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r^^ms^^Bira^^^Hi^^^H^^^iis 
 
 ADDRESSES 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 IN THE HALL OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 HARRIS BURG, Pa. 
 
 ON TUESDAY EVEMJiG, APRIL 6, IM, 
 
 WILLIAM V. PETTIT, 
 
 REV. JOHN P. DURBIN, D.D. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE 
 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 
 PHI LADELPHIA: 
 
 PRINTED BY W. F. GEDDES, No. Ill CHESTNUT ST. 
 1852. 
 
 ^ir^^^a^ a^"^=^== ijB=^a a==£ fl^^ffl^^^ 
 
ADDRESSES 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 IN THE HALL OF THE HOUSE OF EEPRESENTATIVES, 
 
 HARRISBURG, Pa. 
 
 TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 6, im, 
 
 WIL^LIAM V. PETTIT, ESQ. 
 
 REV. JOHN P. DURBIN, D. D. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIZATION SOCIETY, 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 PKINTED BY W. F. GEDDES, No. lU CHESTNUT ST. 
 1852. 
 

 PENNSYLVANIA COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 
 Im view of the numerous applications from colored persons 
 residing in Pennsylvania to be afforded the means of reaching 
 Liberia, the Pennsylvania Colonization Society at their February 
 meeting, resolved to appoint a committee to " visit Harrisburg 
 during the session of the Legislature, to endeavor to procure an 
 appropriation from that body to this Society." 
 
 Accordingly, Messrs. VV. V. Pettit, John W. Claghorn, and Rev. 
 Dr. Durbin, visited that place, and on the evening of April 6th, a 
 large and highly respectable public meeting was held in the Hall of 
 the House of Representatives — which had been previously granted 
 for that purpose. It was attended by the Governor of the State, 
 members of both houses of the Legislature, and the citizens and 
 strangers then in Harrisburg. 
 
 The proceedings were highly interesting and instructive. The 
 addresses on the occasion are, by resolution of the Board, now 
 presented to the Public. 
 
Me. PETTIT'S ADDRESS. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Legislature : 
 
 At the Annual Meeting of the American Colonization Society, held 
 in Washington in January last, it was among other things, 
 
 Resolved, That we gratefully appreciate the recommendations of the 
 Governors of several of the States, that legislative action should be 
 taken, and appropriations made, for the purpose of advancing the ends 
 of this Society ; and that the several State auxiliary Societies be re- 
 quested to memorialize the Legislatures of their respective States, soli- 
 citing State appropriations for the purpose of removing free persons 
 of color to the Republic of Liberia. 
 
 In accordance with this resolution, and with their own sense of duty 
 and propriety, the Pennsylvania Colonization Society have deputed 
 us to present to your honorable bodies their supposed claims for your 
 official support in the great work in which they feel themselves to be 
 engaged. It did not enter into their plans to present the subject to 
 you in this form, but as we may be able to do so more comprehen- 
 sively and conveniently than could be done by conversation with indi- 
 vidual members, we beg leave to thank you for ourselves, as well as 
 in the name of the Society, for whose sake we are permitted to address 
 you, for your kindness and courtesy in affording us such an opportu- 
 nity; and we would also thank you, gentlemen, for the compliment 
 implied by your general attendance. In this connection it maybe suit- 
 able, perhaps, that we should also add, that it will afford us pleasure 
 during our stay here, and indeed, at any time, to converse or corres- 
 pond with you personally on this interesting and important subject. 
 
 I shall take the liberty, gentlemen, of characterizing this as a work 
 of benevolence and public policy. It is in the latter point of view more 
 particularly, however, that I may be permitted to present it as entitled 
 to your support in your representative capacity : and if I can succeed 
 in showing that the good of the State may be promoted by aiding in 
 the accomplishment of this work, and, further, that that portion of our 
 population who are most particularly affected by the movements and 
 objects of the Society have claims for such an interposition of the 
 public authorities, I may also, I am sure, be allowed to present to yo« 
 
some moral considerations, which unite with those* of a political char- 
 acter in urging that this great work shall be faithfully and vigorously 
 carried on — a work which has been characterized by one of the most 
 distinguished of modern authorities, as the greatest since the discovery 
 of this continent. " The Americans," says the Westminster Review, 
 " are successfully planting free. negroes on the coast of Africa : a greater 
 event, probably, in its consequences, than any that has occurred since 
 Columbus set sail for the New World." What a striking and flatter- 
 ing comparison ! ! The best friends and most sanguine supporters of 
 the cause could desire nor conceive none higher! And perhaps it is 
 suggestive of more than strikes us at first thought. It may be that the 
 full value of the discovery of our American continent may not be pro- 
 perly estimated and appreciated, unless we embrace in the thought, the 
 idea that it has been the means, not only of extending a knowledge 
 of liberty and Christianity throughout the world in general, but that it 
 has also been the means of bringing into contact with our race, the dark 
 and benighted race of Africa, in order that they may be taken back 
 again to the land of their ancestors, bearing widi them the precious 
 seeds of our blessed Christianity and our glorious liberty and civiliza- 
 tion, to elevate, ealighten, and save their countless millions from the 
 barbarism and heathenism which have characterized them from the 
 foundation of the world. 
 
 The objects of the American Colonization Society have been well 
 stated to be: 
 
 First, To rescue the free people of color of the United States, from 
 their political and social disadvantages. 
 
 Second, To place them in a country where they can enjoy the be- 
 nefit of a free government with all the blessings it brings in its train. 
 
 Third, To afford slaveholders who may wish to liberate their slaves, 
 an asylum for their reception. 
 
 Fourth, To arrest and destroy the African slave trade. 
 Fifth, To spread civilization, sound morals, and true religion over 
 the whole continent of Africa. 
 
 And, I also may add, for myself, that I believe a strong reason with 
 many of the friends of the measure has been, the belief that it would 
 be the most effectual means for saving ourselves and our posterity from 
 those dangers which are apprehended from the presence of two sepa- • 
 rate and distinct races in our land — a danger affecting the peace and 
 safety of the one race, and possibly the very existence of the other. 
 And now gentlemen, we are on a broad platform, with a large theme 
 before us— so large that I am admpnished_of the danger of too greatly 
 
encroaching on your time. I will endeavor to take heed, therefore, 
 and to avoid the danger, by merely glancing around at the different 
 points as they arise, without attempting to go fully into any of them. 
 
 The existence and condition of the African race on this continent 
 has been a subject of interest and anxiety to statesmen and philanthro- 
 pists from a very early day. The permission to carry on the slave- 
 trade which was given by the laws of the mother country, was a 
 subject of complaint while these States were yet colonies ; and in the 
 original draft of the Declaration of Independence, it was made a serious 
 and strong charge against the King, that he continued to allow this 
 abominable traffic— this *' piratical warfare," as it was called — to be still 
 carried on. But, as the North was largely engaged in the trade, and 
 as the Southern States had already great numbers of those people in 
 their midst, this denunciation was not made a part of that imperishable 
 instrument as it was finally adopted; though it shows what were the 
 sentiments of its immortal author, and, doubtless, of many others even 
 at that early day, of this detestable traffic. Very shortly after that 
 great event in the career of that body, Mr. Jefferson exchanged his 
 seat in Congress for one in the Legislature of his State, where he 
 thought he might be more useful; and there again his attention was 
 given to this subject. Among other measures to adapt the laws of that 
 State to the new order of things, he proposed a bill with the intention 
 of " giving freedom to all born after a certain day, and deportation at 
 a proper age." 
 
 "But it was found," he says in subsequently reviewing these events, 
 *' that the public mind would not yet bear the proposition, nor will it 
 (he adds,) bear it even at this day. Yet the day is not distant when 
 it must bear and adopt it, or worse will follow. Nothing is more 
 surely written in the book of fate, than that these people are to be 
 free ; nor is it less certain that the two races equally free, cannot live 
 in the same government. Nature, habit, opinion, have drawn indelible 
 lines of distinction between them. It is still in our power to direct 
 the process of emancipation and deportation peacefully, and in such slow 
 degrees as that the evil will wear off insensibly, and their place be pari 
 passu filled up by free white laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to 
 force itself on, human nature must shudder at the prospect held up. 
 We should in vain look for an example in the Spanish deportation or 
 deletion of the Moors. This precedent would fall far short of our 
 case." 
 
 Rut though the public mind was not prepared to adopt the course in 
 Virginia which was pursued at that peiiod in this State, it was yet deep- 
 
ly agitated on the subject; and when, a few years later, that great State 
 freely and magnanimously ceded its vast empire beyond the Ohio to 
 the confederation — a territory which now forms five great States of this 
 Union — it voluntarily, though a slave State itself, to its imperishable 
 honor, imposed as a condition, that slavery or involuntary servitude 
 should not be permitted to exist there. Immediately after this again, in 
 the Convention to "form a more perfect Union," and which adopted 
 our present glorious Constitution, this subject of the African race was 
 one of difficulty and trouble. But under a benign Providence these 
 difficulties were all adjusted, and we have this blessed fabric, of which 
 I will only say, csto pe.rpetua. 
 
 I have said thus much, gentlemen, to show that this subject has been 
 one of early and constant anxiety to statesmen and patriots. I might 
 also refer, if time permitted me, to the act of Congress of 1807, pro- 
 hibiting the slave trade; to the act of a later date, 1825 1 believe, de- 
 nouncing it as piracy; to numerous treaties on the subject; to the 
 Missouri agitation, which, "like a fire-bell in the night," shook the 
 strongest nerves, and excited the greatest alarm throughout the country; 
 I might also refer to the Southampton insurrection in 1832, which not 
 only disturbed the dreams of women and children, but terrified the stout 
 heart of many a husband and father; I might remind you, too, of the 
 abolition excitement; the question of the right of petition; carrying 
 incendiary matter in the mails; Texas annexation ; slavery in the terri- 
 tories, and the recapture of fugitive slaves. I might allude, too, to the 
 frequent legislation in the States; tlie question of conferring on free 
 negroes the right of sulTrage ; the action of the State of Indiana in to- 
 tally refusing to admit them within their borders; the proposition to 
 expel free negroes from the slave States, and even to a bill on your 
 own files, to prohibit the farther emigration of them into this State, to 
 prove that this whole subject — comprehending the slave trade, slavery 
 in the States, as well also as the condition of the so called free blacks 
 — has been one of deep interest, anxiety, and concern, from even be- 
 fore the foundation of the government. Patriots and statesmen who have 
 gone before us, saw the evil and the danger of having this distinct and 
 incongruous race in our midst, and dreaded its tendency on ihe one side 
 while they mourned the inferior and degraded condition on the other, 
 and anxiously looked around for the means of relief and security to us, 
 and of amelioration and improvement to them. They saw and de- 
 plored the evil that was present, and foresaw, and endeavored to avert 
 that which was to come. 
 
 Out of all this, after much thought and various expedients, grew 
 
the American Colonization Society. I will not attempt, nor is it im- 
 portant that I should, to settle the question as to who is entitled to the 
 high honor of originating it. Doctors Hopkins, Finley and Thorn- 
 ton are each entitled to a large share. The Legislature of Virginia, 
 to their honor be it spoken, in the year 1800, and for several suc- 
 ceeding years sought the means for establishing these people on a sepa- 
 rate, and, perhaps, independent basis. Their eyes were turned for 
 this purpose to our own then vacant public domain for the selection 
 of a suitable location, and at their earnest request, the Governor of the 
 State entered into a correspondence in relation to it with the President 
 of the United Slates. These, at the time, were secret proceedings, and 
 show a deep anxiety in relation to the subject. Mr. Jefferson, the 
 President, favored the removal, but with that vast prescience, for which 
 he was so eminently remarkable, he saw that this was the country of 
 the white man, and that to establish the blacks as a separate community 
 on any part of it, would be to adopt but a temporary expedient. He 
 turned his thoughts to the territory of Louisiana, which he was then 
 about to acquire, and to the West Indies, and to South America, and 
 conferred on the subject with the ministers of foreign powers. None 
 of these plans were adopted, though they furnish still further evidence 
 that the vexed question was one of deep thought and concern to the 
 wisest and best men of the day. 
 
 It was not until the first of January 1817, that the plan was finally 
 matured, and the American Colonization Society organized for the pur- 
 pose of planting a colony of free persons of color on the shores of the 
 land of their fathers. The movement was made, and the Society com- 
 posed, by some of the most eminent and distinguished men of the 
 country. Judge Washington was the President, William H. Crawford, 
 Henry Clay, Generals John Edgar Howard and Samuel Smith of Bal- 
 timore, and many others of the distinguished men of the time, from the 
 North and the South, and of different politics and persuasions, were Vice 
 Presidents, Managers and officers. But still they were as yet only at 
 the threshold of their vast and difficult undertaking. Funds were to be 
 provided, emigrants procured, and, what was still more difficult, a loca- 
 tion selected and purchased for their future home. Several years 
 elapsed before the first colony was successfully and satisfactorily plant- 
 ed. In 1819, Congress passed an act authorizing the President to in- 
 stitute an agency in Africa for the purpose of providing an asylum for 
 such Africans as should be liberated by our ships of war from vessels 
 seized for violating the provisions of the law for suppressing the slave 
 trade. This measure in effect was a great advantage, and perhaps, 
 
8 
 
 even an indispensable requisite to the operations of the Society. In the 
 beginning of the next year the Rev. Mr. Bacon, a resident of our own 
 State, and Mr. Bankson, sailed for Africa by virtue of an appointment 
 by President Monroe, under the provisions of this law, and were ac- 
 companied by Dr. Crozer, as the Agent of the Society, and eighty-nine 
 emigrants. It was the first expedition, and as they had no home of 
 their own to proceed to, they made for and landed at the port of Sierra 
 Leone, a settlement previously founded by the British government, and 
 composed principally of refugee slaves who had joined the British la 
 our Revolutionary War. 
 
 This expedition was not a fortunate one. I will not follow in detail 
 its painful history, but will merely say that it was fatal to all the noble 
 and devoted agents I have named, and to many of the emigrants also, 
 ■who paid the usual penalty of pioneers in new enterprises and remote 
 and unexplored regions. But though these men fell martyrs to their 
 zeal in a noble cause, they neither repined in their sufferings, nor wa- 
 vered in their faith ; and, as if inspired by an unseen power, seemed 
 to have bright visions of ultimate and abundant success. Bacon, highly 
 gifted, and possessing varied acquirements, and with a noble and de- 
 voted soul, expressed' his admiration that God had so made the climate 
 as to save the land from the white man's intrusion, and to secure it for 
 the black man's home. 
 
 The death of all these devolved the agency on Daniel Coker, a co- 
 lored clergyman of the Methodist Church, who acquitted himself faith- 
 fully and well, wilhout wavering, having faith in the promises. In 
 writing home, he said: " Tell my brethren to come — not to fear — this 
 land is good — it only wants men to possess it." lie preached to the 
 colonists, taught the children in Sabbath-schools, and took charge of 
 the public stores, and acted with intelligence and fidelity, a credit to him- 
 self and to his race. It is but just to bear testimony to such merit in 
 one who had labored under so many disadvantages. 
 
 I may not tax your patience by entering into details of the various 
 measures and agencies of the Society. Both the government and the 
 Society filled tiie vacancies occasioned by the deaths I have mention- 
 ed, by appointing other agents; some of whom also paid the penalty 
 of their lives, for daring to brave, what was to them, so unfriendly a 
 climate. 
 
 But an event now occurred in the progress of the work which I 
 may not pass over in silence. It was the securing of a permanent 
 foothold on the continent of Africa for her returning children, who had 
 been lost and M'ere found again. The Society having appointed Dr. 
 
9 
 
 Ayres their agent, he proceeded to his destination, with instructions 
 from the Board to select and purchase a territory for the setdement 
 of the emigrants ; and while waiting for a favorable opportunity to exe- 
 cute his mission, a young naval officer arrived on the coast with orders 
 from the government to co-operate with the agent in the accomplishment 
 of this object. It has been remarked by a very high authority, that it 
 was peculiarly fortunate, " that an officer of so much intelligence, en- 
 ergy, and personal courage, should have been put in requisition on this 
 occasion." He was one who has since become distinguished by the 
 exhibition of all these qualities, and by the display of high abilities in 
 various departments of usefulness and honor, and who now is a member 
 of the Senate of the United States. That officer was Captain Robert 
 F. Stockton. 
 
 Captain Stockton arrived on the coast in the latter part of 1821, and 
 proceeded with Dr. Ayres, to Cape Mesurado, where after several in- 
 terviews with King Peter and his headmen, they finally succeeded, 
 on the 15th of December, in effecting the purchase of that territory — 
 the first purchase, and, perhaps, the most desirable positions, on all that 
 coast. But though easily narrated, this was not efl^ected without much 
 difficulty, and with no small degree of personal danger. There was 
 one incident in connection with it of thrilling interest, which you will 
 allow me, I trust, briefly to relate to you. On their first landing they 
 were led for some distance by narrow winding paths through the jungle 
 to the place appointed for the "palaver," where they met the King 
 who gave them a vague proruise that he would sell the land and the 
 harbour, or mouth of the river ; but wished first to confer with his head- 
 men, and desired to postpone furthsr proceedings until the next day. 
 According to their engagement, the Captain and Agent again landed 
 the next day, but found the king was not disposed to meet them. After 
 .severafmessages, however, he finally came and had a long palaver, in 
 the course of which the unfortunate subject of the slave trade was intro- 
 duced, which caused much difficulty, and obliged them to break up 
 without being able to conclude an arrangement. The prospect of suc- 
 cess was now gloomy and discouraging. But the agents were not the 
 men to yield to ordinary obstacles. On the day after they again went 
 ashore and sent an express for the King; but he returned for answer 
 that he would not come ; nor would he sell them the land. They then 
 determined to go to him, and were conducted by a native six or seven 
 miles tlirough the forest and the swamp to his town in the interior. 
 Here they were shown into the palavar hall, or hut, and awaited his 
 coming. Finally the King met them and shook hands with them, but 
 2 
 
10 
 
 was morose and angry, and demanded '* what you want that land for." 
 Though fully stated before, the object was explained over again. In 
 the meantime a large number of the savages had collected and ap- 
 peared to be much excited, when Captain Stockton, apprehending dan- 
 ger, arose and took a seat near the King. It happened that some time 
 before this, a young African had been taken to Sierra Leone to be edu- 
 cated, and had unfortunately died there. One of those present, now 
 charged the Agents with having carried him away and killed him. An- 
 other presented himself to Captain Stockton, and told him that he was 
 one of those whom he, the Captain, had recently captured, and then 
 told tlie savage assembly that this was the very person who had lately 
 captured several of the slave ships. Dr. Alexander, who fully explains 
 these circumstances, says " the presence of these men accounted for 
 the change which had taken place in the feelings of the King and his 
 people. The situation ol tha agents was now critical in the extreme ; 
 surrounded by a multitude of savages exasperated in the highest de- 
 gree by the communications which had been made by these men. 
 They were also entirely unarmed, except that Captain Stockton had 
 his pistols in his pocket. In a moment the vengeful feelings of the 
 multitude broke out in a horrid war yell, and every one of them rose 
 to his feet in the most menacing aspect. At this critical moment, Cap- 
 tain Stockton perceiving that immediate violence was intended, deliber- 
 ately rose, and drawing a pistol presented it to the head of the King, 
 and raising his hand to Heaven, protested against the injustice with 
 which they had been treated and throwing themselves on the protec- 
 tion of God, threatened instant death to the King on the first act of 
 violence they should dare to commit. This act of extraordinary cour- 
 age and self-possession was the means, doubtless, under God, of saving 
 the lives of these two brave men. The King was intimidated, and the 
 multitude fearing for his fife, which they saw was in great peril, fell 
 flat on their faces ; and in a little while, the first impulse of savage 
 rage having subsided, they became calm, and the palaver went on more 
 amicably than before. Thus, by the prudence and perseverance of Dr. 
 Ayres, and by the energy, chivalrous courage, and extraordinary self- 
 possession of Captain Stockton, the greatest obstacle to the success of 
 the Colonizaiion enterprise was overcome," and a treaty was soon 
 after executed in due form conveying the territory. 
 
 Thus was laid the foundation of the American settlement on the 
 African Coast, and shortly afterwards it was taken possession of and 
 occupied by the emigrants, and in honor of the then President of the 
 United States — who was a warm friend of the cause — was named 
 
11 
 
 Monrovia, perhaps as conspicuous and enduring a monument as has 
 been reared to his name. 
 
 Dr. Ayres did not long remain in Africa after these events, but mak- 
 ing suitable arrangements there, returned to the United States, and was 
 soon after succeeded by I\Ir. Ashmun — a name ever memorable in the 
 history of African Colonization — who arrived in charge of a number 
 of emigrants, and took the direction of the affairs of tlie Colony. 
 He was every way, and eminetly qualified for his difficult post ; 
 besides being a Christian and a philanthropist, he was a statesman and 
 a hero. 
 
 He immediately proceeded to organize the Society, and found an 
 ample field for the exercise of every faculty. Houses were to be 
 erected to shelter themselves, provisions to be raised for their future* 
 subsistence — every thing, in short, that devolves upon an infant colony 
 remained to be done. He also took care to keep up their religious 
 observances, and to provide the means for the education of the young. 
 
 But, besides all this, they were but a feeble handful, in the midst of 
 of a savage and barbarous people, in a distant land, far from help and 
 succour. He knew, too, that the slave dealer, the only dealers on these 
 solitary waters — were extremely jealous of the settlement, and had 
 notice that they had instigated the natives to attack and expel them. 
 It became his duty, therefore, to prepare for the last resort of arms ; and 
 he did so with a degree of foresight and skill, and with an energy of 
 purpose that gave sure proof of the mind of a master, and inspired 
 confidence and courage in his followers. Officers were named and as- 
 signed their respective places ; the men were drilled and exercised 
 daily ; picket guards were detailed, and watches kept up day and night ; 
 stockades were erected and a few pieces of cannon so arranged as to 
 sweep all the approaches to the little setilement. He was indefatigable 
 in watching and seeing to every thing, and was ably and zealously 
 supported by the colonists. 
 
 Finally, the prudence of his precautions was amply demonstrated. 
 The attack was made by large numbers, vastly disproportioned to the 
 handful of defenders, and the danger was imminent in "^the extreme. 
 But by the blessing of God, and the aid of tlieir defences and their 
 valor, they repelled the assault with extraordinary loss to the assailants. 
 There was one terrific incident in the repulse calculated to excite a 
 thrill of horror. The front of the savage assailants having been checked, 
 they endeavoured to give way, but were held in position in a narrow 
 passage by their own rear. In this position, along nine pounder which 
 had been elevated on a platform, was brought to bear at a short distance 
 
12 
 
 on tliis living mass, and being a long column every shot seemed to spend 
 its force in human flesh. The carnage was dreadful, and with a horrid 
 yell they broke and ran in terror and consternation. 
 
 Besides the advantage of present escape from fire and sword on the 
 part of the colonists, of whom' but few were injured, this had the addi- 
 tional efTect of inspiring the savages with the greatest dread of their 
 prowess. Notwithstanding this, however, such was the influence of 
 the traders, and the deadly exasperation of the natives, that another 
 attack was made a few weeks after, which was also signally repulsed 
 with much loss to them. They now consented to a new treaty of peace, 
 which they had refused to accede to after their first defeat, and thus a 
 better foundation was laid for their future security. In speaking of this 
 last engagement, Mr. Ashmun bears high testimony to the conduct of 
 liis companions in danger, by saying that "not the most veteran troops 
 could have behaved with more coolness nor shown greater firmness than 
 the settlers on this occasion. 
 
 But the labors of Ashmun — his ability, his zeal, his courage, his 
 success — are themes I may not enter on here. They form the subject 
 of an interesting volume by a coadjutor in the cause, who was well 
 qualified to judge of his varied merits. He continued his faithful and 
 useful services for several years, when his declining health obliged him 
 to suspend his labors and to seek a restoration by returning home ; but 
 his strength barely lasted to bring him to his native shores. 
 
 The colony was left in the charge of the Rev. Lott Gary, a colored 
 Baptist preacher, who had shown himself able and faithful in peace and 
 in war, and who discharged his r\cw duties in such a way as to receive 
 the praise of the colonists there, and of the Society here. He was said 
 to "have a mind which rose in strength in proportion to tlie pressure 
 by which it was urged." 
 
 The agencies of Dr. Randall, Dr. Mechlin, Mr. Pinney, and Dr. 
 Skinner, with their various operations, and their acquisitions of territory, 
 and the action of the State of Maryland, and the Society of that State, 
 in purchasing and settling a new colony, I must pass over, merely re- 
 marking that the work was gradually progressing and growing in favor 
 with the benevolent and philanthropic. The various religious denomi- 
 nations, or at least several of them, in their conventions, associations, 
 synods, and conferences, adopted resolutions expressing the most favor- 
 able opinions, and cast their eyes in the direction of Africa as opening 
 a most promising field for successful missionary labor. The legislatures 
 of several of the States, too, expressed similar sentiments in formal 
 resolutions, and I am glad to be able to say, that our own was among 
 
13 
 
 the number. In the pamphlet laws of 1828-9, a preamble and resolu- 
 tion may.be found showing that the sentiment of Pennsylvania, was 
 then, as ever, in favor of rendering aid to our colored population. I 
 will not read, but beg leave to refer you to them as proving the cor- 
 rectness of what I say. 
 
 During the period of the agencies I have just enumerated, the govern- 
 ment of the colony was managed through the instrumentality of agents 
 and vice agents, but under the authority not only of the Parent Society, 
 but, to a certain extent, of different State Societies here, and emigrants 
 were continued to be sent from year to year. In 1839, however, a new 
 order of things was instituted, and all of the colonies with the exception 
 of Maryland, in Liberia, were formed into one commonwealth under the 
 management of a general Board of Directors, and Thomas Buchanan, 
 was appointed Governor. He possessed rare qualifications for the post. 
 Having been in Africa before, as the agent of the Pennsylvania Society, 
 he was familiar with their wants, and was a most able and devoted friend 
 of the cause. He proceeded to the scene of his labors with a party of 
 emigrants and relieved Mr. Williams, a colored clergyman, the present 
 Vice President of the Republic, from the duties of agent, which he had 
 discharged to the entire satisfaction of the board here and of the colo- 
 nists there. 
 
 Governor Buchanan entered at once with zeal and ardor on the dis- 
 charge of his duties, which were various and onerous. He had taken 
 out a sugar mill, agricultural implements, trade goods and stores; and 
 was desirous of stimulating the industry and improving the condition of 
 the people. But he soon found unexpected duties to perform. Again 
 instigated by the slave dealers, a violent attack was made by the natives 
 on one of the stations at some distance from the seat of Government. 
 The Governor promptly adopted the most vigorous measures to repel 
 the attack and to suppress the revolt, and put the volunteers and militia, 
 which had been well organized, in motion for the purpose. In this and 
 a subsequent expedition of a similar kind, he was triumphantly success- 
 ful, evincing courage and ability of a high order. He was ably and 
 bravely seconded by his emigrant followers, of whom he bears the 
 most honorable testimony. Of Elijah Johnson, "the veteran hero of 
 the memorable defence of Monrovia," he speaks in high terms, as he 
 does also of Col. Roberts, the present President of (he Republic, who 
 showed signal evidence of courage as well as of judgment and skill. I 
 cannot enter into the details of these proceedings, but they are of thril- 
 ling interest and amply repay a perusal. Buchanan's administration 
 M'as most enlightened, active, and useful, but not of long duration. 
 
14 
 
 Zealous and indefatigable, belabored beyond the powers of bis constitu- 
 tion to endure in a climate so unfriendly to it, and died at Bassa Cove, 
 while on a visit on official business in September 1841. His memory 
 is cherished in grateful remembrance by all his co-laborers in African 
 Colonization. Jehudi Ashmun, and Thomas Buchanan, are bright 
 names among the martyrs in this great work. 
 
 The death of Governor Buchanan devolved the government on Joseph 
 J. Roberts, the Lieutenant Governor, who was shortly after, having 
 displayed remarkable abilities for the office, appointed by the Board of 
 Directors as Governor of the Commonwealth. Governor Roberts con- 
 tinued in his office until 1847, when, for reasons of urgency and im- 
 portance, and with the entire approbation of the Board here, the Com- 
 monwealth was merged into the Republic of Liberia, 
 
 This proceeding was characterized by the greatest propriety and 
 deliberation. A convention was held of representatives from the differ- 
 ent counties, of which Mr. Benedict, the present Chief Justice of the 
 Republic was the President, and a Constitution was adopted on the 
 model of our own, and constituting one of the freest and best govern- 
 ments among mankind. It was submitted to a vote of the people, with 
 an address signed by Mr. Benedict explaining its provisions and objects, 
 and ratified by general consent ; and Liberia became a free and inde- 
 pendent Republic, and assumed its place among the nations of the earth. 
 Governor Roberts was elected President, and Anthony D. Williams 
 Vice President ; and the various departments of the government were 
 filled by competent men, who had shown themselves worthy of public 
 confidence and support. 
 
 Thus, gentlemen, in about twenty-five years from the planting of the 
 first colony on Cape Mesurado — which may be regarded as the real 
 commencement of practical colonization — was there erected by eman- 
 cipated slaves and free colored people of the United States, together 
 with some recaptured Africans, on the distant shores of the land of their 
 fathers, a government which has no parallel in any part of the old 
 world, and which, by the blessing of Divine Providence, we may 
 reasonably hope will extend a happy, perhaps a controlling influence 
 over that hitherto benighted quarter of the globe. 
 
 Since the establishment of their independence, the Republic has 
 progressed prosperously, and to the satisfaction of its friends. England, 
 France, Belgium and Prussia, have acknowledged and recognised their 
 government, and entered into treaty stipulations to their mutual advan- 
 tage ; and by a very recent publication I observe that a Charge d'afTairsf 
 from the Emperor of Brazil, had arrived at Monrovia for a similar pur- 
 
15 
 
 pose. He was one, it was stated, who had been on the coast as an 
 officer of the Brazilian Navy, and his disgust at the slave trade had 
 prompted hira to exertion to terminate its horrors. Their government 
 has been conducted and administered with wisdom and justice. Their 
 public functionaries have evinced a degree of capacity for their difficult 
 tasks that could scarcely have been anticipated by those who had 
 opportunities of knowing them before they became really free, and 
 which our observation of those of the race who remain on this conti- 
 nent can hardly enable us to realize. If I may be permitted to form a 
 judgment on such a subject, I would say that the messages and writings 
 of President Roberts would reflect no discredit on any country or any 
 people. Religion and schools are a striking characteristic of their 
 settlements. It has been observed that in no other country is there so 
 large a number of churches and of professing Christians in proportion 
 to the population. Schools are public and free, and of a good order. 
 Mr. James, a colored teacher, has obtained an excellent reputation in a 
 private institution ; and a high school has been established, bearing the 
 honored name of Alexander — in memory of an eminent and distinguish- 
 ed friend of this cause and of the cause of humanity — which cannot 
 fail to exert a most beneficial influence. Its principal is a Mr. Wilson, 
 a graduate of the Theological Seminary at Frincton, who is well 
 qualified for his important post, and is said to be the only white man in 
 the Republic. 
 
 Their territories, too, have grown with their growth. They have 
 been extended from Maryland in Liberia almost to the British Colony 
 of Sierra Leone, and to a considerable extent in the interior. Thus an 
 effectual barrier has been interposed along the whole of this coast, 
 extending, inclusive of the above named colonies, about seven hundred 
 miles to the piratical and nefarious trade of the slaver. Treaties have 
 been made with many of the native tribes on principles of justice and 
 moderation, and 150,000 to 200,000 of them have become citizens of 
 the Republic, who desire the benefit of its protection, and wish to be- 
 come acquainted with its religion, its language and its laws. All their 
 treaties stipulate for the total abandonment of the slave trade, and for 
 the abolition of the sacrifice of human life, either in superstitious rites, 
 or by the awful ordeal, by which thousands have been destroyed, of 
 taking the poisonous decoction of sassa wood. 
 
 Their productions have increased ; their commerce has increased ; 
 their comforts have increased; and new elements of wealth and of en- 
 joyment have been opened to the world in the produce of this fruitful, 
 and in some respects, favored land. The desert place has been made 
 
16 
 
 glad, and the wilderness to blossom as the rose. The banner of the 
 cross, and of light, and of liberty, has been raised on this once strong- 
 hold of Satan, and they will wave, it is hoped, to the end of time. And 
 all this has been effected by the feeble instrumentality of a few thou- 
 sand colored emigrants, who had received their lessons in their inter- 
 course with us, and starting under the care of a few enlightened, devoted 
 and intrepid leaders, who, mostly, soon yielded their lives to their zeal, 
 and became tenants of a martyr's grave. While, however, the cli- 
 mate proved deleterious to them, it did not prove so, to an uncommon 
 extent, to the emigrant, which seems to show the difference in the con- 
 stitution of the races, and that one is adapted to the torrid zone, and 
 that the other is not. A majority of the whole number of the emigrants 
 •were emancipated slaves, freed for the purpose of colonization. Soaje 
 few were purchased for tlie purpose, and the most of the remainder 
 were free colored persons, who broke, no doubt, many dear ties to 
 establish for themselves and their posterity a better home. Some of 
 them were recaptured Africans, taken from the slavers by our public 
 vessels and sent out as before mentioned, by the government of the 
 United Slates, which, besides the Jifrican squadron, shows the extent 
 of governmental participation in this great enterprise. The rest has 
 been effected by voluntary donations and bequests from benevolent indi- 
 viduals ; and the history of the world may be challenged for the exhibi- 
 tion of an equal amount of good by such inconsiderable means. It ought, 
 however, to be stated, that the Maryland colony is an exception to this 
 rule. It was established under the auspices of the State, which with 
 a noble public spirit and wise forecast, appropriated $10,000 per annum 
 for twenty years, which it should be mentioned to its honor, it has 
 regularly paid even under the pressure of financial difficulties. The 
 State of Virginia, too, is now a liberal contributor for the colonizalion-of 
 her own free negroes, and other States, it is hoped, will soon imitate tlie 
 laudable example. 
 
 Since the independence of Liberia, and the abandonment of the go- 
 vernment of the colony by the American Colonization Society, there 
 has continued the most cordial co-operation between them, and the 
 Society has prospered more than before. There seems to be a growing 
 sense throughout the country that the truemeans have been adopted for 
 relieving us from a source of danger and of anxiety, and for elevating 
 and blessing a race that has happened to be thrown in our midst. It 
 has been the recipient of several large and liberal bequests. Among 
 others, one from a citizen of our own State of $10,000, and still later, 
 not to mention many others, of the munificent bequest of the late Mr. 
 
17 
 
 McDonogh of New Orleans, of $25,000 per annum, for the period of 
 forty years, which is now accruing, and will probably soon begin to 
 flow into and replenish our coffers for its intended work. It should 
 also be stated of this same remarkable man, that in his lifetime he 
 liberated more than seventy of his slaves, and made generous and ample 
 provision for their colonizafioiff They are now free citizens of the 
 free Republic of Liberia. The operations of the Society for the last 
 year have been satisfactory and cheering. A larger number of emigrants 
 have been sent out than in any previous year, several of them from 
 our own State. Means have been furnished to such as are of good 
 character and industrious habits, as required them, to go, and farmers 
 and mechanics have been sent, who may be extremely useful and valu- 
 able members of society in their new home. One large and interest- 
 ing party, of upwards of 150, left on the first of November, composed 
 of really industrious and valuable people. They had with them, part- 
 ly by our aid, an excellent new steam-engine, saw-mill, and other ma- 
 chinery, under the charge of a competent colored engineer ; and soon 
 the steam-whistle may be heard in that lately desert place. We have 
 lately had the pleasure to hear of their safe arrival. 
 
 The Society are now anxious to increase their means of usefulness, 
 and to offer a passage to the land of their ancestors to such of the race 
 as desire to be men — free and equal with their fellow men. As I have 
 already said, they desire state aid. They desire it, not only for the sake 
 of the additional means it will directly afford them for their work, but 
 also for the sake of the influence of such an example. 
 
 And they ought to have it. As I have previously hurriedly stated, 
 the presence of these people among us has been a source of deep con- 
 cern for many years. I have only ventured to glance at some of the 
 events of our history to sustain this assertion ; but you will think of 
 much to prove it in addition to what I have said. And colonization is 
 the only remedy that has been devised consistent with the welfare of 
 both the races. It is agreed upon by wise and good men of all par- 
 lies ; of all sections ; of all creeds. It separates from us a race with 
 whom it seems in the order of Providence there can be no amalgama- 
 tion, no homogeneousness ; a race which must always be a distinct and 
 incongruous people — to whom our climate is not congenial, who seem 
 not to be of us, and who appear under a necessity to give place to the 
 influx and increase of the whites. Their destiny seems about to be accom- 
 plished here, and their field of labor, and usefulness, and honor, is now 
 distinctly opened in the land of their fathers. Thither the "pillar of 
 cloud" seems to point their way. That seems to be congenial to them, 
 3 
 
18 
 
 to their physical constitution, and to their mental improvement; and 
 there indeed, to the great joy of their true friends and of the friends of 
 humanity, they appear to be elevated to the standard, not only of reli- 
 gious men — for that many of them are here — but also, to the standard of 
 free, enlightened and brave men, capable of establishing and maintain- 
 ing a government of liberty and orderof* their own. Tliis, perhaps, is 
 their inheritance from us; this, perhaps, their compensation for what- 
 ever of wrong they may have endured in their past history ; this, per- 
 haps, was their mission, forc-ordained ; this, perhaps, if it be not too 
 presumptuous, was the order and design of the Divine Being — who sees 
 the end from the beginning, and with whom a tliousand years are as 
 a single day — in permitting them to be brought to these shores. This 
 may be the accomplishment of their work. It has been suggested that 
 their instrumentality was indispensable to the opening and early culti- 
 vation of the southern coast of this continent. That the constitution 
 of the European or Caucasian race coold not endure tliis work, though 
 when opened they might occupy and cultivate it. This perhaps is 
 hardly within the scope of our finite ken. But it opens a field for in- 
 teresting reflection. That the all wise and just One should permit these- 
 people to be forcibly and wickedly torn, even from their heathen homes, 
 to be carried to distant shores, and there in bondage and degradation to 
 be made the instruments of opening a land which He designed to bless, 
 even to the enlightening and healing of the nations ; and there, in re- 
 turn, to receive the light of the Gospel, with all its attendant blessings 
 of civilization and liberty, in order that they, or their descendants, 
 might carry it back to bless the land of their forefathers. Wonderful as 
 it is, it may nevertheless be so, and exhibit one of His ways of bring- 
 ing good out of evil. Would it not seem to be in accordance with that 
 remarkable Scripture which says, "Surely the wrath of man shall 
 praise thee : the remainder of wrath shalt thou restrain." Here, in the 
 blessing of a continent, with its hundreds of millions, may this be il- 
 lustrated and exemplified, and the wrath of man be made to praise Him! 
 And here, too, by the means of colonization, in the civilization of Af- 
 rica and the consequent breaking up of the slave trade, may we see that 
 the wrath of man shall be restrained. Thus the wickedness and cupi- 
 dity of man are made the instruments of incalculable good ! We desire 
 that this work shall go on as it is progressing, and be established and 
 consolidated. We desire that an ofl^shoot from our land shall take root 
 there, and spring up and grow into a mighty nation, a blessing to them- 
 selves and to others ; and that they may there attract the gaze of the 
 sons of Africa, wherever they be scattered on the face of the earth. — 
 
19 
 
 Colonization is not to be regarded afj a perpetual work. I doubt not 
 that the children of that land will yet desire as ardently to return there 
 as the children of Israel desired to return to their land of promise from 
 Egypt or from Babylon. Like them, some may faint by the way. — 
 Some, as of old, may prefer to serve the Egyptians; hut the work will 
 go on — gradually, probably, but certainly and effectually, in God's own 
 good time. Circumstances now are arising which seem to say in a 
 voice not to be misunderstood, "Speak to the children of Ham, that 
 they go forward," and the tramp of the host is already resounding in 
 the air. 
 
 The Colonization Society was formed, as I have stated, to colonize 
 free persons of color; but, as 1 have also stated, the greater part of the 
 whole number of emigrants yet sent, were emancipated slaves. The 
 course of things in the Southern States is calculated to increase the dis- 
 position to send both these descriptions of persons. The citizens of 
 that section of our Union have become very jealous of the presence of 
 the free blacks, and efforts are being made and money appropriated to 
 induce them to emigrate. And where can they go ? The Northern 
 States, by their legislation, are being shut up against them ; and every 
 reason concurs in favor of their going — where they will be helped to go 
 by our benevolent labors — to their father-land. At the same time that 
 they are jealous of the presence of the free blacks, there is a strong 
 disposition to emancipate, on the part of the owners. But to this the 
 laws interpose obstacles, unless a home is provided for them out of the 
 State. Another difficulty is, that many sincerely believe that the slaves 
 will not be benefited by a residence, and what is called freedom, in the 
 Northern States. Colonization is thus, in effect, connected with eman- 
 cipation. And many will emancipate provided they can colonize, and 
 the feeling for both is constantly increasing. Though it may not have 
 progressed as rapidly as its frail, finite friends could desire, yet it is all 
 in good time. We are often unreasonable in our haste, and hurt our- 
 selves by our hot and blind pursuit. What! "shall a nation be born at 
 once?" He who sitteth on the circle of the earth shall accomplish it 
 all as seemeth to Him meet. But we think we hear his command that 
 it shall "'go forward" as was said to his chosen ones before, and obe- 
 dient to the mandate we move onward, and invite you to come up to 
 our help. In this, as in all things which He ordains to success, natural 
 causes are co-operating. The immense emigration to our own country 
 is furnishing an abundant supply of labor, and to the extent that it is 
 furnished it is preferred to that of the blacks, whom it supplants. And 
 here seems another mystery. The compulsory labor of these people 
 
, 20 
 
 was obtained when the demand was greater than the supply, and thus 
 the improvement of the country has been largely accelerated by their 
 means. Now the supply of labor is so vastly augmented, that ihe service 
 of the colored man is far less in demand. And this is an important view 
 of the case as it affects his welfare. We may notice how he is driven 
 from one occupation to another, until his field is limited and circumscribed 
 to those that remunerate the least. And this condition of things is pro- 
 gressing continually, and rendering the free States less and less inviting 
 to him. Were it not that colonization offers a resource to the colored 
 race, this would present a most gloomy view of their prospects. Driven 
 from occupation they would become vagabonds and outcasts, and impel- 
 led by despair to violence and crime; bloodshed, if not extermination, 
 would to human sagacity seem the inevitable result. Let us build up 
 Liberia as a home for them. Let it grow in strength, and consistency, and 
 attractions, year by year, and as the pressure of the white population 
 bears upon them here, let them see brighter and better prospects dawn 
 upon them from their native shores, where their brethren have gone be- 
 fore, and where they may follow and feel that they have a home. Let 
 them press on and occupy that whole coast from the great desert to the 
 equator, and from the line to its southern Cape of Good Hope. Let 
 them carry our language as the vehicle of liberty, civilization, and 
 Christianity throughout the borders of Africa, and pour in in floods to 
 enlighten and elevate her benighted sons, "not as encroaching conque- 
 rors, but as returning brothers." 
 
 The disposition among the colored people to emigrate is also grow- 
 ing. They are becoming more convinced that it is better for them to 
 go 10 Liberia — the land of freedmen, than to go to the bleak cold Nortii, 
 or than to remain here. We have a number of applications now for 
 passage from different parts of our own State, and also of th'e State of 
 New Jersey, most of vvho«i will be sent. And here I should say. New 
 Jeisey, at the present session of her Legislature, has become a contri- 
 butor to the work. A considerable company from Susquehanna coun- 
 ty have lately applied to us for information, and will probably soon be 
 on their way to where they may be citizens and voters. From Berks, 
 Montgomery, and Washington counties, there are applications, as well 
 as from our own city, and the tide continues to swell. Last year some 
 were sent from Lycoming, and Mifflin, and Lancaster counties. And to 
 all of good character and industrious habits, we say, to the extent of 
 our means, come on. We say, if you think, as we think, that Africa 
 is the land of promise to yciu, the way is open, with all the information 
 and every facility that we can afford. 
 
21 
 
 But yet the disposition to ^o is not so general as from the advantages 
 proposed we might at first thought expect. This, however, upon more 
 reflection, we must not allow to surprise or discourage us. Love of 
 home is a strong instinct of our nature. It is patriotism ; and strong 
 reasons and inducements must exist to get us away. But when a cur- 
 rent of emigration arises, it often goes with a mighty rush. This has 
 been witnessed in many cases in the world's history, and will be wit- 
 nessed again in the history of this impulsive people. They linger ^et, 
 seeming 
 
 " Rather to bear those ills they have, 
 Than fly to others that they know not of," 
 
 and of which they have been taught to form exaggerated fears. But 
 when better informed, and when they see the current in motion, they 
 will join the throng and move on in a mighty mass. 
 
 And now, ought the State to lend its aid in this great work? We 
 again say, we think it ought. According to the last census there were 
 upwards of 53,000 free blacks, so called, in this commonwealth, scat- 
 tered throughout the State. But this is a misnomer. That they are 
 not free in any proper sense we think is apparent. They are not citi- 
 zens ; they do not vote; they do not sit on your juries ; they have no 
 voice in your government. They are under the ban of an indelible 
 caste : reduced to the lowest choice of employments ; are worse fed, 
 worse clothed, worse housed, worse cared for, than any portion of your 
 population. I am far from wishing to exaggerate, and might say 
 more within the limits of truth. Is it a wonder that a benevolent own- 
 er would hesitate to emancipate his slave to send him to such a doom? 
 They have taxation without representation ; they are the subjects of 
 ridicule and contumely by the unfeeling and the inconsiderate, and of 
 the pity and sorrow of the kind-hearted ; and are burdened by a load 
 of obloquy, of discrimination, and disqualification, grievous to be borne, 
 and which long habit alone can reconcile them to. Mr. Birney, who has 
 long been a warm and active friend of the race, has lately said of them, 
 " they have but a low standard of liberty," which, indeed, is all that we 
 could reasonably expect, and it would seem that there is no prospect 
 of anything better for them here. To make them citizens, paradoxical 
 as it may appear, would not render their situation bett-er. The effect 
 of such a measure would be to convert sympathy and commiseration, 
 into hatred and jealousy. Invested with the right of suffrage, almost 
 from the necessity of their position, they would be banded together, and 
 if they shoidd decide a warmly contested election, whether for Presi- 
 dent, Governor, legislative or local officers, an excitement would result 
 
22 
 
 that could scarcely be peaceably calmed. The two races would glare 
 upon each other with a feverish antagonism which nothing but blood- 
 shed would be likely to allay. 
 
 They are besides no inconsiderable charge to the public. It is said 
 there is a large proportion of them in our almshouses, prisons and 
 houses of refuge; and if by circumstances — by the curtailment of em- 
 ployment — their situation should be rendered worse, this evil and ex- 
 pense must proportionably increase. We propose then, both as a 
 measure of public policy, as well as of justice to them, that the State 
 make some provision under the peculiar circumstances of their case, for 
 the removal of such of these people from our own Slate as may desire 
 to go to the land of their fathers. We are strongly persuaded that it 
 is just, tliat it is expedient, that it is wise, that it shofuld do so; and we 
 respectfully, but earnestly, beg leave to urge the adoption of such a 
 measure. We do so as citizens, who have a common interest in the 
 general welfare. We have no interest in it separate from that of our 
 fellow citizens at large. We have no interest in the removal of these 
 people except that we think it will be for their good, and for the peace 
 and safety of our common country. We are the friends and well wish- 
 ers of these people as well as of our own, and desire to promote their 
 welfare by aiding them to a belter home, and our safety and peace by 
 removing an element of danger and of strife, as also a memorial of in- 
 justice, from among us; and this we think the most certain mode to af- 
 fect it. 
 
 Other States have moved in this direction, and have appropriated cer- 
 tain sums towards the payment of the expenses of such emigrants as 
 should leave such States, not to exceed a given amount, say, from one 
 to ten thousand dollars per annum, and for a certain period of years to 
 come. The amount paid by the Society for each adult emigrant is fifty 
 dollars, and half that sum for children, except infants. Now we think 
 that our own State, the great central State— of whose wealth, dignity, 
 and philanthropy, we have so much reason to be proud — should not be 
 behind her sisters in this good work. 
 
 But it is also a labor of justice as well as of love. What have 
 we done for this portion of our population? Our fathers struck 
 the shackles from their manacled limbs ; but we have done nothing 
 except to provide court-houses, and alms-houses, and jails! Let 
 us now offer them something better — at least a better alternative. — 
 Let us say to them — not with menaces or frowns, but with gentleness 
 and kindness, as a father would say to an unfortunate son. — The 
 circumstances here seem to be against you ; the prospects are against 
 
23 
 
 you, and there is little or no hope for any improvement; now there 
 is a country where appearances are more favorable, where your 
 hopes may be more bright, where you will have no prejudice to 
 encounter, where you may be freemen indeed; there you may 
 rise to the full stature of man ; there the government will be your own 
 — exclusively your own ! and there you may demonstrate your capacity 
 for self-government, your capacity for improvement; and may make 
 for yourselves a name and a place among the nations of the earth. You 
 may be vastly useful there, too, to your fellow men. You may, and 
 you will, be missionaries of our blessed religion and of our glorious 
 institutions. You may break up the slave trade — that abominable wrong, 
 and you may break down superstition and idolatry, and be the honored 
 and favored instruments of elevating and saving thousands of your be- 
 nighted race. We may ask them if they will accept this mission? If 
 they will try it? If they will ciieetfuliy and voluntarily make this ef- 
 fort to benefit themselves, their posterity, and their fellow men? If they 
 will, here is a passage and an outfit. It is all we can offer. We may say, 
 we cannot consistently with our own peace and welfare invite you to 
 •Stay here. The protection of our own households require us to with- 
 hold any inducement to yuu to do so, and your good requires you 
 should go. If you do so, we bid you God speed, and pray that our 
 common Father may watch over and bless j'ou. 
 
 Gentlemen, the participation we propose to you in this work is not 
 unworthy of you, or of your position. You have the future welfare 
 of the State to look to, as well as "its present affairs, and the same 
 might be said to the Congress of the nation. Your legislative business 
 is important, and it properly occupies tlie great portion of your time. 
 But if you can avert a threatened future danger by a wise forecast, I 
 am sure you will all agree that it is deserving of your anxious care. — 
 Or if you may aid in the founding of a great and free empire by an in- 
 cidental movement, you will surely do so. Now here you may do both. 
 When the people of the little town of Palos, in the midst of their daily 
 avocations, saw the Genoese adventurer set out with his handful of fol- 
 lowers to seek a New World, they perhaps only paused to give an in- 
 voluntary shrug or a contemptuous sneer, and passed on absorbed in their 
 temporary affairs. These affairs were soon all forgotten, though ne- 
 cessary and proper, but the mariner did a work that will live forever, 
 and the highest title to glory of kings and princes, is that they aided 
 in the enterprise. Gendemen, our constant daily labors make up the 
 sum of life, and I would not derogate from their importance. But 
 it occasionally happens in the history of the world that some grand 
 
24 
 
 event is to grow out of a small and insignificant beginning; and here 
 we ofter you one such in which you may have, like Ferdinand and Isa- 
 bella, the glory of participation. 
 
 It may be proper, perhaps, that I should anticipate a doubt that some 
 may entertain as to whether our plan, if so desirable and beneficial, is 
 really capable of being carried into execution. In answer to such, we 
 would point to what has already been accomplished — accomplished by 
 the aid of feeble means, and under many and great disadvantages. But 
 besides this, I would also refer to the spirit of the age in which we live, 
 to the experience of the past, and to the mighty movements that we wit- 
 ness around us. In view of these, who will be so bold as to dare to set a 
 limit to what is possible at the present day? But in regard to coloni- 
 zation, tiiis is peculiarly and emphatically its day. Emigrations of 
 large bodies of men have taken place at other periods of the history of 
 the world; but they were comparativelj' spasmodic. Now they are re- 
 gular, uniform, constant, and have been so, but increasing in degree and 
 extent, since the first settlement of this continent. Within seven years 
 it is probable the emigration to the United States has been equal to the 
 whole number of our colored population. In earlier times it had diflii- 
 culties to contend with that do not now exist. It was impeded by go- 
 vernmental policy. One of the charges against George the Third in 
 the Declaration of Independence, was that he obstructed emigration 
 hither, by refusing his assent to naturalization laws. He firmly assert- 
 ed his claim to the perpetual allegiance of every subject born in his do- 
 minions. The right of expatriation on the other hand was maintained 
 with equal firmness by the Americans, and Mr. Jefferson exerted his 
 great ability and authority in its support. The British government, 
 however, did not yield, but insisted that allegiance was forever due, and 
 it was the practical assertion of this principle, by the forcible impress- 
 ment of supposed British born subjects, even though under the shelter 
 of our own flag, that, more than anything else, led to what we justly 
 call our second war of independence. That right has never been 
 formally surrendered to this day ; but it is hoped that it will never again 
 be attempted to be enforced — at least against us. But this scarcely be- 
 longs to my subject, and I merely refer to it as an illustration of the 
 progress of our age in the matter of emigration — which is one of its 
 great and striking characteristics. And this emigration is still going on — 
 the cry is still they come. Every wave of the ocean as it breaks upon 
 our shores seems to bear on its bosom increasing numbers of the mighty 
 host, and as they land, they spread to the North, and to the South, and 
 Westward they wend their way ; not, however, as other hosts have done 
 
25 
 
 in other lands, leaving death and devastation in their train, but, on the 
 contrary, marking their course by railroads, canals, and all manner of 
 useful improvements. They come to create, not to destroy ; to build 
 up, not to tear down, and adapt themselves with wonderful facility to 
 our institutions and system. Hitherto this tide of emigration has 
 flowed mainly to the north of the Ohio, and has aided immensely in 
 the development of the west. But this may not always be so. Natu- 
 ral causes — the wages of labor, governed by the laws of supply and 
 demand, may press the tide within the borders of the Southern States, 
 and first the white may crowd and then supplant the black man in the 
 fields of the South. And then how desirable that the latter should have 
 his African home as a better resource. Let us be careful to have it pre- 
 pared for him, and each nation may then become a homogenous mass. 
 This mighty influx among us may not be unattended with some dis- 
 advantages. Wheie is there any good which has been. 
 
 " The web of life is of a mingled yarn. 
 The good and ill together." 
 
 But it has many advantages also. Like charity, it blesses both hiin 
 that comes and him that receives. It aids in improving and cultivating 
 our lands, in increasing our productions, in building up our cities, and 
 in adding to our wealth and greatness; and in the second generation 
 they are Americans, with no distinctions to separate them from the rest 
 of the community around them ; with equal rights and privileges, eli- 
 gible to every station, and with no mark to separate or to make discord 
 and division. And thus they come, as it has been riaid, as though the 
 wide Atlantic was spanned by a bridge of boats and the two continents 
 were joined in one. 
 
 To estimate what may be practicable, let us again cast our e3^es 
 around us. See what has sprung up within the last ten years. If se- 
 ven years ago any one had said, that a railroad would now be built to 
 Pittsburg, he would have been regarded as more wild and extravagant, 
 than he would now be if he were to say that in ten we will have one 
 to the PaciSc. Impossible! seems to be nearly stricken from our voca- 
 bulary. Texas, Oregon, and California, were then remote, unknown, 
 and scarcely approachable. Now they seem near and familiar. The 
 wilds of Darien were then rarely trod and but little known. Now a 
 railroad to Panama, steamboats to Nicaragua^ and a canal meditated at 
 Tehuantepec, make them all as familiar as household words, and ren- 
 ders the Isthmus alive with bustle and animation. The giant steamer 
 4 
 
26 
 
 breaks the solitude of the Pacific, with anxious thousands for the El Do- 
 rado, and returns laden with the golden freight. Cities spring up 
 
 "As by the magic of the enchanter's wand." 
 
 And even the isles of the South sea are proposed to be annexed, while 
 the Celestials are coming over to shake hands with the outside barba- 
 rians, and to gather gold in the Snowy Mountains. A friend lately re- 
 marked, that "the world seemed to be getting small." Certainly our 
 scope of vision seems to be getting enlarged, and to embrace the four 
 quarters of the globe as near and familiar objects. 
 
 " Where the gorgeous East, with richest hand, 
 Showers on her Kings barbaric pearls and gold," 
 
 which we have been accustomed to regard so mysteriously — seems 
 now to be brought even near to our doors, and that practical thing, the 
 steamer, is destroying many of our pleasant illusions. That East has 
 now become our West, and we will seek her treasures, by way of the 
 setting sun : the iron horse will soon be speeding over our western 
 wilds with passengers and freight for the Flowery Kingdom. 
 
 And are these wonders realities, or likely to be so, and shall we faint 
 at the prospect of crossing the Atlantic to another part of the old world 
 to return her wandering children ? No, never. The word is "onward," 
 and " we have a great work to do?«nd cannot come down" nor can we 
 despair or halt by the way. This work was commenced before these 
 wonders Mere accomplished, or dreamed of, to encourage its founders. 
 Steam was not then generated for Ocean navigation. Commerce had 
 not so many white wings to waft it across. But yet those far-seeing, 
 great hearted men laid the foundations ; and laid them in wisdom, in 
 justice and in moderation. And the work will now go on, and with 
 these new aids, it will go on with increased momentum. The Repub- 
 lic of Liberia will be gradually but rapidly enlarged ; new territories 
 will be acquired from the natives as fast as it is really required ; indus- 
 try and production will be increased, and commerce also as their hand- 
 maid. This in time will increase the facility for emigration, and they 
 act and re-act on each other. The steamer will soon puff along the 
 silent coast of Africa, and stir up the waters of the long sought Niger, 
 frightening away the guilty slaver. The slave trade will be broken 
 down, and as that goes down legitimate trade goes up. 
 
 Gentlemen, I have not referred to that nefarious trade, that " piratical 
 warfare," in terms to express my feelings of it, nor to paint its horrid 
 deformity. We are all accustomed to regard it with loathing and hor- 
 
27 
 
 ror : and well we may. And yet our view can haidly embrace the 
 whole of its enormity. We look at it, perhaps, only in part, though it 
 is so revolting that we can scarce bear to look at it at all. But if we do, 
 we look at the slaves in the horrors of the middle passage, packed 
 av/ay in the smallest possible space, and then sold in the markets to 
 perpetual and hereditary bondage. Possibly we may also cast our eyet^ 
 to the " barracoon" or " factory" and see them there sometimes branded 
 and then dragged or driven under the lash to their floating prisons, to be 
 carried in privation and suffering to their destined market or to a 
 watery grave — an alternative by no means uncommon. So far from 
 being uncommon is it, that it has been said that every foot of the bottom 
 of the Atlantic on the track of the trade has been paved with the black 
 man's bones, and every wave has been his winding sheet. We may 
 have thought of these things. But have we also thought of the slave 
 hunt — of the midnight raid. The slaver sells his gew gavvs, perhaps 
 some cottons, his spirits, powder, lead, guns and swords — implements of 
 destruction, to the savage chief, and barters for his living cargo; and the 
 latter, to meet his contract, sends his war parties on his weaker neigh- 
 bors, surprise them in their midnight slumbers and murdering the young 
 and the old, carries off the youth and the middle aged in fetters and 
 yokes. Is it not plain that such a traffic must be destructive to all 
 others ? Protection and security are necessary to production, and pro- 
 duction is necessary to trade and commerce. Who will till and plant 
 and make them homes, where they are liable to have their all — their 
 life, their liberty, torn away by such savage and ruthless barbarity. 
 
 But I will not dwell on it:^ sickening details. It will be seen that Africa 
 must be redeemed from barbarism to be rendered productive and fruitful, 
 and experience has shown that she is productive and fruitful when so 
 redeemed. The commerce of the Republic — civilized and christianized, 
 is as I have remarked, already considerable, and constantly augmenting. 
 Their productions are such as have enriched other nations, and in time 
 doubtless, will enrich them. The soil and climate are favorable to 
 abundant fruitfulness. Cotton, coffee, sugar, indigo, dye woods, ivory, 
 gold dust, rice, and many other articles of food, together with various 
 rich and luscious fruits, are natives of the land. The palm nut is a 
 valuable production. The oil manufactured from it is now one of their 
 principal articles of export, as it is also of consumption, being used 
 there as the oil of the olive is in the East. A million and a half of 
 gallons were probably exported last year, principally to England and 
 the ports of the Mediterranean, and a considerable quantity to this 
 country. I lately saw it highly praised in a Philadelphia City adver- 
 
28 
 
 tisement. And these productions all increase in a rapid ratio. As the 
 natives come to feel increased security against the inroads of the slave 
 hunters, they, as well as the emigrants, become producers of all these 
 articles, and the markets of Liberia are their commercial emporium. 
 "The land is good," let its children go on to possess and redeem it. 
 The inducements offered to them to emigrate are greater than are pre- 
 sented to any other people on the face of the earth. They are return- 
 ing to their own ancestral land, and to their biethren and friends, freemen 
 themselves, and bearing freedom to others. They will go. It is not 
 possible that they will continue blind to such prospects — to such hopes. 
 As they go, as I have already observed, the facilities will increase for 
 others to follow : and they may continue to go in geometrical progres- 
 sion. We have strong hopes that our government will afford its aid by 
 the establishment of a line of suitable vessels from our different ports — 
 and we hope Philadelphia will be one of them — to the African Coast. 
 The plan is maturing in competent hands, and we hope for a favorable 
 result. 
 
 England, too, that mighty power on the deep, is lending solid and 
 efficient aid. Besides her African squadron, and her considerable 
 commerce along the coast — the largest of any nation — she has an 
 important settlement down in the interior, at Abeokuta, near the mouth 
 of the Niger. It is formed of liberated captives retaken from the 
 slavers, and numbering many thousands, some of whom have been 
 well trained at Sierra Leone. They have also faithful and able English 
 Missionaries, and competent native teachers, who are instructing them 
 in our language and arts, our religion and laws, and their influence is 
 irradiating the darkened regions around them. Here, too, the slavers 
 have been driven to desperation, and have incited the natives to hostile 
 opposition. It was here, at Lagos, that a somewhat severe and bloody 
 contest was had with the boats of the British squadron, of which we 
 have lately received accounts. It was severely contested, but the result 
 cannot be doubtful. The trade musi soon be driven from this its late 
 stronghold, and, that accomplished, it will have disappeared from the 
 desert of Zahara to the delta of the Niger — a distance of upwards of 
 two thousand miles, and embracing a coast where millions have been 
 carried to bondage or to the bottom of ihe deep. The shores of Africa 
 are now becoming a frequented highway, and will continue, to be coast- 
 ed by increasing numbers in lawful trade. 
 
 Our commerce, in the nature of things, must also increase with them, 
 and may be mutually extremely advantageous — the more so as we will 
 get their raw productions, and they our manufactured articles. This 
 
29 
 
 will lend wings for the flight of those who may desire to return there ; 
 and before this generation passes away we may see here, too, the bridge 
 of boats reaching from shore to shore, thronged by thousands and 
 accompanied by a beneficial exchange of productions, of comforts and 
 luxuries. We presume not to fix times nor seasons ; but we forsee that 
 the work will go on. We believe it is of God, and, if so, it cannot 
 fail. He uses us to work out his ends in his own way, and in his own 
 good time, though frequently they are dark and mysterious to us until 
 tliey come to be revealed. In the familiar lines of the poet we have 
 it beautifully expressed 
 
 "God moves in a mysterious way 
 His wonders, to perform." 
 
 But he demands our feeble instrumentality — condescendingly permits 
 us to aid in the accomplishment of his great designs, and it is our pri- 
 vilege as well as duty to be mindful of the call, lest we be called to 
 account for die talent we have buried, and be banished as wicked and 
 unprofitable servants. It is of Him that the work has prospered ; it is 
 of Him that it has not been permitted to proceed too fast. We sow, but 
 we must wait before we reap ; but we shall reap, if we faint not. It is of 
 Him that the work is given to us to do. It was not given to Cuba ; to 
 St. Domingo; to Brazil, but to us, and to those we have trained and 
 prepared to do it well. The stream does not rise above its source, 
 nor does the pupil at once surpass the teacher, nor would the slave be 
 better qualified for free government than his French, or Spanish, or 
 Portuguese master. It was to us that the teaching and training of the 
 envoys of this great mission has been given, and wonderfully have they 
 improved their opportunities and executed their task. It is a great 
 mission: what can surpass it ? It is the planting and building of an 
 empire of liberty and Christianity — and that, too, in the most barbarous 
 and darkened corner of the world ; an enduring monument of unspeak- 
 able honor. 
 
 We invite you to aid in it by giving it the sanction of our constituted 
 authorities, and by making our State a partner in the blessed work. 
 We believe that public opinion will sanction it; that public feeling will 
 be pleased and gratified. It is now feebly submitted to you in this 
 hasty and general sketch, and we submit it to you with the prayer 
 that God will inspire you to act on it wisely and rightly. We have 
 complied with the recommendation of the resolution on which I have 
 predicated these remarks, and my part of the duty is done. 
 
 We have lately received intelligence of the onward progress of the 
 
30 
 
 Republic, of the most cheering kind. A recent outbreak by a native 
 chief at the instigation of white traders, has been promptly repressed and 
 sternly rebuked. President Roberts — who so highly distinguished 
 himself in Governor Buchanan's war — took the field in person and 
 pursued the enemy into the bush and signally chastised him. His 
 letters published in the newspapers give an interesting sketch of tlie 
 proceedings, though the full accounts have not yet come to hand. We 
 have many other letters of a gratifying character, some of which I have 
 in my hand, and will be glad to show to any one who may feel an inter- 
 est in the improvement of these people. There is one, however, that I 
 must particularly allude to. It was written by a native African, who has 
 never, it is believed, left his native shores, having received his education 
 at the Episcopal Mission at Cape Palmas — a single specimen of the 
 fruits of the great work in which they are engaged. The letter is a 
 brief acknowledgment of a kindness rendered him, and referring to the 
 sad event of the death of a friend, written in a free and easy hand ; it 
 would do honor to the head and heart of any man. 
 
 And now, gentlemen, one word more, and I will relieve your patience, 
 which I fear I have already overtaxed. Although our work, as I have 
 shown, was the offspring of a pure patriotism and a warm benevolence — 
 although it was predicated upon a conviction that the separation of the 
 races would result iio less to the advantage of the black race than to the 
 white, yet its founders and friends, however eminent and distinguished for 
 all the virtues that most adorn our nature, have experienced the common 
 lot, and afford another evidence of the far seeing penetration of the great 
 poet, who says "Be thou as chaste as ice, as pure as snow, thou shall 
 not escape calumny." And so has it been with them. Since their 
 organization, another party has arisen, who profess, and in many cases 
 no doubt truly, great interest in the condition and welfare of the colored " 
 race. But our plans of amelioration differing entirely from theirs, they 
 have not been content with advocating their own views, but have deem- 
 ed it within their province to asperse ours. 'I'heir influence with the 
 people of color, too, has been actively exerted to prevent emigration, 
 and, doubtless, they have greatly succeeded in retarding its progress. 
 It has been represented as the scheme of the tyrant and oppressor who 
 seek only the banishment of the race, and that too to an unfriendly 
 climate and to misery and want. 
 
 But, time, which reveals all things, has disproved their charges and 
 falsified their predictions ; and Colonization has taken a new impulse, 
 and is now recommended even by some of those who have hitherto de- 
 nounced it, as the best means to promote the colored man's good. It 
 
31 
 
 will vindicate itself, and vindicate also the judgment and foresight of 
 its illustrious founders and friends. Their characters need no vindica- 
 tion. They stand far beyond reproach, ad.nired and venerated by their 
 countrymen of the present, a?! they will be by those of future time. 
 Gentlemen, to name them is to praise. But time would fail me to make 
 an adequate enumeration. Let me, however, advert to the successive 
 Presidents of the Parent Society. Who are they? Bushrod Wash- 
 ington, the just and pure; Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, who affixed 
 his address as well as his name, to that instrument which placed his. all 
 in peril; James Madison, the father of our great bond of union; and 
 Henry Clay, who though he has differed with many of us in his views 
 of public policy, is nevertheless regarded by all with pride and venera- 
 tion as the champion of his country's honor, as well as of the rights of 
 man, and, as the statesman and patriot whose lofty eloquence has 
 added lustre and renown to the American name — the ardent friend and 
 advocate of Colonization. Bushrod Washington, Charles Carroll, 
 James Madison, and Henry Clay, have been our successive Presidents; 
 and Thomas Jefferson, James Monroe, John Marshall, and a host of 
 others — statesmen and philanthropists, of all sections of the country, 
 of both our great political parties, and of all religious creeds — bishops, 
 clergy, and laymen, have encouraged by their approbation and aided by 
 their influence, in this great and practical good. Are these the men, 
 gentlemen, to oppress or injure the poor African? Are these the 
 men to trample on the weak and the unfortunate ? Are these the ty- 
 rants and oppressors who would plant their heel on the rights of huma- 
 nity ? No, gentlemen ; their names are a glorious refutation of all such 
 aspersions, and their favor a vindication of the righteous cause in which 
 they have been engaged; I might add many more. I would like to 
 read to you the names of the Vice Presidents and officers of the Soci- 
 ety — known and honored throughout the country ; and those of our own 
 and'other auxiliary Societies, withthat of our honorable and distinguished 
 President, Joseph R. Ingersoll, among them, to prove to you that good, 
 and not evil, is intended to the children of Africa in restoring them to 
 the land of their fathers, where liberty and equality — without which 
 liberty is but a name — are awaiting their acceptance, and where their 
 brethren who have gone before, are beckoning them to come ; where 
 they will have no superior to acknowledge but their God, no sense of 
 inferiority to restrain their faculties and to depress their energies, and to 
 keep them in ignorance and subjection ; but where — and perhaps where 
 alone — they may rise to the full stature and dignity of men. Behold 
 the monument, gentlemen, which their labors have reared. Where 
 
32 
 
 thirty years ago, there was an unbroken wilderness and a solitude waste 
 of waters, disturbed only by the curses and imprecations of the slaver, 
 the groans of the victims, or the shouts of the victors, we now see a 
 Free and Christian Republic created by their means, and by the instru- 
 mentality of colored emigrants from these shores. Truly this seems 
 like a new "wonder in the land of Ham," and encourages us to hope 
 that the little one shall become a thousand, and the small one a strong 
 nation Gentlemen, let Pennsylvania add a block to that monument. 
 
ADDRESS 
 
 BBLITERBD 
 
 IN THE HALL OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 
 
 HARRISBURG, Pa., 
 
 ON TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 6, 18Sf; 
 
 REV. JOHN P. DURBIN, D.D. 
 
Rev. Dr. DURBIN'S ADDRESS. 
 
 General Packer introduced the Rev. Dr. Durbin, who said : 
 Ladies and Gentlemen ; 
 
 Members of the Senate and House of Representatives : 
 
 You will have learned from the gentleman who preceded me, that the 
 cause which we have come to present to your favorable consideration, 
 is not without a history, is not without fruits, not without promise. It 
 is illustrated by the brightest names in the American annals, and is con- 
 secrated by the lives and deaths of some of the most excellent- and de- 
 voted men of modern times. It is of immense importance to the con- 
 tinent of America, especially these United States, and is of great 
 importance to the civilized world. It is not to be denied that there is a 
 profound impression upon the minds of a large portion of the best of 
 the people, that there is a taint of moral evil in slavery as it exists in 
 the United States, and every citizen feels that it is now a powerfully- 
 disturbing element in our social and political institutions; while many 
 believe that it is injurious to our economical interests. All these con- 
 siderations have strongly attracted public attention to the subject of sla- 
 very, and the question is now beginning to be asked by the patriotic, 
 the most intelligent, and best part of our people — Ought not something 
 to be done? If so, what can be done? We have come this evening 
 to propose to you a practicable measure in answer to the question, 
 What can be done? A measure which if adopted by the States gene- 
 rally, will lead to its adoption by the General Government, and finally 
 to a safe, equitable and peaceful solution of the only real danger that 
 threatens our glorious Union. 
 
 What we propose is, as we trust we shall be able to show, a measure 
 of public peace and safety — of public Justice — of public benevolence 
 — of public honor — and of national prosperity. 
 
 That something ought to be done is evident from the fact that it is 
 becoming a dangerous political element, tending to array one section of 
 this Union against the other, without respect to wholesome principles 
 of good government and sound political economy. Look to our na- 
 tional Capitol; does not that magnificent dome vibrate daily from the 
 
 35 
 
36 
 
 deep seated throes within, which spring from the subject of slavery? 
 It is not a solution of the difficulty to say, this ought not to be, whether 
 this declaration come from the South, burning with its sense of in- 
 justice and outrage upon its constitutional rights: or whether it come 
 from the North, indignant at the stupendous wrong and violence done, 
 in its judgment, to the natural and inalienable rights of men. These 
 conflicting convictions are becoming sectional, i. e.. Southern and 
 Northern ; and, exasperated by the real or apparent conflict of Northern 
 and Southern interests, whatever the hopeful or the daring citizen may 
 say to the contrary, do threaten the prosperity if not the permanency 
 of the union of these States. In this sectional conflict lies our danger; 
 a danger that must be removed, no matter at what sacrifice of money, 
 toil, and time. 
 
 But it is evident further that sometliing ought to be done, and done 
 quickly, because the danger is increasing by reason of the increase of the 
 slave and free colored population. The whole white population of the 
 country, by the Census of 1850, was 19,631,799; slave population, 
 3,198,324; free colored, 4-28,637. Total colored, 3,026,961. 
 
 This makes the white population about 51 to 1 of the black popu- 
 lation. 
 
 The whole colored population increased^from 1840 to 1850 at the 
 rate of 26.22 per cent., which would double the colored population in 
 30 years. 
 
 In the slaveholding States the white population is 6,224,240, and the 
 colored population 3,433,992. This gives not quite two white per- 
 sons to one colored in the slaveholding States. Ten years ago the ratio 
 was about 2| white persons to 1 colored in the slaveholding States. This 
 shows a gain in ten years of one-fifth per cent, of the ratio of increase 
 of the colored population of the South over the white : and, if this is 
 maintained for fifty years more, the white and colored population will 
 be equal in the slave States. Let us weigh well this state of the question. 
 Again : As the Census shows that the colored population doubles 
 every thirty years, there will be in the United States in A. D. 1880, 
 7,233,474; and thirty years thereafter, that is sixty years from this 
 time, or A. D. 1910, there will be in the United States 14,466,948 
 colored people. Of this population nearly the whole will be in the 
 slaveholding States, at least over thirteen millions and a half, supposing 
 matters to proceed the next sixty years as they have proceeded for the 
 last sixty. 
 
 Now comes up the most serious of all questions, viz: Cati the pre 
 sent slaveholding States bear a slave and free colored population of 
 
37 
 
 thirteen and a half millions ? First, could such a slave population 
 be profitably employed? I think I may say, without doubt, it could 
 not : their labor would not pay for their keeping. But even could ihey 
 be profitably employed, could they be kept peaceably and safely in sub- 
 jection when they become equal in number, if not superior, to the white 
 population ? I will not examine this question ; the mere propounding 
 it awakens an interest that ought to lead to action ; to action on the 
 largest, most patriotic, and liberal scale. 
 
 Well, then, if the slaveholding States cannot bear the slave popula- 
 tion at the end of sixty years, when it will be thirteen and a-half mil- 
 lions, and quite equal to the white population, if, indeed, they can bear 
 it at the end of thirty years, when it will be nearly seven millions, the 
 question arises, what is to be done? To this, three answers are offered: 
 1. Voluntary emancipation, so as to keep the number down to a safe 
 and profitable point, and sending them into the free States. But will the 
 free States agree to this ? Will we receive them ? If we note the indica- 
 tions in the free States on this question, there will be no difficulty in 
 determining that the slaves emancipated in the South will not much 
 longer be allowed to find a home in the free States ; and, particularly, 
 if the emancipations should be so numerous as to afTord the South re- 
 lief from an overgrown slave population. So long as tha emancipa- 
 tions are few in number comparatively, and made from motives of bene- 
 volence, the free States may receive them ; but when it becomes a po- 
 licy in the South, either for profit or safety, the free States will undoubt- 
 edly refuse to receive the emancipated slaves. Already Indiana his 
 taken legislative action to restrain their entrance within her territory ; 
 Ohio and Illinois have also taken incipient steps ; and I am informed, 
 that while I speak to you, a bill is on your files, and also one on the 
 files of the New York Legislature, for the purpose of restraining their 
 increase within the territories of these States, severally. The tendency 
 of the public mind in the free States is, to shut up the colored popula- 
 tion within the limits of the slaveholding States. Several powerful 
 motives impel the public feeling in the free States in this direction, and 
 will influence and probably determine their legislation towards the po- 
 licy of restraining the increase of the colored population within their 
 bounds. In the first place, many say, the South have the institution of 
 slavery and wish to preserve and cherish it; we deem it an evil, a 
 stain, if you will ; let them keep the evil wholly within their own 
 bounds ; this is the quickest way to cure it ; when it becomes unendu- 
 rable there, they themselves will make a movement for relief; and can 
 find it in no other way than in emancipation and removal. Other?, 
 
3S 
 
 having regard chiefly to tlie peace and quiet of their own State, are be- 
 coming more and more unwilling to admit this naturally antagonistic 
 population among us. While others, still, believe that the colored race 
 is belter off in a slaveholding community, than in the free States. All 
 these motives are beginning to act powerfully to exclude the colored race 
 from the free States. The Southern States cannot find relief, therefore, 
 from voluntary emancipation, and transfer of their surplus slave popula- 
 tion into the free States. 
 
 2. Although it has not been openly declared, yet there can be no 
 doubt that relief is looked for from an extension of the slave population 
 further South, into territory now belonging to Mexico or Spain. Allow 
 me to say, this is a fearful remedy. It supposes aggressions upon 
 neighboring nations with which we are now at peace. A high-minded 
 and honorable country cannot accept this remedy. Besides, the reme- 
 dy itself would only postpone the crisis ; it would come at last, and 
 when it came, the evil would be so immensel}' increased as to appal, 
 if not to paralize the boldest and largest minds and policy. Is it 
 wise to look to such a remedy ? Besides all this ; could such a question 
 of territory be made without convulsing these United States? It cer- 
 tainly could not. If there is any one point on which public opinion 
 in the North is agreed, it is this, that there ought not to be any territo- 
 rial extension of slavery ; that such extension must be resisted at all 
 hazards, as injurious to t e honor, the peace, and the prosperity of the 
 union of these Stales. Is it wise, then, to put this Union in jeopardy 
 by such a remedy ? This Union must not be jeoparded ; another reme- 
 dy must be found, such as will preserve the peace, safety, and prospe- 
 rity of these States. 
 
 3. This remedy is colonization, or removing the colored race from 
 amidst the white race. This remedy is founded on the fact established 
 by all history ; that two strongly marked r ces of people cannot live 
 peaceably and equally together as citizens under the same government; 
 they must amalgamate by marriage and form one common people, or 
 the one must be subjected to the other. This, at least up to this period 
 of the world's history, is the decree of Providence. I need not say 
 that the reason, the judgment, the instincts of the people of these 
 United States, are all against amalgamation by marriage. It remains 
 then either to encounter the danger described or to adopt an adequate 
 scheme of colonization ; i. e. to transfer the colored race to those parts 
 of the world where they may dwell together. This, then, is the scheme 
 we advocate this evening. And while our proposition is in view of the 
 Western coast of Africa, we do not shut out of the question other parts 
 
39 
 
 of the world inhabited exclusively or dominantly by the African race. 
 We maintain that the colonizing the colored people in these United 
 States on the Western coast of Africa, is 
 
 1. Jl Measure of Public Justice. If there were not a slave, or free 
 colored person in our Union, and the people, North and South, were 
 called upon to say whether they would advise the introduction of ihe 
 children of Africa among us, I ask, would one voice he heard in favor 
 of it throughout the length and breadth of this land ? Not one. Why 
 not? Because there lies at the bottom of this whole matter an element 
 of moral evil : at the starting point lieth flagrant injustice ; and accord- 
 ingly all civilized nations have declared the slave trade from Africa to 
 be piracy. It was a stupendous public wrong to commence it ; it is a 
 measure of public justice not only to put a stop to it, but to remedy the 
 wrongs and evils which have flowed from it. These wrongs and evils 
 operating through a long series of years hav3 entwined themselves with 
 the vast and con plicated interests and institutions of a large portion of 
 our country ; and it will require a long series of years to accomplish 
 the remedy effectually. But Providence allows time to work out the 
 ends of public justice, and always seconds the efforts of man if made 
 sincerely, wisely and patiently. Let us then d > our part in setting on 
 foot a system of public policy that shall safely, peacefully, and equitably 
 render this great act of public justice to the millions of the exiled chil- 
 dren of Africa. 
 
 But this act of public justice connects with the natural right of these 
 people, and with the Divine Will not doubtfully expressed. In pursu- 
 ance of the Divine distribution of the earth among the different races 
 of men, God gave Africa to the race fr m which our colored people 
 come. The deed of distribution and the reason for it are found in holy 
 Scripture in these words ; " God hath made of one blood all nations of 
 men, for to dwell o i all the face of the earth, and Lath determined the 
 times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitation; that they 
 should seek the Lord, if haply they might feel after him and find him.^^ 
 Who can doubt but the " bounds of the habitation" of these people are 
 in Africa ? Who can doubt but in that part of the world is their lot, in 
 working out the wise designs of a Providence known to man only as 
 God manifests them by the signs of the times ? Perhaps this wise and 
 mysterious Providence has permitted their bonda n order to prepare 
 them to be the instruments of Christian civilization and religion to 
 their vast and populous country. Had they remained in their own 
 country, they would have remained pagans ; in their slavery and exile 
 they have become Christians in their ideas and feelings, and many of 
 
40 
 
 ihem 'truly experimental and intelligent Christians. Return them to 
 Africa, and they will form a Christian republic whose light and civiliza- 
 tion will illuminate and reform the Western part of that great and 
 gloomy continent. This single consideration is sufficient to move this 
 whole country to action in favor of colonization. And if such be the 
 designs of Providence, who shall estimate the guilt and punishment of 
 our people, if we refuse to send home these prepared missionaries, now 
 tlial God, by the signs of the times, is intimating His will that we now 
 enter upon the work ? 
 
 In order to succeed, so as finally to remove the disturbing element 
 of slavery from our country and separate the two antagonistic races, 
 the States, and finally the General Government, must espouse the cause 
 of colonization. The Western coast of Africa, to a great extent, may 
 be acquired and brought under our dominion, without detriment or 
 wrong to the natives ; or under the dominion of the Republic of Libe- 
 ria, which well represents us. The slave trade has desolated the 
 Western coast of Africa, so that for many hundred miles along the 
 coast, and for many miles inland, the native population is very sparse. 
 All this country may be occupied by colonists from our country with- 
 out removing the natives ; and being of the same race with the natives, 
 will gradually and peacefully convert them to Christianity, and elevate 
 and assimilate them. 
 
 When we have said that the States, and finally the General Gov- 
 ernment must and will espouse this cause, we do not mean to say that 
 this ought to be done unconstitutionally, or with wrong and violence 
 to the individual States, or the Constitution of the United States. 
 Each State is competent to espouse the cause and aid it; and when the 
 States generally shall do this, they can legitimately influence Congress 
 to aid the cause in a constitutional way. But the States must advance 
 first and singly, co-operating with the increasing liberality of large 
 minded and benevolent citizens, and thus open the way for the counte- 
 nance and support of the General Government. 
 
 2. But I said the measure we propose, is one of public benevolence. 
 This is true, whether we have reference to the colored man transferred 
 to Africa, his natural home, or to the foreign slave trade, which all ci- 
 vilized nations have declared to be piracy : and it is one of the brightest 
 passages in our national history, that our government was the first to 
 make this declaration. It is now a well established fact, that the little 
 and comparatively feeble Colony (now State) of Liberia, and the Eng- 
 lish settlement at Sierra Leone, have done more to break up the foreign 
 slave trade than all the navies ot England, France, and the United 
 
41 
 
 States combined. Let the whole coast from Sierra Leone on the 
 North, to the English colonies on the South, be occupied by colonies 
 civilized by Christian African people, and the slave trade is extinct. 
 We naturally ask here, if the General Government may be at the im- 
 mense expense of an armed naval force on the Western coast of Africa, 
 for the suppression of the slave trade, why may she not expend money 
 in colonization, with a view more effectually to accomplish the end pro- 
 posed ? Surely, the one is as constitutional as the other. 
 
 But I have said our measure is one of public benevolence, consider- 
 ed in reference to the colonized Africans themselves. I am a native of, 
 and was reared in a slave State ; I have seen the colored man under 
 all conditions in this country, from the rice plantations in Georgia and 
 South Carolina, to the cold regions of Maine and Canada ; I know his 
 position and capabilities in America; I know he never can obtain free- 
 dom and equality before the law of the Legislature, and the still more 
 imperious law of society ; he cannot obtain such freedom and equality 
 as his heart naturally and justly yearns after. The differences between 
 his race and ours are such, that political and social equality is imprac- 
 ticable. What changes, moral, political and physical agents, acting 
 through centuries to come, may work out tending to assimilate the 
 white and the colored races, no man can foresee. We are called on 
 to act under the present conditions of the case ; and to act for the good 
 of the colored man, and for the honor, safety and peace of our coun- 
 try. I say, then, knowing as I do, the positions and capabilities of the 
 colored man in America, he cannot attain to the functions and enjoy- 
 ment of a man among us. He is not, and cannot be free in the pro- 
 per sense of the word : the pressure that keeps him down is irresisti- 
 ble: he cannot rise to a manly hope and ambition: he cannot deve- 
 lop his powers here, and show what he could do, if circumstances 
 were favorable. If by industry and good fortune he make money, and 
 rear a family of sons and daughters in a respectable manner, where will 
 he find suitable alliances for them ? I need not pursue this subject : T 
 have talked with such, and found them faint and discouraged with the 
 prospects before their children. 
 
 But transport these people to Africa with our religion, our civiliza- 
 tion, though in a low degree, and our political institutions, and experi- 
 ence has shown that there they become men ; and show themselves to 
 be men. After large opportunities, and long and patient observation, I 
 am persuaded that nowhere else but in Africa, is the African a man. 
 I have reason to knaw, that there he is a man. Shortly after I went to 
 New York, to take charge of the missionary affairs of our whole 
 6 
 
42 
 
 church, I received large despatches from our African mission. Among 
 them were the minutes of our Mission Conference in Liberia, composed 
 wholly of some twenty colored men : also, the annual report of the 
 Superintendent of the mission ; together with reports on education, on 
 church property, and the extension of the mission, and on various sub- 
 jects. Upon opening the papers, I was struck with the clear, bold hand 
 in which they were generally written; and upon reading a portion of the 
 annual report and minutes, I was astonished at the perspicuous arrange- 
 ment of the matter, and the cle ir and forcible language in which it was 
 expressed. I turned to the clerk, who hnd been accustomed to see des- 
 patches from Africa, and asked him, if colored men wrote these papers? 
 He smiled and replied, there is no white person in the colony, except 
 one lone woman, Mrs. \ ilkins, a martyr to the education of the chil- 
 dren of the colonists. The position, the circumstances of the African 
 colonist in Liberia, make him a man, and give him action. Transplant 
 him there, and he becomes a man, and takes place among men. His 
 descendants, in a few generations, may stand forward grandly in the 
 affairs of this world. 
 
 3. But the measure we propose is one of Public Honor. It implies 
 the founding of a Christian State in Africa, that may yet rise to the 
 dignity of a great confederation of States, repeating on that, at present 
 dark and savage continent, the light and glory of our own Republic. 
 And this reproduction of our own glorious Union in Africa will be re- 
 splendent with brilliant and agreeable associations of names, of states, 
 and towns which shall bind Africa to us with cords of gratitude ; and 
 make her forget her bondage in our land; and lead her to comprehend 
 the ways of God, and to confess that they are wise and good. It is 
 right and fitting that Pennsylvania should espouse this cause and 
 stand foremost among the free States in its favor. Her position, 
 exposing her to a large and suffering free colored population : her 
 philanthropy; her wealth; her influence in the National Councils; her 
 attachment; her devotion to the Union; her moderation also — all call 
 on her to take the lead among the free States in promoting African 
 Colonization. Let her follow the example of Georgia, of Maryland, 
 of Kentucky, of Louisiana, of New Jersey, which all repeat themselves 
 in Africa, by founding colonies bearing their names respectively. Let 
 her obtain the territory adjoining the Maryland Colony on the South, 
 and stretching down to the Bight of Benin, and let it be called New- 
 Pennsylvania; let the chief town be New Philadelphia; let it be founded 
 by free people of color from our own tate; give them the means of 
 building a large and strongly armed block-house to protect them, if need 
 
43 
 
 be, from the assault and treachery of the savages; give them the means 
 of opening a good road far into the populous and wealthy interior, and 
 thus bring commerce to the coast; give them two or three small steam- 
 ers to enable them to run up the rivers into the interior, and to commu- 
 nicate with other colonies on the coast. Let Pennsylvania do this, 
 gentlemen, and we shall see the slave trade abolished entirely, and an 
 impulse given to the cause of emancipation and colonization in this 
 country, and a light shed over the whole of this difficult and fearful 
 subject of slavery. 
 
 4. But we claim that our measure is one of national prosperity. 
 From the very nature of the case, colonists prefer trading with their 
 mother country, if the mother country offer them facilities. The only 
 question is, whether there be materials of commerce in Africa. The 
 natural products of Africa are various, immense. The only thing 
 wanted, is to find access to them. The proper means of access is by 
 the medium of well regulated colonies or States, occupying the coast, 
 and extending inwards until they come in contact with the sources of 
 natural wealth; and thus bring it down to the coast, and cause it to en- 
 ter into the commerce of the world. Feeble as the Republic of Libe- 
 ria is, she is beginning to do this effectually. She only needs the 
 means of opening good roads into the interior, and defending them for 
 a time; and a few small steamers to run up the rivers, and communi- 
 cate between the towns on the coast, and the export trade would be 
 suddenly and greatly increased. Because we in the United States 
 have neglected to give attention to the commerce of the Western coast 
 of Africa, we have no idea of what the trade is already. England is 
 awake to its importance, and is taking steps to secure it by a monthly 
 line of steamers, while a proposition in our Congress to do the same, 
 is looked upon with indifference, if not with coldness, and is sufiered 
 to die of neglect. 
 
 That you may have some idea of the growing commerce of Liberia, 
 I recite the arrivals and departures at the Port of Monrovia, from June 
 20th, to September 30th, 1851, as collected from Africa's Luminary, 
 and published in the Colonization Herald of Philadelphia. 
 
 ARRIVALS. 
 
 June 20th. — United States ship Germantown, Capt. J. D. Knight, 
 bearing the broad penant of Commodore E. A. F. Lavallette, Com- 
 mander-in-chief of the U. S. African Squadron, fifteen days from Porto 
 Praya, all well. 
 
44 
 
 June 20th. — English brig Betsy Hall, Win. B. Thompson, from 
 Grand Bassa. 
 
 June 21st. — Hamburg schooner Bertha Kochn, W. F. Sellion, from 
 (ilrand Bassa. 
 
 June 23d. — Am. brig Louisa, J. Webber, from the South Coast, via 
 Sinoe and Grand Bassa. 
 
 June 24th. — Eng. brig Arab, S. Dyer, from Cape Palmas and Grand 
 Bassa. Captain Dyer arrived here very ill. AVe are glad to be able 
 to state that he is now convalescent, and gaining strength rapidly. 
 
 June 28th. — La. cutter Eliza Francis, Howard, from the Leeward 
 Coast, with palm oil, to U. A. McGill & Brother. 
 
 June 30th. — Arrived U. S. ship John Adams, Capt. Samuel Barron, 
 from Porto Praya, all well. 
 
 July 1st. — La. schooner G. R. McGill, U. A. McCill, from a trad- 
 ing voyage to the Leeward Coast, palm oil, to U. A. McGill & Brother. 
 
 July 2d. — Eng. bark Ariel, A. Henderson, from Tradetown. 
 
 July 6th. — Jja. sloop John E. Taylor, Williams, from the leeward, 
 with a cargo of palm oil, to-Paine & Yates. 
 
 July 8th. — La. cutter Expeditious, Curd, from Little Cape Mount 
 and Digby, with rice, to D. B. Warner. 
 
 July lOth. — Hamburg brig Theresa Henrietta, S. Patterson, from, 
 the South Coast. 
 
 July 10th. — La. cutter Perseverance, Page, from the leeward, palm 
 oil, to D. B. Warner. 
 
 July 10th. — Eng. schooner Monarch, Edwards, from the leeward. 
 
 July 11th. — La. cutter Expeditious, Curd, from Digby and Little 
 'Cape Mount. 
 
 Sept. 4th. — La. cutter Eliza Francis, Howard, from leeward, with 
 palm oil, to .U. A. McGill &; Brother. 
 
 Sept. 8th. — American barque Gem, R. E. Lawlin, from Gaboon ; 
 passengers. Rev. Mr. Bess, Mrs. Wilson, and Mr. G. Cyrus. 
 
 Sept. 10th. — La. cutter Perseverance, Curd, from Sinoe and Grand 
 Bassa, palm oil and camwood, to E. J. Roye. 
 
 Sept. 10th. — Arrived, H. M. steam vessel -'Alecto," commander 
 Geo. Lavil, from Sierra Leone, with a large mail for H. B. M.'s Con- 
 sul, and citizens of this place. The Alecto sailed on the 11 th instant 
 for Sierra Leone, via Cape Mount and Gallinas. 
 
 Sept. 12th. — Eng. brig Ste dfast, W. F. Farr, from Sinoe, via Grand 
 Bassa; passengers, Jas. S. Smith, M. D., and Mr. A. T. Cheeseman 
 And lady. 
 
45 
 
 Sept. 12th. — La. cutter Liberia, H. Wilson, from the leeward, palm 
 oil, to U. A. McGill & Brother. 
 
 Sept. 17th. — Liberia Government schooner Lark, R. Cooper, Esq., 
 Lieutenant Commanding, for Grand Bassa ; passengers, Attorney-Ge- 
 neral, and Secretary of the Treasury. Her Majesty's brig Sea Tiark, 
 Capt. Southerby, senior officer of the Sierra Leone Division. 
 
 Sept. 17th. — La. cutter Rough and Ready, Madison, from the leeward, 
 with palm oil, to D. B. Warner. 
 
 Sept. 27th. — Eng. barque Ariel, of Liverpool, A. Henderson, from 
 Grand Bassa. 
 
 Sept. 29th. — La. cutter Eliza Francis, Howard, from the leeward, 
 with palm oil, to U. A. McGill & Brother. 
 
 DEPARTURES. '. 
 
 June 20th. — Eng. bark Clydeside, J. White, for Liverpool; cargo 
 of palm oil, camwood and other African produce ; passengers, Rev. A. 
 T. Wood and lady. 
 
 June 21st. — La. cutter H. Marshall, for Grand Bassa, merchandise, 
 to S. A. Benson. 
 
 June 21st. — French brig Abeille, La Guevelle, for Havre, via Sierra 
 Leone. Passengers to Sierra Leone, Captain H. R. Knowles, and 
 W. C. Townly. 
 
 June 28th. — Amer. brig Louisa, J. Webber, for Sierra Leone, and 
 the Gambia, thence to the United States. 
 
 June 28th. — Hamburg schooner Bertha Kochn, W. F. Sellion, cargo 
 of palm oil for Sierra Leone. 
 
 June 30th. — Eng. brig Betsey Hall, W. B. Thompson, for Liver- 
 pool, cargo of palm oil and camwood, i 
 
 July 1st. — Eng. cutter Georgiana, J. K. Straw, for Liverpool; pas- 
 senger. Miss Sutton. The Georgiana takes a small lot of Liberian 
 cotton to England. 
 
 July 2d. — La. cutter Expeditious, Curd, for Little Cape Mount. 
 
 July 8th. — Sailed, U. S. ship Germantown, Captain J. D. Knight, 
 bearing the broad penant of Com. E. A. F. Lavallette, &;c. Same day 
 U. S. ship John Adams, Captain Samuel Barron. We understand it 
 is the intention of the Commodore, on his way down the coast, to call 
 for a short time at the several ports of the Republic ; thence to the 
 south coast in quest of slavers. 
 
 July lOlh. — Sailed, L. G. schooner Lark, R. Cooper, Esq., com- 
 manding, for Grand Bassa ; passengers, Hon. J. H. Chavers, Secretary 
 of the Treasury. 
 
46 
 
 July 10th. — Eng. barque Ariel, A. Henderson, for Tradetown. 
 
 July 12th. — La. cutter Expeditious, Curd, from Little Cape Mount 
 Digby, with rice and camwood, to D. B. Warner. 
 
 Sept. 17th. — English brig Steadfast, W. F. Farr, for Bristol. Am. 
 barque Gem, of New York, for the Gaboon ; passengers. Rev. Mr. 
 Bess, and Mrs. Wilson. 
 
 Sept. 18lh. — ].a. cutter Expeditious, Page, for Grand Cape Mount. 
 
 Sept. 25th. — La. cutter Rough and Ready, Madison, for the leeward. 
 
 Sept. 30th. — Eng. barque Ariel, A. Henderson, for Grand Bassa. 
 
 There have been several objections urged to our proposed measure 
 for the ultimate removal of slavery from this Union, and the separation 
 of the while and colored races for the great benefit of these States ; and 
 the elevation, independence, and happiness of the colored people them- 
 selves. 
 
 1. It has been supposed that the colored people will refuse to emi- 
 grate to Africa. That the great body of them in the free States will 
 refuse to go for a long lime to come, there can be no doubt. But many 
 are and will be disposed to go ; and the number will be augmented as 
 the prosperity and power of the Liberian Republic increase, and the 
 mortification and embarrassment of the colored people increase in the 
 States. There is a growing disposition already observable among them 
 to join their brethren in Liberia. Some of the men whom they have 
 been accustomed to regard as their best friends heretofore, and who 
 have often advised them not to go to Liberia, have changed their opin- 
 ions, and now advise them to go. As an instance, Mr. Birney has 
 addressed a sensible and energetic letter to them to this effect. Shall 
 we not open the way for them, and afford them our aid and advice ? 
 This noble and philanthropic enterprise is worthy the patronage of tlie 
 great Slate of Pennsylvania. 
 
 2.' It has been supposed that it is impracticable to transport to Africa 
 three millions of men, women, and children. But what do we see be- 
 fore our eyes ? It is now ascertained that there are over four millions 
 of Europeans, and the immediate descendants of Europeans in the 
 United States ; and they are now coming to our shores at an average 
 of a thousand a day, and the ratio increasing annually. If the emigra- 
 tion should continue to advance for the next ten years as it has done 
 the last five, there will arrive in our country from Europe, five millions 
 of people in ten years. And all this without the aid of governments 
 to any appreciable extent. The whole movement is founded upon pri- 
 vate enterprise, and to accomplish private interests. Are we to be told, 
 then, that these States, in connection with private benevolence, cannot. 
 
47 
 
 in the course of a generation or two, transport the colored population 
 of less than three and a-half millions to llie western coast of Africa ? 
 Especially as it is a measure of public peace and safety, public justice, 
 public benevolence, public honor, and national prosperity. It is 
 practicable and must be done. 
 
 3. But it has been said, any such policy will arouse the jealousy of 
 the Slaveliolding States. This is a mistake. They see the danger in 
 the distance, and would as gladly as we accept any safe and honorable 
 remedy. Let them see that our measures are peaceful ; are practicable, 
 are effectual, and they will join us heartily, and thus co-operaling with 
 us to bring the General Government to aid strictly in accordance with 
 the rights of each State, and the Constitution of the United States, we 
 shall see, or at least our children or our children's children, will see 
 this foreign and naturally antagonistic race removed from among us, and 
 returned to their own land which God hath given them ; and then shall 
 our Union be tenfold stronger, brighter, and more glorious ; and indeed 
 become the light of the nations of the earth and the undebated pride of 
 her children. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Legislature, it is to obtam a propitious beginning 
 of this project that we, as a committee of the Pennsylvania Coloniza- 
 tion Society have sought this present interview with you in your own 
 Hall. Grant us the favor of the State by your vote, and sanction this 
 vote by an appropriation, if it be of but one single dollar. 
 
VI 
 

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