniau 
 service, 210. 
 
 ChruleflT, Russian general, 261. 
 
 Church, English general, SO. 
 
 Churshid, serasquier, 71. 
 
 Cialdini, Italian general, 289, 840, 341, 358. 
 
 Cissey, French general, 4T0 ; premier, 4T5. 
 
 Clam-Gallas, Count, Austrian general, 342, 
 343; defeated, 344; removed, 352. 
 
 Clam-Martinitz, Czechish leader, 483. 
 
 Clauzel, French marshal, ISO, 181. 
 
 Clinchant, French general, 455, 4T0. 
 
 Clinton, English genera), 59. 
 
 Clotilde, wife of Prince Napoleon, daugh- 
 ter of Victor Emmanuel, 2TS. 
 
 Cluseret, French Communist, 4T0 ; prison- 
 er, 4T1. 
 
 Cobden, Richard, 151. 
 
 Coburg, Duke of, 332, 338, 347. 
 
 Coburg, Clementine, Duchess of, 188. 
 
 Cochran«, Lord, Chilian admiral, 55 ; iu 
 Greece, SO. 
 
 Cocchia, Roca, Papal uuncio in Venezuela, 
 653. 
 
 Codrington, Sir Edward, English com- 
 mander at Navarino, 81. 
 
 Collen, Cliarles, German assassin, 332. 
 
 Colletta, Neapolitan general, 31, 36. 
 
 Colley, Sir George, English general in 
 Transvaal, 583. 
 
G74 
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 Colviu, English controller in Egypt, 560. 
 
 Comnudiu'üs, Grecian minister, 4S7. 
 
 Coiiclia, Spauisli general, 4SI. 
 
 Consalvi, Cardinal, 26. 
 
 Constans, French minister, 024. 
 
 Coustantiue, Russian grand-duke, brother 
 of Alexander I., Viceroy of Poland, SO, 
 134-; flight, 136; death, 139. 
 
 Constantiue, liiissiau grand-duke, Govern- 
 or of Poland, 209. 
 
 Coutreras, Spanish rebel, 4S0. 
 
 Corti, Count, Italian delegate to Berlin 
 congress, 554. 
 
 Cosandey, French bishop, 6flS. 
 
 Costa, Sardinian chevalier, 4(i. 
 
 Cousa, Alexander, Hospodar of Ronm.ania, 
 260; negotiations with Kossutli, 2S5, 
 note. 
 
 Cowley, Lord, English diplomat, 279. 
 
 Cremer, French general, 453. 
 
 Creraieux, member of French provisional 
 government, 191; Government of Na- 
 tional Defence, 442. 
 
 Crispi, Italian politician, 594; minister of 
 interior, 597. 
 
 Croix, Prince of, 90. 
 
 Ciibiüres, French minister, convicted of 
 peculation, 183. 
 
 Cumberland, Duke of— see Ernest Augus- 
 tus. 
 
 Czartoryski, Prince Adam, Polish revolu- 
 tionary leader, 135, 137 ; death, 208. 
 
 Czerski, religious reformer, 167. 
 
 Daiii.mann, German historian, 127, 103, 
 219, 230. 
 
 Dalwigk, Baron von, Hessian minister, 384, 
 419,462; dismissed, 497. 
 
 Damremont, French general, 1S1. 
 
 Danneberg, Prussian general, 250. 
 
 Darboy, Archbishop of Paris, prisoner of 
 Commune, 470; shot, 471. 
 
 Darm6s, French assassin, 17S. 
 
 Darru, Count, French minister, 391 ; re- 
 signs, 392. 
 
 David, Felicien, French composer, disturb- 
 ance at funeral, 613. 
 
 Daza, President of Bolivia, 656. 
 
 Deak, Francis, Hungarian patriot, 303, 373. 
 
 Decaen, French general, 433. 
 
 Decazes, Duke of, French minister, 93; 
 premier, 94 ; dismissed, 94. 
 
 Dechamps, Archbishop of Jlechlin, 004. 
 
 De Conciliis, Neapolitan colonel; 28.^ 
 
 Degenfeld, Count, Austrian diplomat, 3.55. 
 
 Delbrück, Prussian minister, 401, 462 ; do- 
 nation, 467 ; retires, 642. 
 
 Delescluzcs, French communist, 469; 
 death, 471. 
 
 Deligeorgis, Grecian minister, 487. 
 
 Dembinski, Polish general, 139, 140 : Hun- 
 garian commander-in-chief, 242; defeat- 
 ed, 244 ; flight, 245. 
 
 Demidoff, Russian count, 199. 
 
 Denfert, French colonel, defends Belfort, 
 455. 
 
 Depretis, Italian premier, 593, 594, 599. 
 
 Derby, Earl of, English premier, 276, 395. 
 
 Derby, Earl of, son of preceding, minister 
 of foreign aflairs, 525, 528, 529, 532 ; re- 
 signs, 547. 
 
 Dervish Pashn, Governor of Herzegovina, 
 506; superseded, 507; in Armenia, 542 ; 
 Albania, 563. 
 
 Desgranges, French interpreter at Porte, 
 8S. 
 
 Dessolles, French premier, 93 ; resigns, 
 94. 
 
 Detmold, German minister, 236. 
 
 Denz, betrays Duchess of Berry, 175. 
 
 De Wette, German professor, expelled 
 from Prussia, IS. 
 
 Diaz, Porflrio, President of Mexico, 652. 
 
 Diebitsch (Sabalkauski), Count, Russian 
 commander in Turkey, S9 ; in Poland, 
 13S; death, 139. 
 
 Dilke, Sir Charles, republican agitator, 
 489. 
 
 Disraeli, Benjamin, Reform Bill, 395 ; pre- 
 mier, 4SS, 520 ; speech at Lord Mayor's 
 banquet, 525; at Berlin congress, 552; 
 Indian imperial i^olicy, 570; African 
 policy, 582; Earl of Beaconsfleld, 584; 
 death, 586. 
 
 Dölliuger, von, German professor, opposes 
 Papal infallibility, 405. 
 
 Dondukotr, Russian governor-general in 
 Bulgaria, 550. 
 
 Dorregaray, Carlist general, 481,599. 
 
 Douay, Abel, French general, death. 428. 
 
 Douay, Felix, French general, 42G, 428,487, 
 438, 470. 
 
 Drentelen, Russian chief of third division, 
 571, 572 ; removed, 573. 
 
 Droste von Vischering, Archbishop of Co- 
 logne, 105. 
 
 Drouyn de Thuys, French minister of for- 
 eign affairs, 331 ; dismissed, 357. 
 
 Dubasheff, Russian officer, 531. 
 
 Ducatel, Jules, lets troops into Paris, 471. 
 
 Duchatel, Count, French minister of inte- 
 rior, 181, 1S5. 
 
 Ducrot, French general, 437, 4.38, 440, 450. 
 
 Dufaure, French premier, 613; resigns, 
 614; premier, 018; resigns, 620. 
 
 Dufour, Swiss general, 171, 179. 
 
 Dulce, Spanish general, 400. 
 
 Dumont, Bishop of Tournai, 60.5. 
 
 Dumortier, Belgian Clerical, 604. 
 
 Durnouriez, French general, the friend of 
 Louis Philippe, 102. 
 
 Dunin, Martin von. Archbishop of Posen 
 and Gnesen, 105. 
 
 Dupauloup, Bishop of Orleans, 013, 015. 
 
 Dupin, supporter of Louis Philippe, 103, 
 ISS. 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 675 
 
 Diipont de rEnre, Freuch minister of jus- 
 tice, 110, 173; resigns, 174 ; member of 
 provisional government, 191. 
 
 Dweruiki, Polish revolutionist, 139. 
 
 Et)el8iif.im, minister in Baden, 304. 
 
 Edliem Pasha, Grand Vizier, 527. 
 
 Eguia, Spanish general, 43. 
 
 Eichhorn, Prnssiau minister of public in- 
 struction, 107. 
 
 Elio, Captain-general of Valencia, 43, 45 ; 
 executed, 47. 
 
 Elizabeth, Empress of Austria, 275. 
 
 Elliot, Sir Henry, English ambassador at 
 Constantinople, 520, 523. 
 
 Elsenhaus, German editor, shot, 238. 
 
 Emil, Prince of Hesje-Darmstadt, 120. 
 
 Ernest, Austrian archdulie, division com- 
 mandei-, 342. 
 
 Ernest Augustus, King of Hanover (1S37- 
 '51), Duke of Cumberland, brother of 
 William IV. of England, head of Orange 
 League, 153 ; King, 102 ; unconstitution- 
 al government, 102, 163; refuses alle- 
 giance to National Assembly, 217. 
 
 Ernest Augustus, Duke of Cumberland, 
 Hanoverian pretender, 610; marriage, 
 611. 
 
 Escobedo, Mexican officer, 29S. 
 
 Espartero, Spanish general, commander- 
 in-chief, 144; Duke of Victory, 145; pre- 
 mier, 146; regent, 147; exile, 147; re- 
 fuses throne, 407. 
 
 Esterhazy, Count Moritz, Austrian Con- 
 servative, 30,3. 
 
 En, Count of, Brazilian general, 299. 
 
 Eugenie, Empress of the French, 202, 372 ; 
 voyage to East, 391 ; friend of Jesuits, 
 394; persuades war, 414; regent, 426; 
 flight, 441. 
 
 Ewald, German professor, "Gottingeu 
 seven," 103. 
 
 Eylert, Prussian bishop, 10, 22. 
 
 Eynard, Genevese banker, SO. 
 
 Fabvieu. defends Athens, SO. 
 
 Faidherbe, French general, 451 ; defeated 
 at St. Qiientin,452. 
 
 Failly, French general, defeats Garibaldi, 
 401 ; in Franco-Prussian war, 420, 42S, 
 437 ; removed, 438. 
 
 Falk, Prussian c-uZ^ws-minister, 500, 503; 
 resigns, 633. 
 
 Fallicnstein, Vogel von, Prussian general, 
 enters Hanover, 336,338; defeats South 
 German army, 361 ; governor of Bohe- 
 mia, .362 ; donation, 367. 
 
 Fanti, Sardinian minister of war, 2S9. 
 
 Farre, Freuch general, 451 ; minister of 
 war, 624. 
 
 Favre, Jules, moves deposition of Napo- 
 leon, 441 : Government of National De- 
 feuce, 442 ; circular note, 444 -, negotiates 
 
 for truce, 445 ; capitnlation, 457 ; peace, 
 45S, -160 ; Pontns conference, 4S5. 
 
 Feisy Pasha, Turkish general, 542. 
 
 Felinski, Archbishop of Warsaw, 269. 
 
 Fenner von Fennebei-g, revolutionist, iu 
 Vienna, 224; in Palaunate, 234. 
 
 Ferdinand I., Emperor of Austria (1S35- 
 '48), 163; incapacitj', 220 ; flight, 221 ; ab- 
 dicates, 225; concessions in Hungary, 239. 
 
 Ferdinand VIE., King of Spain USW-'Sa), 
 character, 43 ; prisoner, 50 ; death, 53. 
 
 Ferdinand IV. of Naples, I. of Two Sici- 
 lies (1759-1S25), treaty with Austria, 27; 
 revolution, 29 ; Laibach, 33 ; death, 133. 
 
 Ferdinand II. of Two Sicilies, Bomba 
 (lS30-'59), 1.33; grants constitution, 206 ; 
 tyranny, 27-t ; death, 287. 
 
 Ferdinand III., Grand-dulce of Tuscany 
 (1790-1S04), 20. 
 
 Ferdinand, Prince of Coburg, second hus- 
 band of Maria II. of Portugal, 02, 14S; 
 refuses Spanish throne, 407. 
 
 Ferrero, Sardinian revolutionist, 38. 
 
 Ferry, Jules, member of French Govern- 
 ment of National Defence, 442; iu 
 House, 017; ckZ^ks- minister, 021; pre- 
 mier, 025; resigns, 028; cwZiits-miuister 
 — see preface. 
 
 Festetics, Count, Austrian general, 842; 
 defeated, 340. 
 
 Fickler, German radical, 237. 
 
 Pieschi, Corsican, infernal machine, 177. 
 
 Figueras, Spanish minister-president, 479. 
 
 Filangieri, Neapolitan general, subdues 
 Sicily, 207. 
 
 Fitzgerald, Bishop of Little Rock, votes 
 non placet at Vatican council, 404. 
 
 Fitzherbert, Mrs., wife of George IV., 60. 
 
 Flies, Prussian general, attaclcs Hanove- 
 rians, 338; in South Germany, 303. 
 
 Flocon, member of French provisional 
 government, 191. 
 
 Flourens, French communist, 469; death, 
 470. 
 
 Pollenius, two brothers, 15. 
 
 Forpade, French minister, 391. 
 
 Foresti, Felice, 41. 
 
 Forey, French general, in Mexico, 290 • su- 
 perseded, 297. 
 
 Förster, Prince-bishop of Breslau, 031, 040. 
 
 Pouche, French minister, 92. 
 
 Fourichon, French admiral, 432. 
 
 Ponrton, Bonapartist, 019. 
 
 Franchi, Papal secretary of state, 597, 031, 
 632. 
 
 Francis II., Emperor of Austria (1792- 
 1835), absolute theory of government, 4 ; 
 death, 163. 
 
 Francis I., King of Two Sicilies (1825-'30), 
 Prince of Calabria, 34 ; king, 41 ; death, 
 133. 
 
 Francis IL, King of Two Sicilies (1S59- 
 'C0),2S7; atGaeta, 2SS; surrenders, 290. 
 
6V6 
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 Francis of Assis, husband of Queen Isa- 
 bella of Spain, 147. 
 
 Francis IV., Duke of Modeua, despot, 2C ; 
 flight, 13U ; restoration, 132 ; flight, 20S ; 
 fugitive, 2S1. 
 
 Francis Charles, Austrian archduke, re- 
 nounces right of succession, 225. 
 
 Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria (1S48), 
 accession, 225 ; at Warsaw, 250 ; visits 
 Milan, 275 ; assumes command in It- 
 aly, 2S1 ; outwitted by Napoleon, 2S5 ; 
 cedes Venetia to France, 350 ; accepts 
 Prussian terms, 355 ; crowned King of 
 Hungary, 373; imperial visits, 498 ; Dal- 
 matian trip, 500. 
 
 Fransecky, Prussian general, in Austrian 
 ■war, 34T, 353, 354 ; in French war, 449, 
 450, 456. 
 
 Frayssinous, French bishop, 95. 
 
 Frederic I., flrst King of Wiirtemberg 
 (1S05-'16), 9. 
 
 Frederic VII., King of Denmark (1S4S-'G3), 
 death, 309. 
 
 Frederic, Dutch prince, IIG. 
 
 Frederic, Prince of Saxony, co- regent, 
 126. 
 
 Frederic Charles, Prince, Prussian general, 
 iu Schleswig- Holstein, 312, 313; takes 
 Düppel, 314; Alseu, 310; in Austrian 
 ■war, 340, 344, 347,3.53 ; French war, 421 ; 
 at Gravelotte, 434; before Metz, 437; 
 takes Metz, made fleld-marshal, 449 ; at 
 Orleans, 450 ; le Mans, 451 ; donation to, 
 4Ü7. 
 
 Fredetic William III., King of Prussia 
 (1797-1840), character, 10 ; promises con- 
 stitution, 10; breaks promise, 11 ; death, 
 165. 
 
 Frederic William IV. (1840-'61),165; com- 
 promise with Pope, 165 ; character, IGG ; 
 United Landtag, 168; joins revolution, 
 227; refuses imperial election, 232; signs 
 peace with Denmark, 240 ; insanity, 272 ; 
 death, 273. 
 
 Frederic William, Prussian crown-prince, 
 general in Austrian war, 341 ; invades 
 Bohemia, 344, 347, 353 ; French war, 421 -, 
 Weisscnburg and Worth, 428; before 
 Paris, 441 ; regent ^jro tei»., 638; Jewish 
 agitation, 049. 
 
 Frederic William, Prince of Ilesse-Cassel, 
 co-regent, 126. 
 
 Freire, Spanish general, commander of 
 Cadiz, 45. 
 
 Freire, Portuguese general, 56. 
 
 Frere, Sir Bartle, English ambassador to 
 Zauzibar, 4SS ; governor iu South Africa, 
 5S1. 
 
 Frese, expelled from Schleswig-Holstein, 
 323. 
 
 Freycinet, de, advi.ser of Gambetta, 447 ; 
 in cabinet, 620 ; premier, 622 ; resigns, 
 624 ; premier— see preface. 
 
 Freydorfl', von, minister in Baden, 462. 
 
 Friedeuthal, Prussian minister, 044. 
 
 Fries, German professor, 12. 
 
 Frimont, Austrian general, commands in 
 Naples, 31 ; North Italy, 132. 
 
 Frobel, Julius, German revolutionist, 224. 
 
 Frossard, French general, 426; takes Saar- 
 brücken, 427 ; defeated at Spichern, 430 ; 
 at Vionville, 434; Gravelotte, 435, 436. 
 
 Fuad-Pasha, Turkish general, 538, 541, 542. 
 
 Gablknz, Baron von, Austrian general iu 
 Schleswig-Holstein, 312, 313 ; stadthold- 
 er of Holstein, 323; retires, 333; iu Bo- 
 hemia, 342 ; defeated, 345, 350. 
 
 Gagern, Frederic von, death, 215. 
 
 Gagern, Henry vou, minister in Hesse^ 
 Darmstadt, 214; president of National 
 Assembly, 210; head of ministry, 231; 
 resigns, 236. 
 
 Gallo, Neapolitan duke, 33. 
 
 Gambetta, proclaims Napoleon deposed, 
 441; Government of National Defence, 
 442 ; in Tours, 443, 447, 452, 453, 455 ; le- 
 signs, 458; influence, 474, 612, 015; re- 
 publican leader, 010; popularity, 618; 
 enemies, duel, 019; president of Ilouse, 
 620 ; amnesty, 623 ; importance, 024, 625 ; 
 premier, 628 ; fall — see preface. 
 
 Garibaldi, Joseph, Italian republican, de- 
 fends Kome against French, 205 ; iu Sic- 
 ily, 206; agitation, 275; Sicilian expedi- 
 tion, dictator of Naples, 2SS; iu retire- 
 ment, 289 ; Roman expediliou, 291 ; Aus- 
 trian war, 340, 358 ; second Roman expe- 
 dition, 400 ; in Franco-Prussian war, 
 453 ; retires, 455 ; iu parliament, 477 ; 
 Italia irredenta, 596. 
 
 Gamier-Pages, member of French provis- 
 ional government, 191 ; executive com- 
 mission, 193; Government of National 
 Defence, 442. 
 
 Geissel, Bishop of Spires, 105. 
 
 Gendebien, Belgian revolutionist, 115. 
 
 Genoa, Duke of, son of Charles Albert of 
 Sardinia, chosen King of Sicily, 206. 
 
 Gentz, 22. 
 
 Gentz, von, Austrian court-councillor, 17. 
 
 George III., King of England (1760-1820), 
 death, 05. 
 
 George IV., King of England (lS20-'30), 
 Prince -regent, 65; divorce suit, CO; 
 death, 121. 
 
 George V., King of Hanover (lS51-'66), ca- 
 pitulates, 338; hostile agitation, 382; 
 death, 610. 
 
 George, Kiug of Greece (1863), 267, 398. 
 
 Georgi, 161. 
 
 Georgios, Greek insurgent, 71. 
 
 Geppert, Austrian general, 132. 
 
 Gerard, French minister of war, 110 ; mar- 
 shal, 121, 187. 
 
 Germauos, Greek archbishop, 72. 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 G77 
 
 Gervinns, Germau professor, "Göttiugcu 
 seven," 1G3. 
 
 Gbika, Joan, Ronmaiiiau minister, 4ST. 
 
 Gielsiul, General, Polish leader, 139. 
 
 Gioberti, Italian philosopher, 209. 
 
 Girardin, Emil, French editor, 1H7. 
 
 Giskra, Burgomaster of Briinu, 35-1; trink- 
 geld, 592. 
 
 Gladstone, William E., Neapolitan letters, 
 275; Irish disestablishment, 395; pre- 
 mier, 390; resigns, 488; Vatican pam- 
 phlet, 502 ; Greece, 560, 561. 
 
 Glais-Bizoin, member of French Govern- 
 ment of National Defence, 442. 
 
 GUicksbnrg— sec Christian IX. 
 
 Glömer, German general, 430, 453. 
 
 Gneisenau, 11. 
 
 Gliben, Prussian general, Austrian war, 
 33G, 338, 361, 302; French war, 452; do- 
 nation, 46T. 
 
 Gogos, traitor, 75. 
 
 Goltz, von der, Prussian general, 452. 
 
 Gomez, Orsini, conspiracy, 277. 
 
 Gonzales, President of Mexico, 653. 
 
 Gonzales, President of San Salvador, 653. 
 
 Gordon, English admiral, 89. 
 
 Giirgei, Hungarian general, 242, 243 ; dic- 
 tator, surrenders, 244. 
 
 Gorres, German professor, IS, 21, 22. 
 
 Gortchakoff, Prince Alexander, Russian 
 chancellor, 205, 269, 511 ; memorandum, 
 512; his circular, 528, 532, 545; threatens 
 Roumania, 549; outwitted, 507; seeks al- 
 lies, 568; anger against Germany, 651. 
 
 Gortchakoflf, Prince Michael, Russian gen- 
 eral, invades Roumania, 250 ; command- 
 er in Crimea, 262; retreats, 264; Gov- 
 ernor-general of Poland, 208. 
 
 Gossler, von, Prussian minister, 033. 
 
 Gough, English general, 579. 
 
 Gourko, Russian general, crosses Balkans, 
 533,537; behind Plevna, 539 ; crosses Bal- 
 kans second time, 541 ; Governor-general 
 of St. Petersburg, 572. 
 
 Govone, Count, Italian ambassador at Ber- 
 lin, 326. 
 
 Grach, Prussian officer, 25S. 
 
 Gramont, Duke of, French ambassador in 
 Vienna, 322, 354,372 ; minister of foreign 
 affairs, 393, 410 ; bent on war, 412, 413, 
 414,415; resigns, 431. 
 
 Granville, Lord, English foreign secretary, 
 626. 
 
 Griivell, German minister, 236. 
 
 Gregorios, Greek patriot, 72. 
 
 Gregory XVI., Pope (1831-'46), 131; death, 
 202, 597. 
 
 Gregory, Bishop of Blois, electiou annul- 
 led, 94. 
 
 Greigh, Russian admiral, SO. 
 
 Grevy, Albert, 617. 
 
 Grevy, Jules, President of French Cham- 
 ber, 613, 616 ; of Republic, 620, 622, 624. 
 
 Grey, Earl, English premier, 122 ; reform 
 bill, 149; slave bill, 153. 
 
 Grimm, Jacob and William, Germau pro- 
 fessors, "Göttingen seven," 103; called 
 to Berlin, 100, 272. 
 
 Groben, von, Prussian general, 237. 
 
 Groben, von der. Count, 250. 
 
 Grousset, French communist, 471. 
 
 Guerazzi, Roman minister, 204. 
 
 Guergue, Carlist general, 144. 
 
 Guevara, Venezuelan archbishop, 653. 
 
 Guizot, French historian, 90; in ministry, 
 110; withdraws, 174; minister of public 
 instruction, 176 ; foreign affairs, 181 ; 
 premier, 171,154; fall, 186; flight, 190. 
 
 Guras, Grecian commander, 76; at Athens, 
 80. 
 
 Giirth, German revolutionist, 160. 
 
 Gyulai, Francis, Count, Austrian com- 
 mander in Italy, 279 ; defeated, 280. 
 
 Hacke, Saxon general, 311. 
 
 Hatiz Pasha, Turkish general, 524. 
 
 Halbhuber, von, Austrian commissioner in 
 Schleswig-Holstein, 321. 
 
 Haleu, Juan van, 117. 
 
 Hamilton, English commodore, 78. 
 
 Hammer, Danish sea-captain, 317. 
 
 Hardenberg, von, Prussian chancellor, un- 
 der influence of Metternich, 10. 
 
 Hartmann, Prussian cavalry oflicer, 353. 
 
 Hartmaun, Russian assassin, 508. 
 
 Hasiz Pasba, 158. 
 
 Hassan, Turkish assassin, 520. 
 
 Hasseupflug, Hessian minister, 249,^71. 
 
 Hastings, English naval captain, 81. 
 
 Hausmann, Prefect of Seine, removed, 392. 
 
 Havelock, English general iu India, 294. 
 
 Haymerle, Baron von, Austro-Huugariau 
 minister of foreign aft'airs, 58S. 
 
 Haynan, Austrian general, takes Brescia 
 and Venice, 211 ; commands in Hungary, 
 243, 244, 245. 
 
 Hebert, French minister of justice, 187. 
 
 Hecker, German revolutionist, 213, 215, 
 230, 238. 
 
 Hefele, Bishop of Rottenburg, at Vatican 
 Council, 404. 
 
 Heimann, Russian general, 543. 
 
 Hengstenberg, German professor, 167. 
 
 Ilenistein, Austrian chief of stafi", 352. 
 
 Henri, French assassin, 178. 
 
 Henry, Dutch prince, death, 610. 
 
 Henzi, Austrian general, 242, 243. 
 
 Herbst, Austrian political leader, 587. 
 
 Herwarth von Bittenfeld, Prussian gen- 
 eral, in Danish war, 316 ; Austrian war, 
 341, 344, 347, 352 ; donation, 367. 
 
 Herwegh, Germau poet and revolutionist, 
 215. 
 
 Herzog, Swiss Old Catholic bishop, 607. 
 
 Heubner, German revolutionist, 233. 
 
 lleydeck. General, regent of Greece, S5. 
 
678 
 
 INDEX OF PERSOXS. 
 
 Heyden, Coniit, Enssian commander at 
 Navarino, 81. 
 
 Hidalgo, Mexican priest and insurgent, 5-1. 
 
 Hiller, Prnssiau general, killed, 34S. 
 
 d'Hilliers, Baraguay, French admiral, 25S. 
 
 Hobart Pasha, Turkish admiral, 550. 
 
 Hobrecht, Prussian minister, Ü44. 
 
 Hödel, attempt on German emperor, 637. 
 
 Hoflfmann, minister in Baden, 234. 
 
 Hofmanu, Hessian minister, 497, 042. 
 
 Hohenlohe, Cardinal, 500. 
 
 Uoheulohe, Prince, Bavarian minister, re- 
 signs, 387. 
 
 Hohenlohe -Schillingsfürst, Prince, Ger- 
 man ambassador in Paris, 494. 
 
 Hohen wart. Count, Austrian premier, 4S3 ; 
 resigns, 4S4. 
 
 Hohenzolleru-Sigraaringen, Prince, Prus- 
 sian officer, 302. 
 
 Hohenzolleru-Sigmariugeu, Prince Leo- 
 pold, refuses Spanish throne, 407 ; ac- 
 cepts, 408 ; declines, 412. 
 
 Hoogvorst, Belgian baron, 110. 
 
 Hm'nby, English admiral, 534, 545. 
 
 Horst, von, Austrian minister, 5S9. 
 
 Horst, von der, General, 247. 
 
 Hortense, mother of Louis Napoleon, 130 ; 
 of Count Morny, 199. 
 
 Huber, French democrat, 194. 
 
 Hübner, Baron, Austrian diplomat, 279. 
 
 Hugo, Victor, French poet, elected to 'Na- 
 tional Asseml)ly, 194 ; banished, 200 ; let- 
 ter, 010 ; in Senate, 020. 
 
 Humbert I., King of Italy (1S7S), 593; at- 
 tempt on life, 594. 
 
 Humboldt, Alexander von, 272. 
 
 Humboldt, William von, 10, 18. 
 
 Hume, Chartist, 151,153. 
 
 Hunt, Eniilish agitator, 04; arrested, 05. 
 
 Hussein, Turkish pasha, 150. 
 
 Hussein Avni Pasha, Turkish minister of 
 war, 514 ; murdered, 520. 
 
 lüEr.T,, von. State -councillor in Nassan, 
 10. 
 
 Ibrahim Pasha, step-son ofMeheraed Ali 
 of Egypt, in Jlorea, 7S ; takes Mesolon- 
 ghi, 79; fleet destroyed at Navarino, 82; 
 defeats Turks, 150. 
 
 Ibrahim Pasha, Governor of Bosnia, 511. 
 
 Iglesias, Mexican insurgent, 052. 
 
 Ignatietr, Count, Russian ambassador in 
 Constantinople, 512, .520, 524; mission, 
 528; treaty of San Stefano, 545; in Vi- 
 enna, .547 ; in power, 574. 
 
 Imeritinski, Uussian general, 530, 540. 
 
 Infantado, Spanish duke, .50. 
 
 Isabella, Queen of Spain (1S33-'0S), 53 ; of 
 aire, 147; marriage, 147; immoral life, 
 14S : dethroned. 406, 482. 
 
 Isal)ella Maria, Portuguese infanta, re- 
 gent, 58. 
 
 Iskender Bey (Count Jelinski), 258. 
 
 Ismail Pasha, Khedive of Egypt, 480, 504 ; 
 abdicates, 505. 
 
 Ismail Pasha, Turkish general, 543. 
 
 Isturiz, Spanish politician, 145. 
 
 Iturbide, Emperor Augustine I. of Mexi- 
 co, 54. 
 
 Jaoumann, Prussian rear-admiral, 314. 
 
 Jahn, German professor, IS, 22, 100. 
 
 Jakoby, German physician and politician, 
 100, 229. 
 
 Janetzki, Russian general, 540. 
 
 Jellachich, Banns of Croatia, 224, 240. 
 
 Jezierski, Polish count, 137. 
 
 Jochmus, German minister, 230. 
 
 John VI., King of Portugal and Brazil 
 (lS10-'20),5e; death, 58. 
 
 John, King of Saxony (lS54-'73), 300. 
 
 John, Austrian archduke, 4; chosen Ad- 
 ministrator of Germany, 210; opens 
 Reichstag in Vienna, 222 ; names sec- 
 tional ministry, 230; resignation, 243. 
 
 John, Austrian general in Italy, 340. 
 
 Joinville, Prince of, third son of Louis 
 Philippe, 179; bombards Tangiers, 182; 
 flees to England, 190 ; candidate for dic- 
 tator, 19S. 
 
 Jolly, von, minister in Baden, 384, 462. 
 
 Jordan, German professor, 125. 
 
 Jörg, Dr., Bavarian ultramontaue, 413, 
 404. 
 
 Joseph, Austrian archdnke, 239. 
 
 Joubert, Boer commander-in-chief, 582. 
 
 Jourdain, Greek delegate to Verona con- 
 gress, 75. 
 
 Jovellar, Governor-general of Cuba, 002. 
 
 Juarez, Benito, President of Mexico, 295; 
 flight, 297 ; restoration, 299 ; death, 493. 
 
 Kalerois, Greek insnrgent, 85. 
 Kalkalli, King of Ashantee, 4S8. 
 Kalnoky, Anstro-Hungariau minister of 
 
 foreign aftairs, 588. 
 Kameke, German general, 430. 
 Kamptz, von, Prussian privy-councillor, 
 
 author of police codex, 12, 13, 17. 
 Kanaris, Constantine, blows up Turkish 
 
 flag-ship, 74, 75. 
 Kanzler, Papal general, 401, 470. 
 Kapodistrias, Count Augustine, President 
 
 of Greece, 84. 
 Kapodistrias, Count John.Russo-Greciau 
 
 diplomat, 33, 71 ; President of Greece, 
 
 80; tyranny, S3; assassination, 84. 
 Karaiskakis, Grecian patriot, SO. 
 Karatheodori Pasha, Turkish delegate to 
 
 Berlin congress, 554, 550. 
 Karolyi, Count, Austrian diplomat, SOS, 
 
 355. 
 Kaufmann, Russian general in Khiva, 4S6, 
 
 577. 
 KarzofT, Russian general, ,541. 
 Keller, German count, student at Jena, 14. 
 
INDEX OF PERSOXS. 
 
 679 
 
 Keratry, Count, Freuch general, 449. 
 
 Kessels, German revolutionist, IIS. 
 
 Ketteler, Bistiop of Mayeuce, 384; at Vati- 
 can Council, 404 ; in Reichstag, 467. 
 
 Kettler, German general, 455. 
 
 Kieser, German professor, 12. 
 
 Kinkel, Gottfried, German poet ami revo- 
 Intionist, imprisoned, 23S. 
 
 Kirchbach, German general, 450. 
 
 Klapka, Unngarian general, 242; exile, 
 '2S5,note; in Constantinople, 521. 
 
 Klopp, Oiino, Hanoverian councillor, 337. 
 
 Kmety, defends Kars, 2G4. 
 
 Kiille, Dr., arrested at Constantinople, 559. 
 
 Kolokotronis, Theodore, Greek patriot, 
 72,75; imprisoned, 76 ; free, 78; death, 
 85. 
 
 Kolowrat, Count, member of Austrian re- 
 gency, 220. 
 
 Konturiotis, Grecian president, 76. 
 
 Kopp, Bishop of Fulda, 636. 
 
 Korura, Bishop of Treves, C36. 
 
 Koseriz, German revolutionist, 160. 
 
 Kossuth, Louis, Hungarian popular lead- 
 er, 220 ; in Vienna, 221 ; influence in Hun- 
 gary, 239; dictator, 241, 242,243; resigns, 
 244; flight, 245; in Italian war, 2S.5, jto^e. 
 
 Kotzebue, von, State-councillor, German 
 author, Russian spy, 14 ; murdered, 15. 
 
 Krapotkin, Russian prince, assassinated, 
 571. 
 
 Krementz, Bishop of Ermland, 499. 
 
 Krismanics, Austrian quartermaster-gen- 
 eral, 352. 
 
 Krüdeuer, Frau von, author of Holy Al- 
 Ihmce, 2. 
 
 Krüdeuer, Russian general, 533, 535. 
 
 Krüger, President of Transvaal, 5S2. 
 
 Krukowiecki, Polish demagogue, traitor 
 and general, 140, 142. 
 
 Kiibeck, Baron von, Austrian delegate, 
 closes Diet, 366. 
 
 Kuhn, Field-marshal, Austrian minister 
 of war, 374. 
 
 Kullmann, German assassin, 503. 
 
 Kutschker, Cardinal, Archbishop of Vien- 
 na, 589. 
 
 Labedovkrk, shot, 9."!. 
 
 Lachat, Bishop of Basle, deposed, 492, 606, 
 
 60S. 
 Lacy, Spanish general and insurgent, 45. 
 LadmirauU, French general, 426; at Bor- 
 
 ny, 433; Vionville, 434 ; Gravelotte, 435 ; 
 
 fights against Commune, 470. 
 Lafayette, Marquis, 90, 98 ; commander of 
 
 National Guards, 107, 109, 173 ; resigns, 
 
 174. 
 Latitte, snpporter of Louis Philippe, SO, 90, 
 
 103; member of municipal committee, 
 
 107; minister, 108, 131; resigns, 174. 
 Lagrange, Charles, ringleader in February 
 
 revolution, 186, 187 ; arrested, 199. 
 
 Lamarmora, Sardinian general, command- 
 er in Crimea, 261; Italian premier, 327, 
 331, 339, 340, 358. 
 
 Lamarque, French general, 17G. 
 
 Lamartine, French poet and republican, 
 1S4; forms provisional government, 191 ; 
 saves France, 192, 193; refuses dictator- 
 ship, member of executive commission, 
 193; suppresses revolt, 194; candidate 
 for presidency, 196. 
 
 Lamberg, Count, Austrian general, mur- 
 dered at Pesth, 241. 
 
 Lambert, Russian count, 268. 
 
 Lambruschini, Papal nuncio in France, 101. 
 
 Lamoricit're, French general, in Algeria, 
 1S2 ; commander of National Guai'ds, 
 187; arrested, 199; banished, 200; Ro- 
 man commander-in-chief, 2S9. 
 
 Langiewicz, Polish dictator, 269. 
 
 Lansdowne, Marquis of, 582, 584. 
 
 Lanza, Neapolitan general, 288. 
 
 Lanza-Sella, Italian minister, 477. 
 
 Larisch Count, Austrian minister, 303. 
 
 Laroche, German officer, murdered, 234. 
 
 Laserna, Spanish general, 481. 
 
 Lasker, German Liberal, 383, 495, 644. 
 
 Latour, Austrian minister, murdered, 223. 
 
 Lauth, Burgomaster of Strasburg, re- 
 moved, 497. 
 
 Lavalette, French count, 93. 
 
 Lavalette, Freuch minister, 390, 398. 
 
 Lawrence, English general in India, 294. 
 
 Layard, Sir Austin, in House of Commons, 
 256 ; ambassador at Constantinople, 529, 
 534, 544, 547, 555 ; report, 558, 559. 
 
 Lazareff, Russian general, 575. 
 
 Leblond, interpellation in House, 614. 
 
 Leboeuf, French general, 359 ; minister of 
 war, 389, 391, 414 ; chief of staff, 426 ; re- 
 signs, 431; at Vionville, 434; at Grave- 
 lotte, 435; prisoner, 449. 
 
 Lebrun, French general, 477. 
 
 Lecomte, French assassin, 178. 
 
 Lecomte, French general, shot by com- 
 munists, 469. 
 
 Ledochowski, Archbishop of Posen, im- 
 prisoned, 502; made cardinal, 503. 
 
 Ledru-Rollin, Freuch republican, 184; 
 member of provisional government, 191 ; 
 executive commission, 193; city hall gov- 
 ernment, 194 ; candidate for presidency, 
 196; flight, 197. 
 
 Legeditsch, Austrian field-marshal, 251. 
 
 Leiningen, Count, Austrian diplomat, 255. 
 
 Lelewel, Joachim, Polish democrat, 135, 
 137. 
 
 Leo XIL, Pope (lS2.S-'29), 42. 
 
 Leo XIII. (Pecci), Pope (1878- ), 590; lib- 
 eralism, 597: Jesuits, 598; quarrel with 
 Italy, 599; Belgium, 606; Switzerland, 
 608; policy with Bavaria, 631; Prussia, 
 632, 636 ; Venezuela, 653 ; Brazil, 6.54. 
 
 Leopold L, King of Belgium (lS31-'65), 
 
680 
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 Prince of Saxe-Cobnrg, sou-iu-law of 
 George IV. of Euglaucl, UG; refuses Gre- 
 ciau crown, S4; King of Belgium, 120; 
 death, 121, 596. 
 
 Leopold II., King of Belgium (1865), C05. 
 
 Leopold, Graud-dnke of Badeu (lSJ0-'52), 
 ICl; flight, 234; death, 23S. 
 
 Leopold, Austrian archduke and general, 
 342; defeated, 346. 
 
 Leopold II., Grand-duke of Tuscany (1824- 
 '59), 41; flight, 204, 2T4; fugitive, 281. 
 
 Lepöre, French minister, 620. 
 
 Lerdo de Tejada, President of Mexico, 493 ; 
 flight, 052. 
 
 Leshyauin, Servian commander, 518. 
 
 Leu, Joseph, Swiss ultramontane, 171. 
 
 Leuchteuberg, August, Duke of, candidate 
 for Belgian throne, 119 ; husband of Ma- 
 ria II. of Portugal, 62. 
 
 Libri, Belgian editor, 115. 
 
 Lichmowski, Prince, murdered, 220, 
 
 Liprandi, Russian general, 2G0. 
 
 Liverpool, Lord, English premier, 64. 
 
 Lizzaraga, Carlist general, 482, 599. 
 
 Loban, member of French municipal com- 
 mission, 107. 
 
 Lobanoff, Russian ambassador at Constan- 
 tinople, 550; at London, 650. 
 
 Loftus, Lord, English ambassador to St. 
 Petersburg, 524. 
 
 Löhning, Charles, German assassin, 10. 
 
 Loma, Spanish general, 481. 
 
 Lomakin, Russian general, 575. 
 
 Lopez, Dominguez, Spanish general, 480. 
 
 Lopez, Mexican colonel, betrays Maximil- 
 ian, 298. 
 
 Lopez, Dictator of Paraguay, 299. 
 
 Lorencez. French general in Mexico, 295. 
 
 Louis XVIII., King of France (1814-'24), 
 restoration, 90; death, 95. 
 
 Louis L, King of Bavaria (1S25-'4S), 21; 
 philhellene, SO; reaction, 102; abdicates, 
 214. 
 
 Louis II., King of Bavaria (1864), mob- 
 ilizes army, 418 ; tenders imperial title 
 to Prussian king, 465. 
 
 Louis, Austrian archduke, member of re- 
 gency, 220. 
 
 Louis Philippe, King of France (lS30-'48), 
 Duke of Orleans, early history, 102 ; lieu- 
 tenant-general, 108; king, 112; Belgian 
 crown, 119; Italy, 131; Spanish mar- 
 riages, 147 ; Switzerland, 170 ; reaction, 
 173, 174 ; attempts on life, 177, 178 ; poli- 
 cy, 178 ; abdicates, 188 ; flees to Eng- 
 land, death, 190. 
 
 Louisa Fernanda, Infanta of Spain, 53; 
 Duchess of Montpensier, 147. 
 
 ^Louisa, dowager Duchess of Parma, 281. 
 
 Louise, Queen of Belgium, daughter of 
 Louis Philippe, 121. 
 
 Louie, Portuguese marquis, 5S. 
 
 Louvel, French assassin, 94. 
 
 Lowicz, Princess, wife of Grand-duke Con- 
 stantiue, 135. 
 
 Lubecki, Prince, Polish statesman, 134, 
 137. 
 
 Luden, German professor, editor ol Neme- 
 sis, 14. 
 
 Lüders, Russian general, 244, 250; in Po- 
 land, 268, 269. 
 
 Luiz, King of Portugal (1801), 148 ; refuses 
 Spanish throne, 407. 
 
 Lutz, von. Bavarian minister, 402, 500, 630. 
 
 Lyons, English ambassador in Greece, 85. 
 
 Lytton, Lord, Viceroy of India, 577. 
 
 Maanen, van, Dutcli minister, 114. 
 
 Macaulay, English historian, favors re- 
 form bill, 149. 
 
 MacMahou, French general, in Crimea, 
 203; Duke of Mageuta, 280 ; commands 
 1st army corps, 420 ; defeated at Wiirth, 
 428; ordered to relieve Metz, 437; at Se- 
 dan, 438; wounded, 439; prisoner, 440; 
 commands against Communists, 470; 
 "marshal-president," 475, 014, 615; un- 
 popularity, 616; personal government, 
 017; yields, 618; Paris Exposition, 619; 
 resigns, 620. 
 
 MacMahon, Mme., wife of preceding, 615. 
 
 Magnau, French general, 199. 
 
 Mahmoud IL, Sultan of Turkey (180S-'39), 
 72; death, 158. 
 
 Mahmoud (Dramali), Turkish pasha, 75. 
 
 Mahmoud Damad Pasha, 527. 
 
 Mahmoud Pasha, Grand Vizier, 509; re- 
 moved, 514. 
 
 ]Mahomed Yan, Afghan chief, 579. 
 
 Mailath, Count, Hungarian chancellor, 
 303. 
 
 Maison, French general, 8.3. 
 
 Maistre, le, Joseph, Sardinian diplomat, 
 270. 
 
 Malachowski, Polish commander, 140. 
 
 Malou, Belgian premier, 005. 
 
 Manin, Italitm revolutionist, 208 ; banish- 
 ed, 211. 
 
 Manteuftel, von, Prussian minister, 229 ; at 
 Olmiitz, 250; reactionary policy, 272. 
 
 Manteiifl'el, Baron von, Prussian governor 
 of Schleswig, 323 ; invades Holstein, 333; 
 in Hanover, 338; commands army of 
 Main, 302,363, 364; in French war, 449, 
 451, 452, 453, 454; donation, 407; fleld- 
 marshal-general, 473 ; stadtholder of Al- 
 sace-Lorraine, 641, 657. 
 
 Manuel, French Independent, 90; expelled 
 from Chamber, 05. 
 
 Maria IL, Queen of Portugal (tS26-'.')3), in 
 England, .59; marriage, 62; death, 118. 
 
 Maria, Queen of Naples, 290. 
 
 Maria Christina, Queen of Spain, 603. 
 
 Marie Anialie, Queen of France, wife of 
 Limis Philippe, 102 ; farewell words to 
 Thiers, 188. 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 681 
 
 Mario Louise, Archduchess of Parma, wife 
 of Napoleon I., 2« ; flight, 130. 
 
 Marie, French republican, in House, ISS; 
 member of provisional government, I'Jl; 
 of executive commission, 193. 
 
 Marmout, French marshal, coramaudaut 
 of Paris, 100, 105. 
 
 Maroto, Carlist general, 145. 
 
 Marrast, Armand, French revolutionist, 
 177; member of provisional govern- 
 ment, IHl. 
 
 Marschall, minister in Nassau, 10. 
 
 Martignac, Viscount, French premier, 97. 
 
 Martin, Bishop of Paderborn, 502. 
 
 Mataflorida— «ce Rosales. 
 
 Mathilde, French princess, 199. 
 
 Mathy, minister iu Baden, 304, 377 ; death, 
 3S4. 
 
 Maucler, minister iu Würtemberg, 20. 
 
 Mauguin, member of French municipal 
 committee, 107. 
 
 Maupas, French prefect of police, 199. 
 
 Maurer, von, Regent of Greece, S5. 
 
 Maurokordatos, Alexander, president of 
 Greek insurgents, 73. 
 
 Maximilian I., King of Bavaria (1S05-25), 
 grants constitution, 9. 
 
 Maximilian II., King of Bavaria (lS4S-'64), 
 214. 
 
 Maximilian Ferdinand, Austrian arch- 
 duke. Emperor of Mexico, 29Ü; abandon- 
 ed by Napoleon, 297: hopeless resist- 
 ance, 298 ; execution, 299. 
 
 May, German editor, 322. 
 
 Mazzini, Joseph, Italian revohitionist, in 
 Switzerland, 170; iu London, 202, 204; 
 at Rome, 205, 275. 
 
 Medici, Italian general, 353. 
 
 Meglia, Papal nnutius in Mexico, 297. 
 
 Mehemed, Turkish pasha, 156. 
 
 Mehemed Ali, Pasha of Egypt, assists 
 Turlis against Greece, 77; rebels, 150; 
 conquests iu Arabia, 157 ; second war 
 with Turkey, 158 ; interference of pow- 
 ers, 159. 
 
 Mehemed Ali Pasha (Detroit), Turkish 
 general, 534, 538, 539 ; murdered, 502. 
 
 Mehemed Rushdi Pasha, Turkish Grand 
 Vizier, 514 ; resigns, .526. 
 
 Mejia, Mexican general, shot, 298. 
 
 Melchers, Archbishop of Cologne, 634. 
 
 Melikoff, Count Loris, 525 ; Russian com- 
 mander in Armenia, 542, 543 ; governor- 
 general of Charkofl", 572 ; dictator, 573 ; 
 banished, 574. 
 
 Mellinct, French general, 118. 
 
 Menabrea, General, Italian premier, 400. 
 
 Mendiri, Carlist general, 4SI. 
 
 Mendizabal, 145. 
 
 Menotti, Italian revolutionist, 130; exe- 
 cuted, 132. 
 
 Mensdorff-Pouilly, Count, Austrian minis- 
 ter, 303, 321 ; letter, .332; dismissed, 373. 
 29* 
 
 Menzikofr, Prince, Russian ambassador iu 
 Constantinople, 255 ; defeated at Alma, 
 200 ; recalled, 262. 
 
 Mercedes, Queen of Spain, 003. 
 
 Merino, Spanish priest, organizes Army 
 of Faith, 47. 
 
 Mermillod, made Bishop of Geneva, 491 ; 
 expelled, 492, GOO, 608. 
 
 Merode, Roman minister, 289. 
 
 Mesenzofl', Russian general, chief of third 
 division, murdered, 570. 
 
 Messeuhauser, Austrian revolutionist, 224; 
 executed, 225. 
 
 Metaxas, Count, 75. 
 
 Metternich, Prince, Austrian chancellor, 
 system, 3 ; dictates policy of Germany, 
 20 ; congress of Troppau, 32 ; attitude 
 toward Greece, 75 ; German discontent, 
 160; power in decline, 164; reply to La- 
 fitte, 1 74 ; refuses concessions, 220 ; flight, 
 221. 
 
 Meunier, French assassin, 178. 
 
 Meza, de, Danish general, 313 ; dismissed, 
 31T. 
 
 Miaulis, Audros, Grecian admiral, 74, 76, 
 78, 79. 
 
 Miaulis, Athanasios, son of preceding, 81. 
 
 Michael, Russian grand-duke, 542. 
 
 Michael Obrenovilch, Prince of Servia, 
 murdered, 397. 
 
 Midhat Pasha, 514; Grand Vizier, 526; 
 banished, 527 ; imprisoned, 555. 
 
 Mieroslawsid, Polish conspirator, 164; Sic- 
 ilian commander-in-chief, 207 ; prisoner 
 in Berlin, 227; heads insurrection, 228 ; 
 in Baden, 235 ; defeated, 238 ; Polish dic- 
 tator, 269. 
 
 IMiguet, editor of Kational, 98. 
 
 Miguel, Dom, sou of John VT. of Portu- 
 gal, conspires against father, 58 ; usurps 
 throne, 60 ; deposed, 61. 
 
 Miguel, member of North German Reichs- 
 tag, 383. 
 
 Milan, Obrenovitch IV., Prince of Servia, 
 397; proclaimed Prince of Bosnia, 517; 
 King, 524. 
 
 Milauo, Italian assassin, 275. 
 
 Miloradovitch, Count, governor of St. Pe- 
 tersburg, 87. 
 
 Mina, Spanish guerrilla chief, 44, 40, 48 ; 
 defends Barcelona, 51. 
 
 Minghetti, Italian premier, 593. 
 
 Miramon, Mexican general, shot, 298. 
 
 Mirski, Prince, Russian general, 533, 542. 
 
 Mittermaier, German professor, 215. 
 
 Mitternacht, von, minister iu Würtemberg, 
 461, 462. 
 
 Mloditzki, Russian assassin, 573. 
 
 Mole, Count, French premier, 186. 
 
 Molitor, Spanish general, 50. 
 
 Moltke, Hellmuth V(m, in Turkish service, 
 158; Prussiauchiefof staff, 342, 846; do- 
 nation, 367 ; advocates war with France, 
 
682 
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 371 ; plan of campaign, 3SS, 421, 422; at 
 Sedan, 439; made count, 4-li) ; forms 
 sontheru ai-my, 453, 45T; field-marshal- 
 general, 4(JS ; army speech, 495 ; army 
 bill, 650. 
 
 Mommsen, German professor, C4ö, note. 
 
 Moucasi, Spanish assassin, 003. 
 
 Moncey, French general, 50. 
 
 J.Ioudel, Austrian general, 353. 
 
 Mourad, Danish minister, 317. 
 
 Montbel, French minister, 101. 
 
 Montmorency, Matthew, French minister, 
 48 ; dismissed, 49. 
 
 Montez, Lola, mistress of Louis of Bavaria, 
 214. 
 
 Montpensier, Duke of, son of Louis Phi- 
 lippe, marries Spanish Infanta, 147; 
 flight, 1S8; expelled from Spain, 406; 
 candidate for throne, 407. 
 
 Morelli, Neai)()litan revolutionist, 2S. 
 
 Moreno, President of Ecuador, murdered, 
 654. 
 
 Morillo, Spanish general, 50. 
 
 Morioues, Spanish general, 480. 
 
 Morny, Count, half-brother of Napoleon 
 III., 199; minister of interior, resigns, 200. 
 
 Moromichalis, Petros (Petrobei), Greek 
 patriot, 72 ; imprisoned, 84. 
 
 Moromichalis, Constantiue, brother of pre- 
 ceding, 84. 
 
 Moromichalis, Gcorgios, sou of Petros, 84. 
 
 Morosi, Basutos chief, 582. 
 
 Mortemart, French duke, 107. 
 
 Mortier, French marshal, 177. 
 
 Most, Social-democrat, 640. 
 
 Motteronge, de la, French general, defeat- 
 ed, 447. 
 
 Muffling, General, Prussian diplomat, 89. 
 
 Mühler, Prussian cHZiie.s-miuister, 500. 
 
 Miikhtar, Achmed, Turkish pasha, 510, 511, 
 512,542,543,560,502. 
 
 Miilbe, von der, Prussian general, 313, 363. 
 
 Munoz (Duke of Rianzares), husband of 
 Christina of Spain, 146. 
 
 Münster, Count, Hanoverian minister, 123; 
 dismissed, 127. 
 
 Murad V., Sultan of Turkey (1876), 514, 
 522 ; letter to Victoria, 544. 
 
 Muravieff, Russian general, 264; in Lithu- 
 ania, 269. 
 
 Mussa Pasha, defender of Silistria, 258. 
 
 Mustapha Pasha, Turkish minister of war, 
 534. 
 
 Mutius, Prussian general, 845, 346. 
 
 Naobimofp, Russian admiral, 256 ; death, 
 
 263. 
 Namyk, Turkish pasha, 545. 
 Nana Sahib, heads Indian mutin}', 293; 
 
 flight, 294. 
 Napier, Sir Charles, English commodore, 
 
 in Portuguese service, 61 ; bombards 
 
 Alexandria, 159; in Baltic, 258. 
 
 Napier, Sir Charles, commands Abyssinian 
 expedition, 390. 
 
 Napoleon I., death, 94; bones brought to 
 France, 179. 
 
 Napoleon III., Louis, Carbonaro, 132; in 
 Switzerland, 170; attempt at Strasburg, 
 179; at Boulogne, 180; imprisonment, 
 escape, 180; in National Assembly, 194; 
 elected President, 190; preparing fm- em- 
 pire, 197, 198 ; coup d'etat, 199 ; proclaim- 
 ed Emperor, 201 ; interferes in Rome, 204; 
 rejects proposals of Nicholas, 254; al- 
 liance with England, 255 ; first place in 
 Europe, 205; attempts interference in 
 Poland, 270; Italian plans and Oi'sini 
 bombs, 277 ; interview with Cavour, 278, 
 279; assumes command in Italy, 280; 
 Solferino, 281 ; reasons for truce, 283 ; 
 nses Kossuth, 285,note; perfidy, 286; Na- 
 ples and States of the Church, 289 ; in- 
 terference in Italy, 291; in Mexico, 295; 
 treaty of Miramar, 296; abandons Maxi- 
 milian, 297; Danish war, 314, 324; cog- 
 nizant of Prussian-Italian alliance, 327; 
 peace congress, double-dealing, 329, 330; 
 intrigues with Prussia, 330 ; with Aus- 
 tria, 331; restrains Italy, 340; attempts 
 mediation, 351, 354, 355, 350; threatens 
 wai-, 357; diplomatic intervention, 365, 
 360 ; Luxembourg negotiations, 369, 370 ; 
 Bismarck's dupe, 371 ; in Salzburg, 372 ; 
 illness, 391; influence of Jesuits, 393; 
 Italian intervention, 401 ; French-Span- 
 ish scheme, 400; wavering, 414; plan of 
 campaign, 423 ; assumes chief command, 
 426 ; at Saarbrücken, 427 ; resigns com- 
 mand, 431 ; irresolution, 437 ; surrenders, 
 439; death, 441. 
 
 Napoleon, Eugene, son of preceding, birth, 
 202; "baptism of fire," 427; death, 582; 
 testament, 029, 630. 
 
 Napoleon, Louis, elder brother of Louis 
 Napoleon, death, 132. 
 
 Napoleon, Prince (Plon-plon), in Crimea, 
 259; marriage, 278; in Italy, 282; over- 
 tures to Bismarck, 330 ; Bouapartist 
 chief, 030. 
 
 Napoleon, Prince Victor, 029. 
 
 Narvaez, Duke of Valencia, Spanish gen- 
 eral, premier, 147 ; death, 406. 
 
 Neipperg, Count, Austrian general, 26. 
 
 Neipperg, Austrian general, defeated, 361. 
 
 Nelidofl', Russian diplomat, 545. 
 
 Nemours, Duke of, son of Louis Philippe, 
 refuses Belgian crown, 119; German 
 trip, 178; prospective regent, 183; in 
 Chamber, 188 ; flight, 189. 
 
 Nemours, Duchess of, 18S. 
 
 Ney, Marshal, shot, 93. 
 
 Nicholas, Emperor of Russia (1825-57), as- 
 cends throne, SI, SO ; character, 87 ; pol- 
 icy in Poland, 142; in Germany, 104; in- 
 terferes in Hungarj', 243 ; arbitrates iu 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 683 
 
 Germany, 249, 250 ; the " sick man," 254 ; 
 seeks pretence for war, 255 ; hopes dis- 
 appoiuted, 257 ; death, 201. 
 
 Nichühis, Uussian grand-duke, 525 ; com- 
 mander-in-chief, 531, 533, 536, 540 ; super- 
 seded, 54S. 
 
 Nicotera, Italian politician, 504. 
 
 Niel, French general in Crimea, 202; It- 
 aly, 280; Solferiuo, 281 ; minister of war, 
 371 ; death, 3S9. 
 
 Niellon, Belgian revolutionist, 115. 
 
 Niemojewski, Polish leader, 141. 
 
 Nikita, Prince of Montenegro, 505,511 ; de- 
 clares war, 51S; invades Albania, 543 ; 
 frontier negotiations, 562. 
 
 Nina, Cardinal, Papal secretary, 006, 632, 
 633. 
 
 Nobiliug, attempt on German emperor, 
 638. 
 
 Noir, Victor, French journalist, 392. 
 
 Normann, Bavarian count, general in 
 Greece, 75 ; death, 77. 
 
 Northcote, Sir Staflord, chancellor of ex- 
 chequer, 545. 
 
 Nubar Pa.sha, Egyptian minister, 505. 
 
 Nugent, Count, Austrian general in Italy, 
 28 ; in Hungary, 242. 
 
 Obekwitz, von, Prussian general, 419. 
 
 O'Brien, Smith, Irish agitator, 152. 
 
 Obrutcheff, Russian general, 557. 
 
 Ochsenbein, 171. 
 
 O'Conuell, Daniel, Irish agitator, 69; fa- 
 vors reform bill, 149, 151 ; repeal, 152. 
 
 O'Connor, Feargus, Chartist, 151. 
 
 O'Donnell, Jose, Spanish general, 46; 
 Duke of Tetnan, 148. 
 
 Odysseus, Greek cliief, 73 ; traitor, 73. 
 
 Orenheini,592. 
 
 Okeu, German professor, 12, 21. 
 
 Oklobyio, Russian general, 542. 
 
 Ollivier, French premier, 391, 393, 413, 415 ; 
 resigns, 431. 
 
 Omer Pasha, Turkish commander, 250, 
 25S, 201. 
 
 Omer Vrione, Turkish commander, 70. 
 
 Orange, Prince of, 116. 
 
 Orange, William, Prince of, 010. 
 
 Orban, Frere, Belgian premier, 005, 606. 
 
 Orleans, Duke of, eldest son of Louis Plii- 
 lippe, marriage, 178 ; death, 183. 
 
 Orleans, Duchess of, 178, 183; before 
 Chamber, 188, 189. 
 
 Orloff, Russian ambassador at Paris, 5CS. 
 
 Orsini, Felix, attempt on Napoleon, 277; 
 testament, 278. 
 
 Ortega, Mexican general, 290. 
 
 Oscar IL, King of Sweden, 490 ; in Berlin, 
 494. 
 
 Osman Pasha, Turkish admiral, 250. 
 
 Osnian Pasha, Turkish general, 519 ; forti- 
 fies Plevna, 535, 539; surrender, 540. 
 
 Otero, Spanish assassin, 003. 
 
 Otho, King of Greece (1822-'62), son of 
 Louis I. of Bavaria, made King, 85, 258 ; 
 deposed, 267. 
 
 Oubril, Russian diplomat, 409. 
 
 Oudinot, French general, 200, 205. 
 
 Oyenhausen, von, Brunswick master of 
 horse, 124. 
 
 Paoca, Cardinal, 25. 
 
 Pagnerre, secretary of French provisional 
 government, 191. 
 
 Pajol, French general, 110. 
 
 Palacky, President of Slavonic Congress, 
 222. 
 
 Palikao, Count (General Montanban), 
 French premier, 431 ; hazardous plan, 
 438; fall, 441. 
 
 Pallavacino, Roman officer, 291. 
 
 Palma, Sardinian revolutionist, 38. 
 
 Palmella, Portuguese count, 58. 
 
 Palmerston, Lord, in cabinet, 122; pre- 
 mier, 257 ; Italian war, 285, note. 
 
 Paris, Count of, grandson of Louis Phi- 
 lippe, birth, 178; abdication in favor of, 
 ISS; lost, 189; recognizes Chambord, 
 475. 
 
 Parnell, Irish agitator, 5S4, 585, 586. 
 
 Paskevitch, Erivanski, Russian general, 
 takes Erivan,87; invades Armenia, 89; 
 commander in Poland, 140; in Hungary, 
 243 ; defeated at Silistria, 258 ; death, 
 208. 
 
 Passauante, Italian assassin, 594. 
 
 Pavia, Spanish ofücer, disperses Cortes, 
 480. 
 
 Pearson, English colonel, 581, 582. 
 
 Pedro I., Emperor of Brazil (1825-'30), Vice- 
 roy of Brazil, 57 ; Emperor, 53 ; abdi- 
 cates, 01 ; Regent of Portugal, 61 ; death, 
 62. 
 
 Pedro II., Emperor of Brazil (1830), 493, 
 654. 
 
 Pedro v., King of Portugal (1S53-'61), 148. 
 
 Peel, Sir Robert, opposes reform bill, 149; 
 repeals corn-laws, 151. 
 
 Pelissier, Duke of Malakoflf, French gen- 
 eral, massacre in Algeria, 182 ; command- 
 er in Crimea, 262, 203. 
 
 Pelletan, member of French Government 
 of National Defence, 442. 
 
 Pellico, Silvio, 31. 
 
 Pepe, Ploristan, 30. 
 
 Pepe, William, Neapolitan republican, or- 
 ganizes militia, 2S ; heads revolt, 29 ; de- 
 feated by Austrians, 35 ; commands Ne- 
 apolitan contingent, 200 ; in Venice, 207 ; 
 banished, 211. 
 
 Pepoli, Marquis, Italian diplomat, 278. 
 
 Perglas, Hessian general, defeated, 361. 
 
 Pürier, Casimir, 106; member of French 
 municipal commission, 107; premier, 
 174; death, 176. 
 
 Perovski, Russian general, 399, 
 
684 
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 Persano, Italian admiral, 35T; defeated, 
 35S. 
 
 Persigny, Bonapartist, 199; minister of in- 
 terior, 200 ; diplomat, 2S6. 
 
 Pestel, von, German officer, 427. 
 
 Petri, member of Reictistag, 504. 
 
 Peitlier, Geinian general, 23T. 
 
 Pfordten, von der, Bavarian delegate to 
 Diet, 311 ; minister, 322, 33T, 355, 304; ap- 
 peals to Napoleon, 305. 
 
 Pfuel, von, Prussian general, 129 ; minis- 
 ter, 228. 
 
 Philippovich, Austrian general, 555. 
 
 Picard, member of French Government of 
 National Defence, 442 ; minister, 45S. 
 
 Pierio, in Orsini conspiracy, 277. 
 
 Pierola, Peruvian dictator, 056. 
 
 Pillersdorff, Baron von, Austrian minister, 
 221. 
 
 Pipinos, Greek patriot, 74. 
 
 Pisacane, Italian rebel, 275. 
 
 Pius VII., Pope (lS00-'23), 25. 
 
 Pius VIII., Pope (1829-'30), death, 129. 
 
 Pius IX., Pope (1S40-'7S), 202; liberal pol- 
 icy, 203; flight, 204; restoration and re- 
 action, 205; influence of Jesuits, 274; 
 lion possumus, 375 ; quarrel with Russia, 
 400; curses modern civilization, 402; in- 
 fallibility, 404; dispossessed, 477 ; pris- 
 oner of Vatican, 47S; Swiss encyclica, 
 492; allocution, 501; letter to German 
 Emperor, 502 ; encyclica, 503 ; death, 
 590; removal of body, 59S; policy in 
 Bavaria, 031. 
 
 Pletinckx, Belgian revolutionist, 117. 
 
 Poerio, Neapolitan patriot, 35, 30. 
 
 Polhe, French general, 401. 
 
 Polignac, Prince, French premier, 97, 104 ; 
 condemned, 174; set free, 178. 
 
 Ponte, Dr. Jose, Venezuelan archbishop, 
 053. 
 
 Porlier, Diaz, Spanish general, 45. 
 
 Pothuan, French minister, OlS. 
 
 Potocki, Austrian minister, 4S3. 
 
 Potter, de, Belgian revolutionist, 114, US, 
 119. 
 
 Pourtales, Count Frederic de, 272. 
 
 Pouyer-Quertier, French minister, 460. 
 
 Pranckh, von, Bavarian minister, 402. 
 
 Prado, President of Peru, 650. 
 
 Prasliu, Duke of, 183. 
 
 Prim, Spanish colonel, revolts, 147; gen- 
 eral in Mexico, 295 ; minister of war, 
 406 ; rules country, 407 ; minister-presi- 
 dent, 425; assassinated, 478. 
 
 Prinz, German councillor, murdered, 235. 
 
 Prittwitz, German general, 245; Governor 
 of Ulm, 419. 
 
 Probst, 382. 
 
 Proudhon, member of French city hall 
 government, 194. 
 
 Puchner, Austrian general, 242. 
 
 Puttkamer, von, Prussian minister, 633. 
 
 Puyraveau, Audry de, member of French 
 
 municipal commission, 107. 
 Pyat, Felix, French poet, 196 ; member of 
 
 Commune, 409. 
 
 Qdikoqa, Spanish colonel, 45. 
 
 Radetzki, Russian general, 537, 541, 542. 
 
 Radetzky, Count Joseph, 4; commander 
 iu Milan, 208, 209 ; defeats Sardinians, 
 210, 211 ; death, 279. 
 
 Radowitz, von, Prussian general, 2.50. 
 
 Radziwill, Prince, Polish revolutionary 
 leader, 13S. 
 
 Raglan, Lord, English commander in Cri- 
 mea, 259 ; deatli, 263. 
 
 Rainer, Austrian archduke, Viceroy of 
 Lombardy, 27. 
 
 Ramming, von, Austrian general, 342. 
 
 Ramorino, Genoese adventurer, iu Polish 
 revolution, 140; in Switzerland, 170 ; in 
 Sardinian service, 210; executed, 210. 
 
 Randon, French minister of war, 351. 
 
 Ranke, Leopold, German historian, 272. 
 
 Rapp, Vicar-general of Strasburg, expelled, 
 497. 
 
 Rashid Pasha, murdered, 520. 
 
 Raspail, French revolutionist, 193; mem- 
 ber of city hall government, 194; candi- 
 date for presidency, 196. 
 
 Ratazzi, Italian premier, 291; resigns, 400. 
 
 Raumer, Prussian ci/ifMs-miuister, 272. 
 
 Rauschenplatt, German revolutionist, 100. 
 
 Rauscher, Cardinal, Archbishop of Vienna, 
 at Vatican council, 404. 
 
 Raveaux, German radical, 237. 
 
 Read, Russian general in Crimea, 263. 
 
 Rechberg, Count, Austrian minister, 310; 
 resigns, 320. 
 
 Redclifle, Lord de, English ambassador to 
 Porte, 205. 
 
 Redif Pasha, 534. 
 
 Reichenbach, Countess, mistress of Hes- 
 sian Elector, 125. 
 
 Reichensperger, German Clerical, 407. 
 
 Reichstadt, Duke of, son of Napoleon I., 
 108, 130; death, 178. 
 
 Reille, French general, 439. 
 
 Reinkens, German professor, Old Catholic 
 bishop, 405. 
 
 Reouf Pasha, in Herzegovina, 507 ; in Rou- 
 melia, 533, 537. 
 
 Reshid Pasha, Turkish general, 78, 89, 156; 
 Grand Vizier, 255. 
 
 Reventlow-Preetz, Count, stadtholder in 
 Schleswig-Holstein, 24.'5. 
 
 Reynault, French general, 442. 
 
 Rheinbaden, German general, 430. 
 
 Ricasoli, Italian premier, 290. 
 
 Riccio, Bishop of Ajaccio, votes non placet 
 in Vatican council, 404. 
 
 Richard, Spanish conspirator, 45. 
 
 Richelieu, Duke of, Freuch premier, 92, 94. 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 685 
 
 Richter, Eugene, leader of German Party 
 
 of Progress, 526. 
 
 Rieger, Czechish leader, 222, 483. 
 
 Riego, Raphael, Spanish officer, heads re- 
 volt, 45; president of Cortes, 47; exe- 
 cuted, 52. 
 
 Rigny, de, French commander at Navari- 
 no, 81. 
 
 Ristic, Servian minister, 51T. 
 
 Ritter, Carl, 2T2. 
 
 Ri/.a, Turkish pasha, 5G3. 
 
 Robert, Duke of Parma, 281. 
 
 Roberts, English general in Afghanistan, 
 570, .580. 
 
 Rochebouet, French minister, 617, 620, 621. 
 
 Rochefort, editor of Marseillaise, arrest- 
 ed, 392 ; member of Government of Na- 
 tional Defence, 442; withdraws, 446; 
 prisoner, 471 ; auiuestied, 623. 
 
 Rodich, Baron, ßtadtholder of Dalmatia, 
 510. 
 
 Rodil, Spanish general, 61. 
 
 Romer, minister in Wiutemberg, 214; dis- 
 perses National Assembly, 237. 
 
 Rouge, John, 167. 
 
 Roon, von, Prussian minister of war,' 342, 
 346; donation, 367; French war, 462; 
 donation, 407 ; made count, 4GS. 
 
 Rosa, Martinez de la, Spanish politician, 
 47, 145. 
 
 Rosales, Marquis of Mataflorida, 43, 48. 
 
 Rosas, Calvo de, 44. 
 
 Roseuberg-Grusziusky, Prussian general, 
 350. 
 
 Ro8ganoff, Russiau general, in Afghan- 
 istan, 578. 
 
 Rössel, French Communist, 470; prison- 
 er, 471. 
 
 Rossi, Pelegrino, Count of Carrara, Roman 
 premier, 203 ; assassinated, 204. 
 
 Rothschild, Baron Nathan, in Parliament, 
 153. 
 
 Rotteck, German professor and historian, 
 22, 161. 
 
 Rouher, French minister of state, 351 ; re- 
 moved, 391 ; meeting of Bonapartists, 
 629. 
 
 Roustan, French agent at Tunis, 626. 
 
 Ro/.ycki, Polish general, 141. 
 
 Rudhardt von, Greek premier, 85. 
 
 Rüdiger, Count, Russiau general in Po- 
 land, 139; in Hungary, 244. 
 
 Rudio, Orsini conspiracy, 277. 
 
 Rupp, German sectarian, 167. 
 
 Russell, Lord John, reform bill, 149 ; Irish 
 Church, 152; Italian war, 285, «o^c. 
 
 Rybinsky, Polish commander, 141. 
 
 Rye, Danish general, 246. 
 
 Sabai.ls, Carlist general, 599. 
 Saburofl", Russian miuister, 573. 
 Sachturis, Grecian admiral, 79. 
 Sadullah Bey, 545. 
 
 Sagasta, Spanish politician, 478, 482, 600 ; 
 premier, 601. 
 
 St. Aruaud, French minister of war, 198, 
 199; commander in Crimea, 259. 
 
 St. Hilaire, Barthelemy, Freuch minister, 
 625. 
 
 St. Marsan, 39. 
 
 St. Vallier, Count, 628. 
 
 Salaverria, Spanish minister, 601. 
 
 Saldauha, Duke of, Portuguese general, 
 59; politician, 148. 
 
 Salisbury, Marquis of, at Constantinople 
 conference, 526 ; minister of foreign af- 
 fairs, 547 ; at Berlin congress, 552, 553 ; 
 leader of opposition, 586. 
 
 Salmeron, President of Cortes, 480. 
 
 Salvaudyde, 104. 
 
 Sand, Charles, murderer of Kotzebue, 15. 
 
 San Martin, Argentine general, 55. 
 
 Santa Anna, Mexican general, 54. 
 
 Santarosa, Sardinian revolutionist, 40. 
 
 Sanz, confessor to Ferdinand VII. ,52. 
 
 Sauvo editor q{ Moniten r, 101. 
 
 Sauzet, president of French Chamber, 189. 
 
 Savfet Pasha, in Turkish cabinet, 520, 524, 
 526, 527 ; removed, 534. 
 
 Savigny, Prussian delegate to Diet, 335. 
 
 Say, Leon, French miuister of finance, 618 
 — see Preface. 
 
 Schaffle, Austrian minister, 483. 
 
 Scheel-Plessen, Baron von, 333. 
 
 Schilder, Russian general, 258 ; death, 200. 
 
 Schelling, German professor, 21. 
 
 Schlegel, Frederic, 22. 
 
 Schleiermacher, German theologian, 22. 
 
 Schlick, Austrian general, 242. 
 
 Schloezer, Dr. Kurd von, Prussian ambas- 
 sador to Vatican, 636. 
 
 Schmalz, Prussian privy-councillor, 11. 
 
 Schmeling, German general, 452. 
 
 Schmerling, Chevalier von, Austrian pre- 
 mier, 301 ; resigns, 303, 589. 
 
 Schmidt, German correspondent, shot by 
 Carlists, 481. 
 
 Schmidt, Prussian ambassador at Warsaw, 
 136. 
 
 Schmidt, Phiseldeck von, Brunswick privy- 
 councillor, 123. 
 
 Schön, pamphlet by, 106. 
 
 Schott, German radical, 237. 
 
 Schubert, German professor, 21. 
 
 Schüler, German radical, 237. 
 
 Schurz, Carl, rescues friend from prison, 
 238. 
 
 Schuyler, Eugene, American consul-gen- 
 eral at Constantinople, 516. 
 
 Scbwarzenberg, Prince, Austrian gener- 
 al, 4. 
 
 Scbwarzenberg, Prince Felix, Austrian 
 general and statesman, forms ministry, 
 225; resolute policy, 231, 247; meeting 
 with Nicholas, 249; at Olmütz, 250; 
 Schleswig-Holstein, 251 ; death, 273. 
 
686 
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 Secocoeni, Mautiili chief, 5S1, 5S2. 
 
 Semyeka, Russian general, 525. 
 
 Senestrey, Bavarian bishop, 3S6. 
 
 Sei'coguani, Italian revolntionist, 131. 
 
 Serrano, Spanish general, favorite ol'Qiieen 
 Isabella, 14S; transported, 4flö ; regent, 
 407; minister-president, 47S; dictator, 
 4S0 ; resigns, 4S2. 
 
 Server Pasha, Turkish commissioner, 508 ; 
 in cabinet, 534, 545. 
 
 Settinio, Sicilian admiral, 206. 
 
 Söve (Soliman Bey), 77. 
 
 Seymour, English vice-admiral, 5G3. 
 
 Seymour, Sir Hamilton, English diplomat, 
 254. 
 
 Shamyl, Caucasian chief, 143. 
 
 Shepstnne, Sir TheophiUis, English com- 
 missioner in Transvaal, 5S1. 
 
 Shere Ali, Ameer of Afghanistan, 577 ; 
 death, 578. 
 
 Sherif, Egyptian pasha, 5GG. 
 
 Sliestakofl", Russian officer, 531. 
 
 Shouvaloff, Russian ambassador at Lon- 
 don, 52S, 532, 548; recalled, 650. 
 
 Siebenpfeifer, German editor, 100. 
 
 Sigel, German revolutionist, 235, 233. 
 
 Sigwart-Miiller, Swiss ultramontane, 171. 
 
 Simeoni, Papal secretary, 597. 
 
 Simon, Henry, German jurist and pam- 
 phleteer, 168 ; in regency, 237. 
 
 Simon, Jules, member of French Govern- 
 ment of National Defence, 442 ; premier, 
 614; dismissed, 615; opposes Gambetla, 
 021,623,6-28. 
 
 Simonich, Austrian general, 242. 
 
 Simpson, English commander in Crimea, 
 263. 
 
 Simson, German radical, 232. 
 
 Skobeleff, Russian general, 530, 537, 542, 
 575. 
 
 Skrzynecki, Polish revolutionary leader, 
 138,140. 
 
 Sobrier, French democrat, 194. 
 
 Soltyk, Count Roman, 13S. 
 
 Sophie, Austrian archduchess, 225. 
 
 Soult, Marshal, French premier, 170, 181 ; 
 retires, 184. 
 
 Soutzo, Grecian general, 550. 
 
 Sperling, von, Prussian general, 421. 
 
 Stadion, Count Francis, Austrian minister, 
 225. 
 
 Stein, German patriot, expelled from Nas- 
 sau parliament, 10. 
 
 Steinmetz, Prussian general, defeats Aus- 
 triaus, 345, 346; donation, 367 ; in French 
 ■war, 421 ; removed, 437. 
 
 Stei)hen, Austrian archduke, Palatinus of 
 Hungary, 230, 240; resigns, 241. 
 
 Stiehler, von, Prussian general, 421. 
 
 Stöcker, Prussian court preacher, 637. 
 
 Stolyetoff, Russian general, 577. 
 
 Stourdza, Alexander, memorial at Con- 
 gress of Aix-la-Chapellc, 13. 
 
 Strauss, David F., 167, 169 ; in Zürich, 170. 
 
 Stremayr, Austrian minister, 5SS, 590 ; re- 
 signs, 591. 
 
 Strogauoff, Russian ambassador to Porte, 
 72. 
 
 Strnve, German revolutionist, 213, 215, 230, 
 234, 238. 
 
 Stumm, Prussian diplomat, 501. 
 
 Stiive von Osnabrück, Hanoverian minis- 
 ter, 214. 
 
 Subserra, Portuguese count, 58. 
 
 Succow, von, Wurtemberg minister, 462. 
 
 Suleiman Pasha, at Shipka Pass, 537 ; army 
 of Danube, 538 ; in Roumelia, 541, 542. 
 
 Swieten, van, Dutch general, in Atchiu, 
 4S9. 
 
 Szuaydc, Polish general and revolutionist, 
 235. 
 
 Taaffe, Count, Austrian minister-presi- 
 dent, 589, 592. 
 
 Talleyrand, Prince, 92, lOS. 
 
 Tallon, French general, 106. 
 
 Tann, von der, German general, 447. 
 
 Tantia Topi, Indian rebel, executed, 294. 
 
 Taxis, Prince, Bavarian general, 238. 
 
 Tegetthofl', Austrian rear-admiral, 299; in 
 Danish war, 314 ; Italian war, 358. 
 
 Teleki, Hungarian exile, 285, note. 
 
 Tergukassoff, Russian general, 543. 
 
 Teste, convicted of peculation, 183. 
 
 Tevflk, Ahmed, Mullah, 559. 
 
 Tevfik, Khedive of Egypt, 505. 
 
 Tharin, Abbe, tutor of Count Chambord, 
 90. 
 
 Theodoie, King of Abyssinia, 396. 
 
 Thiers, editor of National,9S, 104; Eastern 
 question, 159; minister of interior, 176; 
 premier, 179; dismissed, ISO; attacks 
 ministry, 184: Reform banquets, 184, 
 185; minister, 187; in National Assembly, 
 104; arrested, 199; banished, 200; in 
 Chamber, 369 ; opposes war, 415 ; refuses 
 seat in Government of National Defence, 
 442; European tour, 444; negotiates for 
 truce, 445; chief of executive, 458; pres- 
 ident of republic, 472 ; resigns, 475; Bel- 
 gian question, 004; death, 616. 
 
 Thile, Prussian state secretary, 412. 
 
 Thistlewood, Arthur, English conspirator, 
 65. 
 
 Thomar, Portuguese count (Costa Cabral), 
 148. 
 
 Thomas, Prince of Genoa, refuses Spanish 
 throne, 407. 
 
 Thomas, Clement, French general, shot 
 by Communists, 469. 
 
 Thun, Count, Austrian general, 342, 353. 
 
 TliUngen, Baron von, 380. 
 
 Tliyra, Danisli princess, marriage, 610. 
 
 Tiedemann, Governor of Rastatt, shot, 
 238. 
 
 Tillich, von, Danish commissioner, 246. 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS. 
 
 687 
 
 Tisza, Ilnugarian minister-pvesiclent, 552. 
 
 Todlebeii, Kiissian geiiei'al, defends Sebas- 
 topol,2ü0, 202; at Plevna, 539,540; com- 
 niandei'-in-chief,54S, 56(J ; Governor-gen- 
 eral of Odessa, 5T2. 
 
 Todt, German revolntiouist, 233. 
 
 Tolstoi, Russian minister, 5T3. 
 
 Topete, Spanish admiral, 400, 478. 
 
 Toreno, Spanish politician, 145. 
 
 Torre, la, Sardinian general, 40. 
 
 Trepoft", Russian offlcial, 570. 
 
 Tresckow, German general, besieges Bel- 
 fort, 452. 
 
 Triuqnet, French Communist, 623. 
 
 Trochn, French general. President and 
 Governor-general of Paris, 442; resigns, 
 457. 
 
 Trützschlcr, German revolutionist, shot, 
 238. 
 
 Tschech, German assassin, 167. 
 
 Tnssonm Bey, 517. 
 
 Twesteu, leader of Prussian opposition, 
 327. 
 
 Tzschirner, German revolutionist, 233. 
 
 Uur.ANP, German poet, Wiirtemberg dele- 
 gate to National Assembly, 215, 237. 
 
 Ulilich, Saxon preacher, 167. 
 
 Ullrich, French commandant at Strasburg, 
 429; capitulates, 448. 
 
 Unruh, Prussian radical, 220. 
 
 Urquhart, David, on Eastern question, 157. 
 
 Usedom, Count, Prussian ambassador to 
 Italy, 330. 
 
 Vai.des, Spanish general, 51. 
 
 Valee, French general, takes Constantino, 
 ISl. 
 
 Vannlelli, Papal nnntius at Brussels, 606. 
 
 VarnbQler, Baron von, Wiirtemberg minis- 
 ter, 378, 043. 
 
 Vasa, Princess Charlotte, Napoleon III. 
 sues for hand, 202. 
 
 Ventivenga, Italian baron, 275. 
 
 Vera Sassulitch, Nihilist, 570. 
 
 Vessel Pasha, Turkish general, 542. 
 
 Vesselitzky, Russian agent, 511. 
 
 Victor Emmanuel I., King of Sardinia 
 (1802-21), 36; abdicates, 39. 
 
 Victor Emmanuel II., King of Sardinia 
 (1S49-"7S), 211; liberal policy, 275; re- 
 solved on war, 279; in Milan, 281; in 
 Naples, 289; King of Italy, 290; claims 
 Trentino, 359 ; enters Venice, 359; letter 
 to Pope, 470 ; enters Rome, 477 ; in Ber- 
 lin, 494; death, .593. 
 
 Victoria, Queen of England (1837), acces- 
 sion and marriage, 154; at Cherbourg, 
 278; offers mediation between Russia 
 and Turkey, 544; Empress of India, 570. 
 
 Vidal, Spanish conspirator, 45. 
 
 Villaflor, Portuguese general, 59; Duke of 
 Terceira, 61, 148. 
 
 Villamarina, Jlarquis, Italian diplomat, 
 264. 
 
 Villele, French minister, 48, 95 ; dismissed, 
 97. 
 
 Villemain, French constitutionalist, 90; 
 minister, 181. 
 
 Vincent, French general, 111. 
 
 Vinoy, French general, in Paris, 442 ; com- 
 mander, 457, 469, 470. 
 
 Vischer, Frederic, 167. 
 
 Vogorides, Prince, Governor-general of 
 East Roumelia, 558. 
 
 Vogt, German radical, 237. 
 
 Voirol, commandant of Strasburg, 179. 
 
 Waddington, French delegate to Berlin 
 congress, 552, 554 ; Grecian question, 
 500 ; minister of public instruction, 013 ; 
 of foreign aflfairs, 018 ; premier, 020; re- 
 signs, 022 ; in opposition, 623, 028. 
 
 Waldeck, Prussian radical, 228. 
 
 Waldimireski, WallachiaiL traitor, 71. 
 
 Wales, Albert Edward, Prince of, illness, 
 489 ; Indian trip, 577 ; friendship with 
 Gambetta, 019. 
 
 Wales, Alexandra, Princess of, Danish 
 war, 315. 
 
 Walmodeu, Count, Austrian general, 35. 
 
 Wallon, in French National Assembly, 470 ; 
 proposes compromise, 611, 012. 
 
 Wangenheim, Baron, Wiirtemberg dele- 
 gate to Diet, 19. 
 
 Ward, master of horse in Parma, 274. 
 
 Wassif, Turkish commander at Kars, 264. 
 
 Weber, German professor, " Gottingeu 
 seven," 103. 
 
 Weidig, Pastor, in Darmstadt, 101. 
 
 Weiden, Austrian general, 242. 
 
 Welker, two brothers, German professors, 
 17,101. 
 
 Wellington, Duke of, English delegate at 
 Verona, 49; premier, OS; at St. Peters- 
 burg, SI ; regrets Navarino, 82 ; illiber- 
 alism, 122 ; opposes reform bill, 149 ; sup- 
 ports corn-laws, 151. 
 
 Werder, Prussian general, 429, 452, 453 ; 
 defeats Bourbaki, 454 ; donation, 407. 
 
 Werner, German sea-captain, 480. 
 
 Werther, Baron von, Prussian ambassador 
 at Paris, 412, 413. 
 
 Wesseuberg, Austrian minister, 223. 
 
 Wielopolski, Polish margrave, 268, 269. 
 
 William IV., King of England (1830-'37), 
 121, 154. 
 
 William I., King of Prussia (1861), Prince 
 of Prussia, flight, 227: invades Palati- 
 nate, 237; meeting with Nicholas, 249; 
 ascends throne, 273 ; meeting with Ca- 
 vour, 278; military reforms, 304; op- 
 posed to war, 322; assumes chief com- 
 mand, 346, 352, 355 ; confederi^tion 
 achieved, 368 ; understanding with Rus- 
 sia, 409 ; meeting with Benedctti, 413 ; 
 
688 
 
 INDEX OF DATES. 
 
 returns to Berlin, 417 ; opens Reichstag, 
 418; assumes cliief comuKiiKl, 422; tele- 
 gram to Alexander, 4'26 ; proclanialioii 
 to Frencli people, 431 ; at Gravelotle, 
 435; interview with Napoleon, 439; signs 
 peace, 45S ; reiurns to Berlin, 459 ; pro- 
 claimed Emperor, 405; imperial vis-its, 
 494 ; letter to Pope, 502 ; letter to Kmi- 
 maniau prince, 549 ; attempts ou life, 
 C37, 638; rescript, 646; meeting with 
 Alexander, 651 ; decorated by Sultan, 
 652. 
 
 William I., King of Holland (1815-40), 
 113 ; consents to separation of Belgium, 
 121. 
 
 William II., King of Holland (lS40-'49), 
 Prince of Orange, 116. 
 
 William III., King of Holland (1S49), Lux- 
 embourg negotiations, 3T0 ; in Eras, 494 ; 
 interference iu government, 009 ; mar- 
 riage, 010. 
 
 William I., King of Würtemberg (1S16-'C4), 
 9; liberalism, 19, 103; bread riot, 212; 
 anti-Prussian, 231 ; accepts constitution, 
 232; fealty to Emperoi-, 249. 
 
 William I., Elector of Hesse (1803-'21), S. 
 
 William II., Elector of Hesse (1S21-'31), 
 125; tyranny, 249. 
 
 William, Prince of Orange, death, CIO. 
 
 William, Prince of Badeii, 360. 
 
 William, Prince of Brunswick, 123 ; duke, 
 125. 
 
 William, Prince of Hesse, 218. 
 
 Williams, defender of Kars, 264. 
 
 Willisen, Prussian general, 240 ; removed, 
 247. 
 
 Wilson, English general, takes Delhi, 294. 
 
 Wilson, English commissioner in Egypt, 
 505. 
 
 Wimpfifen, French general, 438, 439. 
 
 Wiudischgrätz, Prince Alfred, suppresses 
 revolt iu Prague, 222 ; besieges Vienna, 
 224; commander iu Hungary, 242; re- 
 moved, 242. 
 
 Wiudthorst, German Clerical leader, 467 ; 
 Guelph, 010 ; leader of Centre, 632 ; in- 
 
 terview with Bismarck, 633; moves re- 
 peal of obnoxious law, 030. 
 
 Wipi)ermann, Hessian minister, 214. 
 
 Wirth, German editor, 100. 
 
 Wisliceuus, German sectarian, 107. 
 
 Wittgenstein, Prince, Prussian courtier, 
 10, 17. 
 
 Wittgenstein, Count, Russian command- 
 er-in-chief, 88. 
 
 Wittich, German general, 447. 
 
 Wolseley, Sir Garnet, English general, 
 takes Cooraassie, 4SS ; Governor of Na- 
 tal, 582. 
 
 Wood, English colonel, iu South Africa, 
 581. 
 
 Woronzoff, Prince, Russian general, 143. 
 
 Wrangel, Prussian general, occupies 
 Schleswig-Holstein, 218; enters Berlin, 
 229 ; commander iu Schleswig-Holstein, 
 312; retired, 310. 
 
 Wrede, Prince, Bavarian field-marshal, 160. 
 
 Wysoki, Polish revolutionist, 135, 136. 
 
 Yakoob Kuan, of Afghanistan, 578; abdi- 
 cates, 579. 
 
 Yeh, Governor of Canton, 155. 
 
 Ypsilanti, Prince Alexander, revolt against 
 Turks, 71. 
 
 Ypsilanti, Demetrius, 73. 
 
 Yn.ssouf, Tiu'kish pasha, commandaut of 
 Varna, 89. 
 
 Zaimis, Greek minister, 487. 
 
 Zalewski, Polish revolutionist, 135, 136. 
 
 Zaskrow, German general, 451. 
 
 Zatoflf, Russian general, 536. 
 
 Zedlitz, von, Prussian commissioner in 
 Schleswig-Holstein, 321. 
 
 Zichy, Count, Austrian commander in Ven- 
 ice, 20S. 
 
 Zichy, Count, Hungarian chancellor, 303; 
 ambassador at Constantinople, 512. 
 
 Zimmermann, Russian general, 532, 541. 
 
 Zorilla, Spanish premier, 479. 
 
 Zucchi, Italian revolutionary leader, 130, 
 132. 
 
 Zumalacarreguy, Carlist general, 144. 
 
 INDEX OF DATES. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1814. May 4th, Spanish constitution rc- 
 
 l)ealed 43 
 
 " June 4th, French constitution 
 
 granted 90 
 
 1815. June 12th, Secret treaty between 
 
 Austria-and Naples 27 
 
 " Aug. 7th, Order of Jesns reinsti- 
 
 tuted by decree of Pope 25 
 
 1816. May 15th, Constitution iu Saxe- 
 
 Weimar 8 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1810. Oct. 30th, Death of King Fred- 
 eric of Würtemberg, accession 
 ofWiUiaml 9 
 
 1810. Accession of John VI. of Portu- 
 gal and Brazil 56 
 
 " A Jew condemned to death by 
 
 Inquisition 25 
 
 1817. Oct. 18th, Germany, meeting on 
 the Wartburg, increasing reac- 
 tion 12 
 
INDEX OF DATES. 
 
 689 
 
 ISIS. May 2Clli, constitution in Bava- 
 ria 9 
 
 " Aug. 22d, constitution in Baden 9 
 
 " Sept. 2!)tli to Nov. 21st, Congress 
 
 of Aix-la-Cliapelle 10, 13, 93 
 
 " Independence of Cliili 55 
 
 1S19. Marcli 23d, Germany, murder of 
 
 Kotzebue 15 
 
 " Aug. Gill, Congress of Carlsbad 
 
 and Carlsbad decrees 17 
 
 " Aug. 16th, Massacre of Peter- 
 loo G5 
 
 " Sept. 25th, constitution iu Wiir- 
 
 temberg 9 
 
 " ludependence of Venezuela and 
 
 New Granada 55 
 
 " Argentine Republic formed 55 
 
 1820. Jau. 1st, Revolution in Spain .. . 45 
 " Jan. 20th, England, George III., 
 
 and George IV., King 65 
 
 " Feb. 13th, Prance, assassination 
 
 of Duke of Berry 94 
 
 " June Cth, England, return of 
 
 Queen, royal divorce snit 66 
 
 " June 8th, Vienna Schlusakte — 17 
 " July 7[h, Naples, revolution vic- 
 torious 29 
 
 " Aug. 24th, Portugal, revolution. 57 
 " Oct. ISth, Carlsbad decrees in 
 
 Prussia IS 
 
 " Oct. 20th, Congress of Troppau . S2 
 " Dec. 17th, constitution iu Hesse- 
 Darmstadt 9 
 
 1821. Jan. Cth, Congress of Laibach. . . 33 
 " Feb. 24th, Mexican independence 
 
 proclaimed. 54 
 
 " March 7th, Battle of Rieti 35 
 
 " March 11th, revolution in Turin. 38 
 
 " April 4th, rebellion iu Greece. .. 72 
 
 " April 8ih, Battle of Novara 40 
 
 " May 5th, Napoleon 1. 1 94 
 
 " Guatemala independent 55 
 
 1S22. April 10th, Massacre of Chios. . . 73 
 " Aug. 12th, England, suicide of 
 
 Lord Castlereagb 67 
 
 " Oct. 20th, Congress of Verona. . . 4S 
 
 " Ecuador independent 55 
 
 1823. April 7th, French army enters 
 
 Spain 50 
 
 " June 5th, Prussia, provincial par- 
 liaments 19 
 
 " Aug. 20th, death of Bozzaris 7C 
 
 " Sept. 27th, Leo XII., Pope 42 
 
 " Oct. 1st, Cadiz surrenders, Span- 
 ish revolution suppressed 51 
 
 " Republic in Mexico 54 
 
 1S24. April 15th, Greece, death of Lord 
 
 Byron 77 
 
 '■ July, Greece, massacre "f Psara 76 
 " Sept. 16, Prance, Louis XVIII. t, 
 
 Charles X., King 9.'> 
 
 " Independence of Pern 55 
 
 1825. Jan. 1st, England recognizes iu- 
 
 1830. 
 1S30. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 dependence of Spanish colo- 
 nies iu South America 56 
 
 February, Greece, Ibrahim Pa- 
 sha iu Morea 78 
 
 Oct. 13th, Bavaria, accession of 
 
 Louis 1 21 
 
 Nov. 15th, Brazil, separation 
 from Portugal, Pedro I., Env 
 
 peror 5S 
 
 Dec. 1st, Russia, Alexander I. t, 
 
 Nicholas, Emperor 81 
 
 March lOtb, Portugal, John VI. t 58 
 April 22d, Greece, fall of Meso- 
 
 longhi 79 
 
 Sept. 25th, treaty of Akermau. . 87 
 
 Jan. 1st, English in Lisbon 59 
 
 July Cth, Greece, treaty between 
 
 England, Prance, and Russia. . 81 
 Aug. Sth, England, Canning t. . . 63 
 Oct. 20th, Greece, battle of Nav- 
 
 ariuo 81 
 
 Feb. 4th, Greece, Kapodistrias 
 
 president 83 
 
 April 28th, Russia declares war 
 
 on Porte 8S 
 
 June 26th, Portugal, usurpation 
 
 of Dom Miguel CO 
 
 Aug. 29th, Greece, French in Mo- 
 rea 83 
 
 March 31 st. Pope Pius VIII 129 
 
 April 13th, England, Roman 
 
 Catholic emancipation 69 
 
 May 27th, Germany, beginning 
 
 of Zollverein 164 
 
 Sept. 14th, Peace of Adriauople. 89 
 
 Independence of Uruguay 55 
 
 April 20th, France declares war 
 
 on Algiers 99 
 
 June 26, England, George IV. t, 
 
 William IV., King 121 
 
 July 25th, France, five ordinances 101 
 July 26th, France, great week 
 
 begins 104 
 
 Aug. 2d, France, Charles X. ab- 
 dicates 110 
 
 Aug. 8th, France, Louis Philippe, 
 
 King 112 
 
 Aug. 25lh, Belgium, revolution 
 
 in Brussels 115 
 
 Sept. 6th, Germany, revolution 
 
 in Brunswick 124 
 
 Sept. 16th, Germany, revolution 
 
 in Ilesse-Cassel 125 
 
 Oct. 10th, Spain, birth of Isabella 53 
 Nov. 4th, London conference . . . 119 
 Nov. 29th, revolution in Poland. 136 
 Brazil, Pedro I. abdicates, Pe- 
 dro II., Emperor 61 
 
 January, disturbances in Swit- 
 zerland 129 
 
 Feb. 2d, Pope Gregory XVI 131 
 
 Feb. 2d, rebellion in Modena 
 aud Parma 130 
 
690 
 
 INDEX OF DATES. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1831. Feb. ITtli, Belgian coustitutiou 
 
 ado|)ted 119 
 
 " Feb. '26tb, rebellion in Bologna. 129 
 " March 1st, England, reform bill 
 
 introduced 149 
 
 " March 21st, Italy, Aiistrians in 
 
 States of the Church 131 
 
 " July 21st, Belgium, Leopold I., 
 
 King 120 
 
 " Sept.;4th, constitution in Saxony 126 
 " Sept. 8th, Russians in Warsaw, 
 
 Polish revolution supjiressed. 141 
 " Oct. Dth, Greece, Kapodistrias 
 
 murdered 84 
 
 1532. March 8th, Prince Otho of Bava- 
 
 ria chosen King of Greece S5 
 
 " May 27th, Germany, llambach 
 
 festival 159 
 
 " June 4th, England, passage of 
 
 reform bill 150 
 
 " Oct. 12tli, Germany, constitution 
 
 in Brunswick 125 
 
 " Dec. 21st, Turkej', battle of Ko- 
 
 nieh 156 
 
 1533. Jan. 21st, Turkey asks help of 
 
 Russia 150 
 
 " April 3d, Germany, Frankfort 
 
 conspiracy 159 
 
 " July 8th, Turkey, treaty of Un- 
 
 kiar-Skelessi 157 
 
 " July 29lh, Portugal, Don Pedro 
 
 in Lisbon CI 
 
 " Sept. 29th, Spain, Ferdinand 
 VIL t, Isabella, Queen, Don 
 Carlos, pretender 53 
 
 " Dec. 25th, Greece, Athens made 
 
 capital 85 
 
 1834. January till June, Germany, min- 
 isterial conferences in Vienna. 161 
 
 " April 22d, quadruple alliance of 
 Eugland, France, Spain, and 
 Portugal 144 
 
 " May 26th, Portugal, treaty of 
 
 Evora 61 
 
 1S35. Starch 2d, Austria, Francis II. t, 
 
 Ferdinand I., Emperor 163 
 
 " July 28th, France, Fieschi's in- 
 fernal machine 177 
 
 1830. Oct. 30th, France, Louis Napo- 
 leon in Strasburg 179 
 
 1837. June ISth, Spain, constitution 
 
 sworn to 146 
 
 " June 20th, Eugland, William 
 
 IV. t, Victoria, Queen 154 
 
 " June 2Sth, Germany, Ernest Au- 
 gustus in Hanover, constitu- 
 tion repealed 162 
 
 1838. Jan. 30th, Prussia, contest with 
 
 Pope 165 
 
 " Aug. 14th, Bavaria, kuee-bend- 
 
 in<r decree 162 
 
 1839. April 29th, definitive peace be- 
 
 tween Holland and Belgium.. 121 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1539. June 24tb, Turkey, battle of Ni- 
 
 sib 158 
 
 " June 30th, Turkey, Mahmoud 
 
 II. t, Abdul Medshid, Sultan.. 158 
 " Aug. 25th, Spain, treaty of Ver- 
 
 gara 145 
 
 " Nov. 3d, Turkey, hattisherif of 
 
 Giilhaue 265 
 
 1540. June 7th, Prussia, Frederic Wil- 
 
 liam HI. t, Frederic William 
 IV. King 1C5 
 
 " Aug. 6th, France, Louis Napo- 
 leon at Boulogne ISO 
 
 " Oct. 12th, Spain, Christina abdi- 
 cates regency 140 
 
 " Ee;. 15lh, France, ashes of Na- 
 poleon deposited in Invalides 179 
 
 " Interference of great powers be- 
 tween Turkey and Egypt 159 
 
 1841. Feb. 13lh, Turkey, Mehemed Ali 
 
 submits 159 
 
 1842. July 13th, France, Duke of Or- 
 
 leans t 183 
 
 " Aug. 29th, peace between Eug- 
 land and China 154 
 
 " English in Afghanistan 154 
 
 1843. Aug. Sth, Spain, Isabella pro- 
 
 claimed of age 140 
 
 " Sept. 15th, Greece, constitution 
 
 granted 85 
 
 1844. Aug. 14th, France, battle of Isly 182 
 " Aug. 18th, Prussia, the lioly un- 
 seamed coat at Treves 19T 
 
 1S45. Switzerland, Jesuits and Radi- 
 cals 171 
 
 1846. Feb. ISth, Polish insurrection in 
 
 Cracow 164 
 
 " May 25th, France, Louis Napo- 
 leon escapes from Ham 180 
 
 " June 18th, accession of Pope 
 
 Pius IX 202 
 
 " June 2Gth, England, corn-laws 
 
 repealed 68 
 
 " July Sth, Germany, open letter 
 
 of Christian VIl'l 213 
 
 " Oct. 10th, Spanish marriages. ... 14T 
 
 1847. April 11th, Prussia, opening of 
 
 United Landtag 163 
 
 " July 9th, France, first Reform 
 
 banquet 184 
 
 " Nov. 23d, Switzerland, Sonder- 
 bund defeated 171 
 
 " Scarcity in Germany 212 
 
 1S48. Jan. 12th, Ital}', revolution in 
 
 Palermo 206 
 
 " Jan. 20th, Denmark, Frederic 
 
 VIL, King 21S 
 
 " Feb. 8th, Italy, constitution in 
 
 Sardinia 208 
 
 " Feb. 22d, Italy, martial law in 
 
 Lombardy 208 
 
 " Feb. 22d, France, barricades in 
 
 Paris 136 
 
INDEX OF DATES. 
 
 691 
 
 -> 
 
 184S. Feb. 24th, France, Louis Philippe 
 
 abdicates 188 
 
 " Feb. 27Lh, France, vepublic pro- 
 claimed 192 
 
 " March 5tli, Germany, Heidelberg 
 
 assembly 214 
 
 " March 14th, Austria, Metteruich's 
 
 flight 221 
 
 " March 15th, Hungarian delega- 
 tion in Vienna 239 
 
 " Slarch ISth, Italy, revolution in 
 
 Milan 208 
 
 " March I'Jth, Prussia, revolution 
 
 in Berlin 227 
 
 " March 20th, Bavaria, Louis L ab- 
 dicates, Maximilian, King 214 
 
 " March 21st, Prussia, proclama- 
 tion to the "German nation" 22T 
 
 " March 23d, Italy, Sardinia de- 
 clares war on Austria 209 
 
 " March 31st, Germany, prelimina- 
 ry parliament 215 
 
 " April 6th, Schleswig -Holstein, 
 Prussian troops cross the Ei- 
 der 218 
 
 " April Tth, Italy, Naples declares 
 
 war on Austria 20G 
 
 " May 4th, France, National As- 
 sembly meets 193 
 
 " 5Iay 15th, Austria, petition in Vi- 
 enna and flight of Emperor.. . 221 
 
 " May 15th, Italy, insurrection in 
 
 Naples suppressed 20T 
 
 " May ISth, Gei-many, National As- 
 sembly meets in Frankfort... 215 
 
 " May 22d, Pi-ussia, coustiiutioual 
 
 couvention meets 228 
 
 " June 2d, Austria, Slavonic con- 
 gress in Prague 222 
 
 " June 23d to 2Gth, France, Social- 
 democratic insurrection 195 
 
 " June 29th, Germany, Archduke 
 John of Austria chosen admin- 
 istrator 216 
 
 " July 7th, Prussia, troops re-enter 
 
 Berlin 229 
 
 " July 25th, Italy, battle of Cus- 
 
 tozza 210 
 
 " Aug. 26th, Schleswig-Holstein, 
 
 truce of Malmö 219 
 
 " Sept. 7tli, Italy, capture of Mes- 
 sina 207 
 
 " Sept. 12th, Switzerland, new con- 
 stitution ITS 
 
 " Sept. 27th, Hungary, murder of 
 
 Lamberg 241 
 
 " Oct. 6th, Austria, Vienna in re- 
 volt 223 
 
 " Oct. 10th, Hungary revolts, Kos- 
 suth, dictator 241 
 
 " Oct. 31st, Austria, Vienna taken 224 
 
 " Nov. 12th, France, republican 
 
 constitution published 196 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Nov. 15th, Italy, Rossi murdered, 
 revolution in Rome 204 
 
 Dec. 2d, Austria, Ferdinand ab- 
 dicates, Francis Joseph, Em- 
 peror 225 
 
 Dec. 20th, France, Louis Napo- 
 leon, President 19G 
 
 Jan. 5tli, Austriaus enter Pesth 242 
 
 Feb. 5th, Italy, Roman republic 204 
 
 March 7th, Austria, Reichstag 
 dissolved 225 
 
 March 23d, Italy, battle of No va- 
 ra, Charles Albert abdicates, 
 Victor Emmanuel II., King of 
 Sardinia 210 
 
 March 2Sth, Germany, Frederic 
 William IV. of Prussia chosen 
 Emperor 231 
 
 April 6th, Hungary, battle of 
 Güdüllö 242 
 
 May 3d, Germany, revolt in Dres- 
 den 233 
 
 May 13th, Germany, revolt in Ba- 
 den 234 
 
 May 17th, Italy, Neapolitan 
 troops enter Palermo 207 
 
 May 2Sth, Germany, league of 
 three kings 243 
 
 June ISth, Germany, National 
 Assembly dissolved 23T 
 
 July 4tli, Italy, French enter 
 Rome 205 
 
 Aug. 13th, Hungary, Görgei sur- 
 renders to Russians 244 
 
 Sept. 30th, Austrian-Prussian In- 
 terim 248 
 
 Feb. 6th, Prussia, constitution. . 243 
 
 March 2üth, Germany, Erfurt 
 parliament 243 
 
 April 4th, Italy, Pope returns to 
 Rome 205 
 
 July 2d, Prussia and Denmark 
 make peace 240 
 
 July 25th, Schleswig -Holstein, 
 battle of Istedt 247 
 
 Aug. 26th, France, Louis Phi- 
 lippet 190 
 
 Sept. 7th, Hesse, martial law pro- 
 claimed 249 
 
 Nov. Sth, Germany, "military 
 misunderstanding" at Bron- 
 zell 250 
 
 Nov. 20th, Germany, "humilia- 
 tion " of Olmiitz 250 
 
 Dec. 23d, Germany, Dresden con- 
 ferences 252 
 
 May 30th, Germany, Diet re-es- 
 tablished 252 
 
 Dec.2d, France, Napoleon's cotip- 
 d'etttt 199 
 
 Dec. 20th, France, plebiscite 200 
 
 , April 24th, Germany, Leopold of 
 Baden t 23S 
 
692 
 
 INDEX OF DATES. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1552. May Sth, Schleswig -Holstein, 
 
 Londou protocol 251 
 
 " Dec. 2cl, France, Napoleon III., 
 
 Emperor '201 
 
 1553. Jan. 9th, Russia, Nicholas pro- 
 
 poses division of Turkey 254 
 
 " Jan. 30th, France, marriage of 
 
 Napoleon 202 
 
 " Feb. 19th, commercial treaty be- 
 tween Austria and Zollverein 272 
 
 " July 2d, Russians invade Princi- 
 palities. 250 
 
 " Nov. 1st, Russia declares war on 
 
 Turkey 250 
 
 " Nov. 15th, Portugal, Maria II. t, 
 
 Pedro v.. King US 
 
 " Nov. 30th, Turkey, squadron de- 
 stroyed at Si nope 250 
 
 1854. March 12th, alliance of Turkey 
 
 and Western powers 257 
 
 " March 2Sth, England and France 
 
 declare war on Russia 257 
 
 " April 20th, Austrian-Prussian al- 
 liance 257 
 
 " June 14th, Austria forms alliance 
 
 with Porte 257 
 
 " June 21st, Russians recross Dan- 
 ube 25S 
 
 " July 20th, Germany, conference 
 
 at Bamberg 257 
 
 " Sept. 14th, allies land in Cri- 
 mea... SCO 
 
 " Sept. 20th, battle of Alma 200 
 
 " Oct. 25th, battle of Balakhvva. . . 200 
 
 " Nov. 5th, battle of Inkerman 200 
 
 " Dec. 2d, Austria joins allies 2G1 
 
 1S55. Jan. 20th, Sardinia joins allies.. 201 
 
 " Jlarch 2d, Russia, Nicholas t, 
 
 Alexander II., Emperor 201 
 
 " March 10th, Spain, death of Don 
 
 Carlos 145 
 
 " Aug. 18th, Austrian concordat.. 271 
 
 " Sept. 8th, Sebastopol taken 204 
 
 " Nov. 2Sth, Kars taken 204 
 
 1856. Feb. 8th,Turkey, Hat-Humayun, 
 
 reform edict 205 
 
 " JIarch ICth, France, birth of 
 
 Prince Eugene 202 
 
 " March 80th, Peace of Paris 264 
 
 1S57. May 9th, India, Sepoy rebellion 
 
 begins 293 
 
 " May 26th, Prussia renounces 
 
 claims in Neuchatel 272 
 
 " Dec. 29th, English and French 
 
 take Canton 155 
 
 1S5S. Jan. 14th, France, Orsini bombs 
 
 explode 277 
 
 " March 13th, India, Lucknow tak- 
 en 294 
 
 " June 2Gth, China, peace of Tien- 
 tsin 155 
 
 « Sept. 1st, England, East India 
 
 Company abolished 294 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1S5S. Oct. 7th, Prussia, Prince of Prus- 
 sia, Regent 273 
 
 1859. Jan. 30th, French-Sardinian mar- 
 riage 278 
 
 " April 29th, Austrians cross Tici- 
 
 no 279 
 
 " May 22d, Naples, Ferdinand 
 
 II. t, Francis II., King 287 
 
 " Juhe4th,Italy,battleofMagent.i 2S0 
 
 " June 14th, Italy, battle of Sol- 
 
 lerlno 2S1 
 
 " July Sth, Italy, truce of Villa- 
 
 frauca 282 
 
 " Sept. 7th, Russia, Shamyl capt- 
 ured 143 
 
 " Nov. 10th, Italy, peace of Zurich 2SG 
 
 " November, Spanish M'ar with 
 
 Morocco 14S 
 
 " November, China, second war 
 
 with France and England 155 
 
 ISOO. March 1st, France annexes Nice 
 
 and Savoy 287 
 
 " May 6th, Italy, Garibaldi's Sicil- 
 ian expedition 237 
 
 " Sept. 7th, Italy, Garibaldi in 
 
 Naples 288 
 
 " Sept. ISth, Italy, battle of Castel- 
 
 tidardo 289 
 
 " Oct. 13th, China, French and 
 
 English at Peking 155 
 
 " Oct. 20th, Austria, October diplo- 
 ma 301 
 
 " Nov. 7th, Italy, Victor Emmanuel — " 
 
 enters Naples 289 
 
 1801. Jan. 2d, Prussia, Frederic Wil- 
 liam IV. t, William I., King.. 273 
 
 " Feb. 13th, Italy, GaCJta surren- 
 ders 290 
 
 " Feb. ISth, Italy, first parliament 290 
 
 " Feb. 26th, Austria, February 
 
 patent 302 
 
 " March 14th, Victor Emmanuel 
 
 King of Italy 290 
 
 " March 17th, Russia, imperial 
 
 manifesto freeing serfs 203 
 
 " June Cth, Italy, death of Cavour 290 
 
 " June 25th, Turkey, Abdul Med- 
 
 shid t, Abdul Aziz, Sultan 266 
 
 " Sept. 23d, Wallachia and Mol- 
 davia unite In Roumania 260 
 
 " Oct. 14th, Poland declared in 
 
 state of siege 2CS 
 
 " Oct. 31st, Mexico, London con- 
 vention of England, France, 
 and Spain 295 
 
 " Oct. 4th, England, death of 
 
 Prince Consort 154 
 
 " Nov. 11th, Portugal, Pedro V. t, 
 
 Luiz, King 14S 
 
 1862. Feb. 19th, Mexico, convention of 
 
 Soledad 295 
 
 " Aug. 28th, Italy, battle of Aspro- 
 
 moatc 291 
 
INDEX OF DATES. 
 
 693 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1SC2. Oct. 8th, PriLssia, Bismarck min- 
 ister-president 306 
 
 " Oct. I'Jtli, Greece, revolution 
 
 brealvs out 26G 
 
 1803. Jan. 14th, Poland, forcible con- 
 
 scription, revolt 200 
 
 " Feb. Sth, Russia, Prussia, secret 
 
 treaty 2T0 
 
 " March 30th, Greece, Prince 
 
 George of Glücksburg, King.. 267 
 
 " May ITth, Mexico, Puebla taken 290 
 
 " July 12th, Mexico, Maximilian 
 
 chosen Empenn- 290 
 
 " Aug. 10th, Germany, congress 
 of princes, Francis Joseph's 
 reform project 80S 
 
 " Nov. 14th, Denmark, new consti- 
 tution fyr Denmark and Schles- 
 wig 309 
 
 " Nov. 15th, Denmark, Frederic 
 
 VII. t, Christian IX., King.. . . 309 
 
 " Dec. 7th, German Diet votes ex- 
 ecution in Holstein 310 
 
 " Dec. 2Tth, Holstein, open air 
 
 meeting at Elmshorn 311 
 
 1804. Jan. 10th, Denmark, Austrian- 
 
 Prussian ultimatum 312 
 
 "■ Feb. 1st, Denmark, allied forces 
 
 enter Schleswig 313 
 
 - " April ISth, Denmark, battle of 
 
 Düppel 314 
 
 " Ai)ril 25th to June 25th, London 
 conference on Schleswig-Hol- 
 stein 315 
 
 " June 29th, Denmark, battle of 
 
 Alsen 310 
 
 " Sept. 15th, France, Italy, con- 
 vention concerning Home 292 
 
 " Oct. 30th, Denmark, peace of 
 
 Vienna 317 
 
 " Dec. 7th, Schleswig -Holstein, 
 troops of Confederation with- 
 drawn 319 
 
 " Dec. Sth, Papal encyclica and 
 
 syllabns 402 
 
 1S65. Aug. 14th, Austria, Prussia, Gas- 
 
 teiu convention 323 
 
 " Sept. 16th, Prussia, Bismarck 
 
 made count 323 
 
 " Sept. 20th, Austria, constitution 
 
 suspended 303 
 
 " Dec. 10th, Belgium, Leopold I.+, 
 
 Leopold IL, King 121 
 
 •' Dec. 31st, German-Italian com- 
 mercial treaty 824 
 
 18C6. Feb. 23d, Ronmania, Prince 
 
 Consa overthrown 266 
 
 "■ March 16th, Austrian circular. . . 328 
 
 " March 24th, Prussian circular.. . 328 
 
 " April Sth, Prussian-Italian alli- 
 ance 327 
 
 " May 5th, Austria offers Venetia 
 
 to Italy 331 
 
 1867, 
 
 PAGK 
 
 May 7th, Prussia, attempt on 
 Bismarck 332 
 
 May 19th, Germany, Diet votes 
 disarmament 328 
 
 May 20th, Germany, Abgeordne- 
 teutag at Frankfort 327 
 
 June 7th, Prussians cross Eider 333 
 
 June 9th, French- Austrian treaty 331 
 
 June 14th, Germany, Diet votes 
 mobilization, Prussia secedes 333 
 
 June 15th, Prussian ultimatum.. 336 
 
 June 16th, Prussians invade Han- 
 over, Hesse, and Saxony.. 336, 341 
 
 Jnne 20th, Italy declares war 340 
 
 June 24th, Italy, battle of Cus- 
 tozza 340 
 
 June 29th, Hanoverian army sur- 
 renders 339 
 
 July 3d, Austria and Prussia, 
 battle of Sadowa 347 
 
 July 20th, Austria and Italy, bat- 
 tle of Lissa 358 
 
 July 22d, Austria and Prussia, 
 battle of Blumenau, truce 354 
 
 July 30th, Mexico, second treaty 
 with Napoleon 297 
 
 Aug. 13th to Sept. 3d, peace and 
 treaties between Prussia and 
 South-German states 304 
 
 Aug- 23d, Austria and Prussia, 
 peace of Prague 356 
 
 Aug. 24th, German Confederation 
 dissolved 367 
 
 Sept. 2d, Cretan revolt 398 
 
 Oct. 3d, Austria and Italy make 
 peace 369 
 
 Nov. 7th, Italy, Victor Emmanuel 
 enters Venice 309 
 
 Jan. 12th, Schleswig -Holstein 
 annexed to Prussia 367 
 
 Feb. 24th, North-German Reichs- 
 tag opened 30S 
 
 April 1st, France, Paris Exposi- 
 tion opened 372 
 
 April 17th, North-German con- 
 stitution adopted 368 
 
 May 11th, Luxembourg treaty.. . 371 
 
 June 8th, Hungary, coronation 
 of Francis Joseph 373 
 
 June 19th, Mexico, Maximilian 
 shot 29S 
 
 Aug. 15th, England, Disraeli's re- 
 form bill becomes law 395 
 
 Nov. 3d. Italy, battle of Mentaua, ■ 
 French in Rome 401 
 
 Dee. 21st, Austria, new constitu- 
 tion, dual empire 373 
 
 April 27th, Germany, first cus- 
 toms' parliament 3S1 
 
 June 10th, Servia, murder of 
 Prince Michael 897 
 
 June 22d, Papal allocution 
 against Austrian laws 375 
 
694 
 
 INDEX OF DATES. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1S6S. Sept. ISth, Spain, revolt in Cadiz 4U0 
 
 " Dec. 3d, Eughiud, Gladstone, 
 
 premier 390 
 
 1SG9. Jan. 9th, Paris conference on 
 
 Cretan revolt 393 
 
 " Feb. ISth, Spain, new constitu- 
 tion adopted 406 
 
 " March 1st, Paraguay, death of 
 
 Lopez 299 
 
 " July 10th, French-Belgian rail- 
 road convention 390 
 
 " Aug. 13th, France, death of Niel 389 
 
 " Nov. 17th, Suez Canal opened 391 
 
 " Dec. Sth, Vatican council meets. 403 
 IS70. May Sth, France, Constitution 
 
 approved by plebiscite 393 
 
 " July 2d, Spain, Leopold of IIo- 
 
 henzollern chosen King 40S 
 
 " July ISth, Pope voted infallible. 404 
 
 " July 19th, France declares war 
 
 on Prussia 415 
 
 " Aug. 2d, France, Germany, battle 
 
 of Saarbrücken 427 
 
 " Aug. 4th, France, Germany, bat- 
 tle of Weissen burg 42S 
 
 " Aug. Cth, France, Germany, 
 battles of Worth and Spi- 
 cheru 42S, 429 
 
 " Aug. 14th, France, Germany, 
 battle of Borny (C'olombcy- 
 Nouilly) 433 
 
 " Aug. 16th, France, Germany, 
 battle of Viouville (Mars-la- 
 Tour) 434 
 
 " Aug. ISth, France, Germany, 
 
 battle of Gravelotte 435 
 
 " Sept. 1st, France, Germany, bat- 
 tle of Sedan 439 
 
 " Sept. 2d, France, Emperor and 
 
 army capitulate 439 
 
 " Sept. 4th, France, fall of the 
 
 Empire 441 
 
 " Sept. 20th, Italians enter Rome 476 
 
 " Sept. 2Sth, France, Strasburg ca- 
 pitulates 44S 
 
 " Oct. 9th, France, Gambetta in 
 
 Tours 443 
 
 " Oct. 29th, France, Metz surren- 
 ders 449 
 
 " Oct. 31st, Russia refuses to be 
 
 bound by treaty of Paris 485 
 
 " Nov. 16tb, Spain, Amadeo chos- 
 en King 478 
 
 " Nov. 22d, France, battle of Etuz 453 
 
 " Dec. 4th, France, battle of Or- 
 leans 450 
 
 " Dec. 27th, Spahi, Prim assassi- 
 nated 47S 
 
 1871. Jan. 1st, German Empire pro- 
 claimed 465 
 
 " Jan. 15th-17th, France, battle 
 
 ofBclfort 454 
 
 " Jan. 17th, Pontus conference... 485 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1S71. Jan. 191h, France, battle of St. 
 
 Quentin 452 
 
 " Jan. 28th, France, Paris capitu- 
 lates 457 
 
 " Feb. 1st, France, eastern army 
 
 driven into Switzerland 455 
 
 " Feb. 12th, France, National As- 
 sembly in Bordoau.x; 458 
 
 " Feb. 18th, France, Thiers, chief 
 
 of executive 458 
 
 " ]\Iarch 2d, France, Germany, 
 
 preliminary peace 458 
 
 " March 18th, France, Commune 
 
 established iu Paris 469 
 
 " March 21st, Germany, the first 
 
 Reichstag opened 4C5 
 
 " March 2Sth, Germany, Döllin- 
 ger's declaration, fc»ld Catho- 
 lics 405 
 
 " May 10th, France, Germany, de- 
 finitive peace 4G0 
 
 " May 28th, Frauce,Commune sup- 
 pressed 471 
 
 " Aug. 31st, France, Thiers, presi- 
 dent 472 
 
 " Nov. 2Sth, Germany, pulpit par- 
 agraph 500 
 
 1872. May 2d, Pope refuses to receive 
 
 German ambassador 500 
 
 " July 5th, Germany, expulsion of 
 
 Jesuits (law) 500 
 
 " July 18th, Mexico, death of 
 
 Juarez 493 
 
 " Sept. 14th, England, America, 
 
 Geneva award 395 
 
 " Seilt. ISth, Sweden, Charles 
 
 XV. t, Oscar IL, King 490 
 
 1S73. Jan. 9th, Napoleon IIL t 442 
 
 " Feb. 11th, Spain, Amadeo abdi- 
 cates 479 
 
 " Feb. 17th, Switzerland, Mermil- 
 
 lod arrested 492 
 
 " May 1st, Austria, Vienna Expo- 
 sition opened 485 
 
 " May 24th, France, Thiers re- 
 signs, MacMahon, president. . 475 
 
 " June 5th, England, slave- trade 
 
 abolished in Zanzibar 4SS 
 
 " June lOtli, Russians enter Khiva 4SG 
 
 " Sept. 16th, France, last German 
 
 leaves 473 
 
 " Oct. 31st, Spain, capture of the 
 
 Virginius 493 
 
 " Nov. 21stj Papal encyclica 492 
 
 " Dec. 10th, France, Bazaine con- 
 demned 474 
 
 1874. Jan. 13th, Russia, compulsory 
 
 military service 486 
 
 " Jan. 17th, Switzerland, liberal 
 
 church law in Berne 492 
 
 " Jan. 24th, Holland, Dutch take 
 
 Atchiu 439 
 
 " Feb. 4th, English take Coomassie 483 
 
INDEX OF DATES. 
 
 695 
 
 1ST4. Feb. 20th, Euglaud, Disraeli, 
 
 premier 4SS 
 
 " April lOtli, Switzerland, revised 
 
 coustiiiitiou adopted 491 
 
 " July 13th, Germany, attempt on 
 
 Bismarck 503 
 
 " July 27th, International peace 
 
 compress in Brussels 4S0 
 
 " Dec. i9th, Germany, Arnim con- 
 demned *95 
 
 " Dec. 29th, Spain, Alfonso pro- 
 claimed King 4S2 
 
 1ST5. Jan. 25th, Germany, civil mar- 
 
 riaire 502 
 
 " Feb. 5th, Papal encyclica 503 
 
 " July 6th, Turkey, insurrection 
 
 breaks out in Herzegovina... . 500 
 " Nov. 25th, England, purchase of 
 
 • Suez Canal shares 510 
 
 '■<■ Dec. 31st, France, National As- 
 sembly dissolved 613 
 
 ISTO. Jan. 31st, Turkey, joint note pre- 
 sented 509 
 
 " May 30lh, Turkey, Abdul Aziz 
 
 deposed, Murad V., Sultan ... 5U 
 " May, Turkey, Bulgarian massa- 
 cres 515 
 
 " June 151 h, Turkey, Hussein Avni 
 
 and Rashid Pasha murdered.. 520 
 " July 2d, Servians invade Turkey 519 
 " Aug. 31st, Turkey, Abdul Hamid 
 
 11., Sultan 522 
 
 " Oct. 31st, Turkey, truce with 
 
 Servia 524 
 
 " Nov. 6th, Death of Antonelli.... 59T 
 " Dec. 23d, Turkey, constitution 
 
 proclaimed 520 
 
 ISTT. March 1st, Turkey and Servia, 
 
 peace 52 1 
 
 " April 10th, Roumanian conven- 
 tion with Russia 530 
 
 " April 24th, Russia declares war 
 
 on Turkey 529 
 
 " May 19th, France, manifesto of 
 
 363 Republicans 015 
 
 " June 21st, Russians cross Dan 
 
 ube 
 
 " July 20th, Turkey, first battle 
 
 of Plevna 
 
 " July 30th, Turlcey, second battle 
 
 of Plevna 
 
 " Aug. 19th to Sept. 17th, Turkey, 
 
 lighting at Shipka Pass 
 
 " Sept. 2d, Ruuraanians cross Dan- 
 ube 
 
 " Sept. 4th, France, death of 
 
 Thiers 610 
 
 " Sept. nth, Turkey, third battle 
 
 of Plevna 536 
 
 " Nov. 17th, Turkey, Kara taken. . 543 
 '' Dec. 10th, Turkey, Plevna taken 540 
 1S7S. Jan. 4ih, Turkey, Russians in 
 
 Sofia 541 
 
 532 
 
 535 
 
 530 
 
 537 
 
 530 
 
 FAGK 
 
 Jan. 9th, Italy, Victor Emmanu- 
 el II. t, Humbert, King 593 
 
 Jan. 31st, Russia, Turkey, cessa- 
 tion of hostilities 545 
 
 Feb. Tth, Pope Pius IX. t 596 
 
 Feb. 13th, English fleet in Dar- 
 danelles 545 
 
 Feb. 20th, Leo XIII., Pope 596 
 
 March 3d, Russia, Turkey, treaty 
 
 of San Stefano 545 
 
 April 21st, Papal encyclica 593 
 
 May 13th, Germany, Hodel's at- 
 tempt on Emperor, 637 
 
 May 30th, Russia, England, se- 
 cret treaty 54S 
 
 June 2d, Germany, Nobiling's 
 
 attempt on Emperor 63S 
 
 June 4tb, England, Turkey, se- 
 cret treaty 552 
 
 June 12th, Germany, George V. 
 
 of Hanover t 610 
 
 June 13ih to July 13th, Berlin 
 
 congress 550, 554 
 
 July 22d, Russian embassy in 
 
 Cabul 57T 
 
 July 29th, Austriaus enter Bosnia 555 
 Sept. 6th, Turkey, murder of Me- 
 
 henied All 562 
 
 Oct. 19th, Germany, autisocial- 
 
 ist bill 639 
 
 Nov. 17th, Italy, attempt on 
 
 King Humbert 594 
 
 Nov. 20th, English invade Af- 
 ghanistan 573 
 
 ). Jan. 22d, Zulu War, battle of 
 
 Isandula 5S1 
 
 Feb. Sth, Russia.Turkey, supple- 
 mentary treaty 556 
 
 Feb. 21st, Russia, assassination 
 
 of Krapotkin 571 
 
 Feb. 21st, Al'ghauistau, death of 
 
 Shere Ali 578 
 
 March 31st, Russia,Nihilist proc- 
 lamation to " Mr. Alexander 
 
 Nikolaievitch " 571 
 
 April 6th, Chili, Peru, Bolivia, 
 
 war 655 
 
 April 14ih, Russia, attempt on 
 
 Emperor 571 
 
 April 28th, Bulgaria, constitu- 
 tion adopted 556 
 
 April 29th, Bulgaria, Alexander 
 
 chosen Prince 557 
 
 May 26th, England, Afghanistan, 
 
 peace ofGundamak 578 
 
 June 1st, death of Prince Louis 
 Napoleon 5S2 
 
 ■ June 26th, Egypt, Ismail abdi- 
 
 cates 565 
 
 ■ Sept. 3d, England, Afghanistan, 
 
 Cabul massacre 578 
 
 ' Sept. 9th, Russia, battle of Den- 
 
 giltepe 575 
 
696 
 
 INDEX OF DATES. 
 
 1ST9. Dec. 30th, Spain, attempt ou 
 
 King Alfonso 
 
 ISSO. Feb. ITtli, Russia, wiuter-palace 
 explosion ... 
 
 May 2Tth, Chili, Peru, battle of 
 Tacna 
 
 June 12th, Turkey, identical note 
 presented 
 
 June 16th, Berlin conference.... 
 
 July loth, Turkey, joint note 
 presented 
 
 July 18th, Egypt, liquidation law 
 
 July 2'2d, England, Afghanistan, 
 battle of Kushk-i-Nakhoud ... 
 
 Aug. 0th, France, Gambetta's 
 speech at Cherbourg 
 
 Sept. 1st, England, Afghanistan, 
 battle of Sangiri 
 
 Sept. 20th, European naval dem- 
 onstration 
 
 603 
 
 5ÜS 
 
 ISSO, 
 
 ISSl 
 
 C5G 
 
 
 5G(I 
 560 
 
 u 
 
 561 
 565 
 
 
 5T9 
 
 " 
 
 623 
 
 1S82. 
 
 5S0 
 
 " 
 
 503 
 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Oct. 15th, Germany, Cologne ca- 
 thedral completed 635 
 
 March 3d, Russia, attempt ou 
 Melikciff's life 573 
 
 March 13th, Russia, assassina- 
 tion of Alexander II., Alexan- 
 der III., Emperor 574 
 
 April 19th, England, death of 
 Disraeli 5SG 
 
 July 13th, Italy, riot in Rome.. . 5'.)S 
 
 Aug. 22d, England, laud bill 
 passed 580 
 
 Sept. 9th, Egypt, revolution 500 
 
 Oct. 10th, Austria, death of Hay- 
 merle 588 
 
 Jan. 1st, St. Gothard tunnel 
 opened 609 
 
 Jan. 4th, Prussia, royal rescript 646 
 
 Jan. 26th, France, fall of Gam- 
 betta (Preface). 
 
 THE END. 
 

 
 EERATA. 
 
 
 Page 19, 
 
 line 10 fi'om 
 
 bottom. 
 
 for This 
 
 i-ead His 
 
 " 20, 
 
 " 16 " 
 
 " 
 
 " Wander, 
 
 " Maucler, 
 
 " 22, 
 
 " 11 " 
 
 " 
 
 " Rotfek, 
 
 " Rotteck, 
 
 " 43, 
 
 " 13 " 
 
 " 
 
 " Egnia, 
 
 " Egiiia, 
 
 " 46, 
 
 " 10 " 
 
 " 
 
 " Camarillo 
 
 "■ Camarilla 
 
 " 51, 
 
 " 2 " 
 
 top. 
 
 '• Corignau, 
 
 " Carignan, 
 
 " 52, 
 
 " 1 " 
 
 " 
 
 " Xcgraf 
 
 ' ' Xegros 
 
 " 61, 
 
 " 12 " 
 
 bottom. 
 
 " 1S24, 
 
 "• 1834, 
 
 " 71, 
 
 " S " 
 
 " 
 
 " Mungaez 
 
 " Mungaez 
 
 " 77, 
 
 " 2 " 
 
 top. 
 
 " Mianlis. 
 
 " Kanaris. 
 
 " 84, 
 
 " 19 " 
 
 bottom. 
 
 " Maumichalis. 
 
 " Moromichalis. 
 
 " 87, 
 
 " 14 " 
 
 top. 
 
 " Diebitch 
 
 " Diebitsch 
 
 " 94, 
 
 " 6 " 
 
 bottom, 
 
 " 15th, 
 
 " 5th, 
 
 " 148, 
 
 " 15 " 
 
 top. 
 
 " Tetnau 
 
 " Tetnan 
 
 " 159, 
 
 u 2 " 
 
 bottom, 
 
 " 4th, 
 
 " 27th, 
 
 " 182, 
 
 " 15 " 
 
 top. 
 
 " Isbyl 
 
 " Isly 
 
 " 194, 
 
 " IS " 
 
 " 
 
 " four 
 
 " five 
 
 " 223, 
 
 " 10 " 
 
 " 
 
 " Slaves 
 
 " Slavs 
 
 " 244, 
 
 " 20 " 
 
 " 
 
 " 30th 
 
 " 13th 
 
 " 266, 
 
 u 4 11 
 
 bottom, 
 
 " Nanplice. 
 
 " Nanjilia. 
 
 " 281, 
 
 " 1!) " 
 
 " 
 
 " 14th, 
 
 " 24th, 
 
 " 286, 
 
 " 20 " 
 
 top. 
 
 " 11th, 
 
 " 10th, 
 
 " 310, 
 
 " S " 
 
 bottom, 
 
 " 17th 
 
 " 7th 
 
 " 316, 
 
 " 14 " 
 
 " 
 
 " Bittefelcl 
 
 " Bittenfekl 
 
 '• 317, 
 
 " 14 " 
 
 top. 
 
 " 23cl 
 
 " 30t,h 
 
 " 327, 
 
 " 2 " 
 
 " 
 
 " 10th 
 
 " 8th 
 
 " 344, 
 
 " 11 " 
 
 bottom. 
 
 " Reisengebirge, 
 
 " Riesengebirge. 
 
 " 345 to pase 349 
 
 
 " Mntins, 
 
 " Mutius. 
 
 " 373, 
 
 line 5 from 
 
 I bottom, 
 
 " 31st 
 
 " 21st 
 
 " 440, 
 
 " 18 " 
 
 top, 
 
 " Gambriels, 
 
 " Cambriels, 
 
 " 521, 
 
 " 8 '^ 
 
 bottom. 
 
 " Cisluthania 
 
 " Cisleithania 
 
 " 526, 
 
 " 3 " 
 
 " 
 
 " Chaudordy 
 
 " Chaudordy 
 
 " 531, 
 
 " 14 " 
 
 top. 
 
 " Playesti, 
 
 " Ployesti, 
 
 " " 
 
 " 15 " 
 
 bottom, 
 
 " Nikapoli. 
 
 " Nikopoli. 
 
 " 542, 
 
 " 19 " 
 
 top, 
 
 " Charln, 
 
 " Chorlu, 
 
 " 618, 
 
 " 19 " 
 
 " 
 
 " Pothnau 
 
 " Pothuan 
 
 " 619, 
 
 " 17 " 
 
 " 
 
 " Fourton 
 
 " Fourton 
 
 " 627, 
 
 " 8 " 
 
 " 
 
 " Bon 
 
 " Bon 
 
 '' 633, 
 
 " 18 " 
 
 " 
 
 " Puttkammer, 
 
 " Pnttkamer. 
 
IMPOPiTANT HISTOlllCAL WORKS 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE, N. Y. 
 
 B®" Haupf.e & BuoTUEus wiU send any of the following works by mail, postage pre< 
 IMid, to any part of the United States, on receipt of the price. 
 
 |^~ For a full list o/IIistokioal Works pvblühcd by IlAitPKr. & Bbotiieus, see their 
 New and Enlarged Catalogue, which will be sent to any address on receipt of nine 
 cents. 
 
 MACAULAY'S ENGLAND. Tlie History of ICiigLuiJ IVom the Acces- 
 sion of James II. By Tiiojias Babington Macaulay. New and El- 
 egant Library Edition, from New Electrotyjie Plates. 8vo, Cloth, Gilt 
 Tops, Five Volumes in a Box, $10 00 per set. Sold o?j/?/ in Sets. 
 12mo, Cloth, 5 vols., $2 50 ; Sheep, $3 75 : 8vo, Paper, 5 vols., |I 00; 
 8vo, Cloth, in I vol., $1 25. 
 
 MACAULAY'S MISCELLANEOUS WORKS. The Miscellaneous 
 Works of Lord Macaulay. In Five Volumes, 8vo, Cloth, with Paper 
 Labels and Uncut Edges, in a box, $10 00. 
 
 HUME'S ENGLAND. History of England, from the Invasion of Julius 
 Cffisar to the Abdication of James II., IG88. By David Hume. New 
 and Elegant Library Edition, from New Electrotype Plates. Six Vol- 
 ,nmes in a Box, Svo, Cloth, with Paper Labels, Uncut Edges and Gilt 
 Tops, $12 00. Sold only in Sets. G vols., I2mo, Cloth, $3 00; Sheep, 
 
 $4:'50. 
 
 ÄIOTLEY'S DUTCH KEPUBLIC. The Rise of the Dutch Republic. 
 A History. By John Lotiirop Motley, LL.D., D.C.L. With a Por- 
 trait of William of Orange. Tliree Volumes in a Box, 8vo, Cloth, with 
 Paper Labels, Uncut Edges and Gilt Tops, $6 00. Sold only in Sets. 
 
 MOTLEY'S UNITED NETHERLxVNDS. History of the United Neth- 
 erlands, from the Death of William the Silent to the Twelve Years' 
 Truce. With a full View of the English-Dutch Struggle against Spain, 
 and of the Origin and Destruction of the Spanish Armada. By John 
 IvOTiiRop Motley, LL.D., D.C.L. With Portraits. Four Volumes 
 in a Box, Svo, Cloth, with Paper Labels, Uncut Edges and Gilt Toj)s, 
 $8 00. Sold only in Sets. 
 
 MOTLEY'S JOHN OF BARNEVELD. Life and Death of John of 
 Barncveld, Advocate of Holland. With a View of the Primary Causes 
 and Movements of the "Thirty Years' War." By John Lothrop 
 Motley, LL.D., D.C.L. Illustrated. Two Volumes in a Box, 8vo, 
 Cloth, with Paper Labels, Uncut Edges and Gilt Tops, $4 00. Sold 
 only in Sets. 
 
Im2)ortant Historical Works. 
 
 GIBBON'S ROME. The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman 
 Empire. By Edward Gibuon. With Notes by De.in Milman, M. 
 GiJizoT, and Dr. William Smith. New Edition, from New Electro- 
 type Plates. Six Volinnes in a Box, 8vo, Cloth, with Paper Label\. 
 Uncut Edges and Gilt Tops, $12 00. Sold only in Sets. G vols., 
 12mo, Cloth, $3 00 ; Sheep, $4 50. 
 
 HILDRETH'S UNITED STATES. The History of the United States. 
 First Series. — From the First Settlement of the Country to the Adop« 
 tion of tlie Federal Constitution. Second Series. — From the Adoption 
 of the Federal Constitution to the End of the Sixteenth Congress. By 
 Richard Hildhetii. Six Volumes, 8vo, Cloth, with Paper Labels, 
 Uncut Edges and Gilt Tops, $12 00. Sold onlj in Sets. 
 
 LODGE'S ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. English Colonie» 
 in America. A Short History of tlie English Colonies in America. 
 By Henry Cabot Lodge. 8vo, Half Leather, $3 00. 
 
 HARPER'S POPULAR CYCLOPiEDIA OF UNITED STATES 
 HISTORY. From the Aboriginal Period to 187G. Containing Brief 
 Sketches of Important Events and Cons])icuous Actors. By Bensos 
 J. LossiNG. Illustrated by Two Steel-plate Portraits and over 100<? 
 Engravings. 2 vols., Royal 8vo, Cloth, $12 00. 
 
 PICTORIAL FIELD-BOOK OF THE REVOLUTION ; or, Illustra- 
 tions by Pen and Pencil of the History, Biography, Scenery, Relics, ant) 
 Traditions of the War for Independence. By Benson J. Lossinc. 2 
 vols., 8vo, Cloth, $14 00; Sheep, $15 00; Half Calf, $18 00. 
 
 PICTORIAL FIELD-BOOK OF THE WAR OF 1812; or. Illustra- 
 tions by Pen and Pencil of the History, Biography, Scenery, Relics, and 
 Traditions of the last War for American Independence. By Benson 
 J. LossiNG. With 882 Illustrations, engraved on Wood by Lossing & 
 Barritt, chiefly from Original Sketclies by tlie Author. Complete in 
 One Volume, 1084 pages, large 8vo. Price, in Cloth, $7 00 ; Slieep, 
 $8 50 ; Full Roan, $9 00 ; Half Calf or Half Morocco extra, $10 00. 
 
 ALISON'S HISTORY OF EUROPE. History of Europe. First Se- 
 ries. — From the Commencement of the French Revolution, in 1789, to 
 the Restoration of the Bourbons, in 1815. In addition to the Notes on 
 Chapter LXXVL, which correct the errors of the original work con- 
 cerning the United States, a copious Analytical Index has been append- 
 ed to this American Edition. Second Series. — From the Fall of Napo- 
 leon, in 1815, to the Accession of Louis Napoleon, in 1852. By Sir 
 Archibald Alison. 8 vols., 8vo, Cloth, $10 00 ; Sheep, $20 00 ; Half 
 Calf, $34 00. 
 
 MYERS'S OUTLINES OF ANCIENT HISTORY. Outlines of An- 
 cient History from the Earliest Times to the Fall of the Western Roman 
 Empire, A.D. 47C. By P. V. N. Myers. 12mo,' Cloth, $1 75. 
 
Important Historical Works. 
 
 KINGLAKE'S CRIMEAN WAR. The Invasion of the Crimea : its 
 Origin, and an Account of its Progress down to the Death of Lord Rag- 
 lan. By A. W. KiNGLAKK. Maps and Plans. Four Vols, now ready. 
 12nio, Cloth, ^2 00 per vol.; Half Calf, $3 75. 
 
 GREEN'S HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. History of the 
 English People. By John Richard Green, M.A. With Maps. In 
 Four Volumes, 8vo, Cloth, $2 50 per vol. 
 
 GREEN'S SHORT HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. A 
 Sliort History of the English People. By John Richard Green. 
 With Maps and Tables. 8vo, Cloth, $1 20. 
 
 GREEN'S MAKING OF ENGLAND. The Making of England. By 
 J. R. Green, With Maps. 8vo, Cloth, $2 50; 4to, Paper, 20 cents. 
 
 M'CARTHY'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. A History of Our Own 
 Times, from the Accession of Queen Victoria to the General Election 
 of 1880. By Justin M'Cakthy. 2 vols., 12mo, Cloth, $2 50; 4to, 
 Paper, 40 cents. 
 
 DRAPER'S AMERICAN CIVIL WAR. History of the American Civil 
 War. By John W. Draper, M.D., LL.D. In Three Volumes. 8vo, 
 Cloth, $10 50; Sheep, $12 00; Half Calf, $17 25. 
 
 DRAPERS INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT OF EUROPE. A 
 History of the Intellectual Development of Europe. By John W. Dra- 
 per, M.D., LL.D. New Edition. 2 vols., ]2mo. Cloth, $3 00; Half 
 Calf, $6 50. 
 
 CARLYLE'S FREDERICK THE GREAT. History of Friedrich IL, 
 called Frederick the Great. By Thomas Carlyle. Portraits, Maps, 
 Plans, &c. 6 vols., 12mo, Cloth, $7 50. 
 
 CARLYLE'S OLIVER CROMWELL. Letters and Speeches of Oliver 
 Cromwell, including the Supplement to the First Edition. With Eluci- 
 dations. By Thomas Carlyle. 2 vols., 12mo, Cloth, $2 50. 
 
 CARLYLE'S FRENCH REVOLUTION. History of the French Revo- 
 lution. By Thomas Carlyle. 2 vols., l2mo. Cloth, $2 50. 
 
 CARLYLE'S EARLY KINGS OF NORWAY. The Early Kings of 
 Norway; also an Essay on the Portraits of John Knox. By Thomas 
 Caelyle. I2mo, Cloth, $1 25. 
 
 STEPHEN'S HISTORY OF FRANCE. Lectures on the History of 
 France. By Sir James Stephen, K.C.B, 8vo, Cloth, $3 00-, Half 
 Calf, $5 25. 
 
Important Historical Works. 
 
 KAWLINSONS MANUAL OF ANCIP:NT HISTORY. A Manual of 
 Ancient History, from the Earliest Times to tlie Fall of tlie Western 
 Empire. Comprising the History of Ciialdtea, Assyria, Media, Babylo- 
 nia, Lydia, Piicenicia, Syria, Judrea, Egypt, Cartilage, Persia, Greece, 
 Macedonia, Partliia, and Rome. By Geouge Raavlinson, ]\LA., Cam- 
 den Professor of Ancient History in the University of Oxford. 12mo, 
 Cloth, $1 25. 
 
 WILKINSON'S ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. A Popular Account of the 
 Ancient Egyptians. Revised and Abridged from liis larger Work. By 
 Sir J. Gakdner Wilkinsox, D.C.L., E.R.S., &c. With 500 Illustra- 
 tions. 2 vols., 12mo, Clotli, ^3 50. 
 
 MACKINTOSH'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. A History of England 
 to the Seventeenth Century. By Sir James Mackintosh. 3 vols., 
 12mo, Cloth, f3 00. 
 
 PERRY'S ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY. A History of the Church 
 of England. From tlie Accession of Henry VIII. to tlie Silencing of 
 Convocation in tlie 18th Century. By Rev. G. G. Perky, M.A., Canon 
 of Lincoln. With an Appendix, containing a Sketch of the History of 
 the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America. By 
 J. A. Spencer, S.T.D. Croun 8vo, Cloth, $2 50. 
 
 RUSSELL'S MODERN EUROPE. History of Modern Europe ; with a 
 View of the Progress of Society, from the Rise of Modern Kingdoms to 
 the Peace of Paris in 17G3. By W. Russeel. With a Continuance 
 of tlie History by William Jones. Illustrated. 3 vols., 8vo, Cloth, 
 $G00; Sheep, $7 50; Half Calf, $12 75. 
 
 AGNES STRICKLAND'S QUEENS OF SCOTLAND. Lives of the 
 Queens of Scotland and English Princesses connected with the Regal 
 Succession of Great Britain. Bv Agnes Strickland. Complete in 
 8 vols., I2mo, Cloth, $12 00; Half Calf, $26 00. 
 
 GROTE'S HISTORY OF GREECE. A History of Greece, from the 
 Earliest Period to the Close of the Generation Contemporary with Al- 
 exander the Great. By George Grote. 12 vols., 12mo, Cloth, $18 00 ; 
 Sheep, $22 80 ; Half Calf, $39 00. 
 
 MOSHEIM'S ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. Ancient and Modern 
 Ecclesiastical History, in which the Rise, Progress, and Variation of 
 Church Power are Considered in their Connection with the State of 
 Learning and Philosophy, and the Political History of Europe during 
 that Period. Translated, with Notes, &c., by A. Maclaine, D.D. Con- 
 tinued to 1S2G, bv C. CooTE, LL.D. 2 vols., 8vo, Cloth, $4 00 ; Sheep, 
 $5 GO ; Half Calf, $8 50. 
 
Important Historical Works. 
 
 GIESELER'S ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. A Text-Book of Church 
 History. By Dr. John C. L. Gieseler. Translated from the Fourth 
 Kevised German Edition. By Samuel Davidson, LL.D., and Rev. 
 John Wixstanley Hill, M.A. A New American Edition, Revised 
 and Edited by Rev. Henuy B. Smith, D.D., Professor in the Union 
 Tiieological Seminary, New York. Vols. I,, II., III., and IV., 8vo, 
 Cloth, $2 25 ; Sheep, $2 75 ; Half Calf, f-t 50 per volume ; Vol. V., 
 8vo, Cloth, $3 00. 
 
 ABBOTTS FREDERICK THE GREAT. Tiie History of Frederick 
 the Second, called Frederick the Great. By John S. C. Abbott. 
 Illustrated. 8vo, Cloth, $5 00; Half Calf, $7 25. 
 
 ABBOTT'S FRENCH REVOLUTION. The French Revolution of 
 1789, as viewed in the Light of Republican Institutions. By John 
 S. C. Abbott. 100 Illustrations. 8vo, Cloth, $5 00 ; Sheep, $5 50 ; 
 Half Calf, f 7 25. 
 
 ABBOTT'S NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. The History of Napoleon 
 Bonaparte. By John S. C. Abbott. With Maps, Illustrations, and 
 Portraits on Steel. 2 vols.,- 8vo, Cloth, $10 00; Sheep, $11 00; Half 
 Calf, $14 50. 
 
 SCHILLER'S REVOLT OF THE NETHERLANDS. History of the 
 Revolt of the Netherlands : Trial and Execution of Counts Egmont and 
 Horn, and the Siege of Antwerp. By Fredekick Schiller. Trans- 
 lated from the German by the Rev. A. J. W. Morrison, M.A. ]2mo, 
 Cloth, $1 00. 
 
 SCHILLER'S THIRTY YEARS' WAR. History of the Thirty Years' 
 War. By Frederick Schiller. Translated from the German by the 
 Rev. A. j".W. MoRRiso.v, M.A. 12mo, Cloth, $1 00. 
 
 HELPS'S SPANISH CONQUEST. The Spanish Conquest in Ameri- 
 ca, and its Relation to the History of Slavery, and to the Government 
 of Colonies. Bv Sir Arthur Helps. 4 vols., 12mo, Cloth, $G 00; 
 Half Calf, $13 00. 
 
 ROLLIN'S ANCIENT HISTORY. Ancient History of the Egyptians, 
 Carthaginians, Assyrians, Babylonians, Medes and Persians, Grecians, 
 and Macedonians. By Charles Rollin. Including a History of the 
 Arts and Sciences of the Ancients, with a Life of the Author, by James 
 Bell. Numerous JMaps and Illustrations. In 2 vols., 8vo, Cloth, 
 $4 50; Sheep, $5 50. In 1 vol., Clotii, $3 50 ; Sheep, $4 00. 
 
 DE TOCQUEVILLES FRENCH REVOLUTION. Tiie Old Regime 
 and the Revolution. By Alexis De Tocqueville, of the Acadcinie 
 Franyaise, Autlior of "Democracy in America.'' Translated by John 
 Bonner. 12mo, Cloth, $1 50. 
 
6 Important Historical Works. 
 
 SISMONDI'S ITALIAN llEl^UBLICS. A History of the Italian Re- 
 publics : being a View of the Rise, Progress, and Fall of Italian Free- 
 dom. By J. C. L. SiSMONDE DE SiSMONDi. ]2mo, Cloth, 75 cents. 
 
 SISMONDI'S LITERATURE IN EUROPE. Historical View of the 
 Literature of tlie South of Europe. By J. C. L. Sismonde de Sismon- 
 Di. Translated, with Notes, by Thomas Roscoe. 2 vols., 12mo, Cloth, 
 $2 75 ; Half Calf, $G 25. 
 
 CUSHING'S TREATY OF WASHINGTON. The Treaty of Washing- 
 ton : its Negotiation, Execution, and tlie Discussions relating thereto. 
 By Caleb Cushing. Crown 8vo, Cloth, $2 00. 
 
 HALLAM'S LITERATURE OF EUROPE. Introduction to the Lit- 
 erature of Europe in the Fifteenth, Sixteentli, and Seventeenth Cen- 
 turies, By Henry Hallam, LL.D., F.R.A.S. 2 vols., 8vo, Cloth, 
 $4 GO ; Sheep, $5 00. 
 
 HALLAM'S MIDDLE AGES. View of the State of Europe during the 
 Middle Ages. By Henky Hallam, LL.D,, F.R.A.S. 8vo, Cloth, 
 $2 00; Sheep, $2 '50. 
 
 HALLAM'S CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND. The 
 
 Constitutional History of England, from the Accession of Henry VII. to 
 the Death of George II. By Henry Hallam, LL.D., F.R.A.S. 8vo, 
 
 Cloth, $2 00 ; Sheep, f 2 50. 
 
 YONGE'S CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND. The 
 
 Constitutional History of England from ITfiO to 18G0. By Charles 
 Duke Yonge, M.A. 4to, Paper, 25 cents. 12mo, Cloth, $1 75. 
 
 MACKENZIE'S AMERICA. America : a History. I. The United 
 States. — II. Dominion of Canada. — III. South America, &c. By Rob- 
 ert Mackenzie. 4to, Paper, 20 cents. 
 
 MACKENZIE'S NINETEENTH CENTURY. The Nineteenth Century. 
 A History. By Robert Mackenzie. 4to, Paper, 15 cents. 
 
 SMITH'S MOHAMMED AND MOHAMMEDANISM. Lectures de- 
 livered at tlie Royal Institution of Great Britain in February and March, 
 1874. By R. Boswoktii Smith, M.A., Assistant Master in Harrow 
 School ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford. With an Appendix 
 containing Emanuel Deutsch's Article on "Islam." 12mo, Cloth, $1 50. 
 
 TAYLOR'S HISTORY OF IRELAND. The History of Ireland. From 
 the Anglo-Norman Invasion to the Union of the Country with Great 
 Britain. By W. C. Taylor. With Additions by William Sampson. 
 2 vols., 18mo, Cloth, $1 50. 
 
Imimrtant Historical Works. 
 
 THE FIRST CENTURY OF THE REPUBLIC. A Review of Amer- 
 ican Progress. 8vo, Cloth, $5 00; Sheep, $5 50; Half Morocco, $7 25. 
 
 MILMAN'S HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY. A History of Chris- 
 tianity, from the Birth of Christ to the Abolition of Paganism in the 
 Roman Empire. By Rev. H. H. Milman. With Notes, &c., by James 
 MüRDOCK, D.D. 8vo, Cloth, $2 00 ; Half Calf, $4 25. 
 
 MILMAN'S HISTORY OF THE JEWS. A History of the Jews. 
 From the Earliest Period to the Present Time. By Rev. H. H. Milman. 
 Maps and Illustrations. 3 vols., 18mo, Cloth, $2 25. 
 
 THIRLWALL'S GREECE. History of Greece. By Rev. Connop 
 Tiiirlwall, D.d. 2 vols., 8vo, Cloth, $1 00; Sheep, |5 00; Half 
 Calf, $8 50. 
 
 GEDDI<:S'S history of JOHN de WITT. History of the Admin- 
 istration of John De Witt, Grand Pensionaiy of Holland. By James 
 Geddes. Vol. L— 1G23-1G5I. Witli a Portrait. 8vo, Clotb,|2 50. 
 
 A CENTURY OF DISHONOR. A Sketch of the United States Gov- 
 ernment's Dealings with some of the Indian Tribes. By H. II., Au- 
 tlior of "Verses," "Bits of Travel," iS:c. With a Preface by Bishop 
 Wiiijjple and an Introduction by President Seelye. 12mo, Cloth, $1 50. 
 
 NORTON'S CHURCH - BUILDING. Historical Studies of Church- 
 Building in the Middle Ages. Venice, Siena, Florence. By Charles 
 Ehot Norton. 8vo, Cloth, $3 00. 
 
 PRINCE METTERNICH'S MEMOIRS. Memoirs of Prince Metter- 
 nich, 1773-1829. Edited by Prince Richard Metteknich. The Pa- 
 pei's Classified and Arranged by M. A. de Klinkowström. Translated 
 by Mrs. Alexander Najiier. Four Parts, 4to, I'apcr, 20 cents each ; 
 i2rao, Cloth, 2 vols., $2 00. 
 
 ENGLISH CORRESPONDENCE. Four Centuries of English Letters. 
 Selections from the Correspondence of One Hundred and Fifty Writers, 
 from the Period of the Paston Letters to the Present Day. Edited by 
 W. Baftiste Scoones. 12mo, Cloth, $2 00. 
 
 PARDOE'S EPISODES OF FRENCH HISTORY. Episodes of French 
 History during the Consulate and the First Empire. By Miss Julia 
 Pardo"e. 12ino, Cloth, $1 50. 
 
 PARDOE'S LOUIS THE FOURTEENTH. Louis the Fourteenth and 
 the Court of France in the Seventeenth Century. By Äliss Julia Par- 
 doe. Illustrated. 2 vols., 12mo, Cloth, $4 OÖ. 
 
8 Immrtant Historical Works. 
 
 THE STUDENT'S SERIES. 12mo, Cloth. 
 
 Fkance. — Gibbon. — Gueeck. — Rome (by Liddell). — Old Testa- 
 ment History. — New Testament Histouy. — Strickland's Queens 
 OF England (Abridged). — Ancient History of the East. — Hal- 
 lam's Middle Ages. — Halla.ms Constitutional History' of Eng- 
 land. — Ly'ell's Elements of Geology. — Merivale's General 
 History of Rome. — Cox's General History of Greece. — Clas- 
 sical Dictionary. — Siceat's Concise Etymological Dictionary 
 OF THE English Language. $1 25 pßr voliiino. 
 
 Lewis's History of Germany. — Ecclesiastical History. — 
 Hume's England. $1 50 per volume. 
 
 (Most of the books in " The Studenfs Series'' contain Maps and Illus- 
 trations.) 
 
 MICHELET'S modern history. Elements of Modern History. 
 By M. Michelet. 18mo, Cloth, 75 cents. 
 
 ADAMSS MANUAL OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE. A Miinu- 
 al of Historical Literature ; Com])rising Brief Descriptions of tlie most 
 important Histories in English, French, and German, together with 
 Tractical Suggestions as to Methods and Courses of Historical Study. 
 For the Use of Students, General Readers, and Collectors of Books. 
 By Charles Kendall Adams, LL. D., Professor of History in the 
 University of Michigan. Crown 8vo, Cloth, $2 50. 
 
 CREASY'S FIFTEEN DECISIVE BATTLES. The Fifteen Decisive 
 Battles of the World; from Marathon to Waterloo. By E. S. Creasy, 
 A.ÄI. J2mo, Cloth, $1 50. 
 
 STEVENS'S MADAME DE STAEL. Madame De Stacl : a Study of 
 her Life and Times. Tlie First Revolution and the First Empire. By 
 Abel Stevens, LL.D. 2 vols., 12mo, Cloth, f3 00. 
 
 ROBERTSON'S AMERICA. History of the Discovery of Americn. By 
 William Robertson, LL.D. With an Account of his Life and Writ- 
 ings. With Questions fur the E.\amination of Students, by John 
 Frost, A.M. 8vo, Cloth, $2 25 ; Sheep, $2 75 ; Half Calf, $i 50. 
 Abridged, 18mo, Cloth, 75 cents. 
 
 ROBERTSON'S CHARLES V. History of the Emperor Charles V. ; 
 With a View of the Progress of Society in Europe to the Beginning of 
 tiie Sixteenth Century. By William Robertson, LL.D. 8vo, Cloth, 
 $2 25 ; Sheep, $2 75 ; Half Calf, $■! 50. Abridged, 18mo, Cloth, 75 cts. 
 
 ROBERTSON'S SCOTLAND AND ANCIENT INDIA. A History 
 of Scotland during tlie Reigns of Queen Mary and James VI., till his 
 Accession to the Crown of England. With a Review of the Scottish 
 History previous to that Period. Included in the same Volume is a. 
 Dissertation concerning Ancient India. By William Robertson, 
 LL.D. 8vo, Cloth, $2 25 ; Sheep, $2 75 ; Half Calf, $4 50. 
 
 MAY 131949 
 

 
 :> -^^ 
 
 
 
 
 y ^ . ..^ 
 
 
 "^/.n^ 
 
 
 
 .^■ 
 
 Ä''^-. ^^0^ 
 
 ^^^^Ä^.^"^ 
 
 M 
 
 
 V ^ ^ •" . % 
 
 ^^-..*^ 
 
 . ^ 
 
 ' ft 4 ■> \V ^0 ' ft ü ^ \v 
 
 ^- •* ->'"••■ X^ 
 
 Ö, ' ' ft t "> ' \V ~rD ' ft i ■> \ >" >-/j 
 
 
 
 .^^^. 
 
 .9 -^ % 
 
 
 .4 
 
 
 
 Q^ "/ 
 
 v . ^ =-'/ % 
 
 '^^ 
 
 
 ■^^0^ 
 
 
 x^^ <"- 
 
 
 % ty 
 
 
 ■•\# 
 
 \ 
 
 "(P 
 
 S- 
 
 > ^ ' ' ft s ^ A*^ <r^ ' ft * ^ ' A^ <* ' ' ft ft s '> A<^^ 
 
 : ^ ^ -- ^ ^ *:f^ ^> ^ •. 
 
 ■' / • s ■" '^ A^ ^ '' I s ^ ^0 
 
 
 ' A^ • ^ 
 
 .^^* 
 
 ^. 'a'« '^ c^ 
 
 .^-^ -^. 
 
 o 
 
 % 
 
 v^* 
 
 *' 
 
 *l <&- 
 
 
 
 ^o '''7fts^\\^^ ^ 
 
 .vC 
 
 
 .-<J.^ 
 

 
 
 ■^^.C^-»^<^'^^^\/^-'J^V'"^^^^^ ^^" ^ 
 
 
 v^^ 
 
 
 ^ 
 "^^0^ 
 
 rOr 0. ■' * 
 
 ^^^^ 
 
 V «. ^ * ^ 
 
 
 
 % 
 
 -fu 
 
 o. ' ^ * * s -> -Op ^(O ' / ^ ^ s ^ ^^V 
 
 
 
 % 
 
 s .\0 
 
 
 
 ^O'^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 .v 
 
 .^^^ 
 
 ' ' » . s - # ^^ ' / . . s '^ 
 
 ^o^ 
 
 rO- 
 
 <'. 
 
 '"^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■f'' ■'■:■ 
 
 "^^ 
 
 C 
 
 
 
 . ^^ 
 
 .^^ ^ 
 
 .... .V<^K 
 
 
 
 1> r*^ 
 
 
 .^.0' 
 
 
 rO' 
 
 '..% 
 
 '.^^ x-:^^^^^.- ^ "^ 
 
 ^^d« 
 
 
 ^C)^ 
 
 
 
 -^^0^ 
 
 .^^^- 
 
 ^:r. .^'