Book 3 . 
 
THE 
 
 GREELEY RECORD: 
 
 // v 
 
 The Opinions and Sentiments 
 
 HORACE GREELEY 
 
 Office Seeking — The -Presidency — The Democratic Party- 
 Prominent Democrats, North and South — Secession and 
 Secessionists — War and Peace — Jefferson Davis 
 as President and Prisoner — Finance — 
 Pourierism — Temperance — Social Re- 
 form — Naturalized Citizens — 
 other Public Topics — 
 and Himself. 
 
 " Oh ! that record is lively in my soul. " — Shakespeare. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE 
 
 Union Republican Congressional Executive Committee. 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
 1872. 
 
 r 
 
THE COMPILER TO THE READER. 
 
 " I have made frequent and copious citations from letters, speeches, 
 messages, and other documents, many of which have not the merit of 
 rarity ; mainly because I could only thus present the views of political 
 antagonists in terms which they must recognize and respect as authentic. 
 [;i an age of passionate controversy few are capable even of stating an 
 opponent's position in language that he will admit to be accuratelmd 
 fair. And there arc thousands who cannot realize that they ever held 
 opinions and accepted dogmas to which they unhesitatingly subscribed 
 less than ten years ago."— Horace Greeley, in the "American Conflict? 
 page 9. 
 
 " To-day, the history of our country is found recorded in the columns 
 of her journals more fully, promptly, vividly than elsewhere. More and 
 more is this becoming the case with other countries throughout the civil- 
 ized world. A history which takes no account of what was said by the 
 Press in memorable emergencies befits an earlier age than ours.— Horace 
 Greeley, in the "American Conflict? page 10. 
 
 '< Which being taught, return to plague the inventor."— Shakespeare. 
 
 Printed by Gibson Brothers, Washington, D. C. 
 
WHAT HORACE GREELEY KNOWS 
 
 ABOUT 
 
 Politics — Office- Seeking — His own Continued Desire for Place — His 
 
 own Disappointments and Revenges — Journalists who Crave 
 
 Political Rewards— Running for President — The 
 
 Liberal Republican Movement at Cincinnati — 
 
 Democratic Intrigues, d'c, c&c, &c. 
 
 Why H. G. Became a Politician in his Childhood. 
 "An eager, omniverous reader, especially of newspapers, from early childhood, I was an 
 ardent politician when not half old enough to vote." — Recollections of a Busy Life. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Office- Seeking Politicians. 
 " Incredible as it might seem, the fact is but too apparent, that there are men who aspire to 
 be called Statesmen, whose love of country and regard for justice and truth are subordinate to 
 their desire for political promotion and the ' leaves and fishes ' of office, and who do 
 not scruple to put in jeopardy the Peace of the World, if they thereby promote their selfish and 
 personal ends." — Tribune^ March 10, 1846. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Editorial Candidates. 
 
 " It seems to us unwise in an Editor ever to allow his name to go before the public as a can- 
 didate for any party nomination. It is such an appalling consideration, that running for a 
 prominent office puts you under obligation to so many thousand people, who feel that your 
 gratitude can never equal their deserts, that we think an Editor, who is already indebted to so 
 many thousands for taking his paper and inducing others to take it, should never voluntarily 
 incur a further obligation. Life is too short for the discharge of such mountains of debt, and it 
 were better to avoid contracting them.'' — Tribune, August 5, 1858. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about greediness for Place and for Political Office. 
 " It is indolence — rather indolence than avarice ; indolence of mind, more than of body — that 
 makes the world so greedy in our day for place, and for political office." — Lecture, 1858. 
 
 Wliat H. G. Mnew in 1854 about His continuous but unsuccessful aspirations for 
 
 office since 1838, showing that in His opinion His running would have 
 
 helped the ticket, and Helped His Paper. 
 
 New York, Saturday Evening, Nov. 11, 1854. 
 
 Got. Seward : The election is over, and its results sufficiently ascertained. It seems to me a 
 fitting time to announce to you the dissolution of the political firm of Seward, Weed, and 
 Greeley, by the withdrawal of the junior partner — said withdrawal to take effect on the morn- 
 ing after the first Tuesday in February next. And, as it may seem a great presumption in me 
 to assume that any such firm exists, especially since the public was advised, rather more than a 
 year ago, by an editorial rescript in The Evening Journal formally reading me out of the Whig 
 party, that I was esteemed no longer either useful or ornamental in the concern, you will, I am 
 eure, indulge me in some reminiscences which seem to befit the occasion. 
 
 I was a poor young printer and Editor of a Literary Journal — a very active and bitter Whig 
 in a small way, but not seeking to be known out of my own Ward Committee — when, after the 
 great Political Revulsion of 1837, I was one day called to the City Hotel, where two strangers 
 introduced themselves as Thurlow Weed and Lewis Benedict, of Albany. They told me that a 
 cheap Campaign Paper of a peculiar stamp at Albany had been resolved on, and that I had been 
 selected to edit it. The announcement might well be deemed flattering by one who had never 
 even sought the notice of the great, and who was not known as a partisan writer ; and I eagerly 
 embraced their proposal. They asked me to fix my salary for the year ; I named $1,000, which 
 
2 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 they agreed to ; and I did the work required, to the best of my ability. It was work that mad< 
 no figure, and created no sensation ; but I loved it, and I did it well. Wh,en it was done, you 
 were Governor, dispensing offices worth $3,000 to $20,000 per year to your friends and com- 
 patriots, and I returned to my garret and my crust, and my desperate battle with pecunicry 
 obligations heaped upon me by bad partners in business and the disastrous events of 1837. I 
 believe it did not then occur to me that some one of these abundant places might have been offered 
 to me without injustice ; I now think it should have occurred to you. If it did occur to me, I was 
 not the man to ask you for it; I think that should not have been necessary. I only remember 
 that no friend at Albany inquired as to my pecuniary circumstances ; that your friend, (but not 
 mine,) Robert C. Wetmore, was one of the chief dispensers of your patronage here ; aud that 
 such devoted compatriots as A. H. Wells and John Hooks were lifted by you out of pauperism 
 into independence, as I am glad I was not ; and yet an inquiry from you as to my needs and 
 means at that day would have been timely, and held ever in grateful remembrance. 
 
 In the Harrison campaign of 1840, I was again designated to edit a campaign paper. I pub- 
 lished it as well, and ought to have made something by it, in spite of its extremely low price; 
 ray extreme poverty was the main reason why I did not. It compelled me to hire press work, 
 mailing, &e , done by the job, and high charges for extra work nearly eat me up. At the close 
 I was still without property and in debt ; but this paper had rather improved my position. 
 
 Now came the great scramble of the swell mob of coon minstrels aud cider suckers at Wash- 
 ington, — I not being counted in . Several regiments of them went on from this city, but no one 
 of the whole crowd — though I say it, who should not — h id doue so much towards Gen. Harri- 
 son's nomination and election as yours respectfully. I asked nothing, expected nothing; but 
 you, Gov. Seward, ought to have asked that 1 be Postmaster of New York. Your asking would 
 have been in vain, bat it would have been an act of grace neither wasted nor undeserved. 
 
 I soon after started The Tribune, because I was urged to do so by certain of your friends, and 
 because such a paper was needed here. I was promised certain pecuniary aid in so doing ; it 
 might have been given me without cost or risk to anyone. All I ever had was a loan by piece- 
 meal of $1,000 from James Coggeshall, God bless his honored memory ! I did not ask for this, 
 and I think it is the one sole case in which I ever received a pecuniary favor from a political 
 associate. I am very thankful that he did not die till it was fully repaid. 
 
 And here let me honor one grateful recollection. When the Whig party under your rule had 
 offices to give, my name was never thought of ; but when in 1842-43 we were hopelessly out of 
 power, I was honored with the party nomination for State Printer. When we came again to 
 have a State Printer to elect a3 well as nominate, the place went to Weed, as it ought. Yet it 
 is worth something to know, that there was once a time when it was not deemed too great a 
 sacrifice to recognize me as belonging to your household. If a new office had not since been 
 created on purpose to give its valuable patronage to H. J. Raymond, and enable St. John to 
 show forth his Times as the organ of the Whig State Administration, I should have been still 
 more grateful. 
 
 In 1843 your star again arose, and my warmest hopes were realized in your election to the 
 Senate. I was no longer needy, and had no more claim than desire to be recognized by Gen. 
 Taylor. I think I had some claim to forbearance from you. What I received thereupon' was a 
 most humiliating lecture, in the shape of a decision in the libel case of Redfield and Pringle, 
 and an obligation to publish it in my own and the other journal of our supposed firm. I 
 thought, and still think, this lecture needlessly cruel and mortifying. The plaintiffs, after using 
 my columns to the extent of their needs or desires, stopped writing, and called on me for the 
 name of their assailant. I proffered it to them, — a thoroughly responsible name. They refused 
 to accept it, unless it should prove to be one of the four or five first men in Batavia ! — when 
 they had known from the first who it was, and that it was neither of them. They would not 
 accept that which they had demanded ; they sued me instead for money ; awl money you were 
 at liberty to give them to your heart's content. I do not think you were at liberty to humil- 
 iate me in the eyes of my own and your public as you did. I think you exalted your own 
 judicial sternness and fearlessness unduly at my expense. I think you had a better occasion 
 for the display of these qualities when Webb threw himself untimely upon you for a pardon, 
 which he had done all a man could do to demerit. (His paper is paying you for it now.) 
 
 I have publicly set forth my view of your and our duty with respect to Fusion, Nebraska, 
 and party designations. I will not repeat any of that. I have referred also to Weed's reading 
 me out of the Whig party — my crime being in this, as in some other things, that of doing to- 
 day what more politic persons will not be ready to do till to-morrow. 
 
 Let me speak of the late canvass. I was once sent to Congress for ninety days, merely to en- 
 able Jim Brooks to secure a seat therein for four years. I think 1 never hinted to any human be- 
 ing that I would have liked to be put forward for any place. But James W. White (you hardly 
 know how good and true a man he is) started my name for Congress, and Brooks's packed del- 
 egation thought I could help him through, so I was put on behind him. But this last Spring, 
 after the Nebraska question had created a new state of things at the North, one or two personal 
 friends, of no political consideration, suggested my name as a candidate for Governor, and I 
 did not discourage them. Soon, the persons who were afterward mainly instrumental in nomi- 
 nating Clark cane about me, and asked if I could secure the Know-Nothing vote. I told them 
 I neither could nor would touch it ; on the contrary, I loathed and repelled it. Thereupon, they 
 turned upon Clark. 
 
About Politics and the Presidency. 3 
 
 I said nothing, did nothing. A hundrel people asked me who should be run for Governor. 
 I sometimes indicated Patterson ; I never hinted at ray own name. Butby-and-by, Weed came 
 down and called me to him, to tell me, why ho could not support me for Governor. (I had never 
 asked nor counted on bis support.) 
 
 i am sure Weed did not mean to humiliate me, but he did it. The upshot of his discourse 
 .(very cautiously stated) was this: If 1 were a candidate for Governor, 1 should beat not myself 
 only, but you. Perhaps that was true. Bat, as I had in uo manner solicited his or your sup- 
 port, I thought this might have been said to ray friends, rather than to me. I suspect it is true 
 that I could not have been elected Governor as a Whig. But had he and you been favorable, 
 there would have been a party in the State, ere this, which could and would have elected me to 
 any post, without injuring myself or endangering your re-election. 
 
 It was iu vain that 1 urged that I had in no manner asked a nomination. At length I was 
 nettled by his language — well intended, but very cutting, as addresed by him to me — -to say, in 
 substance, "Well, then, make Patterson Governor, and try my name for Lieutenant. To lose 
 this place is #matter of no importance, and we can see whether f am really so odious." 
 
 I should have hated to serve as Lieuteuant-Governor, but I should have gloried in running 
 for the post. I warit to have my enemies all upon me at once — I am tired of fighting them piece- 
 meal. And, although I should have been beaten in the canvass, I know that my running would 
 have helped the ticket and HELPED MY PAPER. 
 
 It was thought best, to let the matter take another course. No other name could have been 
 put upon the ticket so bitterly bumbling to me as that which was selected. The nomination 
 was given to Raymond — the fight left to me. And, Governor Seward, 1 have made it, though it 
 be conceited in me to say so. What little fight there has been, I have stirred up. Even Weed 
 has not been ( 1 speak of bis paper) hearty in this contest, while the journal of the Whig Lieu- 
 teuant-Governor has taken care of its own interests and let the canvass take care of itself, as it 
 early declared it would do. That journal has (because of its milk and water course) some 
 twenty thousand subscribers in this city and its suburbs ; and of these twenty thousand, I ven- 
 ture to say, more voted for Ullminn and Scroggs than for Clark and Raymond. Tue Tiubunb 
 (also because of its character) has but eight thousand subscribers within the same radius; and 
 I venture to say that, of its habitual readers, nine-tenths voted for Clark and Raymond, very 
 few for Ullmanu and Scroggs. I had to bear the brunt of the contest, and take a terrible 
 responsibility, in order to prevent the Whigs uniting upon James W. Barker, in order to 
 defeat Fernando Wood.* Had Barker been elected here, neither you nor I could walk these 
 streets without being hooted, and Know-Nothingism would have swept like a prairie fire. I 
 stopped Barker's election at the cost of iucurring the deadliest enmity of the defeated gang, 
 and 1 have been rebuked for it by the Lieutenant-Governor's paper. At the critical moment, 
 be came out against John Wheeler in favor of Charles H. Marshall, (who would have been your 
 deadliest enemy in the House;) and even your Colonel-General's paper, which was even with 
 me iu insisting that Wheeler should be returned, wheeled about at the last moment, and went 
 in for Marshall, The Tribune alone clinging to Wheeler to the last. I rejoice that they who 
 turned so suddenly were not able to turn all their readers. 
 
 Governor Seward, I know that some of your most cherished friends think me a great obstacle 
 to your advancement — -that John Schoolcraft, for one, insists that you and Weed shall not be 
 identified with me. I trust, after a time, you will not be. I trust 1 shall never be found in op- 
 position to you. I have no further wish but to glide out of the newspaper world as quietly and 
 as speedily as possible, join my family in Europe, and, if possible, stay there quitea time — long 
 enough to cool my fevered brain and renovate my overtasked energies. All I ask is that we 
 shall be counted even on the morning after the first Tuesday in February, as aforesaid, and that 
 I may thereafter take such course as seems best, without reference to the past. 
 
 Yqu have done me acts of valued kindness in the line of your profession — let me close with 
 the assurance that these will ever be gratefully remembered by 
 
 Yours, HORACE GREELEY. 
 
 Hon. Wm. H. Seward, present. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Editors whose vanity leads them to chase after office. 
 "No doubt that occasional avidity with which members of the editorial profession are seen to 
 pursue the loaves and fishes of office, is fostered by the too general desire to live by other means 
 than honest work. Men easily take up ideas and tendencies which prevail around them ; and 
 where thousands of all avocations engage in the disgusting scramble, it is not surprising that 
 here and there a journalist should be mingled with the crowd. But more frequently the°desiro 
 for place is begotten in members of our profession from that superstitious respect for political 
 position and dignity which has come down from darker times and obsolete forms of society. 
 When there was no avenue to power, distinction and eminent usefulness, except through pre- 
 ferment in Church or State, generous and ambitious spirits naturally became priests or politi- 
 cians ; and then, out of the sacred office, the holder of a political post was the great man in 
 fact aud in public regard. But now this is all changed. Government in this country has sunk 
 to be a subordinate agency, and statesmen are but clerks to register and execute the decrees of 
 
 * H. G. here admits having aided the election of Fernando Wood. 
 
4 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 the people. Of that people the Press is the instructor, organ, and plenipotentiary. Wielding, 
 directing, and inspiring the supreme power of Public. Opinion, it governs Governors, legislates 
 fqr Legislators, and judges Courts. Thus, in our view, it discharges more important and ele- 
 vated functions than either of tbose branches of the social mechanism, and should be respected 
 by its members accordingly. But all of them do not so understand it ; all are not emancipated 
 from the old political traditions ; and, besides, it must be confessed that a merely selfish and 
 egotistical ambition may find a more conspicuous satisfaction in a lower sphere. The journal- 
 ist, after all, discharges a somewhat impersonal service; his newspaper may be known by his 
 name, but he is necessarily associated with many other writers; and individual vanity never 
 reaps a full harvest, however brilliant or powerful the newspaper may be. Accordingly, when 
 we see a journalist abandoning his proper duty to chase after office, we may take it as a con- 
 fession that he does not feel himself at home in the nobler profession and accordingly resort3 to 
 the inferior one." — Tribune, April 27, 1855. 
 
 How H. G. recommended himself to the administration as a friend of Clay who 
 had denounced him, and advocated the Election of Harrison. 
 
 New York, Feb. 9, 1841. 
 "Col. C. S. Todd : 
 
 "My Dear Sir: I can claim no personal acquaintance with you ; yet I think you will have 
 heard of me as the Editor of The Log Cabin, and as implicated in various Political efforts be- 
 fore, at and after the Harrisburg Convention. I take the great liberty of writing to you be- 
 cause I have no personal acquaintance or intercourse with Gen. Harrison, and have not yet 
 heard that any of my Ohio acquaintances have come on to Washington." * * * * 
 "I am one of the original, ardent friends of Mr. Clay, who, after the result of the Virginia 
 Election in April, 1839, were driven to the conclusion that Mr. Clay must not be our candidate 
 in 1840, unless we were bent on rushing to ruin. In June and July, 1839, / traveled through this 
 State, Northern Ohio, Michigan, and home through Pennsylvania, Preaching this Doctrine." 
 
 Wfiat H. G. Knows about John Tyler's coquetting with the Democrats, and what 
 he admits to have done to aid him. 
 
 " I ivas the correspondent of the Madisonian before the Tyler apostacy, and for some time 
 after the Bank Vetoes." * * * " I visited Washington, per invitation, in December, 1841, 
 upon assurances that John Tyler and his advisers wee disposed to return to the Whig party, 
 and that I could be of service iu bringing about a complete reconciliation between the Admin- 
 istration and the Whigs in Congress and in the country. I never proposed to connect myself 
 with the cause of the Administration but upon the understanding that it should be heartily 
 and faithfully a Whig Administration. I did write an article containing something about 
 1 nine steps out of twelve,' referring directly and solely to the desired reconciliation between 
 Mr. Tyler and the Whigs. I remember nothing of the use made of that article by Mr. Arnold 
 afterwards, and of course am not responsible for that use. And finally I declined, utterly and 
 absolutely, to connect myself with the cause of the Administration the moment I became satis- 
 fied, as I did during that visit, that the Chief of the Government did not desire a reconcilia- 
 tion, upon the basis of sustaining Whig principles and Whig measures, with the party ho had 
 60 deeply wronged, but was treacherously coquetting with Loco-Focoism, and fooled with the 
 idea of a re-election." — Tribune, June 29, 1843. 
 
 What H. G. Knoios ivoidd have elected Henry Clay and Helped his Paper. 
 
 " Looking back through almost a quarter of a century on that Clay canvass of 1844, I say 
 deliberately that it should not have been lost — that it need not have been. I, for example, was 
 in the very prime of life — thirty-three years old — and knew how to write for a newspaper ; 
 and I printed in that canvass one of the most effective daily political journals ever yet issued. 
 It was sold for two cents, and it had 15,000 daily subscribers when the canvass closed. It 
 should have had 100,000 from the first day onward — and My Clay Tribune, a. campaign weekly, 
 issued six months for fifty cents — should have had not less than a quarter of a million.'' — Rec- 
 ollections of a Busy Life. 
 
 What II. G. Knoios about a Soldier- President. 
 " I think I never saw General Taylor save for a moment at the Inauguration Ball, on the night 
 after his accession to the Presidency. I was never introduced, and never wrote to him ; and, 
 while I ultimately supported and voted forhim, I did not hurry myself to secure his election. He 
 was a man of little education or literary culture, but of signal good sense, coolness, and freedom 
 from prejudice. Few trained and polished statesmen iiavo proved fitter depositaries of civil 
 power than this rough soldier, whose life had been largely passed in camp and bivouac, on the 
 rude outskirt of civilization, or in the savage wastes far beyond it. General Taylor died too 
 soon for his country's good, but not till he had proved himself a wise and good ruler, if not 
 even a great one." — Recollections of a Busy Life. 
 
About Politics and the P residency . 5 
 
 What H. G. Knows about a Mai's " Remembering his Friends." 
 "If anybody is disposed to grumble that the President ordinarily chooses from his own side 
 of the house, we beg leave to dissent. When he [Mr. Fillmore] was Vice-President, his word 
 did not go far in the matter of appointments ; now he is President, let him, to a liberal extent, 
 remember his friends. This is a revolving planet, so that every one gets on the sunshiny side 
 in his turn. That, is fair." — Tribune, October 2, 1850. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about giving Political Victors the Spoils. 
 
 " When the Whigs came into power, what did Justice and the Public Good require of them ? 
 Would it have been right to continue the monopoly of office by those who were nowa minority 
 of the People, and certainly could not claim any preponderance of capacity, integrity, or merit? 
 How were we to ' proscribe Proscription?' By saying to its contrivers and authors : ' We con- 
 cede yo 1 a monopoly of the offices forever ; you have them now, we shall continue them in your 
 hands while we have the power, and when you triumph again, you will have them, of course?' 
 Will any man say that this was the proper course to be t iken? Would it not have been a se- 
 vere trial for poor Human Nature ? Possibly the Whigs might have so benefited the country by 
 inevitably sacrificing themselves. But they chose rather to follow the precept and example of 
 Mr. Jefferson, who said, in substance, on coming into office : ' I should have been satisfied had 
 I found a part of the offices in the hands of the majority, but I find all monopolized for yearg 
 by the Federalists, of whom few die, none resign. I shall, therefore, make changes.' " — Tribune. 
 
 Whit II G. Knows that he did, as a Delegate from Oregon, to defeat Gov. Seward 
 in the Chicago Convention. 
 " It is grossly ?<«true that at Chicago I commended myself to the confidence of delegates ' by 
 professions of regard and the most zealous friendship for Gov. Seward, but presented defeat, 
 even in New York, as the inevitable result of his nomination.'" * * * "This is exactly 
 what I did. When a New Yorker declared, in the open Hall of the Tremoat House, that 'every- 
 body admits that Gov. Seward is the leader and representative man of the Republican party,' I 
 as openly responded ' No, sir ; here is one who does not adaiit it. He is one of the leading men 
 of our party; bat there are others as deserving as be is,' or words to tb^at effect. Hundreds 
 heard this ; thousands heard me at all times and in all places repel the suggestion that Gov. 
 Seward had or could have any special claims to the nomination." — Tribune, May 25, 1860. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about preventing President Lincoln's re-election. 
 " The practical question, then, is this : Has Mr. Lincoln proved so trauscendently able and 
 admirable a President that all consideration of the merits, abilities, and services of others should 
 be postponed or forborne in favor of his re-election? This is a question whereon, pealing the 
 definite selection of our candidates, there should be the utmost freedom of opinion and expres- 
 sion. We answer it in the negative. Heartily agreeing that Mr. Lincoln has done well, we do 
 not regard it as at all demonstrated that Gov. Chase, Gen. Fremont, Gen. Butler, or Gen. Grant 
 cannot do as well. We freely admit Mr. Lincoln's merits, but we insist that they are not such 
 as to eclipse and obscure those of all the statesmen and soldiers who have aided in the great 
 work of saving the country from disruption and overthrow." — •Tribune, February 23, 1864. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the German opposition to President Lincoln's re-election. 
 " Whoever has watched the movemetits now going on among the Liberal German citizens of 
 the United States cannot have failed to see that there is am nig them a wide-spread and powerful 
 opposition to the re-election of President Lincoln. We need only to refer to soun facts in the 
 history of the past i'ew months in order to p -ove that this opposition has assumed dimensions 
 which canuot be ignored in the coming Presidential camptgn. There are, of course, among 
 the German population those whose first choice for the Presidency is President Lincoln. But a 
 careful observation of the liberal German press and the German conventions and meetings for 
 several months past leads us to believe that the opposition to President Lincoln's renomination 
 not only prevails among the German Liberals to a large extent, bat that a portion of the party 
 would even refuse to vote for Mr. Lincoln if he should be renominated by the National Nomina- 
 ting Convention." — Tribune, February 27, 1864. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Loyalty to Party in 1864. 
 
 "Our general idea of the matter is this, that, until the choice of Union candidates for Presi- 
 dent and Vice-President shall have been definitely made, the field is entirely open, and every 
 Unionist is at perfect liberty to propose and advocite any Unionist who may be his individual 
 preieieuce. One desires the renomination of the present incumbents; another would renomi- 
 nate the President, but not tue Vice-President; a third would renominate the latter, but not 
 the former; a fourth would present new candidates for both positions. Bach Unionist, then, 
 
6 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 is invited and encouraged to name the men of his choice, and to commend their nomination by 
 adducing such facts and arguments as to him shall seem cogent and effective, with a tacit under- 
 standing'that we all say and do nothing that shall preclude a hearty and effective support of 
 whatever ticket shall ultimately be presented. All who choose having spoken and been heard, 
 the Convention assembles, gives heed to every representation, and finally decides as it shall 
 deem best ; and then we all turn in and elect the ticket. Such is our idea of the way in which 
 this matter should be dealt with." — Tribune, April 1, 1864. 
 
 What H. G. Knew in 1868 about wanting to be President of the United States. 
 " Mr. Webster was not only a gentleman, but he had the elements of moral greatness, and h e 
 had faults as well. He failed only in one respect, and in this respect I differ from him— he 
 wanted to be President and I don't. But for that one misfortune he would have been the 
 greatest man America ever produced. "We have seen our greatest man, Mr. Chase, making the 
 same blunder. I have seen men who had the disease early and died of it at a very old age. 
 General Lewis Cass died at about 82, and up to the day of his death be wanted to be President. 
 No one ever escapes who once catches the disease; he lives and dies in the delusion. Being a 
 reader and an observer at an early age, I saw how it poisoned and paralyzed the very best of 
 our public men, and I have carefully avoided it." — Horace Greeley's Speech at Quebec. 
 
 What II. G. Knew in 1858 about the selection of a Presidential candidate. 
 " There are probably five hundred to a thousand stirring, scheming, eager politicians in the 
 country, each of whom is ambitious and hopeful of the honor, in whole or in part, of inventing 
 the next President. The Tribune has no candidate for President. To us, naen are but instru- 
 ments whereby principles may be commended and beneficent measures advanced. If there be 
 any man who wuuld desire our support for the Presidency in defiance of our convictions that 
 another than he could probably obtain more votes for our common cause, then that man is un- 
 worthy of such support. When the proper time shall have arrived, we shall carefully survey 
 the field, and fix on that man who, among all who are worthy and qualified, seems likely to 
 secure the largest vote in behalf of our cherished principles. That man we shall support, unless 
 and at all events until our choice is overruled in a National Republican Convention." — Tribune. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Sam. Bowles and other "Independent" Journalists. 
 "That what styles itself an "independent" Journal is inevitably a fraud, we have long felt and 
 known. The essence of its profession is an assumption of indifference to the ascendancy of this 
 or the opposite party, which does not exist. In a free State, whereof the people are intelligent, 
 no Journalist is or can be indifferent, and an affectation of impartiality necessarily cloaks some 
 Belfish and sinister design." — Tribune, January 3, 1871. 
 
 • Vfhat H. G. asserted about Himself and his Associates in the Tribune. 
 
 "We don't believe any 'Tribune stockholders' were ever 'among the loudest and most of- 
 fensive claimants for fat gun contracts,' nor for any contracts whatever; though, as any 
 one may become a ' Tribune stockholder' who chooses to pay for a share of the stock, we cannot 
 speak positively. From the time of Mr. Lincoln's first nomination till this moment, the 
 Editor of The Tribune has sought neither office, nor honors, nor contracts, nor emoluments of 
 any kind,, from the Federal Executive, nor from any of his subordinates, and has in no manner 
 profited by their favor, unless the payment for public advertising in these columns is regarded 
 as a favor." — Tribune, January 22, 1866. 
 
 What H G. Advises Doubting and Treacherous Republicans to do. 
 "The Republican party has suffered quite enough from those who wear its uniform in order to 
 fire more effectually into its ranks. If you cannot support men of undoubted ability and good 
 character who are its candidates, your hearts are elsewhere, and your legs should follow them. 
 Choose your future position for yourselves, but let it be on one side or on the other." — Tribune, 
 December 13, 1870. 
 
 What H. G.'s Opinions were about the coming Presidential Election. 
 "The nomination of our candidate should be a matter of deliberate, dispassionate calculation. 
 The delegations from those States in which the great battle is to be won or lost should be chosen 
 from their most discreet, discerning, intelligent citizens, andshonld be above the suspicion of being 
 any man's men. They should not expect to have the naming of candidates confided entirely to 
 them ; but they ought to have a veto on those selected by others. If New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
 Indiana, and Illinois should unitedly say, 'We cannot carry' this or that statesman, then an- 
 other should be selected ; and he should be one of those whom these States, or a majority of 
 them, believe they can carry. We have no moral right to brave the hazard of defeat in such a 
 Struggle as this in order to gratify any man's aspirations, or the partiality of his friends." — 
 Tribune, December 31, 1859. 
 
About Politics and the Presidency. 7 
 
 What II G. Thinks about Personal Dislike to the Candidate of a Parly. 
 " We shall neither be tempted nor provoked to bandy epithets with those who seize the oppor- 
 tunity iili'orded by the unwise and premature opening of the Presidential canvass to ventilate 
 their bad manners, or gratify their ill-will by indulging in personal imputations and crimina- 
 tions. Caring much' more for the cause than for any man, we have no shadow of objection to 
 a free and friendly discussion of the respective merits of those who may, on one baud or the 
 other, be suggested as Union candidates for next President." — Tribune, March 1, 1864. 
 
 What H. G.'s Estimate of the position of President is. 
 
 ."The President is becoming more and more an unimportant person, and the time will be 
 when his office will be so curtailed of weight, that he will be suffered to accept or decline the 
 compliment of drinks, to come and go, to travel almost unnoticed and unknown, except by a 
 (t'w beggarly office-seeking fellows who would dog the steps of any one with a bone to throw to 
 them. This absolute equality is a thing new to history, save in our own national case. Wash- 
 ington as President exhibited a certain state, Jefferson broke it down ; and since his lime, not- 
 withstanding the dispensations within the gift of the President, and the miserable swarm of vermin 
 Beeking to live at the public cost have increased, while the amount of money he controls is equal 
 to all belonging to all the sovereigns of Europe a few years since, yet the importance of his sta- 
 tus has dwindled so that it is deemed no breach of decorum to accost him in ever)' way like the 
 simplest citizea ; and a volley of eggs at his head — the direst ruffianism of a personal assault — 
 can call forth no further expressions of remark or regret than would attend the same vjpl i.tion 
 of decency practised toward any other well-bred and respectable person. — Tribune, August 10, 
 1854. 
 
 How H. G. Suggested that he had never received the Degree of LL.D. 
 The State Register will oblige us by contradicting the erroneous report that the Editor of the 
 Tribune has been dubbed a Doctor of Laws. That is a title to which be never nude any pre- 
 tensions. Had he been declared a Doctor of Lawmakers, or even of lawyers, the report would 
 have had far more plausibility. He may have attempted something in the way of doctoring 
 our Capital Punishment, Land Monopoly, Liquor License, and other such laws ; but it is most 
 unlikely that any college would lavish valuable sheep-skin upon him on that account. The 
 report is evidently the " weak invention " of some joker, who wished to see how improbable a 
 fiction might gain currency in the absence of contradiction. — Tribune, August 26, 1853. 
 
 What H. G. Professed as his Devotion for Republican Principles. 
 
 " The large mass of transcendental ascetics refuse to co-operate with the Republicans. They 
 prefer to waste their strength upon impalpable issues and impracticable leaders. But, just 
 enough of them claim fellowship with us to frighten the timid and mislead the credulous by 
 crying ' Don't lower the standard !' whenever men quite as honest and a good deal wiser than 
 themselves attempt so to conduct the pending Presidential contest that it will result, in a glorious 
 victory instead of a disastrous defeat. As for ourselves, so fond are we of Republican princi- 
 ples that we eagerly desire to see them elevated to the most conspicuous positions in the land. 
 So beneficent do we regard them, that we are exceedingly anxious to see them controlling the 
 policy and shaping the destinies of the country. Through so many weary years, and sometimes 
 almost despairingly, have we advocated them, that defeat in the present struggle would some- 
 what shake our faith in human progress." — Tribune, August 8, 1859. 
 
 What H. G. Thought cured him of a desire for Executive Promotion. 
 
 "Throughout the four years of Gov. Seward's Administration, but especially during his 
 first two winters, we spent much time in Albany, and had opportunities to see something of the 
 troops of office-seekers win; besieged the Executive Chamber. They were of all kinds— good, 
 bad, and indifferent; but there was a far larger proportion of rapacity and unprincipled selfish- 
 ness than they left behind them in the quiet, unaspiring people, into whose service they coaxed, 
 and bored, and wheedled, and blustered to be taken. We asked nothing, expected nothing, 
 wished nothing, personally or for any of our kin : yet if we had been ambitious of Executive 
 promotion, what we there saw of office-seeking would have cured us forever." — Tribune, April 
 30, 1845. 
 
 What H. G. Thought of his Political Friends ivho secured the election of a 
 
 Democrat. 
 "Shout forth your joy Abolitionists! for your efforts, uoiir votes, have powerfully contributed 
 to fasten on the Country a South Carolina dynasty, which recognizes a fortification and per- 
 petuation' of Slavery as one of the first objects of our Federal compact, and, to this end, the 
 Annexation of Texas to this country — no matter at what cost of unjust War, or broken Faith, 
 
8 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 or doubled Taxes, or the world's intense scorn, as a chief object of our National Policy." — Tribune 
 November 13, 1814. 
 
 What H. G. Decided to do if the Cincinnati Convention did not endorse 
 
 Protection. 
 
 Certain Journals speculate on the probability that The Tribune would support this or that 
 candidate if nominated at Cincinnati. They have no data and no warrant for skying that wa 
 should object to any of the persons named. We have said that, if the Convention should see fit 
 to place its candidate on a platform hostile to the Protection of Home Industry, it would thereby 
 preclude our supporting them ; and yet we have not said that we might not wisely do what 
 would constrain us to oppose their candidates. If a majority of the American People want 
 Free Trade they ought to have it, no matter though this or that individual be displeased thereat. 
 In that case candidates who respond to the general aspiration can do without the support of this 
 or that newspaper. We have only urged the Convention to use language that unequivocally 
 expresses its meaning ; if that meaning be Free Trade, let there be no mistake and no dispute 
 about it. — Tribune, May 1, 1872. 
 
 Wliat H. G.'s Chicago Supporters said of his connection with Tammany. 
 
 " A foolish concern at Chicago, which does its worst to disgrace the name of Tribune, thus 
 airs its malignity and mendacity : ' Divide and conquer is the policy of the Tammany-Erie 
 thieves toward the press of New York City. A formidable rebellion against the corruptions of 
 Tammany has broken out in the Democratic party, and, for the first time in many years, there is 
 an opportunity of accomplishing a reform with an assured prospect of success. Cue would think 
 that The Tribune, which has pretended to follow honesty for a living, would rush to 
 embrace this opportunity of overthrowing its seeming enemy in its own stronghold. But, in 
 realitj r , The New York Tribune has for a long time slept in the same trundlebed with the Tam- 
 many gang, and shared their spoils and corporation advertising, to the great profit of the pub- 
 lishing department, while the editorial department ventilated its virtue in very guarded expos- 
 ures of the very small defects of the City government.' 
 
 " Comment by the Tribune. What is the pretext for the above attack on us ? We can imagine 
 none, unless it be our hesitation to indorse and commend those Democrats who are in hot pur- 
 suit of the scalps of Sweeny, Tweed & Co., with fair prospects of success." — Tribune, March 1, 
 1870. 
 
 Wliat IT. G. Thought in 1854 about National Conventions. 
 "That National Conventions have already fallen into discredit with the People, there needs 
 no ghost from the grave to reveal : that they are destined to be condemned, proscribed, dis- 
 carded, it needs no prophet to foresee. That they are substantially gatherings of office-seekers, 
 mining and countermining to secure their own advancement respectively, is already very gen- 
 erally understood. We know it is not so generally apprehended that the strongest and worthiest 
 men have hardly a chance in such a gathering — that the weakest and least scrupulous aspirant 
 stands by far the best chance of a nomination. To make a silk purse of a sow's car is pro- 
 verbially a difficult achievement — far more so than to stamp a piece of precious metal with the 
 devices which simply declare its vabie, creating none. Now the eager, needy politicians who 
 form the staple of a National Convention are quite liware that <> > candidate whom they may 
 make will, if chosen President, owe far more to them, and be likely io evince a deeper gratitude, 
 than one whom they, echoin \ i'It* Pe'dple's* voice, simply proclaim. And besides, great men 
 have convictions, prepossessions, a ;; ■ ; a; 1 present some sharp curves and angles to the public 
 
 observation : they are ou the record as h i-vin-g n 1 <1 ichiively and influentially at great epochs 
 
 in the Nation's history : they can not.so easily as the timid and obscure mediocrities be com- 
 mended as having been on whichever side of a great sectional or other distracting question 
 happens to be popular in the locality where the representation is made. So long as these Con- 
 ventions of spoil-hunters shall be permitted in effect to choose two persons, of whom one must 
 inevitably be the President, we must expect to have feeble, trimming Chief Magistrates at least 
 three terms in four." — Tribune, January 7, 1854. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about what he might have accomplished in the Senate. 
 
 Mr. Dana's opinion that I would have been a much more important personage and that my 
 views would have exerted more influence bad 1 thr lughout the last four years been in office, is 
 natural, perhaps, in one who has just de3cend_ed from that lofty eminence. For my own part, 
 I cannot realize that my being in or out of the Senate would have made any serious difference 
 to the country or to me. I should doubtless, in any position) have done what I could to se itre 
 the National renovation at the smallest possible cost of blood and treasure. A life-long hater 
 0i' War and lover of Peace, holding that those involve] in hostilities should repel no overture 
 that promises an honorable and safe adjustment of differences, I might not have rudely repelled, 
 though I certainly should not have invoked, the good offices even of Louis Napoleon. — Tribune, 
 September 4, 18G5. 
 
About Politics and the Presidency. 9 
 
 What II. G. Knew in 1870 about the Free Trade Workers. 
 
 "Every Republican Journal or speaker who decries Protection is recognized by the Democrats 
 'as making votes for their next Presidential ticket. Every emmissary of the Free Trade League 
 is just as venomous against the President and the Republicans as he can venture to be without 
 displaying too boldly the cloven foot of the great original Secessionist and Democrat. He who 
 does not see whereto all this tends must have eves to little purpose. As yet, the Republicans 
 have slept while the enemy sowed tares. The Free Traders have a manufactory of tracts and a 
 staff of canvassers to which a clear field has most universally been accorded. We ought long 
 since to have organized to counteract, these agencies ; but everybody's business is nobody's, and 
 they have been allowed to poison the public mind unresisted. If we mean to live and not die, 
 it is high time that we aroused ami prepared to give the masses reasons for the faith that is ia 
 us. A year hence, it may be entirely too late." — Tribune, October 17, 1870. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about his own prospects for Election. 
 11 The Evening Post urges the electors of the Vlth Congress District not to vote for Horace 
 Greeley, but to support instead Samuel S. Cox. Reason — Greeley believes in Protecting Home 
 Industry, while Cox favors Free Trade. The Post, for this identical reason, asked the electors 
 to vote against Henry Clay for President, supporting instead James K. Polk. The wards now 
 composing the Vlth District then rejected The Post's advice, and gave a handsome majority for 
 Henry Clay. Now, they will do as they shall see fit." — Tribune, November 3, 18*70. 
 
 The Evening Post makes an unreasonable pother of going over to the Sham Democracy. 
 Having resolved to go, and let the public see that it is going, it should "stand not on the order 
 of its going, but go at once." Its heart and its treasure being both in the camp of the anti- 
 Republican, negro-crushing coalition, it should convey its body thither directly, and not persist 
 in making feints whereby no one is deceived, and affecting hesitations and dubitations which 
 only provoke contempt. —Tribune, July 11, 1866. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Poptdar Wish for Grab- Bag Candidates. 
 "The people are not in the mood for trying any grab-bag experiments. Thy will insist on 
 having a President who fully knows his own mind with regard to the political situation, and 
 who has not essentially another mind from theirs. They have once or twice taken candidates 
 on trust, and ha-ve not been encouraged to repeat the venture." — Tribune, July 30, 1867. 
 
 What H. G. Predicted about the coming Presidential Election. 
 
 "We have heard it remarked that, should the elections of 1872 copy those of 1870, a Demo- 
 crat would be chosen President. But that is a miscalculation. Missouri was not carried by 
 the Democrats in 1870, but by the Schurz and Gratz Brown Republicans; but we assume that 
 en,qugh of these will probably go clear over to put the State against us iu '71 We trust they 
 will get sick of their strange company, and come back in season for '72. Oregon went Demo- 
 cratic in 1870, by a far smaller majority than at her State election of '68 ; yet, when she came 
 to vote for President, she gave Seymour but 164 majority over Grant. We drifted astern much 
 further in '62 than in '70, but "more than recovered our lost ground when we came to a 
 Presidential year, when almost every legal voter comes to the front. We purpose to repeat the 
 dose in 1872." — Tribune, January 24, 1871. 
 
 How H. G. Felt it necessary to Proclaim his Innocence, "que sexcus, s'accuse." 
 "I, Horace Greeley, do solemnly declare and affirm that I have been a partner in ho contract, job, 
 or undertaking of any sort, with", to, or for the Government of this State, or of the United States, 
 since Abraham Lincoln became President ; and that, except by the publication of advertisements 
 in The Tribune at the usual and regular prices charged to advertisers generally, I have made no 
 dollar of money out of either or any Government, whether by job, contract, commission, or other- 
 wise. Horace Greeley. " — Tribune, June 25, 1864. 
 
 What H. G. Thought about the result of declining the Mission to Austria. 
 "The Hon. Daniel S. Dickinson, says Washington gossip, has declined any appointment at 
 the hands of this Administration. If Mr. Dickinson has refused a Mission because he wants no 
 office henceforth, it proves him a wiser man than we had supposed. But if, on the other hand, 
 Mr. Dickinson has declined a Mission because he still hankers for the Presidency, and fancies 
 this the way to improve his chances, then he is — with reverence be it spoken— a more inveterate 
 donkey than we in our bitterest days supposed him. The chance of climbing the dizzy ladder 
 whereby, the White House is scaled seldom comes to any man but once; once missed, it i3 
 missed forever. ' Out of sight, out of mind,' is more emphatically the rule in politics than 
 , here ; and Presidents are rarely or never chosen from among shelved politicians. Neither 
 the Slave power nor any other chooses a candidate on account of past services ; it asks not, 
 
10 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 ' What has he done?' but ' What can he do for us?' and Douglas, Marcy, Orr, Letcher, George 
 W. Jones, Andrew Johnson, Jeff. Davis, Bright, Rusk, and forty others, stand a better chance 
 for the Presidential nomination than Dickinson. These be sober truths ; and we have no motive 
 but their truth for stating them. If Mr. D still hankers for the Presidency, let him recall his 
 declension and go in for an office — a gopd one. if possible — but better a poor one than none. 
 Even the affectation of a preference for private life is distrusted and unpopular in these stirring 
 times, when 'Look out for No. 1' is the only maxim in universal currency." — Tribune, May 
 27, 1857. [H. G. subsequently declined the Mission to Austria.] 
 
 What II. G. Knows about Restoring the Lost Cause. 
 " There are doubiless some men aud more women who deplore the changes of the last twelve 
 years. They would gladly return to what seems to them the golden age of the republic, when 
 ladies needed not to parley with and humor their nurses and chambermaids, and when every 
 gentleman's right to ' larrup his own nigger ' was beyond question. But even these are fully 
 conscious that the shadow will never recede on the dial — that what has been can never return. 
 Pride of opinion and reluctance to confess defeat may sometimes impel them to talk foolishly, 
 but their idle vaporing is of just as much consequence as that of the maiden sisters who died a 
 few years since in their native New Jersey, proud to the last that they had ever been faithful 
 subjects of His Majesty George III (under whose reign they were born) and his lawful successors 
 on the British throne. If 'The Lost Cause' shall ever be seriously revived by the losers, the 
 winners will be compelled to fight their battles o'er again. Until then it were absurd on our 
 part to renew the contests of l860-'64-'68. Let the dead rest, unless they should insist on 
 rattling their bones in their coffins so as to annoy and impede the workers above ground. 
 Fcr the present, we decline to admit that what has been well done during the past ten years 
 can possibly be undone." — Tribune, April 25, 1872. 
 
 What H. G. Knotos about Political Alliances. 
 
 "Touchstone, who was philosopher as well as courtier and poet, told Rosalind in the Forest 
 of Arden the great truth in natural history, when he said that ' cat will after kind.' It is true, 
 not only in natural history, but in political as well, and applies to dirty dogs, as well.as (o 
 cleanly cats. If there were any doubt on this point, the skeptic would have only to turn his 
 eyes to the City of Boston to have it forever removed. The remnant of the Boston Whigs there 
 haveatlast coupled with their natural mates. They used to turn up their noses, as if they smelt 
 something uusavory, when they met a Democrat, and looked upon them all as one, as the mire 
 under their' feet. And the Democrats regarded the Whigs with an answering aversion. But 
 now ihey have rushed into one another's arms, and sworn eternal fidelity. Like the souls which 
 are said to be dropped from heaven well mated, but which are often widely separated in their 
 descent, they have been long divided. But like those happy spirits which, after long separation 
 and tedious search, at last find each other, they have mingled into one in a harmonious mar- 
 riage — of which we sincerely trust that there may be no divorce forever." — Tribune, November 
 3, 1856. 
 
 Wliat H. G. Knows about the Off Year in Politics. 
 
 " This is the Off Year in politics. Men whose patriotism barely suffices lo take them to the 
 polls when a President, or when at least a Governor and Members of Congress are to be chosen, 
 will not come out this Fall. The great army of disappointed Office-seekers and selfish a^irants 
 to live on the public will also contribute vastly to the legions of sulky stay-at-homes. Gen. 
 Grant, lacking the miraculous power which fed multitudes to repletion on a few small loaves 
 and fishes, has offended these patriots beyond the hope of present forgiveness." — Tribune, Oc- 
 tober 11, 1869. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about the Crop of Presidential Candidates. 
 " Crops are as essential to nations as to birds. They cannot live without them. Not only 
 wealth bul life — not merely the pocket but the belly— subsists by their grace alone. No won- 
 der, then, that crops should be a matter of eager interest aud earnest speculation. Not only our 
 bank accounts, (those of us who are lucky enough to have any,) or our foreign debts, but the 
 very bread and meat on our tables depend on them. How happy are we, then, in this country, 
 to have one crop that never fails — a harvest that is never wanting, though sometimes a little 
 spindling.. All else may give out — the cotton crop, the tobacco crop, the corn crop, the hay 
 crop, the hog crop, yea. even the negro crop may fail — but the President crop is ever safe. 
 Summer and Winter, seed-time and harvest, cold and heat, day and night may cease, but Presi- 
 and Presidential candidates will never perish from olf the earth. The tree of our liberties, 
 lfke the orange tree, glows wit li blossoms and buds in every stage of forwardness, ready when 
 thai divine perfection of the fruitage on ill ■ t tpmost branch sh ill drop in its due time, goldenly 
 to crown the plant whose leaves are for the healing of the nations. But to dismount, from our 
 allegory before it becomes as headstrong as those Mrs. Malaprop ' tells of on the banks of the 
 
About Politics and the Presidency, XI 
 
 w 
 
 Kile,' is it not comforting to thick tbat, considering tho Presidency is an office nobody wants 
 there shoal it be so many a Curtius ready to leap into the gulf, which yawns in our Forum every 
 four year?, rather than it should gapa there forever? — men who take the office as Benedick 
 took Beatrice, upon great compulsion, ' and partly to save her life.' It is enough to brin^ 
 tears into one's eyes to read tho self-denying letters of the confessors who are tenderly entreated 
 to submit themselves to this martyrdom. They one and all exclaim, with tho fierce despair 
 which extorted from the recalcitrant churchman the expostulation ' Nolo episcopari,' ' I won't 
 be a President!' — when the dreadful notion is first suggested to their minds. They 'shudder 
 ;: ; the gross idea ' as the Princess Auncainunca, in tho tragedy of Tom Thumb the Great, decs 
 at of ' a man.' And yet, at last, rather than that the Republic should suffer detriment — 
 for the sake of their party, of their country, of mankind— they yield, they submit to be led, re- 
 luctant victims, in the direction of the White House. Good, generous souls !" — Tribune, De- 
 cember 14, 1855. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Frank Bird Faction of Massachusetts . 
 
 "Twenty-five gentlemen, calling themselves 'the Republican Party of Massachusetts,' as- 
 sembled in Boston on Thursday last, to declare their own faith, and to emit a pronuneiameutq 
 addressed to the people of the State. It must be admitted that there have been more numerous 
 and imposing meetings. It may not be very fair or generous to grin at so small a body with 
 such great pretensions, but the temptation to do so is almost irresistible. We are inevitably 
 reminded of 'bantam cocks, cf Tom Thumb, of Sir Jeffrey Hudson, the truculent dwarf f of 
 Charles II. Having been ourselves not seldom in an attenuated minority, we are not over-dis- 
 posed to snub the day of small things. But when wg consider the mature and well-defined 
 Anti-Slavery sentiment of Massachusetts, so predominant and genuine that it has swept before 
 it party after party, -and given tone to all legislation for nearly tea years, we are not willing to 
 admit that an organization which can only send twenty-five delegates to a State Convention em- 
 braces all that is honest and trustworthy in the Commonwealth. Such factions, although num- 
 bering, perhaps, some well-meaning men, are very apt to be only factions — disagreeing with 
 the main body mainly upon points indifferent. Tho split is always, or almost always, the re- 
 sult of personal dislikes. It never transcends the dignity of a private quarrel. It is like a fac- 
 tion fight at an Irish fair. To make a schism respectable, it must havo numbers ; not because it 
 is impossible for two men to be in the right, and twenty thousand in the wrong, bat because 
 such a contingency is not very probable. Therefore, when Mr. F. W. Bird and twenty-four 
 others claim to represent the veritable Anti-Slavery sentiment of. one of the most decided of 
 Anti-Slavery States, the thing is as funny as a farce." — Tribune, October 19, lS5T. 
 
 Wliat H G. Knows about an Honest Declaration of Principles. 
 " If the President has cast in his lot with the Copperheads, he ought to say bo frankly. H<? 
 cannot at once win their confidence and retain that of the party which elected him. lie muse 
 take his stand with one or the other, helping to fight its battles aud sharing its prosperous or 
 adverse fortunes. If his heart is with the Union party, he must stop plowing with all manner 
 of strange heifers and act as he feels. If it is with the adversary, as now seems probable — he 
 should in common fairness announce the fact, and lot the public act a3 its judgment shall 
 dictate. There i3 no middle ground ; and there should be anenl of disguise and equivocation, 
 Yv r e shall very gladly hear that the President proposes to act henceforth with the Union party j 
 but, if he has concluded to act with its adversaries, he owes it at least a prompt and frank 
 avowal of the truth." — Tribune,- March 5, 186G. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about Riding two Political Horses at once. 
 
 " The man who tried to sit on two stools, and failed — the donkey which, perplexed by the 
 rival attractions of two different stacks of hay, stood irresolute between them and starved — 
 the bold captain in the Beggar's Opera, who, allured at once by two diverse loves, sings 'How 
 happy could I be with either, Were to'ther dear charmer away,' unite to read a lesson which 
 the Democratic managers should take to heart as a warning. They are in danger of being sent 
 to Coventry while they arc making up their minds whether to cut in for a share of the Negro 
 vote or eschew it altogether. Intact, the party is just now in tho state of the short-lived 
 chicken with two hoads and four lets, none of which could be made available because of the 
 perverse action of the others." — 'Tribune, April 19, 1870. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about an Honest Candidate for the Preside/icy. 
 
 " It is idle to hope that the gravest and most imminent questions of the hour may be blial 
 and a candidate for President found who will satisfy the requirements and secure the vol 
 once of those who hold that all men were created equal, and of those who, on the contr 
 hold that Blacks have no rights which Whites arc bound to respect. The silent inulti! a \o, who 
 do not-figure as officers at political meetings, but whose votes count heavily in an offi :ial can- 
 vass, will be sure that they are not betraying principle, in subservience to an office-hunting ex- 
 pediency, before they deposit their ballots." — Tribune, December 5, 1867. 
 
12 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 What H. G Knows about Democracy's Stooping to Conquer. 
 
 11 Negro-phobia is studiously fomented by our swindling Democracy, so that if a dozen black 
 men should venture into a Democratic City Meeting to listen to the eloquence there poured 
 forth in glorification of Ilumnn Freedom and Equality,' they would be kicked down stairs i6 
 short order. Yet still wo believe Public sentiment is fast outgrowing the Paganism of the 
 Church and the Aristocracy of Democracy. And if the Railroads and Stages should once get 
 Christianized in this respect, there would be hope that the Churches might, in time, be shamed 
 into following the example. As to what vaunts itself 'Democracy,' that is more incorrigible, 
 but it, too. will knuckle to a purified Public Sentiment. Only let it be understood that more 
 v tea can be obtained by Negrophilism than by Negro-phobia, and Fred. Douglass will be 
 called to address a Ratifying Convention in Tammany Hall, with two or three of Afric's sablest 
 sons for Vice-Presidents." — Tribune, September 1, 1850. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about a Coalition in Massachusetts. 
 
 "We congratulate the people of Massachusetts on the discomfiture of this Appleton-Hallett- 
 Winthrop-Greene faction. The people have put their foot upon it and crushed its malignant 
 life out of it. The union of the political dregs, of the rich and of the poor, has failed of its 
 designed effect. The coalition of the Puritans and the Blacklegs, of Blifel and Black George, 
 has come to naught. The crushed reptiles may turn and yet strive to sting the foot that has 
 squelched them ; but the great fact of their failure of a triumphant success, after all their humil- 
 iations, their expenditures, and their painstakings, is the sentence of their political death. 
 They are, at any rate, left for execution, and only await the leisure of the hangman." — Tribune, 
 November 8, 1836. 
 
 What H. G. Knoivs about his Political Aspirations in l860-'62. 
 "Mr. Weed charged that I was for Wadsworth in 18G2, because I wanted to be a candidate 
 for U. S. Senator before the Legislature then to be chosen. I answered that I was charged by 
 The World, during the summer of 'G2, with wishing to be a caudidate for Governor or Senator, 
 and I promptly replied that I would accept neither, nor any office whatever — all which the 
 sequel proved true. But, he says, you were a candidate for Senator before the Legislature chosen 
 in 1860. Certainly I was, but through no effort or agency of my own. ' Why,' he says, 'Mr. 
 Dana and Mr. Cleveland, who were then of The Tribune, supported you.' That is quite likelv. 
 I was absent in Illinois and Wisconsin throughout the cauvass ; Mr. Cleveland is my brother-in- 
 law, and was our correspondent in Albany, and would be apt to support me. But Mr. Dana, I 
 understand, is no longer my friend, and he knows whether I had any part whatever in the 
 selection of the anti-Weed candidate for Senator in that contest.'.' — Tribune, August 28, 1865. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about third parties. 
 
 "Mr. Doolittle's letter on the Third Party is apparently intended to prove his own great value 
 to any party he may consent to serve. The only corps of which Mr. Doolittlecan fairly be con- 
 sidered a leader, is that represented by Thenardier in Victor Hugo's Les Miserables, who prowl 
 about the battle-fields to plunder the dead and wounded, and march indifferently after one army 
 or the other for the sake of the spoils. The Conservative Republicans are all going for Grant, 
 as Mr. Doolittle himself would if he were only a little braver, and the place of the Senator is 
 not at the head of any corps, but with the sutlers and camp-followers in the rear." — Tribune, 
 July 18, 1868. 
 
 What H. G. Knows of Candidates' Opinions on Protection. 
 
 "Mr. Patterson, the Loco-Foco candidate, attempted the old game of point-no-point. He 
 was for incidental Protection, a judicious Tariff, and all that, after the manner of G^v. Cleve- 
 land and company. But this game has had its day. The Producers of this country will never 
 be deceived by it again. There is a moral in this victory, which we trust our friends evcry- 
 where will take to heart. The Whig Party can never be defeated in this country when battling 
 openly and distinctly upon those great Principles of Public Policy on which it is based. It is 
 only by drawing off public attention to local, secondary, and irrelevant issues that our oppo- 
 nents succeed. Let us everywhere-put forward our ablest and best men for public stations, and 
 place the great issues distinctly before the people. Let us have candidates for Congress who 
 cm ably advocate our cause and clearly elucidate the great questions of public policy which 
 divide us from our opponents, and let us see that they are men who will visit and address the 
 People in every Town and Village. Let us everywhere engrave on our flag the Protection op 
 American Industry, with a Sound ano Uniform Currency, and we cannot be beaten." — Tribune, 
 May 25, 1842. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about Politics after he had failed to secure the Senators/tip. 
 " We have done our share at shouting, screeching, hurrahing, exhorting, entreating, to in- 
 
About Politics and the Presidency. 13 
 
 duce our readers to vote for this or that ticket or party. This was very well when we were 
 younger, and when we verily thought the salvation or perdition of our country depended on 
 the issue of the pending election; hut having outgrown the feeling which impelled to this 
 course, to persist longer in the course itself would be hollow hypocrisy. There was a time 
 wheu we would have readily voted for a Whig of doubtful capacity or integrity rather than a 
 Democrat personally fit for the post; but we have since discovered, not merely that we have 
 no moral right to make so great a sacrifice to Party, but that no party can really be benefited 
 by helping its knaves and fools into office." — Tribune, November 3, 1853. 
 
 What H. G. Insinuated about Gen. Grant's appointing him to office. 
 " All I ever saw or heard of Gen. Grant assures me that he has too much sense to think of 
 lending me to San Domingo. Thus far he has honored and gratified me by never suggesting to 
 me that I could be more useful to the country, or to his administration, in any other position 
 than in that which I have filled to my own entire satisfaction for almost thirty years. At all 
 events, I assure you that I never thought of going to San Domingo, am not (I trust) wanted to 
 go to San Domingo — and, at all events, won't go to San Domingo." — Tribune, January 9, 
 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knoios about the Missouri Bolt by Revenue Reformers. 
 
 "The Missouri bolt was arranged in Washington last Winter, and then proclaimed in the 
 Free Trade organs. The game was to get a minority of the Republicans to unite with all the 
 Democrats and revolutionize the State. To this end, an issue on* Enfranchisement was indis- 
 pensable. The Democrats were not all Free Traders, but they all wanted the Rebels enfranchised, 
 and would vote any ticket to secure that end. The Republicans were divided on Enfranchise- 
 ment ; some believing that the time for it had come, others that it had not. When, therefore, 
 Carl Schurz, in a bullying, irritating speech, insisted that the Republican Convention should 
 make Enfranchisement a plank of its platform, the answer was obvious : ' You ask us to assert 
 a falsehood — namely, that we are all in favor of Enfranchisement, when some of us are not.' 
 The Republicans adopted a platform, which left every one free to vote for or against Enfran- 
 chisement, as he judged best. Hereupon, the predetermined bolt was made. We warned the 
 Republicans that the pretext was a sham — that Enfranchisement was certain to be carried any- 
 how — that the real object of the bolt was to hand the State over to the Sham Democracy and 
 Free Trade, and that is the naked truth." — Tribune, November 30, 1870. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Revenue Reform Game. 
 
 "From the outset, we have insisted that the movement which disguised its purpose under 
 the unequivocal phrase, ' Revenue Reform ' purposed the overthrow and ruin of the Republican 
 party. The engineers of this movement, in spite of their pretences, never expected to carry it 
 through the Republican organization, but over it. They did not expect to convince and con- 
 vert, nor even to bully the Republicans into acquiescence in their policy — they meant only to 
 alienate enough Republicans from their party to secure a triumph to the Democrats, and thus 
 achieve the downfall of the Protective policy. Theirgame in Missouri foreshadows that which 
 they mean to play in our next election of President. Having been fairly outnumbered in tile 
 Republican State Convention, they bolted and set up an opposition ticket, which they had no 
 hope of electing otherwise than by a solid Democratic vote — as they have elected it. Though 
 they carried off with them half our politicians and our only journal which circulates through- 
 out the State, they have not polled a quarter of the Republican vote; but this sufficed, when 
 combinedwith the whole Democratic strength, to carry the State." — ■Tribune, Novcmt>cr 11, 1870. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about, Gen. Grant's opinion of Revenue Reformers. 
 "President Grant has expressed precisely the opinion we should have expected from him 
 concerning the Gratz Brown movement in Missouri He considers it an effort to disorganize 
 the Republican party without cause, which no good Republican who has the interests of the 
 country and of the party at heart can fail zealously to combat. How any man professing Re- 
 publicanism can fail to take the same view is one of the mysteries which only Revenue Reform- 
 ers, Tammany Republicans, and other political nondescripts can be expected to understand." — 
 Tribune, September 21, 1870. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Gratz Brown <V Co.'s Revenue. Reform Bolt. 
 
 "' The moral in Missouri.' Under this title Harper's Weekly sees fit to expatiate on the 
 recent bolt of Gratz Brown & Co. from the Republican party. Let us see how fairly it can 
 afford to state the material facts. It says : ' The Republican Convention in Missouri divided. 
 One part renominated Governor McClurg ; the other part renominated Mr. B. Gratz Brown, 
 ex-Senator of the United States. The platforms of both parties are excellent.' 'A part renom- 
 inated Governor McClurg,' did it? Why not say that it was a clear majority ? Suppose that 
 
14 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 when a part of the delegates in our late State Convention had expressed a preference for Gen- 
 eral Woodford, the minority had bolted and nominated some one else, would Harper's have 
 treated the bolters so daintily ? * Would it have intimated that there was no difference between 
 the nomination made by the majority of the Convention and that made by the minority? 
 Harper's Weekly suppresses the fact that this bolt was arranged last Winter in Washington, 
 and joyfully proclaimed through the correspondence of The Evening Post, Chicago Tribune, 
 and their cronies. General Sehenck, Mr. Bingham, and other leading Protectionists were 
 marked for defeat in the same programme. Harper's Weekly would obviate the danger of dis- 
 order in the Republican ranks by the simple expedient of having the majority surrender to the 
 minority ! Those who term themselves ' Revenue Reformers ' will bolt in other States as they 
 did in Missouri, if we do not give way to them. Will they not bolt anyhow? They did in 
 Missouri, where their own resolve was adopted by the Convention. Why may they not in any 
 other State ? The Republican party, on its first accession to power, framed and passed a Protective 
 Tariff. That the country is at least One Billion of Dollars richer for that act we do firmly and 
 joyfully believe; and in this faith an immense majority of the Republicans heartily concur. If 
 the minority, having adopted on this head the principles and policy of Calhoun, Jefferson 
 Davis, and ilowell Cobb, see fit to bolt and throw Slate after State into the hands of the Sham 
 Democracy, we cannot help it." — Tribune, September 26, 1870. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about the attempt to Break up the Repub'ican Party. 
 
 " The Free Traders have determined to abandon and oppose the Republican party. The pre- 
 meditated Gratz-Brown bolt in Missouri, with the countenance afforded it in other States, The 
 Eoening Post' s open support Of the Democratic candidate for Congress in the Elmira district be- 
 cause he is a Free Trader, the malignant attack upon the republican leaders in Congress by 
 nominally Republican journals, and a thousand other indications, point unerringly to this seces- 
 sion. We can countervail those apostacies by frankly and boldly taking up the gage insidi- 
 ously thrown down, and saying to all: 'Yes; weare Protectionists, as Washington, Hamilton, 
 Madison, Clay, the Clintons, Tompkins, Simon Snyder, &c, &c, were, and for identical rea- 
 sons. Hear them ! ' Men and brethren, is not this the manly way to enduring ascendancy ? 
 Is there any other?" — Tribune, October 18, 1870. , 
 
 What, IT. G. Knows about the Prospects of the Republican Party. 
 
 " We publish on another page this morning a carefully prepared letter from Washington on 
 the political prospects of the Republican party. Our correspondent concludes (as was indeed 
 already manifest) that the 'new-party movement' of the ' Revenue Reformers' was without 
 strength and unorganized, and that the Republican parky will approach the next contest as 
 uuited on national issues and as earnest in the advocacy of its principles as in the past. The 
 dissensions of the Democracy are not, we believe, exaggerated, although it is to our own 
 strength, and not to our enemy's weakness, that we must look for success." — Tribune, Decem- 
 ber 21, 1870. 
 
 What H. G. Knoios about the duty of Republicans to Support their Candidates. 
 
 "Mr. Greeley insists on the perfect right of every Republican to avow his personal preference 
 as'to the Republican candidate for next President, and cannot realize that rare courage is ever 
 evinced in making such avowal. When a Republican National Convention, fairly chosen after 
 free consultation and the frank interchange of opinions, shall have nominated Republican can- 
 didates for President and Vice-President, we expect to urge all Republicans to give them a 
 hearty, effective support, whether they be or be not of those whose original preference has 
 been gratified. Until that time Mr. Greeley will maintain the perfect and equal right of every 
 Republican to indicate and justify his preference, whether it favor the incumbent or some other 
 Republican." — Tribune, August 10, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knew when he was first ashed if he would be a Candidate for the 
 
 Presidency . 
 '.' I trust never henceforth to be an aspirant for any office or political position whatever ; but 
 I fully purpose, also, never to decline any duty or responsibility which my political friends 
 shall see fit to devolve upon me, and of which I shall be able to fulfil the obligations Without 
 neglecting older and more imperative duties." — Tribune, November 21, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knew originally about Bolters. 
 "It is the same bolting squad, with very few changes, which now pretends to reorganize the 
 party. It is a faction that burrows and prowls — 'that nominates candidates in order to defeat 
 them— that, loves darkness rather than light— that seeks to compensate by finesse and fraud for 
 the paucity of its numbers and the baseness of its aim. We trust it will not forget to hold 
 another Convention. The more the people are permitted to see of it, the less danger can there 
 be that they will be duped by it." —Tribune, August 15, 1856. 
 
About Politics and the Presidency. 15 
 
 What H. G. Knew after he ions farther entreated to be a Presidential Candidate. 
 " Within the last six or eight mouths the Editor of this journal has received some thirty or 
 forty letters — mainly from private persons — proposing that he should be a candidate for the 
 next President. That he has answered few of these overtures was owing to no indifference, 
 real or affected, but to his presumption that candidates are to be made by others than them- 
 selves. There was no doubt that, if chosen to tha' high office, he would accept it — do you 
 happen to know any one who would not? — so that he was the last, instead of the first, to be 
 addressed on the subject. But no one was more, fully aware than he that such a summer as 
 these overtures contemplated is not made by a dozen straggling swallows; and then many 
 important events must intervene before the proper time for opening the Presidential canvass 
 of 1872." — Tribune, May 4, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the false position in which aU would be placed if lie teas 
 nominated by Democrats. 
 "I have no doubt that the policy you suggest is that which your party [the Democrats] ought to 
 adopt. * * * You only err as to the proper candidate. 1 am not the man you need. Your party 
 is mostly Free Trade, and I am a ferocious Protectionist. I have no doubt that I might be nomi- 
 nated and elected by your help, but it would place us all in a false position. If I, who am ad- 
 versely interested, can see this, I am sure your good sense will on reflection realize it. You 
 must take some man like Gratz Brown, or Trumbull, or Gen. Cox, late Secretary of the Interior, 
 and thus help to pacify and reunite our country anew." — Tribune, December 30, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the effect of a Democratic success in the Presidential- 
 election. 
 " The personal views of Mr. Greeley are exactly these : He favors the One Term principle, and 
 believes that another Republican candidate for President can be selected who will encounter less 
 opposition and win more support than Gen. Grant ; and he therefore advocates such election. 
 But should his views be overruled and Gen. Grant nominated, he holds his election infinitely 
 preferable to that of any candidate whom the Democrats may nominate, for a Democratic 
 triumph involves the return to power of the great mass of those who for years plotted the dis- 
 ruption of our Union, and at length forced the Southern States into secession and rebellion con- 
 trary to the wishes aud the judgment of a decided majority of their people. A Democratic triumph 
 involves the ascendancy of those who hate the Nation's creditors because their money power- 
 fully contributed to the overthrow of the Rebellion, and will find a way to cheat them if possi- 
 ble. A Democratic triumph involves the subversion of protection to our Home Industry, with 
 a repetition of the wide-spread disasters and distresses which have repeatedly aud naturally 
 followed such overthrow. The 'personal views of Mr. Greeley' impel him to deprecate a 
 Democratic National triumph as one of the gravest National calamities ; and this is his main 
 reason for wishing the selection of a Republican candidate for President who will be more cer- 
 tain of success than Gen. Grant." — Tribune, August 18, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about his qual if cations for an independent nomination. 
 
 " Mr. Greeley, to the best of his knowledge, has been quietly minding his own business at 
 and about home, and is happy to confirm the statement that he is too 'erratic, crotchety, and 
 unreliable' to be a party to any back-stairs intrigue for the Presidency." — Tribune, December 
 5, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knew might be done at Cincinnati. 
 
 •• If there is any trouble at Cincinnati, it is from the inclinations of nominating Rings. We 
 beg to siy just one thing to this Convention. The biggest thing before the country is the 
 question-of the honest men against the thieves. What the country sorely needs and impera- 
 tively demands is a reform in the Administration of Government. This is not to be attained by 
 combinations of worn-out political hacks, to secure the nomination of some candidate for Pres- 
 ident who may suit their peculiar wants and views." — Tribune, April 30, 1872. 
 
 What H. G Knew about the Schemes of the Free Traders at Cincinnati. 
 
 "We judge from our dispatches herewith printed, that a very considerable proportion of the 
 Free-Traders who have mustered strongly by preconcert at Cincinnati are resolved to insist on 
 a Free-Trade plank in the platform of the Liberal Convention. Should they carry their point, 
 we shall have increased respect for their courage, with a low estimate of their discretion. In 
 such case, we trust they will use no ambiguous, juggling phrases, but set forth their exact 
 meaning in words that will not bear two interpretations. Sooner or later the country must 
 and will divide on the Tariff question : if the Free-Traders choose to draw the line now, it is 
 their clear right to do so." — Tribune, April 30, 1872. 
 
16 What Horace Greeley Knows. . 
 
 What IT. G. Knew in 1843 about an irregular Presidential Candidate in 1872. 
 " When one manifestly not called to be a Candidate by the unequivocal voice of the Country, 
 or even of his own party, is seen elbowing, jostling, jockeying in a crowd of aspirants for the 
 party nomination, writing electioneering letters, higgling about the terms of the Convention, 
 and obviously striving to secure to himself all possible advantage in the time of assembling, 
 the manner of electing Delegates and the mode of voting, we feel that the spectacle presented is 
 one discreditable to the individual in the foreground, and humiliating to the dignity of the 
 American People." — Tribune, June 5, 1843. 
 
 What IT- G. Kneio in 1858 about selling out the Republican Party in 1872. 
 "Several gentlemen of the editorial profession are warmly engaged, with such sagacity and 
 prescience as Providence has allotted to them, in drawing up proposals for the disposition of 
 the Republican party, which they seem to regard as a piece of merchandise which it will be 
 vastly profitable to sell and equally disastrous to keep. That conjuncture of public affairs 
 must be a peculiar and a rare one which will either authorize or permit party conventions, or 
 party leaders of which such conventions are too often composed, to offer at public vendue the 
 suffrages of about a Million of Voters, honest and intelligent, or presumed to be so. There 
 have been in the past, and there may be in the future, parties manufactured for sale, and 
 therefore venal and vendible. Those who have undertaken to dispose of the Republican 
 Party will do well to consider whether the circumstances of its inception and of its existence, 
 through victory and defeat, up to the present time, indicate those indispensable conditions, 
 without which its own ratification of the little transaction — somewhat necessary, we venture 
 to suggest — would be hopeless; and without which the most mischievous distraction and the 
 most lamentable disintegration would be only temporary. A great party, under any circum- 
 stances, is a pretty hard thing to sell ; a party composed of men who have, or profess to have 
 consciences, is the hardest thing in the world to dispose of." — Tribune, December 3, 1858. 
 
 What H. G. Kneio in 1843 about an equivocating Presidential Candidate. 
 
 " Mr. Van Buren is determined to secure his nomination first, and then deal with the Tariff 
 and other perplexing questions as the necessities of the Canvass shall require. It is not prob- 
 able that such a nomination will command the respect of the party for which it professes to 
 act, or of any portion of it but the personal adherents of its author. As an expression of 
 opinion its decision will be a manifest farce." — Tribune, April 20, 1843. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Position of the Democratic Party. 
 
 " It was not to be expected that the party which opposed the war for the Union could long 
 survive its successful conclusion. Held together by the cohesive power of expected divisions of 
 party spoils, it has outlived the logical period for its demise, but not for long. Becoming a 
 party for mere negatives it has nothing but opposition and destruction to offer the country. 
 It proposes only to abolish, repeal, repudiate, and annul ; it offers no substitute for what it 
 seeks to destroy. It is the anarchist which would destroy order, but reveals no future condi- 
 tion of betterment — only confusion, chaos, nothingness. Such a party cannot, in the nature 
 of things, long maintain even a spasmodic existence. In all truth and soberness, we cannot 
 see what possible mission the Democratic party has to fulfil in the country. Party organiza- 
 tion for the sake only of securing and dividing the public offices cannot long exist. And to 
 this complexion the once proud old Democratic party has come at last. The great thefts of 
 Tammany, in New York, are an earnest of what would be done wherever the Democracy can 
 secure power. It is public plunder, not principle, which binds together the dominant party in 
 New York; and, whether Gov. Hoffman's freebooters fleece the merchants in the Bay, or the 
 man who boasts of owning the Legislature of New York binds the city hand and foot, it is 
 reckoned legitimate policy by Democratic tacticians. It does not seem in reason that a party so 
 organized and conducted should long exist. But it needs all the hard blows that Republicans 
 can deliver upon it to bring down to the dust of defeat this preposterous sham, which has no 
 longer any excuse for being. We do not see what is to keep this misnamed band of conspira- 
 tors much longer alive. Only the lethargy of its natural foes will permit its further success in 
 the nation." — Tribune, September 2, 1871. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about the Prospects of Gen. Grant's Re-election. 
 
 " As a Republican we have no right and no wish to direct the future course of the party to 
 Tvhich we shall at any rate stand opposed. If that party shall see fit to challenge us to fight over 
 again the battle of 1868 we shall of course take up the gage with great and well-founded confi- 
 dence of success. 
 
 " We have no fear that the American people will reverse in '72 the verdict they recorded in 
 the election of Grant and Colfax. In a purely partisan aspect, we should consider this our best 
 hold."— Tribune, March 11, 1871. 
 
WHAT HORACE GREELEY KNOWS 
 
 ABOUT 
 
 The Democratic Party, from 1841 until 1872, inclusive — His opinions 
 
 of the Democratic Organization — Its Intrigues and its 
 
 Bargains — Its Deceits and its Diplomacy, 
 
 (&c, dfcc, &c. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about Democratic support of an opponent, in September, 18-11. 
 
 " To you, Young Meu of New York ! your country appeals in this hour of trial but of hope, 
 for a generous and enthusiastic effort. Your gaze is bent hopefully ou the Future, not uselessly 
 on the Past. You cannot be made to fancy exclusive Democracy in the servile devotees of 
 Executive Supremacy in Legislation, in the strenuous advocates of Gag-Laws, the deriders of 
 the People's Right of Petition. You cannot look, without the loathing of manly natures, on 
 the open alliance, shocking to all decency, of an accident, who has falsified all his pledges and 
 betrayed those who exalted him to power, with a party which he was expressly elected to 
 oppose, but which, finding him hollow and faithless, now fawns around him for the spoils he 
 doles out to them, and are eager to flatter where they cannot but despise." — Tribune, Septem- 
 ber 24. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in February, 1842. 
 
 "There is a dry Scotch proverb which says, 'He must have a long spune who sups kail with 
 the deil.' Nine-tenths of the convicted felons, outlaws, fugitives from Justice and others who 
 have no right to vote in our city, and can never legally acquire any, are attached by an in- 
 stinctive sympathy to the Loco-Foco party." — Tribune, February 12, 1S42. 
 
 What 77. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in June, 1843. 
 
 "When American Citizens used to gather by hundreds to sing and dance around Hickory 
 Poles, with barrels of whisky rolled out and heads of Beer-Casks stove in — when right here, in 
 the heart of this enlightened emporium, men were seen, after a cask of beer had been poured 
 into the hole where the Pole was to be set in front of Tammany Hall, to lie down and drink it 
 from the ground like hogs — the Kinderhooper saw nothing 'disreputable' then. When 
 American Citizens have been swept away from the Poles of our city with clubs by bands of mis- 
 guided and excited immigrants, half civilized and maddened with liquor furnished them by 
 party liberality, we had no hint from Mr. Van Buren that such scenes were 'disreputable' or 
 calculated to impair 'the Confidence of mankind in our fitness for free institutions.' When 
 men who felt it their duty to bear testimony against Slavery were mobbed and bludgeoned for 
 peacefully so doing, and the owner of a free press was shot down in his own tenement for 
 guarding his press from destruction by a band of ruffians who chose to suspect that it would be 
 used against Slavery, this demagogue could see in it nothing calculated to shake confidence in our 
 fitness for free institutions, but coolly remarked in his Inaugural that a 'reckless disregard of 
 the consequences of their conduct has exposed individuals to popular indignation.' " — Tribune. 
 
 What 77. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in September, 1850. 
 
 " We use the term ' Loco-Foco' to designate a certain political creed, whereof exclusive Hard 
 Money, hostility to the Protection of Home Labor, general aversion to Government aid to the 
 improvement of Rivers, Harbors, &c, are the chief articles. The fit motto of this political 
 school is, 'The best Government is that which governs least.' It would, if logically consistent, 
 confine the sphere of Government to punishing criminals and repressing outrage on persons and 
 property. It is ado-nothing, stand-still, anti-social school. We, on the other hand, believe 
 that Government, like every other intelligent agency, is bound to do good to the extent of its 
 ability — that it ought actively to promote and increase the general well-being — that it should 
 encourage and foster Industry, Science, Invention, Intellectual, Social and Physical Progress, 
 as well as provide Prosecuting Attorneys, Constables and Executioners. Such is our idea of the 
 sphere of Government — such is our conception of the essence and scope of the great questions 
 whereon the Country is Politically divided."— Tribune, September 18, 1850. 
 
 17 
 
18 Wliat Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 What II. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in February, 1851. 
 
 " In the United States a great political party bas in times past made the abolition of] aper money 
 and an establishment of an exclusive metallic currency its war-cry. That party called itself Dem- 
 j ■, t be party of tbe People. No matter what its pretences, its measures in this respect, ns 
 in every other, have had no other tendency than to strengthen the power of money, diminish 
 the reward of Labor, and hand the Masses, unprotected and incapable of resistance, over to the 
 fender mercies of capitalists and usurers." — Tribune, February 12, 1851. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in 1854. 
 
 " Our Democracy has now, with a corrupt Christianity, reduced the United States to a great 
 « onspirator against human liberty. Aggression, annexation, slave-extension are all contained 
 and approved in the so-called Democracy and so-called Christianity which coalesces with it. 
 We need men — not trading priests, nor trading politicians, nor trading merchants — but men — 
 men who see what Christianity is in its sublime morality, and what Democracy is according to 
 the organic spirit and tbe political instrument which underlie the whole theory and practice of 
 this Government — the Declaration of Independence, in a word. We need journals — not echoes, 
 not subscriber-hunting, popularity-cherishing organs — but presses of light and liberty. We 
 nee 1 advocates of principles and enemies of truckling and corruption. Our great men so called 
 have failed to reduce a great political truth to practice during this century. They have dallied 
 with the evil. If in the South, they have held with the grip of exasperated avarice to their 
 bondmen ; if in the North, they have been careful not to offend their Southern brethren, lest 
 they should not get the regular nomination. And what has all this South done which has so 
 lorded it with her one hundred or two hundred thousand negro-drivers over this country? 
 Where are her superiorities — her arts, or her literature even, except as they come from the 
 North ? Where are her chemistry, geology, literature, mechanics, engineering, esthetics — where 
 are her grand efforts to diminish human toil — 'her steam-cnginea, locomotives, timber-bending, 
 or planing, or sewing, or washing-machines — all this gospel of divine economies for the sweat- 
 ing ued sorrowing humanities of thousands of years?" — Tribune, August 18, 1854. 
 
 What U. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in March, 1855. 
 
 " This election discloses what the elections elsewhere in the North demonstrate, that the old 
 Democratic party is reduced to a skeleton, and can nowhere stand against tho Opposition, if 
 the elements of the Opposition will combine. This party, so longinvinciblo through the charm 
 of its name and the drill of its organization, is stripped of its power and trembles upon the 
 verge of dissolution. If the Opposition will only be wise, it has the power to extinguish it at a 
 blow. The great traitorous combination which, in the name of Democracy, has dared to stiike 
 a parricidal blow at the cause of Freedom and progress on this Continent, may itself be cloven 
 down in the act. It is a time when minor differences should bo forgotten, and when all should 
 unite to complete the overthrow of those arch-traitors who, professing, in their own language, 
 to believe this to he a ' nigger era,' have instituted their atrocious experiment upon the public 
 credulity and the public sense of right." — Tribune, March 15, 1355. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in March, 1856. 
 
 " It were wrong to deny that the party most confident of a triumphant issue from the next 
 Presidential contest is that which uses the name of Democracy to cover and advance the most 
 fanatical devotion to human inequality and the interminable degradation of the wretched and 
 helpless." — Tribune, March 31, 1856. 
 
 Wliat II. G. Knciv about the Democratic Party in June, 1856. 
 
 " No one who has watched, during the last ten years, the proceedings of those who consider 
 them=clves the leaders of the Democratic Party, can have failed to observe the lack of all pen- 
 em! ideas, of all fundamental political philosophy which characterizes their speeches, their con- 
 ventions, and their acts. The men who laid the foundations of our republic, and especially 
 Jefferson, bad a political philosophy of which the theoretical part was mostly derived from the 
 French authors who preceded and prepared the revolution, and the practical part from the com- 
 mon law and the institutions of England. The fundamental doctrine of that philosophy was 
 that each individual man is possessed of certain inalienable rights, and that government is but 
 the instrument for the protection of those rights. How shamefully the party has departed 
 from this principle we do not. now propose to inquire. It is rather the absence of all principle, 
 and tin' de ' lion cf.que3tiphs of the gravest importance upon considerations of policy utterly 
 unworthy of statesmen, to which we wish to invite attention." — Tribune, June 23, 185G. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in April, 1857. 
 
 " The Council of Sachems of the Tammany Society are the masters, for the time being, of 
 Tammany Ilall. They close it peremptorily against any party or faction which they pro-. 
 
About the Democratic Party. 19 
 
 nounce heterodox ; (bey open it to that committee or faction on which they deign to smile, 
 which thereupon becomes clothed with all the potentialities and splendors rightfully pertaining 
 to the regular Democracy of the city of New York. And for this 'legular Democracy,' or 
 whoever may wear its countersign, there are ten to twenty thousand electors in this city who 
 will shout and sweat and vote — whose sweet voices are the unquestioned property of whoever 
 has the ' open sesame ' of Tammany Hall. And what is this Tammany Society? A secret, 
 self-created, self-perpetuating cabal, mainly of aspiring politicians, with a few who once were 
 but are so no longer. It is in essence as thorough an aristocracy as Sparta or Venice ever 
 knew. It is an organized conrpiracy to give to the selfish intrigues of the few the appearance 
 and weight due only to the disinterested convictions and intelligent decisions of the many. It 
 is a part of the game by which Government is made to subserve the end of aggrandizing the 
 directors of political machinery at the cost of the simple and credtrkuis multitude." — Tribune. 
 
 What FT. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in April, 1S58. 
 
 " In contemplating the Democratic party as it now is, and comparing it with the Democratic 
 party as it used to be, whether of the lime of Jefferson or of the time of Jackson, one is forcibly 
 reminded of that metaphysical pair of silk stockings which by dint of repeated darning had 
 become entirely worsted, without a single thread of silk left in them. Very much the same is 
 the present predicament of that which calls itself the Democratic party. No pair of stockings, 
 whether silk or of any other texture, was ever put to su h hard usage, to such perpetual and 
 consuming wear, as of late years the Democratic party has been. As a natural consequence, 
 holes have broken out in every direction. These holes, it is true, have been veiy diligently 
 darned wi h whatever material came readiest to hand — at a vast expense, too, to the Treasury ; 
 the public expenditures have mightily increased under the operation. Appearances have been 
 kept up. The outward forms, the old name, have been preserved. The stockings are still 
 called silk, and as such to a certaiu extent pass muster, or have, till quite lately, with an undis- 
 cerning and uuscrutinizing public*. But when we come to examine them a little closely, how 
 small a modicum of the original texture or even of the nominal material do we find left ! 
 "Without stopping to call attention to the holes in the party which Buchanan and Toucey, 
 old Federalists, and renegade Whigs, are now filling, how completely in the matter of prin- 
 ciple and sentiment has this so-called Democratic party ceased to be silk and become totally 
 worsted!" — Tribune, April 5, 1858. 
 
 What IT. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in September, 1858. 
 "It was once the boast of the Democratic party, carefully confined in its enunciation to 
 quarters iu which a suspicion of culture and refinement could do no harm, that it had selected 
 the cleverest men of letters in the land. It must be admitted that the claim was not destitute 
 of presumption, and that nominally the show was a fair one. Several able writers were called 
 by the party name, swallowed the party pap, and paraded themselves as the ornaments, if not 
 the safeguards of the party. Their condescension was tolerably requited by an organization, 
 the Chief of which c mid not spell, and the Camp-followers of which could not read. Mr. 
 Irving was called a Democrat, and was sent to Spain and to his beloved Alhambra. Mr Ban- 
 croft was dubbed a Democrat, and was made Collector of Boston, and Minister at St. James. 
 Mr. Paulding was denominated a Democrat, and received a port-folio at Washington. Mr. 
 Brownson was christened a Democrat, and was appointed Master of Chelsea Hospital. These, 
 however, were but nibblers at the gigantic loaf of Executive patronage, while the disposition of 
 the slices indicated with painful accuracy the predominating tasks of the Democracy. At 
 Washington, its newspaper was sometimes strong, always coarse, and never polished. General 
 Jackson could not write the English language; Mr. Van Buren used it adroitly, but never with 
 the skill or the taste of a scholar; Mr. Polk, if he ever entertained the least passion for letters, 
 never told his love, and succeeded charmingly in concealing it; Mr. Pierce was a country 
 lawyer, who read what he was obliged to read and nothing more; Mr. Buchanan's 'literary as- 
 pirations culminated nearly a century ago in the dubious shape of a more dubious Fourth-of-July 
 Oration, for uttering which he has indubitably cursed himself and his stars ninety and nine 
 times. Of the Democratic Doctors we know nothing and care to know nothing. Of the Demo- 
 cratic Lawyers, we can only say that, if the National bar can yield us no brighter National 
 bench, the brilliancy of its members may be utterlv blinding in a Piepowder Court, but has not 
 thus far illuminated loftier tribunals. Of Democratic Clergymen, we may remark that we never 
 Stw one, and never heard of one, if we except those good men who guard the morals of our 
 pious tars, and minister to the souls deceased of our Senators and Representatives." — Tribune. 
 
 Wicat IT. G. Knew about the Democrats of Massachusetts in 1S5S. 
 
 "Among the many Peculiar Institutions of this great country, there is perhaps none 
 more peculiar than the Democratic Party of Massachusetts. We might say, the Demo- 
 cratic Party of Boston, as there are very few members of it out of "Boston, and out of 
 the number of those earnestly longing to get there in the service of their country. The 
 policy of the Democratic leaders in that city has been, since Jackson first came into 
 
20 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 power, to keep the party 'conveniently small,' as somebody well expressed it, so that 
 the Treasury pap should not be wasted on the unworthy, or its messes— distributable to 
 the children of light— be unduly diminished by an infinitessimal subdivision. In fact, 
 the Lady Patronesses of Almack's never tried to keep that exclusive institution select 
 more zealously than tbe Boston Democratiarchs have always labored to preserve their 
 esoteric priesthood safe from the invasion of exoteric intruders. It is taken for granted 
 that the Democratic Part}' can get along extremely well wiihout Massachusetts; and it 
 is* by no means desirable that the small remnant that is left of the faithful in that 
 world lying first in "Whiggery and now in Republicanism should lose aDy portion of 
 their reward through an undue competition for the crown of their martyrdom." — Tri- 
 bune, October 11, 1858. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in May, 1859. 
 " But, if we are to believe the assertions of Democratic presses and leaders, their quarrels are 
 soon to cease and determine forever. Old controversies are not merely to be ignored — they are 
 to be annihilated. Not only is the statute of limitations to be adjudged to have run against all 
 past offences, but they are, by solemn resolution, to be declared never to have existed. Not 
 only is there to be no reference in thought or word to the repudiation of Van Buren in 1844, 
 and the assassination of Wright in 1846 ; to the corner-stone scrimmage of 1847, and the Buf- 
 falo holt of 1848 ; to the slaughter of the Hard innocents by Marcy and Pierce, and the cold- 
 shouldering of Dickinson's friends by Buchanan — but all recollection of these and cognate 
 events is io be obliterated. The hatchet is to be buried. The Geronomos and the Leonii are to 
 embrace and be brothers. There is to be no more breaking of heads in Tammany ; no more 
 packing of State Conventions ; no more double delegations to National Conventions ; no more 
 W ood and Sickles brawls ; no more ' running of the machine ' at Syracuse by Peter Cagger; 
 no more wrangling at Albany; no more cheating at Washington; Capulet, the Hard, and 
 Montague, the Soft, are to smoke the pipe of peace — our venerable President, by seniority of 
 years, laying his benedictive hands upon the heads of the two houses. If any suggestions of 
 cms can facilitate this devoutly-wished consummation, they will be cheerfully given, on re- 
 quest, to the chiefs of the high contracting parties." — Tribune, May 18, 1859. 
 
 << v\, 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in October, 1S59. 
 Bight well do the rich Democrats know that illegal voting — voting by aliens, by minors, 
 and by persons who have not lived here long enough to entitle them to the right of suffrage — 
 voting two, three, five, ten, and even twenty times at the same election — is the malignant can- 
 cer of our political system. They know that herein is the stronghold of blackleg potency aud 
 rowdy predominance in our city elections. Mr. Watts Sherman could only vote more th i'i once 
 in any election with great difficulty and danger ; but Tague Maloney and Hans Spifferdeeker 
 could hitherto put in their dozen votes each at an election with ease and impunity. It is as no- 
 torious in well-informed political circles, that Bobert II. Morris was once returned Mayor of 
 this city by six thousand majority, when he had not six hundred (if any) majority of the legal 
 votes ; that Aaron Clark was run out by voting the same men over and over against him ; that 
 James K. Polk had a large majority returned for him here when Henry Clay beat him largely on 
 the legal poll ; that Wood wa3 first made Mayor by some two thousand declared majority, when 
 Baker beat him as many on the legal poll ; that Buchanan was declared to have received foity- 
 five thousand votes here, when his actual legal vote was less than forty thousand ; and that in 
 the last Mayoralty election not less than fifteen thousand illegal votes were polled — not all on 
 one side, though Wood received by far the most of them." — Tribune, October 15, 1859. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Ifymocratic Party in July, 18C0. 
 
 " The utter impotence and paralysis into which the once proud and powerful Democratic party 
 has fallen is evinced in many ways, but in none more strikingly than in the character of its lies 
 and liars. How its orators and journals used absolutely to rain calumnies on Adams and Clay 
 and Harrison, and in later days on Seward and Fremont ! — none of your little, contemptible, 
 picayune falsehoods, but great, fat, black lies, that had venom and sting in them — lies that 
 evinced originality, audacity, and even genius." — Tribune, July 9, 18G0. 
 
 What U. G. Knew about the Democrats of Pennsylvania in 18G0. 
 
 " Men of Pennsylvania! we state to you facts drawn from official records — facts of 
 i!i'' widest notoriety. You know whether The Tribune, located in this focus of Impor- 
 tation and of Free-Trade influence, has ever faltered in its support of Protection, or has 
 been earnest and out spoken through the twenty years of its existence. You cannot 
 shake our devotion to the cause which we know to be that of Industrial Development 
 and the National growth, even by repeating the idiotic madness of 184-1. But there are 
 others less tenacious because less deeply grounded in conviction than we arc; and we 
 
About the Democratic Party. 21 
 
 tell you that the triumph of Pro-Slavery Democrats in the pending contest in your State 
 will be regarded and treated by tbe country as an avowal on your part that you do not 
 really want a Protective Tariff. Iu other words, ' if Pennsylvania does as she did in 
 '41 sue will reap just such a reward for it as she did in '4(5.' And who can say that she 
 will not have deserved it? "—Tribune, September 2t>, 1860. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about ike Democratic. Party in November, 18G1. 
 
 "Certain Democratic politicians of our own and other loyal States, who regard everything 
 from a partisan staud-point, are sedulously inculcating the belief that the ascendancy of their 
 party would put an end to the present civil war. Now if it were distinctly proclaimed that the 
 Democrats, it restored to power, would make peace with the Rebels on their own terms, the 
 assertion would be by do means incredible. But the impression sought to be made that the 
 Pro-Slavery rebels would lay down their arms and return to loyalty if their old friends the 
 Democrats were in power at Washington, is utterly unwarranted by facts. The Secessionist 
 Master-Spirits are thorough believers in what Gov. Seward once felicitously termed the 'irre- 
 pressible conflict.' They hold with Mr. Lincoln in 1858, that tbe Country cannot permanently 
 remain half slave and half free. And, despairing of their ability to master and rule it persist- 
 ently and thoroughly, they have fully resolved to segregate and tear away what they esteem 
 their half of it completely and forever. Holding themselves gentlemen and cavaliers by birth 
 and breeding they revolt against Democracy not less than against Anti-Slavery. They repudi- 
 ate the present Administration as a Government of snobs rather than of fanatics. They never 
 feared that President Lincoln would meddle with their slaves, but they cannot bear the thought 
 of being governed by a flat-boatman and rail-splitter. It is that inevitable tendency of North- 
 ern ideas and institutions to raise the sons of clodhoppers and cobblers to the high places of the 
 land that has plunged the Chivalry of the Rice-Swamp and the Cotton-field into the gulf of 
 rebellion. They mean to make an end of the rule of ' mudsills' whether of one or the other 
 party, and will no longer be placated by the utmost servility to ' the peculiar institution.' 
 llence all attempts to coax them back into the Union by a restoration of Democratic rule and a 
 prospect of its continuance are certain to prove illusory." — Tribune, March 5, 1861. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in October, 18G2. 
 
 " If the Democratic journals of the Free States were truly loyal — nay, if they were tolerably 
 honest — they would let their readers know that a peace with the Rebels is impossible, because 
 no peace can be had which does not involve the absolute ruin of the Republic. Henry May, 
 M. C. from Baltimore, a dubious Unionist, elected in good part by the Secession vote, went to 
 Richmond more than a year ago expressly to ascertain on what terms the Confederates would 
 mike peace. They promptly assured him that no terms that involve a restoration of the Union 
 were admissible — that, if they were offered a blank sheet of paper, with authority to write on 
 it their own conditions of reunion, they would reject it. This has for many months been a 
 matter of notoriety; but how many of the Pro-Slavery journals of the Free States have given 
 it circulation? Has it ever been alluded to in any speech of Gov. Seymour or any one of his 
 supporters? Lieut. Maury wrote last Spring from Richmond a letter to a French friend, 
 intended to serve as a Rebel manifesto. In this letter he distinctly declared that the ttrms of 
 peace which would be insisted on by his fellow-Rebels were such as the Uniouists would not 
 and could not accede to until they should be in the last stages of exhaustion. They would 
 have West Virginia, which never adhered to but has always opposed them, and they would 
 require a popular vote to be taken in Kentucky, Missouri, and Delaware, to decide whether 
 those States respectively should belong to the Union or the Confederacy. And the Lieutenant, 
 though he crammed his letter with atrocious falsehoods, was frank enough to admit that he 
 did not expect the Unionists to submit to such terms until after they shall have been very badly 
 whipped." — Tribune, October 2, 18C2. 
 
 What P. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in 18G3. 
 " Tt must be confessed that the ' Democracy of the State of Maine dies very hard. It seems 
 to have set its obdurate heart upon departing this life in any thing but a smell of sanctity ; and 
 now, when it holds Conventions, which must be like a collection of sick folk in a hospital, it 
 always passes resolutions which modern events hive rendered ridiculous, though we don't deny 
 that ten years ago they would have been strictly after the regulation pattern. The trouble with 
 these honest gentlemen is, that having all their lives been lickiug tbe feet of slaveholder.;, for ihe 
 snke of the place and pelf, no severity of kicking can rid them of the habit. Dirt-eating, as the 
 West-Indian doctors inform us, is an incurable disease, but who would have expected to find Ihe 
 same odd trouble in the nosology of Maine? It is an exceedingly 'unpleasant business. The 
 contemplation of it has an adverse influence udou the stomachs of sound men. Now, in the 
 midst of this hot civil war, in which the devil is contending for the everlasting continuance of 
 human degradation, to find beings who wear coats and not petticoats, breeches and not bodices, 
 owlishly resolving all sorts of flummery in favor of their foes, and sending little bits of cringing 
 soph.stry, with their best compliments, into the enemy's camp — it is dreadful! It almost converts 
 
22 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 us to the doctrine of the inequality of the races. They cannot— these Maine Dou^h Democrats — 
 be of the same flesh and blood with the brave fellows who are fighting our battles. The ways 
 of Providence are past Ending out. Why, in the name of our limited reason, are these gentry free 
 in the East, while respectable blacks are slaves in the South? Alas! this boasted Ethnology is 
 more of a muddie thau ever ! If white skins must tnus betray their possessors into servility, 
 most honorable Caucasians will weep that they were not born as black as night." — Tribune. 
 
 What II G. Knew about the Democrats in 2SG7. 
 " The World, apparently speaking in the iuterest of our city hotels and restaurants, pro- 
 poses that a Convention be held of those Democrats who suffered from arbitrary arrests 
 during the Lincoln reign. Such a Convention could only be lodged and fed in New 
 York City, and it would tax our resources to the utmost. It would be a great discour- 
 tesy to hold such a Convention unless it could be presided over by J. Wilkes Booth as 
 Ckairtnau, with the assistance of Fame, Atzerott, Surratt, Blackburn, and others equally 
 distinguished, as Vice-Presidents. So many of these have reached their dual destina- 
 tion, and the rest are so plainly on the way, that it would save a heavy expense in lights 
 and fuel to wait till they have all got there. We have no desire to be present at the 
 Convention, or to send any of our reporters. But we venture to predict that for the 
 first time in the history of Democratic Conventions, cold water will be in lively demand 
 and the supply limited."— Tribune, October 30, 1807. 
 
 " The great Gorilla of the Democracy is filling the air with his demoniacal howling, and 
 beating his breast like a tremendous drum, to express his savage joy over the first full 
 meal he has had after years of enforced abstinence. Eat your fill now, Gorilla, for you 
 will never have another chance!" — Tribune, November 11, 18b7. 
 
 What II G. Knew about the Democratic Party in 186S. 
 
 " In those dark years when the slaveholder ruled from Boston to New Orleans, the 
 Democratic party cheerfully wore his collar, and when he fell from power it still howled 
 aucl barked at the heels of the nation throughout the long and agonizing struggle for 
 life. This virtue at least it had — the fidelity with which an ill-treated cur sometimes 
 follows a brutal master, aud it is faithful yet. The slaveholder is dead, but over his 
 grave the Democratic party whines and raves in the hope that some miracle may yet 
 work his resurrection. Loving the dead master so well, it hates the liberated slave. 
 Look for the purpose which controls its action, and it may be fouud only in its mad, 
 unreasoning, inhuman hatred of the negro. Take this away, and the party falls to 
 pieces. Without the inspiration of hate Democracy becomes no more than a disorgan- 
 ized faction, a superannuated rioter, and a sturdy beggar for office. If the colored race 
 in this country had ever given cause for hatred, some excuse, however slight, might be 
 made for their persecutors. But they have committed no offence. In Slavery they 
 carried the virtue of patience to an excess which made it almost a crime. Aliens anil 
 outcasts and pariahs, Christians who were forbidden to read the Bible, forbidden to 
 marry, yet condemned to see their women held in concubinage by their masters ; count- 
 ed as men and sold as beasts — this people mutely endured unparalelled oppression for 
 generations without striking a blow. Here, in the North, the colored race has always 
 been law-abiding and orderly; it is only in the large cities that they become corrupted to 
 any great extent, and even in New York there is no case known in which they hung 
 Democrats upon lamp posts, or burned down asylums for Democratic orphans. Patience 
 and fortitude and forgiveness greater than theirs the world has never seen, aud in a 
 Christian nation there has never been a meaner spectacle than their persecution. Pitiful, 
 indeed, is the political party whose solitary great principle is hatred of the negro, and 
 whose chief aim is to keep him in ignorance and bondage." — Tribune, February G, 1868. 
 
 " What is a Conservative ? We ask the question with some interest, because we no- 
 tice that Mr. A. Belmont, banker, and chairman of the Democratic National Commit- 
 tee, his issued an invitation to all Conservatives to join with the Democrats in the next 
 Fourth of July Convention in this city. Chalk we understand to be chalk, aud cheese 
 we have good reason for believing to be cheese ; but that chalk is cheese, or that cheese 
 is chalk, we stand prepared unflinchingly to deny. A Conservative Democrat is an 
 incarnate contradiction. Conservatism halts, hesitates, trembles, doubts, and turns its 
 gaze wistfully to the past. Democracy advances, is confident, is bold, is decided, and 
 looks hopefully to the future; but a Conservative Democrat must have one eye at least 
 in the back of his head, weeping for extinct despotisms, while witli the other eye in 
 his forehead he marks the signs of human advancement. It would be a very curious 
 physiological circumstance if it should turn out that Mr. Belmont's delegates, the Dem- 
 ocratic Conservatives and the Conservative Democrats, resemble each other in having 
 
About the Democratic Party. 23 
 
 both eyes in the back regions, exhibiting something of ' a hungry look ' by reason of 
 their neighborhood to the phrenological organ of alimentiveness." — Tribune, April 20 
 1808. 
 
 What U. G. Knew about the Democratic Tarty in 1869. 
 
 " There have been men and women who, rejecting as fable the whole record of his- 
 torical Christianity, have held general meetings for the vindication and the promulga- 
 tion uf their incredulity; but we have never heard of any Inhdel Convention which 
 had the audacity to appropriate to itsown skeptical uses the hallowed birth of our Saviour. 
 We offer this illustration of the absurdity of a Democratic National Convention on the 
 Fourth of July in no irreverent spirit. It will occur, undoubtedly, to many serious 
 minds, and it naturally springs from the self-suggesting analogy between religious and 
 political apostacy. lis extraordinary misnomer, under which it doggedly maintains 
 the most aristocratic of notions, while it is theoretically devoted to the cause of uni- 
 versal freedom, having become a device too stale to deceive even babes and sucklings, 
 the Democratic party has resorted to the ingenious expedient of meeting upon the 
 present anniversary, and fancying that windy professions of patriotism will not be too 
 severely criticised upon a day sacred to Liberty." — Tribune, July 4, 1868. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in 1871. 
 "We learn with pleasure that quite a number of the Democratic leaders have resolved 
 to push B. Gratz Brown, the new Governor of Missouri, for next President. We do 
 not see how they could better this choice. Gratz isn't much to look at, but he has ideas 
 in his head, and is rather honest for a successful politician. He was a good second rate 
 Editor, makes a fair speech, is a radical Free-Trader, and can get some negro as well as 
 some white Republican vote3; whereas any known Copperhead will get none of eiiher 
 but those who can't help themselves. If the Democrats were in the ascendant, they 
 wouldn't touch him with a ten-foot pole — that we all understand — but they are the 
 under dog at present, and must resort to strategy to get uppermost. We assure them 
 that they might select a much worse candidate than Gratz Brown; and since he has 
 just helped Frank Blair into the Senate, we assume that the Blair family will go their 
 length for him. They musn't attempt to put him off with the Vice-Presidency, for he 
 has already a better 'place; but if they will suppress their Ku-Klux, put themselves on 
 tn#ir good behavior for two years, run Gratz Brown for President, make a noise about 
 the Tariff in the next Congress, but take care not to pass any bill till they get control 
 of the White House, they have a chance to win the next election. If they choose to run 
 a clean Copperhead ticket, on a platform that ignores the last ten years of our country's 
 history, the road is a beaten one, and they ought, by this time, to know whither it leads 
 them. We can but give them good counsel; they can take it or not at the same 
 price." — Tribune, February 6, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Democrats in January, 1867. 
 '• Suffice it that, as the result of a most anxious, intent contemplation of the history of our 
 great struggle, we do most undoubtingly believe that the Democrats, as a party, were not a 
 heart for the Union in its terrible struggle with Secession— that they did not rejoice at its 
 triumphs nor deplore its defeats. We do not say that a majority of thein wished the Union per- 
 manently dissolved : we know, and have often stated, that they did not: but they believed that 
 Union defeats and disasters would discredit and destroy the Republican ascendancy, and that 
 they would thereupon come into power and coax the Rebels back into the Union by all manner 
 of concessions and prostrations to the Slave Power. They had no notion that the Union could 
 (or should) be saved otherwise than by letting the slaveholders have their way in it; and the 
 road to this, they realized, lay not through Union victories but the contrary." — Tribune, Jan- 
 uary 28, 18G7. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about the Democrats in October, 18G7. 
 " If there were neither a newspaper nor a common school in the country, the Democratic party 
 would be far stronger than it is. Neither elementary instruction nor knowledge of transpiring 
 events is needed to teach the essential articles of the Democratic creed: '"Love men and hate 
 niggers.' The less one learns and knows, the more certain he is to 'vote the reg'lar ticket 
 from A to Izzard.' But Republicanism rests on a radically different basis, and is sustained by 
 wholly diverse considerations. It lives by Intelligence ; it dies in the inky, stifling atmosphere 
 ot'Ignorance. Canvass almost any township in the land, and distinguish those who take from 
 those who fail to take a newspaper, agd you will find that two-thirds of those who take vo:e 
 Republican, while three-fourths of those who read nothing but a chance paper picked up for a 
 few momenis in a bar-room vote the Democratic ticket, and will not be persuaded to touch any 
 other."— Tribune, October 11, 1867, 
 
24 What Horace Greeley Knows. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Democrats in March, 1SG3. 
 
 " When the Democratic orators talk of forgiveness we are ready to listen to them, for for- 
 giveness is a manly and a Christian duty ; but when they ask us to forget, tbey make a demand 
 to which, without eradicating our manhood, it is impossible to accede. Is there anything to 
 be ashamed of in the struggles of the Republic to govern itself that the citizens of the Republic 
 should banish them from recollection? Was it a good deed to rebel? Was it a bad one to 
 encounter and suppress rebellion?" — Tribune, March 3, 1868. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about the Democrats in August, 1869. 
 
 "The question now arresting the attention of the public, 'Is the Democratic party alive or 
 d< ad V is susceptible of opposite answers, according as it is understood. It is the old perplexity 
 of Giles Scroggins on awaking from a perplexity of Alcoholic obfuscation: 'Now be I Giles Scrog- 
 giDS, or ben'tl? If I be Giles Scroggins I have lost four good oxen; if I ben't, I have found a cart.' 
 On the whole, we judge that the Democracy of 1872 will remind the country of that of 18C3 
 by contrast rather than by similarity. It will evince a youthful friskiness and contempt for 
 old fogyism, and insist that it is thoroughly posted as to the time of day. We shall not be 
 surprised to find it nominating a colored Vice-President and clamorous for a conciliation and 
 fraternization of all races and castes. There are no more zealous Christians than are made of 
 veteran reprobates when they do get converted, and we expect to see the Republicans left awfty 
 in the back ground whenever Democracy shall see its account in a zealous and sweeping asser- 
 tion of the inalienable Rights of Man. And, so far from objecting to this, we shall only insist 
 that they do not claim that they abolished Slavery and put down the Rebellion, overcoming the 
 most strenuous resistance of the Republicans. That would be going a trifle too far, and any- 
 thing short of it we shall endure with serene patience and bland equanimity." — Tribune, 
 August 31, 18G9. 
 
 What H. G. Kneio about the Democrats in November, 1870. 
 "The next Congress is an affliction to those confiding Democrats who innocently looked for 
 a majority. To break the force of their disappointment, The World parades a table, wherein 
 it counts nothing but Democratic gains iu the States yet to hold elections, claims Democrats 
 where Republicans are elected, magnifies to ludicrous dimensions the Revenue Reform diver- 
 sion, and caps the climax by counting all the Democrats as Free Traders." — Tribune, November 
 17, 1870. ' . 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in March, 1871. 
 
 "The Democratic party of to-day is simply the Rebellion seeking to achieve its essential 
 purposes within and through the Union. A victory which does not enable it to put its feet on the 
 necks ot the Black race seems to the bulk of its adherents not worth having. Its heart is just 
 where it was w hen it regarded Slavery and the Constitution as two names for one thing It hates 
 the Generals who led the Union Armies to Victory, anl rarely misses a chance to disparage 
 them. It clings to that exaggerated notion of State Rights which makes them the shield of all 
 manner of wrongs and abuses. It takes counsel of its hates even more than of its aspirations, and 
 will be satisfied with no triumph that does not result in the expulsion of all active, earnest Re- 
 publicans from the South." — Tribune, March 23, 1871. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in April, 1871. 
 "To 'Love rum and hate niggers' has so long been the essence of the Democratic faith 
 that the cooler, wiser heads of the party vainly spend their strength in efforts to lift it out of 
 the rut in which they plainly see that it can only run to perdition. While Slavery endured, 
 negro-hate was an element of positive strength in our political contests, so that the Constitu- 
 tional Conventions of this and other free States w<re usually carried by the Democrats on the 
 strength of appeals to the coarser and baser whites to ' Let the nigger know his place." — Tri- 
 bune, April 7, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Democratic Party in September , 1871. 
 "The world will be moved to mirth if it reads the manifesto of the National Democratic 
 Executive Committee disowning the Democratic paternity of the pamphlet, 'Concession, or 
 how the Lost Cause May be Regained, and the Independence of the South Secured.' Nobody 
 supposed th it the National Democratic Committee had authorized the issue of the pamphlet; 
 but it is Democratic intone and temper for all that, and it speaks the honest sentiments, no 
 doubt, of thousands of Southern Democrats, who will, in defiance of repeated winks and nods 
 of disipproval from the Democratic Managers, persist in talking about the possibilities of the 
 Lost Cause at the most unseemly tim?s. Bat the suggestion that the Ridicals have concocted 
 this precious farrago of nonsense and treason for electioneering purposes is quite as ludicrous as 
 the vaunt that the Democracy is the only party that can ' bring about ret irn to honesty and 
 constitutional laws.' This last phrase is exquisite fooling." — Tribune, September 6, 1871. 
 
WHAT HORACE GREELEY KNOWS 
 
 ABOUT 
 
 Leading Democrats at the North and at the South, especially those who 
 
 now Profess to be His Especial Friends, and 
 
 His Devoted Supporters, 
 
 &c, &c, &c. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts. 
 " Mr. John Quincy Adams, son of his father, grandson of his grandfather, and the 
 small grandson of his great-grandfather, has nevertheless the wisdom to perceive that 
 what the Democratic party in Massachusetts, as well as throughout the country, needs, 
 is an act of oblivion. He wants the record of the party shaken off; wants it understood 
 that Reconstruction and Negro Suffrage are definitely settled; wants to fight the ap- 
 proaching battle in Massachusetts on financial questions and the Liquor Law; and alto- 
 gether shows how admirably he could get along if people would only remember and for- 
 get in accordance with his directions. Of course, the young man was nominated again 
 for Governor of Massachusetts. That, we believe, is the regular performance. It is 
 noticeable, however, that the platform on which he is placed begins by slapping him in 
 the face. It announces that the Democratic party of Massachusetts have no new theo- 
 ries to advance. The people will take them at their word, and hold Mr. John Quincy 
 Adams, son, grandson, and small grandson, to the test on the old theories, concerning 
 which the party has been brought to judgment before."— Tribune, August 25, 18G9. 
 
 What H.G. Knows about Gen. Beauregard, of Louisiana. 
 " Mr. G. Pierre Toutant Beauregard has issued another proclamation, not exactly in 
 the famous 'Beauty and Booty ' style, hut as near to it as the change of circumstances 
 will permit. At one time, says G. P. T. B., 'in order to escape the hatred of northern 
 fanatics, I thought of seeking a refuge in Brazil, but the generous sentiments expressed 
 by President Johnson toward the Southern States have persuaded me to remain in Lou- 
 isiana.' We are not sure, but we think President Johnson should suspend his generous 
 sentiments long enough to allow this foolish braggart to complete his meditated exile. 
 We are not in favor of colonization or expatriation on any considerable scale, for the 
 South needs workers, but the Beauregard Bourbons will never work, will never do any- 
 thing but blow the expiring embers of that discord they helped kindle, and the sooner 
 they go the better for tins country. We have no special ill-will to Brazil, but if Mr. 
 Beauiegard should like to go there, we will contribute something toward furnishing him 
 a free passage."— Tribune, December 14, 1805. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about " Jew" Bankers and Aug. Belmont, of New York. 
 " The letter of our Paris correspondent gives further accounts of the Jew Banking- 
 House opened by the Democratic United States Charge, Mr. Belmont, at- the Hague. 
 The various Rothschilds are severally citizens of the various countries where they re- 
 side, and accordingly it would be treason for any one openly to take up the Russian 
 loan, though considered a profitable job. In this dilemma, Mr. Belmont's loan shop 
 comes into action. Our Correspondent gives us an account that the Baron Rothschild, 
 of Frankfort, was closeted for two weeks with Mr. Belmont at the Hague, and again at 
 Frankfort, and added to this, that the Russian loan has been taken in the name and 
 through the agency of Mr. Belmont, our Charge aforesaid, for his relatives and patrons, 
 the Rothschilds! To these facts we call the attention of the Administration, suggesting 
 the immediate and thorough investigation of the charges in question, and if they should 
 prove true, as there is every reason to believe, the prompt recall of Mr. Belmont; or if 
 he wishes to continue his money-shop abroad, let him do it separately from the Charge- 
 ship aud the sanction of this Government. Has our foreign diplomacy touched bot- 
 tom, or not? If not, what next?" — Tribune, October 2, 1856. 
 
 25 
 
26 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 What II G. Knew about the late James Gordon Bennett. 
 
 '"Scotland, noted for its piety and industry, has given birth to the two among the 
 greatest villians of modern times, Burke and Bennett. Burke, after killing some seventy 
 people and selling their bodies, was hanged. Bennett was never hanged, but he is gib- 
 beted as moral carrion swinging to and fro in the sight, and odious in the nostrils of 
 humanity. He came to this country some twenty years ago, and immediately took the 
 first rank through the daily press as a moral Thug. He attacked the timid, the gentle, 
 the generous, and the forgiving. No innocence or courtesy was proof against his bru- 
 tality. No amount of forgiveness or forbearance softened him. No extent of public 
 service, no simplicity or purity of private life, no single-souled devotion to a great idea, 
 ever softened his ruffianism. He lived on defamation, slander, obloquy, beastliness, 
 lies. Of course such*conduct could not go unscourged even in New York. If he had 
 lived further South he would have been simply beaten to death or shot. Here he was 
 simply horsewhipped. Seven times in the public streets of this city was Bennett horse- 
 whipped. Horsewhipped in open day, and the lash well laid on his morally scrofulous 
 back. This does not include sundry kickings out of hotels which he received, or the 
 crushing ceremony of a company leaving the table when he ventured to sit down among 
 them." — Tribune, August 20, 1853. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about the late T. R. Benton, of Missouri. 
 "Mr. Benton came into the Senate upon the admission of Missouri into th§ Union — 
 1821— and has been three times re-elected." * * * "In this fortune he has been fa- 
 vored by the character of his constituency, forming the vanguard and skirmishers of 
 Western progress, many of them relying on the documents he sends them for their po- 
 litical information, and scarcely seeing any beside. He understands the art of speaking 
 and legislating 'for Buncombe,' and his Preemption and Graduation projects are ex- 
 actly calculated to extend and deepen his popularity on the wild prairies of Missouri. 
 Around St. Louis he is better known. Of late years, however, he has hardly visited 
 Missouri at all, remaining with his family near Washington from Session to Session, 
 taking care to charge ample mileage for his constructive journeys back and forward — 
 sometimes charging around by New Orleans in order to swell his emoluments by a round 
 thousand. That such a man contrives to preserve a reputation among even a moderate 
 portion of our countrymen is considerably less creditable than amazing. But, ' 'Tis dis- 
 tance lends enchantment to the view.' " — Tribune, June 1, 1842. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Jeremiah S. Black, of Pennsylvania. 
 " Nor ought we here to overlook the terrible light just thrown, by the decision of the 
 California Circuit Judges in the famous case of the New Almaden mines, upon Mr. 
 Black's own connection with that business. As Attorney-General of the United States, 
 Mr Black, it now appears, has wantonly or maliciously devoted himself and employed 
 all the moral and diplomatic power of the Government for years to deprive certain 
 private persons of their just rights in a great mining property, and to blacken their 
 characters in charges of forgery and fraud, now solemnly thrown back upon the Gov- 
 ernment itself by its own Circuit Judges. The details of the Attorney-General's pro- 
 ceedings in this case would be incredible, were they not set forth in documents at- 
 tested by himself, with an audacity or an insensibility to shame almost beyond parallel. 
 To submit the name of an officer, whose ministerial record bears such brands upon its 
 face, to the American Senate for confirmation as a member of our highest judicial tri- 
 bunal, is surely a flight of insolence so extraordinary as to partake of some of the most 
 captivating traits of the imagination." — Tribune, February 20, 18G1. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Francis P. Blair, Jr., of 3Iissouri. 
 "Frank Blair is a violent, versatile, and able adventurer, with just enough of the 
 fool in his composition to be dangerous to his own party. He has an extraordinary 
 talent for making himself uncomfortable to his friends and serviceable to his enemies. 
 He will be a valuable auxiliary to the Republicans in the Senate, and he can do us a 
 Still greater kindness by accepting The World's invitation to become a national leader of 
 the Democracy. Wherever a stupendous political blunder is possible, we can depend 
 upon Frank Blair to make it. Nor are the vagaries of The World less startling than 
 those of Mr. Blair. That paper is an adventurer in Journalism, just as Blair is an ad- 
 venturer in politics. It is not the consistent advocate of principles, but a restless spec- 
 ulator, watching the fluctuations of the political market— a bear to-day, a bull to-mor- 
 row— always trying to anticipate, by just a day or so, the changes in the current, and 
 always making a mistake in its calculations. The repudiation of Blair in 1808 was a 
 commercial venture which did not pay." — Tribune, January 31, 1871. 
 
About Leading Democrats. 27 
 
 " Gen. Frauk Blair knows his people better than the dilettanti politicians who imag- 
 ine they make campaigns and public opinion in the Manhattan Club. 
 
 " The Democratic party has no reason but one to exist, and that is the blind haste and 
 ignorance of a solid and compact mass of the mourners of Slavery, allied with the 
 Northern party of corruption and plunder. 
 
 " The prosperous gentlemen who make their living out of this party would, doubtless, 
 like well enough to wash their hands of such vulgar stains as come from midnight out- 
 rage and murder. But if they attempt to cover up these infamies by sneering apologies 
 or dishonest silence, they must assume their full responsibility. Iu the lines we have 
 quoted lies the inevitable programme of the Democratic party for the next election. 
 This malignant minority has not yet accepted the results of the war and of the legisla- 
 tion that followed. The hucksters who make a trade of principles would not hesitate 
 to cast their State secession record behind them, if they could gain anything by it. But 
 the unrepentant marauders of the South, and their ignorant sympathizers of the West, 
 will continue to dictate for them their platforms and their policy." — Tribune, February 
 28, 1871. 
 
 " A friend of Gen. F. P. Blair's has revived a letter, written by that gentleman in 
 18G5, to show that his respect for the Confederate heroes, which he manifested so 
 offensively at the Long Branch banquet, is no new thing, but a feeling which he has 
 always cherished. The letter in question is one introducing a clergyman who proposed 
 erecting a 'monumental cathedral' in honor of the rebel dead, and Mr. Blair saw 
 • nothing to disprove, but much to admire in this effort to consummate [commemorate ?] 
 their virtues of constancy and courage.' The clergyman's name is not given, but we 
 presume he is the Rev. Mr. Rogews, of Memphis, well-known for some time as an ad- 
 vanced ritualist, and now a Roman Catholic, whose project for a monumental cathe- 
 dral attracted, about four years ago, a good deal of interest. Mr. Rogers proposed that 
 the surviving friends of |lie confederate warriors should be allowed to erect in the 
 criurch statues, memorial windows, tablets, &c, inscribed with the names of any indi- 
 viduals whose deeds they chose thus to honor ; so that there was no reason why Booth, 
 Wirz, or any other of the vilest agents of the secession conspiracy, might not receive a 
 sort of canonization, and the gorgeous rays through tinted panes shed down upon the 
 worshipers a reminiscence of treachery and murder." — Tribune, July 17, 1869. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Blair Family, and of Judge Blair, of Maryland. 
 
 "Mr. Montgomery Blair is perhaps the most conspicuous and illustrious Washington 
 Politician now living. His triumphs have been the wonder of this generation. Under 
 Mr. Lincoln's administration he was a Cabinet officer. Another member of his family 
 was in the Cabinet, a third was an Admiral in the Navy, in charge of the most profit- 
 able blockading station in the service, while a brother was in the Army, or rather oscil- 
 lating between the Army and the Speakership of the House. If Mr. Seymour had been 
 elected we have no doubt that the whole Administration would have been transferred 
 to Silver Springs, aud the multitudinous Blairs would have taken the Government on 
 contract, The election of Grant would seem to have put an end to this pleasing anti- 
 cipation, and to remand the whole Blair family back to the appalling necessity of work- 
 ing for their daily bread. When Andrew Johnson became President he was welcomed 
 by the Blairs and the Washington Politicians, who brought him assurances of the 'sup- 
 port ' of the Democratic party, called him a 'second Jackson,' promised him unani- 
 mous renomination, and jounlsyed to Philadelphia to indorse him. They so preyed 
 upon the vanity and the ambition of the poor man that they dragged him over the coun- 
 try like a travelling circus. No man ever demeaned himself more than President John- 
 son. No man ever kept a bargain with more sincerity, and if any President ever de- 
 served ' the support of the Democracy,' Mr. Johnson did, in return for his 'support' 
 of the Blair family. But the Convention met, and instead of receiving the ' kingdoms 
 of the world aud the glory of them,' the confiding ' second Jackson ' was curtly dis- 
 missed with a sort of cold, shivering, contemptuous support, and the honors were 
 divided between the unpopular Seymour and a hungry Blair." — Tribune, 1865. 
 
 What H G. Knows about Alderman Boole, of New York. 
 "Aid. Francis J. A. Boole was yesterday nominated and confirmed as City Inspector, 
 vice Daniel E Delavan. Mr. Boole is a man of decided ability and energy, and has the 
 best opportunity to make himself popular and honored that man ever had. If he will 
 only clean our streets thoroughly and keep them clean at a reasonable cost for the next 
 two or three years, he may have thereafter his choice of the offices within the gift of our 
 citizens." — Tribune, June 23, 1863. 
 
28 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Jesse D. Bright, of Kentucky. 
 
 "If anything could be more impudent than the address of Mr. Jesse D. Bright to the 
 Democratic Convention of Kentucky it would be the assurance of a body which makes 
 even the faintest pretense of loyalty to the United States iu choosing such a man as ita 
 permanent President. It suits the purpose of the Democratic party just now to cry 
 out, ' Let the South come back;' yet not content with doing all inlheir power to re- 
 tard reconstruction, they must select as a standard-bearer one of the most conspicuous 
 of the Northern promoters of secession. They profess a sudden veneration for the 
 Constitution; yet this man, who presided over their councils in one of the chief States of 
 the Union, and whom they have nominated for a Presidential elector, was expelled from 
 the United States Senate for trying by armed force to tear the Constitution to pieces. 
 They have effrontery to ask for the votes of the soldiers and sailors, of wounded vete- 
 rans, of the men who perilled everything in righting for the flag; yet Mr. Bright de- 
 clares in his speech at Frankfort, ' I was opposed to the war from beginning to -the end.' 
 Mr. Bright has made a mistake. If he has forgotten the cause of his expulsion fiom 
 Congress, the loyal people have not forgotten it." — Tribune, February 29, 18G8. 
 
 What H. G. Knows ahout R. G. Breckinridge, of Kentucky. 
 
 " 'Gen. Combs,' said Breckinridge to Leslie, awhile ago, ' I consider that you have 
 done more for your party and received less return for it than any man living.' 'Just 
 the opposite of your case,' responded the General; ' I judge that you have done less for 
 your party and got more for it than any other live man.' And they were both pretty 
 nearly right. Mr. Breckinridge delivered in the House a very good eulogy on Mr. Clay, 
 and has probably made some good stump speeches, but they do not seem to bear print- 
 ing. He made one in '57 or '58 on Kausas and the Lecomptou scheme, which was not 
 only bad, but poor, aud another on ' Southern Rights,' in Frankfort, last Winter, which 
 was distinguished by every trait of the worst effusions of the Fire-Eaters except ability 
 and eloquence. Unless we sadly misjudge, he is destined to be badly beaten in his own 
 State." — Tribune, June 25, 18G0. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Erastus Brooks's "New York Express." 
 " We have charged The Nero York Express with treachery to the party it pretends to 
 support, and it has not dared to respond. It has picked passages out of our proqfs of the 
 treachery to which it makes some sort of reply; but to the accusation itself, it silently 
 pleads guilty. That paper professes to support the 'American' party, and is daily egg- 
 ing on that party to nominate a State Ticket, which it virtually' promises to support, 
 while all the time it is doing its utmost to elect, not the 'American ' ticket, but that of 
 the Slave Democracy. It is to help that party in its desperate struggle for power that 
 it pretends to be 'American,' while all its indications and arguments, its leanings and its 
 libels, look to securing a triumph for the New York allies of the Border Ruffians. 
 
 "We deprecate no fair, manly opposition. We support no principle, no measure, no 
 candidate in whose behalf we do not court the most rigorous scrutiny. We would have 
 all men free as air to vote against us, if they do not think with us. But let us have civ- 
 ilized, not savage, antagonism in politics. Let each display his true colors, and stand 
 or fall with them, as the public judgment shall decree. But this displaying the flag of 
 one party in order to win success for another is not honest. It is not the manly frank- 
 ness of a patriot, but the cunning dodge of a pirate. Let us see who consent to be the 
 decoy candidates of this unworthy juggle." — Tribune, September 11, 1857. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about James Brooks, of New York. 
 "No Stonewall Jackson, no park of Rebel artillery, could do such deadly harm to 
 the Union cause as would a general belief in the charges of James Brooks, the Member 
 from the VHIth, impeaching the integrity and loyalty of the President of the United 
 8tates."— Tribune, May 12, 1SG3. 
 
 " The Hon. James Brooks lately made a speech at a public supper party in this city, 
 which should have been preserved as a touching exposition of Democratic mournfulness 
 by the art of a stenographer, but that Nemesis of unwary politicians not having been 
 present on the occasion, we can only snatch a fragment from unmerited oblivion. Mr. 
 Brooks not being irrigated with wine, and his wits therefore not being out, pathetically 
 described the havoc done during the last few dreadful years by the Republican icono- 
 clasts, and insisted that the first duty of the Democracy in this hour of triumph was 
 to enthrone their ugly idols again and fall down in fetish worship as of old. But letting 
 -his thoughts wander beyond the little realm ruled from Albany he became painfully 
 
About Leading Democrats. 29 
 
 conscious that the most precious of the idols is irreparably smashed. ' Let us,' said Mr. 
 Brooks, ' have everything as nearly as possible as before; but I suppose it is impossible 
 to re-establish slavery.' His tone betrayed his bitter regret that tlie idol is shattered be- 
 yond the possibility of Democratic repair, and his auditors plainly inferred that he 
 would engage in the work of sticking the fragments togettier if he imagined it would 
 be of any use. We rejoice that we can offer Mr. Brooks some consolation in his sore 
 distress by bidding him reflect that he is himself sufficient proof that the leopard has 
 but changed his spots; the blacks are indeed irrevocably free, but the white democrats 
 are yet slaves." — Tribune, January 11, 1870. 
 
 "Mr. James Brooks sneers at the suggestion that Protection tends to reduce Prices, 
 just as though he had sat at the feet of Calhoun and John Randolph, rather than of 
 Clay and George Evans. And yet this same Brooks exults over the fact that the en- 
 hancement last year of the duties on Copper had bean followed by a marked decline in 
 the price of that metal, just as though it did not prove the very proposition which he 
 deems so preposterous. No man ever before confuted his own fundamental assump- 
 tion with such profound unconsciousness." — Tribune, April 2, 1870. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 "If we, too, might lapse iuto Mr. Quiucy's train of despoudiug reflection, we would 
 appeal to the young men of the country, standing now in the morning of life, strong, 
 cultured, and unselfish, hoping for public honors, but still aiming at public usefulness. 
 We would, say : Do you wish to be President '? Look at the old man who dreamed in 
 his youth, and who has found in the sober certainty of waking bliss only bitterness ! 
 Who, in securing the stool for which, through so many long years, he panted, sealed 
 his own shame, and who has won at last only the contempt of his enemies, and the 
 falsehood of his friends ! In these, the stormy times of the Republic, he expires a 
 driveler, and only not a show because nobody cares to see him. Tried and wanting ; 
 trusted and faithless ; sworn and forsworn ; old without veneration ; unfortunate with- 
 out pity; his task unperformed ; his duty undone ; his name a by- word ; his existence a re- 
 proach, and his reputation a stench, he couats the hours, and awaits the day which will see 
 him, to the joy of the good, for the last time totter down the steps of the White House, 
 to crawl into night and darkness, and there vainly.tex beg of the Muse of History, 
 which can ill spare such an example, immunity from being remembered." — Tribune, 
 February 21, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina. 
 
 " Mr. Calhoun is a very able man, but Slavery, which includes meaner intellects in 
 one general debauchery, did not spare even his. He was incapable of saying what he 
 did not believe, but he was incapable also, and very often, of distinguishing between a 
 sound and a sophistical premise. His temper, we think, was not very unequable; and 
 yet he was sometimes betrayed in the heat of debate aud through the poverty of his 
 resources into saying things which, coming from other lips, would have been laughable. 
 The vice of paradox had pretty complete possession of his mind, and kept it without 
 any violation of natural laws; for those who act continually upon the defensive, and 
 plant themselves upon solecisms, have no resort but strategy, aud that of no high or 
 seientiiic character. Thus Mr. Calhoun could not have been tniuking either accurately 
 or calmly when he said to Mr. John Quincy Adams that if the discussion of the slave 
 question should produce a dissolution of the Union, which he thought not improbable, 
 'the South would, from necessity, be compelled to form an alliance, offensive and de- 
 fensive, with Great Britain.' This remark, which was an exceedingly weak one when 
 it was made in 1820, and long before the question of the Abolition of Slavery had been agi- 
 tated in the Imperial Parliament, would still less bear sober repetition to-day; and yet 
 this childish presumption, which is half a tUreat and half a wil I Hope, the delusion of 
 despair, is repeated in a parrot-like way by the present feeble generation of slaveown- 
 ers, who, catching also at another notion, still less coUerent, of Mr. Calhoun's talk of 
 the necessity of a Southern 'military community,' and in accord ince with this prattle 
 organize little militia companies which once a year shoot at a target and get as valorous 
 and as drunk as ever Alexander the Great was." — Tribune. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Lewis D. Campbell, of Ohio. 
 "When theXXXIVth Congress first convened, early in Djjc aber, 1855, the organi- 
 zation of the House was impeded for two months or over by in i >ility to unite a dozen 
 or so of its members upon any candidate for Speaker for wtiom sincere Republicans 
 
30 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 could vote. Scott Harrison has died since, as have Dunn, Valk, Broome, Fuller, and 
 perhaps Moore; and now Lew. Campbell turns up a Democratic Senator in Ohio, with 
 Ed. Ball a ditto Representative; he having played a like role in the House. Ball turned 
 out some years ago; Campbell sank gradually through the mire of Johnsonism into the 
 pit which now enslimes him. Considering his Anti-Slavery professions in the past, 
 Lew. is probably the most abandoned, shameless renegade since Benedict Arnold." — 
 Tribune, October 19, 1809. 
 
 ""What an awful thing that Congressional Globe is! Here is Col. L. D. Campbell run- 
 ning in Ohio, as a ' Democrat,' for Congress, and somebody has been looking up his old 
 speeches in the House, in which he said, more than once, that, ' the Democratic party 
 hud been on both sides of every political question which has been agitated since the 
 foundation of the Government,' on 'the tariff and the currency' especially. Moreover, 
 l*ne resurrectionists have unearthed not only the Colonel's Know-Nothing speeches, but 
 also a flue assortment of anti-Slavery orations, of the fiercest and most benevolent de- 
 scription. They call him in Ohio 'the ready-made combination candidate,' and seem 
 to think, as he represents both sides so beautifully, that there is no necessity of run- 
 ning anybody else in his District." — Tribune, September 3, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Lcivis Cass, of Michigan. 
 
 "Mr. Cass enjoys the high honor of standing at the head of a class. This is the 
 political mock-auctioneers of our times — men who keep the red flag flying continually, 
 and perpetually expose their brass and pinchbeck, declare them to be pure gold, and 
 try to impose upon everybody. He is the head and front of. the whole breed of dough- 
 faces, of whieh it is to be hoped this generation will see the last; but perhaps not. It 
 is hard to eradicate an entire breed, especially when it is bad. Foul weeds need per- 
 petual uprooting. The signs of the times, however, denote that most of them will be 
 brought to the stake for their crimes. Let us, at least, hope so. If we only get rid of 
 the troublesome rascals, and bring the North and South face to face on the Slavery 
 question we should have peace and harmony. The question would then be settled 
 once for all. But the doughfaces and compromisers thrust in then - time-serving inter- 
 ference and make all the mischief. The Lord deliver us from the whole doughface 
 race — timid, hare-like, truckling, spongy, prevaricating, backing out, selling out crew. 
 If such a thing existed as a political jew-shop, the whole tribe could not be pawned for 
 enough to replace the wig of the venerable head of the order upon whose merits we 
 have descanted." — Tribune, February 10, 1855. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about what Chief Jus/ ice Chase did at the Impeachment trial. 
 
 " The man -who has done more than all others, unless in a pecuniary way, to secure 
 this result, is Chief Justice Chase. He decided the vote of Mr. Van Wiukle. He did 
 his utmost — happily in vain — to carry off Mr. Sprague. We doubt that Mr. Henderson 
 would have voted as he did but for the Chief Justice's exertions. Those exertions saved 
 Andrew Johnson from the verdict which we feel that he has worked hard aad success- 
 fully to deserve." — Tribune, May 18, 1888. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about J.M. Cavanaugh, of Montana. 
 
 "Here is the most charming illustration of the beauties of the franking privilege that 
 w.e have seen yet. The Hon. J. M. Cavauau^h, Delegate from Montana, franks the 
 printed circulars of a Washington t ivern-keeper. This beats the Hon. James Brooks, 
 who used to frank the handbills of a chicken show. Nobody was uncharitable enough 
 to suppose that Mr. Brooks was recompensed with prize poultry or a basket of eggs; 
 but when it comes to advertising a tavern, the best friends of Mr. Cavanaugh cannot 
 help wondering whether he pays full price for his board, or has the free run of the bar. 
 
 [s it possible that the enterprising host of the Hotel charges all Mr. C ivanaugh's 
 
 drinks to the ' postage account,' or anything of that sort?" — Tribune, March 27, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about John Cochrane, of New York. 
 " The Hon. John Cochrane, M. O, made a speech at a Democratic meeting in Brook- 
 lyn on Monday evening, wherein he charged the responsibility of Old Brown's madness 
 distinctly on Gov. Seward and the Republicans! Tney, argued the Hon. orator, have 
 been plotting to array one section of the Union against the other, and here is the result. 
 Far different, he argued, was the^position and action of his own party. ' We, as mem- 
 bers of the Democratic party,' says Mr. John Cochrane, '■never have understood that we 
 
Ab r dit Leading Democrats. 31 
 
 are to be arrayed against our fellow-citizens of the Smth.' * * * ' We Democrats, 
 who have always maintained the opposite side of the issue, must hold our adversaries to 
 the consequences of their treachery.' " — Tribune, October 2G, 1850. 
 
 " Mr. Juhn Cochrane has made a little speech in the House on his own political history and 
 landmarks. It was very vague in its statements, tender in its allusions, and pervaded by 
 a desperate anxiety to he funny. We can state Mr. Cochrane's case even more briefly, and a 
 great deal more frankly than he states it himself. Here is the naked truth : In 1847-8, Mr. 
 Cochrane bolted from, fought against, and helped to beat the party he now supports, because it 
 stood upon the platform of Non-Interference, or Squatter Sovereignty, with regard to Slavery in 
 the Territories. He then proclaimed, iu every conceivable way, his devotion to the principle of 
 Free Soil, or the exclusion by Congress of Slavery from the Territories. In 1859-GO, thatsame 
 National Democracy has changed its position on the Slavery question, and assumed one far more ex- 
 treme and obnoxious than that it held in 1847-8. It then held, at least throughout the Free States, 
 that there could be no law for Slavery in any Territory, until the People of that Territory see St 
 to enact one, and that Squatter Sovereignty was therefore better for the cause of Free Labor than 
 Congressional Sovereignty. Now that party indorses the Dred Scott decision, and its Chief de- 
 clares that this decision makes all Federal Territory Slave Territory, and denies to the people of 
 oach or any Territory any control over the matter. They must protect Slavery whether they 
 like it or not. They cannot exclude or abolish it until their Territory shall become a State. 
 This is the doctriue to-day held out, not only by the President ami Cabinet, but by a majority 
 of the Democrats in Congress — the doctrine of the party which John Cochrane does his best to 
 uphold. Is he not a double-dyed apostate? And is there on the wide earth one man who be- 
 lieves that he would have so ' turned bis back on himself, ' had he not found this his readiest 
 road to office and power V'~Tribu?ie, January 7, 18G0. 
 
 " After it had been thought best that John Cochrane should retire from th,e military service, 
 his voice and vote were still given to the party whose triumphs were not hailed with cheers at 
 Richmond nor along the lines of the rebel armies. Hence he was two years since nominated and 
 elected Attorney-General by the Union Party of our State. But a fresh election approaches and 
 he is not renominated — perhaps because no delegate to the union convention happened lo think 
 of it — possibly, because rumors were afloat that he was already plowing with all manner of 
 questionable heifers. Though he had not yet been slimed over preparatory to swallowing by 
 John Van Buren, it was instinctively felt that he was getting ready to go down easy. Not 
 being offered a fresh nomination on our side and not having changed his politics for nearly if 
 not quite four years, Gen. Cochrane seems to have concluded that it was high time for a somer- 
 sault. Perhaps it was. \ 
 
 "But Gen. Cochrane can deceive neither himself nor others. Right well does he know that he 
 is deserting and betraying the cause of universal freedom. Right well is he aware that he is 
 dealing falsely, cruelly by -the humble and imperilled four millions whom he was among the 
 firsc to summon to pour out theii blood in defence of the Union. No matter what protests and 
 reservations he may see fit to make, Gen. Cochrane, like Gen. Slocum, Judge Grover, and John 
 W. Edmonds, alter having summoned the blacks to our aid in a vital emergency, now whistles 
 them down the wind, remits them unprotected to the tender mercies of those who think 'a 
 nigger is good in his place;' but that place is under the feet of the whiles, and his true < tod-or- 
 dained position eternally that of a spurned, despised menial and drudge." — Tribune, October 
 25, 1865. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about S. S. Cox, of Ohio — New York. 
 
 "Sunset Cox, who has been called in to aid the sinking c he De nocracy in New York, 
 
 was speaking in Ohio on the late Presidential canvass. II e gloried in the name of Copperhead, 
 and said it was a Copperhead that saved the nation of Israel in the wilderness — al India ? to the 
 lifting up of the brazen serpent in sight of the stricken people. A man shouted on' in the 
 crowd, 'Yes, but the Copperheads bit the nation, and no relief was gained till the i hi f ' ' -pper- 
 head was strung up on a pole in sight of the camp.' Tiie orator subsided." — Tribune, Nbvetnr. 
 ber 3, 1865. 
 
 "Cox reminds us of the old Greek story of the donkey that devoured a rope of straw at one 
 end while a foolish old woman twisted it industriously at the other. ' Is Cox like th ; donkey 
 or the old woman ?' some reader may ask. Whichever you please. gentle inquirer! But 
 whether he is asinine or anile, he is no belter than*, Disunionist of that worst or' v iriety, which 
 prattles upon Northern platforms instead of fighting on Southern fields. We confess iht we 
 do not see how Cox differs from Jeff. Davis except that Davis is the cleverer man of the two ; 
 for we do not think that any one with the average modicum of brains woiild stultify himself 
 and insult his hearers, through a whole evening, by alte nately blowing hot and col I. by talk- 
 ing loyalty and treason in tin: same breath, or by s iductively 3ighi ig for 'I iar Virgi it i to cOme 
 back, while he bid Massachusetts be off with herself ins tauter." — Tribune, January 1 7 1863. 
 
32 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Caleb Gushing, of Massachusetts. 
 
 "Mr. Caleb Gushing is about the hardest cushion ever pressed by the weight of public 
 opinion. He is rhinoscerously tough as to his outside, and inside he is like the apples of Sodom, 
 full of ashes and not very finely sifted. We do not say that he is a bad man, but with our hat 
 off and our best bow, we pronounce him to be a bold one. A great many years ago, a certain 
 Francis Bacon established the inductive philosophy in science ; in these recent days, Mr. Caleb 
 Cushing -proposes to establish a philosophy of rascality. He believes the worse to be the better 
 reason, and he is not afraid to say so. We respect him for his bravery, just as we respect the 
 gentleman with the black cuticle and the barbed tail. He flies with immense boldness into the 
 face aud eyes of modern humanity. We have heard that he almost killed Miss Bremer by his 
 exquisite and over-mastering preposterousness in favor of wickedness. The poor tourist was 
 •sot used to that sort of thing. She could not understand the equitable side of iniquity. She 
 was bothered by Mr. Cushing's idea of Christian stealing, evangelical burglary, religious 
 invasion, virtuous tyranny and humane subjugation. The truth is, Attorney Caleb is nothing 
 if not paradoxical. He is a Democrat, and he therefore supports au aristocracy founded upon 
 the color of his fellow-creatures' skin. In his Utopia there would be noue but white folks. 
 Caleb is also for progress. Therefore it is necessary to consign every human race, save one, to 
 a perpetual terrestial perdition. And so, we suppose, if he felt himself interested in the 
 Christian cause he would advise nine human beings out of ten to remain infidels and idolators ; 
 and that if his mind were utterly occupied by a passion for the predominance of mercantile 
 honesty, he would distribute gratuitous thimbles to enterprising young gentlemen (the peas 
 included) and furnish the Peter Funks with any quantity of watches warranted not to go, and 
 to be of the most unmistakable pinchbeck." — Tribune, December 1, 1851. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about Jefferson Davis and the Democrats. 
 
 " Mr. Jefferson Davis; has recently added his rejoicings to those of the Democrats in 
 Connecticut, and assured them of his sympathies. As he mourned when Grant drove 
 Leu from Richmond, when Sherman carried the Stars and Stripes through the heart of 
 the South, so he mourned over every Republican triumph at the polls ; and as he re- 
 joiced when Union troops were routed at Chauccllorsvillc, he rejoices over the election 
 of Mr. English. That is very natural; we do not expect the leader of the rebellion to 
 exult in any success of the party which crushed it, but it is also very significant. 
 Great must be the comfort felt by the Democrats to know that Mr. Davis believes ' the 
 Connecticut election to be one of which that State may well be proud.' It is a compli- 
 ment which we rejoice he never paid to the Republican party; we ask approval from 
 the loyal people, and not from the men who sought to destroy the Union. Let the 
 Conservatives and Democrats make the most of Jeff. Davis' pride in their Connecticut 
 victory. Wc do not envy them the approval and alliance of a man who did his utmost 
 to divide the Republic, and to establish an empire upon Slavery. We are perfectly 
 content that Mr. Davis should be proud of the Democrats, and that the Democrats 
 should be proud of Mr. Davis." — Tribune, April 10, 1867. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about Garrett Davis, of Kentucky. 
 
 "We have two requests to make of Mr. Garrett Davis. The first is that in his admirable 
 speeches and epistles he will let the sitirient Romans alone, partly because we are tired of hear- 
 ing of them, but particularly because it is evident that Mr. Garrett Davis knows very little 
 about them. 
 
 "The second request is that he will not be so tremendously solemn and so profoundly down 
 in the mouth. As he knows so much about Sejanus, perhaps he has also heard of Heraclitus, 
 an old gentleman who used to be always blubbering in the streets of Ephesus. Well, Mr. 
 Davis seems to us to be a good deal like this water-cart philosopher and founder of the vener- 
 able sect of the Boo-IIoos. It is right enough to cry now and then, at the proper hour and in 
 the proper place, but to be crying and croaking all the time seems to us to be a culpable waste 
 of water and of wind. Mr. Davis, if he weeps too soon and too much, will be as dry-eyed in 
 six months as a widow of five years' standing listening to the proposal of a new lover. Hear 
 him : When Gen. Grant is thus elected (u h !) and inaugurated President (ah !) then will the 
 revolution of our Government (alas !) be complete and permanent (ehe'w !) and a long dismal 
 night of despotism (the Lord havemerc3 r on us !) will ' brood over the country ' (Three groans, 
 fifty sighs, and one howl of reckless despair.) We must beg Mr. Davis not to give way to bis 
 emotions, which, however creditable, they may be to his heart, might, if indulged in, result in 
 cerebral congestion, to the infinite damage of his head. Perhaps, after all, if we may judge by 
 the past, Congress will be able to defend itself against Grant, the crowned, robed, enthroned, 
 and sceptered tyrant, and to save us from what Mr. Garrett Davis calls, with a smack of Hiber- 
 nian confusion, 'a permanent revolution!' " — Tribune, August 14, 1868. 
 
Ahout Leading Democrats. 33 
 
 What' H. G. Knew about John D. Defrees as Public Printer. 
 " Mr. Defrees runs the Pub. Doc. machine To borrow a Washington tradition, as applied 
 to the bead of the Agricultural Department, the expenses of the Pub. Doc. mill l have exceeded 
 his most sanguine anticipations.' To meet the supply, the Congressmen have invented frank- 
 ing machines, for the teeming Defrees poured out his Pub. Does, so profusely that the readiest 
 rs in the land could not frank them. So wc have Pub. Docs, flying on the wings of the 
 mail to the East and West, like migratory birds or locusts, settling upon every house and dwell- 
 ing. The Pub Doc. plague has been a blessing to the trunk-makers and barbers and pastry- 
 cooks." — Tribune, January 18, 18(36. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about A. Delmar, of New York. 
 
 "Mr. Delmar's statistical tables are wholly devoted to facts bearing on the foreign trade of 
 the United States and other nations. Not a single fact or Bgure is given relative to any branch 
 of industry carried on in the United Slates. Our great agricultural, manufacturing, mining, 
 transportation, river, lake, and canal system;, our labor interests — our home capital in what- 
 soever branches employed— afford a vast field for investigation, and the statistics in regard to 
 them would-be of inestimable value. The current polities of the country cannot be compre- 
 hended without them. The history of our country cannot be truly written because of the want 
 of them. Yet Mr. Delmar is blind to everything but what takes place on the ocean. He is a 
 salt-water bird, and if he were appointed Director of a Bureau of Statistics for the five great 
 oceans of the globe he would be in his right place. If the President cannot be induced to 
 appoint a more competent Superintendent for the Bureau it had better be abolished." — Tribune. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Ignatius Donnelly, of Minnesota. 
 
 "Ignatius Donnelly was a young man and new to the State when the Republicans of his 
 District took him up (in 1864) and elected him to Congress, re-electing him in 1806. Not being 
 a Clay nor a Webster many Republicans thought two terms should satisfy him ; but be insisted 
 on another, divided the party, and threw away the seat. Now, a true man, we think, would 
 havesaid: ' Since there is a considerable part of my Republican constituents who wish me to 
 step aside I will do it, harmonize the district, and save the seat.' Mr. Donnelly chose the 
 opposite course and threw the seat away. We think this proves him a false, selfish, unworthy 
 man, and justifies our conviction that he cares nothing for the Republican party except as it 
 ministers to his own aggrandizement." — Tribune, December 21, 1869. 
 
 " Mr. Ignatius Donnelly, having been thrice chosen to Congress from the northern district 
 of Minnesota, wanted to go again; but the Republican Convention saw fit to nominate an- 
 other; so he ran stump and threw away the district. Hereupon Mr. Donnelly, who was a 
 Pennsylvanian born and had hitherto been a zealous protectionist, came out a 'Revenue Re- 
 former,' and commenced assailing the party which had hitherto endured and subsisted him as 
 the enemy of the West, because it had elected such men as himself to Congress, and thereby 
 upheld the policy of Protection. 
 
 "After doing what little mischief he could in the way of spouting wherever he could corner 
 an audience, Mr. D. has at length got himself into line with the Sham Democracy. He is to. 
 run again for Congress as a stump candidate, iuflictiug on the Republicans all the abuse and 
 misrepresentation whereof he is capable; and the Democrats are to print his name on their 
 ballots anil see if their votes, with those he cau pick up by his anti-Tariff dodge, will not put 
 him through. 
 
 " This man Donnelly affords a fair illustration of what is meant by ' Revenue Reform.' Its 
 inspiration is hatred of Republican ascendancy and a determination to overthrow it in 1812. 
 So it is understood, and therefore it is favored, by every enemy of General Grant's Adminis- 
 tration. Thus The Chicago Times applauds The Chicago Tribune lor commending Diiuocratic 
 (that is, anti-Tariff) principles in quarters wuich Democratic journals never reach. Thus The 
 Ohio Statesman commends The Stale Journal as being soun 11/ Copperhead so far as the Tariff 
 is concerned. Everywhere a Free Trade speech-maker is justly hailed by the Democrats as 
 luring fish into their nets. Happily there are not enough of them to rescue Sham Democracy 
 from the famine which, for lack of Federal loaves as well as fishes, it has endured for the last 
 nine years." — -Tribune, September 19, 1870. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about James R. Doolitllc, of Wisconsin. 
 
 "Mr. James R. Doolittle joined the Republican party late in the canvass of 1856, after he 
 had become satisfied that it could not fail to carry Wiscousin, and was chosen United States 
 Senator a few months thereafter. He is now well through his second term, and is quite aware 
 that be must look to new affiliations for office thereafter. Mr. Doolittle left the Republicans of 
 Wisconsin last Fall, and has been defying them ever since. He was instructed to vote for the- 
 
34 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 Civil Rights bill by the vote of every Republican in the present Legislature, but he did not 
 obey. Including Governor Randall's 'bread-and-butter' men, there may be two thousand 
 ex-Republicans in Wisconsin who are going over with Doolittle ; but he ha3 no more idea of 
 acting henceforth with the Republicans than of turning Mormon. He has got all he could 
 from our side, and has gone off in quest of ' fresh fields and pastures green.' We expect to 
 have him making speeches in our State for the Democratic ticket." — Tribune, August 17, I860. 
 
 " Mr. James R. Doolittle has lost the little dignity he retained after his involuntary apostasy 
 from the Republican party. As long as he held himself aloof from the scenes of his old con- 
 tests, bearing impartial testimony against the wickedness of both sides, we found him a trifle 
 dull, but perfectly respectable. His isolation gave him a sort of style — like St. Simeon's on 
 his pillar, equal to him in integrity and uselessness. But he has sunk into a mere office- 
 seeker at last, and accepted a grudging nomination with a platform as shuffling and hesitating 
 as himself. He will he easily beaten and comfortably forgotten before he is called upon to 
 digest his Thanksgiving Turkey." — Tribune, August 25, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the late Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois. 
 
 " Mr. Douglas made his appearance yesterday (January 24, 1854) in the Senate riding two 
 horses abreaft. He goes now for a split of Nebraska, and for the making of two Territories 
 where there are not half people enough to form one. Just what he proposes to do we do not 
 learn. But, we judge he is after keeping up the equilibrium of things by making a slave and a 
 free State out of his two proposed Territories of Nebraska and Kansas. The Little Giant is 
 rolling himself in the dirt too early. He will be so bemired before 1856 that he will lose all 
 chance of being touched by anybody. However, let him wallow. Weave coutent.if he is." — 
 Tribune, January 24, 1854. 
 
 " Douglas has brains. So had Judas. So had that other Arnold who tried to sell out 
 American Liberty before him. But in the case of the Illinois Senator, the braius are coarse and 
 unwashed. They are also in the wrong place. A phrenological system founded on his brain 
 would be only applicable to Yahoos. His is a bull-dog mentality, a combination of the swine-herd 
 and the Caliban. One may Say be is capable. So he is. He can do certain things very well. He 
 caa frame a foundation and build thereon as good a superstructure of lies as any other man. He 
 can blackguard his betters like a fish-sellim;: harridan ; witness his speeches in the Senate. He 
 can run through the whole diapason of political falsehood with unrivalled skill, from the deli- 
 cate note of suggested prevarication down to the double bass of unmitigated lyiosc. He is an 
 artist in that domain of human effort. If the devil should ever open a crystal palace and give 
 premiums, Douglas would command them all in this branch of manufacture. Yet let us do 
 him justice. He does not lie when the truth would serve him better. To tbi3 extent he is vir- 
 tuous, in this he is a connoisseur who knows where to place his picture. If he cannot 
 give it a good light he will not put k up. To fact, Douglas has a jolly affection for a lie. He 
 evidently thinks the lie an ill-treated member of society. Thus he harbors it, aims to elevate it, 
 makes it a boon companion, ami takes it into his service on all occasions. He sets a little lie 
 on its legs, and tenderly and lovingly nurses it, till it grows rotund aad swelling. He puts it 
 on its travels, and as it wanders over the, country he chuckles and exults at it3 powers of locomo- 
 tion. Seeing his skill and loving the little darlings of his brain, he creates more. Thus he be- 
 comes father to a brood. So skillful has he become in this line, that in political circles he en- 
 joys almost a monopoly of the business. Other peoples' efforts in it are as so meagre, compared 
 with his, that, "by common consent, he is accorded the position of liar-in-chief. He has reached 
 the rank of Lieutenant-General by real service. Long ago he commenced stump-speaking and 
 went over into Kentucky. Humphrey Marshall and others used to meet him. He there acquired 
 a great reputation. Indeed, he was everywhere admired. It was in everybody's mouth : ' How 
 splendidly the little villain lies.' " — Tribune, April 11, 1856. 
 
 "Mr. Douglas is now, par excellence, the representative man of the Democracy of the Free 
 States. A man of the people, without much superfluous refinement of mind or manner, ready 
 to take a chew of tobacco or a drink of whiskey with any fellow in the first bar-room, he car- 
 ries off in triumph the facile admiration of the rowdy crowd who adorn the lower walks of 
 human society ; while the pugilistic quality and prodigious force of his intellect, the reckless 
 quickness of his attack, and the unequalled game and pluck of his defence, render him a formid- 
 able figure in every contest in which he may bear a part. It is true that his mental constitu- 
 tion, as exhibited in his political career, is not of a sort to command the admiration of severe 
 critics or to insure him a place among the great statesmen and orators of the country. It lacks 
 at once the charm of the imagination and the fascinations of both wit and sentiment: while it 
 seems equally destitute of the guiding influence of a sacred love of truth and a careful obs :rv- 
 ;n ie of the lines which sunder her domains from those of falsehood. Nor has Mr Dou las 
 evinced the generosity and magnanimity which are indispensable in a great popular I ■]■•; 
 but in gladiatorial displays of talent, and in the unscrupulous rough-and-tumfole co I 
 
About Leading Democrats. 35 
 
 partisan politics he is without a peer ; and accordingly be is the hero, and, at this moment, the 
 indisputable chief of the Northern Democracy." — Tribune, December 31, 1858. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Peter M. Dnx, of Alabama. 
 " The Hon Peter M. Dux, a Democratic member of Congress from Alabama, has happily hit 
 upon the only sweetly plausible explanation of the origin of the Ku-Klux Klau which has been 
 mads public. It must be observed that Mr. Dox admits the fact of the existence of the Klan, 
 but says the negroes behaved very badly in 1803, when the organization of the K. K. K. was 
 perfected. The colored people, he avers, were in the habit of roaming about the country und 
 firing off muskets in a loose and prbmiscuous fashion, thereby scaring the timid Southrons, 
 who found it necessary to organize a Local patrol such as all slaveholding towns had before 
 the war. Knowing that the negroes were superstitious, the so-called Ku-Klux used masks, 
 only for the purpose of frightening them just as the Chinese sought to terrify the outside bar- 
 barians with horribly grotesque shields and noise?. And this harmless stratagem was not 
 resorted to until the negroes had been vainly ■expostulated ' with. But Mr. Dox does not say 
 how many negroes lost their lives by expostulation, though he doe3 say the means used were 
 effectual iu re-establishing order." — Tribune, July 13, 1871. * 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Edward Everett, of Massachusetts. 
 
 " Edward Everett lacked the force of character which qualifies a man to guide and mould the 
 opinions of his fellows. With a genuine love of progress, it is no paradox to say that he 
 combined a dread of innovation ; he shrunk before the ghosts of public rumor; his trust in 
 principle was even modified by his mistrust of consequences ; with a want of the enthusiasm, 
 the p '.'sonal magnetism, the free, spontaneous abandonment to th - genial impulses of the moraeut 
 which make ardent friends, he was annoyed with the perpetual fear of making enemies; he 
 carried his kindness of manner, Ifis spirit of conciliation, his deference to prevailing preju- 
 dices, his love of complimentary allusions, to the very verge of sincerity ; it was a hard thing 
 for him to makeup his mind to call a ba 1 thing or a false ilea by its right name ; and even in 
 the defence of vital public interests, he trembled before the audacious or the subtle assaults of his 
 antagonists ; he was too fond of granting concessions for the sake of peace ; thus at times incur- 
 ring the contempt of his opponents, who saw no distinction between his gentleness of statement 
 and cowardice of spirit, between his aversion to giving offence and a willingness to compromise 
 the noblest principles Of statesmanship," — Tribune, January 1G, 1865. 
 
 What H. G. Kriqws about Emerson Etheridge, of Tennessee. 
 
 " Mr. Emerson Etheridge, it is announced, has gone to Washington to induce the Govern- 
 ment to recognize Gen. William B. Campbell as Governor of Tennessee, on the sirength of a 
 few hundred votes polled for him in several counties on the first Thursday of August last, which 
 used to be the day of election in that Stale. The object of this movement, we believe, is not so 
 much to induct Gen. Campbell, as to extrude Hon. Andrew Johnson, whose decided and out- 
 spoken anti-slavery convictions and acts are not approved by Mr. Etheridge. Gen. Campbell, like 
 Gov Johnson and Mr. Etheridge, was a member of Con :ress in other days, was always a Whig and 
 a high-toned gentleman, is loyal and true, ind would doubtless make a rood Governor. It may 
 or may not be well to place him in that office. But if there be any party in Tennessee desiring 
 to see him recognized as Governor at Washington, they surely should know better than to en- 
 trust their case to Emerson Etheridge. That person, hunted from his home by the Secession- 
 ists, came to Washington a fugitive, and was immediately taken up by the Republicans, and 
 placed in the best office within their gift — that of Clerk of the liaise. He was not known to be 
 a Ucpublican, but he was a Unionist, nnd no questions were asked. In requital for this gene- 
 rosity, Mr. Etheridge, last summer, addressed to the Unionists of Memphis about the most bit- 
 ter and unfair attack on the President, his policy, and their supporters, that has ever yet been 
 concocted. lfTharin, the Alabama fugitive, had more brains, he might equal its injustice and 
 ingratitude, but not its subtle venom. 
 
 "If therefore there be loyal men in Tennessee who have business of consequence at Washing- 
 ton, we trust they may be admonished to confide it to someone less intensely and justly obnox- 
 ious there than Emerson Etheridge." — Tribune, September 30, 1863. 
 
 "Impudence, if very cool, is very amusing, and in that respect the letter of Mr. Emerson 
 Etheridge will be found good light reading. The.-e Southern gentlemen are recovering with 
 wo'nderful quickness from the mortification of their terrible defeat, and are breaking oar all over 
 the country into a rase of vituperation. Whether they are made governors or lodged in jail 
 seems to make little difference to them. They turn upon the President with a virulence and 
 wrath which had they displayed in arms might have prolonged the war another year; but the 
 men who scold do not seem to be the men who fought. It is those who were on neither one 
 6ide nor the other during the war who seem determined now that the fighting is over that 
 
36 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 the bad passions it engendered shall not be forgotten, and that there shall be no real peace." 
 — Tribune, July 22, 1865. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Thomas B. Florence, of Washington. 
 
 " The Hon. Thomas B. Florence was fourteen years a representative of the Philadelphia Navy- 
 Yard in the House, and a more abject tool of the Slave Power than any other Navy-Yard could 
 turn out. As he has ceased to be even a member of the House, his proposal to pervert its grand 
 Hall, the property of the Republic, to the uses of the Copperhead gathering he invites, is a 
 striking illustration of that cool effrontery which will not consider that Slavery's mastery of our 
 Government has been recklessly staked and lost. The two Democratic National Committees 
 and 'the Conservative men of the Country' are urged to assemble at Washington for the sole, 
 naked purpose of saying Slavery from the doom which it has criminally invoked. The cir- 
 cumlocutory verbiage employed by the Hon. Tom Florence means exactly that, and nothing 
 else. We protest against the proposed gathering, in that it proposes virtually to wrest from the 
 Government of the United States the grave responsibility of fixing the terms of accommodation 
 with the defeated and death-struck Rebellion. We protest against it, because, under the mask 
 of anxiety for Pejace, ft tends directly and strongly to keep alive the embers of that Rebellion 
 by exciting false, misleading hopes in the minds of its remaining votaries. There never would 
 have been any .Slaveholders' Rebellion but for sangine expectations of Northern aid, hopes 
 which the letters, speeches, and conversations of such men as the lion. Tom Florence fully 
 authorized. — Tribune, August 27, 1863. 
 
 What TI. G. Knows about J. S. Fowler, of Tennessee. 
 
 "Mr. Senator Fowler is following up his vote on impeachment by devoting his time 
 to the Executive Mansion in Washington, meddling in al! those nasty Internal Revenue 
 affairs. Perhaps Mr. Fowler would like to be informed that iu the election now pend- 
 ing Tennessee is a State which will bear some good work, and that the duty of Repub- 
 licans is to assist in securing the success of Grant." — Tribune, October 27, 1868. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about William M. Gwin, of Mississippi. 
 
 " Gwin is an offender of a less marked type. Throughout the several stages of this 
 scheme for destroying the Constitution there has been an inner and an outer circle of 
 conspirators. While Davis, Slidell, and Mason belonged to the inner circle, Hunter, 
 Breckinridge, and Gwin, more cautious, and perhaps more cowardly, hovered around 
 the outer edges of the plot. Gwin formerly represented Mississippi in the House of 
 Representatives. Misfortune overtook him. lie emigrated to California, taking with 
 him his unscrupulous nature, and his strong prejudices and affinities for the South and 
 Southern institutions. Failing to obscure the golden empire of the Pacific with the 
 black cloud of negro slavery, Gwin fell in with the popular current, and was soon borne 
 into the United States Senate. An admirer, and so far as was prudent for the repre- 
 sentative of a Free State, the follower of his old friend, Jeff. Davis, Gwin managed, by 
 his seemingly hearty advocacy of a Pacific Rail Road, to keep himself afloat in his new 
 Western home. But all this time his heart was among the Cotton plantations of his old 
 abode. While in the Senate he was not so much the counselor and confidant of Davis 
 as his confederate and tool." — Tribune, November ~i£>, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about A. OaJcey Hall, of New York. 
 
 " The respectable and Hon. A. Oakey Hall, we notice, has a way of his own of lubri- 
 cating all difficulties for the popular deglutition. ' Platforms,' he sagaciously observed, 
 ' may do for the furniture and garnish of a campaign, but the oath of office, when a 
 man is elected, is the only real platform.' That is to say, it is perfectly proper for a 
 party holding one set of opinions, which have been solemnly and officially promul- 
 gated, to sustain a man holding another set of opinions which are no secret! Egad! 
 the insults fly thickly and heavily about this time. Fernando insults Gen. McCleilan, 
 and Oakey Hall insults the Chicago Convention, and between the two the popular good 
 sense gets more dreadfully insulted than either! Why, this really approaches the sub- 
 limity of pure and undented thimble-rig. Never was the little joker, politically speak- 
 ing, so lively. Now be is under the war-thimble, and anon he is under the peace- 
 thimble; and when Oakey Hall manipulates, he is under no thimble at all, uor is he any- 
 where to be found, for Oakey Hall has swallowed him! May good digestion wait on 
 his appetite." — Tribune, September 22, 1864. 
 
 What H. G. Kneio about John B. Haskin. 
 "Mr. Haskin, of the Westchester District, in this State, in the debate in the House 
 
About Leading Democrats. 3*7 
 
 on "Wednesday, at Washington, very boldly condemned the filibustering of Walker, 
 bnt more boldly declared in favor of fillibustcring on a large scale. Mr. Haskin, ac- 
 cording to our telegraphic report, despises the petit larceny of individuals, but glories 
 in the 'graud larceny of nations,' and accordingly he is for stealing Cuba by all the 
 power of the Government. Mr. Haskin's private morals are of no public consequence 
 whatever; but we recommend him to observe some degree of reticence in his public 
 utterances. It is of no service to anybody to boast of villainy: and the man who does 
 it not only discloses his want of virtue, but his want of sense. A knave in disguise is 
 offensive enough, but a confessing knave is worse. "We recognize a larking sense of 
 decency in hypocritical professions of goodness, but toward blatant rascality there can 
 be no sentiments but those of disgust. Mr. Haskin will find himself unable to get on 
 in the course he has chosen. We recommend him to the confessional. Let him come 
 'out, and admit that he has made a fool of himself, and begin again." — Tribune, January 
 8, 1858. 
 
 What H. G. Knew of the late Bishop Hughes, of New York. $ 
 
 " Right Reverend John Hughes, you have been, for some thirty years, a Bishop in 
 this city, and have acquired and wielded an immense influence over the great body of 
 your flock. During all that time there has existed among us a race — the African — de- 
 spised, abused, insulted, wronged, trampled on, as no race ever was in any Christian 
 city of the Old World. Rev. Sir ! Tour people for years have been, and to-day are, 
 foremost in the degradation and abuse of this persecuted race — in depriving them of 
 civil rights ; in reviling them for being what our laws and usages combine to make 
 them ; in denying them opportunities for instruction and improvement ; in restricting 
 their avenues of employment; in abusing them by mobs and assaulting them in the 
 streets ; in clamoring for their exclusion from public conveyances and places of recrea- 
 tion ; in upholding in all things the cause of their systematic oppressors, and enabling 
 the apologists of their euslavement to say : "See how they are hated and trodden 
 down in the North ! Is it not better that they remain in slavery, where- they are pro- 
 tected from the brutality of the many by the self-interest of their masters ? 
 
 " Rev. Sir ! I know you too well to ask if you approve this treatment of the. despised 
 and outcast. I am sure that your sense of Justice condemns and your humanity re- 
 volts at it. But I ask you most earnestly, Ilave you done your duty in the premizes? 
 Has your great influence been fully, openly, steadily exerted in stern resistance to this 
 most unchristian, inhuman spirit of negro hate, and all its iniquitous manifestations ? 
 Or have you imitated too generally the priest and Levite, so signally rebuked and repro- 
 bated by our Divine Master, and ' passed by on the of her side ?' And do you propose 
 to continue in this course to the end ? I entreat you to answer these questions to your 
 own conscience — to answer them as one who has enjoyed vast opportunities for good, 
 and is soon to render an account of their improvement at the bar of an all-seeing 
 God !"— Tribune, July 9, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Charles S. Greene, of Massachusetts. 
 
 " There are evidently some exceptions admitted at Washington to the announced doc- 
 trine of rotation in office. There are some families in which office-holding has become 
 so fixed and established that no statute of limitations and no rule of rotation is held to 
 apply to them. This is the case with the Greene family of Boston. That family have 
 been office-holders ever since the incoming of Gen. Jackson in 1829, and they seem cer- 
 tain to continue so as long as the Shamocracy, of which they are such distinguished and 
 favored members, shall remain in authority. The secret of their hold upon office is, 
 first, a total destitution of all principle or pretense of any, and a perfect readiness to 
 advocate any doctrines or measures, however conflicting or contradictory, that may be 
 in vogue for the moment; and, secondly, their connection with the press. The Greenes 
 were the proprietors of The Statesman, since called The Post, originally established or 
 bought, up for the purpose of advocating General Jackson's election, with a promise, so 
 abundantly fulfilled, of office, in case of success; and to this day this organ of the 
 Shamocracy and Key to Office remains under the control of the family. For a long 
 time the Greenes were content with the lucrative office of Postmaster of Boston, with 
 the addition, indeed, of contracts for blanks, paper and twine furnished to the Post Office 
 Department, and the Government advertising. They now claim and enjoy as their 
 own, besides the Post Office, the place of Navy Agent, to which Mr. Charles G. Greene, 
 we see, has just been reappointed. It is but fair to state, however, that while claiming 
 two offices, the Greene family also 'control two newspapers — the Postmaster of that 
 family having, since his appointment, bought up one of his own. " — Tribune, April 10, 
 1857. 
 
38 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 What II. G Knows about W. S. Grccsbcck, of Ohio. 
 "Mr. W. S. Groesbeck always makes the most of himself. "Some of his admirers 
 tried to make a little more than this ' most,' when they essayed the task of manufactur- 
 ing a Presidential candidate out of him; but still he is a Democrat of considerable tal- 
 ent, more influence, and a prestige more than proportionate to both. He could not ap- 
 pear undignified, even if only blowing his nose. We welcome his utterance, and can 
 wish the Democratic party no better luck than that Groesbeck may multiply and pre- 
 vail. He is a vast improvement on the average type of Western Democratic states- 
 men." — Tribune, September 14, 1871. 
 
 "Mr. Groesbeck's physical weakness, when pleading during the Impeachment trial) 
 doubtless enlisted for the time the sympathy of the Senators, and aided rather than 
 injured the effect of his argument. But, on a critical survey of his positions, most of 
 which are the baldest assumptions, his address only brings out more clearly the irremedi- 
 able weaknesses of his case. He is pleading for Presidential prerogatives, which would 
 surrender Congress, the laws, the Constitution, and the country, bound hand and foot, 
 to the will of an absolute monarch. No sophistry can obscure, no ingenuity can un- 
 make this fact. If the Senate of the United States could, by any fatuity, sustain these 
 usurpations, then the great Republic is already like a dream that is past. History will 
 say of us that not even genius, popularity, statesmanship, or military prestige were 
 needed to subdue us, but that we bowed our necks to the heel of the first despot who 
 attempted our subjugation, though he was ignorant, despised, wicked, and weak." — 
 Tribune, April 27, 1868. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about, John T. Hoffman, of New York. 
 
 "Mayor Hoffman yesterday entertained an indignant protest from over one hundred 
 German citizens interested in trading on Sunday,. The protest was, of course, chiefly 
 in the name of beer, and against certain measures ' which oppress a large class of busi- 
 ness men, and destroy the means whereby thousands of our fellow-citizens make an 
 honesWiving.' That is what Rogue Riderhood would call it, and the Mayor cheerfully 
 indorses this view of the subject. In reply to his clients he denounces what he calls 
 the harsh operation of the Excise law, utters a shrewd caution against rioting, and de- 
 clares that ' What you want is to carry with you always the moral sentiment of the com- 
 munity.' That is just what they want." — Tribune, May 10, 1867. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about General Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee. 
 
 "When we see an attempt made to consecrate and canonize by funeral honors the 
 crimes against Liberty and Law which were committed by or through Gen. Jackson — 
 to represent him as a second Washington ; to hold up his career to the Youth of our 
 land as a model for their admiring imitation — we cannot be silent. We are irresistibly 
 reminded of the golden days of our Republic, when the strongest Will was not abso- 
 lute Law ; when honest Opinion was not a crime ; when Lynch-law, Official Mail rob- 
 bery, and the forcible exile of uuoffending dependent tribes, was unknown ; when our 
 National Faith was unsullied by avowed perfidy to the Cherokees, or covert rapacious 
 treachery to Mexico ; when Proscription had not fastened its poisonous fangs on the 
 vitals of the body politic, and responsible offices were not consequently filled with 
 Prices, Hoyts, Tom Lloyds, and Bill Fords ; when honesty was deemed essential to 
 Honor, and the terrible vice of universal Office- seeking had not tainted our Elections, 
 and incurably diseased the Republic. And when these" things pass in review before our 
 mind's eye, and we compare what, was with what is, we are impelled to say, Let them 
 do homage whom feeling or hypocrisy impels to it; we cannot." — Tribune, June 
 19, 1845. 
 
 " What arrant falsehood is the assertion that Andrew Jackson ' checked the progress 
 of corruption and brought back the Government to its Republican simplicity!' An- 
 drew Jackson was the first President who removed, multitudinously and indiscrimi- 
 nately, from office for opinion's sake. It was during Andrew Jackson's administration 
 that official peculation and defalcation, by the wholesale, commenced their corrupt and 
 and corrupting influences, and increased and spread with such intensity and rapidity, that, 
 under Vas Buren, who ' followed in the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor,' known 
 official defalcations and peculations were not regarded as sufficient cause of removal. And 
 yet with all these notorious facts within the personal knowledge or recollection of all 
 adult, intelligent citizens now living, Washingtonians and Congressional banqueters 
 publicly proclaim over their cups that Andrew Jackson ' checked the progress of cor- 
 
About Leading Democrats. 39 
 
 ruption! ' Such men, and all of their political kith and kin, would do well to remember 
 that John Quincy Adams recognized the right of an office-holder to enjoy and act upon 
 his own political convictions, while Franklin Pierce removed from office those who 
 would not servilely conform, even in state polities, to the imperious and degrading in- 
 structions of himself and his Cabinet." — Tribune, January 12, 1854. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about President Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee. 
 "Mr. Johnson has some rare qualifications for the vast responsibility so suddenly 
 thrust upon him. In the first place it will not be easy to expose him to prejudice as a 
 ' Yankee.' He is Southern born and bred ; he never lived in a Free State till he made 
 one free for himself ; and it will be difficult to make the Poor Whites of the South believe 
 him their natural, implacable foe. It will be up-hill work to diffuse a belief that he is 
 keeping up the War on purpose to enrich eastern manufacturers. Having always been a 
 Democrat it will be a job to induce any but Irishmen to oppose him in the interest of 'De- 
 mocracy.' Since he has always voted against Protective duties, it will be hard to induce a 
 general belief that he is fighting to secure enhanced imports. Having always till now 
 voted and acted as though Blacks had no rights which Whites are bound to respect, it is 
 no light task to convince the public that he is lured from the path of power by ' nigger- 
 w T orship,' ' nigger-on-t he-brain,' or anything out of that shop. In short, he is in a position 
 to stand well with a majority of our people, and we trust he will. But more: he knows 
 the Rebellion, egg and bird, its incitements, its pretexts, its leaders, their objects and their 
 hopes. He knows how far the South has been perverted or tainted by that Rebellion, 
 and wherein it is safe to temper Justice with Mercy." — Tribune, April 22, 18C5. 
 
 "We believe anything possible of Mr. Johnson. His Administration is a record of 
 deception, cunning, disloyalty — antagonism to the best interests of the country. He 
 has made the Administration of Buchanan respectable by showing a degradation to 
 which even Mr. Buchanan could not sink. He has betrayed his party; he has betrayed 
 his friends; he has betrayed his country. Nothing is left of his Administration but a 
 few miserable jobbers like those who hang around him, and a few wretched political 
 adventurers like Black. The men who accepted contumely for his cause, like Seward 
 and Randall and Welles, he is impatient to drive out of his cabinet. ' The savage_ of 
 Sahara is not insensible to the obligations of friendship, but even this no longer remains 
 with Mr. Johnson."— Tribune, August 28, 1867. 
 
 " The time has come to cease trifling with Andrew Johnson. This man who reeled 
 into the Presidency; who has debased his high office by unseemly and indecent demon- 
 strations; who has surrounded himself with the worst members of the worst phase of 
 Washington life; whose retinue consists of lobbyists, rebels, and adventurers; who has 
 polluted the public service by making espionage honorable, and treachery the means of 
 advancement; who has deceived the party that elected him, as well as the party that 
 created him; who has made his own morbid and overweening vanity the only rule of 
 his administration; who has sought to entrap illustrious servants of the people into ig- 
 nominious evasion of the law, and who now claims to break that law with impunity — 
 this most infamous Chief Magistrate should be swept out of office. Let him be impeached! 
 And Jet the Republican party show that it not only has the power to preserve the country 
 from rebellion under Jefferson Davis, but also from treachery under Andrew Johnson.' 
 —Tribune, February 24, 18G8. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Hon.'Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland. 
 "Mr. Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, has lately achieved some notoriety by appear- 
 ing, not for the first time, as counsel on the side of the Rebellion. His previous per- 
 formances in that line were of considerable service to the Rebel cause while it still bad 
 some hope of success. The cause being dead, Mr. Johnson exerts himself with the 
 same zeal in behalf of its still surviving" leaders. His chosen arena is the Supreme 
 Court of the United States; his client is nominally Mr. Garland, of Arkansas; hut he is 
 really the advocate of the host of unpardoned traitors in whose pathways to fortune, 
 fame, and political success the test-oath is a stumbling-block. Mr. Johnson's role is to 
 are;ue the unconstitutionality of that oath. We suppose Mr. Johnson considers it his 
 professional privilege to argue on any side for which he gets a retainer. Having a law- 
 yer's conscience on lhat subject he will scarcely be disturbed by being reminded that his 
 legislative judgment was quite different from his professional opinion. We do not 
 know on which he sets Ihe most value — that opinion which he is paid for holding, or 
 that toward which he bad no other incentive than a sense of obligation of his Senato- 
 rial oath and of his duty to the country. In the present instance the two can hardly be 
 
40 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 reconciled. Yet Mr. Johnson allows himself to be quoted on that side where his pecu- 
 niary interest lies, and not on that side where his vote in the Senate stands recorded." — 
 Tribune, December 29, 1865. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Gen. Joseph Lane, of Oregon. 
 "As to General Lane, currently known as 'Joe Lane,' he is just the poorest stick ever 
 set up for so exalted a station. He is a son of Gen. Amos Lane, who was one of the 
 inventors of the Jackson party in Indiana, ran for Congress and was beaten sundry 
 times, but finally run in on the top of the Jackson wave in '32, and was again elected 
 in '34, when he subsided. We seem to remember that the son made his way into the 
 Legislature of Indiana some fifteen or twenty years ago, and know that he volunteered 
 in the Mexican War, wherein he was made a Colonel, which title has expanded, under 
 careful nursing, into that of General. He has done his little all to proscribe Douglas 
 and chive him out of the Democratic party, for which he is about to be rewarded by 
 one of the most humiliating defeats ever administered to an unprincipled, small-minded 
 demagogue. He telegraphed the Oregon delegation to bolt at Charleston when the 
 Slave Code platform was voted down, and has been a most abject tool of the Fire- 
 Eaters throughout." — Tribune, June 25, 1860. 
 
 What H G. Knows about Hon George Lunt, of Massachusetts. 
 
 "There are those among us who have long held that the steady decrease of the Demo- 
 cratic Party in Massachusetts was owing to the intelligence and patriotism of her sons. 
 But one George Lunt, a shining member of the Constitutional Club, a Boston Demo- 
 cratic organization, has robbed us of our pet idea. In a public speech to the Club he 
 made the astounding declaration that the demobilization of their party wss caused by 
 the greater portion of its members having rushed to the war to protect the Union. This 
 gentleman, we understand, once published a volume of rhymes remarkable only for 
 their lack of poetry. If he will woo the muse once more, selecting as his theme the 
 rush of the Democracy for the war to protect the Union, we can promise him a crown- 
 ing success." — Tribune, March 23, 1870. 
 
 "Poor Mr. George Lunt, weltering in the sophistry of his five hundred pages on 
 ' The Origin of the War,' dedicates a generous space to the meddlemcnt of the Clergy 
 with politics and the capsizing of their pulpits into what Mr. Lunt vigorously calls 
 ' the disturbed vortex of political wrangle ' — a flagrant derelicf ion of the demeanor be- 
 coming their sacred profession.' 'They preached upon Kansas,' says this author, ' and 
 prayed about it,' and 'the immediate effect of this ecclesiastic interposition in a ques- 
 tion of merely political import was disastrous in the extreme ' — in the opinion of Mr. 
 George Lunt. To this we may logically respond that the clerical advocates of Slavery 
 were epiite as industrious. It was sustained, not as a political but as a religious insti- 
 tution, sanctioned by the Old and permitted by the New Dispensation, founded under 
 the influence of Divine command by the great Hebrew legislator, and directly indorsed 
 by the Apostle Paul. If the pulpit interfered with Slavery, it was the pro-Slavery pul- 
 pit North and South that set the example." — Tribune, June 12, 1866. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Gen. George B. McClellan. 
 
 "While circumstantial evidence shows that Gen. McClellan was on a gunboat during 
 the battle of Malvern Hill, there is positive testimony that he was on a gunboat during 
 the terrible battle of White Oak Swamp or Glendale, the day before, (June 30;) and 
 that when the battle of Malvern Hill was fiercely raging, he was several miles from the 
 scene, selecting, as he himself tells us, ' the final position of the arm}' and its depots,' 
 when, as he expected, it should be defeated." — Tribune, September 17, 1864. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Hon. John Morrissey, of New York. 
 
 " Mr. Morrissey has flogged Mr. Heenan. Bath those champions are now sick and 
 Bore, black and blue, debilitated and depleted, stiff, bruised, and wounded. One of 
 them, the stalwart Mr. Morrissey, will carry oil' the dollars and the glory. The other 
 will carry off his abrasions, depletions, and obscurations. Perhaps we should express 
 our regret that neither of these combatants has been'killed, the result being contrary to 
 a most lively hope which we have all along entertained and sometimes expressed. 
 Catering to the desire of the public, and to the duty of reporting the fights as well as 
 the hangings and the murders of the community, we have, in language as little slang 
 whaning and vulgar as the nature of the subject would admit, given the particulars of 
 
 16 
 
About Leading Democrats. 41 
 
 this contest — the chronicle of blood, bruises, pluck, desperation, and defeat. It is not 
 a pleasant picture, although we may smooth, modify, and glaze it. Many men, and, 
 perhaps, some women, who will talk volubly enough of the affair, would not have 
 cared to look upon it. The records of the Prize Ring are not, upon the whole, pleasant 
 reading. If some enthusiastic and entertaining butcher should write articles describ- 
 ing the agonies of defunct lambs, of departed calves, and of expiring oxen, his work 
 "would not be put into the fashionable magazines, and might even be rejected by The 
 Herald. When a man comes very near killing another man, the case is not different. 
 We have read over rapidly the report of this fight. We have not found it dulcet. 
 There have been rights more brutal and bloody — there have been fights crowned by the 
 fascinations ot murder — there have been fairer fights, and there have been fouler ones. 
 It would be hoping against hope to express the trust that this business may disgust 
 society as it should. Fools will continue to bet money which may or may not belong 
 to them, and bullies will still swagger and strut and abuse the good gift of physical 
 strength. The law seems to be worth nothing. The death of some combatant in the 
 ring may dampen the ardors of sucking Morrisseys and of callow Heenaus. Until that 
 blessed example is vouchsafed to the turbulent and pugnacious, we must, we suppose, 
 submit to the im potency of legislation. When society is ready to regard pugilists as it 
 regards thieves, burglars, and assassins — when they are infamous in fact as they are in- 
 famous by statute — when they are universally recognized as brutal, animal and in- 
 grained cowardly fellows, we shall need no new laws against them." — Tribune, October 
 22, 1858. 
 
 " The Congressman is a monarch, to be appeased, flattered, bribed, and courted; to 
 be asked to breakfast and dinner, and tea and supper; to be filled with fine maats and 
 with costly wines until he can refuse the suppliant nothing. We do not see why in this 
 beautiful business Mr. John Morrissey, whose motto has always been ' give and take,' 
 should not shine and knock down as many souls as he has knocked down many bodies. 
 He is a first-rate caterer. No tavern waiter can humbug him in respect to fodder. He 
 knows a neat wine when he tastes it. We should never think of disputing his judgment 
 on a cigar. We believe, too, that he is not in the least stingy, but will entertain his 
 guests at home or show them the fashions abroad without regard to expense. Then, 
 there is always the dread which must ever haunt the unfaithful representative who eats 
 and drinks one way and votes another, that the irou fist of Mr. John Morrissey, still re- 
 membering its former cunning, may wildly range over the representative countenance, 
 close iu black and blue night the representative eyes, unlock the fountains of the repre- 
 sentative nostrils, and break down the bridge of the representative nose! A very fearful 
 lobby man must John be truly! If we had any desperate, hopeless, selfish project which 
 we desired to have rushed through, we are free to say that, whether for feeding the mal- 
 contents, Mr. Morrissey would be the man for our money, and should have it to any rea- 
 sonable extent." — Tribune, June 1, 1866. 
 
 What II G. Knows about Mr. John Mitchell, 
 
 "Mr. John Mitchell is the eminent friend of Celtic liberty and African slavery. He 
 curiously enough determines the right of his fellow-creatures to freedo<h, or their doom 
 to servitude, ouly after a scientific examination of their hides, their heels, and their 
 hair. He believes, with a partiality quite natural, that the least washed and most 
 whiskeyfied, the most fecund of bulls and the broadest of brogue, of all his original 
 countrymen, is fitter for emancipation than the cleanest black man in the world, who 
 never had the advantage of being starved on rotten potatoes ; who never shot a tax- 
 gatherer from behind a hedge ; who never went into rebellion like a roaring lion and 
 came out of it with lamb like submission in every line of his face, to be despoiled of 
 his goods ; to lie huddled in a dirty jail ; to be tried for his life ; to be sentenced to the 
 hurdle and block and the exenterating knife of the executioner ; to accept existence as 
 a boon from the despot ; to be sent with pickpockets and prostitutes to a penal settle- 
 ment, and to emerge from this dark discipline without sympathy for the oppressed ; 
 without one catholic hope for universal humanity ; without one kindly sentiment or 
 generous emotion. If Mr. John Mitchell be honest, he is a curiosity ; if not, he is a 
 great many fathoms below contempt. We have warned him more than once, and we 
 warn him now again, that he quite overacts his part ; that he besots himself needlessly ; 
 that his Southern subscribers, who will care very little for him in any event, may not 
 care to be slavered to slabbily, and that ,/hether he affectionately bestows it upon slave- 
 holders or venomously voids it at the North, he is altogether too prodigal of his drivel. 
 When one gives a ragged and pedicular beggar a shilling or a sup, one can willingly 
 excuse inconvenient demonstrations of gratitude, and does not care to have his boots 
 kissed by foul lips, or his pantaloons embraced by filthy arms. Mr. John Mitchell's 
 newspaper may not have a subscription list long enough to girdle the globe, but he 
 
 17 
 
42 Wliat Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 should, for the sake of appearances, mitigate the fervors of his gratitude when some- 
 body in South Carolina bespeaks The Southern (Washington, D. C.) Citizen, and pays 
 him sixteen shillings iu advance, because the ardor with which he acknowledges the 
 recepiiou of the cash reminds us of the general joy behind Mr. Crummle's curtain 
 when it was announced that another man had come into the pit !" — Tribune, Jum 
 28, 1859. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Hon. William Mungen, of Ohio 
 
 . "Mr. Mungen, of Ohio, came to the surface again yesterday with a little explana- 
 tion. It was to the effect that he didn't appprove of the statements in The Tribune. 
 We thank Mr. Mungen very heartily. We would be obliged to him if he would make 
 that announcement once a week during the remainder of the session." — Tribune, Janu- 
 ary 14, 1872. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the late Tom Paine. 
 "As to poor Tom Paine, since I have never heard that he was an Associationis';, nor 
 even a Land Reformer, I am unable to account for the bitterness of vituperation with 
 which you assail him. That to him, more than to any other man, this country is in- 
 debted for the impulse to its Independence from Great Britain; that its separation from 
 the Mother Country was more ably and cogently advocated and justified by him than 
 by any other writer; that his voice cheered the discomfited defenders of our Liberties, 
 as they tracked with blood the frozen soil of New Jersey on their retreat before the 
 overwhelming numbers of the enemy in the Winter of 1776, and reanimated the People 
 to make the efforts and sacrifices necessary to secure our Freedom, I confess, seem to 
 me to entitle him to some measure of kindly regard at the hands of every American 
 citizen. I trust these are not among the incitements to the vindictive hatred with which 
 you pursue and blacken his memory." — Tribune, December 17, 1846. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about H>n. Amasa J. Parker, of New York. 
 "From the time of Aaron Burr downward this State of New York has been sufficiently 
 fruitful in sophistical demagogues and brazen impostors. Nor is the race yet by any 
 means extinct. Amasa J. Parker, the candidate of the Doughface Democracy for the 
 office of Governor of New York, delivered on Tuesday evening, at the Palace Garden, (is 
 the name of the place of assembly to be taken as indicative of the sycophantic charac- 
 ter of the meeting collected there V) a speech in the highest degree characteristic of him- 
 self and his party. In bold and gross falsehood, it came fully up to the Aaron Burr 
 standard, though falling vastly below it in art of giving to that falsehood a decent var- 
 nish of plausibility and consistency." — Tribune, October 21, 1858. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Hon. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. 
 "Pendleton i%a strong man. Personally a gentleman of pleasing address and blame- 
 less life, he is politically an interne Copperhead — one of that kind which it takes a mi- 
 croscope of enormous magnifying power to distinguish essentially from a Rebel. He- 
 never for one moment pretended to favor the suppression of the Rebellion by force. 
 Though in Congress throughout the war, he made no speech and gave no vote that Da- 
 vis, or Lee, or Breckinridge could object to. He begins, therefore, with a solid capital 
 of votes of every elector in the Union who deplores the success of the National arms 
 as a suppression and overthrow of the real, essential Union." — Tribune, January 11, 
 1868. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the late General Franklin Pierce, of Netv Hampshire. 
 " General Pierce, with such a prospect before him, proceeded to select his cabinet and 
 to distribute the spoils of victory. He went North and South, E ist and West to pick 
 up his counselors. He seized first noon an extreme Anti Compromise man from Vir- 
 ginia, but this gentleman declined to go into service. He fished up a Disunjonist from 
 Mississippi, raked out a renegade Whig from the hot-bed of the Massachusetts Coalbion, 
 took a representative of Cass Democracy from one State, of Vau Buren Democracy from 
 another, and of Buchanan Democracy from a third, and finally completed the circle of 
 his advisers after the most approved style of Mosaic work, no two individuals in the 
 Cabinet being more alike thau a pea and a pancake, and the body being a unit in noth- 
 ing except in agreement to take place and help fulfil Mr. Pierce's destiny. The minor 
 offices were then distributed after the same fashion, and every division of the party got 
 its share. The Secessionists and Barnburners, the Union men, Cass men, Buchanan 
 
 18 
 
About Leading Democrats. 43 
 
 men; all sorts of men, even including Webster men and bolting Whigs, each and all got 
 something. The plunder was distributed broadcast, like bon-bons at a conjurer's exhibi- 
 tion. When all was thus done, and every class in the whole school had got its medals, 
 and political notabilities of all stripes hud obtained their plums, the President, concluded 
 that his work was done, that the party was thoroughly united, fused, melted and vm , 
 together, and that t hero was nothing left for him bui so ootb sailing lo the end of his 
 career. Doubtless he is astonished to find now, ere he has scarcely got through with 
 what he fancied was the work of consolidating his party, that it was never in a more 
 "■ iable, di.-entegrated, loose and disjointed state than at this moment. Distributing 
 offices to its various parts has failed altogether to have the eii'eci to link the parts together. 
 Like stubborn cattle, they do not draw together any better for being well fed. — Tribune, 
 December 5, 1833. 
 
 What IT. G. Knows about Gen. Albert Pike, of Arkansas 
 
 " The Albert Pike who led the Aboriginal Corps of Toinahawkers and Scalpers at the 
 Battle of PeaRidge formerly kept school in Fair Haven, Mass., where he was indicted for 
 playing the part of Squeers, and cruelly beating and starving a boy in his family. He 
 escaped by some hocus-pocus of law, and emigrated to ihe West, where the violence 
 of hi* nature has been admirably enhanced. As his name indicates, he is a ferocious 
 fish and has fought duels enough to qualify himself to be a leader of savages. We sup- 
 pose that upon the recent occasion he got himself up in good style, war paint, nose- 
 ring, and all. This new Poutiac is also a poet, and wrote 'Hymns to the Gods' in 
 Blackwood; but he has left Jupiter, Juno, and the rest, and betaken himself to the 
 culture of the Great Spirit, or rather of Two Great Spirits — whiskey being the second. 
 So much for Pike !"— Tribune, March 27, 1862. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about the tale George D. Prentice, of Kentucky. 
 "Mr Geo. D. Prentice had a sou in the Rebel army, and has of late had a paper in 
 the Rebel interest. Neither fact sufficiently recommends the veteran Editoi ■ sud Wit 
 to the present masters of the newspaper to which he gave character and circulation; 
 and, as we learn from Western dispatches, he has at last been dismissed from The Louis- 
 ville Journal. The veteran may be broken down, and he has certainly been in the har- 
 ness long enough to be worn out ; but he carries out of The Journal office all of the loy- 
 alty and most of the brains of the concern." — Tribune, October 1, 1868. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about A. W. Randall, of Wisconsin. 
 "Some base ruffian has invented a paragraph about Randall (P. M. G.) resigning. 
 This statement is promptly denied by an anxious correspondent. We are assured that 
 the story that Randall has resigned, or ever contemplated resigning, or ever intimated 
 that in any possible contingency he would resign, is false. Tne assurance is scarcely 
 necessary. We believe in Randall. He will hold to an office as long as any member of 
 the Johnson party, which is saying a great deal. He may die — which Heaven forbid — 
 he may be chosen to a higher place, which the people forbid — but he will never resign. 
 If any of our anxious politicians hope to get into Randall's shoes, let them be patient, 
 and wait. With office-holders like Randall it is only a question of time — but still it is 
 a question of time. — Tribune, May, 8, 1867. 
 
 What H G. Knows about, Hon. Henry M. Rice, of Minnesota. 
 "The IT. S. Military Reservation at Port Snelling, Minnesota, which was in use as a 
 fort up to the present season, has been sold, and one Francis Steele, (the word has an 
 ominous sound,) an active Democratic partisan, appears as the purchaser. It is under- 
 stood that Mr. Henry M. Rice, late Delegate in Congress from Minnesota, negotiated 
 the sale on behalf of the Government, and, of course, there is a violent presumption 
 that he knows how the clause above quoted found its way into the appropriation bill ; 
 but we cannot assert this as a fact within our knowledge. All that is positively known 
 is that an immense estate, belonging to the American people, has slipped slily out of 
 their hands, and something has been slipped into them as an equivalent ; but how 
 much, and what relation it bears to the value of this property, we are left to guess. If, 
 however, the Democratic Party of Minnesota should fall short of funds in the struggle 
 just before them for want of a contribution of at least $100,000 from Rice, Steele <& 
 Co., on account of this one operation, then we shall insist that said party has been 
 abominably swindled, and ought to make these gentlemen disgorge the Reservation." — 
 Tribune, August 13, 1857. 
 
 19 
 
44 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 What II. G. Knows about Hon. Robert B Rosevdt, of New York. 
 "Mr. Rosevelt is a charming gentleman ami a capital fisherman, hut he seems new to 
 politics. After he has made two or three more unlucky efforts in running for Congress 
 iu the I Vth District, he will discover that the Marshal does not- have the appointment of 
 Supervisors. Besides, the duty of Supervisors is simply to watch Mr. Oakey Hall's 
 Inspectors. But, surely, Mr. Rosevelt does not mean to say that he has any fear of 
 Oakey 's men." — Tribune, November 7, 1870. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about General Rosecran-s. 
 
 " Gen. Rosecrans, as a soldier, was sometimes criticised as a first-class strategist, but 
 ■a poor tactician. As a Democratic Candidate, the excellent general is likely hereafter 
 to he described as a very fair Democrat in theory, hut a dreadfully inconvenient one in 
 practice. His letter, declining the nomination of his party in Ohio, is not by any 
 means acceptable as a whole to Republicans, and it must he very much more disagree- 
 able to 1 lie Democrats. Of course the General is original and forcible, and somewhat 
 erratic ; be always was. 
 
 "Altogether, the reading of Gen. Rosecran's letter impresses us with a renewed sense 
 of the feeling that it is a pity so good a man might not have been a better one. As it 
 is, he comes very near being waste material. He is quite too good for the Democracy, 
 and not near good enough for the Republicans." — Tribune, August 28, 1869. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Hon. E G. Ross, of Kansas. 
 " We print elsewhere a condensed abstract of the final report of the Impeachment 
 Committee, relative to the corrupt means concerted and employed to obtain the ac- 
 quittal of the President. It proves that considerable sums were obtained expressly to 
 buy the votes of Senators, but that Senators who had, for months before Secretary 
 Stanton was removed, been howling for impeachment, lobbying in the House for im- 
 peachment, and within a few' days of the final vote had declared their intention to vote 
 for impeachment on the specific articles then pending, were changed, and induced to 
 vote for acquittal, to the stultification of their known sentiments and pledges, and to the 
 astonishment of their colleagues. Such facts are barely consistent with the innocence 
 of those whose votes are thus changed, as all circumstantial evidence of crime is barely 
 consistent with the innocence of the accused, though it is indicative of guilt, and com- 
 pels suspicion. The country will enter in favor of the Senators over whom these cir- 
 cumstances rest a verdict neither of guilty or not guilty, but simply the Scotch ver- 
 dict, * not proven.' Senator Ross, who previously had no influence over appointments, 
 «uddenly acquires the control over Federal patronage, and secures the nomination of 
 his rotten friend Perry Fuller for the office of Commissioner of Internal Revenue, an 
 office eminently requiring a man of first-class abilities and thorough honesty." — Tribune, 
 July 4, 1868. 
 
 ■ What II. G. Knows about Hon. William B. Reed, of Philadelphia. 
 
 "William B. Reed, of Philadelphia, is a lawyer not without ability and experience. 
 Being a lawyer, he will not complain if he is tried on the evidence which he furnishes 
 against himself. He printed on the 5th of November, 1862, 'A Paper containing a 
 Statement and Vindication of Certain Political Opinions, read before the Democrat As- 
 sociation, Chestnut Hill, November, 1862,' meant, says his brief preface, for his neigh- 
 bors and personal friends. It was very carefully circulated, few copies coming into 
 any hands but those of friends to Mr. Reed and sympathizers with its sentiments. Yet, 
 even among them, the documest was considered so openly treasonable and dangerously 
 explicit that Mr. Reed was early advised to suppress it. The effort was diligently made, 
 but nevertheless a single copy found its way into a newspaper office and was publicly 
 printed. There can be but one feeling on reading it — amazement that its author was 
 not instantly arrested, summarily tried by court-martial or other speediest method, and 
 promptly hanged or shot." — Tribune, February 17, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Capt. Rynders, of New York, and Friends. 
 "The National Committees of the late Douglas and Breckinridge parties undertook 
 to forgather yesterday at the St. Nicholas, but after subtracting those members of 
 either who are openly helping Jeff. Davis destroy the country, and those who, for good 
 and solid reasons, have renounced all connection with parties who fail to ' keep step to 
 the music of the Union,' the attendance was necessarily slim. Ben. Wood and Fer- 
 nando, however, were on hand, with Rynders, S. J. Tilden, and Dean Richmond, so 
 that the outsiders made up whatever the members lacked either in numbers or icspecta- 
 
 20 
 
About Leading Democrats. 45 
 
 bility. Some newly-miuted Democrats — James Brooks, Eli P. Norton, &c. — were also 
 on hand, and seemed to enjoy the novelty of their position. The Committees very 
 properly declined to fix, at this time, the place for holding a Democratic Convention — 
 Charleston, their last trysting-place, not being eligible at present." — Tribune, September 
 8, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Knoics about A. Sakcll, Esq., of New York. 
 
 "Mr. Collector Schell's nomination having been sent to the Senate for confirmation, 
 we hope that, a full investigation of his merits as a public officer may be had. We have 
 heard of certain acts of Mr. Schcll which require some explanation. We are informed 
 that soon after he received his present appointment an arrangement was made whereby 
 parties connected with the Collector should reap a rich harvest from their intimacy with 
 a powerful friend of the new functionary. It seems that one William Mclntyre, who 
 has owned The Duly News, and to whom a mortgage on that paper for $20,000 1ms been 
 executed, made au arrangement with Mr. John C. Mather, (whom Mr. Sehell made a 
 State Senator by means of the Custom-House patronage,) and a Mr. Bixby, who was a 
 clerk in the Custom-House, for the purpose of carrying on the business of storage. The 
 firm was known as Mclntyre, Bixby & Co. These parties are the personal friends and 
 political supporters of Mr. Sehell; although an arrangement had been made between 
 Mr. Moses Udell and the late Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Guthrie, that all goods on 
 general order should be sent to the store which Mr. Udell had taken, yet Mr. Sehell 
 managed to remove Odell, and appointed Mcssis. Mclntyre, Bixby & Co. in bis place. 
 The change had no other motive except to promote the interests of the new firm. The 
 public interests had nothing to do with it. Not satisfied with the share of plunder thus 
 given to his friends, they were further provided for by a plan, which was, to say the 
 least of it, illegal. The firm of Mclntyre, Mather and Richard Sc-hell may expect to 
 hear from us again. We propose to look a little into the mode in which Senators are 
 nominated and General Committees managed, and how fort sites are sold, from Fort 
 Snelling to New Bedford. We intend to ascertain who sell and who buy these profit- 
 able localities, and before we finish we hope to show how the defences of the United 
 States Treasury are shelled by political engineers. We have now opened our first par- 
 allel; The illustrious Fernando Wood had a ' Brother Ben. ;' the respectable Augustus 
 Sehell has a brother Richard. Mr. Sehell sustained Wood with all his energy and 
 genius, and it is possible that Mr. Richard Sehell has learned some of 'Brother Ben's 
 peculiar accomplishments.' " — Tribune, January 21, IS08. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about H>>n. Carl Schurz, of Missouri. 
 
 " The statement that Collector Edward Jussen, of Chicago, had recently been re- 
 moved from office, by orderjof President Grant, because he was a brother-in-law of the 
 Hon. Carl Schurz, is wholly unfounded. Mr. Jussen has not been removed from office, 
 and it was not until the publication of the statement referred to that the. President was 
 even made aware of his relationship to the Senator from Missouri." — Tribune, Septem- 
 ber 27, 1870. 
 
 " The World heralds a meditated banquet to Senator Schurz and the Editors of The 
 St. 'Louis Democrat and The Chicago Tribune, who are now in this City. The Free-Tra- 
 ders are at liberty to eat all the dinners they pay for; and whether they pay $20 each 
 for them, or less, or more, is nobody's business but their own. They have just as clear 
 a right to appeal to Congress for an anti-Protective T uaF, and to threaten vengeance if 
 their demands are not conceded. Our preference lor celebrating victories after, rather 
 than before they are won, is no rule for them. But, we submit that both Congress and 
 the country have had quite enough of their bullying, and are not, likely to recoil before 
 their shouts, or their threats, and their assumption of authority to speak for ' The 
 West' — to say that ' The West' will have, or won't stand— is of a piece with their 
 many shams, which dupe none but themselves." — Tribune, November 24, 1870. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about Admiral Raphael, Semmes. 
 
 "Semmes- down in Dixie they call him 'Admiral' Semmes— was elected Judge of 
 Probate of Mobile County, Ala., on the 7th inst., by a unanimous vote. The other can- 
 didate withdrew 'in consideration of the gallaut services of Semmes during the war.' 
 Was there no other vacant office in Alabama that this rover of the seas must be made 
 guardian of the widows and orphans, and set to adjudicate questions of property under 
 dead men's wills? We suppose he will look for precedents to the decisions of that 
 Court which held its sessions in the cabin of the Alabama by the light of burning ships 
 
 21 
 
46 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 on the horizon, and award to the judge who delivered its august decree the proceeds of 
 its condemnations. Who would not be willing to die for the sake of having his estate 
 administered on by Judge Semmes?"— Tribune, May 18, 18GG. 
 
 W hat H. G. Knows about Gov. Horatio Seymour, of New York. 
 
 " ' SEYMOUR AND RUM ' was the war-cry broadly emblazoned on electioneering flags sus- 
 pended from the sailor dance-houses and harlot-keeping groggeries of the Fourth Ward on the 
 day of election. The unsophisticated denizens of Cherry and upper Water streets had read the 
 Veto carelessly, and overlooked all thai part of it which avouches the Governor's anxious concern 
 for the progress of Temperauce. They generally take their liquor neat down that way, and did 
 not comprehend the necessity or policy of calling things by other names than their right ones. 
 ' Seymour and Rum ' was what they meant — Seymour for the sake of Rum, and Rum for the 
 sake of Seymour — that was what they were after, and they knew no better way than the 
 direct one. They were after votes for Seymour, and Rum was their best means of getting them; 
 they were after immunity to Rum, and Seymour was the very boy to secure it for them. What 
 phrase could more tersely avouch the spirit that thrilled in their bosoms than 'Seymour and 
 Rum?' And they would seem to have succeeded. By a L vish expenditure of money, and a 
 powerful organization, the Distillers and Liquor-dealers have succeeded in giving Seymour 
 nearly or quite one-third of the entire vote of the State, which, as there are three or four can- 
 didates running, three of them nearly together, have probably elected him. Two years ago, 
 Seymour was chosen by a majority of all the votes cast — receiving over Two Hundred and 
 Sixty-four thousand — and now he is barely re-elected, having polled some One Hundred and 
 Fifiy Thousand, or less than one vote for each dollar spent in his behalf by the rumsellers. 
 And this is called a great Democratic victory — one that, is celebrated with copious libations 
 and yells of delight iu every groggcry, gambling-den, and brothel throughout the State. There 
 is not an outlaw for crime's or an outcast for Vice's sake who does not approve the Veto and 
 exult in the triumph of its author. They all recognize him as their protector, and he leans on 
 them as his trusty compatriots and upholders. Hurrah for ' Seymour and Rum.'" — Tribune, 
 November 10, IS 54. 
 
 " Gov. Seymour promptly disarms the loyal citizens. When the insurrection of bis 
 'noble-hearted friends' last week was at its height, a detachment of the "7 th Regiment was 
 searchmg one of the most dangerous of the insurrectionary districts for arms. They found 
 them in abundance — muskets, carbines, pikes, and other weapons. Suddenly an order came for 
 them to desist and return to the armory. Of course they obeyed, and returned to their Head- 
 quarters, where they found Gov. Seymour. The order was understood to come from him, 
 and to have been given on the ground that it would exasperate the rioters to proceed in the 
 search ! Proceed according to law and obey the Governor. Be prepared also to maintain the 
 law and the Government and obey common sense. The secession of South Carolina did not 
 give h;:lf the evidence of a universal Southern rebellion that the events of last week do of an 
 attempt to take New York out of the Union." — Tribune, July 21, 1863. 
 
 " Governor Seymour has, from the outset, been a deadly foe to the War for the Union. Ho 
 insisted from the first that the Republicans had no right to be Republicans — that it was not 
 allowable for the North in 1860 to do in resistance to slavery extension what Thomas Jefferson 
 proposed and voted for in 1784. In the Tweddle Hall Convention in February, 1861, he insisted 
 that the Slave States would all secede, and could not. be overborne — that the Union could only 
 be saved by prostration before the Slave Power. In this faith he soon after proposed that New 
 York should join the Southern Confederacy, and he has ever since been sailing virtually on 
 the same tack. The 'reconstruction' he seeks as the fit conclusion of our great struggle is 
 substantially this. Accordingly his every effort since his unfortunate election two years since 
 has been devoted to disparaging, obstructing, enfeebling, and paralyzing the War for the 
 Union by causing the People to regard the Federal Administration, not the Rebel Slave Fower, 
 as theenemy to i>e overthrown, and by reducing to the lowest possible figure the number and 
 the efficiency of our State's contribution to the Union Armies. His last manifesto, like so many 
 of his preceding efforts, is specially directed to this end." — Tribune, Junuaiy 2, 1865. 
 
 " If the Democratic Convention had been intent on selecting that candidate for President least 
 likely to win Republican votes and most certain to arouse and intensify Republican opposition, 
 it could not have bit the mark more exactly. Horatio Seymour has been the deadliest, mos.t 
 implacable enemy throughout of the ideas which triumphed in the abolition of Slaveryahd 
 discomfiture of the Rebellion. He was an open advocate and champion of that Nebraska bill 
 whereby Slavery shamelessly repudiated a solemn compact whereof she had reaped the full 
 advantage, and strove to wrest from Free Labor a vast region which she had quit-claimed for 
 a valuable consideration in hand. For the victims in Kansas of Bonler-Iiufli.in arson, outrage, 
 and murder, he had never a word of cheer or sympathy. He was for Buchanan against Fre- 
 mont when this State gave the Pathfinder a plurality of 80,000. He was for anybody agains* 
 
 22 
 
About Leading Democrats. 4*7 
 
 Lincoln in 1S60, when New York gave the latter a clean majority of 50,000. Mr. Lincoln being 
 elected, he insisted that the Republicans should give up their cardinal principle of No Extent 
 sion of Slave Territory, or be held, accountable for the Rebellion that the slaveholders Would 
 otherwise initiate. No in. m ever heard of bis uttering a generous word for the ignorant, lowly, 
 down-trodden African; all these he would disfranchise to-morrow if he had power, while he 
 insists that the Soiuh shall be given over to the keeping of her haughty Rebels, who hold that 
 they have committed no wrong and forfeited no right in conspiring and fighting to destroy the 
 Union." — Tribune, July 10, 18(38. 
 
 " Governor Seymour being in onr city and meeting here Judge Charles H. Ruggles, asked 
 him, 'Judge, have you read the Confederate Constitution ? * * * ' * I have; 
 and it is preferable to the Federal Constitution. Now, why not avoid all trouble by ourselves 
 adopting the Confederate Constitution? that is, by superseding the Federal by the Confederate 
 Government, kicking out Lincoln, and making Davis our President.' " — Tribune. July 25, 1868. 
 
 " Seymour's success as an orator reminds us of the story of a clergyman who enjoyed greatly 
 the luxury of listening to the melody of his own voice. He deemed it his duty on one occasion 
 to preach a long, elaborate, and very dull sermon to the artist to whom he was sitting for his 
 likeness. ' What do you think of my remarks?' demanded the eloquent divine of the painter, 
 who was whelly absorbed in his occupation. ' Turn your head a little to the right and keep 
 your mouth shut,' said the artist in his usual professional tone. All that Seymour ever needed 
 to make his speeches what they should have been was to keep his head turned a little toward 
 the right and to keep his mouth shut." — Tribune, July 31, 1808. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the late Gov. T. H. Seymour, of Connecticut. 
 "Col. Seymour, of Connecticut, has opposed and denounced the War for the Union with a 
 frankness and thoroughness which must command a certain measure of respect. He did not 
 wait to rind a pretext in ' arbitrary arrests ' or emancipation proclamations ; he has resorted to 
 none of ihe dodges and subterfuges of his namesake of this State ; but has condemned the effort 
 to maintain by force of arms the authority of the Union over the seceded States as a blunder 
 and a crime, not at all calculated to restore the Union, but rather to render its 'reconstruc- 
 tion' impossible." — Tribune, February 16, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Hon. William Smith, of Virginia. 
 
 "If the query would not be deemed impertinent, we should really like to know why 
 such notorious traitors as Extra Billy Smith are allowed to come and go freely at Wash- 
 ington. This man is in close communion with the managing traitors in Virginia, is 
 more heartily with and of them than Letcher, and is behind even Wise in nothing but 
 courage, being a candidate for Jeff. Davis's Congress. While such as he may enter our 
 lines at will, it would be folly for Beauregard to employ any paid spies. He can do 
 better."— Tribune, May 18, 1861. 
 
 "Hon. Wm. Smith, of Warrenton, Fauquier county, Rebel Governor of Virginia, is 
 a very low party hack — a poor successor even to John Letcher, save that he is quite 
 commonly sober. Neither of them is of the old Virginia aristocracy, nor is either an 
 especial cievotee of Slavery, save as a powerful aid in keeping their party in power. 
 Naturally, Smith is the poorer creature,, though there are many points of similarity 
 between them. When Gen. Jackson was elected President, he appointed William F. 
 Barry Postmaster-General. Barry combined every possible disqualifical ion for the post 
 in greater perfection, probably, than any other man who ever lived. But he had been 
 a Jackson Member of Congress, and franked more electioneering documents than any 
 one else, and had been the Jackson candidate for Governor of Kentucky in August, 
 1828, but beaten in a close race by Thomas Metcalf, the old stone mason. His use in 
 the Department was to distribute the Post Offices among the most effective Jacksonians 
 and to squander the public money upon the more extensive wire-workers of the party 
 in the shape of extra allowances for services in carrying the mails. Smith was then a 
 heavy mail contractor in the South, and his 'extra allowances' were counted by re- 
 peated tens of thousands. It was perfectly notorious that this money was given hittt to 
 pay the expense not of running the mails, but of running the Democratic party. Smith 
 obtained thence the sobriquet of ' Extra Billy,' which has stuck to him ever since. He 
 used to run as a Democratic or Jackson candidate for delegate from Fauquier, then 
 nicely balanced in politics, and having money to spend, was sometimes elected,^ hough 
 we think oftener defeated. Finally his usefulness to his party was rewarded by a Legis- 
 lative election as Governor of the State. Nothing more was needed to convince the 
 people that the election of Governors by the Legislature was a blunder, and they abol- 
 ished it before the expiration of his term."— Tribune, June 17, 18G3. 
 
 23 
 
48 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 What H. G. Knew about, the late Edwin M. Stanton. 
 
 "There was a time when Mr. Secretary Stanton could have retired without descending' from 
 his proud position. We regret tbe fact ; but flint time has passed. The Secretary has stooped, 
 and cringed, and paltered, and truckled, till he may now be contemptuously kicked out, with 
 perfect safety to the kicker. And yet there is a low depth of debasement, which even he may 
 wisely avoid ; and thai will be sounded if he now accepts a second-class mission, bestowed on 
 him in scornful pity for his downfall." — Tribune, August 22, 18G6. 
 
 What H. G. Knoios about Hon. E. G. Squier, of New York. 
 " In Another part of to-day's paper will be found a letter from Mr. E. G. Squier, author of 
 ' Notes on Central America.' This letter bitterly complains of, and makes an attempt to re- 
 fute, the comments which we thought it our duty to make some weeks since, upon certain 
 doctrints set forth in Mr. Squier's book, the propagation and carrying out of which appear to 
 have been a leading object of its publication. When Mr. Squier comes to see his face in the 
 faithful mirror which we hold up to him, he starts back in as much horror and affright as the 
 unhardened are apt to show at the first realization of what they are coming to. Me vociferously 
 denies the truth of the likeness ; but that is a point which we shall willingly refer to the decision 
 of every judicious and unprejudiced reader who will take the trouble to examiae with care the 
 extract from his book which we uive at Mr. Squier's request. We have means of knowing the 
 condition of things in Jamaica, independently of Mr. Squier. If he is as reckless — as his 
 letter which we publish to-day seems to show that he sometimes is— in talking about Nicaragua 
 as about Jamaica, then his facts, he must allow us to say, are just as worthless as his dogmas 
 and his reasonings. Central America, in passing through a social crisis, such as all the States 
 of Europe passed through two or three hundred years ftgo, has suffere 1 From civil wars ; but we 
 see no reason to doubt that, if the fillibusters will only let her alone, in due time she will come 
 out of this crisis by the operation of natural causes, as the States of Europe did, and like them 
 6tart forward on a career of improvement, satisfactory to the rest of the world if not to Mr. 
 Squier and his brother fillibusters." — Tribune, March 19, 1856. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Peter B. Sweeny, Esq., of New York. 
 
 "Of the Tammany tribe the most famous are, as is well known, Warrior Peter B. Sweeny, 
 celebrated for his cunning and wise counsels; Grand Sachem William M. Tweed, well known 
 for his long purse and generous (some think to a fault) distribution of the public wampum 
 among decrepit and worn-out braves, who have done the tribe service ; Sachem I! li. Connolly, 
 a crafty old warrior, popularly known as the great scalper of U.iver Chailick, the Rail Road 
 King, and Michael Connolly, the big judge, popularly known among his familiars and admirers 
 as the Daniel O'Connell of the Ameiican Fenians. Those three chiefs are monarchs of nearly 
 all they survey. They own much wampum and lands, and have parceled out among their own 
 relations all the scalps that the tribes have taken." — Tribune, September 19, 1809. 
 
 What H G. Knew about /he late Chief Justice Taney. 
 "Judge Taney's career has hardly been submitted to the calm criticism of history, but it is 
 difficult not to believe that our essayist, in his judgment of the jurist's character, has anticipated 
 the verdict of future generations. It is generous uot to apply to Roger 13. Taney a harsher 
 name than ' The Unjust Judge.' What is considered as a defence in the ease or Davis and Lee 
 cannot apply to him. lie was above ambition or envy. He bad been placed in the first posi- 
 tion of the judiciary — a position second only to that of the President. The events leading to 
 this exaltation, however, throw a great deal of light upon bis character. He was nominated by- 
 Jackson — a man whose idiosyneracy it was to hate the Supreme Court, iiis nomination wa3 
 the reward of a service which the haughty President in vain persuaded better men to perform. 
 Taney had been defeated by a hostile Senatefor other positions, and, the moment Marshall died, 
 •the irritated President,' as our author mildly puts it, sent Taney's name to the Senate. Tbe 
 seat vacated by Marshall was occupied indeed, but not filled; and Taney never, durir-g bis 
 whole career, seemed to rise above the position of a partisan. He had the cast of, mind which 
 fits a lawyer for the duties of prosecuting attorney, lie was the politician in rob s, He did all 
 he could to deify Slavery and assist the traitors, who endeavored to overthrow the Union that 
 it might triumph. When the North rose in its majesty, he was as busy in bis efforts to stay 
 the enthusiasm as Mrs. Partington with her mop when the ocean came pouring over her door- 
 way. The efforts of one were about as futile as those of the other. History has only to do with 
 motives." — Tribune, August 25, 1865. 
 
 What II. G Knows about James S. Thayer, of New York. 
 " Tbe Democratic party of our State has made for itself a most unenviable record. In mid- 
 winter of i860-' 1, some five weeks before President Lincoln's inauguration, it held a State 
 Convention in Tweddle Hall, Albany. Horatio Seymour, now Governor, was a prominent 
 
About Leading Democrats. 49 
 
 speaker therein ; would-be Governor Amasa J. Parker was its President, and an unusually 
 targe number of its leaders were delegates. The treason there conspicuously enacting of Bu- 
 chanan, Cobb, Floyd, Jake Thompson, Touchy & Co., whereby the Union was being pusillaui- 
 mously surre'udered without a shot or blow in it.? behalf, received no whisper of rebuke from 
 that convention. The Rhects and Yaaeeys and Jeff. Davises who were tearing the country in 
 precis were not even invited to behave themselves. The whole drift and aim of this Democratic 
 Convention tended to dishearten and demoralize the Loyal North into abasement at the feet of 
 the traitorous, domineering Slave Power. 
 
 " ' You ean't subdue the South. You must placate her or the Union is lost.' Such was the 
 burden of Mr. Seymour's harangues* T be Republicans must cease to be Republicans, or the 
 Union bad already ceased to exist ; such was the cry of the Convention. And James S. Thayer, 
 amid universal plaudits, proclaimed unmeasured hostility to any coercion of the revolted South 
 under the pretext of enforcing the laws. When the proceedings of this Convention reached 
 Washington, the conspirators who had not yet deserted their seats in Congress showed them 
 exultiiiely to Republicans, saying, If you attempt coercion', you will find more than your 
 match iu New York, without coining South for enemies." — Tribune, April. 29, 1803. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about Hon. Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi. 
 
 "Jacob Thompson holds that all his repeated oaths of fidelity to the Federal Consti- 
 tution and Government were taken subject to the condition that Mississippi should not 
 see lit to secede from the Union; that it' at any tiine she should secedes, no matter whether 
 with or without reason, he should be not merely at liberty but under obligation to stand 
 with her against the Union and to fight with her to destroy the Union. This, if we 
 comprehend Mr. T. , was an implied condition of his oath of allegiance— an understood 
 part of it. Now, we hold this doctrine worse and more irrational than SI .very, its 
 source worse than the Rebellion, their natural child. A country which may a1 any time 
 be torn in pieces by the mere freak of a fiftieth part of its' people we pray never to be 
 doomed to inhabit. Many persons seem exceedingly anxious as to who and how many 
 shall be put to death for their complicity in the Rebellion. We insist that examples 
 shall be made of the two chief culprits, whose names are Slavery and State Sovereignty." 
 — Tribune, May 22, 18G5. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Ex Gov. Throckmorton, of Texas. 
 " Ex-Gov. Throckmorton, of Texas, whose removal from office for disloyalty was one 
 of the last public actions of brave Phil. Sheridan in the Department of the Gulf, has 
 written for publication a private letter, in which, after lamenting that the recent regis- 
 tration orders of Gen. Grilling, instead of 'filling the whole State with a howl of indig- 
 nation,' scarcely received a comment or a passing notice, he proceeds to raise a howl of 
 his own, and to advise his fellow-citizens in the most violent language against holding a 
 Convention. If Texas is readmitted to the Union, he urges, under the Congress plan of 
 reconstruction, we shall have negroes at the pedis, negroes iu the jury-box, and, what is 
 worse than all, a Radical Government, with the certainty of a Radieal electoral vote for 
 the next President. But if we bold out, Andy Johnson will yet conquer, lie will get 
 us in again on our own terms. His proclamation of amnesty will enfranchise every one 
 of us, and enable us to beat the infernal niggers as badly at the polls as we used to beat 
 them in the cotton fields. Now, who is it that keeps the Southern States out of the 
 Union? Is it Congress, which, offers them generous and liberal terms of restoration, or 
 the rampant Rebels, like' Throckmorton, who counsel them to stay out until they can 
 make their return in triumph, with the Confederate colors (lying and the poor freedmen 
 chained to their chariot wheels?" — Tribune, October 29, 1867. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about Mr. Theodore Tilt on. 
 "If apples are wormy this year, and grapes mildew, and duck's eggs addle, and bladed 
 corn be lodged, it may all be ascribed to the unhallowed influence of Mr. Tilton's Life 
 of Victoria vVoodhull, of which we give copious extracts in another place. It is cer- 
 tainly the most extraordinary book ever written out of Bedlam. Its richness of inven- 
 tion, its naive ignorance, and it.-; innocent immorality cause us to wonder whether the 
 vetrran romancer, Paul de Eoek, who died last week, did not amuse his first leisure 
 hours in the Spirit World by dictating this preposterous book to the editor of The 
 Golden Age." — Tribune, 'September 11, 1871. 
 
 "In fact, no person who holds with Mr. Tiltou has any right to marry at all. He 
 has no right to the honors of marriage while he repudiates its essentia) obligation. 
 The union that Mr. Tiltou believes in is not marriage at all, but something radically 
 
 25 
 
50 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 diverse from that. It is the marriage ' a la jacque' of Parisian workmen and grisettes, 
 which is expected to last a year, hut often disappoints that expectation. Those who 
 hold it superior to Christian marriage should prove their faith hy giving it a distinctive 
 name. Words are things, and Marriage is not what any one may choose to have it, but 
 is defined by the dictionaries. If the Free-Lovers are not ashamed of their creed, let 
 them prove it by giving a distinguishing name to their substitute for marriage." — Tri- 
 bune, October 10, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Hon. Lyman Trumbull, of Illinois. 
 
 "Senator Trumbull never gave his Republican colleagues a hint of his hostility to 
 impeachment up to the moment of his unmasking on Monday of this week, though ho 
 had very recently attended meetings of those colleagues of a friendly and confidential 
 character. We are assured that his Democratic son had quietly made bets through 
 third parties, by which he expects to win $5,000 by his father's resistance to impeach- 
 ment. The Republican protests against these shots from behiud. True, it lost its be- 
 loved President by such a one ; but Wilkes Booth never pretended to be a Republi- 
 can, as its present assailants have done. If there be more traitors nestling in its bosom, 
 is it too much to ask them to come to the light ?" — Tribune, May 14, 1868. 
 
 " The leading Copperheads of Chicago were fully apprised that Senator Trumbull 
 would vote to acquit long before his Republican brethren representing Illinois in the 
 House were aware of it. ' Was that done like Cassius ?' " — Tribune, May 18, 1868. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about Mr. William M. Tweed, of New York. 
 "Recorder Hoffman has a good reputation, which we would not tarnish, but when 
 we see that William M. Tweed is Chairman of the Committee which is managing his 
 canvass, we don't want him elected Mayor. We hear whispers that he will turn against 
 and rout out Cornell, Tweed & Co., if chosen, and possibly he thinks he may ; but, 
 should he be successful, he will find it impossible to fulfil his virtuous resolve. 'The 
 Ring' nominated him ; ' The Ring' will elect him, should he be elected, and ' the Ring' 
 will be his master, in spite of himself. The law of political affinity is irresistible." — 
 Tribune, November 27, 1865. 
 
 "Politicians have not forgotten the touching perplexity of Daniel Webster when, 
 finding himself out of office and deserted by his party, he enquired, 'And where on 
 earth am I to go? ' The troubles of the great expounder live again, we are sorry to say, 
 in the bosom of our unfortunate friend. The World, which, having for some time been 
 out of office in the capacity of a journal of news, now finds itself distinctly repudiated 
 and gone back upon by its own party as an organ of opinion. Two years ago The 
 World ventured to have an opinionon a political subject without the permission of Mr. 
 William M. Tweed, and Mr. Tweed immediately knocked it down. Now it has taken 
 a similiar liberty, and Mr. Tweed not only knocks ft down but sits on it afterward. It 
 is a very sad case, and proves that papers with opinions have no business in the Tam- 
 many party. We really do not see where The World can go. It is too old to learn the 
 profession of journalism, and, besides, the businessof procuring news is already monopo- 
 lized by The Tribune. It cannot devote itself to the police courts, for there it would be 
 sure to fall foul of the party. It can print lectures on Positiveism, but that is a poor 
 way of making a living. Upon the whole we can think of nothing better for it than to 
 make a fine long valedictory address and then die decently." — Tribune, October 1, 1870. 
 
 " Tweed's victory at Rochester is more complete than our worst anticipations fore- 
 boded. He was virtually recognized as the leader of our City Democrats; his Commit- 
 tee is still its accredited organ-, his ticket will be the regular Democracy ticket; and our 
 plundered citizens and their ballot-boxes are delivered over by the Sham Democracy to 
 the uncovenanted mercies of his satellite thieves and ruffians. There was never a more 
 disgraceful back-down than that of the Seymours and Kernaus and Tildens, quailing 
 before the audncity of this embodiment of wholesale corruption and vulgar profligacy. 
 We saw, three days ago, that the habitual misleaders of the German Democrats of our 
 City were preparing to knuckle to Tweed; we knew that the Democratic managers of 
 this emporium were rotten to the core; yet we still put faith in the resolution and the 
 power of Seymour and t' "> rural chiefs. At last, we saw that they, too, would give 
 way or be overborne — that Tweed would not be denounced and excommunicated in 
 earnest; and yet we supposed that a sense of decency and of party necessity would 
 impel the Conven*ion to put him in Coventry in appearance, though not in reality. 
 We believed and trusted too far. Tweed went, and saw, and conquered. The Conven- 
 
 26 
 
About Leading Democrats. 51 
 
 tion proved a plaything in his hands. Tilden's empty talk about Democratic purity 
 was turned to ridicule by the action which immediately followed. Tf ever party was 
 disgracjed by gigantic peculation, then Tweed and Co. have shamed the Democratic 
 party beyond all precedent. Yet his immense wealth, so foully won, his unmeasured 
 power to .make ballot-boxes lie, his lavish disbursements, and his matchless audacity, 
 have enabled him to triumph over public indignation and a formidable array of adver- 
 saries, aud he returns from Rochester master of the situation." — Tribune, Octobers 
 1871. 
 
 " Tweed is very different. He was bankrupt less than twelve years ago — that he soon 
 after obtained a position under our City or County administration— that he vaulted 
 thence into the Board of Supervisors, whereof he soon became official chief and recog- 
 nized master spirit— that he has 1 ever since lived like a prince and lavished money on 
 every side — aud that he is now the owner of some Fifteen or Twenty millions worth 
 of real estate, though his personal and family expenses cannot fall below $300,000 per 
 annum." — Tribune, October 7, 1871. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about President John Tyler. 
 
 " John Tyler seems to have an inborn constitutional horror of everything that wears 
 the semblance of honesty, and the bare discovery of some course of conduct to which 
 he was once solemnly pledged is all that, is needed to set him upon its most open and 
 atrocious violation. Under Martin Van Buren the abuse of official patronage seemed to 
 have reached its lowest depth, and we believe no man on earth could have found a ' lower 
 deep ' save the man who is now scouring the very gutters of our city for the willing 
 instruments of his corrupt designs. It is by such desperate aud contemptible knavery 
 as this that John Tyler seeks to fasten upon the people the curse of his rule; but he will 
 find ere long that, instead of postponing, he only adds fiercer fury to the indignation 
 they will pour upon his head. — Tribune, August 23, 1842. 
 
 What II G. Knows about Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts. 
 
 " It is not strange, therefore, that sundry Bo3ton gentlemen, should, by dint of hard 
 drinking and eating, persuade themselves that they are especial guardians of the name 
 of Webster, the especial inheritors of the principles f>f Webster, the especial philoso- 
 phers to whom alone the length aud breadth and thickness and beauty of his character 
 have been adequately revealed. But we do think it, rather a hard case that onu who 
 spent his life, his strength, his talents, his unusual powers in battling against the Demo- 
 cratic party, and to whom we are indebted for some of the brightest illustrations of its 
 perfidy to Freedom, aud of ils subserviency to slavery, should now be obliged to depend 
 upon those ancient Democrats, the Hon. Rufus Clioar.e and the Hon. Caleb Cashing, for 
 eulogium. Yes, this beautiful brace of Democratic charmers, who are supporting 
 James Buchanan, whom Mr. Webster denounced and despised — Free Trade, which Mr. 
 Webster denounced — the Extension of Slavery, which Mr. Webster denounced — 
 Executive Corruption, which Mr. Webster denounced — War waged for the acqui- 
 sition of Foreign Territory, which Mr. Webster denounced — rehearse his virtues and 
 recapitulate his services. There never was such a hugger-mugger attempted 
 before since the world was created. That statesman who leaves a name only 
 is sincerely to be pitied. It is upon deeds, not words, that true reputation must rest. 
 Fame is no plant that grows in mortal soil, aud as the soil of Marshfield was emphati- 
 cally mortal, we do not think Mr. Choate's top-dressing, or Mr. Cushiug's sub-dressing 
 will make it particularly heavenly." — Tribune, January 3, 1809. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Hon. Gideon Welles, of Connecticut. 
 
 "What the House really mean by this proviso is to condemn the arrangement of 
 Secretary Welles, whereby his brother-in-law, George D. Morgan, was enabled to pocket 
 $70,000 to $90,000 for a light three months' work— very greatly, Mr. Welles thinks, to 
 the advantage of the Government, but not at all, we all kuow, to the satisfaction of the 
 People. Everything that Mr. Welles or Mr. Morgan has to say in their own justifica- 
 tion has been said, printed, read, and considered; yet the public is not satisfied. The 
 very decidedly prevalent belief is that Mr. Morgan has pocketed as least $00,000 that 
 ought, to have" been left in the Treasury, and that, if he does not choose to restore it, 
 Mr. Welles ought to resign." — Tribune, February 15, 1802. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Mr David A. Wells, of Connecticut. 
 " The St. Louis Democrat named several eminent, champions of its Anti-Protective 
 views, and challenged us to say whether their course was or was not influenced by 
 
52 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 money. We — thus const raiucd to give our opinion — replied that Mr. Win. C. Bryant 
 had always been a Free Trader, and we doubted not that this was his honest conviction; 
 but we could not say the same of Mr. Wells, because, while prof essing to be a Protectionist, 
 the whole drift of his report was clearly intended to prove Protection a folly or a fraud. 
 Thus he was understood by all — Protectionists and Free Traders alike — and, since it 
 was not credible that he alone should fail to comprehend the scope and purport of his 
 teachings, we must believe that he was earning a subsidy by his crooked course." — Tri- 
 bune, December 10, 18G9. 
 
 "Mr. Wells begins by pitching protection over board, and while professing to ignore 
 the issue between Protection and Free Trade, in fact assumes the fundamental positions 
 of the Free Traders as axioms which no one disputes. He has thus made up a most 
 unfair and injurious exhibit of our Financial and Industrial status which the Free Tra- 
 ders are pushing into circulation as though Mr. Wells were a disinterested umpire in- 
 stead of au intense partisan. Mr. Kelley meets him point by point, and shows wherein 
 and how he has dealt unfairly and unjustly with the great interests which he so bitterly 
 assails, and the benignant policy which he aims to crush out." — Tribune, January 17, 
 1870. 
 
 " We heartily rejoice that Mr. D. A. Wells, like his illustrious predecessor, Mr. Alex. 
 Delmar, has gone straight 1o his own place. Our readers need no further announcement 
 to understand that Mr. Wells is at last among the Democrats, where he has so long be- 
 longed; though they may be a little surprised to rind that he could fall so fast as to be- 
 come already an appointee of Gov. John T. Holl'man's. Long may he remain in such 
 congenial company. Yet, after all, we fear that he cannot be sure of protracted tenure 
 of office under Hoffman. He is a squeezed orange. His power for harm is destroyed 
 when he is forced to tight under his-own colors. His reputation is the most absurdly 
 inflated one in the United States; he may now find how little it will profit him when re- 
 moval from our councils has pricked the bladder." — Tribune, June 15, 1870. 
 
 " That ' one renegade is worse than ten Turks,' is a very old saw, forcibly illustrated 
 in the instance of Mr. David A. Wells. That gentleman has just issued an essay on Po- 
 litical Economy, written for the meridian of Eugland, and paid for by the Cobden Club, 
 wherein he speaks of a pamphlet intended to prove our National Debt so much national 
 capital, and adds: 'As this pamphlet, from its quasi-governmeut indorsement, was ex- 
 tensively circulated, and will undoubtedly go down to history as one of the most 
 curious of financial absurdities, it is desirable to state that its author was Samuel Wilk- 
 eson, at that time a member of the editorial corps of The New York Tribune.'' This as- 
 sertion is false. Mr. Wilkeson left our employment when he entered that of Messrs. 
 Jay Cooke & Co., in whose service that Pamphlet was written. But suppose it had been 
 true. What of it? Mr. Wilkeson had never any more control of the opinions or course 
 of The- Tribune than Mr. Wells himself; and the Editor of this Journal dissented from 
 the doctrine of that pamphlet when it appeared, and has ever been foremost in insist- 
 ing that the Debt should lie constantly and vigorously reduced until its payment shall 
 have been completed. Mr. Wells, knowing all this, writes for Englishmen who do not 
 know it, in terms which, if literally true, would yet deceive and mislead his readers. 
 His new masters are welcome to all they can make by such dishonesty." — Tribune, Feb- 
 ruary 9, 1873. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about Hon. Charles A. Wickliffe, of Kentucky. 
 
 "The Copperheads and stay-at-home Rebels of Kentucky have at length obtained a 
 candidate for Governor, The Hon. Charles A. Wickliffe is the man. He is the son of 
 the late Robert Wickliffe, of Lexington, commonly known as ' the old Duke, ' who 
 was for years probablv the richest man and most extensive slaveholder in the State. 
 The Wickliffes were Whigs, and strong friends of Clay thirty years ago, but finally fell 
 away from him, attracted by the superior devotion of ' the Democracy' to the interests 
 of slavery. Charles, ' the ymtna Duke' of a quarter of a century back, is now of a 
 ripe age, and the heir of most of his father's great wealth. He was chosen to the last 
 Congress as a ' Union' man, pursued an extreme Pro-Slavery course in Congress, and is 
 in the fullest sympathy with the extreme Copperheads of the West. In his letter con- 
 senting to run, he plants himself upon the Ohio Vallandigham platform." — Tribune, 
 June 29, 1863. 
 
 What II. G. Knoms about Mr. George Wilkes, of New York. 
 "Mr. George Wilkes edits a good newspaper. It has interesting information about 
 horses and fish. It is an authority on trotting-matches and billiards. When the Tipton 
 
About Leading Democrats. 53 
 
 Slasher bruises the manly face of the Staleybridge Chicken, Mr. "Wilkes is the highest 
 authority we have as to who proved the best man. In these departments he is un- 
 rivaled. Sometimes lie goes beyond this limited sphere and writes good articles op. 
 politics, for he is a strong writer. This is, no doubt, useful, but we fancy his readers 
 find the horse and billiard columns more entertaining, and it is a pity he should go be- 
 yond these special features to start a movement which threatens to become a new 
 Whisky Rebellion. We have had articles on Liberty and Despotism, and meetings of 
 the rumsellers, combinations, and pledges and subscription's. The subscriptions go to- 
 ward the publication of a gorgeously engraved pledge, over which we have Christ bless- 
 ing the Wine at Cana. This sublime conception could only come from Mr. Wilkes, 
 who is the head and front of the new movement, as very few of his present followers 
 ever beard of Christ. The whisky dealers of New York, carrying a banner with Christ 
 blessing wine painted upon it, and Mr. Geo. Wilkes riding at the head, would be a sub- 
 lime spectacle, almost as imposing as the London rioters when Lord George Gordon 
 commanded. We presume the police would keep Broadway clear, and preserve the 
 peace. But when the whisky dealers go beyond this, and threaten to disregard the 
 law in a body, and invite the interference of the police, it is another matter. The law 
 is to be violated, and the authorities are to be defied, and anarchy is to be invoked. 
 We advise Mr. Wilkes to leave rebellion alone, and confine himself to the special 
 topics of his profession. There he is unrivaled. In his new vocation he may get into 
 jail, or otherwise be sorely distressed. The whisky trade would not be a whit im- 
 proved, and the interests of journalism might suffer." — Tribune, June 28, 1807. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about Eon. G. W. Woodward, of Pennsylvania. 
 "Judge Woodward, who is the Vallandigbam of Pennsylvania, is by far the craftier 
 politician, has an excellent talent for silence, and will secure a good many votes from 
 thoroughly loyal men." * * * "Woodward differs from Vallandigbam as a man 
 in a fog differs from one in bright sunshine. He, too, never uttered one word of cheer 
 for the soldiers of the Union. He never intimated that they were fighting in a just 
 cause. He never expressed a desire that their efforts and sacrifices should be crowned 
 with success. He never tried to shorten their privations or diminish their perils by 
 increasing their number. He did not wait for the proclamation of Freedom to supply 
 him with a pretext for opposing the war. On the contrary, he pronounced against 
 4 Coercion '—that is, against compelling slaveholders to stop stealing the Nation's 
 property and shooting its defenders— at the very outset of the struggle. He, early in 
 1861, declared that, if the Union was to be divided by Secession, he wished the line of 
 separation run north of Pennsylvania. He has evinced from the outset sympathy with 
 the Rebels in almost everything, with their antagonists in nothing. Even after his 
 nomination for Governor, being on his way to the battle-field of Gettysburg, then red 
 with patriot blood, heroically poured out for the salvation of the Union, he declared to 
 his fellow-passengers that he had no sympathy with the struggle in which these Union 
 martyrs had lost their lives. Such is the man for whom George B. McClellan has been 
 electioneering, and whom Jeff. Davis hopes to hail as the next Governor of Pennsyl- 
 vania." — Tribune, October 12, 1863. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about the late C. L. Vallandigham. 
 " The views of Mr. Vallandigham, respecting the probable resurrection of the Dem- 
 ocratic party are certainly entitled to decent consideration. For he is one of the few 
 survivors. He is a spared remnant. The waves which drowned so many of his com- 
 panions washed him as a curiosity to the shore. He is a sort of penultimate man, left 
 to tell the tale of his party's shipwreck— how it domineered, and how it diminished— 
 now swayed all things under Jackson, and then was palsied under Buchanan— how it 
 was stung to death by slaveholding ingratitude, and, in the opinion of all persons of 
 ordinary nostrils, should long ago have been spaded out of sight and out of smell, and 
 would have been but for the pathetic faith of Mr. V. and of his cronies, who are enti- 
 tled, for their disbelief in its mortality, to a bushel of copper medals from the Humane 
 Society." — Tribune, January 22, 1806. 
 
 What H G. Knows about Hon. Benjamin Wood, of New York. 
 "Ben. Wood has had a reception at Washington not exactly to his fancy. It is re- 
 lated in our dispatches that the Major of a New York regiment publicly denounced 
 Brother Ben. and Brother Fernando as unmitigated traitors; and added, very unwisely, 
 a threat about bloodshed under certain contingencies." — Tribune, July 4, 1861. 
 
 "Mr. Benjamin Wood is now a candidate for re-election to Congress, not merely by 
 nomination from the Sham Democracy of his district, but by a contract with Mozarfc 
 
 29 
 
54 What Sorace Greeley Knoics 
 
 Hall, to which Tammany Hall is a party. He is thus the candidate of the entire Sey- 
 mour party of this city. That party pretends to be in favor of a vigorous prosecution 
 of the War for the Union, until the Rebels shall lay down their arms and resume the 
 fulfillment of their repudiated constitutional obligations. But Mr. Wood has never yet 
 pretended to unite in this profession. On the contrary, he will be found to have voted 
 against or dodged every bill that has been submitted to the House intended to strengthen 
 the arm that stiikes for the vindication of constitutional authority and national integrity. 
 Throughout the two last eventful sessions of Congress, we can remember no single in- 
 stance in which he voted for a bill that Jeff. Davis would have wished defeated, or failed 
 to support any proposition that Jeff, would have wished to see succeed." — Tribune, Oc- 
 tober 22, 1862. 
 
 What H. (jr. Knows about Hon. Fernando Wood. 
 
 "The 'Hard ' and the ' Soft' Mayoralty Conventions did a good night's work for 
 City Reform last evening in uniting on Fernando Wood as their candidate for Mayor. 
 We w r elcome this as about the last nail in the coffin of the Primary-Election swindle. 
 Mr. Wood has been twice a candidate before the electors of our City — first for Con- 
 gress, when he ran at the foot of his ticket in a time of intense party excitement ; next 
 for Mayor, wheu he was horribly beaten by Ambrose C. Kiugsland. The reasons for 
 this defeat are entirely personal to Mr. Wood. We do not choose to go into them, 
 deeming it unnecessary. The judgment of this community is fully made up with 
 regard to Mr. Wood's character, and cannot be reversed. His nomination will bring a 
 good many citizens to the polls who would else have stayed away." — Tribune, October 
 10, 1854. 
 
 " On the 7th of November, 1851, the Grand Jury of this City and County found a bill of 
 indictment against Fernando Wood, now candidate for Mayor, for alleged fraudulent 
 transactions growing out of the business of a partnership between him and Edward E. Mar- 
 vine. These alleged frauds were of a serious nature aud very numerous, embracing a 
 forged bill of sale, forged letters and papers, and forged or altered bills of account relat- 
 ing to the partnership. A civil suit, founded on the same transaction, was pending, and is 
 still pending before referees, in which the testimony is very voluminous, and we shall 
 take a look at it as soon as we can conveniently. But the indictment was summarily 
 disposed of by the then Recorder, F. A. Tallmadge. Wood pleaded the Statute of Lim- 
 itations. The Revised Statutes enact that an offence is not indictable after the lapse of 
 three years from its commission. It so happened, in this case, that the alleged offence 
 upon which the indictment was found wa3 committed on the 7f.h day of November, 
 1848, and that the indictment wa-s found aud filed in Court on the 7th day of November, 
 1851. The Court decided that the day on which the offence was committed should be 
 included, and thus three years had elapsed. Thus the decision was in favor of quashing 
 the indictment. It is true that the first fraudulent transaction alleged was on the 7th 
 of November, 1818, but subsequent frauds are alleged, running throughout several days. 
 The very fact of pleading the Statute of Limitations in a charge of fraud doe3 not strike 
 us favorably. An honest man, having done no act of a criminal nature, would not be 
 ikely to make such a plea. But that such a plea was set up in behalf of Mr. Wood, and 
 sustained by the Recorder, is beyond doubt. The case is summarily reported in The 
 New York Legal Observer, Vol. X, for 1852, (pp. 61-63,) to which periodical we refer all 
 who feel an interest in the matter. We are assured that a check of $703 drawn by Mr. 
 Wood in favor of the Recorder, who made the decision, passed through a broker's 
 hands and was cashed in bank about the same time; but that, of course, had no refer- 
 ence to the decision." — Tribune, November 4, 1854. 
 
 •'There are still other fields for honorable achievement, where Mayor Wood's exten- 
 sive knowledge will no doubt be of great value; for instance, lottery and policy gam- 
 bling, in which hundreds of men are engaged as dealers and backers, some of them be- 
 longing, apparently, to the most respectable class of society, aud filling high positions in 
 public estimation, living in splendor from the pennies picked up by 'station numbers,' 
 'gigs,' and ' saddles.' Then the unlicensed pawnbrokers, the receivers of stolen goods, 
 the prize-fighters, badger-baiters, cock-fighters, and high and low gamblers must also be 
 attended to." — Tribune, January 27, 1855. 
 
 " The defeat of Fernando Wood at Syracuse is one of the most instructive political 
 lessons of our day. Here is a man of decided talent, untiring industry, and consider- 
 able executive ability, who might have been anything he chose if Providence had 
 blessed him with a reasonable share of honesty. Though his earlier life had been stained 
 by serious errors, there was a very general disposition to forget all these and open a clean 
 
 30 
 
About Leading Democrats. 55 
 
 set of books with him on his accession to the Mayoralty. And he, too, really seemed 
 for a season disposed to do what was right, and seek advancement through integrity and 
 fidelity to his official obligations. Had he adhered to his good resolves, and set his face 
 like a flint against the manifold vices which deform our city, and by which cunning 
 knaves^ live at the expense of weak dupes, he would this day have been the most widely 
 popular man in the land. . Mr. Wood should be wise enough to realize that the true end 
 of Government is not the protection and patronage of skillful roguery and well-varnished 
 vice, but the defence of the upright, the industrious, the innocent, against the arts and 
 frauds of policy-sellers, baggage-smashers, emigrant-swindlers, and the multiform va- 
 rieties of schemers to make gain of others' weaknesses, ignorance, and frailties, for 
 whose support he has of late so successfully, yet in the end so fruitlessly, played." — 
 Tribune, August 1, 185G. 
 
 "Mr. Fernando Wood has been several times a candidate before his fellow-citizens 
 of this Emporium for important offices, and — we say it to the credit of their discern- 
 ment and integrity — has never, we believe, failed to run lowest of any man on his ticket. 
 For Mayor, he has twice procured a 'regular Democratic' nomination, which was, in 
 either case, equivalent to an election; but never has a majority of our citizens honored 
 him with their confidence or their puffrages as a candidate for that post. No matter 
 though the gamblers, the short-boys, and the grogsellers instinctively recognized him as 
 their crony and cha%npion, and rolled up for him enormous majorities — far beyond any 
 that could be obtained by legal votes — in every locality notorious for debauchery and 
 crime, he was always placed in the minority by the votes of those who read and think, 
 and who gain a livelihood by means which do not need Police connivance to screen 
 them from the blows of Justice. Even last, Fall, with a Police power equal to ten 
 thousand votes, which was exerted to the utmost, and with a Buchanan furor in our 
 city which would have secured a majority for Mayor to any other man running on the 
 same ticket, Wood was beaten more than Eight Thousand votes, and only slipped in 
 through divisions among his adversaries, which only a Presidential contest could have 
 rendered effectual. And we take all citizens to witness, that whatever grave differences 
 did and do exist on other subjects, there is no difference at all among the Forty-three 
 Thousand Electors who last Fall voted against Fernando Wood as to the justice and 
 urgent expediency of stripping this bold, bad man of a portion of his grossly-abused 
 power." — Tribune, May 6, 1857. 
 
 " There are certain venomous snakes which have the faculty, when cut to pieces, of 
 reuniting their dissevered bodies, and prolonging their hideous existence until the heel 
 of some courageous traveler crushes the poisonous head to atoms, and lets out at once 
 the venom and the life. One of these political snakes was thus finished last night. 
 Heretofore cast out, cut in pieces, hedged around with fire, piled mountain-high with 
 loads of public scorn, he has managed to escape from every assault, and again and 
 again raise his hundred heads against whatever Hercules might oppose. Now, it would 
 seem, the work is complete, and he lies prone in the mire, utterly overthrown, without 
 even a wiggle left in the remotest extremity of his political anatomy. Fernando Wood, 
 driven from official power by an outraged and indignant people, has been, since De- 
 cember last, using all his well known abilities to get the control of the Tammany So- 
 ciety, in which event he would have been the autocrat of the Democratic party, and 
 controller of all nominations, from his own for Governor down to aldermen and con- 
 stables. For this he has worked night and day, in every conceivable manner, except 
 openly, and with every agent whom he could cajole or threaten into his service. At 
 Washington, at Albany, and at home, his labors have been unremitting. An oath-bound 
 secret society was formed by his friends, and the mystery of midnight conclaves, with 
 grand visibles and grand invisibles, was a means used to frighten the timid and create 
 an idea that his power was invincible. Last night the battle can*e off, and Sir. Wood 
 suffered a defeat perfectly overwhelming. At the same hour his valuable friend and 
 note-indorser, Charles Devlin, was removed from office, and the whole gaug of contrac- 
 tors and camp-followers who, last year, fought Wood's battle or furnished the sinews 
 of war, were driven in di grace from the public treasury. Unless the ex-Mayor pos- 
 sesses the vitality of a toad imbedded in a rock, he may be considered finished." — Tri- 
 bune, April 20, 1858. 
 
 "Fernando Wood has been on both sides of every division in the New York Democ- 
 racy from the time he became conspicuous as a politician. In the severe struggle of 
 1848 he hung on the wings of both factions; in the famous feud of 1858 he s'uled'with 
 the Softs, reporting the resolutions in their branch of the State Convention of that 
 year; and he has only professed to be a ' Hard' when his own aggrandizement seemed 
 to demand such a course. In a word, he has been a mere skirmisher, a Swiss, a Du- 
 
 31 
 
56 What Horace Greeley Knows. 
 
 gald Dalgetty, fighting under the flag that would pay best; while Dickinson, though 
 sometimes sorely tempted, has had no more thought, through his long life, of lifting his 
 blade even for an hour in aught but the ' regular' service, than had Soult of joining 
 the Guerrillas when commanding the French army in Spain." — Tribune, July 4, 18G0. 
 
 "On the 31st day of January, 1861, Mayor Wood was piesented by the Grartd Jury 
 of this City as a dangerous man. They said, in allusion to his message: 'The sedi- 
 ti onary doctrines enunciated throughout the recently published papers of the highest 
 executive officer of this city we look upon as being too well calculated to pander to the 
 worst passions of dangerous combinations of persons in our midst, by no means incon- 
 siderable in point of numbers, and at times exhibiting riotous profligacy.' The man 
 thus rebuked ten months ago by a legal tribunal deserves it as much now as then. If 
 he is again chosen Mayor, it will be solely by that class who are watching and waiting 
 for the opportunity to let loose 'the worst passions of dangerous combinations,' and 
 their ' riotous profligacy ' will be encouraged, if a good opportunity occurs, by that 
 bold, bad man, for his own purposes. There are voters enough in this City to give this 
 dangerous portion of our population and its leaders to understand that they are to be 
 held to a strict responsibility to law. If these voters turn out as they should, and can, 
 next week, the gallows-tree will bear less fruit. It is easier to keep down insurrection 
 than to put it down." — Tribune, November 30, 1861. 
 
 _ $ 
 
 "Fernando Wood, who says he had two grandfathers in the army of Washington at 
 Yorktown — said grandfathers having no grandson now in the army — who wrote a mes- 
 'sage to the Common Council recommending the Secession of New York City from the 
 State and the Nation— who telegraphed his tears to the scoundrel Toombs, of Georgia, 
 because the Police Commissioners would not send arms thither — who was indicted for 
 felony, and escaped going to Sing-Sing by the Statute of Limitations." — Tribune, Octo- 
 ber 28, 1862. 
 
 " They lie — conspicuously, wickedly lie — who tell you that to support Seymour, 
 Wood & Co. is the true way to invigorate the prosecution of the War, and bring it 
 speedily to a triumphant conclusion. If that were the fact, the Rebel sympathizers and 
 seuii-secessionists, who abound hereabout, would not themselves support those candi- 
 dates. If that were the fact, Ben Wood — who has always openly opposed and sought to 
 cripple the War — would not himself support Seymour. If that were the fact, Fernando 
 Wood — who, at the outset of the Rebellion, formally proposed in his Annual Message, 
 as Mayor, the secession of oar City from the State, with obvious intent to connect its 
 fortunes with those of the Southern Confederacy — would not be a Seymour orator and 
 Seymour candidate." — Tribune, October 30, 1862. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about Hon. Silas Wright, of New York. 
 
 " Silas Wright has committed acts which ought to have consigned him to ignominy, 
 but they have not done it, and he will poll the whole strength of his party. No man 
 was more active or influential than he in doggedly withholding, to subserve la party 
 purpose, from the People of this State in 1824 the right to choose their own Presiden- 
 tial Electors. His life is full of similar acts, in utter and fiigrant violation of all Demo- 
 cratic principles, and yet he is lauded as a champion of Democracy! He has always 
 held all great questions of public policysubordiuate to Party ascendancy, and has been 
 just as Protective or auti-Protective as the interests of his party seemed at the time to 
 require. So on other vital questions. His letter to Martin Vm Burea ia 1826, discuss- 
 ing ' what man we shall present to the caucus, and through that to the People,' to run 
 for Governor agalust De Witt Clinton, and his recommendation that Nathan Sanford be 
 chosen, because (as he alleged) Sanford was false, unprincipled, and corrupt, and could 
 be used to great advantage in the caucus and afterward, is decide Uy the most infamous 
 document in the annals of Political corruption. We shall publish it directly, as exhib- 
 iting the man. So cool and unblushing an avowal of systematic heartlessness in Poli- 
 tics and gambling with a confiding party's votes is a dark phase of Human Nature." — 
 Tribune, September 6, 1844. 
 
 32 
 
WHAT HORACE GREELEY KNOWS 
 
 ABOUT 
 
 Secession and Secessionists — The Progress of Disunion Sentiment at (he South- 
 Encouraging the Secessionists, by Professing Sympathy with Them — In- 
 spiring the North with the Belief that the South teas not in 
 Earnest— Changing Front after the War had Began, 
 &c, &c, &c, &c. 
 
 What n. G. Knew about Secession in 1850. 
 
 "The Nashville Convention has not quite effected the dissolution of the Union, but it has 
 achieved something quite as ranch to the purpose, by dissolving itself. It has gone off with a 
 very tame explosion, and we presume its ghost will no longer disquiet the slumbers of the most 
 nervous old ladies. The whole movement was a farce, and a very clumsy one. The office- 
 seekers of South Carolina are thoroughly disloyal to the Union, and have infected their brethren 
 of Mississippi with their views. There are a few of the same s >rt in Georgia and A abama. 
 Besides South Carolina, and possibly Mississippi, there is not a State in the South that would 
 secede from the Union if freely permitted to do so. Kentucky, Tennessee, and Louisiana would 
 vote five to one against such a proposition. Virginia and North Carolina nearly the same. If 
 the door of the Union were held wide open for their egress, South Carolina might coax Missis- 
 sippi to step out with her, but never another State — and there would be a desperate and doubtful 
 struggle iu Mississippi. There would scarcely bean organized attempt to secede in any States but 
 these and Georgia." — Tribune, November 20, 1850. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about the Sentiment of South Carolina in 1850. 
 
 " The Telegraphic report that South Carolina is arming and preparing to give her Uncle Sam- 
 uel a severe flogging does not greatly alarm us. She is rather wolfish at present, but she will 
 not hurt any body much, and we trust noboly will hurt her. Should she proceed to the ex- 
 tremity of resisting the collection of the Federal Revenue and expelling the U. S. officers from 
 Charleston, we trust her coast will be effectually blockaded by the Navy, so as to enforce the 
 collection of duties on all incoming goods outside of her jurisdiction, and that she will there 
 be left to cool. Let no blood be needlessly shed, but let no unworthy concessions be mule. 
 "What we apprehend is not that South Carolina will practically secede from the Union, but that 
 undue truckling to her will be resorted to on the pretext of averting that deplored catastrophe. 
 The Tariff Compromise of 1833, and the Ten Millions to Texas iu 1850, are precedents that must 
 not be followed in 1851." — Tribune, December 17, 1850. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Dissolving the Union in 1851. 
 " Who then is to dissolve the Union ? Is it the people of the Slave Slates? It is they if any- 
 body, for it is not they of the free. And here is the rub. Here begins to loom the lantejra 
 visage of the frightful bugaboo, of which we have heard so much. Here peers from the land, 
 sphynx-like, the grim, horrid front of dissolution, so alarming in the distance to the tynid 
 nerves of College ex-Presidents, and servile Professors, mercenary presses and politicians, ami 
 those clad in the purple and fine linen of trade and commerce. Yes; all the talk and appre- 
 hension, and vague alarm about disunion, when sifted and examined, leaves just this residuum, 
 only this and nothing more: that the imminent danger of the dissolution of this Union, and 
 the destruction of this Government, arises wholly and solely from the apprehension entertaiued 
 of the action of the Slave States. It is an idea conceived in cowardice and brought forth iu 
 folly. It is the base product of a craven timidity, an emasculated manliness. It should shame 
 the front and bleach the face of anything wearing the shape of man, who professes to apprehend 
 disunion, to trace out and see where the idea bottoms. It rests on. plain, bald, naked fear and 
 cowardice. It is rooted in the stinking bed of paltroonery. No m in .with a heart beneath his 
 ribs, that ever beat to a bold and manly impulse, or who. possesses a spirit not wholly craven, 
 servile, and enslaved, but would slink away in shame from preaching a discourse on the dangers 
 of disunion, if confronted with an exposure of the ground upon which all such apprehensions. 
 rest." — Tribune, May 20, 1851. 
 
 57—1 
 
53 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 What U. G. Knew about Public Opinion at the South in 1854. 
 
 "We look with pity upon the present condition of the South as illustrated by the windy, 
 baseless, blighted harangues of these Southern Conventions, it is much liks the gibbering 
 of a mad-house — where one poor creature fancies himself a King, wondering where are his 
 subjects; and another fancies himself a God, wondering where are his worshipers. So these 
 orators will have it that they are kings and gods; all they want is subjects ami worshiper? in 
 the wealth, and industry, and enterprise which gives the North industrial and commercial 
 supremacy. And so we fear they will gibber at this next Convention. And so at the nest and 
 the next. It is most melancholy to think that such fully should prevail. However, the delusion 
 must in time come to an end. Then possibly the Southern patriots may understand the fact 
 that those Northern States which have prospered have done so by honest work, enterprise, 
 economy, and common schools, and not by Commercial Conventions. And then possibly the 
 South may start anew upon the right track. When she does this we shall most cordially wish 
 her success. 1 ' — Tribune, March 4, 1854. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about Secession in 1854. 
 
 "The Tribune has never counseled nor suggested any secession from the Union on the pirt 
 of the Free States. We of the North are unlikely ever to secede from the Union, and the South 
 is not a whit more likely, unless her ■politicians fancy that theji can bully the Free S utcs by ihr al- 
 ining secession, unless they can be allowed to deprive the Union of every characteristic except 
 that of a machine for the propagation and perpetuation of Slavery. Here is the real danger of 
 the Union — that the* political leaders of the South, supposing that the North will do anything, 
 submit to anything, to preserve the Union, will so commit themselves in attempting to drag 
 the Federal (Jovcrnment into the execution of their Fillibustering designs that they will be 
 ashamed not to secede upon discovering that the North refuses for once to be dragooned by them. 
 Hut let us have a fair understanding all around that the North regards the Union of no special, 
 peculiar advantage to her, and can do without it much better than the South can, and we shall 
 have fewer secession caper*, and may jog on together quietlv and peaceably. We would have 
 the Norih, whenever the South shall cry out, 'Hold me ! hold me ! for I'm desperate, and shall 
 hurt somebodvl' cooly answer, 'Hold yourself, if you need holding ; for we ha've better business on 
 hand' — and this would be found after a little to exert a decidedly sedative, tranquilizlng effect 
 on the too-susceptible nerves of our too-excitable Southern brethren. Instead of bolting the 
 door in alarm, and calling for help to guard it, in case the South should hereafter threaten to 
 walk out of the Union, we would h Id it politely open and suggest to the departing the policy of 
 minding his eye and buttoning his coat well under his chin preparatory to facing the rough 
 weaiber outside. And this, we insist, is the true mode of reducing his paroxysms and causing 
 him to desist from such raw-headed demonstrations in the future. It seems to as idle, childish, 
 preposterous, in this age of the world, to talk of any hum in arrangement or compact as too 
 sacred for discussion. If it be a good, discussion will heighten the general appreciation of its 
 value; if bad, the truth will be made evident, as it should be. To depreciate discussion is to 
 imply that there is some truth connected with the subject which it would be dangerous to have 
 generally known." — Tribune, May 2, 1854. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Secession in 1855. 
 
 "There are signs of a faint beginninccof a new Disunion panic. The fools are reckoned not to 
 be all dead yet, and so we are sure to have it sooner or later. A Virginian member of Con- 
 gress, in a speech in the House, on Tuesday, professed to be shocked at the idea advanced there, 
 that the North was really in earnest in meaning to exclude Slavery from the Territories. Hor- 
 ror-struck at this diabolical idea, he forthwith announced that he and his friends would take 
 their hats and go out of the Union if such a thing should be seriously attempted. Here and 
 there a faint cry to the same i urport has been heard from the newspapers, and finally an an- 
 nouncement is already made that the South contemplates holding a Convention and nomi- 
 nating a candidate fjr the Presidency and offering him to the next Democratic Baltimore Con- 
 vention, on the Slavery Extension platform, with the distinct alternative that if he be not 
 accepted, the Union will be at once endangered and probably dissolved. How much truth there 
 is in the latter statement we camot pretend to say. No doubt its leading idea is correct. At 
 any rate, it is clear that another deliberate effort is about to be made to terrify the North with 
 the cry of di-union, under which it is expected to prevent the prohibition of Slavery in the 
 Territories, and secure the admission of Kansas as a Slave State. The game is hardlv begun, 
 and we shall not, probably, hear much about it till the next sitting of Congress ; but then we 
 may look out for the barking of Scytla and the roaring of Charybdis. We allude to it now 
 merely to expose the tactics of the Nebraska speculators and drivers of slaves." — Tribune, March 
 1, 1855. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Southern Sentiment in 1856. 
 "Our Southern cousins are ever boasting of their own valor and contemptuously describing 
 the cowardice of other folks. Perhaps they are the bravest people in the world, but their brags 
 don't prove it. Indeed it has often turned out that braggarts are the greatest cowards. We 
 
About Secession and Secessionists. 59 
 
 have no doubt that our kinsmen are fond of sanguinary delights, but they prefer to take them 
 in the form of assaults on peaceable, unarmed men, chasing timid, weaponless blacks, and 
 slau'jhteiing their antagonists generally with the least possible danger to their own persons. 
 We do not dispute their love of killing* when they can do it in comparative safety. This is an 
 amiable passion which they share with the people of all warm climates; and the soliciiude for 
 their own persons while indulging it is equally a growth of fervid latitudes. But they are by 
 no means fond of provoking the bold thumps of equal war. When these are threatened ihey 
 become suddenly prudent, conservative and cautious. The prospect of dangerous hostilities 
 reduces their swagger at once to its minimum proportions. The idea which drifts occasionally 
 on the wind in our reports from Washington, about Southern men there gravely declaring their 
 apprehension that a civil war will grow out of the Kansas difficulties, we regard as the merest 
 Donsense. The moment that firmness and manly resolution among the Free State men are de- 
 terminedly opposed to Southern gasconade, we shall see the end of it. A civil war, forsooth, 
 in behali of Slavery ! The absurdity is immense." — Tribune, January 31, 1856. 
 
 What H. G. Kneiv about Secession in 1856. 
 "Monsieur Tonson come again ! Amid the loud thunder and fierce lightning of 'secession 
 and the slave-trade direct with Africa,' in the Charleston papers, come the somewhat softer tones 
 to eye and ear of a 'Southern Commercial Convention.' 'Ah, here we are asain ! ' as the circus 
 clown says when he rushes into the ring, turns six somersets and makes twelve faces. Here we 
 are again, with the grimace and ground-and-lofty tumbling of a Southern Commercial Conven- 
 tion. List, ye elements ! Take heed, yc Continents 1 Record it, history and posterity 1 The 
 South will be free of the North ! Away with this accursed dependence on Northern capital, 
 Northern enterprise, Northern labor, ♦Northern talent, Northern genius! Let independence be 
 our boast! So say the South, and we cry Amen, if they can do it — but there's the rub. The 
 call to the unconverted regarding this new Convention is of course loud. It is of course long. 
 Several such documents as the Declaration of Independence could be cut out of it and hardly 
 missed, mere length considered. What it wants in substance it has in rebellious expansion. 
 Like a comet's tail, it stretches over a firmament of words. But long as it is it has no merit of 
 novelty. It is the old story. It is the howl of Jeremiah mixed with the wrath of Achilhs. 
 But it is stale to fetidity. We have had it all before — over and over again. We had it for the 
 grand Sanhedrim at Memphis, when the heavens and earth were compassed in magniloquent pal- 
 metto 'splurges,' and the Right Rev. Bishop Otley discoursed on the Aladdiu-.hke splendor and 
 riches of Amazonia. Next we find the same Convention re-assembling the year following at 
 New Orleans, and here even the wondrous party of the Memphis Saymuches and l>olittles was 
 exceeded. Mr. Albert Pike, the poet, was there in all his glory. He spread himself like a 
 rainbow, and the South glowed and glistened as the prisms of the euipviean. His majestic 
 swoop next took up objurgations, and, borrowing Sydney Smith's old and celebrated summing 
 up of the taxation system of England, our bard Pike told the indeptndenf Southrons — the 'Ro- 
 mans,' the men who denounced our mechanics as 'greasy,' filthy,' and 'not fit to sit down in 
 companv with a Southern gentleman's body-servant' — that the same South, from the crib to the 
 coffin, from the wooden platter to the Family Bible, from the footstool to the pianoforte, from 
 the wants of plaintive infancy to the props of gibbering age, depended on the North ! On this 
 theme Albert howled like Ossian — cynical, saccharine howling — fit to permeate the innermost 
 ganglionic tissue of every recreant Southern who 'does' his industry and genius at second-hand — 
 who draws for his sustentatioa the skilled thought, the skilled labor, and skilled brain of the 
 ftorth — the despised, vulgar, rabid, debt-paying infidel, ism-choked, ism-covered, ism-crowned 
 North ! '0 ! ! ! ' "—Tribune, November 5, 1856. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Secession in 1857. 
 " We print this morning a letter on ' Disunion ' from our well-known correspondent, J. S. P., 
 now at Washington, in which that gentleman alleges his fancied grievances with much more 
 perspicacity than he states his opinions. He complains, first, that he is called by The Tribune 
 'a Disunionist,' and in the second place, that he is declared to have lately become such. With 
 this personal matter we shall make very short work. The writer is in a very low state of mind, 
 and appears to have engrafted upon his political creed a fatality quite Oriental . lie has fixed upon a 
 pre-determincd ord-r of events, and has quietly seated himself to await the terrible consumma- 
 tion with the stoicism of a Millerite at midnight in a cemetery. True, he talks of leading for- 
 lorn hopes, and announces that he 'yet carries the flag of resistance!' but then a soldier who 
 leads a forlorn hope so feebly, and waves the flag of resistance so tremulously, may fairly be 
 considered already enamored of defeat. But it is not merely in his forlorn hopes and flags (ha! 
 the writer is inconsistent. Ho seems to be very much in the dubious position of the cat in the 
 adage. ' I desire,' he says, 'no such thing as'the dissolution of the Union.' 'Let the North 
 and South,' he says, in a moment after, ' part in the manner that becomes the civilization of 
 the nineteenth century.' 'Prepare, then,' he says, in another place, in a deliberate andsober 
 manner, 'for what apparently awaits us.' We believe the main idea of a Federal Union of 
 separate Commonwealths to be politically just. We do not believe that the great statesmen 
 who framed the Constitution were deluded by a sounding fallacy, or by a ' glittering gener- 
 
GO Wliat Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 ality.' We believe, and reason teaches us to believe, that 'in union there is strength.' Now, 
 we arc not ready to throw away these advantages, nor to discard their strength. The fu lure 
 holds in it good hope and sorrow. We mean still* to be hopeful — still to believe that the affdrs 
 of earth are ordered by a divine destiny — still to trust something to the influence of sound 
 opinions, of religion and of philosophy. It is true that events sometimes occur which sorely 
 try our trust, but other lands have emerged, in the light of great and beneficent statesmanship, 
 from a darkness deeper than that which now surrounds us." — Tribune, •January 30, 185T. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about South Carolina in 1857. 
 
 " It is usually the case that the most techy and wayward of a family is the weakest and most 
 rickety ; and yet it is oftener than not seen that this very ill-favored and badly-organized brat 
 governs the whole household, and makes the parental authority the instrument of its whims 
 and caprices. We have all heard of the fond mother who could be brought to submit to any- 
 thing that her spoilt darling demanded by force of its threat, in case of refusal, to bump its 
 own head against the floor. It is very much the same in political families. The weakest are 
 very often the sauciest, and are the likeliest to have everything their own wav. Now, there is 
 the Lilliputian Empire of South Carolina, for instance. How has she been allowrd to shake her 
 puny fists in the faces of her elders and her betters, and to extort from them submissions entirely 
 out of p'oportion tc her physical power or just moral influence. And yet this cross-grained 
 hussy, holding on all the time to the skirts of our common Uncle, and venting her insults and 
 injuries in the confidence of his protection, threatens him with utter annihilation if she should 
 once let go of his coat-tail ! " — Tribune, January 13, 1857. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Secession in 1858. 
 " There is an old and true proverb which says : ' One man may steal a horse with impunity, 
 while another will be hung for only looking over a hedge.' The latest instance of this \i the 
 relative treatment of Northern and Southern Disunionists. There are thinly scattered through 
 the Free States, mainly in New England, a Tqw thousand people who proclaim themselves 
 hostile io the Union because of its pro-slavery aspects and influences. In other words, they 
 refuse to be, in any manner, mixed up with, or responsible for, the enslavement of human 
 beings, and, believing that the Union renders all who freely subscribe to it thus responsible, 
 tbej say : 'Away with ihe Union ! ' Not one of these Disunionists is a Governor, Member of 
 Congress. Judge, or even Justice of the Peace. In fact, we do not know that one of them 
 holds any office whatever. They do not rule any State, county, city, town, or village in the 
 North; no journal in general circulation subscribes to their views, and they are just about as 
 powerful among us as the Shakers or the Mormons. On the other hand, Ihe South has a Dis- 
 union party embracing Ihousands of her foremost citizens — Governors, Senators, Representa- 
 tives, Judges, Generals, &c, &c. Leading commercial journals in Charleston, New Orleans, 
 and other Southern cities openly advocate Disunion sentiments, and the Disunionists enjoy their 
 full share, in proportion to their number, of office and consideration. It is rarely an impedi- 
 ment to a politician's advancement in the South that he is an avowed Secessionist; in some 
 localities it is a positive recommendation." — Tribune, July 23, 1858. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Secessionists in 1859. 
 
 " The advocates of Disunion, we meau^those who do not cautiously hint, but who do obstrep- 
 erously halloo and howl their nonsense, which is not respectable enough to be called treason- 
 ous, are usually half-witted Members of Congress and quarter-witted Editors. It is very easy 
 for some newspaper man, who, wh'en he bought his types, did not buy Murray's grammar, and 
 who considers Webster's spelling-book to be a vile incendiary publication, to stab the Constitu- 
 tion, dissolve the Union, and annihilate New York and Boston, make an occidental London of 
 Charleston 1 , build up an imnerial miracle of a State, which shall cast the ancients into oblivion 
 and drive all other moderns to despair. Wrath, whiskey, and tobacco are wonderfully rapid 
 architects, only their fabrics are baseless, and when they fade away they leave not a wreck, but 
 only a headache behind." — Tribune, Jui*y 21, 1859. 
 
 What JJ. G. Kneiv about John Cochrane 's Encouraging Secession in 1859. 
 
 "Alarm and apprehension have recently, and not unnaturally, been current in the Southern 
 States as to the security and safety of their slave-holding citizens. Apart from the bogus 
 alarm which has been stimulated by designing politicians there has been a genuine, earnest 
 ir that the slaves would rise against their masters, or a Northern invasion of their State? be 
 t on foot, or that, at all events, slavery would not be suffered to diffuse itself, whereby the 
 South would be obliged to smash the Union. These apprehensions have impelled a personage 
 no less eminent and high-principled than the Hon. John Cochrane of our State to devote him- 
 self to the task of speaking peace to the troubled souls by baring his stalwart arm and raising 
 his clarion voice in their behalf. After exposing to the indignation of an astonished world the 
 atrocities of Gov. Seward's 'irrepressible conflict,' and proving, after a fashion, that the corn- 
 pend (not the published) of Helper's 'Impending Crisis' had instigated John Brown's raid at 
 
About Secession and Secessionists. 61 
 
 Harper's Ferry, that Sherman has uo business to be Speaker, and that the Republicans ought to 
 be ashamed of themselves, the Hon. John wound up his harangue in the House on Tuesday as 
 follows : 
 
 "'Gentlemen at the South may declare themselves ready for secession ; we at the North 
 deprecate and reprobate the idea. We declare that whatever may be the feeling; of gentlemen 
 from the South, there are those in the North who sympathize with them, and who are able and 
 prepared to protect and support them. There can be no crisis allowed to approach unprepared, 
 now or hereafter impendiug, to neutralize the strong arm of the Democracy of the Northern 
 States, which will be ever stretched out to shield and to strike in defence of their brother Demo- 
 crats, wherever they may be.' 
 
 "The South, thus assured of sympathy, protection, and support from that Northern Democ- 
 racy, whereof Sir. Cochrane is a distinguished representative and ornament, may possibly wish 
 to know how much reliance may be placed upon his guaranty." — Tribune, December 22, 1859. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Secession in 1860. 
 "We believe the Union is not dissolved, although a Republican Speaker is elected. Beyond 
 a dying ta ail from a single Southern fire-eater we hear no sound to disturb the general satisfac- 
 tion that the House is at length organized. The fartionists are quiet; the Disunionists asleep. 
 Having blown off their gas for two months they have now subsided. A lull succeeds the storm. 
 The spectacle affords a lesson. Our real disorders arc verbal merely. Fifty noisy fellows get 
 together and make a tremendous row over what one or another says, and talk themselves into 
 the assertion, and sometimes into the belief, that the Government is on its last legs, and that, 
 unless somebody or other does something somewhere, very suddenly, to compose this tempest of 
 speech, we may all as well give up the ghost at once, for our doom is sealed, and ruin howls at the 
 gates. Mr. Toombs cries out to his confederates down in Georgia to seize hold of the pillars of the 
 national prosperity and pull them all down about his and everybody's ears. But wouldn't those 
 Georgians have a job of it ? Yet Toombs refuses to be pacified, or to stop talking, unless this small 
 personal favor be granted him. But the talk finally stops. The talkers set temporarily restored to 
 reasn, and the absorbed and breathless actors and listeners turn their heads and behold that 
 the world still rolls on its axis, the sun and stars alternate in the sky, the business of mankind 
 in general, and of the country iu particular, goes on just as usual. Nothing is broken or dam- 
 aged, and no new kingdom has come. The tremendous bubble has suddenly burst, the rolling 
 mists that darkened the sky have all evaporated, and public affairs again take on the r old 
 form and dimensions, like a landscape from which a curtain of fog and mirage has just 
 lifted." — Tribune, February 2, 18G0. 
 
 What H. G. Informed the Cotton States in November, 1860. 
 
 "Mr. Sanders informs us that the Fire-eaters will not wait to see whether Mr. Lincoln pur- 
 poses to do them any wrong or not. And he adds that the Cotton Stateshave already given 
 us due and formal notice that they will secede in case of Mr. Linco'n's election. 
 
 "We beg leave to assure Mr. S. that he is entirely mistaken as to the facts. The Cotton States 
 have given no such notice, and they are not going to cut up any such didoes as he presages. 
 A few noisy politicians have exhaled a large amount of unwholesome gas, but the Southern 
 People regard their bravado with silent contempt. Jeff. Davis & Co. tried to make Mississippi 
 get ready for Secession nearly ten years ago ; and the result was that Jeff, was beaten for Gov- 
 ernor of that State by so poor a tool as Henry S. Foote. Iverson & Co. tried the same game in 
 Georgia, and were utterly routed under the lead of Howell Cobb. So Sam Houslon badly 
 thrasued the Fire-eating crew in Texas only last year. And if they pnt themselves in the way 
 of another such exercise, they will get served worse in 1861 than they have ever yet been. 
 'J here will be no call for Mr. Lincoln to put down rebellion and nullification in the South-West ; 
 the People of the Cotton States will do that whenever the opportunity is offered them. They 
 are not going to have their mails stopped and their coast blockaded to gratify the mad ambition 
 of a few self-seeking counterfeiters of Pro-Slavery fanaticism. We dare the Fire-eaters to sub- 
 mit the question of Secession or no Secession because of Lincoln's election to the popular vote 
 of their own people. They will be badly beaten in every State but South Carolina, and prob- 
 ablv beaten in her popular vote also. And let them be assured of this — that they cannot make 
 feints of jumping out of the Union and expect the North to hold them. Whenever ant/ censid- 
 
 It ihey will fight, they must hunt up some other enemy, for we are not going to fight them. II 
 they insist on staying in the Union, they must of course obey its laws ; but if the People (not 
 the swashy politicians) of the Cotton States shall ever deliberately vote themselves out of the 
 Unim, we shall be in favor of letting them go in peace. Then who is to fight? and what 
 for?''— -Tribune, November 2, 1860. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the folly of Compromise and Concession in 1861. 
 "Some weeks ago we warned the Republicans of the Free States that a measure was being- 
 concocted in Washington that would yield up the vital doctrines for which they struggled in 
 
62 What Horace Greeley Knoivs 
 
 the recent Presidential contest, and we urged them to let their opinions on that subject be 
 known to their Senators and Representatives without delay. We have reason to know that that 
 appeal was not made in vain. We now say to the tried and true friends of our cause throughout 
 t..e country, that the advocates of what is called Concession and Compromise are again at work, 
 anil with more vigor than before, to induce the Republicans in Congress to support some policy 
 that shall humble the North and make shipwreck of our party and its creed. We reneweuly call 
 upon them to promptly make their opinions and wishes upon this question known at Washington. 
 To this end let them speak through their local Journals, and by letters and other means of com- 
 munication, so that their Senators and Representatives may have a clear knowledge of the tone 
 of public sentiment at home. Let the friends of Free Labor and Free Government move imme- 
 diately I The crisis impends. There is no time for delay." — Tribune, January 8, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Encouraging Secession in 1861. 
 " As to Secession, I have said repeatedly, and here repeat, that, if the People op the Slave 
 States, or of the Cotton States alone, really wish to get out of the Union, I AM IN 
 FAVOR OF LETTING THEM OUT, as soon as that result can he peacefully and constitutionally 
 attained. But their case cannot be so urgent as to require that the President and his subordi- 
 nates should perjure themselves in deference to its requirements. If they will only be patient,* 
 not rush to seizing Federal forts, arsenals, arms, and sub-treasuries, but takefiist deliberately 
 a fair vote by ballot of their own citizens, none being coerced nor intimidated, and that vote 
 shall indicate a sell led resolve to get out of the Union, I WILL DO ALL I CAN TO HELP THEM 
 OUT at a.n early day." — Tribune, January 14, 18G1 
 
 What H. G. Was Willing to do for Secession in 1861. 
 " What 1 demand is proof that, the Southern People really desire separation from the Free States. 
 Whenever assured that such is their settled wish, I SHALL JOYFULLY CO-OPERATE WITH 
 THEM TO SECURE THE END THEY SEEK. Thus far, I have had evidence of nothing but 
 a purpose to bully and coerce the North. Many of the Secession emissaries to the Border Slave 
 States tell the people they address that they do not really mean to dissolve the Union, but only 
 to secure what they terra their rights — in the Union. Now, as nearly all the people of the 
 Slave States either are, or have to seem to be, in favor of this, the present menacing front of 
 Secession proves nothing to the purpose. Maryland and Virginia have no idea of breaking up 
 the Union ; but they would both dearly like to bully the North into a compromise. Their Se- 
 cession demonstrations prove just, this, and nothing more.''-— Tribune, January 21, 18G1. 
 
 What II. G. Proposed to do to prevent the Extension of Secession. 
 
 "Day by day and hour by hour it grows more and more plain that Ihe establishment of a 
 Southern Slaveholding Confederacy is inevitable. All influences and all agencies brought to 
 bear by the men who are trying to save the Union by concessions and compromises, combine to 
 precipitate this result. The policy of the more moderate compromisers, who go on the maxim 
 of throwing a tub to the whale, or tickling him with the straws of soft and ambiguous speech, 
 only drives the more determined rebels forward upon their predetermined line of conduct with 
 fresh earnestness. They do not wish to be trifled with. Such courses incite them to resolute 
 action far more surely than if they were met by straightforward, honest opposition. The 
 United States Governmfnt must treat the Secession movement as being just what it is — a revo- 
 lution. The first and highest duty of the Government is to guard the safety and interests, 
 present and prospective, of the loyal States. It has no call to run after the stray sheep of the 
 flock till the main body of the broken herd is secured. The first necessity is Crmly and immov- 
 ably to limit the Secession movement where it trenches upon the interests of the Free States. 
 It must be checked at the Potomac. It must be arrested at the Mississippi. It must be watched 
 in the Territories. The Gulf of Mexico must be held under Federal control." — Tribune, Feb- 
 ruary G, 18(31. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Secession Movement in February, 1861. 
 
 "An earnest Secessionist, whether of the North or of the South, may be very blind, but he 
 is not necessarily a bad man ; and, wrong-headed as we may deem him, we insist on his perfect 
 right to his own opinion, and to pursue a peaceable course of action in open consistency there- 
 with. If a citizen ot any State really believes that his section could do better out of the Union 
 than in it, he has ample warrant for being a Secessionist. True, if he desires peaceable secession, 
 he must confine himself to peaceful instrumentalities, and not rob arsenals, capture armories, 
 •e forts, and confiscate mints and sub-treasuries, while he shrieks ' no coercion.' lie mast 
 refrain from shooting, if he has any decided objection to being shot, and restrict himself to 
 speaking daggers if he prefers that the friends of the Union should not use them. But if he 
 will only be patient, and seek his end by legal, peaceful, constitutional meant, we shall steadily 
 affirm his right to seek it, and to use his voice, his pen, his vote, in furtherance of hit object. 
 But, for the sham Secessionists, the amateurs in treason, who do not want to dissolve the Union, 
 but only to bully the Republicans by pretending to seek its dissolution, we have an utter 
 loathing. They are the basest of hypocrites, the meanest of tricksters. To make shipwreck of 
 
About Secession and Secessionists. 63 
 
 our fair fabric of constitutional liberty iu furtherance of a partisan intrigue — to plunge the 
 country into chaos and civil war merely to evade the popular verdict embodied in the late 
 choice of a President — to scatter fire-brands, arrows, and death with intent merely to para- 
 lyze or cripple an incoming; Administration, this is to play the traitor on lower grounds and 
 with meaner motives than History has yet branded with just condemnation." — Tribune, Febru- 
 ary 15, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Proposed to the Secessionists in March, 18(51. 
 
 ''If free goods are to be allowed to enter the Slave States to be sent thence to Free States, why 
 is it not better at once to give up the contest, divide the Territories, the Arnry and Navy, and 
 make the best terms we can with Jeff. Davis? If the forts are to be surrendered, whether from 
 military necessity or otherwise, and everything that Virginia chooses to call coercion is to be 
 avoided, why not own at once that the only branch of the Government which the leaders of the 
 Republican party can successfully conduct is the distribution of offices?"' — Tribune, March 1G, 
 18(31. 
 
 What H. G. Asserted as his Views on Secession in 18<J1. 
 "With the simple remark that, while no member of a partnership can of his own mere motion 
 break up the concern, taking so much of its property as he considers his share, I wocld have 
 cheerfully co-operated WITH you in devising and promoting peaceful means of liberating the Cotton 
 States from a hated bond, had they not chosen rather to break out, and to take with ihrm what- 
 ever they could lay their hands on. I remain, yours, Horace Greeley." Letter to 8. M. Hawk 
 ins, Grenada, Miss. — Tribune, March 20, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Eight of Secession. 
 "We have steadfastly affirmed and upheld Mr. Jefferson's doctrine, embodied in the Declara- 
 tion of American Independence, of the Right of Revolution. We have insisted that where this 
 right is asserted, and its exercise is properly attempted, it ought not to be necessary to subject 
 all concerned to the woes and horrors of civil war. In other words, what one party has a right 
 to do, another can have no right to resist. And ive hare urged that, had the great mass of the 
 Southern People really desired a dissolution of the Union, and been willing to exercise a reasonable 
 patience, their end might have been attained without devastation and carnage ; for WE, with thousands 
 more in the North, wodld have done all in our power to incline our fellow citizens to defep. 
 to their request and LET THEM GO IN PEACE. Hence we have contended that the violent, 
 terrorist, outrageous proceedings of the Southern Jacobins — their seizure of Ihe National foris, 
 armories, arsenals, sub-treasuries, &c, culminating in the bombardment of Fort Sumter — were 
 not iuexcusable in themselves, but signally calculated to defeat the end they professed to havo in 
 view. Take the case of our own Pacific empire as a further illustration. No doubt, the People of 
 California and Oregon are to-day loyal and fervent in their devotion to the Union. But they 
 are mainly natives of the Atlantic or Gulf States — 'bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh' — 
 and their loyalty is a matter of education, of feeling, and of habit. Fifty years hence, when our 
 Pacific coa't shall have a population of ten or twelve millions, mainly born on that slope, it will 
 be very different. Now, should the time arrive in our day when the great body of the People of 
 our Pacific States shall say deliberately, kindly, firmly, to those this side of the Rocky Moun- 
 tains, 'You are stronger than we— older, more wealthy, more powerful — but we ask you to let 
 us go ; for we believe ive can do belter by ourselves than -with you' — WE shall respond, and urge 
 others to respond, ' Go in peace, and Heaven's blessing attend you.' We believe that is the right, 
 the wise, the Christian answer to such a request, and that the world will yet perceive and recog- 
 nize the truth." — Tribune, May 14, 1862. , 
 
 What H. G.'s Sentiments on Secession were. 
 "Mr. Garret Davis, this tremendous Civil War was deprecated and dreaded by no one rrretethau 
 myself. lam one of the few Northern men who , to avoid it, would have preferred that the Cotton State; 
 should leave us in peace. But they chose to rend the Union rather than patiently, quietly dis- 
 solve it, to steal its sub-treasuries, arsenals, armories, custom-houses, and batter down its fort- 
 resses, and so left us no choice but to fight." — Tribune, April 3, 1862. 
 
 Wliat H. G. Kneiv about Secession after the Northern Uprising. 
 
 " It is now evident, and all men will do well to shape their calculations accordingly, that the 
 dnion cannot be dissolved. There cannot be two rival and competing Governments within the 
 boundaries of the United States. The territorial integrity and the political unity of the nation, 
 are to be preserved at whatever cost. Rebellion is to be put down, not treated with. This is 
 the meaning of the Providential, the miraculous outpouring of the People, which we behold with 
 awe and admiration all over the land. This is the meaning of every throb in the groat popular 
 heart, now beating with noblest purposes, and animated as it were by a divine inspiration. 
 Freemen of the country understand this well. They know the obstacles, they appreciate the 
 difficulties iu their wav. They perceive that the struggle will be an arduous, a costly, a bl ::n]\ 
 
 7 
 
64 What Horace Greeley Knows. 
 
 one. They see their enemy, and underrate neither his resources nor his desperation, But they 
 are determined to fight no half battle with him. They are determined to make clean work of it, 
 now that the issue has been forced upon them. They have counted the cost, but they have esti- 
 mated, too, the value of the prize. Through the vista of this war, and by means of the national 
 regeneration which it assures, they behold bevond the certainty of peace, of honor, of freedom, 
 secure and immovable forever. These things they are resolved upon, and woe be to those who 
 attempt to check them in their course!" — Tribune, April 25, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about promptly Suppressing Secession. 
 " But nevertheless we mean to conquer them — not merely to defeat, but to conquer, to sub- 
 jugate them — and we shall do this the most mercifully the more speedily we do it. But when 
 the .rebellions traitors are overwhelmed in the field and scattered like leaves before an angry 
 wind, it must not be to return to peaceful and contented homes. They must find poverty al 
 their fireside?, and see privation in the anxious eyes of mothers and the rags of children." — 
 Tribune, May 1, 1861. 
 
 "There is a sickly coucern in our city calling itself The World, which started on professions of 
 piety and elevation above the low atmosphere of politics, and one of whose editorial corps wrote 
 to South Carolina last Winter that not one of its editors voted for Lincoln, as we understand was 
 the fact. Now, with its columns stuffed with Government advertising, and the fingers of its 
 managers understood to be pretty deep in contract-jobbing, it out-herods everything in its show 
 of devotion to and superserviceable zeal for the Administration which it accuses The Tribune of 
 opposing. Our readers know that we did not approve the hesitation to reinforce Fort Sumter, 
 but did very heartily approve the attempt ultimately made to relieve it, and 1hev will find us 
 just there now and all the time. Whenever the War for the Union is pressed foward with all 
 possible vigor, and with a determined hostility to all compromise, we are wilh the Administra- 
 tion, heart and soul ; if it seems to halt, we move straight on. We do not approve a temporizing, 
 stand-still policy, and hope to learn by the forthcoming message — still more, by unmistakable 
 acts — that the armies of the Union are henceforth to move forward to victory or defeat, never to 
 be stayed by politics or compromise. To that policy we shall give the most unequivocal sup- 
 port at all tim?s, and without asking who is gratified or offended by our course. And as to our 
 n>party (where there is n )pap) contempor iry, which, hiving exhausted the patience and drained 
 the pockets of its original backers, will to-day swallow the remains of The Courier and Enquirer, 
 an 1 be soon swallowed ii turn by the remorseless grave, we will ouly say to it as the good wo- 
 man said to her moribund but garrulous husband, 'Don't trouble yourself with talking, my dear, 
 but just go on with your dying." — Tribune, July 1, 18G1. 
 
 '■ We hold traitors responsible for the work upon which they have precipitated us, and we 
 warn them that they must abide the full penalty. * * * The rebels of that State (Vir- 
 ginia) and Maryland may not flitter themselves that they can enter upon a war against the 
 Oovernmont and afterward return to quiet and peaceful homes. They choose to play the part 
 of traitors, and they must suffer the penalty. The worn-out race of emasculated first families 
 ihnst give place to sturdier people, whose pioneers are now on their wav to Washington, at 
 this moment, in regiments. An allotment of land in Virginia would be a fitting reward to the 
 brave fellows who have gone to fight their country s battles." — Tribune, April 23, 1861. 
 
 Wliat H. G. Finally JZnetv about the Right of Secession. 
 
 • "We utterly deny, repudiate, and condemn the pretended Right of Secession. No such right 
 is known to our Federal Constitution, nor, in fact, to any civilized framework of government. 
 No such right was reserved, or supposed to be reserved, when the States ratified or adopted the 
 Federal Constitution. We do not believe that a mere majority of a community may, in disregard 
 of all existing forms, upset an existing government and put one of their choice in i f s place. We 
 do not believe the whole population — we will say of Nantucket or Staten Island — have a right, 
 moved by a prospect of unlimited gains by smuggling to the main land, to break off from the 
 Union and annex their island to Great Britain or set up for themselves. We do not believe a 
 a nation-is, like a mob or mass-meeting, to be dispersed by a thunder-shower or a steam fire- 
 engine playing upon it." — Tribune, June 3, 18G2. 
 
WHAT HORACE GREELEY KNOWS 
 
 ABOUT 
 
 War and Peace — Military Counsels and Programmes — Fears of Defeat 
 
 and Hopes of Success — Incompetence of Officers — 
 
 Triumphs of Gen. Grant — 
 
 &c. , &c. , dec. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about War in 1 844. 
 "Notwithstanding the occasional scenes of violence and blood that disgrace our pe- 
 riod, and the petty attempts of political demagogues to invjlve nations in war without 
 the slightest cause save the hope of subserving their own reckless ambition, the evident 
 and inevitable tendency of Civilization is to the establishment of universal Peace. Na- 
 tional differences are more and more removed from the bloody arbitration of arms and 
 submitted to be adjusted by the wiser councils of Diplomacy. War is beginning to be 
 regarded as a monster not fit to exist in a Christian and enlightened era. Slavery, also 
 and murder by the gallows, and one by one all forms of human wrong and oppression'' 
 are destined to be extirpated, not by force, not by unwise and untimely agitation not 
 by bravado and insult and outrage — for how can wrong expel wrong? — but by the ir- 
 resistible force of great minds and noble souls, who concentrate their energies upon the 
 glorious work. The silent, constant influences of these efforts are strong enough to re- 
 move mountains of evil and suffering, and they will do it." — Tribune, July 24, 1844. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about War in 1846. 
 
 "If some pestilence were now raging on our Southwestern border, mowing down a 
 hundred or two human beings per day, and threatening to overspread the land, what a 
 profusion of prayers and fastings and deprecations of God's wrathful justice would be 
 heard from all our ten thousand churches! If news had but arrived that the inhabitants of 
 the valley of the Rio Grande, no matter on which bank residing, were pining and dyin^ 
 for food, what thrilling appeals would be made to Christian benevolence through all our 
 newspapers! What meetings would be held to raise supplies of corn and cattle for our 
 suffering, dying fellow-men! Yet now, when we hear of hundreds after hundreds reck- 
 lessly slaughtered there, dying in agony and scorching thirst, their life-blood oozing 
 gradually away into the burning sands, and their bodies tumbled hurriedly into holes 
 like carrion, mobs assemble to shout and dance over the 'glorious' tidings, and every 
 ear is strained for more bulletins of butchery. We hear that the Mexican Array is 
 starving, after being subsisted for days on barley, corn, and salt, in a region where fresh 
 water is often a rarity, and we think not, or care not, that when an army begins to starve 
 the People must have starved already, and our patriots hurrah : ' That's right ! Give it to 
 'em! Rlock up the mouth of the Rio Grande! Let them have nothing to eat! Humble 
 them! Chastise them! Cut them down!' Such is War; such the devilish spirit which 
 creates and is cherished by it." — Tribune, June 1, 1846. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about War in 1858. 
 
 " War is justly regarded by the thoughtful, intelligent, and conscientious as at once 
 among the most horrible of calamities and the most heinous of crimes. All the casual- 
 ties, afflictions, disasters, of forty years of peace, are dwarfed by the devastations, 
 butcheries, and miseries of a single great campaign. If a shell were to burst by acci- 
 dent in one of our streets to-day, and kill or mangle a dozen persons, the whole com- 
 munity would for clays be convulsed with sympathetic emotion; but in war a thousand, 
 five thousand, ten thousand shells are often exploded daily, shattering the ankles and 
 scattering the brains and limbs of innocent women and children as though they were 
 the vilest carrion, and nobody has time or thought for sympathy or sorrow. War trans- 
 forms men into demons, eager to smite, to maim, to slay. In war, even invention, 
 skill, genius — our noblest attributes — undergo a diabolical transformation, and are de> 
 
 65—1 
 
66 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 voted to the contrivance of engines of torture and destruction -chain-shot, shrapnell- 
 shells, rockets, torpedoes, and similar devices for destroying the fruits of industry and 
 defacing the image of God. There never was and never can be a war except through 
 a fearful criminality on one side or on the other — often on both. Nor is it so true is is 
 generally supposed that the ambition of kings and nobles, of generals and marshals, is 
 the usual incitement to national hostilities. Rulers and chieftains have sins enough in 
 this respect to answ T er for; but quite as many wars have been instigated and waged by 
 civilians as by soldiers — by demagogue aspiration as by crowned ambition. Scarcely 
 one of the wars in which this country has been engaged, or which it has narrowly 
 escaped, was mainly impelled by military disquietude; while popular passion, sedulously 
 excited by demagogues eager for power or fame, has often impelled the Prei 
 Cabinet to belligerent attitudes and acts which their own unbiased judgment would 
 have avoided." — Tribune, June 25, 1858. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about War in 1859. 
 
 "Our regular army, so far as sending infantry against mounted Indians, is a farce. 
 Sending regiments to the Pacific is a costly, bare-faced swindle; but sending infautry 
 and artillery to scour the Plains is no less so. You might as well send a tortoise after 
 a crow. "What we need in time of peace is the mere skeleton of an army, composed of 
 capable, honest, experienced officers, under department commanders who can be I ' 
 
 not to be fooled by false alarms. Let such commanders have each a Colonel and three 
 or four captains who know their business, with authority to call out one hundred to one 
 thousand men whenever they should believe a savage incursion imminent, and let out 
 army, so far as the interior is concerned, be composed of these alone." — 'tribune, May 
 17, 1889. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about War in "January, 186 1. 
 
 " To be sure, it is a little to be regretted that the liberators of the South should com- 
 mence their, career by stealing their ammunition, and by what may be called the grand 
 larceny of a revenue cutler. But necessity knows no law; and a man who is bent upon 
 committing a murder will not be much more severely blamed for furtively payin 
 respects to a hen-roost. In for a penny, as the adage lias it, in for a pound. The 
 Southern States could not wait to see if peace, under a Republican President, were pos- 
 sible. They have in one State chosen, and in other Stales are threatening to . choose 
 anarchy, bloodshed, and famine. Unheeding hint or caution, they seem resolutely 
 bent on self. -destruction." — Tribune, January 5, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. laid down as a plan of operations in 1 86 1 . 
 
 " ' Through Baltimore to Washington /' is the motto of the patriot soldiery now rushing 
 to arms in the Free States. In going to the National Capital, in obedience to the call 
 of their country, they have no intention to turn short angles or follow devious courses, 
 either to avoid the Plug-Uglies of Baltimore or to please their allies, the late hypocrit- 
 ical Unionists of Maryland. They propose to go to Washington ' by the usually trav- 
 eled route,' as the law directs. If Baltimore objects, they will insist. If she resists 
 unto blood, they will remove her out of the way, and go over the spot where Baltimore 
 used to stand." — Tribune, April 26, 1881. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Attack on Massachusetts Troops in Baltimore. 
 
 " Great injustice has been done to the Plug-Uglies and Blood-Tubs of Baltimore in 
 supposing that they were the parties that murdered the Massachusetts Volunteers in her 
 streets. It was a well-dressed mob, mainly, set on and paid by merchants and lawyers, 
 that did the bloody business. Marshal Kane, the head of their Metropolitan Police, 
 who had been employed, and successfully, in suppressing the vulgar rioters under the 
 old regime, was notoriously the promoter and leader of this riot. Merchants went 
 home to dinuer, after it was over, as we have formerly stated on the authority of an 
 eye-wdtness, and boasted of the money they had given toward it. Winans, one of the 
 avowed leaders of the Baltimore Secessionists, is perhaps the richest man in the coun- 
 try — certainly the next after Mr. Astor. And we heard lately a well-authenticated 
 story of a young man of the cream of Baltimore society, regarded there as its flower 
 ■of courtesy and good breeding, who, upon being introduced to a young lady from Bos- 
 ton, after talking to her in the most insulting manner, produced a bullet from his 
 pocket, telling her that it had been extracted from the dead body of one of the Massa- 
 chusetts volunteers, and that he was keeping it to fire into one of the next butch that 
 came along. With such a spirit prevailing among men of this class in life, with arms 
 
 2 
 
About War and Peace. 67 
 
 and money, and without mercy or scruple, it is idle to infer that secession is dead 
 because it may hold its breath for awhile, and because the United States flag floats 
 over the Custbrn-House and Post-Office. There will be, asthere have been, ebbiugs and 
 Sowings, flux and reflux in tiie tide of treason.'?' — Tribune, Ma.y%, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew in 1859 about the Men who saved the Capital in 1861. 
 
 "If we knew the precise object of this Massachusetts muster, we might be able to 
 of it. with all the enthusiasm which we notice in other quarters. It will, undoubt- 
 , he a pretty show, but it involves a large expenditure of time and na 
 withdraws from their daily avocations many men who can afford ill enough the loss to 
 winch it subjects them. It will be asked indignantly, by some offended person in 
 a cocked hat and buttons, ' What! cannot these men afford to give two or three days to 
 their country?' To winch the answer : 'Certainly! three, thirty, three hundred days tr> 
 their country, when their country needs them! Life to their country, if it is called for! 
 Fortune to their country, if it is called for!' But all this has nothing to do with a great 
 training in Concord; nothing to do with patriotically getting cold by sleeping on damp 
 si 1 aw in a tent; nothing to do with a drill which rank and rile understand as well as the 
 officers, and frequently better; nothing to do with a display which attracts all the ras- 
 cality of the State to a focus. The militia of Massachusetts give the best part of a week 
 to the work of learning 'how battles are won.' Who will instruct them? The Com- 
 mander-in-chief? The commanding officers,. from the General to the Corporal? Alas! 
 who will instruct the instructors? What idea will any soldier obtain of a. real campaign 
 during his three days' campaigning? Any more than if he had staid at home and read 
 Scott's Infantry Tactics thre i days and nights in succession? Any more than he would 
 get by marching and countermarching through the streets of liis village? No. Re 
 will waste a week. He will get cold. And he will return as ignorant of the art of war 
 as a Seminole savage — perhaps more so." — Tribune, September 10, lb.};). 
 
 What H. G.'s Progra?n?ne for carrying on the War was in May, 1861. 
 
 "We will not undertake 10 say what the Government should do in this conjuncture 
 of affairs; but we can say what the North is ready to sustain it in doing. First, the mili- 
 tary occupation of Maryland, so far as prudence renders it necessary. Secondly, an 
 advance upon Richmond, and the armed holding of that city. Thirdly, the military 
 occupation of Norfolk, Charleston, Savannah, Mobile, and New Orleans. Fourthly, 
 the proclamation of martial law in all the rebellious States. Fifthly, the offering of 
 large rewards for the arrest of Jefferson Davis and his chief conspirators. Sixthly, 
 their trial and execution under martial law, that being the only way by which justice 
 can reach them. To carry out a bold policy like this, President Liucoln has only to ask 
 for men and money to have both, and to spare. The man who knows wisely how to 
 at the flood this tide in our affairs, now sweeping on toward its bight, will identify 
 his name forever with the glory of the country he will help to achieve; while, if he miss 
 it, and suffer the safety and character of the country to be stranded by its ebb, he will 
 he swept away into the depths of oblivion, if not of infamy. But the country will sur- 
 vive." — Tribune, May 2, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Federal officers who joined the Rebellion. 
 
 "■ Maj. Mordecai knows thoroughly that the Government will harm no person who 
 does not engage in the atrocious conspiracy to overthrow it. The Government is fight- 
 ing for its life against a rebellion which avows its purpose to dismember and destroy 
 the Republic. The attitude of the Government is purely defensive, and it has forborne 
 to resist armed, rampant, aggressive rebellion until half its fortresses and arsenals have 
 been seized, its treasure stolen, its revenues diverted, its arms captured, and its soldiers 
 bombarded and roasted with red-hot balls in their casemates. All this evokes no word 
 of sympathy from Maj. Mordecai; but, the moment the Government prepares to strike 
 back, he fears his mother will get hurt, and resigns! It is hardly probable that the 
 Government will think it important to apply discipline to this retiring though not mod- 
 est soldier. But his life must be very private indeed not to subject him to elevation on 
 a social pillory as high as the gallows which Haman erected for his namesake of old, 
 that Mordecai who was respectable and declined not to ' co-operate m hostilities ' 
 against the enemies of his country." — Tribune, May 11, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Thought should be done at Alexandria by way of Retribution. 
 
 " The funeral of Ellsworth is over. The dead soldier, assassinated in the performance 
 of a high and sacred duty, has been committed to the grave with all ceremonial honors 
 and the deepest heartfelt regret. The spirit of the murdered Zouave will still march at 
 
68 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 the head of his advancing column — an Avenger! But. this is not all. The practice of 
 war calls for and justifies summary retribution on the city of the assassin. He, indeed, 
 was instantly put to death; but that falls far short of the justice required by such a 
 crime. If assassination is not to 'je inaugurated as a feature of this war of barbarism 
 against civilization, law, and liberty, its first manifestation must be summarily put down. 
 The murderer was promptly dispatched, and an adequate penalty should now fall upon 
 the city where such a crime could be committed. A heavy pecuniary mulct — two o?' three 
 hundred thousand dollars — should be imposed upon it, and failing thereof, the portion of 
 the city where the crime occurred should be leveled with the ground. It is said in some 
 of the journals that a coroner's inquest over the body of the murderer rendered a ver- 
 dict that he died at the hands of United States soldiers ' while defending his own prop- 
 erty in his own house' — a victim of lawless violence, therefore, and not a rebel assassin! 
 If this does not prove complicity with the crime on the part of the citizens, such as 
 would amply justify the sort of retribution here called for, we are at a loss to know 
 what would. Let the barbarians be taught that we are in earnest; that since they have 
 evoked war they shall have war — rigorous, unrelenting, but honorable war, that shuns 
 alike the secret poison and the assassin's arm, and will punish unsparingly the use of 
 either." — Tribune, May 28, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Thought should be done to Enforce Martial Law. 
 
 "Let us not be afraid of a military despotism. Of all the tyrannies that afflict man- 
 kind that of the Judiciary is the most insidious, the most intolerable, the most danger- 
 ous. The times are perilous. Treason is abroad. Rebels are in arms against the State. 
 A powerful force, commanded by learned and patriotic men, versed iu both civil and 
 martial law, is in the field to subdue them. We advise the three Judges of the Su- 
 preme Court who have not turned traitors to the Government, and the one or two whoso 
 position is not yet clearly defined, to attend to their appropriate duties in the Courts ai:d 
 leave the task of overthrowing this formidable conspiracy against Liberty and Law to 
 the military and naval forces of the United States. 
 
 " We beg also to remind Mr. Chief Justice Taney that the only man who heartily de- 
 fended him against the many severe attacks made upon him in the Senate Chamber, be- 
 cause of his decision in the Died Scott case, was Judah P. Benjamin, of Louisiana, now 
 Attorney-General of the so-called Confederate States. He is a traitor, deserving ihe 
 scaffold for his crime. We trust that gratitude to his Senatorial champion will not lead 
 the venerable jurist to exhibit too much sympathy with his fellow-citizens of Maryland, 
 who are plotting to betray that State into the hands of the Confederate rebels below the 
 Potomac."— Tribune, May 30, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. did to Urge a Vigorous Advance upon Richmond. 
 
 "The indications from the seat of war portend an advance upon Richmond at an 
 early day. Virginia, by her treacherous course, is plucking clown retribution upon her 
 venerable head. This haughty Commonwealth is proud of her Capital city. It is to 
 her what Paris is to France, and the Holy City of Benares to the Hindoos. The inva- 
 sion of the ' sacred soil ' of the Ancient Dominion by legions of the Union, who have 
 even dared to thrust plebeian picks and spades into the bosom of ' the mother of Presi- 
 dents,' has thrilled her with rage and grief. To add to this desecration, by pitching 
 the tents of the 'barbarians' in her streets, and converting her Capitol into barracks, 
 and maybe stalling the horses of their cavalry in its halls, as Cromwell stabled bis 
 Puritan troopers in "the Chapter-House of York Minster, quartering the Fire Zouaves, 
 or the Garibaldi Guards, or even Billy Wilson's merry men, in the dainty mansions of 
 the F. F. V.'s, would whelm her in mortification and shame, surpassing that which the 
 palmers of old felt because Jerusalem was occupied by the Turks and Saracens. Next 
 to Charleston, there is no city in the Rebel States whose occupancy by the Union forces 
 would strike more dread to the hearts of the traitors, and so encourage the loyal 
 citizens of the South, and so elate the masses of the loyal States, as that of R ; ch- 
 mond. For years it has been a den of conspirators, plotting the destruction of the Re- 
 public. Affecting to act with more calmness and candor, with more deliberation and 
 judgment, with more dignity and discretion, than its impulsive, fiery Palmetto sister, 
 it has really been more guilty and far more despicable than she, because, while commit- 
 ting the same offences against the public weal, it has assumed an air of virtue and inno- 
 cence, attempting to cloak insidious treason under the guise of patriotic devotion to the 
 doctrines of the fathers of the Republic. In a word., and not to put too fine a point 
 npon it, Richmond has been striving to do the dirtiest and most degrading work of ihe 
 conspiracy in a dignified and courtly manner. She has been the Robert JVlaeaire of 
 the plot, putting on mock airs and a shabby-genteel costume, and affecting to despise 
 the Jacques Strops of the Gulf States, while in fact being the real leader of the conspir- 
 
About War and Peace. 69 
 
 ators. Mr. Jefferson I) ivis has summoned his Congress of Confederate Rebels to meet 
 in Richmond 0:1 some daj in July. Ere that time, we trust, its Capitol will he the head- 
 quarters of the Commander-in-Chief of the Federal forces." — Tribune, June 1, 1801. 
 
 "The great, peril of the Republic now imminent is not so much a feeble, aimless, 
 ineffective prosecution of the war forth' 1 Union, as a premature and shameful peace, 
 which shall render all the perils and sacrifices already incurred of no avail. We are 
 assured that already secret agents of the traitors are in Washington and this city, try- 
 ing to ensnare lending Democrats into backstairs arrangements for putting an end to 
 the struggle by some muddle that can be called a compromise. They profess to desire 
 a formal separation and a recognition of the independence of the rebel confederacy; 
 but as they know this will not be entertained, they hint that perhaps a reconstruction 
 which involved a full guarantee of the 'rights of the South' might not prove inadmis- 
 sible, la some quarters it is vaguely given out that the Crittenden proposition, guar- 
 anty ing the existence of Slavery in all present and future territory South of 3(3 (leg. 30 
 min. would not be rejected without careful consideration. And from another quar- 
 ter we hear that President Davis would be very happy to accommodate President Lin- 
 coln with an armistice of sixty or ninety days to afford time for negotiations. These 
 various feelers all imply the same great truth. The finances of the ' Confederate 
 States' are in a condition of hopeless collapse. The new and desperate expedient of 
 making their Treasury Notts a legal tender, and exchanging them for the notes of all 
 their banks, is simply a contrivance for absorbing the specie of the New Orleans 
 banks, and whatever other movable property may remain in the South, into the gulf of 
 universal bankruptcy. The ' Confederate' armies are cowed, if not disorganized. They 
 dare not, stop on the soil of the loyal States. They dare not attack Cairo nor Pickens, 
 nor our lines in front of Alexandria and Arlington. They dare uot meet the Unionists 
 in fair and open battle. Tiiese rebel soldiers get no pay, and their ranks require con- 
 stant regnforcement by drafts and conscriptions. Washington having become sour 
 s lo their leaders, who are at their wits' end for provisions, arms, and munitions, 
 they would like to improve their solemn circumstances in any possible manner — fighting 
 being the recourse that they have the least stomach for. Yet they may be driven even 
 to that. From the moment of the assemblage of Congress, the Bern Woods and Vallan- 
 dighams of the House will busy themselves with concocting and promoting schemes 
 of asserted compromise, with a view to paralyzing the energies of the loyal States 
 and strengthening the hands of the rebels. If they succeed, rebellion will have been 
 consecrated as a successful mode of recovering whatever was lost by a political defeat, 
 und the Spanish American Republics will have become the patterns and precursorsof our 
 own future career. Need we add that that career must tend rapidly downward?" — Tri- 
 bune, June 14, 18G1. 
 
 "Whoever asserts that The 1 ribune does not earnestly desire an early conclusion, 
 at the least possible cost of blood, of this most mad, ruinous civil war, defies th« confu- 
 te ion of most notorious facts; whoever insinuates it aggravates cowardice by falsehood. 
 For this journal, almost alone in the Free States, dared avow and defend its preference 
 evi n of Disunion to a bloody and desolating civil war. Had the Southern conspirators 
 really had the Slave States at their back, and been willing to divide the Union peaceably, 
 and go their own way, we stood ready to advocate acquiescence in their quiet depar- 
 ture, rather than see the laird deluged in blood. We presume they, too, would have 
 preferred this, had it been practicable; but it was not. The Northern and Western 
 masses of all parties were for the Union anyhow, and at whatever cost, and a majority 
 of the people of the Slave States concurred with them i 1 opinion and sentiment, though 
 perhaps not in the intensity of their devotion to the One Republic. Hence, Civil War 
 became a dire necessity to the conspirators; they could not get, the Border States out of 
 the Union without provoking and commencing a right. Though they had reduced po- 
 litical lying to a system, and prostituted the Stump, the Press, the Telegraph to gigantic, 
 persistent falsehood, as they were never perverted before, yet the result of the extraor- 
 dinary elections held in all the Border States last winter proved that these States could 
 not be juggled out of the Union as Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi had, with 
 difficulty, been. It was absolutely necessary to their great purpose that the original 
 anfl inveterate traitors should force a war upon the Federal Government, in order to be 
 able to raise the war-cry of 'The North against, the South!' and so drown the remain- 
 ing sense and reason of the Southern people in the mad whirlwind of sectional hostility 
 and passion. Hence, the villainous perfidy whereby the Star of the West was captured 
 at Indianola, and the Federal Soldiers made prisoners in defiance of even Twi 
 capitulation; hence the bombardment and capture of Sumter. Having resolved on 
 founding a new Slave Empire on the ruins of the American Union, the c inspirators 
 found it necessary to initiate a Civil War to that end. They waited long to hive the 
 Government begin it; that hope failing, they began it themselves. Now that their de- 
 ft 
 
70 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 feat and ruin are palpable and evidently at hand, certain hybrid politicians, who can 
 Just dodge an indictment for treason, are in our city on 1. ., despairing traitors, 
 
 trying to inveigle our Democratic wire-workers into a backstairs intrigue to force the 
 Government to a hasty and shameful Peace." — Tribune, June 17, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew should be done with Confederate Cruisers. 
 
 "The little pilot-boat brought in here on Saturday, and which, in an evil hour, sailed 
 from Charleston under a letter of marque from Jeff. Davis, is No. 1 in more than a single 
 sense. She sailed under the first letter of marque the insurgent chief issued, and she is 
 the first vessel that our cruisers have taken sailing under that piratical flag, under whose 
 pretended authority American citizens, if taken alive, are pronounced worth $25 a head, 
 or if dead, only $20. These robbers upon the high seas, as if pursued by an inevitable 
 fate that was to insure their punishment, kept on board the evidence of their having 
 seized one vessel already, and sent her to their feilow-robbers on shore, and, as if this 
 were not enough, gave chase, with a purpose of like seizure, to the vessel that presently 
 showed her teeth and snapped up the little marauder, instead of, as would have been 
 the better way, and perhaps justifiable on the score of self-defence, putting a few shot 
 through the petty pirate and sending her to the bottom. But how she, or rather her 
 crew, are to be dealt with remains to be seen. There would seem to be but one way, 
 unless Executive clemency steps in for relief. The blood of more than one noble young 
 man already cries from the ground, shed in riot, assassination, and in action, and we 
 think the President will pause long before he proposes to interfere with the course of 
 the law in such a case from a mistaken clemency. In ordinary times, if a Charleston 
 pilot-boat had been taken in the act of robbery on the high seas, had gone out from any 
 port, Northern or Southern, with a thirty-two pounder on a swivel amidships, her cabin 
 garnished with cutlasses and pistols, would there have been any thought of mistaken 
 mercy ? There is no more pernicious crime known to the law than piracy, for on the 
 high seas the victim is supposed to be peculiarly helpless and beyond the reach of aid. 
 If anything can add to the atrocity of the crime, it is this pretended authority given to 
 ft by the chief abettors of an insurrection which has so far marked its course with 
 bloody cruelty and crimes unknown to civilized warfare. Let the law, therefore, take 
 rts course, and this arm of the rebellion will lie palsied at once when the robbers under- 
 stand that speedy and inexorable justice will overtake them." — Tribune, June 18, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. said in 1 86 1 about the War's being a Crusade on Slavery. 
 
 "We have insisted that the War for the Union should not be perverted from its one 
 avowed, legitimate, essential purpose into a crusade against Slavery. If it should be, 
 the zeal of many would be cooled, while thousands who are to-day for the Union would 
 be driven over to the side of its adversaries. Good faith toward allies and compatriots 
 is a primary dictate of honorable warfare, and whoever strikes for the Union may rest 
 assured that the contest which has been forced upon the loyalty and patriotism of the 
 country by armed treason shall be prosecut( d to the end with honesty of purpose and 
 singleness of aim. And while such is the case, it is but naked justice to insist that, as 
 the war is not to be turned from its declared purpose to overthrow Slavery, so the arm 
 of the Nation shall not be shortened in order to shield and screen Slavery. The great 
 duty of maintaining and via limting the Fedeml authority against the machinations 
 and the arms of treason musi ' be feebly, heartlessly performed because Slavery 
 might suffer by a vigorous and feai ■ s '' y. If Slavery should ever plant herself in 
 
 the path on which the nation is advanelfc its traitorous enemies and say, ' Your 
 
 life or mine !' the prompt response of the Nation must be,' 'Yours, then; not mine !' 
 And meantime the Nation must confront and pursue its foes without asking or con- 
 sidering whether Slavery is or is nqt likely to commit suicide by arraying itself in deadly 
 strife against the Union."— Tribune, June 18. 1861. 
 
 What H. G.'s Paper displayed as its motto July 1st, zd, ^d, and \th, 1861. 
 
 "The Nation's War- Cry ! Forward to Richmond! Forward to Richmond/ The 
 Rebel Congress must not be alloiccd in meet there on the 20$ of July ! By that date whe 
 Place must be held by the National army." — Tribune, July 1-4, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. afterwards knew about the Tribune's War-Cry. 
 "I wish to be distinctly understood as uot seekingtp.be relieved from anjr responsi- 
 bility for urging the advance of the Union Grand Army into Virginia, though the watch- 
 word 'Forward to Richmond' was not, mine, and I would have preferred not to iterate 
 it. I thought that Army, One Hundred Thousand strong, might have been in the Rebel 
 
About War and Peace. 71 
 
 capital on or before the 30th instant, while I felt sure that there were urgent reasons 
 why it sliould be there, if possible. And now, if any one imagines that I, or any one con- 
 nected with Tlu ; ver commended or imagined any such strategy as the launch- 
 ing barely Thirty of the One Hundred Thousand Union Volunteers within fifty miles of 
 Washington against Ninety Thousand Rebels, enveloped in a labyrinth of strong in- 
 trenchmeuis and unreconnoitered masked batteries, then demonstration would be lost on 
 his ear. But I will not dwell on this. If I am needed as a scape-goat for all the Mili- 
 tary blunders of the last month, so be it! Individuals must die that the Nation may 
 live. If I can serve her best in that capacity, I do not shrink from the ordeal." — Tri- 
 bune, February 2, 18G3. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Disaster at Bull Run. 
 
 tl ldid urge that the great Union Army, rotting in idleness and debauchery about 
 Washington, should advance upon the Rebellion it was called out to put down. It 
 ought to have done so a month earlier than it did— hot a part of it, but the whole, and 
 it might have been triumphantly in Richmond and the Rebellion half suppressed before 
 the 'lay of Bull Run. How needless, how wanton, was that disaster — how disgraceful 
 to those who might and should have prevented it, History will establish."— Tribune, 
 February 2, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Announced as bis Programme for Action.. 
 
 " 'Do you pretend to know more about military matters than Gen. Scott?' ask a few 
 knaves, whom a great many simpletons know no better than to echo. 
 
 '"No, sirs! we know very little of the art of war, and Gen. Scott knows a great 
 deal. There is no question on this point, and never has been.' . 
 
 The veal question— which the above is asked only to shuffle out of sight— is this : 
 Does Gen. Scott (or whoever it may be) contemplate the same ends, and is he animated by 
 like impulses and purposes, -with the great body of the loyal, liberty-loving People of this 
 country? Does he stand up square on the Hue of 54 deg. 40 riain., or is he squinting to- 
 ward 36 d< g. 30 tniu. ? Does he want the rebels routed, or would he prefer to have them 
 conciliated? When you answer these questions, you touch the marrow of the problem, 
 which all the gas about Gen. Scott's military knowledge and our want of it is intended 
 to dodge. Our columns will prove how long we waited and trusted, aud exhorted others 
 to trust that all was going right. We now hope, and urge others to hope, that all soon 
 will be going right. But, if July shall be spent as June has been, we shall have to con- 
 fess sadly that those hopes were not well grounded. 
 
 "Let no one attempt, to fool himself with this bubble of military knowledge being 
 the peculiar possession of a caste. There is knowledge that belongs especially to men 
 trained to the profession of arms, but that is not in question. It needs no familiarity 
 with Vaubau, Turenne, or Jomini, to enable ODe to determine that a huge mass of in- 
 fantry, without cavalry or held artillery, though it may be well calculated for holding 
 the line of the Potomac and shielding Washington city from capture by assault, is not 
 such an army as is required for a vigorous offensive in a hostile region, swarming with 
 the enemy's light horse, and full of masked batteries, ambuscades, and strong positions 
 entrenched and defended by heavy guns in position. Common sense and a very super- 
 ficial acquaintance with military history are sufficient. Gentlemen who hold the Peo- 
 ple's proxies for the direction of this business, this is just the one result that your mas- 
 ters and backers will not abide. If the National forces shall be beaten in fair, stand-up 
 fight, (which we do not believe possible,) the patriot millions will acknowledge the corn 
 and the independence of Secession. If our side beats, the Rebel leaders must abscond, 
 and the country be tranquilized on the good old basis of the supremacy of the Consti- 
 tution aud laws. But, to have Jeff. Davis and Toombs, Cobb, Floyd, and Wigfall return 
 "to Washington as conquerors by diplomacy, and crack their slave-whips over the heads 
 of loyal, freedom-loving statesmen, is not to be tolerated nor thought of. And we may 
 just as well determine who is who in three months as in thirty." — Tribune, July 1, 1801. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Offensive Warfare by Land and by Water. 
 
 " There is no good reason wdiy we should not have a militia of the sea as well as of 
 the laud. As we maintain no standing army equal to the exigency of war, but are 
 obliged to fall hark, when the occasion arises, upon the militia and volunteer force of 
 the country, so we do not keep afloat a Navy large enough to answer the purpose of 
 offence and defence in a like emergency, and may properly and wisely resort to similar 
 aid. The reasonableness of the proposition is apparent upon its mere statement, and 
 needs no argument. That the blockade should be rigidly enforced is questioned by 
 nobody save those who question the propriety of prosecuting the war with vigor in any 
 
 7 
 
"72 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 direction. If the South is completely cut off from all foreign intercourse, her submis- 
 sion is only a question of time; if in the meanwhile she is severely punished by a vig- 
 orous campaign in the interior, the insurrection will be suppressed in a way that will 
 render it impossible for treason ever to raise its head again within this Union. It is 
 said that a forward movement is delayed in Virginia for want of wagons; it cannot be 
 said that the blockade is delayed for want of ships, for they are ready made to the 
 hands of the Administration. If it desires it, it can h ive before the 1st of August a 
 fleet at sea that will draw an impenetrable line from the Potomac to the mouth of the 
 Rio Grande." — Tribune, July 3, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Deficient Support given Gen- Butler. 
 
 " It is reported from Fortress Monroe that the Secretary of War has promised Gen. 
 Butler that he shall at once be provided with whatever is necessary to reader the army 
 under his command competent for duty in the held. We rejoice to hear this. The 
 visit of the Secretary and the consequent promise have not been made a moment too 
 soon. Hitherto, Gen. Butler has been kept in systematic deficiency of many things 
 that are absolutely indispensable to his rendering any valuable service; indeed, if it 
 were intended to cripple him and deprive him of any possibility of doing what the 
 country expects him to do, the couise. which has hitherto been pursued toward him 
 would suffice with scarcely a variation. Of course the column which moves from the 
 Fortress will have other wants, which wull be attended lo; but we believe we have indi- 
 cated those which are most important. We have done this not at all for the informa- 
 tion of the Secretary of War, but to justify Gen. Butler with the public. It is true 
 that he has not yet accomplished what was hoped of him, and that complaints of im- 
 perfect organization and many abuses at the Fortress have become current; but the 
 people should understand that this able officer has been placed in a position of com- 
 parative helplessness. We have not the slightest doubt that just as soon as he is even 
 half furnished with the requisite means he will amply and brilliantly answer the antici- 
 pations of the people." — Tribune, July 7, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. thought about the operations of the United States Government. 
 
 "We do not, therefore, regret the attack upon Fort Sumter, but, on the contrary 
 rejoice in it, for to that stupendous outrage upon the people and terrible insult to the 
 flag came a response which revealed how true and how strong the North is. We da 
 not, therefore, regret that the purpose of the Government to abandon Fort Sumter as a 
 military necessity was rendered impossible by the disobedience of the orders of the cap- 
 tain of a Federal ship, and that by such disobedience they were compelled at 1 asl to 
 make an attempt to send succor enough to that brave little garrison to save them from 
 starvation. We never believed in the ' military necessity' doctrine in regard to Fort 
 Sumter, for it seemed to us the best way was a manly and straightforward way— to de- 
 fend the flag and the property of the United States; and the result proved, by the defeat 
 of the plans of the Government, that they were wrong in proposing to do anything else. 
 However, though we see how events are overruled, and treason defeats weakness to the 
 glory and the progress of the great cause of freedom and popular government, we 
 nevertheless have no love for treason. We owe, under God, to the insolent disobedience 
 of orders on the part of Capt. Adams, of the Sabine, in refusing to reinforce Fort 
 Pickens, the surrender, on the part of the Government, of its intention of abandoning 
 Fort Sumter, and its determination to attempt to Uirow in supplies instead. But why 
 Capt. Adams has been left in command of that ship for nearly four months after such 
 a defiance of his Government is one of those things (we wish to heaven they were 
 fewer, and that we might not be compelled to discuss them) which we shall not attempt 
 to explain, because we are at a loss to understand it. If what the Government int. 
 to do in regard to Sumter was of any sort of consequence, why has not. the man who 
 defeated its plans so utterly and so unmercifully been punished? We don't know; we 
 don't evera profess to have a theory upon the subject; possibly the Administration also 
 believes in Providence, and is careless as to what it does from an abiding faith that God 
 will not permit it, whatever it does, to do wrong. But this we do know — the Sabine 
 arrived at Portsmouth on the 4th, with Capt. Adams still in command of her. As it is 
 he'd to be out of order to criticise anything the Government does, and to have any 
 opinions of our own, ought we not immediately to take steps to give that worthy gen- 
 tleman a public dinner?" — Tribune, July 9, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Graduates of the Military Academy. 
 
 "There is no reason to doubt that West Point has long been a nursery for breeding 
 traitors at public expense. The Rebel Chief, Jeff Davis, is a West Point graduate ; so are 
 
About War and Peace. 73 
 
 Beauregard, Huger, Hardee, Lee, Johnson, Cooper, Magruder, and every other officer of 
 ran:< in the rebel force. These men have all been tree pupils of the United States, clothed 
 and fed at Government expense. The clothes the} had on their backs when they de- 
 serted Hie service of their country and turned traitors were bought and paid for by tne 
 United States. But West Point has only been one stage — the infant school for educating 
 traitors. The War Department has been the graduating institution, and ii has been the 
 pleasing task of the Secretary of War to issue the diplomas of merit. The promotion 
 of Emory is one of the most recent exhibitions of the official standard of merit in the 
 War Department. What is the use of the Secretary asking the reason of the extraordi- 
 nary treachery displayed in the army, or undertaking to trace its 'promoting cause?' 
 Such promotions as Emory's are promoting cause enough; the sin belongs not only to 
 West Point, but is at the Secretary's door, or at the door of whoever is responsibli 
 such abuse of power and such an outrage upon national feeling and official decency. 
 Mr. Cameron's homily upon the treachery of the army looks very much like Saran re- 
 proving sin, in view of the action of his Department in promoting Emory, who is now 
 under Mr. Cameron's own order in Western Pennsylvania to raise cavalry recruits for 
 the army. Does not sending such a man on that errand look very much like a deliber- 
 ate insult to the patriotic impulses that have gathered hosts around the banner of the 
 Union? Was ever the national sentiment of any people subjected to such shame and 
 insult at home or abroad as is perpetrated by the State Department, in respect to Harvey 
 and by the War Department in respect to Emory? Can West Point be otherwise than 
 a preparatory school for treason while the War Department holds such a position?" — 
 Tribune, July 13, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Northern and Southern Armies. 
 
 " The .New York Times, the other day, contained an explanation of Gen. Scott's 
 plans, directed against ignorant critics, and signed by An Officer of the Army, v, hich 
 we believe was written in the General's Siaff, the main point of which is, according to 
 his authority, that if the Rebels are forced from Manassas Junction, they, covering their 
 retreat with batteries and cavalry, will make another stand, fight again, and again 
 retreat, only to turn once more upon us, and so forth. This all is clap-trap. The 
 Officer of the Army gives to the Rebels credit for a military heroism of which not even 
 liie celebrated Guards of Nanoleon or Wellington could have been capable, in thus 
 retreating For days from position to position, and continually turning to show fight. 
 We are sure if they do not disband after being forced from Manassas Junction, tbey 
 will do it after a second discomfiture. Any one even in the slightest degree familiar with 
 battles and history knows this well. Their cavalry will not be of much avail, and if 
 our army has not sufficient cavalry to press on aud break clown a retreating enemy the 
 fault is with those who for months and months refused to accept new regiments of 
 horses, which to-day would be a perfect match for these Virginians, so terrible to the 
 Officer of the Army. The rebels have even less flying artillery than we have, while wecould 
 have had to-day much more, if the same authorities which refused cavalry had not 
 declined artillery when it was offered . The batteries of the Rebels not being movable, 
 they could not cover their retreat with them, and establish them in new positions. 
 So much for the great tactics of An Officer of the Army." — Tribune, July 16, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. did to Hasten Aggressive Operations. 
 
 " This Tribune, at all events, is quite aware of the fact that ' there are Two Hundred 
 and Fifty Thousand (or more) Americans in arms to defend their country against Trea- 
 son,' and is naturally anxious to see them set about it. This War is costing the Govern- 
 ment from Twenty to Forty Million of Dollars per month, and the Country, in the dis- 
 ruption and stagnation of its industry, a great deal more. We are naturally anxious, 
 being ourselves heavy sufferers along with our neighbors, to see this deplorable slate of 
 things brought to an end at, the earliest possible moment. We believe our soldiers 
 are rather weakened than strengthened by inaction; that disease preys heavily upon 
 them; that dissipation and riot creep in among them; and that the majority of our 
 regiments (unless reinforced) are quite as effective the week after they leave home as 
 three months after. We believe these two Hundred and Fifty Thousand Men will 
 smash the face of the Rebellion in short order, if only let loose upon it, with good 
 erals at their head. We believe the misery endured every week throughout the laud, 
 because of idleness and want, outweighs the suffering that would result from i. 
 three smart battles. In short, we believe the Patriot Soldiers are to-day able and • 
 
 dp the Rebels, and we want to see them allowed to try If they are n >' ihle to 
 thrash the traitors in fair, stand-up fight, our pride revolts at the idea of slowly stai 
 them into subjection or whipping them by virtue of money borrowed in Euro 
 say, challenge them to meet the Patriot Volunteers in fair fight; if they qu lil, they are 
 
74 What Horace Greeley Knoius 
 
 I I ; if they fight and are beaten, they must give it up; while, if they beat us, we 
 
 G to i 1 !') the same. Let us have this matter decided forthwith, so that our brave 
 
 men may quit soldiering, and return to more profitable vocations. It does seem to us 
 
 i let the rebels remain in force for months within a day's march of Washington 
 
 next ttuug to acknowledging their independence, and that we should either chase 
 
 i iy oi own that we are unable. Such are the notions of tlus Tribune; the other 
 
 :•. for itself. They may be very erroneous, but they are based on a hatred of 
 
 iromise and all twaddling expedients."— Tribune, July 16, 1861 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Contending Armies. 
 
 "The Stock Market went crazy yesterday under the impetus communicated by the 
 i the Union armies from all sides towards the focus of rebellion in Virginia. 
 : ms to be the universal and joyful conviction that this is ' the beginning of the 
 
 i ■• . 
 
 " We have never disparaged the valor nor the efficiency of those whose hearts are in the 
 rebellion. We have presumed that they will fight, and fight well. But we do not believe 
 the thousands forced into the rebel armies by conscription or terror of mob violence will 
 choose to sacrifice their lives for a cause they abhor; and herein we think the Union 
 i'c ices have a decided advantage. They are volunteers; they are fighting in their own 
 cause; they chose to fight for it; and we feel sure they will do so with a resolution which 
 the conscripts j» the rebel armies will not, and should not, parallel. Hence we have 
 been most anxious that, this struggle should be submitted at the earliest moment to the 
 ore eal of a fair, decisive battle. And our greatest solicitude springs from the fear that 
 the Unionists shall be entrapped into ambuscades or hurled against impassible intrench- 
 merits. Give them a fair field, equal weapons and numbers, and we ask no more. If 
 the Rebels shirk a battle in the open field, skulking behind embankments crowned with 
 batteries, the war cannot be a long one. Their resources are very limited; their coun- 
 try lies <#>en and penetrable; and their hopes of foreign aid will be blasted from the 
 moment they avoid a battle. They have swaggered so loudly of their ability and i 
 o to whip the Unionists two, three, four or five to one, that the moment they refuse 
 hole world will jeer them. They will be the butt of every joker, good, 
 tnd indifferent, from the moment they fly the open field. We do not say they w<U 
 do this; a few days— possibly hours — will show." — Tribune, July 19, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Successful Movement " On to Richmond.'''' 
 "A great battle was fought yesterday at Bull's Run in front of Beauregard's strongly 
 fortified position at Manassas Junction. The forces engaged were the most numerous 
 ever opposed in deadly affray on the continent of America. Gen. McDowell had assem- 
 bled all bis Brigadiers and Colonels at his headquarters at Centreville at 9 P. M. theeve- 
 before, and given them their orders. The troops who had been bivouacked in the 
 i and roads, covering an area of many square miles, commenced to move to the posi- 
 
 I ('d them at 2 l .< A. M. The general movement was to the front and right 
 
 flank to take up the position assigned them. Fire was opened by the National artillery 
 at 6 A. M., and promptly replied to by the enemy, who had of course chosen their 
 ground so as to give themselves all the cover and our troops all the exposure possible. 
 The infantry 7 were not brought into close action until hours of heavy cannonading, and 
 it is morally certain that the" enemy have been re-enforced by the arrival of Johnston's 
 army from Winchester, while our opposing army, through Gen. Patterson's unfathom- 
 able strategy, venial ns several days' march distant. The Rebels had therefore every ad- 
 vantage — position, numbers, and perfect knowledge of the ground over which the Union- 
 ists advanced to engage them, let all did not avail against the enthusiasm and well-di- 
 rected valor of the National forces. The Rebel Batteries were ultimately silenced, and 
 their ranks forced back inch by inch, until they were driven from Bull's Run, leaving 
 their dead on the field and the National troops undisputed victors." — Tribune, July 22, 
 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Ascertained was the Result of his On to Richmond. 
 
 " We have fought and been beaten. God forgive our rulers that this is so;, but it is 
 true, and cannot be disguised. The Cabinet, recently expressing, in rhetoric better 
 adapted to a love-letter, a fear of being drowned in its own honey, is now nearly 
 drowned in gore; while our honor on the high seas has only been saved by one daring 
 and desperate negro, and he-belonging to the merchant marine. The 'sacred soil' of 
 iniais crimson and wet with the blood of thousands qf Northern men, needlessly 
 i lie great and universal question pervading the public mind is: ' Shall this con- 
 dition of things continue V 
 
 10 
 
About War and Peace. 75 
 
 "A decimated and indignant people will demand the immediate retirement of the 
 present Cabinet from the high places of for one reason or another, they 
 
 have shown themselves incompetent to fill. Give us for the President capable advisers, 
 who comprehend tae requirements < I Le crisis, and are equal to them; and, for liie 
 , leaders worthy of the rank and file, and our banner, now drooping, will soon 
 float once more in triumph over the whole land. With the right men to lead, our peo- 
 ple will show themselves unconquerable." — Tribune, July 23, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Said in Justification of his Military Advice. 
 
 " Tlie N. T. Times continues, in its successive issues, to demand the dismissal of 
 certain members of President Lincoln's Cabinet, who are charged with having i 
 the recent advance, and with general opposition to the views of General Scott. 
 
 " We have confessed our own terrible mistake iu the premises, and are trying to amend 
 it. General Scott has been equally ingenuous and candid. 'It was a miscalculation 
 of forces,' he says of the recent disaster. That is the real truth. None of us had any 
 i I i of the immense numbers and tremendous enginery of War that the Rebels h id 
 silently collected arouad their position at Manassas Junction. Whoever ordered or 
 planned the attack on that pusition was utterly unaware of their strength." — Tribune, 
 July 27, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Gen. McClellan as a Commander. 
 
 ''The chief cause of this changed atmosphere is the confidence now felt at Washing- 
 ton — a confidence produced by the rapidly-arriving troops, the zeal of the. Government 
 in all its Departments, and especially by the advent of the young General who is called 
 to the command of the Army of the Potomac, and by the admirable system of disci- 
 pline he has put in force. 
 
 " But the personal qualities of Gen. McClellan — and the characteristics of his mind, 
 perhaps do mure to inspire confidence in him as a leader than any positive reforms he 
 proposes to effect. He looks at his army as an army of men, and of men who have 
 brains, and hearts, and organs of digestion. He has an idea that upon the bodily 
 fort and mental cheerfulness of the individuals depends the trust worthiness of the con- 
 solidated forces. Acknowledging the truth of the saying that what one does for him- 
 self is well done, he attends personally to such of the details of his camps as he can 
 reach, and examines single examples of the mass he is not able to cover. He cornea 
 soon to know the faces of many of his soldiers, and to he personally known by all of 
 them. As an effect of this they regard him with an enthusiasm which will send them 
 with .shouts into the most desperate fight, inspiring a desire to win his commenda- 
 tion." — ■Tribune, August 1, 1851. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Enforcement of Martial Lazv. 
 
 "Martial Law is likely to be frequently enforced upon municipalities during the 
 period in which our armies are engaged in crushing rebellion. It lias, to some extent, 
 lominant at Baltimore for months past. It has been recently proclaimed at St. 
 Louis, and at Washington, a murderer has been tried and executed under its operation, 
 the execution following the crime within ten days. One of its peculiar characteristics 
 is the swiftness with which it converts chaos into order. Punishment, also, succeeds 
 conviction with a remorseless celerity that startles a community accustomed to the tor- 
 tuous and lardy movements of the civil law. Even in a modified form, Martial Law 
 struck instant terror to the heart of rebellious Baltimore, broke up its treasonable organi- 
 zations, and dri >ve off hundreds of its traitors. At St. Louis the same instantaneous pacifi- 
 cation followed its enforcement. An impending insurrection was crushed without 
 bloodshed, anarchy was prevented, peace maintained, and the highly excited populace 
 were assured of safety and protection for the loyal, while the simple proclamation 
 struck treason powerless." — Tribune, August 30, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Slavery as the Real Cause of the War. 
 
 " Battles are earnest matters. Men are killed, a great many of them, in battles; and 
 Human life, at least white human life, is worth something. War is expensive, and 
 dollars are dollars, and will probably continue to be dollars for some time to come. 
 There is no cause under Heaven of this quarrel but Human Slavery. It doesn't matter 
 into what forms of words you put it, or whether you display or disguise it, but every 
 child knows that this insurrection is in the interest of Shivery, and of a very mean kind 
 of Slavery — at that. If we fight well we weaken Slavery; if we gain a battle Slavery 
 receives a blow; if we conquer we conquer Slavery; our opponents are Slaveholders, 
 
 ll 
 
76 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 and they are in the field avowedly as Slaveholders to redress wrongs said to he endured 
 by them as Slaveholders; while the main purport of all their manifestoes to the world 
 is just this — that Slavery is in danger and thai Slavery must he preserved. What 
 fools, idiots, dolts, knaves, or good-natured asses are we that we do not accept the issue 
 which is tendered to us, when such acceptance would make us strong not merely in the 
 righteousness of our cause, but in material and vital assistance and alliances! Can't 
 we aiford to be strong? Arrj we afraid of success? Do we shrink from victory." — 
 Tribune, January 8, 1862. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the War Policy of 'Lincoln' 's Administration. 
 
 "The devotion, the efforts, the sacrifices of the People, call for a corresponding dis- 
 play of energy and vigor on the part of the Government. Hitherto, to the best of our 
 recollection, the enthusiasm of the masses has been aroused or stimulated by no ani- 
 mating appeal, by no electric word, on the part of their rulers. To a dispassionate ob- 
 server it might seem that the People had pushed forward the Government at every 
 stage of the great struggle in which they are embarked together. In no document or 
 manifesto emanating from the Head of the Nation has the causelessness, the perfidy, 
 the baseness, of this infernal rebellion been set forth in terms glowing with a just and 
 fiery indignation. In no such document has the great truth that this war is waged by 
 an aristocratic conspiracy to upturn the foundations of democratic liberty been lucidly 
 and effectively set forth. Even the Emperor of Russia's kind and admirable letter of 
 sympathy and solicitude, so plainly inviting a response in which the case of the Nation 
 against the Rebels should be authoritatively stated, if not argued, at the bar of Christen- 
 dom, was answered with cold politeness and deferential evasion. Our representatives 
 in Europe are formally instructed not to expose the baselessness of the pretexts on which 
 this rebellion is justified — not even to state, what everybody knows, that this is an up- 
 rising of Slavery against Freedom. We think this policy is not wise nor well, and we 
 beg our rulers to consider the grounds on which they have hitherto adhered to it." — 
 Tribune, January 10, 1862. 
 
 i 
 
 What H. G. Knew in 1862 about a Vigorous Prosecution of the War. 
 
 "If we are ever to put down the rebellion we shall do it within a very few months. 
 We have more men and more means wherewith to attack and overcome the rebel armies 
 than we shall have a year hence, should the war continue so long. If we beat them, we 
 shall have guns enough; if they beat us, the same. One way or another, we shall have 
 peace before the close of 1862; and if we cannot whip them with the arms we now have, 
 we never shall. And since we need every dollar we have or can raise for present press- 
 ing uses, we protest against spending one dollar for arms that are not, to be in the hands 
 of our soldiers before the 1st of May. If we should want more arms after the rebellion 
 is put. down, let them be provided for; for the present, let us use every dollar where it will 
 tell in the present conflict." — Tribune, January 31, 1862. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Degradation of a Resort to Paper Money. 
 
 " We shiver on the brink of a bottomless abyss of Shinplaster circulation. Congress 
 must provide funds for the vigorous and immediate prosecution of the War for the 
 Union, aud it seems to have been settled that it shall take the short and easy method of 
 making Treasury Notes a legal tender. We utterly dissent from this conclusion, and 
 yet there has been so much delay and hesitation and vacillation that it is possible, that 
 no other means of giving immediate relief to the Treasury now remains. It might have 
 been otherwise. The arrest, conviction, and condign punishment of a few official 
 swindlers in December, combined with a passage of a searching Retrenchment, bill, and 
 such vigor in the prosecution of the war as was practicable prior to the general 
 lution of the Southern roads by the January rains and thaws, might have; been made 
 the basis of an appeal to the People for a Patriotic Loan of Two or Three Hundred Mil- 
 lions, which would have saved us from the slough in which we now flounder. But 
 cious time was idled or trifled away, and we are doing in February, with diminished 
 resoura s and damaged credit, the wo k which should have been done two months earih r. 
 Hence the necessity for the degrading resort to Shin plasters." — Tribune, Februar 
 1862. 
 
 What H. G. Knew was the Condition of Affairs at the South in February, 1862. 
 
 "The pressure of wantand misery throughout the Confederacy is fearful. The rich 
 are quite generally reduced to the bare necessaries of life, while the poor.are 1 
 where in rags and most of them suffering for food. Corn and fresh pork hare 
 
About War and Peace. 77 
 
 I their chief resources; the pork begins to fail, while the scarcity of salt has pre" 
 vented much preparation of cured meats 'for the warmer season, already opening on 
 the Gulf. The enlistments of their best regiments are beginning to expire; within a 
 few weeks fifty thousand of their v< terans will set their faces homeward, and no hun- 
 dred thousand raw levies can make good their places. As to the conscription now pro- 
 !, g in some States and threatened in others, we do not believe the men it will send 
 Hi will be worth the inevitable cost of arming and supporting them. In the 
 defence of a strong position the militiaof the vicinage may be of some value; but in 
 I'ii'u the varied requirements ol a campaign they will go but a little way. The 
 con cription proves the desperation of the rebel cause, but will not obviate it. The 
 masses thus impressed to fight in the quarrel of a traitorous oligarchy will be slow to 
 shed their blood for a cause whose triumph is their own permanent disfranchisement 
 and degradation." — Tribune, February 11, 1862. 
 
 What H. G. Knew in February, 1862, about Securing Peace within Sixty Days. 
 
 " When the National cuise was disgraced as well as discomfited by that unequaled 
 combination of imbecility, incapacity, and treason which enabled all the Rebel armies 
 in Eastern Virginia to fight and be.it half of one of our's at Bull Run, the most un- 
 bounded successes were placed within the reach of the traitors. They might have 
 taken Washington any time within the next forty-eight hours with rive regiments, when 
 Baltimore would have fallen almost without a blow. The next Sunday should have 
 seen them on the Susquehanna, with nearly all the State of Maryland, including the 
 immense resources and mechanical capacities of Biltimore, in their undisputed posses- 
 sion. Let, then, Congress cease ordering gun-boats to be built, when timber commands 
 exorbitant prices, for use five or six mouths hence; let it cease to talk of borrowing Five 
 Hundred Millions wherewith to carry on the war after next July, and devote all Its en- 
 3 to providing the means of paying forthwith the money now due our brave de- 
 fenders and those who have fed them, and we may have the Union thoroughly restored 
 and peace proclaimed within sixty days. Let the morrow take care of itself, while due 
 provision is made for the needs and the work of to-day." — Tribune, February 21, 18G2. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Another Movement " On to Richmond." 
 " The Country and its brave defenders will hear with joy that an advance of the 
 Grand Army of the Potomac id morally certain to be made forthwith. The considera- 
 tions which impel this movement are so obvious and pressing that our Military leaders 
 could not have disregarded them but in deference to obstacles more unyielding than 
 mud, and more terrible than the remains of Virginia Johnston's wasted and disheart- 
 ened forces at Centerville and Manassas. The vigorous reconnoissance of Saturday is 
 the prelude to stirring events We shall be sorety disappointed if there is a Rebel ilag 
 flying north of Richmond at the end of March. 
 
 " Let not, then, our Western heroes nourish and dilate on the fond illusion that their 
 section possesses a m mopoly of Military genius and prowess— that the Union is to be 
 save 1 by Western valor alone. If a fault at all, it surely his not been the fault of our 
 Eastern sol liers that the Rebels have been allowed to hold two-thirds of Virginia in 
 quiet throughout the last three months, and uumolested to draw off their forces to other 
 sections until it is quite probable that, when we do advance on their late strongholds, 
 wo s'lall find them as em;)ty and harmless as Bowling Green. The Army of the Poto- 
 mac was stronger, more eager, more effective, on the 1st of December, when the weather 
 and roa Is were perfect, thin it is to-day; and there has not been a day since then when 
 it won! 1 not hive hailed with wild enthusiasm an order to advance. That order they 
 are about to receive, and their response to it will be worthy the grandsons of the gray- 
 coated farmers wh > stood to their arms at Bunker Hill and conquered at Bennington 
 and Saratoga." — Tribune, February 24, 1802. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Enlistment of Negroes on either side. 
 
 "If Jeff. Davis and Beauregard could raise a hundred thousand negro volunteers, 
 they would jump at the chance, aud their white followers would never dream of mur- 
 muring. That they do not largely increase their Black regiments is owing to the fact 
 that they know the instincts, the hopes, and the antipathies of the negro race all incline 
 them to the Union side, aud they dare not trust them with arms. They could raise a 
 hundred thousand negro troops forthwith by offering freedom to all who would enlist; 
 but, hard as it would be to arm. it would be li irder sti'l to disarm them, and they know 
 that a l-iw," resistless as gravitation, is gradually identifying the Union cause with that 
 of Universal Liberty. Hate emancipation as we may, to this complexion we must come 
 
 13 
 
'JS What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 at laat, if we are ever to crush out the Slaveholders' Rebelliou. And whenever Negro 
 regiments shall be invited to right for the Union on the basis of Liberty for all, they 
 will be forthcoming to any extent that may be desired." — Iribune, April 21, I 
 
 What H. G. Knew about what Gen. Pope was about to do. 
 
 " ' Will there be a battle soon near the centre of Virginia?' We answer, Yes, prob- 
 ably, if the Rebels can manage, as heretofore, to attack Gen. Pope's army, or part of 
 it, in overwhelming force. They fight to win, and with less Chivalry than a >\ ci 
 belligerent for the last half century. They are great on surprises, ambuscades, m 
 batteries, and every variety of two upon one. If they have ever yet voluntarily given 
 or offered battle upon fair, open ground, when the hostile forces were nearly equal, we 
 do not know where or when. But let them have a chance for a snap judgment — for an 
 attack in crushing force — and they are brave as lions and savage as bloodhounds. It 
 looks as though they would find Gen. Pope an ugly customer, but time will tell. He 
 seems to understand, the value of moments, and to know how to plant his blows and 
 get away without, exposing himself to punishment. Still, Stonewall Jackson is a wily 
 and active antagonist, and will not soon relinquish the hope of catching him at a dis- 
 advantage. If he does, he will doubtless make the most of his opportunity. But we 
 do not believe the Rebel chiefs will choose to spare any large proportion of their army 
 of Virginia for operations very far from Richmond while the Army of the Potomac, 
 flanked by gunboats, lies within a day's march or so from Richmond. The very still- 
 ness of that army will excite their apprehensions. We heartily wish, indeed, that our 
 two armies in Virginia were combiued on the high road from Fredericksburg to Rich- 
 mond. That detour to the Peninsula seems to us the great mistake of the campaign. 
 Yet Pope's movements seem so well planned and rapidly executed, that we do not be- 
 lieve the Rebels can hurl an overwhelming force upon him without giving Gen. Mc- 
 Clellan a fair chance to take Richmond." — Tribune, July 22, 1862. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Women of the South. 
 
 "Whatever difference of opinion may exist on other subjects, we never heard a de- 
 mur from any quarter to the assumption that the Women of the South have been far 
 more early, earnest, and unanimous in their championship of the Rebellion than their 
 husbands, brothers, and sons. They were, prior to Jeff. Davis's sweeping conscription, 
 the chief recruiting sergeants for his armies. Nobody who aspired to their favor, or 
 lived within the sphere of their daily influence, could keep out of the Rebel army with- 
 out feeling himself an object of their fiercest scorn and derision. They have stimulated 
 treason to the utmost; they have reviled and scoffed at our Unionists whom the fortunes 
 of war had made prisoners; and when the defeat and flight of the Rebel forces had 
 placed them under the undisputed authority of our flag, they have hissed and insulted 
 our triumphant columns with a cowardly malice which was never surpassed. In doing 
 this, they have paid the strongest possible tribute to the morality, self-control, and for- 
 bearance of our armies. Were the Union soldiers as dissolute and reckless as soldiers 
 are apt to be, no woman not utterly abandoned and shameless would dare thus to pro- 
 voke them by useless and impotent abuse." — Tribune, July 81, 1802. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Cavalry of the Unisn Army. 
 
 " The Union cavalry, with exceptions by no means numerous, are little better than 
 a disgrace to our armies. Made up, apparently, of recruits who saw in this particular 
 service the prospeet of lazy immunity from the fatigues of campaign life, it has neither the 
 spirit nor endurance which are especially demanded to give it the first elements of utility. 
 Moreover, so far as our observation has extended, our cavalry soldiers average a lower 
 grade of intellect and manhood than our infantry, when in fact they should rate higher. 
 As a rule, it is undoubtedly fair to say that out of every regiment, not a squadron can 
 be found that can either ride now, or care ever to learn. Their condition in the saddle 
 is perfectly helpless. Their weapons, instead of being a protection, are only a burden to 
 them. Hence the numerous, shameful stories of arms cast away by our cavalry prepar- 
 atory to a fight, the disgrace of which it thus doubled. We should not like to say 
 to what extent wc brieve this incapacity is shared by officers ag well as privates. With 
 so much ignorance of the use of horses, nothing comes more naturally than their abuse. 
 Half the animals sent to supply the wants of a fresh cavalry regiment might as well 
 be turned into the slaughter- house directly as dispatched to their destruction by the 
 devious though not less certain route of torment and neglect. It is next to impossible 
 to pass through any one of our volunteer cavalry corps without being shocked at some 
 exhibition of cruelty to the animals. We have seen a half drunken private cut down 
 from the horse he was running to death by the sword of a general officer. The two 
 
 i4 
 
About War and Peace. 79 
 
 brutes fell together, but only the human one recovered. His immedi ite superior officer 
 beiDg called to account, offered in extenuation that the roan was only doing it all for 
 fun ! Such fun as this wastes more treasure than the supplies of an entire regiment cost, 
 and such fun will not be brought to an end until a new system of discipline and organ- 
 ization is introduced into our cavalry service." — Tribune, September 16, 18G2. 
 
 • What H. G. Knew about Kirby Smith' 's Raid into Kentucky. 
 
 "Such was the well-earned fame of Kentuckians — Col. Nimrod Wildfire, then repre- 
 sentative before the footlights, being represented as so 'spiling for a fight,' having 
 been inhumanly deprived of that luxury for the interminable space of ten days, that 
 he would have to 'kiver himself in a salt-barrel to keep' — that we have been wonder- 
 ing how many invading Rebels would be required to show a front in that State for the 
 space of ten days, and have concluded that nothing less than one hundred thousand 
 would answer. 
 
 "When John Morgan made his horsestealing raid across the State last Summer, 
 meeting very little resistance, we. explained the matter by considering that he traveled 
 so fast — always taking fresh horses to replace those that from time to time grew weary — 
 that the hunters aforesaid could not overtake him. But this new parade of Kirby Smith 
 throughout the famous ' Blue Grass ' region does not abide that solution. Ilere are 
 some twenty to thirty thousand Rebels who have advanced through the very heart of 
 the State, from Tennessee to the banks of the Ohio, routing the only Union force gath- 
 ered to defend the Capital, (which contained, we believe, just one Kentucky regiment,) 
 and pushing on. to threaten both Cincinnati and Louisville without serious opposition. 
 Perhaps the interruption of the mails and telegraph has left us iu the dark as to what 
 is going on in that quarter. The facts will doubtless soon shine forth in all their glory; 
 and we shall be very glad to hear of the prompt and enthusiastic rally of the aforesaid 
 Hunters to drive Rebellion and Disunion into the sea." — Tribune, September 20, 1802. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Peace Movements in September, i86z. 
 
 " We have a very strong conviction that the Confederate leaders will not allow the 
 1st of January to approach without very earnest efforts, though they may be underhand, 
 to stop the desolating civil war which they so recklessly inaugurated under the gravest 
 misconceptions of the military resources and tenacity of purpose of the loyal States. 
 Hangman Foote's recent proposition in the Rebel Congress of an Embassy to Washing- 
 ton will probably be overruled, but the effort which it contemplates will nevertheless be 
 made. The resources of the Rebels, consisting mainly of boundless issues of paper 
 promises, backed by no system of taxation, are not easily exhausted; but they have no 
 clothing for a winter campaign, having exhausted that which they bought on credit of 
 our Northern merchants in 18110, and swindled them out of the pay for, and their British 
 friends have learned, by sad experience, that smuggling valuable cargoes into blockaded 
 ports at a heavy risk, only to sell them to people wdio can't pay for them, is extra haz- 
 ardous. In short, the Rebellion don't pay, and it will have to be given up. Whenever 
 the Rebels really desire peace — as we think they very soon wi 11, if they do not already — t hey 
 have but to notify the Government that they are ready to return to loyalty, and to that 
 end have abrogated all ordinances, acts, and oaths of allegiance inconsistent therewith. 
 President Lincoln would thereupon feel warranted, we doubt not, in issuing a Procla- 
 mation of Amnesty, inviting the States lately in rebellion to elect Members of Congress 
 as if no rebellion had existed. The Rebels would need no further assurance of immu- 
 nity; their friends of the Vallandigham persuasion would guarantee them a practical 
 ascendancy in the House, if not in the Senate also, and thus shield them from all serious 
 harm. And, if they should choose to have a Convention to revise the Federal Constitu- 
 tion, we have no doubt that this would be easy of attainment, though we should prefer 
 to have no stipulation on the subject. They might have had one without objection in 
 1861; they can have one without stipulation in 1863. But the true and sufficient basis 
 of immediate peace is ' The Constitution as it is.' Man can devise no better." — Tribune, 
 September 26, 1862. 
 
 What H. C. Knew about the Peoples' Loss of Confidence in the Lincoln Administration. 
 
 " There is a partial truth in the allegation that the Administration has lost ground 
 •with the People— that is, it is not to-day so strong in the public confidence as it might 
 and should have been. A majority of the people of the loyal States still sustain it; but 
 it might have had the hearty support of nearly all that arc worth having by a different 
 course. What is needed to animate the loyal States as with one fervid soul, and rally them 
 around the Administration in one compact, enthusiastic mass, is a conviction that the 
 War is henceforth to be prosecuted with a vigor and energy hitherto unknown. Let 
 
 15 
 
80 What Horace Greeley Knoius 
 
 them fee] that their Government, is terribly in earnest; that it is intent on crushing out 
 the Rebi llion forthwith, and they will rally to its .support as they never have done since 
 v memorable days thai fallowed the bombardment of Fort Sumter. .But 'con- 
 is a plant of alow ^ro yth,' and once definitely lost, is not easily regained. 
 in a great crisis are years, and there is a danger that the President may lose more 
 than he can ever regain." — Tribune, October 22, 1862. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about a Peace Movement in December, 1862. 
 
 " One of two things is certain; Barney and Greene either were the authorized bear- 
 ers of overtures of Peace from the Rebels, or they were not. If they were, and those 
 propositions were ever laid before tbe Government, they must have been so preposter- 
 ous, or came in so questionable a shape that they were rejected, or refused to be listened 
 to by the Government without a moment's hesitation. A word from the Stale Depart- 
 ment, at Washington could very easily settle that question. But if, on the other band, 
 there were really no such overtures, but Biruey and Greene, deceived by casual and un- 
 meaning talk or leading Rebels, and intoxicated with the hope of becoming great paci- 
 ficators, or meaning merely to manufacture some little notoriety for themselves, built 
 up on the slenderest foundations this scheme of peace, what then becomes of Mr, Fer- 
 nando Wood's assertions? Have he and his confederates really received some other in- 
 timations than those brought by Biruey and Greene that the Rebels are desirous that 
 the war shall come to an end on any terms? Or have they— Wood in the East, The 
 Chicago Times in the West — availed themselves of the untrustworthy statement, of two 
 Crack-brained enthusiasts, to sow the seeds of distrust in the Government in the popu- 
 lar mind, to throw new obstacles in the way of the Administration, to obstruct military 
 operations, to give time to the Rebels, and to pave the way to delay in the consumma- 
 tion o;i the 1st, of January of the Proclamation of Freedom to the Slaves? If this be 
 all — if the Woods, Seymour, Vallandigham, Cox, and their fellow-plotters have r< sorted 
 to such base as well as puerile measures to deceive the country, it, is well the country 
 should know it. It is a proof of how weak they are, as well as how unscrupulous." — 
 Tnbuae, December 11, 180k 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Peace Negotiations in the Winter of '62-'63. 
 
 " E irly last Winter 'we were approached by parties favorable to Peace, and entreated 
 to contribute to its attainment, il iving always b en most anxious for the earliest pos- 
 sible Peace consistent with fidelity to those hopes for Humanity which are bound up in 
 the life of the American Republic, we listened to the appeal and resolved to do our ut- 
 most toward the achievement of a tolerable Peace. T$ that end we labored faithfully 
 so lung as any hope of attaining it remained, willing to brave the auger and alienation 
 of valued friends if we might, at whatever personal cost, contribute to an early conclu- 
 sion of this desolating war. No word of conciliation or arbitration could be evoked 
 from that side. They wanted Peace, of course; but Peace by surrender on our side, by 
 Disunion, by the giving up to them not only of all they have, but of all they want, includ- 
 ing a great ileal that they have not, and some that they never had. In other words, hav- 
 ing appealed from the ballot-box and the rostrum to the bayonet and the sword, they 
 proposed to end the struggle as ihey had begun it, bidding the hardest feud off and the 
 weaker go to the wall. And we, alter weeks of earnest pursuit of some endurable Peace 
 proposition from the Rebels, were obliged to give it up without having come in sight of 
 any Rebel proposition at all." — Tribune, May 11, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Securing Peace in "January, 1863. 
 
 New York, Jan. 2, 1863. 
 W. C. Jewett, Esq., Washington, D. 0.— Dear Sir: In whatever you may do to re- 
 store peace to our distracted country, bear these things in mind: 1. "Whatever action is 
 taken must be between the Government of the United States and the accredited author- 
 ities of the Confederates. There must be no negotiations or conditions between un- 
 official persons. All you can do is to render authorized negotiations possible by open- 
 ing a way for them. 2. In such negotiations, our Government cannot act without a 
 trusted, though informal assurance tnat the Confederates have taken the initiative. The 
 rupture originated with them; they must evince a preliminary willingness to make 
 peace; and, on being assured that this is reciprocated, they must initiate the formal 
 proposition. 3. If arbitration sh ill be resorted to, these conditions must be respected: 
 First. The arbiter must be a Power which has evinced no partiality or unfriendliness to 
 either party. Second. One that has no interest, in the partition or downfall of our 
 country. Third. One that does not desire the failure of the republican principle in 
 government. Great Britain and France are necessarily excluded by their having virtu- 
 
About War and Peace. 81 
 
 ally confessed their wishes that we should he divided; and Louis Napoleon has an 
 especial interest in proving republics impracticable. For if the republican is a legiti- 
 mate, beneficent form of government, what must be the verdict of history on the de- 
 stroyer of the French Republic? You will find, I think, no hearty supporter of the 
 Union who will agree that our Government shall act in the premises, except on a frank, 
 open proposition from the Confederates, proposing arbitration by a friendly Power or 
 Powers. I can consider no man a friend of the Union who makes a parade of Peace 
 propositions or Peace agitation prior to such action. Yours, (signed) Horace Gree- 
 ley.— Tribune, May 11, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. knew about Democratic aid to the Rebellion iu 1863, 
 "Now, Mr. Doolittle, I am one of that small, perhaps, but increasing class of Re- 
 publicans who have grown weary of this. We have had about enough of fighting the 
 Southern Rebels in our front and the Northern Democrats in our rear. Our property, 
 our lives are at the disposal of the Government, and will be cheerfully rendered up for 
 the maintenance of the Union; but we do not believe the war can be long protracted 
 unless the Democratic party can be compelled to abandon its complicity with red- 
 handed treason. While it shall continue to carry elections without rebuke by direct 
 appeals to the cowardice, the disloyalty, and the avarice of the multitude — while it 
 does not hesitate to say, ' Vote the Democratic ticket, and the draft will be arrested, 
 the War taxes repealed, and the currency restored to solvency by a speedy Peace,' I 
 apprehend that the most earnest efforts of the Republicans will be put forth in vain. 
 
 " There is no need of a long war. Just let the People of the loyal States unitedly 
 resolve that the Rebellion shall be put down, and its last ember will be dead by next 
 June. We have the men and the means and can fight the Rebels out of munitions in a 
 month. Only let it be generally agreed that we will crush out the Rebel Confederacy 
 in the impending campaign or frankly give up the job, and we can have men and money 
 enough. It is the prospect of never-ending War that depresses the National credit and 
 paralyzes patriotic devotion." — Tribune, February 7, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Finally Knew about Gen. McClellan. 
 
 " When General McClellan was called to Washington, we most heartily approved, 
 commended, and rejoiced over his appointment. We knew then, as well as we do now, 
 that he was a bigoted Pro-Slavery Democrat, but we cared nothing for that so long as 
 we believed him intent on crushing the Rebellion. We clung to him through disap- 
 pointment and disaster, waiting for the roads to dry, the Potomac to reach a_ proper 
 stage, 'the leaves to fall,'&c.,&c, until we were reluctantly driven to the conclusion that 
 he was under the direction and control of self-seeking, partisan wire-workers who had 
 decided that the rebellion should not be put down by force of arms, but that the Rebel 
 chiefs should be bribed or bought over to further acquiescence in the existence of the Union 
 by new concessions to the Slave Power, involving the further extension and aggrandize- 
 ment of slavery in our Union. And as that is, in our view, the worst conceivable 
 result of our present struggle, involving every element of national crime, disgrace, and 
 downfall, we slowly, reluctantly surrendered all faith in Gen. George B. McClellan— all 
 hope of triumph under his command. We regard him as a man of moderate general 
 ability, a pretty good defensive engineer, a slow, timid, and ineffective General, not at 
 heart disloyal, but the associate and the instrument of craftier mfm whose hearts are 
 with Jeff. Davis, and who are more solicitous for the preservation of Slavery than for 
 that of the Union." — Tribune, July 6, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Prospect of Forei? n Intervention. 
 
 " I stated, in reply to The Times, that I believed the Rebels would be beaten in the 
 campaign now opening, and that being beaten they w^uld be compelled to lay down 
 their arms; and that Foreign Intervention, should any 'take place, would be on the side 
 of the Union. I added that if we should be beaten, the Intervention would probably 
 take the side of the Rebels — in other words, it woi\id base itself upon accomplished 
 facts, and urge that they be respected. Here are lrjy words: 
 
 " We believe that the time will come — we do r\ot say how soon, as that must depend 
 on the results of conflicts yet future — when the Oreat Powers of Europe will mediate — 
 not by blows, nor by menaces, but by representations — against a continuance of the 
 struggle as fruitless, wasteful butchery, and ur.-ge a settlement in the interests of Human- 
 ity and Commerce." — Tribune, February 2, l f /,63. 
 
 What H. GV Knew about Gen. Hooker's advance at Chancellorsville. 
 " It is positively affirmed that a great battle, seven Jaours in duration, was fought on 
 Sunday at Chancellorsville, between Qm } Llooker and, Gen. Lee, in which the Rebels 
 
82 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 were repulsed, with immense losses on both sides, and the death of several Major-Gen- 
 erals on ours. Neither, therefore, in the news which we have received by mail, nor in 
 the silence which the Government preserves, nor in the relative positions of the two 
 forces, do we find cause for other than confident expectation of decisive success. It may 
 be presumed there has been heavy work, the result of which we do not know; but we 
 regard it as very probable that the general engagement may have been postponed, or 
 that if a serious battle has taken place, the news is only withheld because Gen. Hooker 
 did not choose, in the circumstances explained above, to convert a repulse of the enemy 
 into an immediate rout." — Tribune, May 5, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Military Situation in July, 1863. 
 
 " Cicero, belaboring Catiline, in one of a celebrated series of philippics, remarks that 
 the day upon which we were saved should be dearer to us than the day upon which we 
 were born. If this be so, perhaps a pleasanter festival awaits us in the future than that 
 which has been so dear to us in the past. From one point of view this is doubtless the 
 darkest Fourth of July which has dawned upon us since the commencement of our 
 national existence. From another, we do sincerely believe that it is the brightest. 
 Heretofore there has been such a vast and dishonorable disproportion between our pro- 
 fession and practice, that our Fourth of July feast in honor of Human Equality has 
 been to many honest minds but a dismal and mocking saturnalia, noisy but purposeless, 
 enthusiastic but fearfully inconsistent. Our very finest orations have seemed full of a 
 savage and skillful irony. We could hardly talk of liberty without laughing in each 
 other's faces. The Declaration of Independence read like a rare joke. That famous 
 axiomatic, initial sentence, the peg upon which the whole document hangs by a sort of 
 logical necessity, was sneered at by Calhoun and his disciples, denounced by Divinity 
 Doctors, and demolished by the Ethnologists as a mere conceit from the Frenchified 
 mind of Mr. Jefferson. ' I say that all men are not born free and equal,' said Mr. Cal- 
 houn; ' a negro is not born free, and he never can be my equal !' ' Men born free and 
 equal !' cried Dr. Lord, ' stuff and nonsense ! read the Book of Genesis !' ' Free and 
 equal, indeed !' simpered the Ethnological Sciolist; 'look at that slopping facial angle, 
 and then talk of Freedom and Equality if you can !' "—Tribune, July 4, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Knew was the Turning Point of the War. 
 
 "Confidently as the Nation has waited to hear the surrender of Vicksburg, the an- 
 nouncement came yesterday with the suddenness of an unexpected triumph, and filled 
 with new happiness the grateful hearts of a people which had just welcomed the tidings 
 of Victory and deliverance in the East. The steady purpose, the unshaken fortitude, 
 the fertile talent, the heroic determination of Gen. Grant, and the courage of his noble 
 army, are crowned at last with success. The nation owes to them a triumph so bril- 
 liant, and so fruitful of results, that its gratitude is lost in the bewilderment of Joy; 
 but it reverences the great qualities and great achievements of this army and its leader 
 not less than it will when other victories shall have added lustre to the completeness of 
 this. The fall of Vicksburg divides the Rebel Confederacy territorially, destroys its politi- 
 cal coherence, and shatters its military strength. The centralized despotism which Jef- 
 ferson Davis sought to establish, the slaveholding empire which should girdle the Gulf, 
 and even the last hope of an independent national existence, sank into the ground 
 when the banner of the Republic rose over the citadel of the Mississippi. Insurgent 
 States may still maintain an armed opposition to the authority of the Government, but 
 their rebellious alliance is dissolved, and their ability to conduct a great war is at an 
 end. Henceforth the Rebellion is manifestly a hopeless struggle against overwhelming 
 forces; its claim to be respected as a Revolution is an imposture, and its decaying for- 
 tunes will be followed with hhrdly more interest than belongs to a local insurrection." — 
 Tribune, July 8, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Purchasing Substitutes. 
 
 " Does a citizen who, being drafted to serve in the Union armies, promptly and cheer- 
 fully provides and pays an acceptable substitute to serve in his stead, fulfil his legal 
 and patriotic obligations? Common sense and the law of the land say yes; faction, 
 disloyalty, and personal malice say no. Which shall be believed? We have been re- 
 peatedly summoned to work on the roads of the district in which lies our home, and 
 have always obeyed the requisition by substitute. Not that we deemed labor on the 
 roads dishonorable or repulsive; not that we did not fully recognize and cheerfully ful- 
 fil the obligation resting on us to do our share toward making and maintaining good 
 roads, but simply because we could employ our own time to better advantage than in 
 road-making, and could pay a more effective road-maker to work thereat in our stead 
 
 18 
 
About War and Peace. 83 
 
 with a part of what we could earn during the time he thus acted as our substitute. The 
 postmaster was satisfied; so was our substitute; the public interest was well regarded, 
 and nobody yet complained of or clamored at our making roads by proxy. Then why 
 complain of the man who, having a family to support and a competence to win, being 
 drafted to serve the country in arms, sends a more hardy, robust man — perhaps an ex- 
 perienced soldier — in his stead." — IVibune, September 22, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Entrusting the Management of the War to Gen. Grant. 
 
 "It has pleased Congress to decree the appointment of a Lieutenant-General, and the 
 President, with the entire assent of both Houses, has selected Ulysses S. Grant for the 
 most responsible position. We had nothing to say, pro or con, while this matter was in 
 progress; we neither urged the creation of a Lieutenant-Generalship, nor recommended 
 Gen. Grant for the position. But now that the work is done, we must respectfully sug- 
 gest that the conduct of the War, under the President, be committed absolutely to the 
 Lieutenant-General, and that we all — Congress, Cabinet, and the Press, Republicans, 
 Democrats, Conservatives, and Radicals — take hold and strengthen his hands for the 
 immense responsibility devolved upon him. Let him not be impeded or embarrassed 
 in his work either by speeches or articles, advice or criticism, until we shall have given 
 him a fair trial. Let him not be condemned for one miscarriage, if there shall be one, 
 but generally trusted and sustained until he shall have decisively shown that he can or 
 cannot put down the Rebellion. Then let us act as the good of the Nation shall dictate; 
 but, until then, let in his behalf Stonewall Jackson's message to his superior: ' Send me 
 more men and fewer orders.' " — Tribune, March 5, 1864. 
 
 What H. G. Knew when Gen. Grant took command of the Army of the Potomac. 
 
 " To Lieut. -Gen. Grant the Nation's love and gratitude will be fervent and unmeas" 
 ured. The Army of the Potomac hardly knew him a month ago; it knows him now 
 and ever more. Had he shared the current estimate of its capacities, his misconception 
 would have been natural; but he knew its worth instinctively and trusted implicitly to 
 its valor and devotion. The result proves that he was right, and that that Army has at 
 last found its true leader. Let us harbor no shadow of doubt that under his guidance 
 that Army will promptly and thoroughly complete the work to which it has been called, 
 and to which it has now proved itself so nobly adapted." — Tribune, May 14, 1864. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the True Military Genius of Gen. Grant. 
 
 " We loathe man-worship, and distrust the worth of a nation which but one man can 
 save; yet every day's experience strengthens our faith in Lieut. -Gen. Grant. The task 
 devolved on him is arduous: he is confronted by an able General and a gallant, veteran 
 army, who enjoy enormous advantages in their defensive attitude, the nature of the 
 country, and their intimate knowledge of its topography; yet, from the hour of his 
 crossing the Rapidan, Gen. -Grant has gone steadily, sturdily forward, repelling impetu- 
 ous attacks; assaulting (when necessary) strongly fortified positions; withdrawing un- 
 observed from the immediate front of his wary antagonist and effecting the most daring 
 and difficult flank movements, thereby achieving the fruits of victory without encoun- 
 tering the carnage which is the usual cost of such success — and all this with a stern 
 quietude that indicates reserved force and a consciousness of powers adapted to any 
 emergency. We are not apt to be over-sanguine; we realize that victory is often a 
 happy accident and that occurrences purely fortuitous often derange and defeat the 
 ablest combinations; but having noted his bearing under every phase of fortune, his 
 quick improvement of advantages, and his skillful reparation of mischances, we cannot 
 doubt that he has a true military genius, and that he will do whatever one man can do 
 to break the back of the Slaveholder's Rebellion." — Tribune, July 2, 1864. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about his Peace Mission to Niagara Falls. 
 
 " The telegraphic stories concerning Peace conferences at Niagara Falls have a slen- 
 der foundation in fact, but most of the details are very wide of the truth. The Editor 
 of this paper has taken part in and been privy to no further or other negotiations than 
 were fully authorized, and more than authorized ; but these related solely to bringing 
 the antagonists face to face in amicable rather than belligerent attitude, with a view to 
 the initiation of an earnest effort for Peace, to be prosecuted at Washington. The 
 movement has had no immediate success. Of course, all reports that the writer has 
 been engaged in proposing, or receiving, or discussing hypothetical terms or bases of 
 Peace, whether with accredited agents of the Richmond authorities or others, are ut- 
 
 19 
 
84 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 terly mistaken. He has never had the slightest authorization to do anything of the 
 sort; and he is quite aware of those provisions of law which relate to volunteer nego- 
 tiators with public enemies. Those provisions he heartily approves, and is nowise 
 inclined to violate. More than this he does not feel as yet at liberty to state, though he 
 soon may be. 
 
 "All that he can now add is his general inference that the pacification of our country 
 is neither so difficult nor so distant as seems to be generally supposed." — Tribune, July 
 12, 1864. 
 
 " Meantime I very gladly agree that I wrote the President (as I understood that others 
 did to his Premier if not to him) that certain eminent Rebels were in Canada, at or near 
 Niagara Falls, who professed to have authority from Richmond to propose terms of 
 Peace — that they were holding confidential interviews with leading Democrats from this 
 side — that it was currently reported that terms of ' reconstruction ' were propounded 
 and considered between them — and that it was further reported that one of them (Mr. 
 C. C. Clay) had agreed to address a letter to the Chicago Convention indicating terms 
 of Peace and Reunion. So much I heard, (in common, I presume, with many others,) 
 and it seemed to me desirable that, if such terms were proffered, the Government of the 
 United States should have the first refusal of them. And I recollect that — in the first 
 and much the longest letter which I addressed to the President on this subject — I 
 roughly indicated certain bases of Peace and Reunion which I thought it would be 
 expedient to offer to the Rebels in case their proffer to the Government should be — as I 
 feared it would be — one that could not be accepted." — Tribune, Augusts, 1864. 
 
 "There has been much loose talk of peace negotiations with Rebels. I never en- 
 gaged in any, though it seems I was warranted in so doing. I did not cross the ferry 
 till after Major Hay's arrival, and then only at his urgent request; and I had no corre- 
 spondence with any Confederate, save with regard to their authority to bind their 
 chiefs and their going to Washington. It was never my understanding that the vital 
 conditions of peace were to be settled by me at Niagara. 
 
 " It seemed to me that after our simultaneous successes negotiation might wisely be 
 trusted to finish the work; that all that was still needed was to make surely known to 
 the Southern people that they could return to the Union on terms that they might now 
 honorably and advantageously accept. In this conviction I tried repeatedly — and as 
 well before as after the Niagara overture— to bring the belligerent parties responsibly 
 face to face, so that they might earnestly try to restore peace to our blood-soaked coun- 
 try. (I have certainly understood that Mr. Raymond made similar efforts just after the 
 Niagara failure, but without success,) and, bunglingly as the Niagara business was 
 managed on our side, Iknow that its result had a salutary influence at the South." — Tri- 
 bune, August 11, 1865. 
 
 " Mr. Greeley only ' rushed to Canada' when President Lincoln directed him to do so, and 
 then sorely against his will. His 'cuddling with traitors' required a second urgent requestfrora 
 Major Hay, the President's secretary and special envoy. Up to the hour of Hay's arrival on the 
 ground I had no interview, and only the most formal correspondence with any Rebels what- 
 ever. Their overture came to me unsolicited and unexpected. I forwarded it to the President, 
 but made no response to its authors till directed to do so by Mr. Lincoln. It is a special lie that 
 I ' implored ' the President to offer $400,000,000 for Peace, though I did suggest to him the wis- 
 dom uf offering to pay that amount in case the Rebellion were given up and the Union restored, as 
 a compensation for the slaves of loyal slave-owners, not of the Rebel States exclusively, but of all 
 the Slave States." — Tribune, April 24, 1867. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Blairs* Peace Mission to Richmond. 
 
 " Our last dispatch from Washington states that Messrs. Francis P. Blair, (senior,) 
 and his son, Montgomery, have gone to Richmond, and that it is understood that their 
 errand is one of Peace— or, perhaps we should more accurately say, to see whether any 
 termination of our National struggle is now attainable. We prejume their mission is 
 not in terms official; but it were absurd to pretend, considering who they are, and 
 what are their personal relations to the President, that it is unauthorized. 
 
 "While we consider Richmond about the least hopeful point in the Confederacy at 
 which to seek an acceptable Peace, and regret that the Messrs. Blairs had not proceeded, 
 or offered to proceed, direct to Raleigh instead, and while we can scarcely encourage 
 hopes of any immediate pacification as a result of this mission, we yet rejoice that it 
 has departed, and are confident that its influences will be salutary aud its ultimate con- 
 sequences beneficent." — Tribune, January 2, 1865. 
 
 20 
 
About War and Peace. 85 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Intervention by the Roman Catholics in Europe. 
 " We have at length obtained a clue to the European complot, wherefrom the Slave- 
 holding Rebels are comforting themselves with hopes of powerful and speedy aid to 
 their sinking cause. Its outline is as follows: At an early age of our great struggle 
 Bishop Lynch, (Roman Catholic,) of Charleston, S. C, was dispatched by Jefferson Da ; 
 vis to Europe with a broad commission to search for sympathizers and allies, but with 
 instructions to make Rome the focus of his operations. The Bishop has remained in 
 Europe ever since, and has been zealously devoting himself to his important political 
 duties. It was not difficult for him to convince the master spirits of European Reaction 
 and Absolutism that the Slaveholder's Rebellion was identical in spirit and purpose with 
 their own cause, and enlist their sympathies thereupon; but Bishop Lynch has gone fur- 
 ther, and (whether with or without express warrant) assured the magnates of the Roman 
 Catholic Church that its expansion and predominance, first in the confederacy, ultimately 
 throughout this hemisphere, will be assured by the triumph of the Confederates. In 
 deference to these representations a secret league of the Roman Catholic Powers — France, 
 Spain, and Austria — under the guidance and with the express concurrence of the Pope, 
 has, it is said, been formed, pledged to recognize the Confederacy on or immediately 
 after the 4th of March next, under the pretext that the Union will thereafter consist of 
 those States only which participated in the late Presidential election and iu the choice 
 of Members of the approaching Congress. It is added that the league contemplates 
 other than moral support to the slaveholding rebels, but not (we judge) at the outset. It 
 is just possible that the withdrawal of Spain from her luckless adventure in San Do- 
 mingo has some connection with this new undertaking." — Tribune, January 30, 1865. 
 
 "Bishop Lynch, (R. C.,) of Charleston, S. C, was an original, acrimonious, efficient, per- 
 sistent pro-slavery rebel. He had a Te Deum celebrated in his cathedral on the reduc- 
 tion of Fort Sumter by the rebels in April, 1861. He went to Europe next Summer as 
 an emissary of the Rebellion, and did his utmost to get the Pope to take the side of that 
 Rebellion— did induce him to recognize Jeff. Davis as a potentate, which no other mon- 
 arch openly did. Now that the Rebellion is crushed, the Bishop comes here and preaches 
 in favor of mercy, lenity, magnanimity, &c, &c. The doctrine is good— we urged the 
 same long before, but, really, we do not feel that Bishop Lynch can help it much. 
 His ' record ' is in the way." — Tribune, March 3, 1886. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Gen. Butler's Treatment of the Rebels. 
 
 * J 
 
 " Gen. Butler might not be safe in New Orleans, and he might be maliciously dealt with in 
 Charlestown. It cannot be denied that he is extremely well hated by those who felt the force 
 of his heavy and vigorous hand during the Rebellion, and who were compelled by him to main- 
 tain an outward obedience to the laws when obedience was most distasteful. It is not for 
 nothing that they have nicknamed him ' the Beast.' Schoolboys have found a similar comfort 
 when writhing under a deserved fustigation. That he is much hated by the higher class of 
 Rebels, by the more honorable and intelligent of the Secessionists, we do not believe. They 
 have the sense to comprehend that Gen. Butler did no more than his duty ; they respect him 
 for doing it vigorously, albeit they may have smarted under his vigor, and they would be 
 ashamed to complain that he treated New Orleans very much as they would have treated 
 Washington if it had fallen into their hands. Those who were half Rebels and half rogues 
 entertain a different feeling; yet while they continue to believe that- the fate of Mr. Lincoln 
 was simply just, and that it would have been but fair to reduce New York to ashes by the 
 hand of a midnight incendiary, they may well hold Gen. Butler in horror and in hatred. His 
 reward has been the gratitude of all loyal men and the hatred of anarchists and of traitors. He 
 may well be proud of the invectives which have been hurled against him. ' The one small ser- 
 vice which he could render to England,' says Macaulayin his brilliant essay on Barere, 'was to 
 hate her ; and such as he was may all who hate her be.' The wrath of the unregenerate Seces- 
 sionist is the crowning glory of Gen. Butler's life. — Tribune, January 21, 1868. 
 
 What H. G. Knew of the Death Struggles of the Confederacy. 
 
 " When a man is dying all his neighbors hasten to prescribe for him, and all of them 
 to prescribe infallibly. So it is with the Confederacy. It has been given over by the 
 regular doctors, and as the dew of death is upon its brow it should strive to emulate the 
 immortal Caesar and die with decency. But this is just what its nurses will not permit. 
 They howl by the bedside and call Heaven to witness the virtues of their pills and pow- 
 ders, their potions and plasters. They make an incredible noise about this remedy aud 
 the other — they even try the efficacy of swearing, and are about as sensible in their 
 incantations as a medicine man in the Gorilla country; but the fact remains that the 
 patient is every moment getting short of wind, that forts are gone, that harbors are 
 
 21 
 
86 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 gone, that territory is gone, that the army is gone, that the money is gone, that the navy 
 is gone, that hopeis gone, and that Richmond is — going! Under such circumstances 
 smiles must be sickly and laughs distressingly hysterical. Why talk of ' dyiDg in the 
 last ditch,' when the Confederacy will soon have no last ditch left to die in? Davis 
 may strive to throw the responsibility of prolonging for a little time this hopeless con- 
 test upon the epauletted shoulders of Lee, and that General may shift it over to a quak- 
 ing and demoralized Congress; but the world and history will lay the blame, not upon 
 individuals, but upon the State, which, after engaging in an unholy enterprise, wasted 
 the life of a society, its wealth, and its peace in a passionate and hateful attempt to ac- 
 complish the impossible." — Tribune, March 2d, 1865. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Triumph of the North over the South. 
 
 "Northern sagacity may be proud of the literal fulfillment of its various warnings. Tts sturdy 
 common sense has never been made so conspicuous. It foresaw, foretold, and has lived to be a 
 witness The reality has even exceeded the prediction. Vast armies haye made a vaster desola- 
 tion than friend or foe could have dreamed of. The great centres of Southern commerce are 
 now silent as the Cities of the Plain. The world has ceased to know them as ports of entry. 
 Her arrogant nabobs, who once flaunted in brocade, now flutter in rags. Her millions of bank- 
 ing capital are all gone. The drum-beat of each advancing army has been a summons to ber 
 bondsmen to up and be free. Slaves flee from masters, and masters from slaves, until it is doubt- 
 ful which class of fugitives is the more numerous. Her debt has grown to be colossal, but with- 
 out foundation. The collapse of the currency bubble is already upon her. The North, having 
 never been the victims of calamities like these, can form no just conception of the misery that 
 goes with them. But while her sagacity enabled her to foretell the doom of the South, it pos- 
 sessed the crowning merit of enabling her to shun a similar one for herself." — Tribune, Janu- 
 ary 21, 1864. 
 
 What H. G. Knew of General Grant's Conquest of Peace. 
 
 " It is characteristic of General Grant that having, by dint of five days' hard fighting, 
 driven the enemy out of the tremendous works surrounding his capital, he stopped not 
 one single moment to enjoy the parade of an entrance into Richmond, but, with an un- 
 remitting energy, pushed after Lee as well when he was a fugitive as when he madly 
 clung to his defences. On Sunday night Lee fled. On Monday morning Grant's columns 
 were once more in motion, and along the banks of the Appomattox began a race with 
 the Rebels for the Danville road." — Tribune, April 4, 1865. 
 
 "There is nothing in history Mke this campaign of Grant's. It began a year ago. 
 'I shall fight on this line,' he said, 'if it takes all Summer.' It took all Summer 
 and all Winter, but he never relaxed for a moment his clutch on Lee and the 
 Rebellion. He ' had him where he wanted him' all the time. He hurled him from the 
 Rapidan; he shut him up in Richmond, and bound him there with chains that he could 
 not break, except by self-destruction. He broke them at last, but Grant threw himself 
 with all his strength upon the flying Rebel. Escape was impossible from that impetuous 
 pursuit, from that masterly generalship. It was the hare and the hounds; the lion and 
 his prey; the strong man and the child; there was no escape. Lee surrendered, and 
 the Rebellion is ended." — Tribune, April 10, 1865. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Gen. Grant's Terms of Surrender. 
 
 " We do firmly believe that Gen. Grant was as wise as he was generous in granting 
 such liberal terms to the remnant of General Lee's army on condition of its laying 
 down its arms. We do not doubt that he did so with and by the adviee of President 
 Lincoln, who, we are confident, will proceed in the line of magnanimous policy thus 
 indicated, if not overruled by bad advisers and deterred by what he mistakes for public 
 opinion. For if we allow Lee, Wise, Gordon, Pickett, Early, Ruggles, Ould, &c, 
 &c, &c, up6n their surrender to go in safety to their homes, with a pledge that they 
 shall there remain ' undisturbed ' so long as they shall continue to deport themselves 
 loyally and quietly, how can you fail to treat with equal lenity those who may here- 
 after surrender ? If these ought not to be tried and punished, who should be ? Nay, 
 with what show of fairness can you put others on trial for their lives, yet allow these 
 to go free." — Tribune, April 13, 1865. 
 
 " Gen. Grant we esteem by no means a great man, nor even a very great General, yet 
 he has, in every position he has filled, evinced a modest good sense, a practical, unos- 
 tentatious sagacity, which have justly won for him a large measure of public confi- 
 dence. He is not by training a statesman, yet his negotiations with Gen. Lee and the 
 
 22 
 
About War and Peace. 87 
 
 terms of capitulation conceded by him at Appomattox evince a wisdom and breadth 
 of view which few among our statesmen could have equaled, and none of them has sur- 
 passed. We do profoundly honor and esteem him that he has never uttered one syllable 
 that sounded of exultation over the defeated Rebels, or called down vengeance on their 
 heads. The blood-and-thunder policy of execution and confiscation, which we intensely 
 loathe, has had no more effective opponent than this taciturn, reticent, first soldier of 
 the Union." — Tribune, November 7, 1867. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Peace in June, 1867. 
 
 '"Let us have peace.' With these words Gen. Grant, in his letter of acceptance, 
 summed up the political situation with the same unconscious felicity as when, before 
 Spottsylvania-Court House, in 1864, he epitomized the military status in the electric 
 sentence, 'I propose to fight it out on this line if ; t. takes all Summer.' Victory, decis- 
 ive and complete, was then the Nation's prime requirement — now it is Peace, true, real, 
 lasting Peace. That Peace the Democratic party will not, cannot give, because it pro- 
 claims and builds upon an eternal, implacable antagonism of Race — because it holds 
 Black and brown men created to be vassals, if not "the chattels of white men. True 
 Democracy insists on the Equal Rights of Men; that spurious, sham Democracy which 
 opposes Grant and Colfax asserts that ' This is a White Man's government, wherein none 
 but Whites have any natural right to vote or be voted for. That party, if successful 
 next Fall, is bound to do its utmost to divest of the right of Suffrage the Three Millions 
 of our countrymen enfranchised by the Reconstruction acts, and remand them to the 
 state of serfdom wherein their brethren in Maryland, Kentucky, and other Democratic 
 States, now are. This is to incite a new War of Races — to invoke new horrors like 
 those of San Domingo, where Emancipation was peacefully, legally, joyously effected, 
 but Re-enslavement, though never consummated, whelmed the whole island in confla- 
 gration and massacre. Give us Peace !" — Tribune, June 6, 1868. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Gen. Grant's Prosecution of the War. 
 
 "From the beginning to the end of that struggle Ulysses S. Grant rose through every 
 grade known to our service. A poor, obscure, friendless, private citizen, he volun- 
 teered at the outset and was chosen captain of a company. He was soon made Adju- 
 tant, then Colonel, then Brigadier-General, then Major-General, then Lieutenant-Gen- 
 eral; finally General-in-chief. Yet nobody ever heard of his asking for a better post. 
 In every case of his promotion he took the position wherein he was wanted — no one 
 ever heard of his wanting a better one than he already had. ' Friend, come up higher,' 
 was the mandate addressed to this lowly servant of the Republic — not that he wanted 
 promotion, but that the country sorely needed the right man in the right place. He 
 favored no ' policy ' but the crushing out of the Rebellion. He had no conception of 
 duty that led him to regard the Federal Executive with distrust or disfavor. In short, 
 Grant quietly received his orders, and to the extent of his ability, executed them. It 
 will be the fault of the People if this species of generalship is not more common here- 
 after."— Tribune, July 22, 1868. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the first Triumph of Liberty, Justice, and Peace. 
 
 "The election of Grant secures the ascendancy of Liberty, Justice, and Peace. It is 
 the Appomattox of our civil conflict. It insures that ours shall be henceforth a land 
 of equal rights and equal laws. It makes our recent history cQherent and logical. It 
 demonstrates that the discomfiture of the Rebellion was no blunder and no accident, 
 but the triumph of principle and an added proof that God reigns." — Tribune, August 
 15, 1868. 
 
 What H. C. Knew about the Confederate Soldiers. 
 
 " The fires of factions must soon go out for want of fuel. Every day will diminish the num- 
 ber of savage memories and of rampant recollections. The question of Secession has had a 
 sanguinary adjudication, and every hour will lessen this brood of brawling dissenters from the 
 verdict of war. They will be killed in duels. They will be slaughtered in bar-rooms. They 
 will be locked up in penitentiaries. They will talk till nobody hears, and prophesy until no- 
 body heeds them. They will fade gradually away as# class, simply because as a class the re- 
 generated society of the South has no use for them, and will care no more for their opinion of 
 war than for their opinion of Mary, Queen of Scots." — Tribune, January 2, 1869. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Gen. Robert E. Lee. 
 
 " Take the case of Lee. If we believe in constructive treason, or admitted the popular doc- 
 trine that rebellion should be punished by hanging, we should take Gen. Lee as a conspicuous 
 
88 What Horace Greeley Knows. 
 
 example. Of all the Rebels, civil and military, he was perhaps the most gifted, the most dan- 
 gerous, and the most wanton. As a soldier he carried the confidence of his chief to the camp 
 of the Rebellion, and aided in swaying Virginia into the war without cause or provocation. 
 Men rebelled from fanaticism, ignorance, devotion to Slavery. Gen. Lee was a Rebel from am- 
 bition. 
 
 " Peace brought political and personal duties to all of us. To Robert E. Lee it brought a 
 duty of honor. He possessed great influence with the Southern Rebels. He knew how greatly 
 he had sinned and with what magnanimity he had been protected by Gen. Grant. We are told 
 that when he saw the generosity of Grant to his shattered army, he was ' overcome with emo- 
 tion ' — that he was profuse with thanks. Since that tearful day, however, he has been silent. 
 He knew what the welfare of the South demanded — that amnesty was at hand if suffrage were 
 s'iven — that the North merely wanted justice secured to the race it had freed — to throw down 
 every barrier, and unite every interest in the harmony of a restored Union. He saw the Cobbs 
 find Hills of the South, the men who had been warriors in peace and citizens in war, ferment- 
 ing discord and bitterly assailiug every plan of reconstruction. He saw these cowardly myr- 
 midons of hatred filling the South, like many evil spirits. Like the witches in Macbeth, they 
 have worked their charms — to a dismal, fatal end — and infected the very air with their ' hell 
 broth, boil, and bubble.' Like the Centaurs in Dnnte's Hell, their aim seems ever to drive 
 back the race so long at their mercy into the dark river of blood. See what they have made 
 the South ! Emigration is arrested — capital shrinks from her cities and seaports — commerce 
 seeks less congeuial but more secure climes — credit is dead — her vast resources are neglected — 
 there is no industry, no enterprise, no national progress, no public spirit — nothing but political 
 chaos and social anxiety. The men whose energy would bless the South are banished, while 
 those whose industry would make her fields to blossom as the rose are held in cruel and dreary 
 subjection. This has come because her people have listened to prophets as false as Johnson and 
 Toombs and Wise, and because the men whose voices should have been commanding — men like 
 Lee and his generals — have been either silently or sullenly antagonistic. Lee, especially, has 
 had the happiness of great States at his bidding, and he has chosen to remain neutral, to shrink 
 from duty and responsibility behind the groves of his Lexington Academy. Instead of acting 
 the part of Washington, to which he is said to aspire, he has been merely the Turveydrop 
 Grandson of the South. The people he led to ruin have looked for three years for leadership 
 and action. He has merely given them deportment and phrases." — Tribune, August 31, 1868. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about President Johnson's Amnesty Policy. 
 
 " It is said that Mr. Johnson is about to publish a proclamation of Amnesty, and the prob- 
 abilities are that it will be pretty near universal in its terms. But can the President make such 
 an offer in virtue of the powers vested in him by the Constitution, and without the intervention 
 of Congress? We think it very clear that he cannot. The Constitution gives him authority 
 to ' grant reprieves and pardons for offences againt the United States.' Now a pardon and an 
 amnesty are two very different things. A pardon is an act of grace exempting a person from 
 penalties which he has incurred under the law. Amnesty is defined as ' an act of the sovereign 
 power, the object of which is to efface and cause to be forgotten a crime or misdemeanor.' Am- 
 nesty is abolition of the offence. Pardon is remission of the penalty. The sovereign power of this 
 nation is not the President, but the people. The representative of the people is not Andrew 
 Johnson, but the National Congress. The President may pardon individual offenders, but the 
 Constitution gives him no authority to declare a general amnesty. If it did, he might nullify 
 every act of legislation to the violation of which any penalty is affixed, and virtually exercise 
 an absolute veto over many of the most important proceedings of Congress. This proposed 
 proclamation, therefor, can only be regarded as the boldest defiance of the people which the 
 President has yet uttered. He assumes to exercise a power which was only granted him for a 
 time, and then deliberately taken away. It is better for him to understand that when the peo- 
 ple, through their representatives, took away that temporary authority, they meant to keep it 
 in their own hands, and there they will keep it, Johnson, Binckley, and all the rest of the nul- 
 lifiers to the contrary notwithstanding." — Tribune, September 5, 1867. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about How the South Should be Treated. 
 
 " We can surrender to National restoration and fraternity everything but Good Faith. We 
 can regard and treat the Rebels as our countrymen, provided they will regard and treat the 
 steadfast loyalists in like manner. We stand ready and eager to forgive them for having been 
 Rebels if they will forgive Three or F6*ur millions of Unionists for having been born Black. 
 There are some who say, 'Let us treat the South with generous confidence.' Certainly ; but 
 not at the expense of honor and good faith. If you were intrusted by a friend with his money, 
 and he should ask you for it, you would not expect him to be satisfied with the answer. ' I 
 gave it to your enemy, in order to evince my confidence in him.' 'Sir,' he would naturally re- 
 join, 'it was my business to evince confidence in the disposal of my money ; you should have 
 given something that was your own.' "—Tribune, February 22, 1866. 
 
 24 
 
WHAT HORACE GREELEY KNOWS 
 
 ABOUT 
 
 The Rise and Fall, the Arrest and the Imprisonment, the Trial and 
 
 the Release on Bail, of Jefferson Davis, 
 
 dec, dec, dec, dec 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Jefferson Davis in June, 1854. 
 
 " Jefferson Davis is Secretary of War. So rank, indeed, is his avowed hatred to the Union 
 that he resigned his seat in the United States Senate, preparatory to appearing as one of the 
 leaders in the formation of ' Mr. Calhoun's Southern Republic' In a speech at Natchez. Miss., 
 he spoke of the contemplated Disunion, and, with all the explanatory eloquence he is master of, 
 Incited rebellion against the Federal authorities. Over his own signature lie declared himself in 
 favor of ' Armed resistance and insurrection' rather than slavish submission to the Federal 
 laws, (the ( 'ompromise measures,) and suggested the establishment in the South of manufactories 
 of arms and ammunition, as the most efficient preparation for the final alternative — Separation. 
 Col. Davis counseled with Gen. Quitman, and indorsed that gentleman's Secession message, 
 and sympathized with Quitman"s confederates in their refusal to raise the stars and stripe, over 
 the State Capitol of Mississippi. Soule finds his home in France, and could apply the knife to 
 the throat of his adopted Country witho it committing matricide; but Davis is native-born, 
 educated at the expense of the nation, a hero of Buena Vista, and yet, while suffering from the 
 unhealed wounds obtained in that bloody but glorious field, he was organizing treason in the 
 State of Mississippi and counseling armed resistance to the Federal Government. There c; 
 be any love for the Union in his composition, for the struggle of the brave men who fell at 
 Angostura and in his sight, in defence of the Stars and Stripes, could not endear that ensign 
 to his memory and sanctify its mission to his heart — a moral degradation that finds no parallel 
 in history." — Tribune, June 19, 1854. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Jefferson Davis in Januari/, 1865. 
 
 " The telegraph anuounces the election to the Senate of the United States of Jefferson Davis, 
 at pitesent Secretary of War. Unluckily the vacancy he is chosen to fill does not occur til! a 
 year from next March. It is a great pity he could not go into the Senate immediately. In 
 that body lie would doubtless do all the 1 mischief he could ; but the Senate is so 'valorous' 
 already, that even a Jeff. Davis stirred in would not add much to the villainy of the compound. 
 Of the Cabinet he is a large part — we might say the largest part ; and he adds to it the ingredient 
 of boldness which none of the other members have. It is he, doubtless, who has spirited up the 
 President to threaten to back up the Missouri Border-Ruffians by the regular army of the 
 United States. Shooting Indians is delightful to some people ; but shooting Free-State immi- 
 grants to Kansas would be still more so." — Tribune, January 26, 1856. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Jefferson Davis in November, 1858. 
 
 ; ' The Hon. Jefferson Davis has just made a most warlike speech to the warlike citizens of a 
 warlike town, culled by the warlike name of Jackson, in the warlike State of Mississippi — which 
 is published in that military and martial newspaper, The Daily Mississippian — calling his fel- 
 low-citizens to rally to ' the harvest home of death.' Mr. Jefferson Davis turns up his mag- 
 nificent nose ;H 'resolutions,' and treats Legislature; with as much coutemptas Napoleon treated 
 the Directory. Mr. Jefferson Davis is for trying what virtue there may be in guns, drums, 
 fifes, powder, ball, and swords, both of the small and broad description. He calls upon the 
 State to establish an ' armory' in which to grind the old swords and tinker the old guns now in 
 possession of Mississippi, in which ' to manufacture on a limited scale new arms, including 
 cannon and their carriages' — in which to 'cast shot and shell' — in which to prepare 'fixed 
 ammunition,' wherewithal, we suppose, to 'fix' the enemy. In this way, this martial Colonel 
 proposes to solve a ' problem,' which he declares is a ' physical' one, not to be solved by ' mere 
 resolutions.' This ferocious Colonel, however, can be soft as well as savage. He has an af- 
 fection which we may almost call amorous for the American flag. He says he has upheld it, 
 upon fields where, if he had fallen, ' it would have been his winding sheet. ;' he has gazed upon 
 it in foreign countries, and noticed that as he looked upon it the pulsations of his heart beat 
 quicker; its stripes he honors, its constellation he admits to be brilliant. He particularly 
 
 89—1 
 
90 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 glories in the private and personal Star of Mississippi. But suddenly all his tenderness for- 
 sakes him, and he cries out in ferocious tones that sooner than see that Star dimmed — sooner 
 than see it degraded — we will ' tear it from its place' — he will 'set it even on the perilous ridge 
 of battle as a sign round which Mississippi's best and bravest should gather to the harvest home 
 of death.' From this elevated position Jefferson sinks again to tenderness. The Mars of Missis- 
 sippi could not close without paying his devoirs to 'gentle beauty ;' and when we abandoned 
 the further perusal of his speech — the reading faculty having broken down — he was complying 
 like a dancing master. From this we fear that the wholesome war with which he threatened 
 us will never be declared— that Mississippi will never grind the old swords and prepare the 
 'fixed ammunition,' and that Mr. Jefferson Davis having, Caesar-like, been captivated by the 
 Oleopatras of Mississippi, will sink into effeminate habits, and neither be shot nor hung, 
 whereby justice, as usual, will be cheated." — Tribune, November 24, 1858. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Jefferson Davis in June, 1860. 
 "Mr. Davis is one of the Contingent Candidates of the bogus Democracy for President. Of 
 course he has to be more guarded in his utterances than those whose time has passed by for 
 that honor, or who know it will never come. When one of either of these classes gets the floor, 
 we have unbounded extravagance of assertion and declamation. They scold and rant, and 
 bluster and threaten, and throw off gas in wiudy explosions at a prodigious rate. The 
 numerous examples of this sort of thing in the House, that have been constantly occurring ever 
 since the assembling of Congress, have sufficiently illustrated the factious temper and traitorous 
 declamation of Southern Democrats. It is an object to know if any of the gentlemen who stand 
 in the category of possible Candidates for the Charleston nomination are ready to back these 
 declarations. Mr. Davis, in his answer, at first was quite explicit in saying that if a moderate 
 Republican, like Mr. Foot of Vermont, for example, should be chosen by the Republicans, he 
 would not regard it as a reason for secession. But he afterward qualified the admission, as he 
 was pressed by Mr. Fessenden, so as finally to leave his position open to a double interpretation. 
 As his exposition stood at the close, his disunion-threatening friends could claim him to be on 
 their side : and yet it could be proved to the anti-disunion masses of the Free States, on his 
 statement, that he was no kind of a disunionist whatever on the point in question. The real 
 truth of the matter is that nothing is meant by all the blustering and bullying on the question, 
 except to try to intimidate the North from voting as the masses of the people are inclined to vote. 
 Mr. Davis came very near pricking the whole bubble, by his frank admission made at the 
 start. But finding it wouldnot do to leave his more open-mouthed supporters and Confederates 
 so suddenly in the lurch, he laboriously and smokily qualified his original expression." — 
 Tribune, January 31, I860. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Jefferson Davis in April, 1860. 
 " Public sentiment proclaims that the most arrogant man in the United States Senate is Jef- 
 ferson Davis. Nor does there seem to be much doubt that in debate he is the most insolent 
 and insufferable. Davis was effectually put down in the Senate Chamber on Thursday last, by 
 Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, during a debate concerning the schools in the District of Co- 
 lumbia. A bill being pending to levy taxes to support these schools, Senator Durkee moved 
 an amendment providing that all persons who paid taxes should have the right to send their 
 children to the schools. In other words, that those negro parents who were taxed to support 
 the schools should be entitled to have their offspring instructed therein. Mr. Davis not only 
 opposed the amendment, but insisted that it was offered as an intentional insult to the slave- 
 holding side of the Chamber. Mr. Wilson argued in favor of educating all the children in the 
 District. Davis replied with rare insolence and effrontery, and was most offensively personal 
 toward Wilson, taunting him impliedly with being no gentleman because he offered insults to 
 his associates in the Senate, and then would not give them the 'satisfaction which one gentle- 
 man has the right to demand of another.' The reply of the Massachusetts Senator was so 
 pungent and powerful, so defiant and determined, that it extorted a qualified disclaimer and 
 apology from the Mississippian on the spot." — 'Tribune, April 14, 1860. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the plans of Jefferson Davis in February, 1861. 
 
 " Mr. Jefferson Davis, in a speech made since his election to the Presidency of the ' Confed- 
 erate States of America,' has declared that if civil war shall result from the present commo- 
 tions, the battle will be fought on Northern soil, because the superior prowess and military 
 habits of the slaveholders will enable them to invade and overrun the Free States. This is, 
 of course, a mere piece of bravado, put forth for political effect at the North and for the en- 
 couragement of his own followers. Mr. Davis is a graduate of West Point, and no man can 
 have passed through the discipline and the course of instruction of that institution without ac- 
 quiring a sufficient amount of historical knowledge and of military science to be aware that 
 no nation or state with an accessible seaboard can venture on offensive operations against an 
 enemy who commands the sea. We do not suppose that any warlike movements except such 
 as are necessary to recover the property of the United States will be required from the Gov- 
 ernment. But if a serious war, now or at any future period, should unfortunately be waged 
 
 2 
 
About the Rise and Fall of Jefferson Davis. 91 
 
 between the North and the South, it would only be ne "essary for the Government of the North 
 to concentrate at New York a small fleet of sea-going steamers and an army of 20,000 or 30,000 
 men to hold the South in perpetual check. Not a man would be sent northward from any of 
 the Atlantic or Gulf Slave States while they were menaced at home by such a force, ready in a 
 few days' sail to descend upon their coast, without warning, and without the possibility of 
 being met at all points by an adequate resisting force. The maritime supremacy of the United 
 States will be of incalculable value if we are forced into a war with the rebels. They never 
 can have a navy, for even if they could prociye ships they could not man them, for seamen 
 cannot, like soldiers, be extemporized. They must grow naturally from the habits an 1 ten- 
 dencies of the people. Those who command the sea in this age of steam have the immense 
 advantage that they can transport troops with ease and expedition to any point on a hostile 
 coast, and can keep an entire seaboard in terror by the uncertainty which envelopes the move- 
 ments and the destination of a fleet upon the high seas. All the military forces that the rebel 
 States can possibly bring into the field will be fully occupied in looking after their own coasts. 
 They will have none to spare for the invasion of the North. The United States Government, 
 on the other hand, can, with a very moderate naval and military force at its disposal, carry on 
 as great a war as we are likely to see, even in the worst extremity." — Tribune, February 14, 
 1861. 
 
 "Mr. Jefferson Davis, the President elect of that modern Barataria, the 'Confederate States 
 of America,' made a speech to his 'Fellow-Citizens and Brethren' at Montgomery, on Saturday 
 night last, which had the very great merit of being brief and explicit. Among other comfort- 
 ing declarations which President Davis made to his 'brethren' was this : we have nothing 
 'to fear at home, because at home we have homogeneity.' By 'home' he meant, of course, the 
 soil of the six Seceding States. But what sort of a homogeneity can this new Confederacy 
 boast of? One half the population is not only of a wholly different race from the other, but of 
 a different color, of an inherent, organic, and constitutional antagonism, so that the two races 
 not only fear each other, but must of necessity hate each other. The homogeneity is that 
 which exists between those who suffer wron<; and those who inflict the suffering, and if the 
 'brethren' of the Confederate States have no better guaranty for an absolution from fear than 
 that of homogeneity, they will be in as shaky and nervous a condition as Mr. Buchanan in his 
 last message to Congress represented the whole South to be." — Tribune, February 19, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. advised Jefferson Davis in May, 1861. 
 
 " We would respectfully suggest to H. E. Jefferson Davis that after lie has finished 'effect- 
 uating a loan' he should proceed to curb, restrain, mitigate, and even silence the Bards of the 
 Confederacy. We do not mean our dear Leatherwood, who is the best of the class, but the 
 others whose poetry is principally a cross between Lucy Long and Doctor Watts. ' Good 
 Whisky,' said a Western Judge, in charging a jury, ' is favorable, as the Court knows from 
 personal experience, to health and longevity ; but for such a miserable article as this the 
 plaintiff cannot recover.' Good poetry, say we. is favorable to revolutions and even rebellions ; 
 but these Southern songs, at least such of them as have greeted our admiring eye, can only 
 make the Confederacy ludicrous. Where's Simms? Why slumbers his lofty lyre? Where's 
 Paul Ilayne, who used to come all the way to wicked Boston for a publisher? Where's — but, 
 really we cannot think of anybody else 
 
 '' Lord Macaulay went to the ballad treasures of England with great success for the illustration 
 of manners and of popular feeling. What a figure the Confederacy will cut when future his- 
 torians unearth the ballads ! Men will say : These verses are vainglorious, vulgar, illiterate, 
 coarse, revengeful, worthy of second-class, unworthy of first-class savages. This will not be 
 the verdict of any man, but of criticism itself, from the judgment of which there can be no 
 appeal. And for criticism there will be ample material. We have in our possession a tolerable 
 range of collection of these Southern 'poems,' carefully culled and unmistakably identified ; 
 and when it passes from our hands it shall go where it will be preserved, and where one hun- 
 dred years hence, it will be read by antiquarians, historians, and philosophers. Whether we 
 conquer or are conquered, we mean that posterity shall know, at least, who wrote the best 
 poetry. The Bancroft of the twentieth century shall smile upon Leatherwood through his 
 spectacles, and the Clarendon of this rebellion shall grin at the slaveholding bards. Nothing 
 but the capture vi et armis of our escritoire can prevent this. Therefore, Jefferson, we advise 
 you to officially snub your strident strummers !" — Tribune, May 31, 18G1. 
 
 What U. G. Knew about negotiations with Jeff. Davis in July, 1C61. 
 
 "Judge Campbell's disclosure proves how little faith can be reposed in the announcement 
 from the State Department respecting negotiations with Southern traitors. The flat contradic- 
 tion of the Draper dispatch seems to have susrgested greater ambiguity in future and for hiding 
 the truth this second dispatch is a gem. While seemiug to contra lict the report, theSecretary 
 neither affirms nor denies it. Why this ambiguity ? The times require plain truth aud fair 
 dealing with the public by all Government officials. Neither Punic faith nor Greek duplicity 
 are suited to the American people, or becoming to their officials. In respect to dealings with 
 the enemy, and whatever concerns the peace and preservation of the Republic, they want the 
 
 3 
 
92 JVhat Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 truth, the whole truth, and, above all, nothing but the truth. Silence 'they will respect, but 
 dissembling will call forth stern rebuke. What, then, is the truth about this matter ? The 
 public have a right to know, in plain and distinct terms, whether any proposition for peace or 
 compromise has been received by the President or Secretary of State from Jeff. Davis, and 
 what the administration are doing about it. They want plain English, and no diplomatic 
 tricks." — Tribune, July 2, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Jeff. Davis's Proclamation in November, 1861. 
 
 "Jeff. Davis in his message talks of his war as purely defensive, when of the seven conflicts 
 of which he boasts as ' glorious victories,' three were fought on the soil of a State still adher- 
 ing to the Union. He boasts of abundant harvests and increased ability to prosecute the war, 
 when the Prices Current of the cities under his sway show that all the comforts and most of 
 the absolute necessaries of life are so dear that the poor must be at the door of starvation. He 
 talks of an unbroken series of Confederate triumphs, but is careful not to mention Hatteras nor 
 Port Royal. He vaunts the good condition of his finances, but (for a wonder) does not assert 
 the success of his Cotton Loan. He proclaims that the United States had an army to begin the 
 war with, while the Confederates had to create theirs; when Beauregard, both Johnstons, Lee, 
 Magruder, Twiggs, and nearly every other officer who has won any distinction in his armies, 
 were in the Federal service until they deserted it for his. We cannot close without thanking 
 the Mokannaof this gigantic imposture for so frankly and thorougly repelling every suggestion 
 of settlement by compromise. We overlook his tissue of lies concerning the barbarous and 
 bloodthirsty spirit in which this war has been waged by the Unionists, in consideration of the 
 statement imbedded in them that he will have Disunion or utter discomfiture — that ' for the 
 independence we have asserted we will accept no alternative.' That puts an end to compro- 
 mises and compromisers. The Republic may possibly be dismembered. It cannot be dishon- 
 ored by making. concessions of vital principle to the traitors who have plotted its downfall. So 
 let the leader and oracle of the caitiffs who robbed the Nation by wholesale of her forts, 
 arsenals, navy-yards, armories, mints, and sub-treasuries, before a shot was fired, and then in- 
 augurated war by the bombardment of Fort Sumter, complain that some of his satellites have 
 been caught and caged, and that President Lincoln has been ' making war without the assent 
 of Congress,' (when he had no choice left between making war and making off) — -the Republic 
 will thank its Government for every manifestation of vigor in defence of its integrity and right- 
 ful authority which the head traitor arraigns, and only regrets that he has no more such to 
 complain of." — Tribune, November 25, 1861. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Northern allies of Jefferson Davis in January, 1862. 
 
 " It is not often that men visibly and palpably get their deserts in the very hour of their sin, 
 but there is a class who are now enjoying such a dispensation They are the Yankees who, 
 having married Southern plantations or otherwise helped themselves to a slice of the profits of 
 slave-driving, are now deep in the Jeff. Davis rebellion. These miscreant renegades can hardly 
 open one of the wretched sheets which furnish the whole available current literature of Secessia 
 without reading therein what mean, sordid, grovelling, hypocritical, cowardly, low-lived vil- 
 lains the Yankees are, and how justly they are despised, detested, loathed at the South. And 
 not one of them can look in a mirror without seeing the original from which this revolting 
 picture was painted. Must they not feel accursed of Man and forsaken by God?" — Tribune, 
 January 14, 1862. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Politics of Jefferson Davis in February, 1862. 
 
 " Now, can any man believe, in view of these notorious, threadbare facts, that Jefferson Davis 
 considers a State really authorized and at liberty to dissolve at pleasure the bonds which 
 attach her to the American Union? Did he intend to be understood, when he received a 
 thorough education at the expense of the Union, that his duties to that Union would at any 
 moment be terminated by the assumed withdrawal therefrom of the State in which he resided? 
 When he took as a Senator the solemn oath of fidelity to the Federal Constitution, did he 
 understand, and desire others to understand, that he held himself bound thereby only until his 
 State should see fit to pass an act of Secession? Does he not well know that no such qualified 
 and temporary allegiance would have been accepted by his fellow-Senators and the Country? 
 'The tyranny of an unbridled majority' Jeff, thinks 'very odious. If so, how much better is 
 that of a lean minority? A faction, strong neither in character, in talent nor in numbers, 
 using the political power of Slavery as their fulcrum, htve virtually ruled this Nation for years. 
 Having ceased to rule, they have resolved to divide and ruin it. The tone of Mr. Davis's 
 Inaugural argues that their prospect of success is not flattering, even when viewed with partial 
 eyes.° When they succeed — and Mr. Davis's last hope seems to be that the Union will run out 
 of friends before it can complete the subjugation of his dupes— we will thank him to let us 
 know." — Tribune, February 26, 1862. 
 
About the Rise and Fall of Jefferson Davis. 93 
 
 W/iat H G. Knew about the Actual Condition of the Confederacy in December, 
 
 1862. 
 
 " We must do the Confederate mourners the justice to say that a great deal of wrath is 
 mixi il up k iih their wailing, and that their pluck is really more inexhaustible than their hen- 
 coups. Whenever they have occasion to bewail the abduction of some patriot's cow, they in-' 
 variably call upon their serried cohorts to redress the slaughter of the animal. When some 
 Rtbd's house is visited by a bomb, to the serious derangement of the furniture, these news-. 
 paper warriors exhort the countless millions of the Confederacy to rush promptly to the rescue? 
 It seems just a little odd that before these sufferers plunged headlong into hot water, they 
 should not have considered their ability to bear the predestinate blisters without bawling. 
 They had a choice between peace and war, plenty and starvation, comfort and squalor. Their 
 cows might still have grazed at pleasure, and Sammy Houston might have remained prattling 
 under his own vine and fig-tree. The slightest common sense might have told these rash folks 
 that our Government would hardly submit to a repudiation of its authority without an effort 
 to maintain it. No method was left us but the military ; we had no resource but war ; and 
 with war came slaughter, burniug, forage, the sorrows of Sammy Houston, and the sway of 
 the ogre Butler. School-boys do not like to be birched, but it does not follow that the school- 
 master who administers wholesome castigalion is a ruffian. The Secessionists are having the 
 dance for which they have so long been itching — why do tbey howl so dismally when called 
 upon to pay the piper? There are two ways in which outside observers may regard these 
 traitors. Words are cheap, and plenty of small-beer poetry can be pumped up from the butts 
 of benevolence. It is easy to say of these Rebels : ' Poor victims of despotism ! they are fight- 
 ing for their roof-trees, and hearth-stones, and altars, for their beautiful wives, their promising 
 children, their ancestral acres, their lovely cities— and for these they endure hunger, cold, 
 raggedness, and death itself !' This sounds well, but what does it all amount to? Great 
 rascals may have roof-trees, and hearth-stones, and altars, and beautiful wives, and promising 
 children, and ancestral acres, and lovely cities, and may suffer, to preserve them, hunger, cold, 
 raggedness, death itself ! Bengal tigers have dens, and cubs, and bones to fight for, but nobody 
 laments the death of these creatures when arrested in a foraging expedition ; and, to do them 
 justice, they never draw their handkerchiefs and begin to cry when fate and Gordon Gumming 
 overtake them. Men who ask for the world's sympathy should first show that they deserve it. 
 This is precisely what the Confederates have never been able to do. Could they have found a 
 single substantial injury upon which to mount themselves, they would have had foreign friends 
 enough long ago. It is because they have no cause that they can get no co-operation." — 
 Tribune, December, 5, 1862. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Demoralization of Jefferson Davis in January, 1863. 
 
 "Jeff. Davis is growing 'fearfully demoralized.' He used to be noted for reticence, but of 
 late he makes a great many speeches. A certain degree of dignity, purity of style, and moder- 
 ation of statement used to characterize his public utterances; but these late speeches are full of the 
 baldest demagoguery and the cheapest clap-trap. A grog-shop orator or eross-roads' politician 
 ought to be ashamed of them. Some men are excusable through ignorance when they prate about 
 our disregard of the usages of civilized warfare; but Mr. Jeff. Davis knows better. He knows 
 perfectly well that no war in history was ever conducted as magnanimously aud leniently to- 
 ward non-combatants as this has been by our Government. He knows that no people ever suf- 
 fered as little from the presence of armies to which they were intensely hostile as the people of 
 the South, in districts we have conquered, have suffered from us. He knows perfectly well what 
 war inevitably means and brings; yet he makes sensational speeches over the robbery of hen- 
 roosts and the burning offence rails in an euemy's country, and talks as if ' the usages of civ- 
 ilized warfare ' required us to hunt the negroes of our deadly enemies, and give all the people 
 of the South complete new suits of clothes and fifty dollars specie ! And he is the chief of the peo- 
 ple who shot our helpless, scalded murines, struggling for life in White River ; who made drink- 
 ing cups and finger rings of the skulls and bones of our dead soldiers at Bull Run ; who have 
 shot scores of prisoners in Missouri, in Mississippi, and even in Richmond ; who urged through 
 their leading journals the assassination of Butler in New Orleans, hoped for the assassination of 
 President Lincoln before his inauguration, aud who are eternally talking about raising the 
 black flag and hanging or shooting officers captured in battle." — Tribune, January 10, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Jefferson Davis as the Leader of the Insurrection in 1863. 
 " Jefferson Davis is the leader of a Conspiracy, of an insurrection for the overthrow of that 
 Government which not even he denies to have been constitutionally established, which had not 
 and could not have done one act against any right, real or alleged, of the insurrectionary 
 States, when the Rebellion was fanned into flame and the Cotton States precipitated into revo- 
 lution, in pursuance of a scheme conceived thirty years before and steadily pursued meanwhile 
 by men who had repeatedly sworn to support the Government they were persistently under- 
 mining, and who have since crowned a long series of crimes — of theft, and perjury, and lurk- 
 ing treason — by open rebellion and armed resistance to law, and by murders only equaled in 
 uumber by the unprovoked barbarity of each. Insurrection against Free Government is a 
 
94 What Horace Greeley Knoivs 
 
 claim to the sympathy and admiration of mankind ; but insurrection against Slavery and in 
 behalf of Freedom and Free Government exposes our country to detestation aud our officers to 
 cold-blooded assassination." — Tribune, January 19, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Religious Views of Jefferson Davis in 1863. 
 
 "Mr. Davis's continual resorts to religion indicate something of the straits of a condemned 
 malefactor, who, when he hears the carpenter at work upon the gallows, concludes to send 
 for the chaplain. The Confederate President has issued another Proclamation for a Public 
 Fast in his dominions, which, considering the condition of the flesh-pots in those demesnes, 
 strikes us as just a little superogatory. 
 
 "There are scrupulous persons who might object to the Prayers of Rebels as, to a certain ex- 
 tent, blasphemous. But we do not. Let them pray. The pirates of Tripoli and Algiers pray. 
 The Cannibals of Sumatra pray. The greasy and mud-smeared savages of Central Africa pray. 
 There is said to be no heathen without a religion — all the other Heathens pray, and pray why 
 should not the Confederates'?" — Tribune, March 11, 18G3. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Grief of Jefferson Davis in 1864. 
 
 "Alexander wept for a new world to conquer. Mr. Jefferson Davis lets roll the river of the 
 eye because Bragg has been beaten at Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge. So we are 
 assured by the Richmond correspondent of The Mobile Advertiser. The Dictator of the Confed- 
 eracy in tears, with The Richmond Enquirer crying to keep him company, presents about the 
 most dismal spectacle which the world has witnessed since Belisarius carried about his hat, and 
 Caius Marius stumbled among the rocky ruins of Carthage. But tears are said to be contagious. 
 Unless Mr. Davis sets a better example we shall soon have the whole Confederate array roaring 
 in regiments and blubbering by battalions. This will be a disappointment to amateur ad- 
 mirers of indomitable pluck. We have, innumerable times, been told that the Rebels would 
 die, hang, starve, freeze, burn their houses, sow their fields with salt, kill their wives and chil- 
 dren, and even emancipate their slaves, rather than bend before the barbarous Yankees — and 
 here we have the ferocious leader of these ferocious martyrs fingering his pink eyes, and allow- 
 ing the fugitive tears to chase each other down his patrician nose. It is a pretty condition of 
 affairs, indeed, when a purveyor of intelligence in Richmond thinks it necessary to telegraph or 
 write to Mobile that the stern chief of the fallen spirits is then and there crying 1 The Devil 
 himself, the great proto-rebel, cursed, swore, blasphemed beautifully, desperately struggled, 
 and made red-hot speeches of uncommon length, when he found himself and his fellow-fiends in 
 the hottest of places, but it is nowhere recorded that he pulled out his pocket handkerchief aud 
 found relief in a fit of weeping. It may be consolatory to the discomfited Bragg to hear that 
 Davis sobbed over the catastrophe of Missionary Ridge, but most Generals would have pre- 
 ferred the reinforcement of a few regiments. We have only to advise the pseudo-President to 
 husband his lachrymal resources, unless, indeed, he fancies that his coming misfortunes will 
 be too great to admit of other than the dryest kind of agony." — Tribune, January 12, 1864. 
 
 "Jeff. Davis has just put forth afresh manifesto to the dupes he is impoverishing, starving, 
 and virtually killing, in the course of a Message to his Congress, dated May 2. 
 
 " The bloody-minded villain knows every word of this to be false as though it came direct 
 from the Father of Lies ; knows thatour Government has been hard at work all Winter to effect 
 the exchange he professes to desire, and has been baffled by his persistent determination not to 
 exchange, and his repeated refusals to give man for man so long as he had one of our men to 
 give." — Tribune, May 13, 1864. 
 
 What H. G. knew about the Arrest of Davis Disguised as a Woman. 
 "Jefferson Davis is a prisoner of the Government. He surrendered under no capitulation 
 but his own, which, he being isolated, disguised in one of his wife's dresses, .and directly within 
 range of several troopers' revolvers, was too sudden to be otherwise than unconditional. 
 Being a prisoner, we trust that he will be treated as a prisoner under the protection of the dignity 
 and honor of a self-respecting people. As we are officially assured that he is proved to be incul- 
 pated in the plot which culminated in the murder of President Lincoln, we trust he is to be in- 
 dicted, arraigned, and tried for that horrid crime against our country and every part of it. We 
 hope he may have a fair, open, searching trial, like any other malefactor, and if convicted we 
 trust he will be treated just like any other. We have no faith in killing men in cold blood, or 
 in hot blood either, unless when (as in battle) they obstinately refuse to get out of the way ; 
 but we neither expect nor desire that the execution or non-execution of the laws shall depend 
 on their accordance or disagreement with our convictions of sound policy. But let all things 
 be done decently and in order." — Tribune, May 15, 1865. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Trial of Jefferson Davis in March, 18G5. 
 " It is now generally proclaimed that Jefferson Davis is to be arraigned and tried lor treason 
 rather than for assassination, and that to this end a true bill has been found against him by the 
 
 6 
 
About the Rise and Fall of Jefferson Davis. 95 
 
 Grand Jury of Washington City on information lodged by the Government. We reiterate, 
 therefore, our suggestion that the Chief Justice should preside at this trial, and that all the 
 questions properly involved iu the issue shall be raised and formal^ adjudicated. Jefferson 
 Davis iu our view, and iu that of the Government and loyal people of this Country, was a 
 Citizen of the United States after as well as before the alleged secession of Mississippi — did not 
 divest himself of the obligations of such citizenship and could not, unless by becoming a Citizen 
 of some foreign country, recognized by our Government as such. The assumed Secession of 
 Mississippi, her confederation with certain other States claimed to have in like manner seceded, 
 and their combined recognition of a state of war as existing between their Confederacy and the 
 Union, were in our view legal nullities, like Johu Brown's Constitution adopted by his followers 
 in a negro church in Canada, under which they inaugurated their hair-brained, disastrous 
 Harper's Ferry enterprise." — Tribune, May 26, 1865. 
 
 What H. G. Kneiv about Mrs. Jefferson Davis in 1865. 
 
 "Mrs. Jefferson Davis {vide her captured letter to her husband) writes in March last, from 
 Montgomery, that she ' thought of buying a poor girl who appealed to her, as the wife of the 
 President, to take her out of the Tavern.' ' I am so tired,' said the girl, ' of being bought by 
 first one uegro trader and then another. If you have a little girl, as they say you have, I will 
 wait upon her till I die if she will only be good to me.' It does not appear that she was 
 bought. Possibly Mrs. President Davis had no money which the 'negro trader' was willing 
 to t ike. What became of the 'poor girl' we may uever know. We all know what has become 
 of Mrs. Jefferson Davis, and what home her husband has found at last. We have no disposi- 
 tion to undervalue the sympathy which this unfortunate lady professes to have felt, but if the 
 mournful tale to which she listened hail awakened iu her a little righteous indignation at the 
 sin and shame of 'negro trading' we should have considered her feelings as somewhat more 
 genuine." — Tribune, July 6, 1865. 
 
 Wliat H. G. Knew about Hanging Rebel Chiefs in 1865. 
 
 " If we could see how the hanging of a score or two of those Rebel Chiefs who are not pro- 
 tected by a military capitulation woftld benefit either the Blacks or the Poor Whites of the 
 South we might be reconciled to it; for we regard the enfranchisement and elevation of a race 
 as of more cousequence than auy dozen lives. But it seems to us that hanging men in cold 
 blood for no other crime than defeated, broken-down rebellion, is calculated to enshrine them 
 in the memory of their followers, to embitter the late rebels against the Union, its supporters 
 and its sway, and to prompt them to wreak their hate and vengeance on that class of Unionists 
 who are still exposad to their wrath — that is, the just emancipated Blacks. In our judgment, 
 the hanging of six rebels, merely as rebels, will cause the death, by privation, famine, or vio- 
 lence, of many thousands of Freedmen, and interpose a formidable barrier to the elevation of 
 their class to citizenship and a voice in the government of their respective States ; hence we 
 are inflexibly opposed to it." — Tribune, June 7, 1865. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Pardoning Jefferson Daois in October, 1865. 
 
 "To Andrew Johnson. Poor White, and late journeyman tailor, but now President of the 
 United States, there appeared on Friday a deputation of the Chivalry of South Carolina, seek- 
 ing the pardon of Jefferson Davis, late President of the Southern Confederacy, and certain other 
 magnates of that collapsed 'institution.' It was fit that these should thus sue for the pardon 
 of their late leaders ; fit (we trust) that the President should incline a gracious ear to their pe- 
 tition. But the President was not content with listening. He moved the Previous Question : 
 'You ask me for pardons ; I have already liberated on parole a part of those in whose behalf 
 you invoke clemency ; I will see what can be done as to the rest ; now, let me ask you what 
 progress your State is making, or likely to make, in securing to her black people the common 
 rights of manhood, but especially the rights to sue and be sued in your Courts, and to give 
 testimony therein?' It was a home-thrust, whereat the delegation winced, fluttered, and sud- 
 denly grew reserved and diplomatic. They were decidedly more reticent than the plain 
 straight-forward Chief Magistrate they had taken quite a long journey to address and consult. 
 If either party to that colloquy came off second best it certainly was not Andrew Johnson." — 
 Tribune, October 16, 1865. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Imprisonment .of Jefferson Davis in April, 1866. 
 
 " We do not wonder that Mr. Davis's confinement in Fortress Monroe is irksome, but are 
 surprised to hear that in other respects it* is unhealthful. We are opposed to any captive dying 
 from fault of his prison— we had that objection to Andersonville. A paper published outside 
 the walls begs the President, 'if he is unwilling to sot hi3 captive free, to at least transfer him to 
 some more healthful place of confinement.' We had always regarded Fortress Monroe as a 
 well-appointed prison, and, if possible, the most comfortable, certainly the most secure, in the 
 Government service." — 'Tribune, April 13, 1866. 
 
 7 
 
96 What Horace Greeley Knows. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Trial of Jefferson Davis on the ith of June, 1866. 
 
 " Messrs. 0' Conor and Shea, counsel for Jefferson Davis, have gone to Richmond to attend 
 the opening there of the U. S. Circuit Court this morning ; and it is understood that they in- 
 tend to bring the case of their client to trial if possible. If this be denied, they will endeavor 
 to procure his liberation on bail. 
 
 "If Mr. Davis is to be tried — as it seems to us he ought to be — we can imagine no reason for 
 deferring his trial. If he has been unjustly proclaimed an assassin, he should somehow bs re- 
 lieved from the blasting inculpation. And if he is not to be tried, but is merely held until 
 ['ii'ilie sentiment will admit of his liberation, we protest against the policy as unworthy. Even 
 if the object of his imprisonment were to render him the sole idol of the late Rebels, making 
 them forget all his faults in their sympathy for his condition, it has already been fully 
 achieved." — Tribune, June 4. I860. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Bailing Jefferson Davis in June, 1866. 
 
 " it is reported from Washington that a number of well-known gentlemen stand ready to 
 give bail for Jefferson Davis in any required amount, but that the Government are disposed to 
 release him, if at all, upon his parole." — Tribune, June 11, 1866. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Trial of Jefferson Davis on the 22d of June, 1866. 
 " We welcome the news from Fortress Monroe of the assignment of spacious and comfortable 
 apartments for the housekeeping of Mr. and Mrs. Jefferson Davis. By-and-by the farce will 
 have become too glaring, and then he will be let go. What is the use of persisting in a cheat, 
 whereby nobody is cheated? Mr. Davis is not to be tried — at all events, not with intent or 
 expectation of convictiug him. Then why is he longer subsisted at the public cost? Let us 
 have an end of the sham !" — Tribune, June 22, 1866. 
 
 What H. G. Knew of the Liberation on Bait, of Jefferson Davis. 
 " The Iowa State Gazette (Des Moines) says of the bailing of Jefferson Davis that ' almost 
 any other! man thau Horace Greeley, in thus attempting to throw the broad mantle of charity 
 over the Rebellion and its most prominent figure, would have been hooted off the stage for his 
 officiousness.' It happens that Cornelius Vanderbilt, GerriK Smith, JohnM. Botts and several 
 others also signed the bond in question, and no one — not even Wendell Phillips — ever whispered 
 a rebuke to one of them for so doing. Will The Gazette reconsider? Horace Greeley wishes no 
 one to divide or share his responsibility in the premises." — Tribune, June IT, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Proposed to Do with Jefferson Davis. 
 
 " When the impeachment of President Johnson was fullj r resolved on, and there was for some 
 weeks a fair prospect that Mr. Wade would soon be President, with a Cabinet of like Radical 
 Faith, 1 suggested to some of the prospective President's next friends that I had Jefferson Davis 
 still on my hands, and that, if he were considered a handy thing to have in the house, I might 
 turn him over to the new administration for trial at an hour's notice. The suggestion evoked 
 no enthusiasm, and I was not encouraged to press it." — 'Recollections of a Busy Life, page 416. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Jfferson Davis in November, 1868. 
 
 " Mr. Jefferson Davis has at last found his vocation. He made a bad job of it in 'founding 
 a nation,' but he seems to fare better as a popular lecturer. The importance of exploring Je- 
 rusalem is the present burden of his song. Likewise the pecular fitness of Englishmen for that 
 honorable ' task.' Being thus Orientally inclined, he will next be heard of, we presume, dis- 
 coursing on 'Dead Sea Fruits.' Possibly, indeed, he may follow that with 'The peculiar 
 fitness of Americans (in the Southern States) for their enjoyment.' After this the ' Apple of 
 Sodom ;' and then 'The Ten Lost Tribes.' " — Tribune, November 27, 1868. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Jefferson Davis in June, 1870. 
 
 " We don't expect to see Mr. Jeff. Davis become as hot in his Unionism, on short notice, as be 
 was in his rebellion awhile ago. But if his ' lost cause' be really dead, why should he not let 
 it be buried out of sight? He delivered a minute's speech a few days ago, iu Memphis, in behalf 
 of Sunday Schools ; and in almost every sentence, of the half-dozen sentences of which it was 
 composed, he managed to obtrude the. Rebel leader and his lost cause in an offensively promi- 
 nent manner. His opening sentence was : ' Friends t there was a time when I could s&yfellow- 
 citizens /' As Mr Davis is yet disfranchised, he cannot say 'fellow-citizens;' but as he dis- 
 i'nuehised himself some ten years ago, we do not see that he need talk so sadly of his loss. He 
 next referred to the ' rising generation,' to whom, said he, ' we must look for the resun ii in 
 of the buried hopes of the past.' This is treading on dangerous ground, and we really think 
 that Mr. Davis is the last man who, under existing circumstances, ought to tread there." — Tri- 
 bune, June 30, 1870. 
 
 8 
 
WHAT HORACE GR 
 
 ABOUT 
 
 Fourierism — Free Love — Finance— Lager Beer — Women's Rights — The 
 
 Public Debt — Colleges and Universities — Gold Gambling — 
 
 American Cooking — Diplomacy — The Army and 
 
 -The Public Debt — General 
 
 Grant' s Administration, 
 
 &c, <&c, &c. 
 
 Navy- 
 
 Wliat H. G. Knew about Fourierism in 1S44. 
 
 " The first Vice-President at a Fourierite convention, held at New York in April, 1844, was 
 Horace Greeley, who had since 1842 devoted a column of The Tribune (ostensibly under the 
 editorial charge of Mr. Brisbane) to the cause of socialism. At the banquet, with which the 
 convention was closed, on the anniversary of Fourier's birthday, Mr. Greeley was toasted as 
 having ' created the cause on this continent.' He returned his thanks for the eulogium and 
 said : 
 
 " ' When I took up this cause, I knew that I went in the teeth of many of my patrons, in the 
 teeth of prejudices of the great mass, in the teeth of religious prejudices, for I confess I had a 
 great many more clergymen on my list before than I have now, as I am sorry to say, for had 
 they kept on, I think 1 could have done them a little good. [Laughter.] But in the face of all this, 
 in the face of constant ad vices, ' Don't have any thing more to do with that Mr. Brisbane,' I went 
 on. ' Oh ! ' said many of my friends, ' consider your position — consider your influence.' ' Well,' 
 said I, ' I shall endeavor to do so, but I must fry to do some good in the meantime, or else what 
 is the use of the influence.' [Cheers] And thus I have gone ou, pursuing a manly and at the 
 same time a circumspect course, treading wantonly on no man's prejudice, telling on the con- 
 trary, universal man, I will defer to your prejudices, as far as I can consistently with duty; 
 but when duty leads me, you must excuse my stepping on your corn if it be in the way. 
 [Cheers.]" Noyes' History of American Socialism. 
 
 What H. G. was willing to do to Propagate Fourierism in 1845. 
 " As one Associationist, who has given his efforts and means freely to the cause, I feel that I 
 have a right to speak frankly. I know that the great number of our believers are far from 
 wealthy ; yet I know that there is wealth enough in our ranks, if it were but devoted to it, to 
 give an instant and resistless influence to the cause. A few thousand dollars subscribed to the 
 stock of each existing Association would, in most cases, extinguish the mortgages on its property, 
 provide it with machinery and materials, and render its industry immediately productive and 
 profitable. Then manufacturing invention and skill would fearlessly take up their abode with 
 our infant colonies ; labor and thrift would flow thither, and a new and brighter era would 
 dawn upon them. Fellow Associationists ! I shall do whatever 1 can for the promotion of the 
 common cause ; to it whatever I have or may hereafter acquire of pecuniary ability is devoted: 
 may I not hope alike devotion from you? EL G."— JYoyes' History of American Socialism. 
 
 What IT. G.^Knew about Fourierism in 1847. 
 _ "This thing association, as I hold and advocate it, is a matter of Practice altogether — the 
 simple actualization of the truth of the Universal [Iuman Brotherhood. Christ's Law of Love 
 is palpably outraged and contemned in a world of palaces and mud hovels— of famished toil 
 and p impered uselessness— of boundless wealth, uselessly hoarded, and helpless infancy dying 
 in bitter agony and supplication for 'only three grains of corn.' Let us redress the palpable 
 wrongs before us by prompt action, and we will consider theories and speculations at our lei- 
 sure. Fourier's idea, that God governs the Universe throughout by attraction— that this is the 
 law of life and health for all intelligent beings— is a grand and inspiring one— it may possess 
 great practical value when we come fully to understand and apply it." — Tribune, March 12. 
 1847. ' 
 
 97-1 
 
98 Wliat Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 What H. G. Knew about. Fourierism in 1850. 
 " Here, then, is the basis of our demand for the integral and all pervading reform in the cir- 
 cumstances and conditions of human existence which we term Association, and in which rests 
 my hope of a better day at hand for the down-trodden millions. Association affirms that every 
 child born into the world has a rightful claim upon the community around him for subsistence 
 until able to earn for himself an education which shall enable him to earn efficiently as well as 
 rightly to improve and enjoy ; aud for opportunity to earn at all times, by honest industry, 
 steadily employed and justly remunerated. These it affirms as the Common Rights of Human- 
 ity, denied or subverted as to many by our present social arrangements, but which Society 
 Ought to be and must be so recast as to establish and secure. To short-sighted human impa- 
 tience, it now seems deplorable that Philanthropy and Christianity do not instantly rally the 
 influential and the affluent to our aid, and enable us to demonstrate the feasibility of a vast and 
 beneficent Social Reform forthwith, but I doubt not that those who shall ultimately reap where 
 we shall have sown will clearly perceive that the Providential direction was far wiser than our 
 haste, and that our rebuffs and disappointments were a part of the necessary agencies whereby 
 their success was rendered perfect and enduring." — Hints at Social Reform, pages 39-41. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the. adoption of Fouricrism in 1862. 
 ,: Horace Greeley was Treasurer of the Sylvania Association, formed in 1843, and signed a 
 declaration of the manner in which it proposed to reconstruct 'the present defective, vice-engen- 
 dering, and ruinous system of society, with the wasteful complication of its isolated households.' 
 * * ' Having earnestly studied the system of industrial organization and social reform 
 propounded by Charles Fourier, and been led to recognize in it a beneficent, expansive, and prac- 
 tical plan for the melioration of the condition of man and his moral and intellectual elevation, 
 they most heartily adopted that system as the basis and guide of their operations. The Sylvania 
 Association is the first attempt in North America to realize in practice the vast economies, intel- 
 lectual advantages and social enjoyments resulting from Fourier's system." — Noyes 1 History of 
 Socialism in America. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Marriage Question. 
 
 "Fourier expressly declared, as have bis followers after him. that all questions regarding 
 Marriage and the relations of the sexes should be settled by the Ministers of Religion and the 
 Women of a nobler and purer era, and that meantime existing institutions should be sustained. 
 There are in his multifarious writings theories of Cosmogony, of Life in the Sun and various 
 Planets, the production of beings on one by the influence of other Planets, &c, &c. All these, 
 like the kindred reveries of Swedenborg, may be very extravagant and absurd or may not, for 
 aught we care. All we know or care is that they form no part of the system of Industrial and 
 Household Association, which we confide in and cherish as the only and effectual remedy for 
 the ignorance, misdevelopment, enforced idleness, degradation, wrong, want and misery which 
 are now and long have l>een the destiny on earth of a large portion of the Human Race. What- 
 ever is essential to this we believe in aud try to promote; for all beyond it we care nothing, 
 whether its author were Fourier' or anybody else." — Tribune, July 18, 1846. 
 
 What II. G. Knew about the Gatherings of the Free-Love Club, 
 
 "Having read all that has appeared with respect to the breaking up of the gathering at the 
 ' Free-Love' club on Thursday evening, we conclude from it that the interference of the Police 
 was entirely gratuitous and unwarranted. We fear the effect of it will be to excite a sympathy 
 for those whose personal rights were violated,' which will be insensibly extended to their most 
 mistaken and pernicious theories. Unsound opiuions are not, as vicious acts are, legitimate 
 objects of Police repression ; and if men are to be thrust into prison because of their erroneous 
 theories, they are morally certain to gain converts to those theories from the natural repugnance 
 of mankind to acts of usurpation and oppression. The whole affair looks exceedingly as though 
 the Police Captains went to the club expressly to break it up, and determined that an excuse 
 should be found or made for the seizure of those persons whose names were calculated to give 
 most eclat to the demonstration." — Tribune, October 20, 1855. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Women's Rights. 
 
 "■ Mrs. Henry B. Stanton has come out boldly in favor of the wearing of pantaloons 
 by women, and, by consequence, we presume, intends that men shall wear petticoats. 
 Thus is it Mrs. Stanton's masculine object that women shall behave like men ; and we 
 doubt not some of them will. But we fear that this most excellent orator will fail of 
 her purpose, after all. She declares her design to be to adopt masculine costume as a 
 disguise of sex. We beg to assure her that if, over confident, she should herself, with 
 all her historic talent, essay such disguise, the first policeman she met would convince 
 her of her mistake. What says the mother of her country?— Tribune, July 28, 1869. 
 
About Fourierism, Finance, &c. 99 
 
 What II. G. Knoivs about Victoria Wuodhull. 
 
 " For ourselves we toss our huts in air for Woodhull. She has the courage of her opinions I 
 She means business. She intends to head a new rebellion, form a new constitution, and begin 
 a revolution beside which the late war will seem but a bagatelle, if within exactly one year 
 from this day and hour of grace her demands be not granted out of hand. This is a spirit to 
 respect, perhaps to fear ; certainly not to be laughed at. . Would that the rest of those who bur- 
 den themselves with t he enfranchisement of one-half our whole population, now lying in chains 
 and slavery, but had her sagacious courage !" — Tribune, May 12, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Polygamy in Utah. 
 
 " After all, the polygamy of Salt Lake Valley is not simply an outgrowth of Mormonism, but 
 its existence is due to the imperfect recognition of woman's rights in Christendom. Except ia 
 this country women cannot be said to have any rights, and even here they are scantily aud 
 grudgingly acknowledged, save in a few particulars." — Tribune, October 22, 1853. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Marriage Relation. 
 " That the Marriage Relation in the world as it is is frequently and flagrantly tainted by merce- 
 nary and other unworthy considerations, we have never heard any man question in private con- 
 versation. That the tendency of our prevailing mode of educating woman, and practically deny- 
 ing her any sphere of honorable independence of others' labor, is to this perversion, it seems that 
 no reflecting person can doubt. Consider the case of a daughter of a broken merchant, a rained 
 stock-broker or speculator, a turned-out office-holder, who has been reared in idleness and luxury, 
 and has beauty enough to attract the positive attentions of some single man old as her father is 
 and rich as he would like to be. What chance has she — often a mere child — to resist the pa- 
 rental importunities, if nothing worse than importunities, to which she will naturally be sub- 
 jected ? Do we not all know that most unfit marriages are daily taking place in which (he vic- 
 tim often sacrifices herself to a mistaken sense of duty ? Are not all History, all Literature, all 
 Private Life, full of such cases? Admit that^Fourier and Brisbane have not presented the true 
 remedy, do they not deserve some credit for calling attention earnestly to the evil? We know 
 it is not nearly so prevalent here as in France, which was the country specially regarded by Fou- 
 rier, but we know that the evil exists here, and urgently demand a remedy." — Tribune, July 
 11, 1846. 
 
 What H. G. Knoivs about Riding New Hobbies. 
 
 " It has been urged as an objection to Ike Tribune, that it proposed to ' give hospi- 
 tality to every new thought. To that profession we shall be constant, at whatever sacri- 
 fice. Full of error, and suffering as the world yet is, we cannot afford to reject unex- 
 amined any idea which proposes to improve the Moral, Intellectual, or Social condition 
 of mankind. Better incur the trouble of testing and exploding a thousand fallacies 
 than, by rejecting, stifle a single beneficent truth. Especially on the vast theme of an 
 improved Organization of Industry, so as to secure constant opportunity and a just re- 
 compense to every human being able and willing to labor, we are not and cannot be 
 indifferent. Although we cannot devote much space to this or any abstract purpose, 
 yet we shall endeavor to keep our readers apprised of whatever is suggested and what- 
 ever shall be done tending to improve the Social condition of the toiling millions of 
 mankind. No subject can be more important than this; no improvement more certain 
 of attainment. The plans hitherto suggested may all prove abortive; the experiments 
 hitherto set on foot may all come to nought, (as many of them doubtless will;) yet these 
 mistakes shall serve to indicate the true means of improvement, and these experiments 
 shall bring nearer and nearer the grand consummation which they contemplate. The 
 securing of thorough Education, Opportunity, and just Reward to all, cannot be be- 
 yond the reach of the Nineteenth Century." — Tribune, May 2d, 1845. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Endowment of Universities. 
 " We never objected to the designation of Socialist when it was a term of reproach and op- 
 probrium, and we adhere to the convictions under which we earnestly fought the battle of abso- 
 lutely Free Common Schools for all the children of our State. We assent, with some scruples, 
 to the policy of State Normal Schools for the education of Common School Teachers, whose 
 qualifications are too generally meager and questionable. There, however, We stop. Free Acad- 
 emies and State Universities, for the supply of a gratuitous classic or scientific education to all 
 who see fit (and are able) to claim their advantages, are at war with our idea of the legitimate 
 functions of Government and with that equality which should pievail in the distribution and 
 enjoyment of those blessings. If our Gity is to be turned into a great Communist establishment 
 —for which we consider its population very ill prepared — let us begin with the satisfaction of 
 
 3 
 
100 What -Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 their most urgent and absolute wants before we attempt the satisfaction of those of a more ethe- 
 real character. Let us tirst guarantee to every needy man employment and honest bread before 
 we undertake to glut his intellectual cravings on Greek Tragedies, Hebrew Roots, and Conic 
 Sections. In a city where many thousinds of children go to bed supperles3 three months in the 
 year because their parents have no worK and no money, it seems a mockery and an insult to 
 talk of welcoming all our children to the advantages of a University Education." — Tribune, 
 July 8, 1856. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Organizations of Foreign-born Citizens. 
 " This foreign, anti-American feeling exhil its itself in various other ways. Even in themat- 
 ter of the military it is obtruded in the grossest manner. If anything ought to be national 
 surely it should be the soldiers of a country ; but here we are provided with German and Irish 
 regiments and brigades, as though this country were a poor colony of Ireland and Germany, 
 instead of an independent State of its own right. No country but this would permit such a 
 glaring departure from the most obvious requirements of national integrity and domestic safety 
 as is displayed by these foreign regiments. If the hearts of these men were really in America, 
 they would wear no foreign names, badges, or uniforms ; this country's insig nia would he all 
 m all to them. Now, we protest against this foreign organization ; we protest for the sake of 
 the propriety and dignity of the immigrants themselves. If they come to this country merely 
 as merchant peddlers or princes, to make the most money in the least time, careless whether 
 6lth or crime overspread the commercial Metropolis — the fewer speeches they make on what- 
 ever saint's day the better, as good taste should make them hold their tongues. But if they 
 come here to be citizens, good taste, to say the least, should make them keep aloof from all 
 anti-American combinations — for any association which is not for us in this country must be 
 against us. There is no use of blinking terms or ignoring logic. In any Irish or German 
 association — charitable, military, or political — the bond is Irish or German, and not American, 
 and therefore it awakes antagonism among all who are Americans simply and wholly." — Tri- 
 bune, March 28, 1854. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about German-born Citizens. 
 
 " In former elections, where no question of Temperance or Nativism was in issue, a decided 
 majority of our German-born citizens have uniformly voted wiih the party most favorable to 
 Slavery and its Extension — have cast in their lot with Alabama and Georgia instead of Vermont 
 and Massachusetts. By the votes of Germans, Texas Annexation was carried ; by their votes 
 Pierce is now President and the Missouri Restriction broken down. These are facts of the 
 widest and most unquestionable notoriety. 
 
 " Now, it is very little to the purpose to say that the Germans are at heart convinced of the 
 injustice and evil of slavery if they act as though they were not. The merchant who says to 
 himself, ' Slavery is wrong, but I cannot afford to offend the slaveholders, who are my best 
 customers;' the lawyer who fishes for clients in the same dirty pool ; the priest who stifles the 
 Toice of humanity in deference to his front pews ; the politician who sells his convictions for an 
 office — they, too, would be practical Anti-Slavery men if it did not cost anything. Wherein, 
 then, do they differ from the great body of our German-born citizens? " — Tribune, January 22, 
 1856. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the war of the Orange and Green. 
 
 "Somebody observes that the sects of Donnybrook are never at peace but when they are 
 fighting for the sake of peace. Somebody else, we think it was Dr. Mnginn, depicted a body of 
 'gkrimmaging' Irishmen 'fighting like devils for conciliation and hating each other for the love 
 of God.' To say that an annual storm of shillalahs has descended in Ireland, is only to say that 
 the battle of Boyne has been celebrated once more on both sides, and with customary spirit. 
 We have grown to accept the yearly war of Orange and Green, of Catholics and Protestants, as 
 a Sort of peace quarrel and pious feud. It adds nothing to the force of the remark that Ire- 
 land is politically discontented, and that Fenianism is not dead." — Tribune, July 15, 1872. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Scotch. 
 " It is a very singular fact that while the Scotch claim to be set down as the most religious 
 and moral nation in the world, there are more illegitimate children born in Scotland, and there 
 is more whiskey drank, in proportion to the population, than in any other country of Europe. 
 It appears, from recent returns, that Scotland, with its population of less than three millions, 
 generally poor, proverbially cautious, and universally thrifty, consumes whiskey annually to the 
 amount of upward of seven millions of gallons, and at a cost, duties included, which has 
 reached, of late, the enormous sum of twenty-four millions of dollars a year, or eight dollars a 
 head for every man, woman, and child in the country." — Tribune, September 11, 1858. 
 
About Fourierisni, Finance, dc. 101 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Naturalization of Aliens. 
 " Many Immigrants are well fitted to act as citizens before they have resided two years among 
 us; others do not qualify themselves fittingly in ten or twenty years ; all the Law can do is to 
 prescribe such a probation as shall be right in the average. This we believe it, has done ; and 
 we hold obedience to that rule, until modified by Congress, the clear duty of every State and 
 community in the Union. The Loco-Foco party in two of the newest States — Mi higan and 
 Illinois — have extended to Aliens, if one year in the State, the Elective Franchise; but this is 
 wrong, and cannot be imitated here. An attempt to do it would be defeated, and would tend 
 to injure those making it." — Tribune, JIIay3\, 1845. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Duties of Adopted Citizens. 
 "An American Citizen, no matter where burn, should tolerate no appeals to him in any 
 Other character than that of American citizen. To regard and address him as a German o? 
 Irishman, is to imply that he has not really become one of us, and ought not to be so considr 
 ered. He who votes in our elections as an Irishman or German has no moral right to vote at 
 all. There is one other point on which we desire to be clearly understood. We do not believe 
 in the assumed right of one set of men to live in idleness out of profits of dram-selling, and 
 impose on the non-selling, non-tippling portion of the community the burden of supporting the 
 drunkards, paupers, and idiots thence resulting. Nor do we at all accord with those who hold 
 that the laws and settled policy of our State, respecting Sunday, may be defied or derided on 
 the naked assumption that they are unconstitutional. On these and kindred points, we freely 
 accord the fullest liberty of opinion and of action, subject always to our common amenability 
 to the laws of the land No man is moie or less a Republican because he agrees with or differs 
 from us on either or both of these topics. But when any one — German, Irish, or native — sees fit 
 to say to us. 'If you dare to act upon your convictions respecting Sunday, or dram-seliing, or 
 something else, 1 and m,y set will renounce and oppose the Republican party,' our ready an- 
 swer is, ' If your Republicanism depends on our acting adversely to our convictions on some 
 matter entirely foreign to National Politics, you can have very little to renounce; but, be it 
 little or much, you will renounce it just whenever you shall see lit, without affecting our course 
 on the other matter one hair If we must profess what we do not believe, and act. as we think 
 nnconducive to the public good, iu order to secure or retain your co-operation on another mat- 
 ter as to which we agree, the price is more than we can pay, and we must, however reluctantly, 
 pursue our journey alone. Much as we desire your fellowship, we cannot consent to purchase 
 it by a sacrifice of our own earnest convictions ' 'Between us be truth.' If these frank ex- 
 planations are apropos to nothing actual, they can justly give offence to none. If needed, they 
 are not uttered one moment too soon.'' — •Tribune, May 8, 1800. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Immigrant Population. 
 " We have never denied the existence of great provocations to Nativism in this country, 
 and unless these can be put aside, we expect to witness occasional outbursts of anti-Foreign 
 excitement. Uur Immigrant population is deplorably clannish, misguided and prone to violence. 
 We never saw a party of Americans-born approach a peaceable poll with weapons in their 
 hands ; we have seen Irish bands of two or three hundred, armed with heavy clubs, traversing 
 the streets on election day and clearly provoking a fight ; we have known such beat a peaceful 
 opponent for no fault — twenty falling upon one — until his life was in danger. We have seen 
 men taken to courts to be naturalized and put through like a sheep-washing, when they did not 
 know what they swore and were in no condition to take on themselves the solemn responsibilities 
 of Citizenship. We have seen the public advertisements of party Naturalization Com- 
 mittees offering to grind out voters gratis, in older to swell the votes of their party, and we 
 thought Adopted Citizens who are Citizens ought to interfere with this scandalous business, 
 which casts reproach on their whole body ; but they said nothing, and seemed to take it quite 
 as a matter of course. Yet certainly men who desire arid aie lilted to become Citizens do not 
 need to be put through in thai reckless way." — Tribune, June 15, 1854. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Freedom of Cuba in 1866. 
 
 " Spanish domination and Slavery — one and inseparable — are doomed to a speedy end in 
 Cuba. The world is fully advertised that the Cubans are resolved to be free and to give free- 
 dom to the slaves, who, on their island, endure a bondage more complete, though not more 
 detested, than their own. The ' Monroe Doctrine ' may not cover the case of Cuba, but the uni- 
 versal conviction of Americans that this continent is divinely intended for the use of those who 
 choose to live on it, and not to pamper the favorites of European kings and courts, bears di- 
 rectly on the question of her future. We shall be disappointed if ever a Spanish Governor- 
 General eats another Christmas dinner in Cuba, unless behind the thick walls aud frowning 
 •batteries of the Moro Castle." — Tribune, JulylO. 18G6. 
 
 What H G. Knows about Honest Talk on Protection. 
 "Thus, also, of that great national obligation— the protection of i he Productive Labor of 
 the Country. We wear no double faces ; we speak with no forked tongues dark sayings to be 
 
 5 
 
102 What Horace Greeley Knoivs 
 
 interpreted in favor of Free Trade or Protection, as circumstances shall require. We advocate 
 a Protection of the Industry of the Country in all its important branches by a Discriminating 
 Taiiff, which shall be so adjusted as to give stability and security to all our Home Interests. 
 We reject all that jusgling which wears two faces under one hood, and by a mystical enuncia- 
 tion of 'High Tariff' and 'Moderate Duties,' 'Revenue Tariff,' 'Incidental Protection,' and 
 the like, or by speaking on one side and voting ou the other, attempts in all its acts to embody 
 and exemplify the magical union of 'Northern Men with Southern Principles.' We leave all 
 this sort of management to those whose unlimited dexterity and unchecked flexibility better tit 
 them 10 pursue it, while we stand frankly, firmly before you, as tho advocates of Protection for 
 the sake of Protection, and to the free extent of the necessity on that ground." — Tribune, Sep- 
 tember 24, 1842. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Horse-Racing. 
 
 "A race-course is the high-change of vice and rowdyism. It is true that respectable 
 persons are sometimes found there; but on the other hand convicts who have served 
 out their jail term, as well as candidates for the prison and gallows, gamblers, cheats, 
 swindlers, pimps, bullies, and ruffians and villairjs of every degree, find their way to 
 the horse-race by an affinity as facile as universal. In countries where the masses are 
 policed and bayoneted into submission, the race-course is kept in order in the same way 
 that Sing Sing prison is; by an omnipresent and overwhelming authority. In this 
 country, where the people are restive under the over-rule of the musket or the mace, a 
 race-course is a rude carnival where evil triumphs." — Tribune, February 8, 1856. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Bounties Granted to Union Soldiers. 
 
 "Is there ever to be an end of the 'Equalization' of bounties? Mr. Williams, of 
 Indiana, introduced in the House yesterday one bounty bill; Mr. Schenck, of Ohio, an- 
 other; Mr. Perham, of Makie, added a third, and there were two more bills to take money 
 out of the Treasury and put it into the pockets of the soldiers. Mr. Schenck said last 
 session that he thought the bill h? was then engineering would do to begin with. It 
 was estimated to take about $400,000,000 out of the Treasury. Mr. Banks said he did 
 not care whether it took $400,000,000 or $800,000,000— he was for opening the doors 
 and telling the soldiers to help themselves. The natural fruit of this wild talk is the 
 present crop of additional bills. "We suppose the enthusiasm of these gentlemen will 
 stop somewhere, but, we fear not till they see the bottom of Uncle Sam's strong box." — 
 Tribune, March 12, 1867. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Naval Reform. 
 
 " To sell out the Navy-yards to the highest bidder, saving only the best one, if any — to burn 
 or lay up undercover all our old and nearly all our large sailing vessels — to stop the appoint- 
 ment of any more captains, lieutenants, or midshipmen while there shall be already officers of 
 these grades respectively ' waiting orders ' — that is, doing nothing — and to transform our Na- 
 tional vessels propelled by steam into Mail Packets, running on the more or less important 
 routes, according to their value or swiftness, allowing them to carry Passengers and Freight 
 within their capacity as well as Mails — these are the outlines of a system of Naval Reform 
 which would save Five Millions per annum to the Treasury and render the Navy far more use- 
 ful than it is." — Tribune, Jum i 1 . 1S58. 
 
 What II. G. Known about Men who Love Tobacco. 
 
 " 'Brethren !' said Parson Strong of Hartford, preaching a Connecticut election sermon in 
 high-party times some fifty years ago, ' it has been charged that 1 have said every Democrat is 
 a horse thief. I never did. What 1 did ray was only that every horse thief is a Democrat, and 
 that I can prove !' So I do not say that every smoker or chewer is necessarily a blackguard, 
 however steep the proclivity that way ; but show me a genuine blackguard, one of the b'hoys, 
 and no mistake, who is not a lover of tobacco iu some shape, and I will agree to find you two 
 white black-birds." — Hints toward Reform, inige 359. 
 
 What II G. Knows about Democratic Orators. 
 "Henry Clay Dean, C. Chauncey Burr, and Montgomery Blair are the principal 
 speakers for the Democratic party in New Hampshire. John Quincy Adams tried his 
 hand once, but from not. liking the company, or some other poweiful reason, Le suddenly 
 withdrew. Brick Pomeroy has been fishing for an engagement, but as Dean and Burr 
 can 'dive deeper, stay under longer, and come out nastier' than any other living crea- 
 ture, Mr. Pomeroy is not needed. H^ cannot gild De m's gold, nor paint Burr's lily, 
 nor add perfume to Blair's violet — Tribune, March 4, 1868. 
 
 6 
 
About Fourierism, Finance, &c. 103 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Fusion of Democrats and Republicans. 
 " There is an old jest in the law-books of a certain knight whose silk stockings had 
 been so often damaged, that it became a question in Chancery whether they should be 
 legally considered the original hose or substantially a different pair. We are reminded 
 of this by the thick flying rumors of the future piuus intentions of the venerable Demo- 
 cratic party, and of a scheme to weave certain Republican threads into the looped and 
 windowed raggedness of this rather shaky organization. The story is, that when the 
 National Convention meets a great magical wash-pot is to be set up, in which the paity 
 will proceed to clean itself of all its old opinions, whims, notions, and traditions, so 
 that it can stand before the people bright and regenerated, renewed, and redeemed, 
 dirtless and disenthralled! We once heard a judge say that he did not see why trover 
 could not be brought for a house, and if the Republican platform is to be carried off 
 in bulk, we must certainly try to find out some way of getting it back again. Very 
 little has lately been said about the abduction and appropriation of Chief Justice 
 Chase, but we warn His Honor still to keep upon his guard; and we must extend our 
 warning to the entire Adams family, against which we have reason to believe the most 
 nefarious designs are entertained. It is curious that the main part of this precious 
 scneme should be the capture of a couple of stray Republicans? The touching con- 
 fidence which presupposes that Chief Justice Chase is to be had for the asking, would 
 not seem to argue a very high opinion of the integrity of human nature; and we really 
 do not know why the Democracy should have such an opinion. But the beauty of the 
 business is the nomination of an Adams for the Vice-Presidency. We do not know 
 what reason they have for thinking that Mr. Charles Francis Adams would accept their 
 nomination for the office — all we have to say is that if he should, the gentleman who 
 ran on the Buffalo Platform with Mr. Van Buren would find himself once more in 
 rather queer company." — Tribune, May 23, 1868. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Wants of the Jeff. Davis Party. 
 
 " Mr. Jefferson Davis, who certainly knows the Southern Democrats better than either of 
 those eminent Northern Leaders, is industriously proving that the party is just what it always 
 was, pursuing the same objects now that it pursued ten years ago, holding fast all the old doc- 
 trines, and ready for another rebellion whenever the time seems ripe. Mr. Davis for several 
 years past has courted a becoming obscurity. But no sooner does Mr. Vallandigham announce 
 his 'New Departure' than the ex-chieftain of the Lost Cause emerges from his retirement, 
 makes a triumphal journey through the South, rouses his old followers and tell us in very 
 plain language that the New Departure is all a delusion. Mr. Davis has been so warmly re- 
 ceived by the Southern people and so heartily applauded that we cannot help attributing to this 
 movement a deep significance. It is a warning to the Northern Democrats that they can ex- 
 pect no help from the South unless they fight openly under the old banners. 
 
 " I am not of those who ' accept the situation,' said Mr. Davis at Atlanta ; ' I accept nothing. 
 I have done nothing that I am sorry for. 1 shall not abide by the issue of the war. The South 
 is only waiting. The cause for which we fought must triumph sooner or later. Our policy is 
 to watch the current of events, and when our friends at the North are ready to help us we will 
 them. They will give us what we want, and we shall put them in power.' 
 
 "What the Davis party wants is of course well understood. The right of any State to break 
 up the Union at pleasure is a cardinal doctrine of their creed. ' State soverefgnty must be re- 
 stored,' exclaims the Rebel ex-President, 'or else the republic of America is a failure.' The 
 day is not far distant when the sun will shine upon you as a free, independent, and ' sovereign 
 State.' It is true he does not advise an immediate war; he even professes, as he did in 1861, 
 earnestly to desire peace. All he wanted at the outset of the rebellion was ' to be let alone,' 
 and that is all he wants now. It is true that he does not counsel armed resistance ; but he is 
 kind enough to explain that ' there never was any organization in the South whose purpose 
 was resistance to the Government, and by the time he has made a few more speeches we dare 
 say he will reach the proposition that there never was any war." — Tribune, May 31, 18*71. 
 
 What H. G. Knew in 1844 about the Position of a Presidential Candidate. 
 
 " We heartily approve the determination of Mr. Clay, announced by a letter in this morning's 
 Tribune, not to attend, much less address, any meeting while he is a candidate for President. 
 Mr. Clay says : 'The election of a Chief Magistrate of a free, great, and enlightened nation i3 
 one of the gravest and most momentous functions which the People can exercise. It is em- 
 phatically, and ought to be exclusively, their own business. Upon the wisdom of their choice 
 depends the preservation and soundness of free institutions, and the welfare and prosperity of 
 themselves. In making it, they should be free, impartial, and wholly unbiased by the conduct 
 of a candidate himself. Not only, in my opinion, is it his duty to abstain from all solidiation, 
 direct or indirect, of their suffrages, but he should avoid being voluntarily placed in situations 
 to seek, or in which he might lie supposed to seek, to influence their judgment. Entertaining 
 
 7 
 
104 Wlvat Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 these views of what becomes a candidate for the exalted office of President of the United States 
 I Bhall act in strict conformity with them. Hereafter, and until the pending Presidential elec- 
 tion is decided, I cannot accept nor attend any public meeting of my fellow-citizens, assembled 
 in reference to 'that object, to which I may have been or shall be invited. It is my wish and in- 
 tentiou, when I leave this city, to return home as quietly and quickly as possible, and, employ- 
 ing myself in my private business and affairs, there to await the decision of the Presidential 
 election, acquiescing in it, whatever it may be, with the most perfect submission.' " — Tribune, 
 May 6, 1844. 
 
 Wliat H. G. knows about the political treason of John Tyler. 
 At last "Mr. Tyler stood forth au embittered, implacable enemy of the party which had 
 raised him from obscurity and neglect to the pinnacle of power. Men always hate those they 
 have wronged; and Mr. Tyler fairly detested those he had betrayed. Before he had been a 
 year in power, he was in full, though covert, alliance with the Democrats, and figuring for the 
 next Presidential nomination." 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Imperialism. 
 11 We have never been in less danger of imperialism than we are now. There never was a 
 time in the history of our country when the people exercised a more direct control of the Gov- 
 ernment, or the force of public opinion was more generally recognized by our chief executive 
 officers. There is abundant infidelity in public trusts, and corruption of private morals; but 
 these evils are all bred by long wars and inflated currencies, and lime will work a reformation. 
 The present Administration has already made a long advance in the direction of public econ- 
 omy, and economy is the parent of many other virtues. On the other hand, we were never in 
 so much danger of drifting into an aristocratic form of government as under the rule of the in- 
 famous Slave oligarchy of which Mr. Fdmore was the facile instrument. The liberties of our 
 country never were seriously threatened, except by the miscalled Democratic party, which, 
 unable' to fiud a vulnerable spot in the Administration of President Grant, is now trying to 
 frighten the people by the silly cry of ' imperialism.' It is of no use ; Americans have too 
 much common sense." — Tribune, June 29, 1869. 
 
 What H. G. Knows ahout Inconsistent Champions of Freedom. 
 
 " It is a lamentable spectacle to see men whose best days of manly maturity and mental power 
 were devoted to the cause of freedom departing from consistency in their old days, to the dis- 
 heartening of those upon whom the better example of their early life might exert an inspiriting 
 influence. These painful aberrations cannot be explained on the ground that age has a ten- 
 dency to chill enthusiasm for freedom, for we have many examples to the contrary. Must we 
 look'for the explanation of them in some natural defect of character, developed by circum- 
 stances?" — Tribune, September 17, 1867. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Preferring Tammany to Wood. 
 "We have no sympathy, and never can have, with Mr. Fernando Wood nor any of his be- 
 longings. We regard him as a bad, dangerous man, who has done very much to demoralize 
 and debauch the political atmosphere of our City. Since Aaron Burr no man has done more in 
 that line. In the long struggle between him and his enemies entrenched in Tammany Hall, our 
 partialities have notoriously" been against him throughout. And now, if they prove to have 
 effectually squelched him at Syracuse, we shall be glad ol* it, whatever the political conse- 
 quences." — Tribune, September 17, 1858. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about President Grant. 
 " Gen. Grant is as thoroughly a citizen to-day, as perfectly civilian in his habits, as any man 
 in the country. We think of no one in public station who represents more fully the idea of 
 the American gentleman. Unostentatious, unassuming, brave ; without ambition, forbearing^ 
 resolute in doing what he deems to be right, but never offensive in asserting himself, Geueral 
 Grant is a man of the people ; one in heart and feeling with the men who dig and plow and 
 weaV e." — Tribune, February 13, 1869. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about Grants to Agricultural Colleges. 
 
 " One of the recommendations which the Governor urges in bis message is that in favor of a 
 
 State grant to aid in the establishment of an Agricultural College. No doubt Academies and 
 
 Colleges are valuable and useful institutions, but that is no reason why they should be aided by 
 
 means of taxes imposed on those whose children cannot be educated by them. There is noth- 
 
About Fourierism, Finance, &c. 105 
 
 ing that we view with less complacency than the annual donations which the Legislature is in 
 the habit or' making to them. If these institutions, many of theui sectarian and merely local, 
 are tit to exist at ; if they are really required by the respective religious denominations and lo- 
 calities which enjoy their advantages, let them be supported by those denominations and by 
 the people ot tho^e localities. Otherwise, they are not wanted, and ought at once to shut up 
 shop and leiire ironi business." — Tribune, January 8, 1856. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about the Episcopal Church. 
 
 " The Articles, Liturgy, and other formularies of the Church of England, are a curious jum- 
 ble of Uornanism and Protestantism, being neither more nor less than an attempt at a compro- 
 mise between the antagonistic ideas which lie at the bottom of those two systems, and like the 
 attempted coiLpiomise here with us, between Freedom and Slavery, it requires constant patch- 
 ing and a succession of new compromises — not always very honorable to the Church itself, or 
 very creditable to the parties concerned in them — to preserve the balance of power between 
 these discordant elements, nor will thtre ever be peace and harmony in the Church till this idea 
 of compromise is aOandoned, and one or the other shall have secured a complete and permanent 
 triumph.'' — Tribune, December 9, t&56. 
 
 What II. G. Knows about the Jesuits. 
 "We are not exempt from the current prejudices against the Jesuits, for which His- 
 tory, as we read it, affords much justification. They appear to be a numerous and able 
 body, bound together by secret lies, and animated by a quenchless and measureless zeal 
 for the extension of their church's faith and supremacy. Such a body, so engrossed 
 by a single idea, will be very apt to welcome almost any meaus which, to shortsigiited 
 human lrailty, would seem calculated to promote their ends, or rather are likely to con- 
 sider almost any means laudable which give promise of so doing. It needed no Pascal 
 to convince us that the moral code of such a body, in so far as it contemplates the 
 means of accomplishing or furthering their one great purpose, is not likely to be dis- 
 tinguished for its scrupulous ninety." — Tribune, February 1(J, 1847. 
 
 What H. G. Knew would Put a Stop to Gold Gambling. But it Didn't. 
 
 "An important bill has passed both Houses of Congress, and will doubtless be signed 
 by the President forthwith. Ii aims to lay the ax at the root of the upas of Gold (.Gam- 
 bling. For } ears past, the partisans of the Rebellion quartered in our city have syste- 
 matically and by eoncert striven and employed their means to increase the premium on 
 Gold. Their intercepted letters prove that they did this in behalf of their master, Jeff. 
 Davis, and in the conviction that they were aiding the Rebellion as truly and palpably 
 as though they were wielding muskets in the front rank of Lee's army. A good many, 
 of whom better things were justly expected, have been lured by Mammon into vying 
 with tiietn in their unholy work. These are now fairly warned that their deeds are 
 evil — that they have earned the reprobation of Congress— that to persevere in Gold- 
 gambling is to affront the majesty of Law. We trust they will be induced to repent 
 and reform; or, if they should not, that they will lie made to suffer. The premium on 
 Gold may rise still higher, though we d» not believe it will; but if this law is enforced 
 and obeyed it will only do so because our inordinate Importations and our inadequate 
 Taxation render such a calamity inevitable." — Tribune, June 15, 1864. 
 
 [The Act above alluded to, known as the " Greeley Gold Law," was approved by the 
 President on the 17th of June, 18G4. The next day the price of gold in Wall street was 
 195, and it rose steadily until on the 29th iust. it had reached 25b, and it became neces- 
 sary to abolish the cause of this injurious depreciation of the national currency. An 
 Act repealing the Act of June 17 was promptly passed by Congress, and approved July 
 2, 1864.] 
 
 What II. G. Kn(w about the Income Tax. • 
 "The Income Tax expires by limitation after one more payment. We heartily re- 
 joice at this; for it would be difficult to devise another tax so unequal, so widely evaded, 
 or so conducive to fraud and perjury as this is." — Tribune, July 10, 18G9. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Reduction of the National Debt. 
 " The fact that the Debt has been steadily and largely reduced has done more than 
 anything else t<> make the Administration and the party supporting it strong and opu- 
 lar. So many millions paid oil" each month me to Gen. Grant's Administration 
 Union victories on hard-fought fields were to Mr. Lincoln's. No final i 
 
106 Wliat Horace Greeley Knoivs 
 
 beset a rule which is thus amply supplied with revenue and using it for such a purpose. 
 The fact stated by the President that the annual burden of the Debt is now Seventeen 
 Miliums less than it was when he was inaugurated is a perfect Vicksburg to his sup- 
 porters." — Tribune, December 5, 1871. 
 
 What II. G Knows about the Financial Honor of the Western States. 
 ''Cheating is cheating, anyhow yon can fix it ; and the way Illinois and other Western 
 Stales have treated their creditors would disgrace a broken gambler. We never had a penny's 
 interest in their Stocks, and so can afford to tell them the trutii." — Tribune, January 28, 1851. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Paying the Public Debt Now. 
 " We protest against transmitting the burden of this vast Debt to future generations. Let 
 us resume paying it, and keep ou paying till the last farthing is wiped out. We have already 
 repealed a large proportion of our War Taxes. If the Revenue can be honestly collected we 
 can soon abolish or reduce others. But let us in no case fail to proceed with the regular, sys- 
 tematic reduction of our Debt." — Tribune, May 17, 1869. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about our Diplomatic and Civil Service. 
 
 "We know that our country's need of representation abroad is far greater now than 
 in time of peace; we know that Missions and Consulates may justifiably be maintained 
 where they were purely ornamental five years ago; yet we insist that the business is 
 both overdone and overpaid. It is very right to have Commissioners in Hayti and 
 Liberia; it is monstrous to pay them $7,500 each in gold (say $16,000 in greenbacks) in 
 times of trial and peril like these. One-third of these sums would secure good men 
 and would be good pay for the service required. And we think the retention of Min- 
 isters Resident at courts like those at Belgium, Switzerland, Rome, Bolivia, Equador, 
 Guatemala, Costa Rica, &c, &c, at a cost of $16,000 (Greenbacks) each per annum, of 
 very dubious propriety. That our Indian service, Judicial machinery, Public Land 
 System, &c, &c, are costing more than they need or should is our firm conviction. 
 That we might properly consolidate some of our Judicial Districts, (instead of con- 
 stantly making more,) shut up many played-out Land-offices, and retrench the bills of 
 our Marshals, District Attorneys, &c, by judicious legislation, few who understand 
 will deny." — Tribune, February 10, 1865. 
 
 What H. G. Knows should be done with the Post Office Department. 
 
 " We have at various times colled attention to the fact that the Post Office may be abolished 
 and placed in private hands in the same way that Express and forwarding companies are man- 
 aged. This subject is capable of demonstration in every detail, as we have already shown its 
 chief points. It is one of immediate moment and prophetic grandeur to this republic, for its 
 adoption would be a bold advance on the principle and practice of self-government and an im- 
 mense reduction of the powers, patronage, and prestige of the General Administration. The 
 National Post Office is the most universally extended as well as the subtle agent of the Federal 
 Government. More even than the Custom-House, which is confined to the seaboard, does the 
 party in power render itself felt throughout the entire Confederacy by means of the Post Office. 
 Whenever a Postmaster is to be appointed, holding his office through the profit of the salary or 
 that indirectly accruing to his couutry-store, or even esteeming it for the honor, there is a partisan 
 influence at work It is seriously worthy of inquiry whether this eminent power of corruption 
 shall be left to grow in the hands of the Government, or be promptly taken from the Govern- 
 ment and placed in private hands. If the tendencies of our present Administration are to becotne 
 really Democratic, there would be no d'>ubt a3 to the course which must be taken. The whole 
 Post Office machinery must be broken down — means of course being allowed for private enter- 
 prise and capital to be ready at the moment to take its place. The employment of Postmasters, 
 clerks, mail-contractors, and mail-agents is now the whole business of the Department; the 
 machinery by which the mails are carried — the steamboats and railways, the horses and wagons, 
 and, with few exceptions, the Post Offices — are already private things. So the changing of the 
 Post Office from a political to a private Institution would be easy." — Tribune, August 14, 1854. 
 
 What H. G. Knows Should be Done with our Army and Navy. 
 "We hold that our army ought to be reduced to a skeleton, and our navy to a few steam- 
 ships and swift sailing vessels, nearly always in commission ; that three-fourths of our present 
 Army and Navy officers ought to be given a year's pay ahead, and sent about their private 
 business, while a battalion of Quakers — genuine disciples of George Fox and William Penn — 
 should be sent abroad as Embassadors and into the wilderness as Indian agents to keep the 
 peace, and shield our wandering countrymen and borderers from wrong and barm, being 
 
 10 
 
About Fourieri&m, Finance, d:c. 10^ 
 
 empowered to punish them for doing wrong as well. With a government fully imbued with 
 the spirit of Peaceful Progress and National Growth through internal development rather 
 supeificial expansion, we hold that Twenty millions per annum might be saved from our present 
 aggregate Military and Naval expenditure. — Tribune, January 17, 1859. 
 
 What H. G Thinks of the Mural Atmosphere of Washington City 
 
 " In the great Northern uprising of 1854 against the Nebraska Iniquity it happened that 
 John A. Gurley, of Cincinnati, Ohio, was made a Republican candidate for Congress. Now the 
 said Gurley was (or rather bad been) a Universaiist preacher, so a Democrat of the Methodist 
 persuasion thought he could make a point with a good brother who inclined to Republicanism 
 by pressing the odium thcologicum against the candidate aforesaid : ' Do you know,' said lie, 
 ' brother Kingletub, that this man Gurley don't believe in any hell?' 'Is it possible?' w;ii the 
 horrified response: 'Well, (after a pause for reflection,) just send him to Washington for a 
 couple of years and he will be convinced there is a hell ; or if nor, that there will have to be 
 one made; that there is no getting on without it.' " — Tribune, November 6, 1869. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Prosecution of Claims before Congress. 
 
 <: I would hardly go so far as a Late Secretary of the Treasury, who, after ten or twelve years' 
 service in one House after the other, gave it as his deliberate judgment that it were better that 
 claims on the Government should be conclusively passed upon by the inmates of any of our 
 State Prisons than by Congress; but my observations tend that way. Whoever has watched 
 the daily sittings through even one session must have perceived that. 
 
 ."No general interest is manifested in the settlement of claims by the Members. Private bill 
 days are always idle days with a large proportion. You, will meet them on the Avenue or at 
 the Departments ; the House Post Office and other smoking-rooms in the C ipitol will be flill of 
 them ; and not more than a hundred on an average will be giving any sort of heed to the char- 
 acter of the bills under discussiou. Of course accident or private interest goes very far in mak- 
 the decision."' — Tribune, April 15, 1856. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Lawyers in Congress or State Legislatures. 
 
 " Undoubtedly' the profession of the law has at present one great advantage over the 
 profession of a politician. There once was, ages ago, a time when it was considered 
 base and detestable for a man to sell for money to the most scandalous of criminals and 
 the most, impudent of cheats his countenance, his friendship, his intimacy, the utmost 
 efforts of all his talents, skill and learning, to save a villain from the gallows or the 
 prison, which his crimes had richly merited, or to enable him to cheat some widow or 
 orphan out of their patrimony and livelihood. This romantic and antiquated sentiment 
 of decency and self-respect has, however, long since disappeared. For lawyers to 
 league themselves for money with the most consummate of scoundrels, to become, as it 
 were, accessories after the fact to the greatest of crimes and villainies by their paid 
 labors in shielding the perpetrators from detection and punishment, or from being 
 obliged to disgorge their dishonest gains — all this has become a regular business trans- 
 action, and the lawyer shares the spoils of the murderer and the robber, and pockets 
 the fee stained with the blood and wet with the tears of some wretched victim of fraud 
 or force from whom his client had just before extorted it, with no Jess satisfaction than 
 he puts into his pocket also the last dollar of the poor deluded victim, who, having 
 been plundered or cheated of the greater part of his property by some unprofessional 
 rogue, spends the miserable remnant of it in the vain and deceptive pursuit of legal 
 redress. No clergyman ever sits in the British House of Commons; by some of our 
 State Constitutions no clergyman can sit in either branch of the Legislature. It might, 
 perhaps, be worth while to consider whether a similar exclusion might not be advan- 
 tageously extended to the legal profession." — Tribune, April 14, 1856. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Mixing Liquors, Beer, and Ale. 
 
 " Mixing liquors increases their malignity, and no one, unless it be the brutifying abomination 
 called Beer or Ale, is so virulent as a medley of three or four varieties or species. For a head- 
 ache that will last, a Cold that takes hold of the bones, a rheumatism that will never let up, an 
 internal inflammation that needs no medical malpractice to render it fatal, the usual course of 
 eating and drinking on a round of New Year's Calls is the most effectual preparation." — Tri- 
 bune, December 30, 1850. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Drinking Wines and Malt Liquors. 
 ■ "The difference between Fermented and Distilled liquors is one purely of degree, While the 
 different kinds of Beer contain from one-twentv-fifth up to one^-fourteenth of alcohol, and the 
 
 ii 
 
108 What Horace Greeley Knows 
 
 Fermented Grape Wines from one-tenth to one-fourth, the Distilled Liquors are generally a 
 little more than half alcohol. * * * They greatly mistake who in this country hope to 
 live louger by drinking Wines or Mall Liquors than they would expect to if addicted instead to 
 Distilled Spirits. True there is less Alcohol in the same quantity of the Fermented beverages, 
 but the saute quantity will not content them. Deceive themselves as they may, it is the Alcoholic 
 stimulus that their depraved app. tites exact, and if indulged at all, they will be indulged to 
 the constantly receding point of satisfaction. The single glass of Wine or Beer per day, which 
 sufficed at the beginning, will soon be enlarged or repeated. It was enough to start, the blood 
 into a gallop yesterday, but falls short to-day, and will not begin to do to-morrow ; and even 
 were the fact otherwise the Wines and Malt liquors drank in this country are nearly all so adul- 
 terated that drinking them would be foolhardy even if those liquids, when pure, were naturally 
 wholesome, instead of beiug the poisons they are known to be." — Hints toward Reform, page' 
 260. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Poison in Lager Beer. 
 
 " We Temperance men rest our cause on the simple, scientific truth that Alcohol is essentially 
 apoison, and that all substances containing Alcohol are consequently baleful to the healthy 
 human system. We do not assume that a glass of Lager or of Cider is as injurious as a glass 
 bf Whisky or Gin, because it contains a far less quantity of Alcohol; but we insist that an 
 ounce of alcohol is just as hurtful when diffused through six glasses of Lager as when imbibed 
 in two glasses of Rum or Brandy. We perceive therefore no safe ground whereon to dis- 
 criminate between one alcoholic beverage and another." — Tribune, May 2, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 
 " ft rests on that majority of our people who respect the Sabbath to say whether the reform 
 which has been effected shall be maintained. Let the New Police be broken down and Wood 
 once more mister, nnd the floodgates of moral ruin will inevitably be re-opened on each return- 
 ing Sabbath. For if he triumphs, it can only be through the favor, the money, and the efforts 
 ofthe liquor men, who will work not for him but for themselves. They will spend their money 
 lavishly in his behalf, but only to have it returned to them with interest. They now profess 
 their willingness to obey the laws respecting the Sabbath, but they will change their tune the 
 moment they find themselves triumphant; or rather, the more reckless will sell more nnd more 
 openly, and the more cautious will gradually follow suit, until we shall have five thousand 
 drunkard factories in full blast every Sabbath."— Tribune, July 29, 1857. 
 
 " We presume all our readers are aware that our City has laws designed to protect the pub- 
 lic and private devotions of its citizens from desecration and disturbance on the first day of the 
 week, that being the day set apart for rest and worship by a large majority of our people. 
 They know also that the prosecution of any business in the streets, especi dly by outcry or proc- 
 lamation, the opening of stores, houses of entertainment, &c, are direct and flagrant viola- 
 tions of these laws. 
 
 '•' And they know, moreover, that the City is constantly paying Salaries to a number of offi- 
 cers appointed expressly to enforce these laws. Each one of them who allows papers to be 
 howled, or goods to be displayed, or grog-shops to be open on Sunday within his district, for- 
 feits all claim to payment, end ought to be discharged immediately." — Tribune, July 15, 1842. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Distillers. 
 " But what shall we think of him. who, laboring under no such fierce goadings of a de- 
 praved appetite, deliberately devotes his best energies to the manufacture or dispensation of this 
 deadliest enemy of the Human Race — who makes the creating, feeding, inflaming of this dread- 
 ful propensity to drink the chief business of his life, the means of his subsistence and the source 
 of his wealth and enjoyments? Can language adequately portray the horrors of this manu- 
 facture and traffic? 0, if the distiller or liquor-dealer could see the long procession of his vic- 
 tims stalk by in grim array, each looking him sadly, searchiugly in the face, he would, he 
 must abandon forever a business so horribly desolating! For they are men as we are, and 
 could not persist in filling the land with Pauperism, Disease, Strife, Agony, and "Murder, if 
 they but realized how much of all the evil and woe in the laud would disappear forever if an 
 end were put to the use of Intoxicating Liquors. W T e know there are some who feel and say 
 that their rule is to ' Look out for Number One,' and that others must take care of themselves 
 or meet the consequences. Alas ! the consequences are not confined to those who refuse fo 
 take care of themselves ; but wives, children, friends, are involved in the general devastation. 
 And nine-tenths of these who make and sell liquors have no more adequate conception of the 
 evil and wrong they are doing than had those who fitted out slave-ships and privateers a cen- 
 tury ago. They need to be appealed to, reasoned wi'h, until the dcpih of the iniqui \ 
 be made manifest even to the most stolid or stubborn, and none shall have the Law's counte- 
 nance as an excuse for their guilt."-~7Vi&wne December 30, 1846. 
 
 12 
 
About Foimerism, Finance, &c. 109 
 
 What II. G. Knows about the Judges of the /Supreme Court. 
 
 <: Throe of the Judges of the Supreme Court are relics of the old pro Slavery era, 
 when to doubt the divinity of Slavery was to be excluded from office. They were ap- 
 pointed, like Taney, for their fidelity to the man-owning aristocracy of the South, and 
 have survived in their places on the bench without change in their political sentiments, 
 while ihe aristocracy which appointed them has been hurled from power, and shivered 
 into a thousand fragments. But they still worship at the ruins of their ancient altars, 
 and call those ruins ' the Constitution.' They read the Constitution through the spec- 
 tacles of Calhoun, and find its leading idea to be the sovereignty of the Southern States 
 over the National Government, aod of their ancient aristocracy over the Southern 
 States. Two more of the Judges are somewhat mixed in their political views, but their 
 antecedents are with the pro-Slavery element." — Tribune, January 18, 18G8. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Encouraging Chinese Emigration. 
 
 " We heartily approve of obeying the laws of the land, whereof our treaties with 
 foreign powers are a part. The Burlingame treaty prescribes the treatment to be ac- 
 corded to Chinese who come to our country and our people who migrate to or visit 
 China. We insist on the faithful observance of that treaty on all hands. If we shall 
 exclude and expel Chinese from this country, how can we object to the exclusion and 
 expulsion of our Missionaries, traders, &c, from China? How justify our recent raid 
 on Coreans? We believe in the Golden Rule. We hope the effect of Chinese immi- 
 gration on the common laborers of this country will be to render them more diligent, 
 persevering, temperate, and frugal than they now are; many of them sadly need amend- 
 ment in these respects, and the average Chinaman sets them an excellent example, 
 which they will do well to heed. He doesn't waste his time and means in suicidal 
 strikes; he doesn't attempt to kill either the man who chooses not to hire him at his 
 own price or him who accepts the work which ' John ' sees fit to decline. On the 
 whole, it seems to us that every class of our people would be benefited by the presence 
 and example of John Chinaman on our soil, and we propose that he shall come if he 
 chooses, and stay in peace if he behaves himself. That's all."— Tribune, July 31, 1871. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Dancing. 
 
 " We trust the tract ou dancing which will receive the premium will consider thoroughly 
 thesulject; show how and why the popular abomination of dancing in hot, crowded rooms, 
 from fair bed-time to daylight, with a hot and heavy supper after midnight, alternating in 
 flimsy garments from an atmosphere of frost to one of steam, tricked out for Vanity-Fair, and 
 mixed up with all sorts of company, ought to be condemned and shunned, not only by devout 
 christians but by all considerate human beings." — Tribune, April 16, 1846. 
 
 What H. G. Knew about the Annexation of San Domingo. 
 
 " We believe that the people of San Domingo would be greatly benefited by the annexation 
 of the little republic to the United States. We believe they think so, or soon will — that annexa- 
 tion is their manifest destiny. And we are quite willing that our Government shall say, in 
 such a fashion as may seem best, that whenever they shall evince a wish to share our future for- 
 tunes we will gladly receive them." — Tribune, February 19, 1869. 
 
 What H: G. Knows about American Cooking. 
 
 "As a general rule, in the country there is nothing fit to eat. First as to breakfast. The Coffee 
 is simply slops, though nothing is easier than to make a good cup of coffee. There should be 
 very little water to it, and much pure milk or cream to dilute it, of which last items there 
 ought to be an overflow in the country. The tea may be generally better than the coffee, but 
 it is sufficiently bad and unfit to drink. Then on the breakfast-table there is a chaos of crude 
 dishes, when some two or three things at most, well cooked, are ample. The bread is too 
 often sodden, the butter too much like tallow ; then there is a mess of tough meat, greased and 
 cooked to the consistency of sole-leather : a general horror of hot cakes, pies, and heaven knows 
 what all, sufficient to repel, but not to invite appetite! If this rampant, multitudinous array 
 of a breakfast table came of poverty, we would have nothing to say about it — but it is simply 
 the product of ignorance. There is generally an excess on the table, an extract.of which excess 
 might be, and would be fit to eat if there was anything like discreet preparation of food — but 
 there is not. Housewives in the country, take our advice. Buy a cook-book and learn to cook, 
 and don't spread your breakfast-table with a chaotic mass of indigestible, repulsive crudities. 
 Have little, but have it good — 'a dish to put before a king,' and then it is fit to put before your- 
 selves, and not otherwise. Reform your cooking. It is simply savage." — Tribune, November 24, 
 1856 
 
 13 
 
110 What Horace Greeley Knoics 
 
 What H. G. Knoics about atteinptiiig to Persuade Slaveholders. 
 "I tried more than twenty-five years ago to 'persuade' two slaveholders that their system 
 was unjust and pernicious, and their reply was an attempt to persuade me off a dock into thirty 
 feet water, which I was barely able with help to prevent. Long after that, I tried to persuade 
 another slaveholder (son of a life-long negro-trader, and now himself a Rebel General) that he 
 had made an unfair proposition in Congress, and he replied by attempting lo persuade a hole 
 into the top of my skull, and my brains out through that hole. That is all my personal ex- 
 perience on the subject; but I have very often been assured (no doubt truly) that if I should 
 ever go South and attempt there to persuade people that Slavery was wrong, I should very soon 
 have the breath of life persuaded out of my body." — Tribune, May 8, 1863. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about The, Fisheries. 
 
 '■ Speaking for ourselves only, we may here observe that we regard fishing as capital sport 
 but a Very unprofitable vocation, and We believe our country would have been this day stronger 
 and richer if no Yankee fisher had sailed eastward of the St. John since 1783. If we were 
 never again to drop a line for cod or mackerel eastward of the Penobscot, we believe could not 
 fail to employ their time to better purpose." — Tribune, June 4, 1869. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Begging Offices for His Friends. 
 
 Mr. Greeby his constantly denounc3d Office-Saek'mg ia The Tribune, declaring that every 
 Office Seeker who has failed to get a place is better off than those who have succeeded, as ' there 
 is no need of seeking these Oustom-House places, or places in the Post Office, or the Internal 
 Revenue, if men have only the pluck.' Yet the files of the various Departments of the Federal 
 Government at Washington contain scores of applications in Mr. Greeley's well-known hand- 
 writing, asking that his political or personal friends be appointed to or retained in office. Some 
 of these appointments have been asked from the present Administration on political grounds, 
 others to conciliate the German or the Irish voters of New York cify. In one letter, Mr. Gree- 
 ley takes credit to himself for not having made himself ' a chronic nuisance ' at the Bureau, to 
 the head of which it was addressed, although the files show that during that year (1869) he 
 had made or indorsed ten applications for appointments from that very Bureau. Yet the Pub- 
 lic has been informed that to the far greater number of our young men a year in jail would 
 work less injury than six months in office. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about Gifts made to Great Men. 
 
 " We shall hardly be accused of any special regard for Mr. Webster by those who know us, 
 but we must think this subscription, if completed, highly honorable to him and to the liberality 
 of the Contributors. Here is a man of mighty intellectual power able to earn a large income in 
 the practice of his profession. This ha is require! in greit part to surrender in devoting him- 
 self to public affairs, for which he is entitled to receive perhaps one-eighth of the sum he could 
 make at the Bar. At the same time his very eminence attracts crowds of visitors whom he will 
 entertain, subjects him to a vast correspondence and other expenses. If there are wealthy and 
 liberal citizens who, seeing all this, and who, believing that he may be driven from a public 
 sphere in which his country needs him to supply the pressing needs of his family, or actuated 
 by a simple sense of justice, choose to contribute and provide a liberal income for his family, 
 leaving him free to follow the path of public duty to which he is called, we sav the c:rcum- 
 stancels honorable to him and to them, and we envy neither the understanding nor the heart 
 of the caviler who can find in it ground of reproach to either." — Tribune, March 3, 1845. 
 
 " Mr. Clay, who has not for many years incurred nor owed a debt on his own account, had 
 involved himself by indorsing for a relative who became deeply embarrassed and failed. The 
 debts came upon Mr. Clay to such an extent that his property must have been swept away to 
 pay them. The circumstances came to the knowledge of some of Mr. Clay's Political friends 
 and admirers, (few of whom knew him personally,) and they quietly subscribed the sum neces- 
 sary to relieve hill from embarrassment. The fust intimation he had of it was by the return 
 of his canceled notes." — Tribune, May 3, 184!). 
 
 What II. G. Knows about Gen. Grant's Chances in the Canvass. 
 "The record of Gen. Grant is the most glorious chapter of our history. Whatever may be 
 his politics, no citizen can be insensible to Grant's merits or the lustre of his name. In know- 
 ing Grant we know ourselves. Like Tennyson's great Duke, he stands before us 'great in sav- 
 ing common-sense and in simplicity snblinie.' The conqueror of Lee is bidden forth to conquer 
 Lee's remaining allies ; and as the cauvass deepens and ripen3 it will be found, we think, that 
 our candidate will win to his standard a large part of the party known as ' War Democrats.' " — 
 Tribune, May 25, 1868. 
 
About Fourierism, Finance;. &c. Ill 
 
 What H* G. Knew about Gen. Grant and the Gold Gamblers. 
 
 " The insinuation tb.it the President was in collusion with the Gold Gamblers never had a 
 fact to lift it above the level of audacious calumny, or a motive save the coarsest sensational-' 
 ism or clumsy malignity. There was a combination to put gold up. When it assumed dan- 
 gerous proportions General Grant interfered and crushed it. Thereupon he is charged with 
 having been a member of it 1 The country knows its President to be incapable of such con- 
 duct. If it did not it would still be able in so plain a case to reason that men are not secretly 
 seeking that which they openly, determinedly, and effectively destroy. By their fruits ye shall 
 know them." — Tribune, October 18, 1869. 
 
 What H. G. Knows about. Gen. Grant's Official Action. 
 
 " We are impelled to say that the treatment of the President and his Administration by the 
 self-styled ' independent Republican press' has for months been ungenerous and unjust. We 
 have had greater Presidents than Gen. Grant, but scarcely one who less deserved the ruuuing 
 fire of invidious carping and fault-rinding to which he has been subjected by those ' independ- 
 ent' oracles. We will instance the Santo Domingo and the Ku-Klux topics to illustrate our 
 meaning. 
 
 " Santo Domingo, through its only rulers, sought our Government, and preferred Annexation. 
 The President gave no encouragement, till after an interval of months the proffer was renewed, 
 and action upon it urgently solicited. Then the President looked carefully into the matter, and 
 decided that our country's well-being would be promoted by our acceptance of Baez's proposi- 
 tion. Perhaps this was an error of judgment, though we cannot so regard it. Had he decided 
 differently, we believe the President would have been far more vehemently assailed than he has 
 been Just consider what a Democratic howl would have gone up if, after we had offered so 
 many millions for Cuba, Gen. Grant had refused to accept San Domingo virtually for nothing. 
 
 " Then as to the Ku-Klux legislation, and all Executive action tending thereto or based thereon, 
 we hold the Administration most unfairly treated by most of the 'independents.' The Presi- 
 ident is bound by a solemn oath to support the Constitution, enforce the laws, and protect the 
 rights and liberties of the People. 
 
 " Such are the convictions that impel us to say, as we feel, that the ' independent ' press treats 
 the Administration harshly, captiously, unjustly. We would fain induce its conductors to re- 
 consider and modify their course. They may fancy that they are only disparaging and weaken- 
 ing Gen. Giant, but they are in fact undermining and subverting the Republican party." — 
 Tribune, May 5, 1871. 
 
 What H'. G. Knows about the Choice to be Made by the People. 
 
 "It seems almost impossible that the people should hesitate between the leader of the Union 
 Armies, Gen. Grant, and the leader of the Northern Demagogues. We must not, however, 
 give the enemy strength by depreciating him. In a fair canvass before the American people, 
 the issues all presented, the platforms discussed, the principles thoroughly understood, Gen. 
 Grant would probably carry nearly every State in the Union. The Democracy, however, may, 
 through our apathy, steal a victory which they have not strength to win. The dormant power 
 of the rebellion is very strong. It is intrepid, eager and audacious in the Rebel States, where 
 our main reliance is upon the votes of the freedmen. The negroes have shown themselves 
 worthy of confidence, but with their newly-gained privileges they walk as men who have not 
 opened their eyes. They need aid, instruction, and comforting assurances of help. Above all 
 things they need to be instructed, so that from reason they may vote, as many of them do now 
 from the instincts of self-preservation." — Tribune, July 15, 1868. 
 
 What H. G. Knows the Volunteers will do in the Political Campaign. 
 " The one circumstance that must weigh heavily against the Democrats in this canvass is 
 their substantial identification in sympathy and ideas with the crushed Rebellion. The Volun- 
 teers form an element of the canvass not to be despised. They arc more than One Million to- 
 day; they are generally proud of their agency in putting down the Rebellion, and indisposed 
 to vote with its partisans. Called to choose between their General-in-Chief and a 'Peace' Cop- 
 perhead it will be difficult for many of them to cast their votes for the latter. We doubt that 
 half so many will do so as now permit themselves to be accounted Democrats. 'Rally round 
 the flag ' is stirring exhortation, which few, who have honorable discharges, can withstand." — 
 Tribune, April 14, 1868. 
 
 — » 
 
 " A stirring address has been issued by the Convention of the Republican Soldiers and Sail- 
 ors to their late comrades-in-arms throughout the country, pointing out the good work which 
 has been done by the present Congress, and urging unanimity and vigor in the forthcoming 
 campaign to insure the election of Gen. Grant, that the restoration of an era of peace and pros- 
 perity may not be delayed." — Tribune, July 3, 1868. 
 
 15 
 
112 Wliat Horace Greeley Knows. 
 
 What. H. G. Knew about the love of Union S ' /Idlers for General Grant. 
 
 "We submit that the pretence of getting up a Convention of Union soldiers to op- 
 pose tue election of Grant surpasses all recognized bouuds of partisan imposture. Not 
 that there are no good soldiers who dislike and oppose him; we know there are sucb.*^ 
 but they are scarce as white blackbirds. The bulk of the soldier vote against Grant 
 will be cast by the Confederate, not Union soldiers— by the men whom lie defeated, 
 captured, aod paroled, and who have personal reasons for preferring such antagonists 
 as Buell, Frinklin, Fitz John Porter, and McClellan. If Robert E. Lee could "be in- 
 duced to unite in the anti-Grant call and preside over the Convention when assembled', 
 he would give it respectability and force; but a Convention of Union soldiers to oppose 
 Gen. Grant is too broad a joke for the season. It was wise to hold it in tliis bounty- 
 jnmp'mg city, where all sorts of meetings can be got up to order if the proper appliances 
 are used; but the honorably discharged Union volunteers are almost solid for Grant, as 
 the returns of next November will prove. A Convention in 1787 of Revolutionary sol- 
 diers to oppose the election of Gen. Washington to the Presidency, or of the defenders 
 of New Orleans in 1828 to defeat the election of Old Hickory, would not have been more 
 preposterous than is the attempt in 1868 to muster an army of Union soldiers in oppo* 
 sition to the election of Gen. Grant." — Tribune, June 80, 1868i 
 
 What H. G. Knew about Impeachment and the Democracy: 
 
 fl Impeachment is statesmanship — justice — peace. The logic of the Republican party brings 
 it directly to this issue. We should be very glad to view it as merely an impartial and sponta- 
 neous work of the Senate. But the Democrats will not permit us. They are the partisans in thia 
 proceeding. They tried and acquitted President Johnson long before the articles were read to the 
 Senate. They fought Impeachment precisely as they fought war — the Union — Emancipation. 
 The vote in its favor was as distressing as our victory at Gettysburg. The triumph of Lee would 
 have given them the mastery at the polls ; the triumph of Johnson would have caused a similiar 
 result. Ail this clamor and cant about the Constitution merely recall the days when Vallan- 
 digham moaned over the unconstitutional proceedings of Sheridan in the Valley, and the ex- 
 tremely constitutional adventures of Lee in Virginia. When Beauregard fired his guns upon 
 Sumter, he was doing precisely what Johnson did when he 'removed' Mr. Stanton. The 'in- 
 tent ' of one was to test the legality of the election of Lincoln. The intent of the other was to 
 carry a certain law to the Supreme Court. If we had fought the war as the Democrats desired,. 
 Mr. Toombs and his negroes would be quartered on Bunker Hill. If we abandon Impeachment^ 
 as they propose, we shall have Sheridan asking pardon for his unlawful proceedings at Winches- 
 ter. Loyalty will become a crime. This vindictive, petulant, furtive, bad President, confirmed- 
 in his illegal assumption of power, sustained by a Republican Senate, cheered in his madness 
 and ambition, will have the country at his feet, and all its resources the agents of his malice and 
 revenge Oh, but, we were told, the men who acquit Mr. Johnson will give us assurance of 
 his penitence and comity 1 This is an old story. We have had these assurances before, and 
 coming from a man whose word is of no more value than the ashes of his cigar, who trusts no- 
 body, and is trusted by no one, we cannot accept them. 
 
 '" For treason is but trusted like the fox, 
 Who, ne'er so tame, so cherished, and locked up, 
 Will have a wild trick of his ancestors.' " 
 
 — Tribune, May 9, 1868- 
 
 What H. G. Knows about the Secretary of the Treasury.. 
 
 "Mr. Boutwell is fortunate in his enemies. There is not an unchanged enemy of the Union — 
 not one who wishes Gettysburg and Vicksburg and Appomattox had gone the other way — who 
 does not improve every opportunity to disparage and belittle his achievements. 'What if he 
 has paid off over Two Hundred Millions of the National Debt? the money came into the Treasu- 
 ry, and he couldn't help paying debt with it.' Why, gentlemen, money has come into other 
 treasuries, yet no debts have been paid with it uuless it be the private debts of the financiers. 
 It is something that Mr. Boutwell has vigilantly guarded the Federal Treasury, and applied 
 every dime of receipts, first, to the payment of current expenses ; next, to the liquidation of the 
 National Debt. 
 
 'Having reduced the principal largely and steadily, Mr. Boutwell is trying hard to reduce the 
 interest on what remains unpaid by funding the Five-Twenties, now redeemable and drawing 
 six per cent, interest, in new borids drawing lesser rates of interest. Suppose he could succeed 
 iu this, and reduce the average rate of interest barely one per cent. — 'the amount thus saved 
 would pay off the entire principal of the Debt in less than half a century. Ought not every 
 patriot to wish him well not merely, but to render him all possible support in his arduous 
 undertaking ? Every dime he thus saves inures to the benefit of the whole American People." 
 — Tribune, August 23, 1871. 
 
 10 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Academy, The Military 72 
 
 Adams, John Quincy 25 
 
 Alexandria, Retribution at 07 
 
 Alliances, Political 3, 10, 11, 12, 103 
 
 Annexation of San Domingo. 13, 109 
 
 Army and Navy 66, 102, 106 
 
 Aspirations for Office 1-16 
 
 Baltimore, Massachusetts Troops in 66 
 
 Beauregard, General 25 
 
 Beer, Lager 108 
 
 Belmont, August 25 
 
 Bennett, James Gordon 26 
 
 Benton, T. H 26 
 
 Bird, Frank W H 
 
 Black, JeremiahS 26 
 
 Blair, Jr., Francis P 23, 26, 27 
 
 Blair, Montgomery 27, 84, 102 
 
 Boole, Francis J. A •• 27 
 
 Bounties to Soldiers 102 
 
 Boutwell, George S 112 
 
 Bowles, Sam 6 
 
 Bright, Jesse D, 28 
 
 Breckinridge, J. C 28 
 
 Brooks, Erastus ■ 28 
 
 Brooks. James = 28, 29 
 
 Brown,' B. Grata 13, 23 
 
 Buchanan, James 29 
 
 Bull-Run, Disaster at 71 
 
 Butler, Gen. B. F 72, 85 
 
 Calhoun, John C 29 
 
 Campbell, Lewis D 29, 30 
 
 Cass, Lewis 30 
 
 Catholics, The 37, 85, 105 
 
 Cavanaugh, J. M 30 
 
 Chase, Chief Justice 30, 103 
 
 Chinese Emigration 109 
 
 Cincinnati Convention 8, 15 
 
 Citizens, Adopted 100, 101 
 
 Clay, Treachery Towards 4 
 
 Cochrane. John 30,31, 60 
 
 Compromise 61 
 
 Confederacy « 85 
 
 Conquest of Peace, by Grant 86 
 
 Cooking, American 109 
 
 Cox, S. S 31 
 
 Cruisers, Confederate 70 
 
 Gushing, Caleb 32 
 
 Davis, Jefferson 32, 89-96, 103 
 
 Davis, Garrett 32 
 
 Delmar, A 33 
 
 Democratic Party ....7, 12, 15, 17, 24, 90, 92 
 102, 112 
 
 Diplomatic and Civil Service 106 
 
 Disappointments and Revenges 1 
 
 Distillers 108 
 
 Donnelly, Ignatius 33 
 
 Doolittle, James R 12, 33, 34 
 
 Douglas, Stephen A 34 
 
 Dox, Peter M 35 
 
 Editorial Candidates 1-4 
 
 Episcopal Church, The - 105 
 
 Etheridge; Emerson 35 
 
 Everett, Edward 35 
 
 Finances, The 105, 106 
 
 Fisheries HO 
 
 Florence, Thomas B 36 
 
 Fourierisra 97, 98 
 
 Fowler, J. S :.. 36 
 
 Free Trade 9 
 
 Germans, The 5, 100, 101 
 
 Gold Gamblers Ill 
 
 Grab-Bag Candidates 9 
 
 Giant, Gen... 16, 82, 83, 86, 87, 110, 111, 112 
 
 Greene, Charles G 37 
 
 Groesbeck, W, S 38 
 
 Gwin, William M 36 
 
 Hall, A.Oakey 36 
 
 Haskin, John B 36 
 
 Hejping His Paper 3, 4 
 
 Hobbies, Riding New 99 
 
 Hoffman, John T 38 
 
 Horse-Racing 1 102 
 
 Hughes, Right Reverend John. 37 
 
 Imperialism 104 
 
 Intervention, Foreign.... 81 
 
 Irish, The 100, 101 
 
 Jackson, Andrew 38 
 
 Jesuits, The 105 
 
 Johnson, Andrew 39, 88 
 
 Johnson, Reveidy 39 
 
 Journalists, Office-Seeking 1, 3 
 
 Lane, Joseph 40 
 
 Lawvers in Office 107 
 
 Lee, Robert E 87 
 
 Lincoln Administration 79 
 
 Lincoln's War Policy 76 
 
 Lost Cause, The 10 
 
 Loyalty to Party 5, 6, 9, 14, 104 
 
 Lunt, George. 40 
 
 Malt Liquors 107, 108 
 
 Martial-Law 68, 75 
 
 Marriage Relations 98, 99 
 
 Massachusetts, Bird Faction of. H 
 
 McClellan, George B 40, 75, 81 
 
 Morrissey, John 40, 41 
 
 Mitchell, John 41 
 
 Mungen, William 42 
 
 National Convention 8 
 
 Negroes, Enlistment of 77 
 
 Niagara Falls, Peace Mission to 83, 84 
 
 Office-Seeking 1-16 
 
Index — Continued. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Paper Money 76 
 
 Parker, Amasa J 42 
 
 Paine, Tom 4£ 42 
 
 Peace Movements 79, 80 
 
 Peace Mission 83 
 
 Pendleton, George H 42 
 
 Pennsylvania 20 
 
 Pierce, Franklin .*.. 42 
 
 Pike, Albert .- 43 
 
 Political Aspirations 12 
 
 Pope, Gen. John 78 
 
 Postal Reform 106 
 
 Prentice, George D 43 
 
 Presidential Election 9 
 
 President Lincoln 5 
 
 Protection 12, 20, 52, 101 
 
 Randall, A. W 43 
 
 Reed, William B 44 
 
 Republican Party 14 
 
 Revenue Reformers 13 
 
 Rice, Henry M 43 
 
 Richmond, Advance upon 68, 69, 70, 74, 77 
 
 Richmond, Peace Mission to 84 
 
 Roman Catholics 37,85, 105 
 
 Rosevelt, Robert B 44 
 
 Ross, E. G 44 
 
 Rynders, Capt 44 
 
 San Domingo, Annexation ....13, 109 
 
 Scarlet Letter to Seward, The 1 
 
 Schell, A '. 45 
 
 Sctaurz, Carl .. 45 
 
 Scotch, The .' 100 
 
 Secession 57-64 
 
 Semmes, Raphael 45 
 
 Seward, W. S 1, 5 
 
 Seymour, Horatio ....46, 47 
 
 Seymour, T. H 47 
 
 Slavery, Crusade on 70 
 
 Smith, William 47 
 
 Soldiers, Union 102,111, 112 
 
 Soldier-President, A 4 
 
 Soldiers, Confederate 87 
 
 _ PAGE. 
 
 South, The 58, 61, 76, 88 
 
 South, Women of the....o 78 
 
 Southern Commercial Convention. 59 
 
 South Carolina, Sentiment of 57, 60 
 
 Squier, E. G 48 
 
 Stanton, Edwin M 48 
 
 Substitutes, Purchasing 82 
 
 Sunday Laws 108 
 
 Supreme Court 109 
 
 Sweeny, Peter B 48 
 
 Tammany 8 
 
 Taney, Chief Justice 48 
 
 Thayer, James S , 48 
 
 Thompson, Jacob 49 
 
 Throckmorton, Ex-Gov 49 
 
 Tilton, Theodore 49 
 
 Treason, Political 104 
 
 Trumbull, Lyman 50 
 
 Tweed, William M 50, 51 
 
 Tyler, John 51, 104 
 
 Union, Dissolving the 57 
 
 Universities and Colleges 99, 104 
 
 Vallandigham, C. L 53 
 
 Vanity, Editorial 3 
 
 Volunteers, Union 102, 111, 112 
 
 Wanting to be President 6, 7, 9, 14, 15 
 
 War .65, 76, 82 
 
 War-Cry, The Tribune's 70 
 
 Webster, Daniel 51 
 
 Welles, Gideon 51 
 
 Wells, David A 51, 52 
 
 Wickliffe, Charles A 52 
 
 Wilkes, George 52 
 
 Wilson, Henry, Reply to Davis 90 
 
 Women's Rights 98, 99 
 
 Wood, Benjamin 53 
 
 Wood, Fernando 54, 55, 56 
 
 Woodhull, Victoria 99 
 
 Woodward, George W 53 
 
 Wright, Silas.... 56