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HUMAN RIGHTS 
 
 OR. THE 
 
 §ij0Sitatc WxtmUni, 
 
 IJy >V11^1^1AM JfOV1>. 31. 1>. 
 
 WASIIINCTOS •. 
 
 .iMS):iMi I,. r'KAKHi'N. riuNTKi; 
 
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 Entered ac'oonlins to Act. of Conp;re.sp, in the year :867, by Wm. Hoyd, M. IX, in tlie 
 Clerk's Offiue of the District. Court for the District of Columhiii. 
 
IXDEX TO CONTENTS. 
 
 Paoe. 
 
 Preface v 
 
 The Rights of Nations and Individuals 9 
 
 King Andy's Biography ; or Andrew Johnson's Soliloquy 23 
 
 " My Maryland ;" or the Slaveholder's Soliloquy 4] 
 
 Sequel to Willie Dear 4.') 
 
 Note to Miss Anna E. Dickinson 45 
 
 Miss Anna fl. Dickinson's Answer 46 
 
 To Hon. T. D. Eliot, M. C. Thirty-seventh Congress 46 
 
 Sequel to For Better, For Worse 49 
 
 Portraiture of a Brother's Hypocrisy ; or the Chief of Hypocrites 53 
 
 Explanation to Chief of Hypocrites ■ 57 
 
 Letter of Apology, and Criticism of "My Policy" CO 
 
 Blind Incredulity Rebuked 64 
 
 The Enigma 69 
 
 To Miss Cecilia Moran. 10 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The Reader may be desirous to know what suofgested the present essay 
 to the mind of the writer ; and to satisfy those who may be so curious, I pro- 
 pose to give a short statement of the causes that led to its production. 
 
 In the latter part of 1864, I joined the National Union Lyceum. It then 
 met at 481 Ninth street west, but soon afterwards obtained the Aldermen's 
 Chamber, City Hall, where it continued to meet until its dissolution (on 
 account of political rancor) in the summer of 1866. A majority of its mem- 
 bers were more inclined to be radical than otherwise ; but there were a small 
 minority who were poisonously secesh, and yet pretended to be Union men. 
 They were Andy Johnson men to the core. 
 
 It is now a matter of history that in April, 1864, it was proposed in the 
 Senate of the United States to so amend the Constitution as to abolish slavery 
 throughout the Union. It passed both Houses in the month of January, 1865, 
 and was approved by that great good man, Abraham Lincoln, on February 
 1st, 1865, just seventy-three days before his death, which occurred on the 
 morning of April the 15lh, 1865, from the effects of a wound inflicted by a 
 pistol ball fired the night previous by the unparalleled assassin John Wilkes 
 Booth. Immediately after its approval the amendment was sent out to the 
 several States of the Union for the approval of their several legislatures; it 
 was, therefore, for some time the great topic of the day, and was discussed 
 by evevy newspaper and lyceum in the country. And in the Union Lyceum 
 the following question was proposed, (as nearly as I can recollect without a 
 record, ) viz : " Resolved, That the several States ought not to ratify the Con- 
 stitutional Amendment abolishing slavery, proposed by Congress and ap- 
 proved by the late Abraham Lincoln." I think the above question was dis- 
 cussed about the first week in February of 1866, a short time before the 
 famous 22d of February debut by "King Andy." I had the closing argu- 
 ment in the negative, "and said that the amendment ought not only to be 
 ratified by the States, but that Congress had the right by the war power to 
 abolish slavery wherever it existed, and to force every foot of the territory 
 lately in rebellion to give the right of suffrage to the colored man, and thereby 
 force them to form republican governments ; but a right to force every State 
 in the Union to guarantee a republican form of government. That is, force 
 every State in the Union, or that may come in, to give the suffrage to every 
 loval and moral man and woman, without distinction of race or color." 
 
VI 
 
 "And tlint Ihe 'lU'tiiif;' Presiricnt. Anilrmv Jolinson. wns not to ht> 
 trusti'il ; that democrats of his class were not to lie trusted ; that they had 
 brought on the war and deluged the country in blood, in groans and tears ; 
 had brought on a rebellion to perpetuate and to enlarge slavery ; had cost the 
 country almost countless millions of treasure, and hundreds of thousands of 
 lives, and that in less than 10 years he would be at the head of a reactionary 
 party — if he could — and ,try to ape Louis Napoleon, and become Emperoi' of 
 the United States." To that end he would do everything he could do to 
 bring on another civil war, or by having command of the army and navy so 
 arrange it as to keep himself in the White House all his life, and in all proba- 
 bility declare his successor either by heirship or some other way equally as 
 infamous.® I believe that a man who will not only violate his word but his 
 oath, would be guilty of every species of villainy to retain a position once 
 obtained, and more especially a position obtained through fraud and violence. 
 Then the great question is, will the loyal people of these United States vote 
 to continue a man in office who has violated every promise he has ever made ? 
 Instead of punishing rebels he has given them all the aid he could, and that 
 too in the most substantial manner. He has done all that he could to bring 
 about another rebellion ; he has winked at the massacres of loyal citizens of 
 this Republic, and just because they were loyal ; he has bargained with the 
 enemies of constitutional law for the overthrow of every safeguard to freedom 
 and liberty ; he has tried to make the people believe that the loyal men of Con- 
 gress were traitors, and the cause of the many bloody massacres in the South ; 
 yet knowing that he himself was the instigator of them by his notorious 22d 
 of February oration, when he declared that from that day there would be a 
 war of races. He then only publically declared what he always had lieen, the 
 deadly enemy of the colored race. They will never forget his declaration on 
 that day, nor his subsequent treatment of Fred. Douglas and party. 
 
 Away with such a buffoon, 
 Halt o' possum, half coon. 
 
 The man who not only pardons by wholesale the meanest of all criminals, 
 but who has pardoned men that they may give perjured evidence in favor of 
 assassins that they may be set at liberty and thus frustrate the ends of justice, 
 is not to be, nor can he be, neither will he be longer trusted with place and 
 power. Then let the republican watchword be, onward and upward, never 
 faltering until every vestige of treason shall be rooted out of our political 
 atmosphere, and until we shall have placed our country beyond the reach of 
 treachery, and in the hands of the brightest star in the galaxy of our repub- 
 lican men. As to why the soliloquys were written, I have only to say, that 
 the slave-holder's soliloquy, "My Maryland," was suggested by the position 
 that the slave-holders, and the aiders and abettors of that inMitution, held in 
 regard to the Constitutional Convention of that State in 1864. They howled 
 most piteously against the Congress for proposing the " Amendment abolish- 
 ing slavery ;" but at that time we had a loyal President who carried out the 
 will of Congress, and their pet institution had to give way to " popular 
 opinion." 
 
 *I was that evening appointed essayist for that night two weeks, hence the pro- 
 duction of th«; Rights of Nations and of lurlividunls. ^ 
 
Tlif other one, called "King Andy's Biography," or "Andrew John- 
 sou's Soliloquy," will explain itself without any from me. Those who are 
 familiar with his presidential history, will, I hope, appreciate the production. 
 The sequel to "Willie Dear," was written in the month of May, 1860, one 
 evening while in cell No. 1, U. S. Penitentiary, D. C, where I was sent on 
 the 11th day of February, 1860, sentenced to serve a term of fourteen years, 
 for having aided two slaves, George Ross and wife, in their attempt to escape 
 from slavery. I hope, therefore, the reader will appreciate the feelings of a 
 fond father under such circumstances, having been sent there by a perjured 
 jury and a perjured judge, and none but traitors as my keepers ; some of 
 whom went into the rebellion. I heard the warden, C. P. Sengstack, Sr., 
 declare, that "if he had the power he would hang every d d black re- 
 publican from Maine to California," and, said he, " their pet white nigger. 
 Old Abe." The acrostic on Miss Anna E. Dickinson, and her answer, will 
 explain themselves — I being a delegate to the " Loyal Southern Philadelphia 
 Convention," of September, 1866. 
 
 Oh ! how beautiful that womanly voice, 
 ."^o superV)ly grand, and wittily choice; 
 Sweetness, ease, elegance, with polished grace. 
 All beaming from that one beautiful face. 
 Who would not a golden tribute pay. 
 Or in truth's own battle think to say — 
 That she, the most brilliant of her race. 
 Would not bewitch you to your face ? 
 
 To make this pamphlet come up to what I promised in my prospectus, I 
 have added several interesting and original pieces bj' special request of several 
 intimate friends. Each piece having an explanation appended thereto, it 
 would be superfluous to mention them here. 
 
 W. H. 
 
HUMAN EIGHTS, 
 
 INDIVIDUAL AND NATIONAL; 
 
 Sihc |ast, the ||rcstn(, and du' JjUturc 
 
 NOKTH AMERICAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 riEDICATKD TO THE 
 
 FREE-THINKERS AND PROGRESSIONISTS 
 
 OF THE AVOELD, 
 
 AUGUST, 1867. 
 
®ftiJ §^\\H of IJafian^ and Itttluiduafe. 
 
 There was a time in the world's history when might 
 made right, and when the strong oppressed the weak, 
 and when, if a feeble man had been fortunate enough to 
 have a good meal just ready for himself and family, and an 
 able-bodied man came along who cared but little about 
 honor or labor, and less about who did labor, so that he 
 did not, he would help himself to the feeble man's meal, 
 and go on his way rejoicing; while the poor feeble man 
 could offer no resistance, and obtain no redress, as there 
 were none to whom he could appeal. He therefore had 
 either to go in quest of more food for himself and young 
 ones, or he too would find some weak individual upon 
 whom he could levy a contribution or take his ready meal. 
 
 Thus man, in the primeval state, was like all other ani- 
 mals, snatching the l)ite from his neighbor's mouth ; 
 sometimes not from pure need, Ijut often l)ecause able to 
 do so. 
 
 But sui)pose we lbll<jw him thr(.)ugh all the several 
 stages of his existence and vicissitudes of a romantic and 
 barljarous life, to what is called in these days a state of 
 civilization. 
 
 At first man could have liad but little of real moral 
 stamina. His thoughts were doubtless merely self-pres- 
 
1-2 
 
 ervatioii from the wild beasts of the forest and the phiiii, 
 and from tJic attacks of savage man ; to protect his mate 
 and children ; and more especially to propagate his spe- 
 cies, as there can be but little donl)t that man in a wild 
 and barbarous state would more fully develop his genera- 
 tive functions in the natural way. But as time rolled on, 
 and man became more developed, reason also became 
 more active, and having an analytic mind he naturally 
 asked himself the question, Who has the right to take 
 what I gather or make ? Yea, I will kill him who dares to 
 take what is mine. Hence the right of self-defence ; the 
 same of jSTations as of Individuals. 
 
 As animal food became scarce and hard of pursuit, 
 man, having reiiection, naturally rejected on his situa- 
 tion, and went in quest of other material ; hence man's 
 discovery of vegetable food and the different arts of agri- 
 culture, and the production of more than enough to sus- 
 tain life in any one given year. 
 
 And as man not only had reflection, but invention and 
 arrangement, hence his discovery ot the proper uses of the 
 Pnlley, the Screw, and the Wedge, and theWedge as a lever. 
 Hence the great^ji^ilisfc of old said: "Give me a fulcrum 
 upon which to rest a lever and I could move the World." 
 As it is in the mechanical, so it is in the moral, physical, 
 and political world. Demosthenes only needed the moral 
 opportunity, and by his vast powers of eloquence he 
 moved all minds with whom he came in contact. So 
 with Moses, (of Sinai,) Caisar, Christ, Paul, Cromwell, 
 Napoleon, Pitt, Brougham, Vincent, Russell, Bright, 
 Cobden, Adams, Clay, Webster, and a host of others. 
 
 But to go back to man in his agricultural capacitv, 
 the (|nestion naturally arises, Has he a right to the soil so 
 thai he may cultivate it? And the answer comes spon- 
 Uineously, Yes, he has a. right to cultivate it and hold it 
 in fee simple for future generations, just so long; as he 
 continues to cultivate ; but the moment he undertakes to 
 plant poi^ouou:, weedri therein only, so that it will become 
 
uselei^s or an injuiy to nuiukiud, or throws it out of culti- 
 vation, then his right to hold, sell, devise, or bequeath 
 ceases from that moment ; since others must come after 
 him who will need land to till, that they too may grow 
 food for themselves and posterity. 
 
 Consequently a !N"ation has no right that an Indivi<lual 
 has not, and therefore no right to sell or bequeath the 
 Public Domain. 
 
 Earth, air, water, and light are the gifts of a bounteous 
 nature to the animal world ; therefore no man has a right 
 to shut out the sunlight; to lock up all the beautiful riv- 
 ulets, and make them cease to flow, that all men may die 
 of starvation and thirst; neither to command the moist- 
 ening dews to keep in an elevated position, that they may 
 not descend to cool the growing vegetable, so that it may 
 in tui'u enter into the composition of man and thereby 
 become a living and a thinking agent. 
 
 Neither hath 7na7i nor Nations a right to fence in the 
 WbrW.y Do/i/ain, and let no one live thereon or cultivate 
 but those only who are able and who purchase the right, 
 or upon whom the iSTation may choose to bestow the priv- 
 ilege to hold or to cultivate. If the Nation has the right 
 to dispose of the Public Domain by sale or by bequest, it 
 also has the right to issue its edict that no man shall 
 plant his grain or tdl the soil, so that all the Nation may 
 die. 
 
 It is therefore man's right clearly, within the meaning 
 of the above moral and logical deductions, lirst, to breathe 
 pure air; secondly, to drink pure water: and thirdly, to 
 cultivate the soil wherever there is room for him upon 
 the flice of the Globe, so that he may live by its Tiatural 
 |jroductions. Hence the cosmopolitan doctrine of a 
 "citizen of the world." And therefore man's "right to 
 life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," not merely 
 in this hemisphere, but in all the World. 
 
 It was only when the cunningness of man became so 
 developed by analytic reasoning that he thought of tell- 
 
14 
 
 ing his neiglibors, whom he knew to be afraid of him, 
 that he would protect and not rob them, if they made him 
 an annual contribution. That was the commencement 
 of the first Ruler. After awhile and the Rulers found it 
 easy and taught their sons to follow in their footsteps, and 
 many of them did so. And again, after a while, and 
 yet another class of Rulers appeared, who by their shrewd- 
 ness had observed that there was a tendency in man to 
 believe in the wonderful and the marvelous, so they got 
 up the mystic idea that they had seen things in a way 
 that no other men could see but themselves, and by giv- 
 ing it out that they had dreams by night and visions by 
 day, and by talking smartly, that they could overawe and 
 make the people afraid, and make them believe anything 
 that they might choose to say. The latter class also 
 found that the desire for the wonderful was of easy devel- 
 opment, and therefore built temples to meet in ; and by 
 and by it also became easy and profitable to its origina- 
 tors, and they, more than the others, made the greater 
 pretensions ; and therefore it too had to find a name, so 
 they called it sacred. 
 
 And as man became more developed in his moral, in- 
 tellectual, and reflecting faculties and physical stamina, 
 the more did tiie shrewd and reflecting develop their 
 plans to rule the many ; hence the pretended divine right 
 of Kings to rule. 
 
 But it so happens that if man could use his genius for 
 evil, he could also use his genius for good ; hence the 
 important .question, Who gave the right to rule? And 
 man soliloquizes with himself. Have I not a right to help 
 say who shall be my Rulers? And the little germ of 
 Democracy gets turned over and over in the man's cra- 
 nium until it has become a living principle, and he then 
 communicates the idea to some confidential friend, and it 
 gets still further communicated, until some great hero 
 sees something in it much greater than the power of 
 Kinsrs. 
 
Therefore tlie first battle-field of any note where the 
 divine right of Kings was questioned w^as that of " Gib- 
 eon, where the Israelites had a great triumph over 
 their foes, and gained possession of what they supposed 
 to be the Promised Land." "And also the battle-field of 
 Marathon, wdiere the noble Greeks routed the hosts of 
 Persia and preserved the freedom of their country." 
 "And Bannockburn, noted for the defeat of the English 
 by the Scotch army, under Bruce," where that noble 
 people achieved immortal honor and almost perpetual 
 independence by their heroic deeds of valor. 
 
 "Nor can we forget the noble struggles betw^een des- 
 potism and freedom, in almost all ages of their history, 
 by the noble people of Switzerland, who, by their better 
 nature, and thoughts of right, and noble aspirations for 
 free government, have given a perpetual legacy of free 
 institutions to all future generations." "Neither must 
 we forget Yorktown, the crowning struggle of the Rev- 
 olutionary War, for independence of government on this, 
 our beautiful continent." 
 
 THE slave-holders' REBELLION. 
 
 Neither can we, nor ought we to forget the gigantic 
 struggles through which we have just passed; where 
 nearly one million of hero martyrs have fallen a living 
 sacrifice to despotism — for the preservation of all that is 
 holy, noble, and great. " The graves of the martyrs are 
 the seeds of liberty: and liberty is holy." But while 
 we deplore so great a sacrifice for the cause of human 
 liberty, we cannot but exult that, by the costly sacrifice, 
 we have made five millions of human beings forever free. 
 In every age of the World, and in every country, 
 'leroes have been found equal to the emergency. So it 
 
 s that we hear of a Tell, a Cromwell, a Washington, and 
 
 ; Lincoln. 
 We hear also of Alexander the Great, surnamed the 
 
 (rcat because of his conquering qualities. If he was 
 
k; 
 
 great because of his great valor, or because of his being 
 a wholesale murderer, and because he had no more 
 worlds to conquer, then how much greater was the man 
 who made five millions of slaves forever free, and then 
 paid the martyr's price, by falling a living sacrifice to the 
 madness of human bondage. Thus sealing forever with 
 the stamp of glory, the martyr Lincoln, (the Greater,) 
 the embodiment of true greatness, the man of worth, 
 honesty, purity, integrity, and true patriotism, as well as 
 Freedom's true representative. From his tomb shall arise 
 the leven of free thought and true liberty; that libert}' 
 whose name is Holy. 
 
 And also sealing forever with the stamp of infamy, the 
 assassin Booth, as the meanest of all assassins in the 
 AV^orld's history. The meanest, because his victim was 
 the representative of all that was noble and great in man. 
 And he himself, the embodiment of all meanness, villain}', 
 cupidity, selfishness, wickedness, barbarity, retrogression, 
 avarice, wounded pride, malice, hatred, revenge, and the 
 expiring and last struggle of the demon of black and 
 white slavery; rotton to its core; (in la coreza, du la 
 coreza) ; yea, in its heart of hearts, and while in the zenith 
 of its madness, supposed it could change the great pulsa- 
 tions of freedom to that of gloating over so foul a 
 deed: — yes, a crime without a parallel in the World's 
 history. 
 
 On him the curses of the ransomed millions hath 
 already fallen; on him the contempt, the hate, the scorn, 
 and the execrations of the present and the future, shall 
 surely fall with unmistakable certainty. 
 
 And, oh! how beautiful the thought, yea, how majes- 
 tically doth the prophetic panorama of the future of thisi 
 Republic appear to the right thinking mind. / 
 
 When, in the future ages, youth and silver-bearded sage^ 
 will make pilgrimages to the grave of the martyred herol 
 Lincoln, there to learn the grand lesson of manhood, an/ 
 to drink from the never-failino- fountain of freedom to alL 
 
IT 
 
 Then, brothers, be not deceived. As it is with Indi- 
 viduals, so it is with ;N"ations. The individual right is 
 also a nation's right. 
 
 Feeling assured that I have clearly shown the rights 
 of man, in the individual man, so also with the nation. 
 Then all men have a right to enjoy life, liberty, and the 
 pursuit of happiness; when, by the enjoyment of the 
 above-numerated rights, they do not destroy the rights 
 of others. Man has therefore a right to labor, and 
 enjoy its fruits; a right to the productions of the soil, if 
 he be a producer, if a non-producer, no right to have or 
 eat that which other men make; a right to discover the 
 easiest methods of labor; a right to conceive, invent, and 
 construct the most approved methods of labor-saving 
 machinery; but like earth, air, water, and light, they 
 also should be free, for the obvious and simple reason 
 that no man lives forever, neither can he live for himself 
 alone, although he may think so in his narrow selfishness. 
 
 Then all machinery, like land, air, water, and light, 
 ought to be free, and ought to be held in fee-simple for 
 future generations; that is, ought to be held by the State 
 for man's benefit. And as machinery gets multiplied 
 and improved, the less absolute labor man would have to 
 perform, probably not more than two hours per day. He 
 would then have plenty of time for mental, moral, and 
 physical recreation. 
 
 Man has a right also to believe and practice whatever 
 notions of a religious or moral character he pleases, or at 
 whatever cost he may choose; but neither the individual 
 man, nor the nation, has a right to enforce obedience to 
 what they may believe to be a heaven-born standard of 
 religion. I believe, and I think with good reason, that 
 there should be no religious formulas of any kind; and 
 more especially, if it should appear that there was one 
 dissenting voice; that is, one voice against the enforce- 
 ment of any religious dogma in' the pubhc schools, such 
 as the reading of any particular book, or any other for- 
 
IS 
 
 raula that might have a tendency to disable the free- 
 thinker from sending his or her children to school where 
 such formulas are observed. Since our Republic is made 
 up of every variety of thinkers in the world, religious 
 formulas ought not to be tolerated under any pretence 
 whatever, because they tend to slavery of thought. 
 
 N'ay, more ; it may therefore be held, from previous con- 
 clusions, that the tillers of the soil, and the producers of 
 the material comforts, and wealth, are the true nobles of 
 the earth; and that, if any have a right to life, liberty, 
 and the pursuits of happiness, they have that right. It 
 is, therefore, to me, clearly doubtful whether non-produ- 
 cers ought to enjoy any of the above-enumerated rights 
 at all. If I am asked who they are, I-will answer their 
 names are legion, and an incubus to any people; they are 
 those who live by theatricals, mountebanks, the manufac- 
 turers of, and venders of, alcoholic liquors, and tobacco, 
 in all their forms, and Presidents, who do nothing but 
 write vetoes, and clog the wheels of Government. With 
 me such creatures are utterly useless, nor do I see their 
 right even to life itself. Much less do I see any claim 
 that a Traitor has to any of the above-enumerated rights. 
 He is not only in the class of non-producers, but has 
 been guilty of every crime known to man, such as com- 
 mon theft, house-breaking, arson, murder, treason — all of 
 these by wholesale. Then where is his "right to life, lib- 
 erty, or the pursuit of happiness." If there is such a 
 thing as a man forfeiting such rights, then he, above all 
 others, has forfeited every right to life. 
 
 "Be not deceived by idle words. Liberty is not a 
 mere placard to satisfy the idle and the curious by read- 
 ing it at the corners of the streets. It is a living power, 
 felt within and around us ; it is the protecting genius of 
 the domestic hearth ; the safeguard of all our social and 
 political rights ; yes, it is the first of these rights. And the 
 oppressor who clothes himself with the name of liberty is 
 the worst of oppressors. He joins falsehood to tvrannv. 
 
19 
 
 injustice to profanation, and sacrifices truth on tlie altar 
 of perjury; for the name of Liber tjMS holy." "Guard 
 against such men who say, liberty, liberty, and destroy it 
 by their works." They are traitors, and deserve neither 
 life nor happiness. 
 
 Sometimes " the desire for preferment in a Republic 
 will make men lie, that they may obtain position ; and 
 when once obtained will be guilty of every subterfuge to 
 retain their position. In this we have a good example 
 aftbrded us in the illustrious Tennessee Moses, who de- 
 clared "he would be the bondman's protector," and 
 lead him through the Red Sea of oppression to the Ca- 
 naan of human freedom;" that he would hang traitors; 
 but instead thereof, he now proposes to fatten them at the 
 public expense by putting them upon the muster-roll of 
 his famous Bread-and-butter Brigade, so that their fat- 
 ness may be seen by the people and the loyal men of 
 Congress, whom he is pleased to call Northern traitors. 
 Such is the latter-day Tennessee "Moses, who leads his 
 people through the Red Sea of oppression," by promises 
 only, and who, instead of fulfilling (them) his promises, 
 he so baffles the people on their way that he hopes to 
 annihilate them. But I suppose if they wait long enough, 
 until their ranks are sufficiently thinned by the murder- 
 ous attacks of the rebel minions of slavery, and until 
 Moses the Second becomes the leader of the second 
 Slaveholders' Rebellion, or in other words the Rebellion 
 of the Democracy, as Jefif. Davis was of the first, he will 
 save them; but only as he would meat for their foes. 
 
 And so ffreatis the contrast between the lamented late 
 President, Abraham Lincoln, and the President by chance, 
 Andy Johnson, that the former was too honest to live, 
 and the latter too dishonest to die. The former doing 
 good to all, even his enemies ; the latter pretending great 
 friendship to his former friends, but always giving per- 
 manence of place to the worst of wool-dyed rebels. The 
 one an honest man, who tells you just what he means ; the 
 
20 
 
 other like the hangman, who tells his victim that ho onlv 
 wants to examine his cravat, but at the same moment 
 slips the nooso over his victim's head ami tlien strangles 
 him. 
 
 Oh I mercy, Moses. 
 
 What a modern fancy Moses I 
 
 Is he therefore not the eml>odiment of caprice, hypoc- 
 risy, and double-dyed egotism? He is not, therefore, the 
 representative of the JSTation's greatness, but the embodi- 
 ment of, and a conglonicrate mass ol'. all meauiiess, as 
 exhibited in (me identity. 
 
 Oh ! you modern fancy Moses : 
 Von niiike us hold our noses. 
 
 This Moses bears comparison to but one man of any 
 nok. And in what lies his tame? In perjury and cor- 
 ruption. Can a free people, who believe in national and 
 in individual right, follow where he leads? No. Our 
 mission is to form and to perpetuate a Eepublic such as 
 nowhere else exists; such as will represent every individual 
 right, no matter how humble the peasant; a Repuhlicr 
 that will nevei- stoop to kiss the feet of any I'otten Dy- 
 nasty or perjured Potentate, as the bogus Southern Con- 
 federacy did to the perjured, corrupt, and rotten Louis 
 ]^apoleon, that it might form an alliance with the most 
 corrupt and incorrigible scoundrel that ever held the des- 
 tinies of the enlightened and generous people of France 
 — a people through whom, by their mighty revolutions, 
 the peoples of the Earth caught the watchword of uni- 
 vei-sal liberty. 
 
 TI[K FUTUin-: OF TlIK KKITCI-IC. 
 
 If we may judge anything by appearances, and if we 
 may have hope in the loyal millions to do their duty, and 
 to do justice to individual right, the future of this liepub- 
 lic will be of that stamina that the Nations ol" the Karth 
 will fear her power and respect her greatness. 
 
21 
 
 Then shall I'oteiihites know that Deiuocraey is nut u 
 iaihirel' 
 
 Then, hi that merrv, hopeful time, 
 
 80 full of poesy and sweet rhvnie ; 
 
 Then, when the ransomed, untold millions. 
 
 With meny hearts, shall dance their cotillions; 
 
 Yea, Avhen'the millions, in their might, 
 
 Shall have estabUshed every riglit; 
 
 And when Democratic knavery 
 
 And the hydra-monster, Slavery, 
 
 With all their concomitant ills 
 
 Of rotten Confederate mudsills. 
 
 That in the White House generate, 
 
 And in the shape of vetoes emanate, 
 
 Shall, l)y the votes of the weak and stout, 
 
 Be from the White House clean'd out; 
 
 Then, from the valley and mountain peak. 
 
 The voice of man shall speak 
 
 The words of truth and goodness, 
 
 Instead of beastly Soutliern rudeness, 
 
 Declare one Country and one home, 
 
 From the Frigid to the Torrid Zone, 
 
 And say, by gesture, voice, and song, 
 
 That all to one Country belong : 
 
 Yes, from Maine to the Pacific Ocean — 
 
 That peculiar Yankee notion, 
 
 A thing that Andy cannot see — 
 
 That all are equal and free. 
 
 Thus will Slavery and Southern knavery, 
 With all its inflated and boasted bravery, 
 and a bogus Democracy, with all its attendant evils, be 
 brought to an end, and thus Avipe out forever, by a 
 mighty avalanche of free opinion and universal suftrage 
 — an individual right — one of the foulest stains ever 
 attached to a Nation callin<j- itself free. 
 
Then, not till then, will the Nations of the Earth bow 
 to thy greatness and fear thy power, when the canker- 
 worm of Slavery, with all its concomitant ills, shall have 
 been at an end. 
 
 And by the fulcrum of moral might 
 Put Slavery forever out of sight. 
 And by the votes of the loyal and free 
 Send Andy back to Tennessee. 
 
 * 
 
 La mas iluica, buen pecho; a la President. 
 
 ' Tbe trreatest good will to the President. 
 
KiiivCi^ ^VjVi>"ir'js 
 
 BIOGrH^PI^Y; 
 
 OR 
 
 ANDREW JOHNSON'S 
 
 SOX-iIXjOG^/XJ"^ ; 
 
 OR 
 
 HIS COMPLETE CONFESSION OF SHIELDING 
 SECESSION AND MODE OF AGGRESSION. 
 
 liy wii^i^i^kiu Boiri>, :>!. u. 
 
King J,ndt):\s Biagt^apbtj; 
 
 ANDREW JOHNSON'S SOLILOQUY 
 
 The first, and the most important thing, 
 
 Am I President, or am I King? 
 
 I have another question to decide, 
 
 And which wounds my Tennessee pride— 
 
 I'm called by the Radicals a sot; 
 
 Am I President, or am I not ? 
 
 The loyal Congress has laid a plan 
 
 To kill or cure me as a man. 
 
 I thought when first the reigns I took, 
 
 That all men would to Andy look. 
 
 I liad a highly spirited notion. 
 
 That b}' a bullet I got promotion ; 
 
 That the people were in so great a scare. 
 
 That I'could act a little unfair. 
 
 I have been very much flattered, 
 
 And politically bespattered; 
 
 By every man my name was utter'd, 
 
 And by still younger lips was mutter'd, 
 
 I felt a little more elated 
 
 And often very much inflated ; 
 
 3 
 
26 
 
 But then had I not a peri'oct right. 
 
 If I kept my drinking out of sight. 
 
 I know on inangnnition day 
 
 I was a sliade or two that way ; 
 
 But then I do most sincerely think 
 
 That Presidents have a right to drink. 
 
 What a Statesman so bright and frisky. 
 
 Without the help of good old whisky: 
 
 Or so famous a Statesman tell a lie 
 
 Without tlie aid of good old rye : 
 
 As well expect my goose to float, 
 
 Or to clear a Tailor's musky throat, 
 
 Without something strong and warm, 
 
 T know it acts like a charm. 
 
 Well then I do most surely tliink, 
 
 I have a right to take a drink : 
 
 An Ass has a right to ))ray, 
 
 And a Statesman a right to say 
 
 What is — or is not a law : — 
 
 Whether he is made of Avhisky or straw. 
 
 Ah! that's the peculiar rub, 
 
 They call me a whisky tub; 
 
 Some almost get in a quarrel. 
 
 And contend I'm a whisky barrel: 
 
 Some say they actually tliink . 
 
 I'm so full of rum 1 can't wiidc: 
 
 But they talk without rhyme or reasoji : 
 
 I only take a little in season: 
 
 When I feel a little Aveak and flat 
 
 L throw a little under my hat. 
 
 A man who wants the people to fear liim. 
 
 Must take a little drop to cheer him, 
 
 Now and then a little sip — 
 
 Stitfens a fellow's upper lip. 
 
 While I the office of President hold 
 
 I'll have a little if it be sold. 
 
 If I didn't take a little periodical — 
 
27 
 
 I'd bo bothei'M by every liadical. 
 
 Every one of these Temx^'rance people 
 
 Are as stiff as a church steeple; 
 
 And they'r Radical to the core, 
 
 And think me a perfect bore; 
 
 And I've sometimes heard them mutter, 
 
 I'm worse than a sow in the gutter — 
 
 And when a Tennessee dandy, 
 
 Even then I lik'd my brandy. 
 
 I have done what I could to be free, 
 
 By being on a perpetual spree — 
 
 I thought I'd be jovial and merry, ^ 
 
 If I took a little drop of Thierry ; ^/ 
 
 I thought certain succeed I'd meet '' 
 
 If every Rebel and Cop. I'd treat. 
 
 An idea got into my head, 
 
 That if old Lincoln was dead, 
 
 And a few more out of the way, 
 
 I and my friends could — stay — 
 
 By making perpetual strife, 
 
 At the White House all my life, 
 
 And drink Rum, Gin, and Brandy — 
 
 As well as when a dandy; 
 
 And so I wink'd my Eagle eye, 
 
 And poor old Lincoln had to die. 
 
 I tried it on a few more cusses, 
 
 Who were always making fusses, 
 
 But, somehow or other, 
 
 I was in such a bother, 
 
 I could'ht make it tell. 
 
 So I let it go to II-ll. 
 
 Then I got hold of the good old ship, 
 
 And had another good okl sip : 
 
 I open'd business right off — 
 
 With the eloquence of a Gough. 
 
 For me many apologies were made, 
 
 My drunkness kept in the shade; 
 
l'« 
 
 Deputations from far and near 
 
 Came to drop a historic tear 
 
 Over the iTation's fate, 
 
 And heap their blessings on my pate. 
 
 Being then the jSTation's Chief 
 
 I tried to show much grief. 
 
 Once, while on the spree, 
 
 Away out in Tennessee, 
 
 I promised to break down oppression. 
 
 And drive out secession : 
 
 And all believed me loyal, 
 
 If not indeed most Royal. 
 
 But I made a bargain out South, 
 
 And sealed it with my mouth ; 
 
 That I'd help the Northern Donghtaccs, 
 
 By declaring a war of Races: 
 
 So I got up the plan, 
 
 And got the Arsenal to a man — 
 
 The best of wool-dyed Rebels, 
 
 AVithout any if s — or buts — or quibbles — 
 
 To come Avithin my reach ; 
 
 That I might make my speech ; 
 
 And so I buns' on the verofe of madness. 
 
 And had to drink to keep down sadness. 
 
 I declared the Congress but a rump — 
 
 And 2:ave old Thad. a heavy thump ; 
 
 But echo came right back to me, 
 
 Hoilo'ing, Andy of Tennessee. 
 
 I suppose it meant by such a jump. 
 
 That King And}- was but rump : 
 
 So then indeed, upon mj soul, 
 
 T drown'd my sorrow in a bowl. 
 
 I thought I'd veto every bill. 
 
 And thus I'd keep the Rebels still : 
 
 I pardon'd every old sinner, 
 
 As well as every new beginner. 
 
 So I acted a little unfair. 
 
29 
 
 And rccoustrLictiou did declare : 
 
 Without calling an extra Session 
 
 To finish up Secession. 
 
 Well, I thought it was time, 
 
 For a Tailor to be sublime : 
 
 And in a portentous hour, 
 
 I declared I had the power 
 
 To reconstruct the South, 
 
 And so declared by word of nicnith. 
 
 I commanded Perry, Holden, and otiier snakes. 
 
 To steer the Ingines; but put on the brakes: 
 
 And to have the things less nasty, 
 
 I issued my famous Amnest}* ; 
 
 And by my simple word of mouth, 
 
 Reconstructed all the South : 
 
 I thouglit it only fair 
 
 To give them a chance to swear. 
 
 With me 'twas mighty easy, 
 
 I had things good and greasy ; 
 
 I joined the Church in early life, 
 
 And was educated by my wife 
 
 To talk loudly — to read and spell. 
 
 I've call'd monopolies H-11. 
 
 I said in proper season. 
 
 That men convicted of Treason 
 
 Should be hung as high as Haman : 
 
 And all the Korth hoUo'd Amen. 
 
 To make things easier still, 
 
 I put the pardons through the mill : 
 
 Thousands were pardoned every day, 
 
 For which I got good pay. 
 
 Then some Southern loyal cusses. 
 
 Who were always a making fusses. 
 
 Saw 'twas but a game of bluff, 
 
 Antl soon liollo'd enough. 
 
 Some fellow spoke out much gi-eater. 
 
 And called me a big old Traitor: 
 
30 
 
 Because I kept Congress from bringing 
 
 Rebels to a state of swinging. 
 
 The White House seed be<ran to irrow — 
 
 And "Mv Policy" began to show, 
 
 And bloody riot and strife 
 
 Throughout the land were rife : 
 
 I thought Sheridan's telegram — 
 
 Might create some alarm ; 
 
 And to have it a little brighter 
 
 I made it something lighter. 
 
 I declar'd Reb. Johnnys had a right, 
 
 To be all pardon 'd on sight, 
 
 And Congress might as well begin ; 
 
 They would be forced to take them in. 
 
 I had command of all the forces 
 
 And all the country's resources, 
 
 And old Radical Thadd. 
 
 Made me feel so bad ; 
 
 I denounced him as a Traitor ; 
 
 When I knew I was a greater, 
 
 Than the Johueys of the South — 
 
 Jhit it got out of my mouth. 
 
 Oh ! how wretched, nobody greater, 
 
 The Radicals have mark'd me a Traitor. 
 
 I remember I had the pluck — 
 
 To call Forney a dead duck ; 
 
 And then that old Radical pest, 
 
 Old Brownlow of the West, 
 
 Had to put in his spoon ; 
 
 And I heard from him soon : — 
 
 That Tennessee had killed slavery, 
 
 And all the White House knavery ; 
 
 Like a clear ton'd he.W in a fo"". 
 
 Call'd King Andy a dead dog. 
 
 Then I had a new invention, 
 
 1 mean my Aug-ust Convention : 
 
 A husre informal conclave 
 
Of Truitur, Kebel, and Ivuiivc, 
 They all obey'd my order, 
 From the centre to the border ; 
 From Maine to the Pacific 
 They thunder'd most terrilic. 
 The Committees gave me a call, 
 And I felt myself quite tall — 
 I wanted to have an extra sip. 
 And I went on a Western trip, 
 To pay my homage to Douglas, 
 The little Democratic bugle-ass. 
 As an extoller of knavery. 
 Or the hydra-monster, slavery, 
 He never had an equal 
 Except I, who am the sequel. 
 
 I tried to make Democrats in mass, 
 
 And send the Radicals to grass ; 
 
 But the great Western people, 
 
 Some as tall as a church steeple, 
 
 Gave a most serious quiz 
 
 Right into my bloated phiz. 
 
 Before I could get my breath 
 
 Some hollo'd, How's Jeft":' 
 
 Some would more words bandy, 
 
 And call me traitor Andy. 
 
 I took it all in good part; 
 
 I have a real spirited heart ; 
 
 While the demijohn is near 
 
 I think I needn't fear: 
 
 I feel as merry as a cricket 
 
 While I can turn the spigot. 
 
 To rule the Convention was the puzzle, 
 
 So I issued my famous muzzle. 
 
 Everybody was saying hark, 
 
 But the dogs couldn't bark. 
 
 The people were very much tickled — 
 
 To Gee such curious lish pickled ; 
 
32 
 
 But I Lad put on the salt, 
 
 Made out of good old malt, 
 
 And when a little dry 
 
 I applied a little old rye. 
 
 Well, I swung the circle round. 
 
 And then returned to town, 
 
 The Metropolis of the Nation, 
 
 And made a grand narration 
 
 To every pup and crone. 
 
 Who hung around my throne. 
 
 Rebs. and Copps. were out in glee 
 
 To give a welcome to me ; 
 
 But I felt a little sour — 
 
 The Rads. were gaining every hour, 
 
 I thought it an awful pity 
 
 They had been to tlie Brotherly City ; 
 
 There they declared suffrage impartial — 
 
 Rebs. and Copps. still under old martial ; 
 
 That the Habeas Corpus they'd suspend, 
 And thus to Rebellion put an end ; 
 
 That every Reb. they would disable, 
 
 Or dance them on a cable; 
 
 That no pardoned cut-throat 
 
 Should be allowed to vote. 
 
 I vetoed bills by the half-score. 
 
 Yet I had to veto one more ; 
 
 That was an awful pill — 
 
 That old Military Bill ; 
 
 And what kill'd me so dead, 
 
 They pass'd it over my head. 
 
 And I had no excuse to rule, 
 
 And look'd just like a fool ; 
 
 So I was forced to think, 
 
 And I took another drink; 
 
 T had to gasp and pufl^ — 
 
 I know I had enough. 
 
 When Fred. Douglass made his call 
 
I felt myself quite small, 
 And I'm honest enough to suy, 
 That from that very day, 
 Although I can't explain, 
 My power began to wane. 
 I thought I'd struck the spark, 
 But I tumbled in the dark. 
 I knew I was a big sinner. 
 Yet I hop'd to be the winner. 
 My iron goose I couldn't pick, 
 And I tried another trick ; 
 I thought the meat was tender — 
 'Twasn't the old gray gander; 
 'Twas the sweetest kind of iish. 
 From Governor Swann's dish ; 
 And by a military inspection 
 We had a triumphant election. 
 I hoped "My Policy" was carried, 
 And Radicalism was buried; 
 But to my utter dismay 
 They had made another display — 
 A thing I do hate to mention — 
 The late September Convention ; 
 There Fred, made a free speech, 
 And far beyond my reach ; 
 Miss Dickinson gave me fits, 
 And put me to my wits. 
 The former spoke of Moses, 
 And everybody held their noses; 
 The latter spoke in caustic pride, 
 To lay old Andy aside. 
 Between them they used me up, 
 So I had another cup. 
 And, being on my swing, 
 It was quite an easy thing; 
 T believ'd, with Aristotle, 
 In the right to crack a bottle. 
 
34 
 
 I thought I had the Rads. all l)cat, 
 
 And had the Sceptre at my feet; 
 
 The thing I thought I had 
 
 Was spoil' d by Old Thadd. 
 
 The loj'al Congress found a treasure 
 
 In the Reconstruction measure. 
 
 My vetoes were but a waste, 
 
 And issued in very bad taste: 
 
 They only recoil'd upon my head, 
 
 And informed me I was dead ; 
 
 That in eighteen sixty-eight 
 
 The Rads. would seal my fate ; 
 
 That "Equal Suffrage" in the South 
 
 Would eft'ectually close my mouth — 
 
 Would kill the Rebs. and Copps. outriglil, 
 
 And put "My Policy" out of sight. 
 
 Well, I'm but a tailor at best, 
 
 And my faults I have confess'd ; 
 
 I think the chance is rather slim — 
 
 For an iron goose to swim. 
 
 Or give a sufficient reason. 
 
 Why I pardoned treason. 
 
 Well, well, I'm in a fog : 
 
 They call me a dead dog ; 
 
 I'm a real living Autocrat — 
 
 Oh yes I I mean a Democrat. 
 
 I think I can fix a plan ; 
 
 I'll call myself the People's man ; 
 
 I'll send new teachers into school. 
 
 And call every man a fool — 
 
 Who cannot sing my Rebel song: 
 
 That Rebs. and Copperheads belong 
 
 To the party of Human Rights, 
 
 But who in war-time never fights — 
 
 Yet in peace hoists the ]jone Star, 
 
 And whoops and hollos for war; 
 
 That the Radicals are now 
 
35 
 
 Driving the IS'atioiial plow ; 
 That the land e'en now is rife ; 
 That sectional and ISTational strife 
 Will be rampant evermore, 
 From the lakes to the shore. 
 I hope to persuade or rule 
 Every Democratic tool; 
 I hope to keep the faithful together, 
 And hold them as with a tether. 
 I've got one ver}' good thing — 
 I have got Horace on my string; 
 lie help'd me let old Jeft" out, 
 Which makes me feel quite stout. 
 
 La militaire I want to stiifl", 
 
 Du-la-mellier Francque snutt"; 
 
 I^Tapy's ideas I want to ape, 
 
 And bring my Country into shape; 
 
 I'll hire Mr. and Mrs. Toodle, 
 
 Just fresh from Swam poodle; 
 
 I'll open the next campaign — 
 
 By a lovely dose of Champagne; 
 
 I'll get every Johnny on my side. 
 
 And have a triumphant ride; 
 
 I'll have enough to make me l)urst, 
 
 When I'm called Andy the First. 
 
 If the Rads. don't spoil my play, 
 
 I'll have everything to say. 
 
 I've got the opinion of my Attorney 
 
 To help me on my journey. 
 
 I vetoed the Military Bill — 
 
 It was i)ass'd against my will ; 
 
 I'll try to make it null 
 
 By issuing my bull ; 
 
 By my Executive power 
 
 I'll kill it in an hour. 
 
 i hope the Rads. can't reach me, 
 
36 
 
 Nor Jim Ashley impcuoli mc; 
 
 Then no man will be greater — 
 
 I'll be a real Dictator ; 
 
 I'll be of some renown, 
 
 And wear a kingly crown. 
 
 If Olfl Thadd. and party 
 
 Don't make another sortie — 
 
 And take my power away, 
 
 I can at the White House stay. 
 
 But the black men have got a vote — 
 
 I can feel it in my throat ; 
 
 They won't take my word of nioutli — 
 
 That kills me in the South. 
 
 I told them I'd their Moses be, 
 
 And lead them through the sea, 
 
 Right into the promised land. 
 
 Where old Jeft' would have comniaiid. 
 
 I thought I could them deceive, 
 
 And laugh at them up my sleeve; 
 
 But they're full of cussed sharpness, 
 
 If they are incased in darkness. 
 
 The last election proves them greater 
 
 Than I, who am a traitor. 
 
 My political shinplasters, 
 
 Have only led to disasters. 
 
 I made some well-tim'd scratches 
 
 By garbling Phil's dispatches. 
 
 When riots occurr'd in the South 
 
 I never opened my mouth, 
 
 Only to darken and to twist. 
 
 To befog, to make a mist. 
 
 To darken the clear and plain. 
 
 And give to the Johnnys again — 
 
 Other and better chances still 
 
 Southern Loyalists to kill ; 
 
 But this Bill of lieconstruclion 
 
 Will bring me to destruction ; 
 
"Twill every llebel disable, 
 
 Aud put me on the table ; 
 
 'Twill elevate the colored race. 
 
 And bring me to disgrace. 
 
 Manhood suifrage I did oppose ; 
 
 And I said, and did suppose, 
 
 That colored men would brighter grow, 
 
 That Rebs. and Copps. would fall below. 
 
 The Rads. all say the Country's salvation 
 
 Depends upon their elevation ; 
 
 T couldn't then be a speculator 
 
 In the business of a Dictator, 
 
 But lie away and rust. 
 
 Or like a serpent crawl in dust. 
 
 I had ray brothers Johnny to please, 
 
 And the radical !N'orth to tease; 
 
 I had the Carolinas to save. 
 
 So I visited Pappy's grave; 
 
 I thought dictation was rather dull, 
 
 And I'd give the Rads. another pull. 
 
 If my nominees were suspended 
 
 "My Policy" would be ended, 
 
 And my chances for re-election 
 
 Wouldn't bear inspection, 
 
 And I had to get up and go 
 
 To Boston for another show ; 
 
 I thought it no scandal — 
 
 To take the advice of Randall : 
 
 To have a Northern trip, 
 
 And manufacture more lip. 
 
 I had my Templars all ready, 
 
 To keep my nerves all steady ; 
 
 They're men of my own heart — 
 
 Always ready when I start : 
 
 To talk a little in season. 
 
 And enlighten the heathen, 
 
:]S 
 
 Or give thorn a little rnl>. 
 
 At the Massachusetts Hub. 
 
 The State that pays some tax, 
 
 By the consumption of wax; 
 
 The home of the great and lirave, 
 
 Who refused to return the slave, 
 
 Or recognize its barbaric power, 
 
 Or help it for a single hour; 
 
 The van-guards of the free — 
 
 Randall, 'twill kill you and me. 
 
 Down there 1 can't get ray drink, 
 
 And I'll not be able to think — 
 
 I've been so used to a little drop, 
 
 It will make my thinking stop: 
 
 That will give me thunder; 
 
 I know I'll make a blander: 
 
 iShould they ask me Where's Old Jeft*? 
 
 I'll have to be a little deaf. 
 
 If I can't Und my bitters, 
 
 I may some shoulder hitters; 
 
 If I can't persuade the Loyal, 
 
 I may make a few more Eoyal 
 
 Adherents to my Kingly plan, 
 
 To rule the Country by a man. 
 
 Yes, rule with the rod of Moses ; 
 
 Just what Randall supposes. 
 
 Stanberry and I must work to kill 
 
 The Sherman Reconstruction Bill. 
 
 If Congress can't get a quorum, 
 
 I'll be the highest cockelorum. 
 
 I have a liigh, a big notion. 
 
 To rule from Maine to the Pacific Ocean 
 
 Then my name will be spread afar. 
 
 And make me greater than a Czar: 
 
 B}' vetoing every important bill, 
 
 I can carry out m}' absolute will — 
 
 ITnless Generals Phil, and Dan. 
 
Sav tbat Trji not the man — 
 And can make no more disorders, 
 By countermanding orders. 
 
 I thought Stanber}', my Lawyer, 
 
 Was better than a common sawyer ; 
 
 That he could efFectually puzzle, 
 
 Or make a new prize muzzle, 
 
 To liang on every General's mouth 
 
 Throughout the Rebel South. 
 
 But the Radical key-note was sounded, 
 
 As the Eastern Hub I rounded ; 
 
 Like the rainbow in the cloud, 
 
 I saw King Andy's shroud ; 
 
 So boldly Phil had spoken, 
 
 It gave me such a token — 
 
 He had spoken in such a mood, 
 
 That every bird was hollo'ing good I 
 
 (lood ! good ! cried Echo all along ; 
 
 And every Rad. had joined in song. 
 
 Oh I help me, help me JetY, 
 
 I am nearly out of breath ; 
 
 What can I do myself to save 
 
 From this sure impending grave ; 
 
 "These flaming draughts" which fill my breath, 
 
 Those cursed cups that bring sure death. 
 
 Oh ! these wailings that fill my brain, 
 
 What ? not to be elected again ? 
 
 Is there any one who supposes 
 
 lliat 1 am not a Second Moses ; 
 
 If their heads are so muddy and thick, 
 
 I can enlighten them very quick: 
 
 I have been in ofifice of every grade. 
 
 And mix'd with people of every shade, 
 
 From Tailor right up the ladder : 
 
 And now I'm a White House Adder. 
 
 I have stung the Rads. by the half-score, 
 
40 
 
 And hojio to live to sting a low more. 
 I'll take them by oue, two, or three, 
 If the Radicals don't sting me. 
 
 There are Ashley, Thadd. Drake, and Sherman, 
 
 And each one, can preach a good sermon — 
 
 And the Judiciary Committee, 
 
 Who have never left the cit}'. 
 
 They've kept in session right through, 
 
 And made me feel quite blue ; 
 
 But then I gave my orders to Grant — 
 
 And just what the Johnnys want — 
 
 That Sheridan had no right to meddle. 
 
 llave'nt I a patent right to peddle ? 
 
 Am I not one of the Southern braves? 
 
 llave'nt I wept o'er the Johnnys' graves ? 
 
 Have'nt I talk'd with Fred, and his brothers, 
 
 And been social with their sisters and mothers ? 
 
 In short it has been my life-long study. 
 
 To be everythin'g to every body, 
 
 But the Radicals are such harpies, 
 
 They say I a'nt social with the darkies ; 
 
 I know that many of them shun me, 
 
 And say that Douglas could outrun me. 
 
 To this great question I have adverted, 
 
 I think I'll have to be converted, 
 
 But then the Rads. are mighty witty — 
 
 They'd spread it througli every city, 
 
 That my conviction was'nt sincere, 
 
 And only resulted from fear: 
 
 And that it must be recollected 
 
 I onl}' wanted re-elected, 
 
 And raise a National strife. 
 
 And Ije dictator all my life. 
 
 N^ow I'll take a good drink of Brandy, 
 
 And hollo hurrah! for King Andy ; 
 
 I can drink until I burst. 
 
 When call'd King Andy the — First. 
 
M Y M A Pi Y LAND 
 
 Tb6 xSlatTB-jp^xilxlBt^^s S0lilo.qutf 
 
 To free tliem ; or not to free them : 
 That is the question. 
 
 Whether 'tis nobler in the mind to suffer 
 The stings and arrows of a shxve-holding conscienee, 
 Or take up arms against old Jeff; 
 And by opposing him, to end slavery. 
 To make slaves no more, and by 
 Emancipation, end slavery, and the thousand 
 Other ills the slave-holder is heir to. 
 'Tis a consummation devoutly to be wish'd — 
 To make slaves no more ; but perchance 
 I might crave a yellow girl ; 
 Aye, there's the rub — for in that 
 Craving state what thoughts may come, 
 When we have pledged ourselves to freedom. 
 Must make us pause. There's the reason 
 That makes slavery oi' so long-life. 
 For who would bear the jeers and scoffs of 
 Yankees, the slave's upbraiding, their 
 Children's wretchedness, the pangs of 
 Self-reproach, the bankrupt pocket, 
 4 
 
42 
 
 The insolence of hangmen, and the spurns 
 That every Traitor must expect to meet, 
 When he himself might his quietus 
 Make by a mere swearing.* 
 Who would all these torments bear, to groan 
 And sweat under this dreadful scourge : 
 But then the dread thought of working 
 When slavery's no more, and that 
 Stringent law, which he who makes must 
 Keep — puzzlers the will, and makes us rather 
 Love the curse that blinds us, than to 
 Turn forever from its hateful grasp. 
 Thus slavery doth make bondmen of us all, 
 And thus for want of firm determination 
 The curse of slavery grows each day more 
 Binding, and resolutions of Freedom, of 
 However much moment, are drown'd in 
 Whisky, and forever thereafter 
 Lose tlio name of action. 
 
 Tho Anine^lv Hath. 
 
Sbx;IUbI ta Willie B^ar, 
 
 ls^-A.ir, I860. 
 
 The original, of which this is a sequel, has )>nt throe 
 verses, the reader will find four in my sequel. 
 
 Father, we do miss you. 
 
 Oh ! Father, where are you — dear? 
 Oh ! do, do, come home ! ! 
 
 Ah ! what is the m-atter dear ; 
 "We dread some awful fate : 
 
 And it would make our hearts rejoice 
 To hear your welcome footsteps 
 
 And your own familiar voice ; 
 It would take away our fear. 
 
 It would dissipate our gloom ; 
 Oh ! father, we do miss you, 
 
 Oh ! do, do come home ! ! 
 
 We long to see you nightly. 
 
 Yes, we one and all — 
 While baby dances sprightly, 
 
 A sigh escapes us all. 
 The little ones do weep 
 
 'Till the night is nearly past : 
 And as the Sun begins to peep, 
 
44 
 
 Tliey o-o to sleep at last. 
 How^thcy Hsten'd for your voice, 
 
 'Till they found you could not come; 
 <Mi I Father, Ave do miss you, 
 
 < Ml ! do, do come home I ! 
 
 We are all sad vvitliout you. 
 
 At nig-lit we caimot sleep : 
 We all do long to see you, 
 
 Oh ! Father, liow we weep 
 Each night w^e weep and watch, 
 
 And we think we hear you say : 
 Oh ! wait a little longer. 
 
 And I will wipe your tears away ; 
 But our hearts grow sad again. 
 
 When we find you do not come ; 
 Oh ! Father, we do miss you, 
 
 Oh I do, do come home I I 
 
 Ah, yes I it is day again. 
 
 And we do not see you here ; 
 Oould we but press thy hand, 
 
 'Twould relieve us, father dear. 
 Oh I what a cruel foe — 
 
 Imprison'd they do you keep: 
 Oh : how acute our woe ; 
 
 Ah I father, how we w-eep. 
 Tf they'd bring you back again — 
 
 'Twould make our hearts rejoice, 
 To hear your welcome footsteps — 
 
 And your own familiar voice ; 
 r>ut we are still sadder yet, 
 
 For we know you cannot come — 
 Oh ! father, we do miss you, 
 
 And wish you were at home. 
 
WAsHtNGTOxN City, D. C, Monday, Oct. G, 18(36. 
 Miss Anna E. Dickinson, Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 Dear Miss: Excuse the following tribute in honor of 
 your thrilling and patriotic Address to the Loyal South- 
 ern Delegates, during recess of Convention, in National 
 Hall, Philadelphia, Pa., Sept. 6th, 1866: 
 
 Must not your eloquence have shivcr'd 
 Impurities of thought as deliver'd; 
 So immeasurably good and pure, 
 Sucli eloquence was telling and sure. 
 
 All around me, both the weak and stout, 
 Never ceased in the general shout: 
 Never was approbation so deep — 
 All loyal hearts did throb and beat; 
 
 Every being within that loyal Hall 
 
 Directed their voices to extol 
 
 In frail woman, that, that makes true greatness — 
 
 Counsel, encouragement, and sedateness; 
 
 Keenness of thought, philosophy to spare, 
 
 In maiden sweetness, and so rare : 
 
 Nothing was Ictt the Convention lo ilo, 
 
 Save adopt that deliver'd by you— 
 
 On that niemoral)le afternoon, 
 
 Not to be forgotten very soon. 
 
 t hope the above Acrostic will be received in the same 
 spirit in which it is written, I being a firm and unflinch- 
 ing advocate of Universal Liberty and Enfranchisement, 
 without distinction of sex or complexion. I therefore hope 
 your noble exertions in behalf of suffering Humanity will 
 nicet the constant approval of the friends of true Liberty. 
 
 Believe me, I have the honor to be, dear Miss, your 
 humble and most obedient servtuit, 
 
 WM. BOYD, M. D., 
 JSv. 4'2o Viryavla avt/mc. 
 
46 
 
 \_7rue <■<)[) II of answer to ini) no^t.] 
 
 Spkingfield, III., Noc. 5, 1866. 
 Pardon this long delay, and believe me, though I ex- 
 press the fault, that I am none the less your most hearty 
 debtor for the extremely kind poem and note which you 
 were pleased to send me. 
 
 1 am, with siucerest expressions of esteem. 
 Truly yours, 
 
 ANNA K. DICKINSOX. 
 To W.M. Boyd. M. D. 
 
 [Letter of tbe Author, tliirli'cii days before his release, which ocnirreil October 4, IStil.] 
 
 U. S. P., WASHi.NMrruN City, D. C, ^epi. 21, 1861. 
 lion. T. D. Eliot, Member TldrUi-Sevenih Congress. 
 
 Dear Sir: I was honored a few weeks ago by a peru- 
 sal of yonr note to Mrs. I*rof. Johnson concerning n)y 
 case, which is before the Executive, in which you state 
 that you have no doubt of the success of my case, and 
 that, should I not be released in a week or two, to write 
 you, and you would write to the Attorney' Gcnei'al. I 
 do not know whether that lady has written you since, but 
 this I do know, that I am still in prison. My eldest son 
 came to see me on Sundav, the loth ult., and who brought 
 me the sad news that his mother, two little brothers, and 
 two little sisters, and an infant only two years of age, 
 were all sick; his mother not able to give her baby a 
 drink. They will soon be without the common neces- 
 saries of life, and as he alone is the only one who is mak- 
 ing anything, and that oidy ^4.o0 [ler week, to keep seven 
 of a family. When I know that such a poor pittance is 
 entirely insufficient to even find the commonest articles 
 of consumption, and that I am powerless to help them in 
 their distress, no pen can write, no tongue describe the 
 horrible anguish I feel. I therefore hope that you will 
 consider the above ar, a sufficient apology for the liberty 
 
47 
 
 I take iu thus addressing yt)u ou the preseut occasion. 
 I have reason to believe that, did the President know the 
 real situation of my family and my proper character as a 
 man, he would soon release me. I have lived for the 
 last twenty years only to do my duty. I first learned what 
 my duty was, and then performed that duty independ- 
 ently of all consequences. A man whose every year of 
 his manhood has been one of honest industry and virtu- 
 ous rectitude. A man whom none can say he has been 
 guilty of one mean or dishonest act in the whole of his 
 life, but only been too zealous in doing good. And for 
 one single act of benevolence a cruel court tears me away 
 from my family and my business, the support of my fam- 
 ily; tries me by a barbarous and inhuman law, that legal- 
 izes the trafiic in human blood, and makes virtue and 
 benevolence a crime, and punishes me worse for an act 
 of benevolence than some of the veriest criminals are 
 punished for some of the most heinous crimes ; when I 
 ought to have received their praises, instead of their con- 
 demnation as a criminal. Those who know me best 
 know me only as an example of honesty, frugality, indus- 
 try, temperance, and republicanism. I do not say the 
 above as egotistic boastino;. I sav what I have said 
 because I know such to be the truth. 
 
 I hope you will therefore be kind enough to importune 
 the Executive in my behalf again, so that I may be re- 
 stored to my sick and forsaken family ere it be too' late. 
 My eldest daughter, a girl of nine years old, has been 
 seized since my arrest of epileptic tits, wiiich grow worse 
 every day,* and cannot be left five minutes at any one 
 time without danger of physical injuries by frequent falls 
 when thus seized. Add to such an afiliction a serious 
 ilhiess, and you have an idea of the troubled mind of the 
 mother, whose health of both mind and body have much 
 
 •■At this writing she has nearly recovered, beiny now in her 15th year. 
 
 W.b. 
 
48 
 
 declined since my arrest. I doubt not hiU that her [)res- 
 cnt sickness is the result of over-exertion of both mind 
 und body, in her exertions to comfort her chihlren und 
 extricate me from prison. 
 
 Kind sir, 1 yearn once more to be free. 
 
 And sucli a boon might e'en rest with thee. 
 
 By one word you might break the spell. 
 
 That keeps me in this horrid hell. 
 
 Yes, your mere wish in language spoken — 
 
 Might make these chains forever broken. 
 
 Oh ! whisper that word so full of magic, 
 
 Whether in philosophy or in logic. 
 
 Oh yes! speak that little wish, and give new life 
 
 To a sorrowing husband and wife; 
 
 Then our joys would be replete. 
 
 And gladness gamltol at our feet. 
 
SEQUEL TO 
 
 (tijk oriuisal only having six verses.) 
 
 Composed in April of I860 in Cell No. 1, TJ. S. Penitentiary', District of 
 
 Columbia, when under sentence of 14 years for aiding George 
 
 Ross and Wife to escape from Slavery. — W. B. 
 
 I took thee ill tin- youtliful prime. 
 
 The Liisbaud of my heart to be ; 
 I promis'd in my maiTiage vow. 
 
 Forsaking all, to clinu' to thee. 
 I vow'd thro' good and ill report 
 
 That I would love, would serve, obey — • 
 Yes, e'en thro' sickness and thro' health. 
 
 That vow^ I will renew to-day. 
 
 Leave thee when inmate of a worldly hell. 
 
 When thinn'd thy form and pal'd thy cheek, 
 When sorrow and this prison cell 
 
 Hath made thy vigorous arm so weak ':' 
 Leave thee when most tViou needest 
 
 Some gentle hand to fan thy brow, 
 To soothe the fever in thy veins, 
 
 x\nd whit:,per that aweet, thai marriage vow'.' 
 
50 
 
 I will not leave thee, tho' the world 
 
 Hath call'd thee by a felon's name, 
 And scorn's cold finger points thee out 
 
 The worthless child of guilt and shame. 
 I will not leave thee tho' this cell 
 
 Be all the home thou call'st thine own, 
 Tho' wealth and honor, friends and fame, 
 
 At fate's dissolving touch hath Hown. 
 
 1 will not leave thee; no! in one heart 
 
 Faith in thy innocence remains; 
 And not" one thought of cold distrust 
 
 Hath chill'd love's fever in my veins. 
 I hear the world condemn thee now. 
 
 And am convuls'd within my breast; 
 But did I not at the altar vow — 
 
 Forsaking all — to love thee best. 
 
 I could not leave thee did I know 
 
 That all the world's reproach were true ; 
 That 'neath some great temptation's po^er 
 
 Thy mind had lost its native hue — 
 Had dyed itself in direct guilt, 
 
 Had plung'd without remorse in crime ; 
 No, nor then would 1 forsake thee: 
 
 Never! I am thine, and thou art mine. 
 
 And tho' the world doth chide thee now, 
 
 Love whispers o'er thy name ; 
 Renews that sweet, that marriage vow. 
 
 And will not, cannot, consent to blame. 
 In spite the world's condemning ire, 
 
 I here again love's pledge renew ; 
 Oh ! these pangs of loving fire. 
 
 They make me think of naught but you. 
 
 Death alone can disunite, 
 Aud claim Uo aii hiii own ; 
 
51 
 
 Llntil then, we will uuite, 
 
 To lis imconstant is unknown. 
 Grim death's mandate will requite 
 
 A world of woes, of scofts, and fears ; 
 'Twill change the day to endless night. 
 
 Relieve our labors, and trials, and tears. 
 
 And tho' our troubles and tears are many. 
 
 Our comforts and friends but few ; 
 And vie not the wealth of any. 
 
 Do naught but what is right and true. 
 Yet by stealth, and power, and might, 
 
 A wicked law doth claim ; 
 .Without the shadow of a> right — 
 
 A right to part, and make us twain. 
 
 A mere act of pure benevolence, 
 
 Is called by gargon and cant a crime ; 
 A theft, a larcency, a malevolence: 
 
 Cruel civilization of the time. 
 Sweet liberty for which our Fathers bled, 
 
 The Declaration of Independence ; 
 Alas! they'r departed, lost, fled. 
 
 By Democratic superintendence. 
 
 Say not we hath liberty here, 
 
 'Tis a shadow, a phantom, a name ; 
 Slavery, knife, revolver, and spear, 
 
 Are but the symbols of our shame. 
 But dear husband weep no more, 
 
 Six pledges I have of thee ; 
 Better days may be in store, 
 
 W the barl)arians will set you free. 
 
 For better, for worse, I gave thee my hand, 
 The companion of my heart to be ; 
 
 I left my home, my native land. 
 
 To live and die with thine and thee. 
 
At every footstep do I start, 
 
 My weary hours hath no retreat ; 
 Oh ! I'm criish'cl of a liroken heart, 
 
 My misery is now replete. 
 
 And yet these clouds may break away, 
 
 That are gather'd around my home ; 
 This dreadful night be changed to day, 
 
 And my consort be brought home ! 
 Panacea of my grief, my sorrow, 
 
 Come bright day that I may see ; 
 Oh I restore him on the morrow, 
 
 That I may once embrace him free. 
 
 The above was accompanied by the following note: 
 
 I hope, dear Martha, you will not fail to appreciate my puny and faint 
 attempt, in the above sequel, to paint and portray the awful calamity that has 
 befallen you in consequence of my so unjust imprisonment for a mere act of 
 liuniauilv. 
 
 WM. HUVU, ;»/. D. 
 
A porrrr.ATTunE 
 
 OP A 
 
 OK, THE THIEF OF HYPOORITES. 
 
 As I cannot call yon brother 
 
 I'll have to make use of some — otlier 
 
 Of corresponding indignity 
 
 To show your infinite mahgnity. 
 
 Hypocrite of hypocrites, and knave of knaves I 
 
 Chief of persecutors, and king of slaves ! 
 
 A wife's doll, a priest's tool, 
 
 The bigot's all, and doctor's fool ; 
 
 A bag of wind, a man of straw, 
 
 A bigger fool these eyes ne'er saw, 
 
 Than you, whom I now address — 
 
 Or what I know of you express. 
 
 Once you bore the semblance of truth. 
 
 When I was but a sapling, a youth ; 
 
 But as you got in years, and older grew : 
 
 That truthful visage from you tiew. 
 
 Then truth was pictured on your brow. 
 
 But the why, and wherefore, cometh now. 
 
 Now, to get a job, you'll bo n knave — 
 
54 
 
 And wish your l)rotlier to be a slave: 
 
 To the same ahnighty withering vice — 
 
 And to make him humble sacked him thi-ice, 
 
 'Twas but the cries of public shame — 
 
 That kept you from playing a deeper game. 
 
 Your will was good, but you lack'd the power — 
 
 You'r still the same, at this very hour: 
 
 A mean pettifogger, a dictator, 
 
 Or a self-opinionated faltering prater; 
 
 An egotist, a bigot, a fool, 
 
 A creeping, crawling snake, a tool — 
 
 For knavish priests to use at |'>leasure. 
 
 To serve their ends — or bring them treasure. 
 
 To please the avarice of a seltish wife. 
 
 You belie the greatest duties of your life ; 
 
 Denounce your brother as a wicked fabricator? 
 
 A malevolent, vicious, cruel calumniator? 
 
 "When — in truth, you know you'r wrong. 
 
 And that to no such order I belong. 
 
 Yet, for the sake of paltry glittering dust, 
 
 You've allow'd your early nobleness to rust — 
 
 Xoble sentiments inculcated ])y our mother, 
 
 To make every man a welcome — brother. 
 
 Yes, you've belied and broken every vow — 
 
 And how much })etter are you for it now: 
 
 Would not e'en your pillow slicd a tear, 
 
 Tf it knew the wretch it had to bear. 
 
 Think of it, you echo of a thousand fools, 
 
 Tutor'd by Orthodoxy at their schools. 
 
 Think of it, you seltish, grasping tyrant. 
 
 That you tried to crush — a young aspirant. 
 
 Think of it, that in your pretence to do me good, 
 
 Vou kept me from getting my mental food. 
 
 Like a fish without water from day to day, 
 
 I could not within a narrow^ circle stay : 
 
 I then, of course, was Itut another victim: 
 
.').') 
 
 Of religious malice, hatred, aiul dietini. 
 
 But Oh ! how sweet it was to be — 
 
 From all such dogmatisms free. 
 
 Think you I was formed to be your slave. 
 
 Or to do the bidding of a tyrant knave ; 
 
 Think you, was it right, or just, or good — 
 
 To try to stop my mental food ; 
 
 Think you, was it right to rob me so. 
 
 And say that in fuhlic I should' nt go, 
 
 To advocate a right Divine — 
 
 That the people were not herd's of swine. 
 
 But, like many other twaddlers of the day, 
 
 You arrogate the right to sway — 
 
 The sceptre of thought o'er a brother, 
 
 His finer feelings and conscience to smother. 
 
 If your meanness only ended here, 
 
 You might expiate it with a tear: 
 
 But no, the unblushing lies you tell, 
 
 Are in this world without a parallel. 
 
 'Twas because I dared to think, and freely act, 
 
 That you tried to crush my intellect. 
 
 If I had been a wretched drunken sot, 
 
 Or had a mind like you, not worth a groat.* 
 
 Then, in truth, you might have interfer'd. 
 
 And by the world have been rever'd. 
 
 As it is, our name is stained — 
 
 Indeed 'twas for what you gain'd, 
 
 111 pounds, shillings, and pence— 
 
 That you made such inglorious pretence. 
 
 As your duncely brain cannot this moral learn, 
 Then, instead of principle, you follow men; 
 And when ask'd youi- influence to give. 
 That freedom and progression might live: 
 Your conscience is ignored for money, 
 And your lips, and your tongue all honey. 
 
 ^Trinboli Homo. 
 
And many apologies aro made, " 
 
 Of the sacrifices to your trade — 
 
 The meanest and lowest passion of all — 
 
 Carries you captive at its call. 
 
 Oh ! what putrid and moral leanness. 
 
 As exhibited in such meanness; 
 
 'Tis a cancer, deep in the Orthodox heart. 
 
 From which I fear it can never depart. 
 
 It has used the rope, and stake, and lire, 
 
 And sacrificed thought, in deepest ire; 
 
 It is a frightful cliasm of corruption, 
 
 And leads — but to moral destruction. 
 
 'Tis true for a short time you treated me well. 
 
 Better than by pencil or tongue I could tell ; 
 
 But as soon, as your bidding I could not obey. 
 
 Symptoms of tyranny you seemed to betray: 
 
 Had your liidding been either just or polite, 
 
 I would have obeyed as a matter of right; 
 
 But when with my conscience you interfer'd. 
 
 Surely you did not expect to be rever'd; 
 
 If so, your vanity and sense were on a par. 
 
 And much resembled an Ape — if not a star: 
 
 Vour impudence and sense were about equal. 
 
 In incorrigible meanness without an equal. 
 
 Dogged wretch, apostate, knave. 
 Could I e'er crouch and be your slave? 
 Xo ! this mind with all its convolutions — 
 Was never formed to have such evolutions! 
 
 Your l)rother, 
 
 WILLIAM BOYD. M. D. 
 
EXi'LAXATloy 
 
 g^hiaf ai Mnntix^viiBS. 
 
 After a lapse of nearly eighteen years, in the mouth of 
 February last I received a letter from my brother, the 
 subject of the above Poem, "The Chief of Hypocrites," 
 which was written in the City of New York, in 1850. I 
 have certainly given him plenty of time for calm reflection 
 on his past conduct, and he seems to have come to a very 
 reasonable conclusion when he says " Upon reflection, I 
 have come to the conclusion that I am to blame for our dis- 
 agreement, as I presumed to offer my advice to you unso- 
 licited, and sometimes in language which I now very much 
 regret." As I am disposed, by my cosmopolitan ideas, 
 to seek no revenge on my enemies whether they are my 
 kin-people or not, I freely forgive if I cannot forget them, 
 both in England and the United States of North America. 
 In the former place because of my firm adherence to, and 
 constant advocacy of. Radical Republicanism: in both 
 politics and religion I was the mark of persecution wher- 
 ever I went, by the middle classes especially. Out of four 
 
58 
 
 newspapers published in Preston, ISToi'th Lancashire, in 
 1848, two being Tory, one Whig, and one pretended Radi- 
 cal, not one of them but what misrepresented my position 
 and statements at every opportunity, as they always do the 
 statements of working men. My brother, wishing to 
 iioat upon the popular breeze for the sake of business, 
 joined hands with the enemies of free discussion, and 
 against a brother, in a rigid and cruel persecution for a 
 period of nearly four years, which I am very glad to say 
 he " now very much regrets." 
 
 In the latter place, and especially in the City of Wash- 
 ington, I am even now at times the recipient of the most 
 vile abuse, as I pass along the streets of this Metropolis 
 of the Republic, by those ignorant and uncultivated poor 
 wliites, who have always been the aiders and abettors of 
 slavery and the slaveholders' rebellion of 1861, because 
 I undertook to help a few slaves to freedom against the 
 wish of their bloodhound so-called masters. Then almost 
 every newspaper in the whole of this broad country were 
 the apologists of that dreadful curse. Every one in the 
 District of Columbia labored hard to make the ignorant 
 white people believe that it was a crime equal to murder 
 to free, or attempt to free, a single slave, with the ex- 
 ception of the " National Era," a ver}' excellent abolition 
 paper, published by the late Dr. Bailey, and they suc- 
 ceeded in intimidating the jury so as to make them perjure 
 themselves, and to bring in a verdict contrary to the evi- 
 dence in the case: and made me equally guilty with those 
 who stole human beings and sold them into bondage. 
 Such was then the vitiated state of "Public Opinion " in 
 this City, that my best friends dare not attend my trial at 
 the court-house. 
 
 I am sometimes asked why do I remain where I am so 
 despised by the ignorant whites, who know no better 
 than to be the tools of designing political knaves; but my 
 answer is, " I intend to fight it out on this line " if it 
 takes me another decade. 
 
59 
 
 To show the reader how sometimes relbnns are very 
 much aided by working men, if not altogether carried by 
 them, in English Possessions as well as in England and 
 on the Continent of Europe, I take the pleasure of in- 
 serting my brother's letter, or so much thereof as shows 
 what a working man can do (if he will act fearlessly) 
 against a Tyrant towards his removal — the latter part of 
 which goes to show what a foreigner thinks of Andrew 
 Johnson. 
 
Li^ttin: ai ^inxla.tiij. 
 
 (iiHK.M/i'AR, Fehrnarij 17, 1867. 
 William Boyd, A1, 1)., 
 
 Dear Brother: I have several times written to yon, 
 but have had only one letter from you since I saw you, 
 and, on reflection, I have come to the conclusion that I 
 was to blame for our disagreement, as I presumed to give 
 you advice unsolicited, and sometimes in language which 
 I now very much regret ; and from it I have learned to 
 be more careful in my language with all men ; and I re- 
 frain from meddling in public afl:airs except on very 
 special occasions, and then in the most respectful lan- 
 guage which I know how to use towards an opponent. 
 For instance — about tw^o years ago I was one of a jury at 
 the Court of Requests ; the case was one of assault of an 
 English officer upon a Spanish groom. And as the 
 judge of the court, Mr. Costello, showed a barefaced par- 
 tiality in the aft'air, and as I happened to be the only 
 Englishman on the jury, all the others being natives of 
 Gibraltar, and opprobiously denominated rich, and as my 
 business lay most among English officers, I was the 
 anchor of their hope — but in that they were disappointed. 
 I had sworn to render a verdict accordinor to the evidence 
 
til 
 
 before the conrl. A verdict was rondei-ed against the 
 officer, and of course against my interest. 
 
 The judge thought he could treat me in the same way 
 that he was in the habit of treating the inhabitants, and 
 when I met him the next day, in the street, he told me I 
 ought to be ashamed of my verdict. I bandied no words 
 with him at the time, but waited until the next day when 
 quite cool, lest I should make use of any phrase that I 
 might have to regret. 
 
 I wrote him a letter demanding an apology or T would 
 appeal to his superiors, which I did, hrst to Earl DeGray, 
 and Rippon, Her Majesty's Secretary of War. I got all 
 the satisfaction I wanted, and Costello was superseded 
 as Judge and Attorney General, which positions he had 
 held for twenty years. 
 
 I see by the " Evening Star " you kindly sent me, that 
 you are active in opposing Mr. Johnson's Policy. I 
 think the Republicans are in the right, from the fact that 
 I think all men are equal in the sight of God, as far as 
 political rights are concerned; but while opposing him 
 on matters of principle it would be better, I think, to use 
 only respectful language towards him, for after all he has 
 come to the Presidential Chair in a legitimate way, (that 
 is if he was not concerned in the death of Lincoln.) 
 
 Will Mr. Johnson, with the sword in his hand, permit 
 himself to be impeached? I think not; for if I have 
 estimated his character correctly, he will treat the Con- 
 gress in the same way that Cromwell treated the Rump 
 Parliament, and then those who have called him "Acting- 
 President " and "would-be-Dictator" wall be likely to 
 find him a real " Dictator." Oppose him by argument 
 but not by invective, since by using opprobrium you 
 make enemies rather than friends, as Mr. Johnson did 
 himself on his tour of the States. I hope you will not be 
 offended at me for oiiering advice. When you think it 
 over, take it for what it is worth. T hope when you re- 
 
ceive this you will favor me with a few lines, as I am 
 anxious to know how you and family are, also brother 
 John and family, and sister Eliza Jane and her family. 
 
 Enclosed please find my photograph as taken on my 
 fiftieth birthday. 
 
 Hoping this may find you and family in good health, 
 as it leaves me and mine, believe me, I remain as ever, 
 your aftectiouate brother, 
 
 ROBERT BOYD. 
 
The following poem, "Blind Incredulity Rebuked," 
 requires some little explanation. When I left England, 
 in 1849, 1 had to leave my wife and three children behind 
 me until I was able to send for them. Just as I w^as 
 about to start for here, my father-in-law wrote to his 
 daughter, Mrs, Boyd, and tried all he could to impress 
 upon her mind the idea that if I only got away she would 
 never hear from me again, that I would keep entirely out 
 of her reach, and thus spend my life without them, but 
 she knew me better than her father, and she told him 
 very frankly in her answer that she did not believe him. 
 My brother tried to make the same impression on the 
 day of my departure, but in vain. She and the children 
 went to her father's and stayed until I sent for her, in 
 two years after my arrival here — during which time I sent 
 remittances of over four hundred dollars to her. In the 
 spring of 1851 she had a whitlow on one of the fingers of 
 her right hand, and was therefore unable to write, so her 
 father wrote for her, which gave me considerable surprise 
 until I had ascertained, by reading the letter, what was 
 the matter. 
 
 At the time of writing the answ^er to his letter, Sir 
 Edward Bulwer Lytton and G, P, R. James were here, 
 toadying to the slave power all they could, like the 
 Traitor John Mitchell did during the Rebellion. 
 
OK 
 
 WM. BOYD, M.D/S, ANSWER TO HIS FATIIER-IN-LAWS 
 
 LETTER. 
 
 [Perl/, Ainboii, N. ./., 31(uj — , 1851.] 
 
 When on your epistle I gazed, 
 I was awe-stricken, bewildered, amazed: 
 I thought your letter was only to tell, 
 That my beloved and worshiped had fell — 
 That she whom T loved was no more. 
 My anguish ne'er had such hight before. 
 A thousand thoughts ran thro' my brain — 
 That I should ne'er see mv beloved ag-ain I 
 A sudden chill — and with" breath suppressed, 
 I broke the seal and hoped the best. 
 And as the writing met my eye, 
 I could but breathe a heavy sigh. 
 Yet when the eye three lines had seen, 
 A ray of hope just then did gleam: 
 Again I breathed and hastened to knt)W — 
 Whose signet was on the page below; 
 I was then transfixed, by niagio spell. 
 
As I read the name of Samuel Bell. 
 J^ot that it was out of place or rhyme — 
 To read your name at such a time, 
 But the dread thought of my after life, 
 To be spent without a loving wife — 
 Ran thro' my brain like molten lead, 
 And then I wished, I too was dead. 
 For life would drag heavily along — 
 Without her cheerful and happy song; 
 For she was wont to cheer and bliss, 
 And heal the wounded by a kiss ; 
 And give a new impetus to reflection, 
 By her Godlike kindness and affection. 
 I tliank you for your present favor, 
 And freely forgive your past behavior; 
 Tho' not grossly bad, I thought it so — 
 It caused me many a tear of woe: 
 When I thought of her I left behind — 
 To the mercies of a world so blind. 
 To right, and worth, and emulation, 
 And full of cruel black dissimulation. 
 You too helped to roll the ball, 
 As in your way it chanced to fall: 
 But anon, 'twill serve no end, 
 Or, rather aggravate or tend — 
 To excite your hate or malice, 
 Instead of a cheering solace. 
 Your grief just now I fear is great, 
 Which is apparent by your state. 
 You thought when England's shores I left, 
 That Martha was of support bereft ; 
 And that I, like a crouching slave, 
 Would seek some foreign unseen cave,' 
 And selfishly spend my future life — 
 Without my children or my wife ; 
 To know whether such prophecy be true, 
 I'll leave the matter now with vou. 
 
(ii; 
 
 Your lotter I read with anxious care. 
 
 And breathed tlie while a sacred prayer — 
 
 For my wife and children too, 
 
 Not forgetting \'onrs and yon. 
 
 'Tis needless in me to try — 
 
 To emulate so high, 
 
 As to enchant you by verse, 
 
 As mine to you may averse ; 
 
 But this I'll try, to make a rhyme, 
 
 That will serve at least in course of time. 
 
 To show my children that truth must be — 
 
 The motto of life — and ever free ! 
 
 Poetry, 'tis said, is an external sign. 
 
 Of innate thought, of love divine — 
 
 Of malice, hatred, or revenge — 
 
 Enemies to conquer or avenge. 
 
 Witli me 'tis only the mere wish, 
 
 To feast from the same dish. 
 
 (Some have feasted in ideal themes. 
 
 Of frightful tales, or fairy dreams, 
 
 Without the wish to mend the world; 
 
 Or see the flag of truth unfurled, 
 
 That this earth might a brighter aspect wear; 
 
 To propagate the beautiful, the fair; 
 
 That each and all might one jubilee sing — 
 
 To one general parent — Nature's King; 
 
 That their thrilling meeds of praise — 
 
 !Might form a succession of holydays. 
 
 For aught I know. Heaven is here; 
 
 For despised is king, queen, and peer, 
 
 ^'es, it may e'en now surround me. 
 
 Oh I* that it w^ere but around thee. 
 
 If there is aught on earth to inspire — 
 
 The genial feelings of poetic fire, 
 
 Or make the philosopher seek a higher s})liere; 
 
 For genius and worth, it is here. 
 
6( 
 
 To say nothing of the natural beauties around, 
 
 That here and everywhere abound: 
 
 In gorgeous splendor — on mountain and vale, 
 
 On forest, on prairie, on hill, or on dale; 
 
 By river, or lake, by sea, or by land, 
 
 So sweet in their beauty — on every hand : 
 
 The delicious fruits, so sweet and so rare ; 
 
 The beantiful flowers, all smiling and fair: 
 
 Dame nature to this countrv hath ffiven — 
 
 The solids of earth and the sweets of a heaven. 
 
 The people too are noble and great; 
 
 They worship no Cockatoo of State; 
 
 Their brains from all such thraldom are clear; 
 
 They know no distinction like peasant and peer ; 
 
 They'r hostile too, to every wrong, 
 
 And liberty's in their every song. 
 
 They teach their youths to hate and despise — 
 
 All hypocrites who would them advise, 
 
 To be contented with their lot. 
 
 Whether born in palace or in cot. 
 
 And when English hypocrites come here, 
 
 To seek a more speculative sphere — 
 
 For pride, for vanity, and fame. 
 
 Who think Americans are the same: 
 
 As those whom they helped to enslave, 
 
 Or bury in a patriot's grave. 
 
 By teaching a stupid and blind submission; 
 
 To all priestly and kingly decision. 
 
 Here the people do them greatly pity, 
 
 In every hamlet, town, or city: 
 
 They know that 'tis only home slavery — 
 
 That makes them practice such knavery. 
 
 Think you would it not be right to say, 
 
 That they came in the wrong day: 
 
 That they came rather too late ; 
 
 And that their writings are out of date. 
 
 'Tis likolv thev are sillv enouii-h to think — 
 
That tlioy can at ti'uth uud ,iu slice vviuk: 
 
 And by their slavish poetry and prose — 
 
 Lead the people by the nose. 
 
 It may, without levity, be said — 
 
 That they'r spirits from the dead, 
 
 Of three hundred years aj2;o — 
 
 When kings and queens were all the go; 
 
 When people were like cattle, 
 
 And had no claims to settle: 
 
 When peers the people owned, 
 
 And worked them until they groaned. 
 
 But I only want them to know — 
 
 That while they cut so great a show ; 
 
 It seems to be rather savory, 
 
 As if they were helpers of slavery : 
 
 Yet such may not be their intention, 
 
 Or have caused them mucli ap])rohension ; 
 
 Perhaps 'tis the want of light and trutli — 
 
 That makes them write so very smooth. 
 
 If so, 'twill take some of the renown. 
 
 From Sir Henry Bulwer Lytton, the Clown: 
 
 I mean, of worthless political twaddle; 
 
 AVith which he so oft' the people saddle. 
 
 Could I but change the literary switch, 
 
 And throw such twaddlers "in the last ditch," 
 
 It would give me more infinite pleasure — 
 
 Than the finding of a world of treasure. 
 
 G. — P. — R. — James and he. 
 
 Have fully disgusted me. 
 
 But to keep out of confusion, 
 
 1 will come to a conclusion. 
 
 Believe me, I am, as ever. 
 
 Your Son-in-law, 
 
 WM. BOYD. M.D. 
 
 Mr. S. Bell, 
 
 Bedford Beds, England^ Europe. 
 
Tlu^ Eingma. 
 
 Gues8, thoiiglitfiil reader, if y(.)U eaii. 
 
 Or name this bright, this generous man — 
 
 Vulgar minds would him fain abuse, 
 
 Error and wrong, with linked hands, misuse; 
 
 Regardless of truth and virtue's claim: 
 
 Ne'r read his speeches but in vain. 
 
 On bells of truth, in every nation, 
 
 Kings his voice for Emancipation ! 
 
 Lever of power, and scourge of kings ! 
 
 Oh ! bear it thither on truthful wings. 
 
 United in one, are his fame, and his goodness: 
 
 In truth lies his worth, and great is his shrewdness, 
 
 Solid his thoughts, and sure are his ways; 
 
 Knowledge the greatest foundation he lays : 
 
 Of kings and usurpers the truth he doth tell ; 
 
 So clear, and so purely, his ideas swell; 
 
 So natural his genius — so pure and so good — 
 
 Unmeasured by time, unspoken by mood. 
 
 To take the first letter of each line. 
 
 How sweet are the truths essayed in the rhyme. 
 
 Perth Amboy, Ajml 12, 1852. 
 
 DEIV3EO F!EFORf\nEOI 
 
Txx EiisB J^Btilia Mat^at^. 
 
 Miss MoRAN was a yoiiug lady, of Mew York Cily, who worked tor me, both 
 in New York City and in Perth Araboy, N. J. She was of Irish parents, 
 very handsome, and a most beautiful singer. The reader will find, upon ex- 
 amination of the following piece, that it is somewhat singular in its con- 
 struction. Uy commencing with the first letter of the first line and the first 
 one of the third line — that is, by skipping one each time — you will find an 
 Acrostic on the above-named young lady. 
 
 Could I in a line or two — 
 
 Impress you with a fact, 
 Euchaut you with a verse or two, 
 
 And make you think — reflect. 
 Could I encourage you to try, 
 
 To use that gift of Heaven ; 
 Innate it doth lie — 
 
 In that brain tliat God hath given. 
 Latent as the sun's sweet light — 
 
 Are thy faculties for brightness, 
 In truth's own battle let them fight ; 
 
 Oh I spend them not in lightness. 
 All nature lies before thee I 
 Mi B jk :^''6l iiiip^lislit'il hidden gems; 
 
 MB 1 3. 6 
 
71 
 
 May a worthy yet adore thee, 
 
 And foster nature's germs. 
 Onward! let your motto be, 
 
 In search of truth Divine, 
 Resolved thro' every mist to see — 
 
 With brightness may you shine! 
 As a child, sister, lover, and wife, 
 
 To make vour life worth having, 
 N^e'er foster any strife, 
 
 And live a life (or Heaven. 
 

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