GREAT AMERICANS 
 HISTORY 
 
 JOHN ADAMS 
 
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Great Americans of History 
 
 JOHN ADAMS 
 
 A CHARACTER SKETCH 
 
 BY 
 
 SAMUEL WILLARD, M.D., LL.D. 
 
 Author of "Synopsis of History," etc. 
 
 WITH SUPPLEMENTARY ESSAY, BY 
 
 G. MERCER ADAM 
 
 Late Editor of "Self-Culture" Magazine, Etc., Etc. 
 
 ANECDOTES, CHARACTERISTICS, AND CHRONOLOGY, 
 
 AND 
 
 JOHN ADAMS' SPEECH ON THE BOSTON MASSACRE. 
 
 H. G. CAMPBELL PUBLISHING CO. 
 
 MILWAUKEE. 
 J903. 
 
E "5 z z 
 
 I .A 
 
 THE LIBRAKY OF 
 CONGRESS. 
 
 Two Copies Receivee 
 
 SEP 23 1903 
 
 Copytight hntr>i 
 ^CLASS eZ^ XXc. No 
 COPY B. 
 
 Copyright, 1898, 
 By THE UNIVERSITY ASSOCIATION 
 
 Copyright, 190}, 
 By H. G. CAMPBELL PUBLISHING CO. 
 
 
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 IN the building of a house, one man must be supreme. 
 The plan must be the product of one mind; if there 
 are suggestions of other minds as to plan and details, they 
 are accepted or rejected, so that one mind finally arranges 
 all. If the owner of the house chooses to leave'the mat- 
 ter to an architect after telling him in general what he 
 wants, the architect's one mind perfects plan and details. 
 
 We often speak of the building of a state, and compare 
 a state to a grand structure, a house, or temple. But 
 the constitution of a state is never the work of one man. 
 Even if a man is called an absolute ruler, an autocrat, 
 czar, emperor, or tyrant, he really cannot do everything 
 at his own will. Even in Turkey and Persia the sultan 
 and shah find that men can not be moved asif they were 
 chessmen or checkermen. It has been said that Russia 
 is an autocracy, tempered by assassination. Revolt and 
 revolution dog the steps of tyranny. 
 
 We have all laughed at the story of the county officers 
 who passed three resolutions: (i) ^^ Resolved^ that we will 
 have a new jail: (2) Resolved^ that the materials of the 
 old jail shall be used in building the new jail: (3) Re- 
 
6 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 solved^ that the old jail shall be occupied until the new 
 jail is built." However funny this story may be as ap- 
 plied to a material building, it sets forth the actual prob- 
 lem of the real statesman. 
 
 As a nation advances in civilization, in knowledge, in 
 wealth, in moral and spiritual life, its former institutions 
 and customs become the old jail: the new life must be 
 expressed in new laws and regulations, which the true 
 statesman prepares. In doing so, he retains all that is 
 suitable of the old ways; and it will be found that his 
 changes and new enactments are few in comparison with 
 the entire mass of customs and habits of his people: this 
 is occupying the old jail while the new structure is erect- 
 ed. And his changes are in the line of the healthy ten- 
 dencies of the existing life of the community: he is thus 
 building the new out of the materials of the old. In 
 time, his new structure will become an old jail to a later 
 age, cramping and confining it. Then the same course 
 of events ensues. 
 
 In several instances, communities of the ancient 
 Greeks, upon finding themselves in political difficulties, 
 selected their wisest man and gave him full authority to 
 make new laws, and even a new constitution; that is, to 
 revise fundamentally the form of government. At Ath- 
 ens, nearly 600 years before Christ, this power was con- 
 ferred upon Solon, who proved to be the wisest of all 
 single legislators. Some of his changes were so great 
 that it was said he had moved the country with an earth- 
 quake. They were like our revolutionary war in de- 
 stroying the exclusive power of the nobles, and like our 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 7 
 
 civil war in giving freedom to a mass of slaves. Wise 
 as he was, he talked of some of his plans with his friends, 
 and doubtless gave some heed to their objections and 
 suggestions. And this is the crowning proof of his wis- 
 dom: he recognized the necessity of further changes, 
 saying that he had not given the Athenians the best pos- 
 sible laws, but the best laws for them as they then were. 
 And after he had governed them several years and ac- 
 customed them to his laws, he left them and went out of 
 the country, that they might use the new freedom them- 
 selves; for he saw that it would be of no use to give 
 them free institutions if he must stay in Athens to keep 
 them going. 
 
 Modern states, of whatever form, are the results of the 
 thoughts and work of innumerable men, working in dif- 
 ferent ways, often in collision and opposition to each 
 other, sometimes in civil war and revolution. The study 
 of history has its greatest interest in the exhibition of 
 this fact. Jewish, Greek, Roman, Keltic, and Teutonic 
 elements appear in our daily life, in our laws, in our con- 
 stitutions. 
 
 The excellence of the work of the makers of the con- 
 stitution of the United States came from their taking 
 ideas, more or less familiar to the people, and suited to 
 American and Colonial conditions; and these they 
 wrought into a practical and practicable form and 
 scheme. If the geography of the country had been 
 something else, if the history of the settlement and 
 the growth of the colonies had been different, if the 
 people had not been of common and cognate origin from 
 
8 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 the British Islands and the Netherlands, the form of gov- 
 ernment would have been something else, perhaps not 
 even a republic. 
 
 American young people, and old people too, if they 
 have not thought over the question carefully, are apt to 
 think that all governments should be like ours, demo- 
 cratic federated republican. If they should hear that in 
 the western half of China the people had set up a repub- 
 lic, they would rejoice at the spread of free government. 
 But experience shows that republics are suited only to 
 very small communities imbued with a strong and narrow 
 sense of patriotism and cohesion, or to well-trained lar- 
 ger peoples. 
 
 Scores of republics have flourished a while and then 
 have gone to wreck; some have gone upon the rocks im- 
 mediately. In 1789, France entered upon the path of 
 revolution; she soon killed her king, drove out or slew 
 her nobles and priests, and with a great flourish pro- 
 claimed Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. In less than 
 ten years thereafter, she was under the military despotism 
 of the first Napoleon of iron hand and stony heart: then 
 she recalled her kings; then set up another republic; 
 then succumbed to another military tyranny, which en- 
 ded in 1870; and only within the last twenty years has 
 it seemed to hopeful Americans that France is to be 
 henceforth a republic, but with certainty of many difii- 
 culties to be overcome. Yet no one will deny the high 
 intelligence and ardent patriotism of hosts of Frenchmen. 
 
 Switzerland has for 600 years been free from monar- 
 chy, and hence, called a republic; but her republicanism 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 9 
 
 has been very unlike ours; and her whole territory is 
 only four-fifths as large as Vermont and New Hampshire 
 together. 
 
 Such facts as these should lead us to admire the more, 
 the wisdom and 
 unselfishness 
 and patriotism 
 of the founders 
 of the indepen- 
 dence and con- 
 stitutional gov- 
 ernments of the 
 states and of the] 
 nation. 
 
 Small c o m- 
 munities have 
 made republics 
 more easily, be- 
 cause their peo- 
 ple have had 
 similar habits 
 and feelings, 
 could easily xr , x, 
 
 •^ Napoleon Bonaparte. 
 
 communicate 
 
 with each other, and could all know something of the 
 men, chosen as officers or rulers. But the constitution of 
 1787 was so framed, that in connection with the tele- 
 graph, railroads, steam navigation, and the modern 
 press, the modern means of communication and informa- 
 tion, it may gather under its sway, the whole of North 
 
10 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 America in due time. These founders worked with ap- 
 prehension and even fear that they were attempting an 
 experiment the issue of which was doubtful; but they 
 put into it sincerely and hopefully their best wisdom and 
 effort. We can rightly admire and honor them all, 
 though we number among them such opponents as 
 Hamilton and Jefferson, the Adamses and Patrick Henry. 
 
 And this leads to another caution which the young 
 student of history may need to bear in mind. Political 
 opinions are not to be confounded with patriotism. Pa- 
 triotism is \h^ feeling of love for one's country which 
 leads one to give property, effort or even life for the 
 common welfare or the commonwealth. But an opinion 
 is not a feeling. Two men may love the country equal- 
 ly, while one thinks revenue is best raised by a direct 
 tax, the other says a tariff is best. However hotly they 
 may argue over it, each may be equally willing to give 
 his life and his all for his country. 
 
 The general who retreats may be just as brave as the 
 one who offers battle. Washington was no less patriotic 
 when he accompanied Gen. Braddock to fight for Bug- 
 land and King George H, than he was when he com- 
 manded the armies of the republic for eight years against 
 George IH. 
 
 In the contests of the present day, republican should 
 not call democrat an enemy of his country, nor democrat 
 accuse republican of lack of patriotism, so long as each 
 deems the other honest, but mistaken. The demagogue, 
 the political boss and the dishonorable ofificeseeker are 
 the only enemies of the commonwealth. 
 
JOHN ADAMS. ii 
 
 Hence, in. studying the lives of the early patriots, we 
 can honor as equal patriots the opponents named above, 
 though Hamilton and John Adams feared lest the con- 
 stitution had framed a government too weak to survive, 
 Patrick Henry and Samuel Adams feared it would be 
 too strong, and Jefferson sometimes used expressions 
 which were anarchic. Each ardently desired the welfare 
 of his country, while differing as to the means of secur- 
 ing that result. Let us judge their opinions, but honor 
 their motives alike. History shows that thus far their 
 fears have proved groundless. 
 
 John Adams, the second president of the United States, 
 had the peculiar fortune of being for a while, one of the 
 most honored citizens of the country, intrusted with 
 most important offices and appointments, and rendering 
 services which were recognized as of vital importance to 
 his native land; and then had the misfortune of retiring 
 into private life under a load of calumny and obloquy, 
 which made his name a byword of contempt. But with 
 the fall of slavery and of the predominance of the polit- 
 ical cliques and parties that persecuted him unjustly, it 
 is possible to raise him again to his proper place as one 
 of our foremost statesmen. 
 
 In 1636, Henry Adams appears as one of the freemen 
 and founders of the town of Braintree, Massachusetts, 
 previously called Mount Wollaston, about ten miles from 
 Boston, to the south and east. In 1792, the northwest 
 part of Braintree was cut off as Quincy, a place famous 
 as the birthplace of the two presidents, John Adams and 
 John Quincy Adams, and of John Hancock. The emi- 
 
12 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 nent Quincy family was early settled here. And from 
 that part of old Braintree came the Quincy granite to 
 build Bunker Hill monument, whose architect was a cit- 
 izen of that town. 
 
 Of the English family from which Henry Adams came, 
 little can be said. The name probably indicates an ori- 
 gin from the Welsh border of England, where such 
 names as Williams, Peters, Davids, John or Jones, Thom- 
 as, and the like are more common than elsewhere in Brit- 
 ain. Among those to whom Charles I granted the char- 
 ter of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, there is found 
 the name of Thomas Adams, who must have been a man 
 of some wealth and importance. It is guessed that Hen- 
 ry was a younger brother: Thomas did not come to 
 America. 
 
 Henry Adams neither brought nor won wealth. The 
 Puritan farmers had a hard time to maintain themselves 
 on the sterile soil and in the bleak climate of New Eng- 
 land. His whole estate as inventoried at his death, was 
 scanty enough: a little land, a three-room house, a barn, 
 a cow and calf, some pigs, fodder for the beasts; and in 
 the house, kitchen utensils, three beds, a few old books, 
 and one silver spoon. 
 
 But this hard land made strong men. The w^eak went 
 early to their graves with consumption: the strong sur- 
 vived and propagated their race. 
 
 The Kanaka savage believed that the strength and 
 courage of the enemy whom he slew and ate, entered in- 
 to him. The New Englander found it so in the strife 
 with Nature. The stinginess of Nature compelled par- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 13 
 
 simony, abstinence, labor, ingenuity. The bitter east 
 winds, and the stony hills, seemed to enter into the con- 
 stitution of the Yankee, so that the genuine son of that 
 stern sad land carries its granite in his blood with a cer- 
 tain fierce force. 
 
 The rigid theological system of Calvin, accepted with- 
 out mitigation by the Puritan, consorted well with the 
 severity of Nature, 
 and intensified the 
 character she genera- 
 ted. 
 
 So in Braintree, 
 (local pronunciation 
 is Bran-try,) and its 
 vicinity, the descend- 
 ants of Henry Ad- 
 ams clung to the soil 
 and grew in num- 
 bers, wealth and civ- 
 ic importance, neith- 
 er poor nor rich, and with but the commonest ambitions. 
 It was enough to live simply, to be upright with God, 
 and to deserve the respect of the community. 
 
 Joseph Adams, grandson of Henry the colonial immi- 
 grant, had a large family of twelve children, one of 
 whom, John, was the father of the president. Joseph 
 had a brother John, who was the grandfather of Samuel 
 Adams of Boston, the revolutionary agitator. Thus, 
 Samuel Adams, thirteen years the elder of the future 
 president, was his second cousin. The genealogical ta- 
 
 Samuel Adams. 
 
14 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 ble on the following page will make plain the family rela- 
 tions. Joseph gave the eldest of his twelve children an 
 education at Harvard College. This was deemed an equiv- 
 alent to a share in the paternal goods; and at his death, 
 he omitted that son in the distribution of his property. 
 The president's father was not the recipient of this ad- 
 vantage, but remained a farmer. He married Susanna 
 Boylston, daughter of Peter Boylston. He was so pe- 
 cuniarly prosperous, that his property, as listed for pro- 
 bate, was more than sixteen times as much as that of his 
 great grandfather Henry. 
 
 The eldest child of John and Susanna, was John, the 
 subject of our memoir, born Oct. 19, 1735, old style, 
 which, according to new style and the calendar then 
 used in Europe, generally, and which we now use, was 
 Oct. 30. 
 
 This firstborn, a Sunday's child, the pious parents 
 would gladly have devoted to the ministry of the Chris- 
 tian church. That ambition survived in many a New 
 England family, long after that profession had lost the 
 preeminence and prodigious influence of an earlier time. 
 For this purpose they sent him to Harvard, where he 
 graduated, or, as was then said, was graduated, in 1755. 
 Many men afterward, eminent in church and state, were 
 his classmates. There was William Browne, governor 
 of the Bermudas; Sir John Wentworth, two years youn- 
 ger than Adams, governor of New Hampshire, 1 767-1 775, 
 and as he was a "loyalist" or adherent to the British 
 side in the Revolution, an exile to Nova Scotia, where 
 he was Eieutenant-governor, 1792-1808, dying in 1820; 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 
 
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i6 JOHN aSaMS. 
 
 David Sewall, who followed a family tendency, and was 
 long time judge of the District Court of Maine; Moses 
 Hemenway, a noted preacher; Samuel Locke, president 
 of Harvard, fifteen years after his graduation, 1770 to 
 1773; and Adams's intimate friend, Charles Cushing. 
 Of his rank in College, we know that Adams, Hemen- 
 way and Locke were deemed the best scholars. It was 
 the custom then and until 1773, to rank pupils in the 
 catalogue, according to social rank: John Adams, the son 
 of a country farmer, was thus the fourteenth among twen- 
 ty four. 
 
 Of his uneventful life at work on his father's farm, we 
 know naught. As a boy of ten, he must have been 
 stirred with the rest of the community in 1745 by the 
 capture of the French fortress of Louisburg, Cape Breton 
 Island, by the forces of the colonists without an English 
 soldier or officer: it had been considered impregnable, 
 and v/as a great nuisance to the Americans. New Eng- 
 land alone and on her own motion took it. Old Eng- 
 land might have learned from this of what sort her chil- 
 dren in the West were; and in fact, the very man who as 
 chief engineer of the expedition laid and directed the 
 lines of the besiegers at Louisburg, marked the lines of 
 Bunker Hill. 
 
 In the year of Adams's graduation, he must have 
 marked with apprehension, the encroachments of the 
 French, and the defeat of Braddock, while admiring the 
 brave young Virginian colonel, Washington, then first 
 heard of in New England. It was eight years later be- 
 fore the French ceased to be a danger to New England 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 17 
 
 and the middle colonies. Shortly after graduation, 
 twenty years before the outbreak of the Revolution, this 
 youth of twenty wrote thus to to his friend Nathan 
 Webb:— 
 
 "England is now the greatest nation upon the globe. 
 A few people came over into this new world for con- 
 science sake. Perhaps this apparently trivial incident 
 may transfer the great seat of empire into America. It 
 looks likely to me; for if we can remove the turbulent 
 Gallicks [?". ^., drive away the troublesome French,] our 
 people, according to the exactest computations, will in 
 another century become more numerous than England 
 itself. Should this be the case, since we have, I may 
 say, all the naval stores of the nation in our hands, it 
 wall be easy to obtain the mastery of the seas; and then 
 the united force of all Europe will not be able to subdue 
 us. The only wa)- to keep us from setting up for our- 
 selves is to disunite us. Divide et Impera. Keep us 
 distinct colonies; and then, some great men in each col- 
 ony, desiring the monarchy [he uses the word in its 
 Greek sense of sole control] of the whole, they will de- 
 stroy each other's influence, and keep the country in 
 equilibrioy 
 
 This letter was first published in 1807, brought to 
 light by the son of Nathan Webb. Its anticipations and 
 their correctness are remarkable. He anticipates the 
 greatness of America, to become "the great seat of Em- 
 pire." The extinction of French power in America is 
 expected as a matter of course, though that year had 
 seen three ill-managed campaigns of England against 
 
i8 JOHN ADAMS. ' 
 
 France in this country. Our growth in population is 
 foreseen: a century from that time the population of the 
 United States slightly exceeded the total population of 
 the British Isles. Naval power is foretold: during the 
 Revolution and in his administration as president, he 
 was always urging the increase of power, both of the nat- 
 ional navy and of our mercantile fleet; the war of 1812, 
 the civil war and our war with Spain now current show 
 the wisdom of his policy. Independence is foreseen: he 
 was one of the chief agents in winning it. The danger 
 of sectionalism and divisions among our people he pre- 
 sents, as if foreseeing the "Critical Period," as Mr. 
 Fiske names the years following the Revolution, and the 
 great secession. His own future policy is foreshadowed. 
 He had not decided upon his profession when he left 
 college. Friends and relatives urged him toward the 
 pulpit, toward which he was somewhat inclined. But 
 Puritanism was essentially polemic or combative. The 
 struggles of protestantism and its several forms of sects 
 to secure their own right to exist, had not led them to 
 any toleration of others. As Spain belonged to the pap- 
 acy, Scotland to presbytery, and England to episcopacy, 
 so should New England belong to independency of the 
 calvinistic type. They had crossed the ocean and suf- 
 fered many hardships to make a place for themselves: 
 they could ill bear the intrusion of other religions into 
 their hard-won domain. Besides, their earnestness and 
 their confidence that they alone had the true gospel made 
 them less tolerant. Indifference and doubt find tolera- 
 tion easy; but the indifferent or skeptic mood of mind 
 
19 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 has no real toleration, and is apt to be contemptuous or 
 bitter toward earnestness. Much that passes for toler- 
 ance in these days is really indifference. 
 
 In the sixteenth and seventeentli centuries, toleration 
 was hardly practicable anywhere, so fierce was the con- 
 tention of sects; 
 and it advanced 
 slowly in New 
 England through 
 the eighteenth 
 century. The 
 domineering spirit 
 of the "orthodox" 
 church kept John 
 Adams from the 
 pulpit, as it had 
 kept John Milton 
 a hundred years 
 before. Neither of 
 these strong men 
 could afford to give 
 up freedom of 
 thinking and 
 speaking. So 
 while Adams was master of a grammar school at Worces- 
 ter in his first year after graduating, he determined to 
 be a lawyer. 
 
 Sixty years later, he wrote to a gentleman who had 
 unearthed a letter of this period. 
 
 "I was like a boy in a country fair, in a wilderness, in 
 
 John Milton. 
 
20 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 a strange country, with half a dozen roads before him, 
 groping in a dark night to fnid which he ought to take. 
 Had I been obliged to tell your father the whole truth, 
 I should have mentioned several other pursuits. Farm- 
 ing, merchandise, law, and above all, w^ar. Nothing but 
 w^ant of interest and patronage prevented me from enlist- 
 ing in the army. Could I have obtained a troop of 
 horse or a company of foot, I should infallibly have 
 been a soldier. It is a problem in my mind to this day, 
 whether I should have been a coward or a hero." 
 
 Looking at his actual career, we can confidently say 
 that his brave soul would have carried a cowardly body 
 into any danger, if duty bade. But was his disposition 
 to be a soldier due to a pugnacity abundantly shown in 
 later life? Or was it because the necessities of wars with 
 France had made all New England military? 
 
 Mr. Adams began to keep a diary when he was twenty 
 years old, and with great gaps here and there, he con- 
 tinued it till 1796. INIuch of it has been published, fur- 
 nishing valuable hints for the history of his times. But 
 it has given opportunity for some harsh judgments about 
 his personal character. He often accuses himself of 
 faults, especially of what lie calls vanity, meaning un- 
 due self-esteem. He says it is his besetting sin. 
 
 But as we read this we should remember that he 
 judged himself by the Puritan standards. The Puritans 
 were very religious, and had very rigid codes of morals, 
 and conscientiously adopted strict rules of personal con- 
 duct. Their theology taught them to abase themselves 
 and to examine their own lives and thoughts and imj^-ul- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 21 
 
 ses with great severity of judgment. Every man must 
 be ready to say with St. Paul that he was "the chief of 
 sinners." 
 
 In short, a Puritan in those and earlier times was a 
 man with a sore conscience, which he continued to punch 
 and irritate, as medieval monks wore haircloth shirts and 
 flogged themselves with knotted cords. "Woe to them 
 that are at ease in Zion!" was a favorite admonition. In 
 their prayers they told God that they were vile repro- 
 bates, w^orthy of eternal damnation. Really they were 
 sober, industrious, pure-minded, self-sacrificing, upright 
 men. It was said of them that they were so upright as 
 to lean the other way. Their worst fault was this ex- 
 treme censoriousness, applied to themselves and to ev- 
 erybody else. The Puritan tried to rule all men as he 
 thought he ought to rtile himself. Such people, howev- 
 er excellent, are often very uncomfortable neighbors. 
 
 There is no reason to think that self-esteem was great- 
 er in Adams than in Jefferson or Hamilton, or Washing- 
 ton. Every man nnist feel that he and his work are 
 worth something in the world, or he will be indeed a 
 cipher. 
 
 Doubtless John Adams, like many other people, con- 
 founded just self-reliance with exuberant self-esteem, or 
 with undue love of approbation. The most undesirable 
 effect of this tendency was to make one impute wrongly to 
 others such faults \s he charges upon himself, and thus 
 to make him suspicious. No man detects vanity in an 
 others quicker than one conscious of vanity. When bit- 
 ter experience had taught Adams the lesson of distrust, 
 
22 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 he is charged with being too suspicious. But let the 
 reader consider the story of his relations to his cabinet, 
 and he will see that the president was not suspicious 
 enough. As men of clear judgment grow old, they be- 
 come less trustful, but make wiser judgments of others. 
 
 Mr. Adams studied law with Mr. Putnam of Worcester 
 while he was a schoolmaster. There was then no such 
 introduction to legal science as "Blackstone's Commen- 
 taries" (published 1768); and the student had to elaborate 
 and arrange principles for himself from "Coke upon Lit- 
 lleton" and volumes written in the bad Latin of earlier 
 centuries. 
 
 In 1760 Adams writes that he read at Worcester ten 
 folio volumes "besides octavos and lesser volumes," hav- 
 ing constant reference to reports and dictionaries. Evi- 
 dently he studied Cicero, Seneca, Montesquieu, Boling- 
 broke, for the philosophy of ethics, law, and government. 
 
 Returning to Braintree in 1758, he read there in two 
 years Justinian's Institutes (in Latin), taking with it and 
 writing an English translation. Van Muyden's Tractatio 
 Institutionum Justiniani: he lists eight other law treatises. 
 He then complains that he has ^'a very imperfect system 
 of law in my head:" he will read over and over Wood 
 and Coke; will study on natural law and civil law; mas- 
 ter Puffendorf and Grotius; and promised to finish with 
 canon and feudal law — a sort of dessert, as it were, af- 
 ter such an enormous devouring. 
 
 Upon such a basis of Jndustry and acquirement did 
 this one of the founders of our republic build his future 
 career; and thus did he fit himself to represent the Uni- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 23 
 
 ted States in three courts in Europe. It disgusts an 
 American to contrast with this giant of preparation and 
 ability, some of the names that are proposed for nomin- 
 ation in national conventions in our day. 
 
 Jeremiah Gridley, the foremost lawyer of New Eng- 
 land, presented Mr. Adams with a complimentary recom- 
 mendation, Nov. 6, 1758, and the court admitted him to 
 the bar. Gridley favored him, because he liked him. 
 Two points of advice given by the old lawyer are worthy 
 of remembrance: "First, pursue the study of law rather 
 than the gain of it: pursue the gain of it enough to keep 
 out of the briars, but give your main attention to the 
 study of it: second, do not marry early, for an early 
 marriage will obstruct your improvement; and in the 
 next place it will involve you in expense." 
 
 He soon had so much business that he says no lawyer 
 had more with so little profit in the next seventeen 
 years, which brings us to the outbreak of the Revolution. 
 Fees were small; but, as Mr. Morse says, the colonists 
 were great sticklers for their legal rights, and would go 
 to law on small provocation. This characteristic he 
 finds appearing in their oncoming strife with king and 
 parliament. 
 
 The second part of Gridley's advice he minded for six 
 years. Then he married Abigail Smith, daughter of 
 Rev. William Smith of the neighboring town of Wey- 
 mouth. He thus became allied to the influential fami- 
 lies of Quincy and Norton and Shepard: everybody 
 knows how large the Smith family is. The marriage 
 did but increase his business. The lady was for fifty-four 
 
Abigail Adams, wife of John Adams. 
 (From the Painting by Gilbert Stuart.) 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 25 
 
 years one of the best of wives, most helpful to him by 
 her fine mind, her wisdom, her courage in trials, and her 
 love. All who read their lives admire her. 
 
 Mr. Adams was devoting himself closely to his pro- 
 fession, and abstaining from politics, though not un- 
 interested in what was going on. His nature and habits 
 were not likely to 
 win popularity. The 
 leaders came to see 
 his value and drew 
 him among them. 
 
 His kinsman, Sam- 
 uel Adams, was lead- 
 er in popular agita- 
 tion, and was work- 
 ing toward an end 
 that he dared not yet 
 avow, absolute inde- 
 pendence. John Ad- 
 ams, as we have 
 shown, foresaw this, but only as something remote. 
 
 The famous contest over "Writs of Assistance" oc- 
 curred in 1 761. Adams, attending court as a member 
 of the bar, heard the powerful speech of James Otis, of 
 which we have no account but his. That shows how 
 the argument and the vivid force of its utterance affec- 
 ted him and others. In reminiscence of it he said, 
 "Then and there the child Independence w^as born." 
 John Adams was resolved from that moment. But he 
 used a similar expression about the event of March ^, 
 
 James Otis. 
 
26 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 1774, the collision between the soldiers and the populace 
 of Boston. He said: "On that night the foundation of 
 American independence was laid." In fact, George III 
 had begun laying such foundation as soon as he became 
 King. 
 
 The writer of biography must presume the reader to 
 be informed of the current of events: we can but men- 
 tion them. On the passage of the Stamp Act, 1765, Mr. 
 Adams led in calling a town-meeting, at which he pre- 
 sented resolutions of instruction to the representatives of 
 Braintree in the Assembly. They were published; forty 
 other towns adopted them, and Samuel Adams used them 
 in preparing Boston's resolutions. He and most others 
 regretted the work of the mobs that destroyed the houses 
 of Oliver and Hutchinson, for violence tangled the case. 
 Most of the judges of the colony paid no attention to the 
 act, and issued writs without stamps; but Hutchinson, 
 as chief justice and probate judge of Suffolk, would 
 not hold court. 
 
 Boston petitioned the governor's council to have the 
 courts opened, and selected as its lawyers to urge the pe- 
 tition Jeremiah Gridley, James Otis, and John Adams, 
 who was not a Bostonian. He had notice Dec. 19th, 
 and had to plead the next day. He spoke first, and took 
 the ground that the Stamp Act was invalid since the col- 
 onies had no representation. Gridley and Otis had pre- 
 viously admitted the right of Parliament to legislate for 
 the colonies. 
 
 In 1766 Townshend's act laid taxes on glass, paper, 
 paints and tea. This was met by the non-importation 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 27 
 
 agreement 
 and smug- 
 gling. In 
 1768 Adams 
 moved to 
 Boston. Gov. 
 Bernard o f- 
 fered him the 
 office of advo- 
 cate - general 
 in the court 
 of admiralty, 
 saying that 
 he asked no 
 compliance 
 i n political 
 opinions. Ad- 
 ams prompt- 
 ly refused it. 
 
 That year 
 troops came 
 t o overawe 
 the people; 
 and an old 
 statute of 
 Henry VIII 
 
 was brought up to warrant transportation of alleged 
 traitors to England for trial. 
 
 In 1770 Lord North became minister and the King's 
 pliant agent. On the fifth of March occurred the collis- 
 
 Statue of Josiah Quincy. Boston, Mass. 
 
28 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 ion of populace and soldiers, wrongly called the Boston 
 Massacre. Captain Preston and the soldiers were arres- 
 ted, while the regiments were sent out of the city. By 
 Hutchinson's advice, Preston asked the patriot lawyers, 
 John Adams and Josiah Quincy, to defend him and his 
 men. They did it successfully. Perhaps Hutchinson 
 thought they would lose popularity; but in June, three 
 months before the trial, Boston chose Adams her repre- 
 sentative; he had seventy-eight per cent of the votes 
 cast. 
 
 Judges had been paid from the colonial treasury. 
 Lord North undertook to control them by having their 
 salaries paid by the King. Adams piiblished arguments 
 against this, and induced the Assembly to impeach Peter 
 Oliver, Chief Justice, who accepted the King's money. 
 No jury would thenceforth serve in his court. 
 
 In 1773 occurred the "Boston Tea Party." In all 
 these struggles John Adams was the legal adviser of the 
 patriots. Violence was not used till the last moment. 
 The patriots tried to make the captain of the ^^ Dartmouth''^ 
 take his tea away. The Governor would not give him 
 a clearance. At the end of twenty days the revenue 
 officers would take possession of the vessel and land the 
 tea. A struggle w^ith them must not occur; hence on 
 the night of the nineteenth day, the "Mohawks" com- 
 mitted a private trespass in pouring the tea into the 
 harbor. 
 
 In 1774 came the Boston Port Bill; the Quebec Act; 
 the annulment of the charter of Massachusetts; the act 
 to remove trials to England; the quartering of troops 
 
JOHN ADA^IS. 29 
 
 Upon the people; and the appointment of Gen. Gage as 
 Governor. This was as bad as James II and Andros 
 nearly a century before. 
 
 The Assembly held a session with locked doors to 
 prevent the interference of Gage, passed resolutions in 
 accord with the action of Virginia calling upon the col- 
 onies to hold another Congress; and these were appoint- 
 ed as delegates: Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert 
 Treat Paine, James Bowdoin and Thomas Gushing. 
 The first three of these signed the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence. Henceforth the lawyer of the Massachusetts 
 courts is merged into the patriot statesman. 
 
 In the greatness of the crisis he felt lost. Who could 
 be "sufficient unto these things?" John Adams looked 
 far beyond the present agitation, which was destructive, 
 in which his cousin as a popular leader excelled; he saw 
 that there must be construction of government as well 
 as overthrow of tyranny. 
 
 Such men as Samuel Adams, Thomas Paine, Thomas 
 Jefferson, and Patrick Henry did grand service as con- 
 suming fires in the lumber of the old system; but no one 
 of them was a practical builder. Both kinds of men are 
 alwa^'S needed: the world can spare neither sort; and in 
 that crisis the destroyers must take the lead. Nor was 
 John Adams lacking in that work, though he put in 
 many a stroke for the new structures. He would build 
 as fast as the ground was cleared. In this he was one 
 with Washington, Franklin, Madison and John Mar- 
 shall. 
 
 The resolution of resistance and selection of delegates 
 
30 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 to a congress of "committees" of all the colonies was 
 passed on the seventeenth of June, 1774. just one year 
 before the battle of Bunker Hill. It was proposed 
 
 that the delegates 
 from the several col- 
 onies should meet on 
 the first of Septem- 
 ber next thereafterj 
 at Philadelphia. 
 
 All the colonies re- 
 sponded favorably 
 except Georgia, 
 which sent no repre- 
 sentatives. Maryland 
 was so prompt that 
 she chose her dele- 
 gates on the twenty- 
 second of June. Sev- 
 en others chose dele- 
 gates in July. 
 
 Fifty-six represen- 
 tatives attended: for- 
 ty-four were present at the opening, Monday, September 
 fifth, from eleven colonies: those from North Carolina 
 were a few days late. This body was called the Con- 
 tinental Congress, and sat in Carpenter's Hall. It was 
 the first united organization of the colonists to resist the 
 tyranny of King George and his Parliament. 
 
 It was not the English people's Parliament, though 
 there were in it great-hearted and far-seeing men who 
 
 John Marshall, American Jurist and Statesman. 
 Born 1755. Died 1835. 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 31 
 
 represented the true interests of the nation, such as 
 Burke, Dunning, Barre, Pitt, the Earl of Chatham, and 
 Lenox, Duke of Richmond. But the Parliament was 
 then elected by the influence of few men, and did not 
 represent the people. 
 
 It is worth while to review here the story of the growth 
 of English liberty from which sprang American liberty; 
 for the patriots of the Revolution demanded at first only 
 that they be treated as Englishmen, under laws made by 
 a body which was elected to represent the people, in 
 some degree at least. 
 
 The Angles, Saxons, Danes and Normans that made 
 the English people always had a great deal of personal 
 liberty. The kings were leaders in war, judges in peace, 
 but paid the expenses of their courts and palaces from 
 the income from the lands called crown lands. The 
 people paid few taxes to the king, except in emergen- 
 cies. 
 
 There grew up the Feudal System under which the 
 knights and nobles made serfs (not slaves) of the com- 
 mon people, claiming from them much of the products 
 of their labor. The knights and nobles were obliged to 
 serve the king in war at his summons; but the king 
 could not claim of them any taxes or contributions be- 
 yond certain ones allowed by the Feudal System, called 
 reliefs, aids, and fines: the word fines did not have its 
 present meaning. 
 
 If the king wanted more money, he must call a meet- 
 ing of his great nobles and ask for it: he could collect 
 only what they granted. In like manner, a duke or 
 
King John Sealing the Magna Charta. 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 33 
 
 great noble must call a meeting of the knights and no- 
 bles under him and have it voted if he wanted money 
 from them. Thus there grew up the rule "no tax with- 
 out a vote." 
 
 A willful king, if disposed to tyranny, might get 
 more. But in 1 2 1 5 the very bad King, John, was forced 
 by a rebellion of almost all his nobles to sign a document 
 called Magna Charta, in which he promised for himself 
 and his successors, that all his subjects should be treated 
 justly and according to law, and that he would claim no 
 taxes, but such as should be voted legally. Many other 
 limits were put upon the King by Magna Charta; and 
 it is remarkable that the nobles claimed rights for all 
 freemen, and not for themselves only. The English no- 
 bility has always been very different in that respect 
 from the nobility of the continent. 
 
 The kings used to call great councils of the princi- 
 pal men of the nation, knights and nobles only, sum- 
 moning whom they pleased. They also made corpora- 
 tions of the burghers of large towns and cities, giving 
 them charters of privileges in return for which the towns 
 and cities, called boroughs, generally paid regular taxes. 
 
 In 1265 a Parliament was called to which each county 
 in England was to send two elected representatives. 
 Soon the boroughs sent representatives. The kings 
 found it profitable to make boroughs, because they often 
 found them more pliant than the nobles. But of course 
 the nobles could have great influence in determining the 
 votes of the boroughs of their neighborhood: many bor- 
 oughs would sell their votes, electing any man who 
 
34 JOHN ADAMS. * 
 
 would pay their price. Some towns went down to ruin; 
 and the rich man who owned the ground where the bor- 
 ough had been could elect a member of parliament by 
 his single vote. 
 
 While the power of the kings grew less as Parliament 
 limited them more and more, and several civil wars 
 strengthened Parliament, the kings and their ministers 
 resorted to bribery to control Parliament. Places with 
 high salaries for doing little were given to those wdio 
 voted to please the king and his party. Men were made 
 barons, viscounts, earls, marquises or dukes by the 
 King's favor. 
 
 But after 1660, the rule that had grown out of the 
 Feudal System was strictly observ^ed: "No tax unless 
 voted by the Parliament;" but all the Feudal obligations 
 were abolished. Hence, came the idea that "Taxation 
 without representation is tyranny." 
 
 The mother of George III used to say to him while he 
 was young, "George, be a King." He was really a man 
 of very ordinary ability. But he thought that to be a 
 King he must govern at his own pleasure, and not be 
 limited by the advice of his ministers, who are held ac- 
 countable. If to please the King, they do an illegal act, 
 they are punished; not he. He had five several prime 
 ministers in the first ten years of his reign, whose quar- 
 rels and jealousies he fostered. Pitt (Chatham), was for 
 a while the actual manager of the government, though 
 not called prime minister; the King could not bear him, 
 nor any other really strong man. 
 
 At last, 1770, he made Frederick North his prime 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 35 
 
 minister, finding him to be a man who would let the 
 King have his own way. North was of easy, indolent 
 temper, unwilling to pay attention to public opinion, and 
 with no attachment.to any political principle but keep- 
 ing things as they were. 
 
 George III now took control of public affairs as com- 
 pletely as had the tyrant kings of earlier days, doing ev- 
 erything under cloak of the ministry, which certainly 
 covered a multitude of sins against the welfare of Eng- 
 land. Mr. J. R. Green (' 'History of the English People,' ' 
 Bk. zjr, ch ii.) tells us. — 
 
 "Not only did he direct the minister in all important 
 matters of foreign and domestic policy, but he instructed 
 him as to the management of debates in Parliament, 
 suggested what motions should be made or opposed, and 
 how new measures should be carried. He reserved for him- 
 self all the patronage: he arranged the whole cast of ad- 
 ministration; settled the relative places and pretensions 
 of ministers of state, law officers, and members of the 
 household; nominated and promoted the English and 
 Scotch judges; appointed and translated bishops and 
 deans, and dispensed other preferments in the Church. 
 He disposed of military governments, regiments and 
 commissions; and himself ordered the marching of troops. 
 He gave and refused titles, honors and pensions. All 
 this immense patronage w^as persistently used for the 
 creation and maintenance in both houses of Parliament of 
 a majority directed by the King himself. The shame of 
 the darkest hour of English history lies wholly at his 
 door. ' ' 
 
36 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Lord North did not approve of the King's acts. He 
 knew that the King had had a touch of insanity in 1765, 
 the Stamp-Act year. He excused himself afterward by 
 saying in effect that he feared that he would bring on 
 madness again if he w^orried the King by opposition. So 
 a crazy tyrant and a pliant tool were important instru- 
 ments in creating American Independence. 
 
 King George saw that he would have trouble in rais- 
 ing taxes in England, even with his purchased majority 
 in Parliament. He saw that the colonies were not di- 
 rectly under English law, and undertook to increase their 
 burdens; but when he tried to enforce the old navigation 
 acts and revenue laws w^hich had been evaded, and to 
 levy new taxes, the Commercial States resisted. 
 
 When his Parliament altered the charter of Massa- 
 chusetts and shut up the port of Boston, all the colonies 
 saw that their charters might be revoked and their ports 
 closed: hence, they made common cause with Massachu- 
 setts. The Continental Congress united their feeling 
 and their action. 
 
 In anticipation of his going to the Congress, Mr. Ad- 
 ams was studying on the questions of the day, though he 
 went on his usual circuits as a lawyer. He wrote in his 
 Diary. — 
 
 ''There is a new and grand scene open before me; a 
 Congress. This will be an assembly of the wisest men 
 upon the continent who are Americans in principle, that 
 is, against the taxation of Americans by authority of 
 Parliament. I feel myself unequal to this business. A 
 more extensive knowledge of the realm, the colonies, and 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 37 
 
 of commerce, as well as of law and policy, is necessary 
 than I am master of. What can be done? Will it be 
 expedient to propose an annual Congress of Committees? 
 to petition? Will it do to petition at all? to the King? to 
 the Lords? to the Commons? What will such consulta- 
 tions avail? Deliberations alone will not do. We must 
 petition or recommend to the Assemblies to petition, or 
 
 " The dread alternative of civil war he would not 
 
 write, even in his diary. 
 
 To his wife he wrote his wish for leisure for prepara- 
 tion: "I might be polishing up my old reading in law 
 and history, that I might appear with less indecency be- 
 fore a variety of gentlemen whose education, travels, ex- 
 perience, family, fortune, and everything will give them 
 a vast superiority to me, and I fear, even to some of my 
 companions." 
 
 The self-conceit which some charge upon Mr. Adams 
 is not evident here. His solid foundation of legal, his- 
 torical and philosophical knowledge made him the equal 
 of any,except in the polish given by travel and extensive 
 intercourse with men, and in the fortune of wealth. 
 
 His friend, Joseph Hawley, gave him a caution which 
 shows that the jokes of to-day about Boston were alread>' 
 current then. He warns him not to fall into the error 
 imputed "to the Massachusetts gentlemen, and especially 
 of the town of Boston," of assuming big and haughty 
 airs, and affecting to dictate and take the lead in conti- 
 nental affairs. This jealousy of New England was deep- 
 ly rooted. 
 
 All the delegates from Massachusetts, except Bowdoin 
 
38 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 started together Aug. lo, going through Connecticut to 
 New York. They were everywhere received with joy, 
 and as public guests. But they found that independence 
 and the war to win it, however evident to them, must 
 not be even whispered. 
 
 John said to Samuel Adams that they were going to 
 Philadelphia to enter into imavailing agreements for 
 non-importation, non- consumption, non-exportation: force 
 would be necessary. 
 
 In New York, McDougal warned them of episcopal 
 and aristocratic prejudices against "the leveling spirit of 
 New England;" and Philip Livingston betrayed such 
 disposition. At Princeton, Dr. Witherspoon, president 
 of the college, was working on their line; but they were 
 told to be wary as they should approach Philadelphia. 
 The committee that met them to escort them into the 
 city let them know how they were feared as violent en- 
 thusiasts. Consequently they roared so gently that 
 Joseph Reed said they seemed mere milksops. They let 
 Rutledge and Harrison outbrave them. "We have a del- 
 icate course to steer between too much activity and too 
 much insensibility," wrote John Adams. 
 
 Things seemed to go slowly; but by the 17th of Sep- 
 tember he wrote, "This day convinced me that America 
 will support Massachusetts or perish with her." 
 
 Nevertheless the delegation got others, now of one col- 
 ony and now of another, to put forward their thoughts 
 and plans. Most wanted Massachusetts to steer careful- 
 ly between obedience and rebellion, like the famous 
 sportsman who shot into the bushes ' 'to hit it if it was 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 39 
 
 a deer, and miss it if it was a calf." The majority ex- 
 pected ultimate reconciliation with England. Virginia 
 and Massachusetts worked together generally, the dele- 
 gates from Virginia being Washington, Henry, Peyton 
 Randolph (elected to preside), 
 Richard Bland, Edmund Pendle- 
 ton, Benjamin Harrison and Rich- 
 ard Henry Lee. Mr. Adams was 
 on a committee to prepare a pe- 
 tition to the King with Lee and 
 Henry Johnson of Maryland, 
 and John Rutledge of South Car- 
 olina. 
 
 The middle colonies and their 
 views had little representation 
 in that body, and the report 
 was too sharp: so Dickinson of 
 Pennsylvania was added to rewrite or soften it. 
 
 A more important committee was a large one to pre- 
 pare a declaration of rights. Both Adamses were in this. 
 Their report affirmed that a right of taxation of colonists 
 belonged to them only; but that Parliament might make 
 regulations for the external commerce of all parts of the 
 empire, but not for revenue. 
 
 This first Continental Congress was controlled main- 
 ly by the ideas of John Dickinson of Pennsylvania, as it 
 was necessary to yield to the middle states, New York, 
 Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and to their conciliation 
 policy. But it approved the Suffolk Resolution that no 
 obedience was due to the recent acts of Parliament; it 
 
 Peyton Randolph, 
 
 President First Continental 
 
 Congress. 
 
 Born 1721. Died 1775. 
 
40 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 adopted Jay's "Address to the People of Great Britain;" 
 it tried to bring in all the English colonies, and sent to 
 England a petition to the King, written by Dickinson. 
 After thirty-one days of actual session, but fifty-two of 
 
 Suffolk Resolves House. Milton. Mass. Built prior to 1650. Dr. Warren and 
 the Committee of Safety passed the famous Suffolk Resolutions here. 
 
 assembly, it adjourned. Mr. Adams was on the whole 
 encouraged. 
 
 A provincial congress was taking the place of the 
 Charter Assembly; and Braintree sent Adams as her rep- 
 resentative. He was sent to the Second Continental 
 Congress, which met May lo, 1775. Meanwhile had oc- 
 curred the battles of Lexington and Concord. John Han- 
 cock had taken Bowdoin's place in the delegation. 
 
 Mr. Adams found a great change in New York, the 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 41 
 
 most commercial of the middle states: actual war had 
 stirred the people to range themselves with INIassachu- 
 setts and Virginia in resistance. He left home with 
 some anxiety for his family: his wife wrote him of a lo- 
 cal alarm of an invasion of their neighborhood by a de- 
 tachment of soldiers who came, however, only to get 
 some hay. 
 
 The middle state of Pennsylvania was under the influ- 
 ence of John Dickinson, still hanging back: and many 
 delegates were hopeful of reconciliation, though war was 
 going on. Dickinson succeeded in carrying his point, 
 one more "dutiful and humble petition," called by some 
 the Olive-Branch Petition. But by the same vote there 
 was joined with the order for the petition other meas- 
 ures of warlike character. New York was to be put in- 
 to a state of defense. Military spirit was rising. It was 
 a significant fact, that Washington came to the Congress 
 everyday in his uniform. He said little: the dress had 
 unmistakable meaning. 
 
 On Dickinson's day of partial success came a letter 
 from Massachusetts asking advice about "the taking up 
 and exercising the powers of civil government," since the 
 local government was disorganized. The Congress was 
 forced to act: June 9th, it advised Massachusetts to or- 
 ganize a government. This was a great step toward in- 
 dependence in fact, though many would not so consid- 
 er it. 
 
 Adams now pushed another suggestion of the provin- 
 cial congress of his State, the adoption of the army in 
 front of Boston, in which were men from other colonies. 
 
42 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 June 14th, Cono^ress voted to raise 20,000 men, Mr. Ad- 
 ams promising to raise ten thousand from Massachusetts. 
 
 Of course a commander-in-chief must be appointed for 
 this army, to act with the authority of the United Col- 
 onies, as they still called themselves. As matters stood, 
 Massachusetts was carrying on war alone, with Gen. 
 Artemas Ward, an esteemed officer of the French and 
 Indian war, as her generalissimo. 
 
 Mr. Adams found difficulties in local jealousies and 
 personal ambitions, as well as in the backwardness of 
 the moderates and conservatives. He was never lacking 
 in courage; he was, indeed, liable to be charged with be- 
 ing overbold, so that he chafed under the enforced de- 
 lays. Private conferences with other delegates reached 
 no result. He told Samuel Adams one morning that he 
 was going to make a bold stroke to end the suspense: he 
 would propose the adoption of the army and the appoint- 
 ment of Col. Washington as commander of it. Mr. Sam- 
 uel Adams did not assent or dissent. 
 
 When John Adams got the floor, he moved the adopt- 
 ion of the army and went on to speak of its command- 
 er, eulogizing a certain gentleman from Virginia "who 
 could unite the cordial exertions of all the colonies bet- 
 ter than any other person." Though no name was 
 spoken all knew he meant Washington, who was so start- 
 led that he rose and went out. 
 
 Some said it was a doubtful measure to put a southern- 
 er over an army of New England troops now doing ad- 
 mirably under their own officers. Pendleton of Virgin- 
 ia especially urged this, followed by Sherman of Connec- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 43 
 
 ticut; and Gushing of Massachusetts fell into line with 
 them. Hancock, the presiding officer, was ambitious 
 for the place. Other aspirants might be jealous and be- 
 come hostile to Adams; but he never feared enemies 
 when sure he was right. The vote was not hurried; Ad- 
 ams left the formal 
 nomination for some 
 one else. On the 1 5th 
 of June, Thomas 
 Johnson of Maryland 
 nominated Washing- 
 ton, and he was unan- 
 imously elected, and 
 left Philadelphia on 
 the 2 1 St. 
 
 Mr. Adams had 
 now fjained two im- 
 portant points: he 
 had had the Congress to advise ]\Iassachusetts to estab- 
 lish an insurgent or rebel government; and next to adopt 
 and organize an army that was at war with King George. 
 If this belligerency was not independence, what was it? 
 Nor had he consulted Massachusetts or New England 
 about making a Virginian Commander over her troops. 
 Considering the local jealousies, this v/as a brave and 
 bold deed. Certainly three New Englanders were at 
 first against him in the Congress itself, and two from his 
 own state. But he trusted the intelligence, liberality 
 and courtesy of his people whom he knew well. His 
 grandson in his "Life of John Adams" says: 
 
 Jotin Hancock. 
 
44 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 ''In the life of Mr. Adams, more than in that of most 
 men, occur instances of this calm but decided assumption 
 of a fearful responsibility in critical moments. But what 
 
 is yet more re- 
 markable is that 
 they were at- 
 tended with a 
 uniformly favor- 
 able result." 
 
 The Ameri- 
 can people saw 
 in his conduct 
 in this Congress, 
 in the war, and 
 in his acts as 
 ambassador or 
 envoy, such ev- 
 idences of pure 
 patriotism, just 
 courage, and 
 high sagacity, 
 that they twice 
 put him next to 
 Washington 
 and once made 
 him head of the 
 it was not from 
 as by dissensions 
 
 Battle of Bunker Hill and Death of Warren. Bronze 
 Door on the Capitol, Washington. D. C. 
 
 government. When he was defeated, 
 loss of popular confidence .so much 
 within his own party. 
 
 The result of his moves at this time 
 
 'set the seal of 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 4S 
 
 wisdom," says Mr. Morse, in his "Life of John Adams," 
 "upon his fearless assumption of one of the greatest po- 
 litical risks recorded in the world's history." And Mr. 
 Adams said that the appointment of Washington would 
 have a great effect in securing the union of the colonies; 
 and further, that he had got them all as deep into the 
 rebellion as Massachusetts herself. While he was doing 
 this, red Bunker Hill showed that Yankee farmers could 
 face and defeat England's veterans. 
 
 Soon after, Mr. Adams wrote confidential letters to his 
 wife and to Gen. James Warren, which were taken from 
 the carrier by the British and published by them, to 
 create suspicion and ill-feeling. His private opinions 
 were too strong for public use; they made lasting ene- 
 mies. To his wife he said in a postscript: 
 
 "I wish I had given you a complete history, from the 
 beginning to the end, of the behavior of my compatriots. 
 No mortal tale can equal it. I will tell you in future, 
 but you shall keep it secret. The fidgets, the whims, 
 the caprice, the vanity, the superstition, the irritability 
 
 of some of us is enough to "; language failed him at 
 
 that point. 
 
 So much for one barrel of his gun: it seemed aimed 
 at the whole body of Congress; every man might take 
 his share of the shot as he pleased, or generously give it 
 all to his neighbors. The other barrel was aimed more 
 precisely at individuals, but included the seekers for con- 
 ciliation. Gen. Warren was president of the provincial 
 congress. 
 
 "I am determined to write freely to you this time. A 
 
46 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 certain great fortune and piddling genius [this hit John 
 Dickinson, leader of the party of delay,] whose fame has 
 been trumpeted so loudly, has given a silly cast to our 
 whole proceedings. We are between hawk and buzzard. 
 We ought to have had in our hands, a month ago, the 
 whole legislative, executive, and judicial of the whole 
 continent, and have completely modeled a constitution; 
 to have raised a naval power, and opened all our ports 
 wide; to have arrested every friend of [the British] gov- 
 ernment on the continent, and held them as hostages 
 for the poor victims in Boston; and then opened the 
 door as wide as possible for peace and reconciliation. 
 After this, they might have petitioned, negotiated, ad- 
 dressed, etc., if they would. Is all this extravagant? Is 
 
 it wild ? Is it not the soundest policy? You 
 
 observe in your letter the oddity of a great man [Gen. 
 Lee]. He is a queer creature; but you must love his 
 dogs if you love him, and forgive a thousand whims for 
 the sake of the soldier and the scholar." 
 
 The reader will not wonder at the personal enmities 
 these letters caused. Dickinson ceased to recognize him, 
 and was his enemy as long as he lived (1808). Others 
 of those that had "the fidgets, the whims," shunned 
 him and were cold; even friends showed disapprobation. 
 John Hancock drew away from the Adamses and toward 
 the conservatives. The moderates thought Adams had be- 
 trayed the plans of radicals to hurry on independence. 
 The English regarded the letters as evidence of long- 
 planned rebellion. The worst effect was the suspicion 
 which immediately attached to all his proposals, until 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 47 
 
 independence became inevitable. But Adams was so 
 shrewd and so strong that he was indispensable upon 
 important committees. 
 
 Meanwhile Dickinson's "Olive Branch" could not 
 gain even an official reception in England, since it came 
 from a rebel body, and, as C. F. Adams suggests, would 
 look to George III much more like a highwayman's 
 pistol. 
 
 New Hampshire asked advice, October i8th, about 
 forming some government for order and justice. Adams 
 joined in the debate, urging the need of some general 
 advice to all the colonies. He argued that the people in 
 their towns should elect delegates to a convention which 
 should form a constitution, distributing powers to three 
 branches, governors, councils and representatives, with 
 independent judiciary; and that this constitution should 
 be referred to the people for adoption and confirmation; 
 and that officers should be elected thereunder. 
 
 He was one of the committee to whom the matter was 
 referred, whose report advised a popular government, 
 Nov. 3d. The next day a similar resolution was passed 
 for South Carolina, Adams trying in both cases to bring 
 in use of the word state for colony^ and America for the 
 colonies. He was opposed to a legislature of a single 
 house and an executive and judiciary made of commit- 
 tees, which was Samuel Adams's ideal. 
 
 Adams had gone home during the recess in August, 
 but had little rest, as he had been put on the executive 
 council of Massachusetts. 
 
 It took him just a fortnight to reach Philadelphia, 
 
48 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Sept. i3tli. Delegates from Georgia came in. The 
 moderates had control, but had to move forward, adopt 
 a plan of confederation, establish a post office system 
 with Franklin as postmaster, create a system of dealing 
 with Indians, appoint treasurers, direct military affairs, 
 set up an army hospital, all of these acts implying inde- 
 pendence and rebellion. Massachusetts men were left 
 out of committees. Dangerous sickness invaded Adams's 
 family, an epidemic attacking Braintree and vicinity. His 
 brother died in the army. His wife was exhausted with 
 anxiety and watching. But he felt that his position was 
 that of an officer in an army in front of the foe: he must 
 not go home. 
 
 Mr. Adams's policy suddenly came uppermost. Rhode 
 Island on Oct. 3d asked Congress to create a fleet. The 
 proposition was ridiculed, especially by southern dele- 
 gates. But in a few days news was brought that two 
 vessels w^re on the way from London to Canada with 
 arms and powder. 
 
 A committee of three New Englanders was appointed, 
 including Adams, to report on the emergency. They 
 advised that Massachusetts be asked to put two of her 
 armed vessels imder Washington's command, and that 
 he dispatch them to intercept those from London and 
 any other transports carrying military stores; and that 
 Connecticut and Rhode Island be asked to help. A re- 
 port to this effect was adopted Oct. 13th, in spite of 
 much eloquence. 
 
 By Oct. 30th, another committee on naval affairs was 
 created, Mr. Adams being one, and a fleet of four ves- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 49 
 
 sels was ordered. Nov. 1 7th, a corps of marines wcis or- 
 dered. Nov. 25tli, the beginning of a naval code was 
 reported by Mr. Adams and adopted. Dec. 13th, the 
 building of thirteen frigates was ordered; and Dec. 2 2d, 
 Esek Hopkins of Rhode Island was made commander of 
 a fleet of five vessels. So, largely through the push and 
 energy of John Adams, a navy was begun. 
 
 One important event helped him ; about the first day 
 of November, a ship had brought the news of the fail- 
 ure of Dickinson's last "Olive- Branch" petition. 
 Thenceforth the moderates were rebels as much as the 
 Adamses, the Lees, Washington, Henry and Hancock. 
 They must carry on the war or surrender without terms. 
 This changed the aspect of affairs very much. 
 
 For John Dickinson w^e may find some palliation, if 
 not excuse. He loved his country, but acted like a cow- 
 ard. The proprietary government of Pennsylvania had 
 somewhat protected the people from collision with roy- 
 al authority. 
 
 Pennsylvania had no charter to lose, no rights depen- 
 dent upon a royal grant and promise to its inhabitants 
 under seal. Then, too, it was originally a Quaker colo- 
 ny; and no man could grow up in it without being- af- 
 fected by its peace-loving doctrines and ways. But 
 worst of all were the influences of his family. 
 
 While Adams was supported in his course by his rela- 
 tives and his brave wife, Dickinson's family was a drag 
 upon him. Mr. Adams says: "That gentleman's moth- 
 er and wife were continually distressing him with their 
 remonstrances. His mother said to him, Johnny, you 
 
50 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 will be hanged; your estate will be forfeited and confis- 
 cated; you will leave your excellent wife a widow, and 
 your children orphans, beggars and infamous.' From 
 my soul I pitied Mr. Dickinson. I made his case my 
 own. If my mother and my wife had expressed such 
 sentiments to me, I was certain that if they did not un- 
 man me and make me an apostate, they would make me 
 the most miserable man alive." (Works, VoL 11^ p, 
 408.) On a previous page he had wTitten, "Mr. Dickin- 
 son is very modest, delicate and timid." 
 
 The influence of the Quakers and of the Quaker state 
 in which they had predominance politically, was thrown 
 then against the revolution, because it was leading to 
 war; and because Massachusetts, the colony in wdiich 
 they had suffered most for their religion, was leading in 
 it. A leading man among them, Israel Pemberton, in a 
 conference with Adams and others, objected to a union 
 of the colonies because of laws on religion in Massachu- 
 setts and other parts of New England. 
 
 Nor should we forget, in trying to account for the in- 
 difference and backwardness of New York, New Jersey, 
 Penns3dvania and Delaware, that there was a larger 
 share of un-English elements in their population than 
 elsewhere. The first settlers of all these except Penn- 
 sylvania were Dutch and Swedes, foreigners to English 
 law and ideas. 
 
 The revolutionary party were demanding their rights 
 as Englishmen, referring back to Magna Charta, the 
 Petition of Right, and the Bill of Rights, as well as to 
 charters granted by English kings. These were not 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 51 
 
 household words to a generation whose grandfathers or 
 great-grandfathers were conquered by England, or who 
 came like the numerous Pennsylvania Germans from 
 Germany itself. IMany did join the Revolution earnest- 
 ly, as did the French infusion of Huguenots in South 
 Carolina; but the masses were different from New Eng- 
 landers and Virginians. 
 
 Adams now writes: "Our counsels have been hitherto 
 too fluctuating; one day, measures for carrying on the 
 war were adopted; the next, nothing must be done that 
 would widen 'the unhappy breach between Great Britain 
 and the colonies.' As these different ideas have pre- 
 vailed, our conduct has been directed accordingly 
 
 Thank God, the happy day which I have long wished 
 for is at length arrived: the southern colonies no longer 
 entertain jealousies of the northern; they no longer look 
 back to Great Britain; they are convinced that they 
 have been pursuing a phantom, and that their only safe- 
 ty is a vigorous determined defense. One of the gentle- 
 men who had been most sanguine for pacific measures 
 and very jealous of the New England colonies, address- 
 ing me in the style of Brother Rebel, told me he was 
 now ready to join us heartily. 'We have got,' says he, 
 'a sufficient answer to our petition. I want nothing 
 more, but am ready to declare ourselves independent, 
 send ambassadors,' etc. , and much more Our res- 
 olutions will henceforth be spirited, clear and decisive." 
 
 Truly the ignorance and self-conceit of King George 
 and his ministers did more for independence than the 
 eloquence of Patrick Henry and the arguments of Ad- 
 
52 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 ams. They conld not move Pennsylvania; he did. But 
 Adams was not trusted by all; when he went home in 
 December, Lynch of South Carolina wrote to Washing- 
 ton, "Whether 
 his intents be 
 wicked or not, 
 I doubt much. 
 He should be 
 watched.'''^ 
 
 Probably be- 
 fore the news 
 of the failure of 
 theOliveBranch 
 in September or 
 October, Mr. 
 Adams endeav- 
 ored to have an 
 embassy sent to 
 France, w i t h 
 powers to repre- 
 sent the com- 
 bined colonies. 
 Mr. Chase of Maryland made the motion, as they had 
 agreed; and Adams seconded it, and spoke on the mo- 
 tion and proposed substitutes, keeping his temper well 
 under, and winning even from his steadfast opponents, 
 Dickinson and Duane, credit for greatest knowledge of 
 the subject and for eloquence. His lawyer-like mode of 
 reasoning rarely rose to eloquence; but sometimes his 
 deep earnestness brought into his speech his ready stores 
 
 Samuel Chase. 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 53 
 
 of learning and a fiery rhetoric that was not common. 
 Indeed he was more likely to offend by his impolitic 
 way of blurting out his real opinions too bluntly to 
 please, with severe criticisms upon others. In this dis- 
 cussion he gave his views of a proper policy for Amer- 
 ica: she should make no alliances, make commercial 
 treaties only, and avoid connection with European poli- 
 tics and wars. The proposition failed then; but seeds of 
 thought and of later action were sown. 
 
 In December Adams took leave of absence and went 
 home. As member of the provincial council he was at 
 once very busy, and prepared a proclamation to the peo- 
 ple of his own state which has many of the ideas of the 
 Declaration of Independence, and may give us a notion 
 of what that would have been had he written it. 
 
 The council appointed him Chief Justice of Massachu- 
 setts. He accepted the appointment, which it would 
 have pleased him to fill: but he never entered upon its 
 duties, because they also re-appointed him delegate to the 
 Continental Congress for the year 1776, and gave him 
 Elbridge Gerry as colleague in place of Cushing, resigned. 
 They left home Jan. 24th, 1776; Gerry presented his 
 credentials Feb. 9th, and the instructions given by Mas- 
 sachusetts, which were: — 
 
 ^^ Resolved^ that they [the five delegates], or any one 
 or more of them, are hereby fully empowered with the 
 delegates from the other American colonies to concert, 
 direct and order such further measures as shall to them 
 appear best calculated for the establishment of right and 
 liberty to the American colonies upon a basis permanent 
 
J4 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 and secure against the power and art of the British Ad- 
 ministration, and guarded against any future encroach- 
 ments of their enemies; with power to adjourn to such 
 times and places as shall appear most conducive to the 
 public safety and advantage." 
 
 Mr. Adams returned to find the Congress in a period 
 of discouragement: "There is a deep anxiety, a kind of 
 thoughtful melancholy, and in some a lowness of spirits 
 approaching to despondency, prevailing through the 
 southern colonies at present." 
 
 Why not? They had hoped and hoped for reconcilia- 
 tion with the King: now they saw before them the con- 
 tinuauce of a war with the greatest power in the world. 
 But Adams had learned that public opinion is apt to 
 move in waves of discouragement and exultant expecta- 
 tion. 
 
 He prophesied, "In this, or a similar condition, we 
 shall remain, I think, until late in the spring, when some 
 critical event will take place, perhaps sooner. But the 
 Arbiter of events, the Sovereign of the world, only knows 
 which way the torrent will be turned. Judging by ex- 
 perience, by probabilities and by all appearances, I corr- 
 clude it will roll on to dominion and glory, though the 
 circumstances and consequences may be bloody. In such 
 great changes and commotions, individuals are but atoms. 
 It is scarcely worth while to consider what the conse- 
 quences will be to us. What will be the effects upon 
 present and future millious, and millions of millions, is 
 a question very interesting to benevolence, natural and 
 christian. God grant they may, and I firmly believe 
 
March 23d, 
 April 6th. 
 
 and 
 Ad- 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 55 
 
 they will be happy." Events went on toward indepen- 
 dence. The British were beaten at Charleston and evac- 
 uated Boston. Paine wrote "Common Sense," a pam- 
 phlet of great influence, so much in the line of Adams's 
 talk that some thought it his. 
 
 Congress authorized privateering, 
 opened American ports to all nations 
 ams was sarcastic upon those 
 who would not see the na- 
 ture of these acts and said 
 we had had half a war, now 
 advanced to three-quarters 
 of a war. 
 
 "This is not independen- 
 cy, you know. Nothing like 
 it. If a post or two more 
 should bring you unlimited 
 trade of all nations and a po- 
 lite invitation to all nations 
 to trade with you, take care 
 that you do not call it or 
 
 think it independency. No such matter. Independency 
 is a hobgoblin of such frightful mien that it would throw 
 a delicate person into fits to look it in the face." 
 
 Among the difficulties of the situation were the rather 
 aristocratic colonial governments in the middle and 
 southern colonies, some of which were still proprietary. 
 Movements were made here and there for more demo- 
 cratic forms; there was little reason for change if all 
 were to yield to the mother country by submission. 
 
 Henry Lee, Governor v)f Virginia. 
 
 Known as "Light Hcrse Harry." 
 
 Born 1756. Died 1818. 
 
56 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 In Virginia the Lees, Patrick Henry, George Wythe 
 and other advocates of Independence determined to pop- 
 ularize the local government. No other in America had 
 studied the science of government and the various forms 
 for reaching political ends so much and so thoroughly as 
 John Adams had done: and the practical tendency of his 
 mind made his advice valuable. Jefferson and Samuel 
 Adams were theoretical, and full of that false republican 
 fear of reposing real governing power any where, lest it 
 should be abused: a jealous fear which leads, if it w^orks 
 to its natural results, to an anarchy that invites despot- 
 ism. 
 
 It has been the good fortune of America to be neither 
 Hamiltonian nor Jeffersonian. When Jefferson said that 
 the tree of liberty needs frequently to be watered with 
 blood, and that rebellion is a good thing and necessary 
 in the political world, he showed that he lacked the 
 constructive power to conceive a government which 
 should be at once firm enough for civil order and 
 elastic and changable enough for liberty. 
 
 Hamilton's schemes missed the same good qualities in 
 an opposite way. Practical people have found ways be- 
 tween the two; and John Adams, misunderstood and 
 called an aristocrat, was of this practical sort. Both Jef- 
 ferson and Adams were aristocrats to this degree, that 
 they believed the wisest and best should be chosen to 
 lead, to plan, to judge, to execute. 
 
 Richard Henry Lee talked often with Adams on the 
 principles and details of government, and asked him to 
 give him a definite plan for use. Adams gave him a 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 57 
 
 short letter containing the main featnres of such a sys- 
 tem as he approved. Lee showed the letter: copies were 
 taken and circulated. Others applied to ]\Ir. Adams; 
 whereupon he wrote a pamphlet, "Thoughts on Govern- 
 ment applicable to the Present State of the American 
 Colonies. In a letter from a Gentleman to his Friend." 
 This, having the form of a letter to Wythe, is in "The 
 Woiks of John Adams." The circulation of it in Vir- 
 ginia elicited a reply from the aristocratic party. Both 
 were before the convention which adopted the constitu- 
 tion of June, 1776. The aristocratic party failed. 
 
 North Carolina asked his advice, which was given in 
 like manner. Her constitution of 1776 remained un- 
 changed till 1836. His influence appeared in the New 
 York constitution. His plans w^ould have made all the 
 states independent of each other, to be united in a con- 
 federation limited to a few objects: he had not studied 
 upon a plan of union very much. The influence of 
 these examples ran throtigli all the states that formed 
 new constitutions. 
 
 Pennsylvania, Maryland, New Jersey and New York 
 had especially instructed their representatives to oppose 
 all propositions for independence. Even New Hamp- 
 shire was an obstacle. A new plan was devised. 
 
 Samuel Chase went home to Maryland and organized 
 a series of local meetings, a fire in the rear upon the 
 conservatives, which brought that State over. Caesar 
 Rodney did the same in Delaware. Jonathan Dickinson 
 Sergeant resigned and returned to New Jersey where 
 the Assembly was in session: he secured the election of 
 
58 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 new delegates who would arrive July ist, and would, as 
 he said, ''vote plump." 
 
 As early as April 12th North Carolina had authorized 
 her delegates to vote for independence and foreign rela- 
 tions. The Virginia Convention, at work upon her new 
 constitution, on May 15th, instructed her delegates to 
 propose independence. But still Pennsylvania was a 
 perfect Gibraltar of opposition. It would not be good 
 politics to win a bare majority or even a majority of 
 eight to five with such a great opposition in the heart of 
 the land. Pennsylvania must be the keystone of the 
 arch of union. Public opinion there was in favor of in- 
 dependence: but the proprietary government of the 
 Penn family sent the delegation in which Dickinson, 
 Robert Morris, Willing, Humphrey and Morton outvoted 
 Franklin and Wilson: Wilson had changed from nega- 
 tive to affirmative vote. 
 
 A movement in another direction outflanked the Penn 
 government. June 7th, Friday, Richard Henry Lee 
 presented resolutions to declare independence. John 
 Adams, as arranged, seconded them. The debate of 
 that day, Saturday and Monday, showed that there were 
 votes of four New England States, Virginia and North 
 Carolina and one other Southern State in the affirma- 
 tive. That would not do. The question was adjourned 
 to July ist. The next day, Jefferson, John Adams, 
 Franklin, Sherman and R. R. Livingston were appoint- 
 ed a committee on the resolution. On the 12th Samuel 
 Adams was made one of a committee on Confederation, 
 and John Adams one of acommittee on treaties to be pro- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 59 
 
 posed with foreign powers, where he was securely bal- 
 lasted with Dickinson, Morris and Harrison of Virginia: 
 and at the same time a Board of War and Ordnance was 
 made of John Ad- 
 ams, S h e r m a n, 
 Harrison, Wilson 
 and Edward Rut- 
 ledge. 
 
 Important was 
 a previous com- 
 mittee, May 25th, 
 to confer with 
 Washington on 
 military affairs and 
 plans, on which 
 was John Adams. 
 From their action 
 grew the "commit- 
 tee on spies, ' ' John 
 Adams, Jefferson, 
 Rutledge, Wilson 
 and Livingston. 
 Their resolutions, adopted June 17th, declared every 
 person in any colony, whether resident or transient, to 
 be subject to its laws: then the second resolution as- 
 sumed independence and sovereignty most fully: 
 
 ''''Resolved^ That all persons, members of or owing al- 
 legiance to any of the United Colonics, as before des- 
 cribed, who shall levy war against any of the said col- 
 onies within the same, or be adherent to the King of 
 
 Robert R. Livingston. 
 Born 1741. Died 1813. 
 
6o JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Great Britain or other enemies of the said colonies or 
 any of them, within the same, giving to him or them aid 
 and comfort, are guilty of Treason against such colony. ' ' 
 
 The -next resolution advised each colony to punish 
 such treason, v/hich might be mere loyalty to King 
 George. Surely France was no more independent than 
 the power that defined and denounced loyalty as treason. 
 
 Mr. Adams was getting worn down w^ith comuiittee 
 work, debates and planning. 
 
 The movement that destroyed the proprietary power 
 in Pennsylvania began with Adams on the sixth of May. 
 The resolution as finally adopted. May loth, stood thus: 
 
 ^^ Resolved^ That it be recommended to the respective 
 assemblies and conventions of the United Colonies, 
 where no government sufficient to the exigencies of their 
 affairs hath been hitherto established, to adopt such gov- 
 ernment as shall, in the opinion of the representatives 
 of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety 
 of their constituents in particular and America in gen- 
 eral" 
 
 Adams, Lee and Rutledge were made a committee to 
 prepare a preamble to this. The preamble, adopted 
 May 15th, declared: 
 
 "It appears utterly unreconcilable to reason and good 
 conscience for the people of these colonies now to take 
 the oaths and affirmations necessary for the support of 
 any government under the crown of Great Britain; and 
 it is necessary that the exercise of every kind of author- 
 ity under the said crown should be totally suppressed; 
 and all the powers of government [should be] exerted un- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 6i 
 
 der the authority of the people of the colonies^'''' etc., etc. 
 
 The proprietary government of Pennsylvania was cer- 
 tainly not "exerted under the authority of the people;^' 
 and when the preamble and resolution appeared in the 
 newspapers of the i6th, the whigs of Philadelphia began 
 to consult what should be done in consequence of the 
 dissolution of their government. The pressure of public 
 opinion and the movement for a convention allowed the 
 committee cf conference to express a strong opinion 
 against the assembly's hindering resolutions of instruc- 
 tion; and the vote of Pennsylvania w^as substantially 
 gained. 
 
 Mr. Adams wrote respecting the preamble and resolu- 
 tion, "Yesterday the Gordian knot was cut." He re- 
 gretted that it had not been done a year sooner. He 
 was probably wrong in that. He was ready; but the 
 people and the political leaders needed education which 
 the year gave them. The long debate attracted atten- 
 tion, stirred the consciences and raised the aspirations of 
 the people, and made mankind ready for the verdict 
 that justice and reason pronounced on the great conten- 
 tion. The saints may cry, "How long, O Lord!" but 
 God does not hurry. 
 
 Adams, after hearing a sermon on the lytli that com- 
 pared George HI to the Pharaoh of the Exodus, wrote to 
 his wife that in considering the events just passed and 
 his little share in the great things, and in looking at the 
 probable future, he felt an indescribable awe. 
 
 The vote was still to be taken, though the result was 
 foreseen. It was agreed that it should appear unani- 
 
62 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 mous. Dickinson and Morris were ready to absent them- 
 selves, to let the vote of their State appear affirmative. 
 Bnt the delegates from New Jersey, new men, wished 
 to hear the grounds of the important action rehearsed. 
 
 Lee's resolution w^as called up on the appointed day. 
 There is no record of a line of the debate. It is known 
 that two men spoke. Dickinson, loving his country 
 without reserve, constitutionally cautious, even timid, 
 unwilling to burden himself with so great responsibility, 
 yet hating the tyranny of king and parliament as bitter- 
 ly as the Adamses or the Lees, in a final speech cleared 
 himself of accountability for evil results which must 
 come in the winning of the good that was desired. 
 
 The debating talent was on the negative side. Dick- 
 inson, Wilson his colleague, who voted however with 
 Franklin at last, R. R. Livingston of New York, who 
 had ceased to oppose, and Edward Rutledge of South 
 Carolina, could finely set forth that side. Perhaps no 
 one of them spoke. Gn the other side. Dr. Witherspoon 
 presented his arguments clearly, but heavily. Lee had 
 been called home. Wythe and others could speak sensi- 
 bly, but not with force of manner. Jefferson, mighty 
 with the pen, was no speaker. 
 
 It was the great occasion for John Adams. He is 
 rarely enrolled among great orators. His writings rare- 
 ly suggest eloquence. But eloquence is often matter of 
 occasion. The effect produced upon the hearers is the 
 supreme test. 
 
 "Chatham, Patrick Henry, Mirabeau and John Adams 
 will be handed down as great orators mainly by the cor*- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 63 
 
 m^ 
 
 curring testimony of those who witnessed the effects 
 they produced," says C. F. Adams. 
 
 Adams was elated by the consciousness of victory 
 within his grasp, filled with the facts and reasons of his 
 cause, mighty in the resources of his classical, philosoph- 
 ical and legal education and reading, and fired with the 
 enthusiasm of his grand cause. 
 
 Dickinson's speech must have provoked him by its 
 repetition of old oft-answered 
 assumptions and reasons, by 
 its lugubrious vaticinations) 
 and by its timid and hope- 
 less lamentations. Jefferson 
 afterward spoke of "the deep 
 conceptions and nervous 
 style, which gave Adams a 
 pow(^r of thought and ex- 
 pression which, moved the 
 mem.bers from their seats;" and he styles him the 
 "Colossus of Independence." Richard Stockton varied 
 the %ure: he was "the Atlas of Independence." Other 
 Virginians, accustomed to the florid and impulsive ora- 
 tory of the South, filled "every mouth in the Ancient 
 Dorainion with praises due to the comprehensiveness of 
 his views, the force of his arguments, and the boldness 
 of his patriotism." 
 
 Jt is strange that he impressed others, but not himself. 
 He wrote to Chase that evening speaking of the debate 
 as an idle waste of time: nothing said that had not been 
 Siiid six months before. lyike a genuine Yankee, he 
 
 Home of Piitrii;k Henr^ m Virginia. 
 
64 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 looked only at the intellectual and practical side, and 
 thought naught of the tongue of fire which sat upon 
 him and loosed his speech while others wondered. 
 
 One of the greatest of American orators wrote fifty 
 years later such speech as he thought Adams would 
 have made. At the close of this biography the reader will 
 find Webster's version of it, probably less vehement 
 than the original. 
 
 The day after the debate, July 2d, the formal vote was 
 taken on Lee's resolution: it is brief, but enough: it 
 broke the chain. 
 
 ''''Resolved^ That these United Colonies are, and of 
 right ought to be, fiee and independent States; that they 
 are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; 
 and that all political connection between them and the 
 State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dis- 
 solved. " 
 
 The more formal document wdiich we know as the 
 Declaration was already reported to the Congress, Friday, 
 June 28th. The preparation had been referred to a com- 
 mittee, Jeft'erson, John Adams, Franklin, Sherman and 
 R. R. Livingston. The writing w^as left by the rest to 
 Adams or Jefferson: in a little contest of courtesy each 
 referred it to the other. Jefferson wrote it; Adams and 
 Franklin suggested slight amendments, so slight that 
 Adams did not remember that he had offered any. 
 
 It was debated after Lee's resolution passed, Adams 
 defending it against criticism and alteration, Jefferson 
 sitting in silence. It was amended, adopted and an- 
 nounced Thursday, July fourth. The signing of the en- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 65 
 
 grossed copy took place later, several signing it who 
 were not even delegates w^hen it was adopted. 
 
 Adams wrote to his wife, July 3d, "Yesterday the 
 greatest question w^as decided which ever was debated in 
 America; and a greater, perhaps, never was nor will be 
 decided among men. A resolution was passed without 
 one dissenting colony, that these United Colonies are, 
 and of right ought to be free and independent states; and 
 and as such they have, and of right ought to have full 
 power to make war, conclude peace, establish commerce 
 and to do all other acts and things which other States 
 may rightfully do. [The reader will see that he quotes 
 partly and by memory from the later document.] You 
 will see in a few days a declaration setting forth the 
 causes which have impelled us to this mighty revolution, 
 and the reasons which will justify it in the sight of God 
 and man. A plan of confederation will be taken up in 
 a few days. 
 
 "When I look back to the year 1761 and recollect the 
 argument concerning Writs of Assistance in the superior 
 court, w^hich I have hitherto considered as the com- 
 mencement of the controversy between Great Britain and 
 America, and run through the whole period from that 
 time to this, and recollect the series of political events, 
 the chain of causes and effects, I am surprised at the 
 suddenness as well as greatness of this revolution. Brit- 
 ain has been filled with folly, and America with wisdom. 
 At least, this is my judgment. Time must determine. 
 It is the wall of Heaven that the two countries should 
 be sundered forever. It may be the will of Heaven that 
 
66 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 America shall suffer calamities still more wasting, and 
 
 distresses yet more dreadful But I must submit 
 
 all my hopes and fears to an overruling Providence, in 
 which, unfashionable as the faith may be, I firmly be- 
 lieve. 
 
 "Had a declaration of independency been made seven 
 months ago, it would have been attended with many 
 great and glorious effects. We might before this hour 
 have formed alliances with foreign states. We should 
 have mastered Quebec and been in possession of Can- 
 ada But on the other hand, the delay of 
 
 this declaration to this time has many great advantages 
 attending it. The hopes of reconciliation which were 
 fondly entertained by multitudes of honest and well-mean- 
 ing, though weak and mistaken people, have been grad- 
 ually, and at last totally extinguished. 
 
 "Time has been given for the whole people maturely 
 to consider the great question of independence, and to 
 ripen their judgments, dissipate their fears, and allure 
 their hopes, by discussing it in newspapers and pamph- 
 lets, by debating it in assemblies, conventions, commit- 
 tees of safety and inspection, in town and county meet- 
 ings, as well as in private conversations, so that the 
 whole people in every colony of the thirteen, have now 
 adopted it as their own act. This will cement the Un- 
 ion, and avoid those heats and perhaps convulsions which 
 might have been occasioned by such a declaration six 
 months ago. 
 
 ''But the day is past. The second day of July, 1776, 
 will be the most memorable epocha in the history of 
 
JOHN AUAMS. 67 
 
 of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebra- 
 ted by succeeding generations as the great anniversary 
 festival. It ought to be commemorated as the day of 
 deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. 
 
 "It ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, with 
 shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illumina- 
 tions, from one end of this continent to the other, from 
 this time forward, forevermore. 
 
 "You will think me transported with enthusiasm; but 
 I am not. I am well aware of the toil and blood and 
 treasure that it will cost us to maintain this declaration 
 and support and defend these States. Yet through all 
 the gloom I can see the rays of ravishing light and 
 glory. I can see that the end is more than worth all the 
 means, and that posterity will triumph in that day's 
 transaction, even although we should rue it, which I 
 trust in God we shall not." 
 
 But the Fourth of July superseded the second; and the 
 jubilant patriot could not anticipate the present desecra- 
 tion of the anniversary, which makes it in every city a 
 day of apprehension, of fires and accidents, of senseless 
 noise, and the racket and sputter of the fire-cracker of 
 the half-civilized "Heathen Chinee!" 
 
 Adams knew well that independence was declared, 
 but was yet to be won. He was neither fanatic nor en- 
 thusiast. His stubborn force w^as paired with know- 
 ledge of means to be used and of ends to be gained. He 
 was more earnest and pressing than any other man, and 
 had reached his aim by policy as well as by statesman- 
 ship. Seeing when he entered Congress that that body 
 
68 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 could not be hastened, he worked generally through oth- 
 ers, favoring even the remotest step in the path to inde- 
 pendence. 
 
 Many measures adopted months before logically im- 
 plied independence; but he dared not even say that 
 aloud. Mr. Morse in his "Life of John Adams" often 
 accuses Adams of a lack of restraint of his tongue. One 
 who said so much must often have said too much; but 
 he must have undergone agonies of self-restraint. His 
 severe remarks about others were generally in his pri- 
 vate letters. Had he blurted out all he thought, he 
 might have incurred the sarcastic reproach which Low- 
 ell flung upon "Philip Vandal;" that is Wendell Phil- 
 lips; "he loves his fellow men so well that he has not a 
 word softer than a brickbat for a single mother's son of 
 them." 
 
 At this time Adams wrote to his friend and helper, 
 Samuel Chase of Maryland: — 
 
 "If you imagine that I expect this Declaration will 
 ward off calamities from this country, you are much mis- 
 taken. A bloody conflict we are destined to endure. 
 
 This has been my opinion from the beginning 
 
 Every political event since the 19th of April, 1775, has 
 confirmed me in this opinion. If you imagine that I 
 flatter myself w4th happiness and halcyon days after a 
 separation from Great Britain, )ou are mistaken again. 
 I do not expect that our new government will be so qui- 
 et as I wish, nor that happy harmony, confidence and 
 affection [will exist] between the colonies, that every 
 good x\merican ought to study and pray for, for a long 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 69 
 
 time. But freedom is a counterbalance for poverty, dis- 
 cord, and war, and more. It is your hard lot and mine 
 to be called into life at such a time. Yet even these 
 times have their pleasures." 
 
 Mr. Adams's supreme effort in the second Continental 
 Congress was over, successfully completed. He had 
 spoken of it as the very end and purpose of his existence; 
 and said he would be willing, that done, to say with old 
 Simeon, "7V>/;/^ ^/w/VZ/j-." But he was too valuable a 
 member to be let go easily; and while there was real 
 hard work to be done, he was willing to remain, health 
 and strength permitting. 
 
 The sessions of the second Continental Congress be- 
 gun May 10, 1776, and continued till it adjourned Dec. 
 12, 1777, a period of 582 days. Mr. Adams remained in 
 it till a month before its adjournment. He proposed 
 that Massachusetts should enlarge her delegation, so that 
 the Congress should have sufficient attendance while the 
 delegates could be relieved by periods of vacation. His 
 work may be inferred from his being on ninety commit- 
 tees by the record, and on others not recorded. He was 
 chairman of at least twenty-five. 
 
 On one of these he served very unwillingly. Gen. 
 Sullivan, taken prisoner on Long Island, came on parole 
 wath a verbal message from Admiral Lord Richard 
 Howe, who wished to see some leading members of the 
 Congress. Adams wanted to pay no attention to the 
 message, being sure it could do no good to see him; but 
 Franklin, John Adams and Edward Rutledge were sent 
 as a committee. They met Lord Howe on Staten Island 
 
70 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Sept. nth. He received tliem very courteously, but 
 had no terms to offer except pardon after absolute sub- 
 mission. They reported, Sept. 17th, the impossible 
 terms. They had ceased to be rebels, and were citizens 
 of the free United States. Like most of England's 
 moves, the concessions came too late and were too small. 
 
 As the business so far as it was national was conduct- 
 ed entirely by a congress of delegates, there was no ex- 
 ecutive or judiciary except the Congress itself and the 
 committees it created. There was no War Department, 
 no Secretary of War; there was only a committee called 
 sometimes the Board of War. We read of Washington's 
 troubles as commander-in-chief : the Board had all his 
 troubles except the tactical and strategical ones. There 
 were constant and annoying jealousies between North, 
 Middle and South. These were individual jealousies 
 about precedence, appointments, advancements. All 
 these things came into the Board of War. Great mis- 
 takes were made, as in the treatment of Schuyler, Ar- 
 nold, Gates and Lee. 
 
 Nor could this body understand and appreciate the 
 great military as well as personal qualities of Washing- 
 ton. It has taken nearly a century to show that his 
 name must be ranked, not indeed with the most brilliant, 
 as Alexander, Caesar, Hannibal, Napoleon; but in the 
 next class among the very best. He is called the Fabi- 
 us of America: and Americans do not like Fabianism. 
 They cry, "On to Richmond!" "On to Havana !" How 
 unfortunate it is that in our country our greatest strate- 
 gists, naval and military, are only editors and corres- 
 
Gen. George Washington. 
 (From Portrait of C. W. Peale.) 
 
72 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 pendents of newspapers ! One of this sort lately wrote 
 that Washington never won a battle, meaning, doubtless, 
 a pitched battle. How great must be the genius of a 
 general that can win a war of eight years without win- 
 ning a pitched battle ! But Washington was not a mere 
 Fabius, winning only by delay. With his small, ill- 
 armed, ill-provided army, he could strike quick and 
 heavy blows, so that all the English generals feared 
 him. But in his own day few saw how great he w^as. 
 
 Mr. Morse, in his "Life of iVdams," thinks an exces- 
 sive vanity on the part of Adams kept him from appre- 
 ciating Washington. He calls his relative estimate of 
 Washington "his unconquerable blunder, originating in 
 1776-77, before he left Congress, and acquiring much 
 greater proportions afterward." But how great had 
 Washington shown himself to be by December, 1777? 
 To most people, his failures at Long Island, Germantown 
 and Brandy wine, and the loss of Philadelphia would 
 have seemed to balance the success at Boston, and the 
 brilliant moves at Trenton and Princeton. Surely Ad- 
 ams may be excused and not charged with an "uncon- 
 querable blunder." 
 
 Mr. Adams indignantly repelled the charge that he 
 had been hostile to Washington, a charge which he 
 ascribed to "that insolent blasphemer of things sacred, 
 and transcendent libeler of all that is good, Tom Paine." 
 He says thai after his appointment as ambassador, Gen. 
 Knox called upon him to learn how he felt toward Wash- 
 ington. "I answered that I thought him .... . 
 
 the most important character of that time among us, for 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 73 
 
 he was the center of our union. .... I should do my 
 utmost to support his character at all times and in all 
 places." The Gates faction was no doubt glad to claim 
 Adams; and Lafayette got that impression. 
 
 While Adams was on the Board of War, Oct ist, 1776, 
 he moved for a committee on the establishment of a mil- 
 itary academy, and was one of the committee. From 
 this suggestion came our West Point Military Academy. 
 W^hen IMassachusetts officers complained of neglect and 
 of the overlooking of their merits, he showed them how 
 impolitic they had been in various ways. He reminded 
 them of the panic of New England regiments at Brook- 
 lyn. He said there were political reasons for appoint- 
 ment of more southern than northern generals. He la- 
 mented the jealousy toward New England which had af- 
 fected the policy of the United States. 
 
 "Without it I\Ir. Washington would never have com- 
 manded our armies; nor Mr. Jefferson have been the au- 
 thor of the Declaration of Independence; nor j\Ir. Rich- 
 ard Henry Lee, the mover of it; nor Mr. Chase, the mov- 
 er of foreign connections; nor had Mr. Johnson 
 
 ever been the nominator of Washington for General." 
 This he wrote in 1822; but he had felt it in 1776. He 
 really had been obliged to stand back and get others to 
 move his measures. 
 
 Mr. Adams took a vacation to rest from over-work, 
 Oct. 13th, 1776: he left home to go to the Congress at 
 Baltimore, Jan. 9th, 1777. His route shows the diffi- 
 culty of travel. He went on horseback through Con- 
 necticut to Fishkill, N. Y. ; thence up to Poughkeepsie, 
 
74 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 and crossed the Hudson on the ice; thence he rode to 
 New Windsor, near Newburgh, and through Sussex 
 county, N. J. , a stronghold of the New Jersey tories, 
 who treated him respectfully, to Baston, Pa.; thence 
 through Eastern Pennsylvania to Baltimore. The weath- 
 
 -j^sjii^ _ _ _ 
 
 Congress House. Baltimore. 
 (From an old Print.) Congress met here Dec. 12, 1776. 
 
 er was sometimes bitterly cold, sometimes warm, rainy 
 or snowy; "roads abominably hard and rough." 
 
 Nov. nth, 1777, Mr. Adams left the Congress per- 
 manently, returned home and resumed the practice of 
 his profession. 
 
 The United States had three "commissioners" or 
 agents in France, Franklin, Arthur Lee and Silas Deane. 
 Deane had mismanaged his share of the business so much 
 that on motion of Gerry, John Adams was appointed to 
 supersede him, about Dec. ist, 1777. The position was 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 7^ 
 
 undesirable. Lovell, R. H. Lee (brother of Arthur,) 
 Roberdeau, Gerry, and Laurens, then president of Con- 
 gress, wrote letters urging him to accept the appoint- 
 ment, evidently fearing he might refuse. He accepted 
 it promptly. There was danger of capture on the way, 
 a stay in the Tower of London, and the fate of a con- 
 demned rebel. 
 
 Congress sent one of its best vessels to carry him. 
 Feb. 13th, 1778, he left his native town with his son, 
 John Ouincy Adams, not yet eleven years old, on the 
 frigate Boston. On the 2otli a British ship of war chased 
 them; but the Yankee ship was the better sailer. A 
 storm of three days with a stroke of lightning that shat- 
 tered the mainmast was the next distress. A British 
 privateer was captured, with a valuable cargo. Two 
 vessels, apparently British war vessels, passed near them 
 without recognition. March 29th a pilot boat brought 
 news of hostilities between England and France: untrue, 
 since no act of war took place until June; and the two 
 nations went to w^ar without any declaration. On the 
 forty-eighth day of his voyage, April ist, 1778, he went 
 on shore at Bordeaux, whence he soon went to Paris, 
 where he found Franklin, Deane, Arthur Lee, Ralph 
 Izard and Dr. Edward Bancroft, all in some way agents 
 of the United States. 
 
 IVIr. Adams found all the Americans at Paris full of 
 animosity and jealousy toward each other, and toward 
 William Lee, who was appointed to Vienna and the Aus- 
 trian court, but was staying in Germany. Izard should 
 have been in Italv at the court of the Grand Duke of 
 
^^ JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Tuscany. Adams detenniiied to have no share in their 
 quarrels, and succeeding in avoiding them, attending 
 strictly to business. 
 
 He found the embassy or agency had no records, no 
 letter book, no accounts. He set himself to introduce 
 business methods; to filing and copying letters; to recti- 
 fying accounts and introducing book-keeping. The 
 American agents had obtained loans, made purchases, 
 and distributed funds in this lax, slipshod way, for which 
 a Yankee has his most contemptuous word, "shiftless!" 
 
 Mr. Adams wrote home to the Commercial Committee 
 of the Congress. "Agents of various sorts are drawing 
 bills upon us, and the commanders of vessels of war are 
 drawing on us for expenses, and [for] supplies which we 
 
 never ordered We find it so difficult to obtain 
 
 accounts from agents of the expenditures of moneys and 
 of the goods and merchandise shipped by them, that 
 we can never know the true state of our finances." 
 
 Some of the agents must have been surprised after the 
 easy-going ways of the commissioners to find their bills 
 and drafts refused, because they had failed to render 
 proper statements. His colleagues left it to Adams to 
 write the letters, being indifferent or reluctant to adopt 
 business methods. He was polite, but firm; and the 
 men with whom he dealt knew that he asked no more 
 than was proper, and came into the new ways which he 
 succeeded in establishing. In fact, financial affairs were 
 not much better managed on this side of the Atlantic. 
 
 Mr. Adams was obliged also to make the official visits 
 required by his position, to make and receive calls of cere- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. ^^ 
 
 mony and courtesy, and in so doing to struggle with the 
 difficulty of his ignorance of French. He was so busy at 
 first that he would not take time for lessons from a tutor, 
 but tried to learn from grammars and text-books. He 
 admitted that in this he made a mistake; but he was wise 
 enough to attend the theaters frequently, having copies 
 of the plays with him, so that he could join the printed 
 form of words to the spoken language, and have the best 
 models of pronunciation for imitation. He found that 
 Franklin fluently talked a Franklinian French, with lit- 
 tle regard to the grammar. 
 
 The worst thing he found w^as that the Count de Ver- 
 gennes liked Franklin and snubbed the Lees and Izard; 
 and that the friends of Deane and the adventurers who 
 could take advantage of him and of the favor of Ver- 
 gennes and of Franklin's easy-going ways, were making 
 money out of contracts. It was necessary to strike at 
 the root of the mischief, and secure a re-organization of 
 foreign affairs. He could not write an official letter to 
 the Congress without bringing his colleagues to agree to 
 his views: he therefore wrote a personal letter to Sam- 
 uel Adams, who would be free to talk of the subject; 
 the result was that all parties joined in amending the 
 lack of system. 
 
 Mr. Adams advised (i) that there should be but one 
 commissioner, ambassador or envoy at any court. Each 
 of them was obliged to keep up a respectable establish- 
 ment, give formal dinners, etc., at an expense of not less 
 than three thousand pounds sterling: those then at Paris 
 had expended from four to six thousand. 
 
78 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 (2) That a definite and sufficient salary should be as- 
 signed to each minister. The custom was for each to 
 live as he thought proper, and to draw for the amount. 
 
 (3) That the business of commercial agent should be 
 separated from that of ambassador. The functions of 
 the two should be made distinct and kept so. 
 
 (4) That all the ministers at Paris, except one, should 
 be recalled or sent to other places. 
 
 Forthwith Mr. Franklin was made sole representative 
 to France, Mr. Arthur Lee was sent to Madrid, and Mr. 
 Adams was left without assigned position, and not or- 
 dered home. Col. Palfrey was made consular agent with 
 large financial powers. Mr. Adams could not bear this 
 inaction: he wrote to his wife, "I cannot eat pensions 
 and sinecures: they would stick in my throat." He got 
 passage after some delay on the French frigate ^^Le Sensi- 
 ble ^^^ ]\\n& 17, 1778, and reached home Aug. 2d. 
 
 Mr. Adams's first mission amounted to nothing in that 
 way of diplomacy: it might seem that it had put him at 
 risk and the country to expense, all for nothing. But 
 the reforms he had wrought in the modes of doing the 
 public business were worth all the cost; and he had 
 shown his ability, his honorable unselfishness, and his 
 fitness for public service, now the greater by his partial 
 acquisition of the French language. 
 
 He had furthermore learned enough of France and the 
 schemes and spirit of the French government to be afraid 
 of too close a connection with that power. He said, "It 
 
 is a delicate and dangerous connection There 
 
 is danger that the people and their representatives may 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 79 
 
 have too much timidity in their conduct towards this 
 power, and that your ministers here [in France] may 
 have too much diffidence of themselves and too much 
 complaisance for the court. There is danger that French 
 councils and emissaries and correspondents may have too 
 much influence in our deliberations. I hope this court 
 may not interfere by attaching themselves to persons, 
 parties or measures in America." 
 
 Mr. Adams expressed similar opinions to M. Marbois 
 en the voyage home. He was destined to see all these 
 anticipations of evil fullfilled before the end of the cen- 
 tury. 
 
 Just one week after Mr. Adams reached his home, the 
 town of Braintree elected him its representative in a con- 
 vention to form a constitution for the state, as the ar- 
 rangements made in 1774 had been considered provis- 
 ional only. The practical character of his thinking 
 made him a middle man between extremes. There was 
 already developed in the state an ultra democracy, jealous 
 of any executive, judiciary or legislature that it might 
 itself create, desirous of retaining as much power as 
 possible to the town-meeting, and of giving as little as 
 possible to the state government. Samuel Adams was 
 of this party, but with good sense enough to compromise 
 and avoid extremes. Another party wanted the new 
 constitution to represent strongly, "The rights of prop- 
 erty." With neither of these could John Adams agree, 
 while his plans might be a medium that both could ac- 
 cept. Though he soon left the convention, his speech- 
 es and his work on committees largely shaped the result. 
 
8o JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 The reader will find in C. F. Adams's life of his grand- 
 father, an interesting analysis of the complicated relations 
 of parties in the Continental Congress which had fallen 
 into dispute over their foreign affairs, into which dispute 
 the French minister put his influence. Negotiation with 
 Great Britain was expected before long; New England 
 wanted John Adams to have that task, because the free 
 enjoyment of the fishing on the Newfoundland banks 
 was important to her; and she could rely upon him to 
 look after that interest. She distrusted Mr. Jay, who 
 was made his rival. 
 
 In result Jay was made minister to Spain, whence Ar- 
 thur Lee was withdrawn, while Adams was assigned to 
 the expected negotiation with Great Britain, and sent to 
 France to await the opportunity. Surely the two great- 
 est assignments of responsibility to a single man during 
 the Revolution were the appointment of Washington to 
 command the armies, and the appointment of John Ad- 
 ams to match his patriotism, judgment and skill against 
 the diplomatic strength and experience of our great ad- 
 versary, and her wounded pride. 
 
 Mr. Adams left Boston for Europe on the French frig- 
 ate ^^Le Sensible ^^^ the one on which he had returned 
 home three and a half months before. He took with 
 him his sons, John Quincy and Charles, Francis Dana as 
 secretary of the inission, and John Thaxter as private 
 secretary. The vessel was unseaworthy: the season was 
 unfavorable: in danger of foundering, the ship put into 
 the nearest port it could reach, Ferrol, at the northwest 
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82 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 a long and discomfortable journey overland, taking two 
 months to reach Paris. While delayed in Spain, Mr. 
 Adams began to learn Spanish, which language he much 
 admired ; but he found nothing else to admire in that 
 backward land. 
 
 I The motive of France in her interference in the war 
 of the American Revolution was not any desire to favor 
 liberty or republicanism, or to do any real kindness to 
 the Americans. Individuals of the French nation had 
 such motives. The French government wished to take 
 vengeance upon her great adversary who had taken from 
 her Canada and her vast American possessions, and had 
 destroyed her power in India. Spain wanted to regain 
 Gibraltar, taken from her in 1704, and Minorca. 
 
 These two powers were therefore ready to help the re- 
 volting colonies as soon as they saw that the rebels made 
 a good fight, and were not likely to become reconciled 
 with England. They were pleased, to see both powers 
 exhausted in the struggle. France had a slight hope of 
 regaining Canada; and she wanted Spain to regain the 
 Floridas, and to extend her power over all the land west 
 of the Alleghenies. When she began to fear that the 
 United Colonies might become too strong to remain un- 
 der her thumb, she wanted Canada extended to the Ohio 
 river, as an English possession. (See map, page 81.) 
 
 It should be constantly remembered that in all respects 
 France was a false friend; her pretexts and promises 
 were deceitful; and her motives were merely vengeance 
 and aggrandizement. American youth think of Lafay- 
 ette and Rochambeau, and of King George, Lord North, 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 83 
 
 Gage, Howe and Cornwallis, and thus think of France 
 as our friend, and England as our enemy; yet, in fact, 
 the English ministers secured to us the land of INIissis- 
 sippi, Alabama, Tennessee, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, 
 Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin, while France was 
 scheming to take them from us. No nation has ever 
 treated us so meanly as France has treated us, as a king- 
 dom, a republic, and an empire; and yet from none have 
 we had greater benefits, given from entirely selfish mo- 
 tives. 
 
 The Count De Vergennes, French minister of foreign 
 affairs, was not sixty years old when our Revolution 
 broke out. He had been trained from his youth in the 
 diplomatic wiles, falsehoods, dishonesties and selfish 
 wrongs which made the very substance of diplomacy in 
 those days. Franklin records an instance of audacious 
 lying, which involved Franklin himself. In 1776, in 
 May, Vergennes arranged with King Louis XVI a grant 
 to the colonists of a million livres, about $200,000, to en- 
 courage their rebellion to the point of independence. 
 This was so given as to make it appear to be the private 
 gift of Beaumarchais. In 1782 Vergennes told an Eng- 
 lish envoy, Thomas Grenville, in the most solemn man- 
 ner, that France had never rendered any help to the col- 
 onists until they had broken away from Great Britain, 
 and had declared independence. Turning toward Frank- 
 lin, he added, "There sits Mr. Franklin, who knows the 
 fact, and can contradict me if I do not speak the truth." 
 
 The influence of this perfidious schemer affected Amer- 
 ican diplomacy from its beginning. France was the first 
 
84 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 power that sent a representative to the United States. 
 Grateful for this act and for the assistance given, (though 
 Vergennes meant the help should be only enough to 
 keep them from failing,and falling under England again\ 
 Congress allowed itself to be much influenced by the 
 
 French agent, Gerard, and tried 
 to please him. Later, they 
 gave even greater regard to the 
 next French representative, Lu- 
 zerne. 
 
 When Congress was making 
 up instructions for Adams, they 
 first said that in treating with 
 England he must insist upon 
 certain boundaries, fishing 
 rights, navigation of the Missis- 
 sippi, etc. This did not suitVer- 
 gennes: he might want peace made without such insis- 
 tence; Gerard therefore advised that independence only 
 should be insisted upon, these other points being strong- 
 ly urged. Hence, two distinct commissions were given 
 to Adams, for a treaty of independence, and for a treaty 
 of commerce; and Mr. Adams was always to consult with 
 Vergennes, and to be guided by his advice. 
 
 Mr. Morse, in his "Life of John Adams," keeps a pile of 
 brickbats ready to throw at him, being apparently much 
 more aware of the defects of the man, than of his good 
 qualities. This pile consists of thirty or more injurious 
 epithets and allegations. But at times, looking at the 
 work he did, he falls to praising him vigorously. So 
 
 M. Gerard. 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 85 
 
 at this stage of the biography his admiration of results 
 makes him say good things so heartily that we copy his 
 estimate in part: 
 
 "Mr. Adams was a singular man to be selected for a 
 difficult errand in diplomacy He seemed to pos- 
 sess nearly every quality which a diplomatist ought not 
 to have, and almost no quality which a diplomatist need- 
 ed He was of a restless, eager temperament, hot 
 
 to urge forward whatever business he had in hand, chaf- 
 ing under any necessity for patience, disliking to bide 
 his time, frank and outspoken in spite of his best efforts 
 at self-control, and hopelessly incapable of prolonged 
 concealment of his opinions, motives and purposes in ac- 
 tion, his likings and dislikings towards persons 
 
 "Yet he was precisely the man for the place and the 
 duty. With the shrewdness of his race, he had consid- 
 erable insight into character: a strong element of suspic- 
 ion led him not quite to assume, as he might have done, 
 that all diplomatists were dishonest, but induced him to 
 watch them with a wise doubt and keenness; he had de- 
 voted all the powers of a strong mind to the study of the 
 situation, so that he was thoroughly master of all the 
 various interests and probabilities which it was necessa- 
 ry for him to take into account. 
 
 "He was a patriot, so fearless and stubborn that 
 
 he both made and persisted in the boldest demands on 
 behalf of his country; he was high-spirited, too, and pre- 
 sented such a front that he seemed to represent one of 
 
 the greatest powers in the civilized world in spite 
 
 of the well-known fact that he had only some revolted 
 
86 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 and more than half exhausted colonies at his back. .... 
 If it was true that quick-sighted statesmen easily saw what 
 he wanted, it was also true that he impressed them with 
 a sense that he would make a hard fight to get it; they 
 could never expect to bully him, and not easily to cir- 
 cumvent him He w^as eloquent and forcible in 
 
 discussion, making a deep impression by an air of earnest 
 straightforwardness. All these proved valuable qualifi- 
 cations upon the peculiar mission on which he was now 
 dispatched. 
 
 "Adams strode along stoutly in broad daylight, break- 
 ing the snares which were set for his feet, shouldering 
 aside those who sought to crowd him from his path: un- 
 ceremonious, making direct for his goal, with his eyes 
 wide open, and his tongue not silent to speak the plain 
 truth This trans-Atlantic negotiator excited sur- 
 prise among the ministers of the Europe- 
 an cabinets; but in the end he proved too much for them 
 all: their peculiar skill was of no avail against his novel 
 
 and original tactics So he carried his points with 
 
 brilliant success." 
 
 Mr. Morse thinks, however, that if Adams had been 
 employed in a career of diplomacy, he would have been 
 far from successful. Bismarck has in our own genera- 
 tion carried on negotiations after the fashion of Adams; 
 but he was backed by the Prussian and imperial power, 
 and used indirect methods also. He often deceived by 
 telling truth, because others did not think he w^ould ex- 
 pose his real purposes. 
 
 Mr. Adams was commissioned to make treaties with 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 87 
 
 England, but could approach that power only through 
 some other. His instructions were, of course, private. 
 He was to take the advice of Vergennes, which he at 
 once asked, whether to make known his errand to the 
 public or to the English court. Vergennes said he could 
 not advise until he should hear from Gerard, who "will 
 certainly be able to make me better acquainted with the 
 nature and extent of your commission." 
 
 The fact was that Vergennes wanted to use secret influ- 
 ences to induce Congress to cancel the commission to 
 make a commercial treaty. Adams felt that he had too 
 little to do: and observing that little was really known 
 in France of America and its people, he wrote articles 
 for a newspaper, and sent notes of information to Ver- 
 gennes, who was pleased to receive them. He also wrote 
 often to Congress. 
 
 At the close of July, 1780, Mr. Adams went to Am- 
 sterdam, mainly to try to get a loan there. He found 
 that the Hollanders knew little of his country, nothing 
 of its resources and prospects. He immediately made 
 use of a few friends to the American cause who gained 
 for him access to the press. He published translations 
 of the reports and narratives of Howe and Burgoyne, as 
 the best evidences of the strength of the colonies, and 
 extracts from writings of the royalist Governor Pownal. 
 He procured through a friend in Brussels, the publica- 
 tion in London of articles written by himself, which were 
 translated into the ^^ Ley den Gazette y Of course he wrote 
 articles for the Dutch papers himself. 
 
 Mr. Adams could get no loan. Just then Henry Laur-; 
 
88 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 ens was captured by a British vessel; and among his pa- 
 pers was found correspondence with a leading Holland- 
 er which excited the wrathful suspicion of England. 
 For a while, no further move could be made; but Mr. 
 Adams's expected stay of a few weeks was lengthened 
 nearly to a year. 
 
 Receiving additional authority, Mr. Adams addressed 
 a memorial to the States General of Holland in February 
 or March of 1781, stating that he was authorized to sign 
 on behalf of the United States the treaty of the Armed 
 Neutrality, which was negotiated by Russia to curb the 
 insolence of Great Britain toward neutrals. He sent 
 similar notice to the Ministers of France, Russia, Swe- 
 den and Denmark who were at the Hague. 
 
 Just a year from his first application, April 19th, 1782, 
 the States General officially recognized him as envoy of 
 the United States: and as such he was formally present- 
 ed to that body four days later. England had unwisely 
 added Holland to the number of her enemies in arms by 
 a declaration of war, Nov. 20, 17S0. She had now not 
 an active friend in Europe.^ ' Russia, Sweden and Den- 
 mark were against her in the Armed Neutrality; Holland, 
 France and Spain at war with her; Prussia was unfriend- 
 ly; and the Bourbon court of Naples and the Italian 
 states under Spanish influence would do her no kind- 
 ness. Portugal, Austria, German principalities and Tur- 
 key remain: they did nothing for her. But George HI 
 doggedly held on. 
 
 After Adams left the oflfended Vergennes and began 
 his notable and successful diplomacy in Holland, Ver- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 8g 
 
 gennes did not relax his efforts to influence the Congress 
 to recall the man he disliked. To the shame of the 
 American Congress it must be recorded that while it re- 
 fused to recall Adams, it did, under the influence of Ver- 
 gennes through Luzerne, revoke the powers given him 
 to make a commercial treaty with England as well as a 
 treaty of peace. At the same time, July, 1781, Congress 
 
 Tower of London, wbere Laurens was confined. 
 
 created a commission of five to treat for a recognition of 
 independence and for peace; and Adams was retained as 
 one, joined with Franklin, Jefferson, (who did not go to 
 Europe on this business at all), John Jay, then minister 
 at Madrid, and Henry Laurens, then prisoner in the 
 Tower of London. The five were from Massachusetts, 
 New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia and South Carolina. 
 But this act of wisdom on the part of Congress was 
 more than balanced by a piece of supreme folly. Once 
 certain ultimata had been set for Adams to insist upon: 
 
go JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 first, boundaries on the north, about what they are now: 
 on the south, the line of Florida extended to the Missis- 
 sippi: on the west, the Mississippi: and on the northeast, 
 the boundary of Maine as it had been drawn long ago by 
 Great Britain. Next, the envoy should insist on free 
 navigation of the Mississippi; next, the right of fishing 
 on the banks as allowed to the colonists; and last, of 
 course, independence. 
 
 Now, at the bidding of Vergennes, all these were 
 abandoned except the last. He was willing that Ameri- 
 ca should ask for the other things; but he regarded them 
 as points to be abandoned in the negotiations if France 
 and Spain could gain thereby. 
 
 Still worse, the commissioners were instructed "to 
 make the most candid and confidential communications 
 iipon all subjects to the ministers of our generous ally, 
 the King of France; to undertake nothing in the nego- 
 tiations for peace or truce without their knowledge or 
 concurrence; and ultimately to govern themselves by 
 their advice and opinion." 
 
 Adams and Jay both felt hurt when they received this 
 humiliating instruction: Franklin gave no sign of dis- 
 satisfaction. 
 
 Jay felt equally hurt, being treated with indignity. At 
 Madrid he had discovered that France was more an ally of 
 Spain than of the United States, and that the interests 
 of his own country in the West and on the Mississippi 
 were to be sacrificed. He did not resign, but wrote 
 home asking that some other should be sent to take his 
 place. Till his successor should arrive, he remained as 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 91 
 
 one of the commission. If Jay and Adams conld agree, 
 they two must play the game, Laurens and Jefferson re- 
 maining absent. 
 
 Those engaged in the negotiations which ensued, be- 
 side the three Americans were, on the part of France, 
 Vergennes, minister of foreign affairs; Luzerne and Mar- 
 bois, minister and charge in the United States; the Count 
 de Montmorin, minister to Spain; Marquis d'Ossun, 
 agent sent to Spain; and Reyneval, the confidential sec- 
 retary of Vergennes, sent thrice as secret agent to Eng- 
 land. On the part of Spain, Florida Blanca, prime min- 
 ister, and Count d'Aranda, Spanish minister at Paris. 
 On the part of England, Osw^ald, the chief agent; Fitz- 
 herbert and Strachey joined with Oswald; Hartley, plen- 
 ipotentiary to finish and sign the treaty; Vaughan, an 
 Englishman very friendly to America, used by both par- 
 ties: Thomas Grenville, sent by Fox; and inferior agents, 
 Forth, Digges, Robert and Whitehead. English cabi- 
 net officers in the same negotiation were the Majquis of 
 Rockingham, Earl Shelburne, the Duke of Portland, 
 and Charles James Fox. The treaties were mainly 
 shaped under Shelburne. 
 
 The capture of Earl Cornwallis and his army, Oct. 19, 
 1781, convinced Lord North that he could not conquer 
 the colonies, and he must resign; but King George begged 
 him to hold on and keep up the war. Parliament turned 
 against the minister, and he resigned March 20, 1782. 
 He had previously sent Digges, unofficially, to sound 
 Adams at Amsterdam, and had sent Mr. Forth to Ver- 
 gennes to see whether the restoration of Canada would 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 tempt France to a separate peace. Other agents than 
 those named above were used: men who could make a 
 suggestion which w^as not a real offer, and which could 
 be disavowed. Adams was wary, and would not talk 
 with Digges except in the presence of a witness and with 
 leave to report to Vergennes. King George was tricky, 
 and would talk with Shelburne secretly, not permitting 
 him to tell the other ministers; and probably he deceived 
 Shelburne in the same way. 
 
 Shelburne and Fox, fellow ministers, quarreled as to 
 which should conduct the negotiation. If they were 
 treated as colonies, they belonged to Shelburne: if as a 
 nation, they came into Fox's department of foreign af- 
 fairs. Shelburne had the bad reputation of being unre- 
 liable, deceptive. Dr. Franklin wrote Shelburne a let- 
 ter as a private person: thereupon, Shelburne sent Os- 
 wald without the knowledge of the English cabinet to 
 inquire informally upon what terms America would 
 make peace. Franklin told him he nmst consult Ver- 
 gennes. Oswald expected America to make peace sep- 
 arately. Just so Fox sent Grenville to treat with France 
 separately. This division of counsels broke up the Eng- 
 lish cabinet, after it had led Vergennes and Franklin to 
 suspect double-dealing and deception. Fox went out. 
 
 Jay had been summoned by Franklin from Madrid, 
 where he was gaining nothing, to join in the negotiation 
 at Paris. He was an acute lawyer. He w^as not a rep- 
 resentative of "Thirteen colonies or plantations in North 
 America," but of a sovereign power that had asserted its 
 independence and proved it by war. He was told that 
 
JOHN ADAMS. q3 
 
 the treaty would recognize the fact. That would not 
 suit him: he must be addressed as a commissioner from 
 the United States, an existing power, not a state to be 
 created by a concession in a treaty. 
 
 Franklin cared not for the point: he was satisfied if 
 the main point should be gained, no matter how. Ver- 
 gennes sided with Shelburne, and let him know it. Jay 
 wrote to Adams in Holland, who sustained his point. 
 The two lawyers knew the importance of terms. Adams 
 suggested that the recognition might be merely inciden- 
 tal and not formally direct: if Oswald were directed to 
 treat with the commissioners from the United States of 
 America, it would be satisfactory to him. Shelburne 
 took advantage of the simple suggestion; the parties 
 were then ready to treat. 
 
 Jay and Franklin stated their case: they asked the 
 things which have been named on a preceding page as 
 the original ultimata of the Congress: England refused, 
 objected, haggled, so as to give as little as she could, and 
 put forward her claims. 
 
 The Americans demanded that the Mississippi should 
 be their western boundary, as it had been England's 
 boundary by the peace of 1763. The northwestern re- 
 gion was claimed in virtue of the conquest made by Gen. 
 George Rogers Clarke, when Vincennes and Kaskaskia 
 were taken, and the English possession ousted. Eng- 
 land had no posts south of Detroit and Mackinac. Flor- 
 ida w^as then English, by possession, but with no Eng- 
 lish settlements to speak of; and it might be ceded to 
 Spain in this negotiation. But the United States claimed 
 
94 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 as belonging to Georgia the shore of the great river as 
 far south as what is now the southern line of the state of 
 Mississippi. 
 
 Spain set up a counter-claim of nearly all west of the 
 Alleghenies, and during this negotiation sent a military 
 expedition from St. Louis across Illinois, and built a 
 small fort at Niles, Mich., so as to claim actual occupa- 
 tion. Vergennes supported Spain, and said the Ameri- 
 can claims were too extensive and unjust. Jay had been 
 growing more and more suspicious of the ally under 
 whose thumb the commission was placed; and although 
 as a New Yorker he had no appreciation of the value of 
 the West and of the navigation of the river, the value 
 evidently put upon these by the other party changed his 
 views. 
 
 The eastern edge of Maine was in question, but was 
 more easily proved: so England gave up the boundary 
 by the Kennebec or the Penobscot, and accepted the St. 
 Croix. Franklin had met the English claims by a sug- 
 gestion that England ought to give us Canada and Nova 
 Scotia. 
 
 The right to the fisheries was especially valuable to 
 New England, whose citizens wanted the same enjoy- 
 ment of them that they had had as colonists. The Eng- 
 lish wished to curtail or deny this claim. Again Ver- 
 gennes took sides against the Americans, and pronounced 
 their claim unjust. 
 
 Another point upon which the English were very 
 strenuous was compensation for the loyalists or tories 
 who had been expelled, or for fear of ill-treatment, had 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 95 
 
 thought it best to emigrate. There were thousands of 
 these in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Canada. The 
 property of many of them had been confiscated by action 
 of the states because of their loyalty to the King. They 
 certainly had claims upon Great Britain; and that pow- 
 er very naturally undertook to make reclamation upon 
 the United States. Debts due to British merchants 
 might be refused; and their claims were joined by Eng- 
 land with those of the loyalists. Vergennes, in these 
 matters took the English side. 
 
 Franklin and Jay were having their hands full with 
 all this business, and were glad when Adams was ready 
 to jain them. On the seventh of October, 1782, he had 
 signed a treaty of amity and commerce with the United 
 Provinces, generally called Holland, and addressed as 
 their High Mightinesses. 
 
 On the 26th of October, Adams arrived from Holland 
 at Paris. Both the English agents and the French ne- 
 gotiators were afraid of him. His sharply incisive and 
 decisive character was well known to Vergennes, and 
 had been reported to the English. Oswald had been do- 
 ing business with Jay and Franklin. Wh' n sending 
 him with a letter of introduction to Dr. Franklin, Shel- 
 burne had spoken of him as "A pacifical man:'^ he had 
 lately concluded that he was too pacifical, too easily 
 yielding to the Americans. He therefore joined with 
 Oswald about this time Mr. Henry Strachey, as a better 
 exponent of English pertinacity. His function was to 
 stiffen Oswald, and fight stoutly the American claims. 
 
 Adams and Jay both felt the meanness of the po- 
 
96 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 ition assigned them by the orders of Congress. While 
 they must reveal everything to Vergennes, they found 
 that that minister was sending secret agents to Eng- 
 land and concealing from them his action affecting 
 their interests. He had assigned to them the hard task 
 of settling the Mississippi question with the Spaniard, 
 D'Aranda, evidently intending that they should yield to 
 him. 
 
 Should they continue to obey instructions so detri- 
 mental? Should they dare disobey? To this Franklin 
 said, "No." Yet Franklin had twice made secret over- 
 tures to Shelburne. In a meeting of the three, Adams 
 and Jay told Franklin their determination to proceed 
 without informing Vergennes. Franklin's reasons were 
 personal rather than political, because of his long inti- 
 macy with the French court; and he soon agreed with 
 his colleagues. 
 
 The treaty-making now went on rapidly with Oswald, 
 Vaughan and Strachey, the last-named, furnishing acidi- 
 ty and bitterness enough for the whole British Embassy. 
 The boundary questions were easily arranged. Massa- 
 chusetts had furnished proof of the eastern boundary of 
 her district of Maine. The British accepted the line of 
 the middle of the great lakes and the Mississippi, with a 
 secret article about the southern boundary, dependent 
 upon the final disposition of Florida. For debts it was 
 provided on suggestion of Adams that the American 
 courts should be open for their recovery, none being cut 
 off by the war. 
 
 The fisheries were a subject of a long contention, made 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 97 
 
 more difficult by the fact that France was negotiating on 
 the same subject. 
 
 Really the hardest subject was indemnity to the refu- 
 gees. When all seemed to have reached agreement, 
 Mr. Strachey left for London with a copy of the articles, 
 but left a note saying that unless indemnity were pro- 
 vided, no treaty would be had. Vaughan kindly fol- 
 lowed to counteract the influence of Strachey. He pre- 
 sented the reasons of the American envoys: that they 
 had no power to bind the individual states to any line of 
 action; that the refugees could be shown to have pro- 
 longed the war and to have done much damage; that pro- 
 longing the war on their account would cost England 
 more than to indemnify them herself, and would be a 
 hopeless effort. The commissioners could promise that 
 Congress should recommend to the States a liberal treat- 
 ment of the loyalists. 
 
 Earl Shelburne saw that it w^as vain to continu'e the 
 war; that Ireland was a source of danger; that the mood 
 of the king was very uncertain; that his tenure of office 
 was precarious. He must have the peace; policy and 
 judgment both demanding it. He sent back Strachey, 
 and Fitzherbert with him, to make peace. Mr. Laurens, 
 freed from the Tower on parole, had joined the commis- 
 sion. Strachey returned Nov. 25th, in ill humor: but 
 the four days' discussion on the fisheries ended in the 
 adoption of Mr. Adams's article with slight changes; and 
 on Saturday, Nov. 30th, 1782, exactly five weeks from 
 the day when Adams returned to Paris, the preliminary 
 treaty was signed, and peace was assured. 
 
98 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Doubtless Vergennes was observant and shrewd enough 
 to know that the Americans were pushing their own 
 treaty; nor did he object when they told him what was 
 done. But some fifteen days later, when he met with 
 some difficulty in his own negotiations, he suddenly sus- 
 pected that the United States would join England against 
 France. He accused the envoys of bad faith; they were 
 bound to make no treaty except in union with France. 
 They easily defended themselves, since they had stipu- 
 lated that their treaty should not become valid until 
 France and England had agreed: they merely had their 
 part ready. He also complained to Congress about their 
 secrecy, and failure to consult him. The commissioners 
 were justly incensed when they received a rebuke from 
 Robert R. Livingston, who was in charge of foreign af- 
 fairs, who, instead of praising them for their skill and 
 perseverance and good achievements, found fault with 
 them for doing well, without French supervision. Liv- 
 ingston apologized to Vergennes, and told him of the se- 
 cret article, which did not relate to France at all. 
 
 The commissioners were rightly angry, and prepared 
 a sharp and long reply by Mr. Jay; but it was not sent. 
 Adams wrote that the conduct of Congress was infamous. 
 But he suppressed his wrath, and remained at his post, 
 though very homesick. As soon as the definitive treaty 
 was assured, he sent his resignation Dec. 4th, 1782, and 
 joyfully wrote to his wife that he should soon be at home, 
 in spring or early summer: he would come home even if 
 his resignation were not accepted. But he found he must 
 wait; and in September, 1783, the same three were ap- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 99 
 
 pointed to make a commercial treaty with England. 
 But he was worn out, and broke down with a fever. 
 Sir James Jay, physician and friend, cared for him, and 
 sent him to 
 England Oct. 
 24th. He had 
 had the hon- 
 or and pleas- 
 ure of sign- 
 ing the final 
 treaty of 
 peace, Sept. 
 3d,and hoped 
 to rest in 
 England. He 
 was in the 
 Parliament 
 when George 
 HI publicly 
 confessed his 
 defeat and 
 the indepen- 
 dence of the 
 revolted col 
 onies 
 necessities of 
 
 the public credit obliged him to make a voyage to 
 Holland in the winter through hardships severe for a 
 well man. He now sent for his wife and daughter, who 
 came in the summer of 1784. 
 
 Mrs. Wm. S. Smith (Abigail Adams) daughter of John Adams. 
 T^ Vi ^ From the Painting by Copley. By courtesy of 
 
 ^ ^'■^ D Apple ton & Co. 
 
 L.ofC. 
 
100 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Congress next made Adams, Franklin and Jefferson a 
 commission to make commercial treaties with any or all 
 powers. Prussia was the first to accept the offer. Mr. 
 Adams had taken a house near Paris. But Feb. 24, 
 1785, Congress appointed him the first minister of the 
 United States to Great Britain. Vergennes congratulated 
 him saying, "It is a mark." But it was also a great 
 task. The Duke of Dorset, minister to France, said to 
 him, "You will be stared at a great deal." "I fear they 
 will gaze with evil eyes," replied Mr. Adams. The duke, 
 with more courtesy than truthfulness, said they would 
 not. 
 
 Mr. Adams was presented to the king in a private au- 
 dience, June ist, 1785, by the Marquis of Carmarthen. 
 Naturally he felt some nervousness and embarrassment. 
 The king had heard that Adams had lost confidence in 
 the French court, and alluded to this slightly, but spoke 
 of the common blood and the common language. Ad- 
 ams assented to the drift of the king's language, but 
 ended his reply with the sentence, "I avow to your maj- 
 esty that I have no attachment but to my own country." 
 The king seemed pleased with this sturdy patriotism. 
 
 When Adams demanded the fulfillment of the treaty 
 of 1783, and the evacuation of Mackinac, Detroit, and 
 other posts, he was reminded that the states had not re- 
 garded the treaty, had hindered the collection of debts; 
 and when he proposed a commercial treaty, he was told 
 that the states made their own tariffs. A policy of re- 
 pression of American trade was adopted. 
 
 Mr. Adams saw that he was doing no good, and sent 
 
JOHN ADAMS. loi 
 
 in his resignation, which was accepted Oct. 5th, 1787, 
 and he left England April 20, 1788, thoroughly disgust- 
 ed with England, France and diplomatic service. 
 
 Up to this time no man save Washington had rendered 
 as much service to his country as Adams had given; no 
 other had gained equal results; no one had excelled him 
 in political knowledge and ability, foresight, patience, 
 perseverance, endurance and daring in times of crisis. In 
 recognition of such qualities and services, his country- 
 men in organizing under the new constitution placed 
 him as alternate to Washington, Vice President of the 
 United States. 
 
 The election to the Vice Presidency was not altogeth- 
 er pleasant to Mr. Adams, not because of any aspiration 
 for the highest place, but because, while Washington 
 was elected unanimously, Adams did not have a majority 
 of the votes cast. As the constitution then stood, elec- 
 tors put two names on their ballots without specifying 
 which person was meant for president: if two had the 
 same number, the House of Representatives should 
 choose between them. Seeing the possibility of such an 
 ambiguous election, Hamilton suggested that some of the 
 electors should throw their votes aside from Adams, 
 whose election was expected. 
 
 Unfortunately, no concert being possible, thirty-five 
 electors threw their votes away as compliments to ten 
 persons, leaving only thirty-four for Adams, who said, 
 writing to a friend, "I have seen the utmost delicacy 
 used towards others, but my feelings have never been re- 
 garded." 
 
102 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 It did seem hard, when he returned to his native 
 country, for which he had done and suffered so much, to 
 find that he was not appreciated as he thought he should 
 be. From that time he and Hamilton were often in 
 conflict. 
 
 When the constitution was proposed, two parties arose 
 at once, those who favored the adoption of it, called Fed- 
 eralists, and those opposed to it, called Anti-Federalists, 
 until they organized as Republicans. or Democratic Re- 
 publicans. Generally those who had opposed the con- 
 stitution feared that the central government would en- 
 croach on the rights of the states or of the people: they 
 took the name Republicans or Democratic Republicans, 
 or were called Democrats. 
 
 Ten days before the inauguration of Washington, Mr. 
 Adams was installed as Vice President, April 20, 1789, 
 and began to preside over the Senate, at New York. 
 That body was almost equally divided between Federa- 
 lists and Republicans, so that the first Vice President 
 had to give the casting vote no less than twenty times 
 during the sessions of the first Congress and nine times 
 during the second. No other presiding officer of that 
 body has had such experience. He did not decide as a 
 Federalist partisan, but always on what he deemed the 
 merits of the question. Some very important questions 
 were thus decided by him. 
 
 Mr. Adams rather despised an ofhce which gave him 
 so little to do, and in which he was obliged to listen to 
 debates without sharing in them. He must often have 
 seen that a little of his knowledge and of his logic would 
 
JOHN ADAMS. J03 
 
 clear a befogged matter. He wrote to his wife Dec. 19th, 
 1793, "My coiuitry has in its wisdom contrived for me 
 the most insignificant office that ever the invention of 
 man contrived or his imagination conceived. And as I 
 can do neither good nor evil, I must be borne away by 
 others and meet the common fate. ' ' But he undervalued 
 his place. He had a long rest from labor and responsi- 
 bility; and Washington often consulted him on public 
 affairs as if he had been a member of the cabinet. 
 
 In 1792 Washington was again elected unanimously, 
 and Adams had the full vote of the Federal party, sev- 
 enty seven votes; George Clinton of New York had the 
 votes of four states, and Jefferson of one ; total, fifty-four. 
 
 With the most of the important events of Washing- 
 ton's administrations, Mr. Adams had no connection. 
 Washiugton was of the Federalist policy, but took into 
 his cabinet the two strongest available men, Alexander 
 Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson, who soon became the 
 heads of the two opposing parties. He was not able to 
 hold them both as his secretaries; in fact, both resigned. 
 
 When it was settled that Washington would not ac- 
 cept the presidency a third time, Hamilton began schem- 
 ing to push Adams aside. 
 
 Adams thoroughly disliked Hamilton, who returned 
 the feeling as strongly. Adams's expressions in a letter to 
 Knox were more extravagant than a cooler mood would 
 have allowed. It is not fair to deduce "some of his 
 traits" from such a passionate utterance, any more than 
 it would be to judge Washington from what he said to 
 Lee at Monmouth, or from his curses upon St. Clair, 
 
104 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Mr. Adams was elected by seventy-one electoral vot< i 
 over Jefferson's sixty-eight. He had solitary votes from 
 Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and even from Virginia, 
 the rest of the votes of those states going to Jefferson. 
 Had two of these been given to Jefferson, they would 
 have elected him. The republicans sneered at Adams 
 as the president of three votes. Jefferson became Vice 
 President. When news of the election made it look 
 as if the election might go into the House, he said he 
 wished his old friend Adams to win. 
 
 Washington was tired of the office, and longed to be 
 free. He had been sorely abused, "in terms," says 
 Schouler, "scarcely applicable to a Nero, a defaulter, or 
 a common pickpocket." An anti-Federal paper called 
 him a fool. A paper in Philadelphia published by B. F. 
 Bache, a grandson of Franklin, was very virulent in its 
 attacks upon Washington both as President and as a 
 man. He was charged with misusing the public funds 
 for his own advantage. Forged letters got up by the tor- 
 ies in 1776, in which he was said to have expressed him- 
 self against independence and Congress, were republished 
 as genuine. It was said that ten thousand people were 
 threatening to drag him out of his house and make him 
 resign or favor France. 
 
 Jefferson employed in his department a clerk, Frentau, 
 who was editor of an abusive paper. "77^^ Aurora^'' re- 
 joiced that Washington's career was ended, saying that 
 he had carried his designs against the public liberty so 
 far as to have put in jeopardy its very existence." 
 
 Washington at a cabinet meeting broke down in a 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 105 
 
 transport of "indignation and grief at the personal abuse 
 heaped upon him." 
 
 If the Republicans so abused Washington, whom we 
 venerate, what would they not say against John Adams? 
 Poor Adams, if not really more sensitive than Washing- 
 ton, seemed to be so, and could not conceal his irritation 
 and wrath. That delighted his tormentors the more. 
 It was an age of coarse vituperation, as well as of bitter 
 political hatreds and groundless suspicions. 
 
 The folly of George III had made monarchy hateful. 
 As the aristocracy of England had, with a few excep- 
 tions, supported the usurpations of the king. Aristocracy 
 was the second bugbear, hiding in every bush. Blank 
 equality was the rage. A society like the Grand Army 
 of the Republic would have been an evident threat of a 
 standing army and of the downfall of liberty. Legisla- 
 tion to prohibit it would have been enacted in every state. 
 
 The officers of the army that had won independence 
 formed a society, the Cincinnati, with the right of mem- 
 bership hereditary. That was founding an order of no- 
 bility. Public opinion frowned upon the innocent asso- 
 ciation, and it almost withered away. 
 
 Seeing the quarrel between Hamilton, the actual lead- 
 er of the Federalists, and Adams, the executive chief 
 whom they had elected, the Republicans seemed to have 
 thought that he might be detached from the Federal 
 party. 
 
 The French Revolution exerted great influence upon 
 American feeling and policy. At first, all parties were 
 hopeful of a genuine reform in France, and a govern- 
 
lo6 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 ment with at least a good measure of freedom. But 
 when the rule of a mob replaced the autocracy of the 
 king, and cold-blooded butcheries were perpetrated in 
 the name of liberty, there was a great revulsion of feel- 
 ing. France and England were soon at war. Washing- 
 ton proclaimed neutrality; but the French ambassador. 
 Genet, acted as if this country belonged to him, and un- 
 dertook to fit out war vessels in our ports. He gave Wash- 
 ington great trouble. 
 
 The Republicans sympathized more with the French, 
 and were against England, which continued its haughty 
 abuse of our country till after the fall of Napoleon. 
 They called the Federalists a British party. The retort 
 upon them was that they favored anarchy and barbarity. 
 France claimed the benefit of the treaty of alliance of 
 1778; and when Washington proclaimed neutrality, she 
 proclaimed blockades, and began to seize American ships. 
 We really were for months at war with France. 
 
 Fortunately for us. Ambassador AddiVA^ had freed him- 
 self from all notion of obligation to that country that 
 had helped the United Colonies only to gratify a grudge 
 against an ancient enemy; and he had had such an un- 
 pleasant experience in England that he had no prepos- 
 session now for what had been ''The mother-country." 
 Hence, President Adams could keep the ship of state on 
 the course of impartial neutrality. 
 
 President Adams committed one great mistake in pol- 
 icy. Washington had found difficulty in getting suita- 
 ble persons to follow Jefferson, Hamilton and Knox, 
 when they resigned from his cabinet. He had offered 
 
JOHN ADAMS. \oj 
 
 the Secretaryship of State to Wm. Patterson, Thomas 
 Johnson, C. C. Pinckney and Patrick Henry, all of whom 
 declined it: he had then put Timothy Pickering, former 
 Postmaster-General and then secretary of war, into the 
 place: Carrington and Howard of Maryland refusing the 
 portfolio of the war department, he gave that to Mc Hen- 
 ry, and advanced Oliver Wolcott to the Treasury. Pick- 
 ering, Wolcott and Mc Henry were really only second or 
 third rate men, worth little as advisers. Adams did not 
 try to make a new^ cabinet, but continued these in office. 
 
 The worst of the matter was that instead of looking to 
 their chief for direction, they looked for orders to Ham- 
 ilton as the head of the party, and tried to bend Adams 
 to Hamilton's purposes. They wrote Hamiltonian pa- 
 pers for him to sign, and proposed Hamiltonian nomina- 
 tions. The consequence was that after enduring much 
 discourtesy and even insolence from them, in an explo- 
 sion of indignation he dismissed Mc Henry and Picker- 
 ing, who became bitter and treacherous enemies. But 
 he never knew how^ much all three had betrayed him. 
 
 Seeing the probability of war, Adams did all he could 
 to increase the army and especially the navy, but with 
 only moderate success. It wa^ one of the mistakes of 
 the Republicans to scant these arms of defense. 
 
 President Adams determined to make a treaty with 
 fractious France, and consulted with Jefferson, whom he 
 would have sent as minister, had they not both agreed 
 that such function was unsuitable for a Vice President. 
 Madison would not go with Hamilton as colleague. Adams 
 was evidently no narrow partisan. In the face of warm 
 
io8 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 opposition of his secretaries, Pickering and Wolcott, he 
 sent Marshall and C. C. Pinckney, ^federalists, and Ger- 
 ry, Republican. 
 
 They were received, but were soon informed that to 
 get a treaty they must furnish certain sums of money 
 as bribes and loans. Talleyrand was their foreign min- 
 ister for the Directory. Pinckney answered quickly, 
 "not a cent, not a cent;" and after his return, at a din- 
 ner, gave the famous sentiment, "Millions for defense, 
 not a cent for tribute." Gerry remained after the others 
 left, because Talleyrand told him France would declare 
 war if he left. Immediately, further wrongs were inflict- 
 ed on our commerce. 
 
 The President reported the failure to Congress, and 
 advised that preparations for war be pushed. Jefferson 
 hated war as if he had been trained as a Quaker. His 
 party in Congress opposed the preparations for war. The 
 correspondence of the envoys was called for. They had 
 obtained memoranda of the requirement of bribes and 
 tribute in writing. The president put the letters X, Y 
 and Z in place of the names of the agents, Hottinguer, 
 Bellamy and Hautval, and sent the whole disgraceful 
 story to Congress. A tempest of anger arose in all the 
 land. War was demanded. Support was promised on 
 all sides. 
 
 The president was overwhelmed with evidences of 
 popularity. But he was as little shaken by this as by 
 opposition. He was not ready for war, and would not 
 recommend it. He recalled Gerry, and said he would 
 not send another minister till he had assurance that he 
 
JOHN ADAMS. log 
 
 would be received with honor. Washington was named 
 to command the army with the new rank of Lieutenant- 
 General, and, at his request, Adams nominated for gen- 
 erals next in rank, Hamilton, C. C. Pinckney and Knox, 
 which led to a squabble for precedence. 
 
 In the midst of this flurry were passed the famous Ali- 
 en and Sedition laws. 
 
 Home of John Adams. Quincy. Mass., where he passed the last 
 years of his life. 
 
 If the Alien Act had been passed in Washington's time, 
 he would have used it to get rid of Genet, no doubt. 
 The worst of the act is that it gave the president an ir- 
 responsible power to act as judge and jury and executive 
 if any alien seemed to him obnoxious, and to send such 
 person out of the country. The reader will be reminded 
 of Lincoln's action in May, 1863, when he sent Vallan- 
 digham, convicted of disloyal utterances, into the terri- 
 tory held by the Confederate States. Adams never used 
 the Alien Law. 
 
 The Sedition law forbad the publication of any writ- 
 
no JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 ing "false, scandalous and malicious," with intent to de- 
 fame the government. Congress, or the president, or to 
 bring them into contempt or disrepute. This was so 
 worded that it might be used against reasonable political 
 discussion. A few prosecutions occurred under it. Mr. 
 Adams did not ask for or recommend these acts; but he 
 is so far responsible for them as this; when they were 
 enacted by his pai ty, he did not veto them. 
 
 When Talleyrand indicated to the American minister 
 at the Hague through the French minister there, that an 
 American envoy would be honorably received, Adams 
 overruled the opposition of his Hamiltonian secretaries, 
 and in defiance of the Federal majority of the Senate 
 named a peace commission to go to France that they 
 dared not reject; Ellsworth, Murray and Patrick Henry. 
 War was averted and peace made; but work on the navy 
 continued. 
 
 The cabinet tried to delay the departure of the com- 
 mission: his peremptory orders overruled them. This 
 quarrel disrupted his party, and prevented a re-election 
 for him: but he had acted nobly for his country. He 
 very soon disposed of Pickering and McHenry, forcing 
 them to resign. 
 
 There had been seditious opposition to the laws in 
 Eastern Pennsylvania; John Fries was twice tried for 
 treason, found guilty, and sentenced to death: Picker- 
 ing and other leaders in the party were anxious to have 
 the exemplary penalty inflicted; but the president par- 
 doned Fries and his associates, greatly to the disgust of 
 the extremists. Fries has the distinction of being the 
 
JOHN ADAMS. in 
 
 only man ever convicted of treason in the United States. 
 
 Ivike most presidents, John Adams desired re-election. 
 Jefferson was a very radical theorist; but with the errors 
 and the successes of the twelve years before him, he was 
 shrewd enough to drop his anarchic theories, his nullify- 
 ing doctrines, his overstrained literal interpretations of 
 the con constitution and to make himself a practical ruler. 
 But what he had said and done had made the conservative 
 portion of the community afraid of him. Adams had a 
 very respectable vote, sixty-five out of the 138 votes, Jef- 
 ferson having seventy-three : a change of five votes would 
 have elected Adams. But the Federal party was hope- 
 lessly disorganized. 
 
 On the twentieth of January, 1801, Ellsworth hav- 
 ing resigned the position of Chief Justice, and Jay 
 having declined the place, Adams had appointed his 
 Secretary of State, John Marshall, to be Chief Jus- 
 tice. Had Adams done nothing else for his coun- 
 try, this selection of the greatest and most influen- 
 tial jurist America has known should be gratefully re- 
 membered. Federalist interpretations, giving strength 
 and dignity to the national government, flowed from 
 Marshall's brain and pen, years after the bodies of Ad- 
 ams and Jefferson were dust, and the old party contests 
 had been merged in the "Era of Good Feeling." 
 
 Federalist leaders in Congress lent themselves to the 
 silly and wicked scheme of electing Burr instead of Jef- 
 ferson, since the electoral vote was tied between them. 
 As they had been friends during the canvass, Jefferson 
 sought Adams to ask his favorable influence. Adams 
 
Hi JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 was feeling sore over his defeat, and instead of saying 
 *'yes," began to ask Jeflferson to pledge himself to cer- 
 tain measures. Of course he rightly and proudly re- 
 fused, and the two parted in anger. Adams is censura- 
 ble for his irritable conduct of the last weeks of his term. 
 
 Early in the morning of the inauguration day, with 
 heart saddened by the death of his son Charles, he was 
 so discourteous as to leave the city of Washington 
 and avoid the inauguration of his rival, long his 
 friend. Not long before he had said to Jefferson in all 
 good humor and sincerity, "If you beat me in the Presi- 
 dency, I will be as faithful a subject as any you will 
 have." 
 
 At home in Quincy the tired and sad old man amused 
 himself with reading and study, and correspondence. 
 He began an autobiography, which he left incomplete. 
 This and his letters often make severe judgments upon 
 others. He could not observe the maxim which gives 
 title to one of Reade's novels, "Put Yourself in his 
 Place." The very intensity and earnestness that had 
 made him so valuable in the earlier part of his career 
 appear as stubborn impracticability in the later. He 
 was gloomy, now that he could no longer enjoy the bat- 
 tle of life. 
 
 He saw with pleasure the advancement of his son, and 
 his election to the Presidency. When he was eighty- 
 five years old his townsmen elected him to a State con- 
 vention for the revision of the constitution. The con- 
 vention elected him its president; but the infirmities of 
 age compelled him to decline the post. He was a presi- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 113 
 
 dential elector in 1820, and voted for Monroe. His dear 
 wife was taken from him by a fever, Oct. 28th, 1818, 
 when he was eighty-three years old; but he lived on un- 
 til he was well 
 along in his 
 ninety first year. 
 It is pleasant to 
 record that his 
 friendship with 
 Jefferson was 
 renewed. Jef- 
 ferson made ad- 
 vances through 
 Mrs. Adams; but 
 his proud spirit 
 was not ap- 
 peased. Dr. Rush 
 became the me- 
 dium of a rec- 
 onciliation. 
 
 They had 
 come, indeed 
 upon common 
 
 John Quincy Adams, 
 
 Son of John Adams, and Sixth President of the 
 
 United States. Born 1767. Died 1848. 
 
 ground. The ad- 
 ministration of Jefferson had from the first deserted his 
 ultraisms. He was glad to use the power Federalism had 
 framed. Swearing to observe the constitution, he be- 
 lieved that he had broken its plain sense by annexing 
 the Louisiana Territory, a measure such as would have 
 cost Adams no questioning. 
 
114 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 So the two old men, friends again, approached the fiftieth 
 anniversary of the great act in which they had so grandly 
 shared. It proved the last day for each of them. Adams's 
 mind was clear to the end. He died at sunset, Tuesday, 
 July 4th, 1826. It is said that his last words were, '7^^" 
 ferson still survives." He was wrong: Jefferson had died 
 in the morning of that day. 
 
 John Adams's remains were buried in a tomb under 
 the portico of the First Congregational (Unitarian) Church 
 of Quincy. In the body of the church, by the side of the 
 pulpit, at the preacher's right, is a marble tablet, seven feet 
 by four, on which is chiselled a memorial of the states- 
 man and of his wife. It is surmounted by Greenough's bust 
 of the ex-president. Under that the first line is his fa- 
 vorite motto, ''Lihertatem, amicitiam, Udeni, retinehis" — 
 Liberty, friendship, faith, thou wilt hold fast. Overlook- 
 ing his personal defects, the judgment of the ages will pro- 
 nounce him in service to his country second only to Wash- 
 ington. 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 (1735-1826) 
 
 By G. Mercer Adam.* 
 
 OF the patriot founders of the American Republic no one, 
 if we except the ''Father of his Country," is more con- 
 spicuous in the group than John Adams, second President of 
 the United States and one of the chief promoters of Inde- 
 pendence. Though of irascible mood and pugnacious, com- 
 bative temper, he was a zealous friend of and devoted to his 
 country, and, in spite of his characteristic vehemence, chol- 
 eric disposition, and impatience of restraint, was a most 
 popular, and, in many respects, lovable man, an experi- 
 enced diplomat, and able chief magistrate of the young 
 nation. His intelligent interest in public affairs was re- 
 markable, as is shown by his extensive writings, as well as 
 by the notable part he took in the important events of his 
 time. His virile character and commanding, masterful ways 
 made him many enemies, and caused him to be distrustful 
 even of colleagues such as Franklin and of political as- 
 sociates such as Hamilton and Jefferson; while his envy 
 of such a hero as Washington, and his impatience with 
 numberless people to whom a more politic manner might 
 have made them alike helpful to him and his country, were 
 
 •Historian, Biographer, and Eesayist. Author of a "Precis of English History," 
 a "Continuation of Grecian History." etc., and for many years Editor of Self- 
 Culture Magazine.— The Publishers. 
 
Il6 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 traits in the man that detract from his reputation and lessen 
 the high estimate that to-day might otherwise be placed 
 upon him. In spite of all this, and of the vigor of his 
 utterances, his censorious mood, and the self-opinionated 
 manner of the man, John Adams was an ardent and un- 
 compromising friend of the young Republic, an indefatigible 
 and sagacious statesman, and a staunch and ever loyal work- 
 er for the wellbeing and advancement of his country. 
 
 The Adams family — a notable one in New England — 
 came of sound Puritan stock, his progenitors being farmers 
 in the Massachusetts colony who had settled at Braintree 
 (now Quincy) as far back as the year 1636. The father 
 of John Adams, who died in 1761, when his illustrious 
 son was twenty-five years of age, had by hard work and 
 thrift gathered together a modest estate, and was able to 
 send his son for an education to Harvard College, from 
 which he graduated in 1755, with a fair reputation as a 
 scholar, and the possession of good gifts as a public speaker 
 and budding orator. When he passed from college, young 
 Adams taught school for a time at Worcester, Mass., his 
 parents meanwhile desiring him to study for the ministry, 
 though he himself had a preference for the law ; and finall)' 
 took to that as a profession. For it he read assiduously 
 such text-books in legal lore as were then available, in ad- 
 dition to post-graduate courses in ethics, philosophy, and 
 the science of government. He also kept up his knowledge 
 of the ancient classics, and had an inward longing for a mil- 
 itary career or that of a political orator, with an eye, the 
 while, on town-meetings and local agitations, and, above 
 all, on the threatening political aspects of the time. Mean- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. II7 
 
 while, he was admitted a member of the bar of New Eng- 
 land, and ere long attained prestige and popularity in 
 his adopted profession. Moreover, he had fallen in love 
 with, and presently married, a charming and most estimable 
 lady of high social position, Abigail Smith, daughter of a 
 clergyman of Weymouth, Mass., and of his worthy wife, 
 who was connected with the Ouincy and Norton families 
 — a marriage that was of much benefit in many ways to 
 the future statesman and United States President, and a con- 
 stant solace to him amid the distractions of his laborious 
 and often stormy career. This happy event occurred in 
 1764, the year before the imposition of the obnoxious Stamp 
 Act, against which John Adams, together with his famous 
 cousin, Samuel Adams, stoutly protested, and in doing so 
 engaged in numerous public harangues, besides offering a 
 series of resolutions hostile to the measure, and espous- 
 ing and vigorously upholding the popular cause against the 
 ill-advised oppression of the mother land. 
 
 In assuming this attitude, the young patriot had some 
 years earlier (1761) been stirred by James Otis' indignant 
 speech in the State House, Boston, in opposition to the 
 enforcement of the Writs of Assistance — that first act in 
 the pre-Revolutionary era against legalized tyranny and 
 encroachment on the rights of the Colonists which set 
 fire to the heart of the people and incited them to resistance 
 and, later on, to armed rebellion. His own impulses to ally 
 himself with the patriot party were by this speech greatly 
 promoted, and led him, among other things, to protest 
 against the validity of the Stamp Act ; though he was toler- 
 ant and large-minded enough, even to his own hurt, to 
 
IlS JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 defend as counsel the soldiers concerned in the affray known 
 as the Boston Massacre, arguing honestly that it was the 
 public prejudices against the English troops that had led 
 them to acts of bloodshed and violence. For this, though 
 it brought upon him some unmerited public abuse, Adams 
 had his reward in his successful defense of the soldiers ; 
 while the Tory authorities of Boston sought to decoy him 
 to their side, by the bribe of offices offered him, but which 
 he patriotically refused to accept. The act of justice to the 
 British soldiery, however, did Adams no real injury, for 
 we presently find him chosen member of the Revolutionary 
 Congress of Massachusetts and a delegate to the first Conti- 
 nental Congress, which met at Philadelphia in September, 
 1774. At this era, the English government was more un- 
 wisely bent on coercing and dragooning the Colonies ; while 
 the latter retaliated by many hostile acts, including, in the 
 previous year (1773), the throwing overboard from the 
 ships in Boston harbor of the cargoes of English taxed 
 tea. At this, England now proceeded to greater extremi- 
 ties, by practically closing the port of Boston to commerce, 
 and by enacting that persons caught engaging in, or sus- 
 pected of engaging in, acts hostile to the Crown in the Col- 
 onies were to be sent for trial to the mother country. The 
 appointment of General Gage as governor and commander- 
 in-chief of the English troops in Boston was also deemed 
 a menace, adding to the inflamed state of feeling, already 
 widely prevalent, against the military and the partisans of 
 monarchy in the country. To checkmate these encroach- 
 ments and offset their irritating effect upon the people, 
 Congress, besides setting forth Colonial grievances in a 
 
JOHN ADAMS. II9 
 
 Declaration of Rights and protesting against illegal tax- 
 ation, set its face firmly against further English aggression, 
 and, by the passing of non-importation acts and other 
 measures, showed the length to which the country was 
 likely to go in the way of resistance — to the extent even 
 of raising a military force to take the field, if need be, against 
 the Crown. 
 
 At this period of great political ferment, John Adams, 
 who had by this time made a home for himself at Boston, 
 and had become an influential man at the bar and a notable 
 figure in the circles of the patriotic party in Massachusetts, 
 was named a member of the General Congress, to meet 
 at Philadelphia. Here his career as a statesman began, 
 for he was known now far and wide as an able publicist, 
 as well as an honest, courageous patriot, though perhaps 
 too vehement in the cause he had espoused, and, like his 
 cousin, Samuel Adams, at times indiscreet in his public 
 utterances. In the first Continental Congress, which met 
 in September, 1774, he represented Massachusetts as one of 
 its delegates, and, as we have hinted, became a prominent 
 member of the body and one of its chief debaters. He 
 was also one of the committee that framed the Declaration 
 of Independence, after the articles of Union and Confeder- 
 ation had been promulgated, and strenuously advocated its 
 adoption in an eloquent and patriotic speech. In the sec- 
 ond Continental Congress, which met in May, 1775, at Phil- 
 adelphia, he proposed Washington as commander-in-chief 
 of the Continental forces, an astute act on the part of John 
 Adams, for besides being himself eager for war with Eng- 
 land, which had already broken out, he desired to knit the 
 
120 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Southern and the Northern portions of the Confederacy of 
 the States together, and to commend a Virginia officer to 
 his New England constituents. In moving for this appoint- 
 ment, Adams run a certain risk ; but he readily took it, 
 much to the chagrin especially of John Hancock, president 
 of the Congress, who desired the commander-in-chief's post 
 for himself. He, however carried his point, wath his ac- 
 customed pugnacity and confidence; and Washington, then 
 forty-three, took command of the nucleus of the American 
 army assembled at Cambridge, Mass., a few days after the 
 battle of Bunker Hill. 
 
 Even at this late era, the Colonies had not wholly and 
 unreservedly broken with England, in spite of the two 
 Adamses, who were clamoring for war. Some of them still 
 feared to range themselves among perverse rebels of the 
 Crown ; while not a few public men clung yet to hope of 
 reconciliation, with some satisfactory readjustment of the 
 relations bet\v^een the motherland and the Colonies. Con- 
 ciliation, however, came to naught, and the die was now 
 cast — the Colonics setting to work, under Washington, to 
 augment the army and make it more efficient; while John 
 Adams was taking active steps on a committee of naval 
 affairs to organize a marine corps and a fleet of war ves- 
 sels, under the unfortunate Esek Hopkins, and Congress 
 had sanctioned the building of thirteen frigates. Adams, 
 at this juncture, was a tower of strength to the Colonies, 
 and no man was more assiduous and helpful on commit- 
 tees of Congress; while by his labors, among other meas- 
 ures he took part in, in drafting the Articles of Confedera- 
 tion, which made it easier for the Colonies to borrow money 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 121 
 
 abroad as well as enlist sympathy in France for the status 
 of Independence, he earnestly and patriotically furthered 
 the cause of the new and aspiring nation. It was at this 
 time that he earned the title of "the colossus of debate," 
 applied to him by Jefferson when Adams was advocating 
 the adoption of the Declaration of Independence against the 
 argument of the Conciliationists, such as Jay and Dickinson. 
 In 1776, Mr. Adams acted as chairman of the Board of 
 War, as well as served on as many other Congressional 
 committees ; and, a little later, Massachusetts elected him 
 chief-justice of the State, as one of her ablest jurists. The 
 latter office he, however, did not accept, the calls of duty 
 in the political field being at this time so many and weighty 
 upon his time and strength ; though early in 1778 we find 
 him setting out for France, with his son, John Quincy 
 Adams (afterwards, like his father. United States Presi- 
 dent), having accepted the post of one of the commissioners 
 to France, superseding Silas Deane, who had not given 
 satisfaction to Congress as an envoy at the French court. 
 In France, at this time, Mr. Adams did not stay long, as 
 the Colonies were already represented in Paris by Franklin 
 and Arthur Lee; while he did not get on well with Frank- 
 lin and the French foreign minister, the Count de Ver- 
 gennes, the latter of whom he especially distrusted, find- 
 ing him, as he thought, far from disinterested in his pro- 
 fessed friendship for America. Returning to the New 
 World in 1779, he was chosen delegate to the Massachusetts' 
 Constitutional Convention, but from the latter he was called 
 away once more to proceed to Europe, this time to take 
 part in the expected peace treaty with England, notwith- 
 
122 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 standing the fact that, unHke FrankHn, Jay, and Jeffer- 
 son, he had Httle of the art of the diplomat, and was too 
 outspoken in his distrust of the French alHance, not to 
 speak of his hostihty to Vergennes, Louis XVI's foreign 
 minister. Adams, however, possessed the confidence of 
 Congress, which body had at this time dispatched him 
 abroad as special envoy; but England was not yet in the 
 humor to make overtures for peace with the Colonies, and 
 in the meantime the special envoy proceeded (1780) to Hol- 
 land, where, besides negotiating a treaty of commerce with 
 that European power, he also secured a loan to the Colo- 
 nies of $2,000,000 on the Amsterdam money market. While 
 abroad, and installed as minister of the United States at 
 The Hague, the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown oc- 
 curred, and this finally brought England to her senses and 
 paved the way for the preliminaries of peace between the 
 Colonies and the English motherland. To take part in the 
 peace negotiations, Adams proceeded to Paris, to confer with 
 Franklin and Jay, the latter of whom had been representing 
 his country at Madrid. Here, with his colleagues, and in 
 spite of the interference from Vergennes, who hated Ad- 
 ams, the latter was able to secure important concessions 
 in the treaty with England, including, besides recognition of 
 American independence, those relating to the fisheries, to 
 the navigation of the Mississippi, and to commercial re- 
 lations generally. 
 
 The definitive peace treaty with Great Britian was signed 
 at Paris September 3, 1783, preceded by the return from 
 America of the French allied army, as well as by the Brit- 
 ish forces, and followed, in November, by Washing^ton's 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 1^3 
 
 farewell to the army under him and its disbandment. The 
 independence of the United States was in this year recog- 
 nized by Spain, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark; and the 
 peace treaty with the mother country was ratified by Con- 
 gress in January, 1784. A year or so later, Mr. Adams 
 was appointed U. S. minister to Great Britian, followed 
 by Jefferson's commission as U. S. minister to France. 
 Naturally, Adams had no subserviency to offer to the Eng- 
 lish Court, while he was too blunt and outspoken to make 
 pleasant his English residence, which extended for a period 
 of nearly three years. While there, he wrote and issued 
 (in 1787) his ''Defense of the American Constitution," 
 on the nature and character embodied in the Constitution 
 adopted during the Revolution, a work which was most 
 timely in its appearing, in view of the sittings of the Phil- 
 adelphia Convention to frame a Federal Constitution for 
 the United States. Adams' career in England cannot be 
 called a success, though he made no serious mistakes, be- 
 yond irritation with his surroundings and annoyance at 
 the lack of consideration shown him by the English Court ; 
 while he had few social successes such as were enjoyed by 
 Franklin at the French capital. Wearying over his expat- 
 riation and embittered against England, he sent across the 
 sea his resignation, and in 1788 returned to x\merica. 
 
 That Adams had not lost favor in his own country by 
 his acts and attitude abroad as a diplomat, is proved by his 
 nomination on the ticket with Washington for the high 
 office of President, according to the system of election 
 which at that time prevailed. Washington, as all know, 
 obtained the chief prize, by a vote, in 1789, of sixty-nine 
 
124 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 to thirty-four for Adams, who was thus elected to the minor 
 office. In 1793, he retained the same post in Washington's 
 second term, and on the latter's decHning to serve for a third 
 term, Adams then (1797) became President, with Jefferson 
 as Vice-President. For the office of Vice-President, Ad- 
 ams, as we know, cared httle. since it afforded little scope 
 for his abilities ; while his temper was hardly such as to 
 make him an ideal presiding officer of the Senate. More- 
 over, the political parties began now to be rent asunder by 
 animosities and quarrels among their leaders, and by a 
 sharper line than had hitherto divided the Federalists and 
 the Republican-Democrats. This not only embittered pub- 
 lic life for those engaged in it, but also embittered the re- 
 lations between the party chiefs — Hamilton, Jay, and Ad- 
 ams on the side of the Federalists, and those of the more 
 popular party under Jefferson, Madison, and others. Divis- 
 ions also led to ruptures personally among the Federalists 
 themselves, which alienated Hamilton from Adams, and 
 ultimately led to the disintegration of the old aristocratic 
 party. 
 
 At this formative period of the young nation, this alien- 
 ation and friction among representative men naturally had 
 a sinister effect, for it widened the breach between the 
 classes, and socially was thus to be deplored. This, as 
 it happened, was disadvantageous to Adams' popularity, 
 and perhaps led him, yeoman though he was by birth and 
 upbringing, to become more aristocratic and fond of state 
 and its trappings in office, while rendering him less accept- 
 able to the people. But the party to which Adams belong- 
 ed must itself bear some of the blame of this, for the Fed- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. I 25 
 
 eralists chiefly represented the intellectual as well as the 
 moneyed and property people, together wi^h the bulk of the 
 army officers, and those who had a stake in the country 
 and were in favor of a centralized Federal government 
 and a strong national administration. This was especially 
 shown during Washington's second term, and particularly 
 during the four years of President Adams' own rule. In 
 the opposing, or people's, party were the laboring and many 
 of the trading classes, who, not only were united among 
 their leaders, but, of course, had more faith than the Fed- 
 eralists had or showed in Democratic rule and the well- 
 being of the State under a democracy. The French Revo- 
 lution, which had then broken out, had also some influence 
 in widening the gulf between the two parties, Jefferson and 
 his colleagues seeing that the state of France at the time 
 was but the logical outcome of the opposition of the prole- 
 tariat to autocratic rule, and the assertion of principles 
 akin to those embodied in the American Declaration of In- 
 dependence. 
 
 When Washington, in 1793, was elected for a second 
 term, John Adams, as we have seen, was re-elected by a 
 large vote to the Vice-Presidency. At this era the country 
 was internally disturbed by the strife and intrigues of the 
 political parties, and externally concerned over the out- 
 break of revolution in France, and by the relations between 
 the two nations. In January Louis XVI had been ex- 
 ecuted, and England and her Continental allies declared 
 war against revolutionary France. The Reign of Terror 
 ensued, and in 1795 came the rule of the French Direct- 
 ory and the rise of Napoleon Bonaparte, who was then 
 
126 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 engaged in his great campaign in Italy. Adams was anti- 
 Gailican in his sympathies, and when the French Direct- 
 ory threatened this country with war, he did much, as we 
 shall see, to avert it, in spite of the excitement over French 
 interference with American maritime interests and the desire 
 of the Republicans to precipitate strife, so that they might 
 embarrass England whom they hated, and was then at war 
 with France. Meanwhile, Washington had, in 1796, come 
 to the end of his second term of office, and the election of 
 John Adams to the Presidency followed, his competitor 
 being Thomas Jefferson, who received 68 electoral votes, 
 against Adams' 71 votes. Jefferson then became Vice- 
 President. On Adams' assumption of office, he pursued 
 the foreign policy of his predecessor, Washington, in main- 
 taining neutrality and non-interference in the war between 
 France and England and her allies. In this course he 
 showed much wisdom, though the foreign relations of the 
 government at the time were full of menace, and it was dif- 
 ficult to repress public feeling for war. Though this at- 
 titude of the President gave not a little offense to the Fed- 
 eralists, and, indeed, did much to break down the cohesion 
 and unity of the Federal party, President Adams adhered 
 to his peace policy and named three envoys — Messrs. Mar- 
 shall, Pinckney, and Gerry — to proceed to France to re- 
 move the sources of international irritation and maintain 
 peace between the two countries. At the same time he 
 patriotically addressed himself to the task of preparing the 
 nation for the alternative of war, by recommending to Con- 
 gress the construction of a navy and the calling out of an 
 armed force of 16,000 men, inducing Wa.shington to assume 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 1 27 
 
 his old post of commander-in-chief, with Hamilton as his 
 chief coadjutor, whose appointment Adams sanctioned in 
 spite of that soldier-statesman's political hostility to the 
 President. 
 
 The diplomatic negotiations with Republican France came 
 to little, for the Directory was then very mercenary in its 
 views, Talleyrand even going so far as to demand a mon- 
 etary tribute from the United States to secure influence 
 with the First Consul, an insult which our envoys spiritedly 
 resented in their familiar, indeed memorable words: ''Mil- 
 lions for defense, but not a cent for tribute !" In this, Ad- 
 ams saw but the old design, not only to show French con- 
 tempt for the new born American nation, but the hollowness 
 of her professions of aid, which as a diplomat in France 
 he had detected in Count Vergennes — only that she might 
 embarass and annoy England in her attitude towards the 
 American Colonies. The President, nevertheless, was able 
 to avert hostilities with France and gain what diplomatic 
 advantages that were then possible. In domestic affairs, he 
 had much, moreover, at this time to concern and worry him, 
 arising out of the political ferments and war excitements 
 of the period. Hamilton, who was the Federal leader and 
 a powerful factor in governing, gave him especially much 
 trouble with his active rivalries added to the intrigues of 
 other Hamiltonians, of the Federal party in the Cabinet. 
 They disliked Adams' vanity and overweaning confidence, 
 as well as his combative moods and sturdy independence. 
 The amount of vituperation cast upon his administration was 
 was also embittering to him, as he knew whence it proceed- 
 ed, chiefly from Hamilton's henchmen, who attacked Ad- 
 
128 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 ams bitterly, and, among other things, for his conciliatory 
 attitude towards France. The breach with that power they 
 hoped to widen, rather than heal, and Adams, in thus 
 thwarting and circumventing them, did good service to the 
 country, while averting war and all the evils and inflamed 
 party tumult that a period of international strife would 
 then have brought in its train. 
 
 It was at this crisis (1798) that the Adams administration 
 committed itself to the passing of the objectionable Alien 
 and Sedition Act, which the government's enemies deemed 
 hostile to the unfettered liberties of the nation, though seem- 
 inly justified as necessary measures to coerce the unruly 
 foreign element in this country at the period, which was most 
 outspoken in its anti-American utterances and in the free- 
 dom with which it aspersed prominent public men. Against 
 the libels hurled at the government, the Sedition Act was 
 specially directed, for it made it a crime to indulge in these 
 diatribes alike among the aliens and among those ribald and 
 abusive writers in the Press who were opposed to the ad- 
 ministration and its head. The Alien Act was equally 
 opposed, as it gave power to the Administration and the 
 President (though the latter, to his credit it ought to be said, 
 made no use of it) to arrest, imprison, and even export and 
 send out of the country, any alien deemed dangerous to 
 the State, or who might engage in treasonable or secret 
 machinations against it. Both Acts were to be limited in 
 their duration — not extending beyond two years — but they 
 were so fiercely and stubbornly resisted that they were 
 withdrawn, as being unnecessary and too sweeping and 
 severe. Among those who denounced the Acts was the 
 
JOHN ADAMS. I 29 
 
 Swiss member of Congress from Pennsylvania, Albert Gal- 
 latin, who was subsequently known as an able American 
 statesman, diplomat, and financier. One or two of the 
 States also opposed this un-American legislation — such as 
 Kentucky and Virginia — and gave rise to the attitude of 
 Nullification, or to talk tending in that direction, together 
 with some adverse criticism of the national Constitution 
 and its infringement of what was deemed State-Rights. 
 With the withdrawal of the Acts the clamor of the time 
 against them subsided, though, as already hinted, the Fed- 
 eralist party was soon now to suffer for their temporary 
 enforcement — an enforcement which the disturbed and even 
 dangerous condition of the country at the period seemed to 
 warrant, little as we to-day can appreciate the fact. 
 
 In 1800, Adams again became the Federalist candidate 
 for the Presidency for a second term ; but his re-election was 
 hotly opposed by the Republican-Democrats, led by Jeffer- 
 son, who was himself a candidate at this era for the exalted 
 office ; while the Federalist vote was in part cast against Ad- 
 ams, owing to internal jealousies and dissensions in the ranks 
 of the party. Hamilton, moreover, who had retired from 
 the Secretaryship of the Treasury and was now commander- 
 in-chief of the army (for the great Washington had just 
 died) was also opposed to Adams' second term in office. 
 The result, as we all know, proved adverse to Adams, and 
 to the perpetuation of a Federalist administration. With 
 John Adams, C. C. Pinckney was nominated by the Federal- 
 ists, while the Republicans put forward Jefferson and Aaron 
 Burr. In spite of opposition to Adams and the hopes of the 
 Republicans to snatch the Presidency, Adams received 65 
 
13^ JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 votes to Jefferson's 73 — failing only by eight votes In se- 
 curing a second term. The Republican vote for Jefferson 
 and Burr tied at 73, and, in consequence, the election was 
 thrown into the House, with the result that Jefferson be- 
 came President, and Burr obtained the Vice-Presidency. 
 The vote, naturally, was a disappointment to Adams, while 
 he disliked the idea of the country's affairs passing from 
 Federalist to Republican hands. This led him, unwisely 
 and rather ungenerously, to fill up every vacant office with 
 men of his own party, though one office he filled with great 
 discernment and good judgment — that of the Chief Jus- 
 ticeship, which he gave to the able jurist, John Marshall. 
 Thus passed the administration of John Adams and his 
 retirement to private life at his home in Quincy, Mass., which 
 he was now to enjoy for a period of twenty-five years. The 
 Federalists had earned better luck than now was theirs in 
 the Government passing into Republican hands, for in 
 Washington and Adams it had given two able and honest 
 men to the Presidency and, admittedly, had governed wisely 
 and effectively, and with credit to the young nation. So de- 
 serving in many respects had been Adams' own rule in high 
 office, in spite of his vanity and vehemence of utterance, 
 and his many enmities, that his rejection for a second term 
 was in not a few influential instances deplored. At his 
 nomination, Patrick Henry, among other statesmen and pub- 
 licists of the time, had written commending his services in 
 the Presidential office in these words. "Nothing," writes 
 the great orator, "short of an absolute necessity could in- 
 duce me to withhold my little aid from an administration 
 whose ability, patriotism, and virtue deserve the gratitude 
 
JOHN ADAMS. I3I 
 
 and reverence of all their fellow-citizens." Of Adams and 
 his regime, the historian and lecturer, Dr. John Lord, has 
 this to say of the man and his constructive and patriotic 
 statesmanship : ''Some excellent writers of history think 
 that the glory of Adams was brig'htest in the period before 
 he became President, when he was a diplomatist — that as a 
 President he made mistakes, and had no marked executive 
 ability. I think otherwise. It seems to me that his special 
 claims to the gratitude of his country must include the wis- 
 dom of his administration in averting an intangling war, 
 and guiding the ship of state creditably in perplexing dan- 
 gers ; that in most of his acts, while filling the highest office 
 in the gift of the people, he was patient, patriotic, and wise. 
 We forget the exceeding difficulties with which he had to 
 contend, and the virulence of his enemies. What if he was 
 personally vain, pompous, irritable, jealous, stubborn, and 
 fond of power? These traits did not swerve him from the 
 path of duty and honor, nor dim the lustre of his patriotism, 
 nor make him blind to the great interests of the country as 
 he understood them, — the country whose independence and 
 organized national life he did so much to secure. All cavils 
 are wasted, and worse than wasted, on such a man. His 
 fame will shine forevermore, in undimmed lustre, to bless 
 mankind. Small is that critic \Vho sees the defects but has 
 no eye for the splendor of a great career!" 
 
 Impatiently, and rather sullenly, we fear, Adams left the 
 capital precipitately, and before the inauguration of Thomas 
 Jefferson, his successor in the Presidency. At his New 
 England home, which he loved, he lived a life of quiet and 
 studious repose, occupied with his farm and in its agricul- 
 tural affairs, yet still taking an earnest and patriotic in- 
 
132 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 terest in the wellbeing and prosperity of the nation. He 
 had an interesting family, one of his sons, John Quincy 
 Adams, he Hved to see, as he had himself been, President 
 of the United States. His wife, a remarkable woman, who 
 had long been his companion and solace throughout a varied 
 and troublous career, died in 1818; while before his retire- 
 ment from the presidency he had lost his son, Charles. In 
 retirement, he engaged in much correspondence and wrote 
 considerably, in the way of memoirs and comments on 
 public affairs : much of this matter was subsequently com- 
 piled and edited by his grandson, Charles Francis Adams, 
 another member of his illustrious name, who became a 
 statesman and diplomat, and who also edited his father's 
 writings and correspondence. Of his old-time friends, it 
 is pleasing to record his reconciliation, and after the rupture 
 of his relations, with Jefferson, and, as it happened, both 
 men lived to see the fiftieth anniversary of the Declara- 
 tion of Independence, which both patriots had been in- 
 instrumental in preparing and passing. Both men died on 
 the same day — July 4, 1826 — Jefferson predeceasing Adams 
 by but a few hours. The demise of the old Revolutionary 
 father, John Adams, occurred at his home in Quincy, Massa- 
 chusetts, in his ninety-first year, his faculties being preserved 
 him to the end, and manifested patrioticly in his last words 
 — "Independence forever!" His mortal remains found a 
 last resting-place neath the portico of the First Congrega- 
 tional (Unitarian) Church at Quincy, and to the shrine 
 come to-day many footsteps of those who not only love their 
 country and its early heroes, but who admire the nation's 
 second President, and desire to pay loving tribute to his 
 memory. 
 
JOHN ADAMS' SPEECH AS COUNSEL ON THE BOSTON MASSACRE, 
 
 IN DEFENSE OF THE BRITISH SOLDIERS ACCUSED ol 
 
 MURDER IN THE BOSTON RIOT OF 1770. 
 
 May it Please Your Honor, and You, Gentlemen of the Jury: 
 
 I AM for the prisoners at the bar, and shall apologize for 
 it only in the words of the Marquis Beccaria : "If I can 
 but be the instrument of preserving one life, his bless- 
 ings and tears of transport shall be a sufficient consolation 
 for me for the contempt of all mankind." 
 
 As the prisoners stand before you for their lives, it may 
 be proper to recollect with what temper the law requires we 
 should proceed to this trial. The form of proceeding at their 
 arraignment has discovered that the spirit of the law upon 
 such occasions is conformable to humanity, to common-sense 
 and feeling ; that it is all benignity and candor. And the 
 trial commences with the prayer of the court, expressed by 
 the clerk, to the Supreme Judge of judges, empires, and 
 worlds, ''God send you a good deliverance." 
 
 We find in the rules laid down by the greatest English 
 judges, who have been the brightest of mankind: We are 
 to look upon it as more beneficial that many guilty persons 
 should escape unpunished than one innocent should suffer. 
 The reason is, because it is more importance to the com- 
 munity that innocence should be protected than it is that 
 guilt should be punished; for guilt and crimes are so fre- 
 quent in the world that all of them cannot be punished ; and 
 many times they happen in such a manner that it is not of 
 
134 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 much consequence to the public whether they are punished 
 or not. But when innocence itself is brought to the bar and 
 condemned, especially to die, the subject will exclaim, "It is 
 immaterial to me whether I behave well or ill, for virtue it- 
 self is no security." And if such a sentiment as this should 
 take place in the mind of the subject, there would be an end 
 to all security whatsoever. I will read the words of the law 
 itself. 
 
 The rules I shall produce to you from Lord Chief-Justice 
 Hale, whose character as a lawyer, a man of learning and 
 philosophy, and a Christian, will be disputed by nobody 
 living; one of the greatest and best characters the English 
 nation ever produced. His words are these : 
 
 *'It is always safer to err in acquitting than punishing, 
 on the part of mercy than the part of justice." 
 
 Again, he says : *'It is always safer to err on the milder 
 side, the side of mercy." 
 
 'The best rule in doubtful cases is rather to incline to 
 acquittal than conviction." 
 
 ''Where you are doubtful, never act ; that is, if you doubt 
 of the prisoner's guilt, never declare him guilty." 
 
 This is always the rule, especially in cases of life. An- 
 other rule from the same author, says: 
 
 "In some cases presumptive evidences go far to prove 
 a person guilty, though there is no express proof of the fact 
 to be committed by him ; but then it must be very warily 
 expressed for it is better five guilty persons should escape 
 unpunished than one innocent person should die." 
 
 The next authority shall be from another judge of equal 
 character, considering the age wherein he lived; that is 
 
JOHN ADAMS. I 35 
 
 Chancellor Fortescue, in 'Traise of the Laws of England." 
 
 This is a very ancient writer on the English law. His 
 words are: 
 
 "Indeed, one would rather, much rather, that twenty 
 guilty persons escape punishment of death, than one inno- 
 cent person be condemned and suffer capitally." 
 
 Lord Chief-Justice Hale says : 
 
 "It is better five guilty persons escape, than one innocent 
 person suffer." 
 
 Lord Chancellor Fortescue, you see, carries the matter 
 further, and says : 
 
 "Indeed, one had rather, much rather, that twenty guilty 
 persons should escape than one innocent person suffer capi- 
 tally." 
 
 Indeed, this rule is not peculiar to the English law; 
 there never was a system of laws in the world in which 
 this rule did not prevail. It prevailed in the ancient Ro- 
 man law, and, which is more remarkable, it prevails in the 
 modern Roman law. Even the judges in the Courts of In- 
 quisition, who with racks, burnings, and scourges examine 
 criminals — even there they preserve it as a maxim, that it 
 is better the guilty should escape punishment than the in- 
 nocent suffer. "Satius esse nocentem absolvi quam inno- 
 centem damnari." This is the temper we ought to set out 
 with, and these the rules we are to be governed by. And 
 I shall take it for granted, as a first principle, that the eight 
 prisoners at the bar had better be all acquitted, though we 
 should admit them all to be guilty, than that any one of 
 them should, by your verdict, be found guilty, being in- 
 nocent. 
 
136 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 I shall now consider the several divisions of law under 
 which the evidence will arrange itself. 
 
 The action now before you is homicide ; that is, the kill- 
 ing of one man by another. The law calls it homicide ; but 
 it is not criminal in all cases for one man to slay another. 
 Had the prisoners been on the Plains of Abraham and slain 
 a hundred Frenchmen apiece, the English law would have 
 considered it as a commendable action, virtuous and praise- 
 worthy ; so that every instance of killing a man is not a 
 crime in the eye of the law. There are many other in- 
 stances which I cannot enumerate — an officer that executes 
 a person under sentence of death, etc. So that, gentlemen, 
 every instance of one man's killing another is not a crime, 
 much less a crime to be punished with death. But to de- 
 scend to more particulars. 
 
 The law divides homicide into three branches ; the first 
 is "justifiable," the second ''excusable," and the third "feloni- 
 ous." Felonious homicide is subdivided into two branches ; 
 the first is murder, which is killing with malice afore- 
 thought ; the second is manslaughter, which is killing a 
 man on a sudden provocation. Here, gentlemen, are four 
 sorts of homicide ; and you are to consider whether all the 
 evidence amounts to the first, second, third, or fourth of 
 these heads. The fact was the slaying five unhappy per- 
 sons that night. You are to consider whether it was justi- 
 fiable, excusable, or felonious; and if felonious, whether it 
 was murder or manslaughter. One of these four it must be. 
 You need not divide your attention to any more particulars. 
 I shall, however, before I come to the evidence, show you 
 
JOHN ADAMS. I 37 
 
 several authorities which will assist you and me in contem- 
 plating; the evidence before us. 
 
 I shall begin with justifiable homicide. If an officer, 
 a sheriff, execute a man on the gallows, draw and quarter 
 him, as in case of high treason, and cut off his head, this is 
 justifiable homicide. It is his duty. So also, gentlemen, 
 the law has planted fences and barriers around every indi- 
 vidual ; it is a castle round every man's person, as well as 
 his house. As the love of God and our neighbor compre- 
 hends the whole duty of man, so self-love and social com- 
 prehend all the duties we owe to mankind ; and the first 
 branch is self-love, which is not only our indisputable right, 
 but our clearest duty. By the laws of nature, this is inter- 
 woven in the heart of every individual. God Almighty, 
 whose law we cannot alter, has implanted it there, and we 
 can annihilate ourselves as easily as root out this affection 
 for ourselves. It is the first and strongest principle in our 
 nature. Justice Blackstone calls it "The primary canon 
 in the law of nature." That precept of our holy religion 
 which commands us to love our neighbor as ourselves does 
 not command us to love our neighbor better than ourselves, 
 or so well. No Christian divine has given this interpreta- 
 tion. The precept enjoins that our benevolence to our fel- 
 low-men should be as real and sincere as our affection to 
 ourselves, not that it should be as great in degree. A man 
 is authorized, therefore, by common-sense and the laws of 
 England, as well as those of nature, to love himself better 
 than his fellow-subject. If two persons are cast away at 
 sea, and get on a plank (a case put by Sir Francis Bacon), 
 and the plank is insufficient to hold them both, the one has 
 
138 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 a right to push the other off to save himself. The rules of 
 the common law, therefore, which authorize a man to pre- 
 serve his own life at the expense of another's, are not con- 
 tradicted by any divine or moral law. We talk of liberty 
 and property, but if we cut up the law of self-defense, we 
 cut up the foundations of both ; and if we give up this, the 
 rest is of very little value, and therefore this principle must 
 be strictly attended to; for whatsoever the law pronounces 
 in the case of these eight soldiers will be the law to other 
 persons and other ages. All the persons that have slain 
 mankind in this country from the beginning to this day 
 had better have been acquitted than that a wrong rule and 
 precedent should be established. 
 
 I shall now read to you a few authorities on this subject 
 of self-defense. Foster (in the case of justifiable self-de- 
 fense) says: 
 
 'The injured party may repel force with force in de- 
 fence of person, habitation, or property, against one who 
 manifestly intendeth and endeavoreth with violence or sur- 
 prise to commit a known felony upon either. In these cases 
 he is not obliged to retreat, but may pursue his adversary 
 till he finds himself out of danger; and if in a conflict 
 between them he happen eth to kill, such killing is justi- 
 fiable." 
 
 I must entreat you to consider the words of this author- 
 ity. The injured person may repel force by force against 
 any who endeavoreth to commit any kind of felony on him 
 or his. Here the rule is, I have a right to stand on my 
 own defence, if you intend to commit felony. If any of the 
 persons made an attack on these soldiers, with an inten- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 139 
 
 tion to rob them, if it was but to take their hats feloniously, 
 they had a right to kill them on the spot, and had no busi- 
 ness to retreat. If a robber meet me in the street and 
 command me to surrender my purse, I have a right to kill 
 him without asking any questions. If a person commit a 
 bare assault on me, this will not justify killing; but if he as- 
 sault me in such a manner as to discover an intention to kill 
 me, I have a right to destroy him, that I may put it out of 
 his power to kill me. In the case you will have to consider, 
 I do not know there was any attempt to steal from these per- 
 sons ; however, there were some persons concerned who 
 would, probably enough, have stolen, if there had been any- 
 thing to steal, and many were there who had no such dispo- 
 sition. But this is not the point we aim at. The question is, 
 Are you satisfied the people made the attack in order to kill 
 the soldiers? If you are satisfied that the people, whoever 
 they were, made that assault with a design to kill or maim 
 the soldiers, this was such an assault as will justify the sold- 
 iers killing in their own defence. Further, it seems to me, 
 we may make another question, whether you are satisfied 
 that their real intention was to kill or maim, or not? If any 
 reasonable man in the situation of one of these soldiers 
 would have had reason to believe in the time of it, that 
 the people came with an intention to kill him, whether 
 you have this satisfaction now or not in your own minds, 
 they were justifiable, at least excusable, in firing. You 
 and I may be suspicious that the people who made this 
 assault on the soldiers did it to put them to flight, on pur- 
 pose that they might go exulting about the town afterward 
 in triumph; but this will not do. You must place your- 
 
140 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 selves in the situation of Weems and Killroy — consider 
 yourselves as knowing that the prejudice of the world 
 about you thought you came to dragoon them into obe- 
 dience, to statutes, instructions, mandates, and edicts, 
 which they thoroughly detested — that many of these 
 people were thoughtless and inconsiderate, old and young, 
 sailors and landsmen, negroes and mulattoes — that they 
 the soldiers, had no friends about them, the rest were in 
 opposition to them; with all the bells ringing to call the 
 town together to assist the people in King Street, for they 
 knew by that time that there was no fire ; the people shout- 
 ing, huzzaing, and making the mob whistle, as they call it, 
 which, when a boy makes it in the street is no formidable 
 thing, but when made by a multitude is a most hideous 
 shriek, almost as terrible as an Indian yell; the people 
 crying, "Kill them, kill them. Knock them over," heav- 
 ing snowballs, oyster shells, clubs, white-birch sticks three 
 inches and a half in diameter; consider yourselves in this 
 situation, and then judge whether a reasonable man in the 
 soldiers' situation would not have concluded they were 
 going to kill him. I believe if I were to reverse the scene 
 I should bring it home to our own bosoms. Sup- 
 pose Colonel Marshall when he came out of his own door 
 and saw these grenadiers coming down with swords, etc., 
 had thought it proper to have appointed a military watch; 
 suppose he had assembled Gray and Attucks that were 
 killed, or any other person in town, and appointed them 
 in that situation as a military watch, and there had come 
 from Murray's barracks thirty or forty soldiers with no 
 other arms than snowballs, cakes of ice, oyster shells, cin- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. I4I 
 
 ders, and clubs, and attacked this military watch in this 
 manner, what do you ^suppose would have been the feel- 
 ings and reasonings of any of our householders? I con- 
 fess, I believe they would not have borne one-half of what 
 the witneses have sworn the soldiers bore, till they had 
 shot down as many as were necessary to intimidate and 
 disperse the rest ; because the law does not oblige us to 
 bear insults to the danger of our lives, to stand still with 
 such a number of people around us, throwing such things 
 at us, and threatening our lives, until we are disabled to 
 defend ourselves. 
 
 Foster: "Where a known felony is attempted upon 
 the person, be it to rob or murder, here the party assaulted 
 may repel force with force, and even his own servant, then 
 attendant on him, or any other person present, may interpose 
 for preventing mischief, and if death ensue, the party so in- 
 terposing will be justified. In this case nature and social 
 duty co-operate." 
 
 Hawkins, P. C, states : ''Yet it seems that a private per- 
 son, a fortiori, an officer of justice, who happens unavoid- 
 ably to kill another in endeavoring to defend himself from 
 or suppress dangerous rioters, may justify the fact inasmuch 
 as he only does his duty in aid of the public justice." 
 
 "And I can see no reason why a person, who, without 
 provocation, is assaulted by another in any place whatso- 
 ever, in such a manner as plainly shows an attempt to mur- 
 der him, as by discharging a pistol, or pushing at him a 
 drawn sword, etc., may not justify killing such an assail- 
 ant, as much as if he had attempted to rob him. For 
 
142 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 is not he who attempts to murder me more injurious than 
 he who barely attempts to rob me? And can it be more jus- 
 tifiable to fight for my goods than for my life? 
 
 And it is not only highly agreeable to reason that a man 
 in such circumstances may lawfully kill another, but it 
 seems also to be confirmed by the general tenor of our 
 books, which, speaking of homicide se defendo, suppose it 
 done in some quarrel or affray. 
 
 Hawkins, "And so, perhaps, the killing of dangerous 
 rioters may be justified by any private persons, who can- 
 not otherwise suppress them or defend themselves from 
 them, inasmuch as every private person seems to be au- 
 thorized by the law to arm himself for the purpose afore- 
 said." 
 
 Here every private person is authorized to arm himself; 
 and on the strength of this authority I do not deny the 
 inhabitants had a right to arm themselves at that time for 
 their defence, not for offence. That distinction is material, 
 and must be attended to. 
 
 Hawkins : ''And not only he who on an assault re- 
 treats to the wall, or some such strait, beyond which he 
 can go no further before he kills the other, is judged by the 
 law to act upon unavoidable necessity ; but also he who 
 being assaulted in such a manner and in such a place that 
 he cannot go back without manifestly endangering his life, 
 kills the other without retreating at all." 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 143 
 
 ^'And an officer who kills one that insults him in the 
 execution of his office, and where a private person that 
 kills one who feloniously assaults him in the highway, may 
 justify the fact without ever giving back at all." 
 
 There is no occasion for the magistrate to read the Riot 
 Act. In the case before you, I suppose you will be satisfied 
 when you come to examine the witnesses and compare it 
 with the rules of the common law, abstracted from all 
 mutiny acts and articles of war, that these soldiers were 
 in such a position that they could not help themselves. 
 People were coming from Royal Exchange Lane, and other 
 parts of the town, with clubs and cordwood sticks; the 
 soldiers were planted by the wall of the Custom House; 
 they could not retreat; they were surrounded on all sides, 
 for there were people behind them as well as before them ; 
 there were a number of people in the Royal Exchange 
 Lane; the soldiers were so near the Custom House that 
 they could not retreat, unless they had gone into the brick 
 wall of it. I shall show you presently that all the party 
 concerned in this unlawful design were guilty of what any 
 one of them did; if anybody threw a snowball it was the 
 act of the whole party; if any struck with a club or threw 
 a club, and the club had killed anybody, the whole party 
 would have been guilty of murder in the law. Lord Chief- 
 Justice Holt, in Mawgrige's case, says : 
 
 "Now, it has been held, that if A of his malice prepense 
 assaults B to kill him, and B draws his sword and attacks 
 A and pursues him, then A, for his safety, gives back and 
 
• 44 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 retreats to a wall and B still pursuing him with his drawn 
 sword, A in his defence kills B; this is murder in A. For 
 A having malice against B, and in pursuance thereof en- 
 deavoring to kill him, is answerable for all the consequences 
 of which he was the original cause. It is not reasonable for 
 any man that is dangerously assaulted, and when he per- 
 ceives his life in danger from his adversary, but to have 
 liberty for the security of his own life, to pursue him that 
 maliciously assaulted him, for he that has manifested that 
 he has malice against another is not fit to be trusted with a 
 dangerous weapon in his hand. And so resolved by all the 
 judges when they met at Seargeant's Inn, in preparation for 
 my Lord Morley's trial." 
 
 In the case here we will take Montgomery, if you please, 
 when he was attacked by the stout man with the stick, who 
 aimed it at his head, with a number of people round him 
 crying out, "Kill them, kill them." Had he not a right to 
 kill the man? If all the party were guilty of the assault 
 made by the stout man, and all of them had discovered 
 malice in their hearts^ had not Montgomery a right, accord- 
 ing to Lord Chief-Justice Holt, to put it out of their power 
 to wreak their malice upon him ? I will not at present look 
 for any more authorities in the point of self-defence ; you 
 will be able to judge from these how far the law goes in 
 justifying or excusing any person in defence of himself, 
 or taking away the life of another who threatens him in life 
 or limb. The next point is this: that in case of an unlaw- 
 ful assembly, all and every one of the assembly is guilty 
 of all and every unlawful act committed by any one of 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 145 
 
 that assembly in prosecution of the unlawful design set 
 out upon. 
 
 Rules of law should be universally known, whatever 
 effect they may have on politics ; they are rules of common 
 law, the law of the land; and it is certainly true, that 
 wherever there is an unlawful assembly, let it consist of 
 many persons or a few, every man in it is guilty of every 
 unlawful act committed by any one of the whole party, be 
 they more or be they less, in pursuance of their unlawful 
 design. This is the policy of the law; to discourage and 
 prevent riots, insurrections, turbulence, and tumults. 
 
 In the continual vicissitudes of human things, amid the 
 shocks of fortune and the whirls of passion that take place 
 at certain critical seasons, even in the mildest government, 
 the people are liable to run into riots and tumults. There 
 are Church-quakes and State-quakes in the moral and politi- 
 cal world, as well as earthquakes, storms, and tempests in 
 the physical. Thus much, however, must be said in favor 
 of the people and of human nature, that it is a general, if 
 not a universal truth, that the aptitude of the people to 
 mutinies, seditions, tumults, and insurrections, is in direct 
 proportion to the despotism of the government. In govern- 
 ments completely despotic — that is, where the will of one 
 man is the only law, this disposition is most prevalent. In 
 aristocracies next, in mixed monarchies, less than either of 
 the former ; in complete republics the least of all, and under 
 the same form of governments as in a limited monarchy, for 
 example, the virtue and wisdom of the administrations may 
 generally be measured by the peace and order that are seen 
 among the people. However this may be, such is the ''"- 
 
146 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 perfection of all things in this world, that no form of 
 government, and perhaps no virtue or wisdom in the ad- 
 ministration, can at all times avoid riots and disorders 
 among the people. 
 
 Now, it is from this difficulty that the policy of the law 
 has framed such strong discouragements to secure the peo- 
 ple against tumults ; because, when they once begin, there 
 is danger of their running to such excesses as will overturn 
 the whole system of government. There is the rule from 
 the reverend sage of the law, so often quoted before: 
 
 To the effect that : ''All present, aiding and assisting, 
 are equally principal with him that gave the stroke whereof 
 the party died. For though one gave the stroke, yet in 
 interpretation of law it is the stroke of every person that 
 was present, aiding and assisting." 
 
 Again : ''If divers come with one assent to do mischief, 
 as to kill, to rob or beat, and one doeth it, they are all 
 principals in the felony. If many be present and only one 
 give the stroke whereof the party dies, they are all principal, 
 if they came for that purpose." 
 
 Now, if the party at Dock Square came with an inten- 
 tion only to beat the soldiers, and began to affray with 
 them, and any of them haH been accidentally killed, it 
 would have been murder, because it was an unlawful design 
 they came upon. If but one does it they are all considered 
 in the eyes of the law guilty; if any one gives the mortal 
 stroke, they are all principals here, therefore there is a re- 
 versal of the scene. If you are satisfied that these soldiers 
 were there on a lawful design, and it should be proved any 
 
JOHN ADAMS. I47 
 
 of them shot without provocation, and killed anybody, he 
 only is answerable for it. 
 
 In Hale's "Pleas of the Crown," it is stated that: 
 ''Although if many come upon an unlawful design, and 
 one of the company kill one of the adverse party in pur- 
 suance of that design, all are principals ; yet if many be 
 together upon a lawful account, and one of the company 
 kill another of the adverse party, without any particular 
 abetment of the rest to this fact of homicide, they are not 
 all guilty that are of the company, but only those that gave 
 the stroke or actually abetted him to do it." 
 
 Again: "In case of a riotous assembly to rob or steal 
 deer, or to do any unlawful act of violence, there the of- 
 fence of one is the ofifence of all the company." 
 
 In another place: "The Lord Dacre and divers others 
 went to steal deer in the park of one Pellham. Raydon, 
 one of the company, killed the keeper in the park, the Lord 
 Dacre and the rest of the company being in another part 
 of the park. Yet it was adjudged murder in them all, and 
 they died for it." And he quotes Crompton 25, Dalton 
 93, p. 241 : "So that in so strong a case as this, where this 
 nobleman set out to hunt deer in the ground if another, 
 he was in one part of the park and his company in another 
 part, yet they were all guilty of murder." 
 
 The next is : 
 
 Hale's Pleas of the Crown : "The case of Drayton Bas- 
 sit ; divers persons doing an unlawful act, all are guilty 
 of what is done by one." 
 
148 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Foster says: "A general resolution against all oppos- 
 ers, whether such resolution appears upon evidence to 
 have been actually and implicitly entered into by the con- 
 federates, or may reasonably be collected from their num- 
 ber, arms or behavior, at or before the scene of action, such 
 resolutions so proved have always been considered as strong 
 ingredients in cases of this kind. And in cases of homicide 
 committed in consequence of them, every person present, in 
 the sense of the law, when the homicide has been involved 
 in the guilt of him that gave the mortal blow." 
 
 Foster: "The cases of Lord Dacre, mentioned by Hale, 
 and of Pudsey, reported by Crompton and cited by Hale, 
 turned upon this point. The offences they respectively 
 stood charged with, as principals, were committed far out 
 of their sight and hearing, and yet both were held to be 
 present. It was sufficient that at the instant the facts were 
 committed, they were of the same party and upon the same 
 pursuit, and under the same engagements and expectations 
 of mutual defence and support with those that did the 
 facts." 
 
 Thus far I have proceded, and I believe it will not be 
 hereafter disputed by anybody, that this law ought to be 
 known to every one who has any disposition to be con- 
 cerned in an unlawful assembly, whatever mischief happens 
 in the prosecution of the design they set out upon, all are 
 answerable for it. It is necessary we should consider the 
 definitions of some other crimes as well as murder; some- 
 times one crime gives occasion to another. An assault 
 is sometimes the occasion of manslaughter, sometimes of 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 1 49 
 
 excusable homicide. It is necessary to consider what is a 
 riot. I shall give you the definition of it: 
 
 ''Wheresoever more than three persons use force or vio- 
 lence, for the accomplishment of any design whatever, all 
 concerned are rioters." 
 
 Were there not more than three persons in Dock 
 Square? Did they not agree to go to King Street, and 
 attack the main guard? Where, then, is the reason for 
 hesitation at calling it a riot? If we cannot speak the 
 law as it is, where is our liberty? And this i's law, that 
 wherever more than three persons are gathered together 
 to accomplish anything with force, it is a riot. 
 
 Hawkins affirms : "Wherever more than three persons 
 use force and violence, all who are concerned therein are 
 rioters. But in some cases wherein the law authorizes 
 force, it is 'lawful and commendable to use it. As for a 
 sheriff or constable, or perhaps even for a private person, to 
 assemble a competent number of people, in order with force 
 to oppose rebels or enemies or rioters, and afterward, with 
 such force actually to suppress them." 
 
 I do not mean to apply the word rebel on this occasion ; 
 I have no reason to suppose that ever there was one in 
 Boston, at least among the natives of the country; but 
 rioters are in the same situation, as far as my argument is 
 concerned, and proper officers may suppress rioters, and so 
 may even private persons. 
 
 If we strip ourselves free from all military laws, mutiny 
 
150 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 acts, articles of war and soldiers' oaths, and consider these 
 prisoners as neighbors, if any of their neighbors were at- 
 tacked in King Street, they had a right to collect together 
 to suppress this riot and combination. If any number of 
 persons meet together at a fair or market,- and happen to fall 
 together by the ears, they are not guilty of riot, but of a 
 sudden affray. Here is another paragraph which I must 
 read to you: 
 
 Hawkins again says ; "If a number of persons being 
 met together at a fair or market, or on any other lawful or 
 innocent occasion, happen, on a sudden quarrel, to fall 
 together by the ears, they are not guilty of a riot, but of a 
 sudden affray only, of which none are guilty but those who 
 actually began it," etc. 
 
 It would be endless, as well as superfluous, to examine 
 whether every particular person engaged in a riot were in 
 truth one of the first assembly or actually had a previous 
 knowledge of the design thereof. I have endeavored to 
 produce the best authorities, and to give you the rules of 
 law in their words, for I desire not to advance anything 
 of my own. I choose to lay down the rules of law from 
 authorities which cannot be disputed. Another point is 
 this, whether and how far a private person may aid another 
 in distress? Suppose a press-gang should come on shore 
 in this town and assault any sailor or householder in King 
 Street, in order to carry him on board one of his Majesty's 
 ships, and impress him without any warrant as a seaman in 
 his Majesty's service; how far do you suppose the inhabi- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. I51 
 
 tants would think themselves warranted by law to interpose 
 against that lawless press-gang? I agree that such a press- 
 gang would be as unlawful an assembly as that was in King 
 Street. If they were to press an inhabitant and carry him 
 off for a sailor, would not the inhabitants think themselves 
 warranted by law to interpose in behalf of their fellow- 
 citizen? Now, gentlemen, if the soldiers had no right to 
 interpose in the relief of the sentry, the inhabitants would 
 have no right to interpose with regard to the citizen, for 
 whatever is law for a soldier is law for a sailor and for a 
 citizen. They all stand upon an equal footing in this re- 
 spect. I believe we shall not have it disputed that it would 
 be lawful to go into King Street and help an honest man 
 there against the press-master. We have many instances in 
 the books which authorize it. 
 
 Now, suppose you should have a jealousy in your minds 
 that the people who made this attack upon the sentry had 
 nothing in their intention more than to take him off his 
 post, and that was threatened by some. Suppose they m- 
 tended to go a little further, and tar and feather him, or to 
 ride him (as the phrase is in Hudibras), he would have had 
 a good right to have stood upon his defence — the defence 
 of his liberty; and if he could not preserve that without 
 the hazard of his own life, he would have been warranted 
 in depriving those of life who were endeavoring to deprive 
 him of his. That is a point I would not give up for my 
 right hand — nay, for my life. 
 
 Well, I say, if the people did this, or if this was only 
 their intention, surely the officers and soldiers had a right 
 to go to his relief ; and therefore they set out upon a lawful 
 
152 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 errand. They were, therefore, a lawful assembly, if we 
 only consider them as private subjects and fellow citizens, 
 without regard to mutiny acts, articles of war or soldiers* 
 oaths. A private person, or any number of private persons, 
 has a right to go to the assistance of a fellow subject in dis- 
 tress or danger of his life, when assaulted and in danger 
 from a few or a multitude. 
 
 The authority says : 'Tf a man perceives another by 
 force to be injuriously treated, pressed, and restrained of 
 his liberty, though the person abused doth not complain 
 or call for aid or assistance, and others, out of compassion, 
 shall come to his rescue, and kill any of those that shall 
 so restrain him, that is manslaughter." 
 
 Again : *'A and others without any warrant impress B 
 to serve the king at sea. B quietly submitted, and went off 
 with the press-master. Hugett and the others pursued them, 
 and required a sight of their warrant; but they showing a 
 piece of paper that was not a sufficient warrant, thereupon 
 Hugett with the others drew their swords, and the press- 
 masters theirs, and so there was a combat, and those who 
 endeavored to rescue the pressed man killed one of the pre- 
 tended press-masters. This was but manslaughter ; for when 
 the liberty of one subject is invaded, it affects all the rest. 
 It is a provocation to all people, as being of ill example 
 and pernicious consequences." 
 
 In the case of the Queen versus Tooley et al, Lord Chief- 
 Justice Holt says: "The prisoner (/. e. Tooley) in this had 
 sufficient provocation ; for if one be impressed upon an un- 
 lawful authority, it is a sufficient provocation to all peo- 
 ple out of compassion; and where the liberty of the sub- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. I 53 
 
 ject is invaded, it is a provocation to all the subjects of 
 England, etc., and surely a man ought to be concerned 
 for Magna Charta and the laws ; and if any one, against 
 the law, imprisons a man, he is an offender against Magna 
 Charta." 
 
 I am not insensible to Sir Michael Foster's observations 
 on these cases, but apprehend they do not invalidate the au- 
 thority of them as far as I now apply them to the purposes 
 of my argument. If a stranger, a mere fellow-subject, may 
 interpose to defend the liberty, he may, too, defend the life 
 of another individual. But, according to the evidence, some 
 imprudent people, before the sentry, proposed to take him 
 off his post ; others threatened his life ; and intelligence of 
 this was carried to the main guard before any of the prison- 
 ers turned out. They were then ordered out to relieve the 
 sentry; and any of our fellow-citizens might lawfully have 
 gone upon the same errand. They were, therefore, a law- 
 ful assembly. 
 
 I have but one point of law more to consider, and that 
 is this. In the case before you I do not pretend to prove 
 that every one of the unhappy persons slain was concerned 
 in the riot. The authorities read to you just now say it 
 would be endless to prove whether every person that was 
 present and in a riot was concerned in planning the first 
 enterprise or not. Nay, I believe it but justice to say 
 some were perfectly innocent of the occasion. I have rea- 
 son to suppose that one of them was — Mr. Maverick. He 
 was a very worthy young man, as he has been represented 
 to me, and had no concern in the rioters' proceedings of 
 
154- JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 that night; and I beHevc the same may be said in favor 
 of one more at least, Mr. Caldwell, who was slain; and, 
 therefore, many people may think that as he and perhaps 
 another was innocent, therefore innocent blood having been 
 shed, that must be expiated by the death of somebody or 
 other. I take notice of this, because one gentleman was 
 nominated by the sheriff for a juryman upon this trial, be- 
 cause he had said he believed Captain Preston was innocent, 
 but innocent blood had been shed, and therefore somebody 
 ought to be hanged for it, which he thought was indirectly 
 giving his opinion in this cause. I am afraid many other 
 persons have formed such an opinion. I do not take it to 
 be a rule, that where innocent blood is shed the person must 
 die. In the instance of the Frenchman on the plains of 
 Abraham, they were innocent, fighting for their king and 
 country ; their blood was as innocent as any. There may be 
 multitudes killed, when innocent blood is shed on all sides; 
 so that is not an invariable rule. I will put a case in 
 which, I dare say, all will agree with me. Here are two 
 persons, the father and the son, go out a-hunting. They 
 take different roads. The father hears a rushing among 
 the bushes, takes it to be game, fires, and kills his son, 
 through a mistake. Here is innocent blood shed, but yet 
 nobody will say the father ought to die for it. So that the 
 general rule of law is, that whenever one person has a right 
 to do an act, and that act, by any accident, takes away the 
 life of another, is excusable. It bears the same regard to 
 the innocent as to the guilty. If two men are together, and 
 attack me, and I have a right to kill them, I strike at them, 
 and by mistake strike a third and kill him, as I had a right 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 155 
 
 to kill the first, my killing the other will be excusable, as 
 it happened by accident. If I, in the heat of passion, aim a 
 blow at the person who has assaulted me, and aiming at him 
 I kill another person, it is but manslaughter. 
 
 Another authority affirms that : ''If an action unlawful in 
 itself is done deliberately, and with intention of mischief, 
 or great bodily harm to particulars, or of mischief indis- 
 criminately, fall it where it may, and death ensues, against 
 or beside the original intention of the party, it will be mur- 
 der. But if such mischevious intention doth not appear, 
 which is matter of fact, and to be collected from circum- 
 stances, and the act was done heedlessly and inconsiderately, 
 it will be manslaughter, not accidental death, because the act 
 upon which death ensued was unlawful. 
 
 Suppose, in this case, the mulatto man was the person 
 who made the assault; suppose he was concerned in the 
 unlawful assembly, and this party of soldiers, endeavoring 
 to defend themselves against him, happened to kill another 
 person, who was innocent — though the soldiers had no rea- 
 son, that we know of, to think any person there, at least 
 of that number who were crowding about them, innocent, 
 they might, naturally enough, presume all to be guilty of 
 the riot and assault, and to come with the same design — I 
 say, if on firing on those who were guilty, they accidentally 
 killed an innocent person, it was not their fault. They were 
 obliged to defend themselves against those who were press- 
 ing upon them. They are not answerable for it with their 
 lives; for on supposition it was justifiable or excusable to 
 kill Attucks, or any other person, it will be equally justifi- 
 
156 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 able or excusable if in firing at him they killed another, who 
 was innocent, or if the provocation was such as to mitigate 
 the guilt of manslaughter, it will equally mitigate the guilt, 
 if they killed an innocent man undesignedly, in aiming at 
 him who gave the provocation, according to Judge Foster; 
 and as this point is of such consequence, I must produce 
 some more authorities for it. 
 
 Hawkins on this point says : "Also, if a third person ac- 
 cidentally happen to be killed by one engaged in a combat, 
 upon a sudden quarrel, it seems that he who killed him is 
 guilty of manslaughter only," etc. 
 
 I shall now consider one question more, and that is con- 
 cerning provocation. We have hitherto been considering 
 self defence, and how far persons may go in defending them- 
 selves against aggressors, even by taking away their lives, 
 and now proceed to consider such provocations as the law 
 allows to mitigate or extenuate the guilt of killing, where 
 it is not justifiable or excusable. An assault and battery 
 committed upon a man in such a manner as not to endanger 
 his life is such a provocation as the law allows to reduce 
 killing down to the crime of manslaughter. Now, the law 
 has been made on more considerations than we are capable 
 of making at present ; the law considers a man as capable of 
 bearing anything and everything but blows. I may re- 
 proach a man as much as I please; I may call him a thief, 
 robber, traitor, scoundrel, coward, lobster, bloody back, 
 etc., and if he kills me it will be murder, if nothing else 
 but words precede; but if from giving him such kind of 
 language I proceed to take him by the nose, or fillip him 
 on the forehead, that is an assault; that is a blow. The 
 
JOHN ADAMS. I 57 
 
 law will not oblige a man to stand still and bear it; there 
 is the distinction. Hands off; touch me not. As soon as 
 you touch me, if I run you through the heart, it is but 
 manslaughter. The utility of this distinction, the more you 
 think of it the more you will be satisfied with it. It is an 
 assault whenever a blow is struck, let it be ever so slight, 
 and sometimes even without a blow. The law considers 
 man as frail and passionate. When his passions are 
 touched, he will be thrown off his guard, and therefore 
 the law makes allowance for this frailty — considers him 
 as in a fit of passion, not having the possession of his intel- 
 lectual faculties, and therefore does not oblige him to meas- 
 ure out his blows with a yardstick, or weigh them in a 
 scale. Let him kill with a sword, gun, or hedge-stake, it 
 is not murder, but only manslaughter. 
 
 In Regina versus Mawgrige. ''Rules supported by au- 
 thority and general consent and showing what are always 
 allowed to be sufficient provocations. First, if one man upon 
 any words shall make an assault upon another, either by 
 pulling him by the nose or filliping him on the forehead, 
 and he that is so assaulted shall draw his sword and im- 
 mediately run the other through, that is but manslaughter, 
 for the peace is broken by the person killed, and with an 
 indignity to him that received the assault. Besides, he 
 that was so affronted might reasonably apprehend that he 
 that treated him in that manner might have some further 
 design upon him." 
 
 So that here is the boundary, when a man is assaulted 
 and kills in consequence of that assault, it is but manslaugh- 
 ter. I will just read as I go along the definition of assault: 
 
158 TOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Hawkins states that : ''An assault is an attempt or offer, 
 with force 01 violence, to do a corporal hurt to another, as 
 by striking at him with or without a weapon, or presenting 
 a gun at him at such a distance to which the gun will carry, 
 or pointing a pitchfork at him, or by any other such like act 
 done in angry, threatening manner, etc. ; but no words can 
 amount to an assault." 
 
 Here is the definition of an assault, which is sufficient 
 provocation to soften killing down to manslaughter: 
 
 Hawkins further says that: ''Neither can he be thought 
 guilty of a greater crime than manslaughter, who, finding 
 a man in bed with his wife, or being actually struck by 
 him, or pulled by the nose or filliped upon the forehead, 
 immediately kills him, or in defence of his person from 
 an unlawful arrest, or in the defence of his house from those 
 who, claiming a title to it, attempt forcibly to enter it, and 
 to that purpose shoot at it," etc. 
 
 Every snowball, oyster shell, cake of ice, or bit of cinder, 
 that was thrown that night at the sentinel, was an assault 
 upon him; every one that was thrown at the party of sol- 
 diers was an assault upon them, whether it hit any of them 
 or not. I am guilty of an assault if I present a gun at any 
 person; and if I insult him in that manner and he shoots 
 me, it is but manslaughter. 
 
 Foster remarks : "To what I have offered with regard 
 to sudden rencounters let me add, that the blood already 
 too much heated, kindleth afresh at every pass or blow. 
 And in the tumult of the passions, in which the mere in- 
 stinct of self-preservation has no inconsiderable share, the 
 voice of reason is not heard ; and therefore the law, in con- 
 
JOHN ADAMS. I 59 
 
 descension to the infirmities of flesh and blood, doth exten- 
 uate the ojffence." 
 
 Insolent, scurrilous, or slanderous language, when it 
 precedes an assault, aggravates it. 
 
 Foster again says : "We all know that words of reproach, 
 how grating and offensive soever, are in the eye of the 
 law no provocation in the case of voluntary homicide; and 
 yet every man who hath considered the human frame, or but 
 attended to the workings of his own heart, knoweth that 
 affronts of that kind pierce deeper and stimulate in the 
 veins more effectually than a slight injury done to a third 
 person, though under the color of justice, possibly can." 
 
 T produce this to show the assault in this case was aggra- 
 vated by the scurrilous language which preceded it. Such 
 words of reproach stimulate in the veins and exasperate the 
 mind, and no doubt if an assault and battery succeeds them, 
 killing under such provocation is softened to manslaughter, 
 but killing without such provocation makes it murder. 
 
 ANECDOTES AND CHARACTERISTICS OF JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 ADAMS's RULES. 
 
 Here is the rule which, with Adams's natural abilities, 
 made him a great lawyer and a great statesman : 
 
 "Rise and mount your horse by the morning's dawn, 
 and shake away, amidst the great and beautiful scenes 
 of nature that appear at that time of day, all the crudi- 
 ties that are left in your stomach, and all the obstruc- 
 tions that are left in your brains. Then return to your 
 
i6o JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 studies, and bend your whole soul to the institutes of 
 the law and the reports of cases that have been adjusted 
 by the rules of the institutes. Let no trifling diversion 
 or amusement or company decoy you from your books: 
 i. e.^ no girl, no gun, no cards, no flutes, no violins, no 
 dress, no tobacco, no laziness." 
 
 ADAMS AND FRANKUN. 
 
 When Adams went to meet Lord Howe, he had to 
 sleep one night in bed with Franklin in a small room. 
 Adams wanted the window shut: Franklin wanted it 
 open. Adams yielded: Franklin expounded to him his 
 theory that no one ever takes cold from exposure to cold 
 air. He says that Franklin, according to his own physi- 
 cian, died of a cold caught by his sitting some hours in 
 a draft from a window. 
 
 ADAMS AS A FIGHTING MARINE. 
 
 During Adams's first voyage, his vessel encountered the 
 British privateer "J/<2r//2a," which the ^^Boston^^ captured 
 after a short action. One cannon shot passed over Ad- 
 ams's head as he stood on the quarter deck. Commo- 
 dore Tucker found him on deck, musket in hand, firing 
 like a common marine, ordered him to go below, and 
 passed on. Several minutes later he still found him fir- 
 ing his musket. "Why are you here, sir?" cried the 
 Commodore; *'I am commanded by the Continental Con- 
 gress to carry you in safety to Europe, and I will do it." 
 He seized the minister to France in his arms and forced 
 him away. 
 
JOHN ADAMS. ^^^ 
 
 ADAMS AND MANSFIELD. 
 
 In 1783, while still negotiating the peace, Adams was 
 in London. His friend Copley procured for him from the 
 great judge, Lord Mansfield, a place in the House of 
 Lords to hear the King's speech at the opening of Par- 
 liament, and to witness the introduction of the Prince of 
 Wales, then arrived at the age of twenty-one. While 
 he stood waiting in the lobby, among a hundred of the 
 first people of the kingdom, "Sir Francis Molineux, the 
 gentleman usher of the black rod, appeared suddenly in 
 the room with his long staff, and roared out with a very 
 loud voice, 'Where is Mr. Adams, Lord Mansfield's 
 friend?' I frankly avowed myself Lord Mansfield's friend, 
 and was politely conducted by Sir Francis to my place. 
 A gentleman said to me the next day, 'How short a time 
 has passed since I heard that same Lord Mansfield say 
 in that same House of Lords — My Lords, if you do not 
 kill him, he will kill you!' Mr. West said to me that 
 this was one of the finest finishings in the picture of 
 American independence." 
 
 Lord Mansfield had not said this of Mr. Adams indi- 
 vidually, but of the Americans collectively: "If you do 
 not kill them," etc. This was on Dec. 20th, 1775. 
 
 ADAMS'S COMMON PLACE BOOK. 
 
 When Mr. Adams was about twenty years old, he be- 
 gan a common place book, entering in it extracts from 
 his reading. The first entry in it was a maxim in Greek 
 verse, ascribed to "Pythagoras:" 
 
,52 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Let sleep not close my languid eyes 
 Till thrice the day has been reviewed: 
 
 I've traveled where? I've done what work? 
 What duty have I left undone? 
 
 This maxim was followed by the eminent German 
 
 physician, Huf eland (i 762-1 836), who asked himself 
 
 every night, "What have I learned to-day?" 
 
 ADAMS'S DIARY. 
 
 Mr. Adams began a diary at the same time, in which 
 he entered his notes of the day, his feelings, his impres- 
 sions of persons and events. Pressure of business often 
 interrupted it for long periods. His son, John Quincy, 
 did the same. Much of these documents has been pub- 
 lished, making valuable historical material. 
 
 ADAMS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 When Mr. Adams was appointed minister of the Uni- 
 ted States at the English court, one of the foreign am- 
 bassadors at Paris said to him, "You have been often in 
 England?" "Never but once, in November and Decem- 
 ber, 1783." "You have relations in England, no doubt?" 
 "None at all." "None? How can that be? You are of 
 English extraction." "Neither my father or mother, 
 grandfather or grandmother, great-grandfather or great- 
 grandmother, nor any other relation that I know of, or 
 care a farthing for, has been in England, these one hun- 
 dred and fifty years; so that you see I have not one drop 
 of blood in my veins but what is American." "Age, we 
 have seen proof enough of that." "This flattered me, no 
 doubt," Mr. Adams adds, "and I was vain enough to be 
 pleased with it." ^ 
 
JOHN ADAMS. ,5^ 
 
 THE STORY OF JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 FOR A SCHOOL OR CLUB PROGRAMME. 
 
 Each numbered paragraph is to be given to a pupil or 
 member to read, or to recite, in a clear, distinct tone. 
 
 If the school or club is small, each person may take 
 three or four paragraphs, but should not be required to 
 recite them in succession. 
 
 1. John Adams was born at Braintree, Massachusetts, October 
 19. 1735- H^ was descended from worthy ancestors, who were among 
 the founders of the province in which he was born. 
 
 2. His father was a farmer in plain circumstances, but a man 
 who had received a college education as the only legacy from his 
 father. He determined that John should have the best college edu- 
 cation that could be afforded. 
 
 3. His mother's name was Susanna Boylston, the daughter of 
 Peter Boylston, of Brookline, Massachusetts. 
 
 4. Both of his parents were possessed of admirable traits of 
 character, and were earnest and exemplary in their religious lives. 
 
 5. John Adams says that at the first he did not take much inter- 
 est in his books, and thus disappointed the expectation of his parents 
 who had designed him for a clergyman's life. 
 
 6. A change of tutors made an entire change in the boy's incli- 
 nations, and he began eagerly to study. He entered Harvard^ Col- 
 lege in 1751, and was graduated in 1755, taking a high position in his 
 class. 
 
 7. Having to make his own way in the world, he began by teach- 
 ing in the public school in the town of Worcester. His salary was 
 very small, which required of him the utmost carefulness in his ex- 
 penditures. 
 
 8. Preferring the study of law to that of the ministry, he pre- 
 pared himself for his profession under the guidance of Mr. Putnam. 
 
 9. By diligent attention to his studies he became one of the 
 most thoroughly informed members of the bar in New England. 
 
 10. In October, 1758, he was admitted to practice in the Supe- 
 rior Court in Boston, and for several years had to struggle like many 
 young lawyers to gain practice. 
 
 11. The first legal case he undertook was decided against him, 
 which greatly mortified him. 
 
 12. In 1761 he heard the splendid argument of James Otis 
 
164 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 against the "Writs of Assistance," which made a vivid impression 
 upon his mind. 
 
 13. On the 25th of October, 1764, he married Abigail Smith, the 
 second daughter of the Rev. William Smith, of Weymouth. She was 
 a woman of great beauty, strong intelligence, and sterling moral ex- 
 cellencies. To her more than to any one else he owed the great suc- 
 cess of his after life. 
 
 14. His fellow townsmen of Braintree honored him with the po- 
 sitions of Surveyor of the Highways, Selectman and Assessor, and 
 Overseer of the Poor. The duties of these offices he performed with 
 vigor and fidelity. Faithful in the least he was afterwards to become 
 faithful in much. 
 
 15. Mr. Adams became one of the leaders of the patriot party 
 by arguing for the sittings of the Courts of Massachusetts, which 
 Chief Justice Hutchinson had refused to hold, because they disregard- 
 ed the Stamp Act. 
 
 16. John Adams and Josiah Ouincy, Jr., defended, in the face of 
 great opposition, the officers and soldiers concerned in the Boston 
 Massacre, which occurred on the 5th of March, 1770. It was a brave 
 and noble act for these two men to do. 
 
 17. In June, 1770, Mr. Adams was elected a delegate from Bos- 
 ton to the General Court, he having made that city his home. The 
 patriots needed just such a man as Mr. Adams with his legal know- 
 ledge and ability as their counselor and guide. 
 
 18. While delegate he rendered important services by antagon- 
 izing Governor Hutchinson, and afterwards secured the impeach- 
 ment of Chief Justice Oliver who was bent on destroying the liberties 
 of the colonies. 
 
 19. He took his seat as delegate to the first Continental Congress 
 in September, 1774, and became at once one of its recognized leaders. 
 
 20. He was returned as delegate to the second Congress in May, 
 1775, and nominated Washington as commander-in-chief. 
 
 21. He returned home in December, 1775, to accept the position 
 of Chief Justice of Massachusetts, and to serve as member of the 
 Provincial Council. 
 
 22. Early in 1776 the Council having elected him a delegate to 
 Congress to serve during the year, he went back in February to Phil- 
 adelphia and exerted a profound influence in that body and through- 
 out the whole country. 
 
 23. He succeeded in inducing Congress to advise the colonies to 
 institute governments of their own in place of the royal government 
 which had ceased to exist. 
 
 24. On the fifteenth of May Mr. Adams seconded the resolution 
 of Richard Henry Lee for the independence of the colonies, which 
 was adopted by a bare majority of one. 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 165 
 
 25. He was appointed on the committee to prepare a declara- 
 tion, which, when presented, he defended in a masterly and convinc- 
 ing manner. 
 
 26. His efforts so impressed Jefferson that he styled Mr. Adams 
 "The Colossus of Independence" on the floor of Congress. 
 
 27. Mr. Adams was a member of the committee on relations 
 with foreign powers, and was also at the head of the Board of War. 
 
 28. He also served as a member of over one hundred different 
 committees, and was chairman of at least twenty-five. 
 
 29. He exerted all his powers to give efficient aid to the army, 
 and was the inspiring spirit in organizing a naval force, which was 
 always a cherished feature of his national system. 
 
 30. He was appointed in November, 1777, by Congress, to re- 
 place Silas Deane, to secure an alliance with France, in response' to 
 the demand," li^e luant one man of inflexible inte^^riiy on the embassy y 
 
 31. He returned home on the second of August, 1779, having 
 performed his arduous and perplexing duties with great tact and dis- 
 cretion. 
 
 32. While assisting in framing a new Constitution for Massa- 
 chusetts, he was appointed on the 27th of September, 1779, one of the 
 commissioners to help negotiate a treaty of peace with Great Britain. 
 
 33. While in Paris waiting for the movements of that power, be 
 had a controversy with Count de Vergennes, the French Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs, in which Dr. Franklin became involved. 
 
 34. The matter was ultimately referred to Congress, which, by a 
 formal vote, approved the course of Mr. Adams. 
 
 35. He secured, on the 19th of April, 1782, as minister plenipo- 
 tentiary, a recognition by Holland of the independence of the United 
 States, and afterwards a large loan for the benefit of the government. 
 
 36. He helped conduct, with John Jay and Benjamin Franklin, 
 the peace negotiations with Great Britain to a successful issue, which 
 were definitely completed in September, 1783. 
 
 37. He afterwards assisted in negotiating commercial treaties 
 with the different nations of Europe, and heard King George an- 
 nounce to Parliament his recognition of the independence of the 
 United States. 
 
 38. Mr. Adams was appointed on the 14th of February, 1785, 
 minister in the Court of St. James. George the Third committed an- 
 other stupendous blunder, which was repeated by his Court, in treat- 
 ing Mr. Adams with frigid politeness and cold distrust. 
 
 39. Returning to Boston in 1788, he gave his cordial support to 
 the constitution then under discussion by the States. 
 
 40. In the election of 1789, he was unanimously chosen Vice 
 President of the United States. The office often permitted him to ex- 
 ercise a controlling influence upon public affairs. 
 
1 66 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 41. And on the refusal of Washington to serve a third term he 
 was elected President in 1796, and inaugurated at Philadelphia on the 
 4th of March, 1797. 
 
 42. During his term of office the famous measures known as the 
 "Alien and Sedition Acts" were passed. 
 
 43. Although Mr. Adams's participation in these laws, which 
 were aimed mainly at French malcontents in the country, was con- 
 fined to his official signature, it prevented his election the second 
 time as President. 
 
 44. During his administration a navy was created m anticipa- 
 tion of a war with France, the beginning of our glorious naval force 
 which has rendered such splendid service in the Spanish-American 
 war. 
 
 45. For twenty-five years after his retirement from the Presi- 
 dency, Mr. Adams lived a peaceful life in his New England home. 
 Sorrow and joy were, however, his portion. 
 
 46. On the 28th of October, 1818, his wife, who had been the 
 strong support of his life, was called away. In 1825, when nearly 
 ninety years of age, he heard of the election of his son, John Quincy 
 Adams, as President of the United States, by the House of Repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 47. On the 4th of July, 1826, the celebration at Quincy was going 
 on, and the ringing cheers to the toast for the day, which Mr. Adams 
 had presented on the 30th of June — '■'Independence Forever'" — were 
 plainly heard by those who were watching the dying statesman. 
 
 48. His lips moved. Bending over him his attendants caught 
 the words, "Thomas Jefferson still lives." It was not so. His great 
 co-worker in the cause of independence had just before preceded 
 him to the life beyond. 
 
 PROGRAMME FOR A JOHN ADAMS EVENING. 
 
 1. Music. 
 
 2. Essay — Brief Sketch of Adams's Career. 
 
 3. Brief Papers — "Adams in France," "Adams in Holland." 
 Discussion. 
 
 4. Music — Vocal or Instrumental. 
 
 5. Brief Sketches — "Adams and Hamilton," "Adams and Jeffer- 
 son." Discussion. 
 
 6. Music. 
 
 7. Brief Sketch — "Alien and Sedition Acts." 
 
 8. Recitation — "From Speeches of John Adams." 
 Q. Music. 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 167 
 
 QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW. 
 
 IVhai is said regarding the supremacy of 07ie mind? Of the con- 
 stitution of a State? . What is the story of the Coimty officers? What 
 does it illustrate? What become of the old jail? The new structure? 
 
 What is said of ancient Greece? Of Solon? Of modern States? 
 Of the elements in our daily life ? To what are republics suited? What 
 has been the history of France? Of Switzerland? To what should 
 these facts lead us ? What is the i?tfluence of small communities on re- 
 publics ? 
 
 What is said of the Constitution of 1788? Of the founders? Of 
 the caution to be borne ift mind? Of patriotism? Of feeling and opin- 
 ion ? Of Washington ? 
 
 What lessojis should republicans and democrats learn ? What is 
 saidof the early patriots who had different opinions? Of fohn Ad- 
 ams? Of Henry A dams ? Of his ancestors? Of his estate? Of the 
 effect of Nature upon the New Englajider? Of Calvhi s sy stein? Of 
 Braintree? Of foseph Adams attd family? Whom did President 
 Adams s father marry? Whe7i was Jo h7i Adams borji? When and 
 where graduated? To what profession destined? Who wei'e some of 
 his classmates? What was the custojn regarding rank i7i , College? 
 
 What is said of Adams' s early life? Of the year of his gradua- 
 tion, etc ? Of the struggles of different religious sects? 
 
 What does Adajus say of his perplexity iti choosing his vocation, 
 etc.? Of Puritan standards and theology, etc.? Of A darns contrasted 
 with other statesjnan ? Of self reliance ajid self esteem ? 
 
 Of Mr. Adams's law studies, etc.? Of Adams s profits as a law- 
 yer? Whom did Mr, A darns marry? What is said of the marriage? 
 Of Mr. Adams's devotion to his Profession? Of Adains and Otis? Of 
 A dams and March j, 777/ ? Of the Stamp Act and Mr. A dams ? Of 
 his associates, etc.? 
 
 Of Chief Justice Oliver? Of the Boston Tea Party ? Of John Ad- 
 ams as compared with Samuel Adams and others? Of the resolu- 
 tion of resista?tce, etc. ? Of the resPo7ise of the colonies? Of the Con- 
 tinental Congress? Of Parliament? Of the love of personal liberty? 
 
 Of the Feudal system ? Offijies ? Of the king and the raising of 
 money? Of King Jo Im and the Magna Charta,etc.? Of George III 
 and his mother? His ministers and Pitt, etc, ? 
 
 What is said of North, etc. ? Of the resistance of the commercial 
 States? Of the journey of the delegates from Massachusetts? Of Vir- 
 ginia and Massachusetts? Of the committee on which Mr. Adams 
 served? Of the Declaration of Rights? 
 
 Of the control of the Congress? Of the action of the Congress, etc. ? 
 Of the suggestion of the Provincial Congress? Of a commander-in- 
 chief, etc.? 
 
 Of the points gained by Adams? Of Mr. A danisms confiden- 
 tial letters, etc.? Of his esthnate of Dickinson, Hancock? Of their 
 effects ? Of Dickinson ' s Olive Branch ? 
 
1 68 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 What instructions were given by Massachusetts f How did 
 Adams find the Congress ? WJiat did he prophesy f What did Paine 
 write? What did Adams say regarding the acts of Congress? What 
 were the difficulties of the situation? 
 
 Who determined to popularize the local government? How are 
 the Hamiltonian and feffersonian systems compared? What is said 
 of Adams and Lee, etc.? What com77iittee was appointed May 2^th? 
 What resolutions were adopted June jyth ? What movement began 
 May 6th? What preamble was adopted May i^th? What was its ef- 
 fect, etc. ? What is said of the debate on Lees resolution ? 
 
 What document was reported June 26th ? To whom had its 
 preparation been referred? Who wrote it? What is said of the de- 
 bate upon it? What did Adams write to his wife in the successive 
 Paragraphs of the sketch, etc.? What is said of Adajns s supreme ef- 
 fort? Of the sessiofis of the Second Continental Cojigress? Of his 
 work on coi7imittees? Of the 07ie on which he served unwillingly? 
 
 Of the co7iduct of the business of the Congress? Of the jealousies, 
 prevailing? Of the waftt of appreciatiojt of Washijtgton? Of Wash- 
 ingtoii s rank among men? Of the denial of hostility by Adams to- 
 wards Washingtofi, etc. ? 
 
 What was Mr. Ada?jis commissiojted to do? What 7vas his object 
 in going to Amsterdam ? What was the character of the French min- 
 ister? In what way were our cojnmissioners hiwiiliated? What did 
 the Ajnericans demand should be their western boundary? What was 
 Spain s counter claim ? What caji you say of Jtegotiations concerning 
 the fisheries? What was the 7nost difficult subject with which they 
 had to deal? Whe7i was the final treaty of peace signed? 
 
 What is said of Adams as mi7iister to Engla7id a7id of his ser- 
 vices? Of his electio7i as Vice President? Of his estimate of the office? 
 Of Ada77is a7id Ha77iilto7i ? Of the abuse of Washington ? 
 
 What happe7ied whe7i Adams de77ia7ided the fulfillme7it of the 
 treaty of lySj ? Whe7t a7idwhy did he resig7i ? Whe7i was he installed 
 as Vice President? Whi^-^^ '6a7'ty abused both Washingt07i and Ad- 
 a77is? What i7iflue7ice a the French Revolutio7i have up07i A7ne7'i- 
 ca7i fee li7tg a7td policy ? i '/hat great mistake i7i policy was com7iiitted 
 by President Adams? Under what circumsta7ices were the fa7notis 
 Alie7t a7id Seditio7i laws passed? What did the Seditio7i law forbid? 
 What oppositio7v was 77iade to the law i7i Easter7i Pen7isylva7tia? 
 
 What ca7t you say of the Federal party during the ad77ii7iistra- 
 tio7i ofJoh7i Ada77is? What ca7i you say of Jefferso7i in this connec- 
 tio7i ? What effect did his election to the Presidency have up07t the 
 Federal party ? What did the Federalists undertake to do i7i the 
 closi7ig days of their power? 
 
 What can you say of the appoint77ient of Chief Justice Marshall? 
 What can you say of the writings of Ada7ns ? How did the reconcili- 
 ation between Jefferson and Adams come about? What can you say of 
 the death of these two men? What was the favorite motto of John 
 Ada7}is? 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 169 
 
 SUBJECTS FOR SPECIAL STUDY. 
 
 The Puritan Character. 
 
 John Adams and Samuel Adams Compared. 
 The Feudal System. 
 Character of George III. 
 The Continental Congress. 
 The Influence of the Quakers. 
 The Different Colonial Governments. 
 John Dickinson. 
 Magna Charta. 
 Samuel Chase. 
 
 The Various Commissions Appointed by the United States 
 Government During this Period. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 1735 Oct. ig. John Adams born at Braintree (Quincy), Mass. Spent 
 his early youth on his father's farm. 
 
 1755 Graduated at Harvard College. Became schoolteacher at 
 
 Worcester. 
 
 1756 Aug. 23. Began to study law while teaching. 
 
 1758 Oct. Came to Boston. Nov. 6, admitted to the bar; recom- 
 mended by Gridley, leading lawyer of the colony. 
 1761 Heard Otis's speech on Writs of Assistance. 
 
 1764 Oct. 25. Married Abigail Smith, of Weymouth, clergyman's 
 
 daughter. 
 
 1765 Dec. 18. Boston chooses Adams as colleague with Gridley and 
 
 Otis for argument before the Governor and Council, Dec. 20. 
 1768 Moved to Boston. Gov. Bernard ofifers him post of Advocate- 
 General in the Admiralty Court. He refuses it.- 
 
 1770 March 5, "Boston Massacre." March 6, Adams and Josiah 
 
 Quincy retained as counsel for Capt. Preston and the sol- 
 diers. June 3, elected Representative for Boston. Oct. 24- 
 30, Preston tried and acquitted. 
 
 1771 In ill health: removes to Braintree. Despondent. Office in 
 
 Boston. 
 
 1772 In autumn, removed to Boston: determines to avoid politics. 
 
 1774 June 17, elected one of the five representatives of Massachu- 
 
 setts in the First Continental Congress, Philadelphia, Sept. i. 
 Active on committees and in debates. Starts for home on 
 Nov. 28. 
 
 1775 May 5-10, journey to Second Congress. Opposes Dickinson's 
 
 "Olive-Branch;" still dares not say "independence!" Urges 
 
I70 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 adoption of Army and appointment of Washington; effected 
 June 15. Home in August: in Congress, Sept. 15: on many 
 committees. Home, Dec. Appointed Chief Justice of Mas- 
 sachusetts: accepted: never served. 
 
 1776 Jan, 24-Feb. 8, to Philadelphia with Gerry. May 6-15, new 
 
 State governments advised: Adams assists in making consti- 
 tutions. June 28, committee on Declaration reports it: July 
 3, Adams leads debate on it. Work of organization of busi- 
 ness. Conference with Lord Howe, Sept. 11. Went home, 
 Oct. 13. 
 
 1777 In Congress till Nov. 11. Dec. 3, receives appointment, Com- 
 
 missioner to France. 
 
 1778 Feb. 13, sails from Boston: March 31, reaches Bordeaux: at 
 
 Paris, April 8. Organizes the work of the commission. 
 
 1779 June 17-Aug. 2, voyage home. Elected to Massachusetts con- 
 
 vention, Aug. q: serves from opening, Sept. i to Nov. 10. 
 Chosen envoy to make peace with England, Sept. 27: com- 
 mission dated Oct. 20: accepted Nov. 4. Sailed in French 
 frigate Nov. 13. Reached Ferrol Dec. 8. 
 
 1780 In Paris, Feb. 5, with sons, John Q. and Charles. Controversy 
 
 with Vergennes, middle of June. To Holland, July 27. Pub- 
 lishes information about the United States. Thanks of Con- 
 gress, Dec. 12. 
 
 1781 Jan. I, commissioned plenipotentiary to Holland. To Paris, 
 
 July 6: soon returns: continues work in Holland. 
 
 1782 April 19, Holland recognizes independence; Adams received 
 
 as minister. Loans obtained: commercial treaty obtained, 
 Oct. 7. Negotiation with England begins March 11: with 
 Oswald as agent, April 6: Adams joins Jay and Franklin in 
 Paris, Oct. 26. They disobey orders of Congress and nego- 
 tiate without Vergennes. Nov. 30, agreement reached and 
 signed. Dec. 4, Adams sends resignation; not accepted. 
 Commissioners are provoked and disgusted by Livingston's 
 censure. 
 
 1783 Jan. 20, commissioners and English agree on truce. Final 
 
 treaty Sept. 3. Sept., Adams appointed with Jefferson and 
 Franklin to make commercial treaty with England. Sept. 14, 
 Adams ill: to England for rest and health, Oct. 24: in Lon- 
 don, Oct. 26. Dec, to Holland. 
 
 i;84 Same commissioners have power to treat with any nation, and 
 meet at Paris, Aug. 30. Mrs. Adams joins him Aug. 7. House- 
 keeping near Paris, Aug. 17. 
 
 1785 Feb. 24, Congress appoints him minister to Great Britain. 
 Family to London, May. Adams presented to King George 
 HI, June I. Finds his place difficult. 
 
 1787 Resigns: resignation accepted, Oct. 5. Congress commends 
 
 him. 
 
 1788 April 20, sails from England. 
 
JOHN ADAMS. 171 
 
 1789 April 6, declared to be elected Vice President: takes seat, New 
 York, April 20. Often called to give casting vote in Senate. 
 I7Q3 Vice President again. 
 
 1797 Is elected President by three votes over Jefferson. Takes 
 
 Washington's Cabinet. Hamilton's leadership in the party 
 is troublesome. 
 
 1798 French and English insolence and encroachments. X Y Z af- 
 
 fair in France: war spirit aroused: Adams popular. Navy in- 
 creased. Alien Acts, June 25 and July 6: Sedition Act, July 
 14. Kentucky Resolutions, Nov. 6: Virginia Resolutions, 
 Dec. 21. 
 
 1799 Feb., New Embassy to France: it made a treaty Sept. 30, 1800. 
 
 Continued party struggles. Fries condemned for treason. 
 
 1800 Fries pardoned. Cabinet changed. Federal party fails: Ad- 
 
 ams not re-elected. 
 
 iSoi Quarrel with Jefferson. Marshall made Chief Justice. '"The 
 Midnight Judges." Adams retires. Loses his son Charles. 
 
 1818 Oct. 28., Death of Mrs. Adams. Adams previously reconciled 
 to Jefferson. 
 
 1820 Mr. Adams made presidential elector; votes for Monroe. Elect- 
 ed to Massachusetts convention, and made president of it, 
 but declines. 
 
 1826 July 4, Death of John Adams, almost 91 years old. 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 For those who wish to read extensively the following works are 
 especially commended: 
 
 "Works of John Adams, with Life, etc." By his grandson, Charles 
 
 Francis Adams. 10 vols., 8vo: the first three are biographic. 
 "Life of John Adams." By John Quincy Adams and Charles Francis 
 
 Adams: chiefly by C. F. Adams, 2 vols., i2mo. (Nos. i and 2 
 
 have been principally used for this biography.) 
 "John Adams." By John T. Morse, Jr. (American Statesmen Series.) 
 
 1 vol., i2mo. 
 "Constitutional History of the U. S." By Hermann Edward Von 
 
 Hoist. Vol. L 
 "History of the U. S. under the Constitution." By James Schouler. 
 
 Vol.L 
 "Narrative and Critical History of America." By Justin Winsor. 
 
 Vol. VH. (This volume gives abundant references to other 
 
 books.) 
 "History of the People of the U. S." By John Bach McMaster. Vols. 
 
 I and IL 
 "Cyclopedia of Political Science." By J. J. Salor. 3 vols., 8vo. 
 
 "The Guide to American History," Channing and Harz, i vol., 
 l2mo, is an excellent manual of reference for all students. 
 
GREAT AMERICANS OF HISTORY SERIES. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson, by Edward S. 
 Ellis, A. M , Author of "The 
 People's Standard History of the 
 United States," etc. With Sup- 
 plementary Essay by G. Mercer 
 Adam. Late Editor of "Self-Cult- 
 ure" Magazine, with an Account 
 of the Louisiana Purchase, to- 
 gether with Anecdotes, Charac- 
 teristics, Chronology and Say- 
 ings. 
 
 James Otis, by John Clark Rid- 
 path, LL. D.. Author of "Rid- 
 path's History of the United 
 States," etc. With Supplemen- 
 tary Essay by G. Mercer Adam, 
 Late Editor of 'Self-Culture" 
 Magazine; together with Anec- 
 dotes, Characteristics, and Chro- 
 nology. 
 
 John Hancock, by JohnR. Musick, 
 Author of -The Columbian His- 
 tori' al Novels." etc. With Sup- 
 plementary Essay by G. Mercer 
 Adam, Late Editor of "Self-Cul- 
 ture" Magazine; together with 
 Anecdotes, Characteristics, and 
 Chronology. 
 
 Samuel Adams, by Samuel Fallows, 
 D. D.. LL. D., Ex-Siipt. of Pub- 
 lic Instruction of Wisconsin; 
 Ex-Pres. Illinois Wesleyan Uni- 
 versity. With Supplementary 
 Essay by G. Mercer Adam. Late 
 Editor of "Self-Culture" Maga- 
 zine; together with Anecdotes, 
 Characteristics, and Chronology. 
 
 Benjamin Franklin, by Fiank 
 Strong. Ph. D.. Lecturer on 
 United States History, Yale Uni- 
 versity. New Haven. Conn. With 
 Supplemental Essay by G. Mercer 
 Adam. Late Editor of " Self-Cul- 
 ture" Magazine, etc., and a 
 CharacterStudy by Prof. Charles 
 K Edmunds. Ph. I). ,of Johns Hop- 
 kins U'iversity; together with 
 Anecdotes, Characteristics, and 
 Chronology. 
 
 John Adams, by Samuel Willard. 
 LL. D., Author of "Synopsis of 
 History." etc. With Supplemen- 
 tary Essay by G. Mercer Adam, 
 Late Editor of "Sell-(3ulture" 
 Mai^aziiie; together with Anec- 
 dotes. Characteristics, and Chro- 
 nology. 
 
 ;?i.oo per Volume. 
 
 ALEXANDER Hamil-'on. by Edward 
 S. Ellis, A. M., Author of "The 
 People's Standard History of the 
 United States." etc. With Sup- 
 plementary Essay by G. Mercer 
 Adam, Late Editor of "Self-Cul- 
 ture" Magazine, etc ; together 
 with Anecodotes, Characteris- 
 tics, and Chronology. 
 
 George Washington, by Eugene 
 Parsons, Ph. D., Lecturer on 
 American History, etc. With 
 Supplementary Essay by G.Mer- 
 cer Adam, Late Editor of "Self- 
 Culture" Magazine; and an Ar- 
 ticle by Pi of. Henry Wade 
 Rogers. LL. D., of Yale Univer- 
 sity; together with Anecdotes, 
 Characteristics. and Chronology. 
 
 John Randolph, by Richard Heath 
 Dabney. M. A., Ph. D., Professor 
 of History, University of Vir- 
 ginia. With Supplementary 
 Essay by G. Mercer Adam, Late 
 Editor of "Self-Culture" Maga- 
 zine; together with Anecdotes, 
 Characteristics, and Chronology. 
 
 Daniel Webster, by "Elizabeth A. 
 Reed, A. M., L. H. D., Ex Pres. 
 Illinois Woman's Press Associa- 
 tion. With Supplementary Es- 
 say by G. Mercer Adam. Late Edi- 
 tor of "Self-Culture" Magazine; 
 tos^ether with Anecdotes. Char- 
 acteristics, and Chronology. 
 
 Henry Clay, by H. W. Caldwell, 
 A. M , Ph. B., Professor of Ameri- 
 can History. University of Ne- 
 braska. With Supplementary 
 Essay by G. Mercer Adam. Late 
 Editor of "Self-Culture" Maga- 
 zine; together withj Ancedotes. 
 Characteristics, and Chronology. 
 
 ABRAHAM Lincoln, by Robert Dick- 
 inson Sheppard, D. D., Professor 
 of American and^ English His- 
 tory. Northwestern University. 
 With Supplementary Essay by G. 
 Mercer Adam, Late Editor of 
 "Self-Culture"' Magazine, etc., 
 also Suggestions froin tlie Life 
 of Lincoln by Prof. Francis W. 
 Shepardson, Ph D.. of the Uni- 
 versity of Chicago. Together 
 with Anecdotes, Characteristics, 
 and Chronology. 
 
 ;^I2.00 per Set. 
 
 H. G. 
 
 CAMPBELL PUBLISHING CO., 
 
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