THE JOURNAL 
 
 THE PI L G RIMS 
 
 AT PLYMOUTH. 
 
 IN NEW ENGLAND, IN 1620: 
 
 EEPBINTED FROM THE OEIGINAL VOLUME. 
 
 WITH HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS OF 
 PROVIDENCES, PRINCIPLES, AND PERSONS: 
 
 ii 
 
 GEORGE B. CHEEYER, D.D 
 
 SECOND EDITION. ><»?^^ 
 
 NEW YORK: - 
 JOHN WILEY, 161 BROADWAY, 
 
 AND 13 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON. 
 
 1849. 
 

 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1848, by 
 
 GEORGE B. CHEEVER, 
 
 in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of New York. 
 
 I^/^09m 
 
u 
 
 v.; 
 
 0? 
 
 PEEFACE 
 
 Some years ago, about the time of the publication of Dr. Young's 
 Chronicles of the Pilgrims, and before I had seen that work, the original 
 volume of the Journal of the Pilgrims came into my possession, and I 
 resolved to publish it w^ith annotations. I supposed then that there vv^as 
 but one other copy of the work in this country. I was prevented by 
 various causes at that time from the accomplishment of my intention, 
 until a recent visit to Plymouth revived my purpose, and this volume 
 became the fruit of it. 
 
 I am greatly indebted, as every one who attempts to write concerning 
 the Plymouth Pilgrims must find himself to be, to Dr. Young's invalua- 
 ble publications of the Chronicles of the Pilgrims and the Chronicles of 
 Massachusetts. The notes to those works contain an immense amount 
 of information, perfectly to be relied upon, and also of accurate refer- 
 ences to the sources of knowledge at command. The Library of the 
 New York Historical Society, to which I have had the freest access, is 
 rich and abundant in its material concerning the early history of the 
 Plymouth Pilgrims, and of New England. 
 
 This work, begun in the way of Historical Notes, has grown int^ 
 twenty-four chapters; and I have been led, incidentally, to adopt a clal^ 
 sification of my materials of illustration, which is important in itself, and 
 will certainly impart to the work something of the merit of novelty ; that 
 is, to arrange in separate subjects and sketches, as far as possible, the 
 
^^^^S»' 
 
 iV PREFACE. 
 
 germs, or beginnings, or first appearances of our native New England 
 customs and institutions. I have endeavored to trace the wonder- 
 ful providential discipline of God with the colony of Plymouth, and to 
 some extent with that of Massachusetts, and to show the constant action 
 of those principles of piety for which they suffered, under the supremacy 
 of which they labored, and by which, through the grace of Christ, they 
 were successful. 
 
 Doubtless, the great lesson of God's teachings in the first years of the 
 conflict of our Pilgrim Fathers, and as Mr. Choate called it, " the days of 
 their human agony of glory," is the lesson of the atonement itself, and of 
 that wondrous passage respecting Christ, that he was made perfect through 
 suffering ; — the necessity of a baptism of suffering, in some way, and of 
 its holy endurance beneath the hand of God, at the foundation of every 
 great enterprise in our fallen world, for the good of man and for God's 
 glory. Never was there in the history of the world, out of the Divine 
 records, a more signal and aflfecting display of this principle, and of 
 God's disciplinary and covenant mercy in it to mankind, than in the story 
 of the trials and endurances of our Pilgrim and Puritan Fathers. 
 
 The picture, if drawn by the hand of a master, would be surpassingly 
 beautiful ; and there certainly will yet emanate from some devout mind 
 and heart in New England, from some individual prepared and gifted of 
 God for the duty (as D'Aubigne was disciplined and guided in his great 
 work on the Reformation), abook of unrivalled interest and lasting power, 
 on the History of the Pilgrims and Puritans in America. Such a work 
 would, in its foundations and introductory material, run back to the days 
 of Hooper, and the opening and progress of the Reformation in England, 
 and the persecuting instrumentality of Elizabeth, James, and the Hierar- 
 chical Despotism. Then the stream of history divides, and there are two 
 
 eat works to be accomplished, concentrating the interest and progress 
 
 the world upon the principles developed and illustrated, namely, the 
 History of the Puritans in Great Britain, and the History of the Puri- 
 tans in America. Here are two of the grandest subjects in the world for 
 genius and piety. All things done as yet are mere materials collected, 
 
and shafts of light here and there poured down. Some of Carlyle's 
 works are such shafts of Jight and power; but even yet they are seen, 
 as the sunlight often is, amidst streams of vaporous prejudice drawn from 
 the earth and rising into clouds. The veil of prejudice is yet to be re- 
 moved away, and the work of Divine Providence and Grace is to be 
 revealed, as a glorious landscape amidst clear shining after rain. 
 New York, Nov. 21, 1848. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 PAOK 
 JOURNAL OF THE PITiGRIMS . . . .1-110 
 
 PART II. 
 
 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL XLLUSTRATIONS. 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Principles, Providences, Persons — The Colony of Principle and the 
 Colony of Gain Ill 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 The Virginia Company, and the Merchant Adventurers . . . 117 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Merchant Adventurers — Articles of Agreement for the transporta- 
 tion of the Pilgrims ; otherwise the Copartnership — Dissolution 
 of the Company 123 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Pilgrim Church in England, and the first church compact . . 134 
 
 CHAPTER v. ^ 
 
 Comparison of God's Preparatory Providences 140 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Pilgrim Church at Leyden, and the Pastor Robinson — The Vine 
 brought out of Egypt, but not yet planted in the Wilderness . . 147 
 
Vm CONTENTS. 
 
 FAOB 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The first New England Church, and their Elder, Mr. Brewster — The 
 Vine brought out and planted 163 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Congregational Constitution of the Pilgrim Church — Correspondence , 
 of Brewster and Robinson with the Council in England as to their 
 principles— Comparison of Congregationalism and Hierarchism . J 85 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The First Civil Compact — Toleration, Connivance, Liberty of Con- 
 science — Foundation of the State — Repetition of the free Cove- 
 nants 195 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The first Settlement, following the first Compact — Discovery of Ply- 
 mouth — The Harbor, the Localities, the Associations — Plymouth 
 Rock, and the beauty of the hightide scenery . . . 205 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Instructive discipline of the Pilgrim Church at Amsterdam — Original 
 order and beauty of the Churches there— Evils of dissension and 
 of minute Church legislation — The forbearing and kindly spirit of 
 the Pilgrim Church ... 212 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The Life, Character, and Administration, of Governor Bradford . .219 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The first New England Sabbath .239 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The first New England Meeting-House 250 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The first Deaths and Burials . 260 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 The first Fast and Thanksgiving— Remarkable instance of the Divine 
 Interposition in answer to prayer 274 
 
 CHAPTER XVH. 
 
 The first New England Council, Church Organization, and Ordination 289 
 
CONTENTS. ix 
 
 Txas 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII, 
 
 The first attempt at Schism — Recalcitration of the Establishment . 300 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Slanders against the Colony — Laud's High Commission to overturn 
 its Church and Government — The case of Mr. Winslow's Imprison- 
 ment — The case of Mr. Endicott, and the Red Royal Ensign . 310 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 The first Imposition of a Minister, and the character and end of the 
 man and the effort — Conspiracy of Lyford and Oldham — Energy 
 and prudence of the Governor 321 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 The first civil offence and punishment — Mildness, forbearance, self- 
 respect, and kindness of the Pilgrims — The first murderer and his 
 end — Their views of Capital Punishment for Murder — The great- 
 ness and wisdom of their legal reforms . ... 329 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 The first Town-meeting— Providential discipline and development of 
 freedom ... 337 
 
 CHAPTER XXni. 
 
 Governor Bradford's Letter Book 344 
 
 CHAPTER XXrV. 
 
 The Antiquities of Plymouth — The houses and armor of the Pilgrims 
 — Description of their mode of public worship .... 3^ 
 
A 
 
 RELATION OR 
 
 lournall of the beginning and proceedings 
 
 of the English Plantation seded at PUmoth in New 
 
 England, by certaine English Aduenturers both 
 Merchants and others. 
 
 With their difficult passage, their safe ariuall, their 
 
 ioyful buildiij^ uf, and comfortable planting them- 
 selues in tiie now well defended Towne 
 
 of N L w P L 1 ?.i o T H. 
 
 AS ALSO A RELATION OF FOVRE 
 
 seuerall discoueries since made by some of they 
 
 same English Planters there resident. . , "'* 
 
 I. In a iourney to Pvckanokick the habitation of the Indians grea- 
 test King Massasoyt : as also their message, the answer and entertainment 
 they had of him. 
 
 II. In a voyage made by ten of them to the Kingdome o/Nawset, to seeke 
 a boy that had lost himself e in the woods: with such accidents as befell them 
 in that voyage. 
 
 III. In their ioiirney to the Kingdome o/Namaschet, in defence of their 
 greatest King Massasoyt, against the Narrohiggonsets, a?2c? to reuenge the 
 supposed death of their Interpreter Tisquantum. 
 
 ////. Their voyage to the Massachusets, and their eiitertainment there. 
 
 With an answer to all such obiections as are any way made 
 
 against the lawfulnesse of English plantations 
 
 in those parts. 
 
 LONDON, 
 
 Printed for lohn Bellamie^andsire to be sold at his shop at the 
 two Greyhounds in Cornhill neere the Royall Exchange. 1622. 
 
EXPLANATION OF THE INITIALS I. P. AND R. G. 
 
 The individual to whom the introductory note or letter 
 at the beginning of this volume is addressed, as the writer's 
 
 much respected friend, Mr. I. P , is supposed by Dr. 
 
 Young to be Mr. John Pierce, perhaps a leading merchant 
 under authority from the Council of persons, between whom 
 and King James the patent of incorporation to the North- 
 ern Colony of Virginia, between 40 and 48 degrees North, 
 was signed, unknown to the Pilgrims, Nov. 3d, 1620, about 
 a week before their arrival at Cape Cod, while they, under 
 toleration of no King or earthly power, were struggling 
 across the ocean. The incorporated body, composed of 
 the Duke of Lenox, the Marquises of Buckingham and 
 Hamilton, the Earls of Arundel and Warwick, Sir F. Gor- 
 ges, with thirty-four others, and their successors, were 
 styled. The Council established at Plymouth in the county 
 of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing 
 of New England in America. 
 
 The patent for the Plymouth Colony under this body 
 seems to have been taken out in the name of Mr. John 
 Pierce, to whom therefore, in all probability, the initials 
 I. P. belong. Under date of July, 1622, we find in Prince's 
 Chronology, an extract from Governor Bradford's Journal 
 as follows : " By Mr. Weston's ship (from England) 
 comes a letter from Mr. John Pierce, in whose name the 
 Plymouth patent is taken ; signifying that whom the Go- 
 vernor admits into the Association, he will approve." 
 
 By another entry in Governor Bradford's Journal, it 
 
EXPLANATION OF THE 
 
 would seem that this Mr. Pierce afterwards endeavored 
 to deal treacherously by the Colony for his own private 
 advantage; but his scheme was utterly frustrated and 
 broken by the good providence of God. He fitted out a 
 vessel, in which he intended to come to Plymouth himself, 
 with the powers of a liege lord committed to him in a 
 second and separate patent, which, had he succeeded in his 
 plan, might have proved the ruin of the Colony. But God 
 ordered it otherwise, as we see from Governor Bradford's 
 relation, which Mr. Prince sets down in the following 
 words, after mentioning the ship the Paragon, and the 
 number of her passengers. " Being fitted out by Mr. John 
 Pierce, in whose name our first patent was taken, his name 
 being only used in trust ; but when he saw we were here 
 hopefully seated, and by the success God gave us had ob- 
 tained favor with the Council for New England, he gets 
 another patent of a large extent, meaning to keep it to him- 
 self, allow us only what he pleased, hold us as his tenants, 
 and sue to his courts as chief lord. But meeting with tem- 
 pestuous storms in the Downs, the ship is so bruised and 
 leaky, that in fourteen days she returned to London, was 
 forced to be put into the dock, one hundred pounds laid out 
 to mend her, and lay six or seven weeks to Dec. 22d, be- 
 fore she sailed a second time. But being half way over, 
 met with extreme tempestuous weather about the middle 
 of February, which held fourteen days, beat off the round 
 house with all her upper works, obliged them to cut her 
 masts and return to Portsmouth, having 109 souls aboard, 
 with Mr. Pierce himself. Upon which great and repeated 
 loss and disappointment, he is prevailed upon for £500 to 
 resign to the Company his patent, which cost him but £50. 
 And the goods, with charge of passengers in this ship, cost 
 the Company £640, for which they were forced to hire 
 another ship, the Ann." This ship arrived the end of July 
 or beginning of August, 1623. 
 
INITIALS I. P. AND R. G. 7 
 
 Such is the simple account of a remarkable providence, 
 interposing for the protection of the Pilgrims, and bringing 
 to naught a plan fraught with despotism and danger. The 
 interpositions of this nature were so frequent and striking, 
 that the attention of all men must have been arrested by 
 them, as that of even the Indians was by God's mercy in 
 the sudden rain, at the day of fasting and prayer in July, 
 1623. Of this the account will be given in the historical 
 and local illustrations. The present providence is here 
 noted, because it occurs in connexion with the name of 
 Mr. Pierce, and turns, indeed, upon his attempt to get the 
 mastery of the colony. His plan had not been formed, or 
 if formed, was not developed, when R. G. wrote this re- 
 commendation of the Journal of the Pilgrims to " his much 
 respected friend Mr. I. P." 
 
 The initials R. G. appended to this letter are supposed to 
 signify the name of Robert Cushman, the G. being possibly 
 a misprint for C. Mr. Cushman was the first agent ap- 
 pointed by the Church of the Pilgrims in Leyden, along 
 with Mr. Carver, afterwards first Governor of the Colony, 
 to treat with the Virginia Company, and endeavor to get 
 liberty of conscience from the King. He had much trust 
 reposed in him, and business put upon him, in preparing 
 the Mayflower and her little company, with the Speedwell, 
 for their voyage. He and his family embarked with them, 
 intending to have been of the first band of Pilgrims, but 
 were compelled to return when the Speedwell put back 
 to England, and afterwards came in the Fortune, Nov. 
 9, 1621. The only consideration in the least degree in the 
 way of supposing this to be Mr. Cushman's letter, is the 
 fact that it is written as by one of the resident colonists 
 themselves, one supposed to be at Plymouth, while the 
 Journal he recommends is sent to be published in England ; 
 whereas Mr. Cushman himself returned to England by ap- 
 pointment of the adventurers, for their better information, 
 
8 EXPLANATION OF THE INITIALS I. P. AND R. G. 
 
 in the same vessel by which the Journal seems to have been 
 sent, namely, the Fortune, which sailed Dec. 13. This, 
 however, may be deemed of little importance, as he wrote 
 in the name and behalf of others. His death prevented 
 him from afterwards settling with the Colony. The same 
 vessel which brought the notice to the Colony of the death 
 of Robinson, their beloved pastor, brought also the news of 
 Mr. Cushman's death, of which Governor Bradford makes 
 the following register in 1626: 
 
 " Our captain also brings us notice of the death of our 
 ancient friend Mr. Cushman, who was our right hand with 
 the adventurers, and for divers years has managed all our 
 business with them, to our great advantage. He had wrote 
 to the Governor a few^ months before of the sickness of 
 Mr. James Sherley, who was a chief friend of the planta- 
 tion, and lay at the point of death ; declaring his love and 
 helpfulness in all things, and bemoaning our loss if God 
 should take him away, as being the stay and life of the 
 business ; as also of his own purpose to come this year and 
 spend the rest of his days with us." 
 
TO HIS MUCH RE' 
 
 spected Friend^ M\ L P. 
 
 ^Ood Friend : As wee cannot but account 
 it an extraordinary blessing of God in di- 
 recting our course for these parts, after we 
 'W^ came out of our natiue countrey, for that 
 we had the happinesse to be possessed of the comforts 
 we receiue by the benefit of one of the most pleasant, 
 most healthfull, and most fruitfull parts of the world ; 
 So must wee acknowledge the same blessing to bee 
 multiplied vpon our whole company, for that we ob- 
 tained the honour to receiue allowance and approba- 
 tion of our free possession, and enioying thereof vn- 
 der the authority of those thrice honoured Persons, 
 the President and Counsell for the affaires of New- 
 England, by whose bounty and grace, in that behalfe, 
 all of vs are tied to dedicate our best seruice vnto 
 them, as those vnder his Majestic, that wee owe it 
 vnto : whose noble endeuours in these their actions 
 the God of heauen and earth multiply to his glory 
 and their owne eternall comforts. 
 
 As for this poore Relation, I pray you to accept it, 
 
 1* as 
 
as being writ by the seuerall Actors themselues, after 
 their plaine and rude manner ; therefore doubt nothing 
 of .the truth thereof : if it be defectiue in any thing, 
 it is their ignorance, that are better acquainted with 
 planting than writing. If it satisfie those that are 
 well affected to the businesse, it is all I care for. 
 Sure I am the place w^e are in, and the hopes that 
 are apparent, cannot but suffice any that will not de- 
 sire more than enough, neither is there want of ought 
 among vs, but company to enjoy the blessings so 
 plentifully bestowed upon the inhabitants that are 
 here. While I was a writing this, I had almost forgot, 
 that I had but the recommendation of the relation it 
 selfe, to your further consideration, and therefore I 
 will end without saying more, saue that I shall alwaies 
 rest 
 
 From P L I M O T H in 
 
 New-England. 
 
 Yours in the way of 
 
 friendship, R. G. 
 
EXPLANATION OF THE SIGNATURE G. MOURT. 
 
 The epistle to the reader signed G. Mourt is regarded 
 by Dr. Young, and with much probability, nay, almost cer- 
 tainty, unless the name be entirely fictitious, as having been 
 written by George Morton, the brother-in-law of Governor 
 Bradford, who came to the Colony in 1623, but died in 
 June, 1624, "a gracious servant of God, an unfeigned lover 
 and promoter of the common good and growth of this 
 plantation, and faithful in whatever public employment he 
 was entrusted with." He came in the Ann about the end 
 of July, 1623, and is named as one of the principal among 
 the best and most useful members of the body who arrived 
 in that vessel. — (Prince, pages 139 and 148 of the original 
 edition, vol. i.) 
 
 He seems to have superintended the publication of the 
 Journal, and in consequence the volume has generally gone, 
 very inappropriately, by the name of " Mourt's Relation." 
 A more proper title is the " Journal of the Pilgrims." Mr. 
 Prince called it the " Relation published by Mourt." 
 
 It will be noted that Mourt or Morton, then writing in 
 London in 1621, sets forth as the first grand reason for the 
 plantation of the Pilgrim Colonists in New England, " the 
 desire of carrying the gospel of Christ into those foreign 
 parts, amongst those people that as yet have had no know- 
 ledge nor taste of God." 
 
To the Reader. 
 
 ^Ourteous Reader, he intreated to make a fa- 
 
 % . 
 
 ^ uorahle construction of my forwardnes, in 
 
 puhlishing these inseuing discourses : the de- 
 sire of cari'ying the GosiJell of Christ into 
 those forraigne parts, amongst those people that as yet 
 haue had no knoivledge, nor tast of God, as also to 
 procure vnto tliemselues and others a quiet and com- 
 fortable hahytation : weare amongst other things the 
 inducements vnto these vndertakers of the then hope- 
 full, and noic experimentally knowne good enterprice 
 for plantation, in New England, to set afoote and 
 prosecute the same: &^ though it fared ivjith them, as it 
 is common to the most actions of this nature, that the 
 first attempts proue diffecult, as the sequell more at 
 large expresseth, yet it hath pleased God, euen beyond 
 our expectation in so short a time, to giue hope of let- 
 ting some of them see (tlwugh some he hath taken out 
 of this vale of teares) some grounds of hope, of the 
 accomplishment of both those endes, by them at first 
 propounded. 
 
 And as my selfe then much desired, and shortly hope 
 to effect, if the Lord will, the putting to of my shoulder 
 
 in 
 
To the Reader. 
 
 in this hopefuU business, and in tlie meane time, these 
 relations comming to my hand from my both known 
 8f faithful friends, on whose ivritings I do much rely, 
 I tlwught it not a misse to make them more generally 
 hoping of a cheerfull proceeding, both of Aduenturers 
 and planters, intr eating that the example of the hon : 
 Virginia and Bermudas Companies, incountering with 
 so many distasters, and that for diuers yeares together, 
 with an vmvearied resolution, the good effects ivhereof 
 are now eminent, may preuaile as a spurre of prepara- 
 tion also touching this no lesse hopefull Country though 
 yet an infant, the extent 3f commodities whereof are 
 as yet not fully known ; after time wil vnfould more : 
 such as desire to take knowledge of things, may in- 
 forme themselues by this insuing treatise, and if they 
 please also by such as haue bin there a first and second 
 time : my harty prayer to God is that the euent of this 
 and all other honorable and honest undertakings, may 
 be for the furtherance of the kingdome of Christ, the 
 inlarging of the bounds of our Soueraigne Lord King 
 lames, 3)^ the good and profit of those, who either by 
 purse, or person, or both, are agents in the same, so I 
 take leaue and rest 
 
 Thy friend G. M o v r t . 
 
EXPLANATION OF THE INITIALS I. B. 
 
 ROBINSON S LETTER TO THE PILGRIMS. 
 
 The initials I. R. appended to the following admirable 
 letter are those of John Robinson, pastor of the Pilgrim 
 Church at Leyden, and the letter is his. It was written on 
 occasion of the embarking of the Pilgrims in 1620. They 
 received it at Southampton, whither they had sailed from 
 Leyden, from Delft-haven, July 22d, having at that time 
 bade farewell personally to their beloved pastor and the 
 members of the church they were leaving. Mr. Robinson 
 seems to have written this letter for the company of Pil- 
 grims, with a shorter one to Mr. Carver, a deacon of the 
 church, at the same time, July 27th. The reading of it 
 was made a special occasion at one of the last meetings of 
 the Pilgrims at Southampton, just before they went on 
 board ship ; and under such apostolical benedictions, in- 
 structions, and fervent prayers, fi'om him whom God had 
 set over them in the ministry of the gospel, they departed. 
 Governor Bradford gives a short mention of this letter in 
 the following words : " Mr. Robinson writes to Mr. Carver 
 and people letters, which they receive at Southampton; 
 and the company being called together, theirs is read among 
 them, to the acceptance of all, and after-fruit of many." 
 
 The letter is such as might well produce after-fruit. It 
 breathes the same spirit of far-seeing wisdom and love as 
 that manifested in Robinson's celebrated parting discourse, 
 at the day of fasting and prayer, " ready to depart on the 
 
16 Robinson's letter. 
 
 morrow." It will be noted with what prudence and affec- 
 tionate earnestness he warns and instructs the flock for 
 their conduct in the wilderness. He begins with the duty 
 of daily individual repentance and peace with Christ ; next 
 peace with ail men, especially with one another, by love, 
 by gentleness and patience towards the infirmities of one 
 another, by great watchfulness against either giving or 
 taking offence, reminding them what cause the beginning 
 of their civil community will minister for such extreme and 
 tender care. And how beautiful the added injunction, to 
 take none offence at God himself, whose loving providence 
 they were now sm'e to meet in the shape of many crosses ! 
 Next, to guard anxiously against private selfishness, and 
 have in all things an eye single to the general good, avoid- 
 ing the indulgence of particular fancies and singular man- 
 ners apart from the general conveniency. In this he refers 
 also to the danger from the pushing of private opinions 
 as law for others. And that sentence which follows ought 
 to be engraven in every mind : " As men are careful not 
 
 TO HAVE A NEW HOUSE SHAKEN WITH ANY VIOLENCE BEFORE 
 IT BE WELL SETTLED AND THE PARTS FIRMLY KNIT, SO BE YOU 
 MUCH MORE CAREFUL THAT THE HoUSE OF GoD, WHICH YOU 
 ARE, AND ARE TO BE, BE NOT SHAKEN WITH UNNECESSARY NO- 
 VELTIES OR OTHER OPPOSITIONS AT THE FIRST SETTLING 
 THEREOF." 
 
 Then how important and just his hints for their guidance 
 in regard to the choice and obedience of their officers of 
 government. In all respects, this letter is one of the 
 most remarkable ever penned. No wonder that it bore 
 fter-fruit in many ; for it was full of precious germs of 
 truth, every word and phrase being well weighed ; and 
 its brief but heavenly instructions fell into hearts softened 
 and prepared. Who can tell how great the effect of that 
 letter must have been upon the prosperity of the colony, 
 the church ; how it grew beneath Christ's care, by the 
 
17 
 
 guidance of its under-shepherd's instructions, even after he 
 had gone to his rest ! 
 
 He speaks in this letter of many of the intended pilgrims 
 being strangers to the persons and infirmities of one ano- 
 ther. This could not have been the case with those who 
 had been members of his own church so many years toge- 
 ther at Leyden, or were there acquainted with him or with 
 one another, and therefore it must refer to those who ex- 
 pected to join them in England ; of whom it is probable 
 the greater part were those who put back in the Speed- 
 well. The colony of Pilgrims was thus rendered, by the 
 good providence of God, more completely one, and better 
 acquainted from the outset with each other's characters, 
 and therefore more confident in one another, and less ex- 
 posed to dissensions than Robinson himself had anticipated. 
 
 God not only " sifted three kingdoms" to get the seed of 
 this enterprise, but sifted that seed over again. Every 
 person, w^hom he would not have to go at that time to plant 
 the first colony of New England, he sent back, even from 
 mid- ocean, in the Speedwell. 
 
 It was like God's dealings with Gideon and his army. 
 " The people are yet too many ; bring them down unto 
 the water, and I will try them for thee there ; and it shall 
 be, that of whom I say unto thee, This shall go with thee, 
 the same shall go with thee ; and of whomsoever I say 
 unto thee, This shall not go with thee, the same shall not 
 go" 
 
CERTAINE VSEFVL 
 
 ADVERTISEMENTS SENT 
 in a Letter vvritlea by a discreete friend vn- 
 
 to the Planters in New England, at their first setting 
 
 saile from Southhampton, who earnestly desireth 
 
 the prosperitie of that their new 
 
 Plantation. 
 
 jOuing and Christian friends, I doe heartily and in the 
 Lord salute you all, as being they with whom I am 
 'present in my best affection, and most earnest long- 
 -ings after you, though I be constrained for a while 
 Jto be bodily absent from you, I say constrained, God 
 'knowing how willingly and much rather than other- 
 wise I would haue borne my part with you in this first 
 brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held backe for the pre- 
 sent. Make account of me in the meane while, as of a man 
 deuided in my selfe with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set 
 aside) hauing my better part with you. And though I doubt not 
 but in your godly wisedomes you both foresee and resolue vpon 
 that which concerneth your present state and condition both 
 seuerally and ioyntly, yet haue I thought but my dutie to adde 
 some further spurre of prouocation vnto them who run already, if 
 not because you need it, yet because I owe it in loue and dutie. 
 
 And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance with our 
 God, speciall for our sinnes knowne, and generall for our vn- 
 known trespasses, so doth the Lord call vs in a singular manner 
 vpon occasions of such difficultie and danger as lieth vpon you, to 
 a both more narrow search and careful! reformation of our wayes 
 in his sight, lest he calling to remembrance our sinnes forgotten 
 
A Letter of aduice 
 
 by vs or vnrepented of, take aduantage against vs, and in iudge- 
 ment leaue vs for the same to be swallowed vp in one danger or 
 other ; whereas on the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest 
 repentance and the pardon thereof from the Lord, sealed vp vnto 
 a mans conscience by his Spirit, great shall be his securitie and 
 peace in all dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with 
 happy deliuerance from all euill, whether in life or in death. 
 
 Now next after this heauenly peace with God and our owne 
 consciences, we are carefully to prouide for peace with all men 
 what in vs lieth, especially with our associates, and for that end 
 watchfulnes must be had, that we neither at all in our selues do 
 giue, no nor easily take offence being giuen by others. Woe be 
 vnto the world for offences, for though it be necessary (consider- 
 ing the malice of Satan and mans corruption) that offences come, 
 yet woe vnto the man or woman either by whom the offence 
 Cometh, saith Christ, Math. 18. 7. And if offences in the vnsea- 
 sonable vse of things in themselues indifferent, be more to be fear- 
 ed than death itselfe, as the Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 9. 15. how 
 much more in things simply euill, in which neither honour of God 
 nor loue of man is thought worthy to be regarded. 
 
 Neither yet is it sufficient tliat we keep our selues by the grace 
 of God from giuing offence, except withall we be armed against 
 the takino- of them when they are giuen by others. For how 
 vnperfect and lame is the worke of grace in that person, who 
 wants charitie to couer a multitude of offences, as the Scriptures 
 speake. Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace onely vpon 
 the common grounds of Christianitie, which are, that persons 
 ready to take offence, either want charitie to couer offences, or 
 wisedome duly to weigh humane frailtie ; or lastly are grosse, 
 though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth. Math. 7. 1, 
 2, 3. as indeed in mine owne experience, few or none haue beene 
 found which sooner giue offence, than such as easily take it ; 
 neither haue they euer proued sound and profitable members in 
 societies, which haue nourished in themselues that touchey hu- 
 mour. But besides these, there are diuers spetiall motiues prouo- 
 king you aboue others to great care and conscience this way : As 
 first, you are many of you strangers, as to the persons, so to the 
 
 infirmities 
 
to the Planters of Neiv-England. 
 
 infirmities one of another, and so stand in neede of more watch- 
 fulnesse this way, lest when such things fall out in men and wo- 
 men as you suspected not, you be inordinately affected with them ; 
 which doth require at your hands much wisedome and charitie for 
 the couering and preuenting of incident offences that way. And 
 lastly your intended course of ciuill communitie wil minister 
 continuall occasion of offence, and will be as fuell for that fire, 
 except you diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And 
 if taking of offence causlessly or easily at mens doings be so care- 
 fully to be auoided, how much more heed is to be taken that we 
 take not offence at God himselfe, which yet we certainly do so oft 
 as we do murmure at his prouidence in our crosses, or beare impa- 
 tiently such afflictions as wherewith he pleaseth to visit vs. Store 
 we vp therefore patience against the euill day, without which we 
 take offence at the Lord himselfe in his holy and iust works. 
 
 A fourth thing there is carefully to be prouided for, to wit, that 
 with your common emploiments you ioyne common affections 
 truly bent vpon the generall good, auoiding as a deadly plague of 
 your both common and speciall comfort all retirednesse of minde 
 for proper aduantage, and all singularly affected any maner of 
 way ; let euery man represse in himselfe and the whole bodie in 
 each person, as so many rebels against the common good, all pri- 
 uate respects of mens selues, not sorting with the generall conue- 
 niencie. And as men are carefull not to haue a new house 
 shaken with any violence before it be well settled and the parts 
 firmly knit : so be you, I beseech you brethren, much more care- 
 full, that the house of God which you are and are to be, be not 
 shaken with vnnecessary nouelties or other oppositions at the first 
 settling thereof. 
 
 Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politik, vsing 
 amongst your selues ciuill gouernment, and are not furnished 
 with any persons of speciall eminencie aboue the rest, to be chosen 
 by you into office of gouernment : Let your wisedome and godli- 
 nesse appeare, not onely in chusing such persons as do entirely 
 loue, and will diligently promote the common good, but also in 
 yeelding vnto them all due honour and obedience in their lawful! 
 administrations, not beholding in them the ordinarinesse of their 
 
 person^ 
 
A Letter of aduice, (f*c. 
 
 persons, but God's ordinance for your good ; nor being like vnto 
 the foolish multitude, who more honour the gay coate, than either 
 the vertuous mind of the man, or glorious ordinance of the Lord. 
 But you know better things, and that the image of the Lords 
 power and authoritie which the Magistrate beareth, is honorable, 
 in how meane persons soeuer. And this dutie you both may the 
 more willingly, and ought the more conscionably to performe, 
 because you are at least for the present to haue onely them for 
 your ordinary gouernours, which your selues shall make choise 
 of for that worke. 
 
 Sundrie other things of importance I could put you in mind of, 
 and of those before mentioned in more words, but I will not so far 
 wrong your godly minds, as to thinke you heedlesse of these things, 
 there being also diuers among you so well able to admonish both 
 themselues and others of what concerneth them. These few 
 things therefore, and the same in few words I do earnestly com- 
 mend vnto your care and conscience, ioyning therewith my daily 
 incessant prayers vnto the Lord, that he who hath made the 
 heauens and the earth, the sea and all riuers of waters, and whose 
 prouidence is ouer all his workes, especially ouer all his deare 
 children for good, would so guide and guard you in your wayes, 
 as inwardly by his Spirit, so outwardly by the hand of his power, 
 as that both you and we also, for and with you, may haue after 
 matter of praising his Name all the days of your and our Hues. 
 Fare you well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest 
 
 An vnfained well-wilier 
 
 of your happie successe 
 
 in this hopefuU voyage^ 
 
 L R. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE PILGRIMAGE, PRELIMI- 
 NARY TO THE JOURNAL. 
 
 The abrupt commencement of the Journal of the Pil- 
 grims, at the date of their last parting from Plymouth in 
 England, will be best introduced by the simple extract from 
 Governor Bradford, given by Mr. Prince, commencing 
 with the departure of the Pilgrims from Leyden. From 
 that day to the date of their arrival in Cape Cod Harbor, 
 the time was 108 days. From August 5th, the date of 
 their first setting sail from Southampton in England, to 
 Nov. 10th, the date of their anchorage in Cape Cod Har- 
 bor, 98 days, which in truth was the length of their voyage 
 across the Atlantic ; but from their last setting sail, after 
 being compelled to put back to Plymouth, Sept. 6th, at 
 which day the Journal of the Pilgrims commences, the 
 voyage occupies 66 days, from port to port. 
 
 It was a boisterous passage ; their first experience of 
 the equinoctial storms between England and America, of 
 which no record remains, save in the few lines from Go- 
 vernor Bradford under date of September 6th. They 
 were in great peril, obliged to beat about for days, unable, 
 through the violence of the gale, to carry a single sail. We 
 should have been glad of some record of those days and 
 nights of anxiety and prayer, in which they were some- 
 times in such serious question of the possibility of the ship 
 enduring, as to ask whether they ought not again to put 
 back to England. Thus their various delays, under Divine 
 Providence, threw them upon our coast on the verge of 
 winter, which, had it not been by the same Divine Provi- 
 
24 RELATION PRELIMINARY 
 
 dence, unusually mild and open, must have destroyed them 
 utterly. Their experience was to be an illustration of 
 God's discipline in all great enterprises, life out of death. 
 " The Lord hath chastened me sore, but he hath not given 
 me over unto death. Thou which hast showed me great 
 and sore troubles, shalt quicken me again, and shalt bring 
 me up again from the depths of the earth. Thou shalt in- 
 crease my greatness, and comfort me on every side." 
 
 The extract from Governor Bradford is entitled by Mr. 
 Prince, The Voyage of the English people at Leyden for 
 Virginia. 
 
 " About July 21, the English voyagers at Leyden leave 
 that city, where they had lived near twelve years, being 
 accompanied by most of their brethren to Delph-Haven, 
 where their ship lay ready, and sundry came from Amster- 
 dam to see them shipped and take their leave. They 
 spend that night in friendly entertaining and Christian con- 
 verse, and July 22d, the wind being fair, they go aboard, 
 their friends attending them. At their parting, Mr. Robin- 
 son falling down on his knees, and they all with him, he 
 with watery cheeks commends them with most fervent 
 prayer to God ; and then with mutual embraces and many 
 tears they take their leave, and with a prosperous gale 
 come to Southampton, where they find the bigger ship 
 from London, Mr. Jones Master, with the rest of the com- 
 pany, who had been waiting there with Mr. Cushman 
 seven days. Seven hundred pounds sterling are laid out 
 at Southampton, and they carry about seventeen hundred 
 pounds' venture with them. And Mr. Weston comes 
 thither from London, to see them dispatched." 
 
 " July 27th. — Mr. Robinson writes to Mr. Carver and 
 people, letters, which they receive at Southampton. And 
 the company being called together, theirs is read among 
 them, to the acceptance of all, and after-fruit of many. 
 Then they distribute their company into the ships, and with 
 
TO THE JOURNAL. 25 
 
 the approbation of the masters choose a governor and two 
 or three assistants for each, to order the people and pro- 
 visions. 
 
 " August 5th they sail from Southampton, but reach 
 not far before Mr. Reinolds, master of the lesser ship, com- 
 plained she was so leaky, that he dare proceed no further. 
 Upon which they both put in to Dartmouth, about August 
 13th, when they search and mend her, to their great charge 
 and loss of time and a fair wind ; though, had they stayed 
 at sea but three or four hours more, she had sunk right 
 down. 
 
 " About August 21 they set sail again ; but having gone 
 above a hundred leagues from the land's end of England, 
 Mr. Reinolds complained of her leaking again, that they 
 must either return or sink, for they could scarce free her 
 by pumping. Upon which they both put back to Plymouth, 
 where, finding no defect, they judge her leakiness owing to 
 her general weakness. They therefore agree to dismiss 
 her, and those who are willing, to return to London, though 
 this was very grievous and discouraging ; Mr. Cushman 
 and family returning with them. The rest, taking what 
 provision they could well stow in the larger ship, resolve 
 to proceed on the voyage alone. 
 
 " Sept. 6th they make another sad parting, and the 
 greater ship sets sail again ; but about half-seas over meets 
 with cross winds and many fierce storms, which often force 
 them to hull for diverse days together, not being able to 
 bear a knot of sail ; make her upper works very leaky, and 
 bow and wrack a main beam in the midship, which puts 
 them in such fear, as the chief of the company enters into 
 a serious consultation with the ship officers about return- 
 ing. But a passenger having brought a great iron screw 
 from Holland, they with it raise the beam into its place, 
 and then, committing themselves to the Divine Will, pro- 
 ceed. 
 
26 RELATION PRELIMINARY. 
 
 " Nov. 6th dies at sea William Butten, a youth and ser- 
 vant to Samuel Fuller, being the only passenger who dies 
 on the voyage. 
 
 " Nov. 9th at break of day after long beating the sea, 
 they make the land of Cape Cod. Whereupon they tack 
 and stand to the southward, the wind and weather being 
 fair, to find some place about Hudson's river for settlement. 
 But sailing this course about half the day, they fall among 
 roaring shoals and breakers, and are so entangled with 
 them, as they find themselves in great hazard, and the wind 
 shrinking upon them at the same time, they bear up for the 
 Cape, get out of those dangers before night, and the next 
 day into the Cape Harbor, where they ride in safety. 
 
 "Nov. 11th, Saturday, being thus arrived, they first fall 
 on then- knees and bless the God of Heaven. But their 
 design and patent being for Virginia, and not New Eng- 
 land, which belongs to another jurisdiction, wherewith the 
 Virginia Company have no concern ; before they land they 
 this day combine into a body politic by a solemn contract, 
 to which they set their hands, as the basis of their govern- 
 ment in this new-found country, choose IMr. John Carver, 
 a pious and v^ell approved gentleman, their governor for 
 the first year, and then set ashore fifteen or sixteen men, 
 well armed, to fetch wood and discover the land." 
 
 Thus far Governor Bradford in Prince's Chronology. 
 This trenches a little upon the beginning of the Journal of 
 the Pilgrims, but with some additional circumstances; and 
 by it we learn that the river which they were in search of, 
 expecting to find it in a day or so of sail from Cape Cod, 
 was the Hudson, that being near the limits of the jurisdic- 
 tion of the Virginia Company. Had they found that, per- 
 haps New York and New Jersey might have been the 
 New England of America. But God ordered otherwise. 
 Had they found that, they would not probably have enter- 
 ed into the great compact on board the Mayflower, which, 
 
SIGNERS OF THE COMPACT. 
 
 27 
 
 "whatever may have been their original intention or fore- 
 sight, constituted them a self-governing repubUc, although 
 named " the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord, 
 King James." 
 
 At the bottom of that compact, the names of the signers 
 are not given in the Journal, but they are all knovs^n. 
 " Their names corrected," Mr. Prince says, " with their 
 titles and families, I take from the list at the end of Gover- 
 nor Bradford's folio manuscript. Only this I observe, that 
 out of modesty he omits the title of Mr. to his own name, 
 which he ascribes to several others." 
 
 The list follows, with the number of persons in their se- 
 veral families set opposite their names. One individual 
 died on the passage, and one was born, whom they named 
 Oceanus. The names in italics indicate those who died 
 before the end of March, 1621. 
 
 Mr. John Carver, . . 
 William Bradford, . . 
 Mr. Edward Winslow, 
 Mr. William Brewster, 
 Mr. Isaac AUerton, . 
 Capt. Miles Standish, . 
 John Alden, .... 
 Mr. Samuel Fuller, . . 
 Mr. Christopher Martin, 
 Mr. William Mullins, . 
 Mr. William White, . 
 Mr. Richard Warren, . 
 * John Rowland, 
 Mr. Stephen Hopkins, . 
 Edward, Tilly, . . . 
 John Tilly, .... 
 
 SjFrancis Cook, 
 2 Thomas Rogers, 
 
 5 Thomas Tinker, 
 
 6 John Ridgdale, 
 6 Edward Fuller, 
 2 John Turner, . 
 
 1 Francis Eaton, 
 
 2 James Chilton, 
 4: John Crackston, 
 5 John Billington, 
 5 Moses Fletcher, 
 1 John Goodman, 
 
 Degory Priest, 
 S\Thomas Williams, 
 4jGilbert Winslow, 
 slEdmund Margeson, 
 
 * Howland was of Governor Cai ver's family. 
 
28 
 
 SIGNERS OF THE COMPACT. 
 
 Peter Brown, . . . 
 Richard Britteridge, 
 George Soule, . . 
 Richard Clarke, . 
 Richard Gardiner, . 
 
 John Allerton, 
 Thomas English, 
 Edward Dotey, . 
 Edward Leister, . 
 
 The signers of the compact are in all forty-one, and with 
 their families constituted one hundred and one persons. 
 " So there w^ere just 101," remarks Mr. Prince, " w^ho sail- 
 ed from Plymouth in England, and just as many arrived in 
 Cape Cod Harbor. And this is the solitary number, who, 
 for an undefiled conscience, and the love of pure Christi- 
 anity, first left their pleasant and native land, and encoun- 
 tered all the toils and hazards of a tumultuous ocean, in 
 search of some uncultivated region in North Virginia, 
 where they might quietly enjoy their religious liberties, 
 and transmit them to posterity, in hopes that none would 
 follow to disturb or vex them." 
 
 * Soule was of Governor Winslow's family. 
 Mr. Hopkins's family servants. 
 
 Dotey and Leister vi^ere of 
 
A RELATION OR 
 
 JOURNAL OF THE 
 
 PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Plantation setled at Plimoth in 
 
 New England. 
 
 Inesday the sixt of September, the Wind comming 
 ijMJ^g East North East, a fine small gale, we loosed from 
 8 ^^MM M P^ifi^oth, hauing beene kindly intertained and curteous- 
 ^ Mj (©^ly vsed by diners friends there dwelling, and after 
 ^ ^_r!L^ many difficulties in boysterous stormes, at length by 
 i^xl^^l^-c^ God's prouidence vpon the ninth of Noueniber follow- 
 ing, by breake of the day we espied land which we deemed to 
 be Cape Cod, and so afterward it proued. And the appearance 
 of it much comforted vs, especially, seeing so goodly a Land, 
 and woodded to the brinke of the sea, it caused vs to reioyce 
 together, and praise God that had giuen vs once againetosee land. 
 And thus wee made our course South South West, purposing to goe 
 to a Riuer ten leagues to the South of the Cape, but at night the 
 winde being contrary, we put round againe for the Bay of Cape 
 Cod ; and vpon the 11th. o^ Noueniber, we came to an anchor in the 
 Bay, which is a good harbour and pleasant Bay, circled round, 
 except in the entrance, which is about foure miles ouer from land 
 to land, compassed about to the very Sea with Okes, Pines, 
 Juniper, Sassafras, and other sweet wood ; it is a harbour wherein 
 1000. saile of Ships may safely ride : there we relieued our selues 
 with wood and water, and refreshed our people, while our shallop 
 
 was 
 
30 NEW -ENGLAND 
 
 was fitted to coast the Bay, to search for an habitation ; there was 
 the greatest store of fowle that euer we saw. 
 
 And euery day we saw Whales playing hard by vs, of which 
 in that place, if we had instruments & meanes to take them, we 
 might haue made a very rich returne, which to our great griefe 
 we wanted. Our master and his mate, and others experienced in 
 fishing, professed, we might haue made three or foure thousand 
 pounds worth of Oyle ; they preferred it before Greenland Whale- 
 fishing, & purpose the next winter to fish for Whale here ; for 
 Cod we assayed, but found none, there is good store no doubt in 
 their season. Neither got we any fish all the time we lay there, 
 but some few little ones on the shore. We found great Mussles, 
 and very fat and full of Sea pearle, but we could not eat them, 
 for they made vs all sicke that did eat, as well saylers as passen- 
 gers ; they caused to cast and secure, but they were soone well 
 againe. The bay is so round & circling, that before we could 
 come to anchor, we went round all the points of the Compasse. 
 We could not come neere the shore by three quarters of an 
 English mile, because of shallow water, which was a great preiu- 
 dice to vs, for our people going on shore were forced to wade a 
 bow shot or two in going aland, which caused many to get colds 
 and coughs, for it was many times freezing cold weather. 
 
 This day before we came to harbour, obseruing some not 
 well affected to vnitie and concord, but gaue some appearance of 
 faction, it was thought good there should be an association and 
 agreement, that we should combine together in one body, and to 
 submit to such governmenf and governours, as we should by com- 
 mon consent agree to make and choose, and set our hands to this 
 that followes word for word. 
 
 IN the name of God, Amen. We whose names are vnder- 
 written, the loyall Subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord 
 King James, by the grace of God of Great Britaine, France, 
 and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, &c. 
 
 Having vnder-taken for the glory of God, and advancement of 
 the Christian Faith and honour of our King and Countrey, a 
 Voyage to plant the first Colony in the Northerne parts of V i r. 
 
 GINI A , 
 
l-^ AME RI C A. 31 
 
 G I N I A, doe by these presents solemnly & mutually in the pre- 
 sence of God and one of another, covenant, and combine our 
 selues together into a civill body politike, for our better ordering 
 and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by 
 vertue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame such iust and equal! 
 Lawes, Ordinances, acts, constitutions, offices from time to time, 
 as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the generall 
 good of the Colony ; vnto which we promise all due submission and 
 obedience. In witnesse whereof we haue here-vnder subscribed 
 our names. Cape Cod 11th. of November, in the yeare of the reigne 
 of our soveraigne Lord King James, of England, France, and 
 Ireland 18. and of Scotland 54. Anno Domino 16 2 0. 
 
 The same day so soone as we could, we set a-shore 15. or 16. 
 men, well armed, with some to fetch wood, for we had none left ; 
 as also to see what the Land was, and what Inhabitants they could 
 meet with. They found it to be a small neck of Land ; on this 
 side where we lay is the Bay, and the further side the Sea ; the 
 ground or earth, sand hills, much like the Downes in Holland, but 
 much better ; the crust of the earth a Spits depth, excellent 
 blacke earth ; all wooded with Okes, Pines, Sassafras, luniper, 
 Birch, Holly, Vines, some Ash, Walnut ; the wood for the most 
 part open and without vnder-wood, fit either to goe or ride in ; at 
 night our people returned, but found not any person, nor habita- 
 tion, and laded their Boat with luniper, which smelled very sweet 
 & strong, and of which we burnt the most part of the time we 
 lay there. 
 
 Munday the 13. of November, we vnshipped our Shallop and 
 drew her on land, to mend and repaire her, having bin forced to 
 cut her downe in bestowing her betwixt the decks, and she was 
 much opened with the peoples lying in her, which kept vs long 
 there, for it was 16. or 17. dayes before the Carpenter had finish- 
 ed her ; our people went on shore to refresh themselues, and our 
 women to wash, as they had great need ; but whilest we lay thus 
 still, hoping our Shallop would be ready in fine or sixe dayes at 
 the furthest, but our Carpenter made slow worke of it, so that 
 some of our people impatient of delay, desired for our better fur- 
 therance 
 
32 N E W - E N G L A N D 
 
 therance to travaile by Land into the Countrey : which was not 
 without appearance of danger, not liaving the Shallop with them, 
 nor meanes to carry provision, but on their backes ; to see whether 
 it might be fit for vs to seate in or no, and the rather because as 
 we sayled into the Harbour, there seemed to be a river opening it 
 selfe into the maine land ; the willingnes of the persons was liked, 
 but the thing it selfe, in regard" of the danger was rather permit- 
 ted than approved, and so with cautions, directions, and instruc- 
 tions, sixteene men were set out with every man his Musket, 
 Sword, and Corslet, vnder the command of Captaine Miles Sfandish, 
 vnto whom was adioyned for counsell and aduise, William Brad- 
 ford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley. 
 
 Wednesday the 15. of November, they were set a shore, and 
 when they had ordered themselucs in the order of a single File, 
 and marched about the space of a mj^le, by the Sea, they espyed 
 fiue or sixe people, with a Dogge, comming towards them, who 
 were Savages, who when they saw them ran into the Wood and 
 whisled the Dogge after them, &c. First, they supposed them to 
 be master lones, the Master and some of his men, for they were 
 a-shore, and knew of their comming, but after they knew them 
 to be Indians they marched after them into the Woods, least other 
 of the Indians should lie in Ambush ; but when the Indians saw 
 our men following them, they ran away with might and mayne 
 and our men turned out of the Wood after them, for it was the 
 way they intended to goe, but they could not come neare them. 
 They followed them that night about ten miles by the trace of 
 their footings, and saw how they had come the same way they 
 went, and at a turning perceived how they run vp an hill, to see 
 whether they followed them. At length night came vpon them, 
 and they were constrained to take vp their lodging, so they set 
 forth three Sentinells, and the rest, some kindled a fire, and 
 Nov. 16. others fetched wood, and there held their Randavous that 
 1620. night. In the morning so soone as we could see the 
 trace, we proceeded on our iourney, and had the tracke vntill we 
 had compassed the head of a long creake, and there they tooke 
 into another wood, and we after them, supposing to finde some of 
 their dwellings ; but we marched thorow boughes and bushes, and 
 vnder hills and vallies, which tore our very Armour in peeces, 
 
 and 
 
IN AMERICA. 33 
 
 and yet could meete with none of them, nor their houses, nor 
 finde any fresh water, which we greatly desired, and stood in 
 need off, for we brought neither Beere nor Water with vs, and 
 our victuals was onely Bisket and Holland cheese, and a little 
 Bottle of aquavile, so that we were sore a thirst. About ten a 
 clocke we came into a deepe Valley, full of brush, wood-gaile, 
 and long grasse, through which we found little paths or tracts, 
 and there we saw a Deere, and found springs of fresh water, of 
 which we were heartily glad, and sat vs downe and drunke our first 
 New-England water with as much delight as euer we drunke 
 drinke in all our Hues. When we had refreshed our selues, we 
 directed our course full South, that we might come to the shore, 
 which within a short while after we did, and there made a fire, 
 that they in the ship might see where wee were (as we had direc- 
 tion) and so marched on towards this supposed River ; and as 
 we went in another valley, we found a fine cleere Pond of fresh 
 water, being about a Musket shot broad, and twise as long ; there 
 grew also many small vines, and Foule and Deere haunted 
 there ; there grew much Sasafras ; from thence we went on &; 
 founde much plaine ground, about fiftie Acres, fit for the Plow, 
 and some signes where the Indians had form.erly planted their 
 corne. 
 
 After this, some thought it best for nearenesse of the river to 
 goe downe and travaile on the Sea sands, by which meanes some 
 of our men were tyred, and lagged behind ; so we stayed and 
 gathered them vp, and struck into the Land againe ; where we 
 found a little path to certaine heapes of sand, one whereof was 
 covered with old Matts, and had a woodden thing like a morter 
 whelmed on the top of it, and an earthen pot layd in a little hole 
 at the end thereof; we musing what it might be, digged & found 
 a Bow, and, as we thought, Arrowes, but they were rotten ; We 
 supposed there were many other things, but because we deemed 
 them graues, we put in the Bow againe and made it vp as it was, 
 and left the rest vntouched, because we thought it would be odious 
 vnto them to ransacke their Sepulchers. We went on further 
 and found new stubble, of which they had gotten Corne this yeare, 
 and many Wallnut trees full of Nuts, and great store of Straw- 
 berries, and some Vines ; passing thus a field or two, which were 
 
 2* not 
 
34 NEW-ENGLAND 
 
 noi great, we came to another, which had also bin new gotten, and 
 there we found where an house had beene, and foure or fine old 
 Plankes layed together ; also we found a great Ketle, which had 
 beene some Ships ketle and brought out of Europe ; there was 
 also an heape of sand, made like the former, but it was newly- 
 done, (we might see how they had padled it with their hands,) 
 which we digged vp, and in it we found a little old Basket full of 
 faire Indian Corne, and digged further & found a fine great new 
 Basket full of very faire corne of this yeare, with some 36. goodly 
 eares of corne, some yellow, and some red, and others mixt with 
 blew, which was a very goodly sight ; the Basket was round, and 
 narrow at the top, it held about three or foure Bushels, which was 
 as much as two of vs could lift vp from the ground, and was very 
 handsomely and cunningly made ; But whilst wee were busie 
 about these things, we set our men Sentinell in a round ring, all 
 but two or three which digged vp the corne. We were in sus- 
 pence, what to do with it, and the Ketle, and at length after much 
 consultation, we concluded to take the Ketle, and as much of the 
 Corne as we could carry away with vs ; and when our Shallop 
 came, if we could find any of the people, and come to parley with 
 them, we would giue them the Ketle againe, and satisfie them for 
 their Corne, so wee tooke all the eares and put a good deale of 
 the loose Corne in the Ketle for two men to brmg away on a 
 stafTe ; besides, they that could put any into their Pockets filled 
 the same ; the rest wee buried againe, for we were so laden with 
 Armour that we could carry no more. 
 
 Not farre from this place we found the remainder of an old 
 Fort, or Palizide, which as we conceiued had beene made by 
 some Christians : this was also hard by that place which we 
 thought had beene a river, vnto which wee went and found it so 
 to be, deviding it selfe into two armes by an high banke, standing 
 right by the cut or mouth which came from the Sea ; that which 
 was next vnto vs was the lesse, the other arme was more then 
 twise as big, and not vnlike to be an harbour for ships ; but 
 whether it be a fresh river, or onely an indraught of the Sea, we 
 had no time to discover ; for wee had Commandement to be out 
 but two days. Here also we saw two Canoas, the one on the 
 one side, the other on the other side ; wee could not beleeue it was 
 
 a 
 
IN A ME R IC A , 35 
 
 a Canoa, till we came neare it : so we returned leauing the further 
 discovery hereof to our Shallop, and came that night backe againe 
 to the fresh water pond, and there we made our Randevous that 
 night, making a great fire, and a Baricado to windward of vs, and 
 kept good watch with three Sentinells all night, euery one stand- 
 ing when his turne came, while flue or sixe inches of Match was 
 burning. It proved a very rainie night. In the morning 
 we tooke our Ketle and sunke it in the pond, and trimmed \ll\ 
 our Muskets, for few of them would goe off because of the ^^^°' 
 wett, and so coasted the wood againe to come home, in which we 
 were shrewdly pus-led, and lost our way. As we wandred we came 
 to a tree, where a young Spritt was bowed downe over a bow, and 
 some Acornes strewed vnder-neath ; Stephen Hopkins sayd, it had 
 beene to catch some Deere, so, as we were looking at it, William 
 Bradford being in the Reare, when he came looked also vpon it, 
 and as he went about, it gaue a sodaine jerk vp, and he was 
 immediately caught by the leg ; It was a very pretie devise, made 
 with a Rope of their owne making, and having a noose as artifici- 
 ally made, as any Roper in England can make, and as like ours 
 as can be, which we brought away with vs. In the end wee got 
 out of the Wood, and were fallen about a myle too high aboue 
 the creake, where we saw three Bucks, but we had rather haue 
 had one of them. Wee also did spring three couple of Partridges ; 
 and as we came along by the creake, we saw great flocks of wild 
 Geese and Duckes, but they were very fearefull of vs. So we 
 marched some while in the Woods, some while on the sands, and 
 other while in the water vp to the knees, till at length we came 
 neare the Ship, and then we shot off our Peeces, and the long Boat 
 came to fetch vs ; master Tones, and master Caruer being on the 
 shore, with many of our people, came to meete vs. 
 
 And thus wee came both weary and well-come home, and 
 deliuered in our Corne into the store, to be kept for seed, for wee 
 knew not how to come by any, and therefore were very glad, 
 purposing so soone as we could meete with any of the Inhabitants 
 of that place, to make them large satisfaction. This was our first 
 Discovery, whilst our Shallop was in repairing ; our people did 
 make things as fitting as they could, and time would, in seeking 
 out wood, and heluing of Tooles, and sawing of Tymber to build 
 
36 NEW-ENGLAND 
 
 a new Shallop, but the discommodiousnes of the harbour did much 
 hinder vs, for we could neither goe to, nor come from the shore, 
 but at high water, which was much to our hinderance and hurt, 
 for oftentimes they waded to the midle of the thigh, and oft to the 
 knees, to goe and come from land ; some did it necessarily, and 
 some for their owne pleasure, but it brought to the most, if not to 
 all, coughs and colds, the weather prouing sodainly cold and 
 stormie, which afterward turned to the scurvey, whereof many 
 dyed. 
 
 When our Shallop was fit, indeed, before she was fully 
 27.' fitted, for there was two dayes worke after bestowed on her, 
 ^^^^' there was appointed some 24 men of our owne, and arm- 
 ed, then to goe and make a more full discovery of the rivers be- 
 fore mentioned. Master lones was desirous to goe with vs. and 
 tooke such of his saylers as he thought vsefull for vs, so as we 
 were in all about 34. men ; wee made master lones our Leader, 
 for we thought it best herein to gratifie his kindnes and forward- 
 nes. When we vrere set forth, it proued rough weather and 
 crosse windes, so as we were constrained, some in the Shallop, 
 and others in the long Boate, to row to the neerest shore the wind 
 would suffer them to goe vnto, and then to wade out aboue the 
 knees; the wind was so strong as the Shallop could not keepe 
 the water, but was forced to harbour there that night, but we 
 marched sixe or seaven miles further, and appointed the Shallop 
 to come to vs as soone as they could. It blowcd and did snow all 
 that day & night, and frose withall : some of our people that are 
 jj^^_ dead tooke the originall of their death here. The next 
 2^- day about 11. a clocke our Shallop came to vs, and we 
 shipped our selues, and the wind being good, we sayled to the 
 river we formerly discovered, Vv'hich we named, Cold Harhour, to 
 which when wee came we found it not Navigable for Ships, yet 
 we thought it might be a good harbour for Boats, for it flowes 
 there 12. foote at high water. We landed our men betvveene the 
 two creekes, and marched some foure or fiue mylcs by the great- 
 er of them, and the Shallop followed vs ; at length night grew 
 on, and our men were tired with marching vp and downe the 
 steepe hills, and deepe vallies, which lay halfe a foot thicke with 
 snow 'j Master lones wearied with marching, was desirous we 
 
 should 
 
IN AMERICA. 37 
 
 should take vp our lodging, though some of vs would haue march- 
 ed further, so we made there our Randevous for that night, vnder 
 a few Pine trees, and as it fell out, wee got three fat Geese, and 
 six Ducks to our Supper, which we eate with Souldiers stomacks, 
 for we had eaten little all that day ; our resolution was next 
 morning to goe vp to the head of this river, for we supposed it 
 would proue fresh water, but in the morning our resolution held 
 not, because many liked not the hillinesse of the soyle, and bad- 
 nesse of the harbour : so we turned towards the other .^ 
 
 Nov. 
 
 creeke, that wee might goe over and looke for the rest of 29. 
 the Corne that we left behind when we were here before ; when 
 we came to the creeke, we saw the Canow lie on the dry ground, 
 and a flocke of Geese in the river, at which one made a shot, and 
 killed a couple of them, and we lanched the Canow & fetcht 
 them, and when we had done, she carryed vs over by seaven or 
 eight at once. This done, we marched to the place where we 
 had the corne formerly, which place we called Corne-hill ; and 
 digged and found the rest, of which we were very glad : we also 
 digged in a place a little further off, and found a Botle of oyle ; 
 wee went to another place, which we had seene before, and dig- 
 ged, and found more corne, viz. two or three Baskets full of In- 
 dian Wheat, and a bag of Beanes, with a good many of faire 
 Wheat-eares ; whilst some of vs were digging vp this, some 
 others found another heape of Corne, which they digged vp also, 
 so as we had in all about ten Bushels, which will serue vs suffi- 
 ciently for seed. And sure it was Gods good provi- 
 dence that we found this Corne, for els wee know not Good's 
 how we should haue done, for we know not how we Provi- 
 should find, or meete with any of the Indians, except it be 
 to doe vs a mischiefe. Also we had neuer in all likelihood seene 
 a graine of it, if we had not made our first lourney ; for the 
 ground was now covered with snow, and so hard frosen, that we 
 were faine with our Curtlaxes and short Swords, to hew and 
 carue the ground a foot deepe, and then wrest it vp with leavers, 
 for we had forgot to bring other Tooles ; whilst we were in this 
 imployment, foule weather being towards. Master lones was earn- 
 est to goe abourd, but sundry of vs desired to make further dis- 
 covery, and to find out the Indians habitations, so we sent home 
 
 with 
 
38 NE W.ENGL AND 
 
 with him our weakest people, and some that were siclie, and all 
 the Corne, and 18. of vs stayed still, and lodged there that night, 
 and desired that the Shallop might returne to vs next day, and 
 bring vs some Mattocks and Spades with them. 
 Nov. The next morning we followed certaine beaten pathes 
 
 and tracts of the Indians into the Woods, supposing they 
 would haue led vs into some Towne, or houses ; after wee had 
 gone a while, we light vpon a very broad beaten path, well nigh 
 two foote broad, then we lighted all our Matches, and prepared our 
 selues, concluding we were neare their dwellings, but in the end 
 we found it to be onely a path made to driue Deere in, when the 
 Indians hunt, as wee supposed ; when we had marched fiue or 
 six myles into the Woods, and could find no signes of any people, 
 we returned againe another way, and as we came into the plaine 
 ground, wee found a place like a graue, but it was much bigger 
 and longer than any we had yet seene. It was also covered with 
 boords, so as we mused what it should be, and resolved to digge 
 it vp, where we found, first a Matt, and vnder that a fayre Bow, 
 and there another Matt, and vnder that a boord about three quar- 
 ters lono-, finely carued and paynted, with three tynes, or broches 
 on the top, like a Crowne ; also betvveene the Matts we found 
 Boules, Trayes, Dishes, and such like Trinkets ; at length we 
 came to a faire new Matt, and vnder that two Bundles, the one 
 bigger, the other lesse, we opened the greater and found in it a 
 great quantitie of fine and perfect red Powder, and in it the bones 
 and skull of a man. The skull had fine yellow haire still on it, 
 and some of the flesh vnconsumed ; there was bound vp with it 
 a knife, a pack-needle, and two or three old iron things. It was 
 bound vp in a Saylers canvas Casacke, and a payre of cloth 
 breeches ; the red Powder was a kind of Embaulment, and yield- 
 ed a strong, but no ofFensiue smell ; It was as fine as any flower. 
 We opened the lesse bundle likewise, and found of the same 
 Powder in it, and the bones and head of a little childe ; about the 
 leggs, and other parts of it was bound strings, and bracelets of 
 fine white Beads ; there was also by it a little Bow, about three 
 quarters long, and some other odd knackes ; we brought sundry 
 of the pretiest things away with vs, and covered the Corps vp 
 againe. After this, we digged in sundry like places, but found 
 
 no 
 
IN AMERICA. 39 
 
 no more Corne, nor any things els but graues : There was varie- 
 tie of opinions amongst vs about the embahned person ; some 
 thought it was an Indian Lord and King ; others sayd, the Indians 
 haue all blacke hayre, and never any was seene with browne or 
 yellow hayre ; some thought, it was a Christian of some special! 
 note, which had dyed amongst them, and they thus buried him 
 to honour him ; others thought, they had killed him, and did it in 
 triumph over him. 
 
 Whilest we were thus ranging and searching, two of the 
 Saylers, which were newly come on the shore, by chance espied 
 two houses, which had beene lately dwelt in, but the people were 
 gone. They having their peeces, and hearing no body, entred the 
 houses, and tooke out some things, and durst not stay but came 
 againe and told vs ; so some seaven or eight of vs went with 
 them, and found how we had gone within a slight shot of them 
 before. The houses were made with long yong Sapling trees, 
 bended and both ends stucke into the ground ; they were made 
 round, like vnto an Arbour, and covered downe to the ground 
 with thicke and well wrought matts, and the doore was not over 
 a yard high, made of a matt to open ; the chimney was a wide 
 open hole in the top, for which they had a matt to cover it close 
 when they pleased ; one might stand and goe vpright in them, in 
 the midst of them were foure little trunches knockt into the 
 ground, and small stickes laid over, on which they hung their Pots, 
 and what they had to seeth ; round about the fire they lay on 
 matts, which are their beds. -The houses were double matted, 
 for as they were matted without, so were they within, with newer 
 & fairer mats. In the houses we found wooden Boules, Trayes 
 & Dishes, Earthen Pots, Hand baskets made of Crab shells, 
 wrought too;ether : also an English Paile or Bucket, it wanted a 
 bayle, but it had two Iron eares : there was also Baskets of sun- 
 dry sorts, bigger and some lesser, finer and some courser : some 
 were curiously wrought with blacke and white in pretie workes, 
 and sundry other of their houshold stuffe : we found also two or 
 three Deeres heads, one whereof had bin newly killed, for it was 
 still fresh ; there was also a company of Deeres feete stuck vp 
 in the houses, Harts homes, and Eagles clawes, and sundry such 
 like things there was : also two or three Baskets full of parched 
 
 Acornes 
 
40 NEW- ENGLAND 
 
 Acornes, peeces of fish, and a peece of a broyled Hering. We 
 found also a little silke grasse, and a little Tobacco seed, with 
 some other seeds which wee knew not ; without was sundry bun- 
 dles of Flags, and Sedge, Bull-rushes, and other stuffe to make 
 matts ; there was thrust into an hollow tree, two or three peeces 
 of Venison, but we thought it fitter for the Dogs then for vs : some 
 of the best things wee tooke away with vs, and left the houses 
 standing still as they were ; so it growing towards night, and the 
 tyde almost spent, we hasted with our things downe to the Shallop, 
 and got abourd that night, intending to haue brought some Beades, 
 and other things to haue left in the houses, in signe of Peace, and 
 that we meant to truk with them, but it was not done, by meanes 
 of our hastie comming away from Cape Cod, but so soone as we 
 can meete conveniently with them, we will giue them full satis- 
 faction. Thus much of our second Discovery. 
 
 Having thus discovered this place, it was controversall amongst* 
 vs, what to doe touching our aboad and setling there ; some thought 
 it best for many reasons to abide there. 
 
 As first, that there was a convenient harbour for Boates, though 
 not for Ships. 
 
 Secondly, Good Corne-ground, readie to our hands, as we saw 
 by experience in the goodly corne it yeelded, which would againe 
 agree with the ground, and be naturall seed for the same. 
 
 Thirdly, Cape Cod was like to be a place of good fishing, for 
 we saw daily great Whales of the best kind for oyle and bone, 
 come close aboord our Ship, and in fayre weather swim and play 
 about vs ; there was once one when the Sun shone warme, came 
 and lay aboue water, as if she had beene dead, for a good while 
 together, within halfe a Musket shot of the Ship, at which two 
 were prepared to shoote, to see whether she would stir or no ; he 
 that gaue fire first, his Musket flew in peeces, both stocke and 
 barrell, yet thankes be to God, neither he nor any man els was 
 hurt with it, though many were there about, but when the Whale 
 saw her time she gaue a snufTe and away. 
 
 Fourthly, the place was likely to be health full, secure, and 
 defensible. 
 
 But the last and especiall reason was, that now the heart of 
 Winter and unseasonable weather was come vpon vs, so that we 
 
 could 
 
IN A M E E IC A. 41 
 
 could not goe vpon coasting and discovery, without danger of 
 losing men and Boat, vpon which would follow the overthrow 
 of all, especially considering what variable windes and sodaine 
 stormes doe there arise. Also cold and wett lodging had so 
 taynted our people, for scarce any of vs were free from vehe- 
 ment coughs, as if they should continue long in that estate, it 
 would indanger the lines of many, and breed diseases and infec- 
 tion amongst vs. Againe, we had yet some Beere, Butter, Flesh, 
 and other such victuals left, which would quickly be all gone, and 
 then we should haue nothing to comfort vs in the great labour 
 and toyle we were like to vnder-goe at the first. It was also con- 
 ceived, whilst we had competent victuals, that the Ship would 
 stay with vs, but when that grew low, they would be gone, and 
 let vs shift as we could. 
 
 Others aguine, vrged greatly the going to Anguum or Agga- 
 Angoum, a place twentie leagues off to the North-wards, ipswicb! 
 which they had heard to be an excellent harbour for Ships ; better 
 ground and better fishing. Secondly, for any thing we knew, there 
 might be hard by vs a farre better seate, and it should be a great 
 hindrance to seate where wee should remoue againe. Thirdly, 
 The water was but in ponds, and it was thought there would be none 
 in Summer, or very little. Fourthly, the water there must be 
 fetched vp a steepe hill : but to omit many reasons and replies 
 vsed heere abouts ; It was in the ende concluded, to make some 
 discovery within the Bay, but in no case so farre as Angoum ; 
 besides, Robert Coppin our Pilot, made relation of a great Navi- 
 gable River and good harbour in the other head-land of this Bay, 
 almost right over against Cape Cod, being a right line, not much 
 aboue eight leagues distant, in which liee had beene once : and be- 
 cause that one of the wild men with whom they had some trucking, 
 stole a harping Iron from them, they called it'theeuish harbour. 
 And beyond that place they were enjoyned not to goe, whereupon, 
 a Company was chosen to goe out vppon a third discovery : whilest 
 some were imployed in this discovery, it pleased God that Mistris 
 While was brought to bed of a Sonne, which was called Peregrine. 
 
 Tlie fift day, we through Gods mercy escaped a great danger 
 by the foolishnes of a Boy, one of Francis BilUngtons Sonnes, who 
 in his Fathers absence, had got Gun-powder, and had shot off a 
 
 peice 
 
42 N E W - E N G L A iN' D 
 
 peice or two, and made squibs, and there being a fowling peice 
 charged in his fathers Cabbin, shot her off in the Cabbin, there 
 being a little barrell of powder halfe full, scattered in and about 
 the Cabbin, the fire being within foure foote of the bed betweene 
 the Deckes, and many flints and Iron things about the Cabbin, 
 and many people about the fire, and yet by Gods mercy no harme 
 done. 
 
 Dec 6 Wednesday, the sixt of December, it was resolved our 
 
 1620, discoverers should set forth, for the day before was too fowle 
 weather, and so they did, though it was well ore the day ere all 
 things could be readie : So ten of our men were appointed, who 
 were of themselves willing to vndertake it, to wit, Captaine 
 Siandish, Maister Carver, William Bradford, Edward Winsloe, 
 lohn Tilley, Edward Tilley, lohn Houland, and three of London, 
 Richard Warren, Steeuen Hopkins and Edward Dotte, and two of 
 our Sea-men, lohn Alderton and Thomas English; of the Ships 
 Company there went two of the Masters Mates, Master Clarke 
 and Master Copin, the Master Gunner, and three Saylers. The 
 narration of which Discovery, folio wes, penned by one of the 
 Company. 
 
 Wednesday the sixt of December wee set out, being very cold 
 and hard weather, we were a long while after we launched from 
 the ship, before we could get cleare of a sandie poynt, which lay 
 within lesse then a furlong of the same. In which time, two 
 were very sicke, and Edward Tilley had like to haue sounded 
 with cold ; the Gunner was also sicke vnto Death, (but hope of 
 truking made him to goe) and so remained all that day, and the 
 next night ; at length we got cleare of the sandy poynt, and got 
 vp our sayles, and within an houre or two we got vnder the 
 weather shore, and then had smoother water and better sayling, 
 but it was very cold, for the water frose on our clothes, and made 
 them many times like coats of Iron : wee sayled sixe or seaven 
 leagues by the shore, but saw neither river nor creeke, at length 
 wee mett with a tongue of Land, being flat ofl* from the shore, 
 with a sandy poynt, we bore vp to gaine the poynt, & found 
 there a fayre income or rode, of a Bay, being a league over at 
 the narrowest, and some two or three in length, but wee made 
 right over to the land before vs, and left the discovery of this 
 
 Income 
 
IN A M E R 1 C A, 43 
 
 Income till the next day : as we drew neare to the shore, wee 
 espied some ten or twelue Indians, very busie about a blacke 
 thing, what it was we could not tell, till afterwards they saw vs, 
 and ran to and fro, as if they had beene carrying some thing 
 away : wee landed a league or two from them, and had much adoe 
 to put a shore any where, it lay so full of flat sands : when we 
 came to shore, we made vs a Baricado, and got fire wood, and set 
 out our Sentinells, and betooke vs to our lodging, such as it was ; 
 we saw the smoke of the fire which the Savages made that night, 
 about foure or fine myles from vs. 
 
 In the morning we devided our company, some eight in the ^ _ 
 Shallop, and the rest on the shore went to discouer this place, 1620. 
 but we found it onely to be a Bay, without either river or creeke 
 comming into it, yet we deemed it to be as good an harbour as 
 Cape Cod, for they that sounded it, found a ship might ride in fiue 
 fathom water : wee on the land found it to be a levill soyle, but none 
 of the fruitfullest ; wee saw two beckes of fresh water, which were 
 the first running streams that we saw in the Country, but one might 
 stride over them : we found also a great fish, called a Grampus, 
 dead on the sands ; they in the Shallop found two of them also in 
 the bottome of the bay, dead in like sort ; they were cast vp at high 
 water, and could not get off for the frost and ice ; they were some 
 fiue or sixe paces long, and about two inches thicke of fat, and 
 fleshed like a Swine ; they would haue yeelded a great deale of 
 oyle, if there had beene time and meanes to haue taken it ; so we 
 finding nothing for our turne, both we and our Shallop returned. 
 We then directed our course along the Sea-sands, to the place 
 where we first saw the Indians ; when we were there, we saw it 
 was also a Grampus which they were cutting up ; they cut it into 
 long rands or peeces, about an ell long, and two handfuU broad ; 
 wee found here and there a peece scattered by the way, as it 
 seemed, for hast ; this place the most were minded we should call, 
 the Grampus Bay, because we found so many of them there : wee 
 followed the tract of the Indians bare feete a good way on the 
 sands, at length we saw where they strucke into the Woods by 
 the side of a Pond : as wee went to view the place, one sayd, bee 
 thought bee saw an Indian-house among the trees, so went vp to 
 see : and here we and the Shallop lost sight one of another till 
 
 night, 
 
44 xN E VV - E N G L A N D 
 
 night, it being now about nine or ten a clocke : so we light on a 
 path, but saw no house, and followed a great way into the woods : 
 at length wee found where Corne had beene set, but not that yeare : 
 Anone we found a great burying place, one part whereof was 
 incompassed with a large Palazado, like a Church-yard, with 
 yong spires foure or fine yards long, set as close one by another 
 as they could, two or three foot in the ground : within it was full of 
 Graues, some bigger, and some lesse, some were also paled about, 
 & others had like an Indian-house made over them, but not 
 matted : those Graues were more sumptuous then those at Corne- 
 hill, yet we digged none of them vp, but onely viewed them, and 
 went our way ; without the Palazado were graues also, but not so 
 costly : from this place we went and found more Corne ground, 
 but none of this yeare. As we ranged we light on foure or fiue 
 Indian-houses, which had beene lately dwelt in, but they were 
 vncovered, and had no matts about them, els they were like those 
 we found at Corne-ldll, but had not beene so lately dwelt in : there 
 was nothing left but two or three peeces of old matts, a little sedge, 
 also a little further we found two Baskets full of parched Acorns 
 hid in the ground, which we supposed had beene Corne when we 
 beganne to diij the same ; we cast earth thereon aijaine & went 
 our way. 
 
 All this while we saw no people, wee went ranging vp and downe 
 till the Sunne began to draw low, and then we hasted out of the 
 woods, that we might come to our Shallop, which when we were 
 out of the woods, we espied a great way off, and call'd them to come 
 vnto vs, the which they did as soone as they could, for it was not yet 
 high water. They were exceeding glad to see vs, (for they feared 
 because they had not scene vs in so long a time) thinking we would 
 haue kept by the shoreside ; so being both weary and faint, for we 
 had eaten nothing all that day, we fell to make our Randevous and 
 get fire wood, which always cost vs a great deale of labour : by that 
 time we had done, & our Shallop come to vs, it was within night, 
 and we fed upon such victualls as we had, and betooke vs to our 
 rest, after we had set out our watch. About midnight we heard a 
 great and hideous cry, and our Sentinell called, Arme, Arme ! So 
 we bestirred our selues and shot off a couple of Muskets, and noyse 
 ceased ; we concluded, that it was a company of Wolues or Foxes, 
 
 for 
 
IN AMERICA. 45 
 
 for one told vs, hee had heard such a noise in New-found-lund. 
 About tiue a clocke in the morning wee began to be stirring, and 
 two or three which doubted whether their Peeces would goe j^^^ g 
 off or no, made tryall of them, and shot them off, but ^^-'^• 
 though at nothing at all. 
 
 After Prayer we prepared our selues for brek-fast, and for a jour- 
 ney, and it being now the twilight in the morning, it was thought 
 meet to carry the things downe to the Shallop : some sayd, it was 
 not best to carry the Armour downe, others sayd, they would be 
 readier ; two or three sayd, they would not carry theirs, till they 
 went themselues, but mistrusting nothing at all : as it fell out, the 
 water not being high enough, they layd the things downe vpon 
 the shore, & came vp to brek-fast. Anone, all vpon a sudden, 
 we heard a great & strange cry, which we knew to be the same 
 voyces, though they varied their notes. One of our company being 
 abroad came running in, and cryed. They are men, Indians, 
 Indians ; and withall, their arrowes came flying amongst vs, our 
 men ran out with all speed to recover their armes, as by the good 
 Providence of God they did. In the meane time, Cap- our first 
 taine Miles Siandisli, having a snaphance ready, made a wufTthe 
 shot, and after liim another ; after they two had shot, other Indians. 
 of vs were ready, but he wisht vs not to shoot, till we could take 
 ayme, for we knew not what need we should haue, & there were 
 foure only of vs, which had their armes there redie, and stood 
 before the open side of our Baricado, which was first assaulted ; 
 they thought it best to defend it, least the enemie should take it 
 and our stuffe, and so haue the more vantage against vs ; our care 
 Was no lesse for the Shallop, but we hoped all the rest would 
 defend it ; we called vnto them to know how it was with them, 
 and they answered. Well, Well, every one, and be of good 
 courage : we heard three of their Peeces goe off, and the rest 
 called for a fire-brand to light their matches ; one tooke a log out 
 of the fire on his shoulder and went and carried it vnto them, 
 which was thought did not a little discourage our enemies. The 
 cry of our enemies was dreadfull, especially, when our men ran 
 out to recover their Armes, their note was after this manner, 
 Woath woach ha ha hach woach : our men were no sooner come 
 to their Armes, but the enemy was ready to assault them. 
 
 There 
 
46 NEW- ENGLAND 
 
 There was a lustie man and no whit lesse valiant, who was 
 vhought to bee their Captaine, stood behind a tree within halfe a 
 musket shot of vs, and there let his arrowes fly at vs ; hee was 
 seene to shoote three arrowes, which were all avoyded, for he at 
 whom the first arrow was aymed, saw it, and stooped downs and 
 it flew over him, the rest were avoyded also : he stood three shots 
 of a Musket, at length one tooke as he sayd full ayme at him, 
 after which he gaue an extraordinary cry and away they went 
 all ; wee followed them about a quarter of a mile, but wee left sixe 
 to keep our Shallop, for we were carefuU of our businesse : then 
 wee shouted all together two severall times, and shot off a couple 
 of muskets and so returned : this wee did that they might see wee 
 were not afrayd of them nor discouraged. 
 
 Thus it pleased God to vanquish our Enemies and giue vs deli- 
 Dec. 8. verance ; by their noyse we could not guesse that they were 
 i6i>o. i^ys then thirty or forty, though some thought that they were 
 many more ; yet in the dark of the morning, wee could not so well 
 discerne them among the trees, as they could see vs by our fire side : 
 we took vp 18. of their arrowes which we haue sent to England by 
 Master Tones, some whereof were headed with brasse, others with 
 Harts home, & others with Eagles clavves : many more no doubt 
 were shot, for these we found, were almost covered with leaues : yet 
 by the especiall providence of God,none of them either hit or hurt vs, 
 though many came close by vs, and on every side of vs, and some 
 coates which hung vp in our Baricado, were shot throuo-h and 
 througli. So after wee had given God thankes for our deliver- 
 ance, wee tooke our Shallop and went on our lourney, and called 
 this place. The first Encounter : from hence we intended to haue 
 sayled to the aforesayd theeuish Harbour, if wee found no con- 
 venient Harbour by the way : having the wind good, we sayled 
 all that day along the Coast about 15. leagues, but saw neither 
 River nor Creeke to put into : after we had sayled an houre or 
 two, it began to snow and raine, and to be bad weather ; about 
 the midst of the afternoone, the winde increased and the Seas 
 began to be very rough, and the hinges of the rudder broke, so 
 that we could steere no longer with it, but two men with much 
 adoe were faine to serue with a couple of Cares ; the Seas were 
 growne so great, that we were much troubled and in great danger, 
 
 and 
 
1 N AMERICA. 47 
 
 and night grew on : Anon Master Coppin bad vs be of good cheere, 
 he saw the Harbour ; as we drew neare, the gale being stifFe, and we 
 bearing great sayle to get in, split our Mast in 3. peices, and were 
 like to haue cast away our Shallop, yet by Gods mercy recovering 
 our selues, wee had the floud with vs, and struck into the Harbour. 
 Now he that thought that had beene the place was deceived, it 
 being a place where not any of vs had been before, and com- 
 ming into the Harbour, he that was our Pilot did beare vp North- 
 ward, which if we had continued wee had beene cast away ; yet 
 still the Lord kept vs, and we bare vp for an Hand before vs, and 
 recovering of that Hand, being compassed about with many 
 Rocks, and darke night growing vpon vs, it pleased the Divine 
 providence that we fell vpon a place of sandy ground, where our 
 Shallop did ride safe and secure all that night, and comming vpon 
 a strange Hand kept our watch all night in the raine vpon that 
 Hand : and in the morninor we marched about it, & a * ^ 
 
 o ' Saturday, 
 
 found no Inhabitants at all, and here wee made our Dec. 9. 
 
 Randevous all that day, being Saturday. 
 
 10. of December, on the Sabboth day wee rested, Monday, Dec. 
 
 11, 1620. 
 
 and on Munday we sounded the harbour, and found Forefathers' 
 it a very good Harbour for our shipping ; we marched 
 also into the Land, and found divers corne fields, and little run- 
 ning brookes, a place very good for scituation, so we returned to 
 our Ship againe with good newes to the rest of our people, which 
 did much comfort their hearts. 
 
 On the fifteenth day, we waighed Anchor, to go to the place 
 we had discovered, and comming within two leagues of Friday, 
 the Land, we could not fetch the Harbour, but were faine ^^'^' ^^' 
 to put roome againe towards Cape Cod, our course lying West ; 
 and the wind was at North west, but it pleased God that the next 
 day being Saturday the 16. day, the winde came faire, and wee 
 put to Sea againe, and came safely into a safe Harbour ; and 
 within halfe an houre the winde changed, so as if we had beene 
 letted but a little, we had gone backe to Cape Cod. This Har- 
 hour is a Bay greater than Cape Cod, compassed with a goodly 
 Land, and in the Bay, 2. fine Hands vninhabited, wherein are 
 nothing but wood, Okes, Pines, Wal-nut, Beech, Sasifras, Vines, 
 and other trees which wee know not ; This Bay is a most hopefull 
 
 place 
 
48 NEW- EN GLAND 
 
 place, innumerable store of fowle, and excellent good, and cannot 
 but bee offish in their seasons : Skote, Cod, Turbot, and Herring, 
 wee haue tasted of; abundance of Musics the greatest & best that 
 ever we saw ; Crabs and Lobsters, in their time infinite. It is in 
 fashion like a Cikle or Fish-hooke. 
 
 Dec. 18, Munday the 18. day, we went a land, manned with the 
 
 1620.' Maister of the Ship, and 3. or 4. of the Saylers ; we 
 marched along the coast in the woods, some 7. or 8. mile, but saw 
 not an Indian nor an Indian house, only we found where formerly, 
 had beene some Inhabitants, and where theyhad planted their corne : 
 we found not any Navigable River, but 4. or 5. small running 
 brookes of very sweet fresh water, that all run into the Sea : The 
 Land for the crust of the earth is a spits depth, excellent blacke 
 mold and fat in some places, 2. or 3. great Oakes but not very 
 thicke, Pines, Wal-nuts, Beech, Ash, Birch, Hasell, Holley, Asp, 
 Sasifras, in abundance, & Vines euery where. Cherry trees. 
 Plum trees, and many other which we know not ; many kinds of 
 hearbcs, we found heere in Winter, as Strawberry leaues innu- 
 merable, Sorrcll, Yarrow, Caruell, Brook-lime, Liver-wort, Water- 
 cresses, great store of Leekes, and Onyons, and an excellent 
 strong kind of Flaxe, and Hcmpe ; here is sand, gravell, and 
 excellent clay no better in the Worlde, excellent for pots, and 
 will wash like sope, and great store of stone, though somewhat 
 soft, and the best water that ever we drunke, and the Brookes now 
 begin to be full of fish ; that night many being v/eary with 
 marching, wee went abourd againe. 
 
 Doc. ^19, The next morning being Tuesday the 19. of December, 
 wee went againe to discover further ; some went on Land, 
 and some in ihe Shallop ; the land we found as the former day we 
 did, and we found a Creeke, and went vp three English myles a 
 very pleasant river ; at full Sea, a Barke of thirty tonne may 
 goe vp, but at low water scarce our Shallop could passe • this 
 place we had a great liking to plant in, but that it was so'farre 
 from our fishmg our principall profit, and so incompassed with 
 woods, that we should bee in much danger of the Salvages, and 
 our number being so little, and so much ground to cleave, so as 
 we thought good to quit and cleare that place, till we were of 
 more strength; some of vs hauing a good minde for safety to 
 
 plant 
 
IN AMERICA. 49 
 
 plant in the greater He, wee crossed the Bay which there is fine 
 or sixe myles ouer, and found the He about a myle and a halfe, 
 or two myles about, all wooded, and no fresh water but 2. or 3. 
 pits, that we doubted of fresh water in Summer, and so full of 
 wood, as we could hardly cleare so much as to serue vsforCorne, 
 besides wee iudged it colde for our Corne, and some part very 
 rockie, yet diuers thought of it as a place defensible, and of great 
 securitie. 
 
 That night we returned againe a ship boord, with resolution the 
 next morning to setle on some of those places. So in the 
 morning, after we had called on God for direction, we came to 
 this resolution, to goe presently ashore againe, and to take a better 
 view of two places, which wee thought most fitting for vs, for we 
 could not now take time for further search or consideration, our 
 victuals being much spent, especially, our Beere, and it being 
 now the 19. of December. After our landinoj and viewinoj of the 
 places, so well as we could, we came to a conclusion, by most 
 voyces, to set on the maine Land, on the first place, on an high 
 ground, where there is a great deale of Land cleared, and hath 
 beene planted with Corne three or four yeares agoe, and there is 
 a very sweet brooke runnes vnder the hill side, and many deli- 
 cate springs of as good water as can be drunke, and where we 
 may harbour our Shallops and Boates exceeding well, and in this 
 brooke much good fish in their seasons : on the further side of the 
 river also much Corne ground cleared ; in one field is a great hill, 
 on which wee poynt to make a plat-forme, and plant our Ordi- 
 nance, which will command all round about ; from thence we may 
 see into the Bay, and farre into the Sea, and we may see thence 
 CajJe Cod : our greatest labour will be fetching of our wood, 
 which is halfe a quarter of an English myle, but there is enough 
 so farre off; what people inhabite here we yet know not, for as 
 yet we haue seene none, so there we made our Randevous, and 
 a place for some of our people about twentie, resolving in the 
 morning to come all ashore, and to build houses ; but the 
 next morning, being Thursday the 21. of December, it was stormie 
 and wett, that we could not goe ashore, and those that remained 
 there all night could doe nothing, but were wet, not having dai- 
 light enough to make them a sufficient court of gard, to keepe 
 
 them 
 
50 N E W - E N G L A N D 
 
 them dry. All that night it blew and rayned extreamely ; it was 
 so tempestuous, that tlie Shallop could not goe on land so soone as 
 was meet, for they had no victuals on land. About 11. a Clocke 
 the Shallop went ofF with much adoe with provision, but could 
 not returne it blew so strong, and was such foule weather, that 
 we were forced to let fall our Anchor, and ride with three An- 
 chors an head. 
 
 Friday the 22. the storme still continued, that we could not get 
 a-land, nor they come to vs. aboord ; this morning Good wife Al- 
 derton was delivered of a sonne, but dead borne. 
 
 Saturday the 23. so many of vs as could, went on shore, felled 
 and carried tymber, to provide themselues stuffe for building. 
 
 Sunday the 24. our people on shore hoard a cry of some Sava- 
 ges (as they thought) which caused an Alarm, and to stand on 
 their gard, expecting an assault, but all was quiet. 
 
 Munday the 25. day, we went on shore, some to fell tymber, 
 some to saw, some to riue, and some to carry, so no man rested 
 all that day, but towards night some as they were at worke, heard 
 a noyse of some Indians, Avhich caused vs all to goe to our Mus- 
 kets, but we heard no further, so we came aboord againe, and left 
 some twentie to keepe the court of gard ; that night we had a sore 
 storme of winde and rayne. 
 
 Munday the 25. being Christmas day, wo began to drinke 
 water aboord, but at night the Master caused vs to haue some 
 Beere, and so on boord we had diverse times now and then some 
 Beere, but on shore none at all. 
 
 Tuesday the 28. it was foule weather, that we could not goe 
 ashore. 
 
 Wednesday the 27. v/e went to worke againe. 
 
 Thursday the 28. o^ December, so many as could went to worke 
 on the hill, where v/e purposed to build our platforme for our 
 Ordinance, and which doth command all the plaine, and the Bay, 
 and from whence we may see farre into the sea, and might be easier 
 impayled, having two rowes of houses and a faire streele. So in 
 the afiernoone we went to measure out the grounds, and first, we 
 tooke notice how many Families they were, willing all single 
 men that had no wiues to ioyne with some Familie, as they 
 thought fit, Ihut so we m.ight build fewer houses, which was done, 
 
 and 
 
IN AMERICA. 51 
 
 and we reduced ihem to 19. Families; to greater Families we 
 allotted larger plots, to every person halfe a pole in breadth, and 
 three in length, and so Lots \vere cast where euery man should 
 lie, which vvas done, and staked out; we thought this proportion 
 was large enough at the first, for houses and gardens, to impale 
 them round, considering the weaknes of our people, many of them 
 growing ill with coldes, for our former Discoveries in frost and 
 stormes, and the wading at Cape Cod had brought much weakenes 
 amongst vs, which increased so every day more and more, and 
 after was the cause of many of their deaths. 
 
 Fryday and Saturday, we fitted our selues for our labour, but 
 our people on shore were much troubled and discouraged with 
 rayne and wctt that day, being very stormie and cold ; we saw 
 great smokes of fire made by the Indians about six or seaven 
 myles from vs as we conjectured. 
 
 Munday the first of lanuary, we went betimes to janunry i, 
 worke ; we were much hindred in lying so farre ofi* ^^^^' 
 from the Land, and faine to goe as the tyde served, that we lost 
 much time, for our Ship drew so much water, that she lay a 
 myle and almost a halfe off, though a ship of seventie Anchorage of 
 or eightie tun at high water may come to the shore. ^^^ Mayflower. 
 
 Wednesday the third of lanuarij, some of our people being 
 abroad, to get and gather thatch, they saw great fires of the In- 
 dians, and v/ere at their Corne fields, yet saw none of the Savages, 
 nor had seene any of them since wee came to this Bay. 
 
 Thursday the fourth of lanuary, Captaine Miles Standish with 
 foure or fiue more, went to see if they could meet with any of the 
 Savages in that place where the fires were made ; they went to 
 some of their houses, but not lately inhabited, yet could they not 
 meete with any ; as they came home, they shot at an Eagle and 
 killed her, which was excellent meat; It was hardly to be dis- 
 cerned from Mutton. 
 
 Fryday the fifth of lanuary. one of the Saylers found aliue vpon 
 the shore an Ilering, which the Master had to his supper, which 
 put vs in hope of fish, but as yet we had got but one Cod ; we 
 wanted small hookes. 
 
 Saturday the sixt of lanuary, Master Marten was very sicke, 
 and to our iudgement, no hope of life, so Master Carver was sent 
 
 for 
 
52 N E W - E N G L A N D 
 
 for to come abourd to speake with liim about his accompts, who 
 came the next morning. 
 
 Munday the eight day of January, was a very fayre day, and 
 we went betimes to worke : master Tones sent the Shallop as he 
 had formerly done, to see where fish could be got ; they had a 
 greate storme at Sea, and were in some danger, at night they 
 returned with three greate Scales, and an excellent good Cod, 
 which did assure vs that we should haue plentie of fish shortly. 
 
 This day, Francis Billington, having the weeke before scene 
 from the top of a tree on a hie hill, a great sea as he thought, 
 went with one of the Masters mates to see it : they went three 
 myles, and then came to a great water, devided into two great 
 Lakes, the bigger of them fiue or sixe myles in circuit, and in it 
 an He of a Cable length square, the other three miles in com- 
 passe ; in their estimation they are fine fresh water, full of fish, 
 and foule ; a brooke issues from it, it will be an excellent helpe 
 for vs in time. They found seaven or eight Indian houses, but 
 not lately inhabited ; when they saw the houses they were in some 
 feare, for they were but two persons and one peece. 
 
 Tuesday the 9. January, was a reasonable faire day, and wee 
 went to labour that day in the building of our Towne, in two rowes 
 of houses for more safety : we devided by lott the plot of ground 
 whereon to build our Towne : After the proportion formerly allot- 
 ted, wee agreed that every man should build his owne house, think- 
 ing by that course, men would make more hast than working in 
 common ; the common house, in which for the first, we made our 
 Rendevous, being neere finished wanted onely couering, it being 
 about 20. footc square : some shoulJ make morter, and some 
 gather thatch, so that in foure days halfe of it was thatched ; frost 
 and foule weather hindred vs much ; this time of the yeare sel- 
 dome could wee worke halfe the weeke. 
 
 Thursday the eleuenth, William Bradford being at worke, 
 (for it was a faire day) was vehemently taken with a griefe and 
 paine, and so shot to his huckle-bone. It was doubted that he 
 would haue instantly dyed : hee got colde in the former discove- 
 ries, especially the last, and felt some paine in his anckles by 
 times, but he grew a little better towards night and in time through 
 Gods mercie in the vse of raeanes recovered. 
 
 Friday 
 
IN AMERICA. 53 
 
 Friday the 12. we went to worke, but about noone, January 12, 
 it began to raine, that it forced vs to glue over worke. ■^^~^' 
 
 This day, two of our people put vs in great sorrow and care. 
 There was 4. sent to gather and cut thatch in the morning, and two 
 of them, lohn Goodman and Pete?' Browne, having cut thatch all the 
 fore-noone, went to a Further place, and willed the other two, to 
 binde vp that which was cut and to follow them ; so they did, 
 being about a myle and an halfe from our Plantation : but when 
 the two came after, they could not finde them, nor heare any 
 thing of them at all, though they hallowed and ehouted as loud 
 as they could ; so they returned to the Company and told them 
 of it: whereupon Master Carver & thi^e or foure more went to 
 seek them , but could heare nothing of them, so they returning, 
 sent more, but that night they could heare nothing at all of them ; 
 the next day they armed 10. or 12. men out, verily thinking the 
 Indians had surprised them , they went seeking 7. or 8. miles, 
 but could neither see nor heare any thing at all, so they re- 
 turned with much discomfort to us all. These two that were 
 missed, at dinner time tooke their meate in their hands, and 
 would goe walke and refresh themselues ; so going a litle off they 
 finde a lake of water, and having a great Mastiffe bitch with them 
 and a Spannell ; by the water side they found a great Deere, the 
 Dogs chased him , and they followed so farre as they lost them- 
 selues, and could not finde the way backe ; they wandred all that 
 after-noone being wett, and at night it did freeze and snow ; they 
 were slenderly apparelled and had no weapons but each one his 
 Cicle, nor any victuals ; they ranged vp and downe and could 
 finde none of the Salvages habitations ; when it drew to night 
 they were much perplexed, for they could finde neither harbour 
 nor meate, but in frost and snow, were forced to make the earth 
 their bed, and the Element their covering : and another thing did 
 very much terrifie them, they heard as they thought two Lyons 
 roaring exceedingly for a long time together, and a third, that they 
 thought was very nere them ; so not knowing what to do, they 
 resolved to climbe vp into a tree as their safest refuge, though 
 that would proue an intollerable colde lodging ; so they stoode at 
 the trees roote, that when the Lyons came they might take their 
 opportunitie of climbing vp ; the bitch they were faine to hold by 
 
 the 
 
54 NEW -ENGLAND 
 
 the necke, for shee would haue beene gone to the Lyon ; but it 
 pleased God so to dispose, that the vvilde Beastcs came not : so 
 they walked vp and downe vnder the Tree all night , it was an ex- 
 treame colde night. So soone as it was light they trauailed againe, 
 passing by many lakes and brookes and woods , and in one place 
 where the Salvages had burnt the space of 5 . myles in length , 
 which is a fine Champion Countrey, and even. In the after-noone, 
 it pleased God from an high Hill they discovered the two lies in 
 the Bay, and so that night got to the Plantation, being ready to 
 faint with travaile and want of victuals , and almost famished 
 with colde. Tohi Goodman was faine to haue his shooes cut off his 
 feete they were so swelled with colde, and it was a long while 
 after, ere he was able to goe ; those on the shore were much com- 
 forted at their returne, but they on ship-boord were grieved 
 as deeming them lost ; but the next day being the 14. of 
 January, in the morning about sixe of the clocke, the winde being 
 very great, they on ship-boord spied their great new Randevous 
 on fire, which was to them a new discomfort , fearing because of 
 the supposed losse of the men, that the Salvages had fiered them, 
 neither could they presently goe to them for want of water, but 
 after 3. quarters of an houre they went , as they had purposed 
 the day before to keepe the Sabboth on shore , because now there 
 was the greater number of people. At their landing they heard 
 good tidings of the returne of the 2. men, and that the house was 
 fired occasionally by a sparke that flew into the thatch, which 
 instantly burned it all vp, but the roofe stood and little hurt ; the 
 most losse was Maister Carvers and William Bradfords, who then 
 lay sicke in bed, and if they had not risen with good speede, had 
 been blowne vp with powder : but through Gods mercy they 
 had no harmo ; the house was as fall of beds as they could lie 
 one by another, and their Muskets charged, but blessed be God 
 there was no harme done. 
 
 Munday the 15. day, it rayned much all day, that they on 
 ship-boord could not goe on shore, nor they on shore doe any 
 labour but were all wet. 
 
 Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, were very faire Sun-shinie 
 dayes, as if it had beene in Aprill, and our people so many as 
 were in health wrought chcarefully. 
 
 The 
 
IN AMERICA. 55 
 
 The 19. day, we resolved to make a Shed, to put our common 
 provision in, of which some were alreadie set on shore, but at 
 noone it rayned, that we could not worke. This day in the eve- 
 ning, Ioh7i Goodman went abroud to vse his lame feete, that were 
 pittifully ill with the cold he had got, having a little Spannell with 
 him ; a little way from the Plantation, two great Wolues ran after 
 the Dog, the Dog ran to him and betwixt his leggs for succour ; 
 he had nothing in his hand but tooke vp a sticke, and threw at one 
 of ihejoa and hit him, and they presently ran both away, but came 
 againe : he got a paile bord in his hand, and they sat both on their 
 tayles, grinning at him, a good while, and went their way, and 
 left him. 
 
 Saturday 20. we made vp our Shed for our common goods. 
 
 Sunday the 21. we kept our meeting on Land. 
 
 Munday the 22. was a faire day, we wrought on our houses, 
 and in the after-noone carried vp our hogsheads of meale to our 
 common store-house. 
 
 The rest of the weeke we followed our businesse likewise. 
 
 Munday the 29. in the morning cold frosf and sleete, but after 
 reasonable fayre ; both the long Boatc and the Shallop brought 
 our common o-oods on shore. 
 
 Tuesday and Wednesday 30. and 31. of lanuarij, cold frosty 
 weather and sleete, that we could not worke : in the morning the 
 Master and others saw two Savages, that had beene on the Hand 
 nere our Ship, what they came for w^e could not tell, they were 
 going so fiirre backe againe before they were descried, that we 
 could not speake with them. 
 
 Sunday the 4. of February, was very wett and rainie, with the 
 greatest gusts of winde that ever we had since wee came forth, 
 that though we rid in a very good harbour, yet we were in dan- 
 ger, because our Ship was light, the goods taken out, and she vn- 
 ballased ; and it caused much daubing of our houses to fall downe. 
 
 Fryday the 9. still the cold weather continued, that w^ee could 
 doe little worke. That afler-noone our little house for our sicke 
 people was set on fire by a sparke that kindled in the roofe, but 
 no great harme was done. That evening the master going ashore, 
 killed fine Geese, which he friendly distributed among the sicke 
 people ; he fnind also a good Deere killed, the Savages had cut 
 
 off 
 
56 N E W . E N G L A N D 
 
 off the homes, and a Wolfe was eating of him ; how he came 
 there we could not conceiue. 
 
 Friday the 16. day, was a faire day, but the northerly wind 
 continued, which continued the frost. This day after-noone one of 
 our people being a fouling, and having taken a stand by a creeke 
 side in the Reeds, about a myle and an halfe from our Plantation, 
 there came by him twelue Indians, marching towards our Plan- 
 tation, & in the woods he heard the noyse of many more. He lay 
 close till they were passed, and then with what speed he could he 
 went home & gaue the Alarm ; so the people abroad in the woods 
 returned & armed themselues, but saw none of them, onely to- 
 ward the euening they made a great fire, about the place where 
 they were first discovered : Captaine Miles Slandish, and Francis 
 Cooke, being at worke in the Woods, comming home, left their 
 tooles behind them, but before they returned, their tooles were 
 taken away by the Savages. This comming of the Savages gaue 
 vs occasion to keepe more strict watch, and to make our peeces 
 and furniture rcadie, which by the moysture and rayne were out 
 of temper. 
 
 Saturday the 17. day, in the morning we called a meeting for 
 the establishing of military Orders amongst our selues, and we 
 chose Miles Standish our Captaine, and gaue him authoritie of 
 command in affayres : and as we were in consultation here abouts, 
 two Savages presented themselues vpon the top of an hill, over 
 against our Plantation, about a quarter of a myle and lesse, and 
 made signes vnto vs to come vnto them ; we likewise made signes 
 vnto them to come to vs, whereupon we armed our selues, and 
 stood readie, and sent two over the brooke towards them, to wit, 
 Captaine Standish and Steven Hopkins, who went towards them : 
 onely one of them had a Musket, which they layd downe on the 
 ground in their sight, in signe of peace, and to parley with them, 
 but the Savages would not tarry their comming ; a noyse of a 
 great many more was heard behind the hill, but no more came in 
 sight. This caused vs to plant our great Ordinances in places 
 most convenient. 
 
 W^ednesday the 21. of February, the master came on shore 
 with many of his Saylers, and brought with him one of the great 
 Peeces, called a Minion, and helped vs to draw it vp the hill, 
 
 with 
 
IN AMERICA. 57 
 
 with another Peece that lay on shore, and mounted them, and a 
 sailer and two hases ; he brought with him a very fat Goose to 
 eate with vs, and we had a fat Crane, and a Mallerd, and a dry'd 
 neats-tongue, and so wee were kindly and friendly together. 
 
 Saturday the third of March, the winde was South, the morn- 
 ing mistie, but towards noone warme and fayre weather ; the 
 Birds sang in the Woods most pleasantly ; at one of the Clocke it 
 thundred, which was the first wee heard in that Countrey, it was 
 strong and great claps, but short, but after an houre it rayned 
 very sadly till midnight. 
 
 Wednesday the seaventh o^ March, the wind was full East, cold, 
 but faire ; that day Master Carver with fine other went to the 
 great Ponds, which seeme to be excellent fishing-places ; all the 
 way they went they found it exceedingly beaten and haunted 
 with Deere, but they saw none ; amongst other foule, they saw 
 one a milke white foule, with a very blacke head : this day some 
 garden seeds were sowen. 
 
 Fryday, the 16. a fayre warme day towards ; this morning we 
 determined to conclude of the military Orders, which we had be- 
 gan to consider of before, but were interrupted by the Savages, 
 as we mentioned formerly ; and whilst we were busied here about, 
 we were interrupted againe, for there presented himself a Savage, 
 which caused an Alarm ; he very boldly came all alone and along 
 the houses straight to the Randevous, where we intercepted him, 
 not suffering him to goe in, as vndoubtedly he would, out of his 
 boldnesse. Hee saluted vs in English, and bad vs well- come, for 
 he had learned some broken English amongst the English men 
 that came to fish at Monchiggon, and knew by name the most of 
 the Captaines, Commanders, & Masters, that vsually come. He 
 was a man free in speech, so farre as he could expresse his minde, 
 and of a seemely carriage ; we questioned him of many things ; he 
 was the first Savage we could meete withall ; he sayd he was not 
 of these parts, but of Moraitiggon, and one of the Sagamores or 
 Lords thereof, and had beene 8. moneths in these parts, it lying 
 hence a dayes sayle with a great wind, and fine dayes by land ; 
 he discoursed of the whole Country, and of every Province, and 
 of their Sagamores, and their number of men, and strength ; the 
 wind beginning to rise a little, we cast a horsemans coat about 
 
 3* him 
 
58 N E W - E N G L A N D 
 
 him, for he was starke naked, onely a leather about his wast, with 
 a fringe about a span long, or little more ; he had a bow & 2 ar- 
 rowes, the one headed, and the other vnheaded ; he was a tall 
 straight man, the haire of his head blacke, long behind, onely 
 short before, none on his face at all ; he asked some beere, but 
 we gaue him strong water, and bisket, and butter, and cheese, & 
 pudding, and a peece of a mallerd, all which he liked well, and 
 had bin acquainted with such amongst the English ; he told vs 
 the place where we now Hue, is called, Patuxet, and that about 
 foure yeares agoe, all the Inhabitants dyed of an extraordinary 
 plague, and there is neither man, woman, nor childe remaining, as 
 indeed we haue found none, so as there is none to hinder our pos- 
 session, or to lay claime vnto it ; all the after-noone we spent in 
 communication with him, we would gladly haue beene rid of him 
 at night, but he was not willing to g03 this night ; then we thought 
 to carry him on ship-boord, wherewith he was well content, and 
 went into the Shallop, but the winde was high and water scant, 
 that it could not returne backe: we lodged him that night at Ste- 
 ven Hopkins house, and watched him; the next day he went 
 away backe to the MasasoUs, from whence he sayd he came, who 
 are our next bordering neighbours : they are sixtie strong, as he 
 sayth : the JSausiles are as nee re South-east of them, and are a 
 hundred strong, and those were they of whom our people were 
 encountred, as we before related. They are much incensed and 
 provoked against the English, and about eyght moneths agoe slew 
 three English men, and two more hardly escaped by flight to 
 Monhiggon ; they were Sir Ferdinando Gorge his men, as this 
 Savage told vs, as he did likewise of the Huggerie, that is, Fight, 
 that our discoverers had with the Nausites, & of our tooles that 
 were taken out of the woods, which we willed him should be 
 brought againe, otherwise, we would right, our selues. These 
 people are ill affected towards the English, by reason of one Hunt, 
 a master of a ship, who deceived the people, and got them vnder 
 colour of truking with them, twentie out of this very place where 
 we inhabite, and seaven men from the Nausites, and carried them 
 away, and sold them for slaues, like a wretched man (for 20. 
 pounds a man) that cares not what mischiefe he doth for his 
 profit. 
 
 Saturday 
 
IN A ME ETC A. 59 
 
 Saturday in the morning we dismissed the Salvage, and gaue 
 him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring ; he promised within a night 
 or two to come againe, and to bring with him some of the Massa- 
 soijts our neighbours, with such Beuers skins as they had to trucke 
 with vs. 
 
 Saturday and Sunday reasonable fayre dayes. On this day 
 came againe the Savage, and brought with him fiue other tall 
 proper men ; they had every man a Deeres skin on him, and the 
 principall of them had a wild Cats skin, or such like on the one 
 arme ; they had most of them long hosen vp to their groynes, 
 close made ; and aboue their groynes to their wast another leather ; 
 they were altogether like the /mA-trouses ; they are of com- 
 plexion like our English Gipseys, no haire or very little on their 
 faces, on their heads long haire to their shoulders, onely cut be- 
 fore, some trussed vp before with a feather, broad wise, like a 
 fanne, another a fox tayle hanging out ; these left (according to 
 our charge giuen him before) their Bowes and Arrowes a quarter 
 of a myle from our Towne. We gaue them entertaynement as we 
 thought was fitting them, they did eate liberally of our English 
 victuals, they made semblance vnto vs of friendship and amitie ; 
 they sung & danced after their maner like Anticks ; they brought 
 with them in a thing like a Bow-case (which the principall of 
 them had about his wast) a little of their Corne pownded to Pow- 
 der, which put to a little water they eate ; he had a little Tobacco 
 in a bag, but none of them drunke but when he listed ; some of 
 them had their faces paynted blacke, from the forehead to the 
 chin, foure or fiue fingers broad ; others after other fashions, as 
 they liked ; they brought three or foure skins, but we would not 
 trucke with them at all that day, but wished them to bring more, 
 and we would trucke for all, which they promised within a night 
 or two, and would leaue these behind them, though we were not 
 willing they should, and they brought vs all our tools againe 
 which were taken in the Woods, in our mens absence, so because 
 of the day we dismissed them so soone as we could. But Samoset 
 our first acquaintance, eyther was sicke, or fayned himselfe so, 
 and would not goe with them and stayed with vs till Wednesday 
 morning : Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they 
 came not according to their words, and we gaue him an hat, a 
 
 payre 
 
60 NEW-ENGLAND 
 
 payre of stockings and shooes, a shirt, and a peece of cloth to tie 
 about his wast. 
 
 The Sabboth day, when we sent them from vs, wee gaue every 
 one of them some trifles, especially, the principal! of them ; we 
 carried them along with our Armes to the place where they left 
 their Bowes and Arrowes, whereat they were amazed, and two 
 of them began to slinke away, but that the other called them. 
 When they tooke their Arrowes, we bad them farewell, and they 
 were glad, and so with many thankes giuen vs they departed, 
 with promise they would come againe. 
 
 Munday and Tuesday proved fay re dayes, we digged our 
 grounds, and sowed our garden seeds. 
 
 AVednesday a fine warme day, we sent away Samoset. 
 
 That day we had againe a meeting, to conclude of lawes and 
 orders for our selues, and to confirme those Military Orders that 
 were formerly propounded, and twise broken off by the Savages 
 comming ; but so we were againe the third time ; for after we had 
 beene an houre together, on the top of the hill over against vs 
 two or three Savages presented themselues, that made semblance 
 of daring vs, as we thought ; so Captaine Standish with another, 
 with their Muskets went over to them, with two of the masters 
 mates that follow them without Armes, having two Muskets with 
 them ; they whetted and rubbed their Arrowes and Strings, and 
 made shew of defiance, but when our men drew nere them, 
 they ranne away. Thus Ave were againe interrupted by them ; 
 this day with much adoe we got our Carpenter that had beene 
 long sicke of the scurvey, to fit our Shallop, to fetch all from 
 aboord. 
 
 Thursday the 22. of March, was a very fay re warme day. 
 About lioone we met againe about our publique businesse, but we 
 had scarce beene an houre together, but Samoset came againe, 
 and Squanto, the onely natiue o^ Patuxat, where we now inhabite, 
 who was one of the twentie Captiues that by Hujit were carried 
 away, and had beene in England & dwelt in Cornehill with mas- 
 ter lohn Slanie a Marchant, and could speake a little English, 
 with three others, and they brought with them some few skinnes 
 to trucke, and some red Herrings newly taken and dryed, but not 
 salted, and signified vnto vs, that their great Sagamore Masasoyt 
 
 was 
 
IN AMERICA. 61 
 
 was hard by, with Quadequhia his brother, and all their men. 
 They could not well expresse in English what they would, but 
 after an houre the King came to the top of an hill over against vs, 
 and had in his trayne sixtie men, that we could well behold them, 
 and they vs : we were not willing to send our governour to them, 
 and they vnwilling to come to vs, so Squanto w^ent againe vnto 
 him, who brought word that wee should send one to parley with 
 him, which we did, which was Edward Winsloe, to know his 
 mind, and to signifie the mind and will of our governour, which 
 was to haue trading and peace with him. We sent to the King 
 a payre of Kniues, and a Copper Chayne, with a lewell at it. To 
 Quadequina we sent likewise a Knife and a lewell to hang in his 
 eare, and withall a Pot of strong water, a good quantitie of Bisket, 
 and some butter, which were all willingly accepted : our Messen- 
 ger made a speech vnto him, that King I a m e s saluted him with 
 words of loue and Peace, and did accept of him as his Friend and 
 Alie, and that our Governour desired to see him and to trucke 
 with him, and to confirme a Peace with him, as his next neigh- 
 bour : he liked well of the speech and heard it attentiuely, though 
 the Interpreters did not well expresse it; after he had eaten and 
 drunke himselfe, and giuen the rest to his company, he looked 
 vpon our messengers sword and armour which he had on, with 
 intimation of his desire to buy it, but on the other side, our mes- 
 senger shewed his vnwillingnes to part with it : In the end he 
 left him in the custodie of Quadequina his brother, and came over 
 the brooke, and some twentie men following him, leaving all their 
 Bowes and Arrowes behind them. We kept six or seaven as 
 hostages for our messenger ; Captaine Standish and master 
 Williamson met the King at the brooke, with halfe a dozen Mus- 
 ketiers, they saluted him and he them, so one going over, the one 
 on the one side, and the other on the other , conducted him to an 
 house then in building, where we placed a greene Rugge, and 
 three or foure Cushions, then instantly came our Governour 
 with Drumme and Trumpet after him, and some few Musketiers. 
 After salutations, our Governour kissing his hand, the King 
 kissed him, and so they sat downe. The Governour called for 
 some strong water, and drunke to him, and he drunke a great 
 draught that made him sweate all the while after ; he called for a 
 
 little 
 
62 NEW -ENGLAND 
 
 little fresh meate, which the King did eate willingly, and did uige 
 
 his followers. Then they treated of Peace, which was; 
 
 The agree- ^' That ncyther he nor any of his should iniure or 
 
 ?eac?be- ^06 hurt to any of our people. 
 
 and Mais- '^" ^^^ ^^ ^"^ °^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^'^ ^° ^^^^ of ours, he should 
 
 asoyt. send the offender, that we might punish him. 
 
 3. That if any of our Tooles were taken away when our peo- 
 ple were at worke, he should cause them to be restored, and it 
 ours did any harme to any of his, wee would doe the like to 
 them. 
 
 4. If any did vniustly warre against him, we would ayde him ; 
 If any did warre against vs, he should ayde vs. 
 
 5. He should send to his neighbour Confederates, to certifie 
 them of this, that they might not wrong vs, but might be likewise 
 comprised in the conditions of Peace. 
 
 6. That when their men came to vs , they should leaue their 
 Bowes and Arrowes behind them, as wee should doe our Peeces 
 when w^e came to them. 
 
 Lastly, that doing thus. King I a m e s would esteeme of him as 
 his friend and Alie : all which the King seemed to like well, and 
 it was applauded of his followers ; all the while he sat by the 
 Governour he trembled for feare ; In his person he is a very lustie 
 man, in his best yeares, an able body, graue of countenance, and 
 spare of speech : In his Attyre little or nothing differing from the 
 rest of his followers, only in a great Chaine of white bone Beades 
 about his necke, and at it behinde his necke, hangs a little bagg 
 of Tobacco, which he dranke and gaue us to drinke ; his face 
 was paynted with a sad red like murry, and oyled both head and 
 face, that hee looked greasily : All his follov/ers likewise, were in 
 their faces, in part or in whole painted, some blacke, some red, 
 .some yellow, and some white, some with crosses, and other An- 
 tick workes , some had skins on them , and some naked, all strong, 
 tall, all men in appearance: so after all was done, the Governour 
 conducted him to the Brooke , and there they embraced each 
 other and he departed : we diligently keeping our hostages, wee 
 expected our messengers comming, but anon word was brought 
 vs, that Quaddequina was comming, and our messenger was 
 stayed till his returne, who presently came and a troupe with him, 
 
 so 
 
IN AMERICA. 63 
 
 so likewise wee entertained him, and convayed him to the place 
 prepared ; he was very fearefull of our peeces, and made signes 
 of dislike, that they should be carried away, whereupon Com- 
 mandement was given, they should be layd away. He was a very 
 proper tall young man , of a very modest and seemely counte- 
 nance, and he did kindely like of our entertainement, so we con- 
 vayed him likewise as wee did the King, but diuers of their peo- 
 ple stayed still ; when hee was returned, then they dismissed our 
 messenger. Two of his people would haue stayed all night, but 
 wee would not suffer it : one thing I forgot, the King had in his 
 bosome hanging in a string, a great long knife ; hee marveiled 
 much at our Trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as 
 well as they could ; Samoset and Sqiianto, they stayed al night 
 with vs and the King and al his men lay all night in the \voods, 
 not aboue halfe an English myle from vs , and all their wiues and 
 women with them : they sayd that within 8. or 9. dayes, they 
 would come and set corne on the other side of the Brooke , and 
 dwell there all Summer, which is hard by vs ; That night we 
 kept good watch , but there was no appearance of danger ; the 
 next morning divers of their people came over to vs, hoping to get 
 some victuales as wee imagined, some of them told vs the King 
 would haue some of vs come see him ; Captaine Standish and 
 Isaac Alderion went venterously , who were welcommed of him 
 after their manner : he gaue them three or foure ground Nuts, and 
 some Tobacco. Wee cannot yet conceiue, but that he is willing 
 to haue peace with vs, for they haue scene our people sometimes 
 alone two or three in the woods at worke and fowling, when as 
 they offered them no harme as they might easily haue done , and 
 especially because hee hath a potent Adversary the Naroicliiganseis, 
 that are at warre with him, against whom hee thinks wee may be 
 some strength to him, for our peeces are terrible vnto them ; this 
 morninir, thev staved till ten or eleuen of the Clocke, and our 
 Governour bid them send the King's kettle, and filled it full of 
 pease, which pleased them well , and so they went their way. 
 
 Fryday was a very faire day; Samoset and SquantG ^^^^^^^ 
 still remained with vs, Squanto went at noone to fish for ^^'^• 
 Eeles ; at night he came home with as many as he could well lifl 
 in one hand, which our people were glad of, they were fat & 
 
 sv/eet, 
 
64 NEW-ENGLAND 
 
 sweet ; he trod them out with his feete, and so caught them with 
 his hands without any other instrument. 
 
 This day we proceeded on with our common businesse, from 
 
 which we had been so often hind red by the Salvages comming, 
 
 and concluded both of Military orders, and of some 
 
 Lawes and Orders as wee thought behoofefull for 
 
 our present estate, and condition, and did like 
 
 wise choose our Governour for this yeare ; 
 
 which was Master lohn Carver 
 
 a man well approoved 
 
 amongst vs. 
 
THE JOURNEY TO PACKANOKIK. 
 
 The preceding journal ends March 23d, 1621, with a 
 record of the last business transacted that day, in the re- 
 election of Mr. Carver for governor. It was little more 
 than a fortnight after this, when the governor, so beloved 
 and venerated by the colony, suddenly, in the midst of his 
 work, sickened and died. They then chose Mr. Bradford 
 governor, and Mr. Isaac AUerton as his assistant. 
 
 The next grand colonial business is that of the embassy 
 to Massasoit at Packanokik, the account of which, by one 
 of the ambassadors, follows immediately upon the journal. 
 It will be seen, as stated in the account of their pro- 
 ceedings, that they set forward the tenth of June, a date 
 which is demonstrated to be a mistake, by comparison 
 with the after record, and with the journal of Governor 
 Bradford, as given by Mr. Prince. It may have been a 
 mistake of the printers, or of Mr. Morton. At any rate the 
 account of the journey, as will be seen on examination, 
 dating back from Saturday, the day on which they return- 
 ed to Plymouth, shows that it must have commenced on 
 Tuesday morning, occupying from Tuesday morning till 
 Saturday night. This Tuesday, according to Prince's 
 Chronology of the period, gathered from Governor Brad- 
 ford's History and Register, must have been July 3d, 1621. 
 
 The reader has already been introduced to " the great 
 King Massasoit" in the previous account of the treaty of 
 peace between him and Governor Bradford. The inter- 
 view was brought about and managed through the friend- 
 ship of Samoset and Squanto, especially the last, who 
 perhaps had taught Samoset the use of that English word 
 welcome, with which the savage man, in such strange un- 
 expected kindness, had saluted the civilized. The treaty 
 with Massasoit was a simple and primitive league of peace 
 
66 THE JOURNEY TO PACKA^'OKIK. 
 
 and friendship, and nothing had occurred for three months 
 to interrupt it ; and now the cause, in part, of this new 
 ambassage was the desire of the Pilgrims to make just 
 restitution for the taking of the corn which they had disco- 
 vered and appropriated on their first landing at Cape Cod, 
 intending at that time to pay for it as soon as they could 
 find the owner. Massasoit, the great Sagamore, seems to 
 have been a friendly man, and he had great cause to be 
 thankful for the friendship of the Pilgrims, as well as they 
 for his ; but in the first interview he seems to have made 
 but a "greasy " impression upon the spectators, though " an 
 able body, grave of countenance and spare of speech." 
 Quadequina, his brother, is presented as "a very proper, 
 tall young man, of a very modest and seemly countenance." 
 The warlike tribe of the Narragansetts were enemies of 
 Massasoit, for which reason he was the more glad to keep 
 friendship with the Pilgrims, " their pieces being terrible 
 unto them." Massasoit's sovereignty ran over a wide ex- 
 tent of country in Rhode Island and Massachusetts, in some 
 places from bay to bay. He was the " sachem of the tribe 
 possessing the country north of Narraganset Bay, and be- 
 tween the rivers of Providence and Taunton."* The pre- 
 sent townships of Bristol, Warren, and Barrington, were 
 under Massasoit. Namasket, the first town of his sove- 
 reignty through which the ambassadors passed, was the 
 region of Middleborough and Bridge water. Packanokik 
 is described by Governor Bradford as about forty miles 
 westward from Plymouth; "sometimes called Sowams, 
 and sometimes Pacanokik," says Mr. Prince, " which I sup- 
 pose is afterwards called Mount Hope, and since named 
 Bristol."! 
 
 Thus much for the characters and localities in the fol- 
 lowing narrative, which itself is one of the most interesting 
 in the little collection of authentic and extraordinary pic- 
 tures of savage and colonial life presented in this volume. 
 
 * Bancroft's Hist. United States. Vol. i. p. 317. 
 f Prince's New England Chronology. Vol. i. p. 102 
 
FA A -'/x • /''^ ■ /■- A A 
 
 /^^ /^^ -//i^A: /J.^ ^i:^ 'i.:^^ :i^^: i^iak .^3^ '/£s^s 
 
 A 
 lOVRNEY TO P AC KANO KI K, 
 
 The Habitation of the Great King 
 M A S S A S O Y T. 
 
 As also our Message, the 
 
 Answere and intertaine- 
 
 meni ivee had of 
 
 H I M . 
 
 ^^T seemed good to the Company for many considerations 
 to send some amongst them to Massasoyt, the greatest 
 >M Commander amongst the Savages , bordering about vs ; 
 partly to know where to find them, if occasion served, 
 as also to see their strength, discover the Country, pre- 
 vent abuses in their disorderly comming vnto vs, make 
 satisfaction for some conceived jniuries to be done on our 
 parts, and to continue the league of Peace and Friendship 
 betweene them and vs. For these, and the like ends, it pleased 
 the Governour to make choice of Steven Hopkins, & Edward 
 Winsloe to goe vnto him, and having a fit opportunitie, by reason 
 of a Savage, called Tisquantum (that could speake English) com- 
 ming vnto vs ; with all expedition provided a Horse-mans coat, of 
 red Cotton, and laced with a slight lace for a present, that both 
 they and their message might be the more acceptable amongst 
 •them. The Message was as followeth ; That forasmuch as his 
 subiects came often and without feare, vpon all occasions amongst 
 vs, so wee were now come vnto him , and in witnesse of the loue 
 and good will the English beare vnto him, the Governour hath 
 sent him a coat, desiring that the Peace and Amitie that was 
 betweene them and vs might be continued, not that we feared 
 them, but because we intended not to iniure any, desiring to Hue 
 peaceably ; and as with all men, so especially with them our 
 neerest neighbours. But whereas his people came very often, 
 
 and 
 
68 N E W - E N G L A N D 
 
 and very many together vnto vs. bringing for tlie most part their 
 wiues and children with them, they were well come ; yet we 
 being but strangers as yet at Patiixet, alias Netv PUmmoth, and 
 not knowing how our Corne might prosper, we could no longer 
 giue them such entertainment as we had done, and as we desired 
 still to doe : yet if he would be pleased to come himselfe, or any 
 speciall friend of his desired to see vs, comming from him they 
 should be wellcome ; and to the end wee might know them from 
 others, our Governour had sent him a copper Chayne, desiring if 
 any Messenger should come from him to vs, we might know him 
 by bringing it with him, and hearken and give credite to his 
 Message accordingly. Also requesting him that such as haue 
 skins, should bring them to vs, and that he would hinder the 
 multitude from oppressing vs with them. And whereas at our 
 first arrivall at Paomet (called by vs Cape Cod) we found there 
 Corne buried in the ground, and finding no inhabitants but some 
 graues of dead new buryed, tooke the Corne, resolving if ever we 
 could heare of any that had right thereunto, to make satisfaction 
 to the full for it, yet since we vnderstand the owners thereof were 
 fled for feare of vs, our desire was either to pay them with the 
 like quantitie of corne, English meale, or any other Commodities 
 we had to pleasure them withall ; requesting him that some one 
 of his men might signifie so much vnto them, and wee would con- 
 tent him for his paines. And last of all, our Gouernour requested 
 one favour of him, which was, that he would exchange some of 
 their Corne for seede with us, that we might make tryall which 
 best agreed with the soyle where we Hue. 
 
 With these presents and message we set forward the tenth 
 lune, about 9. a clocke in the Morning, our guide resolving that 
 night to rest at Namaschet, a Towns vnder Massasoyt, and con- 
 ceived by vs to bee very neere, because the Inhabitants flocked 
 so thicke vpon every slight occasion amongst vs : but wee found 
 it to bee some fifteene English myles. On the way we found 
 some ten or tvv^elue men women and children, which had pestered 
 vs, till wee were wearie of them, perceiving that (as the manner 
 of them all is) where victuall is easiliest to be got, there they Hue, 
 especially in the Summer : by reason whereof our Bay affording 
 many Lobsters, they resort every spring tide thither : <k now re- 
 turned 
 
IN AMERICA. 69 
 
 turned with vs to Namaschet. Thither we came about 3. a clock 
 after noone, the Inhabitants entertaining vs with ioy, in the best 
 manner they could, giving vs a kinde of bread called by them 
 Maizium, and the spawne of Shads, which then they got in 
 abundance, in so much as they gaue vs spoones to eate them, with 
 these they boyled mustie Acorns, but of the Shads we eate 
 heartily. After this they desired one of our men to shoote at a 
 Crow , complaining what damage they sustained in their Corne by 
 them, who shooting some fourescore off and killing , they much 
 admired it, as other shots on other occasions. After this Tis- 
 qiiantum told vs we should hardly in one day reach Pakanokick, 
 moving vs to goe some 8. myles further, where we should finde 
 more store and better victuals then there : Beino; willinsr to hasten 
 our lourney we went, and came thither at Sunne setting, where 
 we found many of the Namascheucks (they so calling the men of 
 Namaschet) fishing vppon a Wore which they had made on a River 
 which belonged to them, where they caught abundance of Basse. 
 These welcommed vs also , gaue vs of their fish, and we them of 
 our victuals, "not doubting but we should haue enough where ere 
 we came. There we lodged in tiie open fieldes : for houses they 
 had none , though they spent the most of the Summer there. The 
 head of this River is reported to bee not farre from the place of 
 our abode ; vpon it are , and haue been many Townes, it being a 
 good length. The ground is very good on both sides, it being for 
 the most part cleered : Thousands of men have lived there, which 
 dyed in a great plague not long since : and pitty it was and is to 
 see, so many goodly fieldes, & so well seated, without men to 
 dresse and manure the same. Vppon this River dwelleth Mas- 
 sasoyt : It commeth into the Sea at the Narrohiganset Bay, 
 where the French men so much vse. A shipp may goe many 
 myles vp it, as the Salvages report, and a shallop to the head of 
 it : but so farre as wee saw, wee are sure a Shallop may. 
 
 But to returne to our lourney : The next morning wee brake 
 our fast, tooke our leaue and departed, being then accompanied 
 with some sixe Salvages, having gone about sixe myles by the 
 River side , at a knowne shole place, it beeing low water, they 
 spake to vs to put off our breeches, for wee must wade thorow. 
 Heere let me not forget the vallour and courrage of some of the 
 
 Salvages, 
 
70 N E W - E N G L A N D 
 
 Salvages, on the opposite side of the river, for there were remairx- 
 ing aliue only 2. men, both aged, especially the one being aboue 
 threescourc; These two espying a company of men entring the 
 Iliver, ran very swiftly & low in the grasse to meete vs at the 
 banck, where with shrill voyces and great courage standing 
 charged vppon vs with their bowes, they demaunded what we 
 were, supposing vs to be enemies, and thinking to take advantage 
 on vs in the water : but seeing we were friends, they wel- 
 commed vs with such foode as they had, and we bestowed a small 
 bracelet of Beades on them. Thus farre wee are sure the Tide 
 ebs and flowes. 
 
 Having here againe refreshed our selves, we proceeded in our 
 Tourney, the weather being very bote for travell, yet the Country 
 so well watered that a man could scarce be drie, but he should 
 haue a spring at hand to coole his thirst, beside smal Rivers in 
 abundance : But the Salvages will not willingly drinke, but at a 
 spring head. When wee came to any small Brooke vv'here no 
 bridge was, two of them desired to carry vs through of their 
 owne accords, also fearing v/ee v/erc or would be weary, offered 
 to carry our peeces, also if we v/ould lay off any of our clothes, 
 we should haue them carried : and as the one of them had found 
 more speciail kindnesse from one of the IMesscngers, and the 
 other Salvage from the other, so they shewed their thankefulnesse 
 accordingly in affording vs all helpe, and furtherance in the 
 lourncy. 
 
 As we passed along, we observed that there were few places 
 by the River, but had beene inhabited, by reason whereof, much 
 ground was cleare , saue of weedes which grewe higher then our 
 heads. There is much good Timber both Oake, Waltnut-tree, 
 Firre, Beeche, and exceeding great Chessnut-trees. The Country 
 in respect of the lying of it, is both Champanie and hilly, like 
 many places in England. In some places its very rockie both 
 aboue ground and in it : And though the Countrey bee wilde 
 and over-growne v/ith vv'oods, yet the trees stand not thicke , but a 
 man may well ride a horse amongst them. 
 
 Passing on at length, one of the Company an Indian espied a 
 man, and told the rest of it, we asked them if they feared any, 
 they told vs that if they were NarrohigganspA men they would 
 
 not 
 
I N AMERICA. 71 
 
 not trust them, whereat, we called for our peeccs and bid them 
 not to feare ; for though they w'ere twenty, we two alone w^ould 
 not care for them : but they hayling him, bee prooved a friend, 
 and had onely two women with him : their baskets were empty, 
 but they fetched water in their bottels, so that we dranke with 
 them and departed. After we met another man with other two 
 women , which had beene at Randevow by the salt water, and 
 their baskets were full of rosted Crab fishes, and other dryed 
 shell fish, of which they gaue vs, and wee eate and dranke with 
 them : and gaue each of the women a string of Beades, and 
 departed. 
 
 After wee came to a Towne of Massasoyts, where we eat Oys- 
 ters and other fish. From thence we went to Packanoldck, but 
 Massasoyt was not at home, there we stayed, he being sent for : 
 M'hen nevves was brought of his comming, our guide Tisquanium 
 requested that at our meeting, wee would discharge our peeces, 
 but one of vs going about to charge his peece, the women and 
 children through feare to see him take vpp his piece, ran away, 
 and could not bee pacified, till hee layd it downe againe, who 
 afterward were better informed by our Interpreter. 
 
 Massasoyt being come, wee discharged our Peeces, and saluted 
 him, who after their manner kindly v/ellcommed vs, and tooke 
 vs into his house, and set vs downe by him, where having de- 
 livered our forasayd Message, and Presents, and having put the 
 Coat on his backe, and the Chayne about his necke, he was not a 
 little proud to behold hiraselfe, and his men also to see their King 
 so brauely attyred. 
 
 For answere to our Message, he told vs we were well-come, 
 and he would gladly continue that Peace and Friendship which 
 was betweene him, & vs : and for his men they should no more 
 pester vs as they had done : Also, that he would send to Pao?n€t, 
 and would help vs with Corne for seed, according to our request. 
 
 This being done, his men gathered neere to him, to whom he 
 turned himselfe, and made a great Speech ; they sometime inter- 
 posing, and as it were, confirming and applauding him in that he 
 sayd. The meaning, whereof was (as farre as we could learne) 
 thus ; Was not he Massasoyt Commander of the Countrey about 
 them ? Was not suche a Towne his and the people of it 1 and 
 
 should 
 
72 NEW. ENGLAND 
 
 should they not bring their skins vnto vs ? To which they an 
 swered, they were his & would be at peace with vs, and bring 
 their skins to vs. After this manner, he named at least thirtie 
 places, and their answere was as aforesayd to every one : so that 
 as it was delightfull, it was tedious vnto vs. 
 
 This being ended, he lighted Tobacco for vs, and fell to dis- 
 coursing of England, & of the Kings Maiestie, marvayling that 
 he would liue without a wife. Also he talked of the French- 
 men, bidding vs not to suffer them to come to Narrohiganset, for it 
 was King I a m e s his Countrey, and he also was King I a m e s his 
 man. Late it grew, but victualls he offered none ; for indeed he 
 had not any, being he came so newly home. So we desired to 
 goe to rest : he layd vs on the bed with himselfe and his wife, 
 they at the one end and we at the other, it being onely plancks 
 layd a foot from the ground, and a thin Mat vpon them. Two 
 more of his chiefe men for want of roome pressed by and vpon 
 vs ; so that we were worse weary of our lodging then of our 
 iourney. 
 
 The next day being Thursday, many of their Sachmis, or petty 
 Governours came to see vs, and many of their men also. There 
 they went to their manner of Games for skins and kniues. There 
 we challenged them to shoote with them for skins : but they 
 durst not : onely they desired to see one of vs shoote at a marke, 
 who shooting with Haile-shot, they wondred to see the marke so 
 full of holes. About one a clocke, Massasoyt brought two fishes 
 that he had shot, they were like Breame but three times so bigge, 
 and better meate. These being boyled, there were at least fortie 
 looked for share in them, the most eate of them : This meale 
 onely we had in two nights and a day, and had not one of vs 
 bought a Partridge, we had taken our Iourney fasting : Very im- 
 portunate he was to haue vs stay with them longer : But wee de- 
 sired to keepe the Sabboth at home : and feared we should either 
 be light-headed for want of sleepe, for what with bad lodging, the 
 Savages barbarous singing, (for they vse to sing themselues 
 asleepe) lice and fleas within doores, and Muskeetoes without, 
 wee could hardly sleepe all the time of our being there ; we much 
 fearing, that if wee should stay any longer, we should not be able 
 to recover home for want of strength. So that on the Fryday 
 
 morning 
 
IN AMERICA. 73 
 
 morning before Sun-rising, we tooke our leaue and departed, 
 Massasoyt being both grieved and ashamed, that he could no 
 better entertaine vs : and retaining Tisquanium to send from 
 place to place to procure trucke for vs, and appointing another, 
 called Tokamahamon in his place, whom we had found faithfuU 
 before and after vpon all occasions. 
 
 At this towne of Massasoyts, where we before eate, wee were 
 againe refreshed with a little fish ; and bought about a handfull 
 of Meale of their parched Corne, which was very precious at that 
 time of the yeere, and a small string of dryed shell -fish, as big 
 as Oysters. The latter we gaue to the sixe Savages that accom- 
 panied vs, keeping the Meale for our selues ; when we dranke, we 
 eate each a spoonefull of it with a Pipe of Tobacco, in stead of 
 other victuals ; and of this also we could not but giue them, so 
 long as it lasted. Fine myles they led vs to a house out of the 
 way in hope of victualls : but we found no body there, and so 
 were but worse able to returne home. That night we reached 
 to the wire where we lay before, but the Namascheucks were re- 
 turned : so that we had no hope of any thing there. One of the 
 Savages had shot a Shad in the water, and a small Squirrill as 
 big as a Rat, called a Neuxis, the one halfe of either he gaue vs, 
 and after went to the wire to fish. From hence we wrote to Pli- 
 mouih, and sent Tokamahamon before to Namasket, willing him 
 from thence to send another, that he might meet vs with food at 
 Nam.asket. Two men now onely remained with vs, and it pleased 
 God to giue them good store of fish, so that we were well re- 
 freshed. After supper we went to rest, and they to fishing 
 againe : more they gat and fell to eating a-fresh, and retayned 
 sufficient readie rost for all our break-fasts. About two a Clocke 
 in the morning, arose a great storme of wind, raine, lightning, 
 and thunder, in such violent manner, that we could Saturday, 
 not keepe in our fire ; and had the Savages not rosted •'"^y ''^• 
 fish when we were asleepe, we had set forward fasting : for the 
 raine still continued with great violence, even the whole day 
 thorow, till wee came within two miles of home. 
 
 Being wett and weary, at length we came to Namaschet, there 
 we refreshed our selues, giuing gifts to all such as had shewed 
 vs any kindnesse. Amongst others one of the sixe that came with 
 
 4 vs 
 
74 NEW. ENGLAND IN AMERICA. 
 
 vs from Packanokik having before this on the way vnkindly for- 
 saken vs, marvayled we gaue him nothing, and told vs what he 
 had done for vs ; we also told him of some discurtesies he offered 
 vs, whereby he deserved nothing, yet we gaue him a small trifle : 
 wherevpon he ofliered vs Tobacco : but the house being full of 
 people, we told them hee stole some by the way, and if it were of 
 that we would not take it ; For we would not rcceiue that which 
 was stolne vpon any termes ; if we did, our God would be angry 
 with vs, and destroy vs. This abashed him, and gaue the rest 
 great content : but at our departure he would needs carry him on 
 his backe thorow a River, whom he had formerly in some sort 
 abused. Faine they would haue had vs to lodge there all 
 night .• and wondered we would set forth againe in 
 such Weather : but God be praysed, wee 
 came safe home that night, though 
 wett , weary , and 
 surbated. 
 
THE EXPEDITION TO NAUSET (EASTHAM) FOR THE 
 LOST BOY. 
 
 The preceding narrative ends with Saturday, the 7th of 
 July, 1621. The narrative of the Lost Boy follow^s imme- 
 diately upon that ; it is the next matter recorded from 
 Governor Bradford's Journal, by Mr. Prince, in his Chro- 
 nology. He places it about the end of July. Bradford's 
 account in Prince is as follows : " John Billington, a boy, 
 being lost in the woods, the Governor causes him to be in- 
 quired for among the natives ; at length Massasoit sends 
 word he is at Nauset. He had wandered five days, lived 
 on berries, then light of an Indian plantation, twenty miles 
 south of us, called Manomet, and they conveyed him to the 
 people who first assaulted us ; but the Governor sends ten 
 men in a shallop, with Squanto and Tockamahamon, to 
 fetch him." 
 
 Turning to the Journal of the Pilgrims under date of 
 Dec. 5, 1620, we find the account of a providential de- 
 liverance from great danger incurred on board the May 
 Flower, through " the foolishness of a boy, one of Francis 
 Billington's sons ; " doubtless this same " young scape- 
 grace," as Dr. Young very properly calls him, " who the 
 next summer wandered off down the Cape as far as East- 
 ham, causing great anxiety to the infant colony, and putting 
 them to the trouble of sending an expedition after him." 
 The father of this boy, Dr. Young notifies the reader in his 
 
76 THE EXPEDITION TO NAUSET. 
 
 Chronicles of the Pilgrims, "was not one of the Leyden 
 Church, but slipped in among the Pilgrims in England."* 
 He was the person, as we have seen by the Journal of the 
 Pilgrims, under date of March, who had the vile distinction 
 of being the author of the very first offence committed in 
 the Colony. He was hanged at length, in 1630, for mur- 
 der. This young " scape-grace," in the text, after whom 
 the expedition described in the following narrative was un- 
 dertaken, is probably an example of the manner in which 
 such a worthless father would be likely to train his family. 
 Governor Bradford could not comprehend how it was that 
 such a profane wretch as Billington came to be shuffled in 
 with the company of the Pilgrims. 
 
 ^"^Nauset was the place where the Pilgrims had their first 
 encounter with the Indians, they having been enraged 
 against the English by the villanies of Hunt, who carried 
 off seven of the Nausites to sell them as slaves, and among 
 them the two sons of the old woman, whose grief is re- 
 lated in the narrative. The place called " Manomet, 
 twenty miles south of us," is Sandwich, and Nauset is the 
 town or territory of Eastham, whither the explorers were 
 going ; the place called Manamoick is said to be Chatham, 
 and the harbor of Cummaquid, where they put in for the 
 night, is Barnstable Harbor. These are all the localities 
 that need to be noticed, and we only add, from Governor 
 Bradford, in Prince's Chronology, that the person or per- 
 sons mentioned at Manamoick were paid for their corn ; 
 " those people also come and make their peace, and we 
 give them full satisfaction for the corn we had formerly 
 found in that country."! The Pilgrims were upright and 
 kind in all their dealings with the Indians. 
 
 * Note in Chronicles of the Pilgrims, p. 149. 
 
 t Prince's New England Chronology, vol. i. p. 108. 
 

 VOYAGE MADE BY TEN 
 of our Men to the Kingdome of 
 
 N A V s E T, to seeke a Boy that had 
 
 lost himself e in the W oobs; 
 
 With such Accidents as 
 
 befell vs in that 
 
 Voyage. 
 
 [e 11^^ of lune we set forth, the weather being very 
 faire : but ere we had bin long at Sea, there arose a 
 storme of wind and raine, with much lightning and 
 § thunder, in so much that a spout arose not far from 
 vs : but God be praysed, it dured not long, and we put 
 in thai night for Harbour at a place, called Cummaquidj 
 where wee had some hope to finde the Boy. Two Savages were in 
 the Boat with vs, the one was Tisquantum our Interpreter, the other 
 Tokamahamon, a speciall friend. It being night before we came in, 
 we Anchored in the middest of the Bay, where we were drie at a 
 low water. In the morning we espied Savages seeking Lobsters, 
 and sent our two Interpreters to speake with them, the channell 
 being betweene them ; where they told them what we were, and 
 for what we were come, willing them not at all to feare vs, for we 
 
 would 
 
78 NEW-ENGLAND 
 
 would not hurt them. Their answere was, that the Boy was well, 
 but he was at Nauset ; yet since wee were there they desired vs 
 to come ashore & eate with them : which as soone as our Boat 
 floated we did : and went sixe ashore, having foure pledges for 
 them in the Boate. They brought vs to their Sachim or Gouer- 
 nour , whom they call lyanough, a man not exceeding twentie-six 
 yeeres of age, but very personable, gentle, courteous, and fayre 
 conditioned, indeed not like a Savage, saue for his attyre ; his 
 entertainement was answerable to his parts, and his cheare plen- 
 tifull and various. 
 
 One thing was very grieuous vnto vs at this place ; There was 
 an old woman, whom we iudged to be no lesse then an hundred 
 yeeres old, which came to see vs because shee neuer saw English, 
 yet could not behold vs without breaking forth into great passion, 
 weeping and crying excessiuely. We demaunding the reason of it, 
 they told vs, she had three sons, who when master Hunt was in 
 these parts went aboord his ship to trade with him, and he carried 
 them Captiues into Spaine ( for Tisquantum at that time was car- 
 ried away also ) by which meanes she was depriued of the com- 
 fort of her children in her old age. We told them we were sorry 
 that any English man should giue them that offence, that Hunt 
 was a bad man, and that all the English that heard of it con- 
 demned him for the same : but for vs we would not offer them 
 any such iniury, though it would gaine vs all the skins in the 
 Countrey. So we gaue her some small trifles, which somewhat 
 appeased her. 
 
 After dinner we tooke Boat for Nauset, lyanough and two of 
 his men accompanying vs. Ere we came to Nauset, the day and 
 tyde were almost spent, in so much as we could not goe in with 
 our Shallop : but the Sachim or Governour of Commaquid went 
 a-shore and his men with him, we also sent Tisquantum to tell ^5- 
 pinet the Sachim of Nauset wherefore we came. The Sauages here 
 came very tliicke amongst vs, and were earnest with vs to bring in 
 our Boate. But we neither well could, nor yet desired to doe it, 
 because we had lest cause to trust them, being they onely had 
 formerly made an Assault vpon vs in the same place, in time ot 
 our Winter Discouery for Habitation. And indeed it was no 
 
 maruayle 
 
IN AMERICA. 79 
 
 maruayle they did so, for howsoeuer through snow or otherwise 
 wee saw no houses , yet wee were in the middest of them. 
 
 When our boat was a ground they came very thicke, but wee 
 stood therein vpon our guard, not suffering any to enter except 
 two : the one being of Maramoick, and one of those , whose Corne 
 we had formerly found, we promised him restitution, & desired 
 him either to come to Patuxet for satisfaction, or else we would 
 bring them so much corne againe, hee promised to come, we vsed 
 him very kindely for the present. Some few skins we gate there 
 but not many. 
 
 After Sun-set, Aspinet came with a great traine, & brought the 
 boy with him, one bearing him through the water .• hee had not 
 lesse than an hundred with him , the halfe whereof came to the 
 Shallop side vnarmed with him, the other stood aloofe with their 
 bow and arrowes. There he delivered vs the boy, behung with 
 beades, and made peace with vs , wee bestowing a knife on him, 
 and likewise on another that fii^st entertained the Boy and brought 
 him thither. So they departed from vs. 
 
 Here we vnderstood, that the Narrohigansets had spoyled some 
 of Massasoyts men, and taken him. This strucke some feare in 
 vs , because the Colony was so weakely guarded, the strength 
 thereof being abroad : But we set foorth with resolution to make 
 the best hast home wee could ; yet the winde being contrary, 
 having scarce any fresh water leaft, and at least, 16. leagues 
 home, we put in againe for the shore. There we met againe with 
 lyanough the Sachim of Cummaquid, and the most of his Towne, 
 both men women & cliildren with him. Hee being still willing 
 to gratifie vs, tooke a runlet and led our men in the darke a great 
 way for water , but could finde none good : yet brought such as 
 there was on his necke with them. In the meane time the women 
 ioyned hand in hand, singing and dancing before the Shallop, the 
 men also shewing all the kindnes they could , lyanough himselfe 
 taking a bracelet from about his necke, and hanging it vpon one 
 of vs. 
 
 Againe we set out but to small purpose , for we gat but little 
 homeward ; Our water also was very brackish , and not to be 
 drunke- 
 
 The 
 
 I 
 
80 NEW-ENGLAND IN AMERICA. 
 
 The next morning, lyanougli espied vs againe and ran after vs ; 
 we being resolved to goe to Cummaquid againe to water, tooke 
 him into the Shallop, whose entertainement was not inferiour vnto 
 the former. 
 
 The soyle at Nauset and here is alike , even and sandy, not so 
 
 good for corns as where we are ; Shlpps may safely ride in eyther 
 
 harbour. In the Summer, they abound with fish. 
 
 Being now watered, we put forth againe, 
 
 and by Gods providence, came 
 
 safely home that night. 
 
 (V) 
 
THE EXPEDITION TO NAMASCHET, OR MIDDLE- 
 BOROUGH. 
 
 The next narrative in this volume is the fruit of the Treaty 
 of the Pilgrims with the great King Massasoit. On their 
 return from Nauset, word having been brought to the Pil- 
 grims concerning the conspiracy against Massasoit, and in- 
 formation also that their friend Squanto was either killed 
 or in great danger, they resolved at once upon the follow- 
 ing expedition. Mr. Prince records it in his Chronology 
 under date of Aug. 13th, 1621, as follows : 
 
 " At this the Governor assembles our company, and 
 taking counsel, 'tis conceived not fit to be borne ; for if we 
 should suffer our friends and messengers thus to be wrong- 
 ed, we shall have none to cleave to us, or give us intelli- 
 gence, or do us any service, but would next fall upon us, 
 &c. We therefore resolve to send ten men to-morrow, 
 with Hobamok, to seize our foes in the night ; if Squanto 
 be killed, to cut off Coubitant's head, but hurt only those 
 who had a hand in the murder, and retain Nepeof, another 
 Sachem in the confederacy, till we hear of Massasoit."* 
 
 The next day, August 14th, they set out, and after com- 
 plete success in their expedition, returned home Aug. 15th, 
 at night, attended by many friends, and bringing three 
 wounded savages, whom they cured of their wounds, and 
 sent back again. The consequences of this expedition 
 
 * Prince's New England Chronology, vol. i. p. 109. 
 
 4* ' ^-' 
 
Q2 THE EXPEDITION TO NAMASCHET. 
 
 were happy for the Colony. " After this," says Governor 
 Bradford, in Prince, " we have many gratulations from di- 
 vers Sachems, and much firmer peace. Yea, those of the 
 Isle of Capawak send to secure our' friendship ; and Cor- 
 bitant himself uses the mediation of Massasoit to be recon- 
 ciled. Yea, Canonicus, Chief Sachem of the Narragan 
 setts, sends a messenger to treat of peace." 
 
 Under date of September 13th, 1621, it is also added 
 that nine Sachems subscribed an instrument of submission 
 to King James, whose names are given. " Yea Massasoit 
 in writing under his hand to Captain Standish, has owned 
 the King of England to be his master. Both he and many 
 other kings under him, as of Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid, 
 Namasket, with diverse others, who dwell about the bays 
 of Patuxet and Massachusetts ; and all this by friendly 
 usage, love, and peace, just and honest carriage, good coun- 
 sel, and so forth." 
 
 Such were the happy fruits of the kind, upright, and 
 energetic character and dealings of the Pilgrims. 
 

 lOVRNEY TO THE 
 
 Kingdome of NAMASCHET 
 
 in defence of the Great King 
 
 Massasoyt against the ISar- 
 
 rohiggansets, and to revenge 
 
 the supposed Death 
 
 of our Interpreter 
 
 Tisquantum. 
 
 our returne from Nauset, we found it true, that 
 ^ Massasoyt was put from his Countrey by the Narro- 
 S higgansets. Word also was brought vnto us, that one 
 Couhatant, a petty Sachim or Governour vnder Mas- 
 sasoyt (whom they euer feared to be too conversant 
 with the Narrohiggansets) were at Namaschet, who 
 sought to draw the hearts of Massasoyts subjects from him, speak- 
 ing also of vs, storming at the Peace between Nauset, Cummaquidj 
 and vs, and at Tisquantum, the worker of it ; also at Toka- 
 mahamon, and one Hobbamock (two Indians or Lemes,* one 
 
 • Or Lemes, Dr. Young regards this, as a mistake of the printers for 
 our allies. 
 
 of 
 
84 NEW- ENGLAND 
 
 of which he would trecherously haue murdered a little be- 
 fore, being a speciall and trusty man of Massasoyts) Tokama- 
 hamon went to him, but the other two would not ; yet put 
 their liues in their hands, priuately went to see if they could 
 heare of their King, and lodging at Namaschet were discouered to 
 Couhatant, who set a guard to beset the house and tooke Tisquan- 
 ium (for he had sayd, if he were dead, the English had lost their 
 tongue) Hobbamock seeing that Tisquantum was taken, and Cou- 
 hatant held a knife at his breast, being a strong and stout man, 
 brake from them and came to New-Plimmouih, full of feare and 
 sorrow for Tisquantum, whom he thought to be slaine. 
 
 Vpon this Newes the Company assembled together, and re- 
 sol ued on the morrow to send ten men armed to Namaschet 
 and Hobbamock, for their guide, to reuenge the supposed death of 
 Tisquantum on Couhatant our bitter Enemy, and to retaine 
 Nepeof, another Sachem or Gouernour, who was of this confe- 
 deracy, till we heard, what was become of our friend Massa- 
 soyl. 
 
 Aug. 14. O'"* ths morrow we set out ten men Armed, who tooke 
 ^^^^' their iourney as aforesayd, but the day proved very wett. 
 When we supposed we were within three or foure myles of 
 Namaschet, we went out of the way and stayed there till night, 
 because we would not be discovered. There we consulted what 
 to doe, and thinking best to beset the house at mid-night, each 
 was appointed to his taske by the Captaine, all men incouraging 
 one another, to the vtmost of their power. 
 
 By night our guide lost his way, which much discouraged our 
 men, being we were wet, and weary of our armes : but one of 
 our men hauing beene before at Namaschet brought vs into the 
 way againe. 
 
 Before we came to the Towne we sat downe and ate such as 
 our Knapsacke affoorded, that being done, we threw them aside, 
 and all such things as might hinder vs, and so went on and beset 
 the house, according to our last resolution. Those that entred, de- 
 maunded if Couhatant were not there : but feare had bereft the 
 Savages of speech. We charged them not to stirre, for if Cou- 
 hatant were not there, we would not meddle with them, if he were, 
 
 we 
 
IN AME RIC A. 85 
 
 we came principally for him, to be auenged on him for the sup- 
 posed death of Tisquantum, and other matters ; but howsoeuer 
 wee would not at all hurt their women, or children. Notwith- 
 standing some of them pressed out at a priuate doore and es- 
 caped, but with some wounds : At length perceiuing our princi- 
 pall ends, they told vs Coubatant was returned with all his traine, 
 and that Tisquantum was yet liuing, and in the town offering some 
 Tobacco, other such as they had to eate. In this hurley hurley 
 we dischai-ged two Peeces at Randome, which much terrified 
 all the Inhabitants, except Tisquantum and Tokamahamon, who 
 though they knew not our end in comming, yet assured them of 
 our honesty, that we would not hurt them. Those boyes that 
 were in the house seeing our care of women, often cried Neens- 
 quaes, that is to say, I am a Woman : the Women also hanging 
 vpon Hobhamock, calling him Towam, that is, Friend. But to be 
 short, we kept them we had, and made them make a fire that we 
 might see to search the house. In the meane time, Hobbamock 
 gat on the top of the house, and called Tisquantum and Tokama- 
 hamon, which came vnto vs accompanied with others, some armed 
 and others naked. Those that had Bowes and Arrowes we tooke 
 them away, promising them againe when it was day. The house 
 we tooke for our better safegard ; but released those we had 
 taken, manifesting whom we came for and wherefore. 
 
 On the next morning we marched into the middest of the Towne, 
 and went to the house of Tisquantum to breakfast. Thither came 
 all whose hearts were vpright towards vs, but all Coubatants fac- 
 tion were fled away. There in the middest of them we mani- 
 fested againe our intendment, assuring them, that although Cou- 
 batant had now escaped vs, yet there was no place should secure 
 him and his from vs if he continued his threatning vs, and pro- 
 uoking others against vs, who had kindly entertained him, and 
 neuer intended euill towards him till he now so iustly deserued it. 
 ]\Ioreover, if Massasoyt did not returne in safetie from Narrohig- 
 ganset, or if hereafter he should make any insurrection against 
 him, or offer violence to Tisquantum, Habbamock, or any of Mas- 
 sasoyts Subiects, we would revenge it vpon him, to the ouer-throw 
 of him and his. As for those were wounded, we were sorry for 
 
 it, 
 
86 NEW-ENGLAND IN AMERICA, 
 
 it, though themselues procured it in not staying in the house at 
 our command : yet if they would returne home with vs, our Sur- 
 geon should heale them. 
 
 At this offer, one man and a woman that were wounded went 
 home with vs, Tisquanttmi and many other knowne friends ac- 
 companying vs, and offering all helpe that might be by car- 
 riage of any thing wee had to ease us. So that by 
 Gods good Providence wee safely return- 
 ed home the morrow night after 
 we set forth. 
 
 (V) 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 J 
 
EXPEDITION TO THE MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 The next and last narrative in this volume is that of the ex- 
 pedition to Boston Bay, and the country of the Massachu- 
 setts. The preceding narrative of the journey to Nama- 
 schet ends Aug. 15th, 1621 ; this begins about a month af- 
 terwards, September 18th, 1621. The sachem of the point 
 of country whither their visit was directed, which about 
 ten years after was to be called Boston, was under the 
 sovereignty of Massasoit. The present expedition was one 
 of peace and commerce, or " truck" w4th the natives, ac- 
 cording to the expression used in the Journal. 
 
 The reader will remark with surprise, on this occasion, 
 as on some others recorded in the narratives, the extreme 
 fear in which the Indians seem to have stood of the English, 
 shaking and trembling for terror. It is probable that this 
 was partly owing to the report which Squanto had spread 
 among them, that the Pilgrims had in their possession a 
 cask containing the Great Plague, which had so fearfully 
 desolated the country, and that they could let it out at plea- 
 sure. The poor creatures seem sometimes to have expect- 
 ed that the very sight and presence of the Pilgrims would 
 make their bodies break out in the deadly carbuncles of the 
 Pestilence. 
 
 This expedition ends Sept. 20th, 1621. The record of it 
 in Prince's Chronology is succeeded by the following sum- 
 mer note from Gov. Bradford : " All the summer, no want ; 
 while some were trading, others were fishing Cod, Bass, 
 &c. We now gather in our harvest ; and, as cold weather 
 
88 EXPEDITION TO THE MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 advances, come in store of water fowl, wherewith this 
 place abounds, though afterward they by degrees decrease ; 
 as also abundance of wild Turkies with venison, &c. Fit 
 our houses against winter, are in health, and have all things 
 in plenty." 
 

 RELATION OF OVR 
 
 Voyage to MAS 8ACHVSE TS, 
 
 And what happened there. 
 
 J^^^^T seemed good to the Company in general!, that though 
 % TJJ ^ the Massacliusets has often threatened vs (as we were 
 •■^ M ^ informed) yet we should goe amongst them, partly to 
 % Ih S see the Countrey, partly to make Peace with them, and 
 ^^©^ partly to procure their trucke. 
 
 For these ends the Governours chose ten men, fit 
 for the purpose, and sent Tisquantiim, and two other Salvages to 
 bring vs to speech with the people, and interpret for vs. 
 18 Sept. We set out about mid-night, the tyde then seruing for vs ; 
 1621. ^^Q supposing it to be neerer then it is, thought to be there 
 the next morning betimes : but it proued well neere twentie 
 Leagues from New Plhnmoulh. 
 
 We came into the bottome of the Bay, but being late wee an- 
 chored and lay in the Shallop, not hauing scene any of the 
 people. The next morning we put in for the shore. There 
 we found many Lobsters that had beene gathered together by the 
 Supposed Saluages, which we made ready vnder a clifFe. The 
 Copp's Hill. Captaine set two Sentinels behind the cliffe to the land- 
 ward to secure the Shallop, and taking a guide with him, and 
 foure of our company, went to seeke the Inhabitants, where they 
 
 met 
 
90 NEW-ENGLAND 
 
 met a woman comming for her Lobsters, they told her of them, 
 and contented her for them. She told them where the people 
 were ; - Tisquantum went to them, the rest returned, hauing di- 
 rection which way to bring the Shallop to them. 
 
 The Sachim, or Gouernour of this place, is called Ohlatinewat, 
 and though he liue in the bottome of the Massachuset bay, yet he 
 is vnder Massasoyt. He vsed vs very kindly ; he told vs, he 
 flurst not then remaine in any setled place, for feare of the 
 Tarentines. Also the Squa Sachim, or Massachusetts Queene was 
 an enemy to him. 
 
 We told him of diuers Sachims that had acknowledged them- 
 selves to be King I am e s his men, and if he also would submit 
 himselfe, we would be his safegard from his enemies ; which he 
 did, and went along with vs to bring vs to the Squa Sachim. 
 Againe we crossed the Bay which is very large, and hath at lest 
 fifty Hands in it ; but the certaine number is not knowne to the 
 Inhabitants. Night it was before wee came to that side of 
 the Bay where this people were. On shore the Saluages went 
 but found no body. That night also we rid at Anchor aboord the 
 Shallop. 
 
 On the morrow we went ashore, all but two men, and marched 
 in Armes vp in the Countrey. Hauing gone three myles, we 
 came to a place where Corne had beene newly gathered, a house 
 pulled downe, and the people gone. A mile from hence, Nane- 
 pashemet their King in his life time had lined. His house was 
 not like others,. but a scaffold was largely built, with pools and 
 plancks some six foote from the ground, and the house vpon that, 
 being situated on the top of a hill. 
 
 Not farre from hence in a bottome, wee came to a Fort built 
 by their deceased King, the manner thus; There were pools 
 some thirtie or fortie foote long, stucke in the ground as thick as 
 they could be set one by another, and with these they inclosed a 
 ring some forty or fifty foote ouer. A trench breast high was 
 digged on each side ; one way there was to goe into it with a 
 bridge ; in the midst of this Pallizado stood the frame of an 
 house, wherein being dead he lay buryed. 
 
 About a myle from hence, we came to such another, but seat- 
 ed 
 
IN AMERICA. 91 
 
 ed on the top of an hill : here Nanepashemet was killed, none 
 dwelling in it since the time of his death. At this place we stay- 
 ed, and sent two Saluages to looke the Inhabitants, and to informe 
 them of our ends in comming, that they might not be fearefull of 
 vs : Within a myle of this place they found the women of the 
 place together, with their Corne on heapes, which we supposed 
 them to be fled for feare of vs, and the more, because in diuers 
 places they had newly pulled downe their houses, and for hast in 
 one place had left some of their Corne couered with a Mat, and no 
 body with it. 
 
 With much feare they entertained vs at first, but seeing our 
 gentle carriage towards them, they tooke heart and entertained vs 
 in the best manner they could, boyling Cod and such other things 
 as they had for vs. At length with much sending for came one 
 of their men, shaking and trembling for feare. But when he 
 saw we intended them no hurt, but came to trucke, he promised 
 vs his skins also. Of him we enquired for their Queene, 
 but it seemed shee was far from thence, at lest we could not see 
 her. 
 
 Here Tisquanium would haue had vs rifled the Saluage women, 
 and taken their skins, and all such things as might be seruiceable 
 for vs ; for (sayd he) they are a bad people, and haue oft threat- 
 ned you : But our answere was ; Were they neuer so bad, we 
 would not wrong them, or giue them any just occasion against 
 vs : for their words we little weighed them, but if they once at- 
 tempted any thing against vs, then we would deale far worse then 
 he desired. 
 
 Hauing well spent the day, we returned to the Shallop, almost 
 all the Women accompanying vs, to trucke, who sold their coats 
 from their backes, and tyed boughes about them, but with great 
 shamefastnesse (for indeed they are more modest then some of 
 our English women are) we promised them to come againe to 
 them, and they vs, to keepe their skins. 
 
 Within this Bay, the Salvages say, there are two Riuers ; the 
 one whereof we saw, hauing a faire entrance, but we had no time 
 to discouer it. Better harbours for shipping cannot be then here 
 are. At the entrance of the Bay are many Rockes ; and in all 
 
 likelihood 
 
92 NEW- ENGLAND IN AMERICA. 
 
 likelihood very good fishing ground. Many, yea, most of the 
 Hands haue beene inhabited, some being cleered from end to end, 
 but the people are all dead, or remoued. 
 
 Our victuall growing scarce, the Winde comming 
 fayre, and hauing a light Moone, we set out at 
 euening, and through the goodnesse of 
 God, came safely home be- 
 fore noone the day 
 followinof. 
 
MR. WINSLOW'S LETTER. 
 
 The following letter to a loving and old friend, as the sig- 
 nature imports, is from Edward Winslow. Between this 
 and the preceding narrative of the expedition to the Mas- 
 sachusetts is an interval of three months, that is, from Sept. 
 20th to Dec. 13th, when the ship sailed which carried Mr. 
 Winslow's letter. That ship was the Fortune, which ar- 
 rived at Cape Cod Nov. 9th, with thirty-five persons to be 
 added to the Pilgrim Colony. Among them came Mr. 
 Cushman, who, however, returned to England in the same 
 vessel, according to appointment with the merchant ad- 
 venturers. 
 
 By the eleventh of December the Colonists had built 
 seven dwelling houses ; four for the use of the plantation ; 
 and had "made provisions for diverse others." Meantime 
 " both Massasoit, the greatest King of the natives, and all 
 the princes and people round about, had made peace with 
 them ; seven of them at once sent their messengers for 
 that end." It was under these favorable circumstances, 
 and in the indulgence of such hopes, as would naturally 
 grow out of a state of things like that mentioned in Gov. 
 Bradford's Summer Note aforesaid, that this letter from 
 Mr. Winslow was written. Only the bright side was per- 
 mitted to be seen. But the very addition which the For- 
 tune brought to the numbers of the Colony, without any 
 adequate supply of provisions, was a preparation of evil. 
 Besides this, the Pilgrims were compelled, out of their 
 scanty stock, to help victual the Fortune for her return 
 
94 MR. WINSLOW'S LETTER. 
 
 voyage ; so that soon after her departure grim famine be- 
 gan to look them in the face. 
 
 Mr. Winslow's letter is dated at Plymouth, the eleventh 
 of December, and that is the latest date to which this volume 
 of the Pilgrim Narratives brings us. The summer had been 
 delightful, the climate lovely, the natural fruits of the earth 
 abundant ; grapes, strawberries, and budding and blossom- 
 ing roses, in such sweetness and variety, that for a little 
 while New England looked like a Paradise. The severest 
 trials of the Colony, by the early mortality, had been pass- 
 ed through, and even the opening winter looked promising ; 
 but the dread trial by Famine they had yet to endure. 
 
A 
 
 LETTER SENT FROM 
 
 New-England to a friend in these parts, 
 
 setting forth a hriefe and true Declaration 
 
 of the worth of that Plantation ; 
 
 As also certaine vseful Directions 
 
 for such as intend a Voyage 
 
 into those Parts. 
 
 ^^^^Ouing, and old Friend, although I receiued no Letter 
 ^ \ij ^ ^^'^^^ y°" ^y ^^^® Ship, yet forasmuch as I know you 
 S w /^ S ®'^P^^^ ^^^ performance of my promise, which was, to 
 ^ Mril S. write vnto you truely and faithfully of all things, I 
 ^^^j^ haue therefore at this time sent vnto you accordingly. 
 Referring you for further satisfaction to our more large 
 Relations. You shall vnderstand, that in this little time, that a 
 few of vs haue beene here, we haue built seauen dwelling houses, 
 and foure for the vse of the Plantation, and haue made preparation 
 for divers others. We set the last Spring some tvventie Acres of 
 Indian Corne, and sowed some six acres of Barly & Pease, and 
 according to the manner of the Indians, we manured our ground 
 with Herings or rather Shadds, which we haue in great abun- 
 dance, and take with great ease at our doores. Our Corne did 
 proue well, & God be praysed, we had a good increase of Indian- 
 Come, and our Barly indifferent good, but our Pease not worth the 
 gathering, for we feared they were too late sowne, they came vp 
 very well, and blossomed, but the Sunne parched them intheblos- 
 some ; our harvest being gotten in, our Governour sent foure men 
 on fowling, that so we might after a more speciall manner reioyce 
 together, after we had gathered the fruit of our labours ; they foure 
 in one day killed as much fowle, as with a little helpe beside, 
 served the Company almost a weeke, at which time amongst 
 other Recreations, we exercised our Armes, many of the Indians 
 coming amongst vs, and amongst the rest their greatest King 
 
 Massasoyty 
 
96 NEW- ENGLAND 
 
 Massasoyt, with some nintie men, whom for three dayes we en- 
 tertained and feasted, and they went out and killed fiue Deere, 
 which they brought to the Plantation and bestowed on our Gover- 
 nour, and vpon the Captaine, and others. And although it be not 
 alwayes so plentifull, as it was at this time with vs, yet by the 
 goodnesse of God, we are so farre from want, that we often wish 
 you partakers of our plentie. Wee haue found the Indians very 
 faithfull in their Covenant of Peace with vs ; very louing and 
 readie to pleasure vs ; we often goe to them, and they come to vs ; 
 some of vs haue bin fiftie myles by Land in the Country with 
 them ; the occasions and Relations whereof you shall vnderstand 
 by our generall and more full Declaration of such things as are 
 worth the noting, yea, it hath pleased God so to possesse the Indians 
 with a feare of vs, and loue vnto vs, that notonely the greatest King 
 amongst them called Massasoyt, but also all the Princes and peoples 
 round about vs, haue either madesute vnto vs, orbeene glad of any 
 occasion to make peace with vs, so that seauen of them at once ha e 
 sent their messengers to vs to that end, yea, an Isle at sea, which 
 we neuer saw, hath also together with the former yeelded willing- 
 ly to be vnder the protection, and subiects to our soueraigne Lord 
 King I A M E s, so that there is now great peace amongst the In- 
 dians themselues, which was not formerly, neither would haue 
 bin but for vs ; and we for our parts walke as peaceably and 
 safely in the wood, as in the hie-wayes in England, we entertains 
 them familiarly in our houses, and they as friendly bestowing 
 their Venison on vs. They are a people without any Religion, 
 or knowledge of any God, yet very trustie, quicke of apprehen- 
 sion, ripe witted, iust, the men and women goe naked, onely a 
 skin about their middles ; for the temper of the ayre, here it 
 agreeth well with that in England, and if there be any difference at 
 all, this is some what hotter in Summer, some thinke it to be colder 
 in Winter, but I cannot out of experience so say; the ayre is very 
 cleere and not foggie, as hath beene reported. I neuer in my life 
 remember a more seasonable yeare, then we haue here enioyed ; 
 and if we haue once but Kine, Horses, and Sheepe, I make no 
 question, but men might Hue as contented here as in any part of 
 the world. For fish and fowle we haue great abundance, fresh 
 Codd in the Summer is but course meat with vs, our Bay is full of 
 
 Lobsters 
 
IN AMERICA. 97 
 
 Lobsters all the Summer, and afFordeth varietie of other Fish ; in 
 September we can take a Hogshead of Eeles in a night, with 
 small labour, & can dig them out of their beds, all the Winter ; 
 we haue Mussels and 0th us* at our doores : Oysters we haue 
 none neere, but we can haue them brought by the Indians when 
 we will ; all the Spring time the earth sendeth forth naturally 
 very good Sallet Herbs : here are Grapes, white and red, and 
 very sweete and strong also. Strawberies, Gooseberies, Ras- 
 pas, (fee. Plums of three sorts, white, blacke and red, being almost 
 as good as a Damsen : abundance of Roses, white, red, and 
 damask : single, but very sweet indeed ; the Countrey wanteth 
 onely industrious men to impioy, for it would grieue your hearts 
 (if as I) you had seene so many myles together by goodly Riuers 
 vninhabited, and withall to consider those parts of the world 
 wherein you Hue, to be euen greatly burthened with abundance 
 of people. These things I thought good to let you vnderstaad, 
 being the truth of things as nere as I could experimentally take 
 knowledge of, and that you might on ourbehalfe giue God thankes 
 who had delt so fauorably with vs. 
 
 Our supply of men from you came the ninth of November 
 16 2 1. putting in at Cape Cod, some eight or ten leagues from 
 vs. The Indians that dwell thereabout were they who were 
 owners of the Corne which we found in Caues, for which we haue 
 giuen them full content, and are in great league with them. 
 They sent vs word there was a ship nere unto them, but thought 
 it to be a French man, andindeede for our selues we expected not 
 a friend so soone. But when we perceiued that she made for 
 our Bay, the Gouernor commanded a great Peece to be shot off, 
 to call home such as were abroad at worke ; whereupon euery 
 man, yea, boy that could handle a Gun were readie, with full 
 resolution, that if she were an enemy, we would stand in our 
 iust defence, not feareing them, but God provided better for vs 
 then we supposed ; these came all in health vnto vs, not any being 
 sicke by the way (otherwise then by Sea sicknesse) and so con- 
 tinue at this time, by the blessing of God. The good-wife Ford 
 was deliuered of a sonne the first night shee landed, and both of 
 them are very well. When it pleaseth God, we are setled and 
 fitted for the fishing busines, and other trading, I doubt not but 
 * Perhaps this is a misprint for the word cockles. 
 
 5 by 
 
98 N E W - E N G L A N D 
 
 by the blessing of God, the gayne will giue content to all ; in the 
 meane time, that wee haue gotten we haue sent by this ship, and 
 though it be not much, yet it will witnesse for vs, that wee haue 
 not beene idle, considering the smallnesse of our number all this 
 Summer. Wee hope the Marchants will accept of it, and be 
 incouraged to furnish vs with things needfuU for further imploy- 
 ment, which will also incourage vs to put forth our selues to the 
 vttermost. Now because I expect your comming vnto vs with 
 other of our friends, whose companie v/e much desire, I thought 
 good to advertise you of a few things needful! ; be carefuU to 
 haue a very good bread-roome to put your Biskets in, let your 
 Cask for Beere and Water be Iron-bound for the first tyre if not 
 more ; let not your meat be drie salted, none can better doe it 
 then the Saylers ; let your meale be so hard trodd in your Cask 
 that you shall need an Ads or Hatchet to work it out with: 
 Trust not too much on vs for Corne at this time, for by reason of 
 this last company that came, depending wholy on vs, we shall 
 haue little enough till haruest ; be carefull to come by some of 
 your meale to spend by the way, it will much refresh you. Build 
 your Cabbins as open as you can, and bring good store of clothes, 
 and bedding with you ; bring euery man a Musket or fowling 
 Peece, let your Peece be long in the barrell, and feare not the 
 waight of it, for most of our shooting is from Stands ; bring iuyce 
 of Lemons, and take it fasting, it is of good vse ; for hot waters, 
 Anni-seed water is the best, but vse it sparingly ; if you bring 
 any thing for comfort in the Country, Butter or Sallet oyle, or 
 both is very good ; our Indian Corne even the coursest, maketh 
 as pleasant meat as Rice, therefore spare that vnlesse to spend by 
 the way; bring Paper, and Linced oyle for your Windowes, with 
 Cotton yarne for your Lamps ; let your shott be most for bigge 
 Fowles, and bring store of Powder and shot : I forbeare further 
 to write for the present, hoping to see you by the next rcturne, so I 
 take my leaue, commending you to the Lord for a safe conduct 
 vnto vs. Resting in him 
 Flimmouth in New-England 
 this 1 1 . of December. 
 
 1^21- You7' louing Friend. 
 
 E. W. 
 
MR. CUSHMAN'S REASON 
 
 The following document, according to the signature, is 
 from Mr. Cushman. It was published with this Journal of 
 the Pilgrims, as the closing document in the volume, to per- 
 suade good persons who were hesitating, to join the Colony. 
 Mr. Cushman had just spent a month with the Pilgrims at 
 Plymouth, had bidden them farewell to sail in the Fortune 
 for England, Dec. 13th, 1621, and arrived in London about 
 two months afterwards, in February, 1622. During the 
 little time while he was with the Pilgrims, he delivered for 
 the benefit of the Colony a discourse on the sin and danger 
 of self-love ; an excellent and pithy discourse, of a tenor 
 very similar to that of the " Reasons and Considerations," 
 following in this volume. Mr. Cushman was a man of 
 ability and integrity, and of a public and self-denying 
 spirit. 
 
Reasons ^ considerations touching 
 
 the lavvfuhiesse of reinouing out of 
 
 England into the parts o^ America. 
 
 ^^j^j^Orasmuch as many exceptions are daily 
 
 *"- ^^■^ -*^ made against the going into, and inhabiting Preamble. 
 
 ^' ^i^ '^ of forraine desert places, to the hinderances of planta- 
 vC tions abroad, and the increase of distractions at home: 
 
 ^^j^jgj It is not amisse that some which haue beene eare 
 " witnesses of the exceptions made, and are either 
 Agents or Abettors of such remouals and plantations, doe seeke 
 to giue content to the world, in all things that possibly they 
 can. 
 
 And although the most of the opposites are such as either 
 dreame of raising their fortunes here, to that then which there is 
 nothing more vnlike, or such as affecting their home-borne 
 countrey so vehemently, as that they had rather with all their 
 friends begge, yea starue in it, then vndergoe a little difficultie 
 in seeking abroad ; yea are there some who out of doubt in 
 tendernesse of conscience, and feare to offend God by running 
 before they be called, are straitned and doe straiten others, from 
 going to forraine plantations. 
 
 For whose cause especially, I haue beene drawne out of my 
 good affection to them, to publish some reasons that might giue 
 them content and satisfaction, and also stay and stop the wilful! 
 and wittie cauiller : and herein I trust I shall not be blamed of 
 any godly wise, though thorow my slender iudgement I should 
 misse the marke, and not strike the naile on the head, considerino- 
 it is the first attempt that hath beene made (that I know of) to 
 defend those enterprises. Reason would therefore, that if any 
 man of deeper reach and better iudgement see further or other- 
 wise, that he rather instruct me, then deride me. 
 
 And beinoj studious for breuitie, we must first con- Cautions. 
 
 Oen. 12. 1 2. 
 
 sider, that whereas God of old did call and summon & 35. i.* 
 our Fathers by predictions, dreames, visions, and certaine illu- 
 minations to goe from their countries, places and ha- j,/^^ 2. 19. 
 bitations, to reside and dwell here or there, and to -^*'^- ^^^- ^^* 
 wander vp and downe from citie to citie, and Land to Land, ac- 
 cording 
 
102 NEW-ENGLAND 
 
 cording to his will and pleasure. Now there is no such calling 
 
 to be expected for any matter whatsoeuer, neither must any so 
 
 much as imagine that there will now be any such 
 
 Heh. 1. 1, 2. ^j^.^^^ ^^^ ^.^^ ^^^^ g^ ^j,^.j^g ^p Yiis people, but 
 
 now he doth not, but speakes in another manner, and so we must 
 
 apply our selues to Gods present dealing, and not to his wonted 
 
 dealing : and as the miracle of giving Manna ceased, 
 
 iosh.5.n. ^^j^^^^ ^1^^ ^^,^j^^ ^^ ^^^ l^j^^ became plentie, so God 
 
 hauing such a plentifuU storehouse of directions in his holy 
 word, there must not now any extraordinary reuelations be ex- 
 pected. 
 
 But now the ordinarie examples and precepts of the Scriptures 
 reasonably and rightly vnderstood and applied, must be the 
 voice and word, that must call vs, presse vs, and direct vs in 
 euery action. 
 
 Neither is there any land or possession now, like vnto the 
 possession which the lews had in Canaan, being legally 
 holy and appropriated vnto a holy people the seed of 
 Abraham, in which tliey dwelt securely, and had their dales 
 prolonged, it being by an immediate voice said, that he (the 
 Lord) gaue it them as a land of rest after their wearie trauels, 
 and a type of Eternall rest in heauen, but now there is no land 
 of that Sanctimonie, no land so appropriated ; none typicall : 
 much lesse any that can be said to be giuen of God to any nation 
 as was Canaan, which they and their seed must dwell in, till 
 God scndeth vpon them sword or captiuitie : but now we are in 
 all places strangers and Pilgrims, trauellers and soiourners, 
 ^ . ^ mo.st properly, hauing no dwelling but in this 
 earthen Tabernacle ; our dwelling is but a wand- 
 ring, and our abiding but as a fleeting, and in a word our home 
 So were the '^^ "^ where, but in the heauens : in that house not 
 Jrieir'tcmpor-iii "''^'^® ^^'^^^ hands, whose maker and builder is God, 
 hlheru!;nc''e"*^ and to which all ascend that loue the comming of 
 
 were more our Lord JcSUS. 
 
 large than ours. rrii 
 
 1 hough then, there may be reasons to perswade 
 a man to line in this or that land, yet there cannot be the same 
 reasons which the lewes had, but now as naturall, ciuill and 
 Religious bands tie men, so they must be bound, and as good 
 
 reasons 
 
IN AMERICA. 103 
 
 reasons for things terrene and heauenly appeare, so they must 
 be led. And so here falleth in our question, how 
 a man that is here borne and bred, and hath liued ^^'^''*' 
 some yeares, may remoue himselfe into another countrie. 
 
 I answer, a man must not respect only to Hue, 
 and doe good to himselfe, but he should see where i 
 
 he can liue to doe most good to others : for as one may\eSce°re' 
 saith, He whose Uuing is hut for himselfe, it is time "^°"'^" 
 he were dead. Some men there are who of necessitie must here 
 liue, as being tied to duties either to Church, Common-wealth, 
 houshold, kindred, &c. but others, and that many, who doe no 
 good in none of those nor can doe none, as being not able, or not 
 in fauour, or as wanting opportunitie, and liue as outcasts : no 
 bodies, eie-sores, eating but for themselues, teaching but them- 
 selues, and doing good to none, either in soule or body, and so 
 passe ouer dales, yeares, and moneths, yea so liue and so die. 
 Now such should lift vp their eies and see whether there be not 
 some other place and countrie to which they may goe to doe 
 good and haue vse towards others of that knowledge, 
 wisdome, humanitie, reason, strength, skill, facultie, Why they 
 &c. which God haue giuen them for the seruice of moue. 
 others and his owne glory. 
 
 But not to passe the bounds of modestie so far as to name any, 
 though I confesse I know many, who sit here still with their 
 talent in a napkin, hauing notable endowments both 
 of body and minde, and might doe great good if they 
 were in some places, which here doe none, nor can doe none, 
 and yet through fleshly feare, niceness, straitnesse of heart, 
 &c. sit still and looke on, and will not hazard a dram of health, 
 nor a day of pleasure, nor an houre of rest to further the 
 knowledge and saluation of the sons of Adam in 
 that New world, where a drop of the knowledge 
 of Christ is most precious, which is here not set by. Now 
 what shall we say to such a profession of Christ, to which 
 is ioyned no more deniall of a mans selfe ? But some 
 will sav, what right haue I to goe liue in the heathens 
 
 : \ ° ^ Obiect. 
 
 countrie f 
 
 Letting passe the ancient discoueries, contracts and 
 
 agreements 
 
104 NEW-ENGLAxND 
 
 agreements which our English men haue long since made 
 in those parts, together with the acknowledgement of the his- 
 tories and Chronicles of other nations, who professe the land 
 of America from the Cape De Florida vnto the Bay of Canada 
 (which is South and North 300. leagues and vpwards ; and 
 East and West, further then yet hath beene discouered) is 
 proper to the King of England, yet letting that passe, lest I be 
 thouo-ht to meddle further then it concerns me, or further then I 
 haue discerning : I will mention such things as are within my 
 reach, knowledge, sight and practise, since I haue trauailed in 
 
 these affaires. 
 
 And first seeing we daily pray for the conuersion 
 
 Reas.2. ^^ ^^^ heathens, we must consider whether there be 
 not some ordinary meanes, and course for vs to take to conuert 
 them, or whether praier for them be only referred to Gods ex- 
 traordinarie worke from heauen. Now it seemeth vnto me that 
 we ought also to endeuour and vse the meanes to conuert them, 
 and the meanes cannot be vsed vnlesse we goe to them or they 
 come to vs : to vs they cannot come, our land is full : to them 
 we may goe, their land is emptie. 
 
 This then is a sufficient reason to proue our going 
 thither to Hue, lawfull : their land is spatious and 
 void, & there are few and doe but run ouer the grasse, as doe 
 also the Foxes and wilde beasts : they are not industrious, 
 neither haue art, science, skill or facultie to vse either the land 
 or the commodities of it, but all spoiles, rots, and is marred for 
 want of manuring, gathering, ordering, &lc. As the ancient 
 Patriarkes therefore remoued from straiter places into more 
 roomthy, where the Land lay idle and waste, and none vsed it, 
 though there dwelt inhabitants by them, as Gen. 13. 6. 11. 12. 
 and 34. 21. and 41. 20. so is it lawfull now to take a land which 
 none vseth, and make vse of it. 
 
 ^^^^ ^ And as it is a common land or vnused, & vndressed 
 
 This is to be countrey ; so we haue it by common consent, com- 
 
 considered ^^ . . , 
 
 respecting position and agreement, which agreement is double : 
 
 new En ff land x^- . .^ t • i ^ -nZ 
 
 andtheterri- Jfirst the Imperial Gouernor Massasoit, whose cir- 
 thrpianu-^ cuits in likelihood are larger then England and Scot- 
 *'""• land, hath acknowledged the Kings Maiestie of Eng- 
 
 land 
 
IN AMERICA. 105 
 
 land to be his Master and Commander, and that once in my 
 hearing, yea and in writing, vnder his hand to Captaine Stand- 
 ish, both he and many other Kings which are vnder him, as 
 Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid, Narrowhiggonset, Namaschet, SfC, 
 with diners others that dwell about the baies of Patuxet, and 
 Massachuset : neither hath this beene accomplished by threats 
 and blowes, or shaking of sword, and sound of trumpet, for as our 
 facultie that way is small, and our strength lesse : so our war- 
 ring with them is after another manner, namely by friendly 
 vsage, loue, peace, honest and iust cariages, good counsell, SfC. 
 Psai. 110. 3. that so we and they may not only line in peace in that 
 & 42. 3. land, and they yeeld subiection to an earthly Prince, 
 
 but th_at as voluntaries they may be pers waded at length to em- 
 brace the Prince of peace Christ lesus, and rest in peace with 
 him for euer. 
 
 Secondly, this composition is also more particular and applicatorie 
 as touching our selues there inhabiting : the Emperour by a ioynt 
 consent, hath promised and appointed vs to Hue at peace, where 
 we will in all his dominions, taking what place we will, and as much 
 land as we will, and bringing as many people as we will, and that for 
 these two causes. First, because we are the seruants o^ lames King 
 oi England, whose the land (as he confesseth) is, 2. because he 
 hath found vs iust, honest, kinde and peaceable, and so loues our 
 company ; yea, and that in these things there is no dissimulation 
 on his part, nor feare of breach (except our securitie ingender in 
 them some vnthought of trecherie, or our vnciuilitie prouoke them 
 to anger) is most plaine in other Relations, which shew that the 
 things they did were more out of loue then out of feare. 
 
 It being then first a vast and emptie Chaos : Secondly acknow- 
 ledged the right of our Soueraigne King : Thirdly, by a peace- 
 able composition in part possessed of diuers of his louing subiects, 
 1 see not who can doubt or call in question the lawfulnesse ot 
 inhabiting or dwelling there, but that it may be as lawfull for 
 such as are not tiedvpon some speciall occasion here, to Hue 
 there as well as here, yea, and as the enterprise is weightie and 
 difficult, so the honour is more worthy, to plant a rude wilder- 
 nesse, to enlarge the honour and fame of our dread Soueraigne, 
 but chiefly to displaie the efficacie & power of the Gospell both 
 
 5* in 
 
106 NEW- ENGLAND 
 
 in zealous preaching, professing, and " wise walking vnder it, 
 before the faces of these poore blinde Infidels. 
 
 As for such as obiect the tediousnesse of the voyage thither, 
 
 the danger of Pirats robberie, of the sauages trecherie, 
 
 prou. 22. 13. ^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ Lyons in the way, and it were well 
 
 for such men if they were in heauen, for who can shew them a 
 
 place in this world where iniquitie shall not compasse them at 
 
 the heeles, and where they shall haue a day without 
 
 griefe, or a lease of life for a moment ; and who can 
 
 j»/at. 6. 34. ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^j^^^^ dangers may lie at our doores, 
 
 euen in our natiue countrie, or what plots may be abroad, or 
 
 when God will cause our sunne to goe downe at noone 
 
 jimos 8. 9. jjg^jgg^ ^j^(j jj^ tj^g midst of our peace and securitie, lay 
 
 vpon vs some lasting scourge for our so long neglect and contempt 
 
 of his most glorious Gospell. 
 
 Ob. But we haue here great peace, plentie of the Gospell, and 
 many sweet delights and varietie of comforts. 
 
 Anaw. True indeed, and farre be it from vs to denie and 
 diminish the least of these mercies, but haue we ren- 
 dered vnto God thankfull obedience for this long peace, 
 whilst other peoples haue beene at wars ? haue we not rather 
 murmured, repined, and fallen at iars amongst our selues, whilst 
 our peace hath lasted with forraigne power ? was there euer more 
 suits in law, more enuie, contempt and reproch then 
 now adaies ? Ahraham and Lot departed asunder 
 when there fell a breach betwixt them, which was occasioned by 
 the straightnesse of the land : and surely I am perswaded, that 
 howsoeuer the frailties of men are principall in all contentions, 
 yet the straitnes of the place is such, as each man is faine to 
 plucke his meanes as it were out of his neighbours throat, there 
 is such pressing and oppressing in towne and countrie, about 
 Farmes, trades, traffique, &c. so as a man can hardly any where 
 set vp a trade but he shall pull downe two of his neighbours. 
 
 The Townes abound with young trades-men, and the Hospitals 
 are full of the Auncient, the country is replenished with new 
 Farmers, and the Almes-houses are filled with old Labourers, 
 many there are who get their lining with bearing burdens, but 
 more are faine to burden the land with their whole bodies : multi- 
 tudes 
 
IN AMERICA. i07 
 
 tudes get their meanes of life by prating, and so doe numbers 
 more by begging. Neither come these straits vpon men ahvaies 
 through intemperancy, ill husbandry, indiscretion, &c. as some 
 thinke, but euen the most wise, sober, and discreet men, goe 
 often to the wall, when they haue done their best, wherein as 
 God's prouidence swaieth all, so it is easie to see, that the strait- 
 nesse of the place hauing in it so many strait hearts, cannot but 
 produce such effects more and more, so as euery indifferent 
 minded man should be ready to say with Father Abraham, Take 
 iliou the right hand, and I will take the left : Let vs not thus op- 
 presse, straiten, and afflict one another, but seeing there is a 
 spatious Land, the way to which is thorow the sea, wee will end 
 this difference in a day. 
 
 That I speake nothing about the bitter contention that hath 
 beene about Religion, by writing, disputing, and inueighing 
 earnestly one against another, the heat of which zeale, if it were 
 turned against the rude barbarisme of the Heathens, it might doe 
 more good in a day, then it hath done here in many yeares. 
 Neither of the little loue to the Gospell, and profit which is made 
 by the Preachers in most places, which might easily driue the 
 zealous to the Heathens who no doubt if they had but a drop of 
 that knowledge which here flieth about the streetes, would be 
 filled with exceeding great ioy and gladnesse, as that they would 
 euen plucke the kingdome of heauen by violence, and take it as 
 it were by force. 
 
 The p-reatest let that is vet behinde is the sweet fel- ^. , _ ^ 
 
 & " , The last let. 
 
 lowship of friends, and the satietie of bodily delights. 
 
 But can there be two neerer friends almost then Abraham and 
 Lot, or then Paul and Barnabas, and yet vpon as little occasions 
 as we haue heere, they departed asunder, two of them being 
 Patriarchs of the Church of old ; the other the Apostles of the 
 Church which is new, and their couenants were such as it seem- 
 eth might binde as much as any couenant betweene men at this 
 day, and yet to auoid greater inconueniences they departed 
 asunder. 
 
 Neither must men take so much thought for the flesh, as not 
 to be pleased except they can pamper their bodies with variety 
 of dainties. Nature is content with little, and health is much 
 
 endangered, 
 
108 NEW-ENGLAND IN AMERICA. 
 
 endangered, by mixtures vpon the stomach : The delights of the 
 palate doe often inflame the vital parts : as the tongue ^^^^^ ^ ^ 
 setteth a fire the whole body. Secondly, varieties 
 here are not common to all, but many good men are glad to snap 
 at a crust. The rent taker liues on sweet morsels, but the rent 
 payer eats a drie crust often with watery eies : and it is nothing 
 to say what some one of a hundreth hath, but what the bulke, 
 body and cominalty hath, which I warrant you is short enough. 
 
 And they also which now Hue so sweetly, hardly will their 
 children attaine to that priuiledge, but some circumuentor or 
 other will outstrip them, and make them sit in the dust, to which 
 men are brought in one age, but cannot get out of it againe in 7. 
 generations. 
 
 To conclude, without all partialitie, the present consumption 
 which groweth vpon vs here, whilst the land groaneth vnder so 
 many close-fisted and vnmercifuU men, being compared with the 
 easinesse, plainenesse and plentifulnesse in lining in those remote 
 places, may quickly perswade any man to a liking of this course, 
 and to practise a remoual, which being done by honest, godly and 
 industrious men, they shall there be right hartily welcome, but 
 for other of dissolute and prophane life, their roomes are better 
 then their companies ; for if here where the Gospell hath beene 
 so long and plentifully taught, they are yet frequent in such 
 vices as the Heathen would shame to speake of, what will they 
 be when there is lesse restraint in word and deed ? My onely 
 sute to all men is, that whether they Hue there or here, they 
 would learne to vse this world as they vsed it not, keeping faith 
 and a good conscience, both with God and men, that when the 
 day of account shall come, they may come forth as good and 
 fruitfull seruants, and freely be receiued, and enter into the ioy 
 of their master. 
 
 R. C: 
 
 FINIS. 
 
HISTORICAL 
 
 LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 OF 
 
 PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS, 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, PERSONS. THE COLONY OF PRIN- 
 
 Principles, Providences, Persons. This is God's or- 
 der ; principles come first, providences next, persons last. 
 Principles are eternal. Providences develope principles, 
 principles make persons. Sometimes principles, provi- 
 dences, and persons all go to form other persons, so direct- 
 ly and visibly, that the combination arrests a reflecting 
 mind as indicative of some great and special design. This 
 is the case in the history of the formation of character in 
 a man like Luther. Indeed, persons can be used as instru- 
 mentalities in no grander way, and on no sublimer mission, 
 than informing other persons ; the greatest w^ork of souls 
 is upon souls, not upon railroads and steam-engines. Pro- 
 vidences are the discipline of persons with respect to prin- 
 ciples. Providences sometimes are the revelation of prin- 
 ciples to persons, and sometimes they are the preparation 
 of persons to sustain, hold forth, illustrate, and apply 
 principles. Then again the principles sustain the persons 
 to bear the providences, to understand them, and to carry 
 forward their design. 
 
 In no company of men that the world ever saw was the 
 Providence and Grace of God illustrated more remarkably, 
 than with our Pilgrim Fathers. But God selected them 
 
112 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 for a work, not for an immediate and glorious exhibition 
 either of principles or graces. They were rather for the 
 present, in their own humble language, " stepping stones,'' 
 at the foundation, to be polished by being walked upon, 
 than precious stones set for ornament and admiration 
 in the superstructure. They are in the superstructure 
 now, infinitely perfect, infinitely glorious; but on earth 
 they were a company of God's workmen, God's operatives, 
 and not mere incumbents of the sinecures of Grace, if 
 there could be such a thing ; nor merely the vivid pietists 
 of glowing sensibilities, out of whose experience a diary 
 of great depths and heights in the religious affections might 
 be spread before the world. No ! they were to suffer and 
 to do God's will, as patient, pioneering laborers ; laborers 
 in a work of ages, by which, generation after generation, 
 great principles should be more and more fully developed 
 and established ; principles for the building of a new world, 
 and the renovation of an old. 
 
 They had scarcely time for any other spiritual work or 
 enjoyment, than the Word of God and prayer. They 
 could not be brooding over their affections, or analysing 
 the processes of grace. Men who have to count, miserly, 
 the kernels of corn for their daily bread, and to till their 
 ground staggering through weakness from the eflfect of 
 famine, can do but little in settling the metaphysics of faith, 
 or in counting frames, and gauging the exercises of their 
 feelings. Grim necessity of hunger looks morbid sensibili- 
 ty out of countenance. 
 
 Nevertheless, they were spiritually minded and experi- 
 mental Christians, and they both acted upon principles and 
 acted them out. Where before had there ever been a 
 band of colonists in the World that did this ? We know 
 of none. A thousand colonies might be banded by the 
 principles of gain, and thriving, like so many bee-hives ; 
 this was no more than the city of London itself was doing, 
 with its knots of merchant adventurers. A Fur company 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 113 
 
 or a Wampum society in the wilderness has no more of a 
 colonizing impulse, although they may leave their homes to 
 dwell among savages, than the tradesmen in the Strand, 
 who buy and sell, possibly without ever going a mile from 
 their own door. But these impulses of gain, these enter- 
 prises of traffic are not to be dignified with the name of 
 principles. Nay, sometimes of such colonizing expeditions 
 God says, "Because thou hast forgotten the God of thy 
 salvation, and hast not been mindful of the stock of thy 
 strength, therefore shalt thou plant pleasant plants, and 
 shalt set it with strange slips. In the day shalt thou make 
 thy plant to grow, and in the morning shalt thou make thy 
 seed to flourish ; but the harvest shall be an heap in the 
 day of grief and of desperate sorrow." 
 
 It has been noted by more than one historian how sig- 
 nally every attempt to colonize any part of New England 
 failed, until the enterprise of our Pilgrim Fathers was be- 
 gun from a high sense of duty and in reliance upon God. 
 " The designs of those attempts," remarks Cotton Mather, 
 " being aimed no higher than the advancement of some 
 w^orldly interests, a constant series of disasters has con- 
 founded them, until there was a plantation erected upon 
 the nobler designs of Christianity." All men were aware 
 of this. It was well known how wide was the distinction 
 between a purely religious and a worldly colony, and that 
 nothing but religion supported the enterprise of the Pilgrims. 
 It was easy to colonize after they had opened the way, and 
 made a clearing, a cornfield, a house of God, and a settle- 
 ment in the wilderness. 
 
 Cotton Mather relates an amusing characteristic anec- 
 dote of one of the north-eastern fishing and trading settle- 
 ments. He says that one of the Massachusetts ministers, 
 once preaching to a congregation in those settlements 
 (probably a hard and heedless set), besought them to be- 
 come religious and to approve themselves as such, for this 
 reason, among others, that if they did not, they would con- 
 
114 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 tradict the main end of planting this wilderness ; where- 
 upon, a well known person, then in the assembly, cried out, 
 " Sir, you are mistaken ; you think you are preaching to 
 the people at the Bay: but our main end was to catch 
 fish." 
 
 They were accomplishing their main end, and so were 
 the Pilgrim Fathers theirs ; but there was not a colony in 
 existence that did not know and acknowledge the differ- 
 ence between them and the Plymouth Pilgrims. That 
 band of colonists had a sacredness in the eye of the whole 
 world. There was no other company like them ; there 
 never would be another such. 
 
 They were religious Pilgrims, not tradesmen. We read 
 much in their earliest history concerning a set of persons 
 called Merchant Adventurers. God made no little use of 
 such men for a season, both to discipline the Pilgrims, and 
 to forward their enterprise. They w^ere as the scaffolding 
 of the building, by which God would put .his living stones 
 in their places, and then take the frame away. 
 
 Foundation and corner stones (remarks Mr. Hubbard, 
 in his History of New England), though buried, and lying 
 low under ground, ought not to be out of mind, seeing they 
 support and bear up the weight of the whole building. 
 This is eminently true of the unostentatious, but enduring 
 and solid virtues of our Pilgrim Fathers. In their charac- 
 ters and habits God was laying the foundations of a people, 
 among whom labor should be respectable in all classes, 
 and industry and frugality native and national qualities. 
 They were all laborers, they were almost all farmers, or 
 had been, and labor with them was caused to be, by God's 
 Providence, a necessity of their existence. The two fore- 
 most men among them had learned, the one the trade of a 
 silk-dyer, the other the art of a printer ; and both of them, 
 the Governor and the Elder, labored with their hands, 
 Hke the poorest and meanest of their company. There 
 was no such thing in existence among them as slavery, to 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 115 
 
 make labor disreputable ; nor any monopoly of luxury, to 
 make idleness, and being waited on, the distinctions of a 
 gentleman. They were all free ; they were almost all 
 Christian freemen ; with whom self-denial was not only a 
 necessity of God's Providence in their great enterprise, but 
 always a duty of self-discipline. They went back to primi- 
 tive times ; if any will not work, neither shall he eat ; yet not 
 they, by their legislation, but God carrying them by his spirit 
 and his discipline. And in their habit of labor among all 
 classes, and of a simple competence gained by each family 
 through industry and frugality, they laid the foundations of 
 a state, in which not only labor itself w^as more reputable 
 than in any other country in the world, but in which 
 ignorance, and idleness, and poverty were ahiiost unknown, 
 till other countries contributed these foreign ingredients. 
 
 This is a world of labor, and always must and will be ; 
 but there only, where freedom and piety prevail, will labor, 
 to the world's end, be regarded as honorable and noble. 
 "1 have spoken of labor," says Mr. Webster, in one of his 
 true New England speeches, "as one of the great ele- 
 ments of our society, the great substantial interest on which 
 we all stand. Not feudal service, not predial toil, not the 
 irksome drudgery by one race of mankind, subjected, on 
 account of color, to the control of another race of man- 
 kind ; but labor, intelligent, manly, independent, thinking 
 and acting for itself, earning its own wages, accumulating 
 those wages into capital, becoming a part of our social 
 system, educating childhood, maintaining worship, claiming 
 the right of the elective franchise, and helping to uphold 
 the great fabric of the State. That ts American Labor, 
 and I confess that all my sympathies are with it, and my 
 voice, until I am dumb, will be for it." 
 
 And the foundation of that system goes back to the day, 
 when Bradford, Brewster, and Winslow labored in the 
 field together, builded their own houses, planted their own 
 corn, and, as truly as the lowliest of the Pilgrims, gained 
 
116 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 their own bread by the sweat of their brow. But they did 
 this, inspired by heavenly motives, for a heavenly end. 
 Their religious faith and zeal, and the exalted nature of 
 their purposes, turned all the drudgery of life into some- 
 thing noble and divine. They realized the beautiful 
 aspirations of one of the sweet poets, favorite at that day 
 among the Puritans ; one who prophesied of the glory of 
 the Church in this Western World ; one who, in a few 
 simple stanzas, has conveyed the whole secret of conquest, 
 as well as happiness, in the Colony of our Pilgrim Fathers, 
 the Colony of principle and not of gain. For thy sake, 
 reads the story both of their piety and prosperity, their 
 perseverance and success. 
 
 Teach me, my God and King, 
 In all things Thee to see ; 
 And, what I do in anything, 
 To do it as for Thee : 
 
 Not rudely, as a beast. 
 To run into an action ; 
 But still to make Thee prepossessed, 
 And give it Thy perfection. 
 
 A man that looks on glass 
 On it may stay his eye ; 
 Or, if he pleaseth, through it pass, 
 And then the heaven espy. 
 
 All may of Thee partake ; 
 Nothing can be so mean, 
 Which, v^'ith this tincture, For thy sake, 
 Will not grow bright and clean. 
 
 A servant, with this clause. 
 Makes drudgery divine ; 
 Who sweeps a room, as for thy laws, 
 Makes that, and the action, fine. 
 
 This is the famous stone. 
 That turneth all to gold : 
 For that which God doth touch and own 
 Cannot for less be told. 
 
 George Herbert. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE VIRGINIA COMPANY AND THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS. 
 
 The Virginia Company and the Merchant Adventurers 
 being both connected with the early efforts of the Pilgrims 
 in their colonizing enterprise, we will trace these phenome- 
 na briefly from the beginning. 
 
 In 1584 an expedition under patent from Elizabeth, was 
 fitted out by Sir Walter Raleigh, and the first discovery 
 was made, and rude possession taken, of the country then 
 first named Virginia. Its extent took in the whole United 
 States, being very indefinitely comprehensive. Some at- 
 tempts were immediately made for colonizing, but they 
 came to nothing. 
 
 In the year 1602, Captain Bart. Gosnold, setting out for 
 Virginia, discovered Cape Cod. He made so successful 
 a voyage, that on his ruturn, two companies were in- 
 corporated by King James in one Patent, bearing date of 
 April 10th, 1606. The first Company consisting of mem- 
 bers of the honorable city of London, and such adventur- 
 ers as might join with them, were restricted to that part of 
 the Coast of Virginia, between 34 and 41 degrees north 
 latitude. The second company, from the cities of Bristol, 
 Exeter, Plymouth, and other western parts of England, had 
 their range between 38 and 45 degrees. They were per- 
 mitted to settle 100 miles along the coast, and 100 
 miles within land, but were to keep 100 miles from each 
 
118 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Other's limits. The whole country, including all New 
 England, was then called Virginia, and was particularized 
 by no other distinction than that of the names of Virginia 
 North and South. 
 
 The proprietors of the patent for South Virginia began 
 their settlement that same year, 1606, on James's River, 
 and the next year laid the foundations of Jamestown. 
 
 The proprietors of the patent for North Virginia, Lord 
 Chief Justice Popham, Sir Ferdinand Gorges, and others 
 (sometimes called the Plymouth Company, as those of the 
 South were called the London Company), likewise at- 
 tempted a settlement at the North, which utterly failed, in 
 the same years in which God was removing from England 
 into Holland that Church Vine for which he was reserving 
 the possessions of these Northern Patentees. These men, 
 after a few unsuccessful efforts, gave up all thought of any 
 plantation. 
 
 In the year 1614 came the voyage of Captain Smith, 
 with his plan of North Virginia, which he called New 
 England ; and after this date the name Virginia is con- 
 fined to the possessions of the London Company, or the 
 Southern Colony. And it was with this Virginia Company 
 that the Pilgrims first endeavored to make their arrange- 
 ments. And it was in the year 1617, when they first set 
 on foot their plan of removal to America, that the great 
 plague visited New England, and swept away thousands 
 upon thousands of the natives. 
 
 Upon their talk of removing, sundry persons of note 
 among the Dutch would have them go under them, and 
 made them large offers. " But choosing to go under the 
 English government, where they might enjoy their reli- 
 gious privileges without molestation, after humble prayers 
 to God they first debated whether to go to Guiana or Vir- 
 ginia. And though some, and none of the meanest, were 
 earnest for the former, they at length determined for the 
 latter, so as to settle in a distant body, but under the gene- 
 
 A 
 
OF PRINCirLKS, PIiOVIDE.\CES, AND PERSONS. 119 
 
 ral government of Virginia. Upon which they sent Mr. 
 Robert C ashman and Mr. John Carver to treat with the 
 Virginia Company, and see if the King would give them 
 Liberty of Conscience there."* 
 
 Doubtless, if the King had given them Liberty of Con- 
 science there, they would have gone out under the govern- 
 ment of Virginia. And ill would it have fared with them, 
 if that had been the case. For Virginia had been colonized 
 by persons strongly attached to the Establishment, and un- 
 der strict injunctions from the King that " the word and 
 service of God should be preached and used according to 
 the rites and doctrines of the Church of England." They 
 would certainly have had difficulty there, even with a sepa- 
 rate Charter, for Liberty of Conscience, with a seal as 
 broad as a barn-floor. It had been wisely objected that 
 "if they lived among the English which were planted at 
 Virginia, or so near them as to be under their government, 
 they would be in as great danger to be troubled and perse- 
 cuted for their cause of religion as if they lived in England, 
 and it might be worse." Nevertheless, they seem to have 
 thought that an article from the King concerning liberty 
 of conscience would secure all ; and their determination 
 was, if they could get it, to go out under the Virginia Com- 
 pany. To this end they sent Cushman and Carver to 
 England. 
 
 But though these agents of Mr. Robinson's people " find 
 the Virginia Company" (says Governor Bradford) " very 
 desirous of their going to the West India Territory, and 
 willing to grant them a patent with as ample privileges as 
 they could grant to any, and some of the chief of the com- 
 pany doubted not to obtain their suit of the King for Liber- 
 ty in Religion, and to have it under the broad seal, as was 
 desired, yet they found it a harder piece of work than they 
 expected. For though many means were used, and diverse 
 persons of worth, with Sir Robert Naunton, chief Secreta- 
 * Prince's Chronology, Part I. p. 49. 
 
120 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 ry of State, labored with the King to obtain it, and others 
 wrought with the Archbishop to give way thereto, yet all 
 in vain. They indeed prevail so far, as that the King 
 would connive at them and not molest them, provided they 
 carry peaceably ; but to tolerate them by his public au- 
 thority, under his seal, could not be granted. Upon which 
 the agents return to Leyden, to the great discouragement 
 of the people who sent them."* 
 
 This was a most auspicious discouragement and refusal. 
 The mind pauses upon the idea of our Pilgrim Fathers 
 making their first settlement in the West Indies, and one 
 cannot but see in imagination the train of evils that would 
 thence have ensued, in the undoubted flocking of a herd of 
 worthless adventurers to swamp the Colony in that delicious 
 climate, with indolence, divisions, insubordination, and dis- 
 solute habits. They would better have gone to Guiana, 
 the romantic paradise of Raleigh's genius, whither his book 
 of description, published in 1596, had directed their atten- 
 tion, as to a fair, rich, and mighty empire, where the trees 
 were in delicious groves, where the deer came at call, 
 where the evening birds were singing a thousand charming 
 tunes to gentle airs in the forest, and where the very stones 
 beneath their feet promised gold and silver. But these 
 golden images had little power over the souls of the Pil- 
 grims. 
 
 Casting themselves upon Divine Providence, they re- 
 solved to venture, getting as good a patent as they could, 
 even without Liberty of Conscience. After long vexation 
 and delay, through the disturbances and factions into which 
 the Virginia Company had fallen, they did at length, in 
 1619, obtain a patent granted and confirmed under the Vir- 
 ginia Company's Seal. But here again, God was before- 
 hand with them, arranging for them their disappointments 
 as well as their accomplishments. The patent was taken 
 out in the name of Mr. John Wincob, a religious gentle- 
 * Prince, from Bradford, 50. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 121 
 
 man of the household of the Countess of Lincoln, whose 
 intention had been to go with them. But God so ordered 
 that he never went, and they never made the least use of his 
 patent, though it had cost them so much expense and labor. 
 
 Here first rise into notice those Merchant Adventurers, 
 under agreement with whom, and partly at whose charge, 
 the Pilgrims did at length begin their settlement. The 
 patent which they had obtained was carried, says Governor 
 Bradford, by one of their messengers to Leyden, for the 
 people to consider, together with several proposals for 
 their transmigration, made by Mr. Thomas Weston, of Lon- 
 don, Merchant, and such other friends and merchants as 
 should either go or adventure with them. And so they 
 were requested to prepare with speed for the voyage, leav- 
 ing it with their agents, Messrs. Cushman and Carver, to 
 perfect the arrangements in England with the Merchant 
 Adventurers. 
 
 Meanwhile the noblemen and gentlemen engaged before 
 in the old patent for North Virginia were seeking a new 
 and separate patent of incorporation for New England, 
 under the style and title of the council established at Ply- 
 mouth,' in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, or- 
 dering, and governing of New England, in America, 
 which, says Mr. Prince, is the great and civil basis of all 
 the future patents and plantations that divide this country. 
 This patent they at length obtained from King James ; but 
 it was not signed by the King until long after the Pilgrims 
 had set sail, not indeed till Nov. 3d, 1620, just before the 
 May Flower anchored in Cape Cod Harbor. There the 
 Pilgrims were to land in New England, unchartered by 
 any earthly power, and were to take possession at Ply- 
 mouth of their desired retreat in the wilderness, in full 
 liberty of conscience, unpatented and unfettered. A patent 
 for them under the new incorporation was not till after- 
 wards taken out in the name of Mr. John Pierce, who, as 
 
 we have seen, treacherously endeavored to secure it under 
 
 6 
 
122 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 his own power, allowing the Colony only what privileges 
 he pleased. 
 
 In their arrangements for the voyage, and the business 
 foundation and management of the Colony, the Pilgrims 
 were very much at the mercy of the Merchant Adven- 
 turers, their own finances, after the expenses they were at, 
 being in an exhausted state. They had to rely upon Mr. 
 Weston and the Merchants for shipping and money to as- 
 sist in their transportation. They therefore entered into a 
 seven years' co-partnership with the Merchant Adventurers, 
 so as to form with them one company, the articles being 
 greatly to the advantage of the Merchants, and hard upon 
 the Pilgrims, as might naturally be supposed. The most 
 that is known of these Adventurers, except what was de- 
 veloped afterwards in regard to the character of indi- 
 viduals, is recorded by Captain John Smith, in the year 
 1624. " The adventurers," says he, " which raised the stock 
 to begin and supply this plantation, were about seventy, 
 some merchants, some handicraftsmen, some adventuring 
 great sums, some small, as their affections served. The 
 general stock already employed is about 7000 pounds, by 
 reason of which charge and many crosses, many would 
 adventure no more ; but others, that know so great charge 
 cannot be effected without both losses and crosses, are re- 
 solved to go forward with it to their powers ; which de- 
 serve no small commendation and encouragement. These 
 dwell most about London. They are not a corporation, 
 but knit together by a voluntary combination, in a society, 
 without constraint or penalty, aiming to do good, and to 
 plant religion." 
 
 Captain Smith seems not to have been aware of the di- 
 visions and conspiracies among a number of the meinbers 
 of this company. These things connected the history of 
 the Merchant Adventurers for a little time, disastrously, as 
 it seemed to human judgment, but beneficially, doubtless, 
 in the result, with the progress of the Colony. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS. ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT FOR 
 
 THE TRANSPORTATION OF THE PILGRIMS OTHERWISE THE 
 
 CO-PARTNERSHTP. END OF THE COMPANY. 
 
 To DO good and to plant religion, was far from being the 
 desire, as the sequel proved, of some of these men. Some 
 of them became enemies of the Colony ; others endeavored 
 treacfierously to upset its church and government, and en- 
 tered into a conspiracy for that purpose. Some of them 
 were bitter enemies of Robinson, and endeavored success- 
 fully to hinder his joining the Colony, being afraid of his 
 powerful religious influence. Their character and treache- 
 rous dealings are partly laid open in a letter from Robinson 
 himself to Brew^ster, preserved in Dr. Young's Chronicles 
 of the Pilgrims, in which he says — " As for these adver- 
 saries, if they have but half their will to their malice, they 
 will stop my course when they see it intended." It was a 
 faction of the x\d venturers, as we shall see, who sent over 
 to the Colony that miserable creature, Lyford, to be their 
 minister, in order to hinder Mr. Robinson, and whose base 
 intentions were so signally exposed and defeated by the 
 prudence and energy of Governor Bradford. On the 
 whole, the Colony suffered much from these Adventu- 
 rers, although some of them w^ere sincerely pious men, 
 bent on doing good ; firm and undeviating friends to the 
 
]24 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Colonists, and laboring with them, and intending to join 
 them in person. 
 
 Of this number was Mr. James Sherley, so honorably 
 noticed by Governor Bradford, as a chief friend of the 
 plantation. Mr. Cushman had written to the Governor, 
 informing him of the sore sickness of Sherley, when he 
 lay at the point of death ; declaring his love and helpful- 
 ness in all things, and bemoaning the loss of the Pilgrims 
 if God should take him away, as being the stay and life of 
 the business. 
 
 But it is evident enough there were not many of this 
 noble stamp. Some of those the most relied upon proved 
 enemies, as was found in the case of this Mr. Thomas 
 Weston, who took so prominent and busy a part in getting 
 the Pilgrims away, and who came from London to South- 
 ampton, to see them finally despatched. There was some 
 trouble with him even at the outset ; for May 25th, 1620, 
 Mr. Robinson had to write to Mr. Carver, complaining of 
 Mr. Weston's neglect in getting shipping in England, for 
 want of which they were in a piteous case at Leyden. 
 But his character was not fully revealed till the year 1622, 
 when he sent out two ships and a band of men to settle a 
 plantation for himself, in Massachusetts Bay, for which he 
 had procured a patent. The notice of this colony will be 
 given in another chapter ; but at present we make in this 
 connexion an extract from Governor Bradford's Journal, as 
 given in Prince, which is as follows, under date of the 
 spring of 1623 :— 
 
 " Shortly after Mr. Weston's people went to the eastward, he 
 comes there himself, with some of the fishermen, under another 
 name, and disguise of a blacksmith ; where he hears the ruin of 
 his plantation, and getting a shallop with a man or two, comes to 
 see how things are, but in a storm is cast away in the bottom of 
 the bay between Piscataquak and Merrimack river, and hardly 
 escapes with his life. Afterwards he falls into the hands of the 
 Indians, who pillage him of all he saved from the sea, and strip 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 125 
 
 him of all his clothes to his shirt. At length he gets to Piscata- 
 quak, borrows a suit of clothes, finds means to come to Plymouth, 
 and desires to borrow some beaver of us. Notwithstanding our 
 straits, yet in consideration of his necessity, we let him have 170 
 odd pounds of beaver, with which he goes to the Eastward, stays 
 his small ship and some of his men, buys provision and fits him- 
 self, which is the foundation of his future courses ; and yet he 
 never repaid us any thing save reproaches, and becomes our 
 enemy on all occasions."* 
 
 But now the. Colony, in the good providence of God, was 
 rapidly getting beyond the reach of enmity, and in a con- 
 dition to command friends. In England men began more 
 and more to look thitherward across the ocean, as a refuge 
 from the evils of their own home. 
 
 Mr. Sherley himself, who recovered from the dangerous 
 illness spoken of above, wrote to the Plymouth Colonists, 
 Dec. 27, 1627,t describing, in part, the enmity of the Ad- 
 venturers, against both the Pilgrims and himself. " The 
 sole cause," says he, "why the greater part of the Adven- 
 turers malign me, was, that I would not side with them 
 against you, and against the coming over of the Leyden 
 people ; and assuredly, unless the Lord be merciful to us 
 and the whole land in general, our condition is far worse 
 than yours. Wherefore, if the Lord should send persecu- 
 tion here, which is much to be feared^ 5nd should put into 
 our minds to fly for refuge, I know no place safer than to 
 come to you." 
 
 Looking to the character and ends of many of these 
 Merchant Adventurers, as thus developed, and considering 
 the manner in which the pilgrims were thrown into their 
 power, when they entered into co-partnership with them 
 for the commencement of the Colony, we read without sur- 
 prise the articles and conditions of their agreement. With- 
 
 * Prince's New Eng. Chron., vol. i. p. 134. f Prince, vol. i. p. 169. 
 
126 HisToracAL and local illustrations 
 
 out consenting to these conditions, the Pilgrims could not 
 have been transported to America. Mr. Weston had much 
 of the management in his hands, and Mr. Cushman, the 
 principal agent of the Pilgrims, found himself compelled to 
 accede to the proposals, " although they were very afflictive 
 to the minds of such as were concerned in the voyage, and 
 hard enough for the poor people, that were to adventure 
 their persons as well as their estates." To the reluctance 
 expressed, and complaints made, Mr. Cushman was obliged 
 to answer, " that unless they had so ordered the conditions, 
 the whole design would have fallen to the ground ; and ne- 
 cessity, they said, having no law, they were constrained to 
 be silent." 
 
 The co-partnership was for seven years. The shares 
 were ten pounds each. For every person going, the per- 
 sonality (that is, from sixteen years of age) was accounted 
 one share for him, and every ten pounds put in by him, was 
 accounted an additional share. At the end of the copart- 
 nership of seven years, all the possessions of the colony, 
 with everything gained by them, were to be equally di- 
 vided among the whole of the Adventurers, Merchants as 
 well as Pilgrims. Such was the essence of the copartner- 
 ship, on the grounds of which alone the Pilgrims could find 
 friends to help th^m in getting to America. Such a trading 
 company was none of their seeking, nor was it the object 
 of their religious enferprise ; but God made use of it for 
 them, as we have said, in the place of pulleys and frame- 
 work, to hoist the stones of his Living Temple into their 
 intended position ; and when that was done, the frame- work 
 went into various uses and places, but was much of it, as 
 useless lumber, thrown away. 
 
 In form, the Articles of Agreement between the Pilgrims 
 and the Merchant Adventurers were precisely as follows, 
 in ten particulars : 
 
 1. The Adventurers and Planters do agree that every 
 person that goeth, being sixteen years old and upwards, be 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 127 
 
 rated at ten pounds, and that ten pounds be accounted a 
 single share. 
 
 2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth himself 
 out with ten pounds, either in money or other provisions, 
 be accounted as having twenty pounds in stock, and in the 
 divisions shall receive a double share. 
 
 3. The persons transported, and the Adventurers, shall 
 continue their joint stock and partnership the space of 
 seven years, except some unexpected impediments do cause 
 the whole company to agree otherwise ; during which 
 time all profits and benefits that are gotten by trade, traffic, 
 trucking, working, fishing, or any other means, of any other 
 person or persons, shall remain still in the common stock 
 until the division. 
 
 4. That at their coming there, they shall choose out such 
 a number of fit persons as may furnish their ships and boats 
 for fishing upon the sea ; employing the rest in their several 
 faculties upon the land, as building houses, tilling and plant- 
 ing the ground, and making such commodities as shall be 
 most useful for the Colony. 
 
 5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and the 
 profits, namely, the houses, lands, goods, and chattels, be 
 equally divided among the Adventurers. 
 
 G. Whoever cometh to the Colony hereafter, or putteth 
 anything into the stock, shall, at the end of the seven 
 years, be allowed proportionally, to the time of his so 
 doing. 
 
 7. He that shall carry his wife, or children, or servants, 
 shall be allowed for every person now aged sixteen years 
 and upwards, a single share in the division; or if he pro- 
 vide them necessaries, a double share ; or if they be be- 
 tween ten years old and sixteen, then two of them to be 
 reckoned for a person, both in transportation and division. 
 
 8. That such children as now go, and are under the age 
 of ten years, have no other share in the division than fifty 
 acres of unmanured land. 
 
128 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 9. That such persons as die before the seven years be 
 expired, their executors to have their parts or share at the 
 division, proportionably to the time of their life in the 
 Colony. 
 
 10. That all such persons as are of the Colony to have 
 meat, drink, apparel, and all provisions, out of the common 
 stock and goods of said Colony. 
 
 Such was the rigorous contract, by which alone the 
 Pilgrims were enabled to raise the means for their trans- 
 portation and first establishment as a Colony. 
 
 Under these agreements it might well be said that it 
 cost the first Pilgrims seven years of hard labor to get 
 from England to America. This copartnership was in 
 reality their passage money. They had to " prepare for it 
 with speed, sell their estates, and put their money into a 
 common stock, to be disposed by their managers for mak- 
 ing general provisions." They then had, for some years, a 
 dependence upon, and connexion with, the Merchant Ad- 
 venturers, which grew more and more perplexing every 
 month. It proved the means of introducing worthless 
 men among them, or round about them, Canaanites and 
 Jebusites to be yet in the land, as thorns for them. Some, 
 who came to join the Pilgrims, at the bidding or permis- 
 sion of the Merchant Adventurers, " were so bad, that 
 they were forced to be at the charge to send them home 
 the very next year." But any expense could better be 
 endured than the presence of such vicious, corrupting, 
 destructive elements among them. 
 
 In the summer of 1623 there came a letter to the Pil- 
 grims subscribed by thirteen of the Adventurers, kindly, 
 and encouraging. " Let it not be grievous to you," said 
 they, " that you have been the instruments to break the ice 
 for others, who come after with less difficulty ; the honor 
 shall be yours to the world's end. We bear you always 
 in our breasts, and our hearty affection is towards you all, 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 129 
 
 as are the hearts of hundreds more, which never saw your 
 faces, who doubtless pray your safety as their own." 
 
 But in the spring of 1624, Mr. Winslow, whom the Pil- 
 grims had sent over as their agent, returned from England, 
 bringing a " sad account of a strong faction among the Ad- 
 venturers against us, and especially against the coming of 
 Mr. Robinson and the rest from Leyden." The result of 
 the conspiracy of this faction, as well as the nature and pur- 
 pose of it, will be seen detailed in our Chapter concerning 
 the first imposition of a minister. We have now only to 
 follow the Adventurers to the end of their copartnership. 
 
 By the year 1624, the general stock already employed 
 by the Adventurers to Plymouth, as related in Prince from 
 Smith's History, was about seven thousand pounds. 
 
 By the year 1625, upon the discovery and explosion of 
 the plot against the Pilgrims, and the decision of Oldham, 
 who was the instrument of the faction among the Mer- 
 chants, to stay at Nantasket and trade for himself, " the 
 company of Adventurers to Plymouth," says Governor 
 Bradford, *' brake in pieces, two thirds of them deserting 
 us." 
 
 But they not only deserted the Colony, but turned against 
 it, and went so far as to attempt undermining its trade and 
 taking its property. They sent out a ship for fishing, and 
 took the stage of the Pilgrims and other provisions, or ar- 
 rangements prepared the year before for fishing at Cape 
 Ann at a great expense on the part of the Colony, and 
 refused to restore the property without fighting. " Upon 
 which," as the record reads in Mr. Prince's Chronology, 
 " we let them keep it, and our Governor sends some plant- 
 ers to help the fishermen build another." 
 
 Upon which we let them keep it. What an instance of 
 noble, Christian magnanimity and forbearance ! When 
 Captain Miles Standish came, he could hardly endure it, 
 and was for reclaiming it by force with a soldier's argu- 
 ments ; but the nobler conquest bv far was that of a proud 
 
 6* 
 
130 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 generosity and Christian principle that would not fight for 
 a summer's fishing tackle ; and the end was, we let them 
 keep it, and much good may it do them. 
 
 Some of the Adventurers still remained friendly to the 
 Pilo-rims. We shall see further detail in regard to their 
 character, letters, and measures, in the Chapter on Governor 
 Bradford's Letter Book. At present they wrote by Mr. 
 Winslow as follows : 
 
 " We cannot forget you, nor our friendship and fellowship we 
 have had some years. Our hearty affections towards you (un- 
 known by face) have been no less than to our nearest friends, 
 yea, to our own selves. As there has been a faction among us 
 more than two years, so now there is an utter breach and seques- 
 tration. The Company's debts are no less than 1400 pounds, 
 and we hope you will do your best to free them. We are still 
 persuaded you are the people that must make a plantation in 
 those remote places, where all others fail. We have sent some 
 cattle, clothes, hose, shoes, leather, &c,, for Allerton and Wins- 
 low to sell as our factors." 
 
 The positive proof accompanying these professions of 
 friendship was, that the goods were ordered to be sold at 
 the enormous rate of seventy per cent, advance ; a thing, 
 as Governor Bradford quietly remarks, "thought unrea- 
 sonable, and a great oppression." Seventy per cent, ad- 
 vance, and hearty affections as to their own selves ! Some- 
 what still of bitter experience for the Pilgrims ; but there 
 was no help for it, and the cattle they found the best com- 
 modity. A very unconscious satire, on their part. 
 
 On the receipt of these affections, cattle, shoes, &c., the 
 Pilgrims despatched Captain Standish as their agent " both 
 to the remaining Adventurers for more goods, and to the 
 New England Council, to oblige the others (the factious 
 and inimical Adventurers) to come to a composition." 
 They chose the military man of the Colony for this, one 
 who would fear nothing, and possessed a marvellous de- 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 131 
 
 gree of decision and energy of character. But the Cap- 
 tain arrived in London in the very midst of the Plague ; 
 not the great Plague described by De Foe, but its forerun- 
 ner by some years; when such multitudes were dying 
 every week, that Trade itself was dead, and no business 
 could be accomplished. Nevertheless, the Captain en- 
 gaged several of the New England Council to promise 
 their helpfulness to the plantation ; but the friendly Ad- 
 venturers he found so weakened by losses, that they could 
 do but little. The Captain had to take up 150 pounds at 
 the enormous rate of fifty per cent, interest. And when 
 he returned he brought the sad news not only of great 
 losses sustained by some of their friends, but of the death 
 of others by the Plague, and above all, that their beloved 
 Pastor Robinson, wliom they had been hoping to welcome 
 among them, had gone to his rest. Their ancient friend, 
 Mr. Cushman, was also dead, "their right hand with the 
 Adventurers, who for years had managed all their business 
 with them, to their great advantage." 
 
 At length, in the autumn of 1626, they sent over Mr. 
 Allerton, who, after no small trouble, with the help of 
 some faithful, energetic friends, brought the Adventurers 
 to a settlement. They agreed to sell out to the Pilgrims 
 all their interest in the Colony for the sum of 1800 pounds, 
 of which 200 should be paid every year, beginning in 1628. 
 The Colonists rejoiced in this arrangement, although, being 
 forced to take up money or goods at such enormous inter- 
 est, they scarcely knew how to raise the payment, and at 
 the same time discharge their other engagements, and sup- 
 ply their own wants. Seven or eight of the principal men 
 among them had to become jointly bound, in behalf of the 
 rest, for the whole amount. Besides this, the whole Colony 
 were anxious to assist their friends at Leyden to get over 
 to them ; and for this purpose eight foremost men among 
 them, with the three friendly Adventurers in England, 
 Sherley, Beauchamp, and Andrews, entered into an en- 
 
132 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 gagement, taking the trade of the Colony for six years, to 
 pay all their debts, and transport the remainder of the 
 Church from Ley den to Plymouth. By means of this ar- 
 rangement, thirty-five of their friends with their families 
 were enabled to join them in 3 629, their expenses being 
 paid, from 30 to 50 pounds a family ; " besides giving them 
 houses, preparing them grounds to plant on, and maintain- 
 ing them with corn and other necessaries above 13 or 14 
 months, before they had a harvest of their own produc- 
 tion." The names of the Pilgrims by whom this difficult 
 work was accomplished, in connexion with the friendly 
 Adventurers above named, were Governor Bradford, Ed- 
 ward Winslow, Thomas Prince, Miles Standish, William 
 Brewster, John Alden, John Howland, and Isaac Allerton. 
 
 But their charge did not end here. In May, 1630, ano- 
 ther company of their Leyden brethren arrived in the har- 
 bor of Salem, the cost of w^hose provision and transporta- 
 tion from Holland to England, from England to Salem, and 
 from Salem with their goods to Plymouth, was all cheer- 
 fully borne by the same "New Plymouth Undertakers," 
 before named ; amounting to above five hundred and fifty 
 pounds sterling, " besides the providing them housing, pre- 
 paring them ground, and maintaining them with food for 
 sixteen or eighteen months, before they had a harvest of 
 their own ; all which came to nearly as much more. A 
 rare example of brotherly love and Christian care in per- 
 forming their promises to their brethren, even beyond their 
 power."* 
 
 These were great charges, but the Pilgrims had now 
 everything under their own control. The perplexities of 
 their copartnership with the Adventurers were at an end ; 
 in their business arrangements they might deal now only 
 with brethren and friends ; and they regarded the coming 
 of the remainder of the Leyden Church, which once seemed 
 
 * Bradford in Prince, 201. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 133 
 
 SO hopeless, as a recompense from Heaven with a double 
 blessing. They received the new companies of "godly 
 friends and Christian brethren, as the beginning of a larger 
 harvest to Christ, in the increase of his people and Churches 
 in these parts of the earth, to the admiration of many, and 
 almost wonder of the world." 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE PILGRIM CHURCH IN ENGLAND, AND THE FIRST CHURCH 
 COMPACT. 
 
 While men were contrivinfr their pilgrimages and colo- 
 nies of gain, God was arranging his of principle, and was 
 selecting its instruments. It was the work of his Church. 
 It was simply the early dispensation renewed, when men 
 of God, scattered abroad by persecution, went preaching 
 the word, and founding word-colonies of grace, amidst the 
 wilderness of a Pagan civilization. But now a whole 
 church was to be transplanted. Its materials must first be 
 gathered and disciplined ; and for these God went into the 
 despised non-conforming cottages and conventicles of 
 England. There were noble preachers of God's Word 
 then, even amidst all the turmoil and persecution about cere- 
 monies ; and the minister who would be a free and fearless 
 preacher of God's Word at such a time, teaching God's 
 fear, not by the precepts of men, would likely be God's 
 honored instrument in preparing the materials for his in- 
 tended Church Colony. 
 
 Divine grace, as well as human wrath, must have been 
 at work with great power at that period. Men who became 
 Christians under such oppressions as they had to endure if 
 they embraced the new discovered, but ancient truth of the 
 independence of the Church under Christ only, would like- 
 ly become such through deep and powerful experience. 
 
PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 135 
 
 " I am afraid," said Sir Walter Raleigh, in a speech de- 
 precating their banishment from England by oppression? 
 " I am afraid there are nearly twenty thousand of these 
 men ; and when they are driven out of the Kingdom, who 
 shall support their wives and children ?" But mere driving 
 them out of the Kingdom had been mercy, in comparison 
 with the treatment they received. One whole Church, 
 perhaps the earliest on independent principles formed in 
 England, was hunted out by the sharp and eager cruelty 
 of the Commissioners of Queen Elizabeth, the very year of 
 its formation in London, in 1592, and fifty-six of its mem- 
 bers were imprisoned, beaten, put to death in various ways, 
 some by the inhuman cruelties of their confinement, some 
 upon the gallows. The Queen's Commissioners, when 
 these victims of the Protestant Persecutor refused to play 
 the hypocrite by going to the State-Church, let them know 
 that it was not piety to God they wished for, but obedience 
 to the Queen ; and that with that they might do and be 
 whatever of evil in religion they pleased. " Come to 
 Church," said they, " and obey the Queen's laws ; and be a 
 dissembler, a hypocrite, or a devil, if thou wilt." So this 
 band of Christ's follov/ers perished in England. It was not 
 quite yet God's time for the sacred Colony. 
 
 The foundation of the Pilgrim Church, and therefore the 
 tap-root of New-England, runs back to the year 1602, 
 when, in Governor Bradford's woi'ds, " several religious 
 people near the joining borders of Nottinghamshire, Lin- 
 colnshire, and Yorkshire, finding their pious ministers urged 
 with subscriptions, or silenced, and the people greatly vex- 
 ed with Commissary Courts, Apparitors, and Pursuivants, 
 which they bare sundry years Vvith much patience, till they 
 were occasioned by the continuance and increase of these 
 troubles, and other means, to see further into these things 
 by the light of the Word of God, — shake off this yoke 
 of anti-Christian bondage ; and as the Lord's free people 
 join themselves by covenant into a church-state, to walk in 
 
136 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 all his ways, made known, or to be made known to them, 
 according to their best endeavors, whatever it cost them." 
 
 The clearer and further insight, which these religious 
 men, by means of these trials and persecutions obtained, 
 by the light of God's Word, are stated by Governor Brad- 
 ford to have been " that the ceremonies prescribed were 
 unlawful, and also the lordly and tyrannous power of the 
 prelates, who would, contrary to the freedom of the Gos- 
 pel, load the consciences of men, and by their compulsive 
 power make a profane mixture of things and persons in di- 
 vine worship ; that their offices, courts, and canons were 
 unlawful, being such as have no warrant in the Word of 
 God, but the same that were used in Popery, and still re- 
 tained."* 
 
 This little church compact, among a few despised per- 
 sons, totally unknown in the world and uncared for, was 
 one of the greatest events that had then ever taken place 
 in the world's history. Out of that grew the celebrated 
 civil and religious compact on board the May Flower ; out 
 of that, indeed, sprang all the institutions of civil and reli- 
 gious freedom in our country. That Church Compact in 
 the Old World was the beginning both of form and life to 
 the New. 
 
 That little church covenant, that phenomenon of dissent 
 and conventicles, unnoticed at that time, except by the great 
 red draojon of the twelfth of Revelations, was as the ridfje 
 of a mountain breaking suddenly out of the polished scurf 
 and dust of established church despotisms, and rising to 
 throw that bondage from the world. It is still rising, all 
 over the earth, and the mountain of the Lord's House shall 
 be established upon this top of the mountains, and all na- 
 tions shall at length flow into it. It was a free, voluntary 
 church, gathered by the Spirit of the Lord, and not by man's 
 sacramental oaths and rubrics. A world was now to be 
 
 * Bradford in Prince, 4. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 137 
 
 founded, with no more mere ecclesiastico-political societies 
 under the name of National Churches, combining together, 
 like so many national menageries, bears, and calves, and 
 sheep, and wild bulls of Bashan, and presenting a mere 
 caricature of the prophetic reign of peace and righteous- 
 ness on earth ; the wolf and the lamb, the leopard and the 
 kid, the cow and the bear, the calf, and the young lion, and 
 the fatling together, and a little child leading them. This 
 beautiful prediction in Isaiah was certainly never intended 
 to be accomplished by driving together with fines and 
 penalties the religious and the irreligious, the converted 
 and the unconverted, to the Lord's Table, in the Lord's 
 House, and proclaiming by law, The Temple of the Lord, 
 the Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord are these ! 
 
 But how obscurely does God often begin the greatest of 
 his revealing dispensations ! An old, old man, with a long 
 white beard, takes a little child in his arms in the Jewish 
 temple, and exclaims, "Lord, now lettest thou thy servant 
 depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation !" 
 It is the fulfilment of predictions, for which the great globe 
 itself has been kept in its orbit for centuries. It is the 
 beginning of a new creation of God. The personages dis- 
 appear from the eye of sense, and the ages silently roll on, 
 but the dispensation then begun, enlarges, till the whole 
 world is filled with it. 
 
 So, down among the obscurities of Lincolnshire, where 
 no creature in the world knew what was going on, the lost 
 old primitive model of the Christian Church was begun 
 again under Christ, the Shepherd and Bishop of Souls. If 
 it had been known what great things were to spring from 
 that covenant, all other interests at the gates of hell would 
 have been left unguarded, to crush and annihilate that little 
 despised band of worshippers. But yet in what utter 
 obscurity the effort begins ! We love to dwell upon the 
 scene, and upon Gov. Bradford's simple language, " Several 
 did, as the Lord's free people, join themselves by covenant 
 
138 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTKATIONS 
 
 into a church-state, to walk in all his ways, according to 
 their best endeavours, whatever it cost them." 
 
 Aye ! Whatever it cost them ! A great sentence is 
 that. They knew almost as little, then, what it would 
 reveal, as the gates of hell knew of their whole movement. 
 And how wonderfully, from step to step, they w^ere led on ! 
 It might be said, with reference to the great enterprise, 
 then wholly unknown, undreamed of, to which God would 
 prepare and bring them, " I girded thee, though thou hast 
 not known me." They knew God, but what God was 
 going to do with them they knew not, nor what their fii'st 
 step would cost them. It was by the providential disci- 
 pline of God, with the intolerable severities of the Esta- 
 blishment as its instruments, that they came to the disco- 
 very of the great truth, that as Christ's disciples they 
 weTe really the Lord's fi'ee people, who might, if they 
 pleased, join themselves by covenant into a church state, 
 who had that liberty from Christ, though neither asking 
 leave of any Established Church, nor constituted by 
 any king or bishop. Why ! this was one of the great- 
 est lessons ever taught by Divine Providence, ever learned 
 from his word through suffering. The whole world was 
 against it. If that question had been brought before any 
 set of men then in existence, had it even been carried to 
 Geneva, and laid before the church of Calvin there, had it 
 been carried to Germany, and proposed to a Lutheran 
 synod there, in its bare simplicity, as taught of God, it 
 would have been negatived. The question, can we, " seve- 
 ral religious people,'' we, "two or three gathered together," 
 constitute a church ? Can we constitute ourselves into a 
 church, and be regarded as a church, and lawfully choose 
 our own minister, under Christ only? — this question would 
 in most quarters have been answered by pursuivants and 
 bailiffs, in prisons and Courts of High Commission. In the 
 opinion of the rulers of the Church then in England it was 
 a mortal sin " for a man that had been at church twice on 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 139 
 
 the Lord's Day to repeat the heads of the sermons to his 
 family in the evening ; a crime that deserved fines, im- 
 prisonment, and the forfeiture of all that was dear to a man 
 in the world." " If any will not be quiet, and shew his 
 obedience, the church," said King James, "were better 
 without him, and he w^ere worthy to be hanged." And 
 Archbishop Whitgift said that his Majesty spake by the 
 special assistance of the Holy Ghost.* 
 
 Long and arduously did the persecuting rulers of the 
 Church labor at their work of smelting out this precious 
 ore of truth, this doctrine of Christian liberty. Busily 
 were they running to and fro, conveying the metal from 
 one forge and furnace to another, sweating at their fires 
 and anvils, with the great trip-hammers of Church and 
 State despotism at command, thinking, forsooth, that they 
 were burning and beating down, out of existence, all idea, 
 all thought, all dream of freedom, when they were merely 
 God's instruments to discipline and beat the consciences of 
 our fathers, out of their remaining bondage and darkness 
 into liberty and light. This great act of joining themselves 
 by covenant into a church-state was one, into which the 
 providence of God did, as it were, compel the Pilgrims, 
 anxious and doubtful at first, but at length/ree^, without the 
 least mixture of fear or superstition. After that st^p, great 
 and rapid was the increase of their light and liberty, and 
 God's discipline, in preparation for the removal of the vine 
 out of Egypt, was immediate. 
 
 * Prince, 10, 11. — Neal's History of the Puritans.— Fuller's Church History. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 COMPARISON OF GOD S PREPARATORY PROVIDENCES. THE 
 
 PLAGUE AMONG THE SAVAGES. SaUANTO, AND THE PIL- 
 GRIMS' WELCOME. 
 
 That we may w^atch and compare God's marvellous pro- 
 vidences in this thing, the date is to be marked, 1602. This 
 was the time when God took from a persecuting Church- 
 Establishment the seed-corn which he was to prepare for 
 the planting of his church in New England, for an entirely 
 new dispensation of his grace in our world. 
 
 In that same year, 1602, the same Divine Providence 
 carried Bartholomew Gosnold to the discovery of Cape 
 Cod, where God would soon carry the seed he was thus 
 gathering and preparing. The coincidence of these dates 
 is remarkable. It is also remarkable that both in this ex- 
 pedition of Gosnold, in 1602, and in that of our Pilgrim 
 Fathers in 1620, God's providence disappointed man's will, 
 preventing entirely the first intended settlement, and turn- 
 ing the last from its intended place to a spot not even with- 
 in the limits of the charter. Gosnold's expedition was 
 directed to Virginia, a general and most indefinite designa- 
 tion at that time, comprising almost the whole present sea- 
 coast of the United States. Intending a shorter cut than 
 had before been attempted by the more southerly adven- 
 turers, Gosnold steered more directly across the ocean, 
 and at length brought up at Cape Cod, where he probably 
 cast the first lines ever thrown for a fish which was to be- 
 
PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 141 
 
 come as solid, fundamental, and useful a staple of the New 
 England seas, as the granite should be of the New Eng- 
 land continent. An honest, hearty, homely, enduring fish, 
 susceptible of much salt, and the better for keeping. The 
 Cod and the Granite are no ignoble symbols of New Eng- 
 land wealth and character. 
 
 " Therefore honorable and worthy countrymen," said 
 Captain Smith to the people of England, at the close of 
 one of his relations of his voyages, " let not the meanness 
 of the word fish distaste you ; for it will afford as good 
 gold as the mines of Guiana or Potassie, with less hazard 
 and charge, and more certainty and facility." By the dis- 
 cipline of industry and piety God would make the rocky 
 coasts and harbors of New England a Potosi of riches, 
 such as all the mountain mines of silver and gold in the 
 world could not create. But of this, either Bart. Gosnold 
 or Captain Smith thought little. And what mind at that 
 period could have been sagacious enough to cast even a 
 guess over the future of the two centuries? 
 
 Cape Cod contains now about 32,000 inhabitants. Here 
 and at Nantucket and New Bedford, as well as around 
 Cape Ann, are the cradles of our seamen ; yea, the Capes 
 themselves, far stretching into the Atlantic, are almost 
 rocked by its magnificent tempests. As long as the Eng- 
 lish language lasts, the enthusiastic eulogy will never be 
 forgotten, passed by the great mind of Edmund Burke, 
 upon the seamen of the coasts of New England, near a 
 hundred years ago, while dwelling upon the wealth which 
 the colonies had drawn from the sea by their fisheries. He told 
 the British Government that if their envy was excited by 
 those great acquisitions, yet the spirit with which that en- 
 terprising employment had been exercised, ought rather 
 to have raised their esteem and admiration ; for what in 
 the world was equal to it ? " Neither the perseverance of 
 Holland, nor the activity of France, nor the dexterous and 
 fine sagacity of English enterprise ever carried this most 
 
142 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 perilous mode of hard industry to the extent to which it 
 had been pushed by this recent people ; a people who are 
 still, as it were, but in the gristle, and not yet hardened 
 into the bone of manhood. Through a wise and salutary 
 neglect, a generous nature has been suffered to take her 
 own way to perfection. The colonies have not been 
 squeezed into their happy form by the constraints of watch- 
 ful and suspicious government." The moment those con- 
 straints began to be applied, then the generous nature that 
 had grown up without them, spurned them, and England 
 lost her whole colonial possessions south of Canada, by 
 attempting despotically to do what she pleased with them. 
 
 When our fathers first landed at Cape Cod, there seem 
 to have been plenty of whales and seals, as well as codfish, 
 in those seas. They found the Grampus so abundant, that 
 at one place they were minded, on that account, to call the 
 harbor Grampus Bay. Sometimes they had a shot at 
 a whale, but never enjoyed the sport of catching 
 one : " when the whale saw her time," says their quaint 
 description, " she gave a snuff and away." 
 
 Out ofGosnold's discovery grew an incorporated trading 
 company for North Virginia in 1606, but no settlement. 
 In 1608 came the attempted settlement and failure on the 
 banks of the Sagadahock, under Popham and Gilbert. In 
 1614, Captain John Smith made his survey of the country 
 and presented a plan of it to King Charles, then the Prince 
 Royal, who gave it the name of New England ; well bap- 
 tized for the Pilgrims, but a miserable godfather. From 
 its very first discovery, every attempt to colonize or settle 
 this country for mere purposes of gain or trade, failed, and 
 at length all thoughts of it seemed to be abandoned, except 
 as far as concerned the keeping of small summer stations 
 by private adventurers for traffic with the Indians. And 
 so it went on, till the year 1620, when God had brought 
 his own vine out of Egypt, and was ready to plant it in 
 the region which he and not man had chosen for it. 
 
OF PIUNCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSOXS. 143 
 
 He had not only put the mark of discovery upon that 
 region, but also, a few years afterwards, in a very signal 
 manner " cast out the heathen" before the Vine which 
 was to be planted. Just after the survey by Captain Smith 
 and the naming of the country, New England, the whole 
 extent of sea-coast from Maine to Rhode Island was almost 
 depopulated by the visitation of a deadly plague. Turn- 
 ing to the Journal of the Pilgrims under date of March 
 16th, 1621, we find the first personal conversation recount- 
 ed, which any of the Pilgrims were able to hold with the 
 natives ; the first intelligible word uttered from the man's 
 lips being the sweet English word " Welcome !" which, 
 from a savage in the wilderness, must have seemed a 
 miracle. This stark naked barbarian, whose name was 
 Samoset, of the Massasoits, had learned enough English 
 from various fishermen at different times to hold a broken 
 conversation, and he was "a man free in speech," con- 
 sidering the limited extent of his acquisitions. He 
 spoke, among other things, of the pestilence. " He told 
 us that about four years ago all the inhabitants died 
 of an extraordinary plague, and there is neither man, wo- 
 man, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none; 
 so as there is none to hinder our possession, or to lay claim 
 unto it." The accounts of this devastating death had 
 reached England before the Pilgrims embarked for America, 
 and the providence of God in regard to it was named in 
 the very patent given by the king, as a reason for giving 
 it, under the assurance that God's time had come for the 
 possession of the country by the subjects of England, the 
 whole territory being so completely depopulated and thrown 
 out of ownership by " that wonderful plague." Out of the 
 bosom of that death came that refreshing word, " welcome." 
 For in all probability death itself, by fierce savage war, 
 would have greeted our fathers, instead of welcome, had 
 those thirty thousand fighting men of the native tribe of 
 the Massachusetts, whom the pestilence is said to have re- 
 
144 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 duced down to three hundred, been living. The treachery 
 of the English at various times, and especially the infamous J 
 kidnapping expedition under T. Hunt, in the absence of ^ 
 Captain Smith, had enraged the natives, and inspired them 
 with a deadly purpose of revenge; so that, if this terrific 
 pestilence had not cut them down, they would, in all like- 
 lihood, have massacred every man, woman, and child of 
 the colony, the very first opportunity. 
 
 But even out of that infamous former treachery and cru- 
 elty of the English, God would bring a blessing to those 
 whom he had chosen, and who were acting on the princi- 
 ples of love and uprightness revealed in his word. Here 
 comes into notice the oft-mentioned Squanto, remarkable 
 for his attachment to the colony. He was the only native 
 left of Patuxet, or Plymouth, all the rest of the inhabitants, 
 man, woman, and child, having been carried off by the 
 plague ; and he probably would have shared in the same 
 death, had he not been one of the twenty Indians mentioned 
 in the journal, whom the villain Hunt carried into Spain 
 and sold for slaves, about the year 1G15. He sold them, 
 it appears, for twenty pounds a piece, " like a wretched 
 man, that cares not what mischief he doth for his profit." 
 But Squanto, by the good providence of God, escaped from 
 his captivity, and got into England, where he dwelt awhile 
 at Cornhil!, in London, with Mr. Slaine, a merchant, and 
 learned to speak English. In the year 1619, Squanto was 
 brought back to New England by Mr. Dormer, whose ob- 
 ject w^as to quiet the enraged Indians, and re-establish the 
 trade that had been broken up by the war, which grew out 
 of Hunt's villany. Squanto at that time did all he could 
 to pacify his countrymen, informing them that Hunt's 
 treachery had been condemned by the English, but that the 
 other English were not like him ; but he did not succeed, 
 for the Indians fell upon Mr. Dormer and his company, and 
 would have killed Dormer himself, " had not Squanto en- 
 treated hard for him." Squanto was also the means of 
 
OF PHINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 145 
 
 saving two Frenchmen about the same time.* It is said that 
 at his native country vSquanto found them " all dead," and 
 here the Pilgrims found him their friend, the only native of 
 that place, whither God had brought thern for their settle- 
 ment. He acted as their interpreter, helped them in the 
 planting of their corn, showed them how to set, dress, 
 and tend it (their Indian corn), and in every possible way 
 seems to have befriended them. Sometimes in the midst 
 of want, he would bring them eels, which he had caught 
 in the mud. He often acted as their guide, and he and Cap- 
 tain Standish seem to have been great friends to one ano- 
 ther. But he was not long spared, for in November, 1622, 
 he fell sick of a fever and died, to the great sorrow of the 
 Pilgrims. Before Squanto's death, Hobbamock, one of 
 Massasoit's chief captains, had come to live with the Pil- 
 grims as their friend, and continued always faithful to their 
 interests. The few words in which Gov. Bradford has 
 noticed Squanto's death are exceedingly touching. It was 
 at the Indian Hamlet at Manamoyk, near Cape Cod, whi- 
 ther Squanto and the Governor had gone to trade with the 
 Indians and get some corn. Here Squanto was seized with 
 a fatal illness, " and here in a few days he died, desiring 
 the Governor to pray that he might go to the Englishman's 
 God in heaven ; bequeathing his things to sundry of his 
 English friends, as remembrances of his love ; of whom we 
 have a great loss."t 
 
 " Desiring the Governor to pray that he might go to the 
 Englishman's God in Heaven^ How truly affecting is 
 this memorial of the untutored, but affectionate and friendly 
 Indian ! Perhaps he was taught of God, and he knew Gov. 
 Bradford to be a good man. Squanto may have been the 
 first fruit of the prayers and instructions of the Pilgrims, 
 the forerunner of that descent of the Holy Spirit upon the 
 
 * Prince's New England Chronology, vol. i., pages 63, 99, 100. Neal's 
 History of New England, vol. i., pages 20, 21. 
 t Prince, vol. i., p. 124. 
 
 7 
 
146 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Indians, which produced so wondrous a work of God under 
 the efforts of Elliot. 
 
 The Englishman's God in Heaven ! Poor, ignorant, sim- 
 ple-hearted savage ! nearer, by far, to the kingdom of hea- 
 ven in his darkness, than thousands upon thousands of the 
 favored Englishmen, amidst all their light ! One cannot 
 but hope that Squanto's heart Iiad been really visited by 
 the Spirit of God. We can readily conceive what a kind 
 and tender interest a man like Governor Bradford would 
 have taken in his conversion, and with what gravity and 
 patient assiduity he would have labored to instruct him in 
 the truths of the Gospel. Squanto well knew that the 
 Governor was a man of prayer. 
 
 Prayer is the Christian's vital breath, 
 
 The Christian's native air ; 
 His watchword at the gate of death, 
 
 He enters heaven with prayer. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE PILGRIM CHURCH AT LEYDEN AND THE PASTOR ROBINSON. 
 
 THE VINE BROUGHT OUT OF EGYPT, BUT NOT YET 
 
 PLANTED IN THE WILDERNESS. 
 
 This purely reformed church hi the North of England, 
 as Gov. Bradford styles it, was compelled, as early as the 
 year 160G, after much suffering, to form itself into two dis- 
 tinct churches, by reason of the wide extent of counties 
 and villages in which its members were scattered. In that 
 one of these churches which God chose for the Pilgrim 
 Church, there was then a graduate of the University of 
 Cambridge, John Robinson, a man remarkable both for 
 his piety and learning, whom they chose for their pastor, 
 and who went with his flock in 1608 over into Holland. 
 Before his connexion with that church he had held a pre- 
 ferment in the Church of England, but with views so 
 inclined towards the Puritans, that he could not escape the 
 persecuting notice of Archbishop Bancroft. Mr. Neal 
 speaks of him as " a Norfolk divine, beneficed about Yar- 
 mouth, being often molested by the bishop's officers, and 
 his friends almost ruined in the ecclesiastical courts."* Un- 
 questionably, could he have conformed to the church, and 
 seen no further than the bishops saw, or with their specta- 
 cles, he had been advanced to great dignities and comforts 
 of the establishment ; but his views of truth and freedom 
 
 * Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. ii., p. 72. 
 
148 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 were too clear and conscientious for that, and iie rather 
 chose to endure affliction with that people of God with 
 whom he saw most of God's truth and spirit, than remain 
 in E^rvpt. He was to be one of God's chosen instru- 
 ments in bringing his vine out of Egypt, and preparing it 
 for its planting in the wilderness. 
 
 Their removal into Holland was a w^ork of incomparably 
 greater difficulty, hardship, and danger, than they could 
 have imagined ; for they were beset with persecuting 
 enemies, and threatened by them every step of the way. 
 They w^ere thrown into prison, betrayed, robbed, and 
 treated with barbarous indecency and cruelty. It took 
 near a whole year of labor and trial to accomplish this 
 first .pilgrimage, beginning in the fall of 1607, and continu- 
 ing in the spring and summer of 1608. The other branch 
 of their original church in Lincolnshire, under the care of 
 Mr. John Smith as pastor, had gone over to Amsterdam 
 before them, and it would seem with much less difficulty 
 from external enemies ; but they soon fell into difficulties 
 among themselves, which Robinson and the Pilgrim Church 
 avoided meddlmg with by removing afterwards to Leyden. 
 The Pilgrims had chosen Robinson for their pastor before 
 they thought of an ex'le from England, and his counsel 
 Avasofthe greatest service to them. The first notice of 
 their removal given by Mr. Prince from Governor Brad- 
 ford's manuscript is as follows, under date of 1607 : " This 
 fall, Mr. Robinson's church in the North of England, being 
 extremely harassed, some cast into prison, some beset in 
 their houses, some forced to leave their farms and famihes, 
 they begin to fly over to Holland, for purity of worship 
 and liberty of conscience." 
 
 Then in the spring of 1608 we find the next record, as 
 follows : " This spring, more of Mr. Robinson's church, 
 through great difficulties from their pursuers, get over to 
 Holland, and afterwards the rest, with Mr. Robinson and 
 Mr. Brewster, who are of the last, having tarried to help 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 149 
 
 the weakest over before them. They first settle in Am- 
 sterdam, and stay there a year, where Mr. Smith and his 
 church had gotten before them." 
 
 Then in 1609 we find the folfowing record, which con- 
 veys nearly all that we can learn respecting the causes of 
 their removal from Amsterdam to Leyden ; " Mr. Robinson's 
 church having staid at Amsterdam about a year, seeing 
 Mr. Smith and his company was fallen into contention with 
 the church that was there before him, and that the flames 
 thereof were like to break out in that ancient chui'ch itself, 
 as afterwards lamentably came to pass, which Mr. Robin- 
 son and church prudently foreseeing, they think it best to 
 remove in time before they were any way engaged with 
 the same ; though they knew it would be very much to the 
 prejudice of their outward interest, as it proved to be. 
 Yet valuing peace and spiritual comfort above other 
 riches, they therefoi-e remove to Leyden about the begin- 
 ning of the twelve years' truce between the Dutch and the 
 Spaniards, choose Mr. Brewster assistant to him in tlie 
 place of an elder, and then live in great love and harmony 
 both among themselves and their neighbour citizens for 
 above eleven years, till they remove to New England." 
 
 The providences of God for them, though mingled with 
 much mercy, were all the while those of change and trial. 
 God was leading them forth out of Egypt for his own pur- 
 poses, which as yet he had not revealed to them. They 
 removed from Rameses, and pitched in Succoth ; and they 
 departed from Succoth and pitched in Etham. They 
 seemed all the while to hear as of old the voice of Jehovah, 
 " I will take you to me for a people, and I will be to you a 
 God ; and ye shall know that I am the Lord your God, 
 which bringeth you out from under the burdens of the 
 Egyptians. And I w\\\ bring you in unto the land con- 
 cerning the which I did swear to give it to Abraham, to 
 Isaac, and to Jacob ; and I will give it to you for an 
 heritage." God, who was with them, made them feel that 
 
150 HISTORICAL A.ND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 it was not for a lasting encampment in Amsterdam or 
 Leyden, that he had brought them out, nor for themselves 
 alone^ nor for their own enjoyment, that he was leading 
 them. God awoke within them the great purpose of 
 crossing the ocean, and incited them to it by many induce- 
 ments, providences, and trials, inward and external. God 
 made them unwilling to bear the thought of so being exiles 
 as to cut themselves for ever off from the language, the 
 laws, the name, and the home of Englishmen. They saw 
 that in Holland they were in danger of this ; that to this, 
 indeed, they were fast coming. God made them to see 
 also that by the dissolution of foreign examples, the licen- 
 tiousness of the youth around them, and the great tempta- 
 tions of the city, their children were becoming a prey to 
 the great adversary of their souls, were tempted to join the 
 army, to embark on dangerous voyages, and engage in 
 vicious courses, so that they had reason to fear a degene- 
 rate posterity, and religion dying among them. God made 
 them to note with grief the great and constant profanation 
 of the Sabbath around them, and that all their efforts to 
 stop the tide of immorality were unavailing. They desired 
 a Christian Sabbath, they desired English laws, the English 
 language, English manners, and an English home and 
 education for their children. These thoughts and anxieties 
 God caused to burn within them. 
 
 Above all, God suggested and excited in their hearts, 
 what was at that day a peculiarity and a marvel of Chris- 
 tian experience, and a prophecy of the missionary spirit 
 that should come, " an inward zeal and great hope," in the 
 language of Governor Bradford, " of laying some good 
 foundation, or at least to make some way thereunto, for 
 the propagating and advancing the gospel of the Kingdom 
 of Christ in those remote parts of the world ; yea, though 
 they should be as stepping stones unto others for the per- 
 forming of so great a work." Their first motive in getting 
 out of Egypt had been, as it were, simply a three days' 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 151 
 
 journey into the wilderness, to sacrifice freely unto their 
 God. They do not seem to have dreamed, while in Eng- 
 land, of the great conception of founding a colony for God 
 in the New World. But this was what God had for them 
 to do, and in due tiYne he told them of it, made them sensi- 
 ble of their mission, woke up in their hearts a desire for it, 
 broke up their encampment in Etham, and caused them to 
 stand upon the verge of the sea, ready for its crossing. 
 
 Now when we add to this the extract from that beauti- 
 ful letter of Robinson and Brewster to Sir Edwin Sandys,* 
 thanking him for his kindness, and detailing to him the rea- 
 sons for encouragement and perseverance, we shall have a 
 perfect picture of their thoughts and motives, as if there 
 were a window in their hearts. 
 
 1st, they say, " We verily believe and trust the Lord is 
 with us ; to whom and whose service we have given our- 
 selves in many trials : and that he will graciously prosper 
 our endeavours according to the simplicity of our hearts. 
 Second, we are well weaned from the delicate milk of our 
 mother country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange 
 land. Third, the people are, for the body of them, indus- 
 trious and frugal, we think we may safely say, as any com- 
 pany of people in the world. Fourth, we are knit together 
 as a body, in the most strict and sacred bond and covenant 
 of the Lord ; of the violation whereof we make great 
 conscience, and by virtue whereof we hold ourselves 
 straitly tied to all care of each other's good, and of the 
 whole. Fifth, and lastly, it is not with us as with other 
 men, whom small things can discourage, or small discon- 
 tentments cause to wish ourselves at home again. We 
 know our entertainment in England and Holland. We shall 
 much prejudice both our acts and means by removal ; 
 where, if we should be driven to return, we should not hope 
 to recover our present helps and comforts, neither indeed 
 * Prince, 51. Young's Chronicles, Gl. 
 
152 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIO.NS 
 
 look ever to attain the like in any other place, during our 
 lives, which are now drawing towards their period." 
 
 In this calm and steadfast spirit, relying upon God, did 
 these noble soldiers of Christ reason of their undertaking. 
 They knew it was a forlorn hope, yet ^Ibrious in its very 
 forlornness, since it cut them off from all thought but that of 
 success, trusting in the Almighty. 
 
 Such was the spirit of John Robinson of Norfolk ; and 
 the same was manifested in the character of his friend and 
 brother, William Brewster ; quieter, perhaps, in him, but not 
 less enduring and steadfast. Theirs was the animating 
 spirit of the whole colony, in its commencement, as Gover- 
 nor Bradford's seems to have been afterwards in its 
 guidance. Such were the feelings with which they looked 
 towards New England ; and Robinson's heart, though he 
 never reached this country, was as much fixed upon the 
 enterprise as that of any who engaged in it. He foresaw 
 something of the glory of the Church of Christ in its new 
 development, and he was certainly a most remarkable in- 
 strument in preparing God's agents and instrumentalities 
 for so great a work. 
 
 Born in the year 1576, he was but thirty-two years of 
 age when he commenced the pastoral care of the flock in 
 Holland ; but he soon gained there an enviable reputation 
 for united learning and piety, and a vast influence by means 
 of it. Even those who were his enemies, because of his 
 separation from the church of England, and the simplicity 
 and independence of his ecclesiastical platform, called 
 him " the most learned, polished, and modest spirit that ever 
 separated from the church of England." His character 
 was briefly but beautifully drawn by Governor Bradford. 
 " As he w^as a man learned, and of solid judgment, and of 
 a quick and sharp wit, so was he also of a tender con- 
 science, and very sincere in all his ways, a hater of hy- 
 pocrisy and dissimulation, and would be very plain with 
 his best friends. He was very courteous, affable, and socia- 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 153 
 
 ble in his conversation, and towards his own people es- 
 pecially. He was an acute and expert disputant, very 
 quick and ready, and had much bickering with the Ar- 
 minians, who stood more in fear of him than of any in the 
 University. He was never satisfied in himself till he had 
 searched any cause or argument he had to deal in 
 thoroughly and to the bottom ; and we have heard him 
 sometimes say to his familiars that many times, both in 
 writing and disputation, he knew he had sufficiently an- 
 swered others, but many times not himself; and was ever 
 desirous of any light, and the more able, learned, and holy 
 the persons were, the more he desired to confer and reason 
 with them. He was very profitable in his ministry, and 
 comfortable to his people. He was much beloved of them, 
 and as loving was he unto them, and entirely sought their 
 good for soul and body. In a word, he was much esteem- 
 ed and reverenced of all that knew him, and that were ac- 
 quainted with his abilities, both of friends and strangers."* 
 He was a man of rare foi'esight and prudence ; qualities 
 developed in his guidance of the Church at Amsterdam, 
 and his counsel to remove to Leyden, leaving off strife 
 before it be meddled with ; for he saw plainly what would 
 come to pass out of the contention which was growing in 
 the Church that was at Amsterdam before him. But 
 though a man of peace, he knew when to speak, and on 
 what side, and was ready to contend earnestly for the faith 
 once delivered to the saints, though not without thorough 
 understanding of the matter and persons in controversy. 
 ' Besides his singular abilities in divine things," says Gov. 
 Bradford, " wherein he excelled, he was able also to give 
 direction in civil affairs, and to foresee dangers and incon- 
 veniences • by which means he was very helpful to their 
 outward estates ; and so was every way as a common 
 father unto them. And none did more offend him than 
 those that were close and cleaving to themselves, and 
 
 * Young's Chronicles, 452. 
 
 7* 
 
154 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 retired from the common good ; as also such as would be 
 stiff and rigid in matters of outward order, and inveigh 
 against the evils of others, and yet be remiss in themselves, 
 and not so careful to express a virtuous conversation. 
 They in like manner had ever a reverent regard unto him, 
 and had him in precious estimation, as his worth and 
 wisdom did deserve." 
 
 It was not wonderful that this Pilgrim church, composed 
 of such materials, and under the guidance of such a Pastor, 
 should flourish in Leyden during the years of its settlement 
 there ; years in w^hich they enjoyed " much sweet and 
 delightful society and spiritual comfort together in the 
 ways of God, under the able ministry and prudent govern- 
 ment of Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster, 
 who was an assistant unto him in the place of an elder, 
 unto which he was now called and chosen by the church ; 
 so as they grew in knowledge and other gifts and graces 
 of the spirit of God, and lived together in peace and love 
 and holiness. And many came unto them Irom divers 
 parts of England, so as they grevv^ a great congregation. 
 And if at any time any differences did arise, or oflJences 
 broke out (as it cannot be but that sometimes there will, 
 even among the best of men), they were ever so met with 
 and nipped in the head betimes, or otherwise so well com- 
 posed, as still love, peace, and communion was continued, 
 or else the church purged of those that were incurable and 
 incorrigible, when, after much patience used, no other 
 means would serve ; which seldom comes to pass." * 
 
 The church of the Pilgrims, indeed, under Robinson's 
 care, was so remarkable for peace, brotherly love, and 
 quiet industry, that it was publicly noted by the magistrates 
 of the City as a model in those respects. " These English," 
 said they, by way of reproof to the French Church of the 
 Walloons in Leyden, " have lived amongst us now these 
 twelve years, and yet we never had any suit or accusation 
 * Bradford in Young's Chronicles, 36. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 155 
 
 come against any of them. But your strifes and quarrels 
 are continual." 
 
 Now this love of peace in Robinson was so combined 
 with a keen discernment and ardent love of the truth, that 
 though always more disposed to settle contentions by the 
 meekness and gentleness of heavenly wisdom, than to 
 decide them by taking a part ; yet whenever he conceived 
 the truth to be at stake, there was neither indifference nor 
 hesitation as to his side and course of duty. Disputes 
 about indifferent things, or preferences, he never would 
 meddle with ; but whatever he saw wounding the vital 
 interests of the truth and of Christ's Church, that he made 
 a matter of personal anxiety, and if need were, of contro- 
 versy. So it was that he became engaged in the argument 
 against the doctrine of the Arminians in Leyden. Armi- 
 nius had died in 1609. The two divinity professors elected 
 in the university in 1612, were at opposite sides in this 
 conflict, Episcopius being the champion of the Arminians, 
 and Polyander of the Calvinists. The contention had 
 grown so sharp between them that it was the matter of 
 their daily lectures, and their disciples themselves were 
 separated, hearing each only their own side, as is wont in 
 such cases. But Robinson, amidst all his labors, discerning 
 the importance of this juncture, and being determined, 
 according to his custom, to examine candidly and tho- 
 roughly, went constantly to hear the lectures of both ; 
 w^hereby he became thoroughly grounded in the merits of 
 the controversy, knew the force of all arguments used, and 
 the shifts of the adversary, " and being himself very able 
 none was fitter to buckle with them, as appeared by sundry 
 disputes ; so as he began to be terrible to the Arminians."* 
 
 From his known interest in the controversy, and ac- 
 quaintance with its merits, as well as the decided stand 
 which he took in regard to it, and his ardent love of the 
 truth, the defenders of the Calvinistic system were very 
 
 * Bradford in Prince, 36. Young's Chronicles, 41. 
 
156 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATION'S 
 
 desirous to gain for their side the aid of his abilities. Ac- 
 cordingly, Polyander, with several of the most eminent 
 preachers in the city, invited him to take up their cause on 
 the great points in question, in a public disputation against 
 Episcopius. This he was at hrst unwilling to do, being 
 comparatively young, and regarded as a foreigner or 
 stranger in the city, though he had been known there now 
 for three years. But at length he yielded to Polyander's 
 importunity, as well as his own sense of the importance of 
 the occasion, and prepared himself for the conflict. " And 
 when the time came," says Governor Bradford, "the Lord 
 did so help him to defend the truth and foil his adversary, 
 as he put him to an apparent nonplus in this great and 
 public audience. And the like he did two or three times 
 upon such like occasions ; the which, as it caused many to 
 praise God that the truth had so famous a victory, so it 
 procured him much honor and respect from those learned 
 men, and others which loved the truth."* 
 
 While he lived at Leydcn, and both before and after the 
 settlement of his flock in Plymouth, he published several 
 works, one of the earliest of which was his Justification of 
 separation from the Church of England, in 476 pages quar- 
 to, in the year 1610. Governor Bradford connects his 
 notice of this work, and of the increase of Robinson's 
 Church, in such a manner, that we might suppose the 
 "Justification" was in some measure the cause of the en- 
 largement. He says that about this time, and the follow- 
 ing years, many came to his Church at Leyden from 
 diverse parts of England, so that they grew a great con- 
 gregation. And Robinson grew in reputation and love 
 among all men, and continued his labors with the pen, as 
 well as in preaching, up to the season of his death, so that 
 he left behind him a treatise which was published after his 
 departure to his rest. Few individuals have ever so united 
 the men of all classes in respect and admiration for his 
 
 * Prince, 38. Young's Chronicles, 41. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 157 
 
 character. Mr. Prince informs us, in a note to the record 
 of his death, that as he was had in high esteem both by the 
 city and University, for his learning, piety, moderation, 
 and excellent accomplishments, the magistrates, ministers, 
 scholars, and most of the gentry, mourned his death as a 
 public loss, and followed him to the grave. Mr. Prince 
 had often seen his son Isaac, who came over to the Plymouth 
 Colony, and who lived to be above ninety years of age. 
 
 Robinson was smitten with his last illness on Saturday 
 morning, February 22d, 1G25. He nevertheless preached 
 twice the next day, which was his last service of love to 
 his Redeemer and the Church. His disease baffled the 
 skill of the physicians, and seemed, indeed, to be unknown, 
 being described as a continual inward ague, in which, with 
 little or no pain, he grew weaker and weaker rapidly every 
 day, till the next Saturday, the first day of March, when 
 he died, sensible to the last. These particulars are found 
 in a letter from Mr. White to Governor Bradford, dated 
 at Leyden, April 28th, 1625. Nothing is given of his last 
 conversations, though it is stated that his friends visited him 
 freely throughout his illness. 
 
 In his researches in Leyden, of which he gives some ac- 
 count in the collections of the Massachusetts Historical 
 Society,* Mr. Sumner found a record of Robinson's burial 
 in St. Peter's Church in that city, on the fourth of March, 
 1625: and he also discovered a receipt of payment of 
 burial fees in the church receipt book as follows ; The 
 translation only is given. 
 
 1625, 
 
 10. March. — Open and hire for John Robens, English 
 Preacher, 9 florins. 
 
 Mr. Sumner says that at that time the plague was raging 
 in Leyden, so that in one church there were buried, only 
 three days before Robinson's death, twenty-five persons in 
 
 * Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. ix., 3d Series, 55, 71. 
 
158 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 one day. Whole families were buried at the same time. 
 The hint in Mr. White's letter to Governor Bradford, 
 giving the account of Robinson's illness, accords with this, 
 w^here the writer says, "he had a continual inward ague, 
 but I thank the Lord was free of the plague, so that all his 
 friends could come freely to him." But this by no means 
 invalidates the account of especial or public honors at his 
 funeral. Indeed the fact that four days elapsed from his 
 death to his burial would rather strengthen the credibility 
 of that account. 
 
 The letters of Robinson to the Colony were very pre- 
 cious to the Pilgrims, as of an absent father to his flock, 
 fraught with wise counsels,_and wdth the feelings of an af- 
 fectionate heart. He always looked upon them as his peo- 
 ple, and they looked to him as their Pastor ; for to the day 
 of his death neither he nor they had abandoned the hope 
 of being again united. " If either prayers, tears, or means 
 would have saved his life," said Roger White, in his letter 
 to Governor Bradford, " he had not gone hence. But he 
 having faithfully finished his work, which the Lord had 
 appointed him here to perform, he now rests with the Lord 
 in eternal happiness ; w^e wanting him and all church 
 governors, not having one at present that is a governing 
 officer among us." Their leading men had gone over to 
 Plymouth, and before many years almost the whole re- 
 maining portion of the church were gathered there through 
 the great kindness of their brethren. Never was there a 
 church, whose members manifested more truly one towards 
 another the patience and brotherly love of the gospel. 
 This was a great proof of the faithful, apostolic character 
 of their beloved Pastor's ministry. " Whom the Lord,'* 
 said one of the remaining brethren in the church, Mr. Th. 
 Blossom, in a letter preserved in Governor Bradford's let- 
 ter-book, " took away even as fruit falleth before it is ripe. 
 The loss of his ministry was very great unto me, for I ever 
 counted myself happy in the enjoyment of it, notwithstand- 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 159 
 
 ing all the crosses and losses otherwise I sustained. Alas ! 
 you would fain have had him with you, and he would as 
 fain have come to you." 
 
 His spirit was evidently saddened ever after the de- 
 parture of the Pilgrims, whom he longed to follow. There 
 is an expression of this sadness in his beautiful letter 
 written to the Church in Plymouth, after their severe 
 experience of the first winter, when death had been so 
 busy among them. A tone of still deeper dejection marks 
 his later correspondence, although he felt, after that first 
 winter, that God had given them the victory. Such a 
 letter as the following, which we copy as it stands in the 
 fragment preserved of Governor Bradford's letter-book, 
 must have had a powerful and lasting effect upon the dear 
 Christian friends to whom he was wanting. 
 
 "To the Church of God at Plymouth, in New England. Much 
 beloved brethren : Neither the distance of place, nor distinction 
 of body, can at all either dissolve or weaken that bond of true 
 Christian affection, in which the Lord by his spirit hath tied us 
 together. My continual prayers are to the Lord for you ; my 
 most earnest desire is unto you ; from whom I will not longer 
 keep, if God will, than means can be procured to bring with me 
 the wives and children of divers of you, and the rest of your 
 brethren, whom I could not leave behind me without great injury 
 both to you and them, and offence to God and all men. The 
 death of so many of our dear friends and brethren, oh how 
 grievous hath it been to you to bear, and to us to take know- 
 ledge of; which, if it could be mended with lamenting, could not 
 sufficiently be bewailed ; but we must go unto them, and they 
 shall not return unto us ; and how many, even of us, God hath 
 taken away here and in England since your departure, you may 
 elsewhere take knowledge. But the same God has tempered 
 judgment with mercy, as otherwise, so in sparing the rest; 
 especially those, by whose godly and wise government you may 
 be, and I know, are, so much helped. In a battle it is not looked 
 for but that divers should die ; it is thought well for a side if it 
 get the victory, though with the loss of divers, if no too many or 
 
160 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 too great. God, I hope, hath given you the victory, after many 
 difficulties, for yourselves and others ; though I doubt not but 
 many do and will remain for you and us all to strive with. 
 Brethren, I hope I need not exhort you to obedience unto those 
 whom God hath set over you, in Church and Commonwealth, and 
 to the Lord in them. It is a Christian's honor to give honor ac- 
 cording to men's places ; and his liberty to serve God in Faith, 
 and his brethren in Love, orderly, and with a willing and free 
 heart. God forbid I should need to exhort you to peace, which is 
 the bond of perfection, and by which all good is tied together, 
 and without which it is scattered. Have peace with God first, 
 by faith in his promises, good conscience kept in all things, and 
 oft renewed by repentance ; and so one with another for His sake, 
 which is, though three, one ; and for Christ's sake, who is one, 
 and as you are called by one spirit to one hope. And the God of 
 peace and grace, and all good men, be with you, in all the fruits 
 thereof, plenteously upon your heads, now and for ever. All 
 your brethren here remember you with great love, a general 
 token whereof they have sent you. 
 
 Yours ever in the Lord. 
 
 John Robinson. 
 Leyden, Holland, June 30, Anno 162L" 
 
 The most interesting and valuable of all that remains in 
 Plymouth, illustrative of the first generation of its pilgrim 
 inhabitants, is the volume of Old Colony and Church Re- 
 cords, kept among the registries of the town and county. 
 It is with singular interest that the visitor turns over these 
 antique leaves, among which it is pleasant to meet the 
 following poem on the Death of Robinson, found in a page 
 of the Church Records as early as the date of the year 
 1626. The lines are at least as good as some of Roger 
 Ascham's, and in the firm handwriting in the original MS. 
 may remind one of the verses which John Bunyan used to 
 write in his old copy of Fox's Book of the Martyrs. 
 Governor Bradford was the only one of the Pilgrims, so 
 far as we know, that ever made any attempts at versifica- 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 161 
 
 tion ; perhaps the authorship of the following stanzas is 
 his. 
 
 A FEW POEMS, 
 
 MADE BY A FRIEND, ON THE DEPLORED DEATH OF MR. JOHN ROBINSON, 
 THE WORTHY PASTOUR OF THE CHURCH OF LEYDEN, AS FOLLOWETH : 
 
 1 Blessed Robinson hath run his race 
 from earth to heaven is Gone, 
 
 to be with Christ in heavenly place, 
 the blessed saints among-. 
 
 2 A burning and a shining light, 
 was hee whiles hee was heer, 
 
 a preacher of the gospel Bright, 
 Vi^hom we did love most deer. 
 
 3 What tho hees dead, his workes alive 
 and live will to all aye ; 
 
 the comfort of them pleasant is 
 to living saints each day. 
 
 4 Oh blessed holy Saviour, 
 the fountain of all grace, 
 
 from whom such blessed instruments 
 are sent and Run their Race, 
 
 5 To lead iis to and guide us in 
 the way to happiness 
 
 that soe oh Lord we may alwaies 
 for evermore confess 
 
 6 That whosoever Gospel preacher be 
 or waterer of the same, 
 
 wee may always most constantly 
 Give Glory to thy Name. 
 
 There is in these lines, which beyond doubt are the ex- 
 pression of the feelings of the whole church, a very differ- 
 ent sentiment from that sometimes ascribed to the colony. 
 It has been intimated that the brethren were so fond of 
 their own prophesyings, and so gifted in the same, that 
 
162 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 their pastors in after years found themselves depreciated, 
 discouraged, and disesteemed thereby. It is very certain 
 that God s£LW fit to discipHne the colony with some very 
 disastrous experiences in the endurance of men, who 
 proved hypocrites in the ministry or incapacitated for it. 
 It was God's own providence, not their choice, that threw 
 them upon the exercise of their own gifts so long and so 
 habitually. And there could not have been much irregu- 
 larity, or disesteem of the ministry, in a church educated 
 under Robinson's guidance, while such men as Brewster, 
 Bradford, and Edward Winslow, were their elders and 
 " prophets." The jealousy of prophesyings among the 
 brethren savors a little of that spirit of the Establishment, 
 which afterwards threw Winslov/ himself into prison in 
 England, on the charge of having publicly exercised his 
 gifts for the edification of the Church, when they wanted a 
 minister. The last stanza in this simple poem on the 
 death of Robinson conveys without doubt the sentiment of 
 the whole church in regard to such preachers of the gospel 
 as the Lord might be pleased to grant them for the guid- 
 ance of his flock. 
 
 That whoso gospel preacher be, 
 
 Or waterer of the same, 
 We may always most constantly 
 
 Give glory to thy name. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE FIRST NEW ENGLAND CHURCH AND THEIR ELDER, WILLIAM 
 BREWSTER. THE VINE BROUGHT OUT AND PLANTED. 
 
 The first New England Church was conriposed of the 
 Pilgrims in the May Flower. Its organization must be 
 regarded as having taken place before they left Leyden, 
 even on that important day of fasting and prayer, early in 
 the year 1620, when, having received accounts of the com- 
 pletion of arrangements in England for their departure, 
 they gathered together to ask counsel of the Lord. That 
 day they heard a sermon from their pastor, Robinson, on the 
 appropriate text in First Samuel xxiii. 4. " And David's men 
 said unto him. Behold we be afraid here in Judah : how 
 much more then if we come to Keilah against the armies 
 of the Philistines ? Then David inquired of the Lord yet 
 again. And the Lord answered him and said. Arise, go 
 down to Keilah; for I will deliver the Philistines into thine 
 hand." What a treasure would it have been, could that 
 sermon have been preserved to us ! We have no record of 
 it whatever, save in two lines from Governor Bradford, 
 where he says that Mr. Robinson preached that day from 
 that text, " strengthening them against their fears, and en- 
 couraging them in their resolutions." It could not but have 
 been one of Robinson's wisest, most affectionate, most fer- 
 vent and animating sermons ; for he was full of a devout 
 fire himself in this great Pilgrim and Missionary enter- 
 
164 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 prise ; he intended to go in person, and his whole heart 
 was bound up in the undertaking. And every step which he 
 and his beloved fellow-disciples of Christ adopted in it was 
 taken in prayer. If ever a church sought God's guidance, 
 they did. With v/hat energy, and beauty, and heavenly- 
 mindedness he would, on that occasion, have led his flock 
 by the streams of God's promises, telhng them that they 
 should find the same streams in the wilderness, and brooks 
 to drink of by the way, yea, and in the New World to 
 which they were travelling, new and unexpected springs 
 of light, comfort, and power. 
 
 Their next business, after seeking God in prayer, and 
 listening to the counsels of that beloved pastor, whom God 
 had given them, was to "conclude how many, and who 
 should prepare to go first ; for all that were willing could 
 not get ready quickly." It is from Governor Bradford that 
 we derive our direct and valuable notice of this day's ser- 
 vices and doings. " The greater number," says he, " being 
 to stay, require their pastor to tarry with them ; their 
 Elder, Mr. Brewster, to go with the other. Those who 
 
 GO FIRST, TO BE AN ABSOLUTE CHURCH OF THEMSELVES, A3 
 
 WELL AS THOSE WHO STAY ; with this proviso, that as any go 
 over or return, they shall be reputed as members, without 
 farther dismission or testimonial. And those who tarry, 
 to follow the rest as soon as they can." 
 
 We have marked an important sentence in this record. 
 From this day, the Church of the Pilgrims in the May 
 Flower, the First Congregational Church in Plymouth and 
 in New England, and in all America, dates its organization. 
 There was no other formal organization, that we are aware 
 of, nor was any other necessary. It was as simple and 
 natural as the growth of two cedars from one stock, of 
 two branches from the same vine, of two rose trees from 
 the same root. They had the same covenant with the 
 Parent Church, the same officers, and the same usages. 
 They carried from Leyden into New England that primitive, 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 165 
 
 New Testament Congregational organization which they 
 had brought from Old England into Leyden. Their cove- 
 nant was with Christ, and with one another in him, " to 
 walk in all his ways, made known, or to be made known 
 unto them, according to their best endeavors, whatever it 
 cost them." 
 
 Perfectly and nobly in accordance with this covenant 
 was the spirit and letter of Mr. Robinson's last remarkable 
 sermon to his departing flock, wdien they observed their final 
 Fast Day, ready to depart on the morrow. That day their 
 pastor took his text from Ezra the eighth, 21 : " Then I 
 proclaimed a fast there at the river of Ahava, that we 
 might afiiict ourselves before our God, to seek of him a 
 right way for us, and for our little ones, an<l for all our 
 substance." The old prophetic spirit seemed to have de- 
 scended upon the preacher, as he reminded them of the 
 terms of their covenant, and drew forth its meaning befoi'e 
 them. The record of this discourse, as preserved by Gov. 
 Winslow, is so characteristic of Robinson, so filled with 
 the same wisdom and ffrace shining in his letters to the 
 Pilgrims, that it bears the strongest internal evidence of its 
 authenticity. 
 
 " He charged them before God and his blessed angels, to 
 follow him no further than he followed Christ. And if 
 God should reveal anything to them by any other instru- 
 ment of his, to be as ready to receive it as ever they were 
 to receive any truth by his ministry ; for he was very con- 
 fident the Lord had more truth and light yet to break forth 
 out of his Holy Word. He took occasion also miserably to 
 bewail the state of the Reformed Churches, who were 
 come to a period on religion, and would go no further than 
 the instruments of their Reformation. As for example, the 
 Lutherans could not be drawn to go beyond what Luther 
 saw; for whatever part of God's Word he had farther re- 
 vealed to Calvin, they had rather die than embrace it ; and 
 so, said he, you see the Calvinists, they also stick where he 
 
166 HISTOmCAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 left them ; a misery much to be lamented. For though 
 they were precious, shining lights in their times, yet God 
 had not revealed his whole will to them. And were they 
 now alive, said he, they would be as ready to embrace fur- 
 ther light as that they had received. Here also he put us 
 in mind of our Church Covenant, whereby we engaged 
 with God and one another to receive whatever light or 
 truth should be made known to us from his written word. 
 But withal he exhorted us to take heed what we receive 
 for truth, and well to examine, compare, and weigh it with 
 other Scriptures, before we receive it. For, said he, it is 
 not possible the Christian world should come so lately out 
 of such Anti-Christian darkness, and that full perfection of 
 knowledge should break forth at once." 
 
 Robinson also told the church that he would be glad if 
 some goodly minister would go over w^ith them before lie 
 himself came; and he prophesied that there would be no 
 difference between the Nonconformists and themselves, 
 when once they came together out of the kingdom of 
 England. He begged them likewise to put aside their un- 
 willingness to appoint another pastor or teacher ; but they 
 waited long for him, and as God would have it, were with- 
 out a settled minister till after his death. Mr. Prince has 
 well noted Robinson's endeavor to take them off from their 
 attachment to himself, that they might be more entirely free 
 to search and follow the Scriptures. 
 
 There was great meaning in the Providence which kept 
 the pastor from embarking with the flock. They might 
 have leaned too much upon him, trusting in an arm of flesh. 
 And had he come to this country, what between the love 
 of faithful souls, the strength of a great mind, a sacred su- 
 periority of trial and suffering, and the weakness of his 
 flock, his own powder might have been too great, too sud- 
 denly accumulate, and in danger of breeding worms, as is 
 often the case with the manna of reputation, influence, and 
 power, when not received from God and Providence, ac- 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 167 
 
 cording to occasions of want. There was a wonderful guar- 
 dianship from God against this evil (an evil which lay in 
 Man's nature, and not in mere circumstances) not only in 
 the case of Robinson, but of some other dear and neces- 
 sary men, dangerous by their very dearness. He would 
 gladly have gone with them ; but never again this side the 
 grave was he to meet that Pilgrim part of his flock over 
 which he had watched for more than twelve years, with 
 such apostolic assiduity and tenderness. 
 
 Here then was a Church without a Bishop. New Eng- 
 land was to be colonized by such a church. It was such a 
 church that God was pleased to choose, for " a restorer of 
 paths to dwell in, to raise up the foundations of many 
 generations." It was a wonderful Providence which sent 
 this Vine to take root in New England, under no head but 
 Chiist. The church was to be thrown, in its simplest origi- 
 nal elements as a band of Christians, independent of any 
 earthly power, and in entire dependence upon Christ, into 
 a state of isolation, unrivalled, unequalled, since the forma- 
 tion of the first church at Antioch. There was in all this 
 an evident return of Christ's Church to those original 
 sources of power which it possessed, disconnected from 
 any earthly organization in existence, at the day of Pente- 
 cost. There was in this kind of original plantation in New 
 England, one of the most remarkable manifestations 
 of God's superintending wisdom visible in the history of 
 mortals. 
 
 It seemed as if man was to do nothing, God everything, in 
 this new reformation and creation of the church. Its founda- 
 tions w^ere sunk deep down in an abyss of trial, in faith, in 
 self-denial, in love, in God. There was hardly ever in the 
 world a more complete cutting off from all human depend- 
 ence, not even when the Isi-aelites, just escaped from Egypt, 
 with the chariots of Pharaoh rattling behind them, stood at 
 the Red Sea. And indeed, the miracle in such a case is a 
 lower kind of training of the soul to faith, than the deliver- 
 
168 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 ance by the pressure of God's gradual providence, when 
 the sense can see nothing but what is natural, and the soul 
 must be armed with grace, must see God by faith, or not 
 see him at all. The miracle is but the bud of greater deal- 
 ings, of a more refined and exquisite spiritual training ; the 
 miracle is good for babes ; the great things of God's ordi- 
 nary providence for men ; the discipline of the soul for a 
 life of faith, and for the daily sight of God in daily trials, is 
 the most costly and the greatest thing. The old miracu- 
 lous dispensation was comparatively crude, but this is more 
 perfect ; that was of sense, but this is of the spirit. 
 
 In man's sense it v/as a church without a Bishop. And 
 yet, perhaps, in the three kingdoms out of which God 
 sifted the Pilgrim wheat, there could not have been found 
 as their Bishop, a man better fitted to lead them in green 
 pastures and beside still waters, than plain Elder Brewster. 
 The church at Leyden gave up their elder and retained 
 their pastor ; the church at Plymouth followed their elder 
 as their pastor, and such he really was. Between him and 
 Robinson there had long existed a very intimate confidence 
 and communion. They were " true yokefellows," and they 
 seem to have led the flock rather as co-pastors, than as 
 officers in any respect of a different grade. Their names 
 are together in the correspondence with England relative 
 to all the arrangem.ents for the Pilgrim colony ; they were 
 together the overseers of the flock. Robinson was the 
 only pastor, Brewster the only elder; but they were both 
 by turns pastor and elder, as necessity required. Brewster 
 was about twelve years the eldest, being sixty when the 
 Pilgrims embarked for New England, probably the oldest 
 of them all. In the providence of God they had really no 
 need of a better minister than he was, and for some years 
 God gave them none other. His spirit belonged to Robin- 
 son, and Robinson's to him. 
 
 There seems to have been but one difficulty in regard to 
 his really filling the office of the ministry in Robinson's 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 169 
 
 Stead, and that lay in the opinion of Robinson himself in 
 regard to the distinction between a ruling and a teaching 
 elder. A letter from Robinson to Brewster, copied from 
 the Records of the Plymouth church, and printed in Dr. 
 Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrims, contains the following 
 passage : 
 
 " Now touching the question propounded by you, I judge 
 it not lawful for you, being a ruling elder, as in Rom. xii. 
 7, 8, and in Tim. v. 17, opposed to the elders that teach 
 and exhort and labor in the word and doctrine, to which 
 the sacraments are annexed, to administer them, nor con- 
 venient if it were lawful." 
 
 As this was written in answer to questions propounded 
 by Mr. Brewster, and as late as the close of the year 1623, 
 it is not improbable that, as the elder of the church in the 
 absence of the pastor, he had occasionally presided at the 
 celebration of the Lord's Supper ; for it is not to be supposed 
 that the Church would continue to deny themselves the 
 comfort and joy of that sacrament, because their beloved 
 pastor did not come over to them. If they did, and con- 
 ceived the Lord's Supper to be of such a nature, that his 
 followers could never celebrate it as a church, without the 
 presence and sanction of an ordained minister, and if that 
 was also Mr. Robinson's opinion, then there was indeed 
 more light needed to be disclosed from God's word both to 
 pastor and people. But although Governor Bradford, in 
 his memoir of Elder Brewster, says nothing particularly on 
 this point, yet the description of his whole character and 
 services in the church is of such a tenor, as would lead us 
 to suppose that the church did not, under him, neglect the 
 sacrament of the Lord's Supper. 
 
 Mr. Hubbard, in his General History of New England, 
 
 intimates that the people wished to ordain Mr. Brewster as 
 
 their pastor, but that he always refused to be anything 
 
 more than elder. The passage in which this statement is 
 
 8 
 
170 HISTORICAL A.ND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 made is as follows:* "In many years they could not pre- 
 vail with any to come over to them, and to undertake the 
 office of a pastor amongst them, at least none in whom 
 they could with full satisfaction acquiesce ; and therefore 
 in the meanwhile they were peaceably and prudently 
 managed by the wisdom of Mr. Brewster, a grave and 
 serious person, that only could be persuaded to keep his 
 place of ruling elder amongst them ; having acquired by 
 nis long experience and study no small degree of knowledge 
 in the mysteries of faith and matters of rehgion, yet wisely 
 considering the weightiness of the ministerial work (and 
 therein he was also advised by Mr. Robinson) according 
 to that of the Apostle ' who is sufficient for these things V 
 he could never be prevailed with to accept the ministerial 
 office, which many less able in so long a time could have 
 been easily drawn into." 
 
 Again Mr. Hubbard says, on occasion of the death of 
 Robinson, concerning the delay of the Pilgrims in getting 
 a minister : " The small hopes these had of their pastor's 
 coming over to them being heretofore revived by the new 
 approach of the shipping every spring, possibly made them 
 more slow in seeking out for another supply, as also more 
 difficult in their choice of any other." — " They were con- 
 strained to live without the supply of that office, making 
 good use of the abilities of their ruling elder, Mr. Brewster, 
 who was qualified both to rule well, and also to labor in 
 the word and doctrine, although he could never be per- 
 suaded to take upon him the pastoral office, for the adminis 
 tration of the sacraments and so forth. In this way they 
 continued till the year 1629."t 
 
 It seems probable that Mr. Brewster's question pro- 
 pounded to Robinson arose out of the desire and request of 
 the church that he would consent to assume the office of 
 their Pastor. We deem it not unlikely that before writing 
 
 * Hubbard's History, in Mass. Hist. Coll., p. 65. 
 t Hubbard's General History, ch. xvii. p. 97. 
 
OF PKINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AI«fD PERSONS. 171 
 
 to Robinson to know his opinion, the church may have 
 celebrated the sacrament of the Lord's Supper under 
 guidance of Mr. Brewster as their elder. But neither 
 they nor he could feel satisfied without his sanction as to 
 such a course, and the expression of Robinson's opinion 
 seems to have decided the matter. They seem after that 
 to have remained without the administration of the sacra- 
 ments, until they had an ordained minister with them. It 
 was a needless deprivation, self-imposed, since the same 
 power and right, vested in them by the Lord Jesus, of 
 choosing and ordaining their own minister, would have 
 authorized them to appoint their elder to the business of 
 administering the sacraments. And indeed, if they were 
 so situated as to be deprived of the assistance or guidance 
 of either pastor or elder, they could have appointed their 
 deacon for that service, or one of their own members ; for 
 nowhere in the Word of God is the authority, propriety, 
 or edifying powder of the sacraments restricted to the cir- 
 cumstance of ordination in the person or persons presiding 
 at their administration. Of the Lord's Supper especially it 
 must be acknowledged that it is a commemorative ordi- 
 nance belonging to the church, and in their power and right 
 to celebrate either w^ith or without an ordained minister, 
 as they see fit. It is for other and higher purposes mainly 
 that elders are required of the Lord Jesus to be appointed 
 in every church, and not because without them the Lord's 
 Supper could not be celebrated. 
 
 Nevertheless, Robinson's opinion was very explicit 
 against Elder Brewster having any authority to administer 
 the sacrament, and perhaps he would have thought it still 
 more unbecoming, if not actually unlawful, for any church 
 to enjoy the sacraments, or celebrate the Lord's Supper, 
 without an- ordained minister to break the bread. And we 
 conclude, that mainly in consequence of this opinion and 
 advice, Mr. Brewster did not and would not assume any 
 function supposed by their pastor to belong exclusively to 
 
172 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 the Elders appointed to teach and exhort, and labor in the 
 word and doctrine. For the same reason the church also 
 quietly waited, denying themselves one of their greatest 
 privileges and enjoyments in the Gospel. 
 
 They even suffered in the estimation of some, in conse- 
 quence of this, and their adversaries in England made it an 
 occasion of slander ; as also they did the freedom with 
 which the brethren of the church were accustomed to ex- 
 hort one another in their worshipping assemblies. They 
 accused the church as being not only independent, but dis- 
 orderly, and disaffected towards the ministry, whereas it 
 was one of their greatest trials that they had to remain so 
 Jong without a settled Pastor. " I find," says Mr. John Cotton, 
 writing in 1760, "that the want of Sacraments was equally 
 objected against them by adversaries in England." To 
 which they sent this answer, verbatim, as recorded in the 
 church records, namely : " The more is our grief that our 
 Pastor is kept from us, by whom we might enjoy them ; for 
 we used to have the Lord's Supper every Sabbath, and 
 Baptism as often as there was occasion of children to 
 baptize.' " 
 
 In Mr. Cushman's letter to the colony on the part of the 
 friendly adventurers, given in Gov. Bradford's Letter Book, 
 and dated Dec. 18, 1624, he says : " Let your practices and 
 course in religion in the church be made complete and full. 
 Let all that fear God amongst you join themselves there- 
 unto without delay. And let all the ordinances of God be 
 used completely in the church without longer waiting upon 
 uncertainties, or keeping the gap open for opposites." This 
 would seem to intimate, that in Mr. Cushman's opinion, as 
 well as that of others, the church ought to have celebrated 
 the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, although without an 
 ordained pastor. 
 
 And we should have judged it not likely, that with a 
 man like Mr. Brewster as their spiritual guide, though not 
 ordained their Pastor, the church of the Pilgrims, at Ply- 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. It3 
 
 mouth, would have passed three or four years without the 
 administration of the Sacramental ordinance. It is some- 
 what singular, and not of a piece with the largeness and 
 scriptural freedom of his views generally, that R.obinson 
 should have insisted so strongly upon the distinction and 
 even opposition between the offices of the ruling and teach- 
 ing Elder on this point. Inasmuch as they had but one 
 Pastor in the church at Leyden, and one Elder, it is un- 
 questionable that Mr. Brewster was regarded occasionally, 
 even there, as a teacher; but there the question as to his 
 authority alone to administer the Sacraments had never 
 come up ; he was simply the assistant of the Pastor. 
 
 In the Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts, published 
 by Dr. Elliot, in the Historical Collections of the Society, 
 it is said that the pastoral care of the Church was offered 
 to Mr. Brewster, but that he was too modest to accept of 
 it. He was indeed a man of genuine and delightful mo- 
 desty and humility ; but we incline to think it was mainly 
 the opinion of Robinson, with the feeling of assurance the 
 Pastor had of soon joining them himself, that prevented 
 him. 
 
 Belknap also says that Brewster "never could be per- 
 suaded to administer the sacraments, or take on him the 
 pastoral office ; though it had been stipulated before their 
 departure from Holland, that those who first went should 
 be an absolute Church of themselves, as well as those who 
 stayed ; and it was one of their principles that the brethren 
 who elected, had the power of ordaining to office. Had 
 his diffidence permitted him to exercise the pastoi'al office, 
 he would have had more influence, and kept intruders at a 
 proper distance."* 
 
 Dr. Elliot, in his biograpnical notice of Brewster, likewise 
 
 repeats that he would not accept the office of pastor, but 
 
 preached to the people who came over with him to 
 
 Plymouth, and performed most part of a minister's duty. 
 
 * Belknap's American Biography, Vol ii. 257, 266. 
 
174 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 The Church were benefited by his labors, and would have 
 been happy if he had consented to administer the ordi- 
 nances, for he was wise, learned, and prudent." Elliot 
 says that he was born in the year 1560.* Other authori- 
 ties say 1564 ; indeed. Gov. Bradford's computation makes 
 it nearly or quite certain that this must be the right date. 
 He lived and labored till the middle of the seventeenth 
 century. 
 
 In most of the churches in New England, within little 
 more than fifty years from that time, the distinction between 
 teaching and ruling Elders had almost entirely ceased. 
 But in the confession of faith by the churches, in 1680, it is 
 declared that the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper may not 
 be dispensed by any but by a minister of the word lawfully 
 called; and the Cambridge Platform of 1649 recognises 
 the ruling elder's office as distinct from the office of pastor 
 and teacher. 
 
 Elder Brewster was really the stated and habitual teacher 
 of the Pilgrim Church at Plymouth, until about the year 
 1629, when, after several disappointments, they once more 
 had a settled Pastor. " When the church had no other 
 minister," says Governor Bradford, " he taught twice every 
 Sabbath, and that both powerfully and profitably, to the 
 great contentment of the hearers, and their comfortable 
 edification. Yea, many were brought to God by his minis- 
 try. He did more in their behalf in a year, than many, 
 that have their hundreds a year, do in all their lives." This 
 is written with reference particularly to the fact, that in his 
 office as Elder, Mr. Brewster received no emolument for 
 his ministerial services. Yea, he could say with Paul, 
 yourselves know that these hands have ministered to my 
 necessities. But this all the Pilgrims had to be able to say, 
 and he was one of the foremost in energy and disinterest- 
 edness. "He was no way unwilling," says Governor 
 Bradford, " to take his part and bear his burden with the 
 
 * Elliot's Biog. Diet. 86. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 175 
 
 rest, living many times without bread or corn many months 
 together, having many times nothing but fish, and often 
 wanting that also ; and drank nothing but water for many 
 years together, yea, until within five or six years of his 
 death. And yet he lived, by the blessing of God, in health 
 until very old age : and besides that, would labor with his 
 hands in the fields as long as he was able." 
 
 It is evident from Governor Bradford's account, that 
 they could not easily have got a better Pastor, unless they 
 had had Mr. Robinson himself; also, that they really 
 looked to Elder Brewster as their Pastor in Robinson's 
 place. *' In teaching," says the Governor, *' he was very 
 stirring, and moving the affections ; also very plain and 
 distinct in what he taught ; by which means he became 
 the more profitable to the hearers. He had a singular 
 good gift in prayer, both public and private, in ripping up 
 the heart and conscience before God, in the humble confes- 
 sion of sin, and begging the mercies of God in Christ for 
 the pardon thereof He always thought it were better for 
 mmisters to pray oftener, and divide their prayers, than to 
 be long and tedious in the same ; except upon solemn and 
 special occasions, as on days of humiliation and the like. 
 For the government of the Church, which was most proper 
 to his office, he was careful to preserve good order in the 
 same, and to preserve purity, both in the doctrine and 
 communion of the same, and to suppress any error or 
 contention that might begin to arise amongst them ; and 
 accordingly God gave good success to his endeavors 
 herein, all his days, and he saw the fruit of his labors in 
 ihat behalf." 
 
 Now we repeat the question, where could the Pilgrim 
 Church have found a better Pastor than is here described 
 in the character so beautifully drawn of Elder Brewster, 
 by one who knew him so thoroughly and intimately as 
 Governor Bradford ? It is not so surprising that with such 
 a man for their Elder, they felt that they could very safely 
 
176 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 afford to wait for their Pastor Robinson, even some years. 
 It is rather surprising that they did not, when it was found 
 that their whole hope of Robinson's coming must be relin- 
 quished, especially when God had taken him from the 
 world, that they did not then elect and ordain Elder 
 Brewster for their Pastor and Teacher. Perhaps, as he 
 was verging towards seventy, they looked for a younger 
 man. They might have looked far, and not found one who 
 was, or ever would be, so gifted of the Holy Spirit for the 
 work of the gospel ministry. That faculty, so quaintly 
 described by Governor Bradford, of ripping up the heart 
 and conscience before God, was an invaluable one. Com- 
 bined with Elder Brewster's affectionate disposition and 
 heart, it made him rarely qualified for the work of saving 
 souls. He was of a social, sympathizing nature, and took 
 part in the distresses as well as joys of those with whom 
 he mingled. None of the trials of the Pilgrims ever made 
 any of them misanthropic. 
 
 The experience of misfortune taught him to succor the 
 tempted and oppressed ; considering thyself, lest thou also 
 be tempted. " Pie was tender-hearted," says Governor 
 Bradford, "and compassionate of such as were in misery, 
 but especially of such as had been of good estate and rank, 
 and were fallen into want and poverty, either for goodness 
 or religion's sake, or by the injury and oppression of others. 
 He would say, of all men these deserve to be most pitied ; 
 and none did more offend and displease him, than such as 
 would haughtily and proudly carry and lift up themselves, 
 being risen from nothing, and having little else in them but 
 a few fine clothes, or a little riches more than others." 
 
 Under the ministry and example of two such men as 
 Robinson and Brewster for more than twenty years, it was 
 to be expected that God would raise up and prepare a 
 company of his children for a great work. Meanwhile he 
 was disciplining and preparing the Pastor and the Elder, 
 as well as their flock. 
 
OP PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 177 
 
 While he was at Leyden, Mr. Brewster pursued the 
 honorable trade of a Printer, though when he had learned 
 it, we know not. He had the merit of being hunted for 
 punishment by the agents of the English government, 
 because the works which he printed were obnoxious to the 
 Established Church. It would even seem that when the 
 Pilgrims embarked for Plymouth, and he with them, he was 
 the object of inimical search, and escaped it only by keep- 
 ing close till the sailing of the vessel. 
 
 He had enjoyed a good early education, having learned 
 both Latin and Greek, and spent some time at Cam- 
 bridge. He was afterwards employed at Court and on the 
 Continent, in the service of William Davison, the unfortu- 
 nate Secretary of Queen Elizabeth at the time of the 
 execution of Mary, Queen of Scots. Davison was a man 
 of parts, says Hume, but easy to be imposed upon ; and 
 for that very reason at that time made Secretary, that 
 the gross dissimulation and murderous purpose of the Queen 
 might be successfully, and yet with seeming irresponsibility, 
 accomplished. He was a man of piety, ability, and various 
 worth, " beloved," as the Earl of Essex said, " of the best 
 and most religious of the land," but sacrificed and brought 
 to ruin by the detestable meanness, perfidy, and cruelty of 
 Elizabeth. As far as he could, Mr. Brewster continued to 
 serve this unfortunate victim of State treachery, after the 
 Queen had thrown him into prison, and brought him to 
 utter poverty, by a fine of ten thousand pounds, for his 
 obedience to her own commands in the duties of his oflice. 
 
 While under the employment of Davison, Mr. Brewster 
 became well acquainted with civil aflfairs, having travelled 
 with him for state purposes on the Continent, where his 
 master continued with him, and trusted him as a son 
 rather than a servant. Under Davison's influence and 
 example, his religious character likewise seems to have 
 been more fully developed, and when at length he departed 
 from his service, the company with which he associated in 
 
 8* 
 
178 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 the rural parts of England, where he lived, was more 
 especially among the religious gentlemen of that region. 
 What the extent of his worldly means then was, we know 
 not ; but Governor Bradford tells us that he was deep in 
 the charge of promoting and furthering religion, by pro- 
 curing good preachers in all places thereabouts, and some- 
 times above his ability. And so for many years he walked 
 according to the light he saw, till God's providence led him 
 into clearer light, about the year 1600, when he was 36 
 years of age, and Robinson 24. Robinson was then enter- 
 ing the degree of Master of Arts in Cambridge, and was 
 in a fair way to great preferment, had he been so minded. 
 Perhaps they neither of them, at this time, dreamed of 
 what was to follow, nor had any idea of the possibility of 
 two or three Christians, with Christ, constituting a Church. 
 But in Governor Bradford's words, " by the tyranny of the 
 bishops against godly preachers and people, in silencing 
 the one and persecuting the other, he, and many more of 
 those times, began to look further into particulars, and to 
 see into the unlaw^fulness of their callings, and the burden 
 of many antichristian corruptions, which both he and they 
 endeavored to cast off." 
 
 In the year 1602, they gathered the first Pilgrim Church 
 " as the Lord's free people in the fellowship of the gospel," 
 under covenant with him and one another, to walk in his 
 ways, cost what it might. And much did it cost them af- 
 ter a year or two, when the vigilant and bitter persecutions 
 of the Establishment were turned upon them as they be- 
 came known, and they were hunted and persecuted on 
 every side. Some were thrown into prison, and most 
 were compelled to flee from their houses, habitations, and 
 means of livehhood. But so long as they could stay in 
 England, Mr. Brewster was of great aid to them, being 
 free and forward in his friendship. For a while, until the 
 persecution grew too hot, they usually met at his house on 
 the Lord's day, " and with great love he entertained them 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 179 
 
 when they came, making provision for them to his great 
 charge." And when at length in 1607 they were driven 
 to the enterprise of their pilgrimage to Holland, he was 
 one of the greatest sufferers and most faithful men in that 
 perilous, disastrous, and treacherous expedition ; disastrous 
 in its course, through the wickedness of men, but glorious 
 in its issue, through the goodness of God. He was one of 
 the company who hired the ship at Boston in Lincolnshire, 
 and were betrayed by the Judas of a Captain. His money 
 and books were taken from him, and with six other of the 
 principal men he was thrown into prison, and kept there 
 some months. At length, in the course of 1607 and 1608, 
 he, with Robinson and others, succeeded, after great diffi- 
 culty, peril, and suffering, in getting into Holland. 
 
 There again he suffered much hardship, with his large 
 family, for years, until he could get employment and the 
 means of support, which afterwards became plentiful and 
 abundant. He does not appear at first to have " set up 
 printing," but besides that vocation he taught English very 
 successfully to foreigners, with great facility, by a system 
 of his own, through the medium of the Latin, so that 
 among the Danes and Germans, he had many pupils, and 
 some of them of noble families. Being thus established, 
 he was pleasantly situated in Holland, and at the age of 
 sixty, nothing would have induced him to flee with his 
 brethren into the wilderness, except his love to his Re- 
 deemer, and to them for Christ's sake, and to the cause of 
 Christ and Christian Liberty with them. 
 
 The names of his chiWren were striking developments 
 of the qualities of the man. They were genuine way- 
 marks of his experience in Divine Providence and grace, 
 and not a mere imitation of the Hebrew custom of names 
 as sacred memorials. They were actual memorials of 
 events and states of mind in his chequered pilgrimage. 
 There were among his offspring. Love, Wrestling, Patience, 
 and Fear ; and there were whole periods in his life charac- 
 
180 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 terized by the discipline of God in reference to each of 
 these qualities. 
 
 Mr. Brewster was as remarkable for the virtues of frugali- 
 ty and temperance, as he was for the graces of charity and 
 love. The habits of self-denial, patience, and sympathizing 
 kindness, early learned, w^ere of inestimable value when he 
 came to grapple with the realities of pain and want. He 
 was noted for his submissive and cheerful endurance of 
 the famine, in the second winter of the colony. And when 
 nothing but oysters or clams could be set upon the table, 
 with neither bread, nor parched corn, nor vegetables, he 
 would pleasantly and heartily give thanks, " that they 
 were permitted to suck of the abundance of the seas, and 
 of the treasures hid in the land." 
 
 Belknap says that Mr. Brewster was the owner of a 
 very considerable library, part of which was lost when the 
 vessel in which he embarked was plundered at Boston, in 
 Lincolnshire. After his death, his remaining books were 
 valued at forty-three pounds in silver, as appeared from the 
 Colony Records, where a catalogue of them is preserved. 
 
 Some statements have been made through a careless 
 reading of manuscripts ; or wrong interpretation of sen- 
 tences, quite incorrect ; as for example, we find it stated 
 in one or two instances, in biographical memoirs of Brews- 
 ter, that while he was in the employment of Davison, on an 
 embassy from Queen Elizabeth into the Low Countries, the 
 keys of Flushing were delivered to him, and the States 
 honored him with a gold chain. In this case Brewster by 
 mistake is put in the place of Davison himself, as any one 
 may see on reading the original from whence this histori- 
 cal item is taken, which is the Memoir of Brewster by 
 Governor Bradford. The memoir is printed by Dr. Young, 
 from the manuscript records of Plymouth Church, and 
 occupies the 27th chapter of his Chronicles of the Pilgrims. 
 It was Davison himself whom the States honored with the 
 golden chain, and on his return into England, Davison 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 181 
 
 gave it to Brev^^ster to wear on their journey towards the 
 court. Davison, as time drew on, was advancing to his 
 ruin, through the infamous treachery of Queen Elizabeth. 
 Brewster, who wore his master's chain, was coming to the 
 period of persecuting discipline, by which Divine Provi- 
 dence would teach and fit him for the great work of the 
 church colony in the wilderness. Neither of them placed 
 their trust in earthly honors or treasures, but in Heaven. 
 The occasion, the characters, and the end, may bring to 
 remembrance the beautiful impromptu of Coleridge. 
 
 How seldom, friend ! a good great man inherits 
 Honor or wealth, with all his worth and pains ! 
 It sounds like stories from the land of spirits, 
 If any man obtain that which he merits. 
 Or any merit that which he obtains. 
 
 REPLY. 
 
 For shame, dear friend ! renounce this canting strain. / 
 
 What wouldst thou have a good great man obtain ] ' 
 
 Place ] Title 1 Salary ? A gilded chain 1 
 
 Or thrones of corses, which his sword hath slain ? 
 
 Greatness and goodness are not means, but ends ! 
 
 Hath he not always treasures, always friends, 
 
 The good great man ? Three treasures, Love and Light, 
 
 And calm Thoughts, regular as an infant's breath ! 
 
 And three firm friends, more sure than day and night, 
 
 Himself, his Maker, and the Angel Death. 
 
 These beautiful truths were realized by the Pilgrims, 
 by such men as Robinson, Bradford, Brewster, Winslow, 
 and Winthrop ; and these possessions were theirs. Love, 
 Light, and calm and cheerful Thoughts ; and these friends 
 were theirs. Themselves, their Maker, and the Angel 
 Death ; and all these three, self, God, and death, friends 
 through Christ. It was Christ in whom they trusted ; 
 Christ, to whom and for whom they had given up self ; 
 
182 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Christ, in whom God was reconciled, and had reconciled 
 them unto himself, and into whose glorious presence and 
 likeness, after their mission on earth was accomplished, the 
 Angel Death would usher them. It was thus that they 
 left that goodly and pleasant city in the Old World, 
 which had been their resting place near twelve years, to be 
 thrown upon the shores of a " waste howling wilderness," 
 without a habitation. It was thus, in the simple and beauti- 
 ful language of Governor Bradford, that " they knew they 
 were Pilgrims, and looked not much on those pleasant 
 things they were leaving, but lifted up their eyes to 
 heaven, their dearest country, and quieted their spirits." 
 
 Their sojourn in Leyden had been pleasant, mainly 
 through the power and perfect sweetness of that brotherly 
 love which bound them together. " For I persuade my- 
 self," said Mr. Winslow, " never people on earth lived 
 more lovingly together, and parted more sweetly, than we, 
 the Church at Leyden, did ; not rashly, in a distracted 
 humor, but upon joint and serious deliberation, often 
 seeking the mind of God by fasting and prayer ; whose 
 gracious presence we not only found with us, but his 
 blessing upon us, from that time to this instant, to the in- 
 dignation of our adversaries, the admiration of strangers, 
 and the exceeding consolation of ourselves, to see such 
 effects of our prayers and tears before our pilgrimage here 
 be ended." 
 
 And never was the reality and purity of brotherly love 
 better tested, than in the sacrifices so cheerfully made by 
 the Church in Plymouth, after the death of Robinson, to 
 transport at their own cost, to their own colony of refuge, 
 the brethren with their families, whom they had left behind 
 them. By labor, suffering, and the cost of many deaths 
 they had prepared it ; with unparalleled kindness and love 
 they welcomed others to the enjoyment and possession of 
 its comforts. 
 
 The simple record of Brewster's death we give in Brad- 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 183 
 
 ford's own language. It is the opening of that part of his 
 History of Plymouth Colony, which was occupied with the 
 memoir of Brewster. " Now followeth that which was 
 matter of great sadness and mourning unto this church. 
 About the tenth of April, in the year 1644, died their reve- 
 rend Elder, our dear and loving friend, Mr. William 
 Brewster ; a man that had done and suffered much for the 
 Lord Jesus and the Gospel's sake, and had borne his part 
 in weal and wo with this poor persecuted church about 
 thirty-six years in England, Holland, and in this wilderness, 
 and done the Lord and them faithful service in his place 
 and calling ; and notwithstanding the many troubles and 
 sorrows he passed through, the Lord upheld him to a great 
 age. He was near four-score years of age, if not all out, 
 when he died. He had this blessing added by the Lord 
 to all the rest, to die in his bed, in peace, amongst the 
 midst of his friends, who mourned and wept over him, 
 and ministered what help and comfort they could unto him, 
 and he again recomforted them whilst he could. His sick- 
 ness was not long. Until the last day thereof he did not 
 wholly keep his bed. His speech continued until some- 
 what more than half a day before his death, and then failed 
 him ; and about nine or ten of the clock that evening he 
 died, without any pang at all. A few hours before, he 
 drew his breath short, and some few minutes before his 
 last, he drew his breath long, as a man fallen into a sound 
 sleep, without any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly de- 
 parted this life unto a better." 
 
 These are the words of Governor Bradford in the me- 
 moir copied from the Records of the Plymouth Church. 
 He was an eye-witness of the serene departure of his dear 
 and loving friend, after whom he was still himself to re- 
 main with the church on earth thirteen years. He and 
 Brewster had both experienced a great discipline from 
 God of mingled mercy and trial, and had both learned by 
 Divine Grace, whether living, to live unto the Lord, or 
 
184 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 dying to die unto the Lord. They could say with the 
 sweet musings of Baxter — 
 
 ^ Lord, it belongs not to my care, 
 
 Whether I die or live ; 
 To love and serve thee is my share, 
 
 And this thy grace must give. 
 If life be long, I will be glad, 
 
 That I may long obey ; 
 If short, yet why should I be sad, 
 
 That shall have the same pay ! 
 
 ^ Christ leads me through no darker rooms, 
 Than he went through before ; 
 He that into God's kingdom comes 
 
 Must enter by this door. 
 Come, Lord, when grace hath made me meet, 
 _ Thy blessed face to see ; 
 
 For if thy work on earth be sweet, 
 What will thy glory be ! 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 CONGREGATIONAL CONSTITUTION OF THE PILGRIM CHURCH. 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE OF BREWSTER AND ROBINSON WITH THE 
 COUNCIL IN ENGLAND, AS TO THEIR PRINCIPLES. COMPARI- 
 SON OF CONGREGATIONALISM AND HIERARCHISM. 
 
 The unsuccessful attempt of the Pilgrims to obtain 
 liberty of conscience under the King's seal was the means 
 of bringing out their principles into notice, as well as of 
 trying their patience. Some unjust insinuations having 
 been thrown out against them, to their injury, with the 
 King's Privy Council, a correspondence ensued between 
 Sir John Worstenholme, one of the members of the Vir- 
 ginia Company, and the Pastor Robinson, together with 
 Elder Brewster. A prayerful spirit of devout dependence 
 upon God runs tlu'ough this correspondence, into which 
 also there came no less distinguished a personage than Sir 
 Edwin Sandys, truly a man of piety as well as qualities of 
 state. The points illustrated in the letters to Worstenholme 
 were " touching the ecclesiastical ministry, namely, of pas- 
 tors for teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distri- 
 buting the Church's contribution, as also for the two sacra- 
 ments, baptism, and the Lord's supper." In regard to 
 these, "we do wholly and in all points," said Robinson 
 and Brewster, " agree with the French Reformed churches, 
 according to their public confession of faith, though with 
 
188 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 some small differences." The differences were said to be 
 "in some accidental circumstances," such as, 
 
 1. Their ministers do pray with their heads covered; 
 we uncovered. 
 
 2. We choose none for governing elders but such as are 
 able to teach ; which ability they do not require. 
 
 3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at the most 
 for two or three years ; ours perpetual. 
 
 4. Our elders do administer their office in admonitions 
 and excommunications for public scandals, publicly and 
 before the congregation ; theirs more privately, and in 
 their consistories. 
 
 5. We do administer baptism only to such infants as 
 whereof the one parent, at least, is of some church, which 
 some of their churches do not observe ; although in it our 
 practice accords with their public confession, and the judg- 
 ment of the most learned amongst them.* 
 
 When these statements were submitted to Worstenholme, 
 he asked who should make the ministers? A pregnant 
 question, involving the main points in dispute between the 
 Established and the Congregational churches. Sir John 
 expected that Robinson and Brev/ster would " have been 
 of the Archbishop's mind for the calling of ministers ;" 
 but he was greatly mistaken, and he is said to have " stuck 
 much" at the contents of the letters, which, however, being 
 friendly to the desire and project of the Pilgrim Church, 
 he would not show to the bishops and the Council, " lest 
 he should spoil all." And spoil all it would have done, 
 doubtless, to have shown these independent scriptural 
 principles to King James, and to have asked for a patent 
 of liberty in religion " under the King's broad seal," for a 
 Church of Puritans, maintaining the liberty and power, 
 under God, of choosing and ordaining their own ministers. 
 One can easily conceive the answer of the blustering 
 
 * Prince, 53.— Young's Chronicles, 65. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 187 
 
 monarch to such an application. " Give a patent of liberty 
 for such a religion? They will be for choosing their King 
 next. We will make them conform, or hang them, that's 
 all." It is probable that the King would not even have 
 connived at them, had he known them thoroughly, and 
 what stuff they were of. They were constituted a church 
 by the simple resolution of the Leyden Church, " that 
 those who went first should be an absolute church of them- 
 selves, as well as those that staid ;" and this, though they 
 took not their pastor with them, but had only their elder. 
 A novel kind of absolutism in church matters, indeed, to 
 King James and his council ! These men, who disposed 
 afiairs in this simple way, taking the whole power of the 
 Hierarchy upon themselves, and into their own hands, as 
 a band of mere Christian brethren ; — what would they not 
 do, if these principles ran into civil and political, as well as 
 Ecclesiastical life ? 
 
 On this refusal, Gov. Bradford remarks that " notwith- 
 standing the great discouragement the English at Leyden 
 met with from the King and Bishops refusing to allow 
 them liberty of conscience in America, under the Royal 
 Seal, yet casting themselves on the care of Providence 
 they resolved to venture." * Yes ! and well they may ! 
 For the foundation of God standeth sure, having this seal. 
 The Lord knoweth them that are his ; and this. Let every 
 one that nameth the name of Christ depart from iniquity. 
 God's seal is something broader than King James's ; and 
 under it they may venture, notwithstanding what in that 
 age was deemed so great a discouragement, even by those 
 noble Pilgrims. 
 
 The constitutional principles of this first Church ot 
 Christ in New England are drawn up and presented with 
 such simplicity, clearness, and conciseness, by Mr. Prince, 
 in his New England Chronology, that we shall, for the 
 main part, adopt his enumeration of the articles. 
 * Prince, 60. 
 
188 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 1. That no particular church ought to consist of more 
 members than can conveniently watch over one another, 
 and usually meet and worship in one congreoration. 
 
 2. That every particular Church of Christ is only to 
 consist of such as appear to believe in and obey him. 
 
 3. That any competent number of such, when their con- 
 sciences oblige them, have a right to embody into a church 
 for their mutual editication. 
 
 4. That this embodying is by some certain contract or 
 covenant, either expressed or implied, though it ought to be 
 by the former. 
 
 5. That being embodied, they have a right of choosing 
 all their officers. 
 
 6. That the officers appointed by Christ for this embodied 
 Church are, in some respects, of three sorts, in others but 
 two, namely, 
 
 (1.) Pastors, or Teaching Elders, who have the power both 
 of overseeing, teaching, administering the sacraments, and 
 ruling too, and being chiefly to give themselves to study- 
 ing, teaching, and the spiritual care of the flock, are there- 
 fore to be maintained. 
 
 Mere ruling Elders, who are to help the Pastors in over- 
 seeing and ruling ; that their offices be not temporary, as 
 among the Dutch and French Churches, but continual ; and 
 being also qualified in some degree to teach, they are to 
 teach only occasionally, through necessity, or in their 
 Pastor's absence or illness ; but being not to give them- 
 selves to study or teaching, they have no need of main- 
 tenance. 
 
 That the Elders of both sorts form the Presbytery of 
 overseers and rulers, which should be in every particular 
 church ; and are in Scripture called sometimes Presby- 
 ters or Elders, sometimes Bishops or Overseers, and some- 
 times Rulers. 
 
 (2.) Deacons, who are to take care of the poor, and of the 
 Church's treasure; to distribute for the support of the 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 189 
 
 Pastor, the supply of the needy, the propagation of re- 
 ligion, and to minister at the Lord's Table, &c. 
 
 Now this is genuine Congregationalism, there being 
 these elements of administration in every true Congrega- 
 tional Church, these officers of Christ's appointment. It 
 matters little what additional "helps, governments," as 
 they are denominated by Paul, be added to these, in the 
 shape of Prudential Committees, or a Board of Councillors, 
 or Committees of the Church ; nor whether one church 
 shall choose to elect them annually, and another for life 
 or good behavior ; every church having the power to 
 regulate these matters according to its own necessities or 
 views of expediency. But the ministry and deaconship 
 are essentials of every truly and fully organized church. 
 Bishops and Deacons, or Elders and Deacons, or Presby- 
 ters and Deacons, each name signifying precisely the same 
 thing, are the integral forms of officers appointed by Christ 
 for each embodied Church. And whether each embodied 
 church chooses to view these officers in the three respects 
 noted above, and in which our Pilgrim Fathers viewed 
 them, or in the two only, in which the Congregational 
 Churches of New England, at the present day, ordinarily 
 view them, intrusting a prudential power, in the third re- 
 spect of mere ruling, to a separate committee ; it matters 
 little, so long as the great point of Congregational inde- 
 pendency under Christ is maintained. All the Scriptural 
 elements of administration and order are in every such 
 church. 
 
 The grand original points of Congregatianalism in the 
 church of our Fathers, as distinguishing them from all 
 other churches, throwing them back upon the New Testa- 
 ment Platform, and bringing them into a succession direct 
 from the Scriptures, were contained not merely in the 
 restriction of this Presbytery of overseers and rulers, which 
 ought to be in every particular church, to the Scripture 
 
190 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 model as appointed by Christ, but in the recognition of 
 those two Other fundamental principles next enumerated 
 by Mr. Prince : 
 
 7. That these officers, being chosen and ordained, have 
 no lordly, arbitrary, or imposing power, but can only rule 
 and minister with the consent of the brethren. 
 
 8. That no churches, or church officers whatever, have 
 any power over any church or officers, to control or im- 
 pose upon them ; but are equal in their rights and privileges, 
 and ought to be independent in the exercise and enjoy- 
 ment of them. 
 
 The recognition, assertion, and practical demonstration of 
 this New Testament Independency, was a new^ and origi- 
 nal thing in a world of hierarchies ; a world into the soul 
 of which the idea of power, arbitrary, compulsory power 
 as connected with the Church of Christ, had sunk so deeply, 
 that a church abandoning it in all forms, and throwing 
 itself entirely upon Christ and voluntary persuasion, upon 
 Christ, the Truth and Love, seemed the intrusion of a new, 
 wild, disorderly heresy ; seemed in one direction the 
 abandonment of the Church of Christ to the will of man; 
 in another direction, not only seemed, but was felt and 
 known to be, the rescuing of the Church of Christ from the 
 power of man, and the redeeming of that spiritual power, 
 with which God has invested the very idea of the church, 
 and which in the hands of ambitious men is so tremendous 
 an engine of corruption and despotism, from the sceptre of 
 kings, from the sway of hierarchies, from the grasp of 
 superstition, from the dominion of the God of this world. 
 By this independency of men and hierarchies, Christ 
 resumes this power into his own hands, and makes it the 
 power of his Spirit, acting on and transforming the world, 
 not by ecclesiastical canons, but by His Truth. 
 
 Our Fathers found these two orders, and these only, of 
 church officers, in the New Testament Scriptures, for each 
 
OF I'RLNCIPLES, PiTOVlOENCES, AND PERSOrfS. 191 
 
 embodied church, namely, 1. Presbyters, or Bishops, or 
 Elders ; and 2. Deacons. For the Presbyters they made a 
 division of labor in respect, first, of teaching and over- 
 seeing, or second, of overseeing mainly, with the duty of 
 teaching occasionally, as need might be. For this division 
 of labor, they thought they had the authority of Scripture, 
 as the Presbyterians also universally thought, in 1st Timo- 
 thy V. 17. But this office of ruling Elder, as a separate 
 distinction, came gradually to be merged into a board or 
 committee of members of the church for the assistance of 
 the Pastor or Pastors. According to the usage of Congre- 
 gationalism, this body is now^ generally chosen for a 
 limited number of years ; vs^hereas, our fathers elected 
 them, under the name of Elders, for life. Bishops, Deacons, 
 and the Independency of the Churches, were then, as now, 
 the elements of Congregationalism, as found in the New 
 Testament, with the power, vested in each church, by its 
 Supreme Head, of appointing each its own number of 
 those officers of Christ, as the edification and usefulness of 
 the church might require. The office of Deacon, our 
 fathers, in contradistinction from the French Reformed 
 Churches, held to be for life, or during the continuance of 
 that fitness in the incumbents, in reference to which they 
 were originally chosen. And this also has been the usage 
 of Congregationalism, with some individual exceptions, 
 ever since. 
 
 Here, as to Church Administrations (including Baptism 
 and the Lord's Supper), and Holy Days, Mr. Prince enume- 
 rates two more articles : 
 
 9. As to Church Administrations, they held that Baptism 
 is a seal of the covenant of grace, and should be dispensed 
 only to visible believers, with their unadult children ; and 
 this in primitive purity, as in the times of Christ and his 
 Apostles, without the sign of the cross, or any other 
 invented ceremony. And that the church or its officers 
 have no authority to inffict any penalties of a temporal 
 
192 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 nature, excommunication being wholly spiritual, in a rejec- 
 tion of the scandalous from the communion of the church. 
 
 10. And lastly, as for Holy Days: They were very 
 strict for the observation of the Lord's Day, in a pious 
 memory of the Incarnation, Birth, Death, Resurrection, 
 Ascension, and Benefits of Christ ; as also, solemn Fastings 
 and Thanksgivings, as the State of Providence requires. 
 But all other times not prescribed in Scripture they utterly 
 relinquished. And as in general they could not conceive 
 anything a part of Christ's religion, which he has not 
 required, they therefore renounced all human right of 
 inventing, and much less of imposing it on others. 
 
 " These," says Mr. Prince, " were the main principles 
 of that scriptural and religious liberty, for which this peo- 
 ple suffered in England, fled to Holland, traversed the 
 ocean, and sought a dangerous retreat in these remote and 
 savage deserts of North America ; that here they might 
 fully enjoy them, and leave them to their last posterity." * 
 
 Now it is a strange thing that any man in his senses 
 should have dreamed that King James would ever put his 
 seal of toleration to these principles ; principles that in 
 their very nature imply and impel the rejection of all tole- 
 ration from any earthly power, as a usurpation of Christ's 
 power by man, inconsistent with Christian liberty. Sir 
 John Worstenholme saw this, pretty clearly, when he said 
 that the showing of the letters of Robinson and Brewster 
 would spoil all. 
 
 Here was Hierarchism on the one side, and Congrega- 
 tionalism on the other. There are only these two Ecclesi- 
 astical divisions in the world, all else being merged in this 
 great question, whether man shall reign, or Christ, over 
 the conscience. Now let us look at the etymology of these 
 two great words. 
 
 (1.) 'Is^ap-xr\g^ a Steward or President of Sacred rites. 
 Hierarchism, Supremacy-in-sacred-rite-ism. A despotism 
 
 * Prince, 91-93. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 193 
 
 by and with sacred rites. An imposition of priestly forms, 
 by man's power, upon the conscience. The constitution 
 of a hierarchical corporation, with supreme power. 
 
 (2.) Congrego. To collect together ; for example, the 
 gathering together in one the children of God, as in John 
 xi. 52. The word would be supplied, if in Greek, by 
 Hvvayu ; (twayayri being the word used in that passage in 
 John. It is used also in 2 Thess. ii. 1, " 6ur gathering 
 together into Christ," -/jjxwv s'n'Kfvvay(A)yy}s sir^ avrbv ; and also 
 in Hebrews x. 25, of the Christian Congregation. The 
 Apostle might well say, " We beseech you by our Congre- 
 gationalism into Christ." 
 
 And I, if I be lifted up, said our Blessed Lord, will draw 
 all men unto me. Now it is this gathering of men into 
 Christ, in contradistinction from the impressment of them 
 under a hierarchism of rites and rubrics, that constitutes 
 true Congregationalism. It is the lifting up of Christ as 
 the sole and Supreme Head, Christ as the Way, the Truth, 
 and the Life, Christ as the sum and substance of all divini- 
 ty, Christ as the only Lord of Conscience, of the Church, and 
 of Sacred Rites in it : this is that Congregationalism : that 
 which will gather all men at length into Christ's own liber- 
 ty, the liberty of serving and edifying one another freely, 
 in love. 
 
 Now it is remarkable that the first person under the New 
 Testament Dispensation, who prophesied of this gathering 
 together of the children of God in Christ, and of course 
 of the destruction of the Hierarchism of Christianity, as 
 well as of Judaism, was Caiaphas the High Priest. The 
 Congregationalism of Christianity, the Synagoguizing of 
 the people of God under Christ, instead of the Hierarchiz- 
 ing of them under an earthly head, was here foreshadowed. 
 The Congregationalism was then beginning, and the Hier- 
 archism should then have stopped ; instead of which, Caia- 
 phas and his system still kept up the conflict with Christ 
 and his, with the Apostles and theirs ; and in all the ages of 
 
194 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Christianity ever since, the Hierarchism and the Congrega- 
 tionalism have been the great decisive, separating, and con- 
 flicting systems. Perhaps the conflict is to continue, even 
 till the prediction of the old High Priest shall be complete- 
 ly fulfilled, in the gathering together of all the children of 
 God into one fold, under one Shepherd, in the unity of the 
 Spirit, in one Lord, one Faith, one Baptism ! 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE FIRST CIVIL COMPACT. TOLERATION, CONNIVANCE, LI- 
 BERTY OF CONSCIENCE. FOUNDATIONS OF THE STATE. 
 
 REPETITION OF THE FREE COVENANTS. 
 
 We have dwelt upon the first free Church Covenant, a 
 mighty and glorious phenomenon, the creation of eternal 
 principles, or rather the creation of Divine grace, and the 
 expression of principles that flow from time into eternity, 
 and bind the whole family of God in heaven and on earth 
 together. Out of this springs the free civil covenant, for 
 freedom in the State is the offspring of Christian freedom 
 in the Church, the creation of that liberty with which 
 Christ makes his people free. That first Church compact, 
 that old, free, Lincolnshire, Pilgrim church compact, that 
 phenomenon of Conventicles and dissent, is just what the 
 nations of Europe need now, at this hour of revolution, to 
 go before the free civil compact, to prepare its way, and 
 give it form, life, and stability. 
 
 But men need a vast deal of discipline and instruction on 
 this matter of a free conscience both in church and state, 
 before they can understand it. Our Pilgrim fathers began 
 the practice, under God's good providence, even before 
 they had learned the theory ; indeed they learned the 
 theory by the practice. 
 
196 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 It is noticeable that at this time, with all their determi- 
 nation to enjoy freedom of conscience, not a person in the 
 church or congregation but seems to have regarded it as a 
 gift in the power of Kin^]^ James. Accordingly to him they 
 looked for it, but God would not let the Pilgrim church, in 
 its refuge under Christ's care in the New World, undergo 
 the indignity of being tolerated by any earthly monarch or 
 power. God was going to put an end to toleration in reli- 
 gion by this enterprise, and therefore in his providence he 
 went further in this thing for the Pilgrims than they had 
 yet learned to go for themselves. After much anxious and 
 prayerful consideration, they determined to settle in the 
 New World under the Virginia Company, " and by their 
 friends to sue to his Majesty that he would be pleased to 
 grant them free liberty and freedom of religion," And 
 some great friends of good work and quality undertook to 
 be their patrons in this suit. To such shifts has our reli- 
 gious conscience been driven in this world, and to such 
 height was the Papacy in essence still rising in England ; 
 so they sued for confirmation of liberty in religion under 
 the king's broad seal, laboring both with the king and the 
 Archbishop ; but all would not do. The king under seal 
 would neither allow nor tolerate. God would have no- 
 thing in the charter of New England liberty, which should 
 intimate that the keeping of the conscience was in the 
 hands of King James of England, or that he had any 
 authority to tolerate. God w^ould throw the Pilgrims for 
 their toleration only upon Christ. They at length got a 
 patent from the Virginia Company, though not without 
 great difficulty, but the disgrace of James's seal of toleration 
 was never attached to it, nor, if it had been, could it have 
 served their turn, "although they had had a seal as broad 
 as the house floor ;" it would have been as easily called 
 back or reversed as given. 
 
 " It is a capital error," said John Cartwright in his Let- 
 ters on American Independence, addressed in 1-774 to the 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 197 
 
 House of Commons, speaking of the rights of man, "It is a 
 capital error in the reasonings of most writers on this sub- 
 ject, that they consider the liberty of mankind in the same 
 light as an estate or chattel, and go about to prove or dis- 
 prove the right of it by grants, usages, or municipal statutes. 
 It is not among mouldy parchments that we are to look for 
 it ; it is the immediate gift of God; it is not derived from 
 any one ; but it is original in every one." 
 
 This was the error even of our Pilgrim Fathers them- 
 selves in regard to religious liberty, which, with all their 
 advancement, they still looked upon as a gill in possession 
 of the king, until God, by his providence and word, taught 
 them better. Highly as they prized their religious liberty, 
 so that they were willing to suffer and die for it, they did 
 not yet view it as solely the gift of God by charter to his 
 people through Christ ; as a possession, a right, in regard to 
 which the pretended power of toleration, in any earthly 
 king or state, is a blasphemous usurpation of God's attri- 
 butes. So in this case God was better for them than they 
 were for themselves, and planted them in the wilderness 
 with more unrestricted liberty and superiority to earthly 
 toleration than they had asked from others. King James 
 should have nothing to do with tolerating them. So, what- 
 ever patents might be issued, of usurpation under the form 
 of grants, after they had got footing in the New World, 
 their first settlement as a church and civil state should not 
 even have the king's name connected with it. They were 
 under God only, and his charter for them was the Bible. 
 
 Even the patent which they did get was never used by 
 them, nor was it ever taken out in any of their names, nor 
 did it ever prove, that we know, of the least concernment 
 or importance in any of their affairs, but only as God made 
 use of it, by reason of the delays, difficulties, and distrac- 
 tions involved in the gaining of it, to sift out still more of 
 the chaflf from among the seed-corn he was preparing. The 
 discouragements in this matter of the patent " shook off 
 
198 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 many of their pretended friends," and in that service was 
 much better for them than the King's great seal. 
 
 In the very part of England out of w^hich the Pilgrims 
 first fled to Holland, King James was now playing the 
 persecutor, requiring the Bishop of Lancashire to present 
 all the Puritans and Precisians within the same, either con- 
 straining them to conform or leave the country ; ordering 
 that those who would attend church on Sundays should not 
 be disturbed or discouraged from dancing, archery, leap- 
 ing, vaulting, having May-games, Whitsun-ales, Morrice 
 dances, setting up May-poles, and other sports therewith 
 used, or any other such harmless recreations, on Sundays 
 after divine service ; all which and much more for the jail- 
 delivery of Beelzebub all ministers were compelled to read 
 in their churches, such food being prepared by the drunken 
 monarch in his book of sports, for the souls of his people. 
 If any refused to read, they were summoned into the High 
 Commission Court, and imprisoned and suspended. The 
 next year the same saintly monarch published his medita- 
 tions on the Lord's Prayer !* 
 
 The failure of the Pilgrims in getting the King's patent, 
 together with that other providence of God in their being 
 compelled to come to anchor in Cape Cod Harbor, a place 
 with which the Virginia Company had nothing to do, and 
 where, of course, no patent from them could bestow any 
 rights, was the cause of that solemn compact in the May 
 Flower, by which they took the business of patent, govern- 
 ment, and all civil and religious rights into their own hands, 
 and became in reality an independent republic. There 
 was already in grpwth the germ of the future republic, all 
 its forms being folded up in the colony now planted, 
 although as yet the form of a kingly crown rose above it. 
 It was the God of providence and grace working as the 
 God of nature works, by gradual onward progress from 
 living principles, which in the fulness of time were to throw 
 * Prince, 56. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 199 
 
 off the old form-covering entirely, and to stand revealed, 
 in a transfiguration or creation of their own, suited to them. 
 Even so in nature the old leaves, as Mr. Coleridge, in one 
 of his beautifully suggestive illustrations, has remarked, are 
 thrown off only by the propulsion of new buds. The old 
 form might endeavor to hold its place, and play the despot 
 for a while, but before the power of a new growth it must 
 fall. 
 
 We say that that failure was the cause ; for although the 
 Pilgrims intimate in their Journal that the occasion of 
 entering into that compact was the manifestation of some 
 disobedient unruly humors in some of the little company, 
 yet if they had been in possession of a regular charter from 
 the King, covering their incorporation as a colony where 
 they landed, it is not probable that they would have felt the 
 need of any other morally coercive compact than the terms 
 of that. God's providence is to be marked in leading them 
 to that, as well as to their religious covenant ; the one seal- 
 ing them, by the spirit of God, as a free Church, the other, 
 as a free voluntary civil and political community. 
 
 Mr. Baylies refers the symptoms of insubordination solely 
 to the servants that had been shipped in England, and were 
 not members of the Pilgrim Church. "Their servants," 
 he says,* " who had not been members of the Leyden con- 
 gregation, but who for the most part had been gathered up 
 in England, seemed to anticipate a perfect freedom from 
 the restraints both of law and government." They had 
 probably been made to believe this ; and the company, 
 being really under no present authority whatever, and 
 having no charter, had reason to apprehend the greatest 
 difficulty from any spirit of insubordination that might 
 break out, and so v/ere driven to the choice of a Governor, 
 and to an agreement of self-government and obedience 
 among themselves. " Some of the inferior class among 
 them had muttered," says Hutchinson, "that, when they 
 * Baylies' Memoir of the Colony of New Plymouth, vol. i., p. 27. 
 
200 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 should get ashore, one man would be as good as another, 
 and they would do what seemed good in their own eyes."* 
 It is very likely these mutinous dispositions were set at 
 work and inflamed by Billington, the first ofl?ender in the 
 colony, and afterwards a murderer. There were also two 
 vulgar imitators of high life in England among the servants, 
 who, as we shall see, played the part of the first duellists 
 in New England, and were punished for it. 
 
 If these insubordinate servants were the means of in- 
 ducing that compact on board the May Flower, it was not 
 in vain, nor for evil, that they were shipped from England 
 with the little company from Leyden. Whether its authors 
 and signers foresaw and thoroughly understood, or much 
 less intended, the full extent of what they were doing, is of 
 little importance. Indeed it was not possible that they 
 could even dream what an empire of perfect liberty and 
 self-government they were founding : to what principles 
 they were giving embodiment to future generations, prin- 
 ciples that, more than two hundred years after they were 
 all laid in their graves, should shake all Europe, nay the 
 whole world, to its centre. Principles they were, that 
 under a religious guidance made their own chosen wilder- 
 ness like the garden of the Lord ; but principles that, with- 
 out such guidance or preparation, break out as sudden, 
 overwhelming, devastating volcanoes, after which there 
 must pass whole ages perhaps, before a new verdure can 
 rise upon the mouldering lava. It is by celestial obser- 
 vations alone, said Mr. Coleridge, that terrestrial charts 
 can be constructed ; and how perfectly true is this remark 
 as to the governments and liberties of modern Europe. 
 Religion must lay the foundation of freedom, or there will 
 be none. 
 
 " What comes from heaven to heaven by nature clings, 
 And if dissevered thence, its life is short." 
 
 * Hutchinson, Hist. Mass., vol. ii., p. 407 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 201 
 
 Now it is remarkable how often the Providence of God 
 shut up the Colonists to the repetition of these same free 
 Covenants, both in Church and State, sometimes by com- 
 pelling them to settle without the regular patents which 
 they had been seeking, and sometimes by throwing them 
 upon places of settlement beyond the limits of the patents 
 which they had obtained. This was the case with the first 
 Colony of Connecticut, in 1636. "They had a sort of 
 commission from the Government of the Massachusetts 
 Bay, for the administration of justice till they could come 
 to a more orderly settlement ; but finding themselves 
 without the limits of their jurisdiction, they entered into a 
 voluntary association, choosing magistrates, and making 
 laws for themselves, after the example of the Colony from 
 whence they issued. Thus they continued, until the resto- 
 ration of King Charles 11. , when, by the industry and appli- 
 cation of Mr. John Winthrop, Jr., they obtained as ample 
 a charter as was ever enjoyed by any people."* 
 
 The same was the case with the colony under Eaton and 
 Davenport, in 1637, at New Haven. " They purchased of 
 the natives," says Mr. Neal, "all the land that lies between 
 Connecticut River and Hudson's, which divides the South- 
 ern part of New England from New York, and removed 
 thither towards the latter end of the summer. They 
 seated themselves in the Bay, and spread along the coast, 
 where they built first the town of New Haven, which gives 
 name to the colony ; and then the towns of Guilford, Mil- 
 ford, Stamford, and Braintree. After some time they 
 crossed the Bay, and made several settlements in Long 
 Island, erecting churches in all places where they came, 
 after the Independent form, of which Mr. Davenport was 
 a great patron. But the New Haven Colony lay under the 
 same disadvantage with Connecticut, as to a charter ; they 
 were without the Massachusetts jurisdiction, and were 
 therefore under no government, nor had any other title to 
 
 * Near« History of New England, Vol. ii. page 148. 
 9* 
 
202 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 their lands, but what they had from the natives. They 
 entered therefore into a voluntary conf)bination, and formed 
 themselves into a body politic, after the manner of those 
 of Connecticut. Thus they continued, till the year 1664, 
 when King Charles II. united the two colonies, and by a 
 charter settled their liberties on a solid foundation." * 
 
 Settled their liberties on a solid foundation ! But God 
 had settled them before. The Historian seems to imagine 
 that they had no solid foundation, till the King of England 
 chartered them ; and such a King to charter the liberty of 
 the Pilgrims ! The Historian seems to be marvelling in 
 his mind how could the poor, unprotected, ungoverned, 
 because unchartered, adventurers, possibly get on from 
 1637 to 1664, without the King's broad seal, and with their 
 lands only purchased from the natives ! How they could 
 live and prosper, with the mere voluntary framing of them- 
 selves into a body politic, with their own laws and magis- 
 trates, after the manner of those of Connecticut, seemed a 
 riddle to the royalist spectators. And even Mr. Neal ap- 
 pears to think that their title to their lands was really better, 
 signed with the name of King Charles, than with the arrow- 
 heads of the Sachems from whom they were purchased. 
 
 The only use of a charter, that we can think of, was to 
 give them the privileges of an incorporation by law, and to 
 secure them from the intrusion of other companies or indi- 
 viduals. Bat as to the security of their liberties under 
 such Monarchs as the Stuarts, if they were not secured by 
 their own virtue, firmness, and voluntary combination, a 
 charter was worth nothing. Besides, in the view of the 
 royalists, the people chartered by the Monarch were bound 
 to be of his sentiments in their religious as well as their 
 civil polity, and every ordinance and institution of the 
 Church of England was binding upon them. Even in 
 our own day, by distinguished historians, a grave charge 
 has been brought against our Pilgrim Fathers, for daring to 
 ♦ Neal's Hist. N. Eng. Vol i., pages 152, 153. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 203 
 
 disregard the sentiments of the Monarch under whose 
 authority they settled in America, so far as even to adopt 
 in their infant church the Independent form of Ecclesiasti- 
 cal policy ! One can hardly read such sober accusations 
 without a smile ; but the Historian Grahame devotes seve- 
 ral of his excellent pages to their refutation.* 
 
 * Grahame's Colonial History of the United States, Vol. i. 208 — 211. 
 
 I 
 
 «#. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE FIRST SETTLEMENT, FOLLOWING THE FIRST COMPACT. 
 
 DISCOVERY OF PLYMOUTH. THE HARBOR, THE LOCALITIES, 
 
 THE ASSOCIATIONS. PLYMOUTH ROCK. AND THE BEAUTY 
 
 OF THE HIGH-TIDE SCENERY. 
 
 The Capes of New England are regions both of mate- 
 rial and spiritual grandeur, for the sea-scenery is glorious, 
 and the historical associations are full of interest. Take a 
 favorable season of the year, and a clear bright day, a 
 day, for example, in the Indian summer, and earth has not 
 anything to show more fair, in a mood of harmony between 
 the atmosphere and ocean, than the sea-views all along the 
 New England coast. Some of its harbors are of the finest 
 in the world ; but others, if they can be called such, re- 
 ceive unprotected the whole broadside of the Atlantic. 
 There is an inexhaustible and most romantic variety in the 
 bays, capes, beaches, inlets, islands, promontories, crags, 
 and marsh-meadows of its rock-bound shores. 
 
 The sweep of Cape Cod is a most remarkable forma- 
 tion. Since the creation of the world we know not what 
 use was ever made of it, till the May Flower was stopped 
 by it in her voyage, and compelled there to come to anchor. 
 An enthusiastic mind wanders over that whole region with 
 delight ; for here was the opening of a new dispensation 
 in the great things that connect earth with heaven ; a new 
 
PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 205 
 
 scene in the History of Redemption ; a new school, a free 
 school, of discipline and instruction for God's church. 
 Here the imaginative and romantic are combined v^^ith the 
 sternest realities, in the circle of Christian life, labor, and 
 experience, in the unfolding of God's plan. In process of 
 time there may be a new Christian Epic, and these rude 
 names and places of Cape Cod, Pakanokit, Patuxet, Naum- 
 keag, wall be among the central points of a region invested 
 with imaginative beauty, and fraught with rich and power- 
 ful associations ; so that by and by the Islands of the 
 Homeric seas, and the coasts of Palinurus' navigation, will 
 not possess a more poetic and classic interest. 
 
 From Cape Cod Harbor, leaving the May Flower there, 
 the Pilgrims set out on their exploring expeditions to find a 
 place of permanent settlement. They were anxious and 
 hurried, not only by the lateness of the season, on the 
 verge of winter, but by the actual danger of being set 
 ashore anywhere, at the will of the Captain of the little 
 ship, and abandoned of all human aid to tneir fate, even 
 before they had a single roof for shelter. There are one 
 or two passages in the Journal, which, combined with some 
 historical hints from other sources, have a great deal of 
 meaning in them, to open fully to our minds the hazardous 
 position of the Pilgrims. Of this nature is that note among 
 their reasons urged for a hasty settlement at Cape Cod, 
 namely : " it was also conceived, whilst we had competent 
 victuals, that the ship would stay with us ; but when that 
 grew less, they would be gone, and let us shift as we 
 could." It is quite evident from this, and from some other 
 indications, that they feared the ship-master, and had no 
 confidence in him ; which inclines us to give some credit 
 to the affirmation of Mr. Morton in his memorial, that the 
 May Flower was forced into Cope Cod harbor " more 
 especially by the fraudulency and contrivance of Mr. 
 Jones, the master of the ship ; for their intention, as is be- 
 fore noted, and his engagement, was to Hudson's river. 
 
206 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 But some of the Dutch having notice of their intentions, 
 and having thoughts about the same time of erecting a 
 plantation there Hkewise, they fraudulently hired the said 
 Jones, by delays v^^hile they w^ere in England, and now 
 under pretence of the danger of the shoals, &c., to disap- 
 point them of their going thither. But God outshoots 
 Satan oftentimes in his own bow."* 
 
 Be this as it may, they were in anxious haste for settle- 
 ment, and came near settling on the Cape itself. 
 
 " The master of the ship," says Mr. Morton, " and his 
 company, pressed them with speed to look out a place foi; 
 their settlement, at some near distance ; for the season was 
 such that he would not stir from thence, till a safe harbor 
 was discovered by them w^ith the boat. Yea, it was some- 
 times threatened that if they did not get a place in time, 
 they and their goods should be turned on shore, and the 
 ship should leave them. The master also expressed him- 
 self that provisions were spending apace, and that he 
 would keep sufficient for himself and company for their 
 return (to England)." 
 
 By the 10th of December, they had come in their ex- 
 plorings as far as Clark's Island, in Plymouth harbor ; so 
 called, because Thomas Clark, the mate of the May Flower, 
 first set foot upon it. They described this harbor as "a bay 
 greater than Cape Cod, compassed with a goodly land, and 
 in the bay two fine Islands uninhabited, wherein are nothing 
 but woods, oaks, pines, walnuts, beech, sassafras, vines, and 
 other trees which we know not. This bay is a most hope- 
 ful place ; innumerable store of fowl, and excellent food, 
 and cannot but be of fish in their seasons." Such was 
 Plymouth then, to their view very hopeful, and there they 
 determined to settle, and there landed on the Rock. In 
 the space of two hundred years, the localities have so far 
 changed, at least in the mantle thrown over them by time 
 and cultivation, that if the Pilgrims could rise from their 
 
 * Morton, New England's Memorial. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 207 
 
 graves at this day, they would hardly know the place of 
 their pilgrimage, especially if they should see sailless ships 
 rushing into the harbor against both wind and tide, and a 
 long train of cars thundering into the town upon the rail- 
 road. Doubtless they have seen all this progress from the 
 world of spirits, and are now beholding the future results 
 of it far more clearly, and from a higher post of observa- 
 tion than we. 
 
 And the Rock — Plymouth Rock — would they know the 
 place where they landed ? Under present circumstances, 
 one might make the circuit of the whole water-side of the 
 village, and scarce find granite data for even a guess as to 
 the spot so sacred now in the annals of New England. 
 When the shallop from the May Flower first touched that 
 spot it was an imperfect rocky ledge, partly covered with 
 the sea at high tide, but nov/ almost entirely hidden by 
 the earth of the street, and at some little distance from the 
 margin of the water. This sacred spot is in the gangway 
 to a wharf, between two store-houses for grain. Yet one 
 can see, on consideration, that if the buildings, with their 
 foundations, and the accumulated soil around them, were 
 taken away, together with the wharves that stretch out 
 beyond them, so that nature could be restored to the rude 
 simplicity and savageness of 1620, an admirable picture 
 might be drawn, not from imagination, but reality, of the 
 Pilgrims stepping from their shallop on the w^ave-worn 
 rock. 
 
 Nevertheless, the disappointment in the minds of most 
 persons, on visiting the spot as it now appears to the eye, 
 is very great. " What ! This the Pilgrim Rock !" they 
 exclaim, " this dusty lane and wharf-way between these 
 old store-houses ! Why, this is no rock at all." And 
 indeed, several tons of the Rock having been removed, 
 and the rest being nearly hidden with earth, there seems 
 to be nothing left. The huge fragment taken away is now 
 deposited in front of Pilgrim Hall, and is there surrounded 
 
208 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 by an iron railing, with the names of the Pilgrims inscribed 
 in ovals at the top. Perhaps it would be in better taste to 
 carry the fragment back to its native original position, 
 and there encircle it with whatever defences may be 
 requisite for its protection. There should be a park there, 
 down to the water's edge ; for where in the world out of 
 Judea or Egypt, is there a more sacred bit of soil, be it 
 rock or rich mould, than that which the feet of those men 
 first pressed, as the chosen spot where the home should be 
 of the free to worship God ? It is a solemn place ; the in- 
 congruities of the artificial scenery around it are of no 
 avail to diminish the impression, when the great reality 
 presses on the mind. It is felt to be a solemn spot, when, 
 on Forefathers' Day, the procession of men bare-headed 
 passes over it ; each man silently, reverently, as he ap- 
 proaches it, uncovering his head ; it is a time, place, and 
 scene, for thoughts much more easily imagined than 
 described. 
 
 To gain a satisfactory impression of the localities of Ply- 
 mouth Harbor, we must ascend the Burial Hill, which 
 rises, covered with its forest of grave stones, directly 
 above the terrace, where the Pilgrims laid out the first rude 
 street of their settlement. It is a very sacred spot in their 
 history, and the view from it is incomparably fine. The 
 town lies below you, around the bosom of the hill. A few 
 majestic elms and lindens rise in beautiful masses of foliage 
 among the buildings on the water side, but in general there 
 are few trees, until the eye passes into that noble ridge of 
 pine forest on the southeast, running out into the sea ; a 
 hill-range of the primeval wilderness, as deeply foliaged as 
 the Green Mountains, or the Jura range in Switzerland. 
 The wide harbor is before you, with a bar or spit of land 
 straight stretching across the centre of it, and dividing the 
 inner flats from the deep blue water beyond. I say the 
 wide harbor. And now it depends very much upon 
 the time of tide when you first enter the town, whether 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 209 
 
 you are greatly disappointed or pleased in the first impres- 
 sion. Plymouth harbor is one of those vast inlets so fre- 
 quent along our coast, where, at high tide, you see a mag- 
 nificent bay studded with islands, and opening proudly 
 into the open ocean ; but at low tide an immense extent of 
 muddy, salt-grassed, and sea-weeded shallows, with a 
 narrow stream winding its way among them to find the 
 sea. Here and there lies stranded the bark of a fisherman, 
 or a lumber schooner amidst the flats, left at low tide, 
 not high and dry, but half sunk in the mud ; and the wharves 
 are dripping with rotting seaw^eed, and the shores look 
 decaying and deserted ; not pebbly or sandy like a beach, 
 but swampy with eel grass, and strewn here and there 
 with the skeletons of old horse-fishes, crabs, muscles, &c., 
 among the withered layers of dry kelp. Now and then, 
 also, the red huts and fish-flakes of the fishermen vary the 
 scene upon the shore, or a small vessel, about as large as 
 the May Flower, slowly though with all sail set, follows 
 the course of the stream winding among the shallows, the 
 only channel at low tide, by which there is any approach 
 from the outer open bay, towards the quay or business 
 landing-place of the village. The extent of these flats and 
 shallows at Cape Cod and Plymouth, was the cause of 
 great evil and hardship at first ; for, speaking of Cape Cod 
 Bay, where the Pilgrims first came to anchor, they say : 
 " We could not come near the shore by three-quarters of 
 an English mile, because of shallow water, which was a 
 great prejudice to us, for our people, going on shore, were 
 forced to wade a bow-shoot or two in going a-land, which 
 caused many to get colds and coughs, for it was by times 
 freezing cold weather." In these colds and coughs were 
 the seed, to some of a speedy, to others a lingering, New 
 England consumption, which soon sowed the harbor side 
 with graves, almost as many as the names of the living. 
 
 Now this whole range of low tide scenery, to one who is 
 truly fond of the sea and the shore, in all their freaks, inlets, 
 
210 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 varieties, and grand and homely moods, is not without its 
 beauty. The poet Crabbe, or the Puritan poet, R. H. 
 Dana, would describe it in such interesting colors that it 
 would wear a most romantic charm ; the stranded boats, 
 and the mud flats, and the rotting sea weed, would have a 
 strange imaginative life put into them. Nevertheless, if 
 these are the first images of the landing of the Pilgrims 
 presented to you, you will experience, probably, a great 
 disappointment. 
 
 But now if you behold this same sweep of sea scenery 
 at high tide, beneath a clear sky, a bright sun, in the color- 
 ing of morn or evening, or in the solemn stillness of an 
 autumn noon, what an amazing change ! It is no longer 
 the same region. You would think it one of the finest har- 
 bors in the world. You would think it was the preference 
 and selection of the human will, after long searching, that 
 brought the Pilgrims hither, and not merely the hand and 
 compulsion of an overruling Providence. You would think 
 how easy and how natural for them to find their way just 
 to this landing-place ; and how beautiful and admirable the 
 region, for the thrift of a colony, both in commercial and 
 in country life. How differently God sees from man ! He 
 seems to have shut up the Pilgrims in this inlet, difficult of 
 access from the sea, and barren in the country, to set their 
 growth, firm and steadfast, amidst much tribulation, in 
 dependence neither on the riches of the land, nor the sea, 
 nor the attractions of commercial intercourse, but upon 
 himself alone. He hid them as in a tabernacle from ihh 
 strife of tongues, and let them grow, unperverted by the 
 admiring notice, and unassaulted by the temptations of a 
 wicked world. It was a costly growth, but glorious. 
 
 It must have been at high tide that the Pilgrims found 
 their way into this harbor. A sweet fresh stream, setting 
 into it from the land, was to them a great attraction, as 
 well as the abundance of fresh fountains. Had they been 
 able to survey the coast as far as Boston, before making 
 
•OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 211 
 
 choice of their settlement, they would probably have stopped 
 there, and the swift commercial growth that would thence 
 have succeeded the enterprise would not have been favor- 
 able to the growth of a deep-set piety, the fixtures of 
 stern, difficult, Puritan virtue in the character. Like New 
 England soil itself, there must be a granite basis first, and 
 then a sturdy, vigorous loam to last for many generations. 
 So the settlement and growth of the Pilgrim colonies was 
 at first slow, difficult, painful ; but so much the more rapid, 
 unprecedented, and successful afterwards. It was a native 
 growth. If there had been such a thing as steam commu- 
 nication then between England and America, there would 
 never have been a New England on this continent, as the 
 example of social, commercial, and religious virtue and 
 happiness for the world. Let us be thankful to God that 
 he kept the ocean between us and Europe for two hundred 
 years, before he lessened the distance or the difficulty of 
 its navigation, or permitted the tide of an ignorant and 
 vicious emigration to set with such fury upon us, as would 
 have destroyed our infant institutions in the bud. 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 INSTRUCTIVE DTSCIPLINE OF TFIE PILGRIM CHURCH AT AMSTER- 
 DAM. ORIGINAL ORDER AND BEAUTY OF THE CHURCHES 
 
 THERE. EVILS OF DISSENSION, AND OF MtNUTE LEGISLA- 
 TION. THE FORBEARING AND KINDLY SPIRIT OF THE PIL- 
 GRIM CHURCH. 
 
 Together with Robinson and Brewster, there is mention 
 in Governor Bradford's writings of a grave and fatherly- 
 old man, having a great white beard ; a sound, orthodox, 
 reverend old man, who had converted many to God by his 
 faithful and painstaking ministry, both in preaching and 
 catechizing. This was Mr. Richard Clifton, one of the 
 earliest members in that Congregational Church in the 
 North of England, of which Mr. Robinson was chosen the 
 Pastor. Mr. Clifton accompanied the Church in its exile 
 to Amsterdam, but on account of his great age did not 
 remove with it from Amsterdam to Ley den, but took his 
 dismission from them to join the Church in Amsterdam. 
 In that church there were at one time about three hundred 
 communicants, under the care of two eminent men as their 
 Pastor and Teacher, Mr. Johnson and Mr. Ainsworth. In 
 the time of their beauty and order, before the canker of 
 division and bitterness, they were a flourishing church, 
 having " four grave men for ruling elders, and three able 
 and godly men for deacons, and one ancient widow for 
 deaconess, who did them service many years, though she 
 
PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 213 
 
 was sixty years of age when she was chosen. She ho- 
 noured her place, and was an ornament to the congregation." 
 The Leyden ('hurch does not seem to have kept up any 
 such office or service as this latter. The notice of it by 
 Gov. Bradford is very curious, reminding one of the 
 pictures in Shenstone's Schoolmistress. 
 
 Her cap, fur whiter than the driven snow. 
 Emblem right meet of decency does yield ; 
 Her apron dyed in grain, as blue, I trow. 
 As is the harebell that adorns the field ; 
 And in her hand for sceptre she does wield 
 Tway birchen sprays; with anxious fear entwined, 
 With dark distrust and sad repentance filled ; 
 And steadfast hate, and sharp affliction joined, 
 And fury uncontrolled, and chastisement unkind. 
 
 Here oft the dame, on Sabbath's decent eve. 
 Hymned such Psalms as Sternhold forth did mete ; 
 If winter 'tv^'ere, she to her hearth did cleave, 
 But in her garden found a summer seat ; 
 Sweet melody ! to hear her then repeat 
 Hov^' Israel's sons, beneath a foreign king, 
 While taunting foemen did a song entreat, 
 All for the nonce untuning every string, 
 Uphung their useless lyres — small heart had they to sing. 
 
 For she was just, and friend to virtuous lore. 
 And passed much time in truly virtuous deed ; 
 And in those elfins' ears would oft deplore 
 The times when truth by Popish rage did bleed. 
 And tortuous death was true devotion's meed ; 
 And simple faith in iron chains did mourn 
 That would on wooden image place her creed ; 
 And many a saint in smouldering flames did burn ; 
 Ah ! dearest Lord, forefend thilk days should e'er return. 
 
 Right well she knew each temper to descry. 
 To thwart the proud, and the submiss to raise; 
 Some with vile copper-prize exalt on high, 
 And some entice with pittance small of praise ; 
 And other some with baleful sprig she frays ; 
 
214 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Even absent she the reins of power doth hold, 
 
 While with quaint arts the giddy crowd she sways ; 
 
 Forewarned, if Uttle bird their pranks behold, 
 'Twill whisper in her ear, and all the scene unfold. 
 
 Lo, now with state she utters her command, 
 
 Eftsoons the urchins to their tasks repair. 
 
 Their books of stature small they take in hand, 
 
 Which with pellucid horn secured are. 
 
 To save from fingers wet the letters fair ; 
 
 The work so gay, that on their back is seen, 
 
 St. George's high achievements does declare ; 
 
 On which tliilk wight that has ygazing been 
 Kens the forth-coming rod, unpleasing sight I ween. 
 
 Not unlike this must have been the character of the 
 venerable deaconess, in whose rule as a Mother in Israel, 
 with maidens and young women, among the poor and sick, 
 or by birchen rod, and on Bench of State, among the chil- 
 dren, in time of public worship, there was not a little of 
 the simplicity of primitive discipline. She was a mild 
 reflection to the urchins of that day, of the image of the 
 old-fashioned Connecticut Tythingmen. 
 
 "She usually sat in a convenient place in the congrega- 
 tion," says Gov. Bradford, "with a little birchen rod in 
 her hand, and kept little children in great awe from dis- 
 turbing the congregation. She did frequently visit the 
 sick and weak, especially women, and as there w^as need 
 called out maids and young women to watch, and do them 
 other helps as their necessity did require; and if they 
 were poor, she would gather relief for them of those who 
 were able, or acquaint the deacons : and she was obeyed 
 as a mother in Israel and an officer of Christ." 
 
 There are such mothers in Israel still, by virtue of deep 
 and well-known piety, and old experience, but without the 
 title and distinction of office. The reality of deaconesses 
 has not passed out of the churches, although the office 
 has. Yet now in some parts of the modern Evangelical 
 Church efforts are making to revive it. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 215 
 
 But notwithstanding all this beauty and order in the 
 church at Amsterdam, the spirit of discord broke out 
 among them, and in such a way that one is inclined to 
 think that the providence of God led the Pilgrim Church 
 with Robinson and Brewster to Amsterdam first, that by 
 the example of such ruinous dissensions from little causes 
 before them, they might hate and vigilantly avoid the 
 same ; that they might love peace above all other things 
 except the truth, and that they might ever be charitable 
 and yielding in little and indifferent things, and might seek 
 the things which make for peace, and those whereby one 
 might edify another. This they did, remarkably, being an 
 eminent example of uninterrupted love, kindness, disinte- 
 restedness, freedom, liberality, and concord with one ano- 
 ther. We cannot doubt that their sojourn at Amsterdam, 
 and the melancholy example of the fire of contention 
 there, with the still older and more sadly instructive case 
 at Frankfort, was of great benefit to them ; it admonished 
 them of the ways in which Satan, if permitted, would get 
 an advantage over them ; it made them acquainted with 
 his devices, and put them on their guard against the spirit 
 of envy, jealousy, censoriousness, and bitterness in their 
 own hearts, that if they found it working they might at 
 once, by the help of Christ's grace, cast it out. The beau- 
 tiful, apostolic, gentle, and heavenly tenor of Robinson's 
 instructions on these points, and the frequency with which 
 he repeated them, and dwelt upon them, and warned his 
 dear flock, both at Leyden, and in the wilderness, to be on 
 their defence and to guard unceasingly against the spirit of 
 self-prejudice, self opinion, self-seeking, self-obstinacy in 
 every way, and to be kindly and forbearing in regard to 
 the humors, peculiarities, and causes of minor offence, 
 which they might see in others, grew much out of his ex- 
 perience there ; and out of God's discipline and grace, teach- 
 ing him to flee from discussion and contention about minute 
 rules, and things indifferent, and pets of private opinion, 
 
216 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 as the very bane or gangrene of a vital, vigorous, com- 
 prehensive piety. 
 
 In that church of God at Amsterdam, there were some 
 unreasonable, if not wicked men, given to oppositions of 
 self-will and vain janglings about mint, anise, and cum- 
 min, how many ribbons a woman should wear upon her 
 bonnet, and other like things : and among these self-opi- 
 nionated men were the father and brother of the Pastor 
 himself, Mr. Johnson, arrayed against his own wife, for 
 what they judged to be her pride in apparel. These men 
 carried their opposition and bitterness to such unreasonable 
 and endless length, with such evil accompaniments as 
 would naturally grow out of such a spirit of incessant 
 strife, that the church, after long patience towards them, 
 and much pains taken with them, proceeded at last to ex- 
 communicate them ; probably as the only possible means 
 of getting rid of the evil, and avoiding utter ruin ; for 
 Governor Bradford says that such was the justice of 
 the excommunication, that the Pastor himself could not 
 but consent thereto, although for that he was much blamed, 
 as having excommunicated his own father and brother. 
 And indeed it was a case of difficulty that would have put 
 Paul himself in a perplexity : although, from the manifest 
 indignation of the Apostle against such a spirit of Dio- 
 trephesianism in the church, and of meddling and busy- 
 hodiness in other men's matters, and obstinacy and strife, 
 and insolent judgment of others' opinions, we may be quite 
 clear how he would have acted. But this flame of strife, 
 together with the subtilty of one of the elders of the 
 church, produced most painful and injurious consequences. 
 
 And yet Governor Bradford says that the wife of the 
 Pastor, against whom all this wrath of censoriousness and 
 self-opinion was directed, was a most excellent and grave 
 matron, and very modest both in her apparel and all her 
 demeanor, ready to any good works in her place, and help- 
 ful to many, especially the poor, and an ornament to the 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES. AND PERSONS. 217 
 
 Pastor's calling. She was a young widow when he mar- 
 ried her, having been the wile of a merchant, so that he 
 received by her a good estate, besides that she was truly a 
 godly woman ; but because she continued to wear such 
 apparel as she had ever been used to, these meddlers and 
 men of strife broke out against her. And yet Mr. Brad- 
 ford tells us that her apparel was neither excessive nor 
 immodest, and that their chiefest exceptions were against 
 her w^earing corked shoes for her feet, and whalebone in 
 the bodice and sleeves of her gown, and other such like 
 things as the citizens of her rank then used to wear. But 
 not only so, but both the Pastor and his wife were willing, 
 for the sake of avoiding offence, to reform the fashions of 
 their garments, so far as they could without spoiling of 
 them ; yet all would not content the offended and opposing 
 ones, " except they came full up to their size." Such was 
 the excessive rigidness of some in those times ; of which 
 Robinson and his church seem to have taken good caution, 
 by seeing the dreadful evils resulting from such a course in 
 the church of God. 
 
 The violence of some men's tempers, says Mr. Hubbard 
 quaintly and truly, in his History of New England, while 
 dwelling on some such occasion, — the violence of some 
 men's tempers makes them raise debates, when debates do 
 not justly offer themselves, and like mill-stones they grind one 
 another, when they want other grist. In some of the churches 
 of the New England colonies there were from time to time 
 such men, as also there were here and there very needless 
 causes of disputation and legislation on things indifferent, 
 as concerninG^ the duty of women to wear veils ; but the 
 church at Plymouth was remarkably free from this dis- 
 putatious and uncharitable spirit ; they had a disposition 
 and character of forbearance and freedom to be attributed 
 to God's peculiar discipline with them, and to the experience 
 and instruction of their beloved Pastor. Take, however, 
 all the instances of sectarian or oppressive legislation or 
 
 10 
 
218 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 usage in the whole history of the New England churches 
 from their foundation, and there can be found nothing to 
 compare with the inquisitorial minuteness and tyrannical 
 severity with which the Church of England legislated on 
 men's garments, sports, and manners, enforcing her rubrics 
 on pain of imprisonment and death. All the fabled Blue 
 Laws of Connecticut, though their falsehoods were en- 
 larged into volumes, would be nothing in absurdity and 
 cruelty compared with the actual laws which filled the 
 statute books of the Establishment, and set an example to 
 the Pilgrims of Plymouth, and the other colonists, w^hich it 
 is wonderful they had the wisdom and the piety so wholly 
 to avoid. The examples before them were all of intole- 
 rance and oppression ; the model, which was original with 
 them, which they themselves struck out and gradually 
 brought to perfection, that of freedom, forbearance, kind- 
 ness, and good sense. They put the weightier matters of 
 the law uppermost, love, mercy, and faith, and gave to the 
 mint, anise, and cummin a subordinate and just position 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE LIFE, CHARACTER, AND ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR 
 BRADFORD. 
 
 Governor Bradford deserves, as he possesses, a memo- 
 rial of the deepest veneration and love, in the hearts of all 
 w^ho know his character. The colony at Plymouth, perhaps, 
 owed more of its prosperity to him, under God, than to any 
 other one man or many friends, either there or in England. 
 His character was not unlike that of Washington ; nay, 
 there is a very striking resemblance. He was placed in 
 emergencies and perils, as the leader of the colony, very 
 similar in kind, though different in form and circumstance, 
 to some of those through which Washington passed with 
 such consummate prudence ; with equal self-possession and 
 prudence, with a piety relying solely upon God, did Brad- 
 ford guide the ship of the infant colony through the 
 breakers. He was a man whose natural stamp of charac- 
 ter was very much like Franklin's ; but in him a calm and 
 noble nature w^as early renewed and enriched by grace, 
 and brought under its supreme dominion ; not left to attach 
 itself to earth only, or to exhibit the qualities of a sage in 
 the wisdom of mere mortal humanity. 
 
 He was born, according to Cotton Mather, in an obscure 
 village called Austerfield, in England, in the year 1588 ; a 
 
220 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 place where the people were ignorant, licentious, and quite 
 unacquainted with the Bible, as any man will see reason to 
 believe, who reads John Foster's description of popular 
 ignorance in England under the reign of Elizabeth. He 
 inherited a comfortable patrimony, but his parents died in 
 his childhood, and left him to be educated by his grand 
 parents and uncles, simply in the affairs of husbandry. In 
 after years he regarded it as a blessing of God's Providence 
 that early and long continued sickness preserved him from 
 the vanities, and perhaps excesses of the period of youthful 
 temptation, amidst so many vicious and depraved examples. 
 
 It was probably the confinement of his illness that led 
 him to the perusal of the Scriptures, for at the age of 
 twelve years his mind began to be much impressed with 
 the reading of them, and prepared for the rich evangelical 
 instructions he was afterwards to enjoy. In the neighbor- 
 hood of his native inheritance, or not far from it, a man of 
 true piety and acquaintance with God's word exercised 
 his ministry, an illuminating ministry, as it is called by Cotton 
 Mather, with much fruit of his labors in the conversion of 
 many to God. We are not told whether he had a curacy or 
 preferment of any kind in the Church of England, but as 
 Yorkshire was one of the counties in which the Churches 
 of the Puritans began earliest to be gathered, and in which 
 the persecution against them under Queen Elizabeth raged 
 most fiercely, we suppose, from the character given of his 
 ministry, that he must have been, at the time of Bradford's 
 first acquaintance with him, one of the non-conforming 
 ministers scourged out of office. He was one of the earliest 
 members of the Pilgrim Church at its gathering in 1602, 
 and at the time of their exile into Holland, Mr. Bradford 
 describes him as a grave, fatherly, reverend old man and 
 faithful preacher, with a great white beard. 
 
 It was about 1600 that Bradford, with his youthful 
 heart fresh under the simple and deep impressions received 
 from God's Word, came to the enjoyment of Mr. Clifton's 
 
 I 
 
OF PRLVCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 221 
 
 teachings. Very much like Richard Baxter in the period 
 of his earliest religious anxieties, he was much aided by 
 the conversation of a young person, then apparently a true 
 Christian, but afterwards an apostate, who introduced him 
 to the company of others of similar views and feelings with 
 his own. And now he began to be scoffed at by his 
 neighbors and uncles as a Puritan, but nothing could 
 divert him from his course, or interrupt the progress of the 
 work of God's Spirit within him. Like Christian in his 
 first awakening in the City of Destruction, he was too 
 deeply anxious, saw too clearly the worth, the guilt, and 
 the ruin of his soul, to be turned aside by the jeering of the 
 idle and profane, even though they were of his own house- 
 hold. And very soon, by the unchristian nature of the 
 persecutions raging around him, he and his fellow-disciples 
 of Christ, after sundry years of patient endurance of trial, 
 were led to see by the light of God's Word that the cere- 
 monies imposed upon them were, in such penal imposition, 
 unlawful, and that the tyrannous power of the prelates 
 ought not to be submitted to, being contrary to the freedom 
 of the gospel, compulsorily burdening men's consciences 
 with a profane mixture of persons and things in God's 
 worship. By reading, by discourse, and prayer, they were 
 led to question whether they ought not to form a separate 
 church and society of the faithful, who should keep close 
 to the written word of God as the rule of their worship. 
 They were at length brought to the determination that 
 they both might and ought thus enter into a voluntary 
 church covenant with Christ and with one another, to 
 walk in his ways, whatever it might cost them. And thus 
 was the Pilgrim Church gathered from the counties of 
 York, Lincoln, and NottinghaiTi. 
 
 Bradford himself passed through many distresses of mind 
 as to his own duty, but at length, in God's mercy, saw it 
 very clearly, and engaged in it without the least hesitation. 
 " He took up," says Cotton Mather, " a very deliberate and 
 
222 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLbSTRAriO^'S 
 
 understanding resolution," v/hich he cheerfully prosecuted, 
 although the rage of his friends and relatives tried all 
 imaginable ways to reclaim him from his madness. Some 
 lamented him, some derided him, all dissuaded him; but 
 he was no Pliable to be turned back by the Slough, either 
 of importunity or persecution, and the more they vexed 
 him, the more fervent grew his purpose, and the more 
 earnestly and resolutely he persevered. He answered 
 their arguments and reproaches thus : " Were I like to 
 endanger my life, or consume my estate by any ungodly 
 courses, your counsels to me were very seasonable ; but 
 you know that I have been diligent and provident in my 
 calling, and not only desirous to augment what I have, but 
 also to enjoy it in your company ; to part from which will 
 be as great an evil as can befall me. Nevertheless, to 
 keep a good conscience, and walk in such a way as God 
 has prescribed in his word, is a thing which I must prefer 
 before you all, and above life itself. Wherefore, since it is 
 for a good cause that I am like to suffer the disasters which 
 you lay before me, you have no cause to be either angry 
 with me or sorry for me. Yea, T am not only willing to 
 part with everything that is dear to me in this world for 
 this cause, but I am also thankful that God has given me a 
 heart so to do, and will accept me so to suffer for him." 
 
 From 1602 to 1606 Bradford remained with the church, 
 a partaker of their afflictions in the gospel, which, towards 
 the end of that period, were many and grievous to be borne. 
 After their division into two congregations the Pilgrim 
 church contrived to elude the malice of* their persecutors, 
 by meetings appointed froiii one place to another, as they 
 could, so that for about a year they succeeded in maintain- 
 ing worship every Sabbath. But this could not last, and 
 at length, by joint consent, they resolved to flee into Hol- 
 land. But even this short passage they did not accomplish 
 without the extremest difficulty and hardship, encountering 
 pillage, prisons, and almost death in the way. All the 
 
OF PRLXCIPLES, PKOVIDEx\CES, AND PERSONS 223 
 
 ports and havens in England were shut upon them, so that 
 they were forced to escape secretly, by bribing the sailors, 
 and likewise paying extravagant sums for conveyance. 
 
 The first attempt made by Bradford was in company 
 with a large number of the church, who hired a ship at 
 Boston wholly for themselves, and engaged the master to 
 take them at a particular day. After long waiting and 
 large expenses, the mercenary wretch, having laid a plot 
 on shore to betray them, came by night and got them with 
 their goods on board, and then gave them up to the inso- 
 lence of the catchpole officers, who cast them into open 
 boats, rifled them of their money, books, and goods, hurried 
 them back with much indecency, both men and women, 
 amidst a crowd of gazers and scoffers, into the town, and 
 there threw them all into prison. Seven of them, among 
 whom was Elder Brewster, were kept imprisoned and 
 bound over to the assizes, but the greater part were 
 released, and sent back to their native villages in the space 
 of about a month. 
 
 Bradford was now eighteen years of age, elastic, and 
 full of the courage and hope of youth amidst all these difli- 
 culties. The next spring, in 1608, they made another 
 attempt, and hired a Dutchman at Hull to take them over; 
 but on the appointed day, by the time a single boat-load of 
 the men had been got on board (the bark being grounded, 
 and so delayed, in which the women and children w^ere 
 placed, with the goods to be conveyed to the ship), the 
 whole country was out in pursuit of them, horse and foot, 
 as against a foreign invasion. When the Dutch captain 
 saw that, he svyore his country's oath, weighed anchor and 
 made sail instantly, without any regard to the distress of 
 the poor men thus separated from their wives and children, 
 or of the poor w^omen and children thus left unprotected 
 on the shore. Meantime a tremendous storm arose of 
 fourteen days' endurance, in which they w^ere driven even 
 to the coast of Norway ; neither sun, moon, nor stars were 
 
224 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 visible for seven days ; but at length, by the mercy of God, 
 after imminent peril of foundering, they reached port in 
 safety. There also the women and children whom they 
 had left behind them, after being driven about from one 
 constable to another, in endurance of much distress and 
 suffering, were at length permitted to join them ; and the 
 rest of their brethren, after great storms of opposition, and 
 " notable passages of trouble in wanderings and travels by 
 sea and by land, got over at last, some at one time and 
 some at another, and met together again with no small 
 rejoicing." 
 
 But here they were, in the midst of a strange city, at 
 Amsterdam, unacquainted at first with the trades and 
 traffic by which the country doth subsist, having been used 
 only to " a plain country life, and the innocent trade of 
 husbandry." Their perplexities and trials must have been 
 very great. Bradford betook himself at once to learning 
 the art of working or dyeing in silks. Then at the end of 
 two years, so soon as his age permitted him to do it, when 
 the church had removed to Leyden, he converted his 
 estate in England into ready money and set up for himself. 
 But in his business he met with disappointments and losses, 
 which he received as God's checks and chastisements, 
 because he had, in the midst of worldly cares, " suffered 
 his inward piety to fall into certain decays ;" the consump- 
 tion of his estate. Cotton Mather tells, he thought came to 
 prevent a consumption in his virtue. 
 
 When the Pilgrim Church was translated from Leyden 
 to Plymouth, Bradford was 32 years of age. Both with 
 his estate, what there was of it remaining, and his personal 
 activity, he must have been of the most invaluable service 
 amidst all the business, harassments, and difficulties of their 
 preparation for the voyage. He had been married in Eng- 
 land, and had at least one child living. Notwithstanding 
 the sickness and disadvantages of his childhood, and the 
 various changes, interruptions, and adventures of his life. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 225 
 
 he had acquired an excellent education, especially in the 
 languages. He was master of the Dutch tongue, almost as 
 his vernacular dialect ; the French was familiar to him ; 
 the Latin and Greek he had learned thoroughly ; but above 
 all he most diligently studied the Hebrew, because, as he 
 said, he would see with his own eyes the ancient oracles of 
 God in their native beauty. He had mingled much with 
 men of various classes, habits, opinions, and pursuits, and 
 had learned to bear with the prejudices of his neighbors, 
 and to avoid the spirit of obstinacy and intolerance, es- 
 pecially in indifferent things, while yet he held firmly, 
 without the least abatement, to the truth. His experience 
 in Amsterdam and Leyden, as well as the admirable in- 
 structions and example of his Pastor, had taught him much 
 heavenly wisdom, and he could discern and note the evil 
 tendencies and extremes, not only of intolerant superstition 
 and formalism in the church party, but of unnecessary and 
 uncharitable ria^idness in his own. 
 
 He gives a curious illustration of the manners and pre- 
 judices of his own times and native region in England. 
 He says he was in the company of a godly man who had 
 been long time a prisoner at Norwich for Christ's sake, but 
 was set at liberty by Judge Cooke. After going into the 
 country and visiting his friends, this man was returning to 
 pass over into the Low Countries by ship at Yarmouth, 
 and there desired Mr. Bradford and some others to go with 
 him to the house of an ancient woman in the city, who had 
 been very kind and helpful to him in his sufferings. The 
 eyes of the good woman were dim and almost blind with 
 age, but she knew the voice of her friend, and made him 
 very welcome, and those who were with him. After some 
 time of their entertainment, when they were ready to de- 
 part, she came to her old guest, and felt of his band at the 
 neck-cloth, and perceiving it was something stiffened with 
 starch, she was much displeased, and reproved him very 
 sharply, fearing God would not prosper his journey. Poor 
 
 10* 
 
226 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 woman, the starch was more in her heart than in the man's 
 neck-cloth, and she herself was all unconsciously in that 
 particular, under the rueful influence of the mint and anise 
 system of the Pharisees. For the man was a plain coun- 
 tryman, clad in grey russet, without either welt or guard, 
 as the proverb is, and the band he wore was scarce worth 
 three pence, and what is more, it was made of his wife's 
 own home-spinning ; and he was as godly and humble 
 as he was plain. Governor Bradford, in relating this story, 
 shows very clearly what he thought of this good lady's un- 
 reasonable strictness, and he asks, what would such profes- 
 sors, if they were now living, say to the excess of our 
 times ? 
 
 At the age of thirty-two, with a ripeness of experience, 
 a vigor of judgment, a strength and energy of purpose, and 
 at the same time a mildness, charitableness, and patience of 
 temper, which fitted him for a foremost part in the great 
 enterprise of the Pilgrims, Mr. Bradford embarked with 
 them, and gave himself and his means unsparingly to all 
 the labors of the undertaking. The humility, the forbear- 
 ance, the entire absence of all disposition to rule, which 
 marked the characters of these men, is wonderful. Carver 
 was chosen their first Governor, but God had been prepar- 
 ing for them a permanent leader and councillor, in Brad- 
 ford, when the object of their first choice was so early and 
 suddenly taken away. He had all the qualities which 
 fitted him to command, while he seemed but to follow. 
 Cotton Mather remarks most truly that if he had not been 
 a person of more than ordinary wisdom, courage, and piety, 
 he must have sunk under the difficulties of the first year of 
 the colony. It is interesting and instructive minutely to 
 trace his steps as they are recorded first in the Journal of 
 the Pilgrims, and afterwards in the accurate annals of 
 Prince. You are tracing the biography of an unassuming, 
 unconscious Christian hero. 
 
 With the Pilgrims in Holland, and indeed with all their 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 227 
 
 unfoldings of character and enterprise, until they are set 
 down in the untrodden wilds of their empire of industry 
 and piety, in the New World, Governor Bradford is rather 
 connected by his own history of the Church, than by any 
 prominent events in which he himself was foremost. 
 There are passages in his history where he writes evidently 
 as an eyewitness, and w^e think of him as present and 
 taking a part, but not because he is named. The embarka- 
 tion of the Pilgrims at Delft Haven is linked with the 
 remembrance both of Bradford and Winslow, because they 
 have each described it in such simple, unaffected language, 
 with the feelings of the heart. They were both marked 
 personages in that scene " of interest unparalleled, that 
 scene of fev/ and simple incidents, just the setting out of a 
 handful of not then very famous persons, on a voyage ; 
 but which, as w^e gaze on it, begins to speak to you as with 
 the voices and melodies of an immortal hymn, which dilates 
 and becomes idealized into the auspicious going forth of a 
 colony, whose planting lias changed the history of the 
 world ; — a noble colony of devout Christians, educated, 
 firm men, valiant soldiers, and honorable women ; a colony, 
 on the commencement of whose heroic enterprise the 
 selectest influences of religion seemed to be descending 
 visibly ; and beyond whose perilous path are hung the 
 rainbow and the w^estern star of empire." * 
 
 From the time when Governor Bradford enters upon his 
 administration of the affairs of the colony, year after year 
 its history is his. He was in an eminent degree the moving 
 and guiding genius of the enterprise. His conduct towards 
 the Indians was marked with such wisdom, energy, and 
 kindness, that he soon gained a powerful influence over 
 them. With the people of the colony, not merely his first 
 fellow-pilgrims, but all that came successively afterwards, 
 he had equal authority and power, without the necessity of 
 assuming it. The most heedless among them seem to have 
 
 * Hon. Rufus Choate'3 New England Society Address 
 
228 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 feared and respected him. He set them all at work, and 
 would have none idle in the community, being resolved 
 that if any v^^ould not work, neither should they eat. Cotton 
 Mather gives an account of a company of young fellows 
 newly arrived, who were very unwilling to comply with 
 his orders, or rather with the arrangements of the Colony, 
 for working in the fields on the public account. But on 
 Christmas Day they excused themselves from the labors of 
 the public industry, under pretence that it was against their 
 conscience to do any work on that day. The Governor 
 told them if that were the case, he would spare them till 
 they were better informed ; but soon afterwards he found 
 them all at play in the street, hard at work upon their 
 diversions, as if in obedience to the Book of Sports. That 
 being the case, he very quietly took away the instruments 
 of their games, and gave them to understand that he had a 
 conscience as well as they, and that it was against his 
 conscience as the Governor that they should play while the 
 others w^ere at work ; so that, if they had any devotion to 
 the day, they should show it at home, in the exercise of 
 religion, and not in the street, with their pastime and 
 frolics. The reproof was as effectual as it was happy, and 
 the Governor was plagued with no more such tender con- 
 sciences.* 
 
 His administration of affairs as connected with the Mer- 
 chant Adventurers, w^as a model of firmness, patience, 
 forbearance, energy, and enterprise. With a few others, 
 as we have seen, he took the whole trade of the Colony 
 into his hands, with the assumed responsibility of paying 
 off all their debts, and the benevolent determination to 
 bring over the rest of their brethren from Leyden. His 
 activity in the prosecution of this great undertaking w^as 
 indefatigable. Meanwhile, no other business, either of tlie 
 piety or civil polity of the Colony, was neglected. He 
 made such arrangements, in conjunction with his brethren, 
 * Mather's Magnalia, Vol. i. 103. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 229 
 
 to redeem their labor from the hopelessness of its condi- 
 tions in the Adventuring copartnership under which they 
 were bound for the seven years' contract with the Mer- 
 chants, as inspired them all speedily with new life and 
 courage. Under the pressure of the famine his example 
 was as a star of hope, for he never yielded to despondency ; 
 and while with Brewster he threw them upon God for 
 support and provision, he set in motion every possible 
 instrumentality for procuring supplies. He went in person 
 with parties among the Indians for corn, and took part 
 himself in every labor. There was a time amidst the 
 sharpest pressure of the famine, when they had but one 
 boat for their fishing expeditions, and were compelled to 
 divide their little force into several companies, to go out 
 and fish by turns, with absence of five or six days together, 
 rather than return empty handed, the others meanwhile 
 employing themselves in digging for shellfish. This was 
 the time when for months together they had neither bread 
 nor corn, and knew not, when they lay down at night, 
 where they should find a morsel of food for the morrow, 
 nor in the morning where they should provide for the day. 
 This was the time when Mr. Winslow says that at noon- 
 day he had seen men stagger at their work, by reason of 
 faintness for want of food. Yet was the temper of the 
 Colony characterized by " cheerfulness and rest on Provi- 
 dence," and in no little measure because of the serenity 
 and patience of their leader. It was a period that de- 
 manded the highest qualities of a commander in unwearied 
 exercise. 
 
 So it was when the colony was surrounded with con- 
 spiracies, and nourished them at one time, by the treachery 
 of men in England, even in its own bosom. The prudence, 
 sagacity, and energy of Governor Bradford on such occa- 
 sions may be seen in the chapter detailing the treachery of 
 Lyford. The fearless deportment of the Governor and 
 the Colony towards the threatening tribes of Indians was 
 
230 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 no small cause of their security ; "we all the while," says 
 Mr. Whislow, " knowing our own weakness, notwithstand- 
 ing our high words and lofty looks towards them." It 
 seemed a time of mortal peril, when Canonicus, the Sachem 
 of the Narragansetts, sent to the Governor his savage defi- 
 ance and declaration of war, a bundle of new arrows 
 lapped in the skin of a rattlesnake. Having learned the 
 meaning of this from the friendly Squanto, " the Governor, 
 after some deliberation," says Mr. Winslow, " stuffed the 
 skin with powder and shot" and sent it back to Canonicus 
 with the message that if he had shipping in the harbor to 
 send his men at once to the Narragansetts they should have 
 no need to come to Plymouth, and come when they might, 
 they should neither be unwelcome nor unlooked for. The 
 messasre was sent bv an Indian, and was delivered in such 
 sort that it struck no small terror into the savage king ; in- 
 somuch that he dared not even touch the powder and shot, 
 nor would suffer it to stay in his house or country. " Where- 
 upon the messenger refusing it, another took it up ; and 
 having been posted from place to place a long time, at 
 length it came whole back again."* 
 
 In the spiritual prosperity of the Colony, Governor 
 Bradford took an incessant and most anxious interest, 
 possessing in himself, in no small degree, the wisdom and 
 temper of his beloved Pastor Robinson. Under him and 
 Brewster the Plymouth Church maintained their superiori- 
 ty in the liberality and independence of their views above 
 all the other colonies. The answer which the Governor 
 made to their slanderers in England, in regard to their 
 church policy and customs, breathed the very spirit of 
 scriptural wisdom and freedom so remarkable in the part- 
 ing discourse of Robinson to the Pilgrims. " Whereas 
 you would tie us up to the French discipline in every cir- 
 cumstance, you derogate from the liberty we have in 
 Christ Jesus. The apostle Paul would have none to follow 
 
 * Winslow's Relation in Young's Chronicles, 2S3. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 231 
 
 him in anything but wherein he follows Christ; much less 
 ought any Christian or church in the world to do it. The 
 French may err, we may err, other churches may err, and 
 doubtless do in many circumstances. That honor there- 
 fore belongs only to the infallible word of God, and pure 
 Testament of Christ, to be propounded and followed as 
 the only rule and pattern for direction herein to all churches 
 and Christians. And it is too great arrogancy for any man 
 or church to think that he or they have so sounded the 
 Word of God unto the bottom, as precisely to set down 
 the church's discipline without error in substance or cir- 
 cumstance, that no other without blame may digress or 
 differ in anything from the same. And it is not difficult to 
 show that the Reformed churches differ in many circum- 
 tances among themselves." * 
 
 Cotton Mather remarks that Governor Bradford was 
 well skilled in History, Antiquity, Philosophy, and Theolo- 
 gy ; and indeed his works bear witness to this, especially 
 that admirable Dialogue on Church Policy and freedom, 
 which was copied by Secretary Morton into the Records 
 of the Church at Plymouth, and at length printed by Dr. 
 Young in his valuable (chronicles of the Pilgrims. In that, 
 as in the interesting Memoir of Elder Brewster, and other 
 pieces, the author shows command of a natural, excellent, 
 iSaxon style, a fine, free, unprejudiced habit of thought, a 
 benevolent heart, good sense, and deep Christian feeling. 
 His habits of study must have been something remarkable, 
 amidst all his cares and public responsibilities. We owe 
 an inestimable benefit to his piety, his fine mind, and his 
 public spirit, with his love of truth, for preserving and re- 
 cording so much of the early history of the Pilgrims and 
 the Colony, that otherwise must have been almost wholly 
 lost. The greater part even of his own original writings 
 are gone from existence, though most providentially not 
 till they had been gleaned from, abridged, or copied, in a 
 
 * Mather's Magnalia, vol. i. 104. 
 
232 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 great degree, in the writings of others, who had access to 
 his manuscripts. He was a man of indefatigable industry, 
 and of great method and accuracy. The loss of his Let- 
 ter Book, from which some extracts will be given in ano- 
 ther chapter, and which must have been a copy of the 
 man himself, as well as of the business of the Colony and 
 the correspondence of others, must ever be greatly de- 
 plored. 
 
 Sixty years after the arrival of the May Flower in New 
 England, wdth the members of the infant colony, there were 
 still left living twelve persons, who came over in that 
 memorable bark. Twelve grains of that precious seed 
 corn, not yet put into the ground for the resurrection by 
 the Lord of the harvest ! The number is remarkable, 
 when it is considered that in the very first perilous year of 
 the enterprise, no less than half died out of the one hundred 
 first Pilgrims. At the close of these sixty years, in 1680, 
 Nathaniel Morton, Secretary of the Colony Court, and 
 then 68 years of age, set himself to the work of recording 
 "the first beginning and after progress of the Church of 
 Christ, at Plymouth, in New England." Eleven years 
 before, in 1669, he had published a history of the Colony 
 entitled New England's Memorial, taken from a manu- 
 script history by Governor Bradford, which the Governor 
 began to write as early as the year 1630. Gov. Bradford 
 died in 1657, and his work, in 270 folio pages, having 
 never been published, though preserved up to the time of 
 the Revolutionary War, w^as then lost. Secretary Morton 
 had this work before him, in preparing the history which 
 he published in 1680, and Dr. Young thinks, from the com- 
 parison of different extracts, as well as from the note b}^ 
 Morton, stating the matter before him to have been ori- 
 ginally penned by Bradford, that in the main it is Brad- 
 ford's veritable unpublished history. 
 
 This whole work of Governor Bradford, Mr. Prince had 
 before him in preparing and publishing his Chronological 
 
OF PR[7>CIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 233 
 
 History of New England, up to the year 1730. He 
 describes it as ''Gov. Bradford's History of Plymouth 
 People and Colony from 1602 to the end of 1646, in 270 
 pages (foho) : With some account at the end, of the in- 
 crease of those who came over with him, from 1620 to 
 1650, and all in his own handwriting." 
 
 The second work in manuscript, which Mr. Prince 
 mentions as before him, is The Ancient Church of Ply- 
 mouth Records, begun by Mr. Secretary Morton. 
 
 The third is a copy of the Grand Charter of New Eng- 
 land, granted by King James the First, on Nov. 3d, 1620, 
 in 8() pages. 
 
 The first book of Mr. Prince's Chronological History 
 ends with the Lord's Day, Dec. 31, 1620, the first Sabbath 
 kept by any of the Pilgrims in the place of their building. 
 Here Mr. Prince says, " Governor Bradford ends his first 
 book, containing ten chapters, in fifty-three pages, folio." 
 
 Of Mr. Morton's history from the beginning of the Ply- 
 mouth people to the end of ] 646, Mr. Prince observes that 
 it was " chiefly Gov. Bradford's manuscript abbreviated." 
 
 Having been thus used by various writers, for their 
 printed works, we may suppose that though the original 
 work is lost, we have the main important part of it, and 
 much in Gov. Bradford's own language. 
 
 Both Governor Bradford and Governor Winthrop, and 
 likewise Governor Winslow, were accustomed to take part 
 in the religious exercises of their social meetings, and also on 
 the Lord's Day. This appears by such interesting notices 
 as the following, taken from Gov. Winthrop's own Journal, 
 of date October 25, 1632. "The Governor, with Mr. 
 Wilson, pastor of Boston, .... and others went on foot to 
 Plymouth from Massagascus. The Governor of Plymouth, 
 Mr. William Bradford, a very discreet, grave man, with 
 Mr. Brewster the Elder, and some others, came forth and 
 met them without the town, and conducted them to the 
 Governor's house, where they weie kindly entertained, and 
 
234 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 feasted e^ery day at several houses. On the Lord's Day 
 there was a sacrament which they did partake in ; and in 
 the afternoon Mr. Roger Williams, according to their custom, 
 propounded a question, to which the pastor, Mr. Smith, spoke 
 briefly, then Mr. Williams prophesied, and afterwards the 
 Governor of Plymouth spoke to the question ; after him 
 the elder, then some two or three more of the congregation. 
 Then the elder desired the Governor of Massachusetts and 
 Mr. Wilson to speak to it, which they did. When this was 
 ended, the deacon, Mr. Fuller, put the congregation in 
 mind of their duty of contribution, upon which the Gover- 
 nor and all the rest went down to the deacon's seat, and 
 put into the bag, and then returned."* 
 
 The deacon's seat was a throne of service, and well 
 known. All the members of the congregation went thither 
 to deposit their alms. It was a custom retained in some 
 churches for many years. 
 
 We find likewise the following interesting record in 
 Gov. Winthrop's Journal, under date of August 3d, 1634. 
 " The Governor went on foot to Agawam, and because 
 the people there wanted a minister, spent the Sabbath with 
 them, and exercised by w^ay of prophecy, and returned 
 home on the tenth." 
 
 How beautiful the record of this truly primitive New 
 Testament simplicity ! We Vv^onder not that Governor 
 Bradford looked back in his old age with a sweetness in 
 the memory as of the recollections of childhood, to those 
 times of the freshness and power of Christ's covenant with 
 the churches in the wilderness. Religion must have 
 flourished indeed, when public men like Bradford, Win- 
 throp, and Winslow, were thus active and faithful in its 
 teachings and duties. Yet it was for just this faithfulness, 
 for daring to " exercise by way of prophecy, when the 
 
 * Collections Ma.gs. Hist. Soc, Vol, x. p. 2. Winthrop's Journal, origi- 
 nal edition, page 44. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 235 
 
 people wanted a minister," that Winslow himself was 
 afterwards thrown into prison by Archbishop Laud ! 
 
 Governor Bradford managed the affairs of the colony 
 for nearly thirty-seven years together, with admirable 
 temper and wisdom. Until the year 1624 Gov. Bradford 
 and Mr. Allerton were elected governor and assistant an- 
 nually ; the people then added four more assistants, and 
 gave the governor a double voice ; they added two more 
 assistants in 1633, and afterwards kept to the number of 
 seven. In ihe space of seventy years they had only six 
 persons as governors. Bradford, Winslow, and Prince oc- 
 cupied the governorship in succession till Prince's death in 
 1673. Bradford was elected annually from 1621 till his 
 death in 1657, except three years in w4iich Winslow was 
 chosen, and two (according to Mather) in which Prince 
 was chosen. Winslow was chosen in 1633, 1636, and 
 1644.* They had no house of representatives till 1639. 
 
 In the year 1632, it was enacted by law, that any person 
 chosen to the office of Governor and refusing it, was to be 
 fined twenty pounds ; a counsellor or magistrate chosen 
 and refusing the office, was to be fined ten pounds.f 
 
 In the year 1633 w^e find a record in Governor Win- 
 throp's Journal as follows : " Mr. Edward Winslow chosen 
 Governor of Plymouth, Mr. Bradford having been Go- 
 vernor about ten years, and now hy importunity got off^ 
 He pleaded so hard to be let off" for that year, that they 
 yielded without fining him. 
 
 What a picture is here presented of the unworldly sim- 
 plicity, contentment, disinterestedness, and freedom from 
 ambition, of our Pilgrim Fathers ! They shared each 
 other's burdens too completely to seek or desire superiority 
 in any otlier way. They sought not for office, had no par- 
 ties, wished for no power, but that of doing good. It was 
 
 * Hutchinson's Hist. Mass Vol. ii. pp. 414, 4ir>. 
 t Baylies' Historical Memoirs of Plymouth, p. 207. 
 
236 HISTORICAL Ax\D LOCAL ILLUSTKATIOIVIS 
 
 not till prosperity had relaxed their vigilance, and men of 
 worldJy minds had been added to their company, that par- 
 ties began to exist among them. Their Church Covenant 
 was of great solemnity and power with them, "of the vio- 
 lation whereof," said Robinson, " we make great conse- 
 quence, and by virtue whereof we hold ourselves straitly 
 tied to all care of each other's good, and of the whole by 
 each, and that mutual." 
 
 O sacred bond ! exclaimed Governor Bradford, writing 
 in his old age, " Oh that these ancient members had nut 
 died or been dissipated, if it had been the will of God ; or 
 else that this holy care and constant faithfulness had still lived 
 and remained w»ith those that survived, that were in times 
 afterwards added unto them." He laments the subtlety 
 of the serpent, under fair pretences of necessity and the 
 like, " to untwist these sacred bonds and ties, and as it were 
 insensibly by degrees, to dissolve, or in a great measure to 
 weaken the same. 1 have been happy in my first times to 
 see, and with much comfort to enjoy the blessed fruits of 
 this sweet communion. But it is now a part of my misery 
 in my old age to find and feel the decay and want thereof 
 in a great measure, and with grief and sorrow of heart to 
 lament and bewail the same." And this, he says, he notes 
 for others' warning and admonition, and his own hu- 
 miliation. 
 
 It seems to be the declension or decay of pious feeling 
 which Governor Bradford is here lamenting, and the want 
 of the early first fervent love of the brethren, one to another, 
 amidst their trials and distresses. He is not here deploring 
 the readiness of the brethren to exercise their gifts by way 
 of prophesying, a complaint afterwards brought against 
 them, nor do we find anything in Governor Bradford's 
 writings which tends to such an accusation. In his dialogue 
 on this and similar subjects, he sets forth Mr. Robinson's 
 opinion, as also Mr. Cotton's, concerning this exercise of 
 gifts in prophesying, of which Mr. Bradford himself says, 
 
 A 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AxND PERSONS. 237 
 
 " if any out of weakness have abused at any time their 
 Hberty, it is their personal faulting, as sometimes weak 
 ministers may their office, and yet the ordinance good and 
 lawful." 
 
 Robinson was of opinion thai., " it comes within the pro- 
 vince of but few of a multitude, haply two or three in a church, 
 to prophesy publicly ; and touching prophecy, we think, 
 in all churches, whether but springing up or grown to some 
 ripeness, let the order of prophecy be observed according 
 to Paul's institution. Into the fellowship of this work are 
 to be admitted, not only the ministers, but the teachers too, 
 yea, also of the elders and deacons, yea, even of the 
 multitude, which are willing to confer their gift received 
 of God to the common utility of the church ; but so as 
 they first be allowed by the judgment of the ministers and 
 others." 
 
 Now, if these opinions and rules, which Robinson adopts 
 from the Synod of Embden in 1571, were observed by the 
 Plymouth Church in Governor Bradford's time, it is rather 
 difficult to see how there can be much truth in the report 
 which Cotton Mather admits into the Magnalia, that about 
 the time of Bradford's death "religion itself had like to have 
 died out of the colony, through the strange disposition to 
 discountenance the gospel ministry, by setting up the gifts 
 of private brethren in opposition thereunto." Tliere must 
 be great exaggeration in this report, or we should have 
 learned something of it from Governor Bradford himself. 
 Cotton Mather says that the good people were in extreme 
 distress from the prospect which this matter gave them, 
 and cured the evil by the election of Mr. Prince to the 
 place of Governor, from which time the adverse party sank 
 into confusion. But nothing of this seems to have troubled 
 the serene and prosperous course of the closing years of 
 Gov. Bradford's life. 
 
 It is truly and beautifully said by Cotton Mather, that 
 the crown of all excellences in this admirable man was 
 
238 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 his holy, prayerful, watchful, and fruitful walk with God. 
 His death was just such, in heavenly joy and triumph, as 
 his life of grace, hid with Christ in God, had predicted. 
 He had been dechning through the winter of 1657, yet not 
 in what he counted sickness, until just three days before 
 God took him to his everlasting rest. The first of those 
 days the Angel of the Covenant seemed to give him warn- 
 ing that his hour was near ; and that night, " the God of 
 Heaven so filled his mind with ineffable consolations, that 
 he seemed little short of Paul, wrapt up into the unutter- 
 able entertainments of Paradise." His joy must have been 
 great, yea, ravishing, for he said to his dear friends in the 
 morning, that the good Spirit of the Lord had given him a 
 pledge of his happiness in another world, and the first fruits 
 of his eternal glory. That night's blissful experience 
 alone was to him worth all the years of toil and pain he had 
 endured in the great work his Lord had permitted him to 
 accomplish. For, what were all the days and nights, the 
 weeks and months of cold and hunger, of peril, anxiety, 
 pain, and famine, passed through in the early years of that 
 great service, compared with the celestial revelations and 
 assurances of that one night ! He died, May 9, 1657, in the 
 69th year of his age. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 THE FIRST NEW ENGLAND SABBATH. 
 
 From the highest point amidst the scenery that over 
 looks the Rock of our Forefathers' first permanent landing, 
 and includes so many points now of the deepest intei-est, 
 we have looked abroad over the Harbor, the Islands, and 
 the Sea. By the providence of God these Pilgrims stopped 
 at Plymouth. This rock, then washed by the flowing tide, 
 and surmounted above by the primitive forest, was their 
 first landing place. Their first landing place, indeed, for 
 the purpose of a habitation and a grave, upon this rock- 
 bound coast, but not the first spot hallowed by the freedom 
 and the sacredness of their religious worship. No ! There 
 is a spot here, within the sweep of your eye in this beauti- 
 ful scene, more sacred than this. As you follow the horizon, 
 you see there, towards the north-east, where the land 
 breaks the sea view, and where the central peninsula in 
 the harbor almost seems to join the main land on the other 
 side, a green and partly wooded island. It seems to you, 
 perhaps, to be the continent, but it is an island. It is the 
 spot of all places in North or South America to my mind 
 the most hallowed. It is the island where the fatigued, 
 desolate, almost perishing Pilgrims spent their first Sabbath. 
 Yes ! there they stopped and rested the seventh day, and 
 hallowed it, because they would not desecrate it, even in 
 
240 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 seeking rest. O noble commencement of the foundations 
 of an enterprise, like which the world never saw, nor pro- 
 bably will again see, ever ! Within half an hour's sail of 
 the coast, nay, within ten minutes' sail, if the wind and tide 
 favored, of the place where they were to abide all the rest 
 of their pilgrimage, they moored at the island, and would 
 not again set a sail that day, or take an oar in hand, or do 
 aught of worldly work, because it was the Lord's Day. 
 And there, upon that desolate island, frost-bound, habita- 
 tionless, beneath a snowy sky, or, what was worse, a 
 freezing sleet, they dedicated the hours of the Sabbath to 
 the worship of God ! There is no spot in all this scene, 
 on which the vision rests with so solemn and thrilling an 
 interest as that. 
 
 And what a remarkable manifestation of character it was, 
 what a proof of supreme regard to God, and belief in his 
 word, and obedience to it ? Might they not have reasoned 
 that the work of seeking shelter, in which they were then 
 engaged, was a work of necessity and mercy, that the sea- 
 son of winter was already far advancing, that every day 
 was precious, and that one day's delay might be productive 
 of great evil ? Might they not have argued that here, 
 where none but God beheld them, God who knew their 
 hearts, and knew that they were laboring for him, and who 
 had said that the Sabbath was made for man, and not man 
 for the Sabbath, they might relax for once their strictness, 
 and continue their course, more especially as there were 
 none to be affected by their example ? How many a 
 descendant of the Pilgrims, under the pressure of a much 
 less necessity, has put the claims of conscience beneath 
 those of expediency, and made the demands of God's insti- 
 tution to wait upon man's convenience ! None to be affected 
 by their example? And what one movement or act of 
 those Pilgrims, or sentiment, or opinion, or coloring of life, 
 that will not exert an influence to the latest generation ? It 
 might be said that the guardian genius of the after age was 
 
OF PRINCJPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 241 
 
 watching them ; and in acting conscientiously and fliithfully 
 towards God, they acted safely, wisely, righteously towards 
 man. They so acted in this matter of keeping the Sabbath, 
 that a world might imitate them. That day, kept for God 
 on that island, has sent down a blessing for all the posterity 
 of the Pilgrims — those costly prayers and praises — a pre- 
 serving, sustaining influence throughout New England, to 
 make the descendants of the Pilgrims a Sabbath-keeping 
 people; and none but a Sabbath-keeping people can be truly 
 free. 
 
 There was a time when these men on that desolate 
 island, had they stayed in Europe, and attempted to keep 
 such a Sabbath in the country of their birth, would perhaps 
 have been thrown into prison for not observing the rubrics 
 of the Book of Sports, for not giving to the service of Satan 
 the time which God claimed for his service. This Sabbath 
 was tlie beginning of their perfect freedom from bondage. 
 How beautiful the island looks this day, in this warm light, 
 beneath an atmosphere of such enchanting clearness, rising 
 so green in the mantle of August froni the sea I It was a 
 different sight and a different abode to them, in the month 
 of December, wet, cold, icy, and shelterless. Yet there 
 they stood ; there they praised God ; there arose to heaven 
 from New England's soil the first Sabbath hymn of praise 
 and the first united prayer of faith, from child-like, patient, 
 submissive hearts, from men in resolution and endurance, 
 children in faith and obedience. 
 
 Amidst the storm they sang-, 
 
 And the stars heard, and the sea I 
 ~- And the sounding aisles of the dim woods rang 
 To the anthem of the free ! 
 
 This beautiful painting is not that of mere imagination. 
 The place of that first religious meeting on New England 
 soil looks now entirely destitute of trees, but the Pilgrims' 
 Journal tells us that then this Island was thickly covered 
 
 u 
 
24*2 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIOrsS 
 
 with woods, as indeed the whole shores of Plymouth har- 
 bor seem to have been wooded, down to the brink of the 
 sea, save where the Indians had made clearings for corn- 
 fields. There, then, the dim and icicled woods did in- 
 deed ring to the anthems of the free ; for they surely had 
 a heart to sing as well as pray; and God had brought 
 them, in the past day's course, through a great discipline, 
 not only of peril and prayers, but of deliverance and thanks- 
 giving. Yet they rejoiced with trembling. 
 
 That Island is a very sacred spot. We would put a 
 monument there, sooner than on Bunker Hill ; a monu- 
 ment to God, to the Sabbath, to the faith of the Pilgrims, 
 to the hidden life of social, civil, and religious freedom, of 
 which the Sabbath is the safeguard. A monument there, 
 where spiritually the first battle was fought, and the first 
 victory was gained, on this North Western Continent, 
 against the powers of darkness, against spiritual wicked- 
 ness, in the high places of earth and of the soul. 
 
 Verily, if we may suppose the Enemy of God and man 
 looking on and watching that movement, that Sabbath's 
 work, that Sabbath's reverent and submissive stillness, 
 and prayer, and praise (and why may we not ? for not 
 alone in civilized Europe was the god of this world su- 
 preme and busy, but here, from one end of the continent to 
 the other, in savage rites he had his worship) ; if we may 
 suppose the Enemy of mankind, gazing when that island 
 was first trodden by the Pilgrim feet, awe-stricken would 
 he and his hosts have beheld the solemn employments of 
 that day ! It was a most wonderful consecration of all 
 New England to God, this religious keeping of the first 
 Sabbath day spent upon its shores, amidst such storm, such 
 fear, such heart-chilling cold, and frightful desolation. We 
 should like to see a granite monument on that island, and 
 the words inscribed on it. The First Sabbath of the Pil- 
 grims. We say again, a greater battle was fought and 
 gained there than that on Bunker Hill, and a foundation of 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 243 
 
 Spiritual freedom was laid there, without which that last 
 battle for civil liberty never had been fought, nor the 
 institutions of freedom in this country established. That 
 Sabbath contained the prediction and assurance of success 
 to the infant colony. It was God who kept the Pilgrims, 
 through their Sabbath-keeping piety. They may sneer 
 who please, at the strictness of the Puritan Sabbath. 
 Should its spirit die out of our land, there might be Romish 
 superstition, and French fickleness and infidelity, and 
 American slavery and political corruption remaining, but 
 the old-fashioned social,. civil, and religious^virtue and hap- 
 niness of New England would be no more. 
 
 Let us count the first Sabbaths of the Pilgrims up to the 
 foundation of their first local Sanctuary for the worship of 
 God ; — let us count their weeks by Sabbaths. By the 
 dates in their own Journal we learn that it was not till 
 Thursday, the ninth of November, 1620, that they made 
 land, after their long voyage of sixty-four days from Ply- 
 mouth in the old world. This land, first made, was Cape 
 Cod. They were purposing to make their course some 
 thirty miles south of the Cape, but were constrained by 
 contrary winds to enter Cape Cod Bay, where they an- 
 chored on Saturday, the eleventh of November, the day 
 in which they signed their compact. The next day, Sun- 
 day, the twelfth, was spent on board ship. The Sabbath 
 of the 19th on board ship in like manner, after the return 
 of their first exploring expedition on foot. The Sabbath 
 of the 26th passed in like manner on board the May Flow- 
 er, after the week's work in repairing the shallop. Monday, 
 the 27th, another exploring expedition was undertaken 
 with thirty-four men. The next Sabbath, the third of De- 
 cember, found the Pilgrim congregation still assembled, 
 after this expedition, in their only house and church thus 
 far, the ship at anchor. Wednesday, the 6th of Decem- 
 ber, they set out on the final exploring enterprise, which 
 issued in their landing upon Plymouth Rock. The next 
 
244 HiSTORICiiL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Sabbath of the 10th, was that spent upon the Island, the 
 first upon New England soil, truly the first New England 
 Sabbath. 
 
 The next day, Monday, the 11th, they made their first 
 landing in Plymouth harbor, and resolved that there was 
 the situation where they had best fix their abode, and plant 
 the Pilgrim Colony. This Monday, the 1 Itli of December, 
 Old Style, answers to the 22d of December, New Style, 
 and so the 22d is the day celebrated as Forefathers' day. 
 It is marked in the Journal of the Pilgrims with only one 
 sentence, and ^ith the most complete absence of all con- 
 sciousness, or even dreaming imagination, that they had 
 then taken the step, and were noting down the date, upon 
 which would be concentrated the interest, not merely his- 
 torical or curious, but devout and prayerful, of generations 
 to come. " So we returned," say they, "to our ship again 
 with good news to the rest of our people, which did much 
 comfort their hearts." It was perhaps the very next day, 
 at any rate the 15th, that the May Flower with the whole 
 company of families weighed anchor and set sail for Ply- 
 mouth harbor, where they arrived the next day, which was 
 Saturday, the 16th. The next day, the Sabbath of the 
 17th, seems to have been the last spent on board ship; for 
 on Saturday, the 23d, which was as soon as the severe 
 weather would permit, " as many as could went on shore, 
 felled and carried timber," and began to provide themselves 
 stuff for building : and the Sabbath of the 24th, answering 
 to our first or second Sabbath in January, was celebrated 
 both on shore and in the ship. 
 
 It is interesting, in the highest degree, to a devout mind, 
 thus religiously to follow the footsteps of the Pilgrims. "I 
 gave them my Sabbaths, to be a sign between me and 
 them, that they might know that 1 am the Lord that 
 sanctify them." "Hallow my Sabbaths ; and they shall be 
 a sign between me and you, that ye may know that I am 
 the Lord your God." If the Sabbaths be spent prayer- 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 245 
 
 fully, SO will be the week days. The incidental notices of 
 devout exercises, morning and evening, in the midst of the 
 hurry, peril, fatigue, cold, hunger, and conflict of these 
 expeditions, are very striking ; the more so, as occurring 
 in a brief sketch, and though only once or twice set down, 
 yet noted in such a manner as to indicate a habit, a fixture 
 of daily duty. Thus, the journal of one of their most perilous 
 days, the day in which they had their first conflict with 
 the Indians, and afterwards the loss of the mast of their 
 shallop with imminent hazard of shipwreck, begins thus : 
 " About five o'clock in the morning we began to be stirring. 
 After prayer we prepared ourselves for breakfast and for 
 a journey, it being now the twilight in the morning." The 
 sun was up, in such souls, and God was with them, as 
 speedily they found, when the savage war-whoop of their 
 enemies, that day for the first time heard, was yelling 
 around them, and their arrows flying in the air. " By the 
 especial Providence of God," says the journal, in a vivid 
 account of their battle, " none of them were hit or hurt." 
 " So, after we had given God thanks for our deliverance, 
 we took our shallop and went on our journey, and called 
 this place The First Encounter.''^ 
 
 In the same devout manner opens the record of the day 
 of their final decision to plant themselves where they had 
 first landed at Plymouth Rock. "So in the morning, after 
 we had called on God for direction, we came to this resolu- 
 tion, to go presently ashore again," &c. Never before, in 
 the history of the world, were the foundations of an Empire 
 so laid. Every step was taken, consulting and imploring 
 the divine guidance. There is no display of this ; we 
 have no diary of the soul-exercises of these Pilgrims ; but 
 the traces of their heartfelt piety run through this little 
 journal like fragrant water-courses. And you see that it 
 is a cheerful, grateful piety ! there is no gloom about it, 
 even in the midst of the most darkening and discouraging 
 calamities. As in the heart of the first conflict with the 
 
246 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 savages, their watch-word seems continually to be " well, 
 well, every one, and be of good courage." They neither 
 conceal nor display the great trials they endured, but 
 speak of them in calm and simple language, setting a mark 
 upon God's kind interpositions, and enduring their greatest 
 perils and hardships as things ordinary in so great and dif- 
 ficult an enterprise. " And sure it was God's good Provi- 
 dence that we found this corn, for else we know not how 
 we should have done." So sweetly and confidently did 
 they hail the finger of God's loving Providence ; and at 
 other times quietly endured fatigues which were to lay 
 them in their graves ere the first New England spring 
 should open, making the simple record of one of their fear- 
 ful nights without shelter, in these words : " it blowed and 
 did snow all that day and night, and froze withall ; some 
 of our people that are dead, took the original of their death 
 here." 
 
 Certainly, one great secret of their patient endurance of 
 almost unparalleled hardships was the confidence that they 
 were bearing them for God. No mere human aim or ex- 
 pectation would have carried them through such complica- 
 tions of disaster, and sometimes through the seeming utter 
 wreck of all their prospects ; because, humanly speaking, 
 there was nothing to justify any anticipation of success. 
 Their object was not the gain of merchant adventurers ; it 
 was the advancement of religion. Whether we put the 
 aspect of a missionary enterprise foremost in their under- 
 taking, or the enjoyment of God's grace and worship 
 freely in their own souls and families, makes little dif- 
 ference ; the broadest, truest shape that can be given to 
 the Pilgi-image of our Puritan Fathers, the most accurate 
 matter of fact description of it, is that of an extraordinary 
 enterprise for the advancement of religion. In the little 
 volume of the journal we meet again and again with the 
 declaration and the proof of this reality. The editor of 
 the volume declares in 1621 to the reader that "the desire 
 
OF PRINCIPLES; PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 247 
 
 of carrying the gospel of Christ into these foreign parts, 
 amongst those people that as yet have had no knowledge 
 nor taste of God, as also to procure unto themselves and 
 otliers a quiet and comfortable habitation, were amongst 
 other things the inducements unto the undertakers of the 
 enterprise." And the compact on board the May Flower 
 opens with the assurance and continues for the furtherance, 
 of their great undertaking "/or the glory of God and 
 advancement of the Christian Faith, and honor of their 
 king and country, to plant the first colony." And the 
 schedule of reasons and considerations for their colonizing, 
 given at the close of the same volume of the journal in 
 1621, reads thus : " seeing we daily pray for the conver- 
 sion of the heathens, we must consider whether there be 
 not some ordinary means and course for us to take to con- 
 vert them, or whether prayer for them be only referred to 
 God's extraordinary work from heaven. Now it seemeth 
 unto me that we ought also to endeavour and use the means 
 to convert them ; and the means cannot be used, unless we 
 go to them or they come to us. To us they cannot come ; 
 our land is full. To them we may go, their land is 
 empty." 
 
 Now to these proofs let there be added Gov. Bradford's 
 declaration among the reasons of the Pilgrims for leaving 
 the Old World, of " a great hope and inward zeal they had 
 of laying some good foundation, or at least to make some 
 way thereunto, for the propagating and advancing the 
 gospel of the Kingdom of Christ in these remote parts of 
 the world ; yea, though they should be but as stepping 
 stones unto others for performing of so great a work." 
 
 Hutchinson might w^ell say in his History of Massa- 
 chusetts, " whether Britain would have had any colonies 
 in America, if religion had not been the grand inducement, 
 is doubtful." Every attempt to plant settlements in New 
 England from ordinary and secular motives had failed. 
 God would have one spot in the world peopled from a 
 
248 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 sense of duty, and a supreme regard, not to pounds and 
 shillings, but to his glory. He would have one spot where 
 a race should reside, whose fear towards God should not 
 be taught by the precept of man ; that mean, craven, slavish 
 tetter of iniquity and bigotry, with which, just then, almost 
 the whole world was crusted. 
 
 One of their reasons for breaking out from that crust 
 was that they might keep God's Sabbath, not man's, and 
 keep it through the fear of God, not by the precept of man, 
 either in books of sports or ceremonial rubrics. The 
 Sabbath was sadly and generally profaned in Holland, 
 while they dwelt, and the ineilicacy of all their efforts to 
 stop that profanation, with the pernicious effect of such 
 examples upon their children, were strong inducements 
 moving them to the determination of a settlement in the 
 New World. Mr. Winslow details, among other con- 
 siderations impelhng them to that step, the painful dis- 
 covery " how little good we did, or were like to do, to the 
 Dutch in reforming the Sabbath, how unable there to give 
 such education to our children as we ourselves had re- 
 ceived." With such convictions and such motives, amidst 
 all these estrangements from the comforts and privileges of 
 their native, and afterwards adopted land, how powerfully 
 and sustainingly would some of the promises of God come 
 to their case and meet their souls ! " If thou turn away 
 the foot from the Sabbath, from doing thy pleasure on 
 my Holy Day, and call the Sabbath a delight, the Holy 
 of the Lord, honorable ; and shalt honor him, not doing 
 thine own ways, nor finding thine own pleasure, nor speak- 
 ing thine own words : Then shalt thou delight thyself in 
 the Lord ; and I will cause thee to ride upon the high 
 places of the earth, and feed thee with the heritage of 
 Jacob, thy Father ; for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken 
 it." 
 
 Surely, they would say, when this promise as a flame of 
 fire shone before them, though Abraham be ignorant of us, 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 249 
 
 and Israel acknowledge us not, yet will God fulfil unto us 
 this covenant. " And the sons of the stranger that join 
 themselves to the Lord to serve him, and to love the name 
 of the Lord, to be his servants, every one that keepeth the 
 Sabbath from polluting it, and taketh hold of my covenant, 
 even them will I bring to my holy mountain, and make 
 them joyful in my house of prayer." 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE FIRST NEW ENGLAND MEETING-HOUSE. 
 
 Joyful in my House of Prayer ! In all places where I 
 record my name, I will come unto thee and bless thee ! 
 And in his Living Temple God records his name ; and 
 where two or three are gathered in that name, there is his 
 House of Prayer. What a marvellous transfiguration from 
 the local into the universal, from the earthly and formal 
 into the spiritual, from altars into hearts, took place when 
 He came, in whom types and shadows, vails and engrav- 
 ings in stone, and the places and the ceremonies of priestly 
 authority and sanctity, were done away, and the ministra- 
 tion of the Spirit for the glory of the Lord was set open 
 in renewed hearts, changed into the same image from 
 glory to glory, even as by the Spirit of the Lord ! 
 
 In four verses in the New Testament, the power passes 
 from the Temple and the Priesthood, and is enshrined 
 wherever there are humble, believing, praying souls, be it 
 in Cathedrals or Conventicles, in large upper rooms in 
 Judea beset by spies and persecutors of Church and State, 
 or in the cottages and hiding places of the Pilgrims in Eng- 
 land, for whom the prison and the scaffold were prepared 
 and destined ; or in their log houses in the wilderness, 
 where, as free as the birds of the air, regardless of human 
 interdictions, they could worship God. 
 
PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 251 
 
 " Our fathers worshipped in this mountain, and ye say- 
 that in Jerusalem is the place where men ought to worship. 
 Jesus sailh unto her, woman, believe me, the hour cometh, 
 when ye shall neither in this mountain, nor yet at Jeru- 
 salem, worship the Father. The hour cometh, and now is, 
 when the true worshippers shall worship the Father in 
 spirit and in truth : for the Father seeketh such to worship 
 him. God is a Spirit, and they that worship him must 
 worship him in spirit and in truth." 
 
 How beautiful, how solemn, how glorious, how simple is 
 this designation ! Spirit and Truth, that is God's Temple, 
 that is God's House of Prayer, and the proofs of a place in 
 it, the presence of living worshippers, are the epistles of 
 Christ, written not with ink, but with the Spirit of the liv- 
 ing God, not in tables of stone, but in fleshly tables of the 
 heart. Such was the first sanctuary in 1620 in New Eng- 
 land. The groves there w^ere God's first external temples, 
 under the roof of Heaven. By their watch-fires on the 
 land, and in their open shallop on the sea, our Fathers wor- 
 shipped; and in the cabin of the May Flower, and in all 
 their perilous expeditions, before yet the foundation of a 
 hut w^as laid. It was not the temple first, the consecrated 
 temple, and the heart afterwards, but the heart first and 
 the temple afterwards. 
 
 We love that old-fashioned. Pilgrim, New-England de- 
 signation of the Meeting-house. It seems to carry us back 
 to a time, when to have a meeting of any kind, was to 
 worship God ; where the people were all Christians, and 
 their meetings for devotion were so much the habit, the 
 joy, and the main business of life, as to Christianize even 
 the generic idea of a public assembly. The Sabbath meet- 
 ings of our fathers began in the first dwelling-house ; where 
 the first household prayer ascended to God, there also did 
 the colonists gather for their Sabbath and social services. 
 Just so, of a long time, did Christ's early churches gather 
 together and worship in Jerusalem, in Antioch, in Ephesus, 
 
252 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTKATIOXS 
 
 in Corinth ; and the church that is in thy house became one 
 of the designations, local and formal, of primitive Chris- 
 tianity. 
 
 But at length there was a structure of special service 
 and appointment, as God's House of Prayer. That first 
 house for the Pilgrims was but a rude tabernacle in the 
 wilderness ; yet it had a beauty and a glory such as the 
 grandest temple since erected in all this land possesses not. 
 It was God's pavilion for his people, yet it had nothing of 
 a temple save the heavenly purposes to which, on the 
 Lord's Day, it was devoted. For as God meant that they 
 should come to this country unsanctioned, unconsecrated, 
 untolerated, unaccepted, unacknowledged, yea despised as 
 a church ; unconstituted either by King, or Priest, or Pre- 
 late, and flung forth from a human establishment to God's 
 uncovenanted mercies in the wilderness, uncovenanted of 
 man but chosen of God ; so he meant that they should 
 worship in a Temple, desecrated by no mere self-willed 
 human consecration ; a conventicle, a garrison, not set apart 
 for the sacredness, but used for the convenience and se- 
 curity of the holy duties of Divine Worship ; duties that 
 make the house beautiful and sacred, and not the house the 
 ties. 
 
 God led them into it, and not they God ; it was God's 
 choice for them, not theirs for God ; and here, in the 
 following record, is the account of the ceremonies of its 
 construction and dedication, under date of July, 1622. 
 
 '* This summer we build a Timber Fort, both strong and 
 comely, with flat roof and battlements ; on which ordnance 
 are mounted, a watch kept, and it also serves as a place of 
 public worship^ 
 
 In Old England, under the Establishment, with an Arch- 
 bishop's consecration, this would have been a place of 
 public worship, serving as a Fort, bristling with Bancroft's 
 cannon, and with the ceremonies, ordinances, command- 
 ments, and doctrines of men. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 253 
 
 In New England it was simply the Pilgrims' first Meet- 
 ing-House, where by God's mercy they could say, Though 
 a host should encamp against me, my heart shall not fear. 
 In Old England it would have been God's house, devoted 
 to man's purposes ; in New England it was man's house, 
 devoted to God's purposes. " One thing have I desired of 
 the Lord, said the Pilgrims, that will I seek after ; that I 
 may dwell in the house of the Lord all the days of my 
 life, to behold the beauty of the Lord, and to inquire in his 
 temple." And who can tell the unspeakable delight with 
 which they must have enjoyed that uninterrupted com- 
 munion with God, according to the rule of his Word, for 
 which they had fled into this savage wilderness, where 
 God's house was not only a place of spiritual freedom, but 
 a pavilion of defence against the heathen! "We have 
 thought of thy loving kindness," said they, " O God, in the 
 midst of thy temple. Walk about Zion, and go round 
 about her : tell the towers thereof. Mark ye well her 
 bulwarks, consider her palaces, that ye may tell it to the 
 generations following. For this God is our God for ever 
 and ever ; he will be our guide even unto death." 
 
 Here they could taste of the river, the streams whereof 
 make glad the city of God. Here that sacred stream, the 
 Word of God, from which they had been driven with penal 
 inflictions, glided gently for their undisturbed enjoyment, 
 and watered their divine abode. Here, though convulsions 
 shook the solid world, they had nothing to fear. The 
 heathen might rage, and the kingdoms be moved, but now 
 they could say, The Lord of Hosts is with us, the God of 
 Jacob is our refuge. They could raise Luther's psalm : 
 
 O Lord of Hosts, Almighty King ! 
 
 While we so near thy presence dwell, 
 Our faith shall sit secure and sing 
 
 Defiance to the gates of hell. 
 
 And it was a great triumph of God's providence and 
 
254 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 grace, a wonderful scene amidst the almost unbroken 
 wilderness of the whole Northern Continent of America, to 
 behold this handful of his children, beginning their service 
 of public as well as secret piety, and with such exceeding, 
 though quiet and solemn joy, laying the foundations of 
 many generations. Already they felt that the order of 
 God's house was beautiful, and though rude in circum- 
 stance, yet in its simple spirituality, full of power. 
 
 Let strangers walk around 
 
 The city where we dwell, 
 Compass and view the holy ground, 
 
 And mark the building well ; 
 
 The order of thy house, 
 
 The worship of thy court, 
 The cheerful songs, the solemn vows, 
 
 And make a fair report. 
 
 How decent and how wise ! 
 
 How glorious to behold ! 
 Beyond the pomp that charms the eyes. 
 
 And rites adorned with gold. 
 
 Let us enter with the congregation there, on a day like 
 some of our sacred days in August, a Sabbath combining 
 the softness of summer with the clearness and brilliancy 
 of autumn in the frosty October. Standing here alone, in 
 the still solemnity of noon upon this Hill of Graves, and 
 looking abroad upon the harbor and the islands, so beauti- 
 ful at high tide, it is not difficult to go back in imagination 
 to the days of our Pilgrim Fathers, and to stand with them 
 amidst the changing scenes of their labors. Changing 
 they were, even then, beneath the hand of that scant indus- 
 try, the very first year, when half the Colony died, and 
 there were but nineteen men to build houses and defend 
 them, and to clear and plant their land. But now how 
 changed ! That one street of seven rude dwellings, like 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 255 
 
 a prophecy in hieroglyphics upon a blank scroll, between 
 which and this Burial Hill there was a wide untrodden 
 space, as also below, down to the water's edge, has spread 
 into a network of streets and buildings, winding and cross- 
 ing all around the base of this sacred mount, which itself 
 would perhaps have been also covered with residences, 
 had not its sacredness as the inclosure of the dead forbid- 
 den. But the growth of this place is mere nothing in com- 
 parison with that of many other towns and cities in our 
 country, where the wave of each successive generation 
 obliterates all traces of the past, and fierce remorseless 
 progress permits men only to compare themselves with the 
 future, never looking back, and hearing only the one voice 
 of Destiny, Clear the Way ! Glad we are that present 
 Plymouth is an old town and no bigger, for here imagina- 
 tion is not so oppressed and looked out of countenance by 
 reality, but that it can go back two hundred years, and see 
 things as when our fathers landed. The houses disappear, 
 and the dim woods and cornfields take their places, and we 
 can see the solitary May Flower at anchor, and the Pil- 
 grims on shore cutting and carrying timber, marking out 
 their lots, thatching their houses, impaling this Hill, under 
 which their little settlement is seated, and making bulwarks 
 or jetties whence they can defend their dwellings, by day 
 and by night keeping watch and ward against the Indians. 
 This Sabbath morning — let it be October, or the begin- 
 ning of November, instead of August, — the smoke rises 
 early and peaceful on the clear frosty air, from the single 
 line of dwellings. There is no busy stir in or about the 
 little settlement, as on the week days. Almost the first 
 sign of life that you behold, except the tell-tale smoke from 
 the thatched roofs, is the winding of the Pilgrims up the 
 path that leads from their dwellings to the Fort upon the 
 Hill, where they hold their w^orship. There goes their 
 venerated Elder, William Brewster, a Pilgrim older than 
 all the rest, alreadv bevond the three score years of our 
 
256 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 earthly pilgrimage, but active and cheerful ; " a good man 
 and full of the Holy Ghost, and much people were added 
 to the Lord." Yea, he is the Barnabas of this little church 
 and colony. 
 
 So the congregation gather into this log-fort, and begin 
 to praise God. They are but a very little handful, enough for 
 a social prayer meeting ; and some have to remain in the 
 dwellings, to tend the sick, and watch against surprisal 
 from the Indians ; others are on guard also at the Fort 
 with muskets, watching as sentinels, while all watch and 
 pray. If the naked children of the forest are watching 
 also, with bow and arrow, they hear sweet and solemn 
 music this morning, and it is one of God's means to keep 
 them in awe, and defend his people from them. The whole 
 congregation sing, and the hymn rises as from one heart, 
 with the sweetness of the unison of all voices. Our Pil- 
 grim Fathers were good singers. We have the testimony 
 of Mr. Winslow to this point. When they were embark- 
 ing from Leyden he says, " We refreshed ourselves with 
 singing of psalms, making joyful melody in our hearts as 
 well as with the voice, there being many of our congrega- 
 tion very expert in music ; and indeed it was the sweetest 
 music that mine ears ever heard." It was congregational 
 singing, and so was it at each Sabbath's worship in this 
 timber-fort in the wilderness. It were well if our con- 
 gregations in modern time would follow this delightful pil- 
 grim and scriptural habit of expertness in music. 
 
 The song ended, they unite in prayer. Mr. Brewster 
 was a gifted man in this sacred exercise, especially in the 
 humble confession of sin, and pleading for pardon. He 
 was not long in prayer, but frequent ; and he set the heart 
 and conscience at work, as in Paul's expression, laboring 
 earnestly in prayer. He prayed fervently, with and for 
 the people, and they with and for him. They came to God 
 in great want, and prayed for great blessings. 
 
 And then with equal power and beauty, under the guid- 
 
OF PRL^CIPLES, PROVIDEXCES, AND PERSONS. 257 
 
 ing of the Saviour, he opened unto them the Scriptures, 
 and apphed both the law and the promises, beina: plain and 
 distinct, as well as affectionately stirring and moving in his 
 teachings. Powerfully and profitably he taught, twice 
 every Sabbath, to the great contentment of the hearers, 
 and to their comfortable edification. This he continued to 
 do, till the Church had another minister, and many were 
 brought to God by his ministry. " Yea, he did more in 
 their behalf in a year, than many that have their hundreds 
 a year do in all their lives." He was a man that had done 
 and suffered much for the Lord Jesus and the Gospel's 
 sake, and so doing and suffering, God upheld him to a 
 great age, and kept him actively useful to the last. 
 
 From the enjoyment of his ministrations, and of God's 
 Spirit in them, they would go down to their dwellings with 
 renewed hope and faith and courage to bear the exceeding 
 trials of the week. Though their outward man was weak 
 and wasting, yet the inward was renewed day by day, and 
 perhaps the darker and gloomier it grew externally, the 
 brighter was all within. Mr. Brewster loved to dwell 
 upon God's promises, and to show his faithfulness and 
 loving kindness in all the severe discipline they were 
 passing through. He preached that winter in the midst of 
 sickness, fears, and deaths, and the next in the midst of a 
 wasting famine. And his own confidence in God, and his 
 cheei'ful endurance of personal suffering, did much to keep 
 up the spirits of his fainting flock. He would address 
 them almost in the words of Baxter : 
 
 Why art thou, fainting soul, cast down? 
 
 And thus disquieted with fears ? 
 Art thou not passing to thy crown, 
 
 Throuirh storms of pain and floods of tears ? 
 Fear not, O thou of little faith ! 
 
 Art thou not in thy Saviour's hand ? 
 Remember what his promise saith. 
 For life and death are his command. 
 
258 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 To Him thou did'st thyself intrust, 
 
 When first thou did'st for Heaven embarl 
 And He hath proved both kind and just; 
 
 Still thou art with Him in his ark. 
 Could'st thou expect to see no seas? 
 
 Nor feel no tossing v^^ind or wave ? 
 It is enough that from all these 
 
 Thy fiiithful pilot thee will save. 
 
 Thy Lord hath taught thee how to want 
 
 A place wherein to put thy head ; 
 While He is thine, be thou content 
 
 To beg or lack thy daily bread. 
 Heaven is thy roof, earth is thy floor; 
 
 His love can keep thee dry and warm ; 
 Christ and His bounty are thy store; 
 
 His angels guard thee from all harm. 
 
 These simple lines, the language of Baxter's heart and 
 experience, nnust have been the tenor of naany a sermon, 
 many a consoling exhortation from the beloved and vene- 
 rated Elder of the Pilgrims. 
 
 It is one thing to express the thoughts and aspirations of 
 Christian faith, hope, and love in poetry, and a very differ- 
 ent thing to possess and act them out amidst the pressure 
 of severe suffering. The Pilgrims exercised w^ith marvel- 
 lous cheerfulness the Christian graces of patience, perse- 
 verance, and unshaken trust in God, amidst circumstances 
 that had nothing of the romantic, nothing of the imaginative 
 in them ; nothing to give a fictitious power of interest to 
 the work in which they were engaged. To our minds at 
 this day, every circumstance is full of interest ; there is no 
 want of the romantic, the imaginative, even in external 
 things ; and in the moral, the spiritual, how transcendently 
 sublime and beautiful ! But they themselves were alone, 
 forlorn, the outcasts of the world, counted in high places as 
 the offscouring of all things, and in the place of their own 
 high duty, pressed down, for months together, into a daily 
 drudgery of toil for the support of this mortal life, wasting, 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 259 
 
 dying. Put the glory where it belongs ; it was a remark-^ 
 able scene of the grace of God ; they endured, as seel no- 
 Him who is invisible. 
 
 From their Mount of God's sanctuary, their Timber- Fort 
 of Sabbath prayer and praise, where they dwelt upon the 
 promises, and held communion with the world unseen and 
 eternal, they went down, thoughtful, sad, yet comforted, 
 resigned, and trustful, to their rude and insufficient dwel- 
 lings, to the labors of the week, to the tending of the sick, 
 to the burial of the dead, and the toils of the living; always 
 hearing about in the body the dying of the Lord Jesus, that 
 the life also of Jesus might be made manifest in their mortal 
 body. Yea, they could have said, speaking to future gene- 
 rations, We which live are always delivered unto death 
 for Jesus' sake, and death worketh us, that life may work 
 in you. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE FIRST DEATHS AND BURIALS. 
 
 The first winter with the Pilgrim colony was a period 
 of fatigue, anxiety, sickness, sadness, and death. There is 
 but little notice of these distresses in the earliest Journal of 
 the Pilgrims, and it is somewhat singular that the deaths ot 
 that winter among their small number are not named. 
 The omission must have been for some particular reason. 
 Perhaps, as they were to send this Journal for publication 
 in England, and the first impressions in regard to the colony 
 would be made upon many minds by its perusal, they dared 
 not let the pressure of calamity and the ravages of disease 
 be seen too clearly. They did not repine at God's disci- 
 pline for themselves ; they trusted in God, although he 
 should slay them ; their submissive, cheerful faith was 
 undiminished by their trials ; but they could not in the 
 same way trust in man, and they had reason to be afraid 
 of the gloomy interpretation of God's providences by those 
 who knew not the secret of the Lord, nor the glory and 
 faithfulness of his covenant. Yet could they see and feel, 
 in the assurance of God's presence, 
 
 ♦' It is no death when souls depart, 
 If thou depart not from the soul." 
 
PRINniPLES, PROVIDE.NCES, AND PERSOXS. 201 
 
 Six of their little company had died in December, the 
 second month after their arrival. The last of them, 
 Solomon Martin, died upon the Sabbath of the 24th, but 
 though the Journal makes mention of an alarm on shore 
 from the cry of savages, it says nothing of this visit of 
 death, nor of the deepening gloom of the people. Decem- 
 ber 7th, the beloved wife of Mr. Bradford was drowned, 
 while her husband had gone with several other of the Pil- 
 grims on the exploring expedition for the discovery of their 
 place of settlement. Although the Journal makes mention 
 of the comfort which their return brought to the hearts ot 
 the little company, it says nothing of this melancholy death, 
 nor of the suddenness of the calamity to Bradford. The 
 record was found in Governor Bradford's pocket-book, 
 which contained a register of deaths from Nov. Gth, 1020, 
 to the end of March, 1621. This register was among Mr. 
 Prince's MSS. 
 
 The first day of the year 1621, Monday, was marked by 
 the death of one of their number. The next Monday, 
 Jan. 8th, another was taken, Mr. Christopher Martin. No 
 mention is made of his death in the Journal, though there 
 is of his sickness, in the following record : " Saturday, the 
 sixth of January, Master IMarten was very sicke, and to 
 our judgment no hope of life, so Master Carver was sent 
 for to come aboard to speak with him about his accounts, 
 who came the next morning." 
 
 Mr. Carver was one of the deacons of the church in 
 Leyden, and the circumstances of sending for him in Martin's 
 illness, doubtless to minister that help and consolation in a 
 dying hour, which would have been the sacred duty of 
 their beloved pastor Robinson, had he been with them, 
 shows in some degree the nature of the deacon's ofTice in 
 that church, as involving a participation in the pastor's 
 spiritual responsibilities. Their elder, William Brewster, 
 was with the dying man ; but Master Carver is marked as 
 sent for. It is not probable that the phrase " to speak with 
 
262 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 him about his accounts,''^ is any other than a somewhat 
 quaint method of intimating a preparation for the accounts 
 of the great day. 
 
 M inday the 29th there was another sad visit of death, 
 of which no note is recorded in the Journal, neither of any 
 funeral, but the business of the week goes on, the weather 
 being cold, frost, and sleet, and amidst the sickness and 
 mortality now increasing, the hearts of the survivors must 
 have been bowed down with grief. Sad were those com- 
 mittals to the grave ; perhaps some of them by night, 
 because of the Indians, who were watching the weakness 
 of the infant colony. Eight had died this month; and of 
 this last death in January, the following simple record is 
 copied by Mr. Prince from Governor Bradford's register : 
 — "Jan. 29, Dies Rose, the wife of Capt. Standish." 
 
 Rose, the wife of Captain Standish ! That is all ; but 
 what a volume in that ! Governor Bradford's Register, 
 that winter, was like a book of sad engravings from a 
 forest of tomb-stones. The name of his .own dear wife he 
 inscribed among the earliest ; and still, one after another 
 departs, and now his pen has to trace the simple, sad 
 record, dies Rose, the wife of Captain Standish. The 
 soldier's courage, we venture to say, ever after that, had 
 in it a sadder and a wiser energy, more of the Christian, 
 and less of the mere man. Standish was a man of frank, 
 loving, noble qualities, but brave and daring, even to rash- 
 ness ; and He whose Providence as well as Grace was now 
 so severely refining and tempering the whole Colony, knew 
 how to subdue the natural impetuosity of his disposition, 
 till it should be governed by a heavenly control. Rose 
 Standish ! The only relic of the wife and mother, that we 
 know of, is that piece of needle-work by the daughter, 
 preserved among the curiosities in Pilgrim Hall. 
 
 And now the most vigorous of the Pilgrims, and the 
 foremost in all dangers and hardships, in addition to every 
 external toil and privation, bore about with them, one 
 
OF TRINCIPLES, P?.3VID":s'CSS, AND PERSONS. 263 
 
 after another, the griefs of these severe personal bereave- 
 ments. The 21st of February, four deaths are recorded, 
 one of them that of Mr. WiUiam White, whose wife after- 
 wards married Governor Winslow. '• And the 25th dies 
 Mary, the wife of Mr. Isaac Allerton." Seventeen died 
 in February. 
 
 The Journal of the Pilgrims ends with Friday, the 23d 
 of March, on which day, the record closes with the choice 
 of " our Governor for this year, which was Master John 
 Carver, a man well approved amongst us." The mortality 
 of the Winter was still going on, and the next day, Satur- 
 day, the 24th, died Elizabeth, the wife of Mr. Edward 
 Winslow. Nineteen died in March. " And in three 
 months past," as we find in Prince's Chronological History, 
 from Gov. Bradford, " dies half our company ; the greatest 
 part, in the depths of Winter, wanting houses and other 
 comforts, being infected with the scurvy, and other dis- 
 eases, which their long voyage and unaccommodate condi- 
 tion brought upon them ; so as there die sometimes two or 
 three a day. Of one hundred persons, scarce fifty remain : 
 the living scarce able to bury the dead, the w^ell not suffi- 
 cient to tend the sick ; there being in their time of greatest 
 distress, but six or seven, who spare no pains to help them. 
 Two of the seven were Mr. Brewster, their Reverend 
 Elder, and Mr. Standish, their Captain." 
 
 This is a simple, but sad and vivid picture ; and yet the 
 most afflictive providence of all was before them, in the 
 next month, although now it pleased God that the mortality 
 should begin to cease, and the sick and lairie recover. For, 
 April 5th, after mention of the May Flower sailing for 
 England, and their busy work in planting for the harvest, 
 we find from Gov. Bradford the following sorrowful 
 register. 
 
 " While we are busy about our seed, our Governor, Mr. 
 Carver, comes out of the field very sick, complains greatly 
 of his head, within a few hours his senses fail, so as he 
 
264 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 speaks no more, and in a few days after dies, to our great 
 lamentation and heaviness. His care and pains were so 
 great for the common good, as therewith 'tis thought he 
 oppressed himself, and shortened his days; of whose loss 
 we cannot sufficiently complain ; aad his wife deceases 
 about five or six weeks after." 
 
 Now tlie simple record of these deaths is more expressive 
 than anything else can be, of the depths of trial passed 
 through, in such patient, submissive, and even cheerful 
 endurance, by our Pilgrim Fathers, during the first dread 
 winter of their settlement. The language of Mr. Prince, 
 though he wrote only as a severely accurate Chrjnologist, 
 is as strikingly eloquent as anything that has ever been 
 penned. " Wherever they turn their eyes, nothing hut 
 distress surrounds them. Harassed for their scripture 
 worship in their native land, grieved for the profanation of 
 the holy Sabbath, and other licentiousness, in Holland, 
 fatigued with their boisterous voyage, disappointed of their 
 expected country, forced on this Northern shore, both 
 lUterly unknown, and in advance of winter ; none but 
 prejudiced barbarians round about them, and without any 
 prospect of human succor; without the help or favor of 
 the Court of England, without a patent, without a public 
 promise of their religious liberties ; \vorn out with toil 
 and sufferings, without convenient shelter from the rigorous 
 weather ; and their hardships bringing a general sickness 
 on them, which reduces them to great extremities, bereaves 
 them of their dearest friends, and leaves many of the 
 children orphans. V/ithin five months' time above half 
 their company are carried off, whom they account as dying 
 in this noble cause, whose memories they consecrate to the 
 dear esteem of their successors, and bear ail with a Chris- 
 tian fortitude and patience as extraordinary as their trials." 
 
 But there is little or no mention of these things as trials, 
 in the earliest personal Journal of the Pilgrims ; so little, 
 that it is almost unaccountable. With what severity of 
 
 ( 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 265 
 
 patience, yet unrepining cheerfulness, they bore onward in 
 God's path, marked out for them ! Although the cases of 
 death are so seldom, if ever, referred to in the Journal, yet 
 we see here and there the causes of that winter's mortality, 
 plain enough. We see records of voyages in open boats, 
 in cold and bitter weather, with the salt sea freezing on 
 their clothes, and making them like coats of iron. We 
 see the accounts of days and nights on shore, in weariness 
 and faintness without food, in tempestuous rain and sleet 
 without shelter. We see them sometimes wading through 
 the icy-cold mud-flats in the harbors, sometimes through 
 the snow upon the land. Now and then the record of a 
 short period falls thus : " It blowed and did snow all that 
 day and night, and froze withall ; some of our people that 
 are dead took the original of their death here." We find 
 at an earlier period that by reason of their " cold and wet 
 lodgings," in severe weather, " scarce any of us were free 
 from vehement coughs." Amidst the hectic and pain of 
 these coughs, growing into consumptions, they went about 
 their work. The repairing of their shallop was the begin- 
 ning of disease with many, when they had to work in mud 
 and water. " The discommodiousness of the harbor did 
 much hinder us, for we could neither go to nor come from 
 the shore but at high water, which was much to our 
 hindrance and hurt, for oftentimes they waded to the 
 middle of the thigh, and oft to the knees, to go and come 
 from land ; some did it necessarily, and some for their own 
 pleasure ; but it brought to the most, if not to all, coughs 
 and colds, the weather proving suddenly cold and stormy, 
 whereof many died." 
 
 When they began to build, they measured the lots not 
 so much by the future need of their families, as by their 
 present inability to manage larger undertakings. " We 
 thought their properties were large enough at the first, for 
 houses, and gardens to impale them round, considering the 
 weakness of our people, many of them growing ill with 
 
 12 
 
266 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 colds, for our former discoveries in frost and storms, and 
 the wading at Cape Cod, iiad brought much weakness 
 amongst us, which increased so every day more and more, 
 and after was the cause of many of their deaths." That 
 year, that first winter, they had to dig seven times as many 
 graves for the dead, as they were building houses for the 
 Hving. And they levelled and sowed their graves, Mr. 
 Holmes in his Annals tells us, for the purpose of conceal- 
 ment, lest the Indians, counting tiie number of the dead, 
 should know the weakness of the living. Those early 
 graves, therefore, are lost from present knowledge, though 
 the place of the first burials is well known, and is pointed 
 out to the visitor, a little above Forefathers' Rock, in 
 Plymouth. 
 
 We look back to the days of that dying, yet immortal 
 colony, as the one heroic age in our country's history ; and 
 sublimely such it was ; but to them, the actors, beneath 
 what a thick impenetrable veil, sojnetimes of real misery 
 in penury and starvation, and sometimes of darkness even 
 to the end of life, was the glory and t!ie sunlight hidden ! 
 And yet it was an age, — those few early years of the con- 
 flict and the triumph, — every hour of it, full of glorious 
 germs and prophecies. It was truly an age and race to 
 which, in the language of Mr.» Choate, " the arts may go 
 back, and find real historical forms and groups, wearing 
 the port and grace, and going on the errands of demigods. 
 An age far ofl^, on whose moral landscape the poet's eye 
 may light, and reproduce a grandeur and beauty, stately 
 and eternal, transcending that of ocean in storm or at 
 peace, or of mountains staying as with a charm the Eve- 
 ning Star in his deep course ; or the twilight of a summer's 
 day, or voice of solemn birds ; an age from whose per- 
 sonages and whose actions the Orator may bring away an 
 incident or a thought that shall kindle a fire in ten thousand 
 hearts as on altars to their country's glory ; to which the 
 discouraged teachers of patriotism and morality to cor- 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 267 
 
 rupted and expiring states may resort, for examples how 
 to live and how to die ! " 
 
 By the good providence of God that winter was a mild 
 one ; otherwise none of the Pilgrims could have survived 
 it. Their journal speaks of frequent rains, and sometimes 
 of sleet and snow, but it is evident that they experienced 
 no severe snow storm, nor any very great degree of cold 
 of long duration. Yet some of their first explorings were 
 made in such rainy and freezing weather united, that their 
 clothes became " like coats of mail." The hectic flush of 
 consumption was in the face of many that winter as they 
 bent over their work, and the incurable death-cough sound- 
 ed amidst their painful but persevering efforts for the pre- 
 paration of dwellings, which before they were done should 
 be exchanged for the grave. It was a winter of sad and 
 increasing mortality, when every Pilgrim whom God took 
 was so ill spared, and all were so dear ; six deaths in De- 
 cember, eight in January, seventeen in February, thirteen 
 in March, making in all forty-four, of whom twenty-one 
 had subscribed the great compact on board the May Flower. 
 Forty-four died in those four months out of the one hun- 
 dred whom God had brought in that little vessel ; brought 
 the seed to sow for glory. But how inexplicable are liis 
 ways ! How different from man's ways ! We know in- 
 deed that except a corn of wheat fall into the ground and 
 die it abideth alone ; we know that that death to self, 
 which God was carrying on towards perfection in these 
 Pilgrims, is ever the first step to life. But that God should 
 take so much of this precious seed, thus preparing for the 
 multiplication and power of the great spiritual harvest, and 
 put it literally into the ground, not to be raised again until 
 the final resurrection ; that he should bury out of human 
 sight and reach near one half of the little handful of his 
 servants, carrying them across the stormy ocean, and into 
 the midst of the first painful toils and discouragements of the 
 Colony, just to bury them ; this is inscrutable to mortal 
 
269 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTEATIONS 
 
 judgment. Yet, though lost from sight, they were not lost 
 in influence. Those bodies of the dear ones, laid in graves, 
 that had to be smoothed over and made like common soil, 
 lest the Indians should detect the place where God's seed- 
 corn was lying, made still a great part of the moral power 
 of the little Colony. 
 
 " The dead were buried on the bank," says Holmes in 
 his American Annals, "at a little distance from the Rock 
 where the Fathers landed ; and lest the Indians should 
 take advantage of the weak and wretched state of the 
 English, the graves were levelled and sown for the purpose 
 of concealment." They would have known by the dead how 
 few were the living ! But they could not have known how 
 much dearer to the living was the home of the dead, nor 
 what an element of courage and power it would have 
 thrown into a conflict with the savages, to have fought for 
 such graves. ' The spot where the first Governor Carver 
 and his wife, with Rose Standish, were buried, became im- 
 measurably more sacred for such a sacred deposit. By 
 the month of November as many as fifty had died and 
 were buried there, leaving the whole surviving band, 
 before the reinforcement came in the Fortune, only fifty. 
 Notwithstanding all that mortality, with the sad privations 
 and hardships the survivors had to endure and encounter, 
 not one Pilgrim went back to England in the May Flower. 
 The death of Governor Carver, so beloved, so respected, 
 so confided in, so faithful, self-denying, and laborious, was 
 a most depressing blow to the little colony. It seemed as 
 if God could have spared that, but he knew better than 
 they what was for their good and his glory. 
 
 Mr. Choate has beautifully put into the lips of the 
 venerated Brewster, in a version of those days of graves, 
 the language of the Pilgrim souls. " This spot, he would 
 say, this line of shore, yea, this whole land grows dearer 
 daily, were it only for the precious dust which we have 
 committed to its bosom. I would sleep here, when my 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 269 
 
 own hour comes, rather than elsewhere, with those who 
 have shared with us in our exceeding labors, and whose 
 burdens are now unloosed for ever. I would be near 
 them in the last day, and have a part in their resurrection." 
 
 This spot of the first Pilgrim burials, so solemn, so 
 sacred, is the first terrace or hill rising from the harbor, 
 above the Rock of the Pilgrims' landing. The hill or 
 terrace rose higher and more boldly at that time than it 
 does now, but the Journal speaks of it as "a high land 
 where there is a great deal of ground cleared, and hath 
 been planted with corn three or four years ago ; and there 
 is a very sweet brook under the hill-side, and many dehcate 
 springs of as good water as can be drunk." A little above 
 this first terrace where the earliest dead were laid, the 
 Pilgrims set up their first habitations for the living ; the 
 centre and beginning of the town of Plymouth. Higher 
 still above this rose another hill, the present grave-stone 
 mount, of which we have at first spoken, all sown thickly 
 over with graves and covered with monuments, but which 
 the Pilgrims at first selected for their fort, because of its 
 commanding position. They speak of it " as a great hill 
 on which we point to make a platform, and plant our 
 ordnance, which will command all round about. From 
 thence we may see into the bay, and far into the sea ; and 
 we may see thence Cape Cod." 
 
 This place, called at first Fort Hill, afterwards changed 
 its name to that of the Burying Hill, for it began to be 
 used as the place of burial soon after the first year of the 
 Pilgrims' settlement. In building the fort, they so con- 
 structed it as to make it serve also for the house of public 
 worship, where they could calmly praise God, without fear 
 of any sudden incursion from the savages. The founda- 
 tions of the fort are still distinctly marked, but the last 
 mention of it in the town records is in 1679, at the close of 
 King Philip's war, when the defences were no longer 
 needed. On this hill are the graves of several of the May 
 
270 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Flower Pilgrims, Gov. Bradford's among others, and that of 
 John Rowland and his wife Elizabeth. The grave of 
 Thomas Clarke, the mate of the May Flower, is here. 
 This is the place also of the grave of the last ruling elder 
 of the first church in Plymouth, Mr. Thomas Faunce. He 
 died not till the year 1745, in the 99th year of his age, and 
 of course was long the living repository of the authentic 
 unwritten traditions concerning the first generation of the 
 Pilgrims. The great age to which those lived, who sur- 
 vived the dreadful trials of the first few years, is remarka- 
 ble. John Alden, who came in the May Flower, died at 
 the age of 89, in 1687, and one of his direct descendants, 
 John Alden of Middleborough, died at the age of 102, in 
 the year 1821. The wife of Governor Bradford died at 
 the age of 80. Elder Brewster, John Rowland and his 
 wife Elizabeth, Elder Cushman and his wife Mary, were 
 all from 80 to 90 years of age when they died. Thomas 
 Clarke, the supposed mate of the May Flower, was 98. 
 The grave stones over these Pilgrims, if you find them on 
 Burying Hill, are not so old as their deaths ; they are said 
 to have been brought over from England, and in some 
 cases were not put up till long after the graves of the 
 whole generation were made. 
 
 From the midst of these graves you have, as we have 
 seen, a great commanding view over the country and the 
 sea. It is a place for deep meditation, not merely on the 
 character and toils of those gone to their rest, but upon the 
 wonderful Providence of God in the history and govern- 
 ment of our race, in the progress of the great plan of 
 redemption. Looking back to those days of toil and death 
 in the planting of the colony, and abroad now also upon the 
 face of the earth, it seems as if the whole history of man- 
 kind passed through those straits, as through a gate, or 
 lock, into a new expansion. The influence of those days 
 is even now at work in Europe, overturning thrones, and 
 preparing for the great reign of righteousness and freedom 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVlDExNfCES, AND PERSONS. 271 
 
 in Christ, which is to come. On the summit of the Bury- 
 ing Hill, the spectator will perhaps think of the missionary 
 enterprise ; for here hes the body of him, who as one of 
 the Pilgrims bore testimony, that witli the reasons w^hxich 
 constrained them to quit their native land and seek a 
 habitation among the heathen, was mingled the hope and 
 design of spreading the Gospel where the tidings of salva- 
 tion had never reached. Their mission, they thought, was 
 with the Indians of this Western Continent ; but how 
 would they have adored the riches of God's Providence, 
 could they have seen in vision the rising and increase of the 
 American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, 
 spreading its labors over the whole habitable globe ! A 
 missionary movement growing out of that infant colony of 
 New England, and which perhaps God sees to be directly 
 connected wdth the infant flame of missionary zeal which 
 he had kindled in the souls of those Pilgrims. 
 
 In that flame of benevolence, that sense of duty to God, 
 that supreme regard to his Will, Word, and Kingdom, that 
 religious impulse of combined civil and religious freedom, 
 missionary and personal, ^vas the beginning of America. 
 Carlyle has intimated as much, but not in the religious 
 direction. And America was not only a New World, but, 
 ensouled by the Pilgrims, was to make a New World out 
 of the Old. The soul of it was in that soul-seed in the 
 May Flower, sifted out of God's seed in three kingdoms. 
 But nobody knew then what God was doing. Who knew, 
 or thought, or cared for the sailing of that little vessel, and 
 the landing and the toils of those poor men and their 
 families ? Aye ! ye see your calling, brethren, if ye would 
 be at the foundation of so great a work for God. Not 
 many wise after the flesh, not many mighty, not many 
 noble ; perhaps, in a given case, not one. God was just 
 here choosing the foolish things of the world to confound 
 the mighty, and base things of the world, and things 
 despised, yea and things that are not, to bring to naught 
 
272 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLTJSTKATIONS 
 
 things that are, that no flesh should glory in his presence. 
 This is the beauty and the glory of this our Pilgrim 
 ancestry, that the more minutely we trace it, the more 
 directly it brings us to God, the more it throws us upon 
 him, the more it forbids us to glory but in him. It shows 
 his wonder-working Providence and grace, " deep in un- 
 fathomable mines of never-failing skill." 
 
 " Puritanism," says Thomas Carlyle, " was only despica- 
 ble, laughable, then ; but nobody can manage to laugh at it 
 now. It is one of the strongest things under the sun at 
 present." And how wonderfully its calm strength looms 
 up now before the world, in contrast with the laboring, 
 creaking, straining hulks of old dismasted despotisms, flying 
 before the revolutionary gales of Europe to swift destruc- 
 tion. We should like to have had a man like Edmund 
 Burke spared to behold this scene, and to describe the 
 contrast. We should like to have had such a mind, touched 
 with divine grace, to take a view of the Providence of 
 God from the day of the sailing of the May Flower and the 
 compact in Cape Cod Harbor, down to this present 
 autumn of 1848. "Nothing in the history of mankind," 
 said Burke in his speech upon the taxation of the colonies, 
 " is like their progress. For my part, I never cast an eye 
 on their flourishing commerce, and their cultivated and 
 commodious life, but they seem to me rather ancient 
 nations, grown to perfection through a long series of 
 fortunate events, and a train of successful industry, ac- 
 cumulating wealth in many countries, than the colonies of 
 yesterday, than a set of miserable outcasts, a few years 
 ago not so much sent as thrown out on the bleak and 
 barren shore of a desolate wilderness, three thousand 
 miles from all civilized intercourse." 
 
 Now in fact it was this barrier of three thousand miles, 
 across which the exiles were thus flung in scorn out of 
 their native kingdom, that under God preserved them from 
 the infection of vicious example, and the rapacious despot- 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 273 
 
 ism of a Church and State EstabHshment. If the ocean 
 had not rolled between America and England, with the 
 cost of a month's time, at least, to pass it, the experiment ot 
 hberty and religion had failed. Now that God in his 
 Providence is so lessening time and space between us and 
 Europe, we may hope, notwithstanding all dangers, that he 
 is about to bring to some glorious crisis the great purposes 
 of the vast Providential preparations he has been making 
 for two hundred years. 
 
 12* 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THE FIR3T FAST DAY AND THANKSGIVING. 
 
 The festival of an x\nnual Thanksgiving, original among 
 the Jev^^s, and of God's own appointment, w^as never in like 
 manner observed among any Gentile nation, that we are 
 aware of, till our Pilgrim Fathers renewed it in New Eng- 
 land. Days of feasting and merriment there have been 
 many; Saints' days copied from the Romish Calendar, 
 almost numberless ; festivals of Christmas, and spring car- 
 nivals, and holidays ; but nothing like the Thanksgiving 
 feast of harvest for the annual bounties of God's providence, 
 of which the grateful, joyful feast of Tabernacles among 
 the Hebrews was so perfect and delightful an example. 
 Yet not as an imitation did it grow up into a habit with 
 our fathers ; it was the suggestion and the dictate of their 
 own habitual and grateful piety ; and it is so accordant 
 with every impulse of religion, and every feeling of a thank- 
 ful heart, that from its home and birth-place in New Eng- 
 land, the custom has at length found its way over the whole 
 United States, a custom, we trust in God, which never will 
 be broken. 
 
 We find in this volume the very first instance of the 
 New England Thanksgiving. It is referred to by Mr. 
 Winslow in his letter to a friend. It was after the gather- 
 ing in of the harvest, and a fowling expedition was sent out 
 
PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 275 
 
 for the occasion by the Governor, that for their Thanksgiv- 
 ing dinners and for the festivities of the week they might 
 have more dainty and abundant materials than ordinary. 
 That week they exercised in arms, and hospitably feasted 
 King Massasoit and ninety men. The Governor is said by 
 Mr. Winslow to have appointed the game-hunt after harvest, 
 that so the Pilgrims " might after a more special manner re- 
 joice together, after they had gathered the fruit of their 
 labors." This admirable annual New England custom of 
 Thanksgiving dates back therefore to the first year of our 
 Forefathers' arrival. The custom of an annual fast began 
 somewhat later, on occasion of the prospect of famine in 
 the infant colony, in 1623. The discipline of God's provi- 
 dence, as well as the guidance of his word, led them onward 
 in the appointment and celebration of both these solemni- 
 ties, which they did not then know God was designing to 
 be fixtures of devout habit from the youth to the manhood 
 of New England. In all things they waited on God ; and 
 God built up all things with them and among them, not 
 suddenly, violently, or by any imagination of a miracle ; or 
 by will-worship of angels after the commandments and 
 doctrines of men ; but gradually, gently, naturally, by 
 grace and heavenly wisdom, in a growth which should be 
 lasting, because it came from God. 
 
 Yes ! the process was kind and gentle, though with ap- 
 parent severity. And there were passages in God's word 
 so singularly applicable to God's discipline and the event 
 of it with them even from the beginning, that they must 
 have enjoyed peculiar delight in dwelling upon them ; for 
 neither the church nor the world had ever seen a case so 
 marvellously resembhng God's providence and grace with 
 his people of old under a miraculous dispensation. " And 
 though the Lord give you the bread of adversity and the 
 water of affliction, yet 'shall not thy teachers be removed 
 into a corner any more, but thine eyes shall see thy teach- 
 ers : and thine ears shall hear a word behind thee, sayin^^. 
 
276 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 This is the way, walk ye in it, when ye turn to the right 
 hand, and when ye turn to the left. Then shall he give 
 the rain of thy seed, that thou shalt sow the ground withal ; 
 and bread of the increase of the earth, and it shall be fat and 
 plenteous ; in that day shall thy cattle feed in large pas- 
 tures." 
 
 For a season they were shut up to the faith of Habakkuk, 
 that simple faith, that beautiful and unmingled faith, that 
 faith in God, and not in God's comforts ; that faith in God, 
 guided, fed, and strengthened by his word, and by no wild 
 imagination. "Although the fig-tree shall not blossom, 
 neither shall fruit be in the vines ; the labor of the olive 
 shall fail, and the fields shall yield no meat ; the flock shall 
 be cut oflf from the fold, and there shall be no herd in the 
 stalls ; — yet will I rejoice in the Lord, I will joy in the God 
 of my salvation." 
 
 There were such times, when they had to go to Isaiah 
 1. 10, and wait there till God's appearance, seeing no 
 light, but in his own provision for just such a case. " Who 
 is among you that feareth the Lord, that obeyeth the voice 
 of his servant, that walketh in darkness and hath no light ? 
 Let him trust in the name of the Lord, and stay upon his 
 God." Times there were, when they had to say. Our God 
 whom we serve is able to deliver us : but if not, if he please 
 not, be it known to the whole world of darkness and dis- 
 trust around and beneath us, we still trust in him, and have 
 no misgivings, though he slay us. 
 
 And then, when they were ready to say, — My strength 
 and my hope is perished from the Lord, heard they the 
 voice of the Lord, and found its fulfilment, — " For a small 
 moment have I forsaken thee, but with everlasting mercies 
 will I gather thee. In a little wrath I hid my face from 
 thee for a moment, but with everlasting kindness will I 
 have mercy on thee, saith the Lord thy Redeemer." " For 
 the Lord will not cast off for ever ; but though he cause 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 277 
 
 grief, yet will he have compassion according to the multi- 
 tude of his mercies." 
 
 The history of their first Fast is a glorious testimony to 
 the truth of these declarations in God's book. God planted 
 the seed of that victorious day, that triumph of prayer, that 
 day of God's own witness to his own faithfulness, at the 
 time when they, in dependence on him, were putting their 
 seed into the ground, and leaving there, under God's care, 
 all their external reliance for the future. God set the root 
 of conquest and praise in their disappointments and difficul- 
 ties. Though he led them sometimes " three days in the 
 wilderness without water,'* yet he kept them from mur- 
 muring ; though he brought them sometimes to a fountain, 
 and let them see that it was Marah, bitterness, yet his pre- 
 venting grace suffered them not to distrust him or repine. 
 He built up by all this discipline, a hardy and a cheerful 
 piety, and a strong enduring faith ; fixtures of character 
 requisite for those who were " to raise up the foundations 
 of many generations ;" a faith, then most vigorous, when 
 deepest in adversity ; and a submissive cheerfulness, not 
 running as an occasional mere thread or picture through a 
 woof of blessings, but constituting both warp and woof, by 
 God's grace, in the loom of his providence and word. 
 
 The history of this fast we will take mainly from Prince's 
 compendium of Winslow and Bradford. But to render it 
 more striking, by bringing into one view the successive 
 hardships, discouragements, and fears of the colony from 
 the beginning, through this particular cause of the want of 
 food and sore famine, even unio apprehended destruction, 
 w^e will set out where the Journal leaves us, just before 
 the lamented death of Governor Carver, in the spring of 
 1621. That affliction came upon them in seed-time ; but 
 that darkest day was at the beginning of the renewal of 
 God's mercy in the health and prosperity of the little com- 
 pany. " All the summer no want ; while some were trad- 
 ing, others were fishing cod, bass, &c. We now gather in 
 
278 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 our harvest, and as cold weather advances, there come in 
 store of water-fowl, wherewith this place abounds, though 
 afterwards they by degrees decrease ; as also abundance 
 of wild turkeys, with venison, &c. Fit our houses against 
 winter, are in health, and have all things in plenty." 
 
 But now, even in a new cloud of mercy, lowers the 
 threatening of change. Nov. 9th arrived the ship Fortune 
 from England, the first reinforcement of the Pilgrims since 
 the day, precisely a year before, when the May Flower 
 came in sight of Cape Cod, and anchored in the harbor. 
 This was the first news to gladden their hearts from their 
 mother country, the first sail they had seen. In this ship 
 " comes Mr. Cushman with thirty-five persons to live in 
 the plantation, which not a little rejoices us. But both 
 ship and passengers poorly furnished with provisions, 
 so that we are forced to spare her some to carry her 
 home, which threatens a famine among us, unless we have 
 a timely supply." 
 
 It was excessive improvidence, and even cruelty, in 
 those who sent out this ship, thus miserably to furnish her 
 with provisions, not merely sending no food to the colony, 
 when they sent thirty-five new mouths to be filled, but 
 leaving the ship's company itself to be victualled from the 
 colony for a return voyage ! It was God's mercy, not 
 man's wisdom, that the plantation was not ruined by this 
 ship. Measures had now to be adopted in reference to 
 want. 
 
 " Upon her departure, the Governor and his assistant dis- 
 pose the late comers into several families, find their pro- 
 visions will now scarce hold out six months at half allow- 
 ance, and therefore put them to it, which they bare pa- 
 tiently." 
 
 " TcjQst not," wrote Mr. Winslow by return of this ship, 
 for such as might be thinking to join the plantation, " trust 
 not too much on us for corn at this time, for by reason of 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 279 
 
 this last company that came depending wholly upon us, we 
 shall have little enough till harvest." 
 
 And now came the beginning of those straits, whereof 
 Mr. Winslow said, " such was our state, as in the morning 
 we had often our food to seek for the day, yet performed 
 the duties of our other daily labors, to provide for after- 
 time ; when at some times in some seasons, at noon 1 have 
 seen men stagger hy reason of faintness fo-- want of food ; 
 yet ere night, by the good providence and blessing of God, 
 we have enjoyed such plenty as though the windows of 
 heaven had been opened unto us." 
 
 The stinted allowance continued till, under date of May 
 in that year, the Pilgrims find themselves under pressure 
 of severe want. " Our provision being spent, a famine be- 
 gins to pinch us, and we look hard for supply, but none 
 arrives." 
 
 At this time they spied a boat at sea, which proved to 
 be a shallop from a ship called the Sparrow, bringing 
 " seven passengers from Mr. Weston, but no victuals, nor 
 hope of any : nor have we ever any afterwards ; and by 
 his letters find he has quite deserted us, and is going to set- 
 tle a plantation of his own." 
 
 This is the first notice we have of that miserable, base 
 colony under this Weston, " merchant and citizen of Lon- 
 don," which caused such great trial and injury to the Pil- 
 grims, and in the end died out utterly in want, unthrift, 
 dishonesty, and wretchedness. In the end of June two 
 ships from this Weston came into the harbor, " having in 
 them some fifty or sixty men, sent over at his own charge 
 to plant for him." These were courteously and kindly re- 
 ceived by the Pilgrims, notwithstanding their own great 
 straits. But evil was returned for good. " The body of 
 them refreshed themselves at Plymouth, while some most 
 fit sought out a place for them. That little store of corn 
 we had was exceedingly wasted by the unjust and disho- 
 nest walking of these strangers ; who, though they would 
 
280 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 sometimes seem to help us in our labor about our corn, yet 
 spared not day and night to steal the same, it being then 
 eatable and pleasant to taste, though green and unprofita- 
 ble ; and though they received much kindness, set light 
 both by it and us, not sparing to requite the love v^e 
 showed them with secret backbitings, revilings, &c. 
 Nevertheless, we continued to do them whatsoever good 
 or furtherance we could, attributing these things to the 
 want of conscience and discretion, expecting each day 
 when God in his providence would disburden us of them, 
 sorrowing that their overseers were not of more ability and 
 fitness for their places, and much fearing what would be 
 the issue of such raw and unconscionable proceedings." 
 
 These miserable adventurers settled at Wessagusset, 
 afterwards called Weymouth, in Massachusetts Bay. 
 
 There were three things, Mr. Winslow said, which were 
 "the overthrow and bane of plantations;" the third thing, 
 " the carelessness of those that send over supplies of men 
 unto them, not caring how they be qualified ; so that oft- 
 times they are rather the images of men endowed with 
 bestial, yea, diabolical affections, than the image of God, 
 endued with reason, understanding, and holiness. There 
 is no godly, honest man, but will be helpful in his kind, 
 and adorn his profession with an upright life and conversa- 
 tion ; which doctrine of manners ought first to be preached 
 by giving good example to the poor savage heathens amongst 
 whom they live. Great offence hath been given by many 
 profane men, who, being but seeming Christians, have 
 made Christianity stink in the nostrils of the poor infidels." 
 
 The boat that brought the seven new mouths to be filled, 
 but no victuals, brought also a kindly letter from the cap- 
 tain of a fishing ship at the eastward, Mr. John Huddle- 
 ston, to whom the governor of the Pilgrim Colony sent 
 forthwith a boat under Mr. Winslow for provisions. By 
 the good providence of God he obtained so much bread as 
 amounted to a quarter of a pound daily for each person till 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 281 
 
 harvest, and returned in safety. The governor caused their 
 portion to be daily given them, or some had starved. 
 
 " The want of bread had abated the strength and flesh of 
 some, had swelled others ; and had they not been where 
 are diverse sorts of shell-fish, they must have perished. 
 These extremities befell us in May and June ; and in the 
 time of these straits, the Indians began to cast forth many 
 insulting speeches, glorying in our weakness, and giving 
 out how easy it would be ere long to cut us off; which oc- 
 casions us to erect a Fort on the hill above us." 
 
 This Fort being built, served also, thenceforward, as the 
 place of public worship. 
 
 Now again harvest time had come, but with it little re- 
 lief for the present and apprehended necessities of the colo- 
 ny. " Our crop proving scanty, partly through wpakness 
 to tend it, for want of food, partly through other business, 
 and partly by much being stolen, a famine must ensue next 
 year, unless prevented. But by an unexpected providence 
 come into our harbor two ships." One of these was the 
 Discovery under Captain Jones, on her way from Virginia 
 to England. Of her, though the Pilgrims seem to have ob- 
 tained little bread, yet they brought a store of knives and 
 beads, which enabled them to trade with the Indians for 
 corn, and thus helped to sa«e them from destruction. The 
 food thus obtained during the winter, by expeditions of 
 great difficulty and danger, amidst freezing weather, was 
 divided from time to time among the people. 
 
 Meantime the miserable Colony under Weston, at Wessa- 
 gusset, in Massachusetts Bay, having spent all their bread 
 and corn, and being so despised and hated of the natives, for 
 their ill and dishonest conduct, that they could gain no sup- 
 ply from them, thought of making a foray upon them and 
 taidng it by force. But first the overseer determined to ask 
 advice of the Colony at Plymouth, being persuaded thereto 
 by some more honestly minded. The main question in the 
 letter, which was sent' with speed by an Indian messenger, 
 
282 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 was whether he should take the corn by violence, on the 
 promise afterwards to make restitution. The answer was 
 not delayed, and was such as the know^n piety and wisdom 
 of the Colony would lead us to expect. 
 
 The moral superiority and power of the Pilgrims was on 
 such occasions signally displayed, as well as their sagacity 
 and judgment. After serious consultation together, the 
 Governor returned a warning, signed by many of the com- 
 pany, that their violent intentions were contrary both to 
 the law of God and nature, and against that propagation of 
 the Gospel which they were bound to seek, avoiding what- 
 ever might prejudice that great object. The Governor bade 
 them remember that their case was no worse than that ot 
 the Pilgrims at Plymouth, who had but little corn left, and 
 were forced to live on ground-nuts, clams, muscles, and 
 such other things as naturally the country afforded ; all 
 which things they had in abundance at Wessagusset, with 
 oysters in addition ; and therefore necessity could not be 
 said to constrain them to their intended violence. " More- 
 over, that they should consider, if they proceeded therein, 
 all they could so get would maintain them but a small time, 
 and then they must perforce seek their food abroad ; which, 
 having made the Indians their enemies, would be very diffi- 
 cuh for them, and therefore m*ch better to begin a little 
 the sooner, and so continue their peace ; after w^hich course 
 they might with good conscience desire and expect the 
 blessing of God ; whereas on the contrary they could not." 
 
 This friendly advice and warning changed, for the pre- 
 sent, the resolution and temper of the adventurers ; but by 
 the month of March the plantation was utterly broken up 
 in less than a year after it w^as started. " And this," re- 
 marked Governor Bradford, " is the end of those, who being 
 all able men, had boasted of their strength, and what they 
 would bring to pass, in comparison of the people of Ply- 
 mouth, who had many women, children, and weak ones 
 with them." 
 
I 
 
 OF PRINCIPLES, PR0VII)E>3CES, AND PERSONS. 283 
 
 Up to the month of April, the pressure of want among 
 the Pilgrims continued, and now was increasing. " No 
 supply being heard of, nor knowing when to expect any, 
 we consider how to raise a better crop, and not languish 
 still in misery." It was determined that at this seedtime 
 every family should plant for themselves, and even the wo- 
 men and children went into the field to work, so that more 
 corn was planted than ever. 
 
 " But by the time our corn was planted, our victuals are 
 spent : not knowing at night where to have a bit in the 
 morning, and have neither bread nor corn for three or four 
 months together : yet bear our wants with cheerfulness, and 
 rest on Providence. 
 
 " Having but one boat left, we divided our men into seve- 
 ral companies, six or seven in each : who take their turns 
 to go out with a net and fish, and return not till they get 
 some, though they be five or six days out ; knowing there's 
 nothing at home, and to return empty would be a great 
 discouragement. When they stay long or get but little, 
 the rest go a digging shell-fish. And thus we live the sum- 
 mer ; only sending one or two to range the woods for deer, 
 they now and then get one, which we divide among the 
 company ; and in the winter are helped with fowl and 
 ground-nuts." 
 
 By the middle of July the colonists seemed brought 
 to the end of all their hopes, almost to utter desperation. 
 " Notwithstanding our great pains and hopes of a large 
 crop, God seems to blast them and threaten sorer famine 
 by a great drought and heat, from the third week in May 
 to the middle of this month, so as the corn withers, both the 
 blade and stalk, as if it were utterly dead. Our beans also 
 ran not up according to their wonted manner, but stood at 
 a stay, many being parched away, as though they had been 
 scorched before the fire. Now were our hopes overthrown, 
 and we discouraged, our joy being turned into mourning." 
 
 To add to their distress they heard of a ship in which 
 
284 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 supplies were coming to them from England being in com- 
 pany with another ship only 300 leagues from the coast, 
 and then for three months waited for her in vain, beholding 
 nothing but the signs of a wreck upon the shore, which 
 they judged must be the ruins of that ship. All things put 
 together, it seemed as if God had turned against the colony, 
 and would be favorable no more. 
 
 Yet they were not so discouraged as not to wait upon 
 God, but so as to wait 07ily upon him. To him, as their 
 sole refuge, they fled, individually and unitedly. 
 
 " These and the like considerations," says Mr. Winslow, 
 " moved not only every good man privately to enter into 
 examination with his own estate between God and his con- 
 science, and so to humiliation before him, but also more 
 solemnly to humble ourselves together before the Lord by 
 fasting and prayer. To that end a day was appointed by 
 public authority, and set apart from all other employments ; 
 hoping that the same God which had stirred us up hereun- 
 to, would be moved hereby in mercy to look down upon 
 us, and grant the request of our dejected souls, if our conti- 
 nuance there might stand with his glory and our good. But 
 Oh the mercy of our God ! who was as ready to hear as 
 we to ask ; for though in the morning, when we were as- 
 sembled together, the heavens were as clear and the drought 
 as like to continue as ever it was, yet (our exercise conti- 
 nuing some eight or nine hours) before our departure the 
 weather was overcast, the clouds gathered together on all 
 sides, and on the next morning distilled such soft, sweet, 
 and moderate showers of rain, and mixed with such sea- 
 sonable weather, as it was hard to say whether our wither- 
 ed corn or drooping affections were most quickened or re- 
 vived. Such was the bounty and goodness of our God." 
 
 Perhaps a more remarkable instance of God's interposi- 
 tion in answer to prayer is not to be found on record. The 
 showers came, said Governor Bradford, " without any thun- 
 der, wind, or violence, and by degrees and that abundance 
 
OF PRmcIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 285 
 
 that the earth was thoroughly soaked, and the decayed 
 corn and other fruits so revived as was wonderful to see, 
 the Indians were astonished to behold, and gave a joyful 
 prospect of a fruitful harvest." The interposition was as 
 clearly from God as when Elijah prayed of old and the 
 heavens gave rain, and the earth brought forth her fruits. 
 
 It happened that the day when this solemn fast was ap- 
 pointed, and the whole Colony were assembled in prayer, 
 a number of the Indians were in at the Pilgrim settlement, 
 among whom was Hobbamock, or Hobomok, the friend of 
 the colonists, and who died, as some earnestly hoped, a be- 
 liever in the Pilgrims' God. Hobbamock and the Indians, 
 observing these holy exercises in the middle of the week, 
 remarked that it was but three days since Sunday, and 
 could not tell what it could mean. Hobbamock demanded 
 the reason of a boy whom he met, and, being told, commu- 
 nicated it to the natives ; and th^ir astonishment may easi- 
 ly be conceived, when, having been instructed as to the 
 purpose of the day and its services, as a time for the Pil- 
 grims to humble themselves before their God, and to seek 
 his mercy in prayer for rain, they saw what followed ; saw 
 the clouds gather and the rain begin to fall. " He and all 
 of them," says Mr. Winslow, " admired the goodness of our 
 God towards us, that wrought so great a change in so short 
 a time." And well they might admire it. Even their own 
 dark belief in the Great Spirit made them feel that it was 
 the Pilgrims' God, hearing, answering, and providing for 
 them. 
 
 If the excellent Robinson had heard of this affecting in- 
 terposition and proof of God's goodness, and its effect upon 
 the minds of the savages, what tenderness and grief he 
 must have felt when he wrote to the Church in regard to 
 the first Indians killed in the conflict with Standish in March 
 at Wessagusset, " O how happy a thing had it been, that 
 you had converted some, before you killed any !" But the 
 missionary spirit of the Pilgrims was destined not to bear 
 
286 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 its fruits in the immediate conversion of the natives, till the 
 coming and apostolic labors of Elliot. And why may we 
 not regard that remarkable man as an instrument raised up 
 and made successful in answer to the Pilgrims' prayers ? 
 The same God who provided them rain when they plead- 
 ed for it, opened for them, when his set time had come, 
 doors wide and effectual for the power of his word, even 
 among the Indians. 
 
 None ever yet, with sincere purpose of heart, and a low- 
 ly spirit, appointed a Fast-Day, but God changed it into a 
 Thanksgiving. In addition to the reviving rains, the Colo- 
 ny was comforted by the return of Captain Standish, whom 
 the Governor had sent away to buy provisions ; and they 
 also learned that the ship was safe, which they had suppos- 
 ed wrecked with their supplies, and would soon come to 
 them. 
 
 " So that," says Mr. Win slow, " having these many 
 signs of GodV favor and acceptation, w^e thought it would 
 be great ingratitude if secretly we should smother up the 
 same, or content ourselves with private thanksgiving for 
 that, which by private prayer could not be obtained. And 
 therefore another solemn day was set apart and appointed 
 for that end ; wherein we returned glory, honor, and praise 
 with all thankfulness, to our good God, which deals so gra- 
 ciously with us ; whose name for these and all other his 
 mercies towards his Church and chosen ones, by them be 
 blessed and praised now and evermore. Amen." 
 
 In the Charlestown Records, as published by Dr. Young 
 in his Chronicles of Massachusetts, we find a similar change 
 of a Fast-Day into Thanksgiving in the Massachusetts 
 Colony. It was in 1631. The winter had come on, and pro- 
 visions were so scanty, that the colonists had to live upon 
 clams, muscles, ground-nuts, and acorns, and these got with 
 much difficulty in the winter season. The last batch of 
 bread was in the Governor's oven. " But God, who de- 
 lights to appear in greatest straits, did work marvellously 
 
 I 
 
> 
 
 OF PRiNcirLEs, pkovi:je:h-c£s, and rEKso.\s. 237 
 
 at this time ; for before the veyy day appointed to seek the 
 Lord by fasting and prayer, in comes Mr. Pearce (in a ship 
 from Ireland) laden with provisions. Upon which occasion^ 
 the Fast-Day was changed, and ordered to be kept as a Day 
 of Thanksgiving ; when provisions were by the Governor 
 distributed unto the people proportionable to their neces- 
 sities.' " * 
 
 The day of Thanksgiving appointed by the Plymouth 
 Pilgrims was kept out of the fulness of their hearts, for it 
 was a marvellous change which God had wrought for them 
 in answer to prayer. A blessing so public and so great 
 they would not smother up in mere private acknowledg- 
 ments, but the whole Colony were gathered into their meet- 
 ing-house in the timber-fort upon the hill, where not only 
 their Elder, Mr. Brewster, discoursed to them concerning 
 God's goodness, but the Governor himself, according to his 
 frequent wont, would exhort them that with such a faithful, 
 covenant-keeping God they should never yield to unbelief 
 or fear. 
 
 Soon after this day of thanksgiving their hearts were fur- 
 ther gladdened with the sight of two ships with supplies en- 
 tering their harbor, one of them perhaps the very next 
 morning, bringing an addition of men to the colony ; some 
 of them good men and true, " but others so bad," said 
 Governor Bradford, " that we were forced to be at the 
 charge to send them home next year." 
 
 When these passengers saw their poor and low condi- 
 tion ashore, they were much dismayed and full of sadness. 
 They had ever been accustomed to good fare and many 
 blessings, and were not prepared by God's discipline to 
 join in days of thanksgiving amidst seasons of adversity. 
 " Only our old friends," continues Governor Bradford, " re- 
 joiced to see us, and that it was no worse, and now hoped 
 we should enjoy better days together. The best dish we 
 
 • 
 * Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, 385 
 
288 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 could present them with was a lobster or piece of fish with- 
 out bread or anything else but a cup of fair spring water : 
 ^nd the long continuance of this diet, with our labors abroad, 
 has somewhat abated the freshness of our complexion ; but 
 God gives us health." 
 
 " Now our harvest came," added Governor Bradford, un- 
 der date of September ; " instead of famine we had plenty, 
 and the face of things was changed to the joy of our hearts ; 
 nor has there been any general want of food among us 
 since to this day ;" from September, 1623, to the close of 
 the year 1646, up to which Governor Bradford carried his 
 history. 
 
 Such is the account of the first days of Fasting and 
 Thanksgiving in New England. The record of God's in- 
 terpositions amidst actual and threatening famine, with the 
 thanksgiving afterwards, formed an episode by itself, in the 
 early annals of our Pilgrim Fathgrs, beautifully illustrative 
 of God's goodness and of their faith. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 THE FIRST NEW ENGLAND COUNCIL, CHURCH ORG ANIZA nON, 
 AND ORDINATION. 
 
 The contrast between the first and second colonizings of 
 New England, between the settlement at Plymouth and 
 that at Salem and Boston, deserves to be noted. It seemed 
 as if God, by the baptism of suffering through which he led 
 the first band of Pilgrims, had inspired the spirit of death 
 to self in those who came after them. But the difference 
 was wide in their external appointments and prospects. 
 The first Pilgrim voyage in 1620 was in the little vessel of 
 the May Flower, with one hundred souls in all, of whom 
 half died within five months. The second emigration in 
 1630 was in four ships out of a fleet of eleven, the other 
 seven being destined to the same expedition, but not yet 
 quite ready for sea ; the ships dignified as Admiral, Vice- 
 Admiral, Rear-Admiral, and Captain ; the first being the 
 Arabella, of 350 tons, manned with fifty-two seamen and 
 twenty-eight guns. Fifteen hundred persons embarked 
 that season for Massachusetts. The colony at Boston 
 endured a devastating sickness, and then about a hundred 
 of the colonists fled back to England, relinquishing the 
 enterprise at the first thickening difficulties. Among them 
 were some in whom the colony confided as its main and 
 
 sure supporters. 
 
 13 
 
290 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 There had been one settler before them at Boston, Mr. 
 William Blackstone, a Puritan Minister of the English 
 Church, of such large and determined principles of liberty 
 and independence that he found the colony itself afterwards 
 too intolerant for him, and would not be connected with 
 the church. " I came from England," said he, " because 
 I did not like the Lord-Bishops : and I cannot join with 
 you, because I would not be under the Lord-Brethren." 
 This company of colonists w^ere full of affectionate and 
 forgiving remembrance of their Mother Church, and they 
 besought an interest still in her prayers in Old England ; 
 promising a return of the same, " when we shall be in our 
 poor cottages in the wilderness, overshadowed with the 
 spirit of supplication through the manifold necessities and 
 tribulations, which may not altogether unexpectedly, nor 
 we hope unprofitably befall us." 
 
 How beautiful is this recognition of the great principle of 
 God's dispensations with his people, to make them, like the 
 Captain of their Salvation, ^er/ec^ through suffering I They 
 were to be overshadowed with the great spirit of supplica- 
 tion through the sufferings awaiting them in the wilderness ! 
 The tribute paid by the historian Grahame to the noble 
 character of this consecrated band is so just both for them 
 and the Plymouth Pilgrims, and so eloquent in itself, that 
 we shall quote a part of it. 
 
 " Soon after the power of the adventurers to establish 
 a colony was rendered complete by the royal charter, 
 1st May, 1629, they equipped and despatched five ships for 
 New England, containing three hundred and fifty emigrants, 
 chiefly zealous Puritans, accompanied by some eminent 
 Nonconformist ministers. The regrets which an eternal 
 farewell to their native land was calculated to inspire, the 
 distressing inconvenience of a long voyage to persons 
 unaccustomed to the sea, and the formidable scene of toil 
 and danger that confronted them in the barbarous land 
 where so many preceding emigrants had found an untimely 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 291 
 
 grave, seem to have vanished entirely from the minds of 
 these men, supported by the worth and dignity of the 
 design which they were combined to accompHsh. Their 
 hearts were knit to each other by community of generous 
 purpose ; and they experienced none of those jealousies 
 which invariably spring up in confederacies for ends merely 
 selfish, among persons unequally qualified to promote the 
 object of their association. Behind them, indeed, was the 
 land of their fathers ; but it had long since ceased to wear 
 towards them a benign or paternal countenance ; and in 
 forsaking it, they fled from the prisons and scaffolds to 
 which Christians and patriots were daily consigned. Be- 
 fore them lay a vast and dreary wilderness ; but they 
 hoped to irradiate its gloom, by kindling and preserving 
 there the sacred fire of religion and liberty."* 
 
 This second colony came out beneath the authority of a 
 charter, whereas the Plymouth colony had none. There 
 was not, therefore, a second time transacted the august 
 ceremony that passed in the cabin of the May Flower. 
 One such self-constituting act of a free community was 
 enough in the infancy of a nation. 
 
 But although the colony of Massachusetts was not com- 
 pelled in the same manner with that of the Pilgrims of 
 Plymouth to throw itself upon a voluntary compact as a 
 body politic, yet precisely in the same way did God lead 
 them also into their religious form as an independent 
 church. The history of their various conferences with the 
 Plymouth colony is deeply interesting. There was among 
 the Pilgrims a physician of ability and intelligence, Dr. 
 Fuller, who had been a deacon in the Pilgrim church in 
 Leyden, and, of course, held the same office in the Pilgrim 
 church at Plymouth. Early in 1629, Governor Endicott 
 was compelled, by the sickness prevailing in the little com- 
 pany at Salem, to send to Governor Bradford for the 
 services of Dr. Fuller. The doctor seems to have been a 
 *Grahame's Colonial History, vol. i. 313 
 
292 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 man of large education, and thoroughly grounded in the 
 reason and practice of Congregationalism as it was esta- 
 blished in Mr. Robinson's church. During his stay at 
 Salem for the healing of the people, he had no little con- 
 ference with Mr. Endicott concerning the discipline of that 
 Church, and found his mind already strongly attracted 
 towards it. The fruit of their conversations may be 
 gathered from the friendly Christian letter of Mr. Endicott 
 to Governor Bradford, of May 11th, 1629, which was as 
 follows : " Right worshipful sir : It is a thing not usual, that 
 servants to one master, and of the same household, should 
 be strangers to one another. I assure you I desire it not ; 
 nay, to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you. God's 
 people are marked with one and the same mark, and have, 
 for the main, one and the same heart, and are guided by 
 one and the same spirit of Truth ; and wheresoever this is, 
 there can be no discord, nay, but a sweet harmony. And 
 this same request with you I make to the Lord, that we, 
 as Christian brethren, may be united by hearty and un- 
 feigned love, bending all our hearts and forces in further- 
 ing a work which is beyond our strength, with reverence 
 and fear, fastening our eyes always on Him that is only 
 able to direct and prosper all our ways. 
 
 " I acknowledge myself most bound to you for your kind 
 love and care in sending Mr. Fuller among us, and rejoice 
 much that I am by him satisfied touching your judgments 
 of the outer foi-m of God's worship. It is as far as I can yet 
 gather, no other than is warranted by the evidence of 
 truth : and the same v/hich I have preferred and main- 
 tained ever since the Lord in mercy revealed himself unto 
 me ; being far from the common report that hath been 
 spread of you touching that particular : but God's children 
 must not look for less here belovv^, and it is a great mercy 
 of God that He strengthens them to go through it."* 
 
 Meantime there had sailed from England, May 4th and 
 May 11th, 1029, the three first ships for the Salem Colony, 
 
 * Governor Bradford's Letter Book. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 293 
 
 " being all three full of godly passengers, with the four 
 ministers for the Massachusetts."* The ministers were 
 Messrs. Skelton, Higginson, and Bright, the latter having 
 been trained up under Mr. Davenport, and Mr. Smith, 
 afterwards settled over the Pilgrim Church at Plymouth. 
 They arrived June 24th, and now the first business which 
 occupied the care of the Governor and the Colonists was 
 the Covenant of the Church and the ordaining of its minis- 
 try. The 20th of July was appointed by the Governor as 
 a day of solemn prayer wuth fasting, for the trial and 
 choice of a Pastor and teacher. The forenoon they spent 
 in prayer, and in witnessing the exercise of the gifts of 
 the candidates in Teaching, and the afternoon in their 
 examination and election, which issued in the choice of Mr. 
 Skelton Pastor and Mr. Higginson Teacher. Upon their 
 acceptance of the charge, Mr. Higginson, with three or 
 four more of the gravest members of the church, laid their 
 hands upon Mr. Skelton with solemn prayer, and then Mr. 
 Skelton and some others performed the same ceremony 
 with Mr. Higginson. They then appointed Thursday, the 
 6th of August, as another day of prayer and fasting for the 
 choice and ordination of Elders and Deacons. The same 
 day the church were to enter into Covenant. They were 
 thirty in number who were thus to be constituted or or- 
 ganized. Mr. Higginson drew up for them a Confession 
 of Faith, and a Church Covenant, according to Scripture, 
 of which thirty copies were written out, and one delivered 
 to every member. The Church at Plymouth was invited 
 to be present by their messengers, to give their advice and 
 assistance in this important solemnity. 
 
 When the day came, they first listened to the sermons of 
 the two ministers, together with the usual exercises of 
 prayer. Then in the afternoon the Confession and Cove- 
 nant were read in the public assembly, and solemnly by 
 the members assumed. They then proceeded to the cere- 
 * Prince, 1S4, 185. 
 
294 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 mony of ordination, which was performed with prayer and 
 the laying on of the hands of certain of the brethren ap- 
 pointed by the Church for that purpose. This they did 
 with Mr. Skelton and Mr. Higginson, although they were 
 both before ordained by Bishops in the Church of England. 
 They were now ordained by those who chose them for 
 their ministers.* 
 
 In the midst of these ceremonies, Governor Bradford 
 and the other delegates from the Church of the Pilgrims 
 at Plymouth presented themselves. They had set sail in 
 good time from Plymouth, but had been detained by ad- 
 verse winds ; yet happily arrived in season to give the 
 Right Hand of Fellowship to their sister church, and to 
 unite with them in prayer and praise for God's blessing. 
 This was a sacred and remarkable day. It was the first 
 ceremony of the kind ever transacted on this Continent. 
 In its simplicity and sole dependence upon Christ, it had a 
 dignity and true grandeur, which could not be found in all 
 the gorgeous array of pomp and circumstance borrowed 
 in the English Establishment from the Romish Church. 
 
 And on what occasion of Hierarchical grandeur was 
 there ever a form or a document made use of, to be com- 
 pared in value or in beauty with the following admirable 
 Covenant? We here present it as given in Mather's 
 Magnalia ; the Covenant of the first Church of Christ ever 
 organized in America. Not the first church ever in 
 America, nor the first Independent or Congregational 
 Church in New England ; this last claim belongs to the 
 Pilgrim Church at Plymouth, which was a church already 
 in being and form, before its members landed from the 
 May Flower ; but the first church organized in New 
 England was that church at Salem, in 1629. And the fol- 
 lowing is doubtless the first Church Covenant ever drawn 
 up in America. 
 
 * Prince, 189, 191. — Mather's Magnalia, vol, i. 66. — Grahame's Colonial 
 History, vol. i. 214, 215. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 295 
 
 " We covenant with our Lord, and one with another ; 
 and we do bind ourselves in the presence of God, to walk 
 together in all his ways, according as he is pleased to re- 
 veal himself unto us in His blessed Word of Truth, and 
 do explicitly, in the name and fear of God, profess and 
 protest to walk as followeth, through the power and grace 
 of our Lord Jesus Christ. 
 
 We avouch the Lord to be our God, and ourselves to be 
 his people, in the truth and simplicity of our spirits. 
 
 We give ourselves to the Lord Jesus Christ, and the 
 Word of his Grace, for the teaching, ruling, and sanctify- 
 ing of us, in matters of worship and conversation ; resolv- 
 ing to cleave unto Him alone for life and glory, and to 
 reject all contrary ways, canons, and constitutions of men 
 in worship. 
 
 We promise to walk with our brethren with all watch- 
 fulness and tenderness, avoiding jealousies and suspicions, 
 backbitings, censurings, provokings, secret risings of spirit 
 against them ; but in all offences to follow the rule of our 
 Lord Jesus Christ, and to bear and forbear, give and forgive, 
 as he has taught us. 
 
 In public or private we will willingly do nothing to the 
 offence of the Church, but will be willing to take advice 
 for ourselves and ours, as occasion shall be presented. 
 
 We will not in the congregation be forward, either to 
 show our gifts and parts, in speaking or scrupling ; or 
 there discover the weaknesses or failings of our brethren, 
 but attend an orderly call thereunto, knowing how much 
 the Lord may be dishonored, and His gospel and the pro- 
 fession of it slighted, by our distempers and weaknesses in 
 public. 
 
 We bind ourselves to study the advancement of the Gos- 
 pel in all truth and peace, both in regard of those that are 
 within or without ; no way slighting our sister churches, 
 but using their counsel as need shall be ; not laying a stum- 
 bling block before any, no, not the Indians, whose good we 
 
296 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 desire to promote, and so to converse, as we may avoid 
 the very appearance of evil. 
 
 We do hereby promise to carry ourselves in all lawful 
 obedience to those that are over us in Church or Common- 
 wealth, knowing how well-pleasing it will be to the Lord, 
 that they should have encouragement in their places by our 
 not grieving their spirits, through our irregularities. 
 
 We resolve to approve ourselves to the Lord in our 
 particular calling, shunning idleness as the bane of any 
 state, nor will we deal hardly or oppressingly with any, 
 wherein we are the Lord's stewards. 
 
 Promising also to our best ability to teach our children 
 and servants the knowledge of God and of his will, that 
 they may serve him also ; and all this, not by any strength 
 of our own, but by the Lord Jesus Christ, whose blood we 
 desire may sprinkle this our Covenant, made in his name." 
 
 It will be noted that a special guard is introduced into 
 this admirable Christian agreement, against that forward- 
 ness in the showing of gifts and parts, whether in speaking 
 or scrupling, in regard to which there was a spice of 
 anxiety and jealousy in reference to the Plymouth Church, 
 lest the brethren there had gone to an unwarrantable 
 extent of liberty. The truth is, that the Plymouth Church, 
 having been for many years entirely separated from the 
 Establishment, were entirely emancipated from its bon- 
 dage. The Salem Church and ministers had been Non- 
 conformists in England, but had not, till now, separated 
 from the Establishment, and they were still trembhng at 
 the largeness of their liberty in Christ. Until they came 
 to New England, and beheld the Plymouth Church in its 
 simple New Testament freedom and purity, they do not 
 seem to have been acquainted with the system of Congre- 
 gationalism. But now the prediction of Robinson was 
 fulfilled ; they saw the beauty and Scriptural order and 
 freedom of that system, although at first with a little fear ; 
 and here, on this common ground of deliverance from the 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 297 
 
 laws and persecutions of the Established Hierarchy, and 
 of freedom to worship God under the sole rule of Ilis 
 Word, the Separatists and the Nonconformists became 
 one ; or rather, not so much became one, as found them- 
 selves to be already one, with really no points of difference 
 between them. 
 
 Dr. Bacon has finely remarked upon this agreement as a 
 proof of the clear Christian discernment of Robinson ;* 
 and Mr. Cotton declared, in reference to the accusation of 
 having imitated the Plymouth model, that " there was no 
 such thing as an agreement by any solemn or common 
 consultation ; but that it was true they did, as if they had 
 agreed, by the same spirit of truth and unity, set up, by the 
 help of Christ, the same model of Churches, one like to 
 another ; and so if they of Plymouth had helped any of 
 the first comers in their theory, by hearing and discussing 
 their practices, therein the Scripture was fulfilled that the 
 Kingdom of Heaven was like unto leaven, which a woman 
 took and hid in three measures of meal, till the whole was 
 leavened. "t 
 
 Mr. Winslow was at pains still more fully to show the 
 falsehood of the charge that the successive Colonists " took 
 Plymouth for their precedent as fast as they came ;" for 
 this was not bestowing honor w^here it was due, and the 
 credit of the establishment of those successive flourishing 
 churches on that New Testament plan belonged to the 
 Word of God only; "our practice being, for aught we 
 know, wholly grounded on the written Word, without any 
 addition or human invention known to us, taking our 
 pattern from the primitive churches, as they were regulated 
 by the blessed Apostles in their own days, who were taught 
 and instructed by the Lord Jesus Christ, and had the 
 unerring and all knowing Spirit of God to bring to their 
 remembrance the things they had heard." "'Tis true," 
 
 * Bacon's Historical Discourses, 14. 
 
 + Governor Bradford's Dialogue, in Young's Chron, 436. 
 
 ' 13* 
 
298 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 says Mr. Winslow, " some of them coming over to be 
 freed from the burttiensome ceremonies then imposed in 
 England, some of the chief of them advised with us how^ 
 they should do to fall upon a right platform of w^orship, 
 and desired to that end, since God had honored us to lay 
 the foundation of a Commonwealth, and to settle a Church 
 in it, to show them whereupon our practice was grounded ; 
 and if they found upon due search it was built upon the 
 Word, they should be willing to take up what was of God. 
 We accordingly showed them the primitive practice for 
 our warrant, taken out of the Acts of the Apostles, and the 
 Epistles written to the several Churches by the said Apos- 
 tles, together with the commandments of Christ the Lord 
 in the Gospel, and other our warrants for every particular 
 we did from the Book of God. Which beino^ bv them 
 well weighed and considered, they also entered into cove- 
 nant with God and one another to walk in all his ways, 
 revealed, or as they should be made known unto them, and 
 to worship Him according to His will revealed in his 
 written Word only, so that here also thou mayest see they 
 set not the Church at Plymouth before them for example, 
 but the primitive churches Vv^ere and are their and our 
 mutual patterns and examples, which are only worthy to 
 be followed, having the blessed Apostles amongst them, 
 who were sent immediately by Christ himself, and enabled 
 and guided by the unerring Spirit of God. And truly this 
 is a pattern fit to be followed of all that fear God, and no 
 man or men to be followed further than they followed 
 Christ and them."* 
 
 It is truly remarkable how exactly these sentiments and 
 declarations accorded with those of the earliest Puritan in 
 England, Bishop Hooper, and how the complete reformation 
 which he, at the cost of martyrdom, projected and pro- 
 claimed, in the Old World, had here sprung up, two 
 hundred years afterwards, well nigh perfected, in the New. 
 
 * Winslow's Brief Narration, Young's Chron. 3S6. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 299 
 
 It is no reproach of the dead man, said he (alluding to the 
 authority of the Fathers, which he was boldly casting 
 aside), " but mine opinion unto all the world, that the 
 Scripture solely, and the Apostles' Church is to be 
 
 FOLLOWED, AND NO MAn's AUTHORITY, BE HE AuGUSTINE, 
 
 Tertullian, OR EVEN Cherubim OR Seraphim."* Mine 
 opinion unto all the world ! There is great grandeur in 
 that declaration, from amidst the lighted torches and piled 
 fagots of Rome. 
 
 And the spirit of Hooper had fallen upon John Robin- 
 son, and the Plymouth Church. This was his parting 
 legacy on the verge of the sea. " Brethren, we are now 
 quickly to part from one another ; and whether I may ever 
 live to see your faces on earth any more, the God of 
 Heaven only knows. But whether the Lord have ap- 
 pointed that or no, I charge you before God, and before 
 His blessed angels, that you follow me no further than you 
 have seen me follow the Lord Jesus Christ." 
 
 * Bishop Hooper on the Authority of the Word, in his Declaration of 
 Christ and his Office. 
 
CHAPTER XYIII. 
 
 THE FIRST ATTEMPT AT SCHISM. RECALCITRATJON OF THE 
 
 ESTABLISHMENT. 
 
 It was not likely that such a covenant as this, the prin- 
 ciples of which it was clearly foreseen would govern the 
 infant colony, could be entered into, among a body of 
 adventurers of various views, and some of them of irre- 
 ligious habits, without a jealous opposition. It was the 
 future world predominating over the present, and it brought 
 down the maxims and realities of that world into a practi- 
 cal conflict with, and mastery over, the god, the habits, 
 and the forms of this. Moreover it was a complete release 
 of men's consciences from the church-and-state law 
 and power of England ; it was the practice, under charter, 
 of that religious freedom, w^hich the Plymouth Pilgrims 
 had settled without one. 
 
 Now then there was at once an attempt on the part of 
 the old hierarchy to resume its power. It was found that 
 here into this covenanted church of Christ in the New 
 World men were not to be admitted merely on the ground 
 of National Church membership, and a sacramental oath in 
 the Old World. It was found, to the amazement of some, 
 that this new church of Christ had put itself on such a 
 
PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 301 
 
 daring position of liberty and power under Christ's sole 
 authority, without any regard to the will of the monarch, 
 or the state, or the hierarchy, as to exclude all persons of 
 scandalous lives from the table of the Lord and from the 
 privileges of his covenant. It was found, moreover, that 
 these ministers and this church not only could but would 
 pray without a prayer-book, and that the Book of Common 
 Prayer, which had been imposed by violence in England, 
 was no more to bind them here, than the Book of Sports, 
 which James, Charles, and Laud were making the gospel 
 of the nation, or the May-pole itself, which Governor 
 Endicott had cut down from Mount Dagon. It was dis- 
 covered, in fine, that what was a poor, miserable, mere, 
 outlawed, despised, down-trodden conventicle in England, 
 was going to be, here in the wilderness, the sole, august, 
 spiritual, beautiful Church of Christ, almost the Church 
 Triumphant, instead of the Church Militant. It seemed, to 
 those who had admired and relished the old order of things, 
 as if here the Old Conventicle had become the Living 
 Temple of God, while the Old Hierarchy would be regarded 
 as nothing better than Satan's Conventicle. 
 
 There was an uprising against all this, immediately. 
 We shall give the account of it, first, in the words of Mr. 
 Neal in his History of New England. 
 
 " Some of the passengers, who came over with these 
 first planters, observing that the ministers did not use the 
 Book of Common Prayer ; that they administered Baptism 
 and the Lord's Supper without the ceremonies [of the 
 Liturgy of the Church of England] ; that they refused to 
 admit disorderly persons, and resolved to use discipline 
 against all scandalous members of the church, set up a 
 separate assembly, according to the usage of the Church ot 
 England. Of these Mr. Samuel Browne and his brother 
 were the chief, the one a lawyer, and the other a merchant, 
 both of them men of estates and figure, and of the number 
 of the first patentees. The Governor, perceiving the dis- 
 
302 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 turbance that was like to arise on this occasion, sent for 
 the two brothers, who accused the ministers as departing 
 from the order of the Church of England, adding that they 
 were Separatists, and would shortly be Anabaptists, but 
 for themselves they would hold to the orders of the Church 
 of England. The ministers replied that they were neither 
 Separatists nor Anabaptists, that they did not separate 
 from the Church of Eng^land. nor from the ordinances of 
 God there, but only from the corruptions and disorders of 
 that Church ; that they came away from the Common 
 Prayer and Ceremonies, and had suffered much for their 
 Nonconformity in their native land, and therefore, being in 
 a place where they might have their liberty, they neither 
 could nor would use them, because they judged the imposi- 
 tions of these things to be sinful corruptions of the word of 
 God. The Governor, the Council, and the people generally, 
 approved of the ministers' answer ; but the two brothers, 
 not being satisfied, and endeavoring to raise a mutiny 
 among the people, were sent back to England by the 
 return of the same ships that brought them over."* 
 
 Thus far with the testimony of Mr. Neal, which in this 
 matter is mainly drawn from that of Cotton Mather in his 
 Magnalia. 
 
 Let us now take the record of an admirable historian of 
 our country, whose sympathies indeed, as a religious 
 Scotchman of a free and generous mind, are with our Pil- 
 grim Fathers, but who is confessed, on ali hands, to have 
 written with great fairness and impartiality, the testimony 
 of Mr. Grahame, in his Colonial History of the United 
 States. 
 
 " Two brothers," he says, " of the name of Browne, one a 
 lawyer and the other a merchant, both of them men of 
 note, and among the original patentees, dissented from this 
 constitution (of the Plymouth church as copied by the 
 church at Salem), and arguing with great absurdity that all 
 
 * Neal'g History of New England, vol. i., p. 129, 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 303 
 
 who adxhered to it would infallibly become Anabaptists, 
 endeavored to procure converts to their opinion, and to 
 establish a separate congregation, on a model more 
 approximated to the form of the Church of England. The 
 defectiveness of their argument was supplied by the 
 vehemence of their clamor ; and they obtained a favorable 
 audience from a few persons who regarded with unfriendly 
 eye the discipline wiiich the provincial church was disposed 
 to exercise upon offenders against the rules of morality. 
 Endicott, the Governor, called those men together with 
 the ministers before a general assembly of the people, who, 
 after hearing both parties, repeated their approbation of 
 the system that had been established ; and as the two 
 brothers still persisted in their attempts to create a schism 
 in the church, and even endeavored to excite a mutiny 
 against the government, they were declared unfit to remain 
 in the colony, and compelled to re-embark and depart in 
 the vessels in which they had accompanied the other emi- 
 grants in the voyage from England. Their departure 
 restored harmony to the colonists, who were endeavoring 
 to complete their settlement, and extend their occupation 
 of the country, when they were interrupted by the ap- 
 proach of winter and the ravages of disease, which quickly 
 deprived them of nearly one half of their number, but pro- 
 duced no other change on their minds than to cause the 
 sentiments of hope and fear to converge more steadily to 
 the Author of their existence." * 
 
 " Notwithstandins: the censure," continues Mr. Grahame, 
 " with which some witers have commented on the banish- 
 ment of the two individuals whose case we have remarked, 
 the justice of the proceeding must commend itself to the 
 sentiments of all impartial men." 
 
 Now this judgment is the more striking and trustworthy 
 because it comes from a man who did not fail on other 
 occasions to rebuke severely the spirit of intolerance, when 
 
 * Grahame's Colonial History of the United States, vol. i., p. 21G. 
 
304 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 he saw it displayed in the acts or temper of any of the 
 Puritans. He adds that on the return of these men to 
 England, when they preferred their complaint and accusa- 
 tion against the colonists for oppression towards themselves 
 and enmity to the Church of England, the total disregard 
 which their complaint experienced confirms the opinion 
 that the intendment of the Massachusetts Charter was to 
 give the colonists unrestricted liberty to regulate their own 
 ecclesiastical estate. They had, therefore, a legal right, 
 as well as the right of equity, to return these disturbers of 
 the peace to the bosom of that native establishment, the 
 laws of which the disturbers would, if they could, have 
 enforced upon the colony. 
 
 We regard this opinion of the historian Grahame, in the 
 case of these men, as a righteous and true judgment ; and 
 we cannot but contrast it honorably with the sneer of the 
 historian Bancroft, on the same occasion, " that the bless- 
 ings of the promised land were to be kept for Puritanic 
 Dissenters, and that these Brownes were banished from 
 Salem because they were churchmen." 
 
 If indeed this had been the case, it was a lesson taught 
 by the churchmen themselves, who were just now endea- 
 voring to prevent, for ever, any other lesson from being 
 taught or learned, either in the New World or the Old. 
 The truth is, if the blessings of the promised land, the 
 blessings of religious liberty, had not been kept for Puri- 
 tanic Dissenters, they would neither have been permitted 
 to, nor enjoyed by, any other sects in the world. The 
 sanctuary of these Puritanic Dissenters was the only place 
 in the whole world where they could he enjoyed. Indeed, 
 it was the only place where the nature of a perfect religious 
 liberty was beginning to be understood. These blessings 
 were not regarded as blessings by any others than these 
 same Puritanic Dissenters. There were no others who 
 saw far enough into the nature of the Gospel, and the pre- 
 ciousness and glory of a free conscience, to esteem these 
 
OF PK-INCIi'LES, PROVIDENCES, A.N D FEPvSONS. 305 
 
 things as the free and most precious gifts of God to man. 
 Nay, these blessings of free church covenants, and a church 
 free to exercise Christ's spiritual discipline upon scandalous 
 persons, and free to pray without the Common Prayer 
 Book, and to be baptized without the sign of the cross, and 
 to exercise the gifts of brethren, without the soldiers of a 
 High Commission committing them to prison, were re- 
 garded as the superstitions o( a knot of poor, pitiful, obsti- 
 nate fanatics ; blessings which they of the Establishment 
 not only did not wish to share, but would not leave quietly 
 for the dissenters themselves to share. 
 
 They had with great difficulty been prevailed upon to 
 connive at this region of New England becoming a sort ot 
 Botany Bay for those who were punished as criminals 
 against the Establishment ; and now they were endeavor- 
 ing to bring the Establishment itself over into this very 
 Botany Bay ; they were exclaiming against the exclusive- 
 ness of these criminals in wishing to maintain that freedom 
 which had been connived at, and for the enjoyment of which 
 they had suffered themselves to be transported like crimi- 
 nals, from their native land. Perhaps, if we look fairly at 
 both sides of the point before us, we shall find that these 
 men were not banished because they were churchmen, but 
 because they would not suflfer others quietly to be dissent- 
 ers. It was evident, beyond question, to the foresight oi 
 Governor Endicott, that they were just introducing, with 
 the w^hole weight of the regal and ecclesiastical despotism 
 of England on their side, the same exclusive and tyrannical 
 system here, which had ground the Nonconformists into 
 powder there. Let them get footing with their Common 
 Prayer Book and Rubrics, and their accusations against the 
 Pilgrim Ministers and churches, of Separatism and disobe- 
 dience, rebellion and dissent, and how long would it have 
 been, before King Charles's and Archbishop Laud's troops 
 would have been transported from England into America, 
 to dragoon these rebels into submission, and to sustain here 
 
306 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 likewise the oppressive Hierarchical system, in all its power 
 and grandeur. 
 
 The colonists had fled from the despotism of that system 
 in England ; they were wise and just not to admit it here, 
 nor even an entering wedge for it. It w^as as a ferocious 
 wild beast, whom they could not conquer there, though they 
 could happily fly beyond the reach of his violence here. 
 And now, shall they be accused of intolerance, simply be- 
 cause here, where they could confine him, they would not 
 let him go at large ; or because here they shut him up in 
 a vessel, and transported him back to his original, national 
 menagerie ? 
 
 " I will be tolerant of everything else," said Mr. Coleridge, 
 " but every other man's intolerance." Now here it was 
 plainly the intolerance of others, not their religion, of which 
 Governor Endicott would not be tolerant. And in this 
 thing he and the colonists were evidently guided by Infinite 
 wisdom. For, if the churchmen had been permitted to go 
 on, there would have been an end to this sanctuary of free- 
 dom in the wilderness. There would have been no New 
 England in existence, in the history of which there should 
 be scope for a sneer at the piety, or the freedom, or the 
 superstition of its founders. Their not being suffered to go 
 on, is the reason why they, and all other sects, even Bun- 
 yan's Giant Grim, with his nails pared, are here in quiet now. 
 God, in his gracious divine providence, would not suffer 
 any others than the persecuted Puritanic Dissenters to get 
 footing here, until both in the Old World and the New the 
 great lesson of religious liberty had been more fully taught 
 and understood. He had much light yet for Cromwell and 
 the Independents of England to pour upon this question. 
 The sneers at the course of our Pilgrim Fathers are sneers 
 against the providence of God and the freedom of man. 
 
 If the Brownes had been permitted to go on in their fac- 
 tious course, the formal church, which they were seeking 
 to set up, must have been an Established Church ; it must 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 307 
 
 have been a church, which, so soon as it got power, would 
 have put down every other church as a Conventicle, would 
 have compelled every other church to conform to it. And 
 it would have got power immediately. A single petition 
 to the Church and Government of England for aid would 
 have brought over a commission from Laud and Charles, 
 charged with power to uproot the dissenting heresy from 
 its foundations. So that, whether it were the wisdom and 
 foresight of Endicott and his coadjutors, or their mere fana- 
 ticism, or not, that produced their course of conduct on this 
 occasion, it was the salvation of that colony, it was the pre- 
 servation of New England liberty from extinction in the 
 bud. It was the providential wisdom and goodness of God, 
 guarding the system which the Puritans were seeking to 
 establish ; preserving the newly planted Vine from the boar 
 out of the woods and the wild boar out of the Establish- 
 ment, that they should not devour it. Our fathers were too 
 vigilant and wise to tolerate in their infant church and 
 state what they saw plainly would utterly destroy its free- 
 dom, and make it in the end merely a branch of the 
 Church-and-State system of England. 
 
 That their conclusions were true, that their foresight was 
 timely, that their course was the only course which a true 
 regard to the freedom of the colony admitted, is fully 
 proved by what, within a very short period, did take place 
 under Laud ; by the imprisonment of Winslow, and the 
 High Commission under Laud for overthrowing completely 
 the Puritan Churches of New England, and establishing the 
 English church upon their ruins ; a thing which most cer- 
 tainly would have been accomplished, if meanwhile there 
 had been but the very commencement of an Episcopal 
 church, under government of the Establishment, already 
 planted. Viewed as a mutinous efii:>rt against the Govern- 
 ment, the movement of these Brownes was most justly re- 
 strained and prevented hy the Government ; viewed as 
 simply and merely an attempt to set up the Church of Eng- 
 
308 HISTORICAL Ax\D LOCAL ILLUSTHATIONS 
 
 land, and thus put down Separation and Dissent, the course 
 pursued by the Government must be regarded as an act of 
 pure self-defence, and they must be confessed to have ex- 
 ercised great wisdom in transporting those men back to 
 the enjoyment of the Establishment in their own* country. 
 It was fully proved that the Church and Dissent would not 
 be tolerated together by the Government of England. 
 Dissent had fled to New England and gained possession of 
 a place, where, by itself, it could live at liberty. When 
 the Established Church came also, it was really a question 
 which should be expelled. The right of previous possession 
 alone, w^ere that all which could be urged in the premises, 
 would decide the case in favor of the right of the Puritanic 
 Dissenters. 
 
 Dr. Bacon remarks, that as to the principle of requiring 
 a sympathy with the great design of the plantation in those 
 who w^ere admitted to share its power and privileges, and 
 a membership in the simple Church of Christ, out of w^hich 
 it was constituted, one simple fact which the Fathers 
 knew right well, is the vindication of their policy. " They 
 knew that as soon as they should have built their houses, 
 and got their lands under cultivation, as soon as they should 
 have got enough of what was taxable and titheable to excite 
 covetousness, the King would be sending over his needy 
 profligates to govern them, and the Archbishop his sur- 
 pliced commissaries to gather the tithes into his storehouse. 
 Knowing this, they w^ere resolved to leave no door open 
 for such an invasion. They came hither to establish a free 
 Christian commonwealth ; and to secure that end, they de- 
 termined that in their commonwealth none should have any 
 civil power, who either would not or could not enter at the 
 door of Church Fellowship. They held themselves bound, 
 they said, to establish such civil order as might best con- 
 duce to the securing the purity and peace of the ordinances 
 for themselves and their posterity. When they introduced 
 the principle, it was not for the sake of bestowing honors 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 309 
 
 or privileges upon piety, but for the sake of guarding their 
 liberty, and securing the end for which they had made 
 themselves exiles. If you call their adoption of this prin- 
 ciple fanaticism, it is to be remembered that the same fana- 
 ticism runs through the history of England. Hov^^ long 
 has any man in England been permitted to hold any office 
 under the crown without being a communicant in the 
 Church of England ? Call it fanaticism if you will. To 
 that fanaticism which threw off the laws of England, and 
 made these colonies Puritan Commonwealths, we are in- 
 debted for our existence as a distinct and independent 
 nation."* 
 
 * Bacon's Historical Discourses, p. 27. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 SLANDERS AGAINST THE COLONY. LAUDS HIGH COMMISSIOJN 
 
 TO OVERTURN ITS CHURCH AND GOVERNMENT. THE CASE OF 
 
 MR. WINSLOW'S IMPRISONMENT. THE CASE OF MR. ENDICOTT, 
 
 AND THE RED ROYAL ENSIGN. 
 
 To show the correctness of the preceding viev^s, nothing 
 more is requisite than just to glance at the attempts really 
 made, and the steps actually taken from time to time, to 
 set up a church despotism in the colonies under Archbishop 
 Laud ; attempts signally defeated by the good Providence 
 of God, but which to all human appearance would have 
 been successful, had there been a single Established Church 
 set up in New England. The exclusion of the Episcopal 
 Hierarchy for the present from the colonies was the only 
 guarantee by which New England was looked to from 
 abroad as being, m the words of Hallam, a secure place of 
 refuge from present tyranny, and a boundless prospect for 
 future hope. Hallam says that in 1638, hopeless of the 
 civil and religious liberties of England, there were men of 
 high rank, and of capacious and commanding minds, such 
 as Jay, Hazlerig, Brooke, Hampden, and Cromwell, pre- 
 paring to embark for America, when Laud, for his own 
 and his master's cause, procured an order of council to 
 stop their departure. He quotes the royal proclamation, 
 and remarks that any trackless wilderness seemed better 
 
PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 311 
 
 than Laud's tyranny, and that the views of the Archbishop 
 were not so much directed to the security of Church and 
 Crown against disaffected men, as to the gratification of 
 his own maHgnant humor in persecuting them.* 
 
 Already, as early as the year 1633, an order had been 
 made in council forbidding the departure of a number of 
 ships then ready to sail for New England with passengers 
 and provisions, "because of the resorting thither of divers 
 persons known to be ill affected not only with civil but 
 ecclesiastical government at home ; whereby such con- 
 fusion and distraction is already grown there, in New 
 England, especially in point of religion, as beside the ruin 
 of the said plantation cannot but highly tend to the scandal 
 both of Church and State here." This grew out of the 
 slanders perpetrated against the colony by men who had 
 been punished in it, or banished from it, for their crimes 
 and immoralities, such as the notorious Morton, the servant 
 RatclifFe, and Sir Christopher Gardiner. Their gross 
 falsehood was proven, and the order, though headed by 
 Archbishop Laud himself, was not executed, but even the 
 king declared that the slanderers should be severely 
 punished. t 
 
 The slanderers and petitioners against the colony were 
 instigated by Sir F. Gorges and Captain Mason, who 
 wished for a general government over New England ; and 
 in their petition they charged both colonies with intended 
 rebellion, that they meant to be wholly separate from the 
 Church and laws of England, and that their ministers and 
 people did continually rail against the State, the Church, 
 and the bishops. Messrs. Cradock, Salstonstall, and Hum- 
 phrey, who were then in England, answered the accusa- 
 tions on the part of the company so triumphantly that 
 nothing could be done against them.J 
 
 * Hallam's Constitutional History of England, p. 270. 
 
 t See a copy of the order in Hubbard, p. 152. 
 
 i Baylies' Memoir of Plymouth Colony, p. 207, vol. i. 
 
312 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Nevertheless, it was reaiarkable that that order in coun- 
 cil should have failed ; for Laud came into his archbishopric 
 this year, and was carrying everything before him ; and 
 this was the year of his infamous cruelties against Prynne, 
 Bastwick, and Burton. Moreover he was already stretching 
 the arm of his power beyond seas, and the Puritanic refuge 
 from his wrath and zeal in America he hated with a raging 
 bitterness. This was the year in which Cotton fled to 
 New England, the Earl of Dorset having sent him word 
 that if he had been guilty of drunkenness, uncleanness, or 
 any such lesser fault, he could have got his pardon, but the 
 sin of Puritanism and Nonconformity was unpardonable, 
 and therefore he must fly for his safety.* 
 
 The commission by the King to Archbishop Laud in 
 1635, was a high commission of despotic power over the 
 whole colony. It was in fact the establishment of an ir- 
 responsible ecclesiastical and civil despotism, with authority 
 in reference to the canons and customs of the church, and 
 appointment and maintenance of the clergy, to inflict 
 punishment upon all offenders or violators of the constitu- 
 tion and ordinances, either by imprisonment or other 
 restraint, or by loss of life or member, according as the 
 quality of the offence shall require ; with power to remove 
 governors and presidents, and appoint others, and punish 
 delinquents ; power to ordain temporal judges and civil 
 magistrates, and also, judges, magistrates, and officers for 
 and concerning courts ecclesiastical ; and power to con- 
 stitute and ordain tribunals and courts of justice both ec- 
 clesiastical and civil. 
 
 This despotic commission had been brewing for a long 
 time, the Archbishop and King Charles having received 
 many complaints of the divers sects and schisms alleged to 
 be among the colonists, and of the spirit of liberty and 
 independence thus growing up, so that it was said they 
 would at that rate, ere long, take the royal jurisdiction itselt 
 
 * Neal's Hist, Puritans, vol. ii. p. 27'J. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 313 
 
 into their own hands, as they had already done the ec- 
 clesiastical government. Laud and the King were resolved 
 to put a stop to all this, and to bring the colony under the 
 supreme dominion of the Established Church. Had there 
 been a branch of the Establishment set up in New Eng- 
 land, beyond question this effort would have been made 
 much earlier, and migiit have been successful. As it was, 
 and in spite of an earnest and free remonstrance on the 
 part of Massachusetts, things proceeded so far, that a writ 
 of quo warranto was brought by Sir John Banks, the 
 King's Attorney General, against the Governor, deputy 
 Governor, and assistants of the Corporation of the Massa- 
 chusetts ; the charter was disclaimed, and judgment w\as 
 given for the King, that the liberties and franchises of the 
 said Corporation of the Massachusetts should be seized 
 into the king's hands.* Orders in council followed, and a 
 letter was sent revoking the patent ; but there the mischief 
 stopped, and it would seem from Governor Bradford's 
 account, mainly through Mr. Winslow's instrumentality 
 in the execution of his agency for the colonies. f It w^as 
 more remarkable now than before that Laud's plans should 
 have been thwarted, for he was in the very plenitude of 
 almost unrestricted power, and at the height of his malig- 
 nant persecuting fury. It was the protecting Providence 
 of God. 
 
 We will begin the description of Winslow's collision 
 with the Archbishop by an extract from Gov. Winthrop's 
 Journal in October of 1635, where we find it recorded that 
 Mr. Winslow, the late Governor of Plymouth, being this 
 year in England, petitioned the council there for a com- 
 mission to withstand the intrusion of the French and 
 Dutch, which was likely to take effect. Governor Winthrop 
 justly says here that the petition was undertaken by ill 
 advice, for that such precedents might endanger their 
 
 * Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Appendix, p. 440. 
 t Hubbard's Gen. Hist. N. Eng. ch. xxxvi. p. 273. 
 
 H 
 
314 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 liberties, as they should be permitted to do nothing thence- 
 forward but by commission out of England. " However, 
 the Archbishop being incensed against Mr. Winslow, as 
 against all these plantations, informed the rest that he was 
 a separatist and so forth, and that he did marry and so 
 forth, and therefore got him committed ; but after some 
 few months he petitioned the board and was discharged."* 
 And a marvel it was that he escaped so easily, as we shall 
 see on following out this account more fully from the 
 detail given by Governor Bradford. 
 
 Governor Bradford says that on this agency for the 
 colonies Mr. Winslow encountered the slanders of their 
 old enemies, Morton, Gardiner, and others, whose ends 
 were the subversion and overthrow of the churches, and 
 a new and general government. Sir F. Gorges, by 
 Archbishop Laud's favor, was to have been sent over 
 Governor-General into the country, and to have had 
 means from the State for that end, and was now upon 
 dispatch and conclusion of the business. And the Arch- 
 bishop's intent w^as by his means, and some he should 
 send with him, who were to be furnished with episcopal 
 power, to disturb the peace of the churches, to overthrow 
 their proceedings, and prevent their further growth. Mr. 
 Winslow's petition came to nothing, as to its immediate 
 point, by the influence of the Archbishop ; but nevertheless, 
 by God's providence, the whole plot and business of the 
 Archbishop and Gorges fell to the ground by what trans- 
 pired through Winslow's evidence and petition. f 
 
 The suit of Winslow had, it seems, been granted, after 
 several examinations before the lords commissioners for 
 the plantations in America, the main point being a warrant 
 of right to the English Colonies to defend themselves 
 
 * Gov. Winthrop's Journal under 1635, p. 89. 
 
 t Morton's New England Memorial, 170. Hutchinson, Hist. Massachu- 
 setts, vol. ii. 409, 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 315 
 
 against all foreign enemies ; and it was just about to be 
 confirmed, when Archbishop Laud put a stop to it. Mr. 
 Winslow then again resorted to the board of Commission- 
 ers, but meanwhile the Archbishop, with Gorges and 
 Mason, had got Morton to renew his complaints and slanders. 
 These were so thoroughly answered by Mr. Winslow, 
 that the board checked Morton and rebuked him sharply, 
 besides blaming Gorges and Mason for countenancing him. 
 But now the Archbishop had another card to play, to 
 which he was well accustomed ; he entered on an inquisi- 
 torial examination of Mr. Winslow himself as to his con- 
 duct as a magistrate and Church-member in the Colony. 
 In the first place he was accused of the crime of teaching 
 in the church publicly, and Morton gave evidence that he 
 had seen and heard him do it ; and to this Mr. Winslow 
 
 answered that sometimes, in the absence and default of a 
 
 • 
 minister, he did exercise his own gift to help the edification 
 
 of his brethren when they wanted better means, which 
 
 was not often. This exercising of gifts by men not in the 
 
 Established Church Ministry was one of the Archbishop's 
 
 mortal enmities ; he would rather have a raging pestilence 
 
 in the church ; and now, after laboring with such thirsty 
 
 diligence to exterminate every such practice and liberty in 
 
 England, the sight of a freeman before him, not in prison, 
 
 who plainly avowed that at home he was in the habit of 
 
 exercising his gifts, if they were needed, was as detestable 
 
 as that of Mordecai to Haman. 
 
 In the next place the Archbishop questioned him about 
 
 the acts of his magistracy, especially his taking authority 
 
 to perform the ceremony of marriage. As to this Mr. 
 
 Winslow also confessed that having been called to the 
 
 place of magistracy, he had sometimes married some ; and 
 
 further told their lordships that marriage was a civil thing, 
 
 and that he found nowhere in the Word of God that it was 
 
 tied to a minister; again, they were necessitated so to do, 
 
 having for a long time together at first no minister ; besides, 
 
31© HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 it was no new thing, for he had been so married himself in 
 Holland, by the magistrates in their State-house. 
 
 Here was, indeed, a case for the Archbishop ; and 
 though the tinie was near when he could no longer have 
 all things at his pleasure by the King's will, even in Eng- 
 land, and the hour of retribution was hastening for his long 
 course of cruelty, yet he still had such excessive authority 
 to carry his tyranny into execution, that by vehement im- 
 portunity he prevailed with the board of Commissioners to 
 consent to Mr. Winslow's punishment, so that he was forth- 
 with carried to the Fleet prison, and there lay seventeen 
 weeks or thereabouts, before he could get released. If 
 Archbishop Laud could have had his way, he would have 
 imprisoned or decapitated the whole colony ; but by God's 
 good providence they were beyond his reach, for his hands 
 were soon too full of roused adversaries in England, the 
 victims of his oppression, to*eave him at leisure to put up 
 his gallows for Mordecai, or to execute his designs in the 
 New World. This imprisonment of Winslow was one 
 of the most outrageous acts of his despotism, and it shows 
 what he would have done with the religious liberties of 
 the colonies in New England, if by the existence of the 
 Hierarchy, or any small shoot of it there, he could have 
 had any plausible pretence for the establishment of supreme 
 Ecclesiastical authority. 
 
 On the whole, we think, instead of abusing Mr. Endicott 
 for his action in the premises, in sending the Brownes back 
 to England, tlie impartial historian must regard him as the 
 instrument of a Divine protecting providence for the salva- 
 tion of the colony from an Ecclesiastical despotism. En- 
 dicott is spoken of in Johnson's Wonderworking Provi- 
 dence as "the much honored Mr. John Indicat, who came 
 over with them to govern ; a fit instrument to begin this 
 wilderness work, of courage bold, undaunted, yet sociable, 
 and of a cheerful spirit, loving and austere, applying him- 
 self to either, as occasion served." Bancroft has adopted 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROViDEx\CES, AND PERSONS. 31? 
 
 these characteristics in his description of Endicott, as " a 
 man of dauntless courage, and that cheerfuhiess which ac- 
 companies courage ; benevolent though austere ; firm, 
 though choleric ; of a rugged nature, which the sternest 
 form of Puritanism had not served to m.ellow." With 
 great inconsistency he afterwards speaks of him as a man 
 whose self-will was inflamed by fanaticism, and whose 
 religious antipathies persecution had matured into hatred." 
 These two descriptions cannot be true. The banishment 
 of the Brownes was not a proof of Endicott's fanaticism, 
 but of his good judgment, foresight, and determination to 
 guard the liberty of the colonists from invasion. 
 
 The letters of the Company in England on occasion of 
 this difliculty, when the Brownes had been sent home, and 
 had presented their complaints, are to be found in Young's 
 Chronicles of Massachusetts. The general instructions of 
 the Company to Endicott and the Council are also there 
 printed, and are full of interest. By these instructions, and 
 by the Charter of the Colony, it will be found that Endicott 
 was fully justified so far as related to them, in taking his 
 prompt and energetic measures, both for the suppression 
 of the rioters on Mount Dagon, and of the ecclesiastical and 
 civil mutiny of the Brownes. No one can doubt this, when 
 he reads such a passage as follows, after notice of the 
 unanimous agreement of the ministers sent over. "\et 
 because it is often found that some busy persons, led more 
 by their will than any good warrant out of God's Word, 
 take opportunities by moving needless questions to stir up 
 strife, and by that means to beget a question, and bring 
 men to declare some difference in judgment, most common- 
 ly in things indifferent, from which small beginnings great 
 mischiefs have followed, we pray you and the rest of the 
 council, that if any such disputes shall happen amongst you, 
 that you suppress them, and be careful to maintain peace 
 and unity."* 
 
 * Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, IGO. 
 
318 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLlJSTRATIONS 
 
 Endicott was a friend of Roger Williams, and much 
 under his influence. Mr. Williams had preached a " dis- 
 course on the unlawfulness of all ceremonies and symbols, 
 which had been borrowed from the service of idolatry or 
 of Popery, on the ground that their use tended to lead men 
 back to superstition and false religion." It was in accord- 
 ance with this doctrine that Endicott, being the military 
 commander, ordered the red cross to be cut from the 
 King's military colors.* Endicott and Williams were both 
 exceedingly strong in their hatred of Popery ; but Endicott 
 was naturally somewhat more hasty than Williams, though 
 the anecdote is characteristic of both. There was nothing 
 which Endicott regarded as a just principle, that he did 
 not think should be put in practice. The attention of both 
 these men, the preacher and the soldier, having been once 
 turned to the Red Cross, and the question having occurred 
 whether it was right to admit such a mark of the Beast in 
 the ensigns of the Colony, it was almost as impossible to 
 avoid agitation, as it is for some animals to prevent being 
 infuriated at the sight of a red cloak. At length Mr. En- 
 dicott put an end to their questionings by erasing, on his 
 own authority, a part of the red cross in the royal colors at 
 Salem ; enough, we suppose, to destroy the emblem of the 
 cross, for their indignation was against the use of that sacred 
 emblem in such a place, and not against the crimson hue. 
 
 The first record of this transaction we find in Gov. 
 Winthrop's own Journal, of October 20th, 1634. He 
 states that the ensign at Salem was defaced, namely, one 
 part of the Red Cross taken away ! which indeed savored 
 of rebellion, but he says the truth was, it was done upon 
 this opinion, that the Red Cross was given to the King of 
 England by the Pope, as an ensign of victory, and so a 
 superstitious thing, and a relic of Antichrist."t 
 
 * Prof. Gammell's Memoir of Roger Williams. Sparks's Am. Biog. v. 14. 
 p. 36. 
 
 t Gov. Winthrop's Journal, p. 73. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 319 
 
 It is next recorded, Nov. 27th, that the Governor's 
 Assistants met at his house to advise concerning this 
 matter, when they all expressed their dishke of this thing, 
 and their purpose to punish the offenders ; yet they were 
 guarded, with as much wariness as they might use, being 
 themselves doubtful of the lawfulness of the Cross in an 
 ensign, though clear that the fact of the erasure in the 
 colors, as concerning the manrier, was very unlawful. 
 
 The result was, that in 1635 Mr. Endicott was left out 
 from the magistracy at the election, and was called in 
 question about defacing the cross in the ensign. A com- 
 mittee was appointed on this case, of one from eveiy town, 
 the magistrates also making choice of four. Their judg- 
 ment was that the offence was great ; that Mr. Endicott 
 had been rash in taking more authority upon himself than 
 he should have done, and indiscreet in not seeking: advice 
 
 ' CD 
 
 of the Court ; that his conduct was unwarrantable in that, 
 judging the Cross to be a sin, he was content to have it 
 reformed at Salem, not taking care that others might be 
 brought out of it also ; casting thus a blemish also upon 
 the other magistrates, as if they would be willing to suffer 
 idolatry. Mr. Endicott was publicly admonished, and 
 rendered unable to bear office for the space of one year ; 
 they not being willing to deal a heavier sentence upon him, 
 because they were persuaded that what he had done was 
 out of tenderness of conscience, and not from any evil 
 intent.* 
 
 It is evident that in the end Mr. Endicott's character did 
 not suffer in the least with the Colony, by these transac- 
 tions, for he was afterwards chosen to the highest offices 
 in the gift of the people, and he was well known to be a 
 man of integrity and piety. He pursued very much the 
 same energetic course in regard to the King's red colors, 
 that he did in regard to the obnoxious May pole on Mount 
 Dagon, the head quarters of Morton's revellings andinsub- 
 * Gov. Winthrop's Journal, page 81. 
 
320 HISTOKICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 ordination ; but whereas in the latter case his zeal was 
 wisely and admirably directed against a glaring evil, in 
 the former it was an insignificant thing, to which his own 
 opinions had given a fictitious importance. A part of the 
 judgment of the Court is very curious ; that his offence 
 was the greater, because, judging the cross to be a sin, he 
 was content to have it reformed at Salem, not taking care 
 that others might be brought out of it also. One might 
 have thought this would have mitigated the offence, 
 because, it being a matter of opinion, he only bestirred 
 himself where he had some authority to do so, and left 
 others to judge and act as they pleased. 
 
 It is very clear that the antipathy of Williams and Endi- 
 cott against all Popish emblems was shared by other as 
 good men as they, in both Colonies. On the return of 
 Governor Winthrop from his visit to the Colony at 
 Plymouth, it is recorded in the Governor's Journal that 
 they came to a place called Hue's Cross^ and the Governor 
 W'as much displeased at the name, in respect that such 
 things might hereafter give the papists occasion to say that 
 their religion was first planted in these parts ; so he 
 changed the name, and called it Hue's Folly.* Our Pilgrim 
 Fathers were too near the age of martyrdom in England 
 not to feel the necessity of such vigilance. 
 
 * Winthrop's Journal, Oct. 27, 1633. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 THE FIRST IMPOSITION OF A MINISTER, AND THE CHARACTER 
 
 AND END OF THE MAN AND THE EFFORT. CONSPIRACY OF 
 
 LYFORD AND OLDHAM. ENERGY AND PRUDENCE OF THE 
 
 GOVERNOR. 
 
 The colony of Pilgrims were evidently well supplied 
 with an orderly and devout ministration of the Gospel, in 
 the case of Mr. Brewster. There were some, however, 
 in England, who insisted on their having an ordained mi- 
 nister, though doubtless mainly because they hoped thereby 
 the more effectually to prevent Mr. Robinson from joining 
 the colony, with the rest of the church in Leyden. There 
 was, even at a very early period, a strong faction among 
 the Merchant Adventurers, opposed to the Pilgrims, and to 
 the influence of Robinson over them, and to his intention 
 of joining them. In a letter in 1623, Robinson speaks in a 
 saddened and desponding tone, both as to the state of the 
 Church in Leyden, and the prospect of their ever getting 
 to Plymouth. Doubtless the church suffered by the draw- 
 ing away of so great a portion of its vitality, the Pilgrims 
 being evidently amongst the most energetic and faithful 
 of its members. And the faithful Pastor began to find 
 himself in a trying position. He speaks of the good news 
 they hear from the Pilgrims, " which makes us with the 
 more patience bear our languishing state, and the deferring 
 
 14* 
 
322 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 of our desired transportation, which I call desired rather 
 than hoped for, whatsoever you are borne in hand with by 
 others." He then speaks of five or six of their bitter pro- 
 fessed adversaries among the Adventurers, and of certain 
 forward preachers of great influence, who of all others are 
 unwilling that Robinson should join the Colony, having an 
 eye themselves that way, and thinking, if he should go, 
 "their market would be marred in many regards." "And 
 for these adversaries, if they have but half their will to their 
 malice, they will stop my course when they see it intended." 
 " Your God and ours and the God of all his, bring us to- 
 gether, if it be his will, and keep us in the mean while and 
 always to his glory, and make us serviceable to his majesty, 
 and fahhful to the end. Amen." 
 
 But Robinson's work on earth was now nearly done ; 
 and so, in little more than two years after this, God called 
 him home to his rest, away from the evil to come. Mean- 
 while, let us see how fully his predictions were fulfilled, 
 and his discernment sustained in regard to the plottings 
 against himself and the colony. His enemies in England 
 were resolved, if possible, to break up the independent go- 
 vernment of the colony, both civil and religious, and to 
 establish an Episcopacy upon its ruins. For this purpose 
 a plan was laid, and a fit instrument being found, the faction 
 of Adventurers began to put it in execution. Mr. Winslow 
 and Mr. Cushman were at this time in England on the 
 business of the Pilgrims, but it is evident were not aware 
 of the plot formed, nor of the character and designs of the 
 agent employed, under the garb and profession of a preacher 
 for the Colony. 
 
 The first rather quaint and curious notice of this affair 
 we have in Gov. Bradford's notice of Mr. Cushman's letter 
 to the Colony at the close of 1 623, " wherein he writes that 
 they (the Adventurers with Mr. Cushman) send a carpenter 
 to build two ketches, a lighter, and six or seven shallops ; 
 a saltman, to make salt ; and a preacher, though not the 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 31>3 
 
 most eminent, for whose going (says Cushman)Mr. Winslow 
 and I gave way to give content to some at London.'"* 
 
 This is the only instance we can discover of the colonists 
 giving way to expediency before principle in any of their 
 religious interests, and in this instance it was done perhaps 
 to avoid an open quarrel with the x\dventurers. But as- 
 suredly Mr. Winslow and Mr. Cushman should have 
 paused before giving their consent to the sending of a ques- 
 tionable minister in the place of Robinson as the preacher 
 to the Colony. It is evident they had no great opinion of 
 his qualifications, and yielded only to necessity. 
 
 Let us novv^ follow the result of this hazardous experi- 
 ment, a most instructive one to the Pilgrims, but which 
 would have proved of irreparable mischief, had it not been 
 for the kind care of God, through the great wisdom and 
 energy of Governor Bradford. We will take the curious 
 record of the manner in which the three supplies turned 
 out ; carpenter, salt-man, and minister. It is to be found 
 in Prince's New England Chronology under the year 1624, 
 from Gov. Bradford's manuscript. 
 
 " The ship-carpenter sent us is an honest and very in- 
 dustrious man, quickly builds us two very good and strong 
 shallops, with a great and strong lighter, and had hewn 
 timber for two ketches ; but this is spoilt ; for in the hot 
 season of the year he falls into a fever and dies, to our 
 great loss and sorrow. 
 
 "But the salt-man is an ignorant, foolish, and self-willed 
 man, who chooses a spot for his salt-works, will have eight 
 or ten men to help him, is confident the ground is good, 
 makes a carpenter rear a great frame of a house for the 
 salt and other like uses, but finds himself deceived in the 
 bottom: wall then have a lighter to carry clay, and so 
 forth, yet all ia vain. He could do nothing but boil salt 
 in pans. The next year is sent to Cape Ann, and then the 
 pans are set up by the fishery ; but before the summer is 
 
 * Bradford in Prince, 116. 
 
824 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 out he burns the house and spoils the pans, and there is an 
 end of this chargeable business. 
 
 " The minister is Mr. John Lyford, whom a faction of 
 the Adventurers send to hinder Mr. Robinson. At his 
 arrival he appears exceeding complaisant and humble, 
 sheds many tears, blesses God that had brought him to see 
 our faces, and so forth. We give him the best entertain- 
 ment we can ; at his desire we receive him into our 
 church, when he blesses God for this opportunity and free- 
 dom to enjoy his ordinances in purity among his people. 
 We make him larger allowance than any other [for his 
 support] ; and as the Governor used in w'eighty matters to 
 consult with Elder Brewster, with the Assistants, so now 
 he calls Mr. Lyford to council also. But Mr. Lyford soon 
 joins with Mr. John Oldham, a private instrument of the 
 factious part of the Adventurers in England, whom we had 
 also called to council in our chief affairs without distrust. 
 Yet they fall a-plotting both against our church and 
 government, and endeavor to overthrow them."* 
 
 We will now change into the historic form the record 
 which Mr. Prince thus faithfully presents fx'om Governor 
 Bradford. The uncovering and proof of this conspiracy, 
 fraught with such unmingled evil to the colony, was 
 brought about by admirable wisdom and energy on the 
 part of the Governor. The movements and intentions of 
 Lyford and Oldham having become manifest, he watched 
 their proceedings very closely, and judging them to be in 
 communication with that inimical faction among the 
 Adventurers, of which already the brethren Winslow, 
 Cushman, and Mr. Robinson himself had given account in 
 their letters, and Mr. Winslow by his presence, he deter- 
 mined to intercept their measures. It is very likely that 
 he already judged Lyford to be one of those " forward 
 preachers," of whom Robinson had spoken so quaintly, as 
 having a hank upon the professors, and as being deter- 
 
 * Prince, from Bradford, pp. 148, 149. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 325 
 
 mined with all malice to use that hank, or influence, against 
 himself. His forward extreme professions and demonstra- 
 tions of tears, complaisances, and blessings at the outset, 
 were not likely to commend him to a man of Governor 
 Bradford's openness, sincerity, and quiet simplicity of 
 character, but would rather, if anything, render him an 
 object of suspicion to the Pilgrims, who had nothing of this 
 hypocritical spirit or demeanor among them ; so that they 
 must have received him somewhat as Christian and Hope- 
 ful regarded Talkative, when he presented himself so 
 plausibly and glibly to join them. 
 
 The master of the ship in which Lyford came was a 
 thorough friend to Governor Bradford and the colony, and 
 saw how things were going. They kept quiet till the ship 
 was to return, and the letters from Lyford and Oldham to 
 the conspirators in England had been prepared and put on 
 board. Then, when the ship set sail towards evening, the 
 Governor manned a shallop, went out in company with the 
 ship three or four miles to sea, and there taking the corres- 
 pondence of Lyford and Oldham, with the full consent of 
 Captain Pierce the commander, who was aware of their 
 actions, discovered, on examination, their whole treachery. 
 
 Amongst other letters, one was found directed to John 
 Pemberton, a minister, and a violent enemy to the colony ; 
 in this letter copies of a letter were found inclosed, which 
 had been written by a gentleman in England to Mr. 
 Brewster, and also of another letter which Winslow had 
 written to Mr. Robinson. These letters had been lying in 
 the cabin of the ship in which Lyford embarked for 
 America, and while she was anchored at Gravesend he 
 opened and copied them.* 
 
 The Governor knew his man, and dealt with the fool 
 
 according to his folly. It had been observed before the 
 
 ship sailed that Lyford was much engaged in writing, and 
 
 indeed he had been so careless and confident as to disclose 
 
 * Baylies' Hist. Mem. of Plymouth, p. 123. 
 
326 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 parts of his correspondence to those with whom he was 
 intimate, who made little secret of his communications, but 
 boasted openly that they should have a change in the 
 colony before long. The suspicions of the Governor being 
 thus excited, and at length arising in his mind to a com- 
 plete conviction, he deemed it his duty to act as he did for 
 the safety of the colony. 
 
 The Governor returned on shore during the night, bring- 
 ing some of the letters back with him for proof, but kept 
 everything as yet private, till the conspirators should open 
 their plot plainly. This they speedily did, so soon as 
 Lyford and the few accomplices whom the factious part of 
 the Adventurers had sent out, judged their party strong 
 enough. They rose up, opposed the government and the 
 church, drew a company apart, and set up for themselves, 
 Lyford declaring that he would administer the sacrament 
 to them by his Episcopal calling. 
 
 Upon this proceeding, Governor Bradford called a court 
 and summoned the whole company to appear, and charged 
 Lyford and Oldham with plotting and wi'iting against them, 
 all which they denied, not having the least suspicion of 
 what was in reserve. Governor Bradford then produced 
 their own letters, so that they were utterly confounded and 
 convicted. Oldham became so outrageous that he would 
 have raised a mutiny, but his party abandoned him, and 
 the court expelled them from the colony. Lyford confessed 
 his villany before the Court, acknowledging the falsehood 
 of all that he had written, and afterwards did the same be- 
 fore the Church, begging their forgiveness with many 
 tears, so that they even restored him to his office of teach- 
 ing. This was a very hasty and inexpedient kindness, for 
 in less than two months he was at his old work of slander, 
 and wrote another letter to England, which came into the 
 hands of the Governor. But his wickedness was not fully 
 exposed till the coming of Messrs. Winslow and Pierce 
 from England in the spring, with an account of all the evil 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 327 
 
 of Lyford's calumniating letters there, and of the develop- 
 ment of previously unknown crimes while he was a minis- 
 ter in Ireland, on account of which he had been compelled 
 to leave that kingdom. Upon this new discovery he was 
 immediately deposed from the ministry.* 
 
 Lyford is said to have discovered the malignity of a 
 demon, who was sent to mar the happiness of the settle- 
 ment, and disturb the peace of the church. " The air was 
 tainted with the slanders he wrote and spread, for the ser- 
 vice of men who were enemies of the plantation. He was 
 employed by those who, being inimical to all dissenters 
 from the Established Church, and every species of Repub- 
 lican Government, wished to destroy this rising Common- 
 wealth. The spies of Charles's court would search the 
 uttermost part of the earth, for the sake of destroying men's 
 liberty."t 
 
 Oldham returned to Plymouth, and there behaved again 
 so outrageously that he was publicly sentenced " to pass 
 through a guard of soldiers, receiving from each a blow on 
 his hinder part with their muskets," after which he was 
 shipped away. A year afterwards, being in extreme 
 danger of death, he made a free and full confession of all 
 the wrongs he had done the church and people. 
 
 Thus ended this affair, and with it all present effort after 
 any other minister than Elder Brewster. About two years 
 afterwards Mr. Allerton brought over from England for 
 the colony " one Mr. Rodgers, a young man, for minister ;" 
 but within a year, " proving crazied in his brain, they were 
 forced to be at further charge in sending him back, after 
 losing all the cost expended in bringing him over, which 
 was not small."J 
 
 In the year 1G29, Mr. Smith, one of the four ministers 
 who came over with the Salem colonists, went with his 
 
 * Prince, pp. 149, 153. 
 
 t Collections of Mass. Historical Society, for the year ISOO, p. 274. 
 
 X Bradford in Prince, p. 193. 
 
328 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 family to some straggling people at Natasco ; and we find 
 the following rather curious record from Governor Brad- 
 ford's Journal in regard to his final settlement for some 
 years at Plymouth: "Some Plymouth people," he says, 
 "putting in with a boat at Natasco (the old name for Nan- 
 tasket, a peninsula near the entrance of Boston Harbor, 
 now called Hull), find Mr. Smith in a poor house that 
 would not keep him dry. He desires them to carry him to 
 Plymouth ; and seeing him to be a grave man, and under- 
 standing he had been a minister, they bring him hither ; 
 where we kindly entertain him, send for his goods and 
 servants, desire him to exercise his gifts among us ; after- 
 wards choose him into the ministry, wherein he remains 
 for sundry years." 
 
 Alden Bradford, in his history of Massachusetts, says of 
 Smith, that he was of an odd temperament, and supposed 
 sometimes to be partly insane.* 
 
 He was not in all respects fitted for his station, and 
 indeed it was many years before the church at Plymouth 
 enjoyed anything like the power and beauty of the minis- 
 trations of their first beloved Pastor. 
 
 * Bradford's History of Mass., p. 21. 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 THE FIRST CIVIL OFFENCE AND PUNISHMENT. MILDNESS, FOR- 
 BEARANCE, SELF-RESPECT, AND KINDNESS OF THE PILGRIMS. 
 
 THE FIRST MURDERER AND HIS END. THEIR VIEWS OF 
 
 CAPITAL PUNISHMENT FOR MURDER. THE GREATNESS AND 
 
 WISDOM OF THEIR LEGAL REFORxMS. 
 
 All the transactions of the colony described in the 
 earliest and most authentic records show the Plymouth 
 Pilgrims to have been as kind, patient, persevering, and 
 judicious a set of men as the Providence of God ever 
 collected in one community. They manifested great 
 qualities both of mind and heart, of natural temperament 
 and piety. They maintained a very natural superiority 
 over all the successive settlements of New England, not 
 merely because theirs was the great honor of pioneers in 
 suffering, but because, though in some after emigrations 
 there was greater dignity of circumstance, yet there was 
 never better stuff, nor equal endurance. They were up- 
 right, generous, manly in character and sentiment. There 
 was a stamp of natural nobleness, openness, and courage, 
 as well as constant reliance upon God. They were above 
 every meanness and had a pure and high morality, and 
 though in an obscure, unthought of theatre, so acted in all 
 things, that now, when their whole stage with all the 
 
830 HISTORICAL AJND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 scenery and persons is lilted into light with a world 
 critically gazing at it, there is nothing seen but what is as 
 noble and truly dignified as if it had been acted for the 
 world. The reason is, because it was not acted for the 
 world, but irrespective of the world, for conscience and 
 for God. The total absence of the fear of naan has pro- 
 duced the noblest epic in action of all secular ages. 
 
 The very first instances of crime among them being imi- 
 tations in low life of English court bravery and gentility, 
 were such as stamped disgrace and ridicule upon it for all 
 coming time. It was good to have examples of fashion- 
 able wickedness put in so low and contemptible a setting 
 as that to which the Pilgrims shut it up, when the founda- 
 tions of many generations were building. It was better 
 than the device of the Spartans to make their slaves drunk 
 that their children might abhor the beastly vice of intem- 
 perance. Neck and heels of a serving man tied together 
 is a good posture for the perpetual effigy of a New Eng- 
 land duellist. If the Pilgrims had set their ingenuity to 
 manufacture a caricature of afl?airs of honor for immortal 
 opprobrium and ridicule, they could not have done better. 
 It was only the second ofl^ence in the whole year's history 
 of the colony. Prince takes the account from Governor 
 Bradford's Register thus : 
 
 "June 18, 1621. The second offence is the first duel 
 fought in New England upon a challenge at single combat 
 with sword and dagger, between Edward Doty and 
 Edward Leister, servants of Mr. Hopkins. Both being 
 wounded, the one in the hand, the other in the thigh, they 
 are adjudged by the whole company to have their head and 
 feet tied together, and so to lie for twenty-four hours, with- 
 out meat or drink : which is begun to be inflicted, but 
 within an hour, because of their great pains, at their own 
 and their master's humble request, upon promise of better 
 carriage, they are released by the Governor." 
 
 We should like to see all the duelUsts in the world tied 
 
 ( 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 331 
 
 thus, neck and heels together ; honor to whom honor is 
 due. This punishment seems to have been very effectual. 
 It was used in the case of the first offence committed in 
 the colony, which was that of John Billington, a profane, 
 miserable wretch, " shuffled in " by some unaccountable 
 trickery among the Pilgrims at London, but who after- 
 w^ards was hung for murder. March 24th, 1621, he was 
 " convicted before the whole company for his contempt of 
 Captain Standish's lawful command with opprobrious 
 speeches : for which he was adjudged to have his neck and 
 heels tied together : but upon humbling himself and craving 
 pardon, and it being the first offence, he is forgiven." 
 
 Governor Bradford, with an almost prophetic discern- 
 ment of the elements of character and their consequences, 
 declared in a letter to Mr. Cushman in 1624, concerning 
 this miserable fellow, who for some cause was a great 
 enemy of Cushman, that he was " a knave, and as such 
 would live and die." It was the Governor's opinion that he 
 was smuggled in most improperly among the Pilgrims in 
 England, at their first embarkation, but how he knew not. 
 He stained the soil of New England with the first murder, 
 being truly the Cain of that Eden of the New World. Mr. 
 Hubbard gives the account of his unprovoked crime and 
 its just retribution, in the following words ; 
 
 " About September, 1630, was one Billington executed at 
 Plymouth, for murder. When the world was first peopled, 
 and but one family to do that, there was yet too many to 
 live peaceably together ; so, when this wilderness began 
 first to be peopled by the English, when there was but one 
 poor town, another Cain was found therein, who malicious- 
 ly slew his neighbor in the field, as he accidentally met him, 
 as himself was going to shoot deer. The poor fellow, 
 perceiving the intent of this Billington, his mortal enemy, 
 sheltered himself behind trees as well as he could for a 
 while ; but the other not being so ill a marksman as to ruin 
 his aim, made a shot at him, and struck him on the 
 
332 HISTORICAL AMD LOCAL ILLUSTRATIOxNS 
 
 shoulder, with which he died soon after. The murderer 
 expected that either for want of power to execute for 
 capital offences, or for want of people to increase the 
 plantation, he should have his life spared; but justice other- 
 wise determined, and rewarded him, the first murderer of 
 his neighbor there, with the deserved punishment of death, 
 for a warninfic to others."* 
 
 The trial of this murderer was a most important occa- 
 sion. The colony were somewhat in doubt whether the 
 patent gave them authority in cases of life and death to 
 pass and execute judgment. They might deduce that au- 
 thority from their own compact, but they were anxious to 
 proceed legally as well as justly, in right form as well as 
 in reality. They sought the advice of their brethren in 
 Massachusetts, the case occurring in the same year with 
 the arrival of Governor VVinthrop and the company of colo- 
 nists along with him. Governor Winthrop in his journal 
 merely mentions the execution thus: "Billington executed at 
 Plymouth for murdering." But it appears from Hutchin- 
 son, who, as Mr. Savage remarks, has perhaps digested all 
 that can be known in regard to that trial, that Mr. Win- 
 throp, having consulted with the ablest gentlemen there, 
 concurred with the opinion at Plymouth that the man 
 ought to die, and the land be purged from blood. This was 
 founded on the divine command, " Whosoever sheddeth 
 man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed ; which was 
 not, in any case, to be dispensed wdth."f Hutchinson re- 
 marks that they observed all the forms of law, there being 
 both grand jury and petty jury impannelled, and after in- 
 dictment, verdict, and sentence, the criminal was executed. 
 They took their authority and obligation of punishment by 
 death for the crime of murder directly from the Word of 
 God, regarding the old ordinance given to Noah as of uni- 
 versal appointment for the guidance of mankind. 
 
 * Hubbard's Gen. Hist. New England, ch. xvii., p. 101. Mass. Hist. Coll.* 
 t Hutchinson's Hist, Mass., vol. ii., p. 413. 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDEXCES, AND PERSONS. 333 
 
 " They had need be very good artists," said Mr. Hubbard 
 on another occasion, *' and go exactly to work, that lay the 
 foundatiV)n of a building ; for a little error there, may ap- 
 pear very great and formidable in the superstructure, if 
 any thing be done out of square in the bottom, which at the 
 first is not easily discerned." 
 
 Now it is remarkable that in the first great instance of 
 capital legislation in this country, our Pilgrim Fathers went 
 not to the laws of England for their guidance, but to those 
 of God. On this point Dr. Bacon of New Haven has writ- 
 ten admirably. What system of legislation should the co- 
 lonists take in founding a New World ? They could not 
 instantly frame a new system ; it must be the work of time 
 and experience. Should they take the laws of England ? 
 " Those were the very laws from which they fled. Those 
 laws would subject them at once to the king, to the parlia- 
 ment, and to the prelates in their several jurisdictions. 
 The adoption of the laws of England would have been fatal 
 to the object of their emigration." They could not take 
 the Roman civil law ; but they had a code of laws in every 
 man's hand in the Bible, laws given to a community emi- 
 grating, like themselves, from their native country, for the 
 great purpose of maintaining in simplicity and purity the 
 worship of the one true God. Like the Israelites of old, 
 they were to be a people surrounded by the heathen, and 
 intermingled among them, and needing the influence of laws 
 framed with a special reference to such a corrupting neigh- 
 borhood and intercourse. Like the Hebrews also they 
 were a free republican people, and needed laws for a com- 
 munity where there was no absolute power, where there 
 were no privileged classes ; laws, whose aim should be that 
 equal and exact justice which is the only freedom. 
 
 Dr. Bacon proceeds to remark upon two of the most im- 
 portant effects of their renouncing the laws of England and 
 adopting the Mosaic law ; first, the change of the principle 
 on which inheritances were to be divided, rejecting the 
 
334 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 English rale of giving all real estate to the eldest son, thus 
 doing away with the system of English aristocracy, and 
 promoting equality among the people ; and second, the 
 change in respect to the inflicting of capital punishment. 
 By this bold reformation, taking the Hebrew laws instead 
 of the laws of England, the colonists reduced the bloody 
 catalogue of crimes punishable by English law with death, 
 down at once from one hundred and fifty to eleven ! Dr. 
 Bacon well remarks that " the greatest and boldest im- 
 provement which has been made in criminal jurisprudence 
 by any one act since the dark ages, w^as that which was 
 made by our fathers, when they determined that the judi- 
 cial laws of God as they v/ere delivered by Moses, should be 
 accounted of moral equity, and generally bind all offenders, 
 and be a rule to all the courts."* 
 
 On the greatness and wisdom of their legal reforms and 
 precedents, Prescott Hall has likewise written with great 
 beauty and power, somewhat in detail. He says that near- 
 ly all the important alterations made in the jurisprudence of 
 New York within the last fifty years have been borrowed, 
 directly or indirectly, from the laws of New England, and 
 especially from those of Connecticut. "Indeed, I may go 
 fi.irther, and say that there is scarcely a change, or an im- 
 provement, called for or suggested by the distinguished 
 Lord Brougham in his great speech upon law reforms in 
 England, delivered in the House of Commons in the year 
 1828, but what may be found among the enactments of le- 
 gislatures and the practice of courts in the Eastern States." 
 
 These great improvements were begun at once. " With 
 a bold defiance," says Mr. Hall, "of customs immemorial, 
 and of forms rendered sacred by antiquity, they commenced 
 the progress of legal reform from the moment their feet 
 first pressed the sod of their new found country. With no 
 affected disregard for the wisdom and learning of their an- 
 cestors, with no pretensions to a more perfect knowledge 
 
 * Bacon's Historical Discourses, 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 335 
 
 of man's true social condition than that which prevailed at 
 home, they did nevertheless at once institute the inquiry as 
 to how much of an antiquated system was suited to their 
 wants and condition. Having the common Statute law of 
 England open and before them, and with a steady eye up- 
 on ancient precedents, they began a system of legal change 
 at once radical, yet conservative." Mr. Hall speaks of the 
 subject of non-imprisonment for debt, as considered and 
 acted on in New England two hundred years ago, and upon 
 the law for a complete registration of lands, and upon the 
 explosion of the complicated unnecessary forms in civil and 
 other proceedings ; simple and clear statements, and direct 
 straightforward pleadings coming in their place. 
 
 " And then," says he, " as to that law that prefers the 
 first born son to all others, in itself so iniquitous, what had 
 our ancestors to say to that ? They said it should be blot- 
 ted out from the statute-book, once and for ever. 
 
 " How otherwise could equal rights be maintained or Re- 
 publican forms of government be preserved ? In the proud 
 monarchies of Europe it became the policy of the aristo- 
 cracy to preserve great estates in the same family in a di- 
 rect line, that their influence might remain continuous and 
 unbroken — thus transmitting from father to son not only the 
 wealth of the ancestor but his political influence also. 
 
 " But in a free country how should we stand, if even 
 without political authority, the parent might entail upon his 
 son whole towns, and counties, and states ? Would free- 
 men contentedly ride for thirty-seven miles by the side of 
 a great estate (as you may now in some parts of Great 
 Britain), with the reflection in their minds that in all time 
 to come, the influence of that proprietor and his descend- 
 ants must remain unchecked and undisturbed ? 
 
 " What caused the first outbreaks among the people of 
 Rome when they left their city to take refuge on the sacred 
 Mount ? The monopoly of lands by the rich. What was 
 the remedy there ? A division of those lands among 
 
336 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 people who had no claim upon them but hard necessity. 
 But what agrarian law did our ancestors provide to check, 
 if not efiectually destroy, this dangerous accumulation of 
 wealth in the same hands ? They said that lands, where 
 there was no will to direct otherwise, should descend to the 
 heirs alike. That personal property should be equally dis- 
 tiibuted, and the power of entailment so limited that it must 
 be renewed in every generation, in order to be kept alive. 
 * This,' says Judge Story, ' is the true agrarian law which 
 in all time to come will guard the just rights of acquirement 
 and possession, and correct the great public evils of inor- 
 dinate accumulations ; and you see how instantly our an- 
 cestors seized upon and adopted this indispensable im- 
 provement.' 
 
 '' Then the criminal laws of England, more bloody than 
 the laws of Draco, were all remodelled and their severities 
 softened down, even at that time when men's minds had not 
 begun much to consider this important matter. In all 
 things, I assert with confidence, in relation to the laws, 
 both public and private, our ancestors made great and mar- 
 vellous improvements upon those of the land from whence 
 they took their origin. And these reforms became after- 
 wards matters of the highest political concernment when 
 they had shaken off the control of the mother country. Re- 
 publican in their habits of thinking and acting — republican 
 in their frugality — republican in their laws and forms of go- 
 vernment, the States of New England were early prepared 
 for that great change wrought out for them by the War of 
 the Revolution. 
 
 " Their civil and political rights v^ere well understood 
 from the very beginning: — they were preserved and cherish- 
 ed through all their early struggles for existence — and were 
 all prepared to be acted upon when the day of trial came."* 
 
 * W. Prescott Hall's New England Society Address. 
 
CHAPTER XXII 
 
 THE FIRST TOWN MEETING. PROVIDENTIAL DISCIPLINE AND 
 
 DEVELOPMENT OF FREEDOM. 
 
 From the Town meetings of New England, De Tocque- 
 ville deduces the whole grand fabric of civil liberty in these 
 United States. There is much truth in the conclusion. 
 The habit of thus meeting for consultation and decision on 
 all common and important business, constituted a discipline 
 of independence, freedom, and self-government, in the 
 Slate, of which the pattern was first taken from the 
 congregational independence and self-government under 
 Christ, which had for so many years been practised in the 
 Pilgrim Churches. This habit was the cradle of a well- 
 ordered civil, as well as religious liberty. These Town 
 meetings were at first composed mainly of members of the 
 Church ; for the greater number of the early Colonists 
 were such, by profession and covenant. And in the 
 manner of this action in civil affairs, they naturally and 
 spontaneously went on according to the habit they had 
 formed in religious affairs. The one ran into the other as 
 naturally as the oak grows out of the acorn, as sponta- 
 neously as from the hidden germinating power and process 
 in the seed, or growth in the tree, spring to their develop- 
 ment the blossom and the fruit. It was thus that the Vine 
 
 15 
 
338 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 out of Egypt, being caused to take deep root, filled the 
 land. The hills were covered with the shadows of it, and 
 the boughs thereof were like the goodly cedars. She sent 
 out her boughs unto the sea, and her branches unto the 
 river. They became so tough and strong, that the boar 
 out of the European woods might whet his tusks upon 
 them, but could not harm them. 
 
 The record of the first town meeting in New England, 
 nay, we might probably say in the whole world (for this 
 was quite an original phenomenon), is in this Journal of the 
 Pilgrims. The Era of the Town itself is fixed by Mr. 
 Prince, not upon the day on which the Pilgrims first broke 
 ground for building, nor the day on which they began to 
 erect the first house for settlement, but about a week after- 
 wards, on the last day in the year 1620 (being the first 
 Lord's Day that any kept the Sabbath in the place of their 
 building), they having, up to that time, assembled on board 
 the May Flower, no other shelter being possible. There 
 is great propriety and beauty in this ; if the Pilgrims could 
 have determined upon it, they would have desired just such 
 a record. "At this time," says Mr. Prince, "we therefore 
 fix the Era of their settlement here ; to which they give 
 the name of Plymouth, the first English town in all this 
 country, in a grateful memory of the Christian friends they 
 found at Plymouth in England, as of the last town they 
 left in that their native land." 
 
 The labor of building the Town goes on through the 
 month of January, doubtless under the superintendence of 
 Governor Carver, whom they had chosen on board the 
 May Flower. We may say that all their consultations and 
 determinations, as on January 9th, concerning the manner 
 and division of labor in building, were the apparent germs 
 or buds of the future fully developed institutions of the 
 Town meeting. But the first decisive record is op Feb. 
 17th, when they met to appoint " military orders," and chose 
 and invested with power accordingly, Miles Standish for 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 339 
 
 Captain. This, however, being mainly, if not solely, a 
 meeting fixed for those military purposes alone, and having 
 been moreover interrupted by the first alarming presenta- 
 tion of savages near the Town, which interruption was 
 renew^ed on two other occasions on which they had a 
 similar meeting, we pass to the last record in the Journal, 
 March 23, 1621, where the bud is, as it were, in full and 
 manifest development. It is a regular Town Meeting for 
 common business, as well as for the completion of their 
 " military orders," and for the forming of other laws con- 
 venient for their present state. They then likewise re- 
 elected Governor Carver for the following year. 
 
 Soon after this, Governor Carver having been removed 
 by death, there was another Town Meeting, at which Mr. 
 Bradford was chosen governor, with Mr. Allerton for his 
 assistant. June 18th, there was another, in which those 
 extraordinary duellists, the two family servants of Mr. 
 Hopkins, were " adjudged by the whole company" to their 
 suitable and disgraceful punishment. July 2d, there was 
 another Town Meeting; August 13th, another on a very 
 important occasion, called by the Governor, for aid of 
 council. Thus these Town Meetings, begun in the infancy 
 of the Colony, became its habit into manhood. They 
 were assemblies of the freest, most independent, most 
 mutually confidential character ; for consultation, delibe- 
 ration, decision on the most important affairs that could 
 come before the community. The Governor asked advice 
 at those meetings. 
 
 March 23d, 1623, we find the record of one of them as 
 follows : " Be'ino; a Yearly Court Day, the Governor com- 
 municates his intelligence to the whole company (alarming 
 intelligence in regard to a conspiracy among the Indians), 
 and asks their advice ; who leave it to the Governor, with 
 his assistant and the Captain, to do as they think most 
 meet." The election days were Town Meeting days. In 
 the spring of 1624, we find the record of their proceed- 
 
340 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 ings, in Prince's Clironology, as follows ; " The time of our 
 electing officers for the year arriving, the Governor desires 
 the people both to change the persons, and add more 
 assistants to the Governor for counsel and help ; showing 
 the necessity of it ; that if it were a benefit or honor, it 
 was fit others should be partakers ; or if a burthen, it was 
 but equal others should help to bear it ; and that this was 
 to be the end of yearly elections. Yet they chose the 
 same Governor, namely, Mr. Bradford. But whereas there 
 was but one assistant, they now choose five, and give 
 the Governor a double voice." 
 
 Thus the discipline of the Colony in self-government 
 under God's good providence went on from year to year, 
 from less to greater, from very small assemblies to very 
 large ones, with which, if the Colony had begun, they 
 would not also have begun in them these all important, 
 open, free, deliberative meetings. God in his providence 
 taught them little by little. And he let all these fixtures of 
 the habits of a free State and people be confirmed and 
 rendered more complete for several years, before he let the 
 new and larger Colony at Salem come over to determine 
 their settlement and fixtures. When they did come, they 
 naturally fell, both in religious and civil affairs, into the 
 same excellent habits, in their church covenant and busi- 
 ness, and in free deliberation in Town Meetings, into which 
 God had disciplined the Plymouth Pilgrims before them, 
 and which by their example he had shown to be so admi- 
 rably fitted for the purposes of piety, industry, virtue, 
 public spirit, self denial, firmness, brotherly kindness, 
 patience, wisdom, and freedom. 
 
 The origin of town governm.ents which Mr. Baylies 
 thinks involved in some obscurity, seems very plainly to 
 be found in the condition of the Colony of Plymouth dur- 
 ing the first twelve years, in which the town, being the 
 "whole Colony, "exercised all tkose functions of govern- 
 ment, which are now performed in towns, counties, and 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 341 
 
 commonwealths."* The town was also the Church. After- 
 wards, when other settlements were made, churches were 
 formed to make them, and then by acts of incorporation 
 they became towns. Even the ministers were settled by 
 the towns in town meetings, and the salary was established 
 and annually voted. Thus it is true that to the independ- 
 ent churches is to be traced the origin of those independent 
 communities, which assumed the name of towns ; in the 
 independent churches, indeed, is the germ of all our liberties, 
 both civil and religious. 
 
 Mr. Baylies has remarked that the system of town-go- 
 vernments is neither known in England, nor does it prevail 
 in the Southern States. " Those who are strangers to our 
 customs are surprised to find the whole of New England 
 divided into a vast nuniber of little democratic republics, 
 which have full power to do all those things which most 
 essentially concern the comforts, happiness, and wants of 
 the people. Under the government of these little repub- 
 lics, society is trained in habits of order, and the whole 
 people acquire a practical knowledge of legislation within 
 their own sphere. To this mode of government may be 
 attributed that sober and reflecting character, almost pe- 
 culiar to the people of New England, and their general 
 knowledge of politics and legislation. Many distinguished 
 orators and statesmen have made their first essays in town 
 meetings." 
 
 Truly it was a process of God's guidance with our 
 fathers, which we can never enough admire, in which he 
 wrought out, by their gradual experience, the frame and 
 model, the statutes and habits, of a free, well-ordered, self- 
 governed, Christian State. This was not speculation on 
 government, either ecclesiastical or civil, by men's theories, 
 but action, by the light of God's Word, under the leadings 
 of God's Providence. It was neither Milton, nor Alger- 
 non Sidney, nor Hooker, nor Bacon, teaching liow a Chris- 
 * Baylies' Hist. Memoir of Plymouth, 240, 241, 256. 
 
342 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 tian freedom might be man's possibility and privilege ; it 
 was God revealing it in actual possession. 
 
 They w^ere humble, unostentatious, obscure men, most of 
 them, v\'hom God chose as his instruments in this demon- 
 stration ; men schooled in self-denial, prepared by a baptism 
 in hardship and suffering ; men of calm resolution, unrepin- 
 ing endurance, and cheerful trust in God. These men, and 
 not the speculative philosophers of Church and State des- 
 potisms, were the instruments of God in opening and 
 demonstrating to the world the truths essential to the 
 world's peace, on which only the world's welfare could 
 rest, by the working of which alone the world's kingdoms 
 could be conducted to the enjoyment of an indestructible 
 liberty. And not the Courts of regal, or representative, 
 or hierarchical grandeur ; not the parliaments, or diets, or 
 consulting assemblages of kingdoms a thousand years old ; 
 nor yet the applauded public stage of great cities, nor 
 palace halls beneath the shadow of grand cathedrals, nor 
 the magnificent cathedrals themselves, were the places 
 which God chose for these last and grandest " births of 
 time," for the suggestion or the demonstration of these 
 simple, yet mighty truths; but the shadows of the primeval 
 forest, log-huts in the wilderness, rough unbuilded hamlets 
 of poor, wasted, dying men ; conventicles, wigwams, and 
 Town-meetings. 
 
 The opening of these truths was to be from point to point, 
 not all at once, as a flood of supernatural light, but disci- 
 plinary, providential. And the experimental demonstration 
 of these truths was to be as gradual as the growth of a 
 vigorous, free, Christian State, in perfect religious liberty, 
 beneath their light and influence. As a child passes from 
 discipline to discipline, from school to school, from lower 
 to higher masters and branches of knowledge, so from step 
 to step God led on our Fathers. He led them so naturally, 
 that at that time they could no more see the great end to 
 which he w^as bringing them, or the expected and intended 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 843 
 
 consummation of light, than a being ignorant of the material 
 processes of our world, who should be placed for the first 
 time where he could watch the dawning of the day, could 
 measure the stealthy imperceptible steps of the morning, 
 or predict the glorious appearance of the sun. Indeed, at 
 the time, they were often so overwhelmed with difficulties, 
 and absorbed in the questions of this day^s and the morrow's 
 preservation, that as to God's providence and intentions, or 
 their own discoveries of his future will, they were like men 
 lost in catacombs, and feeling their way in almost total 
 darkness. Nevertheless, they were coming to discoveries 
 which were to renew the face of the earth ; they were 
 working out problems, by the solulion of which the world 
 was to be brought from its abode with the dead into the 
 light of the living. Problems they were, upon the solution 
 of which they could merely enter, merely take the first 
 steps, while other generations would be requisite to com- 
 plete them ; but the right entrance was essential, a begin- 
 ning in and from God's Word ; and had not the first steps 
 been steps in God, the after-progress would have been 
 from intricacy to intricacy, instead of opening into perfect 
 day. It is one of the most instructive things in the world, 
 to watch the beginnings and utter shipwreck and failure of 
 several other enterprises, side by side with that of our 
 Pilgrim Fathers, but not, like that, conducted with a su- 
 preme regard to God's glory, in obedience to God's Word, 
 and in entire dependence on God's providence and grace. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 GOVERNOR BRADFORD S LETTER BOOK. 
 
 It was an incomparable and most grievous carelessness 
 that suffered the precious manuscript of Governor Brad- 
 ford's Letter Book to be lost. The only remnant saved is 
 to be found in the volume of the Massachusetts Historical 
 Collections for 1794, having been accidentally discovered 
 in a grocer's shop in Halifax. It begins on the 339th page, 
 the whole 338 preceding pages being lost irrecoverably. 
 Into this work Governor Bradford seems to have systema- 
 tically copied the whole of his correspondence relating to 
 the affairs of the colony, interspersing and connecting it 
 with remarks illustrative, and of the deepest interest, so 
 that the whole formed an invaluable history. 
 
 The first document in it is a letter to Bradford, Allerton, 
 and Winslow, and the rest of the colony through them, 
 written doubtless by Mr. Sherley, but signed by eight 
 among the Adventurers, who were of a good spirit, if the 
 temper of the letter were theirs collectively, as it surely 
 was of some severally. The letter is dated April 7, 1624. 
 Of the man Weston it speaks in the following terms : 
 
 " It is a dangerous case, when a man groweth naught in 
 prosperity, and worse in adversity ; and what can the end 
 of all this be. but more and more misery ? And for con- 
 
PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 345 
 
 elusion with him, you may show him what we have wrote 
 about him ; and if that satisfy him not, but that he shall 
 still follow his mad and malicious practices against you, 
 warn him out of your precincts, and let it be upon his peril 
 to set foot thereon ; it being indeed no reason that a whole 
 plantation should be disturbed or indamaged by the frantic 
 humors of any one man whatsoever." 
 
 There are the following admirable Christian counsels 
 set down in this letter, and worthy to be extracted and 
 read. 
 
 " Let it not offend you that we wish you to look to your- 
 selves, as first, that you walk close with God, being fre- 
 quent and fervent in prayer, instruction, and doctrine, both 
 openly and privately. Secondly, that you instruct and 
 bring up your young ones in the knowledge and fear of 
 God, restraining them from idleness and profanation of the 
 Sabbath. Thirdly, that you freely and readily entertain 
 any honest men into your church estate and society, though 
 with great infirmities and difference of judgment ; taking 
 heed of too great strictness and singularity even in that 
 particular. Fourthly, that there be fervent love and close 
 cleaving together among you that are fearers of God, 
 without secret whispering or undermining one of another, 
 and without contempt or neglect of such as are weak and 
 helpless, if honest, amongst you. This do, and in all things 
 be humble, cheerful, and thankful ; that if you cannot grow 
 rich in this world, yet you may be rich in grace ; and if 
 you can send us no other treasure, yet let all that visit you 
 bring from you the fame of honesty, religion, and godliness, 
 which we trust shall comfort us more than all else you can 
 send us in this world." 
 
 It was comforting to the Pilgrims to know that there 
 
 were some men of this spirit of piety still standing by 
 
 them among the Adventurers ; and it was good to receive 
 
 such counsels, for it made the colonists see and feel how 
 
 the eves of the world were upon them. 
 
 16* 
 
346 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 The next letter, Governor Bradford says, is the first 
 received from England after the breach and separation 
 between the Adventurers and the Pilgrims. It is signed 
 by Messrs. Sherley, Collier, Fletcher, and Holland ; but as 
 Sherley at that time w^as sick, and thought to be nigh unto 
 death. Governor Bradford concludes that the letter was 
 written by Mr. Cushman at the request of the others. It 
 bears internal evidence of being Mr. Cushman's. The 
 following extract may show its excellent spirit and tenor 
 in respect to advice and counsel. 
 
 " Seeing our generality (that is, the Company of Adven- 
 turers) here is dissolved, let yours be the more firm ; and 
 do not you like those carnal people, which run into evils 
 and inconveniences by examples, but rather be warned by 
 your harms, to cleave faster together hereafter. Take 
 heed of long and sharp disputes and opposition ; give no 
 passage to the waters, no, not a tittle ; let not hatred or 
 heart-burning be harbored in the breast of any of you one 
 moment, but forgive and forget all former failings and 
 abuses, and renew your love and friendship together daily. 
 There is often more sound friendship and sweeter fellow- 
 ship in aflflictions and crosses, than in prosperity and 
 favors ; and there is reason for it ; because envy flieth 
 away, when there is nothing but necessities to be looked 
 on, but is always a bold guest where prosperity shows 
 itself." 
 
 " And although we here, which are hedged about with so 
 many favors and helps in worldly things and comforts, for- 
 get friendship and love, and oftentimes fall out for trifles, 
 yet must not you do so, but must in these things turn a 
 new leaf, and be of another spirit. We here can fall out 
 with a friend and lose him to-day, and find another to- 
 morrow ; but you cannot do so ; you have no such choice : 
 you must make much of them you have, and count him a 
 very good friend, which is not a professed enemy. We 
 have a trade and custom of tale-bearing, whispering, and 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 347 
 
 changing of old friends for new, and these things with us 
 are incurable. But you, which do, as it were, begin a new 
 world, and lay the foundation of sound piety and humanity 
 for others to follow, must suffer no such weeds in your 
 garden, but nip them in the head, and cast them out for 
 ever ; and must follow peace and study quietness, having 
 fervent love amongst yourselves, as a perfect and entire 
 bond to uphold you when all else fails you. 
 
 "And albeit the company here, as a company, hath lost 
 you ; you know when Saul left David, yea and pursued 
 him, yet David did not abuse his allegiance and loyalty to 
 him ; no more should you : the evil of us here cannot 
 justify any evil in you, but you must still do your duty, 
 though we neglect ours. We think it but reason, that 
 after your necessities are served, you gather together such 
 commodities as the country yields, and send them over to 
 pay debts and clear engagements here, which are not less 
 than 1400 pounds. 
 
 •' Have an eye rather on your ill-deservings at God's 
 hand, than upon the failings of your friends towards you : 
 and wait on him with patience and good conscience ; 
 rather admiring his mercies than repining at his crosses, 
 with the assurance of faith, that what is wanting here 
 shall be made up in glory a thousand fold. Go on, good 
 friends, comfortably pluck up your hearts cheerfully, and 
 quit yourselves like men in all difficulties, that through dis- 
 pleasure and threats of men yet the work may go on 
 which you are about, and not be neglected, which is as 
 much for the glory of God and the furtherance of our 
 countrynnen, as that a man may with the more comfort 
 spend his life in it, than live the life of Methusaleh in 
 wasting the plenty of a tilled land, or eating the fruit of a 
 grown tree." 
 
 This curious letter, which Governor Bradford says is in 
 Cushman's hand, bears marks of the same style of author- 
 ship conspicuous in the discourse on self-love, which Mr. 
 
348 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Cushman delivered to the Pilgrims when he was himself 
 at Plymouth in 1621. But it is evident that he would not 
 have written it, except at the desire and in behalf of the 
 Adventurers. It is an apology for their own ill conduct, 
 and a deprecation of any retaliation for the same on the 
 part of the Pilgrims. The Adventurers wish to secure them- 
 selves, and although in breaking up the Company, and the 
 greater part of them turning against the Colony, they had 
 forfeited all legal claim on account of the partnership, yet 
 they must have their debts paid, and the other Pilgrims 
 must pay them. 
 
 And whereas vicious courses may be pursued in Eng- 
 land, and much worldly comfort still retained, and new 
 friends gained in the place of old ones discarded, yet 
 seeing this cannot be the case among the Pilgrims, they 
 must at all hazards pursue the path of self-denial, and stick 
 close to habits of virtue. And whereas in England money 
 and goods were to be got at six per cent, interest, the 
 Colony, as expecting hardships, and now in some measure 
 accustomed to them, must not think strange if they have to 
 pay seventy per cent, for the same. " And it standeth you 
 in need the more carefully to look to, and make much of all 
 your commodities, by how much the more they are 
 chargeable to you ; and though we hope you shall not 
 w^ant things necessary, yet we think the harder they are got 
 the more carefully they will be husbanded. Good friends, 
 as you buy them, keep a decorum in distributing them, and 
 let none have varieties and things for delight, when others 
 want for their mere necessities." 
 
 This was written to a people, who were all laboring 
 with their hands for their daily bread, and struggling also 
 for the subsistence of others thrown upon them. Little need 
 there was, truly, of cautioning them to make much of such 
 costly commodities, and to have a decorum about dis- 
 tributing them for mere delight and variety, when they 
 were charged for them seventy per cent, advance on the 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 349 
 
 prices which they cost the Adventurers in England ! And 
 yet these commodities about which they were to be so 
 careful lest any should have them for superfluities, were 
 the very necessaries of life to the Colony ; as cattle, cloth, 
 hose, shoes, leather, and so forth. The Adventurers 
 thought the harder theij were got, the more carefully they 
 would he husbanded ; and therefore with kindly foresight 
 made them seventy per cent, more costly than they were 
 at home ! A sure way to encourage industry, self-denial, 
 and economical husbandry ! 
 
 We think neither Mr. Sherley nor Mr. Cushman could 
 have been partners, except from sheer necessity, and to 
 avoid a greater evil, to such transactions. Indeed, we 
 doubt if Mr. Sherley knew anything about the detail of 
 these measures, for he w^as at this time at the point of 
 death. And Mr. Cushman wrote, on his behalf and his 
 own, to Governor Bradford, as follows : 
 
 " Mr. Sherley, who lieth even at the point of death, en- 
 treated me, even with tears, to wnnte to excuse him, and 
 signify how it was with him. He remembers his hearty, 
 and as he thinks last salutations, to you and all the rest, 
 who love our common cause. And if God does again 
 raise him up, he will be more for you, I am persuaded, 
 than ever he was. His unfeigned love towards us hath 
 been such as I cannot express ; and though he be a man not 
 swayed with passion, or led by uninformed affections, yet 
 hath he cloven to us still amidst all persuasions of op- 
 posites, and could not be moved to have an evil thought of 
 us, for all their clamors. His patience and contentment 
 in being oppressed hath been much. He hath sometimes 
 lent 800 pounds at one time, for other men to adventure in 
 this business, all to draw them on ; and hath indeed by his 
 free-heartedness, been the only glue of the company. 
 And if God should take him now away, I scarce think much 
 more would be done, save to inquire as to the dividend 
 which is to be had." 
 
350 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 This last sarcastic sentence shows Mr. Cushman's own 
 opinion as to the men they had to deal with. Mr. 
 Sherley was the only glue of the company. 
 
 Mr. Cushman himself was intending now to quit England 
 for ever, and join the Pilgrims. In this, which was the 
 last letter he ever v/rote, he begs Governor Bradford to 
 take care of his son, who was already in the Colony, 
 as of his own ; and he says, " I hope the next ships to 
 come to you ; in the mean space and ever, the Lord be 
 all your direction, and turn all our crosses and troubles to 
 his own glory and our comforts ; and give you to walk so 
 wisely and holily, as none may justly say but they have 
 always found you honestly minded, though never so poor." 
 
 This letter was dated December 22, 1624, and it was his 
 last. Instead of Mr. Sherley, he himself was taken, and 
 Governor Bradford remarks, while recording his death, 
 what cause have we ever to be ready ! " He was now 
 taken from these troubles, into which, by this division, we 
 were so deeply plunged. And here I must leave him to 
 rest with the Lord." 
 
 Governor Bradford's own letter in answer to Mr. Cush- 
 man reached London of course, not till after Mr. Cushman's 
 death. It is affecting to see in it the proofs of familiar con- 
 fidence and love, and the interchange of little messages of 
 affection. " Your son and all of us," he says, " are in good 
 health, blessed be God, and he received the things you sent 
 him. I hope God will make him a good man. My wife 
 remembers her love unto you, and thanks you for her spice. 
 Billington still rails against you, and threatens to arrest 
 you, I know not wherefore. He is a knave, and so will 
 live and die." 
 
 This Billington was the same who committed the first 
 offence in the colony at Plymouth. He was a profane, 
 hardened wretch, and came to his death on the gallows, for 
 the crime of murder. 
 
 Governor Bradford says in this letter, " Except we may 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 351 
 
 have things, both more serviceable and at better rates, we 
 shall never be able to rub through. Our people will never 
 agree any way, again to unite with the Company, who 
 have cast them off with such reproach and contempt, and 
 also returned their bills and all debts upon their heads. 
 But as for those our loving friends, who have and still do 
 stick to us, and are deeply engaged for us, and are most 
 careful of our goods, for our parts we will ever be ready 
 to do anything that shall be thought equal and m.eet. 
 
 "But I think it will be best to press a clearance with the 
 Company, either by coming to a dividend, or some other 
 indifferent course of composition ; for the longer we hang 
 and continue in this confused and lingering condition, the 
 worse it will be, for it takes away all heart and courage 
 from men to do anything. For notwithstanding any per- 
 suasion to the contrary, many protest they will never build 
 houses or plant fruit for those, who not only forsake them, 
 but use them as enemies, loading them with reproach and 
 contumely. Nay, they will rather ruin that which is done, 
 than they should possess it. Whereas, if they knew what 
 they should trust to, the place would quickly grow and 
 flourish with plenty, for they never felt the sweetness of 
 the country till this year ; and now not only we, but all 
 planters in the land begin to do it. The Lord hath so gra- 
 ciously disposed, that when our opposites thought that 
 many would have followed their faction, they so distasted 
 their palpable dishonest dealings, that they stuck more 
 firmly unto us, and joined themselves to the Church." 
 
 The next thing Governor Bradford did in this business, 
 was to write a letter to the Council of New England, 
 supplicating their help in compelling the Adventurers to 
 come to some just composition. For the carrying and 
 pursuit of this application in London, the Colony chose 
 Captain Miles Standish, who, as we have seen, arrived on 
 his business in the midst of a fervent pestilence, by reason 
 of which he could accomplish little or nothing. 
 
352 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 In this letter to the Council, Governor Bradford speaks 
 of the many necessities the Pilgrims have undergone, 
 "incident to the raw and immature beginnings of such 
 great exertions, and the more to which they are still 
 subject." 
 
 " We are many people consisting of all sorts, as well 
 women and children, as men ; and are now left and forsa- 
 ken of our Adventurers, who will neither supply us with 
 necessaries for our subsistence, nor suffer others that would 
 be willing ; neither can we be at liberty to deal with 
 others, or provide for ourselves, but they keep us tied to 
 them, and yet they will be loose from us. They have not 
 only cast us off, but entered into particular courses of 
 trading, and have by violence and force taken at their 
 pleasure our possessions at Cape Ann. Traducing us with 
 unjust and dishonest clamors abroad, disturbing our peace 
 at home, and some of them threatening that if ever we 
 grow to any good estate, they will nip us in the head. 
 Which discouragements do cause us to slack our diligence 
 and our care to build and plant, not knowing for whom we 
 work, whether friends or enemies. Our humble suit there- 
 fore to your good lordships and honors is, that seeing they 
 have so unjustly forsaken us, that you would vouchsafe to 
 convene them before you, and take such order, as we may 
 be free from them, and the}^ come to a division with us, 
 that we and ours may be delivered from their evil intents 
 against us." 
 
 The visit of Captain Standish, though in the midst of the 
 plague, was doubtless of some benefit towards inclining 
 the Adventurers to come to some agreement with the 
 Colony ; and the next year, 1626, Mr. Allerton was sent to 
 England to see what could be done. The documents are 
 set down in Governor Bradford's Letter Book ; first the 
 bond of the Colonists, by which Mr. Allerton succeeded in 
 getting a loan of 200 pounds, at thirty per cent, interest, 
 as is stated in Governor Bradford's own words, as follows: 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 353 
 
 " Upon this order he got two hundred pounds, but it was 
 at thirty in the hundred interest, by which it appears in 
 what straits we were. And yet this was upon better terms 
 than the goods which were sent to us the year before, being 
 at forty-five per cent., so that it was God's marvellous 
 orovidence that we were ever able to wade through 
 things ; as will better appear, if God give me life and 
 opportunity to handle them more particularly, in another 
 treatise more at large, as I desire and purpose, if God 
 permit, with many other things, in a better order." 
 
 Besides getting this supply of money at such usurious 
 and destructive interest, Mr. Allerton succeeded in bring- 
 ing the Adventurers to a composition and agreement, the 
 deed of which is recorded in full in the Letter Book, with 
 the signatures of the Adventurers thereto, in number forty- 
 two. By this deed the Adventurers sold to Isaac Allerton, 
 in behalf of the planters at New Plymouth, in consideration 
 of the sum of eighteen hundred pounds sterling, all their 
 property and right in the stocks, shares, lands, merchandise, 
 and chattels of the Colony. The money to be paid 200 
 pounds yearly, beginning on the feast day of St. Michael, 
 1628. 
 
 " Thus ail now is become our own," adds Governor Brad- 
 ford, "and doubtless this was a great mercy of God with 
 us, and a great means of our peace and better subsistence, 
 and wholly dashed all the plots and devices of our enemies 
 both there and here, who daily expected our ruin, disper- 
 sion, and utter subversion by the same ; but their hopes 
 were thus far prevented, though with great care and labor 
 we were left to struggle with the payment of the money." 
 
 The next letter in Governor Bradford's Letter Book is 
 from Mr. Sherley to his friend the Governor, dated London, 
 Dec. 27, 1627, concerning the conclusion of this same 
 agreement. He says, " we cannot but all take notice how 
 the Lord hath been pleased to cross our proceedings, and 
 caused many disasters to befall us therein ; and sure 1 con- 
 
354 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 ceive the only cause to be that we, or many of us here, 
 aimed at other ends than God'^s glory ; but now I hope that 
 cause is taken away, the bargain being fully completed." 
 He speaks of the malice of some against himself on account 
 of his unshaken friendship for the Pilgrims and the colony; 
 and he says, that now, if they do but have content and 
 peace among tliemselves and with the natives, doubtless 
 "the God of peace will bless your going out and returning 
 in, and cause all to which you set your hand to prosper ; 
 the which I shall ever pray the Lord to grant, if it be his 
 most blessed will, and that for Jesus Christ's sake." 
 
 Governor Bradford, out of the fulness of his heart, sets a 
 star to this prophecy of God's blessing, and says in a note, 
 *' He hath hitherto done it, blessed be his name !" 
 
 In a letter of Mr. Sherley's to Governor Bradford, in 
 November, 1628, he says, " It is true, as you write, your 
 engagements are great, not only the purchase, but ycu are 
 yet necessitated to take up the stock you work upon, and 
 that not at six or eight per cent., as it is here let out, but at 
 thirty, forty, yea and some fifty per cent., which were not 
 your gains great, and God's blessing on your honest endea- 
 vors more than ordinary, it could not be that you should 
 long subsist, in the maintaining and upholding of your 
 w^orldly afiairs." 
 
 After this letter follows a copy of the agreement made, 
 as noted in Chapter III., between eight of the principal Pil- 
 grims and the rest of the colony, for an exclusive pursuit of 
 the trade of the colony for six years, in consideration of 
 which they, the eight aforesaid, and four others, whom they 
 procured to join them in London in this bargain, took upon 
 themselves the payment of all the debts of the colony ; the 
 trade to return to the colony as before at the expiration of 
 the six years. The Governor gives the reasons for this 
 engagement, particularly their desire to transport as many 
 of their Leyden brethren to the colony as possible, they 
 being unable to come of themselves. The whole arrange- 
 
OF PEINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 355 
 
 ment was one of admirable wisdom, and issued in complete 
 success. The four friendly Adventurers of London, who 
 were helpers in it, were, Sherley, Beauchamp, Andrews, and 
 Hatherly. Mr. Sherley wrote in 1629, as follows : " In all 
 respects I do not see but you have done marvellously dis- 
 creetly and advisedly, and no doubt it gives all parties 
 good content." Mingled with these business letters are 
 ever and anon interspersed pleasant and homely memorials 
 of love. "My wife desires to be remembered to you and 
 yours, and I think she has put up a small token, as a pair 
 of stockings, for you." 
 
 "Mr. Bradford," adds Mr. Sherley in a postscript, "give 
 me leave to put you in mind of one thing. Mr. Allerton 
 hath been a trusty, honest friend to you all, either there or 
 here ; and if any do speak ill of him, believe them not. 
 Indeed, they have been unreasonably chargeable, yet grudge, 
 and are not contented. Verily, their indiscreet carriage 
 here hath so abated my affection towards them, as, were 
 Mrs. Robinson well over, I would not disburse one penny 
 for the rest." 
 
 The Governor then explains this, saying that the offence 
 was given by some of their Leyden friends, whom they had 
 undertaken to transport to the colony, but redounded to the 
 prejudice of the whole. He says that this company were 
 fewer in number than the one previous, though their ex- 
 penses came to a hundred pounds more. " And notwith- 
 standing this indiscretion, yet they were such as feared 
 God, and were to us both welcome and useful for the most 
 part ; they were also kept at our charge eighteen months, 
 and all new apparelled, and all other charges defrayed." 
 
 The next letter is from Mr. Sherley to the Governor and 
 the Pilgrims, giving an account of the immense labor, tur- 
 moil, and expense, which it had cost Mr. Allerton to get a 
 new patent of incorporation, for which they were suing ; 
 how he was put off and referred from one to another, and 
 from place to place, day after day, from Lord Keeper to 
 
356 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLITSTRATIONS 
 
 Lord Treasurer, and from Lord Treasurer to the Council 
 Table, and at great cost of " many riddles which must be 
 re-solved, and many locks opened with the silver, nay, 
 the golden key ; a costly and tedious business." 
 
 " Loving friends and partners," says Mr. Sherley, " be 
 no ways discouraged with the greatness of the debt. Let 
 us not fulfil the proverb, ' bestow twelve pence on a purse, 
 and put sixpence in it ;' but as you and we have been at 
 great charge, and undergone much for settling of you there 
 and to gain experience, so, as God shall please to enable 
 us, let us make use of it, and not think with fifty pounds a 
 year sent over, to raise such means to pay our debts." " I 
 know I write to godly, wise, and understanding men, such 
 as have learned to bear one another's infirmities, and re- 
 joice at any one's prosperity ; and if I were able, I would 
 press this the more, because it is hoped hy some of your and 
 our enemies, that you will fali out among yourselves, and so 
 overthrow our hopeful business. Nay, 1 have heard it cre- 
 dibly reported that some have said, that till you bs disjointed 
 by discontents and factions amongst yourselves, it boots not 
 for any to go over in hope of getting or doing good in 
 these parts ; but we hope better things of you^ 
 
 Experience is indeed a costly commodity. What a pic- 
 ture is here of the malignity which the Pilgrims had to en- 
 counter. This fierce and spiteful hope against them was 
 nothing less than an expectation and desire of the entire 
 up-breaking of their whole system of religion, church, go- 
 vernment, and colony ; and then a plantation of the Estab- 
 lishment of England should have been settled " to do good 
 in those parts." 
 
 Governor Bradford adds some particulars as to the great-" 
 ness of the debts they had to assume and incur. " The 
 last company of our friends," he says, " came at such a 
 time of the year, as we were fain to keep them eighteen 
 months at our charge, ere they could reap any harvest to 
 live upon ; all which together fell heavy upon us, and made 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 357 
 
 the burthen greater ; that if it had not been God's mercy, 
 it is a wonder we had not sunk under it, especially other 
 things occurring, whereby we were greatly crossed in our 
 supplies for trade, by which these sums should have been 
 repaid." 
 
 From the perusal of these extracts my readers will see 
 both with what method and care Governor Bradford kept 
 his various records for the History of the Colony, and what 
 great and valuable light the contents of his Letter Book 
 must have shed upon the continuous course of their affairs 
 from the beginning. Three hundred and thirty-eight pages 
 of that precious register served as the wrappers of English 
 groceries in Halifax. 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 THE ANTraUITIES OF PLYMOUTH. THE HOUSES AND ARMOR 
 
 OF THE PILGRIMS. DESCRIPTION OF THEIR MODE OF PUB- 
 LIC WORSHIP. 
 
 It is pleasant to feel, in visiting Plymouth, that there is 
 no possibility of misplaced or mistaken enthusiasm. You 
 may without doubt press with your own feet the spot first 
 trodden by your fathers, to lay there the foundation of your 
 New England home. The way in which this certainty has 
 been preserved, and made now inextinguishable, is of no 
 little interest. In the year 1741, there was living near Ply- 
 mouth the last ruling elder in the first church of Plymouth, 
 Thomas Faunce by name. He died not till the year 1745, 
 at the great age of 99, Holmes, in his American Annals, 
 says that Elder Faunce knew well the Rock on which the 
 Pilgrims first landed, and that it was his tears, perhaps, 
 which saved it from oblivion. In 1741, it formed part of the 
 natural shore of the harbor, where the water flowed at 
 highest tide, as when the Pilgrims stepped out from their 
 shallop. There seems to have been neither wharf nor made 
 land interrupting or concealing it. In that year the pro- 
 ject was entertained of building a wharf, which would co- 
 ver it, and the idea of thus losing from sight this sacred 
 memorial of the Pilgrims, was so distressing to the vene- 
 
PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 359 
 
 rable pati'iarch, that he wept on hearing of it, left his home 
 at the age of 95, and " in the presence of many citizens" at 
 Plymouth, pointed out that Rock as the very spot declared 
 by the Pilgrims themselves, with whom he had been con- 
 temporary, to be the identical rock on which they landed 
 Deacon Ephraim Spooner, who was 52 years town clerk of 
 Plymouth, and who died in 1818, at the age of 83, was pre- 
 sent at the above-mentioned interview of the citizens at the 
 Rock with Elder Faunce, in the year 1741. 
 
 When the Revolutionary conflict was impending, just 
 before the breaking out of the war, the patriots of Plymouth 
 are described as having undertaken, in the earnestness of 
 their zeal, to remove the whole Pilgrim Rock, or a large 
 part of it, to the Town Square, in order to make there a 
 patriotic rendezvous and liberty-pulpit, to excite the people 
 against the oppressions of England. In these energetic 
 efforts, having split off a huge fragment of the Rock, they 
 concluded to let the original ledge remain as it was, and by 
 means of some twenty yoke of oxen dragged their prize to 
 the Town Square, where they put up a liberty pole, and 
 made the Rock one of the stepping-stones of American inde- 
 pendence. There it remained till 1834, when it was with 
 suitable ceremonies inaugurated as a sort of monumental sar- 
 cophagus, within the iron railing in front of Pilgrim Hall, 
 where it is now to be seen. The people of Plymouth will 
 not have done their duty to the original Rock, till they 
 make a little park around it, down to the water's edge, 
 where annually there might be a pleasant ceremony of 
 landing from the sea, as solemn and magnificent as that of 
 dropping a ring into the Adriatic at Venice, and much more 
 glorious in its meaning. The Rock now in front of the 
 Hall, with the inscribed names in black around it, might be 
 apt to suggest to the mind the idea of a coffin or monumen- 
 tal urn, with the pall-bearers. Jt looks too hearse-like, for 
 a pleasant impression, such as one would wish to have be 
 
360 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 fore that relic, which is the emblem of life, not death, for 
 New England. 
 
 The antiquities of the first band of the Puritans in New 
 England are few, and therefore the more- precious. What 
 there are, are quite undoubted, and we have a feeling for 
 them like that of Paul, when he spoke of the golden pot 
 that had the manna, and Aaron's rod that budded ; things, 
 however sacred, which God did not suffer to be preserved, 
 any more than the brazen serpent in the wilderness, lest 
 they should produce a mongrel superstitious Romanism be- 
 fore its time ; an earnest of the idolatry of the man of Sin 
 and Son of Perdition before his development. Neverthe- 
 less, we would have been grateful had there been preserv- 
 ed one or two houses, with their furniture, of the earliest 
 Pilgrim settlers in Plymouth. It is little more than two 
 hundred years, and yet not a dwelling remains. 
 
 The first habitations constructed must have been inferior 
 and rude, and in the whole of the first year's time they had 
 but seven. Their houses were of thatched roofs, and from 
 Mr. Winslow's letter contained in the volume of their 
 Journal, it would appear that for windows, to keep out the 
 weather and let in the light, they used paper, saturated with 
 linseed oil. On occasions of state, such as the reception of 
 Massasoit, the Indian king, they had a green rug that they 
 could spread, and some cushions. From the beautiful spe- 
 cimen preserved in Pilgrim Hall, of the needlework of one 
 of the daughters of Captain Miles Standish, we see that the 
 New England women knew how to adorn their houses and 
 make them comfortable. " She seeketh wool and flax, and 
 worketh willingly with her hands. She layeth her hands 
 to the spindle, and her hands hold the distaff. She is not 
 afraid of the snow for her household, for all her household 
 are clothed with double garments." Not afraid of the 
 snow ! A New England characteristic, that. And how 
 beautiful, with all that economy and industry of household 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 361 
 
 comfort, the higher delineation of the sacred writer, "She 
 stretcheth out her hand to the poor, yea, she reacheth forth 
 her hands to the needy." 
 
 They were all poor and sad and needy that first year, 
 and many were dying ; yet did they work while the day 
 lasted, with cheerful, indefatigable courage. " We agreed," 
 say the Pilgrims in their Journal, " that every man should 
 build his own house, thinking by that course men would 
 make more haste than working in common. The common 
 house, in which for the first year we made our rendezvous, 
 being nearly finished (a month or so after the landing), 
 wanted only covering, it being about twenty feet square. 
 Some should make mortar, and some gather thatch, so that 
 in four days half of it was thatched. Frost and foul wea- 
 ther hindered us much." Little room there was for orna- 
 ment. Each man building his own house in this winter 
 weather, would think himself but too happy in a dwelling 
 of rough logs. And the timber had to be felled, and the 
 stuflf provided, in intervals between storms, and sometimes 
 with musket in hand, for fear of sudden assaults from the 
 savages. Would that one of those earliest houses, erected 
 that first winter, had been preserved ! 
 
 We have spoken of the mildness of this first winter. 
 Wood says, in his New England's Prospect,* that it is ob- 
 served by the Indians that every ten years there is little or 
 no winter, an observation confirmed by the experience of 
 the English ; for the year of the Plymouth men's arrival 
 was no winter in comparison ; and in the tenth year like- 
 wise after that, when the great company settled in Massa- 
 chusetts Bay, it was a very mild season. There was little 
 frost and less snow, but clear serene weather, with but few 
 Northwest winds, which was a great mercy to the settlers, 
 so little protected from the severity of the weather. He 
 adds that the climate is much less cold-catching than in 
 England, and in proof of this he gives the decorum of 
 
 * Wood's New England's Prospect, p. 5, 
 16 
 
362 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 men's noses at meeting. In the public assemblies he says 
 it is strange to hear a man sneeze or cough as ordinarily 
 they do in Old England. 
 
 We find from the Journal that the Pilgrims not only had 
 muskets and other weapons, but some of them went clad 
 in suits of complete armor, as is manifest from the descrip- 
 tion of their encounters with the Indians. Sometimes they 
 were surprised without their armor, which would be a com- 
 plete defence against the arrows of their enemies. They 
 had their armor at hand, on the morning of the great en- 
 counter with some twenty or thirty of the savages, Dec. 
 8th, 1620; but it being yet dark, and just after morning 
 prayers, and they just preparing for breakfast, when they 
 had just camped and gathered fire-wood, they had not yet 
 girded it on ; and indeed, not expecting any use for it that 
 day, they were for carrying it down to the shallop, where 
 it would be all ready for their embarkation. Two or three 
 among them declared they would not carry theirs, till they 
 were ready to go themselves. Meantime some had carried 
 theirs down, and left it lying on the sands, while they them- 
 selves came up again for breakfast ; when suddenly a ter- 
 rific war-whoop sounded from the woods, and a whole vol- 
 ley of arrows came flying in amongst them. The men ran 
 out, and by the good providence of God, say the Pilgrims, 
 recovered their arms, but they could not then have had 
 time to buckle on their armor. Yet not a single arrow hit 
 any one of them, though the conflict lasted a good while. 
 They had nothing but matchlocks to their muskets, so that 
 it took some time to light their matches, and while doing 
 this with the firebrands, they offered a plain mark for the 
 Indians. In the dark of the morning, as they said, they 
 could not themselves so well discern the Indians among the 
 trees, as the Indians could see them by their fire-side. It 
 v/as a most perilous interruption of their breakfast, and al- 
 together a terrible encounter, though most providentially, 
 with not the slightest injury on their part. They gathered 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 363 
 
 up eighteen of the arrows, brazen-headed, horn-headed, and 
 otherwise, and sent them to their friends in England. 
 
 Their armor is described in some of the records of 
 the Colonists. Of the settlers at Virginia, Captain John 
 Smith says that they all had, besides each his " peice," a 
 jack, coat of mail, and sword, or rapier. In a record con- 
 cerning the Salem Colonists in 1629,* there is note of an 
 agreement " with Mr. Thomas Stevens, Armorer in But- 
 tolph Lane, for twenty arms, namely, corset, breast, back, 
 culet, gorget, tassels and head piece to each, varnished all 
 black, with leathers and buckles, at seventeen shillings 
 each armour, excepting four which are to be with close 
 head pieces, and these four armours at twenty-fom^ shillings 
 a piece." Forty bandileers of neat's leather in broad girdles 
 with boxes for twelve cartridges were also contracted for. 
 For a scouting party, or a tramp through the woods, this 
 heavy armor must have been a great incumbrance, but it 
 would render them fire-proof against all the weapons of the 
 Indians. On one occasion they say, we marched through 
 boughs and bushes, and under hills and valleys, which tore 
 our very armor in pieces. They were then in pursuit of 
 the Indians, whom they had followed long already without 
 success, and who now took to another wood, and set their 
 pursuers, with their armor and snaphances, at defiance. 
 Indeed, what could a heavy armed warrior of the dis- 
 appearing age of knighthood do in the chase with a half 
 naked savage, as fleet and accustomed to the woods as a 
 panther ! 
 
 Thus much for their material armor. They were all expe- 
 rienced Christian soldiers, but with the wars and weapons of 
 this world they had little to do. God had appointed for them 
 one disciplined military hero, and but one. Captain Stand ish, 
 to be the soul and leader in every enterprise, where 
 martial discipline and skill were requisite. And so well 
 fitted was he, by a vigorous judgment, and a daring, ener- 
 * Felt's Annals of Salem. Vol. i., p. 64. 
 
364 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 getic, almost reckless courage, for the post he occupied, 
 that after the Indians had gained, by one or two experiences, 
 some little knowledge of his character, the very terror of 
 his name was a defence to the Colony. But they were 
 Pilgrims, all the way through life, and the weapons of their 
 warfare were spiritual, not carnal, and well, with the whole 
 armor of God, did they wrestle against principalities, 
 against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this 
 world, against spiritual wickedness in high places. Their 
 feet were shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace, 
 their loins were girt about wdth truth, and they had on the 
 breast-plate of righteousness, and theirs was the shield of 
 faith, and the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit 
 which is the Word of God, and they prayed always, with 
 all prayer and supplication in the Spirit, watching there- 
 unto. Yea, they were overshadowed, according to that 
 touching letter to the Church of England, in which the 
 second Colony of Pilgrims from the Mother Country poured 
 out the desire^ of their hearts fur her welfare, with the 
 spirit of supplications, in their poor cottages in the wil- 
 derness. 
 
 Twenty years after the May Flower anchored in Ply- 
 mouth Harbor, only twenty years after the first New 
 England Sabbath, there was a circle of sister churches, 
 one after another, like miseen constellations, in the 
 beautiful imagery used by Cotton Mather, silently stolen 
 into the sky, where the order of Christ's House was 
 to be seen in its primitive simplicity, perhaps more 
 comely and holy than anywhere else in the world. And 
 yet the order of those simple services seemed strange and 
 rude to the European gazers, so long had the v/orld been 
 accustomed to the prodigality and pomp of circumstance 
 and ceremony, native and home-born in the Papacy, or 
 borrowed from that. What a forcible, heavenly, significant 
 contrast of Spirit and Truth, against rites and traditions, in 
 the free, rising, prophesying Churches of New England ! 
 
 I 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 365 
 
 A minute and interesting account of the manner of public 
 worship in the meeting-houses tliere, at the close of twenty- 
 years from the first planting of the Vine in the Wilderness, 
 was published at London in the year 1641, in a curious 
 volume, from which we take the following extracts : 
 
 " The public worship is in as fair a meeting house as 
 they can provide, wherein, in most cases, they have been 
 at great charges. Every Sabbath or Lord's Day they 
 come together at Boston by ringing of a bell about nine of 
 the clock or before. The pastor begins with solemn 
 prayer, continuing about a quarter of an hour. The 
 teacher then readeth and expoundeth a chapter ; then a 
 psalm is sung, whichever one of the ruling elders dictates. 
 After that the pastor preacheth a sermon, and sometimes 
 ex tempore exhorts. Then the teacher concludes with 
 prayer and a blessing. 
 
 " Once a month is a Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, 
 whereof notice is usually given a fortnight before, and 
 then all others departing except the Church, which is a 
 great deal less in number than those that go away, they 
 receive the Sacrament, the ministers and ruling elders 
 sitting at the table, the rest in their seats or upon forms. 
 Any one, though not of the church, may in Boston come 
 in and see the Sacrament administered, if he will. But 
 none of any church in the country may receive the Sacra- 
 ment there, without leave of the congregation, for which 
 purpose he comes to one of the ruling elders, who pro- 
 pounds his name to the congregation, before they go to the 
 Sacrament. 
 
 " About two in the afternoon they repair to the meeting- 
 house again ; and then the pastor begins, as before noon, 
 and a psalm being sung, the teacher makes a sermon. He 
 was wont, when I came first, to read and expound a chap- 
 ter also before his sermon in the afternoon. After and 
 before his sermon he prayeth. 
 
 " After that ensues baptism, if there be any, which is 
 
866 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 done either by pastor or teacher, in the deacons' seat, the 
 most eminent place in the church, next under the elders' 
 seat. The pastor most commonly makes a speech or 
 exhortation to the church and parents concerning baptism, 
 and then prayeth before and after. It is done by washing 
 or sprinkling. One of the parents being of the church, the 
 child may be baptized. No sureties are required. 
 
 " Which ended, follows the contribution, one of the 
 deacons saying. Brethren of the congregation, now there 
 is time left for contribution, wherefore as God hath pros- 
 pered you, so freely ofTer. Upon some extraordinary 
 occasions, as building and repairing of churches, or meet- 
 ing-houses, or other necessities, the ministers press a liberal 
 contribution, with effectual exhortations out of Scripture. 
 The magistrates and chief gentlemen first, and then the 
 elders, and all the congregation of men, and most of them 
 that are not of the church, all single persons, widows, and 
 women in absence of their husbands, come up, one after 
 another, one way, and bring their offerings to the deacon 
 at his seat, and put it into a box of wood for the purpose, 
 if it be money or papers ; if it be any other chattel, they 
 set or lay it down before the deacons, and so pass another 
 way to their seats again. This contribution is of money, 
 or of papers promising so much money. I have seen a 
 fair gilt cup with a cover offered there by one, which is 
 still used at the communion. Which moneys and goods 
 the deacons dispose towards the maintenance of the minis- 
 ters, and the poor of the church, and the church's occasions, 
 without making account ordinarily. 
 
 " Also when a minister preacheth abroad, in another 
 congregation, the ruling elder of the place, after the psalm 
 sung, saying publicly, ' If this present brother hath any 
 word of exhortation for the people at this time, in the name 
 of God let him say on.' This is held prophesying. Also 
 when a brother exerciseth in his own congregation, taking 
 a text of Scripture, and handling the same according to 
 
OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 367 
 
 his ability. Notwithstanding, it is generally held in the 
 Bay by some of the most grave and learned men among 
 them, that none should undertake to prophesy in public, 
 unless he intend the work of the ministry."* 
 
 Here we close these chapters of attempted historical 
 and illustrative notices of the developments of God's pro- 
 vidence and grace. In recounting some of those particu- 
 lars upon which we have dwelt, I have quoted from the 
 historian Grahame. The reperusal of a part of the Poet 
 Grahame's fine descriptive sketches of the Sabbath in Scot- 
 land brings to mind a class of Christians, with whom the 
 stern experiences and noble qualities of our Pilgrim Fathers 
 link them in many points of resemblance. And I know 
 not how I can more fitly end this volume, than with 
 Grahame's beautiful description of the character and 
 Sabbath of the Scottish Covenanters, hunted and perse- 
 cuted, because they would be free to worship God. 
 
 O BLissFXJL day ! 
 When all men worship God as conscience wills. 
 Far other times our fathers' grandsires knew, 
 A virtuous race, to godliness devote. 
 What though the sceptic's scorn hath dared to soil 
 The record of their fame ! What though the men 
 Of worldly minds have dared to stigmatize 
 The sister-cause, religion and the law, 
 With superstition's name ! yet, yet their deeds, 
 Their constancy in torture, and in death, — 
 These on tradition's tongue still live ; these shall 
 On history's honest page be pictured bright 
 To latest times. Perhaps some bard, whose muse 
 Disdains the servile strain of fashion's quire, 
 May celebrate their unambitious names. 
 With them each day was holy, every hour 
 They stood prepared to die, a people doom'd 
 To death : — old men, and youths, and simple maids. 
 With them each day was holy ; but that morn 
 
 * Lechford's Plain Dealing, Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, third series, vol. iii 
 
368 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 On which the angel said, See where the Lord 
 
 Was laid, joyous arose ; to die that day 
 
 Was bliss. Long ere the dawn, by devious ways, 
 
 O'er hills, thro' woods, o'er dreary wastes, they sought 
 
 The upland moors, where rivers, there but brooks, m 
 
 Dispart to different seas. Fast by such brooks, * 
 
 A little glen is sometimes scoop'd, a plat 
 
 With green sward gay, and flowers that strangers seem 
 
 Amid the heathery wild, that all around 
 
 Fatigues the eye : in solitudes like these 
 
 Thy persecuted children, Scotia, foil'd 
 
 A tyrant's and a bigot's bloody laws : 
 
 There, leaning on his spear (one of the array, 
 
 Whose gleam, in former days, had scathed the rose 
 
 On England's banner, and had powerless struck 
 
 The infatuate monarch and his wavering host), 
 
 The lyart veteran heard the word of God 
 
 By Cameron thunder'd, or by Renwick pour'd 
 
 In gentle stream : then rose the song, the loud 
 
 Acclaim of praise : the wheeling plover ceased 
 
 Her plaint : the solitary place was glad, 
 
 And on the distant cairns, the watcher's ear * 
 
 Caught doubtfully at times the breeze-borne note. 
 
 But years more gloomy follow'd ; and no more 
 
 The assembled people dared, in face of day. 
 
 To worship God, or even at the dead 
 
 Of night, save when the wintry storm raved fierce, 
 
 And thunder peals compell'd the men of blood 
 
 To couch within their dens ; then dauntlessly 
 
 The scatter'd few would meet, in some deep dell 
 
 By rocks o'er-canopied, to hear the voice, 
 
 Their faithful pastor's voice : He, by the gleam 
 
 Of sheeted lightning, oped the sacred book. 
 
 And words of comfort spake : Over their souls 
 
 His accents soothing came, — as to her young 
 
 The heathfowl's plumes, when, at the close of eve, 
 
 She gathers in, mournful, her brood dispersed 
 
 By murderous sport, and o'er the remnant spreads 
 
 Fondly her wings ; close nestling 'neath her breast, 
 
 They, cherish'd, cower amid the purple blooms. 
 
 * Sentinels were placed on the surrounding hills, to give warning of the 
 approach of the military. 
 
OF PKIiS'CIPLEb, PROVIDENCES, A.\D PERSOA'S. 369 
 
 There is now a Free Church in Scotland, as there is in 
 New England, because the ancestral piety of both countries 
 was that of a free, voluntary covenant with God. 
 
 The Old World are even yet but beginning to learn the 
 nature, the truth, and the power, of a voluntary piety, a 
 voluntary covenant, and voluntary churches. Men are 
 beginning to see that a state can be religious only in pro- 
 portion as the individuals who compose it are true volun- 
 tary Christians, and the acts and laws that emanate from it 
 and manifest its character are in correspondence with the 
 Gospel ; that the grace of God alone, and not an Ecclesi- 
 astical or State-Sacrament, can make Christians ; that the 
 grace of God is free, and makes men freemen ; that the 
 Church does not include the State, except as God, by his 
 grace, brings the subjects of the State into Christ's fold ; 
 and that the State does not include the Church in its spirit- 
 ual existence and privileges, as contained in its charter 
 in God's word, and has no authority over it, and no 
 responsibility in regard to it, except to protect the Christian 
 and civil liberties of all its members, as of all citizens, from 
 all annoyance and all injury. When these principles are 
 thoroughly learned, and prevalent, then, and not till then, 
 will the fever of intolerance and the fire of persecution die 
 out of existence. When Christ reigns, then, and not till 
 then, will the w^orld rest. 
 
 THE END. 
 

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