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LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 PRESENT CRISIS. 
 
 1. SLiVEIiY IN MISSOURI— Eapidly decliniDg. 
 
 ± NEBRASKA TERRITORY— Where is it? and What is it? 
 
 3. THE AMERICAN INDIANS— How shall the Government 
 
 treat them ? 
 
 4. THE PACIFIC RAILROAD— Where shall it run? and 
 
 Reasons why. 
 
 5. COMPROMISES— How kept, and what their effects. 
 
 6. THE TRUE PATRIOT'S DUTIES — To be performed 
 
 without delay. 
 
 "■\5^' 
 
 \ 
 

 NOTE TO THE READER. 
 
 I have lately received, from an esteemed friend, the fjllowlng let- 
 ters. They were written in reply to a request that he would furnish 
 me his opinions of the influence of slavery, upon the opening of Ne- 
 braska Territory, and the building of the Pacific Rail-road. So deep- 
 ly have they interested my own mind, so startling are some of the 
 facts disclosed, and so beneficial docs knowledge, by the people, con- 
 cerning these important questions, become in an is<:ue like the present, 
 that I have deemed it my duty to make them public. 
 
 Every one who reads these letters, will do so with far more interest 
 and benefit, if he has before him some one of the large mapsof Nortli 
 America, or the Western States and Territories. . 
 
 As they are sent forth for the benefit of the masses, I would re- 
 quest every gentleman to whom they are sent, to give them the widest 
 circulation in his power ; and to the Press — that inighty engine for 
 good or evil in every community — I especially commend them as af- 
 fording an opportunity of vast and immediate usefulness, wliicli will 
 be endless in its benefits to the people. 
 
 A. II. K. 
 Now York, Oct. 1st, 1853, 
 
LETTERS EOR THE PEOPLE. 
 
 LETTER I. 
 
 Saint Louis, June 1st, 1853. 
 
 My dear Friend: In rep"iy to your letter, requesting me to give 
 you my opinions of the signs of the times, and tlie bearings of the 
 great national questions justj now to be settled, asthey have been pre- 
 sented to my view at this point, — a point so deeply interested in both 
 the subjects you inquire about. — I shall, for my own satisfaction, as 
 well as to arrive at actual facts, give them a practical and minute, 
 as well as philosophical examination. 
 
 Highly as you estimate the importance of these questions, you can 
 not, and no man can, calculate a tentli of the influence they will ex- 
 ert to bless our land, if settled aright. We are passing a crisis, and, 
 if our country and our Congress do their duty to themselves, to uni- 
 versal humanity, and to God, all will be well. 
 
 You inquire, How large is Nebraska ? What are its soil and cli- 
 mate ? VVill it bo admitted as a Territory this v/inter ? Will it be 
 (vee ? Now, there are preliminary questions and side issues, which 
 should be first disposed of, to come to a true understanding of the 
 case; and, wliile I shall treat the two great topics in all my letters, 
 viz : 
 
 NEBRASKA TERRITORY-S/mZZ it hefreel 
 
 PACIFIC RAILIIOAD-Wliere shall it he hiiltl 
 
 1 shall examine, in my first letter, 
 
 The position of Missouri, as regards Slavery — Slavery waning in Missouri — Size and 
 importance of Missouri — Slavery unnatural to the State — Re-election of Thomr.s- 
 H. Benton— Why defeated — How re-elected — Internal improvements— State aji- 
 propriations — In^ux of foreigners — Influence of foreigners on Slavery : 
 
 And I proceed, as preliminary to the admission of Nebraska, to 
 examine 
 
 The social and polilical con/Vlion of the sovereign State of Missouri.. 
 
 Tliis vast State, now th-- frontier of civilization and refinement for 
 tii3 Atlantic side of our R,3pMbiic, is destined, before many years, to 
 be the very center of the nation, in business, wealth, and population. 
 The-'position of this State, g-^ographically, is but poorly understood 
 1'7 'h*"' nation at larfTo! It-i northern' boundary, if ex'^en'rl'^d en=;f".vard, 
 
4 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE. 
 
 the fann5U3 parallel of 33' 3:)in., ruas through Tennessee and North 
 Carolina, about five miles south of their north boundary. On the 
 east flows the Mississippi, and, on the west for 200 miles, and through 
 the whole center of the State, rolls the Missouri, measurinfj by its 
 windings more than 600 miles within the State. From the Mississip- 
 pi to the .Missouri, the State is about 220 miles wide; in the broadest 
 part, from the Mississippi to the western meridian, it is more than 300 
 miles. 
 
 Saint Louis, the future metropolis of the nation, is situated on the 
 Mississippi river, midway between the northern and southern bounda- 
 ries of the State, and is on the same line with the city of Washington. 
 
 All the land north of tlie Mi-ssouri, and a strip sjuth of it, reaching 
 across the State, is suited for agriculture. There is no richer land 
 in the world, n)ne which can produce heavier crops, or which more 
 readily responds to tlie exertions of the husbandman. The southern 
 half of the State consists of beautiful grazing lands, interspersed with 
 mineral sections, whicji alone make her richer than any other State 
 in th.3 Union. Such !s the State, 300 miles from north to south, with 
 an average breadth of 231' miles. 
 
 .Missouri is one of those States "blessed" with the curse of slaverv, 
 and its political relations to the Union are dilFerent from those of any 
 other State in tlie confederacy. Her admission was a cause of con- 
 tention, which ^Iiook the whole nation to its center. A compromise 
 was effected. Henry Clay brought forward an agreement between 
 the coniendin'i p irties, to wliich they assented. But, even while he 
 produced the Missouri Compromise, while he himself was a slave- 
 holder, he urged tlie citizens of Missouri not to pemiit the introduc- 
 tion of slavery, and declared, were he a citizen of that State, he 
 would oppose the legalizing of slavery there with all his ability. — 
 Had Missouri but heeded his prophetic voice, what hundreds of thou- 
 sands of population, what tens of millions of moneys, now unpossess- 
 ed, would have been hers. 
 
 But slavery, although legalized in this Slate, has never flourished 
 in it to any great e.vtent. The contest concerning its admission was 
 so fisrce, tliat it has seemed to the south as questionable, whether cr 
 not slavery could maintain the f )othold, whicli it then obtained. And 
 this feeling is beginning to enter tlie minds of our most discerning 
 citizens who are owners of slaves; and it is not without foundation. 
 1 proceed to give some data, to show that 
 
 The InslUuUon of slavery is fast crumbling, and is soon to fall in 
 Missouri : 
 
 I state as an indication of the feeling in regard to slavery in .Mis- 
 sfturi . 
 
 1. The re-idection of Thomas H. Benton lo Congress. 
 
 In the midst of the agitation which recently pervaded the nation, 
 and iho threatened division of the Union, the Legislature of the State 
 of .Missouri gave in their pledge of adherence to a Soutiiern Confede- 
 racy, siiould one be formed ; and also gave instructions to their Sen- 
 ators and Representatives how to vote, in all cases involving slavery 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 5 
 
 and the Wilmot Proviso. Mr. Benton, in the Senate, disobeyed these 
 instructions, and refused to form any union with southern nullifiers. 
 Tliis called down the wrath of the slaveocracy of Missouri ; he was^ 
 broken of the honor he had borne for thirty years, as a Senator of 
 this State. His enemies supposed they had triumphed ; for a time, 
 his friends almost despaired ; but, offering himself as a candidate for 
 the Lower House, he was elected. He now holds a place, as far as 
 personal influence is concerned, more powerful than before ; and his 
 friends hope, at the next Senatorial election, to place him in the seat 
 at present occupied by Mr. Atchison, and his enemies with trembling 
 are expecting it will be done. 
 
 The defeat of Mr. Benton resulted not so much from a di^Iike to 
 his sentiments, as from fierce, sudden opposition, which dispirited his 
 friends, while he was not present to reply, or encourage them. But 
 they have rallied, and he himself upon the trail of Atchison, v.ith the 
 courage and the strength of a lion, is making a canvass of the State. 
 
 I believe it is the policy of the Whigs throughout the Union, to per- 
 mit slavery to* take its natural course, to neither legislate to extend it, 
 nor to uproot it ; but to let the various elements, in the constitution of 
 a free and Christian nation gradually, but surely, eradicate the evil. 
 In Missouri, the Whig party, as a whole, may be considered as Wil- 
 mot Proviso men, who would not, it the question could be brought up 
 distinctly by itself, do any thing to directly continue, or propagate, 
 slavery. While this is true, so long as Missouri is a slave State, the 
 great parties must and will act in accordance with the economy of 
 the State, and may, in their strifes, leave this question untouched. — 
 Thus it is with the Whig party of Missouri. 
 
 Mr. Banton, however, is a democrat. His defeat was upon the 
 express ground, that he did not regard the slave interest of Missouri. 
 He acknovvlediied that he did not, and declared she would be infinite- 
 ly richer, happier, more populous and prosperous, were she free. 
 He eats none of his words, he takes no st-'p backward. When cast 
 out of the Senate, speaking to his enemies, he declares that should 
 all his friends desert him, he would alone maintain his position on 
 this question. " The loar is a war of extermination, and the war is hut 
 just begun." Such are his sentiments, they are founded upon the 
 glorious scenes which rise before his far-seeing eye in the future, 
 when, with a difF^rent policy, Missouri having marched to the first 
 rank among the peerless sisterhood of States, his statue shall be 
 crowned with laurel, and his name honored in song, as her noblest 
 son. He cannot fall back from his position, for the longer he gazes, 
 the brighter grows the vision, and the louder the acclamations. With 
 such sentiments in his mouth, was he re-elected in tiie face of the 
 most violent opposition ; and with such sentiments in his heart are the 
 people of Missouri preparing to elevate him again to the Senate. He 
 could be elected to the Senate to-day, if the question were proposed 
 to the people. The instructions he disobeyed, and the diss.iiution 
 action of the legislature, are to day hateful and odious wiili the peo- 
 ple. Politically, it may safely be set down that thiee-fourths of the 
 
e LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, 
 
 State would vote against slavery, were the question to come up di- 
 redly, slavery or no slavery in Missouri. 
 
 I mention as an indication that slavery is soon to fall in Missouri. 
 
 2. The progress of Internal Improvements. 
 
 It is a common saying in tliis State, "one German knocks out three 
 slaves, one Irishman two;" and it is as true as common. Labor is 
 very high, white servants can not be obtained, and the owners of 
 slaves let them at high prices. This diminution of hands on the 
 plantations makes the price of those retained still higher; and, in 
 this, manner, a demand is produced for slave labor, which would not 
 exist in the State, could tfiose who '■ hire," and do not " own," sup- 
 ply themselves with white help. 
 
 Legislative aid, amounting to more than SS. 01)0,000, has just been 
 granted to various railroads in the State. Hannibal and St. Joseph, 
 81,500,000 ; Pacific, S3,0a0,0l!.> ; South Western, S 1.000,000 : Iron 
 Mountain, §750,000 ; North .Missouri,- 62,('00,000. All of 'these 
 roads will be in progress this year, and they will produce a vastinflu.x 
 of foreign population. Wherever these roads run, the families of labor- 
 ers can find, within a (ew miles, employment and good wages. Labor, 
 being high in all departments, many will leave the employ of the 
 contractors, and become residents of the various towns and cities. 
 
 When the roads are completed, the State will find some L5,000 or 
 20,000 foreign population within its borders, ready to do any kind of 
 work that may be offered, — a population which will tell politically as 
 well as socially, upon the .system of slavery. This State has never 
 before offered for construction any public work, either railroad or 
 canal, so much the delight ofthe foreign population. There has been 
 no excitement to call them hither. But now, the time has come, the 
 people demand improvemenrs in transportation, travel, mails, and they 
 will have them. Each section, jealous of every other, demands them 
 at the same time ; and the next five years will witness an immiirra- 
 tion of foreigners into this State, which will have, no parall.^1 in. the 
 West. Many are now in the State, scattered in every direction, 
 ready to give their brethren a hearty welcome, and pninl out to them 
 the speediest and richest avenues to a competency, when they shall 
 come among ihem. 
 
 Nor is this all. A great portion of the foreign population of our 
 country congregate in large towns, and go from one place to another 
 wliere the stag.'s of travel are easy, ([uick, and cheap, taking em- 
 ployment wherever they can find it, and hearinu^of all good openings 
 for labor in the neigiiborhood of llie road. Tims, when these shall 
 bo all completed, and in re<rular operation, they will steadily and ra- 
 pidly furnish to the State free labor. 
 
 It is probable that, within fiv,^ years, as the direct result of the 
 building of these railroails. 15,000 men, not now in the State, will be 
 introduced; and of women and children belonging to them able to 
 labor, there will be 15,0i)() more. In the sam- time, the increase of 
 the whole slave population will not exceed 15,000, and they, too, al. 
 most all young children, — a burden and expense to their owners for 
 the first twelve years. 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 7 
 
 Thus, while the whole increase of the efficient slave-working force, 
 for the next five years, will probably be less than four thousand, the 
 efficient white force, of foreigners alone, will amount to some 30,000, 
 in addition to the children they will bring with them and produce, in 
 that period. 
 
 Wherever in a slave State a foreigner goes, he not only creates a 
 competition disadvantageous to slave labor, buf carries absolute op- 
 |)osition to it Avith him. There are every where in slave States, 
 thousands of men, who would rather hire a man and pay him for his 
 services, than hire a slave, and pay a master for his labor. Although 
 the deepest love often exists between a master and slave, it is rare 
 indeed that it springs up between the hirer and the slave. On the 
 other hand, friendship doss constantly spring up between the employ-- 
 er and the employed, where both are voluntary in their mutual agree- 
 ment. Almo^ unconsciously to themselves, this class which is vast- 
 ly the majority in this State will, with the supply of free labor, en-. 
 tirely withdraw their support from the institution of slavery, and 
 gradually look upon it as a nuisance, and a disadvantage to the com- 
 munity ; and then desire, and at last take steps to rid themselves of 
 it. This is the inevitable course of things. 
 
 More anon. 
 
 Yours truly, Lynceus. 
 
 LETTER II. 
 
 Decliue of Slavery in Missouri, continued — Saint Loftis — Population — Slaves — Free 
 element — Situation — Rivers — Railroads — Prospects — Census — Slaves in Missouri — 
 Farnas in Missouri — Social Distribution o\ Slaves — 'Number of efficient Slaves — 
 Ratio of Freedom — Free Ratio rapidly increasing. 
 
 Saint Louis, June 10th, 1853. 
 
 My dear Friend : In my last, I enumerated some of the indica- 
 iions, that slavery is soon to fall in the State of Missouri. I will 
 MOW mention, 
 
 3. The rapid and healthy growth of this nohle city. 
 
 Between 1840 and 1850, Saint Louis gained 66,275 inhabitants. 
 The county of Saint Louis, including the city, had, in 1850, 105,064. 
 VVhat character of population was that, as regards the question before 
 us ? There are now in Saint Louis county, including the city, but 
 5,937 slaves, while the whole population probably exceeds 135,000 : 
 so that, since 1840, there has been a gain on the side of '• No sla- 
 very in Missouri," of more than 100,000, in twelve years in a 
 single county. This 100,000 are worth as much money in a physi- 
 cal capacity for labor alone, as the 87,000 slaves of the State. The 
 .State, then, has gained in this one city and county more absolute value 
 of energy, enterprise, and labor, than all the slave property of Mis- 
 souri, which has been sixty years reaching its present amount and 
 value. 
 
9 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, 
 
 Among this 100,000 are men 'of education ami talent, in the pulpi:. 
 at the bar, and in the liospital, who bring to us the honor and respect 
 of the nation. In t!iat 100,000, also can be found more than threo- 
 fourths of the capital and business talent, which are rolling money 
 so rapidly into our State, and exert so commanding an influence over 
 the mercantile interests of the whole of the Mississippi, Missouri. Il- 
 linois, and Ohio valleys. When we consider not only the bones, 
 sinews, and muscles, gained since 1840, here in our own city, worth 
 as I have stated more than all the slaves in Missouri, but add to that 
 the intelligence, and freedom of action, of this mass of beings ; and 
 then add to that the vast abilities, the capital, aivJ the influence it 
 possesses, and the slavery of Missouri fades into insignificance be- 
 fore it. 
 
 But the growth of this city has just commenced. Nature has pla- 
 ced her midway between the springs and oullits of the Mississippi, 
 has seated her between the mouths of tlie Missouri and Ohio, and 
 pours upon her bosom tlie waters of the Illinois. So long as thesf 
 mighty rivers shall flow, she will have a commerce which will yea: 
 by year increase. 
 
 And art and science have been called in, to assist in those direc- 
 tions where mighty rivers do not flow. Already, by her steamers 
 and the Alton railroad, she is pouring supplies of merchandize into 
 <Jentral Illinois. Sh? is binding herself to Cincinnati by iron baufU. 
 to make it but a stopping station between New York and the metr- - 
 polis. [See map.] 
 
 She is building a railroad to bring the iron mountain within h^^i 
 corporation. She is constructing another to turn tiie wealth of low.i 
 and Minnesota into her bjsom. She is running a line west 300 miles 
 to the Indian country, there to cross the Missouri into thp fertile 
 Platte country, th'jnce to be extended to the Pacific States ; and sh*^ 
 is stretcliing another still into the valley of the Arkansas. Such arc 
 lier prospects ; a circle of a tliousand miles, north and west, rolls all 
 its commerce and products into her marts ; and as tiicse countries 
 increase in pipulation and wealth, so must increase her standing and 
 glory.' 
 
 It is true that our pap rs are defiled by the advertisements of slave, 
 traders, but they are few. Our Court-house witnesses the sab"', in 
 the public street, of " God's image cut in ebony ;"' and yet, this is 
 emphatically a Iree city. When tlie auctioneer loaves the block, tiio 
 Abolitionist, even, may mount it and make his harangues, and bt^ 
 protected by the masses. Most of \\\o sales aro for debt, or to close 
 testates in accordance with the statute law. As a citv Indonging to a 
 slave State, wo live on, and try to be peaceable, and obey the law3 ; 
 s<^eing a brighter and h ippier day fast approaching. 
 
 But while St. Louis says nothing about slavery, she nevertheless 
 wishes slavery abolisiiod. Were the 87,000 slave's Ui'i\ there would 
 1)0 a more brisk circulation of monev. There would be hT^OOO new 
 consumers, at once, in the State. Labor would be more honorable, 
 and the pursuits of 'agriculture being followed with more energy, 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 9 
 
 commerce would be sensibly increased. But St. Louis bides her 
 time. She is attracting the eyes of the whole nation ; emigrants 
 hear of her, and through her of the State, and in armies they arc- 
 coming to obtain homes on her fertile lands. The day hastens when 
 St. LoTiis shall boast her 50 0,000, and when Missouri shall be free. 
 
 I mention as another indication, 
 
 4. Tke developments of the last Censu-'t. 
 
 I have with great care prepared the following original statistical 
 tables, from the limited sources within my possession. They may 
 bo depended upon as correct ; the authority upon whose data they 
 are founded, is the :3d edition of Richard S. Fisher's Census of th-e 
 U.S. for 18.30, and the Family Christian Almanac, for 1853. 
 
 This table contains a statement of the following facts, Tiie total 
 population ; the total number of whites ; total number of free blacks ; 
 total number of slaves; proportion of free persons to each slave ; 
 proportion of slaves to each farm ; proportion of slaves to each free 
 black. These items are calculated f^r each of the slave Slates indi- 
 vidually. 
 
 1 
 
 ^ i 
 
 -S 
 
 
 S 
 
 j 
 
 03 
 
 o 
 
 
 o 
 
 "5 
 
 i 
 
 
 o 
 
 05 
 
 
 tm^ 
 
 States. 
 
 
 5 
 
 fa 
 
 
 o 
 
 S 
 j3 
 
 g_,'- 3J ^ 0, O 
 
 III 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 ~s. 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 H &H 
 
 Eh 
 
 H 
 
 2, 
 
 ~o 
 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 91,535 71,289 
 
 17,957 
 
 2,289 
 
 6,063 
 
 39,0 1.2 
 
 3.7 
 
 Maryland , 
 
 583,(135 419,590 
 
 74,077 
 
 90;^68 
 
 472,528 
 
 21,860 
 
 5.4 3.7 
 
 4.1 
 
 Virginia, 
 
 1,421,061 894,204 
 
 53,929 
 
 77,015 
 
 2.0 8.7 
 
 6.1 
 
 North Carolina, 
 
 868,903 553,295 
 
 27,196 
 
 283,4 13 
 
 56,916 
 
 2.0 10.6 
 
 5.1 
 
 South Carolina, 
 
 663,507 274,647 
 
 8,851 
 
 385,009 
 
 27,868 
 
 0.13 43.0 
 
 13.8 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 905,999 521,438 
 
 2,880 
 
 331,631 
 
 51,759 
 
 \-^ 
 
 132.0 
 
 7.4 
 
 Alabama, 
 
 771,671 426,507 
 
 2,272 
 
 312,892 
 
 41,964 
 
 1.2 
 
 150.0 
 
 8.2 
 
 Mississippi, 
 
 606,555 295,75S 
 
 899 
 
 30y,89S 
 
 33,960 
 
 0.9 
 
 344 
 
 9.0 
 
 Louisiana, 
 
 511,974 255,416 
 
 17,537 
 
 23'J,U21 
 
 13,422 
 
 1.1 
 
 13.6 
 
 17.8 
 
 Texas, 
 
 212,592 154,102 
 
 331 
 
 53,161 
 
 12,198 
 
 2.6 
 
 175.7 
 
 4.7 
 
 Florida, 
 
 87,41)11 47,167 
 
 925 
 
 39,309 
 
 4,304 
 
 1.2 
 
 42.6 
 
 9.1 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 982,4j5 761,688 
 
 9,736 
 
 210 981 
 
 74,777 
 
 3.6 
 
 21.6 
 
 2.8 
 
 Tennessee, 
 
 1,002,625 756, 89S 
 
 6,271 
 
 239,461 
 
 72,710 
 
 3.1 
 
 28.0 
 
 3.2 
 
 Missouri., 
 
 632,143 592,077 
 
 2,544 
 
 87,422 
 
 54,458 
 
 6.9 
 
 31.0 
 
 1.6 
 
 Arkansas, 
 
 209,639 i62,06b 
 
 I 589 
 
 46,932 
 
 1 17,758 
 
 3.4 
 
 79.7 
 
 2.6 
 
 Dist. Columbia, 
 
 51,687 47,99t 
 
 1 
 
 1 3,683 
 
 1 
 
 14.0 
 
 
 
 By this table it appears, that while Mi.ssouri is second only to Tex- 
 as in size, and seventh in population among ihe slave States, she is 
 tiie eleventh as regards her slave population. She is also tiie lifth in 
 the number of cultivated farms. But more to the purpose: With 
 the exception of little Delaware, with her eight free blacks to every 
 slave, and thirty-eigh free persons to every slave, and but out-third 
 of a slave to work a plantation, with a slave increase of only eighty- 
 three in ten years ; leaving out this little State, Missouri has twice as 
 *tfong a free element within her as any other slave State ! 
 
 Slave labor is especially valuable in agricultural pursuits, where 
 the owner can feed his slaves, and clothe thein, at the actual cost o! 
 li«ne productions of food and clothing. It is not so profitable 
 
10 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, 
 
 Mrhere all they eat and wear must be purchased at higli market pri- 
 ces. It is profitable where one man can control and oversee the la- 
 bor of several individuals, in reference to the most plain kinds of la- 
 l)or, but not where it takes one-half the time of a man worth SL50 
 |)er day, to oversee a slave worth 75c. per day. 
 
 1 will make a brief calculation, respecting what division could be 
 made of the slaves of Missouri, supposing that witiidruwing them 
 trom all other occupations, they could become common tit-Id iiands. 
 There are 87,4 :i2 slavts, and 54,458 farms, so there would be but 
 1 fi-lOths slaves to work each farm. 
 
 But in this estimate, we have considered them as all adults and 
 able to labor ; wheras the truth is far the opposite. There are 
 among ihos ; S7,00t), at least one-tliird who are unable, on account 
 of old age. sickness, or extreme youth, to repay iheir mast >rs even 
 for the food and clothing they consume : these then must at least bt- 
 subtracted from the uhole sum. and it stands thus 67,422 — 27,140 
 =60,282. There is then an efficient force, capable of labor, of only 
 (i0,223 to work 54,458 farms, or only one and one-tenth slave for eacli 
 farm. 
 
 But here again we have assumed, that this 60,223 l^ere all males, 
 whereas one half of them are women, so that the effective miAe force 
 in all Missouri, is but 30.141 for 54,453 farms, or but 5i-teiilhsaf a 
 man to each Axrm, or in other words :i0,141 farms have each one 
 male slave, sjin3where from 12 to 60 years of age, while 24,327 
 have none at all. 
 
 But here we have again assumed, that only one male slave is held 
 by a master, and liiat as many persons as possible, are implicated 
 in this traffic. It must now be considered, that slaves are owned 
 generally in Aimilies, or gangs, and that they are worked in num. 
 bers. There are slavehold'-rs on the .Missouri river who hold 400, 
 300, 200, or 150, slaves apiece ; t!ien there are some who own 30, 
 to, or 50, and many who own fro-n 10 to 25 ; and it is almost uni- 
 versally true, that where a man has anything to do with the ownin'g 
 <»f slaves, he has not less than froni 4 to 7. 
 
 Were we then to divide the number of efficient male slaves by 
 three, we should Hill below rather than exceed their true distribution, 
 among tlic population. There are 30,111 male working slaves; at 3 
 to each plantation, 10,047 farms would be supplied witii slave labor, 
 leaving 44,401 farms without a single male slave. 
 
 But again we must make a deduction : we have based these vari- 
 es distributions of shivps. upon th^ assumption that they wore all 
 farmers, and worked on planlations. But this is not true, many are 
 owned by merchants, mcthanics, and genilenicn ot leisure, and to 
 arrive at the truth in refer- nco to the agricultural slav.' .stroi^gth, we 
 must deduct some 5,000 clmic^' mak-s, whoare engaged as house ser- 
 vants, porters, cartmen, teamsters, mechanics, and in hemp and to. 
 l>acco factories, this leaves us hut 25.141 for 54.458 Inrms. Three 
 Klaves being the average f-)rcr on a farm gives a supply to but 8.143 
 farms, leaving'4(i.315 without a slave. Such is beyond a doubt, the 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 11 
 
 absolute condition, of the slave agricultural interest in Missouri, and 
 if slave labor is profitable any where, it is in this branch of industry. 
 
 As in the general white population, so in general negro population, 
 the female element is just equal to the male, i. e., the tsvo sexes vary 
 but slio;htlv as reaards total numbers. So that if we can settle the 
 true distribution of the males, we can justly apply the same distri- 
 bution to the females, and to the children also. It will however be 
 perceived that we have, in all our calculations thus far, been to high, 
 for we have allowed to each male and female over 16 years of age, but 
 one child under that age, and the blacks are notoriously prolific. 
 
 What, then, is the fact, as regards slavery in Missouri, as connect- 
 ed with the agricultural interest of the State ] It is, that while there 
 are 54.000 men with farms under cultivation, there are 8.143 who 
 own slaves, and work their land witlf them ; while there are 46.315 
 who will not touch or use the system for their own aggrandizement, 
 and who, when it shall come to the issue, " Shall slavery continue 
 longer in Missouri ? " will cast six votes against it for every one the 
 slave farmers of Missouri will cast for it. 
 
 Let us, in the next place, consider the social distribution of the 
 slaves, as regards the whole population of the State : 
 
 The census states that there are 100.089 families in the State. 
 The slaves in the census are not counted in families by themselves ; 
 the white families only are counted, and the slaves counted as be- 
 longing to the master. The average size of the families of this State 
 is 6 and seven-tenths to each familv. At this rate, were they count- 
 ed by themselves they would be 13.043 families of slaves, which 
 would leave 87.842 free families. As before remarked, slaves are 
 held in considerable numbers, wlien held at all ; and each real slave- 
 holder generally holds as much as one family, of 6 and seven-tenths 
 members. But by no means to over estimate the matter, we will as- 
 sume, that each slave-holding family holds but half a family of slaves. 
 or, 3 and four-tenths slaves, a man, a woman, a child from 7 to 14, 
 and 1 from 1 to 7 years old. Every one acquainted through the State 
 will know, that this is an estimate far to low ; but upon even this 
 basis, let us proceed. 
 
 There will, then, be in Missouri 26.098 families, holding slaves ; 
 on the other hand including tlie slaves held, as such, there are 74.794 
 families, opposed to slavery. 
 
 Politically, however, the case is two-fold : 
 
 1. l^ the question of gradual emancipation, should be acted upon 
 through the General Assembly of the State, the slaves, according to 
 the constitution of the government, must be counted against them- 
 selves; for, in the apportionment of districts, every five slaves count 
 as three freemen, so that in those districts where slavery is strongest, 
 and could perhaps obtain a majority vote, there fewer votes elect a 
 delegate, and those the votes of their masters ; we must therefore add 
 to the 26.093 slave-ho'ding families, three-fifths of slave-held families, 
 and we find 33,925 families politically efficient for slavery, while 
 53,817 families are poliucally efficient against it in the State Legis- 
 lature. 
 
10 LETTERS FOR THE rEOPLE. 
 
 '-!. In a popular votn. — Here matters assume a now r:)rm. Every 
 white citiz 'U votes directly unon the question before him ; h^ve the 
 ■slave pnp.ilation make no (lifTTcnco, they neither aill to nor detract 
 from tho strength of either party, and the families holding slaves 
 <v3me directly in contact with those who do not ; or 20,0'Jfi families, 
 are oppos^-d by 53,817 families holding no slaves. 
 
 More anon. 
 
 Yours trulv, Lynceus. 
 
 LET'^ER III. 
 
 Decline of Slavery in Missouri, continued— Ratio of Freedom to Slaverj- — Ratio pro- 
 gressive — Slave localities — Free localities — Slave Counties retrograding — Project- 
 ed Courses of Railroads — Distrust of Refractory Slaves — Neglect to Import Slaves 
 — Removal o( Planters to other States — General uneasiness of Masters — Extreme 
 anxiety respecting the organization of Nebraska. 
 
 Saint Louis, June 20, 1S53. 
 My dear Friend : In my last I was e.xhibiting the developments 
 of the last Census. I now statf, as a proof that .Missouri is to be 
 free, — 
 
 5. The ratio of individual freedom to individual serxnlude. 
 
 In .Mi.ss:iuri tliere are 594,621 free persons, and 87,4*32 slaves ; 
 there are, therefore, in the State fi 9-lOihs free persons lo each slave. 
 For every gray-haired, broken-down old slave, there are seven old 
 white men ; for every slave in the vigor and prime of life, there are 
 seven wiiite men. For every slave woman, a maiden or a mother, 
 there are seven white women ; and for every youth or infant born 
 and hold as a slave, there are seven white infants or youths free. 
 Now, whf^n we remember that one third of these slaves are so young 
 as to need the care of a mother — that where a slave man is held, 
 there a slave woman also is held to do the hnusoliold work ; and 
 when a;^ain those who hold them strive to obtain as many as they 
 can, to pare d out among their growing families, we find that generally 
 •.)nly as many white pf'r,sons are interestrd in the holding of slaves a.s. 
 there are slaves to be lield. Ther.^ ar^^ then, not more than 87.422 
 persons, old and young, in Missouri, wjio have any interest or jirofit 
 from the hohling of slaves ; and thus, for every one who favors tltr 
 institution, tliere are si.x who oppose it. 
 
 In what liiiht does this place the institution of slavery in otir State ? 
 is it safe — is it a delectable position to own slaves here ? It seems 
 to me the most imcomfortable in the whole world. In Kentucky, 
 there has been a public movement to bring about a plan o{' gradual 
 eiTiancipation, and they were defeated by a majority of about one- 
 third. Hilt tlial defeat was wrought by a commingling of the ques- 
 tion with [)artv prejudices and local interests, ami by a fierce and 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 13 
 
 overbearing vindication of slavery. But compare, for one moment, 
 the ratio we have been examining, as we find it in these two States. 
 Kentucky has 701,688 free persons ; Missouri, 593,077 : Kentucky 
 has 210,981 slaves; Missouri, 87,422. In Kentucky, there are 
 3 6.10ths whites to eacii slave ; in Missouri there are 6 9-lOths 
 whites for each slave: so that Missouri lacks but 3-lOths of a unit 
 to have a free element within her iivice as great as that in Kentucky; 
 t and the element of freedom in Missouri is more intelligent, influen- 
 tial, and wealthy, as a whole, than in Kentucky. How, then, when 
 the masses of Missouri shall demand a popular vote — " Slavery or 
 no slavery in Missouri ?" — how will the decision fall ? She can pojl 
 a vote for freedom twice as strong as that of Kentucky, and she will 
 lind more powerful advocates to urge the side of freedom. 
 
 I have often felt that I should like to write upon this subject for 
 our city papers ; but I knew they would not publish the articles. 
 Our political journals make their bread by their columns, and they 
 therefore follow public sentiment, and cater to it, rather than lead it. 
 If, however, a moderate journal, ably conducted, were established in 
 this city, whose avowed object was to bring about, in the best manner, 
 a svsteii) of gradual emancipation for our State, its circulation would 
 be immense, and its usefulness almost vvitliout a limit. It will not. 
 however, be many years before public sentiment will have so far 
 changed, that the " K,epublican," "Democrat," "Union," and "In- 
 telligencer," will all stand upon the free side of the question. 
 1 mention, as another indication, 
 6. The steady increase of this ratio of freedom. 
 In the year 1820, before Missouri was really a State, there were 
 within her limits 5 5-lOths free persons to each slave. The Com- 
 promise passed, and slavery legalized, a heavy immigration from slave 
 States commenced, and the ratio of freedom in ten years sunk one- 
 fifth, or descended from 5 5-1 Oths to 4 5 lOths white men for each 
 slave ; but, true to nature and her geographical position, the free ele- 
 ment again increased, and gained in the next ten years what it lost 
 from 1820 to 1-30, so that in 1840 the ratio stood again at 5 5-lOths 
 white to each slave. Since that it has gone rapidly forward, and in 
 1350 had gone, in ten years, from 5 5-lOths to 6 9-lOths free to 
 each slave. 
 
 What will the end of these things be ? For 2^ years the free ele- 
 ment faster and faster has been outstripping the slave element ! 
 What will be the condition of Missouri wiien Jan. 1st, 1860, shall 
 pour its light upon us. During the last ten years the free increase has 
 been 802-lOOOlhs, and the slave 507.1000ths, on their own previous 
 accumulations. Now, if the State shall increase for the present ten 
 years at the same ratio, it will gain, by January 1st, 1860, 477,402 
 freemen, and only 44,477 slaves ; and the total population will be 
 1,070,542 freemen, and only 132,244 slaves, or a ratio of 8 1-lOth 
 ^vhites to every slave. 
 
 But wiil this be the increase for the present ten years ? It will 
 net ! Slaves in crcat numbers were brought into Missouri up to 1846, 
 
14 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE. 
 
 Since January, 1850, scarce a slave has been brought into Missouri. 
 The slaves taken away by masters removin<T, and those sold South on 
 account of misdemeanors, will far outnumber those now brought into 
 the Stute. 
 
 Again : the immigration into Missouri, up to 1843. had been almost 
 entirely from the South ; but from tliat time, a foreign and northern 
 imn^igration set in, which every voar becomes larger and stronger. 
 All the men drawn hither by our public improv-^ments. will come 
 through an inHuenco which never befire existed. Ckir improvements, 
 themselves, making us the centre and not the outskirt of the nation, 
 will overcome tlie obstacles of time, monev. and distance, which have 
 e.xisted heretofore, and so greatlv retarded our settlement. Our rail- 
 roads will also, wherever tiiey pass, open new fields for investments, 
 and cultivation, which will call thousands, and hundreds of thousands, 
 who were before unheeding, to come and settle within our bounds. 
 The two and a half years already passed, of this present decade, fully 
 justify th.3 assertion, that the ratio of increase will be douhle that of 
 the last decade — that the increase will be in the free element, and that 
 there will be an absolute decrease in t!ie slave element, when com- 
 pared with itself in the last decade. 
 
 I mention, as further evidence that Missouri is to be free, — 
 
 7. Some particular facts respecting slavcrij in this Stale. 
 
 And let us briefly contemplate the slave localities, and the localities 
 of present immigration. In 16 counties lying on the Missouri river, 
 there are 41,127 slaves and 113,944 free. This may emphatically be 
 called the slave region. Now this country is not increasing from immi- 
 gration, and yet it is the country possessinc: the slaves. When we 
 consider the population in 1840, and compare it with 1850, weshallsee 
 that some of the wealthiest, largest, and most populous counties, do not 
 make even the progress wiiich flows from the natural increase of the 
 race, Calloway, in 1840, had 11,76-3. in 1850 13,338; gain in ten 
 years only 2,063, or 206 each year. Boone, in 1840. had 13,561, in 
 18.30, 14,981; gain in ten vears onlv 1,420 — only 142, white 
 and black, each year. Howard had, in 1840, 13, ]()^. in"l8.30 13.971; 
 gain in ten years 803, oronly ■'tG in each year While Cole, in 1840, 
 liad 9,280, in 1850 it had but 6,7.34 : having in ten years lost 2,532, or 
 253 each year ! — Who dare say that slavery is not a blessing and a 
 help to prosperity, commerce, and population ? 
 
 Now in this section of country, in these sixteen counties, there are 
 hut 2^ whites for each slave. Tliero must, then, l"» othT portions of 
 the Slate in which the free element as far exceeds the average ratio 
 (6 9-lOths) as in these counties it falls below it. Such a locality is just 
 opening upon the line of tlie Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad. In the 
 S counties through whicii this road runs, .there are 49.007 freemen, 
 and 5.553 slaves — i e,, nearly ten free to each slave. But let us take 
 olV Marion county, which is in the slave section on the Mississippi 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. ^ 15 
 
 the most glorious prospects. Scarce a paper came to us all the spring, 
 from Glasgow, Boonville, Brunswick, and other central towns upon 
 the river, which did not mention that the steamboats were flooding them 
 with men on their way to visit and explore the country, in order ihat 
 they might enter lands, and obtain choice locations. For weeks their 
 hotels were crowded with such visitors, either going or returning. 
 Many also came down from Iowa, and many passed directly west from 
 Quincy and Hannibal, to examine the country. 
 
 The line of the railroad has been entirely settled, and soon as the 
 Railroad Commissioners have indicated their choice of lands for the 
 use of the r'ailroad, there will be a greater immigration to the State 
 than it iias ever before received. 
 
 The Norih Missouri railroad also opens another such field, it cross- 
 es the Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad, at nearly right angles near 
 its center. 
 
 The South-Western road also runs, for two hundred miles, through 
 a country where nature makes slavery unprofitable, and where the 
 people look upon it with great displeasure. The census and obser- 
 vation will show the most thoughtless, that the free portions of the 
 country have been growing for the last few years, while the slave 
 portions have been standing still, or even losing ground. The immi- 
 gration is almost entirely from the Northern States, and whether 
 American or foreign, hates slavery. 
 
 The period of slavery is fixed in Missouri ; there is no vital power 
 in the institution to sustain or propagate itself. Being a selfish and 
 avaricious system, no one will come from abroad to sustain and up- 
 hold it ; the country is growing away from it, and it will die from 
 being overshadowed by an uncongenial tree — the tree of absolute 
 liberty, whose sap is the dignity of labor, whose leaves are justice 
 and equality, whose fruits are peace, wealth, intelligence, and reli- 
 gion . 
 
 8. Slavery feels itself in danger in Missouri. 
 
 This is seen in various ways. One is, the extreme distrust of re- 
 fraclonj slaves. When a slave does wrong, the master resorts not 
 to the severer punishments usual in the slave States ; for he fears 
 lest his servant may, witli the morrow, be far away for east, or west, 
 or north. The slaves in this State are treated well, very well, and 
 that of necessity. The masters try to govern them by kindness, in- 
 stead of violence, and yet this does not suffice to keep them. To one 
 making a winter collecting tour, it is a matter of amazement, as he 
 passes from county to county, in every hotel bar room, Jo see the al- 
 most countless number of advertisements, giving descriptions and 
 otTering revv'ards for runaway slaves. They are often recaptured, 
 and are immediately sold out of the State, lest their refractory ex- 
 ample should become contagious. 
 
 Another proof is the neglect to procure slaves. Slaves in Missouri 
 are worth from $500 to $1-500. while ia Virginia they can be bough! 
 
16 , LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE. 
 
 gold locked in their coffers, who have no scruples about buvin?, and 
 «ellinor, and owning, and working slaves, will vet not lift a hand, to 
 bring them from Virginia. They have relatives there, from whom 
 or through whom they could obtain them. Tiiey are constantly visit- 
 ing there themselves, and their fiictors are passing back and forth, 
 and yet they will not purchase more. Wherpfore ? Laziness ? No. 
 Contentment, with present pos<-essions ? No. Humanity or conscience.' 
 By no means. What tlien ? Notliing Ijut fear. The same avarice 
 that leads them to hold what they have, is a ch^ck upon them, and 
 will not If'tthetn hold more ; the risk is too great ; they long to do it. 
 hut dare not fill their desire. 
 
 , I am now speaking of the more intelligent and observing: of X]\e 
 planters, not those who can not write their names to a note of hand, 
 who can not read a newspaper, and who are compelled, in all busi- 
 ness transactions requiring figures or writincr, to trust to the honestv 
 of an amanuensis. Such men know not what is passing in the coun- 
 try, the State, or even county. They have ^cw tlioughts which strag- 
 gle beyond the fences of their farms, or otf from the hi^rliways. — 
 Thinkin?, clear-minded planters. are advising theirchildren and friends 
 not to entangle themselves with this unsafe institution, not to invest 
 their nioin'v in such uncertain property, they say to them/'K-^ep clear 
 of slavery ! save your money tor something else ! work hird^r your- 
 , «elves ami litre whites ; tliey will b? more num/rous aft?r a little.'" 
 
 I mention also the emigration of slaves and masters from Missouri. 
 
 Three years since, two planters from Virginia moved into Andrew 
 and Holt, wMth some forty slaves. In less than two years, ihey sold 
 Uieir plantations, and returned to Virginia, alleging that Mi.ssouri was 
 an unsafe country to hold slaves. 
 
 Some of the heaviest planters in Boone, Callaway, Chariton, and 
 Howard, have sold their lands, and have gone with their slaves to Tex - 
 SIS, stating that a change was soon to come over the whole State, and 
 fhcy were unwilling to endanger their proportv by remaining, or to 
 take part in tlie contest. A general feeling of discontent is filling the 
 minds of the slaveholders. There are too manv foreijners in the 
 country, loo many men from the north, too manv poor from the slave 
 States, who, always degraded and kept down by the competition of 
 slavery, now loathe and hate it : there are too many of all these class- 
 es, for the intelligent slaveholder to feel at ease for a single hour. 
 
 The minds of thousands in Missouri, interested in slavery, are 
 turned towards Texas; and it is probablethat in 1851, thore will be 
 ;Ui emigration thither, that will relieve the State of several thousands 
 of slaves The planters find they can sell their lands here for prices, 
 which well pay for all they have expended on them, that th'\v can buy 
 line farms in Texas, at government prices, where their slaves will 
 be safe, and their minds free from care. With such inducements to 
 •draw, and such fears to drive them, they can not, and will not, long 
 remain in Missouri; and when once the emigration is well commen- 
 ccd. it will increase with great rapidity. 
 
 Tiicre is, also, in Missoui i, an increasing feeling in favor of freedom, 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 17 
 
 on the part of many masters. Slaves areconstantly being liberated, 
 by the benevolence of their masters, both during the life of the own- 
 er, and also at his death. Many slaves are buying their time, and 
 laying up what they can, by economy and industry, towards the pur- 
 chase of their frepdom ; many slaves are also permitted to v/ork out 
 their freedom, by paying to their masters their whole earnings, which 
 are credited u|)on an agreed amount, which they are to pay their 
 masters for their freedom. 
 
 Others, also, would free their slaves, but can not give the required 
 bonds, for their proper conduct, &c. When, however, a plan ot 
 gradual emancipation shall be adopted, they will be foremost to come 
 out, and grant freedom to their servants. 
 
 The feeling is becoming painful, through the whole State, that 
 slaver}'- is retarding its {frowili, depressing its industry, bringing 
 deterioration upon those districts where it most abounds, making the 
 men supercilious, the women dolls, the children imbeciles. The old men 
 who, at the formation of our State government, helped draft our con- 
 stitution and entailed slavery upon us, have lived to see the day 
 when they mourn over their ignorance, prejudice and folly in that 
 step, and would now take just the opposite position. 
 
 The interest felt, by the State in the questions pending, respecting 
 Nebraska, is most intense. The whole free element sympathizes with 
 the Missouri compromise, and wishes it free. The slave interest 
 dare scarce speak, in their fear lest it should be so, and another 
 wall of fire be planted beyond them. Nel)raska must be a free Slate, 
 wliatever Congress may do about it ; and this dread felt by the slave 
 owners is not a mere imagination, it is a reality, which will soon be 
 felt through every inch of Missouri. 
 
 Havinof slumbered for years, over the subject of common schools, 
 on a practical and useful plan, and permitting the school money to be 
 squandered this last winter the Legislature has passed a general com- 
 mon-school law, upon the very best principles adopted by other States ; 
 so that those coming to the State to settle, will find the means of ed- 
 ucation ready forlheir use. 
 
 Such then is the absolute position of the State of Missouri, in re- 
 gard to slavery. And what a view does it present to us ! Sixty 
 years, this institution has been seeking to obtain a firm hold In this 
 region. la 1820, it received the special legislation and fostering 
 care and protection of the Congress of the United States. For some 
 20 years it was almost the only desirable outlet for southern emigra- 
 tion ; and yet, it has for the last 20 years been absolutely losing 
 ground ! for it is of no consequence in what manner it is brought 
 about, whether by increase of freedom or decrease of slavery, that 
 the free element, in any particular State, obtains the ascendancy and 
 overbalances the element of slavery. 
 
 We see here a people divided in lier public policy respecting this 
 social evil, and waging a fierce war against the imposition of this 
 blight and incubus upon soil yet unpolluted and free from its noxious 
 contact. 
 
 B 
 
18 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, 
 
 We see a steady emi^'raiioii from ilie free States rolling into .Alis- 
 souri, constantly incrcu.-ing the minibers, the influence and the 
 strength of those, who Ion;,' to see this evil melt away from the 
 midst bf the land, and who are willing to adopt any judicious and 
 just method of gradual emancipation. 
 
 We see a mighty State, hitherto careless and inactive respecting 
 her own interests, rousing herself like a lion to the work of public 
 improvements, and throwing open her bosom and extendinir her hands 
 ;o every son of industry and toil, in every department of labor. 
 
 We see men born under the usages and prejudices ot this svstem. 
 from motives of prudence, economy, public good, justice, and re- 
 ligion, turning away from and abandoning a svstem, fraught with so 
 much against which the finer and nobler feelings of the soul must 
 constantly rebel. 
 
 The die is cast in Missouri. Without the knowledge or intention 
 of an^ man, or set of men, natural position, the peculiar setilement 
 of other portions of the country, and the energy of freedom, have 
 brought things to the condition above described. The currents arc 
 set, the channels cut ; and no action of Congress, no ellbrt or ex- 
 pense of the slave interest, can revive the el'^n)ent of slavery in this 
 State ; faster and faster must it fall behind, weaker and weaker will 
 grow its voice, until scarce a whisper shall it breathe in the councils 
 of the State — till scarce a feather's weight shall it avail in the policy 
 of the people. 
 
 God himself has done ir, he has overruled circumstances, and pro- 
 duced causes which havetiius resulted. Well isit that it hath been thus; 
 happy indeed that it was left to no set of fanatical, theorizing aboli- 
 tionists; iiKUi can reap no glory ; no effort has been put forth bv 
 him to produce it. 13ut the same wisdom and power winch plafined 
 and produced the present state of things, still are eingaged to prose- 
 cute it to the end. The circumstances which we have considered 
 are still operating, with hourly-increasing power. Time may be 
 necessary to its full completion ; but sure as tliero is land within 
 her borders, or dwellers th'-reon, slavery on tiiat soil is doarned tn 
 extinction, and Missouri will be free. 
 
 Premising that I have satisfied you that my positions are correct. 
 1 shall in my next proceed directly to the ixaminatioa of the 
 Immediate Organization of Nebraska Territory. 
 
 Truly yours, 
 
 LYNCEfS. 
 
 LETTER IV. 
 
 Louisiana Tonitory-Divi-:ioii into States- .'Miv^iiuri ndmiitpd to the I i. •■..-', • ..iJoundn- 
 riesof I\Iis.^ouri — Proliiliition ofslavery — We^t line of I,.';ii«iana 'IViritory — Limii,-; 
 • it' Neliras-ka — Indian lU-jiublic — !?oil — Tinibei' — Fojuilaiion — Indian Ueservaf^on^ 
 and Trealie:?. 
 
 Saint Louis, June 90, 1S53 
 
 i\lY DEAK Friend : The Mississippi river was first discovered, 
 both Hi the north and sonth. by the French; and all the lands east 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 19 
 
 and west, which poured their waters into it, were claimed as theirs. 
 All ea.st of the Mississippi and the Canadas, were lost in war 
 with Great Britain, and our title from Great Britain extends no 
 furiher west than the center of ihe Mississippi river, nor south 
 of 31 deg. N.L. ; all south of 31 deg; N. L. was ceded to us by 
 Spaii): All west of the Mississippi was claimed by France, ex- 
 cept M'^xico, which was conquered by Spain. Near the close of 
 the 18th century, France ceded all her territory to Spain. But 
 in 1800, Spain re-ceded this same territory to France ; and in 
 1303, in consideration of the sum of ^15,000,000, France ceded 
 it to the United Siates, 
 
 In all these transactions, this vast country passed under the name 
 of the •' Louisiana Territory." In 1804, Congress divided it, up- 
 on the line of 32 deg. N.L., into two parts. Tiie Southern part 
 was called the Territory of Orleans, (this is now the State of Lou- 
 isiana.) The Northern part was called, the District of Louisiana. 
 In this district a territorial government was established, and it was 
 called the Territory of Louisiana. In 1812, its name was again 
 changed, and the State of Louisiana assuming that name, it was 
 calVed the Territory of Missouri. In 1819, that portion of Mis- 
 souri Territory lying south of 38 deg. 30 min. N.L., was erected 
 into the Territory of Arkansas, and is now the State of Arkansas. 
 
 In 1820, Congress gave permission to the inhabitants of Missouri 
 Territory to form a constitution, and to apply for admission into 
 the Union, as a sovereign State, In this enactment, which em- 
 bodies the Missouri Compromise, an act passed vvith so much dif- 
 ficulty, we find the following statement of the boundaries of the 
 new State : 
 
 '■'•Section second. Thence west on the parallel of latitude of 36 
 deg. 30 min. N.L., to a point where said parallel is intersected by a 
 meridian line, passing through the middle of the mouth of the Kan- 
 zas^ river, where the same empties into the Missouri river ; thence 
 from the point aforesaid, north, a/ong the said meridian line, to ike 
 i nterseclion of ike parallel of latitude wkick passes ikrougk ike rapids 
 of the river Des Moines, making the said line to correspond with 
 the Indian boundary line ; thence east," &c. 
 
 In' Se'cion 8, respecting slavery : " And be it further enacted. 
 That in all that territory, ceded by France to the United States, 
 under tho name of Louisiana, which lies north of S6 deg. 30 min. 
 N.L., not included witkin tke limits of the State contemplated ly- this 
 act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punish- 
 ment of crimes, whereof tlie parties shall have been duly' convic- 
 ted, skall be, and hereby is prokibited, forever. 
 
 " Provided always, That any person escaping into the same, 
 from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any State or 
 Territory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully re- 
 claimed,, and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or 
 service as aforesaid. 
 
 "Approved March 6, 1820." 
 
20 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, 
 
 In 1821, Missouri was admitted to the Union, on the additional 
 condition, that any regular citizen of any Slate in the Union might 
 freely enter her bounds. 
 
 The line, which separated the Louisiana Territory from the Span- 
 ish or Mexican States, is as follows: 
 
 "The boundary line between ihe two countries west of the Missis- 
 sippi, shall begin on the Gulf of Mexico, at the mouth of the river 
 Sabine, in the sea, continuing north along the western bank of that 
 river to the 32d degree of latitude ; thence, by a line due north, to 
 the degree of latitude where it strikes the Rio Roxo of Natchitoches, 
 or Red River; then following the course of the Rio Roxo westward, 
 to the degree of longitude 100 west from London, and 23 from 
 Washington; then crossing the said Red River, and running thence, 
 by a line due north, to the river Arkansas ; thence following the 
 course of the southern bank of the Arkansas to its source ; thence 
 northtto the parallel of 42 deg. north latitude, and thence by that 
 parallel of latitude to the South Sea," (i. e. Pacific Oftean.) 
 
 The present States, which have been erected out of this Louisiana 
 Territory, bfar the following names : Louisiana, Arkansas, Missou- 
 ri, Iowa. They all border east upon the Mississi[)pi river. The west 
 lin9 of Louisiana and Arkansas, until it crosses tlie Red River, is the 
 same as the old dividing line. But above the Red River, and between 
 it and the Arkansas, there is a strip of the old Territory, 5 degrees 
 30 minute?, in width. This strip extends Ideg. 30m. north of ihe 
 south line of Missouri ; here the Territory widens, stretching from 
 Western I\Iissouri to the Rocky mountains, 14 deg. from east to west 
 and 4deg. from north to south : at the latitude of 42deg. it ex- 
 fends from Western Iowa and the Upper Missouri, to the Pacific 
 Ocean. 
 
 We inquire, first. What portion of I'nis country is to be considered 
 the Nebraska Territory ? Npl)raska is [hn Iiidiiin name for^the Great 
 River, which flows inio the .Missouri, near Council BlufTs, common- 
 ly called by i!.s French name, tlie Platte. To me, it seems that-the 
 Nebraska Territory is already distinctly marked out, by present 
 boundaries and past legislation. By nnnexation and 'ho .Mexican 
 war, the United Siairs have acquired Texas, Utah, New .Mexico, and 
 California. Cut all the.«e, whilu they come clear up to the old boun- 
 dary line, do nnt pa«s beyond it, so tfiat np^n the west and south bv 
 these new States and Territories, and upcn the east bv Arkansas. 
 Missouri, and Iowa, it is hemmed in. The latitude of 42 deg. north 
 runs from the Rocky mr>nntains through to the Pacific ; it is as fine 
 a base line for the new States above, as any that could be selected ; 
 it separates California and Oregon ; it bounds Utah on the north ; it 
 divides Now York and Penn'jylvania, and woulil assist in the surveys 
 and divisions of Miss')uri Territory, in future years. [See map.] 
 
 It has been often siicirostrd, that the Nebraska river should be its 
 northern boundary. But the whole of that river should fall rrilliin 
 its limits, as the Territory which will b-^ established, nortii of Ne- 
 braska, will have within its center the Mi«souri river, and all her 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 21 
 
 fine large tributaries from the north ; the Missouri, a stream naviga- 
 ble for the largest boats ; whereas, Nebraska would have but two 
 rivers within her borders — the Kanzas and the Platte, neither of them 
 in the least navigable. 
 
 «»? It lias been urged, that 't extends no further south than aline 
 drawn from the Arkansas river, in 37 deg. 40m., north latitude. — 
 This leaves a point of the old Louisiana Territory, longitudinally 
 5 deg. 30m. wide, and latitudinally 4 deg. long. But as the Missou- 
 ri Compromise legislated upon a portion of this country, and fi.xed a 
 standard line for the separation of the country upon a most important 
 subject, it seems to me, that precedent and justice require, that the 
 north should yield all below that line, and that the south should ask 
 nothing north of it. Let the line of 36 deg. 30m. — the south line of 
 Missouri — the Compromise line — be the southern-most boundary, and 
 let the remaining part fall to Te.xas, to help form the new free State 
 there. 
 
 The limits, as we have described them, make the new Territory, 
 at the east end, about 3.j0 miles from north to south ; at the western 
 extremity about 200 miles, having an average width of about 240 
 miles, and running back from the State of Missouri to the Rocky moun- 
 tains. Such are the limits which seem naturally to belong to it. It 
 trenches upon no new possessions, and it is governed by the two great 
 lines of 36deg. 30m. and 42deg. north latitude. No mistake can 
 ever occur concerning its boundaries, for they are lines already 
 settled. 
 
 Are there inhahilants in this Territory ? There are. In 1803, 
 Congress authorized the President, to exchange tracts of land west 
 of the xMississippi for landy owned by Indians, residing east of the 
 Mississippi. 
 
 It was the design of the Government to collect the Indian tribes, 
 from among the various States, and, locating them in one section of 
 coiintry, to establish a simple form of government, and erect them 
 into a Slate by themselves. In 1825, the Kanzas and Osages, with 
 small reservations for themselves, ceded to the United States all their 
 ori;L;inal title to the lands upon both sides of the Kanzas river. In 
 1833, the four great divisions of the Pavvnees ceded to the United 
 States all their claims south of the Platte. Other smaller tribes ce- 
 ded to the Government the remainder of the land, lying south between 
 Arkansas and the old Spanish line. 
 
 In 1830, Congress passed special enactments in reference to the 
 removal of the Indians, and the division ol' this country for their re- 
 ception ; and the work of transplanting was commenced with vigor ; 
 §500,000 having been appropriated to enable the President to exe- 
 cute the provisions of the act. 
 
 There are now, south of the line 36deg. 30m. north latitude, — the 
 proper southern boundary of Nebraska — the Chickasaws, Choctaws, 
 Creeks, Seminoles, and one half of the Cherokees. North of36deg- 
 30m.. are one half the Cherokees, the Osages, Cherokee reservation, 
 Wyandots, Potlowatomies, Otawas, Chippewas, Peorias and Kaskas. 
 
22 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE. 
 
 kias, Wears and Pinkashaw!?, Sliawnees, Kanzas, Delawares, Kicka- 
 poes, lou as, Sacks and Foxes, Half Breed-!, Oioes, and Missourias. 
 I can find no estimate of the population of this Territory ; but it is 
 proijable that there are not m^re tliaa 12.000 in the tribes north of 
 36deg. 30m., N. L. 
 
 Let us now inquire, Is this country desirable to settle in ? 
 
 The valley of ilie Kanzas to its head waters, is a rich loain. Ti)c 
 valley of the Platte is low, but for some 250 miles is very fertile, 
 then it changes to a deep sand. The two great divides, or ridges, 
 between the Arkansas and Kanzas, and the Kanzas and Platte, are 
 a mixed loam and sand, or gravel, which makes a delightful soil to 
 till, and returns heavy crops. The divide, between the Kanzas and 
 Platte, is more beautiful and fertile than th(» other. The valleys are 
 tolerably supplied with limber. There is also some timber along the 
 Missouri river, and a slight growth is found along the sn»all streams. 
 Coal has been found of a superior quality at several locations, and 
 there are indications that an abundant supply will be found for the 
 whole Territory. 
 
 The 0?age orange is indigenous to the southern part of the country, 
 and can be cultivated with the greatest ease in all the Territory ; so 
 much so, that, with tolerable attention, three years will produce 
 hedges sufficient to turn any stock. The want of timber for fencing 
 is thus readily supjilied to th? prairie land, and the expense of clear, 
 ing timbered land, fencing and bringing it into cultivation, far exceed 
 the troublf, time, and labor, of producing the finest hedged farms in 
 the prairie districts. 
 
 The want of materials for building wilK be supplied by the pine, 
 brought across by the Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad, which can 
 be sold by that route lower than that which is now used in Western 
 Missouri, and brought up the river. 
 
 The want of lumber will also lead to the erection of brick, stone, 
 and even beautiful free stone houses, as these materials can be abun- 
 dantly obtained in various localities. Such is the nature of the coun- 
 try, for some 300 miles west ; then there are fertile divides, and fine 
 riuli prairies, scattered over a country, in some places almost barren. 
 
 It is also thought that, ere long, the cutting and sawing pine will 
 become a heavy business on the James and Sioux rivers, which would 
 place this country on an equality of prices, for lunibu'r and shingles 
 with the States on the Alissisippi. 
 
 All these things considered, there is no section of the United States 
 more inviting to the settler than this Nebraska 'territory, ^^'ith its 
 clear air, crystal streams, far-strctching, rolling, flower-coTered prai- 
 ries, it is no wonder the remark is often made, that no one has set his 
 foot on it who has not wished he had a home there; and until the 
 popuUxlion shall have reached more than 50l>, 000 sonl.s, there can be 
 no lack of room, or choice situations for the immigrant. 
 
 But is there no while pnpulation there ? 
 
 At Fort Leavenworth, there is a reservation of nine square mil*s, 
 belonging to the United Slates' Government. Here, there isapopo- 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. ^ 
 
 ialion, which varies greatly according to the season of the year, and 
 ihe demands of the army, numbering in officers, soldiers, civilians in 
 I he service of Government, mechanics, f-armers, teamsters, &c., &c., 
 from 400 to 1200 persons, commonly the number does not exceed 600. 
 
 There are also various missionary stations, belonging to the M^th- 
 odists, Prasbyterians, Baptists, Quakers, and Catholics, at which 
 more or less white persons are required, as teachers and instructors 
 in domestic and agricultural pursuits. There are also the United 
 States' mechanics, located by treaties among the tribes, as carpen- 
 ters, blacksmiths, and farmers. There are also the authorized Indi- 
 an traders, the Indian agents, and the authorized agents of the Ameri- 
 can Fur Company. 
 
 Some 70 votes were polled last year, when a delegate was 
 sent from Nebraska to Congress. None of the persons at Leaven- 
 worth \ver& included in this number, and it is thought not more than 
 3ne half of the white residents voted at all. These are the only while 
 inhabitants in the country. 
 
 In what manner do the Indians hold their claim ? 
 
 The United States in a particular treaty express the consideration, 
 in behalf of which the grant is made. The boundaries o? each 
 tract are minutely described, and many, if not all have been definltely 
 run, and the landmarks set up. Under the solemn promise of the pro- 
 tfiction of the United States, these lands are ceded to them. The In- 
 dians on their part agree that, should they ever forsake their lands, or 
 their tribe become extinct, the title shall revert to the United States. 
 That thsy will not sell anv of the soil to a white man, and, in case of 
 sale, the United States shall be the buyers. The United Slates on her 
 part promises them her protection forever, if they choose to remain ; 
 and. if the Indians desire it, promises to execute to them a patent for 
 the same. Th'i United States promises, that she will remove, by 
 military force, anij man, who shall attempt to settle, or shall trespass 
 upon, these lands belonging to the Indians.' 
 
 But how much of tiiis Territary do the Indians thus own ? 
 
 The portions of land assigned to various tribes differ greatly in size 
 -—almost all of them adjoin Missouri, and stretch back west so tjiat 
 here is no western line that is common to any two of them. At the lat. 
 30deg. aOm., they run back 200 miles ; a little further north, 20, then 
 GO, and further north there is a portion, touching the line of Missouri, 
 wliich is still unalloted to any tribe. The Kanzas reservation is back 
 a hundred miles from the Missouri line, and on the south side of the 
 Kanzas river, and is some 25 miles square. The Delaware, Shaw- 
 nee, and Kickapoo reservations, are 60, 70, or 80 miles long, but not 
 of a great width. Then some small tribes, and just south of the 
 vmouth of the Platte, there are unassigned lands. Perhaps the Indian 
 reservations will cover one-eighth of the Territory. Their reserva- 
 tions embrace the most desirable land, i. e., being hunters, they es- 
 peeially desired the timber, and, for this reason, we^find their reser- 
 vations running west upon the Arkansas, and the Kanzas, while on 
 the divides they oling to the Missouri river, and State boundary. 
 
 More anon. Yours truly, L\'>"CEUS. 
 
24 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE. 
 
 LETTER V. 
 
 Disposition of Indian Claims — Indians growing poorer — Shall they be removed — Go 
 vemment by Chiefa — Indians defrauded — Allot Lands to Indians — Sell to Actual 
 Settlers — Maine Liquor Law — Pa>Tnenls not to be in Money — Can Settlers enter 
 the Territory now ? 
 
 Saint Louis, July 13th, 1653. 
 
 My dear Friend : Hoic should the Indian claims in Nebraska he 
 disposed ofl — This is a question of great perplexity, and of the 
 deepest importance to our government and to the Indians. For years 
 the Government has been sustaining the Indians upon that ground, 
 — has provided that country, for them, and given thom lo understand 
 that it was their last remove, and that they need go no furilier. A 
 large part of their annuities have been paid in money. The result of 
 this has been that tlie Indians have indulged in habits of laziness and 
 carelessness, while their money lasted, making no provision for the 
 future ; and when it was gone, they took themselves to their savage 
 mode of life — hunting, fishing, and living on the spontaneous produc- 
 tions of nature. 
 
 The lands once possessed by them were larger, or more valuable, 
 than those they now possess ; and they have been using up the dif- 
 ference between their old and new homes in money, stock, ammuni- 
 tion, blankets, and food, which the Government from year to year is 
 paying them. So that to day they are in reality just as much poorer 
 than they were then, as all tiie annuities amount to whicii they have 
 received from tlie United States, to the present time. Would it be 
 right for the L^nited States to encourage these poor Indians la make 
 another retnove ? Shall they be induced to sell these lands, to take 
 a smaller portion, still further in the west, for a new home ; and 
 there devour, ten years lo come, the ditFerence between tiieir pre- 
 sent and new home, and at last find themselves more wr.tched, more 
 abject, more despised, and vastly poorer than thev are to day. 
 
 Besides this, where shall they go ? VVhere is the country for them 
 to liye in ? Tiie United States have not yet extinguished the titles of 
 the original tribes further west. They must first prepare another 
 new place to transplant them. When that is done, then must the 
 hearts, once made to bleed, as they were torn from tlieir fathers' 
 graves to come west of the Mississippi, be lacerated again, as they 
 take up their mournful march towards the setting sun. Tiien must 
 all the leaching, for which they have paid so n)uch, be thrown away ; 
 all the advance made toward civilization be lost, and thev thrust 
 back into barbarism ; tlien must the few intelligent and industrious 
 among tliem either leave their nation, and become single e tizens of 
 the United States, or sacrifjce the toil of years, to go with tli'i r friends 
 into the wilderness, there to be pointed at, as rnonumenls, that it is in 
 vain for the Indian to attempt lo livo or amas-j wealth like the while 
 man. 
 
 The Indians also are receding from the shores of the Pacific, and 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 2S 
 
 are being crowded eastward ; and the two approaching tides of civil, 
 ization can as easily and humanely sweep around these Indians, and 
 permit them to remain in their present homes, as to bear them con- 
 stantly toss?d upon their outmost waves, at last to be dashed to pieces, 
 and go down in the mad confluence of the waters. 
 
 There must be a stop tnade somewhere. From Maine to Louisi- 
 ana, scarcn an Iiulian remains east of the Mississippi. The middle 
 meridian of the United States runs about 20 miles west of Fort Lea- 
 venworth, and passes through more than half of tlie tribes of which 
 we have been speaking. Why cro'vd them further? Will an hour 
 arrive when rest can be more easily obtained for them? — when they 
 will be more numerous or influential ? No ! now is the hour, and 
 their own country is the place for their salvation, at the hands of a 
 great, powerful, and noble nation. 
 
 About the year 1800, there were drawn up hypoihetical statistical 
 tables, of the future population of the United States. Tiie last cen- 
 sus verified ihese estimates ; the census of 1850 exceeding the esti- 
 mate just 110,000. That table, so correct for the past fifty years, 
 estimates the population of the United State-? in the year 1901 at 
 101,553,377. In 1877 ii will be 50,000,000. Thus in 24 years, 
 there will be twice as dense a population as tht'rj is now. As new 
 places ahvavs furnish great opportunities to the youncj and enterpri- 
 sing, to obtain wealth and influence. The next 24 years will see the 
 whole country settled from the Mississippi to the Pacifio Ocean ; and 
 where will the Indian's foot find a resting-place if he is again re- 
 moved ? 
 
 Let him remain ; — restrain every influence which would degrade 
 or destroy him where he is; — surround him with every incentive to 
 bodily and intellectual labor and advancement, and if he must fall, 
 let him fall an honored relic of a noble race, amid the love and sorrow 
 of his greater and more blest white brethren. 
 
 There are at present, two things, which operate against the ad- 
 vancement of the Indians. 
 
 1. Ike government by Chiefs. — The chiefs are generally such by 
 birth, or distinguished subtlety, or physical power ami bravery ; not 
 by intelligence, or superior integrity. To maintain their own influ- 
 ence, they oppose instruction, and the adoption of the habits of white 
 men. Their position affords them opportunities of great gain. In all 
 bargains with the tribe, the chief, by virtue of his ofiice, must have 
 the largest share. They are the veriest petty tyrants over their own 
 subjects, and there is scarce one whom money will not buy, to be- 
 tray the interests of his tribe. This evil greatly facilitates the other. 
 
 2. Defrauding the Indians at the Government payments. — It is no- 
 torious throughout the West, that thte Indians part with much of their 
 money for scarcely the shadow of an equivalent. They are per- 
 mitted to run up accounts before the annual payments; the persons 
 to whom they become indebted often present themselves with their 
 books, in which the prices charged are exorbitant : the owing Indian 
 conies up for his money, the account is presented ; unable to tell 
 
26 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, 
 
 wlietlier it is correct or not, tho Indian 'acknowledges his indr-btcdness, 
 liie money is counted to tlie creditor, the Indian taking the remainder. 
 if there is any. 
 
 But there is another and a worse way than this. An account ii 
 run up indiscriminately with a nation ; tlien the chiefs are induced to 
 persuade the people to call it a national debt,,and to execute a note for 
 the total amount, together with a bonus for waiting fertile payment. 
 This note is to be paid in a lump out of the national annuity, before it 
 ^ is individually parcelled. It is generally believed that, in these trans- 
 actions, there has been the rrreatest dishonestv. It was currently re- 
 ported in this city last winter, that, at the last payment, one firm in 
 Western .MissDuri brouijlit in an orderon one trib?, for 800,000 which 
 was cashed, although if left a part of the tribe, in almost a starvintr 
 condition ; and yet, you can not persuade business- men bere, that they 
 were entitled to more than one-third that amount. 
 
 But what is \.\-\(i jyecuniary aspect nf iheir renwrall The Indian;^ 
 iiave made some advance, and while the chiefs have maintained their 
 influence over a majority, of almost everv tribe, there are s-ome, who 
 have attended to education, and agriculture. The wild, reckless, 
 improvident part, as their annuities are drawing to an end, unused 
 t.0 labor, unlearned to business, would sell out again, and retreat to 
 (he wilderness. But the bettor portion, who have built houses, and 
 own farms, some of. them worth 8"25. per acre, wish to remain. The 
 tribes are begining to learn the value of improvements, and to esti- 
 mate the value of land by that in Missouri. The eagerness, also, 
 manifested by the whiles to obtain their country, has aroused them 
 to consider its value : 
 
 The result is, that some of the tril)ps would prefer not to sell their 
 lands to the Government at all, but themselves divide them into 
 farms, and sell them to actual settlers, at the b"st rates. Other tribfjs 
 would be glad to sell a portion of their land, and retain the re- 
 inainder. 
 
 The average price which Government has paid for Indian lands, 
 is about 26 cents per acre. Some of these Indian reservations would 
 not pay the Government any thing for buvtng. But it is probable 
 that the Government can not get an acre less than 50 cents in any 
 tribe. In case Government should attempi the purchase of the whole 
 of the land, the iniprovem'ents, and the un»vi!lin^ness of ilie Indians 
 in some cases to remove, would brinij ttieir lands above the govern- 
 ment price for its own lands, and itc^uld not buy. The United States 
 will either be oblige'l to pav the Indians their price, or do without it. 
 It will be economy, on the part of the Government, never to allempt 
 their removal. 
 
 The true polinj nf our frnvrrnmrrit iiwuJd he this : To act only as 
 guardian for iIk," Indians, in their disposal of th'Mi- own lands. To 
 accomplish this, purchase thi^rland at a fair valuation, res 'rving to 
 each male, in each nation, a quarter-section of land : & if they choose 
 to buy more let them buy it, at the same price they sell it to the 
 United Slates. 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 27 
 
 Each Indian should be made to select his own quarter section ; and 
 in cases of extreme minority, lei the parent or natural guardian, se- 
 lect for the child. This rjives to eacfi Indian the opportunity to re- 
 tain, or buy in, all his individual improvements, aiid retains to each 
 nation all its buiWings, and the advance it iuismade in civilization ; 
 and by thus leaving the unoccupied lands, bring them at a reason- 
 able price to the Government, to be sold at government prices to v/hite 
 settlers. 
 
 The tracts of land thus reserved to each individual, should be 
 made inalienahle and uniransferahlefor Iwn and his heirs for the period 
 of 15 years : and in case any family should become extinct, let the 
 land be sold and the proceeds go into the moneys held for the benefit 
 of the tribe. This is necessary, that the Indian should not, through 
 his own laziness, disaffection, or ignorance, or by the chicanery or 
 injustice of others, dispose of his lands, and his family be left with- 
 out a home. K. patent should be issued for each particular quarter- 
 section, to the person to whom it properly belongs, and whether he 
 occupies it or not, should be reserved for him and his heirs until the 
 15 years have passed, when he can retain or dispose of it as 
 he pleases. 
 
 Let the remainder of the country be sold, not to speculators, but 
 to actual settlers. The whites would, in a few months, vastly out- 
 number the Indians. An Indian can and will work for money, as 
 well as a white man; there will be among the new comers, a great 
 demand for laborers; so that no Indian need, or can starve among 
 them; and they will learn how to labor, and become acquainted with 
 practical agriculture. The Indians, also, will be stimulated to cul- 
 tivate their own lands, by the onward progress of those around them, 
 and the natural preference to labor for one's self, rather than for 
 another. 
 
 The proceeds of the lands, not contained in the above-mentioned 
 reservations, should not be paid to the Indians in money ; it should 
 all be funded, and the annual interest should be expended in such a 
 manner as to advance their civilization and interests, and in such a 
 way, that they can not squander it. Let a certain number of houses 
 be erected on their lands annually, worth from two to four hundred 
 dollars each ; furnish them plows and implements of labor; admit 
 them as citizens of the United States. Especially give their children 
 the advantage of common-school system, which should be projected 
 for all the State, upon a basis so broad, that they shall be absolutely 
 free ; and furnish them particular facilities for attendance upon 
 these schools. 
 
 There is one point further, of absolute necessity. Let Congress 
 pass the Maine Liquor Law, as an eternal ordinance upon its admission. 
 The Maine Liquor Law has carried away much glory and praise, 
 which doss not rightfully belong to it. The Nebraska law, which 
 has been in rigorous operation for many years, makes the selling of 
 liquor to the Indians a punishable offence, and confiscation of liquor 
 follows the act. The fire-water must be kept from the Indian, or he 
 
2f LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, 
 
 is ruined ; anJ unless oongrpss passes a law for the whole territory, 
 it will be impossible to discriininaie between the Indian and any 
 other pers'ui in the traffic. Congress has for years exercised the 
 power to forbid any one to sell to the lodians inio.xica:in>; drinks. 
 She is sworn to protect and bless them, and if it is. the only life for 
 these nations, that it be kept away, Congress has the ri<iht, and 
 every thing just and humane demands, that it be an eternal statute 
 of the Territory and Slate ; and whoever moves in there will do so 
 under the provision, and subject to it; and it never can be anylhinjj 
 but a blessing to the State. 
 
 Under these circumstances, if a few of the savage or dissolute In- 
 dians shall forsake their houses, lo wander away and perish, or be- 
 coine incorporated with the v'-ild tribes, let them go! it is far belter 
 llius, than to endanger the exisietice and prosperity of the whjle tribe. 
 Our govenment is not to blame fjr the izreat growth and prosperity 
 of our nation, nor for her enterprise and love of progress ; but it 
 will bi; to blame, if it permits the avarice or cupidity ol any set of 
 men to produce measures, wliich shall end in the total d-gradulion 
 and rnin of the red men of America. 
 
 The Indians should remain where they are, — should have the full 
 rights of citizenship, — should be protected from the presence and 
 temjuations of " fire-water," — should have inalienable homssieads, — 
 should be surrounded by the whiles, to feel the impulse of the energy, 
 of the encircling Saxon spirit, — to ^ee its modes of agricultural ac- 
 tion ; to have especial access to its sources of intellectual elevation. 
 Such external pressure will always make free men bes'ir themselves. 
 
 Our nation has long acted on the belief, "they seem destined to a 
 s!ow but sure extinction " — that they could not live near, or with 
 the whites. And repeatedly, when they were just giving the lie to 
 all such theories and forebodings, they have been seized and re- 
 moved least they might show themselves noble men, and capable of 
 refinement, intelligence, and piety. 
 
 Should these Indians refuse, both to remove and sell, the United' 
 States, by her treaties is bound, by military force, to preserve their 
 present territory in its full extent, intact from the white man, so 
 long as one representation in each tribe shall remain to demand it. 
 When, then, their right is so clear, their title so firm, let us seek to 
 continue to them so much as they can personally use ; and surroun- 
 ding them with joined hands, seek to make them rise, and prosper, as 
 our country rises higher and higher in honor, wealth, and stability. 
 Their blood beats proudly today, in the veins of some of .America's 
 noblest sons, and we must not bo ashamed of their companionship 
 and friendship. 
 
 Bui can nul seUlers enter that Territory now ? Tliat they can not go 
 into the seciioiis owned by the Indians, who have been localed thereby the 
 Govenimeiil, there can be r)i) doubt. Wtiiie men, by the ironiies, have 
 the rit^ht uf passing; ttirough these districts ; but the United Slates war- 
 rants to the Itidians that liiey will teniove by force every while man who 
 shall attempt to settle there, otherwise than according to the acts which 
 regulate the intercourse of ciiiy-ens with the Indians. 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 29 
 
 In reference, however, to the remainder of the territory, not assigned 
 to particular tribes, the question is totally different. In other portions of 
 the United Slates the precedent has been, to let settlers enter any lands 
 under the jurisdiction of the U.S., where there were no treaties containing 
 definitive grants to particular tribes. Such has been the case in Calilornia, 
 in Utah, in New Mexico, in Minnesota, in Oregon, and in every State in 
 the Union, since Daniel Boone entered the wilds of KentucUy. If the 
 original Indians would tolerate the pioneer, the United States would per- 
 mit him to go where he pleased, and afterwards would, as the coutry set- 
 tled, pjrchase of t!ie Indians, have them surveyed, and then have the 
 occupants take out their regular lan(] patents. In the Terrimry of Ne- 
 braska, the United Slates have purchased the ground, first of France, then 
 from tiie Pawnees, Kanzas, and other original tribes. The title is all clear, 
 and rests in the United States. They have, as we have seen, given war- 
 rantee deeds or titles to certain portions of this territory, to particular In- 
 dian tibes. The remainder evidently belongs to the Government, because, 
 in the various treaties with the Indian tribes, it is especially siipnlaied by 
 the United States that the grounds ni)t assigned to particular tribes, " shah 
 be a hunting-ground. G-ommon to the friendiv Indians," '■'■during the pleas- 
 ure of the President of the United Stales .'" Tlius the word of the Presi- 
 dent, can remove from the uoassigned part of the Tenitory the last in- 
 cumbrance or bar to white settlers ; which is but a sufferance ol com- 
 mon occupation, tor purposes of hunting. 
 
 How, without a special act of Congr''SS. can citizens of the Unitec. 
 States be excluded from this Territory ? Should white settlers occupy 
 those unassigned lands, the law regnlaiing intercourse with the Indians 
 will apply to them, as much as they now do to the inhabitants of Missouri. 
 Are, not the individuals comi)osing the United Slates, the actual owners 
 of the land to which the nution has an unincumbered title ] 
 
 Bwl what are the absolute facta respecting it ? The army threatens the 
 forcible exf)ulsicn of any settler on tiie Tertitory. Whether the officers 
 deem this the teachingol their general Indian instructions, or have special 
 orders therefor, from ibe Government, is unknown. 
 
 The opinion of but two distinguished men have been made public upon 
 this subject. Col. Benton has just published a letter, in reply to a letter 
 of some gentlemen of Jeflerson City, vvho ask this question. Can we gcj 
 there to settle now ? Col. Benton says any one now has an absolute right, 
 to enter and settle in that poriion of ihe Territory which has not been as- 
 signed to the Indians. He advises inen to go. and asserts that he ha? 
 closely examined the action of the Government in reference to this Ter- 
 ritory, and that there is nothing in the statutes to bar their entrance. 
 
 On the other hand Senator Atchison, a man of far less eradition, accu- 
 racy, and ability, insists that settlers have no right to enter the Territory, 
 and should be expelled by military force if they attempt it. 
 
 Under the circumstances, it seems to me, that it would be unwise for 
 tiie settlers to enter, before permission is granted by the genial Govern- 
 .inent, as it might embarrass the action of the Administration, in prepar- 
 ing the Territory for occupation, and hinder the healthy growth of the 
 country rather than aid it. 
 
 At the same time, I believe it the duty of the President to notify'the Tn- 
 ■ dians, that the whites, from henceforth, have a right to settle any where oi. 
 "the common hunting-grounds, and are not to be molested, nor iri turn are 
 to molest the Indians. Also to notify white settlers, that the portion of Ne- 
 braska which belongs to the United States is open for occupation, av.d 
 
^iO LETTERS FOK THE PEOPLE, 
 
 ilia', am soon as possible, ihe lodiao reservatiDns should be surveyed, por- 
 Tioas bccureii lo ilie In-li^us, airl ihe rei/wuinJer purcli.iied by ilic Govetii- 
 inentaoJ resold losuulers. 
 
 M'>ie aii'jii. iTours truly, Ly.ncel's. 
 
 LETTER VI. 
 
 Reasons for Speedy Organization of Nebraska Territory — Protection to Lifeauu 
 Property— Lconomy in Army Expenses— New Post— New Miiitarv Road— Six 
 Routes proposed for Pacific Railroad— Bridger's Pass— Middle Line of Population 
 — Estimate ol Tune to build tlie Road. 
 
 Saint Louis, July 27ib, 1853. 
 
 My dear Friend: There are many and iceighty reasons icliij Nebras- 
 ka Territory should be instantly organized. The loo rapid seitleinent oJ 
 :i couiiiry is deleterious to the educaiioual and moral interests vl' a people : 
 it is well that population should not he too long pent up, Htid then permit- 
 ted to burst suddenly upon a new country ; it is better that it should be 
 somewhat slowly settled, and thnt the foundations of society should become 
 iixed and sobered, in order that the superstructure inav be solid and beau- 
 tiful. Already hns the tide in that direction been held back loo long ; it 
 is rising higher and higher, and the more impetuous will 'be the flood, the 
 loiiijer it is restrained. 
 
 The United States should furnish protection for llie property and live^ 
 of her citizens, within her own border.~. There is yearly an immense im- 
 migration from the older States to those on the Pacific Ocean. This im- 
 migration passes through Nebraska Territory, some years amounting to 
 more than 80,000 persons. Once beyond the Missouri river, they can obtain 
 no provisions, shelter, nor care in sickness, until they reach the Sail Lake, 
 a distance of 1,20G miles. If this country was once thrown open, the route 
 would be immediately settled lo the Salt Lake ; thus allbrding ample pro- 
 lection against the recurrence of the scenes of 1650, and savini; thousands 
 from tiie most distressing deaths, from exposure and siarvaiion. 
 
 IVie Government should advance, and not retard Ihe jirospaity of the 
 people. Were this Territory organized, not only would the emigrant re- 
 ceive protection and^benefit from the settlers, but the settlors «ould re- 
 ceive a liberal reward lor their services ; and the journey bcinr: stripped ot 
 more than half its dangers, tlie immigration would far inure than be 
 ijonbled. 
 
 Economy in Ike support of the Army requires it. — .At the Inst session ol 
 (i^Jongress, an appropriation of $60 01)0 was made for liie building of a new 
 post in the Territory ; a post r.ipable of accommodating about 1,000 odi- 
 cers and soldiers. Tliis new post is situaicd 140 miles west of Fort Leav- 
 enworth, among the branches of the Kanzas. [See map.] As it is built 
 to a great extent by the labor of soldiers; and as all the mait-riaN bcloni.' 
 U) tlie govi'Biiment, the appropriation is considered as efiuivuleiu lo about 
 c?l50,000 worth of buildings, and will probably be the best oud most com- 
 .'iiodioiis post in the United .States. 
 
 SU.OOO were also apjiroprialed for the new military road fiom Fori 
 Leavenworth to the new post. The building of this road and post is be- 
 ing pressed with the utmost energy, and ihe post iscxpi-cled lo be in order 
 to receive a part of the garrison this corning fall. Now all llie ;rrain an.' 
 provisiiins for the army, uidess raised in the Territory, must be brought 
 iroin Missouri to Leavenworth, and from Leavenworth to the new post. 
 
ON THE PRESEiNT CRISIS.;, 31 
 
 The opening of Nebraska would uistantly line ibis new road, and a sec- 
 tion around the new post, with goo* industrious farmers, and every mile 
 of ti:ansportation which can be saved upon such vast quantities of domes- 
 tic supplies, will be a great saving in our army expenses. 
 
 It will especially facilitate the building of the great Pacific Railway. 
 The fact that a railway is to be built connecting the Atlantic and Pa- 
 cific States, is not a matter of rjiiestion ; the only inquiry now agitated is, 
 Where shall the line run ? 
 
 As might be expected, there are extremes to this question as well as ev- 
 ery other. One route proposed is in a region of almost perpetual snow ; 
 another one from New Orleans, or a point on the Gulf of Mexico, located 
 where four months in the year yellow fever is rampant against life, espe- 
 cially the life of men of colder climates ; and where the miasmatic mala- 
 rias forbid men out after sundown. Anotlier route is proposed from coun- 
 cil Bluffs through the South Pass. Anotlier from Memphis to Santa Fe, 
 and thence to San Francisco. Another from St. Joseph, by the South Pass. 
 Another from Kanzas, through Fremont's undiscovered pass, and New 
 Mexico. Thus there are six roads proposed, three north and three south. 
 Or three that go by the South Pass, and three that go by New Mexico. 
 Now the extreme north and south routes are so impracticable on account 
 of the poverty of the countries through which they pass, a pover- 
 ty not only of inhabitants but even of fertility ; they are so far removed 
 from the places and the lines which demand the erection of the road, that 
 it is useless to talk of them as routes for a national road. They are but 
 local, sectional enterprises, begging for the national adoption. 
 
 San Francisco is in Lat. NT 33 deg. The South Pass is 42deg. 20min. 
 N.'L. Santa Fe is 35deg. N.L. So that the difference berween the two 
 points is about 375 miles. The Salt Lake City is in Lat. N. 40deg. 15m. 
 and is the great resting-place on the journey to California and Oregon. If 
 the railroad shall run through the South Pass, as it bends south again to- 
 wards California, it will run through the capital of Utah; but this route 
 through the South Pass bends far north of the line of 38deg. N.L.; Bridg- 
 er's Pass is about 46 deg. ; Leavenworth, 39deg. 30min. [See map.] 
 
 There has been, within the past year, published by authority of Con- 
 gress, a report of Captain Stansbnry, U. S. Engineer, deputed lo survey 
 the Great Salt Lake Basin, in which he describes a new pass through the 
 Rocky Mountains, through which he returned with his party. This pass 
 is upon the direct line from Fort Leavenworth to San Francisco. The 
 pass is call(?d " Bridger's Pass." This line would run through the most 
 fertile, level, aud beautiful country, that exists between the Western States 
 and California. 
 
 The Meinpliis road lies too far south, aud the Council Bluffs road too 
 far north. In this-great question, as the Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico 
 furnish to the country, within 500 miles of them, great facilities to dispose 
 of their productions, and to reap the advantages of commerce ; therefore, 
 if any portion of the country should liave the benefit of the road, it should^ 
 be that remote from the sea-board, \yhere the diflnculties of disposing of 
 !)roduce are great, as regards expense of transportation, lime, and danger. 
 The older Slates have already supplied themselves with railroads, to such 
 an extent, that this has been in a measure overcome ; but the growth of the 
 north-western part of our country is so rapid and tremendous, that it 
 must have ncio outlets for its products. Produce now passes by danger- 
 ous navigation, 2,000 miles, to reach the Atlantic, or the Gulf of Mexico; 
 while, were the railroad built, fairly where it belongs, in a centrnl position. 
 
32 
 
 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, 
 
 they could by the same distance rea^ the Pacific Ocean. All the im- 
 [lortaiioD'i from Chioi. California, nnd the East Indies, of which they makf 
 use. make circuits of from 5 to 20 thousand miles to reach them, when 
 hy the Pacific railroad, they could come in from 2 to 8 thousand miles. 
 
 Now, the true line/or the road is that which will <rive accommodation to 
 liie ffrealesl number ul' citizens, and /aci/eVa/e the purposes of commrrrc for 
 the greatest amount of territory and productions. 
 
 Let us divide ihe United Slates into three portions, as follows: Let 
 Maine, New Hampsliire. Vermont, Massachusieits. Rhode Island. Con- 
 necticut, New York, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota, consti- 
 tute the North. 
 
 Let New Jersey, Pennsylvania. Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, 
 coiisiitaie the Middle. [See map.] 
 
 Let Dekiware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina. 
 Georj^ia, .Vlabaiiri, Mis.sissij)pi, Louisiana, .\ikansas, Texas, Tennessee. 
 Kentucky, and the District of Columbia, the South, and we arrive at the 
 following total result, — that there ii.'e in the 
 
 Nurth, . . . G, 734, 215 
 
 xMiddle, . . . 7,146,515 
 
 13.880,730 
 South, . . . (j,752,0Gl 
 
 free persons. 
 
 Now, we can only count /ree persons, when we talk of a railroad, as a 
 means of travel. Slaves have no use for the cars ; railroads, having free 
 termini are l)ad thiiJgs lor black countries. The slaves are needed at 
 [lome ou the plantations, and we must leave them out of the calculation 
 of passen2!er3 i.eediug a road. 
 
 From this view, there are two persons in the North toone in iheScuil:, 
 who would have occasion to travel on the road, and who are personally 
 interested in it; and we see that, were the line from the Atlantic to the 
 Pacific to divide the people of the United States into two e(iual parts, ii 
 should run through the center of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indi- 
 ana, Illinois, and cross Missouri, north of the Missouri river. 
 
 But this isuot the exact stale of the case, as it in reality exists. A tabu- 
 lar view of the increase of tree pojuilation shows to us, that what we havt* 
 denominated in our division as the North has outstripped the South, in 
 (>opulaiioii. Wisconsin, Iowa, and Miouesola, are yel but infants among 
 (he sisterhood of States ; but are destined, every year, to become more 
 populous and important. I'he Middle also of the Union is growing faster 
 than the South, !so thut the line is every hour being drawn to the north o,' 
 the center of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Decade. 
 
 North. 
 
 Middle. 
 
 South. 
 
 1800 
 1810 
 1820 
 1830 
 1840 
 1850 
 
 385, .'■>C5 
 000,151 
 :VJ5,:')8l 
 803,331 
 l,Oi:),077 
 1,781,148 
 
 231.914 
 
 401,8'.3 
 
 825.741 
 
 1,008,000 
 
 1,915,607 
 
 2,061,380 
 
 478,270 
 524 .305 
 82-',3J3 
 016,130 
 790,135 
 1,352,931 
 
 
 5,273,853 
 
 6,570 562 
 
 4,600,180 
 
 The above table shows the increase of free population, in eacit decade 
 iramediately preccuing the year written. That the line we have in- 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 33 
 
 dicated, or one north of it, is the great j-ailroad district of th? United States, 
 is evident from the chains of road which are running parallel from the 
 Atlantic to the Mississippi. There is a line which starts fronn Boston, 
 runs through Albany, crosses Niagara Falls ; on Jan. 16ih, 1864, to be 
 finished to Detroit ; from Detroit, it now runs through Michigan, North- 
 ern Indiana, Chicago, Aurora, Galesburgh, Quincy ; crossing the Missis- 
 sippi, it unites with the Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad, which is to be 
 finished to Nebraska, in 1855. A branch from Galesburgh will also cross 
 the Mississippi at Burlington, to unite with the Southern Iowa Railroad, 
 10 the Missouri river. Another road starts from New York city, passes 
 thro'igh Dunkirk, Cleveland, Toledo, Chicago, Lasalle, Rock Island, to 
 cross the Mississippi at Davenport, and connect wicli the Iowa Central 
 Railroad, from Davenport to Council Bluflfs. [See map.] 
 
 From Chicago, connecting with the two roads already mentioned, an- 
 other runs to Rockford and Cialena, and crosses the Mississippi at Du- 
 buque, tu join the Iowa Northern Railroad. A splendid road is being run. 
 from St. L'juis to Cleveland direct ; from Cleveland to Columbus, one is 
 in operation. From Columbus, one is building to Indiaoopdlis ; from 
 there, to S|)ringii3ld ; from there, one is completed to Alton, to connect 
 with the Missouri River Railroad. There is also a road from Springfield 
 to Qiiiucy, to meet, the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad. 
 
 From Baltimore and Philadelphia, roads run to Pittsburgh, to Colum- 
 bus, "Ho Cincinnati From^Cincinnati, one is building to St. Louis ; and 
 iVom St. Louis, 50 miles are finished on the line to Kanzas. The first 
 road that will reach the Missouri river will be the Hannibal and St. Joseph 
 road. It is tlie s'lortest in miles, the most even in grade, the most fertile 
 in soil^ and the one which, considering its eastern connections, will pro- 
 bably pay the best. I have no fear for this city, but that she will grow to 
 be e'jual to any i:iland city in the nation, in size and wealth, but we may 
 not get the roud afier all. The North and Middle of the Union can not 
 be made to go down to Tennessee, to lide or send freight, to California ; 
 and, perhaps, we may not get it even here. Let it go where right demands 
 it should go. It can not go so far north but that, bv our North Western 
 roads, we can turn down to us all that will properly belong to us, and can 
 send west ail we desire. 
 
 Fort Leavenworth lies just upon the Great Railroad line, through the 
 Middle States Jf tlie Governtnent would make Leavenworth the eastern 
 leruiinus of the road, and run it due west, on the beautiful divide between 
 the waters of tliR Kanzas and Platte, which stretches west for 500 miles, 
 with the greatest evenness and beauty ; thence through Bridger's Pass to 
 the Salt Lake, then to San Francisco, or the borders of California — were 
 L-javenworth the terminus, it could cro^s the Missouri, to unite with the 
 projected road, on the north side of the Missouri river through the river 
 counties. 
 
 Fort Leavenworth is situated, to a mile, just halfway between Kanzas 
 and St. Joseph — the ternniii of the two roads, which will first reach tlie 
 Nebraska Territory. Roads could h: run, from each of these points to 
 a place some fifty miles back from Leavenworth; here would spring up 
 a large city, and these roads could have an equal chance for the business 
 of the main road. Let the roads, from the west side of Arkansas and the 
 one iVom Council Bluffs, then, he run so as to meet the trunk, 250 or 300 
 miles vvest of Leavenworth ; and here let another large city spnng up, 
 and give the North and the South an equal chance at the business. Thi.s 
 plan also would develope Nebraska to the greatest possible extent, and 
 
34 LETTERS FOR TEiE PEOPLE, 
 
 would inst;intly produce a heavy uay-travtl, on ihese ro«ds. This 
 road can be built cheaper and beiier than any other. It is from one to 
 two hundred miles sliorier than either of the other routes, and lies through 
 a more beautiful and ietlile country than any other ; and what if it does 
 cost more I A road built where it is needed, is in reality clita[)tr, than 
 one built at less expense where it will not he used as much. 
 
 Two bids have heen ollered to Congress, to build the road from the Mis- 
 souri to San Francisco in Jive years, giving penal bonds for its completion 
 at the specified time. We argue, that Nebraska should be speedily ad- 
 mitted, to f.icilitate this work. Let us briefly make a calculation, show- 
 iug with what rapidity this work must be puslied forward, in order to ac- 
 complish it, accordina; lo the contracts. It must be built in this rapid 
 manner, for the amount invested can not be jiermiited to lie idle, and the 
 only thing, which should limit the number of liands and the pressing of the 
 work, should be that ihe capacity o( the road t(j bring maieiiaU was fully 
 exhausted. 
 
 In each year are Z6'j days ; deduct 65 days for Sabbaths and liollidays, 
 and 300 remain. For storms, winter, sickness, perhaps a sickly season, 
 deduct 100, and 200 remain ; and that is a large average for each of the 
 five years. In five years, there will be 1000 working days ; and there are 
 from 1800 to 2000 miles of road to be built, i. e., two miles must be cotn- 
 menced and finished each day, between sunrise and sunset. But when we 
 remember some of this road is to be bridged, miles of it to be tunnelled, 
 and all the timber and irou to be carried over the road itself, as fast as it 
 is built, as well as the carrying of fuel to the various engine stations, and 
 food for the workmen, and animals ; we can see that, at the eastern end — 
 at Leavenworth — on those level and beautilul prairies — it must be built 
 with vastly greater rapidity, ihau at a thousand miles further west. So, 
 that when it starts from the Missouri river, it most proceed wi.h a move- 
 ment etjual to more than iive milos of completed road every day the hands 
 work. 
 
 The country knows noiliing of the cost of transportation, on the west- 
 ern plains. It costs the United States' Government, as hij;h as I'i cents 
 per pound to carry white beans, or flour to the armv in New Mexico. — 
 Labor is high, animals are high, the country is wild, and such services 
 cost money. Now, for two or three hundred miles ahead of the finished 
 railroad, must all food, and utensils, and timbers, ami iron, and the very 
 corn for the horses, be carried by teams, unless tiie setilen)ent ol the Ter- 
 ritory is granted imm(;dialrly. Now. the whole nniion has a deeo interest 
 in the building of this road, and in m iiiimetlia(e consi.ruclion. The body 
 politic, if it is Kjcated through its center, must feel the stimulus to its re- 
 motest corner. California needs, and demands the road, while its opening 
 would eiiualize, to a great extent, the prices of merchandize, ifiining itself 
 could be conducted at so much less expense, that more persons W')uld en- 
 gage in it, and the amount of actual gold would be greatly increased. The 
 legitimate commerce, which would follow from being coDUtcied with the 
 renter of the Union, would ten times counterbalance the depreciation of 
 fictitious prices of real estate and property. The trade ofCliina. Japan, 
 and the East Indies, wLicii nould pass across our ('oniiiicnt. would natu- 
 rally? sei k our own ships, and our marine iutlueiice, both upon the Ailantic 
 and Pacifii;, would be greatly increased. The settlrmeut and stocking of 
 Oregon and California would go forward with sur|)rising strides. This 
 vear, the populaiion of the United States will increase 7.)d,o05 ; in IBiJ. 
 781,200 ; s.) that every two years, we can furnish nearly a million to opeii 
 and posi'jos il;eijc couuiries, and yet gain half a millio:] a' home ! 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 35 
 
 We have seen the position, occu|jied by the populHtion east of Nebras- 
 ka T erritory. Let us, for a little, examine the c*untry west of it. While 
 Texas is on the south, there is a fine territorial country to counterbalance 
 it,onthe north of Nebraska, and adjoining Minnesota. Going further 
 west, we come to New Mexico on the south ; north of this lies the Terri- 
 tory of Utah, whose north boundary is the line of 42deg. N. L., — the line 
 we ask for Nebraska. North of Utah, to balance off New Mexico, lies 
 the vast fertile basin of the Yellow Stone. Next west, comes California; 
 North California, west of Utah ; South California, west of New Mexico; 
 and Oregon, west of the Yellow Stone Territory. Now, the lines of ter- 
 ritory, and population, and equitable location, demand that this road shall 
 not go through New Mexico, but through Utah. 
 
 Any intelligent man, who will sit down and take his map, and study 
 the increase of population, and the directions in which energy and en- 
 terprise are flowing, will find that, in less than ten years, there will be a 
 population, north of Bridger's Pass, equal to three limes that below it. 
 
 The facts at present are these. New Mexico has a population of some 
 60,000 persons, — Indians, Half-Breeds, Spaniards, and Americans. The 
 Territory north of Utah is full of original American Indians, amounting 
 to probably 40,000, who are as well qualified for citizenship, as three- 
 fourths of the New Mexicans. Between these two countries lies Utah, 
 whose north boundary, (42deg,) runs through the South Pass, and which 
 also has within its center, Bridger''s Pass. This country has a populatioa 
 of some 25,000, almost all from the United States, working people, having 
 among them fine mechanics and artists. When we come to the western- 
 most tier, we reach the State of California. Here, the great bulk of the 
 population lies in the north — the gold region — lying entirely to the north 
 of San Francisco. The southern part is less desirable, is thinly peopled. 
 The dividing lijie between California and Oregon is the line of 42deg, N. 
 L., — the same with Utah and Nebraska. Oregon is rapidly settling, and 
 already must have a population of from 50,000 to 60,000. Where, then, 
 ought the Pacific Railroad to run, as regards the future west ? Yes, even 
 the. present west of our country. 
 
 More anon. Yours truly, 
 
 Lynceus. 
 
 LETTER VII. 
 
 Shall the Pacific Road start from Kanzas? — Benton's Route one-sided— Should have 
 a way-travel of its own — How shall Nebraska be admitted ? — Missouri Compromise 
 — Its Nature.Violation — Platte Purchase — ^ize — Character — Slaves — The Missouri 
 Coaipromise intended as eternal — Is the Platte Purchase Slave, or Free-Soil? 
 
 Saint Louis, Aug. lOlh, 1853. 
 My DEAR Friend : Ought the Pacific Railroad to start, from the mouth of 
 the Kanzas ! as Col. Benton urges — a point lower than thevvhole States of 
 Pennsylvania and New Jersey, where it has little population for 400 miles 
 south-east of it, and no country to support it ; to run for a while hugging 
 the Kanzas valley, to keep off the divide between the Kanzas and the Ar- 
 kansas, which is not more than half as fertile as that between the Kansas 
 and the Platte; thence, to bear south-west until you reach the latitude of 
 Memphis, — a latitude of the south which enjoys the fullest blessing of the 
 
56 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE. 
 
 vicinage of the Gulf of Mexico ; ihence, to bear through Southern Cali- 
 fornia to San Fraocisco. 
 
 The advocacy of this route, by Col. Benton, is a strange and unlooked- 
 for event, with maMy thinking men. We all know the determination of 
 some men to carry out, in spite of argument and persuasion, their owd 
 first preconceived notion, however unwise. We know the vast iotluence. 
 which local attachments and feelings exercise over our efforts and plans. 
 We know how stronglymen work to purchase the good will of others, or to 
 allay the anger of the provoked, or overcome the haired of enemies. We 
 know also how partial men are to their own, whether human or material, 
 and how all-powerful self is in all things. 
 
 The course of Col. Benton is so away from advocating ahold national 
 policy and location, that the causes for his conrse have been closely ques- 
 tioned, and the opinion is gaining extensive ground, and from many points 
 is finding utterance, tliat Col. Benton is acting a p.xrtnninational, but per- 
 sonally duplex, — a half way compromise, seeking by it for the favor of the 
 south, and the forbearance of the north. To start it in free Territory, and 
 let it run so far souih, that it shall benefit almost only the slave States. 
 To win for himself the credit and glory of being the great mover and fa- 
 ther of this particular compromise of routes. Col. Fremont's influence is 
 waning with the American people. Col. Benton has always been associ- 
 ated wiih him, and shared his honors. And now, Mr. Benion would fain 
 magnify Fremont, and through him, himself, by running the road through 
 Fremont's attempted pass- 
 
 Col. Fremont, also, has large landed estates in California, which, so far 
 .19 public information goes, are situated south-east of San Francisco, so that 
 the new route will pass near, or directly through them. 
 
 Well may we believe, that were there in Congress a man of Col. Ben- 
 ton's abilities and pergonal influence, with a son-m law in the same body, 
 with the same j/j'/ii'u/ua/ inducements for action, in this matter, that ^c 
 could put forth, a far clearer, stronger, more truthful, and more national 
 appeal and argument for the road, either through Bridgers' Pass, or the 
 South Pass, than Col. Benton cither has, or can, for the New Mexican 
 road. 
 
 The route recommended by Col. Benton, is a onesided affair. It runs 
 to the center of our newest acquisitions, leaving Oregon without the least 
 hope of connection with the Uniied States; nealecling Utah, slighting 
 Nebraska, and bearing away 1,500 vtiles from the central portions of the 
 Missouri and Yellow Stone Territories, — a |)olicy to have this road'buiit 
 by national expense, — presently to have an application to Congress, to 
 build a branch of three or four hundred miles, to the western side of Ar- 
 kansas. The whole south, then, to take stock in a road, from Memphis 
 across Arkansas, that State being too poor to build, or to support it. Thus, 
 the it^\^\\^ would have two termini, — St. Louis and Memphis. — and every 
 thing, that went nori/y, or came from California, would be obliged to go from 
 or come to those cities, almost at ri^hi angles, instead of coming to the 
 north from the west direct, as they ought, since she is the builder and ac- 
 tual su|)porter of the road. 
 
 It does seem evi'lent that the road ought to start from Fort Leaven- 
 worth. Fort Leavenworth has been a government > stahlishtnent for some 
 ;}0 years, and is the great central depot for supplying all the United States' 
 forts, in the west, with provisions, ammunition, and men. It holds con- 
 stant Communication with Fort Kearney, Laramie, Hall, Atkinson, and 
 iJibs'jn, and also with the Salt Lake and Santa Fo. It is on the west side 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 37 
 
 of the Missouri river, in the Nebraska Territory, SO miles above the 
 mouth of the Kanzas, and 32 n)iles below St. Joseph. There isthefjoest 
 levee on the whole Missouri river. It is a beautilul site for a large and 
 magnificent ciiy. The Missouri river boats coultl bring iron, and linnber, 
 and tools, from Si. Louis, and the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad can 
 keep two steamers busy, dropping down with loads, from St. Joseph to 
 Fort Leavenworth. The Government own there nine square miles, upon 
 which to store iron, or timber, as it may be received. Hundreds of thou- 
 sands of dollars have been already invested there, and as the troops shall 
 be drawn off to the new post, the large iron and wood shops, already there, 
 and the buildings which would be vacated, could fuinish shops for the ac- 
 coramodatian of more than a thousand workers in iron and wood, who 
 could frame buildings, tanks, bridges, &c., and send them on to the work- 
 men a thousand miles west. 
 
 This route ivill noL as does Col. Benton's, run through a narrow bot- 
 tom land, thus defeating the settlement of broad prairie lands. But it so 
 runs, that, commencing in the prairie, men will put up temporary wire 
 fences, and start iheit hedges immediately, and overcome the want of tim- 
 ber by the application of science to its production. 
 
 The railroad should run so that it shall have a heavy way-travel of its 
 own, through a country capable of dense settlement. It should run so that 
 branches call pass otF in each direction, to accommodate the whole terri- 
 tory of our country. 
 
 This is the true theory. Settle the first load in the center, and let 
 branches, at nearly right angles, go off to different districts. At the ends 
 of these branches, wealth, influence, and population, will culminate, and, 
 in time, these points will desire roads to connect them ; and thus will arise 
 olher 2^araUei roads, rlmning across this country to the Pacific. 
 
 This road, having received the Council Bluffs' and Memphis' branches, 
 should pass on some two hundred miles, when a branch should turn di- 
 rectly 7wrth, into the basin of the Yellow Stone. In that country, is a 
 climate unsurpassed for evenness of temperature, purity of air, and gene- 
 ral healthfulness, by any country in the world; while its richness and 
 great beauty will make it the choice of the whole western half of the Re- 
 public. Passing through the Rocky mountains, a road should turn di- 
 rectly south to Santa Fe. Two hundred miles beyond the Salt Lake, a 
 branch should turn directly north-icest into Oregon ; while the road should 
 either pass through the north of the Sierra Nevada mountains, or around 
 'hem, to San Francisco on the south-west. 
 
 In closing this subject. I would again refer to the portion of Nebraska 
 between the Platte and Kanzas, commencing at Fort Leavenworth. — 
 When we leave the Allegany mountains, and descend into Ohio, we strike 
 a most fertile strip of country, embracing the Miami valley. It crosses tlie 
 center of the State of Indiana, containing the Shawnee Prairie. In Illi- 
 nois, it takes the center of the State, embracing Sangamon county, and a 
 hundred miles of country north, 'and the whole of the Great Prairie. 
 This strip has, in the same latitude, a corresjjonding strip west of the Mis- 
 sissippi river. That strip embraces all Missouri north of the river, and a 
 strip across southern Iowa. Beyond the Missouri river, this same fertile 
 belt continues, lying between the Platte and Kanzas, and extending to their 
 head-waters, gradu;illy, however, after 300 miles, becoming inferior as it 
 approaches the Rocky mountains. This natural strip of rich fertile soil is 
 indicative by nature, as the line, and the only proper line, for the Great 
 Railway to the Pacific. 
 
36 
 
 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, 
 
 But how shall this Nebraska be admitted, as resards Slavery wilJiin her 
 limits ? 
 
 Perhnps you instantly reply, " There is no need to ask that question! 
 The matter is settled already, by the Missouri Compromise !" Is it, in- 
 deed? It were truly a happy thing, if it were thus settled. But what 
 said the Missouri Comjjroniise? 
 
 " Sec. 8. Ami be it turiher enacted, that in all iliat territory, ceded by 
 France to the Uniisd Slates, under the name of Louisiana, whicli lies 
 north of ."GJe:^. 30m. north latitude, not included >ciihin the limits of the 
 State contemplated by this act, slaicry and involuntary servitude, other- 
 wise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the parlies shall have been 
 duly convicied shall be and hereby is forever prohibited. 
 
 " Provided always, that any person escaping into the same, from whom 
 labor or service is lawfully claimed, in any Slate or Territory of the Uni- 
 ted States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed lo the 
 person, claiming his or her labor, or service, as aforesaid." 
 
 "Approved. March 6ili. 16'20." 
 
 Well, is not Nebraska, as we have defined its bounds, a part of that 
 Territory, ceded by France under the name of Louisiana ? Is it not 
 north of 36dea. 30m., N. L. ? Is it not without the limits of the Slate of 
 Missouri? We answer, Yes, to all these inquiries? Why, then, when 
 the enactment is so plain, and Nebraska is so evidently the country de- 
 scribed in the act, why do we need any thing further ? I answer, because 
 it is a question, (worili the thought of every American.) whether the Mis- 
 souri Compromise means any thing : and, if it does, it is again a question, 
 whether it can be preserved from the violation of lawless and wicked men ; 
 and the question comes up, whether the State of Missouri has not vitiated 
 her constitution, by her action in reference to this subject. 
 
 This whole subject will readily be understood, when we remark, that 
 the boundary of Missouri, when she was admitted lo the Union — the boun- 
 dary contemplated when the iNlissouri Con)promise was passed, — was a 
 straight line from the south-west corner of the State, running through the 
 mouth of the Kanzas, anil extending north to the present hne between 
 Iowa and Missouri. The Missouri river, bearing from the Kanzas to the 
 west of north, left a strip of land on the east of Missouri river; and "be- 
 tween said river and tiie western boundary of the State, it is 104 miles, 
 from north to south ; and, at the northern end, 60 miles wide, at the south. 
 it came to a point. This large triangle is now divided into the six follow- 
 ing counties, and is a part of the State of Missouri. 
 
 COUNTIE?. 
 
 Free. 
 
 Slave. Total. 
 
 Atchison, 
 
 Nodawiiy, 
 
 Holt, 
 
 Andrew, 
 
 Biichannan, 
 
 Platte, 
 
 •2,0 H 
 
 3 S-JS 
 
 8,77;! 
 
 12,074 
 
 14,131 
 
 30 
 
 7'' 
 
 127 
 
 661 
 
 9(>> 
 
 2,798 
 
 1,678 
 •2,118 
 3,955 
 y.434 
 l-2,y76 
 16,929 
 
 
 42,502 
 
 4.583 
 
 47,090 
 
 From this table, it will be seen that, in 1850, there were living on the 
 Platte Purchase, 47,090 mhabitants ; of these 4.588 were slaves. Since 
 iSoO, the population has increased, and the number of slaves now must 
 be as many as 5,0il0. How comes it that there is a single slave there? — 
 that au inch of that territory has been polluted? Are these 4,533 ineu 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 39 
 
 really slaves, or are ihey free men illegally held to service ? How comes 
 ;«ll this .' What means it all ? Was, or was not, that triangle a portion 
 of Nebraska ! Does it, to day, belong to Nebraska, or Missouri ? Is it, 
 to-day, slave or free territory .' Let us closely examine this matter. 
 
 Before the admission of Missouri, there had arisen a fierce altercation 
 between the north and south, because free blacks of the north, whatever 
 their character or business, were imprisoned on entering the slave States. 
 The dissatisfaction ran high, and the north declared, that if citizens of the 
 United States were to be shut out of slave Slates, or imprisoned within 
 them, that no more slave territory should be admitted to the Union. Sla- 
 very had been, by authority, forever abolished in the Territory, north of 
 the Ohio river, and east of the Mississippi; but nothing had been done 
 concerning the country west of the Mississippi. The State of Louisiana 
 had been erected as a slave State ; the Territories of .\rkansas and Mis- 
 souri had startsd in the same manner. Missouri applied for admission 
 as a State at this pariicular crisis. Strong and continued opposition arose, 
 and it was determined that she should come in free, or not at all. The 
 dissolution of the Union was threatened by the souih, and was not an un- 
 welcome thought to the north. The great men, however, stood firm, and 
 the people followed thein. Henry Clay prepared and submitted the Mis- 
 souri Compromise, as it is generally called. That Compromise gives the 
 State of Missouri the privilege of erecting a State government, &c., &c ; 
 but upon this condition, that all the remainder of the old Louisiana Ter- 
 ritory, above 36deg.30in,, should never have a slave upon it. It also added 
 a restriction to the Constitution of the State, when it should be formed, 
 which was, that any citizen of the United Stales, recognized as a citizen 
 in any State, was free to come and go through Missouri, as he might 
 please, without hindrance, indignity, or imprisonment. 
 
 The Compromise was simply this : The nation had risen, and declared 
 there shall be no more slave Stales in the Union. Henry Clay came 
 forward, and in reality said, " The people of Missouri are already there, 
 and they own slaves, and they wish it to be a slave State. Grant them their 
 wish, but compel them to admit citizens of other States, whatever their 
 opinions or color. Give to them and to the south this one piece of the 
 Louisiana Territory for slavery, and we ask no more; we will agree that 
 (forever in the future, the remainder of it shall be free. Let us take a large 
 State, almost 300 miles square, and jut it up into free teriitory, and north 
 and xoest of it, we will not ask for more." 
 
 Such was the nature of the Missouri Compromise, The consideration 
 in the bargain was the preservation of the Union. The relinquishment, 
 on the part of the north, was the State of Missouri, devoted to slavery 
 and the south. The relinquishment, on the part of the south, was the ded- 
 ication of all the remainder of Old Louisiana Territory to eternal free- 
 dom. And this bargain, forevkr, im|)iied, that the north, through the 
 medium of Congress, would not disturb the institution of slavery in Mis- 
 souri ; ani the declaration of the enactment, not only implied, but it avow- 
 ed, on the part of the south as well as north, that they would forever pre- 
 vent its violation, nor permit a single slave to be held in all that Territory. 
 i say, the south, witli the north, pledged themselves /orerer, to prevent it, 
 and a prohibition of the United States is a preventive, if wickedness does 
 not come in to nullify it. 
 
 How, then, came slavery to exist in the Great Triangle above described? 
 
 Wtien Missouri was first admitted, this land remained in the possession 
 q( the Indians and half-breeds. After Missouri had been in the Union IG 
 
40 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE. 
 
 years, seeiug bow mucli it woujd add to ll>e wealth, power, anJ commerce 
 of the Slate, lo possess il>e riglitof one-lialf of ihe Missouri river, from 
 Kanzas up to the line between luwa and Missouri, the State of Missouri 
 made application to Congress to add iliis triangle to her terniory. 
 
 A double f]ije3tiou presents itself here. Had Congress a right lo in- 
 crease the territory of Missouri, under Uie circumslunces. The Missouri 
 Compromise described the land particularly, aud made special provision 
 for the settlement of the north line, and for the division of the islands in 
 the Mississippi river. But no one, in thai d;iy, asked, hoped, or expected, 
 that the territory of Missouri could ever be enlarged. Tlius, was the State 
 adtnilted into the Union on certain conditions, which omdiiioos were to 
 coaliQue forever. How could that State be eularged, without violating the 
 priuci[»les upon which it was admitted ! The enlargement not only vio- 
 lated the act itself, but also the proviso respecting fugitives. From the 
 circumstances under wliii:li Missouri was admiUtd, ii does seem to me. 
 that the addiiiou of the Plaite Purchase was beyond the actual province of 
 the power o( Coneress, aud it is, therefore, oirigltl, a portion of Nebraska 
 Territory still. 
 
 But passing that point, let us ask. Is tliis triangle, when addeil to Mis- 
 souri, free or slave territory ? That there are slaves there, and that it is 
 now an ally of slave interests, are indisputable facta, lint the <|nestion 
 is. Did the addition of this triangle to Missouri change its free character? 
 Can one casual act of Congress, couched in general term?, cunirol and 
 take precedence of an especial enactment, drawn with the iiiost stringent 
 precision .' Can the careless and hasty action of Congress undo that 
 which was established with the deepest thought and anxiety, and declared 
 irrevocable/ While an absolute, specilic enactment is in force, does it 
 not modify, in that particular respect which it regards, any general act, 
 which does not directly or indirectly indicate its abrogation .' Dui, can 
 Congress pass any act that shall be perpetual ? Men, in this world, make 
 bequests, endowments, and deeds, which are never to be cli.inged — which 
 express the will of the donor, or conveyer. There are limes in govcrn- 
 ineut. when the same stable kind of action is desirable, when great prin- 
 ciples are to be established, and deeils |)erformed which will :orever lesult 
 in good. Circumstances change; opinions alter; aud this is so common, 
 in a world where the future is all hidden, that it is a rare ihiii":, that such 
 language as that of the Missouri Compromise is introduced. In our In- 
 dian treaties, in reference to land titles, the same construction of linguage 
 is used. A time came in the alfairs of our counir)-, when every thing de- 
 manded, that a permanent, enduring enactment should be pi.s>ed, and it 
 was done. Wliat wa^ that enacimeni ? That Missnun, with certain 
 boundaries, should he admitted as a slave Slate. Mark it well I Gt)Vf rn- 
 nienl did not promise to atld territory to that State, iinr lo maintain the 
 suprem.icy of slavery there. iN'o ; it only said U) .Missouri, •• Vou may 
 brand the curse upon your own forehead, and we will yet recr.ive you to 
 the Union ; hut west and notih ol you, there shall forever be no slavery.*'. 
 Cm the United Stales make a permant'ot enactment ? Is its word good 
 lor even 20 years ? 1 do not know or remember any United .States' en- 
 actment, except this, which was designeil lo be a perpetual ^lalu^«, be- 
 yond the possibility of change. And yet, this has been trampled iifion, 
 in the grossest manner. Is onr government ilesirable .' Isii^my blessir;^ 
 to live under it ? If it is, why not mainiain its integrity ? Why make ii 
 a liar, in the one thini: of all others, in which it has given out its word, 
 and declared it will not recall it ? Shame to the south, burning and el«»- 
 
ON TH'E PRESEiNT CRISIS. 41 
 
 nal shame, that, for a few acres of ground, — for a slight advantaga, — they 
 should quietly and stealthily attempt to violate the Missouri Compioinise, 
 — a compromise jyamed by themselves, and passed for themselves. an(i 
 that for their own henetit ! Oh, false and traitorous north, that could join 
 hands to sell the liberties of men, and extend the reign of sorrow and in- 
 jusiice, to disgrace the honor of your nation, and make her promises a jest ! 
 i^Iore anon. Yours truly. 
 
 Ltnceus. 
 
 LETTER VIII. 
 
 Is tbePlatte Purchase freo or slave? — Origin of Platte Addition — Missouri Compromise 
 and Platte Purchase Act compared — Position of Platte Purchase Slaves legally — Ne- 
 cessity tor Wilinot Proviso — Nebraska i'ree — Influence upon Missouri — Nebraska 
 slave influence on Missouri — Nebraska certainly free — Insecurity of carrying Ne- 
 gioej there. 
 
 Saint Louis, Aug. 24th, 1853. 
 
 IMy dear Friend : One of two things is true, either this is slave Territo- 
 ry, in its absolute sense, and the second act of Congress supercedes the Mis- 
 souri Compromise, or it is free to-day. 
 
 Now in legal enactments, when any new statute is erected, an excep- 
 tion, or provision, is commonly made res|}ecting other previous enactments, 
 which may have any bearing or the case, and where nothing is said regar- 
 ding it, the new act comes under the restriction of previous acts, rather 
 than overrules them. Congress is authorized to pass laws, not confiicting 
 with the constiiutioQ of the United States. Other Legislatures are per- 
 mitted to pass laws, not contrary to the constitutions of liieir respective- 
 States, or of the United States. Each State, and the United States, in their 
 statutes, always read that this statute shall in no manner be construed so 
 as to confli(;t with other previous statutes, specitically named, or just the 
 contrary— after a certain date this statute shall take full & immediate effect, 
 all other existing enactments, or statutes, to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 Now the act, adding the Platte purchase, was originated either in ex- 
 treme folly, or excessive subtlety. It does nut define what effect was t© 
 be produced on the triangular addition, as regarded slavery. It does not 
 tell what authority Missouri was to exercise, whether only the lights of 
 common law, such as her J ree citizens enjoyed, who did not hold slaves, or 
 whether itQoi'orced iha special enactments of a slava Stale, which were 
 granted by the Missouri Compromise. 
 
 It is probable that subtlety, was the cause of this ambiguity. The 
 country was in 183G little known. The Missouri Crompromise had lost 
 some interest, in the changing scenes of political warfare, and the bill was 
 introduced, as a careless request, to add a small piece of ground to Missou- 
 ri, and it prob.tbly passed, because it had not sufficient |)oint, and distinct- 
 ness, to challenge investigation, or opposition. It was, I think, the design 
 to have it pass without opjjosition, in this ambiguous form, and then lhro\7 
 it open to the slaveholding masses, assuming they had the riglit to enter 
 it, (which tliey had not,) and let them roll in, and locate the curse there ; 
 well knowing it takes a pound to cure what an ounce could have prevent- 
 ed. But let us see this curious document — it speaks for itself: 
 
 "June 7tii, 183G.— Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Repre- 
 sentatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That 
 when the ladian title to all the lands lying between the State of Missouri 
 
43 LKTTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, 
 
 *nd the Missouri River, shall be extinguished, ihe jurisdiction o»er said 
 Unds shall be hereby reded to the State of Missouri, and the western 
 boundary of said Slate sh;ill he then extended lo the Missouri river, re- 
 ser»in? to the United Stales the original right of soil in said lands, and of 
 disposing of the same : Provided thai this act sh ill not lake etiect unlil 
 the President shall by proclamation declare that ihe Indian tiile lo said 
 lands has been exiinguished, nor shall it lake etlect, until the slate of Mis- 
 souri, shall have assented to the provisions of this act." 
 
 Such is its language. The only two word*, u|»on which the point can 
 at all turn, Hte jurisdiction and houndanj. The jurisdiction of this coun- 
 try had been in the United States, and was as in the whole Indian coun- 
 try, military instead of civil. The various meanings of the word, will per- 
 mit us to place various interpretations upon the statute, nol one of thera 
 however, necessitates the absolute right, for Missouri to plant slavery 
 there. Knowing the Missouri Com[iromise lo be in full force, it couM be 
 more properly construed, that the statute grants such authority only, over 
 tkis new addition, as/r^e Stales exercise over their oun Territory. 
 
 " The Western boundary shall then be extended to the Missouri river." 
 This seems to me to gain nothing for slavery. Missouri asked for a free 
 territory — free forever, by solemn agreement of the Union; and Congress 
 gave it to them wilbout at all removing the restriction, and it passed into 
 Missouri's private haniis icith this public, national mortgage for freedom for 
 ever restincr on, it. 
 
 1 believe the Platte Purchase free territory, and a part of Nebraska; 
 that so long as the Missouri Compromise stands on the statute, it takes 
 precedence, and entire control, of any other or even an opposite enact- 
 ment ; that when the United States have made a solemn contract, and 
 millious have acted in good faith in it, for sixteen years, and one par- 
 ty have reaped all the benefits, and the other party none, it is impossi- 
 ble, with truth, equity, or justice, for the United States to annul thai com- 
 pact. The part free forever, was as much a part of the agreement, as 
 was the erection of Missouri into a slave Slate. But when the United 
 States declares a thing shall be forever prohibited, and designs to have 
 that prohibition an immutable eternal statute, that act must be absolutely 
 repealed, (is not that an impossibility ?) or it stands in full strength for^ 
 ever; and violations of it, however they may seek refuge under ambigu- 
 ous enactments, should be with rigor sought out, exposed, and punished. 
 
 l-'rom the above we insist, that there are now held in an illegal manner, 
 4,588 slaves ; persons who did not escape there, but were brought there 
 voluntarily by their masters, persons doomed to "involuntary servitude,'' 
 not " for crimes whereof they have been lawfully convicted," save it be 
 that 60 admirably described by Cowper, " He finds his brother guilty of 
 a skin not colored like his own ; and having power to enforce the wrong, 
 for such a worthy cause, dooms him, and tasks bim, and exacts his 
 sweat," <5cc. 
 
 W these 4,588 slaves could bring suit in a court of justice for freedom 
 and services, while they have been on the Platte Purchase, and it should 
 be appealed to the United States' Supreme Court, — for the question would 
 ultimately come there, — the decision would be in favor of the slaves. — 
 The Miisouri Compromise makes every slave carried into the Platte Pur- 
 chase a free man. And no man, having them there, can carry them away, 
 for they are free. 
 
 Let us now return to the in(iuiry, How shall Nebraska be admitted ! 
 
 Let Justice write the Wiltiiot Proviso — no, the Missouri Compromise, 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 43 
 
 — upon her fair brow. After our examination of the history of tiie PlaHe 
 Purchase, all can understand the manner in which the Missouri Compro-, 
 mise has been treated. It has been violated I Slaves are, to-day, held in 
 involuntary servitude. on thousands of miles, where our nation has declared 
 there should forever be no slave. If that solemn compact has been viola- 
 ted in one pan, it will be violated in another, if an opportunity shall in 
 any wise be granted. Let the nation throw out her banner, and tell all 
 men what she has before told them, that Nebraska is free, and that there 
 slavery shall find no hold for the sole of her foot, for even a single hour. 
 It becomes the nation to bestir itself. There is no doubt but that, in a few 
 years, this question will rectify itself in Nebraska, whatever Congress, or 
 the nation, may do. But Congress owes it to the nation, the nation owes 
 it to herself, to pass, in connection with the opening of the Territory, the 
 Sth section of the act, authorizing the people of Missouri to form a St^te 
 government. We have already quoted it, and it is the Missouri Com- 
 promise. This is (Jue to the north and south ; it will peacefully facilitate 
 what will come after, perhaps ten years of fierce bickerings and internal 
 wars, over this unhappy question. It will immediately permit the full 
 settlement of the line, from the Missouri river to the Pacific ocean, instead 
 of keeping settlers away by the idea that it is a State distracted in its so- 
 cial relations. No southerner will then sutfer the vexation, disappointment, 
 and loss of a stay of one to five years in a new country, which be must, 
 then, perchance leave, without taking his negroes with him, or remain 
 there to do with his own hands the labor he brought them along to per- 
 form. This is the only true way, — the only honest or honorable way, — 
 to dispose of it. 
 
 But where will the settlers come from ? Arkansas is calling for settlers 
 slave settlers. Texas, in danger of being divided, and making a new (tec 
 State, is calling and imploring siave-owning and slavery-loving men, to 
 come there and settle. New Mexico, whose character is soon to be decided 
 hy a popular vote is trembling, as she anticipates the question, and begs for 
 slaveholders to come to her. Utah, also, to have the question settled by 
 [jopular vote, is calling, and calling in vain for slaveholders, and had but 
 30 slaves, and 15,000 inhabitants. These are called slave countries, and 
 there slaveholders, as far as they dare, are going to settle. While this 
 is so, Missouri, bent beneath her little load of slavery, has been toiling on 
 for 60 years, to get her present position. In one-third of that time, Ohio, 
 Indiana, and Illinois, have grown up, and outstrip])ed Missouri. They 
 have a large population to keep at home, but their increasing surplus is 
 seeking new homes further west, and Nebraska is the point which fixes 
 their gaze. There are vast numbers of men, who are intending to go 
 there, the first moment the Territory is opened for entrance. In two coun- 
 ties in Ohio, there are 3.000 persons in one company, who intend to go 
 as a colony for freedom, and little bands exist every where in those States, 
 who will go together. Hundreds of men have been sent out to see that 
 country ,Mn order to carry back reports of the good land. It is also calcu- 
 lated that, at least 50,000 persons will enter Nebraska in eighteen months 
 from Missouri alone, and that population will be free. The slave-owners 
 of Missouri own farms and houses of such value that, in the temporary 
 and pressed sale of lands, by persons leaving, they can not afford to sell: 
 .and they will not dare to make a change, that promises only loss and dis- 
 appointment. 
 
 But let us suppose that the south, trampling upon liberty, and the north, 
 oetraying freedom, should again violate the Missouri Compromise, and 
 
•U LETTERS FOB. THE PEOPLE, 
 
 '.hnuld declare that when it eliould come into the I'nion.ii should be slave 
 tf free, ;t9 tlie popular vote might declare. Sucli an arrangement would 
 perhaps take 5,U00 alaves lioni Missouri, and l.UOO from other slave 
 States. And what is the result of this 1 
 
 It weakens sinvery In Missouri, where it is now insecure. Every slave. 
 removed from Missouri, reduces the proportion of slaves to the free; for 
 mere is no slave immigration into Missouri to replace them, while the 
 [daces of the free wiio leave will, in a few months, be entirely Hlled from 
 1(16 east. This would hasten rhe freedom of Missouri. A few slaves in 
 Nebiaska, and a divided sentiment on the subject, .md decided opposition 
 to tlie institution, would n ot strengthen it at all in Missouri. The very 
 lact that, in Nebraska, a war was going on, which would end in the total 
 espulsion of slavery from its borders, would keep the State of Misisouri in 
 •ih9 most consiant alarm. And, when the catastrophe should aciually 
 jume. and Nebraska assert her freedom, then would the blow come upon 
 .Missouri with tenfold the eflect, that would follow the -leitlement ol Nebras- 
 «ia upon free principles; for there would then be an aiijoining State, wiiere 
 sl-ivery liad been defeated; and a |)recedent would be given fir the nctioD of 
 herown masses. and an undying enthusiasm awakened m them lo do likewise. 
 •Settle Nebraska free, under the Missouri Compromise, and she will look 
 with pity upon Missouri, groaning and laboring under her curse; but at- 
 'empt to chain slavery upon her, ami when once she has broken the fetter 
 from her pure neck, she will burn with hatred toward the oppressor, who 
 attempted to despoil her of her riches and glory. 
 
 liut, for the sake of argument, let us assume, that many slaves should 
 roil in from Missouri and the south, and it should become a slave State. 
 Tiiat, even could uot hinder the progress of freedom in Missouri, and we 
 lave the spectacle of a new Stale, standing again surrounded with three 
 tree Slates or Territories, and scarcely touching a slave State. Thai would 
 oe a worse position than Missouri. Surely, if a man is -^fool, to go al this 
 late hour iuio Mistsouj'i wiili his negroes, he is a madmun lu go xyilh them 
 :nlo Nebraska. 
 
 liut it is a vain supposition, to assume that it can he a s'ave Slate. New 
 Mexico and Uiaii liave been adiiiiited as Territories, upon tl.t condition 
 that the voters shall setile the (juesiion when they come in as States. It 
 iS a quesiiou wlieiiier New Mexico will not come in as a free Stale. Her 
 population are mostly Mexican, and are accustomed to tier laws, which 
 forbid slavery. And Utah also, out of her 15,000 population, had only 
 .10 niaves. The proximity of .^lissouri to Nebrask.i does i»ot, by any 
 iiieuns. make it certain, thai slavery must and will go into the new Terri- 
 'ory, Missouri, instead of being able to jiiopae'itc slavery, can not even 
 relaiii ii for herself. Tiie men who live on the Ironiier tell us, ihey ftjel 
 the utmost anxiety and alarm, for ii must be a free Slate; and, if it is, 
 slavery dies iu Missouri, pierced through the heart. 
 
 More anoii. Yours irulv. Lvnckis. 
 
 LETTER IX. 
 
 The Nalure of Com proniifes — ilis^gouri Coniproniifeaiul Fugitive Slave Cornpromise 
 compared — North and South loutrajteu — ;?oiitliern Atienip: to make Fnszilivc Coni- 
 pronii-'e irrPV()cahlo — CompriiiMi5c.= on Sinvery contrjiiT to mtioi.nl I'olioy ol the 
 ConMiUition— Public Meetings — New Polieyfor Norlh-^1 ll^ll actions lo Rtpresen- 
 latives. 
 
 Saint Louis, Sept. 7th, 1853. 
 Mt dear Friknd : I wish to say a few words more about compro- 
 mises, and I am done. \Vheti one party fails to fulfil his pari of a con- 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. * 45 
 
 tract, then the other party may demand, and compel them to do so, or de- 
 part from the previous engagement. What is fair for one side, is fair for 
 the other. As it would have been- a breach of the IMisso'uri Compromise, 
 for the north io have demanded a triangle 1U4 miles long and 60 wide, and 
 exclude slavery from it, and take it away Irom Missouri, just so much a 
 breach of the Compromise was committed, when so much of \\\e free, for- 
 ever free, territory was given to Missouri and slavery. 
 
 This crime has been wrought by the south, and that very violation has 
 giren to the north the right to demand, that Missouri shall be a free State. 
 Upon certain conditions, the United Stales declared Missouri a slave State; 
 the conditions violated, it instantly makes the question the same as before 
 the Compromise, in which tlie north demanded it should be a free State. 
 As it was made a slave State solely on these conditions, it would, if the 
 north insisted upon it, becon^e a free State, upon the holding of a single 
 sjave upon the forbidden premises. The fact that the north has not re- 
 belled against this encroachment, that it has not demanded^ that the con- 
 stitution of Missouri should be changed, and exclude slaver)", does not re- 
 lieve the south one particle for what they have done : for if the north \vas 
 recreant in not guarding the interests of freedom, it is no excuse why the 
 south, who form a part of the Union, should not come up and protect it. 
 But the south not only did not protect her owp Missouri Compromise, but 
 sought its violation, and accomplished it. 
 
 But, if time aud all the solemnities of legislation can not make firm 
 and abiding one comi»romise, neither can they anollier. Our Congress 
 has again passed a Compromise, as it has been unjustly called. In the 
 Missouri Compromise, the north were demandants. In the rn'o-ogr-rendi- 
 tion Compromise, the south were demandants. In the Missouri Compro- 
 inise, the south were the promissf)rs. in the negro-rendition Compromise, 
 the north were promissors. In the Missouri Compromise, the south pro- 
 mised to keep its hands off this Nebraska Territory. 
 
 In the slave-rendition Compromise, the- north promised to chase, hunt, 
 catch, hold, and deliver back to bondage every poor fui^itive slave. 
 
 In the Missouri Compromise, the south promised a humane, just, and 
 holy thing. In the nigger-catching Compromise, the north promised an 
 inhuman, unjust, and unholy thing. 
 
 In the Missouri Compromise, the south, by their vote, settled that ques- 
 tion. In the black Compromise, the north, by their vote, sustained it. 
 
 In the Missouri Compromise, the south gave a promise/oreuer, design- 
 ing that the act should never be revoked, for its execution would ahvays- 
 be salutary. In the slave-catching Compromise.no time was specified, 
 for the continuance of the act, for it can breed no good to any one. 
 
 But bow did these Compromises stand in their operation 1 The Missouri 
 Compromise has never yet had hut one chance for trial, and how fared, it? 
 Missouri Avaiited the triangle, — the richestsoil within her present borders, 
 m order to extend the curse over it, — and she obtained it. We are on the 
 eve of the question once more, and whai says the promissor now ? Senator 
 Atchison, the acting Vice President of the United States, may be con- 
 sidered as the exponent of southern opinion. In speeches he has been 
 making, in various portions of the State, hs is reported as taking the 
 ground, and, in effect, asserting, that lie will fight the admission of Ne- 
 braska, unless it can come in without the Wilmot Proviso ; that it shalt 
 come in as a slave Territory, or, at least, with the question left ooen, and 
 all done to foster slavery that is possible There are men in western Mis- 
 souri, who are tampering with the Indian?, and trying to induce the ablest 
 
4C ' LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, 
 
 of them to become slnveholder?. The very c]uestion before Consress, the 
 very reason why NebrHska is tint thrown open already, is, that the south 
 ;tre unwil ling to stand to tlie Missouri Compromise — are unwilling that a 
 free Territory should be erected on the frontier of ihe down-hilling slave 
 State of Missouri. The soiiih originated, presented, and passed, the Mis- 
 souri Compromise, but ihey have never respected or j)reserved it. ^ 
 
 But how is it with the north and her black Compromise ? She passed 
 it, and laid it on her own shoulders, because of the blusterinjis of the Mem- 
 lihis Convention of southern disunionists. And, again and aizain. has she 
 come up with the sword of justice, and the arm of law, and a debauched 
 public sentiment, all bearing down upon one poor, treinbiing victim, and 
 consigned him to injustice and despair. Oh, glorious, sublimo, transcend- 
 ant work I Oh, noble, humane, Christian spirit! What i)V swells the 
 bosom of the universal north, as it contemplatps each of its God-like 
 achievements. Well may ye exclaim, " IVe are the men of principle; 
 we sustain the Union ; we caught him ; tee kept the south in good humor ; 
 the nigger can't be very smart ; ive, (14,000,000 o/ us,) causht him, — he 
 c an not help himself, — Ite must go back I" 
 
 But, in some very sinful places, where twice or thrice humanity has 
 triumphed over insensibility, and conscience coniiuered fear, and the eyes 
 God gave him to guide hiig, tlie feet to carry him, and the intellect to 
 counsel him, operated well, and the endangered wretch escaped from you, 
 (14,000,000 freemen;) why. what has been the result? The northern 
 press has denounced it. andihe south has rung a tocsin of alarm and hor- 
 ror, at your faithlessness and perversity in opposing and violating the nig- 
 ger-rendition Compromise. And, to make amends, and show your true 
 love for slavery, and your sincere repentance for your neglect, vou permit 
 freemen to be kicliiappe(J ; and, when in violation of your own statutes, 
 slaves are brought into your bounds, and are freed by your laws, you annul 
 the staiiite by paying their full value, until even Louisiana herself con- 
 vulses with laugliierat your ridiculous sycophancy. 
 
 And, to add indignity to your degradation, to rule you with a heavier 
 rod than they l:iy on their own slaves, last winter they attempted to add 
 the '•forever,'^ to this nigger-rendition Compromise, to pass it in such a 
 manner that it could never be revoked — that it should beco-ne a permanent 
 statute — which should end only when the last slave in the Union was dead. 
 They failed to obtain it. Thank God, he set a bound to northern infatO- 
 alion and venality, and they failed to obtain it ! 
 
 Do not misunderstand me. I would see the Constitution of niy country 
 liouored and uphold, although it contains the rendition of fu::iti»es. But 1 
 abominate a sycophancy, which, with eagerness, oOtrs itself as a tool to 
 accomplish such unhallowed work. Let those who are accustomed to 
 bind, and drive, and consider as property their fellow-men, let them come, 
 and get, and lake away what they can leaalty prove their own. There is 
 something \n passiiil;/ in this thing, a thousand times preferable to activity. 
 And while I would ilius passively submit to the demands of the Consti- 
 tution, and Iwould liave all my fellow-citizens do the same, 1 would myself, 
 and I would have them, with intense activity, labor to have that Consiitu- 
 tion 80 modified, as to relieve me of even my passive submission to so sad 
 an ordinanre. No; if it he two years, or five, or fifty, that this clause 
 shall stand in our Consiiiiilion. let us lionor it, let us sustain it ; but, with 
 each year, let us double our ell'orls to make the Constitution of our coun- 
 try what our fathers designed it — a bulwark of human happiness and frec- 
 Wiini — not a bulwark of degradation and slavery. 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 47 
 
 My soul burns like as with fire, when I look upon these tW3 Compro' 
 viiises, iheir characters, and their fulfiin-ient. The perfiily of the soutii^ 
 s.heir violalion of (heir solemn promises, their present liostiiity, and ilieir 
 impious demands tiiat the Missouri Compromise shall be taken off the Ne- 
 braalia Territory, or it shall not come in ; and then their abuse of the north 
 when poor seri' as slie is, she has tried to be perfect in tiieir service, and 
 has fallen but little short of it. 
 
 And that recreant north, th;\t, for party power and spoils, has sold out 
 the interests of liumanity and freedom, and lias permitted that fair trian- 
 gle to become accursed, who is even now slumbering with (his question 
 impending, where slavery is ac;ain aitempiing lo catry the bulwarks of 
 freedom, who is so faithful iu fulfilling her bad promises to so false a part- 
 ner. 
 
 But the whole system of Compromises, between the north and south, 
 rests upon untenable grounds. Demands are made by the south, and ac- 
 knowledged by the north, without a particle of evidence or justice. The 
 Constitution is so construed by the south, as to defeat all legislation which 
 could benefit the north, and yet to pass every enactment which can help 
 the south. Now, this is nol a national policy, and itis far from the course 
 intended by our fathers ; and the north is as deeply, yes, even more deep- 
 ly to blame than the south, for the north has had the power, if she had 
 possessed the will, to control this whole thing, and keep it right. 
 
 When our Constitution was drafted, slavery was an existing institution 
 in all the colonial States. It was, however, looked upon as a relic of bar- 
 barism and cruelty, which would fade away, when brought in contact with 
 the glorious principles of equality and freedom, published to the world in 
 that document as the sentiments and practice of this nation. But all men 
 could not be expected to be equally expeditious iu washing their hands ot 
 this stain. Circumstances might make it impossible to some ; extreme 
 laziness, or avarice, or even corporeal lordship, might lead some to retain 
 their slaves, long after the intelligent, generous, and Christian, had set 
 their's free. The Constitution was a voluntary obligation, and it did not 
 intend to bring eveu these avaricious men into circumstances where itself 
 shonld make them personal losers. Ttie Constitution, therefore, provided 
 for the rendition of fugitives ; but all at that day, and when they adopted 
 the Constitution, all expected the time, when the progress of freedom 
 would annul the statute entirely, and when no man could be found, so 
 avaricious or lazy as to continue a practice so contrary lo his own boast- 
 ed theory of human rights. 
 
 The Constitution in the same manner, in providing for the apportion- 
 ment of districts for representation, would not treat the slave sections, 
 who voluntarily subscribed to it with such>rigor, that their slaves should 
 not be connted at all ; but it did and does make a difference between the 
 slave and the free black ; and by making this difference, instead of re- 
 warding slavery, or encouraging it, the Constitution branded it, and sought 
 to hasten its overthrow. Three free blacks count as much as five slaves, 
 in the representation ; so that if the south would to-day set their slaves 
 free, they could gain in the representation in Congress a full million ot 
 population. This is the true state of the case. The Constitution was. 
 by no means, a perfect document ; it was a platform upon which the 
 States could stand confederated ; and it sought to do as little to counte- 
 nance or encourage slavery as possible ; it was intended to increase and 
 encourage freedom. 
 
 But how has this Constitution worked, and what is it now declared !» 
 leach ? 
 
48 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, 
 
 She south coolly tell u«, tliat il)e institution of slavery is an inseparable 
 element in our governmental or^snizaticin nnd existence; that our fathers 
 riieHni to linve it continue /'^retcr, and provided in the Constitution for the 
 giving up of all fugitives from oppression. We are told, that the south 
 was intended to stand upon mh e(|Liality of power with the north, nndHhat 
 representation was granted for glaves on that account ; amJ that noic, as 
 freedom by ilie course of nature outstrips slavery, that, therefire. the whole 
 etTort of Government, by war, by purchase, by threatening, shall be ex- 
 pended in increasing the territory, and strenglhpning the rlnimsofihe soutli. 
 
 Now, this action has had some peculiir motive power. It his not sprung 
 up in a day. The change from the noble and real sentiments and hopes 
 of oar fathers to those which their degenerate sons now iinputc to them, has 
 been gradual. We can, however, date its rise to the time, wlien cotton 
 jirst became a staple production of the south. The great profit arising 
 iVom the labor of slaves in its cultivation, and the vast amount of cajMtal 
 invested in human (lesh, step by step, led the south to love instead of hate 
 slavery ; nnd then to defend and propagate it ; and^as, year by year, this 
 profit and investment grew larger, the more powerlul l)ecame this deter- 
 mination. These are the springs which have moved the sentiments and 
 actions of the south, tiiat have made her so imperious nnd insulting in her 
 demands and threats, and in this has the spirit of compromise germinated, 
 and grown up to bear such loathsome fruits. 
 
 The Missouri Compromise itself was a blow in the very faf-e of free- 
 dom, which has made her reel to ttie present hour. Then, the north 
 should have stood firm, and demanded that the principles which the Fede- 
 ral Government and the Constitution were intended to carry out. should 
 be respected and fulfilled. She sli'>nld have had no parley witli »:Iavery. 
 She ought to have passed a system of gradual emancipation for Missouri, 
 and given her citizens the privilege to remove elsewhere, or. if they chose, 
 remain to abide the action of her laws. Jiut no I the north gave way tf' 
 tlie growing plasue-spot. .The north pet milted the south to make one 
 conquest, and it is for that reason that ih>' south do not and have not re- 
 garded or respected their own Missouri Compromise. The north quailed 
 and faltered, the soutli learned the pusillanimity of the north, and profit- 
 ed bv it. She lias already made on^et after onset with success, and she 
 will do it in the future ; and, if liie north will bow her obsrquinus head a 
 little lower, she will soon be dragged onward, chained to the chariot wheel? 
 of the south. 
 
 When we received lands from Mexico, over which laws ])rohihitorv 
 of slavery had been long in full force, the north should have declared. 
 that the principles of our Republic demanded them to remain free forever. 
 But no; the south demanded«rhat the balance of power shn\\]i\ he kepi up! 
 II^Aflt balance of power 7 What clause of the Constitution ptovides for 
 legislating one portion of the Republic backwards and the other portion 
 forwards to keep them even ? New Mexico and Utah have also, by north- 
 ern compromising, been placed as a bait to southerners, to excite them to 
 extend tlie area of human slavery. 
 
 Again, the south demands a new law respecting fugitives, and the north 
 grants a law, in its spirit ond details, far beyond what the framcrs of the 
 Constitution ever dreamed of. .\nd now, .igain, the south di^nands the 
 removal of the Eissouri Compromise from thr b^'oliful Nel^raska Terri- 
 tory. What will the north do ? Has she got traitors enouiih in Congress 
 10 betray the interests of the nurth, of t!ie nation, of the world, for the pe- 
 cuniary interest of a portion of the south ? Ob, that the north »n)uid see 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 49 
 
 bow she has slept at lier post ! Our nation is the beacon of freedom to 
 the iLorld, and the north is the onJ]j part of our land that has any freedom, 
 either of body or mind, of tongue, action, or press I And the north should 
 bring every one of its representatives to the altar of freedom, and make 
 them swear uncompromising hatred to slaveky, a>d eternal fidelity 
 TO HUMAN FREEDOM ; and, if he proves recreant, consign him to obscurity, 
 and his name to oblivion, or rather preserve it with the execration and 
 loathing, which embalm the memoty of a traitor to his country. 
 
 These Compromises, as far as the south is concerned, arise from ava- 
 . rice, selfishness, and love of power; but what do they arise from on the 
 part of the north ? Venality and cowardice ! It is a constant bidding for 
 the political influonce and friendship of the south, or a constant fear ol 
 her threatened action. Do you pietend that these Compromises are from 
 love to the Union ? The Union is valuable only as it makes our nation, 
 and our nation is valuable, only as she fulfils a mission of peace, prosper- 
 ity, liberty, and Christianity, to her own people and the world. And the 
 man who truly loves his nation must wish this blot, this stain, this curse, 
 removed from it ; for we should be firmer, richer, and better without it. 
 If ever, a man ought to be brave when he is in the right. He should not 
 let the bravadoes, or the threats, or the imaginations of others, turn him 
 from his duty ; if consequences of sorrow follow from his action, far bet- 
 let that his conduct had been right than wrong. The south, for 30 years, 
 have been threateners, — a minority denying to a majority the right ehhet 
 of judgment or legislation. 
 
 In every instance, the south has had a point to carry, and she respect- 
 fully begins thus : " We would he pleased to have you do thus aud thus.'' 
 The north opposes strongly ; the voice of the south rises ; " you 7>iusi do 
 thus and thus ; tiie say, you MUST." Still the north objects. The south 
 at last, with fierce gesticulation, screams, "If you don't do it, you'll repent 
 the hour; do it now, or we will do something horrible — we surely will! — 
 Don't tempi our spirit io'u far — we'll withdraw from the Union — yes,we'll 
 dissolve the Union-we'll have a civil war!'" And then the chivahous north 
 comes in, with a timid, "Oh, don't — do not be rash ! Let us reflect a 
 little." The south answers, with indignation, " Think quick, or it will 
 be too late — the exigencies of the times are terrible — act instantly, or 
 the Union goes to pieces !" And the north, with awry face, replies, 
 " That would be a terrible calamity ; we do not like your demands; but 
 WE can not take the responsibility of dividing this glorious Union ; so 
 just fix it to suit yourselves, and do be quiet, and not scare us ony more 
 with such awful threats." 
 
 What contemptible folly! What a farce is our country playing in the 
 face of the world and of posterity ! Who ever heard of the north threat- 
 ening the division of the Union ? Who ever heard of her doing any thing 
 to injure slavery? Where has she ever appeared so dreadful a monster, 
 that she must be chained with compromises to restrain her powers ? It is 
 madness, it is the height ot shame, cowardice, and self-contempt, for the 
 north to stand, by the half century, and be branded as the disturber of the 
 nation's peace, and then admit before the world, that she is the one to 
 blame, and make the reparations due by some one else. There is a lie in 
 it; it is perjury against one's fair fame and interests; it is a scourging of 
 righteousness, and a rewarding of sin. An hour will come, when our 
 children will stand stupified with amazement, as they read of the recrean- 
 cy of the north to her interests, and to every noble principle of national 
 and iudividual action ; and they, the children of the south as well as the 
 D 
 
iO LKTTERS FOR THE PEOPLE. 
 
 north, will brand upoD all these compromises their true characters, craven 
 cowardice, and iniiuinan treachery. 
 
 \iin what c;in the north do lo retrace her steps ? There are two things 
 now presented, whicti di^mand immkdiate aotio.v; and they can be right- 
 ly settled, and will make a gond benjnning for a new course of policy. — 
 The first is, that the Missouri Compromise shall be inviolate ; the other 
 is, that the Pacific Railroad shall be built where right demands ii. as near 
 the siraicht line fmm New York lo Sun Francisco as it can be run, and 
 that it shall neither swerve to the north or soulti of that line, neither to 
 please men, nor to save expense. 
 
 Were there in the north the same local feeling, that there is in 
 the south, the same self-respect, and self-reliance, our nation would have 
 been a different nation from what it is to-day. We should then have had 
 a naUonal policy, while now there is no national policy, but to eralify 
 Jorflgners, and conciliate cotton bales. No great or noble work can be un- 
 dertaken by the Governineni, because the South deems such things vncon- 
 slUutional. Our rivers can receive no improvements, the harbors no pro- 
 tection, the lakes no lifrhthotises. Hut it is all rifiln.when a President un- 
 constitutionally commences n war to benefit the sodth : it is all right to 
 excite war in Cuba, and either buy or conquer it for slavery. It is all right 
 to accept the hospitality of Mexico, and then violate her laws, and make 
 her execution of those laws the excuse for stealing her territory by force 
 of arms. 
 
 It is the policy of the soiiili to keep so much work before the nation, 
 that she shall spend all her enersies upon that, in order that the repose of 
 the " divine institution " be not disturbed. This is truly a fine, a delight- 
 ful, a worthy policy for a gri:at nation ! To be forever legislating for 
 one locality, and that the poorest and the meanest, (according to its ex- 
 tent,) of the whole domain. That for her all else should staiul still ; the 
 shuttles of the north silent, the furnaces of the middle cold, and the ship- 
 ping of the whole unprotected. 
 
 I wish I could ask every freeman of the United Stales, " Has not this 
 thing goup far enough ? Is i( not time that there was a mighty change-? 
 When can there be a more auspicious time to couitnence a nnliovnl policV, 
 and to adopt the true policy of our nation; which should be the develop- 
 ment of all our natural resources : and, in reference lo slavery, to lkt it 
 ALONE ; to legislate always against its extension, but never for its jiropaga- 
 lion; and thus to carry out the original intention of the framcrs of our 
 Government ?" 
 
 Nebraska is free, if the south will respcrt tlie Missouri Compromise ; 
 but make the mailer sure — meet ilie rjueslion manlullv. on the spot — and 
 say to slavery, '' This Territory is free, and nctYr shall your blighting 
 fnoi he set upon it." 
 
 But, in reference lo this railroad, what lias ihe I'niicd .States done for 
 the south, within the last ten yf'.rs ? She has added to her doinain the 
 vast .Stale of Texas, and |)aid her debts lo the amount of nearly lo.DOOOOO 
 dollars. For her also, to defend this new State, or. in heller irnth. to obtain 
 still newer otH's, she has undertaken a war with Mexico, which has cost 
 more than ,'?00.00l),0()0 of money, and for years has bt^n sustaining, at a 
 ruinous expense, the tnain body of her army on the frontier of her new 
 possessions. 
 
 .^^or.■ than lO.OOl) lix'es. the deniornli/aiion of inore than l,0(>0.nOO of 
 our inh.'ibitniits through the influence of the relumed armv.the wilhdraw- 
 m«nt of so many men from walks of indiistrv and usefulness, and about 
 
ON THE PRESENT CRISIS. 51 
 
 325,000,000 dollars have been spent fnr the south, and the south alone, in 
 the last ten years ; while the north and west have had smalt pitiances doled 
 out to them, for their crying necessities, and ihat, aC'.er begs^ir.g on their 
 knees, year after year, to olnain them. 
 
 Now, enough will be heard from the sonth about economy, in the new 
 road. They will cause the Government to make a very poor face over this 
 great national work, but look at it one moment ! 
 
 The contract was offered to Congress, to build the whole road at about 
 $35,000 per mile. The road from Fort Leavenvvorih to San Francisco is 
 about 1800 miles long : but add two hundred miles for tunnelling, bridg- 
 ing, &c., and call it 2,000 ; and, at $35,000 per mile, it would cost com- 
 plete but $70,000,000; and even pulling the cost of the r.iad at $50,000 
 per mile, then 2000 miles would cost $103,000,000 ; and the first year's 
 business would pay for all the cars, engines, and hou'^es, needed on the 
 whole road- What if it can be built cheaper, by 5.000.000, or even 10, 
 000,000, or even 20,000.000 dollars, by any other route than the true one ? 
 Ought not ihe norlh to have it? Does not her p()|)ulatinn, tier vast pro- 
 ductions, her great necessities, her remoteness in every direction from the 
 sea, make it hers in justice and riglit ? I would not wrong the south, but 
 I would have the north right herself. The south has no nee^/ of that 
 railroad ; her domestic commerce is d(ine by northern buitoms. She needs 
 only articles for her own consumption. The question in building a rail- 
 road is no 7^/;ere, " Where will it cost least?" but "Where will h pay 
 mostV And, in this day of straight lines and lightning speed, it is pue- 
 rile and silly, that a few iuiUi(»ns of dollars should locate this gri<:at road 
 of the WORLD out of the line of business, away from its proper course. All 
 South America lies open 'or our commerce, the lap of Africa is full of trea- 
 .sures (or us to obtain, and our whole Atlantic commerce, north and south, 
 can find as profitable and comloriable work in those, as in being mere 
 auxilliaries to the Chinese and Fast India traffic. The line should go 
 north, from ocean to ocean! 
 
 But what can the north do ? LelWhigs and Democrats all feel and think 
 that, however they may differ upon political theories and plans, that there 
 should be a national policy, there is a norlh to be cared for as well as a soulh, 
 an interior as well as a coasl\ that as, upon great questions, the political dis 
 tinciions of southrons are subjected to their southern policy and plans, so, 
 when great questions of vital interest to the whole Union, and especially to 
 the north, arise, that they as one man should come up to their defense, and 
 for the titne lay by all party feelings, in order to bless the nation. Sooner 
 or later, we must coine to this. Had this been the course of this nation for 
 the last 30 years, slavery would to-day have scarcely had a naine. It is 
 the true way to help Missouri, Kentucky, Virginia, Maryland, and Dela- 
 ware, to become free, and join your ranks and strengthen your hands. 
 
 " But," you ask, " how can we commence?" Let public meetings'be 
 called, by both the political parties, in every town and hamlet north of the 
 Ohio river. ~L,el i\\Qm thrust out from their nominations, and purge their 
 places of trust, of kvkry timk-serving, slave-adoring doughface, and 
 let them demand of their o/r/ and new delegates, whether they will vote for 
 the IVilmot proviso for Nebraska, and lor a railroad, to run either^through 
 Bridger's, or the South Pass. 
 
 Let them instruct their representatives that, if the south will not pass the 
 Wilrnot proviso on Nebraska, and thus re-enact the Missouri Compromise, 
 that they repeal all the particular prowisjons of the fugitive slave'law, and 
 let the south catch her own slaves, without either assistance or hindrance, as 
 
 ':> i ^ t 
 
52 LETTERS FOR THE PEOPLE, 
 
 th^y flifi before the act. And lei Congress furilier demand ihe freedom of 
 ihe 4. 588 slaves, now in the Hnlf-brecd Triangle, which was added uncon- 
 stiiuiKMially i.i Missouri, in 18:56, and let it befortiiwiih proclaimed ftfie.. 
 
 Thitik fint ihat I am :tn ahuliiiouist, 1 fiave, and can liave, nosympaihy 
 with their ftehnas, plans, or aciioii» ; but I love to see ibe aflairsof a naiioo 
 adniini>.iered on a basis of eijuality. and I hale lo see men active in doing 
 evil, and sirenaiheiiiiitr the woes of our nation, while they are recreant and 
 cowardly in doing rigiit, and briti};iiig blessings upon her. 
 
 SiK h a C(lur«^e o\ action, and nf.oo these i*o great questions, would es- 
 tablish a basis jmd form a precedent for the future. It would help each 
 party (<» stop the incr'^asinw deliauohery which is pervading them. They 
 could, by pausing and making a new start, from a point where they should 
 have siood years ago. cast out the bias of southern influence and feat, which 
 has so long governed their national councils and elections. The south 
 wonid learn, then, that the United States elected her Presidents without 
 ber dictation; that ihe United States' Congress ruled to bless the nation, 
 and ooi alone to uphold shivery; and never, until that time shall cosiie, 
 can the nation prosper, or advance in her full strength to influence, useful- 
 ness, and glory. 
 
 I would that I could raise my voice until it could reach every northern 
 ear, to invite the shoemaker with his last, the tailor with his shears, the 
 carpenter with his plane, (he blacksiiiith with his 'sledge, the engineer with 
 his locomotive, tiie surveyor with his cduipass. the physician with his 
 chemicals, the lawyer with his brief, and the minister with his Hiblc, to 
 come into this growing Stale of Missouri, and help to turn the scale for 
 freedom, or to go into the beautiful Nebraska, and help to lay the first 
 foundations of a noble State, — the central Slate of this noble Union. 
 
 Yours truly. 
 
 Lt.nceus. 
 
 OCT" Please preserve tliis doctimciit. Read it yourself — talk about 
 it — write about it — hand it lo your successor in office — lend it 
 to your nei;j,hbor ! Give it as extensive a circulation as possible. 
 
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