THE PRESIDENT'S FAST; DISCOUKSE #iir '$Kimml €mus aii^ Jfdlies, PRIiACUKD I.V THE BROADW^VY TABERNACLE CHLIRCII, JANUARY 4, 1861. BY JOSEPH P. T NEW YOKK : THOMAS HOLMAN, PRINTER, CORNER OF CENTRE &. WHITE STS. 18 61. J THE PRESIDENTS FAST; DISCOUKSE §iir Ilatkniil Crimes anlr Jfollics, FREACUED IN THE BROADWAY TABERNACLE CIIURCK, JANUARY 4, 1861. _^'- / B JOSEPH p. THOMPSON. NEW YORK : THOMAS HOLMAN, PRINTER, CORNER OF CENTRE rd of hosts, the Mighty One of Israel, Ah, I will case me of mine adversaries, and avenge me of mine enemies. And I will turn my hand upon thee, and purelj' puree away thy dross, and take away all thy tin. Ami I will restore thy judges as at the first, and thy counselors as at the beginning : afterward thou hlialt Re called, Tlie city of righteous- ness, the faithful city. — Is.kum, i., •j:5-'J7. History becomes pertinent anil almost personal to present times, because two of the principal factors of liistury, tlie de- pravity of man, and the rij^hteous l^rovidencc of (lod, remain unchaiig-ed. It is as true to day as it was in Israel S'lOO years ago, that the lust of wealtli and power will lead a people of even the highest religious ideas and institutions to apostatize from God ; and that such apostaey will be followed by political and social corruption and degeiieracy, and by the righteous judg- ments of Jehovah. Tlie root of iiatiniial corruption ami decay is commonly found in some departure from public rectitiid(>, through the lust of aggrandizement and the pride of power : or in some general defection from principle in the public mind, through covetousiiess, luxury, or political expediency. A breach of mo- rality, a vitjlation of some fiiiidamental law or laws of ethics, as applied to society and nations, as surely leads to degeneracy and corruption in the State, as a breach of conscience tends to the defilement of the individual. And then, by the great law of retributive suffering that attends all human wickedness, and also by special Providential manifestations of (Jod's moral government over the world, come evils to society and the State that no political sao-acity can ward off, and no political constitution or combina- tion can resist. Such an epoch of abounding wickedness, and consequent 6 calamity and peril, this nation has reached, befure completing the first century of its independent existence. The Proclamation of the President of the United States recommending this as a day of Humiliation and Prayer, " in view of the present distracted and dang-erous condition of the country," sets forth — with some exaggeration of details and a melancholic strain of language, yet with a substantial basis of facts — that " the Union of the States is at tlie present moment threatened with alarming and immediate danger;" — that "our actual and impending calami- ties" are the result of "our own crimes and follies — our own ingratitude and guilt toward our Heavenly Father ;" and that therefore it becomes us " to humble ourselves before the ilost High, confessing our individual and national sins, and acknowl- edging the justice of our punishment." The morality of this reconnnendation, I am thankful to acknowl- edge, is of a higher grade than that of the Odend Manifesto — which openly advocated the robbing of a weak and declining neighbor, in order the more securely to hold in bondage a poor and oppressed race among ourselves ; which insisted that even by coercion we should acquire Cuba, in order to protect Slavery at the South against the contagious proximity of a Free Negro State. At the instance of President Pierce, the ministers of the United States to Great Britain, France, and Spain, convened at Ostend to consider the possibility of acquiring Cuba for the United States. As the result of that Conference, a document was forwarded to the Secretary of State, in which after arguing the commercial and political advantages to be derived from the pos- session of Cuba, the writers discuss the possibility of emancipa- tion in Cuba, either by concessions from Spain, or by servile insurrection. Contemplating the intluence of emancipation in Cuba upon the neighboring States of the South, the Conference proceed to ask, " Does Cuba, in the possession of Spain, seriously endanger our internal peace, and the existence of our cherished Union ? If this be answered in the affirmative, then, by every law human and divine, we shall be justified in wresting rr from Spain, if ^cc possess the jwwe?', and this upon the very same principle that would justify an individual in tearing down the burning house of his neighbor if there were no other means of preventing the flames from destroying his own house. Wo would be recreant to our duty, be unworthy of our gallant forefathers, and commit base treason against our posterity, sliunld \vc permit Cuba to be Africanized, and become a second St. Domingo."* Tlie first name appended to tbis document was Jamks Hi ciianan. Tbis audacious [)roposal of national piracy for tiie protection of slavery was understood to be Mr. Bucbanan's bid for tlic Presi- dency, and to indicate bis principles and policy. It is grateful to notice tbat tbe recommendation for to-day, deprecates national " crimes and follies " as provoking tbe just punisbment of beaveu. Tbe morality (jf tbis Fast-Day recommendation is bigber, also, tban that of tiie Inaugural Address of tbe same " public func- tionarj'," wbicb foresbadowed tbe false and inliuman dogma, so soon to be promulged from tbe Bench of the Supreme Court, tliat tbe Constitution of tbe Federal Union recognizes slaves as prop- erty, and pledges tbe General Government to protect it.f Tiie doctrine of tlie Inaugural was, tliat tbe existence or non-existence of Slavery in a territory of the United States is a matter of in- difference ; the moral aspec;ts of tlie (juestion arc ignored, and it is reduced to a mere common-place topic of numerical accident, or political convenience or expediency. Yet, it is assumed tbat tbe Federal Constitution sanctions Slavery in tbe territories, and tbat the Supren)e Court will so decide. No "crime or folly" was thought of then, in connection with the system that now agitates tbe land. The morality of this Fast-Day rccommemlation is more elevated tban that of the first ^fessage of the same high functionary, in 1857, declaring that the right of property in slaves then in Kan- sas, was guaranteed under tbe Constitution of tbe United States ; and defending the notorious attempt to force upon that territory a Pro-slavery Constitution, devised by fraud and maintained by armed invasion, with the whcjle force of the Federal (lovernment * The Conference met at Ogtend, Belgium. October 9, 10. and 11, 185t, and continued its ses.sion at Ai.v-la-Chnpello until the 18th of that month. The document addressed to Mr. Secretary Marcy was dated at Aiz, October 18, 1854, and signed by James Buchanan. J. Y. Ma.>^i)n. and Pierre Soulo. t This opinion in the case of Dred iScolt vs. San. (1!) How., SO."*) was uttered only three days after Mr. Buchanan's inauguration. In liis last annual .Message, the President refers to this fact as indicating the tone of his administration. He boasts that '• the Supreme Court has solemnly decided that slaves arc properhj, and, like all other property, their owners have a right to take them into the com- mon territories, and bold them there under the prottxtim of the ConstiiiUion.^' 8 upon the side of perjury and violence. And, lastly, the tone of this recommendation is quite above the morality of the recent Message of the President, imputing the prevalent discontent, and tlie threatened destruction of the Union, " to the long-continued and intemperate interference of the northern people with the question of Slavery in the Southern States." The Presidential lesson for to-day is pitched on quite another key. Instead of a plea for stealing Cuba ; for legitimating human chattelism in the territories ; for imposing Slavery upon Kansas by armed ruf- fians and perjured voters ; for the vigorous enforcement of ne- gro-catching, as the only means of preserving the Union from revolutionary resistance — instead of such topics which have formed the staple of our Presidential literature for the past four years, we have now a document whicli distinctly traces the "pres- ent distracted and dangerous condition of the country" to the " crimes and follies" of the nation, not excluding its Executive head ; and which seeks a remedy for this calamity and peril, not in the old specific of stealing negroes, whether in Cuba, Kansas, or NcAV York, not by interpolating Fugitive Slave Laws and Dred Scott decisions into the Constitution, but by confessing individual and national sins, by abandoning any " false pride of opinion which would impel us to persevere in wrong," by acknowledging the evils we suffer to be " a just punishment" from our Heavenly Father ; and of course, if we are not hypocrites— thougli the President forgets to say this— by openly renouncing and forsaking the crimes and follies that have brought us to this hour of danger. It seems a long way from the pirate's creed issued at Ostend, and the buccaneering manifestoes against Kansas, to the Calvin- istic humility and dependence of our Fast-Day lesson. Yet there is a logical connection between these extremes ; the crime meditated against Cuba, the bloody raid upon Kansas, an almost unbroken course of public injustice and wrong pursued in the interest of Slavery, have necessitated the marked judgments of Jehovah ; and these have startled the mummified consciences of public functionaries into an energy all the more terrific, because so long restrained. The handwriting is seen upon the wall, and the knees smite together. Under the lead of our rulers, we, as a na- tion, have followed Israel in boldly rebelling against God and mocking at his higher law, till we have become a people "laden with iniquity, a seed of evil-doers, children of corruption ;" keep- ing np the routine of relij^ioiis obsprvanccs, and inv^kin;^ the name of God, while our hands were fidl of Mood, and the wages of oppression and deceit ; till at length even our luinoes have become rebels and the companions of thieves ! I do not recall public documents so oflensiveto the mural sense of Christendom, with a view to criminate their individual author — for I would not forget that salutary precept of Christianity, " Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy [leople." But such documents, emanating from such a source, represent that tone of the public mind and that course of national policy which have precipitated upon us our present confusion and distress ; they exhibit that reckless disregard of justice and of moral f)bligation which has marked our public policy, since the system of Slavery, which our fathers outlawed from the Federal Constitution and fenced in by the ordinance of '87, has been suflered to dictate its own terms to political organizations, and to issue its own orders from the Senate Chamber, the Executive Cabinet, and the Supreme Bench of Justice. The prophet Isaiah assigns the corn]|>tion of the people and their rulers as the cause of the calamities that had overtaken Israel. And the specific instructions he gives as to the way of reformation, show the character of the sins of which they had been guilty as a nation. Seek judgment ; i. e., make justice the standard of your national policy ; seek justice — as Pr. Addison Alexander paraphrases it — "be not content with abstinence from wrong, but seek opportunities of doing justice, especially to those who can not right themselves ;" rifjhten the oppressed ; redress wrong, judge the fatherless — deal justly by him and protect him — "befriend the widow, take her part, espouse her cause ; orphans and widows being special objects of divine compassi