/ PHILADELPHIA NATIONAL CONVENTION. jn of CIKCULAR OF THE National Committee of, the Pittsburgh Convention APPOINTED FEBRUARY 22, 185G. We solicit your attention to the call which has preceded this paper. It is not only to rec- ommend to the people the immediate selection of delegates from the several States, equal in number to three times the represents ion in Congress to which each Stale is entitle!, lo meet on the 17th of June, at Philadelphia, to present such individuals as they may think best suited to uphold the cause to which the\ a«-e devoted as candidates I'or the Presidency and Vice Presidency, but also to invite ihe members of all pirties, who feel it to he the dominant issue which should control the elec- tion, 10 meet at the same time and place, to conter with the Convention as to the best course to crown their common wishes with success. One of the parlies which will be represented at Philadelphia has taken the name of Repiib lican, because it whs given to that (bun led l>) Mr. J. fferson, to embrace aU who love the Re- public. There is no Democrat who does noi luve the Republic. There is no Whig who does not love the Republic. There is no A met ican who does not love the Republic And m fondly hope there is no naturalized citizen who does not love the Republic. — But it is not so important that the great move- ment, which we desire to see successfully inau guraied, shall be designated by any particulai name, as that it shall be strong, united, an i effective. Why may not all those classes, win are hostile to the introduction of Silvery into free territory, unite at this crisis of impending danger, to vote ioracomm >n ticket, which wil be nominated to assert the gran_d_principle o repressing the extension of sLiveholding mo- nopoly, and to vindicate the rights of the peoph in the sections of ihe Union vvho laho' with their own hands ? — a ticket which will not/ngi fate willv a view to detract from the rigl/'s o' all StatesXto dispose of ihe subject with ill theii limits, acceding to their sovereign Wil; ye its iuiluenceX to destroy the freedom af whitt laborers is a fit subject of investigation, with a view to repre>s the aggressive power in every constitutional way. The rights of the laboring class involved in tins question have been betrayed bv the Rep- resentatives from the North and South in the in- terest of the si iveholders, who have voted te surrender the lands to slave labor which wero set apart to make freeholders, and enrich the working men of budi sections, who own no slaves, who should emigrate lo them, cultivate md improve them with their own toil. Here ire two great principles blended in this cause — the one. impelling the vindication of the rights of free iab>r; the other, the chastisement ot those misguided Representatives who have violated the faith pledged between ihe two sec- tions of the Union to each other in their com- pact, an I iheir own faith as Representatives in misrepresenting the will of their constituents n the repealing acts, and disobeying their m- insiructions in reference to them. Can there be any difficulty in uniting the men of all parties, who concur in the great de- sign of delivering the masses from the oppres- sions of the slaveholders in the new Territories, and the fair, Ire-, henllhv regions of the Far West from the blot of Slavery, and ihe sterili- ty that atten Is its footsteps wherever it treads'? Tfnere are 347.000 slave-owners in the United States; they hold nearly four millions of slaves. Fh.ere are six millions of free white population in the Southern States who own no slaves, and rhwre are twenty millions of free white popu- lition in the Nonh. ( iliowing for the increase since the list census.) Are the interests of these twenty-six millions of people in the vastregions .f the West to be blasted, to admaiis'er to the pride, to the ambititwr. to the false views of in- teresi. hi which ihe347.O'00 slave-owners would indulge themselves? In their arrogance, they itjgriiaiize as Black Republicans those who would ojake a constellation of free, bright Re- ■ |ublics, constituled of the white race alone; ntarnished by a slave of any color; their his- ry and their laws unblemished by that word. lie they called black, because they would re- deem their white brethren of the South, by re- serving to them a refuge from the thraldom im- posed on them by Negro Slavery there, and which makes the master the oppressor of all beneath him, of whatever complexion'? Are they called black, because they would resist the slave-owner with the sword, in his attempts to expel from their homes the sons of the Free States. w T ho have already cast their lots in the new hinds to which their fathers taught them to look forward as their inheritance, under a compromise of more than thirty years standing ? This derogatory epithet is inappropriately applied to those who labor to build up Free States composed of white men, to transfer the odium of the black institution from those who cling to it as a part of their Republican system. It is not proposed to touch the subject of Slave- ry in the States where it exists, but to shut the door upon it, and exclude it from Territories to which its approach has been forbidden. The attempt will be made to persuade those who would identify themselves with this cause, that there is no necessity to make a sacrifice ol minor differences to make Kansas a Free State — that the proclamation of the President has put down all danger of invasions — that General Atchison and his banditti and armed allies from the South have given up all idea of forcible interference — that they mean to acqui- esce in the peaceable settlement of the question in favor of that section which has shown that it can furnish the greatest number of emigrants, and this pacific attitude is to be held until after the Presidential election. If the nullifiers of the South shall then triumph in the election of a President nominated by them at Cincinnati, the usurpation established by Atchison will be found in full activity — its laws introducing Slavery into the Territory, and protecting it from reversal at the ballot-box, by the disfran- chisement of the settlers by test-oaths, will be enforced, and a Constitution, framed by defeat- ing the suffrages of the Free State settlers by disabilities, will be adopted, and the whole pro- ceeding will be sustained by the military force of the United States, upon the principles and under the authority of the President's procla- mation. Here we might close our Circular; but may we not trespass upon the patience of those we address, by exposing the workings of the insti- tution which those who arrogate to themselves the character of Democrats are laboring to im- pose upon our virgin Territories, and upon the principle asserted by them, that it is a Nation- al institution ? The movement to open the free Territories to Slavery, by repealing the com- pacts upon the subject, began with the nullifi- ers of South Carolina. We will begin with that State, to make an exhibition of the sort C* government it will enforce irr the West, from its results in the South. Popular sovereignty in South Carolina thus exhibits itself: Six districts in that State, in the rice and long staple cotton region, where the slave population is most dense, containing a population of 49,503 whites, elect a majority of the Senate, leaving in a minority those rep- resenting 209,084 wiiites in the rest of the State. In eleven districts, 77.939 whites elect "28 Senators and 64 Representatives, while eighteen districts, having 181,145 whites, are represented by 17 Senators and 60 Representa- tives. Thus less than one-third of the free population in the negro-quarter region have the supreme control of the Slate. The Legis- lature, elected by this third, appoints the Judi- ciary — from the Supreme bench to the common Justices of the Peace; elects Senators in Con- gress, and the electors of President and Vice President of the United States ; for the people are not allowed to vote at all for the electors of the President and Vice President of the United States, this being done by the rotten-borough Legislature, in defiance of the spirit of the Constitution, and the interpretation of every other State. The Governor of the State is also elected by this body, which represents a minority of the State — and negroes and land, exclusively — for no man is eligible to it unless he has real estate to the value of $700, clear of all debt, or five hundred acres of land and ten negroes. Nor can this state of things be changed, unless two- thirds of this land-and-negro-qualified body consent to the alteration of the Constitution — a thing never to be expected.* In Virginia and Maryland, the system of mi- * The Apportionment of representation, showing the rotten-borough system of South Carolina, which in effect makes the masters of slaves masters of the State, exercising the whole sovereign au hority through the Legislature cons' it" ted by them, ia taken from a publication in the South Carolinian, Columbia, S. C It was republished in Washington city in 1849, soon after it appeared in. Souta Caro- lina. The next apportionment does not take pla^e until 1859. underthe census of 1850. when the dis- proportion will be inTeasel, inasmuch as the white population, in ten years preceding the la-t census, increased not quite 6 per cent., whereas the slaves increase! nearly IS per cent., the slaves increiting three times as fast as the whites ; and as the rate of apportionment in South Carolina is to favor the masters who wield the legislative power, and is to give representation in greater proportion to the dis- tricts in which Slavery most predominates, it is not imp-ohable that the inequality already existing will, in 1859, be increased according to the ratio of the increase of the slaves over the poor whites. This supposition is based upon the idea that the policy which has heretofore controlled will be con- tinued. And as the slaveholdjrs of South Carolina, amouuting only to 25 596, nave the absolute lfgis- lative power in their hand, and dispose of the desti- nies of the 274.563 whites, of the 384,984 slaves, tnd the 8,960 free mulattoes and blacks, a tpleasure, thej A nority government, to give the control to the slave section over the greater white population in other portions of the State, prevails, but in a less degree; but in all the Slave States, whether contrived by constitutional provision or not, the result is, that the slaveholding class is sov- ereign throughout the South. It results from the concert produced among the masters, by their common interest in an institution which can only stand by force of ar- tificial means. The slaves themselves and the non-slaveholders are, as individuals, naturally against it; this makes it necessary that the slave-owners should become a phalanx — an ed- ucated, disciplined army, to sustain by political intrigue and united force all attacks upon it. There is noone all-absorbing influence among its enemies to combine adversaries in opposition. 1 he consequence is, that the 347,000 masters, forever animated by the same instinct, can always vanquish partial and desultory opposi- tion, as standing armies in absolute Govern- ments keep millions of people in subjugation. The monopoly which near four millions of black men give to the united authority which commands them, makes it impossible that any single-handed competitor in the field of labor can, in cultivating the products of the soil, en- will not fail to make tha representative apportion- ment such as will rand j r their sway more secure, and put out of hops all who may dieam of reform. The following exrrac'8 f'nm the Constitution of South Carolina, as to qualifications of ail who are permitted to hold a place in the Government, prove that its soul is Slavery. It will he observed that "a settled freehold estate and tea negroes" is the starting point, and the lowest degee of quantisation required. This is put upon a pur by the Constitu- tion with a qualification of one hundred and fifty pounds of real estate, clear of debt From this the scale of qualification rises with the era-ie of offices, until it roaches fifteen hundred pounds of real estate, clear of debt, according to the data of the Constitu- tion, which makes tin negroes and a freehold eqiiv alont to unencumbered real estate of the value of a hundred and fifty pounds — and, for mot part, real estate in pantations is only valuable in pr portion to the slaves that work it. A. man who has the quali fixations of fifteen han ircd pounds, will, on the jata of the Constitution, probably own one hundred ne- groes. Ectracts from the Constitution if So?(tk Carolina,. By Article 1, Sec-ion 6, of the Constitution, it is provided, in reference to members of tbe Houso : '" If a resident in the election district, he shall not be eligible to a seat in the House of Representatives unless he be legal I v s-nz»d an 1 possessed, in his owo right, of a settled freehold estate and ten negroes, or of a r al estate of the value of a hundred and fifty pounds sterling, clear of debt. If a non-resident, he shah be legally seized and posssssed of a settled freehold estate therein, of the value of five hundred pounds sterling, clear of debt " By Ar^cle — , tiection 8, it is provided, in reference to Senators : " If a resWent in the e'ection district, he shall not be eligible uia'e.;s he be legally seiztd and possessed, in his own right, of i settled freehold estate of the value of thr wielded with equal < l?<-t-i to obtain control orei the North. The machine it moves there i> 01 a large scale, and ihe instrumt ntality of its ac tion visible to the hast discerning eye. Even Northern aspirant lor the Presidency may b> looked upon as a power in the hands of tin Poulli, to ti.ove tin- machine of the Federal Government according to its will. We in- stance the experiment befoie our eyes. Mr. Pierce is a candidate for re-election to ihePres idency ; Mr. Douglas, Mr. Cass, Mr. Bu chanan, are hopeful rivals; each have then partisans in Uie difff rent sections of the [North some forty or fi r ty thousand office holders and dependents on Executive favor rely uponlheom or the other of these, to make them secure in their posts. Jt is known to all these people, that not one of the rivals can command a ma- jority of the Northern vote against the other — nor, indeed, against an opponent of any other party. For either of them, the vote of the South decides the question of nomination ; a tin then the possibility of election depends abso- Jutely upon a united Southern support. The Southern slaveholders, therefore, have the fate of all these seekers of the Presidency, of the so-called Democratic party, entirely in theii hands. And here we find in what consists that which is now vaunted to he the Democratic Party par excellence. It is composed of the office-holders under the present Administration, headed by those chiefs who are looked to to continue thpm in office, through the united vote of the South, and the chance vote of some Northern State, obtained by plurality — the re- sult of the division of their opponents, grow- ing out of personal preferences or party dissen- sions. The Democratic party, which the Ad- ministration calis its own, has no bans but in the oligarchy of th* South — we might weh call it the buck oligarchy, returnng to ii the appellation which it is so willing to give to others, because it most appropriately belongs to itself. The leaders of lii is party in the North have proved themselves entirely woithy of its confidence, by abandoning every principle of Democracy once their boast. They have abandoned the principles of the Fathers of the Republic, who considered it as the first attri- bute of the new order of things established b\ the Revolution, that it wool I arrest the spread of Slavery throughout the Continent. Jt did lead to its immediate extinction in many of the States, and the first act under the Constitution was to exclude it from the whole territory ol the Union. The Democratic leaders of tin new order, at the bidding of the Southern nul liliers, have broken all the compacts and com- promises designed to establish free Republics in the Territories from which Slavery was ex eluded. In doing this., they have put under r oot the representative principle. defied the will if their immediate constituents, on receiving instructions 10 repeal their acis have refused to hey, and in this have given the most sinking xample of an utter abandonment of the car- dinal doctr ne of the Democracy. The spread of Liberty, not Slavery, is its distinctive prin- eiplf, •' . They have shown that the will of 347,000 -lave-owners in the South is more to them than i h,at of twenty millions of freemen in the North. The leaders of this spurious Democ- racy are but the satraps of Southern masters. The fate which awaits a people afflicted with i Democracy w.hich grows up under the gov- ernment of slave owners, may be seen in the testimony which we give in the words ol' the most distinguished men of that party, which we find collated in a pamphlet by Mr. Wes- ton. ^OVIr, Sarver, of Missouri, in a paper on •' Domestic Manufactures in the South and West," published in 1847, says: " The free rooulation of th« South may he divi- ded ir to two cUs'es— tte slaveholder and the non- -.•taveh'ddi-r [ am not aware tV at the relative num- bers of these two classes have ever hero asc<->tain?d in any of tb« Slates but I am satisfied that the non slaveholders le than their ancestors." Tn the January number, 1850, of De Bow's Review, in an article on " Manufactures in Souih Carolina," we have an exhibition of the fears entertained of bringing together masses of non-slaveholding Southern white population, even for manufacturing purposes : " S" long as these poor but industrious people could see no mo"e of living, except by a degrading operation of work wi h the f>ei_ro upon the planta- tion, thev wi re content to »ndure life in its most discouraging tortus, satisfied that tht-y were o/>f>v* the slave, though of'en firing wese than ho But the progress of ihe world is 'onward,' and though, ; n some sections it i< slow, ttill it is ' onva-d ;' and the great ma's of our poor white population begin •ti undrrsi.n'd that hey ba^e rigbis, at d that they too, »r« entiled to sortie of the n ropathy wh ch falls 'tpon the suffering Ttvey ar = fast, lesirnirg that tht ro is an alin'St intin'te world of industry ooenin* b" f>re them, by which thev can elevate themselves and their famihus from wrttshedntss and ignorance,; cornpetTce find intelHs-enc !. It is this gxeat itp- lie ■ ving (f our mass? > tit it in h ive to J'rur, no far as our i n tt it w- to ns are concerned " William Gregg, Esq.. in an address before the South Caronna Institute, in 1851, upon manufactures* remarks: * " from th« best estimates that T havo heen able to make, I put down toe wat'e. people 'vho ought to work, and who do n t, or who ar • so enii loyeo. as to bo w 'Oliy unproductive to the State, at one hundred and twenty-rL?e thousand. * * * By bis i apoeaft that but one fif.h of th->. present poor whites of onr State would to necessary so operate 1 000,»)flO spindles. * * * The appropriation annually m i io hy our Legislature for our school fund, e< eiy ooo must e aware, so far as fie country isconcerned, has btei little better than a waste of money * * * Wail- wo are aware that the Northern and Eastern S&atos find uo difficulty in educating their poor, we iirs ready to despair o* success in the matter, for even ] orutl laws against iho neglect of ed ication would fail to hri.'g many of our country people to send their ehildi en to school * * * ■*" '"I have loig been under the impression, and every ciav's experience has strengthened my convic- tions, thai the evils exist in the wholly nop' eon hfon of this cla*s of persons. Any man who is an observer of things could ha dly pass hroogh our country without being struck with the fast that all the capita', enterprise, and intell /en e is employed in directing slave labor; and the conse;uonoe is, that a la'g-f );ortion of our poor white people are wholly neglected, and are suffered to while away an existence in a state but one seep in actvanae of the Indian of the fyr.estilt is an e\il of vast mashituie, and nothing hut a change in public sen iment will eff set its cure. These people must be brought into daily contact with the rich atd intelligent — they must be stimulated to mental aciion, and taught to appreciate education and th« comforts of civilized life; and this, we believe, may be effected only by tho introduction of manufactures. * * * My exp-rienca at btraniteville has satisfied me, that un- less our poor people can be brought together in vil- lages, and some means of employment offorded ihera it will be an utterly hopeless effort to undertake to educate them " * * * Here is the testimony of Governor Ham- mond, of South Caroima, the great leader of ihe nullifying party, now assuming the title of Democracy. We extract it from an address before ihe South Carolina Institute, in 1850. He is speaking of that class of people, estima- ted by William Gregg. Esq., of South Carolina, in his address before the south Carolina Insti- tute, 1851, to be 125,000 — one-half of the white population of the Stale : " They obtaia a precarious subsistence by cea sional j >bs, by hunting by fishing, by p'unden'ns; .fi Id- or folds and too often by what is in its effects ar worsa- trading with slaves, and seducing tt,em o plunder for their benefit."' Hon. J. H. Lumpkin, of Georgia, speaking, in 1852, upon the industrial regeneration of the South, says: " It is objected that these manufacturing cstab- li-hrnents will become the hot-beds of crime. * * * But I am by no means ready to concede that our po >r, de&raded. half-fed, half-clothed, and ignprant popular.ioVi— without Sabbath schools, or any other kind of instruction, men'al or moral, or without any ust appreaiWtion of character — will be injured by giving them employment which will bring them un- let the oversight of employers who wi'l inspire them with self-respect, hj taking an interest in their wel- lare." ""We close our quotations by an extract from an address delivered, a few weeks since, by Hon. C. C. Clay, jr., of Alabama : " I can show you, wih sorrow, in the older por- tions of Alanaui.i, a id in my native county of Madi- son, the sad memorials of the artless ana exhaust- ing culture ol cotton. Our small planters, af er ta- ■ king tho cream of their binds, unable to restore iheoi I by rest, manures, or otherwise, aro going lurther west and south, in search of otber virgin lands, which they may and wi'l despoil and impoverish 'n l.ke manner. Our wealthier planters, with greater means, and no more skill, arc buying out ih-ir poor- er neighbors, exle oirg their planrations, and add- ing to their slave foiee The wealthy lew, who are able to live on smaller profits, and to give their , blasted fields some rest, arc thus pushing off the mai-y i woo a;o m-rely independent 0; the $2(1,000, COO an- nually realized from the sales of ihe cotton crop of Alabama nearly all rot expended in supporting tho producets. is reinvested in land and nrgit.es. '"Thus the white population has decreased, and the slave increased, almost pari, passu, in several counties in our State. In 1825, Madison county ras.t about 3.0(0 votes; now sherannot cast exceeding 3,;-':00. In traveling that c"un;y, one will discover num-rous farm-houses, once tbe abode of ir dustriou? and intelligent freemen, now occupied by slaves or tenantiess, deserted, 8Dd dilapidated; he will ob- sorve r.elds, on-e f rtile, now unfenced, abandoned, and covered wth th^se evil harbingers-, fo*-tail and broomsedge; he will sec the '; oss growing on tbe mouldering walls of once thrifty viUages atd will find 'one only master g asys the whole domain,' that once turni hed happy home* for a dozen white fami- lies. Indeed; a country in its infancy, where firty years ago scarce a forest tree had been felled by tbe axe of the pioneer, is already exhibiting the paintul signs of semli'y and decay, apparent in Virginia and the Garolinas." This gentleman is distinguished as a zealot for the extension of the blessings of Slavery to the free Territories/ The above extract from his eloquent speech is a picture drawn from life, and exhibiting to the eye thp charms of Slavery, which the small freeholders of the North and West, who cultivate their farms with their own hands, well know how to ap- preciate, from contrast. We would not have adverted to the disfran- chisement of the mass of the white population in South Carolina and other Southern States, by property qualification for office, and the de- feat of the right of suffrage by the rotten-bo- rough system, had we not seen with what con- tempt of every principle of free government the attempt is now made to carry Kansas for Slavery. An usurpation, put up with force and arms by Gen. Atchison, has already estab- lished Slavery in that Territory, has guarded it with test oaths, and denounced the death pen- alty against all who oppose it. The President of the United States is pledged by his procla- mation to maintain the usurpation, and if he is re-elected, or any other nominated by the South to succeed him, the army of the Uniied States will be employed to rivet Slavery on Kansas, under the laws passed by Gen. Atchi- son's followers from Missouri. ''The North nmsi unite to defeat this attempt by the election of a President who w:ll maintain the rights of the people of the North in the Territory, or a cordon of Black Republics will stretch from Missouri west to the Pacific/The consequence will be, that no tree white Republic will be per- mitted to arise south of the tier of Slave States. The free settlers ol' the North, on their way to Kansas, are now obliged to turn away from Missouri, to reach their destination with their property, and means of defending it. -•''"What will result from the creation of a cor- don of Slave States across the Continent'? It surrenders all south of it to Slavery. And what will be the condition of the slaveless white population which must spring up in this vast region ? We see. in the fate of the poor free population of Mexico, to " what complexion it must come at last," whenever slave monopoly has once siven its owners the mastery over the soil. Slavery nominally is abolished throughout the Republic of Mexico, but exists, in fact, under the name of peonage. The owners of the soil feed and clothe those who work for them ; they charge their laborers more for their sup- plies than they agree to pay them for wages; and the result is. that the laborer is constantly fall- ing more and more in debt, and the law sub- jects him to his creditors until he works out his indebtedness. The effect of the system is to compel a man to sell himself and his family/ And this, taken in connection with the con- dition of the poor white population in the South — as shown in the passages wp have ta- ken from the address of Governor Hammond, of South Carolina, the Hon. C.C.Clay, of Alabama, and other leading Southern states- men — explains the recent article in the Rich- mond Enquirer, the oracle of Southern inter ests, which elaborately argues the right of sub- jecting whites, as well as blacks, to Slavery. Nay. it goes so far as to insist that this right of making white slaves is "inalienable." The article thus presses this point : 'They (those holding Mr Jefferson's doctrine) begin to reason, by assuming Slavery to be mo ally and religiously wrong; and the South bitberto has granted thoir premises, ami attempted to justify No- pro Slavery, as an exception to a general rule, or, if wrong, as a matter of bargain between the North snd the Stub. The laws of God and niln.n tare ■immutable, awl man cannot bargain f//*m away. Whilst it id far more obvious that negroes should be slaves thai) whites — for they are only fit to labor, not to direct — yet t hi principle of S-'avrry is itself right, and dots not depend on difference of complex ion." Under this doctrine, it follows that here a more direct enslavement of the white race may be insisted upon than that obtained in Mexico, under the contrivance of debtor vassalage. The doctrine is a positive sanction to the bond- age of the white race, and asserts that " the laws of God and nature are immutable " in its support, " and man cannot bargain them away." It is practically illustrated now in the Utah Territory, where a man holds a mul- titude of women as slaves, calling them his wives. What is there in Mr. Ritchie's princi- p'e, to prevent Brigham Young from holding ninety white men as slaves, unuer bills oi sale, as well as ninety white women under pretence of the bonds of matrimony ? Mr. Ritchie's explanation of the Southern doctrine of Slavery, together with Mr. Doug- las's act for the Territories, which " leaves the poeple perfectly free to form and regulate iheir domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United Slates," certainly authorizes the Mormon State to come into the Union with the Turkish system full blown, which makes slaves of all colors, and wives without number, "it is a sad comment- ary on our progress, that at the moment when the news arrives of the Suitan's firman, put- ting an end to the traffic in slaves in his em- pire — of the Czar's steps for the liberation of the serfs in Russia, and of theiu actual enfran- chisement in the Danubian principalities — we should have Negro Slavery forced on one Terri- tory by a usurpation set up by the sword, and the right of the Mormons recognised in an- other to hold a multitude of the gentler sex in servitude, under the unnatural law of a plural- ity of wives. / W T e hold that Congress is bound by the Con- stitution " to make all needful rules and regu- lations for the Territories of the United States," and, during their pupilage and preparation to become members of the Confederacy, to pre- vent the growth within them of systems incon- gruous with the pure and free, the just and safe principles inaugurated by the Revolution. 'e. D. MORGAN, New York. FRA'NCIS P. BLAIR, Maryland. JOHN M. NILES, Connecticut. DAVID WILMOT, Pennsylvania. A. P. STONE. Ohio. JOHNZ GOODRICH, Massachusetts. GEORGE RYE. Virginia. ABNER R. HALLO WELL, -Maine. F S. LELAND, Illinois. CHARLES DICKEY, Michigan. GEORGE G FOGG, New Hampshire. A J. STEPHENS. Iowa. CORNELIUS COLE, California. LAWRENCE BRAINERD, Vermont. WILLIAM GROSE. Indiana. WYMAN SPOONER, Wisconsin. C. M. K. PAULISON, New Jersey. E. D. WILLIAMS, Delaware. JOHN G. FEE, Kentucky. JAMES REDPATH. Missouri. LEWIS CLEPHANE. Dist. of Qui, National Committee, f Washington, March 26, 1836. I / WASHINGTON, D. C. BUKIJ. & B1ANCHABD, PRINTERS. 1856. TO THE OPPONENTS "bimry of congrS"~I0N. A Presidential Canvass of unusual t / ////// f / /// f /// / /// // /// 1/ /f /// /|// / // // / ///// If //| ///// // // // / / e °^ which the result must go far to determine wl / ////// |//i / f / // / ///// ' 'f // ////^ //// / //// 1 ///// 1/'// // /// // // //// ; ' f ' !i> P°^ e " star of our National course— whethej ' iff/// If/// ||f|| lilniVPwIVmifffllfli r,n >id hy Providence to our keeping, shall be st 9 011 gg§ 3piq q ^ jent, happy freemen, or by lashed and blinded slaves, it is m.^v ,... r _ "it the true bearings of this contest be set forth and diffused, not in the heat of the struggle, after every one shall have taken his position and resolved to maintain it, but now, while the popular mind is measurably calm and unprejudiced. In view of these considerations, the National Publishing Committee have issued, and will continue from time to time to publish, the most important Speeches and Essays which have appeared and shall appear on the side of Free Labor and Human Plights, which, we trust, those who love the cause will purchase for gratuitous circulation among their friends and neighbors, with an eye to the struggle be- fore us. Eight page documents will be furnished at the rate of 62ets. per 100 copies, and 16 page documents at $1.25 per 100 copies, free of postage. Where 500 or more copies are ordered of any one document, a discount of 20 per cent, will be made from these rates. In order to facilitate their circulation, no extra charge will be made for en- veloping and directing them to such names as may be furnished. The very low price at which these documents are furnished, puts it within the reach of every one to aid in their distribution. Address, L. CLEPHANE, Secretary, Washington, D. C. LIST OF DOCUMENTS ALREADY PUBLISHED. At 62 cents per 100 copies — (free of postage.} By Rev. H. W Defence of Kansas Beecher. Letter of Francis P. Blair to the Re- publican Association. The Poor Whites of the South. By Geo. M. Weston of Maine. Southern Slavery Reduces Northern Wages. Address by Geo. M. Weston, de- livered in Washington City. Circular Accompanying the Call of the National Committee appointed at the Pitts- Reasons for Joining the Republican Party. By Judge Foote of New York. Kansas Contested Election. Speech of Hon. John A. Bingham of Ohio. Kansas Contested Election. Speech of Hon. John Hickman of Pa. Kansas Contested Election. Speech of Hon. J. Washburn, Jr. of Me. Kansas Affairs. Speech of Hon. H. Waldron of Michigan. The Slavery Question. Speech of Hon. John Allison of Pa. burgh Convention At $1.25 per 100 copies — {free of postage.) Address of the Pittsburgh Bepublican Convention. Organization of the Free State Govern- ment in Kansas and Inaugural Address and Message of Gov. Robinson. Judge Collamer's Minority Report on Kansas Affairs. Oration at Plymouth. By Hon. Wm. H. Seward. Affairs in Kansas Territory. Speech of Hon. L. Trumbull of 111. The Dangers of Extending Slavery, and the Contest and the Crisis. Two Speeches of Hon. \V. H. Seward. Immediate admission of Kansas into the Union. Speech of Hon. W. H. Seward Admission of Kansas. Speech of Hon. Jas. Harlan of Iowa, The Wrongs of Kansas. Speech of He' John P. Hale. The State of Affairs in Kansas. Speech of Hon. Chas. Sumuer. IN THE GERMAN LANGUAGE. Letter of Francis P. Blair to the Re- publican Association. Address and Declaration of Principles of the Pittsburgh Convention. The Contest and the Crisis. Speech of Hon. W. H. Seward. The Dangers of Extending Slaver Speech of Hon. W. H. Seward. *s o BB^ V OOA OFCONGBESS A 898 309 9