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 WASHINGTON, OUR EXAMPLE. 
 
 THE FATHER OF A MTION 
 
 WILL 
 
 RESTORE IT TO RE^CE 
 
 BY MRS. L. C. SEARLE. 
 
 "Providence ap])r)int*'rl "\Vn«hiria-ton ("liildlo?? Ilial Amciica iniirht 
 call him father." 
 
 UfON War. — " My first wish is to see this plague of mankind ban- 
 ished from the earth, and the sons and daughters of this world employed 
 in more pleasing and innocent amusements, than in preparing instru- 
 ments, and exercising thorn for the destruction of mankind." — George 
 Washington. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 JAMES CHALLEN k SON, 
 
 18G5. 
 
WASHINaiON, OUR EXAMPLE. 
 
 THE FATHER OF A lATION 
 
 WILL 
 
 HESTORE IT TO JPE^OE 
 
 BY MRS. L. C. SEARLE. 
 
 'Providence appointed Washington childless that America might 
 call him father." • 
 
 Upon "War. — " My first wish is to see this plague of mankind ban- 
 ished from the earth, and the sons and daughters of this world employed 
 in more pleasing and innocent amusements, than in preparing instru- 
 ments, and exercising them for the destruction of mankind." — George 
 Washington. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 JAMES CHALLEN & SON, 
 
 1865. 
 
£>4/ 
 .S45 
 
" Has the Birthday of Washington any lesson to us ? The nation of 
 which he was the leader, in its struggle for birth and place among the 
 nations of the earth, has been for three years carrying on a struggle for 
 existence, compared with which the toils and pains of that early conflict 
 are not to be named. Have we lost in the heat of the conflict any thing 
 of the veneration with which we think of the hero whose birth we cele- 
 brate to-day ? Are we losing sight of things which he held dear, and 
 setting at naught the principles for which his days of toil and nights of 
 anxiety were spent ? There are those among us who claim that we are, 
 and say that the dominant party has no desire to keep Washington before 
 the country as a father, a teacher, or an example." — N. Y. Times, 
 Feb. 22d, 1864. 
 
 "As the Copperheads profess to hold the memory of Washington in 
 tjie highest respect, and to regard him as a model patriot and an im- 
 maculate statesman, we hope to be pardoned for suggesting to them tJiat 
 a slight study of the life and character of their idol might add biographi- 
 cal accuracy to their lucubrations. Washington was human, and had 
 his share of human infirmities. We claim Washington as an abolitionist. 
 The Virginia slaveholders were nearer the infancy of the republic than 
 we are. They knew what doctrine of human equality the Revolution 
 was intended to vindicate and establish ; they felt as we can never feel 
 the pressure of strictly logical conclusions." — N. Y. Tribune, Feb. 
 4J2d, 1864. 
 
 "When God resolved to set his people free from Egyptian bondage, 
 he raised up able and mighty men to efi'ect his glorious purposes. There 
 is a striking resemblance between the history of the Israelites and that 
 of the American colonies. Like Moses, Washington led his countrymen 
 through the dreary wilderness of the Revolution, and planted them on 
 the promised land of freedom. Like Moses, he placed his trust in the 
 (iod of Hosts, and relied upon his special aid and direction under all 
 circumstances." — Mrs. Willard. 
 
Peovidence appointed "Washington childless that a 
 Nation might call him Father." 
 
 When Washington drew his sword in defence of 
 America against the tyranny of George the Third and 
 the British ParUament, white men of all nations were 
 welcomed to the standard unfurled for liberty and inde- 
 pendence. France sent her Marquis de Lafayette, Prus- 
 sia her Baron Steuben, Poland her noble Kosciusko, who, 
 with many more of their own countrymen, as well as those 
 of other nations, crossed the ocean and offered their ser- 
 vices to the warrior, fighting for the freedom of his 
 country. The Americans hailed these friends of liberty 
 from foreign lands with gratitude and joy, and numbers 
 were appointed to positions of honor and trust. 
 
 But already in America, dwelling close at hand in 
 every colony, was a race of men, numbered by hundreds 
 of thousands, who received no greeting of welcome into 
 the army, but were positively forbidden to enhst under 
 the banner of the " Father of his Country." In his 
 "Orderly Book," bearing the date of 1775, there still 
 stands recorded this prohibition: "No negroes, or boys 
 unable to bear arms, or old men, are to be enlisted." 
 The black race from Africa, wliich had been forced 
 among our ancestors by the English government while 
 engaged in the African Slave Trade, was not only thus 
 excluded by Washington, the Commander-in-Chief, 
 from a place by the side of the white race, as soldiers 
 in his army, but by the laws of the American people ; 
 
"WASHINGTON SOLICITED NO BLACK MEN 
 
 and in two instances only was there any deviation from 
 this established order during eight long years of war 
 with their powerful and haughty foe. 
 
 In June, 1775, General Washington was sent to the 
 relief of Massachusetts, the harbor of Boston having 
 been blockaded by a British fleet, and in December fol- 
 lowing he wrote to Congress as follows: "It has been 
 represented to me that the free negroes, who have served 
 in the army at Cambridge, are very much dissatisfied at 
 being discarded. As it is to be apprehended that they 
 may seek employ in the ministerial army, I have pre- 
 sumed to depart from the resolution respecting them, 
 and have given license for their being enlisted. If this 
 is disapproved of by Congress, I will put a stop to it." 
 Mr. Sparks, the publisher of the writings of Washing- 
 ton, explains the above letter as follows : " At a meeting 
 of the general officers previously to the arrival of the 
 Committee from Congress in camp, it was unanimously 
 resolved that it was not expedient to enlist slaves into 
 the new army, and by a large majority, negroes of every 
 description were excluded from enlistment. When the 
 subject was referred to the Committee in conference, 
 this decision was confirmed. In regard to free negroes, 
 however, the resolve was not adhered to, and probably 
 for the reason here mentioned by Wasliington." 
 
 Bancroft throws additional light on the subject. He 
 says: 
 
 " In October, 1775, the conference in the camp of the 
 army at Boston, with Lynch, Harrison and Franklin, 
 thought it proper to exclude negroes from the new en- 
 listment, but Washington, at the crisis of his distress, 
 finding that those who had entered the army at the 
 beginning were very much dissatisfied at being dis- 
 
TO FIGHT HIS BATTLES. 
 
 carded, took the responsibility of reversing this decision 
 and referred the subject to Congress. That body ap- 
 pointed Wythe, Wilson and Samuel Adams, to delib- 
 erate on the question. On the report of this able 
 Committee, Congress voted that the free negroes who 
 had served faithfully in the army, at Cambridge, might 
 be enlisted therein, but no others." 
 
 Here are the facts of history, that in " his crisis of 
 distress" only did Washington receive black men into 
 his army, that the general officers resolved by a large 
 majority that negroes of every description should be 
 excluded, and that Congress, composed of the ablest 
 statesmen in America, passed a law that no negroes 
 should be received into the army as soldiers except 
 those who had served faithfully at Cambridge. Yet it 
 is now boldly asserted that "Washington did not hesi- 
 tate to solicit the military services of negroes — that our 
 fathers did not hesitate to put arms into the hands of 
 the black race — that General I^afayette was not ashamed 
 to fight beside a black soldier, and that this war will 
 never end until the American people accept the negro 
 race as their equals and their brothers." 
 
 The history of the campaign before Boston is a his- 
 tory of successive exertions to surmount almost insu- 
 perable obstacles, by one who was solicitous in the 
 extreme to perform some great and useful achievement; 
 and he writes, "To be restrained in every military oper- 
 ation for want of means to carry it on is not very pleasing, 
 especially as the means used to conceal my weakness 
 from the enemy conceals it also from our friends and 
 adds to their wonder." 
 
 The other instance mentioned in the history of the 
 war of the Revolution of the acceptance of black men 
 
THE PATRIOT FATHERS 
 
 into the army, was as follows. Mr. Sparks says : " In 
 raising recruits, the plan recommended by Congress was 
 that each State should be divided into districts, and a 
 person be appointed to raise recruits in each, the whole to 
 be under the direction of the State authorities. General 
 Varnum suggested that a battalion of negroes might be 
 raised in Rhode Island. The idea was communicated 
 to Governor Cooke, who laid the subject before the 
 Assembly. He reported the following result to Wash- 
 ington: 'Liberty is given to every effective slave to 
 enter into the service during the war, and upon his 
 passing muster he is absolutely made free, and entitled 
 to all the wages, bounties and encouragements given by 
 Congress to any soldier enlisting into the service. The 
 masters are allowed at the rate of one hundred and 
 twenty pounds for the most valuable slave, and in pro- 
 portion for those of less value. The number of slaves 
 in the State is not great, but it is generally thought that 
 three hundred and upwards will be enlisted.' The 
 report of the Assembly gives also the reasons for con- 
 senting to the enlistment of negroes. It says: 'The 
 enemy with a great force have taken possession of 
 the capital and a great part of this State, and this 
 State is obliged to raise a very considerable number of 
 troops for its own immediate defence, whereby it is, in a 
 manner, rendered impossible to furnish recruits without 
 adopting this measure.' " 
 
 These incidents all go to prove that under the most 
 pressing circumstances only did our revolutionary fa- 
 thers accept the military services of the negroes, who 
 were held as property by the northern as well as 
 southern colonies at the time of the Revolution, and 
 
RECOGNISED NO NEGRO EQUALITY. 
 
 were valued at as high a sum in Rhode Island as in the 
 slave States generally since that day. 
 
 Another " crisis of distress" occurred during the war, 
 in which it was proposed to arm the slaves. Marshall, 
 in his Life of Washington, says : 
 
 " General Greene was informed that large reinforce- 
 ments were expected by the British Army at Charleston, 
 South Carolina, which excited great alarm, as the time 
 of service of many of his troops was about expiring. 
 He therefore recommended to the Governor of that 
 State, that his army should be recruited from the slaves. 
 The Governor laid the matter before the Legislature, 
 which was soon afterward convened, but the measure 
 was not adopted. 
 
 " But in the revolutionary army, however, there were 
 many slaves attending on the officers, because slavery 
 at that time existed in all the colonies, and there are 
 numerous instances on record of heroic deeds performed 
 by individual slaves, suddenly and on their own respon- 
 sibility." 
 
 It is thus clearly established that our ancestors, the 
 Patriot Fathers of the present generation in America, 
 had no companionship or affiliation with the negro, and 
 never adopted him into their society ; that the Puritan 
 Fathers of New England recognized no equality or 
 brotlierhood between themselves and the black race, 
 other than is now recognized by the people who still 
 hold them in servitude ; that Massachusetts as well as 
 South Carolina refused to arm her slaves to fight an 
 enemy at her own door, and that the whole American 
 people chose to fight their battles for independence 
 without the aid of the African race. 
 
 Their independence achieved, they constructed the 
 
10 THE GOVERNMENT FORMED 
 
 best government ever devised by man — a government 
 declared to be ordained and approved of God ; and this 
 great system was planned and devised without the aid 
 of either the African or the Indian race. No negro or 
 Indian ever sat in the councils of the nation, with the 
 Fathers of the American Republic, and no counsel or 
 advice was ever asked or received of a single member 
 of either tribe. The nation was founded and builded 
 up, without including within its structure either of these 
 races of men, except in the representation of slaves. It 
 has been said that God sifted the nations of the old 
 world, to get the precious seed to sow a nation in the 
 new world ! But God selected that precious seed from 
 the Caucasian race alone. The government established, 
 the negro and Indian were alike excluded from all par- 
 ticipation in the administration thereof AVhite men 
 alone were to be its officers, and white men alone the 
 soldiers that were to compose its future armies, the laws 
 expressly confining the militia of the nation to white 
 men. Wendell Phillips said in 1862: " What cripples 
 General McClellan to-day is, that his fathers in 1789 
 bound one of his hands, and left him only one to fight 
 with." When Washington fought for liberty, one-third 
 of the American people loved the Government of Great 
 Britain better than that founded by our fathers. That 
 portion of the people hold the reins of government to- 
 day. They have wickedly broken the bonds with which 
 our fathers bound them, and have reinstated the king 
 upon the throne from which Washington was eight long 
 years in displacing him. They have re-asserted the 
 divine right of kings to rule, and have re-established a 
 regal authority over the people of iVmerica. Washington 
 broke the yoke of George the Third from off the necks 
 
BY WHITE 3IEX ALONE. XX. 
 
 of the people. It is now replaced by a heavier one 
 called military despotism, and a military despot sits to- 
 day virtually crowned and enthroned in the chair of 
 State, where, for eight happy years to America, sat the 
 Father of his Country. 
 
 AYashington addressed his soldiers soon after the 
 arrival of General Howe, the British officer, in the 
 following language: 
 
 "The time is now near at hand which must determine 
 whether Americans are to be freemen or slaves ; whether 
 they arc to have any property they can call their own ; 
 whether their houses and farms are to be pillaged and 
 destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of wretch- 
 edness, from which no human efforts will deliver them. 
 Our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us only the 
 choice of a brave resistance or the most abject submis- 
 sion. We have therefore to resolve to conquer or die. 
 Let us then rely upon the goodness of our cause and 
 the aid of the Supreme Being, in whose hands victory 
 is, to animate and encourage us to great and noble ac- 
 tions. The eyes of all our countrymen are upon us, 
 and we shall have their blessings and their praises, if 
 happily we are the instruments of saving them from 
 the tyranny meditated against them. Let us therefore 
 animate and encourage each other, and show the whole 
 world that a freeman contending for liberty on his own 
 ground is superior to any slavish mercenary on earth. 
 Eemember that liberty, property, Hfe and honor are all 
 at stake." 
 
 WASHINGTON PRATING FOR HIS COUNTRY. 
 
 " A man related to me the following incident : When 
 the British troops held possession of New York and the 
 
12 THE NEGRO DEPRIYED OF NO RIGHTS 
 
 American army lay near West Point, one morning at 
 sunrise I went forth to bring home my cows. On pass- 
 ing a ckimp of trees I heard a moaning sound, like a 
 person in distress. On nearing the spot I heard the 
 words of a man at prayer. I Hstened behind a tree. 
 The man came forth : it was George Washington, the 
 Captain of the Lord's hosts in North America. This 
 man was a member of the Society of Friends, who, 
 being opposed to war on any pretext, were lukewarm, 
 and in some instances opposed to the cause of the coun- 
 try. He was a tory however. Having seen the General 
 enter the camp he went to his house. ' Martha,' said 
 he to his wife, ' we must not oppose this war any longer. 
 This morning I heard the man, George Washington, 
 send up a prayer to Heaven for his country, and I know 
 it will be heard.' We may thus infer that Washington 
 rose with the sun to pray for his country; he fought for 
 her at meridian, and watched for her in the silent hours 
 of night. This incident should be published on every 
 22d of February, Washington's birth-day, while wood 
 grows and water runs."- — Grant Thornhurn. 
 
 The government, called the United States, is declared 
 to be the best that was ever estabhshed on earth — one 
 which was blest of God above all other nations that had 
 an existence before it ; and this government was one in 
 which the African race had no more share than if they 
 had never had existence upon our globe. It is there- 
 fore a m.anifest truth, that if God was with Washington 
 and our fathers through the Revolution, and imparted 
 unto them wisdom and foresight in the construction of 
 the American Union, it was his will and pleasure that 
 the negro was thus omitted from a place among the 
 white people of the nation, and retained in the sphere 
 
BY OUR FATHERS. 13 
 
 which had been assigned him, by the English govern- 
 ment more than a hundred years before the United 
 States came into existence. Washington achieved the 
 liberties of the white people and was called the " Father 
 of his Country." As Abraham was the father of the 
 Jewish nation, and not of the Canaanites or the Amele- 
 kites, so Washington was the father of the European 
 race in America, and not of the African or the Indian. 
 But God is the father of all the races of men, and when 
 our fathers, who were the descendants of Japheth, founded 
 a government in the Xew World, God enlarged Japheth, 
 and Canaan remained his servant. " A servant shall he 
 be to his brethren." A brother truly but a servant also. 
 It is declared by some that our fathers deprived the 
 negroes of their natural rights. But our fathers were 
 under the government of England until they established 
 their independence, and England conferred no rights 
 upon the negroes but the rights of the slave. Our 
 fathers took away no rights from them when they 
 founded a government of their own. They were slaves 
 under the English laws before our patriot fathers were 
 born, and their condition remained unchanged under the 
 government of the United States. They were slaves 
 in Africa before America was discovered by the Euro- 
 pean race, and would have remained in a worse state of 
 bondage had they never been brought to our shores. 
 Neither were the fathers of this Repubhc responsible 
 for negro slavery after their government was founded. 
 Bancroft says: "The system of slavery was fastened 
 upon the rising institutions of America, not by consent 
 of the corporation, nor the desires of the colonists, but 
 was riveted by the policy of England without regard to 
 the wishes of the people." And this institution was 
 
4^ ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S APOLOGY 
 
 fastened by the strong hand of destiny, or of Provi- 
 dence, and Abraham Lincoln acknowledged in Septem- 
 ber, 1860, that very truth. He says: "When Southern 
 people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin 
 of slavery than we are I acknowledge the fact. When 
 it is said that the institution exists, and that it is very 
 difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory way, I can 
 understand and appreciate the saying. I surely will not 
 blame them for not doing what I should not know how 
 to do myself If all earthly power were given me I 
 should not know what to do as to the existing institu- 
 tion." If, then, so good and wise and great a statesman 
 as the people beheve Mr. Lincoln to be, would not know 
 what to do with the institution of slavery, surely the 
 people of the South are not to be blamed for not being 
 wiser than he. He says again: "When our govern- 
 ment was established we had the institution of slavery 
 among us. We were in a certain sense compelled to 
 tolerate it. It was a sort of necessity. We had gone 
 through our struggle and secured our own independence. 
 The framers of the Constitution found the institution 
 among their other institutions at the time. They found 
 that by an effort to eradicate it they might lose much 
 of what they had already gained. They were obhged 
 to bow to the necessity ; and I say that we must not 
 interfere with the institution of slavery in the States 
 where it exists, because the Constitution forbids it. 
 Let me say I have no prejudice against the Southern 
 people. They are just what we would be in their situa- 
 tion. If slavery did not exist among them, they would 
 not introduce it. If it did now exist among us, we 
 should not instantly give it up. We know that some 
 Southern men do free their slaves, while some Northern 
 
FOR THE AMERICAN SLAVEHOLDER. 15 
 
 ones so South and become most cruel slave-masters. I 
 will say here that 1 have no purpose, directly or indirectly, 
 to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States 
 where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do 
 so, and I have no inclination to do so. I will say that I 
 have no purpose to introduce political and social equality 
 between the white and the black races, that I am not, 
 and never have been in favor of making voters or jurors 
 of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to 
 intermarry with white people, and I will say in addition 
 to this, that there is a physical difference between the 
 white and black races, which will, I beUeve, forever for- 
 bid the two races living together on terms of social and 
 political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so 
 live, while they do remain together, there must be the 
 position of superior and inferior, and I, as much as any 
 other man, am in favor of having the superior position 
 assigned to the white race." 
 
 Abbott, in his history of Alfred the Great, says : 
 " Physiologists consider that there are five great races 
 of men, whose characteristics, mental as well as bodily, 
 are distinctly, strongly, and permanently marked ; and 
 though education and outward influence may modify 
 them, they cannot essentially change them. Compare, 
 for example, the Indian and the African races. How 
 entirely diverse from each other they are, not only in 
 form, color, and other physical marks, but in all the ten- 
 dencies and characteristics of the soul. The difference 
 is still greater between these and the Caucasian race. 
 This race may be properly called the European race. 
 That there have been some noble specimens of humanity 
 among the African race, none can deny ; but that there 
 is a fixed and constitutional difference between them and 
 
16 THE NEGRO A SLAVE IN AFRICA. 
 
 the Caucasian race is evident from the fact, that for two 
 thousand years each has held its own continent undis- 
 turbed in a great degree by the rest of mankind ; and 
 while, during all this time, no nation of the African race 
 has risen, so far as is known, above the lowest stage of 
 civilization, there have been more than fifty entirely 
 distinct and independent civilizations originated and fully 
 developed in the other. For three thousand years the 
 Caucasian race have continued in all circumstances, 
 and every variety of situation, to exhibit the same traits 
 and the same indomitable power. No calamities, how- 
 ever great, no desolation, no night of darkness, however 
 gloomy, have been able to keep them long in a state of 
 barbarism. As Egyptians, they built the pyramids ; as 
 Phoenicians, they constructed ships and perfected navi- 
 gation ; as Greeks, they modelled architecture, cut sculp- 
 tures in marble, wrote poems and history ; as Romans, 
 they commanded a perfect military organization over fifty 
 nations, and a hundred millions of people." " These are 
 the descendants of Japheth." 
 
 In 1830, Gerrit Smith says: "Look at Africa! 
 What contribution has she brought for the last thousand 
 years to the arts or the sciences 1 Has a single valuable 
 book been printed during that long period in Africa"? 
 Her moral and intellectual state is more cheerless than 
 her deserts — her mind is a total waste, presenting a 
 desolation without one redeeming feature. Her bar- 
 barism has rendered her soil almost as useless as if the 
 ocean had been permitted to roll over it." 
 
 On February 22d, 1862, the Chaplain of Congress, 
 Rev. Mr. Stockton, off'ered up the following prayer in 
 the capitol of our nation : 
 
 "Oh Lord, blessed be thy name for the supreme 
 
WASHINGTON A SLAVEHOLDER. 17 
 
 foresight which gave Moses to Israel and Washington to 
 America. Blessed be thy name for the birth, life, 
 character, accomplishments, and achievements of the 
 model man, and patriot soldier, and magistrate, whom 
 we this day remember, not only as first in war, first in 
 peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen, but 
 also as first in the veneration and admiration of mankind. 
 Blessed be thy name that Washington was a man of 
 prayer, that he called upon thee, that he trusted in 
 Christ, and that in accepting oifice, filUng office, re- 
 signing office, he called on thee, commending himself 
 to thy favor and beseeching thy blessing." 
 
 And this Moses of America, this model man, this 
 man of prayer, this Christian, who trusted in Christ, 
 who commended himself to the favor of God, was a 
 slaveholder, and an owner of slaves. Bancroft says: 
 "Abraham, the founder of the Jewish nation, was a 
 slaveholder, and a purchaser of slaves. Every patriarch 
 was lord of his own household." So the patriarchs of 
 America were slaveholders as well as the " Father of his 
 Country." Washington Irving, in his life of the illus- 
 trious founder of the nation, describes the households of 
 the patriarchs as follows: 
 
 "A large Virginia estate was a little empire. The 
 mansion house was the seat of government, and in this 
 mansion the planter reigned supreme. He had his 
 legions of negroes for domestic service, and hosts of 
 others for the culture of the land. They had a kind of 
 hamlet apart, with little gardens, and poultry yards, well 
 stocked. Among the slaves were artificers of all kinds, 
 tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, smiths, wheelwrights, etc., 
 80 that a plantation produced every thing within itself, 
 for ordinary use : as to articles of fashion and elegance, 
 2 
 
"18 HIS TREATMENT OF SLAVES. 
 
 luxuries, and expensive clothing, they were imported 
 from London, for the planters on the rivers, especially 
 on the Potomac, carried on an immediate trade with 
 England." 
 
 Howard Malcolm, in his Bible Dictionary, says : " The 
 Hebrews had several kinds of servants, viz. : the slaves 
 for life, and Hebrew or bond servants, who could only 
 at the first be bound for six years. Slavery was common 
 before the flood, and some of the patriarchs, as Job and 
 Abraham, appear to have owned thousands, though they 
 seem to have been treated with great tenderness, and 
 often to have had wages and high character." 
 
 And history testifies to the kindness with which 
 Washington, Jefferson, and the other patriarchs of our 
 country treated their slaves ; and Washington, though 
 not a father, was a kind master to his African servants. 
 
 Irving says : " Washington treated his negroes with 
 kindness, attended to their comforts, was particularly 
 careful of them in sickness, but never tolerated idleness, 
 and exacted a faithful performance of all their allotted 
 tasks. He provided in his will for the freedom of his 
 •slaves upon the death of his wife." 
 
 Achille Murat, in his Sketch of the United States, re- 
 lates the following incident : " The writer of this article 
 was once rambling over the estate of Mount Vernon, in 
 Virginia, formerly the property of General Washington, 
 and having lost his way, entered into conversation witli 
 an old negress, who had formerly been a slave on the 
 estate, but had been free six years. She concluded the 
 conversation by wishing that she were a slave still, for 
 in that state she had nothing to think of, whereas, 
 being free, she could hardly make a living.'" 
 
LANGUAGE IN REGARD TO THEM. 19 
 
 In 1793, Washington wrote to Arthur Young, as 
 follows: 
 
 " Sir — All my landed property east of the Appalachian 
 mountains is under rent, except the estate called Mount 
 Vernon. This hitherto I have kept in my own hands, 
 but from my advanced time of life, from a wish to live 
 from care during the remainder of it, I have thought of 
 letting this estate also, reserving the Mansion House 
 Farm for my own residence, occupation and amusement 
 in agriculture. There are four farms, besides that of the 
 Mansion House. These four farms contain three 
 thousand two hundred and sixty acres of cultivated land. 
 On Union form there is a brick house, and a new house 
 is now building ; convenient thereto is sufficient accom- 
 modation for fifty odd negroes, old and young, but these 
 buildings might not be thought good enough for the 
 workmen of your country. Hague farm has covering 
 for forty odd negroes, Muddy Hole farm has covering for 
 thirty negroes, lliver farm, the largest of the four, has 
 sufficient covering for fifty or sixty negroes. 
 
 " George Washington." 
 
 While Washington was fighting for his country his 
 
 plantation was left to the ravages of the enemy. In 
 
 1781, he wrote to Lund Washington, at Mount Vernon, 
 
 as follows : 
 
 "New Windsor, 30th April, 1781. 
 
 " Dear Lund — I am very sorry for your loss. I am 
 a little sorry for my own, but that which gives me most 
 concern is, that you should go on board the enemy's 
 vessels, and furnish them with refreshments. It would 
 have been a less painful circumstance to me, to have 
 heard, that in consequence of your non-compliance with 
 their request they had burnt my house, and laid my 
 
20 LETTER TO LUND WASHINGTON. 
 
 plantation in ruins. I am persuaded you acted from 
 your best judgment, and believe that your desire to 
 preserve my property, and rescue the buildings from im- 
 pending danger of conflagration, was your governing 
 motive, but to go on board their vessels, carry them re- 
 freshments, and request a fevor by asking a surrender 
 of my negroes, was exceedingly ill-judged. I have no 
 doubt of the enemy's intention to prosecute the plun- 
 dering plan they have begun, and unless a stop can be 
 put to it, by the arrival of superior force, I have as little 
 doubt of its ending in a loss of all my negroes, and in 
 the destruction of my houses, but I am prepared for the 
 event, under the prospect of which, if you could deposit 
 in a place of safety the most valuable articles, it might 
 be consistent with policy and prudence," It was 
 the strong desire of. the people of Virginia, that Wash- 
 ington should take command of the army in that State. 
 Writing upon the subject, he said: " Nobody, I am per- 
 suaded, can doubt my inclination to be immediately 
 employed in the defence of that country where all my 
 property and connections are, but there are powerful 
 objections to my leaving this army. One only will I 
 name, which is, that no other person has power to com- 
 mand the French troops, who are now about to form a 
 junction with this army. Let it suffice for me to add, 
 that I am acting on a great scale, that temporary evils 
 must be endured, and that I am not without hope that 
 
 the tables may be turned. 
 
 "George Washington." 
 
 " The Father of his Country" calls his African slaves 
 " my negroes." What equality existed between W^ash- 
 ington and his negroes'? The distance between them 
 was as great as it is possiblo for human beings to be sepa- 
 
THE NEGRO S ORIGINAL CONDITION. 21 
 
 rated fi:om each other in rank and condition of Hfe. He 
 was of the highest type of the European race — they his 
 abject slaves — and yet no man can say that Washington 
 degraded these members of the human family, and reduced 
 them to that humble place beside him. Both were born 
 to the station in which we find them. Washington in- 
 herited these negroes from his ancestors. His ancestors 
 purchased them from the English merchants, who bought 
 them of those who held them as slaves in Africa. 
 Could they have looked into the wretched country from 
 whence they came, they would have rejoiced that Provi- 
 dence ordered their birth in the country of Washington, 
 that he was their master instead of the king of Dahomey 
 or Ashantee, or any other king or chief on the whole 
 African continent, and thus would the millions now in 
 servitude rejoice were they to behold their brethren in 
 the land of barbarism and death. 
 
 At a meeting of the Missionary Board in New York, 
 May, 1860, Rev. Daniel Lord, of South Africa, said he 
 had a home 1200 miles beyond the Cape of Good Hope, 
 and ten miles inland, from which he could see the com- 
 merce of the world going to and fro on the Indian 
 Ocean. To the west he looked through thousands of 
 miles of unbroken heathenism. Though these vessels 
 had been sailing over that track for 300 years, yet he had 
 talked with thousands who, for the first time, had ever 
 heard the name of Jesus. He had heard this week men 
 talk of the rights of humanity. That was good : liberty 
 for four millions of men in bondage. God give them 
 liberty, but God give Hberty to 150,000,000 of their 
 brethren in that land from which they were brought. 
 These people were so barbarous that if a woman had 
 two children at a time, one of them was killed because 
 
22 BARBARITIES PRACTISED IN AFRICA. 
 
 she could not do her work with the two. Contrast the 
 heathen in Africa to the Christian. He knew a young 
 man who gave all that he had to buy his sister out of 
 slavery in Africa. The heathen African slept on the 
 ground in their huts between the sheep and the calves." 
 The people in Africa worship reptiles. They have a 
 large-house for the snakes. The missionary peeped in and 
 saw hundreds of them. They are fed by the natives 
 with fowls and milk. Sometimes, when pressed by 
 hunger, they go into the huts of the natives. Not a 
 great while ago, a huge boa entered a hut and seized a 
 poor infant which was playing on the floor. The mother 
 rushed in at the cry, and beheld it wrapped in the fatal 
 coil ; but it was her god who embraced it, and she could 
 only beseech him not to eat her child till it was quite 
 dead. A missionary. Rev. Joel Parker, said a few years 
 ago : " The Africans were first taken from a home where 
 they had been degraded by the bondage of many cen- 
 turies. They were brought hither, not to a heavier 
 bondage, but to a lighter one, for American slavery is 
 more tolerable than African slavery. So that if you 
 take 10,000 born here in slavery and compare them with 
 10,000 born there, the comparison is in favor of the 
 American slave. Men have endeavored to prove that 
 the holding of a slave is evidence of guilt. The effort 
 has failed. The word of God is not bound. False in- 
 terpretations cannot gain general credence, and the 
 American people will never be convinced by the seeming 
 of logic that thousands of our slaveholding brethren are 
 not excellent, humane, and even Christian men, fearing 
 God and keeping his commandments." 
 
 And yet the American people North have been con- 
 
WASHINGTON CONSIDERED SLAVES PROrERTY. 23 
 
 Yinccd by infidels, who reject the Bible altogether, that 
 to hold a negro in slavery is a sin of the deepest dye. 
 
 In 1783, Washington wrote to Sir Guy Carle ton, as 
 follows : 
 
 " Sir — In my letter of April 4, 1 enclosed to your excel- 
 lency a copy of resolutions of Congress, instructing me 
 in three points, which appeared necessary to carry into 
 effect the terms of the treaty between Great Britain and 
 the United States, respecting the carrying away of any 
 negroes or other property of the people. I was sur- 
 prised to hear that an embarkation had already taken 
 place, in which a large number of negroes had been 
 taken away. I cannot conceal from you that my private 
 opinion is, that the measure is totally different from the 
 letter and spirit of the treaty, but leaving the decision 
 to our respective sovereigns, I find it my duty to signify 
 my readiness to take any measures which may be expe- 
 dient to prevent the future carrying away of any negroes 
 or other property of the American people. 
 
 "Geokge Washington." ■; 
 
 In 1791, he wrote to James Seagrove, Collector of the 
 Port at St. Mary's, as follows: 
 
 " Sir — The confidence which your character inclines me 
 to place in you has induced me to commit to your care 
 the enclosed letter from the Secretary of State to Gov- 
 ernor Quesada [Spanish Governor], and the negotiation 
 consequent thereon. Your first care will be to arrest the 
 farther reception of fugitive slaves; your next, to obtain 
 restitution of those slaves who have fled to Florida, and to 
 procure the Governor's orders for the general relinquish- 
 ment of all fugitive slaves who were the property of 
 
 citizens of the United States. 
 
 "George Washington. V-^" 
 
24 WHY SLAVES ARE CALLED PERSONS 
 
 Here is proof that Washington considered slaves as 
 the property of the American people. 
 
 In his debates with the immortal Douglas, Abraham 
 Lincoln said : "An inspection of the Constitution will 
 show that the right of property in a slave is not dis- 
 tinctly and expressly affirmed in it. Neither the word 
 slave, or slavery, is to be found in the Constitution, nor 
 the word property, even in any connection with language 
 alluding to the things slave or slavery, and, wherever 
 in that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a 
 person, and this mode of alluding to slaves was em- 
 ployed on purpose to exclude from the Constitution the 
 idea that there could be property in man." 
 
 Now what a delusion the Republican leaders threw 
 over the minds of the American people ! In the Life 
 of John Adams, one of the signers of the " Declaration," 
 by his grandson, Charles F. Adams, it is said: 
 
 " In the plans formed for the first Confederation, a 
 question touched the proper apportionment of the public 
 charges. The plan adopted was to base it exclusively 
 on land and buildings. New England would have it 
 extended to other property, included in the term 
 African slaves. The other States, in which this descrip- 
 tion of population was mostly found, preferred then, to 
 except themselves from charge, by considering them ex- 
 clusively as persons. This distinction should always be 
 borne in mind in connection with the lano:ua":e of the 
 Constitution, framed eleven years afterwards." 
 
 There, Mr. Lincoln, you have the reason why slaves 
 are called persons, instead of property. After the Con- 
 stitution was formed, it was submitted to all the States 
 for their adoption. While they were examining and 
 considering its merits, James Madison, Alexander Ham- 
 
IN THE CONSTITUTION. 25 
 
 ilton, and John Jay, wrote an explanation of every 
 Article, and published their expositions in a paper called 
 " The Federalist." In this paper is found the following, 
 by James Madison : 
 
 " Slaves are considered by some as property, and not 
 as persons. They ought, therefore, to be comprehended 
 in estimates of taxation which are founded on property, 
 and to be excluded from representation which is regu- 
 lated by a census of persons. The true state of the case 
 is, they partake of both these qualities, being considered 
 by our laws, in some respects, as persons, and in other 
 respects, as property. The Federal Constitution decides 
 with great propriety on the case of our slaves, when 
 it views them in the mixed character of persons and of 
 property. This is, in fact, their true character. May 
 not some surprise be expressed that those who re- 
 proach the Southern States with the barbawus policy of 
 considering as property a part of their human brethren, 
 should themselves contend that the government ought 
 to consider this unfortunate race more completely in the 
 light of property than the very laws of the South, of 
 which they complain'?" 
 
 James Madison has been quoted as saying there 
 could be no such thing as property in man. In the 
 Virginia debates upon the adoption of the Constitution 
 he remarks : " One clause secures us that property we 
 now possess. It says, 'No person held to service or 
 labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into 
 another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation 
 thereof, be discharged from such service or labor ; but 
 shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom 
 such service or labor is due.' " This clause was expressly 
 inserted, to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. 
 
26 PATRICK henry's VIEWS OF SLAVERY. 
 
 No power is given to the general government to inter- 
 pose with respect to property in slaves now held by the 
 Statt-s. Thus did Madison endeavor to bring his State 
 into the Union, by assuring the people that the govern- 
 ment would never interpose with respect to property in 
 slaves. Better for Virginia, and the other Southern 
 States, had they remained separate and independent, than 
 to have had the Government fallen into the hands of 
 Abraham Lincoln and the Abolitionists, now desolating 
 their soil ! 
 
 Patrick Henry, the great Virginia patriot, who de- 
 claimed against Great Britain, and ended an eloquent 
 speech with the oft-repeated sentence, "As for me, give 
 me liberty or give me death !" said in this convention, 
 "As much as I deplore slavery, I see that prudence 
 forbids its abolition. I repeat that it would rejoice my 
 very soul that every one of my fellow-beings was 
 emancipated. But is it practicable, by any human 
 means, to liberate them without producing the most 
 dreadful consequences 1 We ought to possess them in 
 the manner we inherited them from our ancestors, as 
 their manumission is incompatible with the felicity of 
 our country. But we ought to soften, as much as possi- 
 ble, the rigor of their unhappy fate. I wish this 
 property, therefore, to be guarded." Such was the de- 
 cision of Patrick Henry, when it was suggested to the 
 people of Virginia that the general government, if they 
 should consent to come into a Union with the North, 
 might attempt to emancipate their slaves. He says, 
 " This property, as well as every other property of the 
 people of Virginia, is in jeopardy, and put in the hands 
 of those who have no similarity of situation with us." 
 How fearful, how sensitive, how apprehensive of danger, 
 
THE QUESTION OF REPRESENTATION. 27 
 
 were the people of Virginia, that the Eastern States 
 would take advantage if they put themselves in their 
 power. Another gentleman, Mr. Galloway, asked, " If 
 we must manumit our slaves, what country shall we send 
 them to "? It is impossible for us to be happy if, after 
 manumission, they are to stay among us." This har- 
 monizes with Thomas Jefferson's belief that the two 
 races could not live under the same government equally 
 free. 
 
 In the North Carohna debates it was said by Mr. 
 Davie that the Eastern States had great jealousies on 
 the subject of representation. They insisted that their 
 horses and cows were equally entitled to representation 
 as the negroes — that the one was property as well as the 
 other. In South Carolina, Hon. Mr. Lowndes said : " It 
 has been remarked that this new government was to be 
 considered as an experiment. He really was afraid it 
 would prove a flital one to our peace and happiness. An 
 experiment ! what 1 risk the loss of political existence on 
 experiments 1 So far from having any expectation of 
 success from such an experiment he believed that when 
 this new Constitution should be adopted, the sun of the 
 Southern States would set, never to rise again. To 
 prove this, he said that six of the Eastern States formed 
 a majority in the House of Representatives. Now, was 
 it consonant with reason, with wisdom, with policy, to 
 suppose, in a legislature, where a majority of persons 
 sat whose interests were greatly different from ours, that 
 we had the smallest chance of receiving adequate ad- 
 vantages 1 Certainly not. The Eastern States drew 
 their means of subsistence, in a great measure, from 
 their shipping ; and on that head they had been par- 
 ticularly careful not to allow of any burdens ; they were 
 
28 Washington's address to the 
 
 not to pay tonnage or duties, no, not even the form of 
 clearing out ; all ports were free and open to them. 
 Why then call this a reciprocal bargain, which took all 
 from one party to bestow it on the other 1 They don't 
 like our slaves, because they have so few themselves, 
 and therefore want to exclude us from this great ad- 
 vantage. The nature of our climate, and the flat, 
 swampy situation of our country obliges us to cultivate 
 our lands with negroes, and without them South CaroHna 
 would soon be a desert waste." 
 
 General Pinckney decided the question by telling the 
 people that the " general government could never eman- 
 cipate our negroes, for no such authority is granted, as 
 the general government has no powers but what are ex- 
 pressly granted by the Constitution, and all rights not 
 expressed are reserved by the several States." 
 
 And thus assured, the hitherto free, sovereign, and 
 independent States, south of the Potomac, united in a 
 bond of union with the sovereign and independent States 
 north and east, on the great continent of America. 
 
 On the 8th of June, 1783, Washington addressed to 
 the Governors of the several States the paternal and 
 affectionate letter which follows : 
 
 " The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable 
 condition as the sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract 
 of continent, comprehending all the various soils and 
 climates of the world, and abounding with all the neces- 
 saries and conveniences of life, are now, by the late satis- 
 factory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of 
 absolute freedom and independence. They are from 
 this period to be considered as the actors on a most con- 
 spicuous theatre, which seems to be peculiarly desig- 
 nated by Providence for the display of human greatness 
 
GOVERNORS OF THE SEVERAL STATES. 29 
 
 and felicity. Here they are not only surrounded with 
 every thing which can contribute to the completion of 
 private and domestic enjoyment, but heaven has crowned 
 all its other blessings by giving a fairer opportunity for 
 political happiness than any other nation has been 
 favored with. Nothing can illustrate these observations 
 more forcibly than a recollection of the happy conjunc- 
 ture of times and circumstances under which our republic 
 assumed its rank among the nations. 
 
 "The foundation of our empire was not laid in the 
 gloomy age of ignorance and superstition, but at an 
 epoch when the rights of mankind were better under- 
 stood and more clearly defined, than at any former 
 period. The researches of the human mind after social 
 happiness have been carried to a great extent, the 
 treasures of knowledge acquired by the labors of phi- 
 losophers, sages, and legislators, through a long succession 
 of years, arc laid open to our use, and their collected 
 wisdom may be happily employed in the establishment 
 of our forms of government. The free cultivation of 
 letters, and above all, the pure and benign light of reve- 
 lation, have had a meliorating infiuence on mankind and 
 increased the blessings of society. At this auspicious 
 period the United States came into existence as a nation, 
 and if their citizens should not be completely free and 
 happv, the fault will be entirely their own." 
 
 To those who say that our fathers lived in a barbarous 
 age, the above is an answer. The treasures of knowl- 
 edge acquired by all the Grecian and Roman legislators 
 and philosophers were laid open for their use ; and, above 
 all, the Bible was theirs, and there is but one revelation 
 from God to man. If the citizens of the United States were 
 not happy the fault was indeed their own. The nation 
 
30 PRAYER FOR BROTHERLY AFFECTION". 
 
 prospered as our fathers made it. It rose to the hig^hest 
 rank among the nations of the earth, and would have 
 continued to prosper had it not been for the causes set 
 forth in the following pages. 
 
 As Moses gave laws to Israel, so Washington gave 
 laws to America. He made, with the assistance of the 
 ablest in the land, a Constitution or code of laws for the 
 government of the people, and, with the other laws, there 
 were those with regard to slavery. As the founders of 
 the Christian religion taught both by precept and exam- 
 ple, so did the founders of the American republic. To 
 those States which had dispensed with negro slavery, 
 it was said: 
 
 "Thou shalt not entice a slave to leave his master, 
 and shall restore to his owner the fugitive who may 
 escape unto thee. Thou shalt not excite them to in- 
 surrection, but shall aid in suppressing all rising of the 
 slaves." 
 
 And Washington said : " I now make it my most 
 earnest prayer that God would incline the hearts of the 
 citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination and obedi- 
 ence to government, to entertain a brotherly affection 
 and love for one another, for their fellow-citizens of the 
 United States at large ; that he would most graciously be 
 pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy and 
 to demean ourselves with that charity, humility, and 
 pacific temper of mind which were the characteristics 
 of the Divine Author of our blessed religion, without 
 an humble imitation of whose example in these things 
 we can never hope to be a happy nation." 
 
 " The Lord spake to Moses, and said : ' Say unto the 
 people of Israel, if ye walk in my statutes, and keep 
 my commandments to do them, I will give peace in the 
 
EARLY JEALOUSIES. 31 
 
 land, and ye shall lie down, and none shall make you 
 afraid, neither shall the sword go through your land. 
 But if ye will not hearken unto me, and will not do all 
 ray commandments, ye shall perish among the heathen, 
 and the land of your enemies shall eat you up, and they 
 that arc left of you shall pine away in their iniquity in 
 your enemies' land. Behold, I set before you, this day, 
 life and death, a blessing and a curse." 
 
 The sword has gone through our land, and thousands 
 have pined away in our enemies' country : a curse has 
 come upon us — the curse of war and bloodshed. Who 
 are the people that have broken the commands of Wash- 
 ington, and the laws of our fathers 1 Is the wickedness 
 all on the side of the people against whom our govern- 
 ment is sending forth war and desolation'? Let the 
 facts of history answer. 
 
 In March, 1790, General Washington received the 
 following letter from Dr. Stuart of Virginia : 
 
 " Dear Sir — A spirit of jealousy, which may become 
 dangerous to the Union, seems to be growing fast among 
 us. Colonel Lee tells me that many who were strong 
 supporters of the government are changing their senti- 
 ments, from a conviction of impracticability of union 
 with States whose interests are so dissimilar to those of 
 Virginia. The late application to Congress respecting 
 slaves will certainly tend to promote this spirit. It 
 gives particular umbrage that the Quakers should be so 
 busy in this matter." 
 
 Washington answered the letter and endeavored to 
 reconcile the people of Virginia, by telling them that 
 " The memorial of the Quakers, and a very mal apropos 
 one it was, had at length been put to sleep, and would 
 scarcely awake before the year 1808." 
 
82 FIRST PETITIONS FOR THE 
 
 Daniel Webster, in speaking of this subject, says: 
 " When the present Constitution of the United States 
 was submitted for the ratification of the people, there 
 were some who imagined that the powers of the new 
 government might, perhaps, in some possible mode, be 
 exerted in measures tending to the abolition of slavery. 
 This suggestion attracted much attention in the Southern 
 Conventions. At the very first Congress petitions were 
 presented praying Congress to abolish slavery. The 
 House of Representatives referred these petitions to a 
 select committee, consisting of Mr. Foster of New 
 Hampshire, Mr. Gerry of Massachusetts, Mr. Hunting- 
 ton of Connecticut, Mr. Lawrence of New York, Mr. 
 Sinnickson of New Jersey, Mr. Hartley of Pennsylvania, 
 and Mr. Parker of Virginia, all of them Northern men 
 but the last. This committee made a report as follows : 
 ' Resolved, That Congress have no authority to interfere 
 in the emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of 
 them in any of the States, it remaining with the several 
 States alone to provide rules and regulations therein, 
 which humanity and true policy may require.' 
 
 " This resolution received the sanction of Congress 
 as early as March, 1790, and they agreed to insert the 
 resolutions in their journals ; and from that day to this 
 (1830) it has never been maintained or contended that 
 Congress had any authority to interfere with the con- 
 dition of slaves in the several States. The fears of the 
 South, whatever fears they might have entertained, 
 were allayed and quieted by this early decision." 
 
 General Washington wrote to the Governor of Rhode 
 Island as soon as that State and North Carolina accepted 
 the Constitution, and joined the other States. " Since 
 the bond of Union is now complete, and we once more 
 
ABOLISHMENT OF SLAVERY. gg 
 
 consider ourselves as one family, it is hoped tliat re- 
 proaches will cease, and prejudices be done away, for if 
 we mean to support the liberty and independence which 
 has cost us so much blood and treasure, we must drive 
 away the demon of party spirit and local reproach. 
 The introduction of the Quaker memorial was not only 
 ill timed but occasioned a great waste of time." 
 
 The local reproach means the same as that used by 
 Madison when he speaks of those who reproach the 
 South for slavery. "Washington's whole aim and ambi- 
 tion was to have his family of white children. North and 
 South, live in happiness and peace together in the Union 
 which was now completed. Since we once more con- 
 sider ourselves as one family, if we mean to retain our 
 liberty and independence, we must drive away the 
 demon of party spirit, and not reproach one another — 
 " frowning upon every attempt to alienate any portion 
 of our country from the rest." 
 
 When the petitions were sent to the first Congress 
 praying for the abolition of slavery, Mr. Smith, a mem- 
 ber from the South, made a speech, of which the follow- 
 ing is an extract : " The Southern people might consider 
 the toleration of the Quakers an injury to thecommunity, 
 because in time of war they would not defend their 
 country from the enemy, and in time of peace they 
 were doing all in their power to excite the slaves in 
 the Southern States to insurrection : notwithstandin<r 
 which tlie people of these States have not required the 
 assistance of Congress to exterminate the Quakers. 
 The Northern States knew the Southern States had 
 slaves before they confederated with them. If they had 
 such an abhorrence of slavery, why did they not reject 
 our alliance \ The truth was, that the best informed 
 3 
 
34 PERSONAL LIBERTY BILLS 
 
 citizens of the North knew that slavery was so ingrafted 
 into the policy of the Southern States, that it could not 
 be eradicated without tearing up by the roots their 
 happiness and prosperity — that if it were an evil, it was 
 one for which there was no remedy, and, therefore, like 
 wise men, they acquiesced in it. We, therefore, made 
 a compromise on both sides ; we took each other with 
 our mutual bad habits and respective evils for better or 
 worse ; the Northern States adopted us with our slaves, 
 and we adopted them with their Quakers. There was 
 then an implied contract between the Northern and 
 Southern people that no step should be taken to injure 
 the property of the Southern people or to disturb their 
 tranquillity." 
 
 The Hon. Mr. Charles Diven, M.C., explains this 
 contract more fully in a speech upon the Personal 
 Liberty Bill attempted to be passed in the Legislature 
 of New York. He says : 
 
 "The Constitution is in the nature of compact between 
 independent States, by which a government was created 
 for specific purposes, mutually beneficial ; but was con- 
 fined in its powers to these specific purposes. In all 
 other respects the States retained their sovereignty. 
 No one State was to become responsible for the laws of 
 another ; we have no right to make laws for South 
 Carolina, consequently we are in no respect responsible 
 for her laws, nor has she any right to make laws for us. 
 Will it be said that she has no right to complain if we 
 pass this law 1 The answer is, that by the compact we ex- 
 pressly agreed not to pass such laws : we agreed solemnly 
 that we should respect this law of hers, by which she re- 
 cognized this right in slaves. These laws existed at the 
 
PASSED BY NORTHERN STATES. 
 
 time of the compact, with a perfect knowledge of their 
 existence. The South held slaves without a Union. The 
 Union did not give them this power. Is the State of 
 New York prepared to break the compact, as it certainly 
 will by the passage of this biU f 
 
 A great many Northern States passed the Personal 
 Liberty Bill: therefore the Northern people broke the 
 compact that held the Union together long before the 
 South seceded. All who favored such a bill broke the 
 commands of the Father of his Country. They violated 
 the national compact, and trod under their feet the 
 Constitution wliich Washington signed his name to, 
 when first elected President of the United States. In 
 1789, he made an inaugural address, in which he says: 
 
 " No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore 
 the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men, 
 more than the people of the United States. Every step 
 by which they have advanced to the character of an in- 
 dependent nation, seems to have been distinguished by 
 some token of Providential agency. There is no truth 
 more firmly established tlian that there exists, in the 
 course and economy of nature, an indissoluble union 
 between virtue and liappiness, and I behold in the char- 
 acters selected to adopt the measures of government, 
 which it is made the duty of the President to recom- 
 mend, the surest pledges tliat the foundation of our 
 policy wdll be hud in the pure and immutable principles 
 of private morality, and the pre-eminence of free 
 government be exemplified by all the attributes which 
 can win the affections of the citizens, and command the 
 respect of the world. We ought to be persuaded that 
 the propitious smiles of heaven can never be expected 
 
36 Washington's letter to Robert morris. 
 
 on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and 
 right which Heaven itself has ordained." 
 
 " Order is Heaven's first law, and this confest, 
 Some are, and must be, greater than the rest." 
 
 These " eternal rules of order and right" Washing- 
 ton illustrated both by precept and example. An illus- 
 tration of his principles, and his ideas of justice and 
 order, may be found in the following letter to Robert 
 Morris, of Philadelphia, April, 1786: 
 
 " Dear Sir — I give you the trouble of this letter at the 
 instance of Mr. Dalby, of Alexandria, who is called to 
 Philadelphia to attend what he conceives to be a vexa- 
 tious lawsuit, respecting a slave of his, whom a society 
 of Quakers in the city, formed for such purposes, have 
 attempted to liberate. From Mr. Dalby's statement of 
 the matter, it should seem that this society is not only 
 acting repugnantly to justice, so far as its conduct con- 
 cerns strangers, but in my opinion impolitically with 
 respect to the State, the city in particular, without being 
 able, except by acts of tyranny and oppression, to accom- 
 plish its own ends. He says the conduct of tliis society 
 is not sanctioned by law. Had the case been otherwise, 
 whatever my opinion of the law might have been, my 
 respect for the policy of the State would, on this occa- 
 sion, have appeared in my silence, because, against 
 the penalty of promulgated laws, one may guard ; but 
 there is no avoiding the snares of individuals or private 
 societies. If the practice of this society is not discoun- 
 tenanced, none of those whose misfortune it is to have 
 slaves as attendants, will visit the city if they can possi- 
 bly avoid it, because, by so doing, they hazard their 
 property, or they must be at the expense (and this wiU 
 
CONDEMNS ENTICING OF SLAVES. ^ 37 
 
 not always succeed) of providing servants of anotlier de- 
 scription." 
 
 Here the Father of his Country places an emphatic 
 condemnation on all societies or persons who would 
 entice a slave from his master. He pronounces their 
 acts repugnant to justice, and says that it is only by 
 tyTanny and oppression they gain the Hberty of the slave, 
 which he calls the property of his master. Now, it is their 
 acts of tyranny that constitute men and rulers tyrants — 
 by their acts of oppression that they are called oppressors. 
 Then what a band of tyrants and oppressors have been 
 formed in the Northern States to steal away the property 
 of their white brethren South ! Thirty thousand slaves 
 in Canada alone have been stolen or enticed from South- 
 ern people by Northern aboUtionists — a great gang of 
 negro-stealers, whom Washington himself pronounced 
 guilty of tyranny and oppression, holding themselves up 
 before the world as models of justice and philanthropy, 
 and denouncing slaveholders as the worst of men. 
 "Washington says : " When slaves who are happy and 
 contented with their present masters, are tampered with, 
 and seduced to leave them, when masters are taken una- 
 wares by these practices, when a conduct of this kind 
 begets discontent on one side, and resentment on the 
 other, and when it happens to fall on a man whose 
 purse will not measure with that of the society, and he 
 r loses his property for want of means to defend it, it is 
 oppression in such a case, and not humanity in any, 
 because it introduces more evils than it can cure." 
 
 He says it is oppression to seduce away slaves from 
 their masters, who have not the means of defending their 
 property, even when they are not happy and contented. 
 It seems Washington thought there were contented and 
 
38 SLAVEHOLDERS BRINGING THEIR SERVANTS 
 
 Lappy slaves ; but even when they were unhappy it was 
 not humanity to take them from their masters, because 
 it would introduce more evils than it could cure. Thus 
 we have the testimony of the Father of his Country, 
 who was trying to act indeed as a father to his chil- 
 dren, that the abolitionists have not been performing 
 acts of humanity in any case, for that they have intro- 
 duced more evils than they have cured. 
 
 Washington speaks of the acts of the society not 
 being sanctioned by law. That was true. Thomas 
 Benton, who published the Debates in Congress, says: 
 "Public opinion was against the abduction of slaves, 
 and if any one was seduced from his owner it was done 
 furtively and secretly, as any other moral offence would 
 be committed. State laws favored the owner, and to a 
 greater extent than the act of Congress, called the 
 Fugitive Slave law, did or could." In Pennsylvania 
 there was an act passed in 1780, and only repealed in 
 1847, discriminating between the traveller and sojourner, 
 and the permanent resident, allowing the former to 
 remain six months in the State before his slaves would 
 become subject to the emancipation laws, which are as 
 follows : 
 
 "No man or woman of any nation or color, except 
 the negroes and mulattoes who shall be registered as 
 aforesaid, shall at any time hereafter be deemed ad- 
 judged or holden within the territories of this Common-^ 
 wealth as slaves or servants for life, except the domestic 
 slaves attending upon delegates in Congress from other 
 American States, foreign ministers and consuls, and 
 persons passing through or sojourning in this State, 
 provided such slaves be not retained in this State longer 
 than six months." 
 
INTO FREE STATES. 39 
 
 The slave then of Mr. Dalby was not free by coming 
 into Pennsylvania, and up to 1847 the Southern people 
 cx)uld travel with their slaves through the State or 
 remain six months without losing them by law. New 
 York had the same act, only varying in time. While 
 these two acts were in force and supported by public 
 opinion, the traveller and sojourner was safe with his 
 slaves in those States, and the same in other free States. 
 
 It is a fact to be remembered, that Washington 
 claimed the right of the Southern people to travel 
 through the States with their slaves without running 
 the hazard of their being enticed away by abolitionists, 
 and when the South since claimed the same privilege 
 they asked no more than the Father of the Country did 
 before them. 
 
 Daniel S. Dickinson, in a speech made in 1860, said: 
 "This Union was founded in mutual friendship and 
 regard. In 1840, the law called the nine months law 
 was repealed. It permitted Southern brethren, who 
 visited the State of New York, to bring with them their 
 servants and remain nine months, and they were as 
 fully protected as they were in tlie States from whence 
 they came. In 1840 that act was repealed. I wa» 
 then a member of the Senate, and resisted the repeal 
 of that law to the best of my ability., I believe that 
 was the first trouble between the North and the South. 
 The Federal laws and Constitution are well enough. 
 The South insists upon the principle of the equality of 
 the States, and they are entitled to it. The Constitu- 
 tion makes them equal; the law makes them equal; 
 they are equals in the sight of honest men, and are 
 equals in the sight of God, and woe be to him who 
 undertakes to degrade them and trample them down." 
 
40 DANIEL WEBSTER UPON 
 
 While this question was being discussed two years 
 before the law was repealed, William H. Seward made 
 the following remarks: "Being desirous to be entirely 
 candid in this communication, it is proper that I should 
 add that I am not convinced it would be either wise, 
 expedient or humane to declare to our fellow-citizens 
 of the Southern States, that if they travel to or from, 
 or pass through the State of New York, they shall not 
 bring with them the attendants whom custom, or edu- 
 cation, or habit may have rendered necessary to them. 
 I have not been able to discover any good object to be 
 attained by such an act of inhospitality. It certainly 
 can work no injury to us, nor can it be injurious to the 
 unfortunate beings held in bondage to permit them, 
 once perhaps in their lives, and at most on occasions 
 few and far between, to visit a country where slavery is 
 unknown. I can even conceive of benefits to the great 
 cause of human liberty from the cultivation of this 
 intercourse with the South. It is sufficient to say that 
 such an exclusion could have no good effect practically, 
 and would accomplish nothing in the great cause of 
 human liberty." But this act of inhospitality was 
 passed, and all intercourse with the people of the South 
 ended with it. 
 
 General Washington was President of the Convention 
 that framed the Constitution, and affixed his name to 
 that instrument which contained the Fugitive Slave Law. 
 Daniel Webster said in regard to this, in a speech made 
 a year before he died : 
 
 " There has been an ancient practice for a century for 
 aught I know, according to which, fugitives from service, 
 whether apprentices at the North or slaves at the South, 
 should be restored. Massachusetts had restored fugitive 
 
THE FUGITI7E SLAVE LAW. 
 
 ii 
 
 slaves to Virginia long before the adoption of the Con- 
 stitution. And it was held that any man could pursue 
 his slave and take him wherever he could find him. 
 Under this state of things it was expressly stipulated in 
 the plainest language, and there it stands — sophistry 
 cannot gloss it, it cannot be erased from the page of 
 the Constitution — there it stands, that ' persons held to 
 service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, 
 escaping into another State, shall not, in consequence of 
 any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such 
 service or labor, but shall be delivered up upon claim of 
 the party to whom such service is due.' Adopted with- 
 out dissent, nowhere objected to, North or South, con- 
 sidered as a matter of absolute right and justice to the 
 Southern States, concurred in everywhere by every 
 State that adopted the Constitution, we look in vain for 
 any opposition from Massachusetts to Georgia. Then 
 this being the case, this being the provision of the Con- 
 stitution, soon after Congress had organized in General 
 Washington's time, it was found necessary to pass a law 
 to carry that provision of the Constitution into effect. 
 Such a law was prepared and passed. It is said it was 
 drawn by Mr. Cabot of Massachusetts. It was supported 
 by him and Mr. Goodhue and Mr. Sedgwick of ^lassa- 
 chusetts, and generally by all the free States. So it 
 went on until some fourteen years ago, when some of 
 the free States passed laws prohibiting their own 
 officers and magistrates from executing this law of Con- 
 gress under heavy penalties. They said, we shall not 
 execute the laws ; no runaway slave shall be restored. 
 But here was the constitutional compact, here was 
 the stipulation as solemn as words could form it, and 
 
42 WEBSTER PRONOUNCES ABOLITIONISTS 
 
 which every member of Congress, every officer from 
 Governors down to Constables, had sworn to support. 
 
 "Well, under this state of things, in 1850 I was of 
 tlie opinion that common justice and good faith called 
 upon ns to make a law, fair, equitable, just, that should 
 be calculated to carry this constitutional provision into 
 effect, and give the Southern States what they are en- 
 titled to, and what was intended originally they should 
 receive. It was no concession, it was yielding nothing, 
 giving up nothing. When called upon to fulfil a com- 
 pact, the question is, Will you fulfil it ] The law of 
 1850 was more favorable for the fugitive than the law 
 of 1793, passed under General Washington's adminis- 
 tration. And everywhere, by all judges, it has been 
 pronounced to be a constitutional law. So say Judge 
 Nelson, Woodbury, and all the rest, so far as I know. 
 So says the unanimous opinion of Massachusetts herself, 
 expressed by as good a court as ever sat in Massachu- 
 setts, its present Supreme Court, and so says everybody 
 eminent for learning and good judgment, without dis- 
 sent of judicial opinion, everywhere. 
 
 " And yet this law is opposed, violently opposed — not 
 by bringing the question into court. These lovers of 
 human liberty, these friends of the slave — the fugitive 
 slave — don't put their hands in their pockets, and draw 
 funds to conduct lawsuits and try the question; they 
 are not in that habit much. That is not the way they 
 show their devotion to liberty of any kind. But they 
 meet and pass resolutions, they resolve that the law is 
 oppressive, unjust, and should not be executed at any 
 rate. This has been said in the States of New York, 
 Massachusetts, and Ohio over and over again. This was 
 the language of a Convention at Worcester, in Syracuse, 
 
GUILTY OF TREASON. 43 
 
 and elsewhere. And for this they pledged their lives, 
 their fortunes and their sacred honor. Now, gentlemen, 
 these proceedings, I say it upon my professional reputa- 
 tion, are distinctly treasonable. And the act of taking 
 away Shadrack from the public authorities in Boston 
 was an act of clear treason. I speak this in the hearing 
 of men who are lawyers ; T speak it out to the country ; I 
 say it everywhere on my professional reputation : it was 
 treason and nothing else. If men get together, and 
 combine together, and resolve that they will oppose a 
 law of the government, not in any one case, but in all 
 cases — I say, if they resolve to resist this law, and carry 
 that purpose into effect by resisting the application of 
 the law in any one case, that, sir,, is treason. The reso- 
 lution itself, unacted on, is not treason ; it only manifests 
 a treasonable purpose. AVhen this purpose is proclaimed, 
 and it is proclaimed that it will be carried into effect by 
 force of arms — or numbers — in any one case, that con- 
 stitutes a case looking to war against the Union." 
 
 Now, by the ablest lawyer in the United States, the 
 abolitionists of the North have been pronounced eitlier 
 guilty of treason or of treasonable proceedings and pur- 
 poses ; and when the affairs of this nation come to be ad- 
 justed, they deserve the same punishment that is meted 
 out to traitors in the Southern States, and the Almighty 
 will hold them responsible for their share in dissolving 
 this Union, just the same as he will the traitors South. 
 
 Joshua Giddings says in 1846: "Our people, under 
 the Constitution, and under the law of 1793, are pro- 
 hibited, first, from protecting the slave against an arrest 
 by the master ; secondly, from concealing the slave from 
 the master ; and, thirdly, from rescuingthe slave after his 
 
44 BREAKING PLIGHTED FAITH 
 
 arrest. If we do either of these acts we violate our 
 constitutional compact." 
 
 Wayland's Science of Moral Law, upon the subject of 
 Contracts, says: 
 
 "A contract is a mutual promise — that is, we promise 
 to do one thing, on the condition that another person 
 does another. Hence, after a contract is made, while 
 the other party performs his part ; we are under obliga- 
 tion to perform our part ; but if either party fail, the 
 other is, by the failure of the condition essential to the 
 contract, liberated. But this is not all. Not only is 
 the one party liberated, by the failure of the other party 
 to perform his part of the contract ; the first, has, more- 
 over, upon the second, a claim for damages, to the amount 
 of what he may have suffered by such failure. The 
 obligation to veracity is precisely the same, under what 
 relations soever it may be formed. It is as binding be- 
 tween individuals and society, on both parts, as it is 
 between individuals. There is no more excuse for a 
 society, when it violates its obligation to an individual, 
 or for an individual, when he violates his obligation to a 
 society, than in any other case of deliberate falsehood. 
 By how much more are societies or communities bound 
 to fidelity, in their engagements with each other, since 
 the faith of treaties is the only barrier which interposes 
 to shield nations from the appeal to bloodshed in every 
 case of collision of interests ! And the obligation is the 
 same, under what circumstances soever nations may 
 treat with each other. A civilized people have no right 
 to violate its solemn obligations because the other party 
 is uncivilized. A strong nation has no right to lie to a 
 weak nation. The simple fact, that two communities 
 of moral agents have entered into engagements, binds 
 
A BREACH OF THE MORAL LAW. 45 
 
 both of them equally in the sight of their common 
 Creator. 
 
 " Men may mystify before each other, and they may 
 stupefy the monitor in their own bosoms by throwing 
 the blame of perfidy upon each other, but it is to be re- 
 membered that they act in the presence of a Being with 
 whom the night shineth as the day, and that they must 
 appear before a tribunal where there will be no more 
 shuffling." 
 
 Hon. Henry S. Hilliard, of Alabama, in a speech at 
 the Cooper Institute, in 1859, in reply to Hon. Wm. H. 
 Seward — that liberty is always right, and slavery is 
 always wrong — said : " Now I deny his authority as a 
 statesman to frame any such proposition. I deny his 
 authority to engraft an anti-slavery policy upon a gov- 
 ernment which embraces slaveholding and non-slave- 
 holding States; and before he enthrones his ideal 
 theories he must subvert the government and banish 
 the Constitution of the United States. All that the 
 South asks is, that the Constitution be upheld. All 
 that she asks is, a full participation in the benefits of a 
 common government, a full recognition of her rights, 
 and a clear vindication of her honor. Does anybody 
 believe that the Federal Government could have been 
 constructed if it had been understood that the powers 
 were to be directed against slavery in the States 1 The 
 Constitution provides for the representation of slaves as 
 an elementary part of the machinery of the government. 
 How then can it be asserted that this is an anti-slavery 
 government in its nature, and that it was put on the 
 wrong tract forty years since by admitting a slaveholding 
 State into the Union'? If the government could not 
 have been constructed with an understanding that its 
 
46 THE NORTH GUILTY OF BREAKING 
 
 policy was to be directed against slavery, is it not a fla- 
 grant breach of good faith to seize the departments of 
 that government, and turn them against if?" 
 
 Henry Ward Beecher, in 1861, said: "I wish our 
 fathers had stood out against what is called the com- 
 promises of the Constitution, But our fathers signed 
 the bond, and we accepted it. Can we afford to break 
 it for even so magnificent a result as the emancipation 
 of the slave ] Shall we rend the crystal instrument — 
 the joy of the world and our pride 1 It is very easy to 
 say, ' Now it is a state of war, let us declare emancipa- 
 tion.' The war has not driven us out of our institu- 
 tions. We are not ourselves in a state of rebellion. 
 AVe cannot expect by destroying the Constitution to put 
 down the rebelhon. If any one asks me whether a law 
 or a constitution is superior to original principles of 
 morahty and justice, I say, no ; but plighted faith is it- 
 self in the nature of a sacred, moral principle. Our 
 faith is given and must be kept. Wlien we cannot 
 abide by our promise, then, in methods expressly pro- 
 vided, we must withdraw the pledge and the agree- 
 ments of the Constitution, and start apart as two sepa- 
 rate people. We, who boast of our Constitution, must 
 not violate it ourselves, in putting down those who vio- 
 late it." 
 
 According to the moral philosophy then of this pop- 
 ular divine, whose opinions mth many are equal to 
 sacred law, the government has actually violated the 
 Constitution, and broken the bond signed by our fathers. 
 " Phijhted faith is itself in the nature of a sacred moral 
 principle. Our faith is given and must be kept." But 
 Abraham Lincoln and his lawmakers have broken their 
 plighted faith, and are therefore as morally guilty as 
 
THE BOND OF UNION. 47 
 
 the South of rebellion against the Constitution of our 
 fathers. " We are not ourselves in a state of rebellion," 
 said Mr. Beecher in 1861, but in 1864 we are, for we 
 have done the very acts which constitute rebellion, and 
 by force of arms are subverting the government our 
 fathers founded. 
 
 The price of the Union which our fathers founded 
 was the return of a negro now and then to his master. 
 The price of the Union which the Republicans have 
 founded is the enslavement of every able-bodied man 
 between the ages of eighteen and forty-five to the 
 United States Govcrament. Washington said the black 
 slaves owed service to their masters — now, white slaves 
 owe service to the government. The shackles fall from 
 the black man only to be transferred to the white man. 
 
 Washington said: "I behold in the characters selected 
 to adopt tlio measures of government the surest pledges 
 that the foundations of our national policy will be laid 
 in the immutable principles of private morality ;" and 
 he adds, that " the preservation of the sacred fire of lib- 
 erty, and the destiny of the republican model of gov- 
 ernment, are staked on the experiment intrusted to the 
 hands of the American people." 
 
 The Constitution was "the cement of the Union" by 
 which all the States were held together, to which they 
 all assented, and by which all were bound. Wusliing- 
 ton believed the Constitution to be founded in justice, 
 order and right ; that every step by which the United 
 States had advanced to the cliaracter of an independent 
 nation had been distinguished by some token of provi- 
 dential agency. In his Farewell Address, in 1796, he 
 still prayed that Heaven would continue to the people of 
 the United States the choicest tokens of its beneficence ; 
 
48 Washington's farewell address. 
 
 that their union and brotherly love might be perpetual; 
 that the free Constitution, which was the work of their 
 hands, might be sacredly m-aintained; that it was of 
 infinite moment that they should properly estimate the 
 immense value of their National Union; that they 
 should speak of it as of the palladium of their political 
 safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with 
 jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may sug- 
 gest a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, 
 and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every 
 attempt to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link 
 together the various parts. — George Washington. 
 
 When Washington retired from the public supervi- 
 tion of the government he was the foremost in estab- 
 lishing, an illustrious patriot and signer of the Declara- 
 tion of Independence was placed by the people in the 
 Presidential chair as the worthy successor of the Father 
 of his Country, whom he eulogizes, in his first address 
 to the people, as the man whose great actions had con- 
 ducted the people of America to independence and 
 peace ; to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity ; 
 who merited the highest gratitude of his people, and 
 had secured immortal glory with posterity. 
 
 He says: "With this great example before me, 
 pledged to support the Constitution of the United 
 States, I entertain no doubt of its continuance, and my 
 mind is prepared, without hesitation, to lay myself 
 under the most solemn obligations to support it to the 
 utmost of my power. And may that Being who is 
 supreme over all, the Patron of order, the Fountain of 
 justice, and the Protector, in all ages of the world, of 
 virtuous liberty, continue his blessing upon the nation 
 and its government, and give it all possible success and 
 
Jefferson's inaugural address. 49 
 
 duration consistent with the ends of his providence." — 
 John Adams. 
 
 Four years more, and tlie government is placed in 
 the hands of another signer of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, and the immortal author of that immortal 
 production. He says upon the great occasion : 
 
 "A rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful 
 land ; traversing all the seas with the rich productions 
 of their industry ; advancing rapidly to destinies beyond 
 the reach of mortal eye — when I contemplate these 
 transcendent objects, and see the honor, the happiness, 
 and the hopes of my beloved coimtry, committed to the 
 issue and the auspices of this day, I shrink from the 
 contemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude 
 of the undertaking. 
 
 " Possessing a chosen country, with room enough for 
 our descendants to the hundredth and thousandth gen- 
 eration, acknowledging and adoring an overruling Provi- 
 Jence — with all these blessings, what more is necessary 
 to make us a happy and prosperous people "? The wis- 
 dom of our sages and the blood of our heroes have been 
 devoted to the attainment of these blessings — freedom 
 of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of the 
 person under the protection of the habeas corpus, and 
 trial by jury, the supremacy of the civil over the mili- 
 tary authority. These principles form the bright con- 
 stellation which has gone before us. They should be 
 the creed of our political faith, the touchstone to try the 
 services of those we trust ; and should we wander from 
 them in moments of error or alarm, let us hasten to 
 retrace our steps, and to regain the road which leads to 
 peace, hberty, and safety. 
 
 " I shall need the favor of that Being who led our 
 
50 JAMES MADISON'S INAUGURAL. 
 
 fathers, as Israel of old, from their native land, and 
 planted them in a country flowing with all the neces- 
 saries of life, who has covered our infancy with his 
 providence and our riper years with his wisdom and 
 power ; and I ask you to join in supplications with me, 
 that he will so enlighten the minds of your servants, 
 guide their counsels and prosper their measures, that 
 whatsoever they do shall result in your good, and shall 
 secure to you the peace, friendship, and approbation of 
 all nations." — Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 Another " signer" takes his seat and holds the reins 
 of government, and he bestows upon his immediate 
 predecessor the tribute of his sympathy, which he en- 
 joyed in the benedictions of a beloved country, grate- 
 fully bestowed for exalted talents, zealously devoted, 
 through a long career, to the advancement of the highest 
 interests and happiness of his country. " My confidence 
 will be placed in the virtue of my fellow-citizens, next 
 to that of the guardianship of that Almighty Being 
 whose power regulates the destiny of nations, whose 
 blessings have been so conspicuously dispensed to this 
 rising republic, and to whom we are bound to address 
 our devout gratitude for the past, and our fervent sup- 
 ])lications and hopes for the future." — James Madison. 
 
 Twenty-eight years of unparalleled happiness and 
 prosperity, brought about by the wisdom and virtue of 
 the rulers of America, induced the people to select their 
 fifth President from the same State where three of their 
 former ones were born — and a Virginian ruled the nation 
 for eight years longer. Soon after his inauguration he 
 visited the Northern States, and was met throughout his 
 tour by civic processions, military escorts, and enthusi- 
 astic crowds. The Society of the Cincinnati, at New 
 
JAMES Monroe's. 51 
 
 York, presented him with an address, and he referred, 
 in the reply which he made, to the times of Washington, 
 and his own former connection, in the battle-field, with 
 many of the persons whom he saw before him. In reply 
 to an address of the people of Maine, he said : " The 
 further I advance in my progress in the country, the 
 more I perceive that we are all Americans ; that we 
 compose but one family ; that our republican institutions 
 will be supported and perpetuated by the united zeal 
 and patriotism of all. Nothing could give me greater 
 satisfaction than to behold a perfect union among our- 
 selves — a union which is necessary to restore to social 
 intercourse its former charms (before the war with Eng- 
 land in 1812), and to render our happiness as a nation 
 unmixed and complete. To promote this desirable re- 
 sult requires no compromise of principle, and I promise 
 to give it my continued attention and my best endeav- 
 ors." This assurance was honestly made and honestly 
 carried out. When he retired from the Presidency in 
 1825, he left the country in a high state of prosperity, 
 and carried with him the respect and regard of the 
 nation. Jefferson said : " If the soul of James Monroe 
 was turned inside out, not a spot would be found on it." 
 The very year which wafted the pure soul of James 
 Monroe to the home of the purified in heaven, there was 
 wafted over this nation the death-cry of the Union. The 
 proffer of this pure, of this beloved patriot slaveholder, 
 that the whole American people should compose but one 
 family, that there should be a perfect union among our- 
 selves, and that our happiness as a nation might be com- 
 plete, was insolently rejected by the rebel leaders against 
 the Union, whose cry went forth upon the breeze : " No 
 Union with slaveholders." 
 
52' WM. LLOYD GARRISON PRONOUNCES 
 
 Thirty-four years from the time that Washington ad- 
 dressed his farewell to the American people, praying that 
 the Constitution, which was the work of their hands, 
 mio-ht be sacredly maintained, there arose a demon from 
 the bottomless pit, bearing in his hands a banner with 
 an inscription written in blood-red characters : " The 
 Constitution of the United States is a Covenant with 
 Death and an Agreement with Hell ;" and to that in- 
 scription was signed the name of Wm. Lloyd Garrison. 
 
 Washington told his people that it was of infinite 
 moment that they should properly estimate the immense 
 value of their national Union, and this rebel demon re- 
 sponded : " The Union is a curse. If such a process 
 were necessary to restore liberty to the captive, I would 
 tread the Union and the Constitution which you formed 
 under my feet as soon as I would a viper that stung 
 me." " I know there is much declamation about the 
 sacredness of the compact which you and your co-part- 
 ners formed between the free and the slave States, upon 
 the adoption of the Constitution. I recognize the com- 
 pact with feelings of shame and indignation, and it will 
 be held in everlasting infamy by the friends of justice 
 and humanity throughout the world. You had no power 
 to bind yourselves and your posterity for one hour by 
 such an unholy alliance. It was not valid then, it is 
 not valid now. Such a compact was in the nature of 
 things null and void from the beginning." 
 
 Washington said to his children : " I pray that your 
 union and brotherly afi'ectioti may be perpetual. You 
 have fought and triumphed together ; the independence 
 and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, 
 of joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and suc- 
 cesses." 
 
THE CONSTITUTION A COVENANT "WITH DEATH. 53 
 
 And Garrison replied: "We have no love for the 
 white people of the South. We love the negroes — they 
 are our brothers. Let the Union be accursed. God 
 demands a ballot-box in which the slaveholders shall 
 never cast a ballot." " They are men-stealers, robbers, 
 and kidnappers, and, unless they repent, will have their 
 part in the lake which burneth with fire and brimstone." 
 
 William Lloyd Garrison tells his o^vn story, in 1861, 
 and we are to listen. He says : " I began this work in 
 an uncompromising spirit. The slaveholder in vain 
 pleaded that he held his slaves by a divine right, under 
 both dispensations, under Moses and by the sanction of 
 Jesus Christ. In vain he told me that his right to hold 
 his slaves consisted in this, that he had bought them 
 fairly, and that they were his property. In vain he 
 pleaded that to emancipate his slaves would only be to 
 make their condition wretched and miserable. To all 
 his pleas I simply gave the lie, and declared that there 
 could be no such thing as property in man — that it is 
 the right of every slave to be instantly freed, and that 
 therefore there could be no compromise whatever. I 
 did not say, simply, that slavery, as a system, is wrong, 
 but that the act of holding human beings as slaves was 
 a sin against God — a crime of the deepest dye." (If so, 
 then what criminals were Washington, Madison, Jeffer- 
 son, Monroe, and Clay, the patriots who founded this 
 best government on earth !) 
 
 " If I had only said that slavery was an evil to be de- 
 plored, and some time or other, in the distant future, to 
 be abolished, he would have responded in the affirmative, 
 and we should have had no controversy ; but it was the 
 doctrine of instant, unconditional emancipation, that 
 made him see, as it were, the handwriting on the wall. 
 
54 GOVERNOR WOLF WARNING THE PEOPLE 
 
 At last I was brought to see the government of the 
 country stood directly in the way of the slave's emanci- 
 pation. AVhat could I do? If, in looking into the 
 Constitution of the country, I saw there compromises 
 and guarantees whereby the slaveholders were enabled 
 to possess themselves of their slave property securely, 
 and to extend and enlarge their slave system : what 
 else could I do than to cry out against it, and pronounce 
 such an instrument a covenant with death and an agree- 
 ment with hell 1 And so the slave was put into one 
 scale, and the Government, the Constitution, and the 
 Union into the other. They kicked the beam and he 
 outweighed them all." 
 
 Garrison says he began the work of emancipating the 
 slave by overthrowing the Government, the Constitution, 
 and the Union. Mark, now, his progress from 1833, 
 and see that Abraham Lincoln is his agent, and is 
 carrying out his plan. It is said that the South com- 
 menced to prepare for war thirty years ago. That 
 evinced their wisdom and foresight, for against William 
 Lloyd Garrison's abolition army they must fight or be 
 destroyed. If Garrison should succeed in overthrowing 
 the government which they had helped to form, their 
 own destruction followed, of course. 
 
 On the second day of December, 1835, George Wolf, 
 Governor of Pennsylvania, sent forth his annual message, 
 and contained therein was the following account of the 
 progress which Garrison and his followers were making. 
 He says: 
 
 " For some time past, certain individuals, under the 
 cognomen of abolitionists, have been laboring most 
 assiduously to impress upon the public mind the necessity 
 of the immediate emancipation of the slaves in the 
 
AGAINST THE ABOLITIONISTS. 55 
 
 South. Inhabiting a State which was the first to abohsh 
 slavery, we cannot be affected by the existing excite- 
 ment otherwise than as members of the great American 
 confederacy, and as forming a link in the great chain 
 which binds it together. As such we are deeply in- 
 terested in the peace, the unity, and integrity of the 
 whole. This most delicate, and I may say unfortunate, 
 subj( ct formed a part of the policy of the South, before 
 and at the time of our great political association. The 
 sages of the llevolution, to whom the arrangement and 
 detail of the political compact were entrusted, were 
 aware of its existence in the fullest extent. They were 
 no strangers to the servile condition of the slave, nor to 
 tlie burdens inflicted on the master. They were well 
 convinced that there existed rights and interests which 
 could not be abrogated or abridged without preventing 
 forever the establishment of that union which they were 
 anxious to cement. These rights were admitted, these 
 interests conceded before the great bond of union 
 which it was their purpose to form and perpetuate could 
 be harmonized and reconciled. These rights remain as 
 sacred now as they were then, and we are solemnly 
 bound by the obligations to justice, humanity, and good 
 faith, to abstain from interfering, in any manner, with 
 them. 
 
 " The present crusade against slavery is the offspring 
 of fanaticism of the most dangerous and alarming 
 character ; whicli, if not speedily checked, may kindle a 
 fire which it may require the best blood in the country 
 to quench, and engender feelings which may prove fatal 
 to the Union. Let public opinion check the further 
 progress of this misdirected enthusiast."— G^^or^e Wolf, 
 Harrishurg, Dec. 2, 1835. 
 
66 ANDRE\7 JACKSON'S WARNING 
 
 The best blood of the country has failed yet to quench 
 the fire of rebellion which these wicked abolitionists 
 kindled. Who loved the Union then — the Governor of 
 Pennsylvania and his friends who were Democrats, or 
 the abolitionists who now denounce them 1 This war 
 would never have been but for these " fanatics," and is 
 the offspring of their fanaticism. All those who would 
 preserve the Union by abstaining from all interference 
 with the slaves of the South — who wished to keep in- 
 violate the compact made by the fathers of the republic — 
 were denounced as pro-slavery and wicked hypocrites. 
 
 In the same month, General Jackson, President of the 
 United States, addressed the people as follows : " I 
 must invite your attention to the painful excitement 
 produced in the South by the attempts to circulate 
 through the mails inflammatory appeals addressed to the 
 passions of the slaves. There is doubtless no respectable 
 portion of our own countrymen, whp can be so far 
 misled as to feel any other sentiment than that of 
 indignant regret at conduct so destructive of the harmony 
 and peace of our country — so repugnant to the principles 
 of our national compact, and to the dictates of humanity 
 and religion. Our happiness and prosperity depend 
 upon peace within our borders, and peace depends upon 
 the maintenance, in good fldth, of those compromises of 
 the Constitution upon which the Union is founded. 
 
 " It is fortunate for the country that the good sense, 
 the generous feeling, and the deep-rooted attachment of 
 the people of the non-slaveholding States to the Union, 
 and to their fellow-citizens of the same blood in the 
 South, have given so strong and impressive a tone to the 
 sentiments enter tallied against the proceedings of the 
 misguided persons who have engaged in these unconsti- 
 
AGAINST ABOLITION" DOCUMENTS. 57 
 
 tutional and wicked attempts, and especially against the 
 emissaries from foreign parts (George Thompson and 
 others) who have dared to interfere in this matter, as 
 to authorize the hope that those attempts of these 
 fanatics will no longer be persisted in. But if these 
 expressions of the public will shall not be sufficient to 
 effect so desirable a result, not a doubt can be enter- 
 tained that the North, so far from countcnancins: the 
 shghtest interference with the constitutional rights of 
 the South, will be prompt to exercise its authority in 
 suppressing, so far as in it lies, ivhatever is calculated to 
 produce this evil" — Andrew Jackson, Dec. 9, 1835. 
 
 There is the name of the great warrior and statesman 
 set to a document condemning AVilliam Lloyd Garrison, 
 George Thompson, and their great army enlisted under 
 their banner, as fanatics — who were engaged in wicked 
 and unconstitutional proceedings, destructive of the 
 harmony and peace of our country, repugnant to the 
 principles of our national compact, as well as to the 
 dictates of humanity and religion ; and hoping that the 
 North will suppress, by an exercise of its authority, 
 whatever is calculated to destroy the peace, which 
 " depends upon the maintenance, in good fliith, of those 
 compromises of the Constitution on which the Union is 
 founded." Had tlie advice of that old hero been taken 
 thus early, these abolitionists would not now be deplor- 
 ing that he is not alive to put down this rebellion which 
 their fanaticism kindled.* All their publications would 
 have been suppressed, as they now suppress the Demo- 
 cratic papers, which tried for thirty years to save the 
 Union from destruction by these very abolitionists. 
 
 On the 9th of January, 1836, James Buchanan made 
 the following remarks in the Senate of the United 
 
58 THE ABOLITTONISTS SCATTER 
 
 States: "A number of fanatics, led on by foreign in- 
 cendiaries, have been scattering ' firebrands, arrows, and 
 death throughout the Southern States.' Self-preserva- 
 tion is the first law of nature. The people of the South 
 must counteract the eff'orts of the abolitionists. The 
 slaves must be kept in closer bondage to prevent their 
 rising. The property of the master in his slave existed 
 in- full force before the Federal Constitution was adopted. 
 These States, by the adoption of the Constitution, never 
 yielded to the general government any right to interfere 
 with their slaves. The Constitution has, in the clearest 
 terms, recognized the right of property in the slaves. 
 Do not the abolitionists perceive, that the spirit roused 
 at the South must protract to an indefinite period the 
 emancipation of the slave] The necessary efiect of 
 their efforts is to render desperate those to whom the 
 power of emancipation belongs." 
 
 Twenty-five years passed away, and the South was in 
 such a state of desperation that James Buchanan, though 
 President of the United States, had not power to control 
 it ; and the abolitionists called him a traitor because he 
 could not quench those fierce flames these fanatics had 
 kindled by their firebrands, scattered for so long a period 
 throughout the Southern States. In June, 1833, the 
 editor of the Richmond Whig said : 
 
 " Garrison, himself, is not more a friend of emancipa- 
 tion than we, but we happen to live in the South, and 
 to know, beyond the possibility of being mistaken, that, 
 if ever achieved, it must be done by the voluntary action 
 of the slaveholder, and that every external attempt to 
 accelerate it — no matter from what quarter — renders 
 more desperate the now wellnigh desperate chance of 
 success by colonization. This is as true as there is a 
 
FIREBRANDS, ARROWS, AND DEATH. 59 
 
 heaven above, and it ought at once to seal the lips of 
 the whole tribe of fanatics." . 
 
 In April, 1836, Gerrit Smith said: "It is not to be 
 disguised, sir, that war has broken out between the 
 South and the North, not easily to be terminated. 
 Political men, for their own purposes, are industriously 
 striving to restore peace. The sword now drawn will 
 not be sheathed till victory — entire victory — is ours or 
 theirs. Whom shall we muster on our side in this 
 great battle between liberty and slavery V 
 
 This great infidel, who said that if he were elected 
 President by the abolitionists, his first effort would be 
 made for the overthrow of the Christian religion, was 
 thus early enlisted under the banner of Garrison, and 
 mustering men into the abolition crusade against the 
 South. But there was one man who did not join them 
 then, and of course would not fight for them now, were 
 the old hero yet among the living. Hear his farewell 
 warning to the people of the United States against this 
 abolition army: 
 
 " Fellow-citizens," says General Jackson, again, in 
 1839: "Being about to retire finally from public life, 
 if I use the occasion to offer you the counsels of age and 
 experience, you will, I trust, receive them with the 
 same indulgent kindness you have so often extended to 
 me ; and will, at least, see in them an earnest desire to 
 perpetuate in this favored land the blessings of liberty 
 and equal law. We have now lived almost fifty years 
 under the Constitution framed by the sages and patriots 
 of the Revolution. It is no longer a doubtfid experi- 
 ment. And at the end of nearly half a century we find 
 that it has preserved unimpaired the liberties of the 
 people, secured the rights of property, and that our 
 
60 JACKSON'S WARNING TO THE ABOLITIONISTS. 
 
 country has improved, and is flourishing beyond any 
 former example in the history of nations. (Although 
 ruled for forty years by slaveholders, and the Constitu- 
 tion a covenant with death, and an agreement with 
 hell.) 
 
 " It is no longer a question whether this great country 
 can remain happily united, and flourish under our present 
 form of government. Experience, the unerring test of 
 all human undertakings, has shown the wisdom and 
 foresight of those who formed it, and has proved that 
 in the union of these States there is a sure foundation 
 for the brightest hopes of freedom, and for the happiness 
 of the people. At every hazard, and by every sacrifice, 
 this Union must be preserved. The necessity of watch- 
 ing with jealous anxiety for the preservation of the 
 Union was earnestly pressed upon his fellow-citizens by 
 the Father of his Country, in his farewell address, and 
 he there told us there would always be reason to dis- 
 trust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may 
 endeavor to weaken its bonds. When we look upon 
 the scenes that are passing around us, and dwell upon 
 the pages of his parting address, his paternal counsels 
 would seem to be not merely the off'spring of wisdom 
 and foresight, but the voice of prophecy, foretelling 
 events, and warning us of the evil to come. Forty 
 years have passed since this imperishable document was 
 given to his countrymen. The Federal Constitution 
 was then regarded by him as an experiment, and he so 
 speaks of it in his address; but an experiment upon 
 the success of which the best hopes of his country 
 depended. The trial has been made. It has succeeded 
 beyond the proudest hopes of those who framed it. 
 Every quarter of this wide nation has felt its blessings, 
 
ASKS THEM TO REMEMBER WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL. 61 
 
 and shared in the prosperity produced by its adoption. 
 But amid the general prosperity, the dangers of which 
 he warned us are becoming every day more evident, 
 and the signs of evil are sufficiently apparent to awaken 
 the deepest anxiety in the bosom of the patriot. We 
 behold systematic attempts to sow the seeds of discord 
 between different parts of the United States, and to 
 place party divisions directly upon geographical distinc- 
 tions, to excite the South against the North, and the 
 North against the South, and to force into the con- 
 troversy the most delicate and exciting topics — topics 
 whicli it is impossible that a large portion of the Union 
 can ever speak of without strong emotion. Appeals, 
 too, are constantly made to sectional interests, in order 
 to influence the election of the Chief Magistrate, as if 
 it were desired that he should favor a particular quarter 
 of the country, instead of fulfilling his station with im- 
 partial justice to all : and the possible dissolution of the 
 Union has at length become an ordinary and familiar 
 subject of discussion. Has the warning voice of Wash- 
 ington been forgotten, or have designs already been 
 formed to sever the Union "? 
 
 Now, where do we find the motto, "The Union 
 must be preserved," so often quoted now by abolitionists, 
 except in the very warning given in his Farewell Ad- 
 dress, against these very abolitionists, who were talking 
 about the possible dissolution of this Union, but the 
 fanatics enlisted under the banner of Wm. Lloyd Gar- 
 rison 1 It has been said that General Jackson wrote a 
 letter, in which he declared that the next pretext South 
 Carolina would make for dissolving the Union would 
 be the slavery question, and that letter was dated 1833. 
 But here, four years later, he was warning the country 
 
62 JACKSOX TRIES TO SAVE THE UNION 
 
 against disunionists North ; and he commenced the 
 warning two years before — not against Southern trai- 
 tors, but against Northern ones. To whom is he 
 addressing himself, when he says — " What have you to 
 gain by division and dissension I Dekide not yourself 
 that a breach once made may be afterwards repaired. 
 If the Union is once severed, the line of separation will 
 grow wider and wider, and the controversies which are 
 now debated and settled in the halls of legislation, will 
 then be tried in fields of battle, and determined by the 
 sword. It is impossible to look on the consequences 
 that would inevitably follow the destruction of this 
 government, and not feel indignant when we hear cold 
 calculations about the value of the Union, and have so 
 constantly before us a line of conduct so well calcidated 
 to weaken its ties." 
 
 Behold the indignation manifested here by that great 
 statesman against the conduct of the abolitionists, who 
 were thereby weakening the ties of the Union ! " But 
 the Constitution cannot be maintained, nor the Union 
 preserved in opposition to public feeling, by the mere 
 exertion of the coercive power of the government. The 
 foundations must be laid in the affections of the people, 
 in the security it gives to life, liberty, character and 
 property, in every quarter of the country ; and in 
 the fraternal attachment which the citizens of the 
 several States bear to one another, as members of one 
 political family, mutually contributing to promote the 
 happiness of each other. Hence, the citizens of every 
 State should studiously avoid every thing calculated to 
 wound the sensibilities, or offend the just pride of the 
 people of other States ; and they should frown upon any 
 proceedings within their borders likely to disturb the 
 
FROM DESTRUCTION BY ABOLITIONISTS. 63 
 
 tranquillity of their political brethren in other portions 
 of the Union. In a country so extensive as the United 
 States, the internal regulations of the several States 
 must frequently differ from each other, and this differ- 
 ence is unavoidably increased by the varying principles 
 upon wliich the American colonies were originally 
 planted, principles which have taken deep root in theii 
 social relations before the Revolution, and, therefore, of 
 necessity influencing their policy since they became free 
 and independent States. But each State has the un- 
 questionable right to regulate its own internal concerns 
 according to its own pleasurt^ and while it docs not 
 interfere with the rights of the people of other States, 
 or the rights of the Union, every State must be the sole 
 judge of the measures proper to secure the safety of its 
 citizens, and promote their happiness ; and all efforts on 
 the part of the people of other States to cast odium 
 upon their institutions, and all measures calculated to 
 disturb their rights of property, or to put in jeopardy 
 their peace and internal tranquillity, are in direct oppo- 
 sition to the spirit in which the Union was formed, and 
 must endanger its safety. Rest assured that the men 
 found busy in this work of discord are not worthy of 
 your confidence, and deserve your strongest reproba- 
 tion." — Andrew Jackson. 
 
 Who were tliose men declared by General Jackson 
 deserving the strongest reprobation of the American 
 people'? They were Wm. liloyd Garrison, Wendell 
 Phillips, Theodore Parker, George P. Cheever, Gerrit 
 Smith, and hosts of lesser workers of discord following 
 after them. 
 
 In these days it is considered a great crime to be 
 disloyal to the government of the United States, and 
 
niS COUNSELS UNHEEDED. 
 
 everybody is required to acquiesce in every measure 
 Abraham lincoln considers necessary to save the Union. 
 "Was not General Jackson's authority equal to that of 
 Mr. Lincoln 1 Is he not considered as wise a statesman 
 to-day, even wiser, and the absence of his counsels and 
 wisdom in this great emergency universally deplored 1 
 But how were his counsels treated, when standing up 
 for the last time, in the exact place where Mr. Lincoln 
 is now pretending to be engaged in saving the Union 
 from destruction, he appealed to the citizens of America 
 to frown upon any proceedings likely to weaken the 
 ties of the Union, or disturb the rights of the property, 
 or put in jeopardy the peace of the people in the South. 
 The abolitionists all over the North replied, to his 
 appeals and responded to his counsels in the following 
 decided resolve : 
 
 " That it is the duty of every person who makes any 
 pretensions to republicanism, or the common feelings 
 of humanity, to exercise all their influence in all their 
 capacities, to effect the abolition of all the slave laws in 
 our country, and the immediate and unconditional 
 emancipation of all the slaves ;" and. this after General 
 Jackson had told them that each State had a right to 
 regulate its own internal concerns according to its own 
 pleasure. He told them that the foundations of the 
 Union must be preserved by the fraternal attachment 
 which the citizens of the several States should bear to 
 one another, as members of one political family, mutu- 
 ally contributing to promote the happiness of each 
 other. And they answered him by resolving, " That it 
 is the duty of every citizen who has the right to vote, 
 to exercise that right in favor of no candidate for the 
 offices of President, Governor, Federal or State Legisla- 
 
DECLARATION OF JOHN ADAMS. 65 
 
 ture or any other station that gives a political power 
 over slavery, except he be opposed to that system in 
 abstract feeling and outward action ;" and, again, that 
 they would vote for no slaveholder for office, or for any 
 person that would Vote for a slaveholder. That is the 
 loyalty displayed towards the government of the United 
 States when a Democratic President ruled over the 
 people instead of an abolitionist. 
 
 In the Life of John Adams, one of the founders of 
 the government, it declares that "a settled plan to 
 deprive the people of all the benefits and ends of the 
 contract, to subvert the fundamentals of the Constitu- 
 tion, to df^prive them of all share in making and exe- 
 cuting the laws, will justify a revolution." 
 
 The progress the abolitionists were making towards 
 the dissolution of the Union in eight years can be 
 estimated by tlie speech of Hon. Henry Clay, in the 
 United States Senate, in 1839. He says: 
 
 "The abolitionists are resolved to persevere in the 
 pursuit of their object at all hazards ; their purpose is to 
 manumit forthwith, and without compensation, .and 
 without moral preparation three millions of negro slaves, 
 under jurisdictions altogether separate from those under 
 which tliey live. I have said that the abolition of 
 slavery in the District of Columbia and the exclusion 
 of new States, were only means towards the attainment 
 of their end. Unfortunately, they are not the only 
 means. Another and a much more lamentable one is, 
 that of arraying one portion against another portion of 
 the Union. With that view, in all their leading prints 
 the alleged horrors of slavery are depicted in the most 
 glowing and exaggerated colors, to excite the imagina- 
 tions and stimulate the rage of the people in the free 
 6 
 
66 HENRY CLAY ALARMED FOR THE UNION. 
 
 States against the people in the slave States. The 
 slaveholder is held up and represented as the most atro- 
 cious of human beings. Advertisements of slaves to be 
 sold are carefully collected and blazoned forth, to infuse 
 a spirit of detestation and hatred against one entire 
 section of the Union. 
 
 " I would seriously invite every considerate man in 
 the country solemnly to pause and reflect, not merely 
 on our existing posture, but upon that dreadful precipice 
 down which they would hurry us. To the agency of 
 their powers of persuasion they now propose to substi- 
 tute the powers of the ballot-box, and the inevitable 
 tendency of their proceedings is, if these should be found 
 insufficient, to invoke, finally, the more potent powers 
 of the bayonet. 
 
 " The first impediment in the way of the abolitionists 
 of the emancipation of the slaves, is the utter and 
 absolute want of all power in the General Government 
 to effect their purpose. The Constitution of the United 
 States creates a limited government, comprising com- 
 paratively few powers, and leaving the residuary mass 
 of political power in the possession of the several States. 
 It is well known that the subject of slavery interposed 
 one of the greatest difficulties in the formation of the 
 Constitution. It was happily compromised and adjusted 
 in a spirit of harmony and patriotism. According to 
 that compromise, no power whatever was granted to the 
 General Government in respect to domestic slavery but 
 that which relates to taxation and representation, and 
 the power to restore fugitive slaves to their owners. 
 All other power in regard to the institution of slavery 
 was retained exclusively by the States, to be exercised 
 by them according to their own peculiar interest. The 
 
HE SAYS THE ABOLITIONISTS WILL DESTROY IT. 67 
 
 Constitution of the United States never could have been 
 formed upon the principle of investing the General 
 Government with authority to abolish the institution at 
 its pleasure. It never can be continued for a single 
 day if the exercise of such a power be assumed or 
 usurped," 
 
 Henry Clay was considered by all the people of these 
 United States, and, during the latter part of his life, by 
 the Ilepublicans in particular, to be the wisest statesman 
 in America. There is his authority, then, to prove that 
 Abraham Lincoln has destroyed the Constitution of our 
 country. He has assumed the power and usurped au- 
 thority to abolish slavery in all the States he pleases, and 
 if the people continue him as President four years 
 longer, there is not a doubt that he will usurp the au- 
 thority and assume the power to trample all law under 
 his feet. 
 
 Henry Clay asks : " Why are the slave States wan- 
 tonly and cruelly assailed ] Why do the abolition presses 
 teem with publications tending to excite hatred and ani- 
 mosity on the part of the inhabitants of the free States 
 aerainst those of the slave States ] I know that there is 
 a visionary dogma which holds that negro slaves cannot 
 be the subjects of property. Under all the forms of 
 government which have existed upon this continent for 
 two hundred years they have been solemnly recognized 
 as property. They were treated as property in the 
 very British example which is appealed to as worthy 
 of imitation. Although the West India planters had 
 no voice in Parliament, an irresistible sense of justice 
 extorted from that legislature the grant of twenty mil- 
 lions of pounds sterling to the colonists for their loss of 
 property. • - ^^ 
 
68 HENRY clay's PICTURE OF THE 
 
 " Sir, I am not in the habit of speaking lightly of the 
 possibility of dissolving this happy Union ; but abolition 
 should no longer be regarded as an imaginary danger. 
 The abolitionists, let me suppose, succeed in their pres- 
 ent aim of uniting the people of the free States as one 
 man against the people of the slave States. Union on one 
 side will beget union on the other ; and this process of 
 reciprocal consolidation will be attended with all the 
 implacable animosities which ever degraded or deformed 
 human nature. The collision of opinion will be quickly 
 followed by the clash of arms. I will not attempt to 
 describe scenes which now happily lie concealed from 
 our view. Abolitionists themselves would shrink back 
 in dismay and horror at the contemplation of desolated 
 fields, conflagrated cities, murdered inhabitants, and the 
 overthrow of the fairest fabric of human government 
 that ever rose to animate the hopes of civilized man. 
 Nor should these abolitionists flatter themselves that, if 
 they can succeed in their object of uniting the people 
 of the North against the people of the South, they will 
 enter the contest with a numerical superiority that must 
 insure victory. All history and experience prove the 
 hazard and uncertainty of war. And we are admon- 
 ished by holy writ that ' the race is not to the swift, nor 
 the battle to the strong." But if they were to conquer, 
 whom would they conquer 1 A foreign foe"? No, sir. 
 It would be a conquest without laurels, without glory ; 
 a suicidal conquest ; a conquest of brothers over broth- 
 ers, achieved by one over another portion of the descend- 
 ants of common ancestors, who, nobly pledging their 
 lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honors, had fought 
 and bled, side by side, in many a hard battle on land and 
 ocean, and established our independence. 
 
HORRORS OF CIVIL WAR. 
 
 " Mr. President, the Searcher of all hearts knows that 
 every pulsation of my heart beats high and strong in the 
 cause of civil liberty. Wherever it is safe and practi- 
 cable, I desire to see every portion of the human family 
 in the enjoyment of it. But I prefer the liberty of my 
 own race to that of any other race. The liberty of the 
 descendants of Africa in the United States is incom- 
 patible with the liberty and safety of the European 
 descendants. We did not originate, nor are we respon- 
 sible for its necessity. Their liberty, if it were possible, 
 could only be established by violating the incontestible 
 powers of the States, and subverting the Union; and 
 beneath the ruins of the Union would be buried, sooner 
 or later, the liberty of both races." 
 
 Now, this accomplished scholar, this learned lawyer, 
 this profound statesman, has told the people fairly what 
 would be the result of forcible emancipation of the 
 slaves in the South. Abraham Lincoln can only estab- 
 lish their freedom by " violating the incontestible powers 
 of the States, and subverting the Union ; and beneath 
 the ruins of the Union" he is to reign supreme over 
 both black and white — north and south, east and west. 
 To avoid this dire result, :Mr. Clay appealed to the 
 abolitionists in this touching strain: "I beseech the 
 abolitionists themselves to pause in their mad and fatal 
 course. Let them select some object of humanity that 
 does not threaten to deluge our country in blood. I call 
 upon that small portion of the clergy which has lent 
 itself to these wild and ruinous schemes, not to forget 
 the holy nature of the divine mission of the Founder 
 of our religion, and to profit by his peaceful examples. 
 I entreat that portion of my countrywomen, who have 
 siven their countenance to abolition, to reflect that the 
 
70 HORACE GREELEY SAYS ABOLITIONISTS AR3 
 
 ink which they shed in subscribing with their fair hands 
 abolition petitions may prove but the prehide to the 
 shedding of the blood of their brethren. I adjure all 
 the inliabitants of the free States to rebuke and discoun- 
 tenance measures which must inevitably lead to the most 
 calamitous consequences. And let us all, as country- 
 men, as friends, and as brothers, cherish in unflxding 
 memory the motto which bore our ancestors trium- 
 phantly through all the trials of the Revolution, and, if 
 adhered to, it will conduct their posterity through all 
 that may, in the dispensation of Providence, be reserved 
 for them." 
 
 Five years passed away, and the abolitionists had not 
 paused in their course to overthrow the government and 
 dissolve the Union. Horace Greeley could denounce 
 their course, and say " that the tendencies of abolition 
 are toward a sweeping, radical revolution both in Church 
 and State. The abolition policy is the exact antipodes 
 of that uniformly pursued by Clarkson and Wilberforce 
 and their fellow philanthropists in Great Britain. We 
 have already noticed the formation of a new society in 
 the town of Skaneatelas. This society is an offshoot of 
 the ultra anti-slavery spirit of the time ; and embodies 
 a protest against all civil government — all authority in 
 Church and State." Their sentiments are thus set forth 
 in their publications : 
 
 " Rejecting the hoary doctrine of man's natural de- 
 pravity, we assert that human nature is pure, noble, 
 divine ; that human rights are equal the world over ; 
 that all sects and parties, civil and ecclesiastical, priests 
 and politicians, churches and governments, are mon- 
 strosities of ignorance and bigotry." 
 ^ Mr. Greeley says : " That the No-Church movement 
 
FOR REVOLUTIOX IN CHURCH AND STATE. 71 
 
 had its origin in abolition, we perceive as clearly as we 
 do the causes of any great moral and social impulse. 
 The career of the Vermont Telegraph, of Wm. Lloyd 
 Garrison and liis liberator, the Herald of Freedom, the 
 course of Gerrit Smith — all prove it." 
 
 Some abolitionists say, " No union with slaveholders ;" 
 Gerrit Smith says, " Be ours the better motto. No slave- 
 holder for civil office, and no person who thinks a slave- 
 holder fit for one." Mr. Greeley says, "No person who 
 thinks a slaveholder ht for office can be voted for by a 
 liberty man. It is not enough that to cast a vote for 
 Washington, Patrick Henry, Jefferson, or John Marshall, 
 is to brand a man a traitor to freedom ; but to vote for 
 any man wlio would vote for any of these is to be a traitor. 
 The blacks must surely be overwhelmed with gratitude 
 towards such champions of their rights." 
 
 Again he says : " The abolitionists say that Henry 
 Clay is unfit to be the President because he is a slave- 
 holder. Is this the way to preserve the Union ? If a 
 noble and lofty statesman can be hunted down on such 
 grounds as these, is not the Union, in essence, dissolved 1 
 How shall we ask the South to support a Northern man 
 for President, or submit to the rule of one, if the bare 
 fact that a candidate is a Southern man is to exclude 
 him from the honors of the republic T' 
 
 Aeain : " In their State Conventions, the abohtionists 
 soberly tell us that one clause in the Constitution is null 
 and void (the rendition of a fugitive slave), because it 
 seems in their view to recognize slavery, and yet would 
 have us believe that an abolition President of their 
 making would coolly stand up and swear, with solemn 
 oath, that he believed that Constitution, and would 
 maintain it. Men begin to inquire whether they would 
 
72 HE SATS, ABOLITIONISTS WOULD COMMIT PERJURY. 
 
 dare to put a candidate of the abolition party into the 
 presidential chair. Would it not be an act so rash in 
 its character and fearful in its results that we should 
 hesitate to assume the responsibility ? Shall my assump- 
 tion that the government is morally wrong in one of its 
 req.uisitions justify me in swearing to obey that govern- 
 ment in order to obtain a coveted office, and then pro- 
 ceeding to disobey it 1 How can I take an oath to obey 
 and preserve inviolate the Constitution of the United 
 States, and yet purpose to disobey and violate one of the 
 most important stipulations of that instrument, without 
 which the Constitution would probably never have been 
 framed and never adopted ] What right have I to pick 
 and choose which of its provisions I will obey and which 
 disobey ] How could James G. Birney take as President 
 the oath to preserve the Constitution, all the while 
 intending not to support, but to subvert certain parts 
 of if? Would not this be perjury"? And would Mr. 
 Birney be any more culpable in taking the oath to sup- 
 port the Constitution, meaning all the while to violate 
 a part of it, than would those who, by their votes, 
 solemnly instructed and directed him to do so? In 
 our judgment, all who vote to make Mr. Birney an 
 abolition President vote to instruct him to commit 
 peijury, and are themselves guilty (unwittingly) of 
 subornation of perjury, just as much as if their purpose 
 was consummated." 
 
 Now read the following, and see who voted to make 
 Abraham Lincoln commit perjury. The Tribune, Dec. 
 3d, 1863, has the following : 
 
 " Thirty years ago to-day, a few men met in Phila- 
 delphia to form the American Anti-slavery Society. 
 Eleven years after the formation of the society, kindred 
 
ABRAHAM LINCOLN ELECTED BY ABOLITIONISTS. 73 
 
 societies had been organized in every considerable town 
 and village in the free States, whose members numbered 
 scores of thousands. These associations had employed 
 hundreds of agents, who had traversed the country, 
 delivering addresses in all the principal centres of popu- 
 lation. They had established newspapers in all the 
 Northern States, and had circulated pamphlets and tracts 
 by the million. Their principles had made a strong 
 lodgment in the leading religions denominations of the 
 country. The abolitionists aimed their blows right at 
 the core of slavery, denouncing it as a sin, whose only 
 appropriate remedy was immediate and unconditional 
 emancipation, without expatriation. It requires no 
 spirit of divination to perceive that the organization of 
 the Anti-slavery Society in 1833, and the election of a 
 Republican President in 1861, bear to each other the 
 relation of remote cause and ultimate effect. The anti- 
 slavery sentiment of the country consolidated its ranks, 
 and Abraham Lincoln took the Presidential chair. 
 Their great work hastens to completion." 
 
 Here we have the alarming fact revealed that the 
 President of the United States, upon the very first of his 
 election, was in the hands of an unprincipled set of men, 
 who would not hesitate to direct him to violate his oath 
 of office and commit peijury whenever their purposes 
 required it. We have the fact revealed as clear as the 
 light of day, that he is in the hands of men who 
 inscribed upon their banners at that early day, " The 
 Constitution of the United States is a covenant with 
 death and an agreement with hell," that the govern- 
 ment, the Union and the Constitution must all be 
 overthrown in order to free the slaves. We have the 
 solemn fact made known that the very men whom 
 
74 THE ABOLITIONISTS REJOICE 
 
 General Jackson told us were not worthy of our confi- 
 dence, and deserved our strongest reprobation for their 
 wicked and unconstitutional attempts to produce insur- 
 rections in the South, and their endeavors to destroy 
 the Union, are placed where they can carry out all their 
 wicked schemes, under the sanction of laws of their own 
 making. We have heard them shouting, " The Lord 
 reigneth, let the earth rejoice ! The covenant with 
 death is annulled, the agreement with hell is broken. 
 Let us not grieve over the Union of 1789." "Were 
 Henry Clay alive he could have heard William Lloyd 
 Garrison say, " The slave States, with the exception of 
 three or four, have all left the Union. I am glad of it. 
 I did not believe in the old Union." 
 
 The government is in the hands of the enemies of all 
 our patriot fathers, and of the Father of his Country in 
 particular, whose counsels they have always despised. 
 The following report is given of a meeting in Phila- 
 delphia in 1859: 
 
 " The meeting of the Anti-slavery Society was well 
 attended, and many of the life-long defenders of the 
 cause were present — William Lloyd Garrison among 
 others. The report gave a full and lucid history of 
 abolitionism in Pennsylvania from its origin. In 1789, 
 the anti-slavery spirit was very animated. All classes 
 were imbued with it, even to Tom Paine ; yet from that 
 period it became less energetic. Its decline is traced 
 through many years of obscuration, and its revival is 
 attributed to the establishment of the Boston Liberator, 
 in 1831, and looks forward with prophetic confidence to 
 the future." 
 
 Here is the link in the chain that reaches back to 
 the days of Washington ; and we have another startling 
 
THAT THE UNION IS DISSOLVED. 75 
 
 fact brought to light, that tyrants and oppressors control 
 the nation; for if the taking of one slave from Mr. 
 Dalby was an act of tyranny and oppression, what is it 
 to deprive the Southern people of four millions, less or 
 more, without compensation 1 And it is against these 
 tyrants and oppressors that the Southern people are 
 fighting. They loved the Union up to the day of 
 Abraham Lincoln's election, but they knew their fate, 
 for it had been told them by the abohtionists themselves 
 for thirty years. They asked security against their 
 designs, by the Northern people. They failed to receive 
 it, and resolved to protect themselves. 
 
 In the year 1835 Mr. Benton exposed the designs of 
 tlie abolitionists in a speech made in the United States 
 Senate, as follows : 
 
 " The abolitionists I cannot regard as any thing else 
 but incendiaries and agitators, with diabolical objects in 
 view, to be accomplished by wicked and deplorable 
 means ; for every attempt to work upon the passions of 
 the slaves, and to excite them to murd(;r their owners, 
 was a wicked and diabolical attempt, and the work of a 
 midnight incendiary. Pictures of slave degradation and 
 misery, and of white man's luxury and cruelty, were 
 attempts of this kind, for they were appeals to the 
 vengeance of the slaves, and not to the intelligence 
 and reason of those who legislated for them. Mr. Ben- 
 ton said he had many pictures of this kind, as well 
 as many diabolical publications, sent to him on this 
 subject during the last summer ; the whole of which he 
 had cast into the fire. And within a fev/ days past, 
 while abolition petitions were pouring iflto the Capitol, 
 ho had received one of the pictures, the design of which 
 could be nothing but mischief of the blackest dye. The 
 
76 THE MASSACRE OF ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 print was evidently from the abolition mint ; and for 
 what purpose could such a picture be intended, unless 
 to inflame the passions of the slaves % And why engrave 
 it, except to multiply copies for extensive circulation 1 
 But it was not pictures alone that operated upon the 
 passions of the slaves, but speeches, publications, and 
 the whole machinery of abolition societies, inspiring 
 vague hopes, and stimulating insurrections. It was 
 thus that the massacre of San Domingo was made. 
 The society in Paris — Les Amis des Noirs — (friends 
 of the blacks), with its affiliated societies throughout 
 France, made that massacre. And who composed that 
 society 1 In the beginning it comprised the extremes 
 of virtue and vice — it contained the best and the basest 
 of mankind: Lafayette and the Abbe Gregoire, those 
 purest of philanthropists, and Marat and Anacharsis 
 Cloots, those imps of hell in human shape. In the 
 end, the good men, disgusted with their associates, re- 
 tired from the scene, and the wicked ruled at pleasure. 
 Declamations against slavery, pictures, publications in 
 gazettes, petitions to the constituent assembly, were 
 the mode of proceeding. The effect upon the French 
 islands is known to the world." 
 
 An aboHtion writer in 1862, says: "The negroes did 
 not revolt, did not rise in insurrection, did not murder, 
 rob, and expel the whites from the Island of St. 
 Domingo until 1801, seven years after their emanci- 
 pation, when Bonaparte decreed their re-enslavement ; 
 and even then it was not till after the French had been 
 guilty of the most horrible outrages against the negroes, 
 that they retaliated in kind. Such is the true history 
 of St. Domingo." 
 
 Now the truth is, that the abolitionists and repubM- 
 
ITS ABOLITION APOLOGISTS. 77 
 
 cans who are now all as one, should have destroyed the 
 records of this nation, before they undertook to destroy 
 the government made by Washington, and the rest of 
 our illustrious forefathers — for while the Father of his 
 Country was still its Chief Executive, and sitting in the 
 same chair of state now occupied by Abraham Lincoln, 
 there then occurred that darkest of all dark tragedies, 
 known in history as the Massacre of St. Domingo. 
 Even Horace Greeley attempts to conceal its horrors, and 
 says : " Some nervous folks have been very much fright- 
 ened by the raising of negro troops, and have sobbed 
 St. Domingo most piteously, under the impression that 
 a great many people were killed on that island, although 
 the mourners usually show a miraculous ignorance as to 
 who were killed, why they were killed, and who killed 
 them." 
 
 Well, Mr. Greeley, the mourners over that awful 
 catastrophe in the dark days of its occurrence were 
 General George Washington, the Father of this once 
 happy country, and his bosom friend, who loved him so 
 well ^vhen living that he wrote his memoirs after his 
 death, in which he says that " he was guided by an 
 unvar)ing sense of moral right, and by a purity of 
 virtue, which was not only untainted, but unsuspected." 
 In his Life of Washington, Chief Justice Marshall relates 
 the causes of the massacre of St. Domingo ; he tells us 
 •' who were killed, why they were killed, and who killed 
 them," And first he answers why they were killed; 
 and he says that these massacres were brought about by 
 the teachings of just such abolitionists as these in 
 America. 
 
 He says of the insurrection of the blacks in St. 
 Domingo : " Early and bitter fruit of that malignant 
 
78 WASHINGTON SE^JDS AID TO THE 
 
 philosophy which, disregarding the actual state of the 
 world, and estimating at nothing the miseries of a vast 
 portion of the human race, can coolly and deliberately 
 pursue, through oceans of blood, abstract systems, for 
 the attainment of some fancied good, were gathered in 
 the French AVest Indies. Instead of proceeding in the 
 correction of any abuses which might exist by those 
 slow and cautious steps which gradually introduce 
 reform without ruin, the revolutionists of France formed 
 the mad and wicked project of spreading their doctrines 
 of equality among persons between whom distinctions 
 and prejudices exist to be subdued only by the grave. 
 The rage excited by the pursuit of this visionary and 
 baneful theory burst forth on the 31st day of August, 
 1T91, with a fury alike destructive and general, 
 
 " In one night, a preconcerted insurrection of the 
 blacks took place throughout the colony, and the white 
 inhabitants of the country, sleeping in their beds, were 
 involved in one indiscriminate massacre, from which 
 neither age nor sex could afford an exception. Only a 
 few females, reserved for a fate more cruel than death, 
 were spared, and not many were fortunate enough to 
 escape into tlie fortified cities. The negroes then assem- 
 bled in vast numbers, and a bloody war commenced be- 
 tween them and the whites. The whole French part of 
 the island was in imminent danger of being totally lost 
 to the mother country. The minister of his Most Chris- 
 tian Majesty applied to the President of the United 
 States, General Washington, for a sum of money which 
 would enable him to preserve this valuable colony, to be 
 deducted out of the debt due to his sovereign, and the 
 request was granted. 
 
WHITE PEOPLE OF ST. DOMINGO. 79 
 
 General Washington to M. de Ternant, minister from 
 France : 
 
 "Mount Vernon, September, 1791. 
 
 " Sir : — I have not delayed a moment since tlie receipt 
 of your ietter, in dispatching orders to the Secretary of 
 the Treasury to furnish the money, and to the Secretary 
 of War to deliver the arms and ammunition, which you 
 have applied to me for ; and am happy in the oppor- 
 tunity of testifying how well disposed the United States 
 are to render every aid in their power to our friends and 
 allies, the French, to quell the alarming insurrection of 
 the negroes in Hispaniola, and of the ready disposition 
 of the executive authority to effect it. 
 
 " George Washington." 
 
 Now behold the awful contrast : Washington arming 
 the whites against the blacks, to quell a servile insurrec- 
 tion ; Abraliam Lincoln arming the blacks against the 
 whites, and trying to produce just such a scene of horror 
 in the United States as occurred in St. Domingo. Wash- 
 ington was trying to save the white people from the 
 baleful effects of the malignant philosophy taught by 
 the French infidels, Abraham Lincoln carries out the 
 wicked projects of the same class of infidels in America, 
 wliom Thomas Benton designated as incendiaries with 
 diabolical objects in view, who had formed an abolition 
 society in America, precisely like that in France to 
 which belonged those imps of hell in human sliape, 
 Marat and Cloots ; and history proves the principles of 
 infidels in France identical with the abolition reformers 
 in America. Anacharsis Cloots declared himself the 
 " personal enemy of Jesus Christ," the spokesman of the 
 human race, which he was determined to unite in one 
 
THE DOCTRINE OF THE 
 
 common brotherhood; and Theodore Parker says: "I 
 do not take Jesus Christ for my master, I do not take 
 the Bible for my master, I do not believe in the miracu- 
 lous inspiration of the Old or New Testament." 
 
 The infidels of France celebrated the festival of Rea- 
 son in the ancient cathedral of Notre Dame, instead of 
 Divine service. They dethroned the Almighty, and set 
 up for worship the Goddess of Reason. Gerrit Smith 
 says : " May I make my Bible my standard l Certainly 
 not until my reason has passed upon it. The Bible is 
 the servant, and not the master of human reason. To 
 honor my reason is at all times my religious duty." 
 " The South is full of the common religion, and hence 
 the impossibility of peacefully dislodging her slavery. 
 It is true that the religion of France was not essentially 
 different from that of our own country ; but so slender 
 was its hold on the public mind, that it could not 
 prevent the reason of France from abolishing slavery. 
 The abolition of French slavery is largely owing to 
 French infidelity. Had that nation been more religious 
 and less rational, her slavery would have continued to 
 this day." 
 
 This was" said by Gerrit Smith several years ago, and 
 is an acknowledgment that the infidels of America were 
 seeking the " dislodgment of slavery" in our country 
 through the same means that were used by those in 
 France. And if there was nothing else wanting to show 
 that this war is a war of infidelity, and not a Christian 
 war, these facts prove it. The beloved friend of Wash- 
 ington says : " The revolutionists of France formed the 
 mad and wicked project of spreading their doctrines of 
 equality among persons between whom distinctions and 
 prejudices existed, to be subdued only by the grave." 
 
EQUALITY OF THE RACES WICKED. 81 
 
 As Judge Marshall was the intimate companion of Wash- 
 ington, he must have known his opinions ; and these 
 two officers, who fought for the independence of this 
 nation, and understood the meaning of that phrase in 
 the Declaration, "All men are created equal," here de- 
 clare the inequality of the white and black race ; de- 
 clare that there existed between them distinctions and 
 prejudices to be subdued only by the grave ; that to 
 spread the doctrines of equality among them was mad 
 and wicked ; that the philosophy which teaches such 
 equality is a malignant philosophy ; and that the theory 
 is visionary and baneful. 
 
 And these are the very doctrines, this the very phi- 
 losophy, which has been taught by the abolitionists of 
 America for the last thirty years ; whicli has been in- 
 fused through all the American churches, until the doc- 
 trine that " all men are created equal" has been received 
 as a religious dogma, and its belief made the test of 
 Christian fellowship. And it has been taught, further- 
 more, that this bloody war, brought upon this nation by 
 the promulgation of the false and malignant doctrines 
 of the abolitionists, is a holy war, brought upon us by 
 the Almighty, for the very purpose of carrying out the 
 })lans of men who scorn his revealed Word and trample 
 tlic authority of Jesus Christ under their feet. We are 
 told that it is to obey the commands of the Almighty 
 that the nc^groes are armed against their masters, when 
 tlie Bible says to "Let as many servants as are under 
 the yoke (of slavery) count their masters worthy of all 
 honor, that the name of God and his doctrine be not 
 blasphemed." The abolitionists have taught the slaves 
 that they have a natural right to kill their masters and 
 all who stand between them and freedom, thus instigat- 
 6 
 
82 SLAVES TAUGHT TO MURDER THEIR MASTERS. 
 
 ing the negroes for thirty years to rise against the white 
 people of the South. How could the people of the 
 South love the people of the North, who taught their 
 negroes that it was perfectly right to murder them at 
 any time and then rob them of such property as they 
 could bring away 1 Washington said it was an act of 
 oppression for a man to entice a slave from his master. 
 What name, then, can be given to the crime of teaching 
 the slaves, not only to leave their masters, but to take 
 their lives also, if need be, to gain their freedom ] Had 
 the negroes followed the advice of the people of the 
 North, the South would long ere this have been deluged 
 in t]ie blood of men, women, and children, and the lands 
 been left to waste. It is not a new idea, advanced since 
 this war begun, to get the negroes armed to kill the 
 inhabitants of the South. John Brown attempted the 
 same thing three years before Mr. Lincoln commenced 
 it, and all efforts have been made by the abolitionists 
 for that purpose it was possible to be made after the 
 South had the precaution to drive them from their soil 
 whenever they made their appearance. 
 
 Jefferson penned the declaration that "We hold 
 these trutlis to be self-evident that all men are created 
 (>qual, that they are endowed by their Creator with 
 certain unalienable rights — among which are life, liberty, 
 and the pursuit of happiness." The abolitionists declare 
 that these assertions of our forefathers to their rights of 
 liberty of which Great Britain was depriving them, 
 apply equally to the negro race now in slavery, and that 
 they have a natural right to rebel against the white 
 people, and raise a servile war, involving the slaughter 
 of the white race, and that sucli a war, on their part, 
 would be both righteous and just. And Jefferson's 
 
JEFFERSON AIDED THE WHITES IN ST. DOMINGO. 83 
 
 words, that the Almighty has no attributes which could 
 take part with the oppressor in such a war, are often 
 quoted to prove he believed the negro slaves would be 
 justified in rising against their masters. The insurrec- 
 tion in St. Domingo was a servile war — a war of races. 
 Judge Marshall says the negroes assembled in vast 
 numbers, and a bloody war commenced between them 
 and the whites. Now what does Thomas Jeiferson do 
 in such a war I Which side does he take, that of the 
 negroes or that of the white people 1 He says, " When 
 the insurrection of the negroes in St. Domingo assumed 
 a very threatening appearance, the Assembly sent a 
 deputy here to ask assistance of military stores and 
 provisions. lie addressed himself to M. de Ternant, 
 who (the President being in Virginia, as I was also) 
 applied to the Secretaries of Treasury and War. They 
 furnished one thousand stands of arms, and other mili- 
 tary stores, and placed forty thousand dollars in the 
 treasury subject to the order of the French Minister. 
 Before the vessel arrived in St. Domingo, the Assembly, 
 further urged by the appearance of danger, sent two 
 deputies more with larger demands, viz., eight thousand 
 ba}onets and fusils, two thousand musquators, three 
 thousand pistols, three thousand sabres, twenty-four 
 thousand barrels of flour, four hundred livres worth of 
 Indian meal, rice, peas, etc., for the starving inhabitants, 
 and a large quantity of plank to repair the buildings 
 destroyed. They applied to M. de Ternant, and then, 
 with his consent, to me, he and I having previously had 
 a conversation on the subject. Congress resolved that 
 a regular account of the money expended by the govern- 
 ment be kept, and the President be requested to obtain 
 
84 JEFFERSON DESCRIBES THE AWFUL TRAGEDY. 
 
 a credit therefor, in the accounts between the French 
 republic and the United States." 
 
 Again he says, " In the first moment of the insurrec- 
 tion, which threatened the colony of St. Domingo, we 
 stepped forward to their relief, with arms and money, 
 taking freely upon ourselves the risk of an unauthorized 
 aid when delay would have been denial ; we received, 
 according to our best abilities, the wretched fugitives 
 from the catastrophe, who, escaping from the swords 
 and flames of civil war, threw themselves on us, naked 
 and houseless, without food or friends, money or other 
 means — their faculties lost and absorbed in the depth of 
 their distresses." 
 
 Behold the picture painted by the immortal Jefferson ! 
 Pity touched his heart, sympathy filled his soul for the 
 distresses of those homeless, naked, famishing, and^ 
 friendless people of his own race, escaping from that 
 awful catastrophe ! He received them according to his 
 best abilities, and sent arms to kill the savage negroes 
 who had slaughtered their friends in cold blood. But 
 the abolitionists of America take the part of the negroes 
 in that bloody tragedy, where two thousand white 
 people were massacred without a chance for resistance. 
 Mr. Smith, a member of Congress at the time of the 
 appropriation for aid, said, " Such a scene of distress had 
 never before been seen in America. Three thousand 
 fugitives had been at once landed on our shores, without 
 the least previous expectation of their arrival. Fifteen 
 hundred of these people are quite helpless. All were 
 women and children, except three old men." 
 ' "And these calamities were brought upon these people," 
 says Mr. Marshall, " by the malignant philosophy of the 
 French revolutionists, who taught the equality of the 
 
THE ABOLITIONISTS HINDER COLONIZATION. 85 
 
 white and the black race." Such are the calamities, 
 such the scenes, such the distresses which the aboli- 
 tionists of America had in store for the people of the 
 South. Such is the tragedy they have endeavored for 
 thirty years to re-enact, among the people who helped 
 to compose this happy Union, who helped to frame the 
 best government on earth, who were once called our 
 sisters and brothers, whom Washington entreated us to 
 cease from reproaching on account of their institutions 
 which were fastened upon them by the mother country 
 in the infancy of their colonies, and for which there was 
 but one remedy, and that the expatriation of the negro 
 race. Washington prayed that the people of America 
 would consider themselves as one family, and live in 
 peace and harmony together, and they would have con- 
 tinued so to live had not the aboHtionists been deter- 
 mined to introduce the servants of Washington and our 
 forcfiithers into this great family as their equals and 
 their brothers, thus thwarting the plan of colonization 
 begun by the South, to free their slaves and send them 
 to Africa as fast as they could obtain the means for that 
 purpose. Respecting the equality of mankind, Butler's 
 Analogy of Religion has the following : 
 
 " It is perfectly idle to object to the fact, that a plan 
 or decree is contemplated in revelation, and that God 
 should confer benefits on some individuals which are 
 withheld from others. Did any man in his senses ever 
 dream that the race, in all respects, are on an equality ? 
 Has there ever been a time when one man was just as 
 rich as another, or as much honored 1 To talk of the 
 perfect equality of men is one of the most unmeaning 
 of all affirmations respecting the world. God has made 
 differences, is still making them, and will continue to do 
 
86 DR. BARNES DISCARDS THE IDEA OF EQUALITY. 
 
 SO. The framework of society is organized on such a 
 principle, that men cannot be equal. Even if the 
 scheme of modern infidelity should be successful, if all 
 society should be broken up, what principle of per- 
 petuity could be devised 1 Man might better attempt 
 to make all trees alike, and all hills plains, than to at- 
 tempt to level society and bring the race into entire 
 equality. To the end of time it will be true that some 
 are poor and some are rich; that some will be endowed 
 with gigantic intellects, and enriched with ancient and 
 modern learning, while others will pine in want, or walk 
 the humble paths of obscurity. If God can confer one 
 blessing on one individual, which he withholds ftom 
 another, we ask why he may not be a sovereign also in 
 the dispensation of other favors'? Men will go on to 
 make experiments in philosophy till scheme after scheme 
 shall be abandoned ; they will frame schemes, until they 
 arrive at the scheme of the New Testament ; they will 
 devise modes of alleviating misery, until they fall on the 
 very plan suggested two thousand years before them ; 
 and they will form and abandon codes of morals, until 
 they shall come at last to the moral maxims of the New 
 Testament, and the world shall arrive at the conclusion 
 that the highest wisdom is to sit down hke children at 
 the feet of the Son of God, " convinced that he is the 
 wisest man, as well as the profoundest philosopher, who 
 yields himself up in meekness and simplicity of spirit 
 to the teachings of the Saviour." 
 
 Here, Dr. Barnes, in his introduction to the work of 
 Bishop Butler, speaks of the doctrine of human equality 
 as that of the modern infidels ; and all their schemes for 
 alleviatins: the miseries of the human race wdll have to 
 be " abandoned until the world shall arrive at the con- 
 
DR. WAYLAND's system OF MORALITY. 87 
 
 elusion that the highest wisdom is to adopt the scheme 
 of the New Testament." 
 
 Dr. Wayland, in his Elements of Moral Science, says : 
 "If the New Testament had proclaimed the unlaw- 
 fulness of slavery, and taught slaves to resist the op- 
 pression of their masters, it would instantly have arrayed 
 the two parties in deadly hostility throughout the civil- 
 ized world ; its announcement would have been the 
 signal for servile war ; and the very name of the Chris- 
 tian religion would have been forgotten amidst the agi- 
 tations of luiiversal bloodshed." 
 
 Here we have the fact acknowledged, that Christ and 
 his Apostles did not proclaim the unlawfulness- of slavery, 
 and teach slaves to resist the oppression of their masters. 
 Therefore, the abolitionists have not followed the ex- 
 ample of the Son of God, and cannot expect their con- 
 duct to be approved of him. It is a fact, also, that can 
 be clearly proved, that there could have been a com- 
 promise of all our national troubles, even after the se- 
 cession of a few of the Southern States, had not these 
 abolitionists prevented it ; and that they desired a civil 
 war in order to " dislodge" slavery. After the war had 
 been determined on, but before any great battle had oc- 
 curred, Wm. I.loyd Garrison, and the other abohtionists, 
 said : " If God shall choose to wash slavery out by a river 
 of human blood, we shall exclaim, as did the Psalmist 
 of old, ' Oh, give thanks unto the Lord, for he is good; 
 for his mercy endureth forever ! To Him that over- 
 threw Pharaoh and his hosts in the Red Sea; for his 
 mercy endureth forever.' " 
 
 Now, the washing out of slavery by human blood is not 
 the way that Christ and his Apostles planned to wash it 
 out ; and as Christ is God, it may reasonably be inferreil 
 
DR. WAYLAND SATS WE ARE NOT TO OBEY 
 
 that the scheme of the abolitionists will entirely fliil ; and 
 although they have succeeded in shedding rivers of human 
 blood, slavery will not thereby be washed away. If Dr. 
 Wayland's system of morality and ethics can be relied on, 
 this government has committed a far greater crime in 
 the sight of God by thus shedding their brother's blood 
 than the crime of slaveholding. He says: "The indi- 
 vidual has no right to authorize society to do any thing 
 contrary to the law of God ; that is, men connected in 
 societies are under the same moral law as individuals. 
 What is forbidden to the one is forbidden also to the 
 other. Hence it would seem that all wars are contrary 
 to the revealed will of God, and that society has no 
 right to commit to government the power to declare 
 war. To all arguments in favor of war, it would be a 
 sufficient answer : that God has forbidden it ; and no 
 consequences can possibly be conceived to arise from 
 keeping his law, so terrible as those which must arise 
 from violating it. War is granted to be a most calam- 
 itous remedy for evils, and the most awful scourge that 
 can be inflicted on the human race. It will be granted, 
 then, that the resort to it, if not necessary, must be in- 
 tensely wicked." And of civil war, he says : 
 
 " Civil war is, of all evils which men inflict on them- 
 selves, the most horrible. It dissolves not only social, 
 but domestic ties ; overturns all the security of prop- 
 erty ; throws back for ages all social improvement, and 
 accustoms men to view without disgust, and even plea- 
 sure, all" that is atrocious and revolting. Napoleon, ac- 
 customed as he was to bloodshed, turned away with 
 horror from the contemplation of civil war. This, then, 
 cannot be considered the way designed by our Creator 
 for rectifying social abuses." 
 
THE COMMANDS OF GOD TO MOSES, ETC. 89 
 
 Now, to that class of the people of the Northern States 
 who are not mfidels, but believe in the Christian reli- 
 gion, Ur. Wayland teaches the following moral precepts : 
 
 " When a revelation is made to us by language, it is 
 taken for granted, that whatever is our duty will be sig- 
 nified to us by a command ; and, hence, what is not 
 commanded, is not to be considered by us as obliga- 
 tory. The ground of moral obligation, as derived from 
 revelation, must, therefore, be a command of God. Now, 
 a command seems to involve three ideas : 1st. That an 
 act be designated ; 2d. That it be somehow signified to 
 be tlic will of God that this act be performed ; 3d. That 
 it be signified that we are included within the number to 
 whom the command is addressed. Otherwise, all the 
 commandments to the patriarchs and prophets would be 
 binding upon every one who might read them. And, 
 hence, in general, whosoever urges upon us any duty, as 
 the command of God, revealed in the Bible, must show 
 that God has commanded that action to be done, and 
 til at he has commanded us to do it. The mere fact that 
 any thing has been done and recorded in Scripture, by 
 no means places us under obligation to do it. It ex- 
 cludes from being obligatory upon «//, what has been 
 commanded, but which can be shown to have been in- 
 tended only for individuals, or for nations, and not for 
 the whole human race. Many of the commands of God 
 in the Old Testament were addressed to nations. Such 
 were the directions to the Israelites to take possession 
 of Canaan ; to make war upon the surrounding nations. 
 Of such precepts, it is to be observed : 1st. They are to 
 be obeyed only at the time and in the manner in which 
 they are commanded, and are of force only to those to 
 whom they were given. The New Testament contains 
 
90 DR. WAYLANd's ethics applied to LINCOLN. 
 
 all the moral precepts given to man ; that is to say, no 
 precept of the Old Testament, which is not either re- 
 peated, or its obligations acknowledged, under the new 
 dispensation, is binding upon us at the present day." 
 
 Therefore, there is no set of men in America author- 
 ized to tell Abraham Lincoln that God required that he 
 should proclaim freedom throughout the land. No man 
 has authority from the Bible to tell him that he sits in 
 the place of Pharaoh, and that God commands him to 
 " Let my people go." These commands have all been 
 made and fulfilled thousands of years before he was born. 
 No man has authority from the Bible tO command the 
 people of the North, or teach them that it is their duty 
 to drive out the people of the South, or exterminate 
 them, as Joshua expelled the Canaanites and took pos- 
 session of their land. Joshua ftdfilled God's command at 
 the time it was given ; and any other nation or people 
 might, with equal authority, claim the right to expel the 
 Northern people from their soil as they to dispossess 
 the South. Thus, all the teachings of infidels, or of 
 Christians, in this war, contrary to the Bible, are not 
 binding upon the people. Instead of its being Abraham 
 Lincoln's duty to go over to the Old Testament and find 
 out what God said to Pharaoh, or Joshua, or Abraham, 
 or Gideon, Dr. Wayland says " he is bound by moral 
 obligation to obey the Constitution of his country. A 
 government derives its authority from society, of which 
 it is the agent ; that society derives its authority from 
 the compact formed by individuals ; that society, and the 
 relations between society and individuals, are the ordi- 
 nance of God. Of course, the officer of a government, 
 as the organ of society, is bound as such by the law of 
 God, aild is under obligation to perform the diities of his 
 
EVERY OFFICER MUST OBEY THE CONSTITUTION. 91 
 
 office in obedience to this law ; and, hence, it makes no 
 difference how the other party to the contract executes 
 their engagements, he, as the servant of God, set apart 
 for this very thing, is bound, nevertheless, to act pre- 
 cisely according to the principles by which God has de- 
 clared that this relation should be governed. It is the 
 duty of a legislator to understand the precise nature of 
 the compact which binds together the particular society 
 for which he legislates. He who enters upon the duty 
 of a legislator without a knowledge of the limit of the 
 several branches of the government, is not only wicked, 
 but contemptible. He is the worst of all empirics: he 
 offers to prescribe for a malady, and knows not whether 
 the medicine he uses be a remedy or a poison. The in- 
 jury which he inflicts is not on an individual, but on an 
 entire community. Having acquainted himself with his 
 powers, and his obligations, he is bound to exert his 
 power precisely within the limits by which it is restricted, 
 and for the purpose for which it was conferred, to the 
 best of his knowledge and ability, and for the i)est good 
 of the whole society. He is bound impartially to carry 
 into effect the principles of the general and the particular 
 compact just in those respects in wliicli the carrying them 
 into effect is committed to him. For the action of others 
 he is not responsible, unless he has been made so re- 
 sponsible. He is not the organ of a section, or of a dis- 
 trict, much less of a party, but of the society at large ; 
 and he who uses his power for the benefit of a section, 
 or of a party, is false to his duty, to his country, and his 
 God. He is engraving his name on the adamantine 
 pillars of his country's history, to be gazed on forever 
 as an object of universal detestation. 
 
 " It is his duty to leave every thing else undone. From 
 
92 ABRAHAM LINCOLN A USURPER. 
 
 no plea of necessity, or of peculiar circumstances, may he 
 overstep the limits of his constitutional power, either in 
 the act itself, ^^ ^^^^ purpose for which the act is done. 
 The moment he does this, he is a tyrant. Precisely the 
 power committed to him exists, and no other. If he may 
 exercise one power not delegated, he may exercise 
 another, and he may exercise all ; thus, on principle, he 
 assumes himself to be the fountain of power ; restraint 
 upon encroachment ceases, and all liberty is henceforth 
 at an end." 
 
 What an amount of moral guilt, then, rests upon the 
 people who have persuaded Abraham Lincoln to exer- 
 cise powers not delegated to him by the framers of the 
 Constitution! the original compact upon which the 
 Union and the government was founded, he is the 
 servant of God set apart to execute. 
 
 Did AVashington, who was one of the framers of that 
 Constitution, delegate authority to Mr. Lincoln to rob 
 the American people of all their slaves, which he called 
 their property, and demanded the restoration, by the 
 British Government, of all such property taken from the 
 citizens of the United States '? Can any thing be plainer 
 than this, that the abolitionists, who declared all the 
 laws sanctioning slavery " null and void," have persuaded 
 the President that he can annul the laws at his pleasure, 
 that he is the fountain of all power, and that he derives 
 this power from the present generation, and is not 
 bound to obey the laws made by Washington long years 
 ago ] Washington was a father to his people, and the 
 Union would long ere this have been restored, had Mr. 
 Lincoln obeyed his counsels and the Constitution which 
 he made. 
 
 It has often been said that General Washington was 
 
WASHIXGTOX WAS A MAN OF PRATER. 93 
 
 a man of prayer. It is unquestionably true. He recog- 
 nized Jehovah as the God of nations — as the God of 
 battles, and his prayers ascended to heaven for the 
 triumph of the cause of American liberty. There were 
 o^loomy periods in the Revolutionary struggle, when the 
 hope of the good man was in God alone. How fervently 
 Washington then prayed! AVhat tears of indignant 
 sorrow he wept over British aggression, and how 
 earnestly he invoked divine interposition in behalf of 
 the oppressed colonies ! A soldier in the army, going 
 forth from the camp into a retired spot, saw Washington 
 on his knees in prayer. The sight sent conviction to 
 his heart. He ultimately obtained hope in Christ, and 
 became a devoted Christian. The scene he had wit- 
 nessed, Washington in prayer, was ever vivid to the eye 
 of his mind. Painters and sculptors have represented 
 Washington in many positions ; would it not be well 
 for some of them to picture him on his knees in prayer? 
 It is assiimed by the party now holding the reins of 
 tlie government which Washington helped to found — 
 the party who declare that they are fighting to preserve 
 the Constitution which Washington helped to frame — 
 that if he were now alive he would be on their side in 
 this bloody contest ; that his prayers would ascend to 
 lieaven that their policy might succeed, and that he 
 would join with them in declaring that slavery sliould 
 now be swept away, if every slaveholder, and every man, 
 woman and child should be swept away with it ; that 
 this bloody war should never end until the shackles fall 
 from every slave, and universal freedom prevails over 
 America. In 1786, Washington said, " There is not a 
 man Hving who wishes more sincerely than I do to see 
 a plan adopted for the abolition of slave-r}'; but there is 
 
94 WASHINGTON SAYS THERE IS BUT 
 
 but one proper and eiFectual mode by which it can be 
 accomplished, and that is by legislative authority ; and 
 this, as for as my suffrage will go, shall never be 
 
 wanting. 
 
 Now here was a warrior who had liberated by his 
 sword and by his prayers for aid from the God of heaven, 
 three millions of his own race from their yoke of 
 bondage to the British king ; why did he not take this 
 sword and free the black race in America at the same 
 time ? Why did he not say to Rhode Island, Connec- 
 ticut, New York, New Jersey, and all the States south 
 of the Potomac, " I demand immediate and unconditional 
 emancipation of all your negroes now held in slavery, 
 or I shall call my soldiers about me and fight for their 
 liberty 1" Was it because he delighted to see them in 
 bondage ] He says, " I hope it will not be conceived 
 by these observations that it is my wish to hold these 
 unhappy people in slavery, but there is but one proper 
 and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished." 
 No abolitionist at the North had more pity for that 
 unhappy people than the Father of his Country. They 
 were always called by the fathers of the republic, " that 
 unfortunate race ;" but Washington lived fourteen years 
 after these sentiments were expressed, and yet died 
 without bestowing liberty upon that people whose 
 sorrows touched his heart. He lived a quarter of a 
 century from the day in which he drew his sword in 
 defence of the white race in America, oppressed by a 
 tyrannical power exercised over them by the nation from 
 whence they sprang. He sat eight years in the same 
 chair of state now occupied by the President engaged in 
 freeing the slaves left by him in bondage. He had the 
 same constitutional authority over slavery as that of the 
 
ONE WAY TO ABOLISH SLAVERY. 95 
 
 President thus engaged. lie felt as much compassion 
 for the negro race thus doomed to the servitude of the 
 white race as Abraham Lincohi now feels, who says, 
 " It seems to me that if any thing is wrong, slavery is 
 wrong." Yet Washington tells Abraham Lincoln, as 
 well as the lawyer to whom he was writing, " There is 
 but one proper and effectual mode by which the abolition 
 of slavery can be accomplished, and that is by legislative 
 authority," by the authority of the legislatures of the 
 several States where slavery is established. They made 
 the laws and they must unmake them with regard to 
 slavery. Now, how came Washington to prescribe this 
 OS the only remedy for the evils of slavery? This 
 remedy was given, and this answer written, to counteract 
 the principles and progress of the very party now holding 
 ascendancy over this nation. A society had been formed 
 in Washington's day, as he said, for the very purpose of 
 robbing the Southern people of their slaves, and he de- 
 clared that that society was acting repugnantly to justice, 
 and that it was only by acts of tyranny and oppression 
 thcv could accomplish the freedom of the slaves. The 
 abolitionists tell us that " at this time the anti-slavery 
 spirit was very animated, that all classes were imbued 
 witli it down even to Tom Paine ; yet from that period 
 it became less energetic. Its decline is traced through 
 many years of obscuration, and its revival is at- 
 tributed to the establishment of the Boston Liberator, 
 in 1831." Why did this anti-slavery spirit become less 
 energetic, and why could its decline be traced through 
 many years of obscuration 1 Because in their petitions 
 to Congress to free the slaves, these people were told 
 that Congress had no authority given it by the Consti- 
 tution to interfere with slavery, that each State had 
 
96 ABRAHAM LINCOLN DECLARES SLAVES PROPERTY. 
 
 sole power over nil its own internal concerns. Well, 
 Washington says, " Congress put these abolitionists to 
 sleep, and they would scarcely wake before 1808." He 
 also, it seems, administered an opiate himself which put 
 a stop to their acts of injustice for a time, and they 
 sank into a state of obscuration until 1831. Then the 
 thunders of William IJoyd Garrison revived them from 
 their long slumber. They met together in 1833, and 
 there went forth the cry that the Constitution which 
 would not allow Congress to interfere with slavery was 
 " a covenant with Death and an agreement with hell !" 
 As Wasliington was out of their way, they gave public 
 notice to the Southern people that they must immediately 
 relinquish all their property in slaves, without any 
 remuneration, or suffer the consequences of a refusal. 
 Washington interfered when they demanded the freedom 
 of one slave without compensation: what would he have 
 said to their demand for the freedom of all on the same 
 condition] In December, 1862, Abraham Lincoln said: 
 " The liberation of the slaves is the destruction of 
 property, property acquired by descent or by purchase, 
 the same as any other property. It is no less true for 
 having often been said that the people of the South are 
 no more responsible for the original introduction of 
 their property, than are the people of the North ; and 
 when it is remembered how unhesitatingly we use, all 
 of us, cotton and sugar, and share the profits of deal- 
 ing in them, it may not be quite safe to say that the 
 South has been more responsible than the North for its 
 continuance. If, then, for a common object, this prop- 
 erty is to be sacrificed, is it not just that it be done at 
 a common charge *? And if with less money, or money 
 more easily paid, we can preserve the benefits of the 
 
WASHINGTON OPPOSED TO AN ABOLITION WAR. 97 
 
 Union by this means better than by war alone, is it not 
 economical to do it ] Is it doubted, then, that the plan 
 I propose would shorten the war, and thus lessen its 
 expenditure of money and blood 1 Other means may 
 succeed in saving the Union — this could not fail. The 
 way is plain, peaceful, generous, just: a way which, if 
 followed, God must forever bless." The President be- 
 lieved that God would bless the nation in paying for 
 the slaves. But the abolitionists would not accept of 
 such a plan. Four weeks after, Abraham Lincoln was 
 comp(>llcd to proclaim freedom to every slave, without 
 compensation or expatriation. These abolitionists as- 
 sured him that the slaves would all flee from their 
 masters, and the war thus be at an end. They now 
 declare that it shall never end until the proclamation is 
 fulfilled. Wovdd General AVashington join the abo- 
 Htionists in such a war'? Would he take sides with 
 men whom he himself rebelled against, as tyrants and 
 oppressors — who have taught the right of his own slaves 
 to run away — to rob and murder him if need be to gain 
 their liberty ; and if his wife had stood in the way of 
 their freedom, these negroes, mentioned in his letters, 
 had a natural right to take her hfe, and that of any 
 member of his fomily who miglit stand in their way] 
 If the negroes have a right to murder any master, they 
 had a right to take the life of Washington, or Jefferson, 
 or any other patriot who helped this nation to its 
 independence. If they have a right now to fight for 
 their freedom, they had a right to fight against their 
 masters in Massachusetts, and all the other Eastern 
 States ; and as long as one negro remained in slavery, 
 he had a right to kill his master to obtain his freedom. 
 The black race had been in slavery in the colonies more 
 7 
 
98 HOSTILITY BETW^EEN THE RACES. 
 
 than a hundred years before independence was declared. 
 They had as much right during all that time to rise 
 against the white race as they have at this moment ; 
 and if slavery is such a sin in the sight of God, that he 
 has commissioned the North to extirpate it from the 
 land, he might, with equal justice, have authorized 
 some foreign nation to make war on America a hundred 
 years ago, in order to liberate her slaves. That the 
 number is greater now, takes nothing from the argu- 
 ment, for at the tim'e of the Revolution there were 
 more than half a million of slaves, belonging to our 
 forefathers. These had a perfect right, according to the 
 abolitionists, to murder off the white people on this 
 continent ; and if their doctrine is true, the present 
 generation ought never to have been born. The negroes 
 should have possessed this country long ago, as they 
 now possess Hayti ; and the white people either all 
 exterminated or turned into mulattoes. No ! Wash- 
 ington was in favor of the liberty of his own race, and 
 willing to shed his blood to gain their freedom, but 
 never proposed the same to free the negroes, and never 
 advocated the slaughter of the white race for that pur- 
 pose. It was left for the Republican party to inaugurate 
 such a war ; and those who loved and revered Wash- 
 in":ton turned with horror and disgust at the scenes 
 they are enacting, under the inspiration of Garrison 
 and his followers, whose counsels they follow, and re- 
 ject the example and warnings of the Father of his 
 C'ountry ! 
 
 Four years from' the time the children of Washington 
 received their last farewell admonitions from his lips, the 
 Senate of the United States addressed the President who 
 succeeded him in the following touching words • 
 
DEATH OF THE FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY. 99 
 
 " Permit us, sir, to mingle our tears with yours. On 
 this occasion it is manly to weep. Our country mourns 
 a father. The Almighty Disposer of events has taken 
 from us our greatest benefactor and ornament. With 
 pride we review the life of Washington, and compare 
 him with those of other countries who have been pre- 
 eminent in fame. Ancient and modern names are dimin- 
 ished before him. Greatness and guilt have too often 
 been allied ; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. 
 The destroyer of nations stood abashed at the majesty 
 of his virtues. Magnanimous in death, the darkness of 
 the grave could not obscure his whiteness. Such was 
 the man we deplore. Thanks to God, his glory is con- 
 summated. Washington yet lives on earth in his spot- 
 less example — his spirit is in heaven. Let his country- 
 men consecrate the memory of the heroic general, the 
 patriotic statesman, and the virtuous sage ; let them 
 teach their children never to forget that the fruits of 
 his labors and his example are their inheritance." 
 
 President Adams replied : " His example is now com- 
 plete ; and it will teach wisdom and virtue to magis- 
 trates, citizens, and men, not only in the present age, 
 but in future generations as long as our history shall be 
 read. If Trajan found a Pliny, a Marcus Aurelius can 
 never want biographers, eulogists, or historians." From 
 his home at Mount Vernon, from the capital which bore 
 his name, a wail of sorrow was heard, which was wafted 
 on the breeze all over the sunny South ; and soon was 
 borne back to the North, from the shores of South 
 CaroUna, the same notes of grief for the loss of a 
 father. In Charleston city, where now is struck down 
 even the youthful maiden, standing before the altar in 
 her bridal robes, by the messenger of death — shot from 
 
100 A NATION MOURNED HIS LOSS. 
 
 cannon, whose boomings still echo, and renew, and pro- 
 long the wail that told of the death of Washington — a 
 sermon was preached by the eloquent Richard Fur man, 
 A.M., the first words of which announced that " the 
 great soul of our beloved Washington has left the world ! 
 Accounts, not to be disputed, have announced his death. 
 It is an event long to be remembered by Americans. 
 The melancholy tidings have vibrated on our ears in 
 saddest accents ! They have penetrated our hearts, ex- 
 citing sensations not to be described ; and have produced, 
 in copious effusion, sincere, but unavailing tears. On 
 this day, the anniversary of that which gave him to 
 mankind — the day which, in honor of his virtues, you 
 were used to devote to festivity and joy — we are met in 
 the house of God to deplore our loss of him, and to 
 weep over his urn. On the 14th of December (1799), 
 and in the sixty-sixth year of his age, he complacently 
 surrendered his soul into the hands of his Creator. 
 Washington was to America the valuable gift of Gqd. 
 Heaven has made him to us both a Moses and a Joshua. 
 But Washington, the virtuous, the magnanimous, the 
 brave, the father of his country, is numbered with the 
 dead! 
 
 " Cease to weep, thou virtuous, honored matron, who 
 hast lost in him the man who ranked with the best of 
 husbands ! Be consoled, ye adopted children, who shared 
 in him the tenderest father's care ! Citizens of America 
 — his political children — dry your tears ! Turn away your 
 eyes from the desolate mansion, where his presence is no 
 longer seen. View him in the realms of light, united 
 in blest society of saints. See him holding high con- 
 verse with the angels of light, and with them approach- 
 ing the Divine Presence in humble adoration, perfecting 
 
THE RAID OF "OLD JOHN BHOWxX." 101 
 
 in high, immortal strains, those grateful acknowledg- 
 ments of the Divine interposition, goodness, and mercy, 
 which he began here on earth, while youth smiles in his 
 face, joy beams in his eye, and his brows are bound, not 
 with a wreath of fading laurel, but with the branches of 
 the tree of life and flowers of paradise !" 
 
 And why is that same city, where the people then 
 met to weep over the urn of Washington, again block- 
 aded as in the dark days when he was fighting to free 
 its captive citizens from the power of their British foes'? 
 Why are the people of the whole South now in rebellion 
 against Abraham Lincoln and the abolition party, as 
 they were then in rebellion against George the Third 
 and his tyrannical ministers'? Why are the beautiful 
 plains of the South overspread with blood and carnage ; 
 and why has the home of Mary, the mother of Wash- 
 ington, been thrice drenched in human gore 1 Why are 
 the white brothers of the great flimily of the Father of 
 his Country still engaged in a war of direst hate, and 
 seeking to plunge the dagger into each other's heart, 
 instead of loving one another, and living together in 
 peace, in the Union which he perilled his life to estab- 
 lish for their inheritance forever 1 Because, that, in 
 just sixty years from the moon in which his spirit en- 
 tered the portals of bliss, the abolition brothers tore the 
 laurels from his brow and placed them on the head of 
 " Old John Brown !" Because they robbed him of his titles 
 to the name and offices of a INIoses and a Joshua, and gave 
 them to the chieftain of a robber band ! Because they 
 disowned and repudiated their own father, and set up in 
 his place a false prophet, who proclaimed that he had a 
 mission from God Almighty to put their white brothers 
 South to death, and give their lands to their negro slaves, 
 
102 JOHN BROWN CONSIDERED A MARTYR. 
 
 and that between the command of the Lord of Hosts 
 and implicit obedience to it, he permitted no constitution 
 nor law to intervene. The Union and the Constitution 
 which Washington founded were the two lions in his 
 way ; but he marched straight ahead, trampling under 
 foot the rotten stubble of unjust laws and constitutions 
 that stood between him and his foes. This was the 
 prophet the abolitionists had been long looking for, and 
 praying for his appearing. When he came, they said 
 that, " during the eighteen centuries which have passed, 
 no such character has appeared among men ; that the 
 galleries of the resounding ages echo with no footfall 
 mightier than that of the martyr who stepped from the 
 scaffold into the embrace of angels." They teach the 
 children of the nation to sing his praises, instead of 
 obeying the injunction of the Senate, to teach them 
 never to forget that their own liberties were the fruits 
 of the labor and toil of the Father of his Country. They 
 have learned the soldiers, who are fighting for the Union, 
 to hymn their peans to John Brown, while the Moses 
 who led their fathers through the Revolution and 
 planted them in the land of freedom is unhonored and 
 unsuno-. They point the nation up to heaven, not 
 there to behold the Father of his Country enwreathed 
 with flowers of Paradise, but to view the criminal 
 executed for breaking laws of his own enacting, among 
 the spirits of the blest, mustering a cohort of these in- 
 visible beings into his abolition army, and leading them 
 against the people of the South, whom he failed to 
 exterminate while here in the flesh. 
 
 But why do the abolitionists reverence the name of 
 John Brown above that of Washington '? What glorious 
 deeds place his name so much higher on the roll of fame 
 
JOHN BROWN A MIDNIGHT KOBBER. 103 
 
 than that of the warrior who gave freedom to America'? 
 If history has recorded his noble achievements, let them 
 be compared with those of the Father of his Country, 
 whose laurels they have trampled in the dust. Here 
 is a record of October, 1859, by Horace Greeley, now 
 fighting under his banners : 
 
 " Old Brown, of Ossawatamie, who was last heard of 
 on his w^ay to Canada with a band of runaway slaves 
 from Missouri, now turns up in Virginia, where he has 
 been some months plotting and preparing for a general 
 stampede of slaves. The insurrection at Harper's Ferry 
 proves a verity." 
 
 This was the Moses of the abolitionists. " No such 
 character had appeared for eighteen hundred years 
 among mankind." The fame of Rob Roy sinks in in- 
 significance by the side of the daring exploits of the 
 band of midnight robbers of old John Brown. His 
 armed banditti captured the sword and the pistols of 
 General Washington himself, presented to him by 
 Frederick the Great and the Marquis de Lafayette, and 
 more than this, they captured the heir to his name and 
 to his earthly estates. No wonder he can gather a 
 cohort of infernal spirits to assist in this war of subjuga- 
 tion and extermination! Let the captive prisoner in 
 whose veins flowed the blood of Washington, relate to 
 us this brilliant victory, which throw^s all the battles of 
 the Father of his Country against the King of Great 
 Britain into the shades. 
 
 " I was awakened in the night by hearing my name 
 called. I opened the door, and before me stood four 
 men, three of them armed with Sharpe's rifles, levelled 
 and cocked, and the other with a revolver in his right 
 hand, and a Hghtcd flambeau in the other. They said 
 
104 brown's attempt to re-enact 
 
 to me, ' Is your name Washington V I answered, ' That is 
 my name.' I was then told that I was a prisoner, and 
 not to be frightened. I repUed, ' Do you see any thing 
 that looks like fright about me V They said, ' If you 
 surrender, and come with us freely, you are safe.' I 
 was told to put on my clothes, and I said, ' While I am 
 dressing, you will please tell me what all this means.' 
 One said, ' We want your arms,' and I opened the gun- 
 closet for them to help themselves. They then explained 
 their mission, to wit : The emancipation of all the slaves 
 in the country. Stephens said : ' Have you got any 
 money V 1 replied : ' I wish I had a great deal' ' Be 
 careful, sir,' said he. ' Have you a watcli V My reply 
 was, ' I have, but you cannot have it. You have set 
 yourselves up as great moralists and liberators of slaves. 
 Now it appears that you are robbers as well.' " 
 
 General Washington pronounced the abolitionists in 
 his day tyrants and oppressors. His grand-nephew, 
 Colonel John A. Washington, pronounced them robbers 
 as well, and had he known their history at that moment 
 he might have added, " and murderers likewise." 
 
 " I told them I was dressed and ready to go. They 
 bade me wait a short time and my carriage would be at 
 the door. They had ordered my carriage for me, and 
 pried open the stable door to get it out. My servant 
 drove my horses. I suspected they were only robbers, 
 and would turn off at some point, but they drove directly 
 to the United States Armory at Harper's Ferry. They 
 said they intended freely to appropriate the property 
 of slaveholders to carry out their plans of freeing the 
 negroes. 
 
 " They seized all of Colonel Washington's slaves within 
 their reach, and those on the other plantations near, 
 
THE HORRORS OF ST. DOMINGO. 105 
 
 and made their owners prisoners also. They expected 
 to be speedily reinforced, first, by the slaves in Canada, 
 and, secondly, by the slaves in the South. They were 
 to be armed with pikes, scythes, shot-guns, and other 
 simple instruments of defence. The officers, white and 
 black, and such of the negroes as were skilled, to have 
 the use of Sharpe's rifles and revolvers. They antici- 
 pated procuring provisions enough for subsistence by 
 forage, as also arms and horses and ammunition, and thus 
 sweep every plantation in the South."* Turn now to 
 the horrors of St. Domingo, and view a faint picture of 
 the scenes which this Moses of the abolitionists was pre- 
 paring to re-enact among the white people of the South. 
 And for this glorious undertaking they declare that " he 
 stepped from the gallows into the embrace of angels." 
 After the danger was over, the South asks, " Did he not 
 train his sons to aid him in his attempt to waste with 
 fire and sword the fairest land under the cope of heaven ] 
 How many sisters did he propose to murder 1 How 
 many social hearths to quench in blood] For what 
 use were these hundreds of deadly rifles, those loads of 
 pikes, those bundles of incendiary faggots '? A felon's 
 death ! Almighty Providence ! Is man indeed so weak 
 that lie can inflict no more 1" 
 
 And what punishment is due to the abolitionists of 
 the North who would see their white brothers and 
 sisters of the South exterminated, and their lands given 
 over to their negroes'? Yet for these awful attempts 
 and designs of John Brown, they offer up their hymns 
 of adoration and praise, and let it be remembered that 
 the Southern people were not then rebels, and that name 
 
 * Redpath's Life of John Brown and bis Trial. 
 
106 THE ABOLITIONISTS HAVE ATTEMPTED TO PRODUCE 
 
 could not be used in justification of the murderous 
 designs of the abohtionists ; but they were slaveholders, 
 and these abolitionists declared that God commanded 
 that slaveholders should be put to death. Redpath 
 says, " If the Bible is God's true vs^ord, it follows that it 
 is right to slay God's enemies." The Southern people 
 were held up to the world as the enemies of God, and 
 that it was a Christian duty to exterminate them, before 
 one single man among them rebelled against the govern- 
 ment. It is against these " tyrants," these " oppressors," 
 these " robbers and murderers" that they are to-day in 
 arms. Every method has been tried by these fiends in 
 human shape to produce a massacre in the South pre- 
 cisely like that in St. Domingo, and they are to-day 
 lamenting over the failure of a plan said to be defeated 
 by Generals Rosecrans and Garfield. They say, "It 
 was a gigantic project; the trains were all laid, the 
 matches all lighted, and two centuries of cruel wrong 
 were about to be avenged in a night, when a white man 
 said to the negro, ' You will slaughter friends and 
 enemies. You will wade deep in innocent blood. God 
 cannot be with you in midnight massacre.' A white 
 man said that, and the uplifted torch fell from the 
 negro's hand, and while the Southern men were starving 
 our prisoners, butchering our wounded and desecrating 
 our dead, we were supplicating the destroying angel to 
 pass over their homes, and save their wives and little 
 ones from swift destruction. In the day when ' He 
 maketh inquisition for blood,' on whose garments, my 
 Southern brothers, think you will he find the stain V 
 
 That question, " my abolition brothers,''^ is already 
 answered. You would have rejoiced to see those " wives 
 and little ones involved in swift destruction," not because 
 
A SERIES OF MASSACRES IN THE SOUTH. 107 
 
 they have rebelled against the government; for you 
 declared the United States Government so wicked that 
 none should obey it ; but because you have hated your 
 white brothers, and Joved the negroes ; and following 
 the example of your brother infidels in France — Marat 
 and Cloots — you formed the mad and wicked project of 
 spreading your doctrines of equality among the white 
 and black races, between whom, says Washington, 
 through his beloved friend, there exist distinctions and 
 prejudices to be subdued only by the grave. And you 
 can coolly and deliberately pursue your baneful theories 
 through oceans of blood ; you could see a preconcerted 
 insurrection of the blacks throughout the whole South ; 
 you could see the white inhabitants, while sleeping 
 peacefully in their beds, involved in one indiscriminate 
 slaughter, from which neither age nor sex could afford 
 an exemption. And General Washington, were he now 
 alive, would furnish arms and ammunition to quell the 
 insurrection, which you would rejoice to see successful; 
 and punish the men who taught these wicked doctrines 
 — and the Almighty knows on whose garments is the 
 blood of this nation. John Brown was struck dead on 
 the very threshold of his enterprise. The Almighty 
 has proven by this that the Moses of the abolitionists 
 was a lying propliet — tliat the commission he pretended 
 to have received from the Lord was a forgery ; and yet 
 the abolitionists delivered these spurious commands, 
 this forged commission of the false prophet, into the 
 hands of Abraham Lincoln, and declared to him that 
 the Almighty placed him in power, and gave him the 
 sword of Jolin Brown, for the express purpose of setting 
 free the whole four millions of negro slaves. For three 
 years " the soul of John Brown has been marching on," 
 
108 WASHINGTON AND JOHN BROWN COMPARED. 
 
 until the " fairest land under the cope of heaven has 
 been wasted with fire and sword, and thousands of social 
 hearths, both North and South, have been quenched in 
 blood ;" and still the war goes on. . 
 
 Let the people invoke the spirit of Washington to 
 come to their aid and subdue the spirit of Old John 
 Brown! Washington still lives in heaven, his brows 
 still bound with branches of the tree of life " which is 
 given for the healing of the nations." He is an angel 
 of light : John Brown an angel of darkness ; Washing- 
 ton is an angel of mercy and peace : John Brown is an 
 angel of vengeance and destruction; AVashington was 
 the incarnation of goodness : John Brown the incarna- 
 tion of evil; Washington was the good angel that 
 presided over the Union and the Constitution: John 
 Brown was the demon that rose out of the bottomless 
 pit, bearing in his hands the banner inscribed with the 
 motto, written in blood, " The Constitution of the 
 United States is a Covenant with Death and an Agree- 
 ment with Hell." Washington said, " I never expect to 
 draw my sword again. I can scarcely conceive the 
 cause that would induce me to do it. My first wish is 
 to see the whole world in peace, and its inhabitants as 
 one band of brothers. As mankind become more en- 
 lightened and humanized, I cannot but flatter myself 
 with the pleasing prospect that more pacific systems 
 will take place among men." 
 
 But the disciples of John Brown will have no peace ; 
 they will not have the white people of the South for 
 their brothers ; they are not yet enlightened, nor yet 
 humanized, and they say, " We will have no pacification, 
 no conciliation, no negotiation, but only subjugation, 
 
ABRAHAM LINCOLN JOHN BROAVN'S REPRESENTATIVE. 109 
 
 and this war shall never end until every slave is free, 
 although a million garments more are rolled in blood." 
 
 Abraham Lincoln is the representative of John BroAvn. 
 Let the people take the sceptre from his hand and place 
 it in the hands of a representative of Washington. 
 Let them bring fresh laurels and crown the Father of 
 his Country anew. The abolitionists have trodden his 
 glories in the dust! They have delivered into the 
 hands of John Brown the trophies of his greatness. 
 They have veiled his statue in a drapery of mourning. 
 They have driven his children into exile, and scoff at 
 the principles which they derived from their father. 
 Let the people of the North, who love him, rally to his 
 standard. Let them recount his glorious deeds on the 
 field of battle, and renew the stories of his sufferings 
 and toils in achieving the liberty of his country. Let 
 them bear aloft a banner that will reach even unto the 
 skies, and holding it before the burning throne, may his 
 image be so impressed upon the silken folds that its 
 brightness may be reflected over the whole land lie once 
 dehghtcd to call his own. Let his children in the 
 South behold the face of their father, with his kind, 
 benignant smile, beckoning them to return to the Union. 
 And let them see that they have brothers and sisters in 
 the North who love them better than their negro slaves, 
 and would welcome their return ! Then will the rebel- 
 lious children no longer rebel. They will lay down 
 their arms, and come with tears of penitence and joy 
 to the embrace of their brothers, who still acknowledge 
 the same father, and renew their allegiance to the 
 government of the great, the brave, the magnanimous, 
 the immortal George Washington, the Father of the 
 American Kepublic. 
 
110 GEORGE B. m'CLELI.AN THE TRUE 
 
 " Oh, yes ! thy counsels shall be heard, oh Washing- 
 ton ! Oh warrior ! Oh legislator ! Oh citizen without 
 reproach ! The acclamations of every age will be offered 
 to the hero who gave freedom and happiness to his 
 country ! The people who so lately stigmatized "Wash- 
 ington as a rebel, regard even the enfranchisement of 
 America as one of those events consecrated by history, 
 and by past ages. Such is the veneration excited by 
 great characters. The mourning which Napoleon orders 
 for Washington, declares to France that Washington's 
 example is not lost. It is less for the illustrious 
 general, than for the benefactor of a great people, that 
 the crape of mourning now covers our banners, and the 
 uniform of our warriors. Amid all the excesses of a 
 civil war, humanity took refuge in his tent, and was 
 never repulsed. In triumph, or defeat, he was tranquil 
 as wisdom, as pure as virtue. The finer feelings of his 
 heart never abandoned him, even in those moments 
 when his own interests would seem to justify a recourse 
 to the laws of vengeance." — Funeral Oration on Wash- 
 ington, delivered in the Temple of Mars, Paris. Bj/ 
 Lewis Fontaties. 
 
 But among all the brave chieftains of the North, oh 
 Washington, who is like unto thee ] Unto whom, oh 
 Father of our nation, has been transmitted the virtues 
 which made thine own name illustrious and immortal ■? 
 In whose soul now shines the same moral beauties which 
 painters and sculptors declared were reflected from thine 
 own countenance, the civic and humane holding ascend- 
 ency over thy military virtues, making thy features 
 radiant with benevolence and moral loveliness 1 Unto 
 whom has there descended the genius, the bravery, and 
 the undaunted courage which triumphed at last over a 
 
POLITICAL SON OF GEORGE WASHINGTON. Ill 
 
 Kingdom and a throne ] And oh ye children of America ! 
 is there now among you a living representative of the 
 character and principles of the Father of your Country, 
 he who gathered you together in one fold, secure from 
 the paw of the Lion^ and bade you live in love and 
 peace in the Union he established for you forever \ 
 
 Yes, his name is on the air ! The people have 
 descried him ! The true political son of AVasLington ! 
 His own similitude ! George B. McClellan ! The 
 resemblance so plain, so distinct, that the followers of 
 John Brown, recognizing it, tore the laurels, which he 
 had won in fighting for the Union, immediately from 
 his brow, as they had torn those of Washington three 
 years before, deprived him of his command, exiled him 
 from the soldiers of his army whom he loved, trampled 
 his honors in the dust, enveloped his name in a cloud 
 of falsehood and detraction, and consigned liim, as they 
 fondly hoped, to the dark shades of oblivron. Two 
 years pass away, and they start up with affected surprise 
 and ask the question, " Who is General McClellan, 
 that has been nominated for President of the United 
 Stat(^s \ Oh, he is that military adventurer who came 
 to Washington, and whom President Lincoln drew from 
 obscurity, and placed in command of the army. It was 
 another officer than he that planned and executed the 
 brilliant achievements which at first were credited to 
 him." Thus, the tyrants and oppressors who robbed 
 the Southern people of their prop^^ty in Washington's 
 own dav, who robbed his namesake at midnight of his 
 watch, his silver, his carriage and horses, of the sword 
 presented by Frederick the Great, and the pistols pre- 
 sented by General Lafayette, have not scrupled to rob 
 General McClellan of his titles to honor, and of his 
 
112 VOTE OF THANKS BY CONGRESS TO 
 
 credentials establishing his claims to the ofRce of Presi- 
 dent of the United States. The very fact of their en- 
 deavors to conceal them prove that if they can be found 
 his claims will be undisputed, and it then remains for 
 the people to choose for their President a representative 
 of Washington, or of old John Brown. 
 
 The very name of Washington was hailed with joy 
 and blessings ; benedictions and praises fell thick upon 
 his head. And so with the name of McClellan. On 
 the 15th day of July, 1861, these words were recorded 
 in the city of Washington : 
 
 " Your name. General McClellan, was on lips yester- 
 day counted by miUions. God bless you ! Your battles 
 are not to be estimated by any count of killed or 
 prisoners. The whole people start up from doubt and 
 despondency, and hail the breaking day for w^hich they 
 have waited with slow and counted hours. Yesterday 
 was a happy day in Washington, even to hilarity. 
 (It was Sunday). We sent up aspirations of thanks- 
 giving for the victories in Western Virginia." 
 
 " Congress hastens to send forth from the Capitol a 
 greeting of 'thanks to General George B. McClellan 
 and the officers and soldiers under his command, for the 
 series of brilliant and decisive victories which tliey, by 
 their skill and bravery, achieved over the rebels and 
 traitors in the army on the battle-fields of Western 
 Virginia.' " 
 
 General Washington's army was proud of their leader, 
 and so was General McClellan's. The officers in Western 
 Virginia said, "We feel very proud of our wise and 
 bravg young major-general. There is a future before 
 him, if his life is spared, wliich he will make illustrious." 
 
 Virginia was proud to be called the birth-place of 
 
GENERAL M'CLELLAN FOR VICTORIES. 113 
 
 Washington, and Philadelphia was proud to claim the 
 city as the birth-place of General McClellan. The 
 Press says : 
 
 "The brilliant victories which have recently been 
 achieved by General McClellan have justly rendered 
 him one of the most popular officers in our army, and 
 justified all the high expectations which had been 
 entertained by those who knew his sterling qualities. 
 Before his advancing forces and their resistless attacks, 
 the insurgents fly in terror ; but even then, his combina- 
 tions are of such a character that they do not escape, for 
 he has already taken more than a thousand prisoners, 
 and, with but a small loss among his o^vn forces, killed 
 two hundred and fifty of the enemy, including General 
 Garnett, one of their most distinguished officers. 
 
 " These results are peculiarly gratifying to our citizens, 
 not only on account of the important influence they will 
 have in deciding the struggle in which the patriots of 
 the nation are engaged, but because we are proud to 
 claim General McClellan as a Philadelphian, and because 
 it is well understood that they are due, not to accident, 
 but in a great measure to his military genius. No young 
 man in our country has taken greater pains to render 
 himself a thorough soldier. He not only attained high 
 distinction in diff"erent branches of service before the 
 war commenced, but by close personal inspection of all 
 the Russian, French, and English camps, during the 
 Crimean war, thoroughly familiarized himself with all 
 the important phases of modern warfare. 
 
 " Devotedly attached to the Union, aU the energies of 
 
 his nature have been enlisted in the present struggle to 
 
 preserve it ; and he has displayed in all his movements 
 
 since it commenced, a degree of zeal, energy, courage and 
 
 8 
 
114 m'CLELLAN summoned to protect WASHINGTON. 
 
 sagacity, deserving of great credit. The completeness 
 of his preparations, doubtless, aided materially to insure 
 his success ; and he evinced, in organizing his forces, the 
 same skill, which, when he fairly encountered the enemy, 
 produced such glorious triumphs. The officers of the 
 rebel army have been heard to express serious appre- 
 hensions of the fate that awaited them, after General 
 McClellan's column fairly commenced operations in 
 Western Virginia. If his Hfe is spared, his name wiU 
 doubtless continue to strike terror into every traitor's 
 breast, as long as an armed foe to our government treads 
 our soil." 
 
 And that is the man they now call a traitor, a sympa- 
 thizer with the rebels, because he was determined to 
 preserve the Constitution and Union, as the Father of 
 his Country commanded him to do. 
 
 As Washington was sent for in haste to come to the 
 relief of Boston, so General McClellan was summoned 
 in haste to protect Washington. 
 
 On July 22d, 1861, Horace Greeley said: " We have 
 fought and been beaten. (God forgive our rulers that it 
 is so.) The sacred soil of Virginia is crimson and wet 
 with the blood of thousands of Northern men, need- 
 lessly shed. An indignant people will demand the im- 
 mediate retirement of the present cabinet. Give the 
 President capable advisers, and leaders for the army 
 worthy the rank and file. The people will insist upon 
 having the best generals, captains, and colonels the 
 country can furnish." 
 
 24th. " General McClellan has been summoned from 
 Western Virginia to take command of the Army of the 
 Potomac." 
 
 " Philadelphia, July 25. — General Geo. B. McClellan, 
 
HIS RECEPTION IN PHILADELPHIA. 115 
 
 Commandant of the Grand Army of the Potomac, left 
 Beverly on Tuesday, and rode forty miles on horseback 
 to Grafton, where he took the cars for Wheeling. On 
 his arrival at Pittsburg, he was received with the great- 
 est eclat by the people. The military, firemen, and citi- 
 zens, turned out to meet him, and several salutes were 
 fired in his honor. Upon arriving in this city, the cars 
 which are pulled by horses from the Schuylkill into 
 town were surrounded by a wild mob, cheering, yellino", 
 and climbing the platforms. A carriage, guarded by 
 policemen, was waiting at the depot. A regiment of 
 Reserve Grays escorted the barouche, and General 
 McClellan was obliged to stand over the whole route, 
 and bow, hat-in-hand, to the thousands of faces and 
 salutations. Bouquets were showered upon him from the 
 ladies at the windows, and all the bunting on Chestnut 
 and Spruce streets was displayed. His carriage was 
 loaded down with flowers. General McClellan passed 
 his boyhood in Philadelpliia, and the people were dis- 
 posed to lay the whole merit of his career to that fact." 
 
 Yes, General McClellan is brave, valiant, heroic, like 
 unto Washington, and the same honors strew his path; 
 but who shall unfold to public view the virtues of his 
 heart '? All are proud to do him homage — all eager to 
 speak forth his praises — is there one who can portray 
 the beauties of his mind and heart ? Yes, to a listening: 
 throng, gathered in the capital of the nation. General 
 Ambrose Burnside pronounced this eulogy upon his 
 friend. Said the speaker : 
 
 "I have known General McClellan intimately; we 
 were students together, soldiers together in the field, 
 private citizens together for years. No feehng of am- 
 bition beyond the good of his country, and the success 
 
116 THE CONFIDENCE FELT IN "WASHINGTON 
 
 of her cause, ever entered his breast. We have lived 
 together in the same family. I know him as well as I 
 know any human being on the face of the earth. No 
 more honest, conscientious man exists than General 
 McClellan. (Applause.) All that he does is with a 
 single view for the success of this government and the 
 breaking down of this rebellion. Nothing under the 
 sun would ever induce him to swerve from what he 
 knows to be his duty. He is an honest, conscientious, 
 Christian-like man. And I would add, he has the 
 soundest head, and the clearest military perception of 
 any man in the United States. (A cry — ' Western Vir- 
 ginia.') A more brilliant short campaign was never 
 enacted than that of Western Virginia. He need not 
 be ashamed of his work there, and the country need 
 never be ashamed of any work he might ever have to 
 do." (Applause.) Yes, he has the virtues as well as the 
 genius of Washington. 
 
 August 1st, 1861, Horace Greeley wrote: "Ten days 
 ago the confusion and apparent demoralization of the 
 troops at Washington, after the disaster at Bull Run, 
 caused a pall of gloom to settle over the capital city, 
 and here, and elsewhere. The dull, leaden feeling which 
 follows a bitter reverse oppressed all men, and very few 
 thought of the future with springing hope. Now, in 
 this day all is changed, and the chief cause of this 
 changed atmosphere is the confidence felt in Washing- 
 ton by the advent of the young general who is called to 
 command the army, and the admirable system of dis- 
 cipline he has put in force." 
 
 Special Dispatch. — " It is said by those who profess 
 to know, that the credit of calling General McClellan to 
 
ON THE ADVENT OP THE YOUNG GENERAL. 117 
 
 the command of the Army of the Potomac belongs to 
 President Lincoln." 
 
 And this is the " military adventurer whom Mr. Lin- 
 coln drew from his obscurity !" " Oh, shame ! where is 
 thy blush r 
 
 General Washington demanded of the British that 
 the Kevolutionary War should be conducted upon the 
 highest principles of civilization, and complained that 
 " the appellation of rebels to the Americans was deemed 
 sufficient to sanctify every species of cruelty to them." 
 In reply to a letter from him on this subject, Sir Guy 
 Carleton wrote as follows: 
 
 " Sir : — It is with me to declare, that if war must 
 prevail, I shall endeavor to render its miseries as light 
 to the people of this continent as the circumstances of 
 such a condition will possibly permit. How much so- 
 ever we may dijQfer in other respects, upon this one point 
 we must perfectly concur ; being alike interested to pre- 
 serve the name of Englishman from reproach, and indi- 
 viduals from experiencing such unnecessary evils as can 
 have no eflFect upon a general decision." 
 
 Washington demanded that every soldier who should 
 be caught pillaging, plundering, or burning a dwelling, 
 should be punished ; and said that death itself was not 
 too great a punishment in such a case. But the aboli- 
 tionists demanded the removal of General McClellan for 
 not wishing to bring reproach upon the descendants of 
 the family of Washington, and disgracing the name of 
 American. If General McClellan was a rose-water 
 general, so was Washington. The name of rebel has 
 sanctified outrages for which the Almighty wiU hold the 
 North, as well as the South, to strict account. 
 
 General Washington had his enemies and persecutors, 
 
118 COMMENCEMENT OF PERSONAL ATTACKS 
 
 and so has General McClellan. A writer says : " When 
 a man is compelled to contend with enemies from with- 
 out, and with enemies from within — with those even of 
 his own. household as well as with the foe in the field — 
 he certainly deserves the sympathies of every liberal and 
 magnanimous mind." 
 
 " This is the fate of the young and distinguished oificer, 
 who, on the retirement of General Scott, was called 
 upon to succeed him, with all the great and fearful 
 responsibiUties of the chief command. But the fortune 
 of General McClellan is not a singular one. The great 
 Burke has truly said that 'censure is the tax a man 
 pays to the public for beicg eminent.' Even the noble 
 and unequalled Washington, in the darkest days of the 
 Revolution, was assailed by malignant envy, and a con- 
 spiracy formed to remove him. His great soul was 
 troubled, not only for his country, but his countrymen ; 
 and the descendants of those who abused and conspired 
 against Washington are now abusing and conspiring 
 against McClellan. We are not instituting any com- 
 parisons between men, but draw on history for illustra- 
 tions. We have judged General McClellan, not as a 
 Democrat, or a RepubUcan. We have but recently 
 learned that he is called a Democrat. We have judged 
 him only as a general and a soldier. When he achieved 
 those brilliant victories in Western Virginia, his name 
 rung through the land. Why should he be condemned 
 because he is at the head of the Army of the Potomac 1 
 Nothing that he does, or does not do, satisfies his ene- 
 mies. We have no prejudices for or against General 
 McClellan, but we are disgusted, nay, indignant at the 
 bitter, unrelenting personal attacks upon him, conflicting 
 in their charges, and only agreeing in their rancor and 
 
ON THE YOUNG HERO BY POLITICIANS. 119 
 
 hate. Attacks which tend to give aid and comfort to 
 the enemy. We look upon these assaults of General 
 McClellan, and, through him, on the government, as 
 treason, moral, if not political and legal, against the 
 country." — Binghamton Republican^ 1862. 
 
 Washington prayed for his country, and so does 
 General McClellan. "Dr. Thompson of the Second 
 Presbyterian Church, Cincinnati, relates that he was re- 
 cently seated in his study, when a gentleman requested 
 aa interview, which was granted. He came to talk 
 about his country, expressing his anxiety about its con- 
 dition, and at length requested the Doctor to pray for 
 the Republic and for him. The Doctor complied. And 
 after further conversation on this theme, the gentleman 
 requested the minister to pray with him. They knelt 
 upon the floor, and the visitor, in a devout and eloquent 
 petition, invoked the aid and protection of the Almighty 
 in this great struggle in which the Eepublic is involved. 
 ' My visitor,' said Dr. Thompson, ' was Major-General 
 George B. McClellan. It was the most touching and 
 unaffected incident I ever witnessed.' " — Religious 
 Herald, 1861. 
 
 Letter from General McClellan to Bishop 
 Whipple : 
 
 Headquarters Army of the Potomac, ' 
 September, 1862. 
 My dear Bishop — Will you do me the favor to per- 
 form Divine Service in my camp this evening % If you 
 can give me a couple of hours notice, I shall be glad, 
 that I may be able to inform the corps in the vicinity. 
 After the great success that God has vouchsafed us, I 
 
120 CONFIDENCE OF THE SOLDIERS 
 
 feel that we cannot do less than avail ourselves of the 
 first opportunity to render to him the thanks that are 
 due to him alone. I, for one, feel that the great result 
 is the result of his great mercy ; and would be glad that 
 you should be the medium to offer the thanks I feel 
 due to him from this army, and from the country. 
 Earnestly hoping you will accede to my request, 
 I am, very respectfully, your humble servant, 
 
 Geo. B. McClellan, Maj. Gen. Commanding. 
 
 Frederick, Md., September 27, 1862. 
 
 My dear General — I have spent the day in visiting 
 your brave boys who are in the hospital here. I had 
 the privilege to visit the wayside hospitals between here 
 and the camps. I am sure it will gladden your heart — 
 and it surely did my own — to see the great love they 
 have to you. When I told them how tenderly you had 
 spoken of them, and how you knelt with me in prayer 
 for God's blessing upon them, many a brave fellow wept 
 for joy ; and on every side I heard, " God bless the 
 General ;" while here and there some veteran claimed 
 the privilege to say, " God bless little Mac." I had 
 the opportunity to commend some dying men to God, 
 and to whisper the Saviour's name in their ear for their 
 last journey. 
 
 If I did not fear of wearying you, I could write an 
 hour, telling you of words of loving confidence spoken 
 by these brave sufferers, who have been with you in 
 good and evil report. I will not. But I cannot close 
 without telling you how sweet is the remembrance of 
 the pleasant service held in your camp, nor to assure you 
 that it is a pleasure every day to ask God to bless you. 
 Your way is rough. Many do not know you. Many 
 
IN " UTILE MAC." 121 
 
 are jealous of your success. Many will try to fetter you. 
 But let no cloud above, or thorn beneath, trouble you. 
 Above you is God our Father, Christ our Saviour, the 
 Holy Ghost our Comforter. God will hear our prayers. 
 It may be a weary, foot-sore way, but there is light 
 beyond. God bless you. 
 
 I am, with love, your servant, for Christ's sake, 
 
 H. B. Whipple. 
 
JAMES CHALLEN & SON, PubHshers, PhUad'a. 
 
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WASHINGTON, OUE EXAMPLE. 
 
 This new work contains a history of facts and incidents in 
 the life of the " Father of his Countrj^" which places the party, 
 now holding the power in this nation, in direct hostility to all 
 the principles and practices which he avowed and followed ; and 
 convicts them of a settled plan — which they plotted more than 
 thirty years ago — of overthrowing the government which he 
 established. He pronounced his maledictions upon the Abol- 
 itionists from the fouadation of the Union, declared their acts 
 repugnant to justice, and said that it was only by deeds of tyranny 
 and oppression that they could accomplish the freedom of the 
 slave. The work proves, by historical records, that Washing- 
 ton prohibited the enlistment of negroes into his army when 
 fighting for American liberty; that he wrote and spoke of 
 negro slaves as the property of the American people, and used 
 his best endeavors to protect them in their rights to this prop- 
 erty. It contains the opinions of many of the greatest states- 
 men who aided in forming our government, and of those who 
 have controlled the nation since its formation ; and affords 
 abundant proof that the Abolitionists have brought this country 
 into its present fearful trials by refusing to obey the laws, abide 
 by the counsels, and adhere to the principles of the " Father of 
 his Country." 
 
 This history shows conclusively that the only people who, 
 still reverence the character and cling to the political principles 
 of AYashington have selected as their candidate for President 
 his exact counterpart, in the person of General McClellan. No 
 student of history can fail to discover, in that pure and upright 
 patriot-warrior, an impersonation of the "Father of his Coun- 
 try ;" and if the people of America ever desire a restoration of 
 the Union — if they desire the return of peace and prosperity to 
 our now unhappy land — they will place the man in power who 
 will protect the people, both North and South, in the rights and 
 the liberties won by the blood and treasure of the Fathers of 
 the American Eepublic. 
 
 JAMES CHALLEN & SON, PUBLISHERS, 
 1308 Chestnut St, Philadelphia. 
 
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 2 9Z6 9e8 UOO 
 
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