Book S_5'4-\aJ ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY VOL. XVI, PART III THE SUN DANCE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS BY CLARK WISSLER NEW YORK PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE TRUSTEES 1918 American ]Museiim of Natural History. PUBLICATIONS IN ANTHROPOLOGY. In 190() the present series of Antliropolojrical Papers was authorized by the Trustees of the Nluseuin to record the results of research conducted by the Depart- nient of Anthropology. The series comprises octavo volumes of about 350 pages each, issued in parts at irregular intervals. Previous to 1906 articles devoted to anthropological suljjects ajjpeared as occasional papers in the Bulletin and also in the Memoir .scries of the Nluseum. A complete list of these publications with prices will be furnished when requested. All communications should be addressed to the Librarian of the Museunj. The recent issues are as follows: — Volume XII. I. String-figures from the Patomana Indians of British Guiana. By Frank E. Lutz. 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ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY VOL. XVI, PART in THE SUN DANCE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS BY CLARK WISSLER NEW YORK PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE TRUSTEES 1918 Wonoerranh THE SUN DANCE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS. By Clark Wissler. 223 Preface. The Blackfoot tribes, particularly the Piegan, have been more extensively studied than most other Plains Indians. The writer bejjan a systematic investigation of their culture in 1903. At that time, the only works treating them seriously were those of the younger Henry, Maximilian, and Grinnell. There were some good fragmentary articles by ^McLean and Hale. Yet, since we began work on this problem, a number of excellent books have appeared. First, the long-forgotten journals of Mathew Cocking and Anthony Hendry who went to the Blackfoot country in 1754 were printed. Then followed McCHntock's delightful book, "The Old North Trail" and later, Curtis's highly illustrated account of the Piegan. Linguistic studies had been undertaken by Tims, but later, ^Nlichelson, Uhlenbeck, and Josselin de Jong brought out studies of the language and some aspects of social organization. Of more popular books, the only one to be considered here is Schultz's, "My Life as an Lidian," which, though in the form of fiction, is full of true pictures of Blackfoot life and thought. One unfor- tunate thing about all this subsequent activity is that it centered on the Piegan and as the writer's work was largely with that division before these publications appeared, there was no chance to rectify this asymmetry. The publication of this study of the sun dance has been long delayed in the hope that circumstances would permit a more intensive study of the ceremony among the Canadian divisions. But the time for making such a study has really passed, since those natives who had the knowledge essential to an accurate exposition of the sun dance are now dead. It seems advisable, therefore, to publish the data as they stand. The writer saw the Piegan ceremony twice, so that this study is based both upon objective observation and discussion with the native authorities on the subject. Later, Mr. Duvall checked over the data and conclusions with these and other informants. A large series of photographs was taken, but the important phases of the ceremony are so well shown in the published works of McClintock and Curtis that a repetition here is unnecessary. Clark Wissler. May, 1918. 225 CONTEXTS. Preface The Sun Dance . Prep.aration Period Program by Days First Day Second Day Third Day Fourth Day Fifth Day Sixth Day Seventh Day Eighth Day The Vow Ceremony of the Tongues The Medicine Woman The Procession to the Dancing Lodg The Offering of Cloth The Hundred-Willow Sweathouse The "Dancing Lodge . Cutting the Thongs . Raising the Sun Pole The Weather Dancers Dancing Society Dances . The Torture Ceremony Sun Dance Songs The Sun Dance Camp Mythological Notes . The Blood and North Blackfoot Page. 225 229 229 230 230 230 230 230 230 231 231 231 231 234 2-iO 248 249 250 252 254 256 258 260 262 262 267 268 268 270 ILLUSTRATIONS. Text Figures. 1. The Offering of Human Flesh. Drawn from a native sketch 266 1918.] Wissler, Blackfoot ^un Dance. 229 The Sun Dance. In our earlier paper upon the l)un(lles of the Bhickfoot, we have coneerned ourselves with ceremonial functions in which the ownership and chief responsibility, in theory, rested in a single individual. ^Ye come now to an affair initiated, it is true, by the owner of the natoas bundle, })ut yet a composite of other rituals and functions, each of which has a definite place in a program carried out by the w'hole tribal organization. The only trace of a similar tribal participation is in the now almost extinct tobacco-planting ceremonies conducted by the beaver owners; but here there was no complex of other unrelated ceremonies and functions.- In short, the sun dance was for the Blackfoot a true tribal festival, or demonstration of ceremonial functions, in which practically every important ritual owner and organiza- tion had a place. Nevertheless, there were certain rituals peculiar to it which gave it its character. Since the plan of this section is to give an ethnological presentation of the Blackfoot sun dance, rather than a logically unfolding description of the ceremony as seen at a specified time, we shall present the general program now and take up later a somewhat analytical detailed discussion of the various phases of the ceremony. By this method, we shall be able to concentrate our attention upon a single ceremonial concept without the distraction arising from contemporaneous and intrusive procedures based upon other concepts, for as we shall see, this sun dance is a true gomposite. The following schedule is not given as the one observed by the writer, but as the one regarded as proper and believed to have been followed before the various divisions of the Blackfoot were under the complete domination of the Canadian and United States governments. Preparation Period. After making a vow to purchase a sun dance bundle, the woman and her liusband make the necessary arrangements and perform the prescribed rites. This is an indefinite period. At the approach of summer, the invitation tobacco is sent to all tlie bands and the camp circle is formed. 230 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xatural History. [Vol. XYI, Program by Days. First Day. The program opens with moving camp to a site previously selected. On the morning of this day, the medicine woman begins to fast, which may be taken as the real beginning of the ceremony. If the ceremony of "cutting the tongues" has not been previously performed or completed, it is now in order. In any event, the father and any male assistants he may choose to invite, spend a part of the day in "praying and singing over the tongues." A society i)rings in willows and a hundred-willow sweathouse is built. Second Day. In the morning, the camp moves again to a site still nearer that proposed for the sun dance. A few green boughs of Cottonwood are kept around the base of the medicine woman's tipi as a sign of its sanctity. A sweathouse is made, as on the previous day. " Praying and singing over the tongues" continues during the day and evening. Third Day. The same as the second day. Fourth Day. The camp moves again; this time to the site of the sun dance. In the afternoon, the fourth and last hundred-willow sweathouse is built and used. The singing continues during the evening in the medicine woman's tipi. Fifth Day. This is an active day.^ The various bands cut and drag in the poles and green cotton wood boughs to be used in constructing the dancing lodge. The center, or sun pole, is selected and brought in with the ceremonies pertaining thereto. During the day, the holes for the posts are dug and the sides of the dancing lodge put in place and prepared for the raising at sunset. A wind-break is erected at the west side, facing the forked end of the sun pole. Later in the day, some medicinemen take up their stations here to receive offerings to the sun and place them on the pole. In the forenoon, the ceremony connected with the opening of the natoas bundle begins in the medicine woman's tipi. This is completed by the middle of the afternoon when there is a procession from the tipi to the wind-break facing the sun pole. The thongs for the poles are cut. While these are taking place, some food is distributed among the poor people. Those women, who, -during the past season, promised " to come forward to the tongues" now fulfil their vows by public declarations addressed to the setting sun. The pole raisers then approach from the four quarters, erecting ' A.s in many other cases, there is a difterence of opinion as to wliat was, or is, tlie correct , schedule. Some maintain that the timber and sun pole are liroufiht in on the fourth day and the fifth day given over to the erection of the (lancing lod^^c only. This is, however, a matter of no great moment. 1918.] Wisslcr, Bluckfuul Sun Dance. 231 first the sun pole and then the rafters, with as much speed as possible. The medicine woman then returns to her tipi and the father with his male companions goes into a sweathouse. Sixth Day. In the morning, a booth is erected in the dancing lodge for the medicinemen, or weather dancers. Later in the day, they approach, with processions made up of their respective bands, and take their places in the booth. At various times during the day, they dance to the sun. People also come up to be painted and prayed for. As a rule, the medicine- pipes are brought out for these men to bless and smoke. During the after- noon, the "digging dance" occurs, when the fireplace is made and the fire kindled. Seventh Day. People still come to be painted or prayed for by the medicinemen. Later in the day, the dancing of the societies begins. Eighth Day. The dancing may continue on this day; otherwise, camp is broken and the bands go their several ways. The dancing may continue several days, there being no definite time for closing the ceremony. Indeed, to the Blackfoot mind, the really vital part of the ceremony closes on the evening of the fifth day. The dancing of the societies is free to take its course as the various organizations see fit. In former times, howe\'er, it was customary to break camp any time between the seventh and tenth days. According to our information, the four camps of the medicine woman was the rule in olden times and a hundred-willow sweathouse was made at each camp. In recent times, but two moves seem to have been made; the first day marking the move from the regular home camp to the temporary one where the second day is also spent. But one of the hundred-willow sweathouses is now made — the one on the third day. Also, where formerly they used the ordinary type of sweathouse, at the close of the fourth day, the men now return to the hundred-willow sweathouse. The time then was "when the service berries are ripe", perhaps August, instead of Fourth-of- July week, as in recent years. ^ E\-en the fast is much abbreviated, usually but of two davs' duration. The Vow. The most important functionary in the Blackfoot sun dance is a woman, known among the whites as the medicine woman, and upon a clear compre- hension of her functions and antecedents depends our understanding of the ceremony itself. Accordingly, we shall proceed with as complete an exposi- 1 See Grinnell, George Bird, Black-foot Lodge Tales (New York, 1903), 264, for program. 232 Anthropological Papers American .}[uscuni nf Xalural HiMory. [Vol. XM, tion of her office as the information at hand allows. In the first place, a sun (lance cannot occur unless some woman qualifies for the office. On the other hand, it was almost inconccivahlc that there should be a summer in which such a ([ualification would not he made. This attitude of our inform- ants implies that public opinion had sufficient force to call out volunteers against their own wills. There was a feeling that an annual sun dance was, from a religious and ethical point of view, necessary to the general welfare, for which some indi\idual ought to sacrifice personal comfort and property to the extent required by custom. As we shall see later, this was no small price to pay for a doubtful honor. This feeling was sure to express itself in the subtle ways peculiar to Indian society, if need be, to the direct sugges- tion of a candidate who in turn felt impelled to come forward as if prompted entirely from within. As a rule, however, the woman (jualifies by a vow. Oftimes, when a member of the family is dangerously ill, one of the women goes out of the tipi and raising her eyes to the sun calls upon it that health may be restored to the ailing one. In such an appeal she offers to make gifts to the sun, usually specifying that she will sacrifice a piece of cloth, a dress, a robe, an ax, etc., which are after a time, provided the sick one improves, hung in trees or deposited upon a hill. Such appeals are still made with great frequency. It is believed that unless the woman has been industrious, truthful, and above all, true to her marriage vows, her appeal will not be answered. Sometimes, when the woman addresses the sun she promises to be the medicine woman at the next sun dance. She herself may be ill and promise such a sacrifice in case she receives help. , Again, she may, out of gratitude for the satisfactory way in which her prayers have been an- swered, announce her intention to take this step. In such a case, a formal announcement is made to the sun. In company with a man, usually a meilicineman experienced in the ceremonies, she steps out into the camp, where they face the sun whom the man addresses, explaining that as this woman asked for help in time of need and that inasmuch as it was granted, she in turn promises to l)e the medicine woman at the first opportunity. Some such formal announcement is made in every case where the prayers have been answered. By this formality, the vow receives public registry. As indicated above, the prayers are not always granted. In such cases, the promises are not only not binding, but to proceed with the sun dance, or to take a secondary part in it, would be to the detriment of all concerned. The fault is said to lie in the woman's life and that only the wrath of the sun would be invoked by her participation in the ceremonies. It may be asked if a man can make such avow. He may and does often call uj)()ii tlicsuii, promising gifts of property or even scalps and may jjromise 191S.] Wisdcr, Bluckfool Sun Dance. 233 to furnish the material support for a wife, mother, sister, or in fact any woman who will come forward to perform the ceremony. Thus, a Blood chief once told us that he had been very ill all winter; that he had tried all kinds of doctors without relief, until he was stripped of all his property. At last, he recovered and then made a vow that with th(> help of his wife he would give the sun dance. This he did, hut, as he expressed it, "with great difh- culty because he was then poor and did not receive ade([uate help from his relatives." Again, it must be noted that women who do not feel ecjual to the responsi- bility of the medicine woman's office, make a vow to announce publicly their virginity or faithfulness to their marriage vows, as the case may be, though for an unmarried woman to make such a pledge is the exception. This is spoken of as "the going forward to the tongues," the full meaning of which will appear later. The manner and occasion of making this \o\x are in most respects similar to the preceding. At a certain stage of the sun dance proceedings, all the women who made such a promise to the sun, come forward and make their statements subject to the challenge of any man present. This bears some resemblance to the virginity tests of the Dakota, but applies more particularly to married women and marital \irtue than otherwise. Naturally, the number of women making promises of this kind was much greater than for the more important ceremony. Thus, we have a custom of calling upon the sun in time of need which is an almost universal practice, a more restricted form of such appeal peculiar to women in so far that sexual morality is a necessary ciualification, the more specific vow of " going forward to the tongues", and the exceptional vow to perform the medicine woman's functions at the sun dance, a fair illustration of the way in which most complex folk ceremonies are supported by a pyramid of less and less differentiated practices. In passing, it should be noted that when the vow is made to perform the medicine woman's functions, it is literally an obligation to purchase a natoas bundle, or if already the owner of a bundle, to perform its ritual.^ A woman may own more than one of these bundles at a time; indeed, we have heard of a woman purchasing new ones at several successive sun dances. This purchase is a fundamental feature in all bundle ceremonies to which the sun dance bundle offers no exception. On the other hand, the vow means more than the mere purchase of a bundle. We are told that the requirement as to virtue holds strictly for the vow and the tongue ceremony. A woman can buy a natoas in the ordinary 1 This series, volume 7, 215. 234 Anthropological Papers American Mu)^eum of A'adiral Hidory. [Vol. XVI, sense and have it transferred with the ritual e^•en though she has not been true to her husband. We are reminded that Scal)by-round-robe's wife^ was not true to her i'onutT lHisl)and and that when her luisband received a ])eaver bundle there went with it a natoas and accessories; but that while she could use them by virtue of lier relation to a beaver bundle, she was not competent to make a \ow and initiate a sun dance.- This is consistent with the tradition that the natoas was once bought from a bea-\er bundle by a woman who gave the sun dance for that year and used instead of a wreath of juniper as in former ceremonies. It also throws some light on the relation of the natoas to the beaver and the sun dance rituals. Ceremony of the Tongues. While it is obvious from the preceding, that the medicine woman takes her vow at no fixed period in the year, the order of procedure is such that as a rule, she must have taken her vow not later than the spring of the year in which the sun dance occurs. There is no absolute prohibition to qualifying at a later time, as is often the case at present when the consent of the Indian Agent must be obtained before the ceremony is permitted, but the normal order seems to be as just stated. Any way, in the spring, the medicine woman calls upon her relatives for buffalo tongues (in recent years, those of cattle). These are then saved as requested. In passing, it may be noted that in all ceremonies, the persons upon whom the burden of responsibility falls have not only an inherent right to call upon their blood relatives, but these in turn are under obligations to respond. The number of tongues required is uncertain, some informants claiming that there should be an even hundred, others, that four to five full parfleches was the standard. Naturally, in recent years, the number has been much less. These tongues are to be sliced, parboiled, and dried like meat. The slices, however, must be perfect, without holes, and come from the interior of the tongue. The slicing of these tongues appears to have been the first ceremony of the cycle. It is conducted l)y a man, usually the father, who formally announced the woman's vow and who conducts all the ceremonies in which » This series, vol. 2, 8.3. 2 For cxami)l(', we wore told that some few years ago the wdow of Spotted-eagle took the part of the nit^dicine woman and ))orrowefl a natoas from tlie mother of Ciirly-bear. Recently '1911), the latter died. Then the former claimed the natoas on the gromids that she had paid full value for it at the time and that she had now the most right to it. Curlyr bear consented. Then, after an interval, this woman transferred it to the wife of who made no vow to give the sun dance, for it was generally knowii that the reputation of the new owner permanently disciualifled her for the function of medicine woman. 191S.] Winder, Bhtckjool Sun Dunce. 235 the medicine wonuin takes part. Tliere is no stipulation that the same man must direct all parts of the ceremony, hut, hy custom, this ofhce is performed annually by the same man so long as he is physically capable. To this ceremony are called the medicine woman, the women who have promised to "go forward to take the tongues", and sometimes those having previously performed these functions. The manner of formally registering the vow and of collecting the tongues is stated as follows: — Now the woman who made the vow calls on a man and woman who have been through the medicine lodge ceremony to announce it. The man and woman come to her tipi and paint her clothes and face and those of the relative for whom the vow was made with red paint. Prayers are offered for them and a few songs sung. After this, the four stand in front of the tipi and the man announces the vow'. He says, " Sun, she is going to make a sun lodge for you. I think you and those who are above can hear what is said." Then they moxe in turn to the south, west, and north side of the tipi, repeating the same words at each stop and finally enter the tipi. In the spring of the year, when the people run buffalo, the woman has her tipi a little towards the front or center. It may be that she is only with one of the bands, while the rest are camped elsewhere. Her tipi stands alone a little to the west of the others. The people are then notified that the tongues are to be given to the woman. Her husband mounts his horse and sets out, taking a pipe and tobacco, but no weapons with him. ^Yhen he finds a man butchering, he sits down on a robe, fills his pipe, prays for those present, and smokes with them. The butcher cuts out the tongue, wipes it off with sagegrass, and places it near the man, who has spread some buffalo dung with sagegrass on top of it in a row before him. The tongues are placed on the sage and dung. The man then takes the tongues and rides to where the next man is butchering and goes through the same procedure. After he has gathered up all the tongues he takes them home. Each time buffalo are killed the man rides out to gather in tongues until he has accumu- lated a hundred. The tongues having been collected, an important ceremony follows with their boiling and slicing. An experienced man and woman are invited to direct; these are spoken of as the father and the mother. Also, all the women having made a vow "to go forward to the tongues" are invited. In addition, a number of women and men familiar with the ceremonies are called. The woman making the vow (the daughter) and her husl)and (the son) sit at the back of the fire; next to the former, sits the mother and then the other women; next to the latter, sits the father and then the men in order. 230 AiUhropologicdl Papers Americati Museuni of Natural History. [Vol. XVI, The men sit on the north side and the women on the south. At the proper moment, the mother brings in the tongues, passing around to the south side, and Uiys them in rows on a halt" rawhide hack of the fire. All the women having made vows are now called upon to slice the tongues. Their husbands must be present. The tongues are slit open and the women are invited to slice and boil them. When all the guests are present, one of the tongues is taken and {)ainted black on one edge and red on the other, and given to the woman who made the vow. The rest of the tongues are handed to the women for skinning and slicing; if there were more tongues than women, each was given more than one to slice. After all the women have the tongues, the Avoman with the painted tongue makes a confession, saying, "Sun, I have been true to my husband ever since I have been with him and all my life. Help me, for what I say is true. I will skin this tongue without cutting a hole in it or cutting my fingers." The next woman also makes a confession, and so on. After all have confessed, they commence to skin the tongues. As the first woman takes up the knife, the song runs: " A sharp thing I have taken; it is powerful." The knife is painted, one half red, the other black. Should any of the women cut a hole in the tongue skin or cut their fingers, it is a sign that they rriust have lied and they are ordered from the tipi. At the outset, each woman carefully examines her tongue to see if the skin is perfect. Should a hole be found, the tongue is passed to the director who marks it with black paint. After the tongues are all skinned and sliced, they are passed back to the woman who distributed them and placed in a w^ooden bowl. The skins of the tongues are tied in bunches with sinew' so that they can tell to which woman the skins belong. The skins are to be boiled by two women. Two sticks are given to one woman and one to the other. All this time singing is going on. The woman who has the two sticks paints them black, while the woman who has the other, paints it red. The three sticks are tied together at one end and are used as a tripod for hanging the kettle in which the skins of the tongues are to l)e boiled. The legs of the tripod, the wooden kettle hook, and all other sticks are painted half in red and half in black. Also, the kettle is marked with four vertical bands of black and four of red. The four blunt sticks for stirring the pot are painted in pairs, red and black. A red and black painted stick is slipped through the bail, passed around to the north of the tipi, and handed to the two women. During all these movements there is praying and singing. The women each take hold of one end of the stick and go for water. They make four pauses on this journey, each time jjraying to the sun and 1918.] Witislcr, Blaekjoot Sun Dance. 237 asserting their marital rectitude and recounting such occasions as they have been improperly approached by a man. All this time, the father and his assistants sing in the tipi. One of the women takes a cup, makes four movements with it and dips the water. At this moment the song runs: — " The water that I see. Water is sacred." On the return, the women make four pauses as before. "When the pail is finally within the tipi, incense is l)urned between the fireplace and the door and the pail held in the smudge. The father takes up the l)oard upon which some of the tongues lie and while holding it up in one hand, shakes the cup al)out in the water, meanwhile making a noise like the buffalo, finally striking the pail a blow with the cup. Here the song runs: — " Buffalo will drink." This may be taken as marking one stage of the ceremony. The boiling of the tongue is now^ in order. ^Yhen all is ready, the father starts the songs in the next series. The two women hook the kettle on the tripods and while the kettle is heated, there are other songs and incense burned and the song runs : — " Where I (buffalo speaking) sit is sacred." While the water boils, the director takes up a tongue, holds it above the kettle, lowers it slowly, making a noise as if something were drinking. After this, the women place the tongues in the kettle and proceed with the boiling. Here or elsewhere, songs accompany the ceremonial acts. The pot must not boil over. When the tongues have cooked, the two women rise and stand by the fire as the songs begin. At the proper moment, they remove the kettle and place it on the spot where the smudge was made. First, they take out the painted tongues and then the others. The father takes up a small piece, singing: — "Old Man (sun), he wants pemmican. He wants to eat. Old Woman (moon), she wants back fat. She wants to eat. Morningstar, he wants broth. He wants to eat." 238 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xatural History. [Vol. X'S'I, Then the painted tongue is passed to the daughter. Now, each of the women tears off a bit of the tongue skin and all, hold up the pieces and pray. After the prayers, the pieces are placed in the earth and the tongues are hung up to dry. First, the rope is taken up and a song sung. The woman who made the vow, rises and ties one end of the rope to the tipi pole on the north side and the other end to the tipi pole on the south side, a little to the west of the fireplace. All the tongues, both painted and un- painted, are hung on this rope. During all these ceremonies there is no regular smudge. The smudges are made with sweetgrass on the grass near the rear of the tipi. The tongues are left to hang for two days before they are taken down to be cooked. When the tongues have been hung, all return to their homes, the women taking the tongue skins with them for their relatives to eat, as they are considered to be blessed and supposed to bring good luck. After two days, all meet again in the same tipi. The two women who w'ent for the w'ater place the tripods over the fire and while songs are sung, the pot is passed to them with the red painted sticks. The two women, each holding one end of the stick, go for water, praying on the way. ^Yhen they return to the tipi a smudge, over which they hold the bucket of water, is made betw^een the door and the fireplace. Then the bucket is placed beside the smudge. While the others sing, the woman who made the vow rises and first takes the painted tongue and then the others from where they were hung. They are then placed on a buffalo hide and the woman returns to her place. Four women sit down near the tongues; each one takes a tongue, one of which is the painted one. Kneeling and swaying their bodies in time with the songs, they sing the buft'alo songs. The painted tongue is placed in the kettle first and a song is sung: "^Yhen buft'alo go to drink; it is powerful. Where buffalo sit is powerful (natojiwa)." Then the rest of the tongues are placed in the pot which is hooked on the tripod over the fire. Songs are sung and four sticks, al)out the length of the forearm, for stirring the tongues, are placed where the tongues were first placed. One of the cooks takes a pair of the sticks and stirs the tongues with them. When removing the tongues from the kettle they are held between two of these sticks. Another song, culled the song of rest is sung, antl all rest for a time and smoke. When the tongues are cooled, another song is sung, the two cooks rise, and taking the pot, place it over the smudge place near the door. To the singing of songs, the painted tongue first, and then the others, are taken out and j)laccd on lialf a rawhide. The soup is poured into wooden bowls and distril)\itcd among those i)resent. No tin cu])s nuist be used in drinking this soup. While all sing, the woman who made the vow rises 1918.] Wissler, Blackfoot Sun Dance. 239 and first takes the painted tongiu' and then all the others and haiij^s tliciii up as before. This ends the eereniony. Two days later, the same participants are called together to the same tipi and the woman rises and takes first the painted tongue and tlicn the others from where they were hung. A parfieche is l)rought and a hufValo song sung: " Buft'alo I take. Where T sit is powerful." The painted tongue and then the others are placed on the parfieche. Wild peppermint is put in with the tongues, the parfieches are tied up and ])laced at the rear of the tipi. Sometimes tongues are dried in front of the tipi on a stage made by setting up two travois with a lodge pole tied between them. The man and woman who lead the ceremony must not have any metal about them. Brass.rings, earrings, and all such trinkets must be taken off. Nor must there be any kni^■es in the \icinity. Even the knives with which the tongues are cut are taken out. No one must spit in front of him, but always close to the wall under the beds. If they do, it Mill rain. No water is brought into the medicine lodge and when water is brought, it is covered. The only time when it is permitted to eat or drink is before sunrise and after sunset. They must be given food by the instructors. The prayers in this ceremony are prayers for good luck for everyone in the camp. This closes the preliminaries to the ceremonies leading to the sun dance and may be designated as the cutting of the tongues. As in most other cases, there seems to have been considerable variation in this procedure, both as to time and order. Certainly, for a number of years, it has been much abbreviated. As implied in the program, this ceremony may be performed on the first day. The gathering of tongues was dependent upon circinn- stances and after the days of the great buffalo drives was a matter of gradual accumulation. Thus, it was explained, that by necessity, the "cutting" was often repeated, though naturally with less ceremony. The parfieches containing tongues are kept in the medicine woman's tipi where they are " prayed and sung over" during the first and second days of the program. The underlying thotight seems to be that they are conse- crated to the sun. In the procession of the fotu-th day, the parfieches are carried l)ehind the medicine woman by her attendants. In former years, these were the women who had promised " to go forward to the tongues." They are present at the ceremony in the medicine woman's tipi and may be said to be in attendance during the entire fasting period. At the time indicated in the program, the parfieches are opened and the women in turn step out with some of the dried tongue, face the west, and each holding up a piece, address the sun then nearing the horizon. They declare their innocence of adultery, as at the time of making the vow and cutting the tongues. They also 240 AiitlinipoUxjicdl Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVI, pray for themselves and their relatives after which they distribute dried tongue among them. Finally, there is a general distribution of tongues among the people. Ho\ve\er, there is another aspect of their appearance at this point. The IJlackfoot assume that many women have at one or more periods of their lives been invited by a man to commit the offence and that often the occasion is one of great temptation or calls for great presence of mind and will power. Now, when addressing the sun, if so approached, the woman narrates the circumstances, naming the men committing the offence, and recounts the manner of her refusal. In naming the ofl'ender, they usually say, " I suppose he hears what I say." These women are also subject to challenge of their having committed adultery. It will be seen from this that the part they take in the ceremony is an ordeal for which most women have little liking and one which they will not vmdertake lightly. The Blackfoot, themselves, regard it as one of the most solemn occasions in the ceremony. So far as we could learn, no one now living was ever present when one of these women was challenged, but the naming of men who were guilty of improper advances was not unusual. A retrospect of the concept of the tongues indicates that the entire ceremony, or their association with the medicine woman and those who are sexually pure, gives them a potency that may be acquired l)y eating. They seem most closely associated with sexual purity since they are less primary in the function of the medicine woman than in case of those who "go forward," the former l)eing requiretl to possess many virtues, the latter but one. While the medicine woman fasts and keeps to her tipi, the others do not. The Medicine Woman. We shall now give our attention to the medicine woman. As pre- viously stated, she is in most respects the central figure in the whole cere- mony, around whom centers its more serious and solemn aspects. On the fifth (hiy, an elaborate ritual is demonstrated in her tijji, culminating in the procession to the dancing lodge. To this ritual belongs a medicine bundle with accessories, known as the natoas, though the name is primarily that of the headdress which the bundle contains. This bundle is transferred in the ritualistic way to the medicine woman In' the ceremony and thus becomes hers to care for and guard until used again at another sun dance ceremony. The ritual and the bundle have been discussed in detail in Volume 7 of this series. In addition to the contents of the bundle, there must be a special robe of elkskiii, a (hess of the same material, and wristlets of strong elk 1918.] Wisskr, Blackjonl Sun Dance. 241 teetli. A new trinois must Ix' i)r()\i(l('(l t'oi- uioxinj;- tlic incdicinc wouimii outfit. Sometinu's she licrsclf rides on it. This travois is made l)y iIk- past medicine woman, her attenchtnt in the ceremonies. As previously stated, tiie natoas ritual in the sim dance has for its mythical basis the Elk-woman and tlie Woman-who-married-a-star, though Scar-face, Cuts-wood, Otter-woman, and Scabby-round-robc are said to have made minor contril)utions. Versions of these myths may be consulted in Volume 2, part 1 of this series. The Woman-who-marrierl-a-star is crecHted with l^ringing down the fligging-stick and the turnip, together with the songs pertaining thereto (p. Gl), also a wreath of juniper formerly worn in place of the natoas and the eagle feather worn by the man. It is also interesting to note that the Crane-woman who transfers the ritualistic attributes of these objects makes a formal declaration of her marital virtue. In the case of Elk-woman, we have again the incident of the Crane and the digging-stick where it is implied that tiu^ latter symbo- lizes the bill of the former. We are informed that many animals were present at this transfer, each contributing something to the regalia. We also find it suggested that the bunches of feathers, on the natoas represent the horns of the elk, the elk robe and elk teeth wristlets further symbolizing that animal. In one version of this myth is the antagonistic implication that Elk-woman was not quite up to the standard of marital \irtue. In the Cuts-wood myth the "going forward to the tongues" is accounted for. Scabby-round-robe is credited with adding the necklace and the arrow point to the natoas and Otter-woman with the wild cat-tail. The following statement of an informant has a bearing upon this point: — The natoas is said to have come from the Elk. It was first owned by beaver bundle men, but it was the castom for the medicine woman in the sun dance to borrow it for her ceremony. This continued for a time, but ultimately the medicine woman Iwught it and kept it in a bundle of her own. The feathers on the front of the natoas are said to represent the horns of Elk and the plumes at the sides, the leafy top of the large turnip. This is the same turnip which the woman who went to the sky land is supposed to have dug up. The digging-stick which accompanies the natoas also represents the stick with which she did this digging. Some of the songs in the natoas ritual speak of little children running about and this refers to the ball-like image on the front of the natoas, for this image is stuffed with tobacco seeds, which, as yoxi know, are often spoken of as children, or dwarfs (p. 201). The broad band upon which the natoas is mounted is said to represent the lizard. All these things, it is said, were added to the natoas, one at a time, by some of the beaver men. So it came about that we have the natoas as it is. Now, as to the story about the Elk giving the Natoas the robe and the wristlets used with it. The objection is sometimes made that this first woman who ran away from her husband to join the Elk was not si true woman and that the facts are there- fore inconsistent with the ideal of the natoas ritual. Yet, some of our jicoplc claim 242 Anthropological Papers American Mtiscnm of Xatural History. [Vol. XVI, that the woman was true and that thougli slie went away with the Elk it was merely for the sake of receiving the ritual and that this is evident because in the story it tells how she was able to hook down trees by her magical powers and it is not con- ceivable that she could do this if she had not been a true woman. The ceremonial transfer of the sun dance bundle really begins with the fasting of the medicine woman on the first day. Neither she nor her hus- band are supposed to eat or drink while the sun is visible, and then but sparingly. On the evening before, they are put to bed by the father and mother. The mother places the daughter on the south side of the fire and the father the son on the north side. They must remain in the same position until morning. Before the sun rises the father and mother go to the medi- cine woman's tipi, stand by the door and sing. They sing as they formally enter, the father raising up the son; the mother, the daughter. The man is taken out by the father and the daughter by the mother for the morning toilet. When they return a small amount of food is fed to the son and daugh- ter, after which the father and mother take a little food and drink. This must be before sunrise. During the day the son and especially the daughter must sit quietly in their places with bowed heads and eyes cast down. She wears a buffalo robe, hair side in, painted red, covering her head as well as her body. Her hair is not braided, but hangs down freely except for a horizontal band around the head. The hair may be allowed to conceal the entire face. The daughter must do nothmg for herself. If she wishes to speak it must be in almost a whisper in the ear of the mother or other attendant, who in turn will announce the import, if necessary. A fire is kept burning in the middle of the tipi, the ears are closely drawn around the smoke hole, the door closed, and the tipi co\er securely staked down at the edges. Though this keeps the temperature high, the medicine woman cannot use a fan, but may use the skin of a muskrat to wipe the perspiration from her face and hands. During the fasting period no noise must be made in the tipi. All the attendants must a^•oid unnecessary conversation and speak in a very subdued tone; utensils must not be rattled or struck together. Visitors may enter, l)ut respectfully and cjuietly. Xo noises should be made in the vicinity of tlie medicine tipi and boisterous acts abstained from in all parts of the camp circle. If water is brought in the vessel must be covered. No one should s])it in the tipi nor do tlie otlier things forbidden at the ceremony of tlie tongues. Througliout tlic whole j^criod there is a male attendant. He keeps the fire ali\e (hiring the night and until cam}) is ni()\ed. He can only start the fire with an ember from some other tipi, striking fire in the tipi being strictly 191S.] • Wisskr, Blnckfool Sun Dance. 243 prohibited. Pipes can only he li(;lite(l from the hre hy this atteiKhiiit with service berry sticks. A bhize must be avoided as much as possible. The attendant cuts the tobacco and fills the pipe and \\hen burnt out he inu.st empty the ashes into a small hole in the firound near his seat. Everyone is expected to sit quietly, leaving- the mo\-in<,f to him. He remains on duty during the night also. Formerly, the tipi of the medicine woman was moved tliree times, four diflFerent camps resulting, the la.st being at its position in the circle for the sun dance. As a considerable journey was often necessary to reach tiie sun dance site these camps might be far apart. Theoretically, the camp is pitched late in the afternoon of each day. At the sun dance a special sweat- house ceremony takes place. This will be discussed later. After this the evening and greater part of the night are spent by those in attendance at the medicine woman's tipi in rehearsing the songs and* instructing the son and daughter. Like everything else, moving the camp of the medicine woman is a formal matter. The tra\ois is made, painted red, and reser^■ed for the special use of the medicine woman. AVlien the time for lireaking camp in the medicine woman's band arrives, she and her husband are led out and seated upon a robe at the west or rear of their tipi, facing in the direction to mo\'e. The parfleche of tongues and other paraphernalia are brought out by the attending women and put downi beside the couple. The mother directs the attending women in taking down the tipi and hitching the horse to the travois. The parfleche of tongues is packed on the travois. When all is ready, the woman and man are led to their horses and assisted to mount, the woman riding the horse to the travois. The father and the son go ahead in single fUe, next the mother and the daughter, or medicine woman. They pause four times, as songs are sung. After they get some distance out, they stop and wait for the camp, now moving for the first time. This procession of four always leads, the two men side by side and behind them the two women likewise. At noon, when they stop for lunch, the two are again seated on a robe, the travois unhooked and laid down before them. Then follows the camp some distance behind. The old men form a circle and smoke near the pair. At this time the father orders one of the men's societies to go forward and mark out a camp site. When this spot is reached, tipis are pitched and when everything is in place the medicine woman and her husband are taken inside. On the morning of each day a society is given instructions to make the sweathouse at the camping place, a man to get the creeping juniper ami another to cut out the smudge place. As the sweathouse procediu'e is a distinct ceremony, it will be treated under another head. 244 Anthropological Papers American Mnseum of Natural History. [\'ol. XVI, The following account of the e^•e^iIlg ceremonies in the medicine woman's tipi was given hy Red-plume: — In the eveiun (htiif; off into \hv fire i.s a .si inuskrat skin used 1o wipe the faces of ihe man and woman: "Man says, my medicine, I am looking f6r. 1 have found it." Tlie skin is taken up. Two songs are sung for the parfieche with tongues in it. It is taken up very slowly and the singing continues during all the movements made with it. It is held over the smudge and placed to one side, the cords untied, and the tongues taken out and distributed to all who are now in t he t i) li. '!"he two medicine- men and women also eat. The song when first taking up the parfieche is: "Buffalo I am powerfully starting. It is powerful where I sit." When undoing the cords the words are: "Buffalo I take some." When the first tongue is taken out, a little piece is held up by everyone, prayers are said, the small pieces are placed on the ground, and they begin to eat them. Seven songs for the eagle tail feather with which the sun is supposed to have brushed oH the scar from Scar-face's face and is supposed to be the feather brought down from the sun by Scar-face follow: "Old man says, hand me a feather." The feather is passed to the man. Another song follows: "Old man says he wants a hundred feathers. Old woman wants different kinds of feathers." Seven more songs are sung, the words of some of them are: "This man says that above have seen me. It is powerful. The ground I see is powerful. Old man, says, white bufi'alo robe I want. Old woman, says, Elk I want. Old man sajs, don't fool me. Old woman says, don't fool me." The meaning of this is to be sure and give them what they ask for, that is, offerings made at the sun dance to the sun, moon, etc. Seven songs are sung before they take up the rattles and the rawhide and five songs for the raven. At this time, the man takes hold of one of the rattles by tlie ball part touching it to the ground, while he holds the end of the handle straight up. The raven songs are: "Raven says, bufTalo I am looking for; buffalo I take. The wind is our medicine. The brush is our home. Buffalo I take." The man pecks the rattle handle with one finger on both sides and crows. Then they begin to beat the rattles on the rawhide and shake them in a circle once. Now seven songs are sung for the smudge which is made of a species of fungus that grows on a kind of willow. The songs: "Old man saj's, all right, may mj' lodge be put up. Old woman says, all right may my lodge be put up or built." These words mean that the sun and moon are speaking and want the sun dance lodge built without any accidents. The next songs are for the natoas bundle which is not opened. The songs: "Old man comes in, he says, I am looking for my bonnet. I have found it. It hears me. It is medicine." The old woman sings and uses the same words in her songs. There are six of these bonnet songs. The songs for the badger skin follow: "The man above hears me; he is powerful. The ground is m_v home; it is powerful." There are four songs for the badger. The badger skin and other things are not handled, the songs about them are simply sung. The songs for the natoas are: "Old man says I am looking for my bonnet. I have found it : it is powerful." The woman then sings a song with the same words, which is followed by a song about the stone arrow points on the natoas. There is a song for everything which makes up the bonnet which is as follows: the leather band, the blue paint on the band, the stuffed weasel skin tied crosswise on the bonnet, the weasel tails hanging from the bonnet, two feathers in front, and two behind, two plumes on each side of the bonnet, a flint arrow point, a buffalo calf tail, a snipe, and a small doll the head of which is 246 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVI, stuffed with tobacco seed. The song for the doll on the bonnet is: "Children are running alumt. They arc running from us. They are running towards us. They are boy.'^. They are jtowerful." Tlie man says, "Give me the child," and makes the movement of reception. Another song is sung: "Child is crj'ing," and the man imitates the crying of a child. The song for the little birds is: "Bird says water is my medicine; it is powerful," for the calf tail: "Man says calf tail I want," and for the arrow jxiint: "Sharp ])oints are on both sides." Then follows the song for the leather band which represents the lizard : "Yonder man, I am angry and mad at you." This song of the lizard refers to the prairie dog chief. The blue paint on the band represents water and the song for it is: "The blue waters are our medicine." The song for the feathers is: "Feathers I want." Another song for the plume on the feathers: "Red I want." This closes the evening ceremony. The man and woman are put to bed and all go home. This is the ceremony after the first sweathouse is made. Three more moves of the entire camp and three more sweathouses must be made. The fourth move and .sweathouse is where the sun dance takes place. Nowadays, only one sweathouse is made for the sim dance. It seems that the final camp is marked out by a society laying rocks around its bounds, according to which the arriving bands find their proper places. At the fourth camp and on the fourth day, the natoas bundle is opened, or its formal ritual demonstrated. Early in the day another tipi is pitched before the medicine tipi and the covers are joined, thus enlarging the space and providing for a few spectators. A few men and women are invited to assist in the ceremony: the men use the rattles and with the women aid in the singing. The father and other men sit on the north side of the tipi, the former next the medicine woman's husband; and the other women sit on the south side, the mother next to the medicine Avoman. She directs the medicine woman and the singing of the other women. The ceremony opens at about ten A. M. with the first series of songs in the ritual. Three men hold a rattle in each hand, beating them upon the rawhide by a vigorous downward forward stroke, the seventh rattle is used by the father. The ritual of the natoas will be found in \'olume 7, pp. 2L5-220. Nor- mally, this ceremony transfers the natoas to the daughter. She may, howe\'er, waive the right, in which case the l)undle returns to the former owner. Yet, she seems to enjoy all the privileges accorded to one having been an owner. Theoretically, no one can perform a transfer ceremony without having first owned the bundle in question. In case of the natoas, even now, a l)eaver owner is regarded as competent to conchict the proceeding, though he may never have gone through the rituid with his wife. This is con- sistent with the tradition that formerly the natoas was a part of the beaver 1918.] Whsler, Blackfool Sun Dance. 247 bundle.' Yet, the conditions here are sHghtly different from those for other bundles in that the father must provide or is charged with the responsi- bility to see that a natoas is provided. Following the vow, either he or the son makes formal application to the owner of a natoas by the usual presentation of a pipe.- When the daughter begins her fasting, the father has the natoas l)rought to her tipi. As a rule, the father's wife owns a natoas. Some informants claim that even should the daughter own a natoas, the father must provide another. On the other hand, the daughter can select the eligible natoas. In any case, the father furnishes the daughter with a dress and an elk robe for which he must be paid liberally.^ In conclusion, it may be remarked that anyone can make uj) a natoas, if he has a dream so directing him; also, if he owned a natoas that was lost or otherwise destroyed; if he gave it away, without receiving payment; or if it was buried with someone. Having owned a natoas and transferred it, he cannot duplicate it; should the new owner lose it, he may, if called upon, replace it; likewise, if buried, the surviving husband or \vife could call upon him. In all such cases fees are given. When one transfers a medicine bundle and has been paid for it, he has no more right to it and cannot duplicate it on his own motion. Should one sell the bundle without the ceremony of transfer, the ritual remains with him and he can again make up the bundle; should one make the transfer and fail to receive the pay, or waive the pay, he can make it up again. The relatives of one buried with a bundle can call upon a former owner to make it up, after which it must be formally transferred to one of them. ]Men were sometimes killed on the warpath and their bundles lost; such were replaced as noted above. In every case these must be true duplicates; it is only a dream that authorizes new creations, or variations, however slight. An interesting sidelight is thrown upon the idealized qualities of this woman's function by the following narrative: — Once while a medicine woman was sleeping in the sacred tipi during the fasting, a nephew of her husband stole in and made improper advances. 1 In former times, the natoas and the medicine woman's costimie were o-mied by a beaver man. "When a woman gave a sim dance she gave a horse for their use. .She just borrowed them. Later on, a beaver man transferred them, whence they became a separate bundle. — Tom Kiyo. 2 Should the woman already o-mi a natoas and the transferrer (father) own one: the woman must say which bundle shall be used. She can use her own, borrow, or piu-chase of the transferrer. — Curly-bear. 3 A Piegan informant comments as follows: The woman can either Iniy or borrow a natoas. In the olden times she often borrowed becatise the natoas, the dress, the elk tooth wristlets, and the robe were o\^^led by a beaver man"s wife. After a time, however, these were transferred to a medicine woman and were thus separated from the beaver bundle. 248 Anthropolofflcal Papers Amcricnn Museuin of Xatnral History. [Vol. XVI, Being a good and true woman, like all others who give the sun dance, she spurned him. Next day she told her husband the whole story. He was very anj;ry. He was not satisfied with the confession she made, but suspected that she must have given the young man some encouragement. So when all the medicinemen and women had come into the tipi to rehearse the songs as usual, he made a statement of these suspicions and as he had two wives, he proposed to haA'e them change places. The medicinemen pleaded for the first wife because they believed her innocent, but the husband was obdurate. So the second wife was called in to take the place. Then the first wife said, "It w^as I who saved this man's life when he was ill. I made the vow to give the sun dance and he got well. I have suffered much in fasting, all for him. Now' he dis- graces me before all the people. But I w'ill put my virtue to a test. If I am true, I have already acquired power." She filled a pipe, went outside and standing now on the east side of the tipi, then on the south, the west, and the north, she addressed the sun. The day was clear, but soon after the woman entered the tipi, thunder was heard. A storm came down with hail and blew over many tipis. But in spite of these proofs, her husband was obdurate and the second wife went on wdth the ceremony. Not long after the sun dance this same man became ill again. Finally, as a last rfsort, he called upon the first wife to save him again. This woman told him to call upon the other woman as he seemed to ha^e so much faith in her. So he died and was properly punished for so imjustly treating his faithful wife. The PRocf:ssiON to the Dancing Lodge. In our account of the natoas ritual we told how the father, son, etc., emerge from their tipi. The file is headed by the father, followed by the son, next the mother, then the medicine woman followed by women bearing the tongues. The father and the son are muffled in blankets (robes); the latter walks with bowed head, leaning heavily on a staff and bearing over his head a wild rhubarb stalk. "^ The medicine woman wears the natoas on her head, an elkskin (often buckskin) dress and an elkskin robe, with the digging-stick on her back. For a staff, she uses one of the smudge sticks. The women in her rear bear parflcches containing the tongues, together wdth blankets and other ordinary objects. Two or three old men act as I Scar-fac(! is said to have made a whistle (fliiKeolct) of such a stallv. Tlie pitli ol' the growing plant is sometimes eaten for food. 1918.] Wisslcr, Blackfoot Sun Dhucc. 249 conductors, or flankers, keeping- tlic way clear of spectators, etc. The procession moves slowly and by stages. The four principal personages in it keep their eyes upon the ground. The course is southward past the entrance (east side) to the dancing lodge, around the south side, the rear of the shelter and entering from the north side. Here the medicine woman remains until the dancing lodge is raised at sunset, when she returns to her tipi and breaks her fast with berr\' soup. The father and the son go to a sweathouse after which their responsibilities also end. During the con- tinuance of the ceremonies in the sun lodge, the medicine woman cares for the natoas bundle, now her property, until transferred to another, but is otherwise free to do as she likes. She usually remains quietly at home receiving guests and resting. The part of the medicine woman is truly a sacrifice. She and liei- husband must pay liberally everyone called upon for ceremonial service directly connected with the tongues and the natoas ritual. They must also pay a considerable amount of property for the natoas itself. To give the ceremony means the sacrifice of all personal property. On the other hand, there is compensation, aside from fidfilling the vow. Her relatixes are very proud of her since she is so ^•irtuous. She is highly respected by her husband and family. In a measiu'e those who "take the tongues" are also respected. The medicine woman may act as the mother in a future sun dance for which she will receive presents and she may eventually realize something l\v transferring the natoas to another. Should anything go wrong during the ceremony, the weather be unfavorable, etc., people will look with suspicion upon her and say she must have lied in her confession to the sun. Should she become ill or have deaths in the family, the same charge will be made. The Offerings of Cloth. After the procession headed by the father and he is in position at the west side of the dancing lodge, offerings of cloth and clothing are brought up by the people. A man making such an offer- ing hands the father a filled pipe and the cloth. The father holds the pipe and offers prayers for the gi^■er and lights and passes the pipe to other old men sitting around. The cloth he lays in a pile. Then he paints the giver: first the face is smeared over with red, then black spots are daubed on the cheeks, nose, forehead, and chin, four in all. A black circle is marked around each wa-ist. Women Ijringing offerings and pipes go to the mother who prays for them and paints their faces red with a black spot on the nose and a black circle around the face. There is also a black circle around each wrist. 250 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVI, The Ht'xdked-Willow Sweathouse. As stated before, a sweatliouse of special form is constructed on the third day. This is said to have originated with Scar-face, it being the house into which he was taken by the sun. About the middle of the day a society is sent out for the willows. These were usually those of the younger men; the pigeons and mosquitoes. There is a belief, however, that in former times only warriors could be sent upon this errand. These persons are mounted and return in procession, singing and circling the medicine woman's tipi in the direction of the sun, and deposit their willows at the west side of the camp circle. They must not drink water while on this duty. An older society is called to build the sweathouse. They must not drink water while engaged in this operation and receive some of the tongues after the ceremonies of the fourth day. Formerly, these men must have had a coup to their credit as a qualification and some informants claim that the sum total for the society should have totalled at least one hundred, the number of willows. The work begins some time before sunset by which time the sweathouse should be completed. The willows are stuck into the ground in an oval and their tops bent over and interlocked over the top. The ends point toward the east and the west, an opening or door being provided at each. The willows are then painted, one side red and the other black. Next, a hole is dug in the center of the structure for the heated stones. In the meantime, a small heap of stones mixed with firewood has been placed some distance to the east. A buffalo skull is painted with red spots on one side and black on the other. Sagegrass is thrust into the nose and eye-sockets. Robes are then thrown OA-er the willows and all is ready for the procession from the medicine woman's tipi. The procession from the medicine woman's tipi consists of the father and another man experienced in ceremonial affairs, the husl^and, the mother and the medicine woman. They approach slowly and by stages, passing around the south side of the sweathouse to the north and then to the east or entrance. All keep their eyes on the ground. The husband walks with a heavy staff; the medicine woman carries the natoas bundle with a smudge stick. The men enter the sweathouse, while the two women go to the west side and sit down facing the east. The medicine woman is on the north side with tlic bundle before her. After the men have entered, the fire is lighted and some of the attendants (builders of the sweathouse) lift the buffalo skull to the top of the sweathouse where it faces the east. Prayers and the usual 1918.] Wisslcr, Blurkfoot Sun Dance. 251 sweathouse procedure now follow while the stones iind a pail of water are passed in by an attendant. The covers are then drawn dow n and the xajjor bath taken. After the ceremony the procession returns to the medicine woman's tipi. The cover is removed from the sweathouse and the buffalo skull placed on top where it remains. Should there be more than one medicine woman, another sweathouse is made on the east side of the camp circle and the others j^rouped around them eciually. Since after the sweathouse ceremony there is formal singing in the tipi until far into the night, it may be said that during the four days of the fast the ceremonies begin with the sweathouse at sundown, while on the fifth day the ceremony begins in the morning and ends at sundown. To this generalized statement the following account from a Piegan may be added:— Now, when the first sweathouse is to be made, orders are given in the morning to one of the societies to get the willows to make the hundred-willow sweathouse. Another man is to get the creeping juniper to use in the smudge i)lace in the medicine lodge, and still another is to cut out the smudge place. The moves are short. The people all move camp, as before, and the society goes on ahead and stakes out the camping ground. When the tipis are pitched at the new camping ground, the society comes in with the willows and the rocks for the sweathouse. They circle once around to the right of the lodges and stop outside of the circle, west of the medi- cine lodge. They must neither eat nor drink while building the sweathouse. They gather wood from among the tipis until they have enough to heat the rocks. Robes for covering the sweathouse are borrowed from the people of the camp. One man goes to the medicine lodge and digs out the smudge place. When the sweathouse is ready for the medicinemen, four of the men who helped in the construction go and inform the men and women. They carry the parfleche with the tongues in it on a robe, each man holding a corner. The two medicine- men take the lead, the two women follow, then come the four men with the parfleche. Four stops are made before they reach the sweathouse. The instructor leads, and is followed in single file by the other man, and the two women walking very slowly and singing. They march once around the sweathouse in the direction of the sun. The other old men who are to join them and the two medicinemen go in while the two women remain seated on a robe just west of it with the parfleche beside them. A smudge is made with sweetgrass, and a crescent-shaped place marked out between the square hole and the rear of the sweathouse and live coals are placed on the dot in front of the crescent. A song is sung while the smudge stick is taken up and a man goes after the coal for the smudge. The sweatgrass is placed on the hve coal and the two songs for the smudge are sung: "Spring grass I take. Where I sit is powerful." A pipe is handed in and the pipe bowl and stem painted red. The man holds the pipe over the smudge and prays for the one who gave it to him and then passes it to the last man to his right who lights it and all smoke it. When the pipe is all burnt out, the man who blessed it, takes it, and with a red-painted stick loosens 252 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xatural History. [Vol. XVI, the ashes and emjities some of them on the southeast corner of the square hole in the sweathousc, then on the northwest corner, on the northeast, and finally in the center. After this the bulTalo skull is brought in and the songs of the buffalo sung while the same man paints it with black and red dots, the left half black and the right half in red. Grass is stuffed into the ej^es and nose of the skull which is passed out through the west of the sweathouse and placed on the earth taken out of the hole in the sweathouse. An extra buffalo horn wrapped w'ith swamp grass is brought in and given to the man who paints it red and sings while doing so: "Chiefs of other tribes I want to hook." He throws the horn out and all the men of this society who remain near the sweathouse try to catch it. The one who cap- tures it is considered hick\- and he is supposed to capture a gun in the next battle he witnesses. The men in the sweathouse all undress and as they pass their robes and moccasins out through the west of the sweathouse and the door, the buffalo songs are sung. The two medicinemen only wear a robe and moccasins when they go into the sweat- house. While singing, the forked stick is taken up and one of the outsiders goes for the heated stones, stopping four times before he brings them in. One of the men who is inside takes the stone with two straight sticks and places it on the south- east corner of the hole, the same is done with four more stones which are placed on the southwest, the northwest, the northea.st corner and the fifth is placed in the bottom of the hole at the center. \^Tien a sixth stone is placed in the hole, they are all rolled to the bottom of the hole. Water and a horn spoon or wooden bowl is brought in. A little water is thrown on the stones to wash them, the curtains are lowered, and praj'ers to the sun, moon, and stars, and earth begin. In groups of four, sixteen medicine lodge songs are sung. The curtains are raised and four more songs are ceremony of 1904 we observed an attempt to "catch" a man on horseback, but the strug<;les of the horse enabled him to escape. In former times, the friends of the interested party would have gathered around the rear and sides of the horse forcing him forward in the lead of the "catcher". This whoh^ catching j)roeeilure is said to symbolize the capture of an enemy. In order to understand the ceremony that now takes place, it is necessary to know that the right to cut the thong is to the HIaekfoot a medicine to be transferred for gifts of property as in case of other medicines. The men who flicl the cutting in the previous year are to "sell", or transfer, this year. It is they who do the " catching", either in person or l)y deputy. Should no one be brought forward, those who performed the rite on the pre\'ious year must again serve. As soon as a man is caught, his relatives are notified; they come out with all kinds of property to support him in the transfer. The initiate is brought into the presence of the present owner of the right, his hands and face are painted, accompanied by ritualistic prayers. While this proceeds, an old man (usually a relative) stands somewhat apart and shouts out praise for the initiate. However, this may l>e done by a woman, if no man comes forward. A horse and other property is then given to the former owner of the right, whence it ceases to be his. The deputy "catcher", if there is one, then receives a small present or two from the former owner. The cutting of the thong then takes place. The new owner of the right, standing up by the hide, shouts out his coups. He holds the knife in his hand and while pointing in different directions with it, he tells of a war decfl. At the end of each tale he makes a pass with the knife as if to cut the hide. After four deeds are told, he cuts the hide. For example, he may say, " At such a place I captured a horse which gives me the right to cut this, etc." If there are other men with the right, they follow in turn. After this, the thongs are cut with the assistance of other men and dis- tributed at the places where they will be needed. A thong with the tail at- tached is used to bind the bunch of boughs to the sun pole, the tail hanging down. While this ceremony is going on, gifts of flour, beef, etc., made by white people are distributed among the old poor people. This is regarded as a recent intrusion. The following extract from an unpublished version of the Scar-face myth accounts for the thong-cutting cereiuony: — 256 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xatural Ilislori/. [Yo]. XVI, Her husband could tell In- her ej-os that she had been crying and he said, "I told you not to dig up that turnip, but nevertheless you have done so. Since you are lonesome and wish to return to your jieople, I will take j-ou back." Then Morn- ingstar went out and killed some buffalo. After he had skinned all of them he cut the hides into long strands, fastened them together, and tied the woman and her child to OIK' end and let her down from the sky to where her people were. Before she reached the earth, a little sore-eyed boy was lying on his back, looking up at the sky and saw a very small object coming down. The boy told the men who were playing the wheel gambling game what he saw, but they laughed at him and threw dirt in his eyes and said, "You must see the gum on your eyelids or lashes." As the falling object came closer others noticed it and when it came among the group they knew that it was the woman who was missing from the camp. They untied the rawliide strand and noticed that some of the buffalo tails were on the ends of the long rope which lay piled up high before them. This woman came down with her digging-stick. As she was not a wicked woman and only lived with Morningstar as her husband, she gave her digging-stick to the medicine lodge woman and the natoas was named for the turnip she dug up. When the sun dance was held, this woman told them always to cut up a rawhide into strands and tie the posts with them. Also that the center post and the birch on it must be tied with them. The tail of the hide is to hang down from the center post. These rawhide strands are a representation of the rawhide rope with which this woman was let down to the earth. Later, the moose hoofs are tied to this digging-stick. The plumes on the natoas are to represent the leaf of the large turnip this woman dug up while in the skv. Raising the Sun Pole. While the hide is being cut, all the woman who made vows to take some of the tongues come forward to the parfleche placed near the medicinemen and women. Each woman takes one of the tongues and stands with the person for whom her vow was made and makes a confession to the sun in a loud ^■oice, so all may hear. Then she prays to the sun for the bene- ficiary. After all the women have taken their tongues, some of the men tie the cloth offerings to the ends of the poles and a buiicli of birch is tied between the forks of the center pole. The preceding ceremony comes to a close as the sun gets ^•ery low. About time for the sun to set, a procession of pole raisers starts from each of the four cpiarters of the camp circle. Tipi poles are tied near the small ends in i)airs, each i)air carried by two men. The four parties advance in unison by four stages and at each pause sing a special song. In the last move, they rush upon the sun pole and raise it in place. In the mean- time, the father and son go and stand on tlic center pole while their wives stand to tlic west. The men make wing movements with their arms toward the east. AcconHug to some informants, the medicine woman may make booking motions at the pole, to symbolize the mythical Elk-woman. 1918.] Wissler, Blnckfoot Sun Dance. 2.")7 Four men are ealled upon to assist the fatlier and son. As the hitter stand upon the pole, tliey eneircle and sereen tlieni with their hhmkets and join the father in sini;'in,i;'. Tlie s()n<;s eall for <;()()il hick in ciTctin^ the (hmeing lodge. The son does not sing. Four songs are sung. At tlie end of each the father blows a wliistle while someone shakes the pole. The last time they jump off the pole. The son dr()i)s his l)lank('t (some say the father also, some add moccasins) painted black as a sun otfering. Another blanket is handed him at once. As soon as the men leave the pole the advancing rai,sers rush in, raise the center pole, put on the rafters, tie them with the rawhide strands and place l)rush all around to form the wind-break. This is accompanied by inuch shouting, Init without shooting. While the sun pole is being raised the daughter and mother stand watching it. They pray and make movements with the corners of their robes as though steering the rising pole. As it sways' from side to side, they gesture as if righting it. As soon as the pole is set, the natoas, robe, and moccasins are taken off the daughter l)y the mother. She may call on someone to do this and pay a gun or a horse for the service. The mother and other attend- ants then lead the daughter to her tipi where she resumes her ordinary routine. The father and son go to a sweathouse where all the paint is washed off. This is not the hundred-willow sweathouse and is th'e fifth sweat- house, if it were counted. The two men go in and some sagegrass being handed to the father, he takes off the feathers tied to the son's hair, the hair necklace, and whistle. After the first opening of the sweathouse he takes the sagegrass and wipes off the black paint on the son and hands out through the west side of the sweathouse the necklace, whistle, and feathers which are to be taken home. At the same time, the two women are in the ceremonial lodge, the mother caring for the daughter. When the men have completed the sweathouse ceremony they go to the medicine woman's tipi. The father and his wife wrap up the natoas and place it in the badger skin. After this is done, they no longer ha\e to eat sparingly. This ends the ceremony of the medicine woman. Early the next day she and her husband must obtain the eotton- wooJ brush with which the booth for the weather dancers is made. Another man digs out the place in the booth, making it the same as the smudge place in the medicine woman's tipi, with the sod on three sides and creep- ing juniper on top of it. The fireplace is dug out to the west of the center post and is made as in the medicine woman's tipi. When going for and returning the brush, the woman rides one horse and leads the one dragging 258 AnthropoliMjicjl F\tpers American Museian of XdturdJ Ilistori/. \\o\. XVI, luT tr;i\"()is. While when I lie otlu'i' hnisli was hrouulit in There was iimeli shooting' and shoiitiuii', there are now no demonstrations of any kind, l)Ut al)sohne silence. The Weatiikk Danceks. Kiirly on the iil'tli day, a hooth is Iniilt inside the (hincinj; h);lge opposite the entrance. A slihs, open on the side facing the sun pole. Before the middle of the day, a procession of one or more men supposed to ha\ (' jjower over the weather, attended hy (h'ummers, proceeds hy stages from the medicine woman's tipi to this booth. They pause four times and dance, facing alternately the east and the west. They hold whistles of bone in their mouths, which are sounded in unison with the dancing. The procession is of two transverse lines, the dancers, in front, the drumniers and singers behind. A great deal of dancing? is done between the entrance to the dancing lodge and the booth. At intervals during the day they stand before the booth and dance to the east and west: the drummers are now stationed on the south side of the booth where women also assemble for the singing. The dancing is chiefly an up and down movement produced by flexing the knees, the eyes are directed toward the sun and wing-like mo^■enlents of the hands are made in the same direc- tion. The dancers wear breechcloth and moccasins and usually a robe around the waist. Their faces and l)odies are painted according to their own medicines and medicine objects worn on their heads. It is stated that there is but one weather dancer, but others may join under certain conditions. In practice this seems to amount to there being a director or leader in the dance, at least such was the case in 190.3 and 1904. In M)()4 the two assistant dancers went to the medicine woman's tipi to paint themselves and began their procession from there, while the leader approached in a similar maimer from his own tipi, the two forming one procession before the east side of the dancing lodge was reached. The leading dancer wore a special ceremonial robe, headdress, and several medicine objects, which have been described in \'olunie 7 (pp. 98-99). These objects and their medicine functions may be regarded as esoteric in so far as they are not al)solutely essential to the office of leading dancer. Yet, this same individual seems to have jx'rfonned this fimction for a number of years. ( lark mentions strings of feathers tied to the finger of this dancer.^ In I'.tOl there \\ci-e two assistant dancers. Both wore headdresses 1 (lark, W I', 'flu Jinluiii Sii/,i Lanuuivji (I'liilailclphia, 1SS.'")),72. 191.S.] Wissler, niarl.-fu,>t Sun Dana. 2")!) somewhat like that of their K'adei-. One was fully (jrcsscfl with a Maiiket around his waist; the other was nude to the hclt. The latt()ut foui' or six old men dance in line with a rawhide which they hold in front of them, singing and beating time on the rawhide with rattles similar to those of the beaver men. The society now divides into two ])arties, one ])lacing itself north of the center i)ole, and the otlier j)arty standing in line south of the center pole. The two parties dance back and forward in front of the pole shooting at it. The 191S.] Wissler, Blackfool Smi Dance. l>(il old men on the west side of (he center pole dance in their ])l;ices. The rawhide held in front of theni, hanjis down like an apron. They heat time on it, hol(Jin<>; the rawhide in one hand, and the rattles in the other. An old man counts deeds and marks out with a knife the fireplace and the booth for the weather dancers. These are du"; while the dancing and shooting take place. '^ The hole, or fire pit, is dug between the sun j)i)le and the entrance to the dancing lodge. It is about three feet l)y two and "two hands" deep. A warrior is then called to start the fire. Warriors now come forward in turn to count their coups. In this a man took a piece of firewood and holding it up, called out in a loud voice how he once struck a Sioux, a Snake, etc., then placed it in the fire. When he had recounted all \\v gave way to the next. Stories are told of men having enough coups to make a fire large enough to threaten the destruction of the dancing lodge. We were able to confirm the statement of Clark - that the height of the flame as determined by a buft'alo tail hanging down was the criterion for determining a great warrior. One informant states as follows: — There is always a cow tail hanging down from the center post. In olden times this was a buffalo tail, to the end of which a l)lackened plume was tied. This hangs down OAcr the fireplace which was used at night to furnish light for the proceedings. The assembled people were entertained by narratives of warriors as they came forward to narrate their deeds; each threw a stick on the fire for each deed counted and he whose fire blazed high enough to reach the tail was considered a great warrior. It was a great honor when a man could tell enough war deeds to scorch the tail. All this time there was singing (the cheering songs) and drumming, while berry soup was served to all. The persons taking part are designated as those "who are about to make the fire." In recent years, this ceremony has been performed in a very perfunctory manner. After the ceremony, the fire was fed in the ordinary way aufl kept going during the greater part of the succeeding days. The origin of this dance is often ascribed to Scar-face. 1 It will be recalled that in the sun dance of the Dakota tyve (p. 1 10) there is a ceremonial shooting at the sun pole. Here the shooting takes place in a perfunctory way, while the pole is dragged to the sun dance site. Yet, McQuesten claims to have witnessed the driving of evil power from the sun lodge at a Blood ceremony in 1912. (" The Sim Dance of the Black- feet " Rod and Gun in Canada, March 1912.) As this is not noted in older accoimts and we failed to get information as to it. we suspect it to be due to foreign influences, or perhaps the author's own interpretation. = Clark, ibid., 72. 2(»2 Aiithrojwlogicnl Papers American Museum of Xatunil Iliatory. [Vol. XVI, Society Dances. Ill t'ornicr tiiiu's, the succeeding days were apportioned to the men's societies (the ikunukats) in the order of tlieir rank, l)eoinning at the lowest.^ There seems to have l)een no fixed allotment of time to each, only the order of succession l)eing adliered to. The ceremonies were determined chiefly by the respective society rituals, though the recounting of deeds in war was given grt^it prominence. As a rule, each society closed its ceremonies by otVei-iiig parts of its regalia, etc., to the sun, a custom still observed })y the Blood (See vol. 11, this series, fig. 19, p. 411). After the highest society had completed its function, the leading men of the tribe held a kind of a war dance in wliieh coups were recounted. In this dance, again, rattles were beaten upon a rawhide. The organizations or persons having charge of the flay's ceremonies must furnish the feast and all necessaries. The medicine woman and her husband usually repair to the dancing lodge each day. The man usually takes his pipe and tobacco and furnishes the smoking for the guests who sit around. His wife wears the buckskin dress and elk robe, but not the natoas. They sit on the north or right side of the booth and merely are spectators. This closes the ceremonies and camp is broken. The Torture Ceremony. The torture feature, especially prominent in the ceremonies of the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Dakota, was formerly given a place among the danc- in"- lodge ceremonies of the Blackfoot. The information we have seems to indicate that this ceremony had not become thoroughly adjusted to its place in this series at the time of its prohibition by the T'nited States and Canadian governments. The claim is made by some of the Piegan that it was borrowed from the Arapaho and was not looked upon with much favor. .\s one man expressed it, "None of those taking the cutting lived to reach old age." It was said that a few Blackfoot warriors once visited the Arapaho at the time of their sun dance where they were put through tlie cutting ceremony. According to the Blackfoot mode of thought, this means that the medicine rites (and rights) were transferred to them. When they returned, they induced others to take the cutting, to whom, of course, the rites were transferred. Whether this historical statement is accurate or mvthical, we have no means of knowing, l)ut we are inclined to give 1 This scries, Vol. 11, 3G.5-474. 191S.] Wisslrr, niiirkfnnt Snn Dr.nrr. 2(i.'; it some wciji'ht as cxidcncc. It sct'iiis, liowcxcr, that wafi-iors took tlic flitting l)ecause of a vow, siiuiiar to that of the nu'diciiu' woniaii. Soiiic- timt's a man dreamed that the sun re(|uired it of him. Tiie gix ingof i)n)j)erty and the conditions of the transfer were the same as for "cutting tiie thong," though we have no information that "catching" was permitted. Such may, however, have been tolerated. The men taking the cutting were nude to the belt. Sage was tied around the wrists and ankles. The hair hung down, held in jjlacc hy a wreath of cedar (some informants say sage). They were painted white. Rows of spots in blue extended down the sides of the face, o\ cr the shoulders and down the arms. Wavy lines of the same color were also drawn down the arms. A circle representing the sun, was made on the breast, also upon the chin and probably on the back opposite the one over the heart. On the forehead was another circle representing the moon. Other infoi- mants say a crescent moon in black was used instead of these circles. According to one informant, vows were made to purchase this ceremony when ill or in great danger. If the promise brought results, the \'ow was fulfilled at the next dance. The supplicant calls upon one having pur- chased the rite. They enter the booth of the weather dancers, a blanket is held up to shut out the gaze of the others. The transferrer then paints the purchaser. He cuts a hole through the skin of the right shoulder, over the scapula, and a hole over each breast. A small sharpened stick is thrust through each. A shield is hung on the back. Long cords were fastened to those on the l)reast, the ends of which were tied fast, high uj) to the center pole. The purchaser goes up to the pole, embraces it, and cries for a time. Then he backs off, and dancing, throws his weight on the ropes. The transferrer jerks the shield from his shoulders and if neces- sary, assists him in tearing loose. At once, the purchaser goes out into the hills and sleeps in different places to receive power. It is said that all who take this ceremony die in a few years, because it is equivalent to giving one's self to the sun. Hence, the sun takes them for his own. The cutting was similar to that described by Catlin and otiier writers as observed elsewhere. Some informants say the dancers held whistles in their mouths and gazed at the sun as they danced. When all the thongs were torn out, some of the lacerated flesh was cut off as an offering to the sun. McLean reports the following observations upon this ceremony at a Blood sun dance: — . . . .The chief attraction to the pale-face is what has been ignorantl.\- ternunl "making braves." I desired very much to see this ceremonj' otice, that I miglit know the 2(i4 AnthropolngicaJ Pnpcn^ American }fnNnim of Xatxral Hislonj. [^'ol. XVI, facts from p(M's()nal observation, and diaw my own conclusions after conversing with the Indians. 'I'wo yoimg men having their wliole bodies painted, wearing the loin-cloth only, and witli wreaths of leaves around their heads, ankles and wrists, stepped into the center of the lodge. A blanket and a pillow w^ere laid on the ground, and one of the j'oung men strotclu>d himself upon them. As he lay, an old man came forward and stood over him and then in an earnest speech told the people of the brave deeds, and noble heart of the j'oung man. In the enumeration of his virtues and noble deeds, after each separate statement the musicians beat applause. When the aged orator ceased, the young man arose, placed his hands upon the old man's shoulders, and drew them downward, as a sign of gratitude for the favorable things said about him. He lay down, and four men held him while a fifth made the incisions in his breast and back. Two places were marked in each breast denoting the position and width of each incision. This being done, the wooden skewers being in readiness, a double edged knife was held in the hand, the point touching the flesh, a small piece of wood was placed on the under side to receive the point of the knife when it had gone through, and the flesh was drawn out the desired length for the knife to pierce. A quick pressure and the incision was made, the piece of wood w^as removed, and the skewer inserted from the imder-side as the knife was being taken out. When the skewer was properly inserted, it was beaten down with the palm of the hand of the ojierator, that it might remain firmly in its place. This being done to each breast, with a single skewer for each, strong enough to tear away the flesh, and long enough to hold the lariats fastened to the top of the sacred pole, a double incision was made on the back of the left shoulder, to the skewer of which was fastened an Indian drum. The work being pronounced good by the persons engaged in the operation, the young man arose, and one of the operators fastened the lariats giving them two or three jerks to bring them into position. The young man went up to the sacred pole, and while his countenance was exceed- ingly pale, and his frame trembling with emotion, threw his arms around it, and prayed earnestly for strength to pass successfully through the trying ordeal. His prayer ended he moved batikward until the flesh was fully extended, and placing a small bone whistle in his mouth, he blew continuously upon it a series of short sharp sounds, while he threw himself backward, and danced until the flesh gave way and he fell. Previous to his tearing him.self free from the lariats, he seized the drum with bot h hands and with a sudden pull tore the flesh on his back, dashing the drum to the ground amid the apj)lausc of the people. As he lay on the ground, the operators examined his wounds, cut off the flesh that was hanging loosely, and the ceremony was at an end. In former years the head of a buffalo was fastened by a rope on the back of the person undergoing the l"eat of self-immolation, l)ut now a, drum is used for that purpose. From two to five ])ersons imdergo this torture every Sun-Dance. Its object is military and religious. It admits the j'oung man into the noble band of warriors, whereby he gains the esteem of his fellows, and opens up the path to fortune and fame. But it is chiefly a religious rite. In a time of sickness, or danger, or in starting upon some dangerous expedition, the young man prays to Natos for help, and promises to give himself to Natos if his i)rayers are answered. Uj)on his return, when the Animal Sun-Dance is held, he fulfills his vow, gives himself to his god, and thus per- forms a twofold duty. Of (iourse the ap])lause of the i)eoi)le and the exhibition of courage are important factors in this rite, l)ut its chief feature is a religious one. 1918.] Wisfiler, Black/not Sun Dance. 265 Instead of being a time of feasting and pleasure, the Sun-Dance is a military and religious festival, in connection with which there are occasions for joy, and the feast enhances the pleasure. ^ It may be well to note that the oll'erin^' of hits of flesh to the sun was a general practice not necessarily associated with the sun dance. Many comparatively yovmg men now living (1904) bear numerous scars testi- fying to such offerings. When in perilous situations a finger would some- times be struck oflP with a call upon the sun for helj). Among tlie Uloofj, such sacrifice of a finger by women as well as men was coinmon at the sun dance." These facts concerning the more general practice of nuitilating the body to win the approA'al of the sun suggest that if the cutting ceremony is intrusive, it either found on hand a series of analogous customs or brought with it a concept that afterwards gave birth to them. It may be observed that the form of costume and dance is strikingly like that emjiloyed by the present weather dancers. Since there seems to be no good published data on tlie sacrificing of skin and fingers we append the narrati^'e of Split-ears: — Sometimes, when warriors are on an e.xpedition and come in sight of the enemy they will sit in a circle while the leader, or the oldest member of the party, offers prayers that they may succeed in their undertaking. Then they proceed to offer bits of their own skin to the sun. The one who prayed sits down by one of the party, takes up a needle or bodkin and a knife, thrusts the fonner under a small section of skin and raising it, cuts off a small slice with a knife. This leaves a circular wound a quarter of an inch or less in diameter. It is understood that the operator pulls the skin up with the needle and slices off a small section underneath that instrument. He then takes up some black paint and dips the bit of skin into it. Then he holds it up to the sun and prays for the success of his victim. The bit of skin is then placed upon a piece of cloth and another is removed from the victim in the same manner and so the operator goes to each of the party in turn, each time removing a piece of skin, dipping it in black paint, and holding it up in a prayer to the sun. While each person is e.xpected to give two pieces, they are not limited to the maximinn number, some men giving four and some still more. The bits of skin thus collected are tied up in one corner of the cloth which is mounted upon a stick wrajjped with wild sage, the whole being fastened in a tree or set up on the top of a high hill as the 1 McLean, John, "The Blackfoot Sim Dance" (Proceedings of the Canadian Institute, third series, vol. 6, Toronto, 1888), 23.5-237. 2 McLean, as an eye-witness to siich a sacrifice, gives the following: — "As I stood outside the lodge, a young Indian friend of mine, went to an old medicine- woman and presented his sacrifice to Natos. Diu-ing the year he had gone on a hors(>-.siealing expedition and as is customary on such occasions had prayed to Natos for protection and success, offering himself to his god if his prayers were answered. He liad been successful and he now presented himself as a sacrifice. The old woman took his hand held it toward the Sun and prayed, then laying a finger on a block of wood she severed it with one blow from a knife and deer's horn scraper. She held the portion of the fuiger cut oflf toward the Sun and dedicated that to him as the young man's sacrifice." (p. 235.) 2(')() Anlhropoloyicul Papers Aincrican Museum of Xalural History. [\'o\. XVI, sun's offering. This sacrifice is always spoken of as feeding the sun with flesh from one's own boiiy. The cloth is fastened to the stick in the form of a flag or banner so that it waves in the wind with the flesh offerings tied in one corner. This sacrifice is considered one of the greatest a man can make. Now, as I have said, some men onlj- give two small pieces of skin, while others give a great many more, but as they do this each time they go on an expedition, it so happens that a man who made many war ex])editions has many small scars on his arms and legs. Thus, we can still tell those of our old men who w-ent upon the warpath many times in their youth. We can tell by the scars made from feeding the sun their own flesh, liut, again, it so happens that men while at home may have dreams in which they are commanded to feed tlie sun. Now it is believed that unless a man licctls .'^uch a command, he i8 c(>rtain to be visited by misfortune or FiK. 1. The Offering of Human Flesh, banner. Drawn from a native sketch. The bits of flesh are tied in the corner of th<- even death, so he always makes haste to coiiii)ly witii tlie command. After such a dream he makes a sweathouse and invites in an nld man who ]>iays and makes tlic ofi"ering. The procedure here is the same as i)revi()usiy described and the offering is made into a banner and i)laced in a tree or upon a hill. Then again, the men who are at home in the camp but who have relatives in a war party may so wish for the safety of these that they themselves offer bits of skin in their behalf. Thus, you see, there are many times when people will offer bits of skin, so that it was not unconnnon for a man to have one hundred or more scars upon his body. These are generally arranged in rows up and down the arms, down the legs, (hiwii tlie breasts and the back. I have even heard of cases where ;i m;»n is said to ha\(' offered one htmdred pieces of skin at one time. This, iiowever, was muisual. Sometimes, instead of offering skin, I he warrior would ot'f(-r a finger. 'I'hus, if beset by very great danger on the Avarpalli a m;iii may in;ikc a vow to the stui 191S.] Wuskr, Bhickfoot Sun Dance. 267 stating that if brou'rlit liomc sMt'cly lie will sacrifice a fint.V'r. 'I'liis sacrifice can he made at any time; either wlien on the warpath or wlien at home in camp or at the sun dance. In such cases, the finger is offered to tlie sun in the jm-cise manner as the pieces of skin described above. There are, however, occasions upon wliicli fingers are cut off lliat are not offerings to the sun. Thus, people who are in mourning sometimes .sacrifice a finger. In those cases it is usual to call upon some old woman who is skilled in the amfjutation. She cuts off the finger, usually reciting a kind of ritual, but it is not offered to the sun. It is simply thrown away. Then again babies" fingers are sometimes cut off to give the child good luck. Thus, if a woman lost many children she would call upon an old woman to make the sacrifice for her newly born. In this case, the tip end of a finger is cut off and wrapped up in a piece of meat which tlir mother is required to swallow^ This is supposed to in.sure the child's living to maturity. It had no connection with the sun. I have told you how men are called upon to cut off pieces of skin and how certain old women were selected to amputate fingers. You should also know that in olden times there were some women and men who might be called upon to cut open dead persons for various reasons. Sometimes they did this on their own account in order to get information as to the cause of death. These accounts show for one thing that tlie cutting ceremony in the sun dance is but one of a type of blood and flesh offerings made to the sun, in fulfillment of a vow\ The sacrifice of a finger is more freciuent and less specialized, though frequently done at the sun dance. Then comes the very frecjiient oftering of bits of skin, a sacrifice common in war raids at all times. The oft'ering of bits of skin in the precise manner descril)ed here is found elsewhere in the Plains. The writer has obserAcd men so scarred among several divisions of the Dakota. The method of rernoAing the skin was here the same as followed by the Blackfoot. The thrusting in of the awl has a curious similarity to the cutting and skewering in the sun dance; one may e\en be pardoned for wondering if it did not so arise. Sun Dance Songs. Two songs have a special place in the ceremony. They are stmg by the men as they ride into camp with the willows for the hundred-willow sweathouse. They are sung again when the procession of pole raisers moves up to raise the sim pole. Formerly, they were sung by any con- siderable body of the tribe approaching the camp of strange Indians. Likewise, when they approached a post to open trade. ^ Red-plume, a Piegan, has a smudge stick on which are notches said ' For musical notation see McCIintock, Walter, The Old North Trail, or Life, Legends and Religion of the Blackfoot Indians (London, 1910), 311. 26S Anthroi)ological Papers Aiiicricatt Miiscuin of Xdlurul History, [^'ol. XVI, to n'presom tlic miiiihcr of dill'tTciit songs used in the ceremonies of the medicine woman. Tliere are 41.'! which is said to he the full number of songs. These, as has been stated in X'oluiiic 7, are in reality a part of the l)ea^'er bundle ritual. The singing at the dancing ceremonies after the sun lodge has been erectefl is usually confined to the songs of various societies concerned. There are, ho\ve\-er, a few with characteristic airs that are regarded as ])eculiarly a|)pr()priate to the occasion, regardless of who may be dancing. The Sun I).\nce Camp. In a pre\ious j)aper, we called attention to the belief that the camp c-irclc was formed exj)re.ssly for the sun dance. Our informants say that formerly the circle was formed by the assemblage of the bands some time l)efore tlie medicine woman began her fast. In winter, the tribes scattered out, usually two to five bands in a camp, often many miles apart. At the approach of summer, the husband of a woman having made a vow to give the sun dance sends a man to look up the camps and invite them to join his band. He carries tol)acco and presents some to each head man with the invitation. As the head men receive the invitation, they order their bands to move, forming tlu; circle at the medicine woman's camp. Once formed, the circle is not broken until after the sun dance, a period estimated at from two to four months. The whole body may move al)out and even make long journeys aside from the four ceremonial moves required while the medicine woman is fasting, .\fter the sun dance, they split up into parties for the fall hunt and finally went into winter quarters. The import of our former statement is thus apparent. The suggestion is that the camp circle is intimately associated with the sun dance. At least, one jjoint is clear, the camp circle is initiated by the woman who starts the sun dance and c\cn so is one of the i)n'])aratory steps. As pre\iously stated in \'olunic 7 of this series, there is much uncer- tainty as to the order of bands in the circle. \Ve doubt if it ever was absolutely fixed beyond cliange at I lie will of those in charge of the sun dance proceedings. M'lriioi.iKiK AL Notes. '1 111- wav that sr\(i;il distinct myths are used to accomit for dill'erent features of tlie >un d.-incc might be taken as a suggestion that the ceremony grew up among the I'.lackfoot . We susi)ect, however, that we ha\e here an examijlc of |Kitl(rn jiIk iionicna. Those familiar with the detailed 1918.] Wifislcr, BUtckJnol Sun Dunce. 2()!) study of rituals iu Volume 7 will recall that tradition recognized the ol)vious fact that rituals were not produced all at once, but grew hy accretions. This is so nuirked in the mythical accounts of ritual origin that we may suspect its appearance in the mythology of the sun dance. On page 2-fI we haA'e enumerated the myths accounting for important features of the ceremony. Among these are not included the parts taken hy societies or the cutting sacrifices, they, as we have stated, not being regarded as integral parts of the sun dance. For the sake of completeness we offer some extracts from an unpublished version of the Scar-face myth: — We will take up this narrative at the point where Scar Face has killed the cranes and reported with their scalps. We are told that had not Scar Face killed these birds, they would always have killed people, but that since he overpowered them they now fear people and have done so ever since. Now, the Sun, the Moon, Scar Face, and Morningstar had a scalp dance wliile the Sun and Moon sang the praise songs in honor of Scar Face. The Sun addressed Scar Face: "When your people kill enemies they should scalp them and then give a scalp dance. Whenever anj'one counts coup or recounts his war experiences, the praise songs should be sung." We have followed this custom ever since. Whenever anj'one related his war deeds, some old men or old woman sang the praise songs, repeating the narrator's name during the singing. The Sun was pleased with Scar Face. He directed Morningstar and Scar Face to build four sweathouses, standing side by side, with their entrances facing east. WTien they were completed, the Sun, Morningstar, and Scar Face entered one of them, the Moon remaining outside to close the door. After the Sun had worked over Scar Face, he ordered the moon to open the door and they went into the next sweat- house, again choosing the moon to be the door attendant. Now, the Sun asked the Moon to point out her son. The Moon designated Morningstar. They moved into the third sweathouse where the Sun had Morningstar and Scar Face exchange seats. Again, the Moon was asked to pick out her son. Though she noticed that the scar on the young man's face had disappeared, she pointed to her own son. They proceeded to the fourth sweathouse. Again, the Sun had the two men exchange places. The Moon looked in and pointing to Scar Face said, "This is Morningstar." The Sun replied, "You have mistaken him for Morningstar, the other is our son." Ever since that time. Scar Face has always been called Mistaken Morningstar. Then the Sun gave Scar Face a buckskin suit decorated with porcupine quills. On the breast and back of the shirt were quill-worked rosettes representing the sun; the side seams of the leggings and sleeves were covered with strips of quilhvork three or four inches wide. In addition, the sleeves and leggings bore hair fringes representing the scalps of cranes killed by Scar Face. The Sun also gave Scar Face a bow with a lock of hair fastened to one end, a whistle made of a hollow reed, a bladder, and the robe worn by Scar Face. To represent the scalping, the Sun painted the upper part black. The whistle and the bladder were to be used on the woman who had refused Scar Face. The bow too, is a reminder of the killing of the cranes and is still used in the sun dance lodge. The Sun gave Scar Face a circle of creeping juniper which the women that build the lodge (the sun dance or medicine lodg(>j are to wear on their heads. . J/lt Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xaiural History. [Vol. XVI, The Sun told Scar Face of the sun dance, the lodge, and the sweathouse, and added, "When you return to your people and wish to make an offering to me, you must first build a sweathouse and there make j'our offerings. Then I will hear your prayers and accept them. You may also make offerings to me in the sun dance lodge. He covered Scar Face's face with the "seventh" or red paint, drew a black circle around his face and a black dot on the bridge of his nose, and a streak of black around each wrist. He said to Scar Face, "This is the way the people must paint when they make offerings to me in the sun dance lodge. For the victory or scalp dance they mu.st paint their faces black." The Sun also gave him a necklace, in the center of which were strung two small shells and a pendent lock of hair, flanked on either side by four beads. This is the necklace worn by the husband of the woman owning the natoas. The Sun's lodge was made of white buffalo robes and some the color of beaver skins. The door of the Sun's lodge faced the east. For this reason, tipis were always turned so the doors faced east. Now Scar Face decided to return to the place where Spider waited. The narrative then proceeds in the usual way, except that the hero calls all the men of the cam]) to take revenge on the young woman after which he l)y magic turns her into a cripple. The Blood and North Blackfoot. The writer has u])oii two occasions seen the ground where a Blood sun dance had been held. The dancing lodge, the sweathouse, etc., were still standing and all these were just as noted among the Piegan. The Blood lodge was a little larger, but the Piegan said that it was formerly so with them, they now having very poor timber to work with. We have in addition two l)rief published accounts of eyewitnesses.^ The chief dif- ference we could detect was in the secondary dances of the society where the Horns and the Matoki '- took a \ cry prominent part. As there are now no such organizations among the Piegan, this gives merely an outward appearance of dift'erence. The Northern Piegan, as may be expected, also had tlu' same form. As to the North Blackfoot, we have only the statement of other Indians that the sun dance was the same. The Sarsi ^ also had the very same form and we may suspect the Kutenai as well. At least, my Piegan informants a.sserted that the Kutenai had the sun dance from them. The problem here, however, must rest until we have more data, though Hale is of the ojjinioii that ttie Blackfoot graihially di-placcd the Kutenai and took over man\ i'laiiis traits from them.'* ' McU-nn. ibi