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 A FULL-LENGTH PORTRAIT 
 
 OF 
 
 DOCTOR MARTIN LUTHER: 
 
 A COMPREHENSIVE, THOUGH CONDENSED AND CORRECT HISTORY 
 
 OE THE IIEE AND STUPENDOUS ACHIEVEMENTS 
 
 OE THE GREAT REFORMER. 
 
 By Rev. B. WE I SEE, 
 
 PASTOR OF THE EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN CHURCH, ANDESVILLE, PERRY COUNTY, PENNA. 
 
 1 Behold, what fire is in his eye, what fervor on his cheek ! 
 That glorious burst of winged words, how bound they from his tongue, 
 The full expression of the mighty thought, the strong triumphant argument, 
 The rush of native eloquence, resistless as Niagara ! 
 The fine poetic image, the clinching fact, the metaphor bold and free, 
 The grasp of concentrated intellect wielding the omnipotence of truth, 
 Champion of right, patriot or priest, and pleader of the innocent, 
 Whose heart and tongue have been touched, as of old. by the live coal from 
 the altar above."— Tupper's Proverbial Philosophy. 
 
 'Fulgura erant Unguse cuncta Luthere tua3."— Zlelancihon. 
 
 SIXTH THOUSANDTH EDITIOX. 
 REVISED AND CORRECTED. 
 
 BALTIMORE: 
 
 PUBLISHED AND SOLD BY 
 
 T. NEWTON KURTZ, BOOKSELLER & STATIONER, 
 
 No. 151 WEST PRATT STREET. 
 
 1853, 
 

 Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1848, by 
 R. Weiser, in the Clerk's Office of the District of Maryland. 
 
 STEREOTYPED BY WM. H. HOPE. 
 

 PREFACE 
 
 In presenting the Life of Luther to the American public, it 
 would seem to be proper to give a few reasons for such an un- 
 dertaking at this time. It may be asked and no doubt will be, 
 have we not Lives of Luther in abundance? Why then add 
 another to the list? It is true we have D'Aubigne, and Milner, 
 and Scott, and Bowers, and Tischer, and a number of inferior 
 works ; but it is a remarkable fact, that we have not in the Eng- 
 lish language a single life of Luther, that pretends to give any 
 thing like a correct and extensive account of the great Reform- 
 er, written by a Lutheran. And yet we humbly conceive that 
 the great Reformer ought to be fairly represented in English by 
 a member of the church that bears his illustrious name. There 
 are thousands and tens of thousands of as warm-hearted and 
 whole-souled Lutherans in this country as ever lived, who are 
 not able to read the rich and copious language of their fathers ; 
 and ought they not to be supplied with a correct and impartial 
 life of the illustrious Reformer? Far be it from us to accuse 
 those good and learned men of other churches who have writ- 
 ten the life of Luther, of doing him injustice, or intentionally 
 misrepresenting him, but in most of such works we often see a 
 parsimony of praise, which actually amounts to unintentional 
 misrepresentation. This we have endeavored to correct in the 
 following pages, and how well we may have succeeded, the in- 
 telligent reader will be able to judge after a careful perusal. 
 
 In the following pages we have endeavored to be minute with- 
 
IV. PREFACE. 
 
 out being prolix, brief without being abrupt, and we have aimed 
 at a laconic perspicuity. 
 
 The writing of biographies is not unlike pouring water from 
 one vessel into another, especially is this the case with Luther's 
 life. We lay no claims to originality in the facts stated ; they 
 have all been stated again and again, long before the author of 
 this or any other life of Luther, now living was born. And in 
 this respect the living writers of Luther's life are all on equal 
 footing. It would require a large volume to record even the 
 names and titles of Luther's biographers. We have therefore 
 been at no loss for materials, the only difficulty has been to guard 
 against saying too much. We have used chiefly the following 
 works, viz: 
 
 1. " Alle Bucher und Schriften des Theuren Seligen Mannes 
 Gottes Dr. M. Luther," published at Jena and Wittenberg, 
 1561 — 2 — 3 and 4. This, according to the testimony of all com- 
 petent judges, is the best edition of Luther's works.. This splen- 
 did work which is very rare in this country, contains with the 
 exception of a few letters given by Dr. De Wette, all Luther's 
 works in chronological order. This is the fountain head, Walch, 
 Plochman, Ammon, Lomler, Vent, Von Garlach, Meurer, 
 Stang, Tischer, Mathesius, D'Aubigre, and indeed all the edi- 
 tors and compilers of Luther's works — have been obliged to 
 draw from this rich and exhaustless source. This work is the 
 basis of ours so far as Luther's letters, sermons, &c, are con- 
 cerned. While accessible to the fountain, we thought it unne- 
 cessary to go to any of the streams that flow from it. 
 
 2. " Luther und dessen Reformation," published at Magde- 
 burg, 1834. This is a kind of eclective work which contains a 
 vast amount of matter, and is very much condensed, for many 
 incidents in the life of Luther we are indebted to this excellent 
 volume, 
 
PREFACE. V 
 
 3. " Dr. Stang's Life of Luther." This is a valuable work. 
 
 4. "D'Aubigne's History of tlie Great Reformation." This 
 also is an excellent compilation of facts interspersed with inter- 
 esting and lively remarks, which some admire and others do not. 
 Dr. D'Aubigne's work has been much more popular in this 
 country than in Europe, while in the former upwards of 200,000 
 copies have been circulated, in the latter only about 4,000 have 
 found their way among the people! This is a remarkable fact, 
 and can only be accounted for upon the supposition that the 
 Europeans are better supplied with works on this subject than 
 we of America, and of course with better works. Although 
 D'Aubigne's work has met with but little favor in France and 
 Germany, yet it is a splendid work, and ought to be read even 
 more extensively than it has been. We have made some use 
 of this valuable publication, and hereby acknowledge ourselves 
 indebted to it for many beautiful and striking thoughts. 
 
 5. "Dr. C. E. Stowe's splendid articles on Luther in the Bibli- 
 cal Repository." Here we found many interesting and striking 
 facts, some of which we have incorporated into our work. Dr. 
 Stowe seems to have formed a correct estimate of the great Re- 
 former, nor is he backward in giving utterance to his feelings. 
 
 6. "Scott's Life of Luther," fromMilner, who has almost lit- 
 erally translated Seckendorf. We have also availed ourselves 
 of his labors. We have not generally referred to the book and 
 page of the authors we have quoted, simply because most of 
 those books are rare in this country. 
 
 We have written fearlessly, with the sole view of promoting 
 correct views concerning LutLer. In matters of doctrine we 
 have permitted Luther to speak for himself. We do not vouch 
 for, nor are we responsible for his views — we agree with him, 
 only so far as we consider his views taught in the Bible. This 
 is the first Life of Luther ever attempted by a Lutheran in the 
 
VI. PREFACE. 
 
 English language, and is therefore fully entitled to an impartial 
 reading in the Lutheran Church. Much more might have been 
 written, there is an ocean of learning in Luther's works, we 
 have only dipt the soles of our feet into this boundless sea, let 
 those who have time and inclination wade in deeper. 
 
 R. WEISER. 
 December 10th, 1847. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 INTRODU CTION 
 
 State of the Church before the Reformation — Reasons why the 
 Romish Church seems to be darker just before the Reforma- 
 tion — Roderic Borgio — Pope Alexander VI. — Fifty prostitutes 
 in the Papal palace — A poisoning scrape — Dr. Southey's ex- 
 clamation — Learning among the Clergy — Luther's opinion — 
 Myconius gives a horrid Picture — One hundred Grievances 
 — Testimony of Erasmus — Household of a Priest — Pa- 
 pal Harems — Prohibitions against the Vices of Priests — 
 Priests' Tax for licentiousness — Number of Ecclesiastics in 
 Gotha — Prof. Tischer's testimony — Contrast between Pagan- 
 ism and Romanism — The Pope's Curse — Luther's service — 
 Incest of Pope Alexander VI. — Murder in the Papal cham- 
 ber — Mezerai Alsege's testimony — Leo X. — Moral character 
 of Monks and Nuns — Cloisters, sinks of Sin — Spain — South 
 America — Mexico — Popery the same always — Priest Hogan's 
 testimony — Rev. John McCron's testimony — Complaint of J. 
 Schiphower — Luther's Letter on the subject — Prof. Schmuck- 
 er's testimony, - - - - - - - -17 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The great purposes of Jehovah, how carried out — Luther's 
 fame — Prof. Stowe's opinion — Luther's grandfather — Fath- 
 er — Mother — Parental influence— Wesley — Byron — Luth- 
 er's parents lived at Eisleben — Occupation of John Luther— 
 
VIII CONTENTS. 
 
 Luther's letter to his Father — Letter to his Mother — Birth of 
 Luther — Baptism — His parents move to Mansfield — Poverty 
 at Mansfield — Remarkable half-prophetic prayer of John Lu- 
 ther — Martin goes to School — Is carried thither — Severe treat- 
 ment — Disposition of Martin — Eye — Hair — Complexion — 
 Size of Luther — Grasp of mind — Application — His Religious 
 training, ---------38 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Luther goes to Magdeburg — Hard times — Begs his Bread — 
 Goes to Eisenach — Dr. B. Kurtz's testimony — Taken into the 
 pious Cotta family — Luther's musical talents — Luther learned 
 the Turning trade — Standing as a Student — Luther goes to 
 Erfurt — His knowledge of the Classics — Cicero — Plautus — 
 Comparison between Cicero and Luther — Studies the School- 
 men — Aristotle — Branches he studied — Luther finds the Bi- 
 ble — Carlstadt twenty-five years old before he saw a Bible — 
 the Reformation hid in the Bible — Luther studying law — 
 Luther's love for, and knowledge of the Bible — Luther be- 
 comes Bachelor of Arts, ------ 59 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Luther the awakened Sinner — The means of his awakening — 
 His training at home — Sickness — The pious old Monk— Par- 
 tial awakening — Death of his friend Alixis — Overtaken in a 
 thunder storm — Becomes Master of Arts — Lectures on Philos- 
 ophy — His mental depression returns — Makes a vow to be- 
 come a Monk — Goes about to establish his own righteous- 
 ness — Longs for holiness of heart — Determines to become a 
 Monk — Invites a number of his friends to his room — Makes 
 known his firm resolve — Enters the Augustinian Convent — 
 His reflections — Excitement in Erfurt — Servile labor he had 
 
CONTENTS. IX. 
 
 to perform in the Convent — Reads St. Augustine — Reads the 
 Schoolmen — Occam — Gerson — Aquinas — Biel — Duns Sco- 
 tus — Time not lost in reading the Schoolmen — Bible chained 
 at Erfurt — Commences studying Greek and Hebrew — Read 
 Nic. Lyra's Commentaries — Deep conviction of Sin — Finds 
 some little relief from St. Augustine — Deep study — Labors 
 hard to merit Salvation— Effects of mental struggles and agony 
 upon his body — Great conflict — Luther refers to his former 
 state in after life — Luther explains the 38th and 21st Psalms- 
 Seems to point out his former condition — Religion of Rome- 
 Luther's agony of mind increases — Becomes insensible— Lu- 
 ther brought to by the influence of Music — Becomes ac- 
 quainted with Staupitz — Points the awakened young's Monk 
 to Christ — Luther receives some hope — Some peace — Luther 
 takes sick — His convictions return — Seems to have been de- 
 cided as to his Conversion—The pious Monk refers him to 
 his Credo— Luther becomes converted — Luther's own account 
 of his Conversion — His love for the words, " the just shall 
 live by faith," -------- 79 
 
 CHAPTER V . 
 
 Luther, the Preacher. 
 The importance of Luther's Religion in the Reformation- 
 Rome hunted up her ablest men — Luther the greatest 
 enemy Rome ever met — The opponents of Luther — Lu- 
 ther's great talents — Staupitz selects him a Professor for 
 Wittenberg — Luther goes to Wittenberg — Attacks Aris- 
 totle's system — Luther not satisfied with his Professorship — 
 Wishes to teach Christian Theology — Is appointed Professor 
 of Theology — His popularity — Opinion concerning his Lec- 
 tures by Dr. Pollich — His fame spreads — Staupitz urges him 
 
 to become a Preacher — Effects of his preaching — His man- 
 
 1* 
 
X. CONTENTS. 
 
 ner — Style — Testimony of his enemies as to his great speak- 
 ing talents — Equal to Demosthenes and Cicero — Testimony 
 of D'Aubigne — Fred, von Schlegel — L. Maimbourg — Au- 
 din — Professor Stone — F. Raimund— Keil — Mossellanus — His 
 powers in debate unequalled — Luther visits Rome — Incidents 
 on the way — Impressions Rome made upon his mind — Climbs 
 up Pilate's Stair-way — Justification by faith — Sees the im- 
 piety of Rome — Returns to Wittenberg — Becomes Doctor of 
 Divinity — Letter to John Lange — Foolish topics of the 
 Schoolmen's investigation — Luther a Bible preacher — Feld- 
 kirchen — Luther appointed sub-Vicar General by Staupitz — 
 Visits the Convents — Luther's great labors — His own ac- 
 count — The Plague at Wittenberg — Moral courage of Lu- 
 ther — His confidence in God — Preaches before Duke George — 
 Laughable scene at Supper — Puts up ninety-five Theses on 
 the Freedom of the Will — No one debates with him — Sent 
 them to Erfurt— Sent them to Dr. Eck, - - - 101 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Luther, the Reformer. 
 Luther knew the errors of the Church — But did not think 
 they could be removed — Had no idea of ever becoming 
 a Reformer — All attempts at Reformation had failed — 
 Leo X. — His prodigality — Indulgences— Theory of Indul- 
 gences — John Tetzel described — Immoral conduct — Form 
 of Indulgence — A true copy of one — Price of Indulgences 
 — Tetzel's Speeches — His chest — Money, money, the sole 
 object — Tetzel out-Tetzelled by Bartholomew — Luther first 
 hears of Tetzel — Tetzel comes to Jiiterboch and Zerbst — 
 Some from Wittenberg go to Jiiterboch and buy them — Lu- 
 ther refuses absolution on the merits of them — Tetzel en- 
 raged — Luther's Sermon on Indulgences — The Elector's curi- 
 
CONTENTS. XIr 
 
 ous dream — Luther writes letters to the Bishops — Nails nine- 
 ty-five Thesis to the Church door — Effects produced by the 
 Theses — The favor they met everywhere — Letter to the Pope — 
 Erasmus admires them — The Theses — Luther attacked by 
 Tetzel — Dr. Eck — Erasmus urged to attack Luther — Hesi- 
 tates — Wimpina prepares one hundred and fifty-six Theses in 
 the name of Tetzel — Luther's opinion of them — Disputation 
 at Frankfort — Knipstrow alarms all the Papists — The contro- 
 versy shifted — Luther forced to attack the Pope — The Pope's 
 opinion of the squabble — Prierias vs. Luther — The Dominicans 
 oppose him — Hochstraten — Luther's sarcastic reply — Luthei 
 goes to Heidleburg — Disputation there ends in fun — Bucer — 
 Brentz — Snepf — Luther's submissive letter to the Pope — Lu- 
 ther changes his opinion of the Pope — The Pope writes to the 
 Elector of Saxony — Luther's bold stand — The Sultan threat- 
 ens to invade Germany — The Emperor Maximilian opposed 
 to Luther — Receives a summons to appear at Rome — Luth- 
 er's friends remonstrate — Cardinal Cajetan — Pope's letter to 
 Cajetan — Sublime position of Luther — Melancthon — Com- 
 parison between Luther and Melancthon — Luther and Caje- 
 tau meet — Serra Longa — Luther comes out Victor — The deep 
 interest felt for Luther's safety — Luther appeals from a Pope 
 ill-informed to one better informed — The first blow struck — 
 Luther pays the Cardinal in his own coin — Luther returns to 
 Wittenberg — Number of students at Wittenberg — Disappoint- 
 ment of Cajatan — Tries to influence the Elector against Lu- 
 ther — Cannot succeed — Gloomy prospects of Luther- — Deter- 
 mines to leave Germany — The Elector urges him to remain — 
 The Pope's Bull — Alarm of the Pope — Miltitz sent to Ger- 
 many — The Elector refuses to do any thing against Luther — 
 Emperor Maximilian dies — The important position of the 
 Elector of Saxony — Flattery of Miltitz — No effect on Lu- 
 
XII. CONTENTS. 
 
 ther — Miltitz influences Luther to write a letter to the Pope — 
 Luther writes a letter — This letter one of the finest he ever 
 wrote — Read it with care — Tetzel dies — The great disputation 
 at Leipsic — Effects of the disputation — Both parties claim the 
 victory — Meanness of Dr. Eck — Staupitz refuses to answer 
 Luther's letters — Miltitz meets Luther again — Commentary 
 on Galatians — Luther an absolute predestinarian — Changed 
 his views — Luther at Worms,, - - - - 123 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Luther, the Great Champion of God's Truth. 
 Luther sees more and more the errors of Rome — Two thousand 
 hearers attend his lectures — Publications — His address to the 
 nobility of the German nation — The rapidity with which he 
 produced his works — Character of Luther's writings — Fred- 
 erick of Saxony refuses the crown of the Caesars — Charles V. 
 king of Spain elected — Bull against Luther — Luther writes to 
 the Emperor — Luther attacks the Pope — Extenuations for Lu- 
 ther's harshness — Luther was not blind to his own faults — No 
 man knew better what, and how to write than Luther — Effects 
 of his writing — Luther burns the Pope's Bull — His reasons for 
 this daring measure — The war now fairly begun — Luther's 
 tract in justification of the step he had taken — The Pope ap- 
 points Aleander and Carracioli his Nuncios — Ulric von Hutten 
 — The sluggish mind of Germany was moving — Hans Sacks 
 — L. Cranch — A. Durer — Poetry and painting aid Luther's 
 work — Luther the great master spirit of the whole move- 
 ment — Luther an enthusiast — But no fanatic — The Emperor 
 Charles V. at Aix — The Emperor refuses to burn Luther — 
 Frederick of Saxony's influence saves Luther — The hand of 
 God seen here — Diet of Worms — The splendor of the Diet — 
 Charles wanted Luther there — The Romish party did not 
 
CONTENTS. XTT1. 
 
 want him there — Another Bull against Luther — Luther anxi- 
 ous to go to Worms — His letter to the Elector on the subject — 
 The motives of Luther — John Glapio — Pontanus — Aleander's 
 ingenious speech — Effects of Aleander's oration — Duke 
 George's speech — Shows the state of morals in the Romish 
 Church — Neutralized Aleander's speech — The Diet deter- 
 mines that Luther must be heard — The Nuncio fears Luther's 
 eloquence — Luther is summoned to appear — Luther starts for 
 Worms — His journey — His courage — His reception — Ulric 
 von Hutton write to Luther — Luther's Prayer — Incidents at 
 Worms — His appearance in the Diet — Luther's conduct be- 
 fore the Diet — Excitement at Worms — Luther's speech — His 
 firmness — Luther returns — His letter to Cranach — Edict 
 against Luther — Luther at Eisenach — The Plot — Luther 
 taken prisoner — At Wartburg — Luther's change of opinion 
 while at Wartburg — His employment while there — Translates 
 the New Testament — The merits of Luther's translation — 
 Roman Catholic testimony — Luther's writings — His works 
 ought to be re-published against Romanism — Influence of the 
 Bible on the Reformation — Audin's testimony — Other works 
 written at Wartburg — Sale of Indulgences renewed — Luther's 
 bold and daring letters to the Elector — To the Archbishop — 
 Luther tired of his Patmos — Visits Wittenberg — Joy of his 
 friends — Returns to Wartley — Temptation of the Devil — His 
 Table-talk — Great changes at Wittenberg — Fanaticism — Carl- 
 stadt — Luther vs. Carlstadt — Luther's powerful letter — Fan- 
 aticism the curse of the Church — Fanaticism rejects the Bi- 
 ble — Country in an uproar — Luther leaves Wartburg — Re- 
 turns to Wittenberg — Calms the storms of excitement — Lu- 
 ther's greatness — Prostrates the leaders — Drives them from 
 Wittenberg — Luther's reply to King Henry VIII. — The Re- 
 formation spreading — Luther's publications — Luther outdone 
 
FTP CONTENTS. 
 
 fcy the fanatics — Death of Leo X. — Luther's danger — The 
 one hundred grievances — The Pope's letter to the Elector — 
 Duke George's edict — Bull against Luther — His sublime po- 
 sition—Luther's letter on war — His prudence — Luther re- 
 bukes the Pope — Luther's calmness — Pope Adrian VI. dies — 
 Campeggio — Diet of Nuremberg — Proceedings of Diet — Lu- 
 ther throws aside the monastic habit — Erasmus again — His 
 Diatribe — Luther's reply — His De Servo Arbitrio — Luther 
 bound to no Creed — Controversy between Luther and Carl- 
 stadt — Luther vs. the fanatics — Luther in favor of common 
 schools — Luther reforms the Church at "Wittenberg — The 
 Martyrs — The Peasant wars — Luther vs. the heavenly proph- 
 ets — Opinions of fanatics — Battle of Mulhausen— End of the 
 fanatical war, - - - - - - - 193 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Luther the Father of a Family. 
 Catnerme von Bora — Escapes from the nunnery — Protected 
 by Luther — Offers her in marriage to others — Marries her 
 himself — Reasons for marrying — Great storm of excite- 
 ment — Domestic happiness — Luther's playfulness — Deep 
 thought — Abstraction — Luther and his wife good house- 
 keepers — Domestic affliction — His Salary — Worn out — 
 Blind of one eye — Luther's love for his wife — The les- 
 son taught the Teacher — Luther's children — ^-Luther at 
 home — Death of his infant daughter — Thrilling scene at 
 the death-bed of his daughter — Parental love — Loves music — 
 Domestic habits — Luther's piety — Roman Catholic slanders — 
 Spalding — Protestantism Luther's apology — A man of Pray- 
 er — His faith' — His diet — Dress — Luther's defects, - 323 
 
CONTENTS. XV. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Luther, the Writer and Unconquerable Victor. 
 League of Torgau — Diet of Spires — Rome taken by the Emper- 
 or — Plague at Wittenberg — The succession in the Lutheran 
 Church-Sacramentarian Controversy-Remarkable temptation 
 and sickness of Luther — Visitation of the Saxon Churches — 
 Rud system of Theology— Foundation of Lutheran Church- 
 Luther's Smaller and Larger Catechisms-Occasion of the name. 
 Protestant — Protestant Princes united — Luther the ruling 
 spirit — Origin of the Torgau Articles — Philip, Landgrave of 
 Hesse bring the Doctors together at Marburg — Controversy 
 at Marburg — Luther's views on the Lord's Supper — Melanc- 
 thon's Apology — Zwingle — Not so great a man as Luther — 
 Luther first in the Reformation — The question as to priority 
 in the work settled — Augsburg Diet — Luther opposed to 
 war — Luther draws up the Torgau Articles — Why so called — 
 Schwambach — Journey of the Protestants to Augsburg — 
 Luther's celebrated hymn translated — Luther remains at Co- 
 burg — Why Luther remained at Coburg — Magnificence of 
 the Diet — Melancthon prepares the Confession — Luther's 
 approval— Friendship between Luther and Melancthon — Lu- 
 ther's faith — Encourages Melancthon — Confession signed — 
 Read before the Emperor — Refutation of Confession — Refor- 
 mation in great danger — Strong measures of the Diet — Meet- 
 ing at Smalcald — Death of John Elector of Saxony — Perse- 
 cution in Duke George's dominions — Luther's keen letter to 
 Duke George — Anabaptist difficulties — John Bekold king of 
 the Fanatics — The Church safe — Negotiation — Vergerius in. 
 Germany — Promise of a General Council — Luther laughs at 
 the idea of a General Council — Bishop Bugenhagen — Lu- 
 ther's opinion of the Reformation in England — Attempt to 
 
XVI. CONTENTS. 
 
 reconcile the Lutherans and Zwinglians — Partial success- 
 Bull for a General Council — Luther's opinion of it — Smal- 
 caldic Articles — Luther sick at Smalcald — Luther returns to 
 Wittenberg — Convention at Hagenau— Melancthon sick — 
 Luther's prayer — Cause of Melancthon's illness — Unbecom- 
 ing conduct of Philip of Hesse — Bigamy — Dr. Schmucker's 
 account of — Dr. Milner's views — Labors of Luther — Lu- 
 ther's opinion of himself — Preferred others to himself — His 
 love for the Bible — Luther vs. Agricola — Dr. Chalmer's opin- 
 ion of Luther — Luther's health begins to decline — His afflic- 
 tions — Influence of Luther — Roman Catholic account of Lu- 
 ther's death before it occurred — Luther's note on subject — 
 Difficulties in the Lutheran Church — Evils of secret marri- 
 ages at Wittenberg — Unbecoming conduct of the students in 
 visiting the young ladies of Wittenberg — Unbecoming dress 
 of the ladies — Luther unable to stem the torrent — Leaves 
 Wittenberg — Letter to his wife — Great excitement occasioned 
 by Luther's departure — His return — Finishes his comment 
 on Genesis — Luther's property — His will, - - 339 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Death of Luther. 
 Luther goes to Eisleben — Remains a few days with Dr. 
 Justus Jonas — Crossing the River — Reception at Eisle- 
 ben — Preaches at Eisleben — Habits of Devotion — Dis- 
 cusses the question of the recognition of friends in heaven — 
 Luther takes sick — Alarm of his friends — Disease he had — 
 Wretched state of Medical science at that time — Luther's 
 prayer — Firm confidence — Dies — Excitement by his death — 
 Funeral — Thrilling scene at Wittenberg — Great men visit the 
 tomb of Luther— Gratitude for Luther— Catalogue of Lu- 
 ther's writings, ------- 412 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 State of the Church before the Reformation. 
 
 If the out-skirts of a quagmire be deep and filthy, what 
 must it be in the interior 1 The age immediately preced- 
 ing the glorious Reformation, was, as it were, the out-skirts 
 of that long — dark — dark night of ignorance and sin that 
 had brooded over the world for near a thousand years. 
 The moral darkness of the Papal Church was perhaps no 
 greater upon an average, in this age, than it had been for 
 many preceding, but it seems to have a deeper moral tur- 
 pitude in consequence of the light that was then glimmer- 
 ing upon it. More than this — if the courts of some of 
 those inhuman popes who reigned from the seventh cen- 
 tury down, had had historians, as minute and faithful in 
 chronicling their enormities, as were John Burchard and 
 Jacob Saunazar, the one the Master of Ceremonies, and 
 the other the Royal Poet of Pope Alexander VI, we should 
 perhaps, if such an amount of wickedness were possible, 
 see more flagrant crimes, and a deeper and more fiendish 
 tinge of human depravity, than even the infamous Court 
 of Roderic Borgio, that masterpiece of the devil presents. 
 Alexander VI, is called the Papal Nero. — Why even that 
 monster of sin, was a decent and modest man in some 
 things, when compared with his unholiness the Pope. 
 
.X^IIIo IMMORAL POPES* 
 
 Alexander VI. was perhaps as wicked and unprincipled a 
 Pope as ever filled St. Peter's chair. Dean Waddington 
 says, "the ecclesiastical records of fifteen centuries contain 
 no name so loathsome, no crimes so foul as his ; and while 
 the voice of every impartial writer is loud in his execration, 
 he is in one respect, singularly consigned to infamy, since 
 not one of the zealous annalists of the Romish Church has 
 breathed a whisper in his praise !" In early life, during the 
 pontificate of Pius II, Roderic Borgio, already a Cardinal, 
 had been stigmatized by a public censure for his unmuffled 
 debaucheries. Afterwards he publicly cohabited with a 
 Roman matron named Vanozia, by whom he had five ac- 
 knowledged children. Neither in his manners, nor in his 
 language, did he affect any regard for morality or decency ; 
 and one of the earliest acts of his pontificate was, to cele- 
 brate, with scandalous magnificence in his own palace, the 
 marriage of his daughter Lucretia ! On one occasion, this 
 prodigy of vice, gave a splendid entertainment within the 
 walls of the Vatican, to no less than fifty public prostitutes 
 at once, and that in the presence of his own daughter, at 
 which entertainment deeds of darkness were done, over 
 which decency must throw a veil ; and yet this monster of 
 vice was, according to papists, the legitimate successor of 
 the Apostles, and the vicar of God upon earth, and was 
 addressed by the title of "His Holiness." Again I ask, is 
 not that apostate church — of which for eleven years this 
 Pope was the crowned and anointed head, and a necessary 
 link in the chain of pretended Apostolic succession— is she 
 not fitly described by the pen of inspiration "Mother of 
 harlots, and abominations of the earth" — Rev. xvii. 5. 
 
ROBERT SOUTHEY. XIX. 
 
 Caesar Borgio, a licentious Cardinal of this holy church, 
 was the acknowledged son of this infamous Pope. Alex- 
 ander VI. and his son Caesar, in order to get the money of 
 a rich Cardinal, Corneto by name, had poison put into a 
 bottle of wine, which the unsuspecting Cardinal was to 
 irink at an entertainment, but by mistake, Alexander and 
 Caesar drank it, the former was killed and the latter had a 
 narrow escape. We mention the case of Alexander VI., 
 because he was one of the most prominent men at Rome 
 at the very time Luther was born, (1483.) In view of such 
 a state of morals as then existed in the Court of Rome, 
 and indeed as will appear soon, throughout the whole 
 Church, well might Dr. R. Southey, the Poet Laureate of 
 England exclaim, "Blessed be the day of Martin Luther's 
 birth — it should be a festival only second to that of the 
 nativity of Jesus Christ." 
 
 In order to see the full force of this remark, we must 
 take a view of the state of morals and learning among the 
 clergy, and the common people of that age. 
 
 By a long series of usurpations the Pope and higher 
 clergy had wrested every particle of civil and religious lib- 
 erty from the people. The common people, and even 
 their rulers with them, were parcelled out by the Pope to 
 the Bishops, as if they had been so many cattle, the bishop 
 or his friends paid so many dollars, for such an amount 
 of territory containing so many souls, and then his chief 
 business was to wring so much money out of them, as was 
 needed to pay perhaps for keeping so many concubines, 
 and so many children, and so many horses and dogs. 
 
XX. POPERY OPPRESSIVE. 
 
 The people of Germany, Luther says in his celebrated 
 "Address to the Nobility of the German Nation," had to 
 pay annually to the Pope 300,000 gold florins, no wonder 
 says he that our nation is poor, the only wonder is that 
 we are not in a state of starvation ! And what, says he, 
 do we pay this money for, or what do we get in return, 
 but shame and derision ! To form some idea of the great- 
 ness of this sum at that time, Luther says, Rome receives 
 more money from us, than the government formerly re- 
 ceived ! And be it remembered this was not the money 
 the poor Germans paid by way of support for Religion at 
 home, but it was a kind of religious bonus they paid 
 the Pope, for the privilege of belonging to holy Mother 
 Church ! Yes, for the glorious privilege of having their 
 minds stupified, their morals degraded- — the morals of their 
 wives and daughters corrupted by a set of vicious and li- 
 centious confessors, and their heads cut off if they object- 
 ed to the holiness and infallibility of the Church, and her 
 wicked priests ! One of the most lively pictures — a real 
 daguerreotype of the state of the Church in the beginning 
 of the sixteenth century, is given by Frederick Myconius, 
 who was a contemporary with Luther, and a close observ- 
 er of what transpired around him. " The passion (i. e. 
 the sufferings and death) of Christ, and the atonement, 
 were treated merely as a story, like the Odyssey of Ho- 
 mer. Concerning faith, by which the righteousness of the 
 Redeemer, and eternal life are apprehended, there was the 
 deepest silence. Christ was described as a severe judge, 
 ready to condemn all who were destitute of the intercea 
 
TESTIMONY OF MYCONIUS. XXI. 
 
 sion of saints, and of pontifical interest. In the room of 
 Christ were substituted, as Saviors and Intercessors, the 
 Virgin Mary, like a pagan Diana, and other saints, who 
 from time to time had been created by the popes. Nor 
 were men, it seems, entitled to the benefit of their prayers, 
 except they deserved it of them by their works. What 
 sort of works were necessary for this end, was distinctly 
 explained ; not the works prescribed in the decalogue, and 
 enjoined on all mankind, but such as enriched the priests 
 and monks. Those who died neglecting these, were con- 
 signed to hell, or at least to purgatory till they were re- 
 deemed from it by a satisfaction made either by themselves 
 or their proxies. The frequent rehearsing of the Lord's 
 prayer, and the salutation of the Virgin, and the recitation 
 of the forms called the canonical hours, constantly engaged 
 the attention of those who undertook to be religious. An 
 incredible mass of ceremonial observances was everywhere 
 visible ; while gross wickedness was practised under the 
 encouragement of indulgences by which the guilt of the 
 crimes committed was easily expiated. The preaching 
 of the word was the least part of the episcopal function ; 
 rites and processions employed the bishops perpetually 
 when engaged in religious exercises. The number of the 
 clergy was enormous, and their lives were most scanda- 
 lous!" This is not an isolated fact stated by a single 
 historian, and he a friend of evangelical piety, but it is sup- 
 ported by the concurrent testimony of all respectable wri- 
 ters both protestant and papal, as well as by the acts of 
 national diets in which Roman Catholic princes had the 
 preponderating influence. 
 
XXII. ERASMUS AND DUKE GEORGE S TESTIMONY. 
 
 Look at the hundred grievances presented to the Pope's 
 Nuncio at the Diet of Nuremburg,— -and look too at the 
 speech of Duke George at Worms, where he admits the 
 corruption of the priests. Look too at the testimony of 
 Erasmus, whom the Romanists never rank with the Prot- 
 estants, only when he points out the licentiousness of the 
 priests and monks, then he is a heretic ! We will here 
 give a dismal picture drawn by the spirited pen of Dr. 
 D'Aubigne : " The annals of the age swarm with scandals. 
 In many places the people were well pleased that the 
 priest should have a woman in keeping, that their wives 
 might be safe from his seductions. What scenes of hu- 
 miliation were witnessed in the house of the pastor ! The 
 wretched man supported the mother and her children, with 
 the tithe and the offering ; his conscience was troubled, he 
 blushed in the presence of his people, and his servants, 
 and before God. The mother, fearing to come to want 
 when the priest should die, provided against it beforehand, 
 and robbed the house. Her character was gone, her chil- 
 dren were a living accusation of her crimes. The chil- 
 dren treated on all sides with contempt, they plunged into 
 brawls and debaucheries. Such was the family of the 
 priest ! Those horrid scenes were a kind of instruction, 
 that the people were ready enough to follow. 
 
 " The rural districts were the scenes of numerous ex- 
 cesses. The abodes of the clergy were frequently the re- 
 sorts of the dissolute. Cornelius Adrain at Bruges, and the 
 Abbot, Trinkler at Cappel, imitated the customs of the East 
 and had their harems ! Priests, consorted with abandoned 
 
IMMORALITY OF THE PRIESTS. XXIII. 
 
 characters — frequented the taverns — played dice, and fin- 
 ished their orgies by quarrels and blasphemy ! The Coun- 
 cil of Schaffhausen prohibited the clergy from dancing in 
 public, except at weddings ; from carrying two kinds of 
 weapons ; and decreed that a priest who should be found 
 in a house of ill fame, should be stripped of his ecclesias- 
 tical habits ! In the archbishoprick of Mentz they (the 
 priests) scaled the walls in the night, committed disturban- 
 ces and disorders of all kinds in the inns and taverns, and 
 broke open doors and locks ! In several places the priest 
 paid to the bishop a regular tax for the woman with whom 
 he lived, and for every child he had by her ! A German 
 bishop who was present at a grand entertainment, publicly 
 declared, that in one year eleven thousand priests had pre- 
 sented themselves to him for that purpose ! It is Erasmus 
 who records this." 
 
 This is indeed a horrid picture ! Paganism itself may 
 be challenged for a counterpart ! It is humiliating to our 
 race to have to record such startling facts, and if the Ro- 
 manists were not now, as they always have been, boasting 
 of the moral purity of their priesthood, and extolling their 
 celibacy, we would gladly throw the veil of oblivion ovei 
 their former crimes. 
 
 As a confirmation of D'Aubigne, we subjoin another re- 
 mark from Myconius, who was superintendent of Gotha 
 from 1524 to 1541, we translate from Dr. Stang: " The 
 number of the clergy was so great, (in the popish church 
 before the Reformation,) that in the town of Gotha which 
 does not contain more than seven hundred houses, (and 
 
XXIV. PROF. TISCHER S TESTIMONY. 
 
 perhaps 3500 inhabitants,) there were no less than 14 
 canons, 40 priests, 30 Augustinian monks, 2 therminites, 
 and 30 nuns, which this town had to support ! (making 
 116.) These were looked upon as holy persons, who 
 could earn heaven for us, and yet they led such scandalous 
 and lewd lives, that a parallel can scarcely be found in the 
 world. The marriage state was denied to them, and as 
 they were destitute of all moral purity, they made up in 
 adultery and sodomy for it — they carried on their de- 
 baucheries in a dreadful manner, and yet they could not 
 be reached by the arm of the civil power, because they as 
 ecclesiastics were under the exclusive jurisdiction of the 
 Pope !" Prof. Tischer, one of the most eloquent of Lu- 
 ther's Biographers, says : " At the period of the Reforma- 
 tion, the corruption of the clergy, and the shameful abuses 
 by which they had debased the holy and beneficent reli- 
 gion of Jesus, had been carried to the utmost extreme. 
 The seductive artifices and schemes of the court of Rome 
 for the purpose of establishing her supremacy, that she 
 might domineer over the high and the low, over kings and 
 subjects ; that she might bestow countries and nations by 
 arbitrary will — carry all the silver and the gold to Rome ; 
 and exercise absolute authority over the consciences of men 
 and (as she attempted to do,) even over heaven ! These 
 were matters too palpable and outrageous not to excite at- 
 tention, or to be any longer endured. The terrible and 
 corrupting principle, that the people ought to be kept in a 
 state of blindness, was every where reduced to practice. 
 The holiness and infallibility of the Pope were preached up 
 
AWFUL STATE OF RELIGION. XXV. 
 
 as indispensable articles of a creed, in order to avoid the 
 loss of eternal happiness. The divinity that was proclaim- 
 ed was not a comforter, nor a deliverer, but an image 
 erected for the purpose of inspiring terror ; an idol that 
 could not be appeased by any other means, than by gifts 
 and offerings, and the punctual observance of insipid cus- 
 toms and lifeless ceremonies The happiness of heaven 
 depended on faith in the pope, and the Papal Church ! 
 From the Vatican of Rome issued the terrific flashes of 
 lightning which accompanied the excommunications and 
 anathemas that were fulminated against those who vindi- 
 cated the freedom of religious opinions, the most sacred 
 right of man ! The power of darkness, superstition and 
 ignorance governed with absolute sway. The true doc- 
 trines of Christ were but little understood, and still less 
 practised. Almost every clergyman was the priest of su- 
 perstition, the servant of sensuality, and the devotee of the 
 chase, and of drunkenness. Among a thousand of them, 
 there was scarcely one who knew the truth, or loved it. 
 And even that one, if perchance he did exist, was too timid 
 and feeble — too soon pronounced a heretic — too soon ex- 
 iled or murdered, to have it in his power to oppose the 
 current of corruption, and communicate to others his bet- 
 ter knowledge of the truth. 
 
 A certain outward pomp, the adoration of pictures, 
 marching in solemn processions, the worship of conse- 
 crated objects, the reading and hearing of mass ; half Latin 
 sermons, rosaries, and a number of other follies, — meri- 
 torious deeds, as they were called, a blind slavish attach^ 
 % 
 
XXVI. PRESENT STATE OE ROMAN CATHOLIC COUNTRIES. 
 
 merit to everything that the Romish church believed ; — -the 
 insipid recital of forms of faith ; all these were called the 
 worship of God ! Cloisters, in which idle monks and 
 nuns gluttonously fed themselves, being a great burden to 
 the industrious part of the community where they wasted 
 their lives in dreams, and carried on works of darkness, 
 were considered holy edifices. The liberty of investigat- 
 ing religious truths, was wholly unknown. The sources 
 of truth were denied to the people, and the avenues lead- 
 ing to her sacred altars, were barred. Blind laymen fol- 
 lowed their blind clerical leaders, and the light of truth 
 could not be endured by either." And is not this true to 
 the very letter, even now in papal countries — in countries 
 unblest by the glorious revival, and sin-dissipating 
 light of the Reformation ? Look at Italy with her bland 
 and lovely sky—her bright stars and her fertile soil — once 
 under the iron auspices of Paganism the mistress of the 
 world, now a nation of monks and nuns and beggars ! 
 Poor Italy ! the malaria of the Pontine marshes has not 
 been half as injurious to thee as the moral miasmata that 
 arise from the putrined seat of the Pope ! Italy with her 
 Pope has for ages been engaged in damning, cursing and 
 anathematizing other nations, that were holier and happier 
 than themselves, and those bitter curses and awful impre- 
 cations that have been and still are launched forth against 
 others, have rebounded and fallen like the fearful bolts of 
 heaven upon themselves ! 
 
 Here is a part of that awful, but to us innocent curse 
 Which his Holiness, (save the mark,) pronounces against 
 
CURSE OF THE POPE. XXVII. 
 
 us once a year on Thursday before Good Friday, this is 
 called the "Bull at the Supper of the Lord:" "In the 
 name of God Almighty, Father, Son and Holy Ghost, and 
 by the authority of the blessed apostles, Peter and Paul, 
 and by our own, we excommunicate and anathematize all 
 Hussites, Wickliffites, Lutherans, Zwinglians, Calvinists, 
 Huguenots, Anabaptists, Trinitarians, and other apostates 
 from the faith, and all other heretics by whatsoever name 
 they are called, or of whatsoever sect they may be." 
 Then follows the curse on this wise : " Excommunicated 
 and accursed may they be, and given body and soul to the 
 devil. Cursed be they in cities, in towns, in fields, in 
 ways, lying or rising, standing or walking, running or sit- 
 ting, sleeping or eating. We separate them from the thresh- 
 hold and from all prayers of the church, from the holy 
 mass, from all sacraments, chapels and altars, from holy 
 bread and holy water, from all the merits of God's priests 
 and religious men, from all their pardons and privileges, 
 grants and immunities, which all the holy fathers, the 
 popes of Rome, have granted, and we give them utterly 
 over to the power of the fiend ! And let us quench their 
 soul, if they be dead this night in the pains .of hell fire, as 
 this candle is now quenched and put out, and let us pray 
 to God and to our Lady, and to St. Peter, and St. Paul, 
 and Holy Saints, that all the senses of their bodies may 
 fail them, and that they may have no feeling, as now the 
 light of this candle is gone, except they come openly now 
 and confess their blasphemy, and by repentance, as in 
 them shall lie, make satisfaction unto God, our Lady, St. 
 
XXVIII. CURSE OF THE POPE. 
 
 Peter, and the worshipful company of this Cathedral 
 Church." This is only a tithe of the curse. The whole 
 ridiculous and impious farce is called " cursing by bell, 
 book and candle." If I were a Roman Catholic, this one 
 foolish, and unscriptural, and inhuman, yea, devilish prac- 
 tice, I think would be sufficient to convince me that the 
 Church of Rome cannot be the Church of Him who pray- 
 ed for his enemies ! But curse away, thou mother of 
 harlots ; if God blesses, your anathemas amount to noth- 
 ing ! And let the reader bear in mind, that we are indebt- 
 ed to the labors of Martin Luther, under God, for our 
 happy state — -for our freedom from the molestations to 
 which these curses subjected those who lived before his 
 time. He bravely stood up and received the full shock 
 of these thundering anathemas, and holding up the Word 
 of God as a shield, he shattered their force, and now they 
 fall harmless at our feet ! The whole Protestant world 
 has great reason to thank God that ever Luther was born ! 
 
 But we have rather anticipated ; let us return to the 
 corruptions of the Church before the Reformation. It is 
 an unpleasant topic, but fidelity compels us to dwell upon 
 it. We have already had a glimpse of the Papal Court 
 of Alexander VI., let us now remove the misty veil a lit- 
 tle further. 
 
 Alexander VI., it is said, lived in the habitual commis- 
 sion of incest with his own daughter ! It is said that most 
 of the ecclesiastics had their mistresses, and all the con- 
 vents in Rome were houses of ill-fame. And happy did 
 that husband or father feel who could have his family un- 
 
CJESAR BORGIO, THE SON OF A POPE. XXIX 
 
 der the protection of a cardinal or a bishop, even at 
 the expense of prostituting his own wife or daughter ! 
 The cardinals frequently boasted of the number and 
 beauty of their children. Alexander boasted of the strength 
 and beauty of his profligate son, Caesar Borgio, and con- 
 ferred upon him the Duchy of Benevento ! This man 
 Caesar was, if anything, even worse than his father, and 
 yet he was made Archbishop of Valencia, and Bishop of 
 Pompeluna ! As an illustration of the state of the Papal 
 Court, look at the following scene, as quoted from Rancke's 
 Lives of the Popes, by D'Aubigne. "Alexander VI., the 
 Pope, had a favorite named Peroto, whose preferment of- 
 fended the young Duke, (i. e. Caesar, the Pope's son,) 
 Caesar rushed upon him, Peroto sought refuge under the 
 Papal mantle, clasping the Pontiff in his arms ; Csesar 
 stabbed him, and the blood of the victim spirted in the 
 Pontiff ' s face J" This happened in the Pope's chamber. 
 This then was the state of morals in the Court of Rome 
 before the Reformation. And let it be borne in mind, 
 the pride and boast of this Church is " idem semper ubi- 
 que," always, and everywhere the same ! But were not 
 the other popes better men ? Those who lived about this 
 time were all bad men ; true there were few of them who 
 committed their enormities in so unblushing and public a 
 manner. Pius III., who succeeded Alexander VI., only 
 acted pope twenty-six days — he had not time to show the 
 world what he was. The poor old man had merely been 
 elected to make room for his successor. Julius the II., who 
 next occupied St. Peter's chair, was a cruel, blood-thirsty 
 
XXX. LICENTIOUSNESS OF MONKS AND NUNS. 
 
 tyrant — he was a kind of Papal Napoleon, who only wanted 
 the genius and courage of the mighty Corsican, to make him 
 what Macedonia's madman was, the conqueror of the 
 world. He reigned ten years, and nearly all that time 
 was spent in the field of battle amid scenes of carnage 
 and blood! No less than 200,000 soldiers are said tc 
 have perished in the wars of this human monster! A 
 contemporary French historian, says: "He acted more 
 like a Sultan of the Turks, than as the Vicar of the 
 Prince of Peace, and the common Father of all Chris- 
 tians." This military Pontiff died On the 20th of Feb- 
 ruary, 1513, and was succeeded by Leo X. Of this 
 rather more respectable Pontiff, we have spoken in the 
 body of this work. His name is inseparably connected 
 with the Reformation. He was the patron of the Arts 
 and Sciences, but it is not likely that a man who believed 
 that his soul would perish with his body, would pay much 
 serious attention to religion. Clement VII. succeeded 
 Leo X. He is called the old fox — he was a man of no 
 moral principle. The two succeeding Popes, Paul III., 
 and Julius III., were as unholy and immoral men as ever 
 filled the Papal seat. These, O Romanism ! be thy Gods, 
 the men whom thy unholy and unchristian religion com- 
 pels thee to worship ! 
 
 Now if the heads of the Papal Church were so corrupt- 
 ed, so vile, what are we to expect from the inferior clergy 
 and the laity? We will here introduce another quotation 
 from Prof. Tischer: "But they (the Romish monks) 
 were not merely burdens to the community, and traitors to 
 
POPERY IN WEST INDIES. XXXI. 
 
 their country, but they were also addicted to the grossest 
 vices and sensuality, and were corrupters of the public 
 morals. In passing through a country, (on their begging 
 excursions,) they cooled the libidinous ardor which in the 
 lap of luxury they had cherished during half the y ear, and 
 debauched married women and virgins. They accom- 
 plished their vicious designs under the cloak of Religion, 
 and by making promises of absolution, even innocence for- 
 tified by the strongest sentiments of conjugal fidelity and 
 of honor, fell a prey to those wandering, pious debauchees ! 
 In the very cloisters so much discord prevailed, and such 
 outrageous indecencies were carried on by the monks and 
 nuns, that it is impossible to relate them without blushing. 
 Their lewd and vicious practices were so notorious, and 
 so universally known, that they were no longer novelties, 
 and had ceased to be topics of conversation ! The clois- 
 ters often contended with the public brothels for the prize 
 of superiority in acts of lewdness!" Horrid, horrid! 
 Can this be true ? True ! yes, the half is not told. The 
 Romish Church is "idem semper ubique," always and 
 everywhere the same. Look at South America — the West 
 Indies — Mexico — Spain — and you will find the truth of her 
 boasted declaration, " always the same." And as it is in 
 these poor priest-ridden countries, so it would be with us, 
 but for the influence of Protestantism. The influence of 
 Luther's writings has never penetrated into the dense 
 gloom that still envelops those half pagan, half papal coun- 
 tries. As a confirmation of the above remark, let the 
 reader examine ex-priest Hogan's visit to Mexico and Sa- 
 
XXXII. MEXICO, SOUTH AMERICA. 
 
 vannah. And the state of morals among the priests in 
 South America, we have from our personal and esteemed 
 friend, Rev. J. McCron, of New Jersey, who spent several 
 years in the city of Lima. 
 
 " The lewdness of the priests must indeed have been 
 great, when it was found necessary in order to deter them 
 from making lascivious suggestions to females, even in the 
 confessional, to threaten them with the punishment of a 
 physical disability to pursue their unchaste practices.'' 
 A certain monk named John Schiphower, makes the fol- 
 lowing bitter complaint concerning the ignorance and im- 
 morality of the monks of his time : "They are hardly 
 able to sing the requiem, and yet, like horned cattle, they 
 rear themselves up and undertake to oppose learned men, 
 and continuing in their asses' behavior, still think them- 
 selves to be men of consequence. Let the bishops an- 
 swer for it, who entrust to such persons, the feeding of the 
 flock of Christ. The manner in which they live is equally 
 objectionable. They much better understand how to draw 
 liquor from goblets, than information from books. With 
 drinking and carousing they sit in taverns ; carry on gaming 
 and illicit amours, and daily getting drunk. And these are 
 priests, they are indeed so called ; but they are asses !" 
 
 Yes, these are the holy priests of that unchangeable 
 church which is " semper idem/' always the same ! 
 The effects of such outrageous conduct had the same ten- 
 dency then as now ; the priests were held in the utmost 
 contempt— just as they are in France, and other enlighten- 
 ed countries. 
 
LUTHER S TESTIMONY. XXXIII. 
 
 Luther touches this subject, i. e. the deserved contempt 
 in which the vicious priests were held by the people, with 
 a master hand, in a letter to the Archbishop of Mentz. 
 As one means of averting the awful calamities that seem- 
 ed to threaten the Archbishops, he urges him to enter into 
 the marriage state, and give up his worldly jurisdiction, 
 for he was also a secular prince. The peasant revolution 
 was at this time threatening to overturn everything. " Get 
 married," says Luther, "and thus you can avert the 
 threatened danger, you can thus escape the wrath of God, 
 you can take the cause of the threatened insurrection from 
 the devil, for it is now evident that the spiritual state is 
 openly opposed to God and his glory, and it is not to be 
 expected that God will cease to pour out his wrath and 
 his punishment, as long as such shameful and horrid con- 
 duct is not separated from his holy name. 
 
 " Great God ! if you bishops and princes had but 
 looked after these things in time, if you had opened a way 
 for the Gospel, and commenced suppressing the outward 
 abominations, how nicely and quietly might it not have been 
 accomplished by the proper authorities, but as you would 
 neither hear nor see, and thought to sustain yourself with 
 these foolish abominations, God has permitted it to come 
 to pass, so that these follies must go down, thus God shows 
 you that his word is more powerful than every thing else, 
 and that his word must spread, though the world were a 
 thousand times more formidable. In the second place, 
 the common people are so far informed, that they well 
 know that the ecclesiastical state is of no account, as is 
 
XXXIV* DR. SCHMUCKER S TESTIMONY. 
 
 very evident from the many songs, proverbs, and satires 
 of priests and monks, which are written upon every wall, 
 every ticket, and even found upon the playing cards ! So 
 that the very sight of an ecclesiastic is nauseous ! Why 
 then should you contend against the stream, and hold on 
 to that, which you must at last abandon ? The ecclesias- 
 tical state cannot stand, God himself has laid his hands 
 upon it, and down it must go." The reader will bear in 
 mind that by the expression "ecclesiastical state," (geist- 
 licher Stand,) Luther means the state of exemption from 
 the jurisdiction of civil law, and consequently from all 
 legal investigation, into which the taking of a vow, or ta- 
 king holy orders at once raised the priests, monks and 
 nuns. This was as we have already seen, one prolific 
 source of the moral evils under which the Church groaned. 
 The Church then needed just such a man as Luther, a 
 bold, fearless, and independent follower of Jesus Christ, 
 who dared to speak the truth in defiance of all opposition. 
 Volumes might be filled with the corruptions of the Church 
 before the Reformation. 
 
 But we must give the reader a little more information 
 on this subject before we dismiss it. Prof. S. S. Schmuck- 
 er, D. D., my esteemed friend and preceptor, than whom 
 perhaps few men in this country, better understand the 
 corruptions of the Romish priesthood, says in his " Dis- 
 course on the Reformation." At an early day, after the 
 introduction of celibacy, it became customary for the 
 priests to keep single females in their houses as professed 
 religious sisters. To suppress the disorders thus intro- 
 
MONASTERIES AND NUNNERIES. XXXV. 
 
 duced by these pretended friends of celibacy, it was found 
 necessary to prohibit the priests from having any females 
 in their houses, except their own mothers and sisters. But 
 horrible to relate, from a decree of the Council of Mogun- 
 tise, A. D. 888, we learn that some of them had children 
 by their own sisters ! Vide Gieseler's History, Vol. II. 
 p. 112. 
 
 By a Canon of the Council of iEnhamense, A. D. 1009, 
 it is expressly asserted, that some of them (i. e. the Rom- 
 ish priests,) had not only one, but even two or more wo- 
 men living with them ; that their voluptuous indulgences 
 constituted their principal object of pursuit in life ; and 
 that they did not blush to be engaged with prostitutes, even 
 more publicly, more ostentatiously, more lasciviously, and 
 more perseveringly, than the most unprincipled vagrants 
 among the laity ! Hundreds of thousands of young fe- 
 males were enticed into their nunneries under pretense of 
 spending their life in religious seclusion. These nunneries 
 were almost invariably in the immediate vicinity of the in- 
 stitutions of the priests, and in different instances where 
 these institutions were torn down, subterranean passages 
 were discovered conducting from one to the other ! ! 
 
 Clemangis, a distinguished French Catholic, who studied 
 at Paris under the learned Gerson, and lived about fifty 
 years before the time of Luther, gives such a description 
 of the nunneries as we dare not spread out before the pub- 
 lic in detail. After enumerating various particulars he 
 adds, " what else are these nunneries than houses of pros- 
 titution?*' So that in our day for a female to take the 
 
XXXVI. GRATITUDE DUE FOR THE REFORMATION. 
 
 veil, is the same as publicly to offer herself for prostitution. 
 See McGavin's Protestant, Vol. II. p. 718. George Gas- 
 sander, a (Roman) Catholic writer, born a few years before 
 the Reformation, testifies, " that scarcely one could be 
 found in an hundred of the priests who was not guilty of 
 illicit commerce with females !" 
 
 Many of the Popes were among the most licentious ana 
 corrupt men to be found in the annals of human debauch- 
 ery, and Pope Paul III. even licensed brothels, for a regu- 
 lar sum of money ! In the third year of his papacy Paul 
 III. (who reigned in the very midst of the Reformation,) 
 granted a bull for publicly licensing brothels, and gave an 
 indulgence for the commission of lewdness, provided the 
 man paid a certain fine to the Holy See, and the woman a 
 yearly sum for her license, and entered her name into the 
 public register. In the days of this Pope (1534,) it is said 
 there were 45,000 such women in Rome ! This was the 
 palmy time of Popery ! And these are the golden days, 
 those Protestants who encourage Popery, by defending 
 her errors, siding with her priests, and sending their 
 daughters to nunnery-schools, are endeavoring to bring 
 back ! Such, says Dr. Schmucker, " according to the 
 testimony of Romish writers themselves, was the condi- 
 tion of the Church prior to the Reformation. What 
 gratitude is not due from every friend of virtue or religion, 
 that these corruptions have been banished from at least a 
 large portion of the Christian World. What gratitude is 
 not due from every father and mother, that our eyes have 
 been opened to the corruptions of these nunneries, that 
 
GRATITUDE DUE FOR THE REFORMATION. XXXVII 
 
 oar daughters are no longer sent thither to be sacrificed to 
 licentious priests ! With what gratitude should we cherish 
 the recollection of the glorious Reformation ! And how 
 faithfully should we labor by the dissemination of the word 
 of God, and the spirit of piety among our fellow-citizens 
 of all descriptions, to resist the progress of Popery among 
 us !" Let Protestant parents beware how they encourage 
 Popish Seminaries of learning, they may regret it, when 
 it is too late. From what has now been stated we see, 
 how necessary the Reformation was, and we see the wis- 
 dom and goodness of God in raising up, at that very junc- 
 ture of time, just such a man as Martin Luther. We will 
 now enter upon the life of this great, and useful man. 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 Luther the Child, or the Ancestry, Birth, and Childhood 
 of the Great Reformer. 
 
 The great purposes of Jehovah, in every age of the 
 world, so far as human agency has been concerned, have 
 been accomplished mostly by individuals of poor and hum- 
 ble origin. God has always made use of humble instru- 
 ments in carrying forward the great and saving plans of 
 his moral government, that no flesh should glory in his 
 presence — that all the glory and the honor should be his, 
 and his alone. " God hath chosen the foolish things 
 of the world to confound the wise, and the weak to con- 
 found the mighty, and base things, and things that are 
 despised, and things that are not, to bring to naught things 
 that are." 1 Cor. i. 27. Dr. Dodridge has thus para- 
 phrased this passage ; viz : " But God hath chosen those 
 things that are reputed foolish of the world, that he may 
 shame the wise men of whom it is most ready to boast, 
 and the weak things of the world, who pretend to no ex- 
 traordinary strength hath God chosen, that he may by their 
 heroic patience under the severest sufferings shame its 
 mighty things, which have never been able with all their 
 boasted fierceness to equal that meek fortitude with which 
 we trace the footsteps of the Lamb of God. And ignoble 
 
MEN UNDER THE IMMEDIATE CARE OF GOD. XXXIX. 
 
 tilings hath he chosen, and things most commonly and 
 scornfully set at naught among men, yea, and things which 
 are not in the least regarded, but are overlooked as if they 
 had no being hath God chosen, that he may abolish and 
 annihilate things that are in the highest esteem, and made 
 the most illustrious figure among the children of men, that 
 his great end of humbling us might be more effectually se- 
 cured, and that no flesh might boast of any advantage or 
 distinction in his presence." This God has done in every 
 age, and if it should become necessary he will do it again 
 and again, until the " latter day glory" shall have been 
 ushered into our apostate and ruined world ! One of the 
 most pleasing and delightful reflections to the Christian, is 
 the wonderful and glorious manner in which God has in- 
 terposed in every age, and in nothing has that interposition 
 been more signal, than in raising up men from time to time 
 of extraordinary piety, talents and energy. When the 
 prospects of the Church were gloomy, when she was 
 shrouded in mental and spiritual darkness, he always 
 raised up men of heroic courage, of invincible fortitude- 
 men of piety, talents and energy commensurate to her 
 wants. Before the flood, when the Church was in danger 
 God raised up Enoch and Noah to bless and save her by 
 their zeal and piety. 
 
 More than 4,000 years ago, God selected from among 
 the humble herdsmen in the plains of Shinar, a man of 
 great piety and courage, and made Abram the father of 
 mighty nations, and through him rescued his Church from 
 the idolatry of the surrounding nations. He took Moses 
 
XL. MEN UNDER THE IMMEDIATE CARE OF GOD. 
 
 from the dangerous waters of the Nile, and made him not 
 only the greatest legislator in the world, but also the Re- 
 former and Preserver of his Church. He took Joshua 
 from an humble and obscure family, and made him at once 
 the scourge of his enemies, and the Savior of his Church ! 
 David by the same Almighty power was transferred from 
 a shepherd's cot to the throne of Israel, that he might 
 through him and his illustrious family, further the benevo- 
 lent designs of his Church. Esther, a lonely orphan — the 
 child of a poor exile, was by the same Almighty Being 
 raised to the august throne of the greatest monarch on 
 earth, in order to save the Church from the malice of her 
 enemies. So Ezra, and Nehemiah, and Daniel, were taken 
 from the Jewish captives, and raised to high and honor- 
 able stations, that they might become the instruments of 
 reforming the Church. And our own blessed Redeemer 
 was born in circumstances of humble poverty — he was 
 born in a stable — the ox and the ass were his companions. 
 " He was rich, yet for our sakes he became poor, that we 
 through his poverty might be made rich." Christ in his 
 own beautiful language says, " The foxes have holes, and 
 the birds of the air have their nests, but the Son of man 
 hath not where to lay his head." Yes ! the blessed Sa- 
 vior had not even his own beast to ride, nor his own house 
 to shelter him from the cold, he was dependent upon the 
 hospitality of his friends for the very bread he ate, and the 
 clothes he wore. 
 
 The apostles too were chosen from among the humble 
 poor. This was all done for wise purposes, there is a de- 
 
LUTHER GOD'S CHOSEN INSTRUMENT. XLI. 
 
 sign, a wise and glorious design in every thing that God 
 does. If God had carried forward his great and glori- 
 ous plans of saving the world, through the instrumen- 
 tality of the rich, the powerful and the great, infidelity and 
 unbelief would have attributed the success and triumph of 
 the Church, to the influence of wealth. As God is the 
 same to-day, yesterday and forever, he carries on his great 
 and mighty purposes in the same way from age to age, and 
 judging from the past he will continue so to do, until all 
 shall know him from the rising to the setting sun ! 
 
 Thus too, Luther God's chosen instrument in rescuing 
 his bleeding Church from the merciless dominion of the 
 Pope, and reforming her doctrines and worship, and carry- 
 ing forward the mighty purposes of his will, was of poor 
 and humble origin. In the beautiful and poetic language 
 of Prof. Tischer, we can say, " As a bright morning dawn 
 is not always the precurser of a splendid day and a cloud- 
 less sky, so is an illustrious pedigree no indication of re- 
 nowned deeds and great talents. The great instructress 
 of mankind, the history of the world, presents us with ex- 
 alted and beneficent men, who descended from parents 
 of low degree, and whose own noble actions raised them 
 to honor, usefulness and celebrity. A striking proof of 
 this fact, we behold in the immortal Luther, whose parents 
 were poor and humble." 
 
 God raised up Luther at the very juncture of time when 
 his sinking church needed just such a man — a man of such 
 talents, such courage, such faith, such energy and piety. 
 Like some mighty and brilliant star he burst upon the earth 
 
xlii. luther's deathless fame. 
 
 in her darkest and gloomiest hour ! " Till Luther rose there 
 was no power to cope with the Papal Church. There 
 was a true Church, but she had no champion." How 
 true ! 
 
 This great and wonderful man was born and reared 
 amid scenes of humble poverty. Luther during the last 
 twenty-five years of his life occupied a larger share of the 
 attention of Europe, than any man of his age; and since 
 his death his fame has spread and widened until it has 
 reached the remotest corners of the earth ! What now is 
 the fame of Leo the X., of Charles the "V., of Henry the 
 VIII., of Erasmus or of any other of his cotemporaries, 
 compared with that of the humble monk of Erfurt 1 Lu- 
 ther is not the hero of one age, or of one nation, but of all 
 ages and all nations. His fame has filled the world; and 
 although upwards of three hundred years have rolled along 
 since his death, his name and memory are still as dear to 
 the hearts of millions in the 19th century, as they were to 
 those of the 16th. And although no man that ever trod 
 this earth, has been more slandered, and abused, and cal- 
 umniated and maligned, and is even now more traduced 
 and belied by the partisans of Rome, yet his fame is ever 
 increasing, and will continue to increase, as the incalculable 
 blessings of his labors in behalf of mankind, are more ex- 
 tensively felt, and better understood ! His glory like the 
 sun will never cease to shine, until the affairs of this lower 
 world, shall have been brought to a close ! He lives in the 
 hearts and the affections of millions of freemen who too 
 well know what would now be their condition if Luther 
 
luther's deathless fame. xliii. 
 
 had never lived, and labored, and preached, and written, 
 and prayed. His name and memory are impressed upon 
 the very heart's core of Protestants. And what is it that 
 endears Luther to the hearts of Protestants ? It is the 
 mighty intellect — the courageous spirit — the warm heart — 
 the strong faith — and the fervent piety which characterized 
 this great man. To say that Luther, taken all in all, was 
 the greatest uninspired man that God ever placed upon this 
 earth, is saying too little, and yet, more dare hardly be said. 
 Dr. C. E. Stowe says : "There was probably never crea- 
 ted a more powerful human being, a more gigantic, full pro- 
 portioned man, in the highest sense of the term, than 
 Martin Luther. In him, all that belongs to human nature, 
 all that goes to constitute a man, had a strongly marked 
 and characteristic development. He was a model-man, 
 one that might be shown to other beings in other parts of 
 the universe, as a specimen of collective manhood in its ma- 
 turest growth." This remark may appear extravagant to 
 some, but its correctness will be seen in the course of this 
 memoir. , 
 
 The individual who cannot admire the moral courage, 
 the indomitable energy, the holy zeal, the unshaken faith, 
 the transcendant talents, and the warm and fervent piety 
 of a man like Luther, must indeed be dead to everything 
 that constitutes man ! Much has been written for, and 
 against Luther, perhaps more for, and against him, than 
 any other human being that ever lived. For 300 years 
 Aehas been the subject of abuse, and the theme of eulogy, 
 among the most refined and intelligent nations of the earth 
 
XLIV. BIRTH PLACE OF JOHN LUTHER. 
 
 — lie has been praised by the Protestants and denounced 
 by the Roman Catholics to a far greater extend tlian any 
 man living or dead. Everything, therefore, liiai has even 
 the remotest connexion with this great and good man. his 
 parentage — his birth-place — the scenes of his «.-liihlhood — 
 the circumstances and associations with which he was sur- 
 rounded — his education, and in short, everything which 
 may have had any agency in the development of his 
 physical, intellectual, or moral powers, must pos«ps- a 
 deep and thrilling interest. We shall endeavor to op mi- 
 nute without being prolix in the facts we are nbout to 
 state. And as hundreds of individuals, both friends and 
 enemies, have written the life of Luther, we are at no loss 
 for materials, whether the facts about to be stated are the 
 most interesting, the reader must judge. 
 
 Near Eisenach, in Thuringia, in a quiet and romantic 
 little vale, lay the humble, but beautiful village of Mohra. 
 In this retired hamlet, far away from the noise and bustle 
 of the great world, lived and died, nearly 400 years ago, 
 an industrious and honest laborer, whose name was Henry 
 Luther. Henry Luther would have lived, and died, and 
 his name and memory, like that of millions of other excel- 
 lent men who once lived and labored upon our earth, 
 would have been forgotten if Martin Luther had not been 
 his grandson. John Luther, the father of the great Re- 
 former, was born in the same village, about the year 1460 
 About Henry Luther, very little is known ; about John, 
 we know a little more, but still not as much as we could 
 wish. It is to be regretted that so little is known about 
 
1*83. CHARACTER 01 JOHN LUTHER. XLV 
 
 the moral training of thr hi:mi, who, under God, raised such 
 a son as Martin Luther, \\> all feel deeply interested in 
 the parents of men of superior intellectual or great moral 
 powers ; hence we feel almost as much interest in the his- 
 tory of the parents of John Wesley, and Washington, and 
 of Byron, as in the lives of those men themselves, for we 
 all know what a great influence the habits of parents have 
 on their children. The mother of John Wesley would no 
 doubt have made a John Wesley out of Lord Byron, and 
 Byron's mother would have turned the great apostle of 
 Methodism into the petulant and misanthropic, though 
 splendid poet ! If we are to judge the tree by its fruits, 
 John Luther must have been a great man. The whole 
 world is immensely indebted to the humble miner of Mans- 
 field, for raising such a son ! 
 
 When John Luther had arrived at a proper age, and 
 thought himself able to support a family, he looked around 
 in the same humble sphere in which he himself moved, 
 for a companion, to share with him the joys and the sor- 
 rows of life. He found such a companion in Margaret 
 Lindeman, the daughter of a poor but honest peasant, who 
 resided in Neustadt, a small village not far from Mohra. 
 We do not know at what time they were married, but 
 soon after their marriage they moved to Eisleben. Some 
 say that Luther and his wife did not reside at Eisleben 
 when their son was born, but that they had only gone 
 thither to attend the annual fair ; but this does not appear 
 very probable ; the distance from Mohra to Eisleben is 
 about 75 miles, and was at that time a rough and unfre* 
 
XLVI. CHARACTER OF JOHN LUTHER. 
 
 quented road ; we can therefore scarcely believe that Lu- 
 ther and his wife, sensible and prudent christians, persons 
 whose piety would not find much pleasure in the excite- 
 ment and hilarity of a fair, would venture upon such a 
 journey almost in the dead of winter. The very situation 
 of Margaret Luther must preclude such a supposition. 
 More than this, Luther's earliest biographers say nothing 
 about this, and Luther himself says, "I was born and bap- 
 tized in Eisleben," and if his parents had only been on a 
 visit thither, it is more than likely he would have stated 
 so remarkable a fact. 
 
 There is no doubt but John Luther did move to Eisle- 
 ben, and very probably intended to make it his place of 
 residence, but not meeting with the success he had expect- 
 ed, he did not remain long, perhaps from April, 1483, to 
 the same date, 1484. 
 
 John Luther, according to the testimony of his son, and 
 of Philip Melancthon, the most famous man next to Lu- 
 ther of his age, was a remarkable man. Though but a 
 miner, or as his son calls him, a "wood cutter," he had a 
 strong and vigorous intellect, a large share of common 
 sense, and for those days, a considerable stock of informa- 
 tion. One evidence of his clear head and correct judg- 
 ment, is the fact that he looked with the utmost contempt 
 upon the swarms of indolent monks and nuns that infest- 
 ed the land, and ate out its substance, and corrupted its 
 morals. Hence, when in after years his son became a 
 monk, it almost broke his heart, and for a long time he re- 
 fused to be reconciled to him. He was a man of true and 
 
luther's letter to his father. xlvii. 
 
 enlightened piety ; he was pious in spite of the blighting 
 and soul-destroying influence of popery. He was indus- 
 trious, sincere, and upright ; a man of strict integrity, he 
 was firm and unbending in his purposes, and this made 
 him a severe disciplinarian. There was nothing light- 
 minded or frivolous about him, indeed he seems to have 
 bordered a little on the stern. His firmness seems to 
 have approached almost to obstinacy, a common fault with 
 men of such rigid morals. This trait the son seems to 
 have inherited in a large degree from his father, and this 
 very trait was one of those rare and peculiar qualifications 
 that fitted Martin Luther so preeminently for the stupen- 
 dous achievements of his after life ! John Luther was 
 fond of reading, but as we may well suppose, books were 
 then scarce, and his range must have been small. That 
 John Luther was a good man, and an intelligent christian, 
 is evident from a letter which Martin wrote to him in 1530. 
 This letter shows the respect and affection of the great 
 Reformer for his parents. " Dear Father : It would in- 
 deed afford me much pleasure if you and mother could 
 pay us a visit, and my Katy also desires, with tears, 
 that you would visit us. We would attend to you (in 
 your sickness) in the very best way we could. I have 
 sent my servant Cyriacus to see whether in your weak- 
 ness you are able to come. For let come what will, life 
 or death, I should like you to be near me, so that, accord- 
 ing to the commands of God, I might discharge the duties 
 of a son towards you with gratitude and affection. I pray 
 to that heavenly Father, who hath made you my earthly 
 
XLVIII. LUTHER S LETTER TO HIS FATHER. 
 
 father, that in his boundless compassion he would give 
 you grace and strength, and enlighten you bv his Holy 
 Spirit, so that you might be enabled to acknowledge and 
 confess with joy and thankfulness the blessed doctrines of 
 his dear Son, our Lord and Savior, to which in his mercy 
 you have been called. And I hope you have indeed been 
 called from the gross darkness and error of sin, into this 
 light, and that God will graciously finish that which he 
 has so happily begun in your heart, and keep you faithful 
 unto the coming of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ. 
 For God has sealed this work in your heart, inasmuch as 
 you have been called upon to suffer reproach for his 
 name's sake. You have suffered reproach and scorn, 
 hatred, enmity, and peril, for his sake. These are the 
 proper marks of a true christian, and show us that we are 
 like Christ, and have his image stamped upon our hearts. 
 (Rom. viii. 29.) 
 
 Let, therefore, your heart be joyful and happy in your 
 affliction ; nor need you fear to die, for we have a true 
 .nd faithful friend in the other world, who has abolished 
 ein and death for us, even Jesus Christ the righteous. 
 Therefore " be strong and of good courage, fear not, nor 
 be afraid of them, for the Lord thy God, he it is that go- 
 eth with thee, he will not fail thee, nor forsake thee." 
 Deut. xxxi. 6. Again we have the encouraging promise, 
 "Ask and ye shall receive." And in Acts ii. 21, it is 
 said, " whosoever shall call upon the name of the Lord 
 shall be saved." And the whole Psalter is full of such 
 sweet and refreshing comforts, especially the 91st, which 
 is an excellent Psalm for the sick to read. * * * 
 
THE INFLUENCE OF JOHN LUTHER UPON HIS SON. XLIX. 
 
 If it should be the will of God that you should be de- 
 nied the enjoyment of a better world now, and remain with 
 us awhile longer in this miserable and sorrowful vale of 
 tears, to share in our troubles, and sympathize with us in 
 our misfortunes, God I hope will give you grace cheerful- 
 ly to submit. For this life is nothing more than a vale of 
 tears, in which we see and feel every day more and more 
 its sorrows and afflictions, and there is no prospect of a 
 termination to these sufferings until after we shall have 
 passed into another world — then they must cease and we 
 shall then rest sweetly in Jesus, until in the morning of the 
 Great Day, he will come to wake us up. * * * 
 
 I am truly sorry that I cannot be with you to comfort 
 you in your affliction. All the family wish most affec- 
 tionately to be remembered to you, and our dear mother, 
 and all the rest. God's grace be with you now and for- 
 ever. Amen. M. Luther. 
 
 This letter does honor to Luther's heart, and shows us 
 that he considered his father an intelligent and enlightened 
 Christiin. John Luther was certainly far in advance of 
 his cotemporaries. We may well imagine that in such a 
 dark age, when the bishops, priests, monks and nuns, were 
 nothing more than an ignorant rabble, it must have been a 
 rare thing for a poor miner, who had to earn his bread by 
 the sweat of his brow, to rise above the common multitude. 
 More than this, the awfully corrupted system of religion 
 unaVr which he was educated, had a tendency then, just 
 as now, to cramp the energies of the human mind, and to 
 stum the moral powers of the soul. Yet under all these 
 
L. THE INFLUENCE OF JOHN LUTHER UPON HIS SON. 
 
 unfavorable circumstances, the strong native powers of 
 his mind triumphed over every difficulty. As John Luther 
 couid not read Latin, and as German Bibles were then 
 scarce, and never circulated among the common people, it 
 is not probable that the Bible was among his books ; yea, 
 from the fact that Martin never saw the Bible until he was 
 of age, it is quite certain that John Luther had no Bible. 
 The first Bible he saw was, no doubt, that translated by 
 his son. Martin Luther translated and published Reuch- 
 lin's Latin version of the Psalter in 1517. This is a re- 
 markable circumstance, that at least a portion of God's 
 Word should be published simultaneously with the com- 
 mencement of the glorious Reformation ! Although the 
 intelligent miner of Mansfield never distinguished himself 
 by any literary effort, yet he wrote and impressed his own 
 stern and unshaken virtues upon the mind of his Son, and 
 his name and memory are immortalized in the fame and 
 celebrity of that son, every step of whose education can 
 be traced to the pious and enlightened mind, the warm and 
 generous heart, the firm and energetic character of the 
 father. It would have been an honor, yea, a very great 
 honor, for the greatest potentate on earth, to be the father 
 of such a son, yet this great honor fell to the share of 
 John Luther! Ah! little did the poor miner of Mansfield 
 think, when after the toils of the day, he would take his 
 little son upon his knees, and listen to his innocent prattle, 
 and have his soul thrilled with the innocent smiles of his 
 first-born — and when he would fold his little hands to- 
 gether and teach him to pray — ah, little did he think that 
 
LUTHER S LETTER TO HIS MOTHER. LI. 
 
 that son would one day, even in his own life time, occupy 
 a larger share of public attention than any other man on 
 earth, and that he would one day, unassisted by armies or 
 any human power, single handed and alone, shake and 
 convulse to their very centres the mightiest kingdoms of 
 the world ! Yet so it turned out. Luther's mother, too, 
 seems to have been an excellent woman. Melancthon 
 says, she was a model to all the women where she resided. 
 She was remarkable for her piety and her prayers. She 
 seems, too, like her husband, to have been a woman of 
 great firmness, and a stern disciplinarian. Martin Luther 
 makes frequent and honorable mention of his mother. In 
 1531, when she was very ill, he wrote the following let- 
 ter to her, which shows that she too, was an humble fol- 
 lower of the Lamb. It commences thus : 
 
 " Grace and peace in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 
 
 My very dear Mother, (the German is Meine herzliebe 
 Mutter) I have received the letter of brother Jacob, which 
 informs me of- your illness. It grieves me that I cannot 
 be with you. Yet I will be, as it were bodily with you 
 in this letter, and spiritually I am always with you. Al- 
 though, I trust, your heart has long since been fully in- 
 structed, by the many and excellent preachers with which 
 you are blessed, yet I feel anxious to discharge my duties, 
 and show you that I am still your child, and you are my 
 Mother. * * * 
 
 In the first place, dear mother, you know that your 
 affliction is nothing more than the gracious rod of your 
 Heavenly Father, and that it is very light, compared with 
 
LII. LUTHER S LETTER TO HIS MOTHER. 
 
 that with which he visits the ungodly. Yea, and even 
 light compared with that with which he sometimes visits 
 his own dear children, when one is beheaded, another 
 burned, another drowned, and so on. Therefore, let not 
 your present illness trouble you, but receive it thankfully, 
 as sent by his grace. And even if your present affliction 
 should terminate in death, it is a light thing compared to 
 the sufferings of our blessed Lord and Savior, who suffered 
 not for himself, but for us. 
 
 In the second place, dear mother, you know the grounds 
 of all comfort, and the foundation of all happiness. You 
 know on whom you are to place your hopes in this, and 
 every other affliction. You know that Jesus Christ is the 
 corner-stone, and that he will never leave nor forsake us, 
 nor permit us to be overwhelmed. He is the Savior of 
 all — and especially of those who are in need, and in their 
 need call upon him. " Be of good courage," he says, 
 " I have overcome the world." Therefore, only be com- 
 forted in the Lord. " I live," says the Lord, " and there- 
 fore shall ye also live, and your joy shall no man take from 
 you." May the Lord give you faith, a joyful and firm 
 faith, that you may overcome this and every other afflic- 
 tion. I hereby commend your soul and body to the com- 
 passionate care of our God. Katy and all the children 
 pray for you ; — some are crying, others are eating and say- 
 ing, " grandmother is very sick." The grace of God be 
 with you. Amen. M. Luther." 
 
 The letter is long, we have therefore, only given part of 
 it, but what we have translated, shows how dutiful and af- 
 
LIII 
 
 fectionate a son he was. Luther's mother seems to hav6 
 been firm, but somewhat hasty in her temper. " One 
 day," says Luther, "she chastised me on account of a 
 horse, until the blood came." In German, " eines Rosses 
 willen," perhaps for venturing too near a horse. Luther 
 says, in after life, " My parents were very strict, and treat- 
 ed me rather harshly, so much so, that I became very timid ; 
 they no doubt thought they were doing right, but they had 
 no proper discernment of character, which is absolutely 
 necessary, that we may know upon whom, and when to 
 inflict punishment. This, alas, is too often the case in the 
 present age, many well-meaning parents have little or no 
 knowledge of human nature, and often punish their chil- 
 dren when they ought not to do it, and leave them un- 
 punished when their present and eternal happiness re- 
 quires it. 
 
 These, then, were the parents of Martin Luther, that 
 great and good man, who, under God, did more for the 
 the world at large, than any other man that ever lived. 
 
 John Luther died on the 29th of May, 1530, and his 
 wife Margaret, followed him to a better world on the 30th 
 of June, 1531. They both lived to see their son second 
 in importance to no other man in Europe. 
 
 But to retrace our steps. Martin Luther was born on 
 the 10th day of November, 1483, at 11 o'clock at night. 
 It being the eve of St. Martin's day, the child was called 
 Martin, in honor of that Saint. The day after his birth, 
 in accordance with the custom of that age, he was carried 
 to the Church of St. Peter, and was baptized by effusion 
 
LIV. THE CHARACTER OF LUTHER S PARENTS. 
 
 with this baptism Luther was ever after perfectly satisfied. 
 He was born in Eisleben, at that time a considerable vil- 
 lage in Upper Saxony, where his parents then resided. 
 He was born in the fall of 1483 ; in the spring of 1484, 
 his parents moved to Mansfield. Mansfield is situated in 
 the mountainous regions of Thuringia, about fifteen Eng- 
 lish miles North West from Eisleben. Here in this beau- 
 tiful and romantic spot, surrounded by dark forests, and 
 watered by the clear, pure streams that gush from the 
 mountain-side, and blest with a salubrious atmosphere,-— 
 here Martin Luther spent the interesting period of his 
 childhood. It was here he first learned to lisp that rich, 
 copious and powerful language, in which he afterward 
 convulsed the nations of the earth, and shook to its very 
 centre the Papal Hierarchy ! Luther's parents, when they 
 first moved to Mansfield, were very poor. Luther says : 
 " My parents were very poor ; my father was a wood- 
 cutter, and my mother often carried the wood upon her 
 back, that she might earn bread to bring us children up." 
 From this passage it would seem, that although John Lu- 
 ther was a miner by profession, yet he did not always 
 work at that business, but sometimes also cut wood for a 
 living. From a laborer, John Luther rose to the proprie- 
 torship of a furnace. Yea, we are informed that he owned 
 four furnaces, (Schmeltz-ofen,) These of course, were 
 not such large establishments, as our American furnaces 
 generally are. We have stated above, that John Luther 
 was a pious man, and as such he determined to give his 
 son a religious education, and he never lost sight of this 
 
1488. EARLY TRAINING OF LUTHER. LV. 
 
 object. It is said in the life of Luther quite recently pub- 
 lished by the London Tract Society, " That John Luther 
 was a man who lived in the fear of God, and that it was 
 his custom to pray fervently, and loudly at the bed side of 
 his child, that the Almighty would make his son a partaker 
 of his grace, and would remember his great name, and pro- 
 mote the propagation of purer doctrine than was then taught, 
 through the instrumentality of the child before him." This 
 is indeed a remarkable and almost a prophetic prayer. 
 How wonderfully did not God hear, and answer this 
 prayer ! 
 
 Little Martin was sent to school before he could cleverly 
 walk, for we are told that his father and a young man by 
 the name of Nicholas Oemler, often carried him to school. 
 George Emelius had the honor of being Luther's first 
 teacher. Luther seems from his earliest infancy to have 
 been surrounded by circumstances and influences, that 
 were calculated to make him a good and a great man. His 
 naturally impetuous spirit was subdued, and his violent 
 temper was, early brought under a wholesome subjection. 
 He was early taught to govern himself, which was of great 
 importance to him in after life. At home the rod of cor- 
 rection was freely applied to his back, and at school he 
 fared no better. It is said, that he was flogged fifteen times 
 in one day at school ! In this school he learned the Cate- 
 chism, the Ten Commandments, the Apostles' Creed, the 
 Lord's Prayer, and a few other prayers and some hymns. 
 Here too, he learned to write, and commenced the Latin 
 
lvi. luther's personal appearance. 1490. 
 
 grammar. In this school of affliction, for such it must 
 have been to Luther, he made rapid progress — here in this 
 humble school he laid the foundation of that splendid edu- 
 cation, which in subsequent life astonished and electrified 
 the world ! Luther remained at Mansfield until he was 
 thirteen years old, no doubt going to school all that time. 
 
 His early biographers say that he was a stout, brave lad, 
 full of life and animation, but in consequence of the severe 
 discipline under which he was trained, his spirit seemed 
 to have been almost entirely crushed. When he was 
 thirteen years old, he was exceedingly backward and 'Amor- 
 ous. Yet we all know that his unconquerable spirit was 
 not crushed, and his chainless mind was not subdued ! 
 His subsequent splendid career proves this. We are told 
 that at this time he was stoutly set, and a healthy looking 
 boy, with a fine florid complexion, a keen, falcon eye, 
 light hair, and a prominent forehead. In after life, when 
 worn down by severe study and unnumbered cares, he 
 became thin in body, and his countenance was not so 
 fresh. Erasmus A.ber, who describes Luther when he was 
 about thirty-three years of age, says, he was a man of or- 
 dinary size, about five feet eight inches high, rather stoutly 
 set, and had a handsome figure. His countenance was be- 
 nevolent and beautifully dignified and intelligent. There 
 was something elevated in his face — his forehead was 
 earnest, open, and determined. His countenance was 
 thin and emaciated and pale, and in consequence of hard 
 study and many cares, it looked sad. His voice was 
 
luther's personal appearance. lvii. 
 
 clear, penetrating and cheerful. His look was pleasant 
 and ardent, and not unfrequently gloomy. 
 
 But to return to his childhood. John Luther watched 
 with the most anxious solicitude the development of the 
 moral and intellectual powers of his promising son. He 
 saw enough by this time, to convince him that Martin had 
 a superior mind. His application was so great, his grasp 
 of mind so quick, his memory so tenacious, his judgment 
 so sound for a mere child, and his deportment so grave 
 and dignified at the age of thirteen, that not only his father, 
 but all who knew him, predicted something great and ex- 
 traordinary in his future life. But neither his father nor 
 any other person could possibly have had the most distant 
 idea of the honors that awaited him in after life. 
 
 Luther's parents seem to have been very careful with 
 his religious instruction, and so far as they understood the 
 principles of religion, they communicated them to him. 
 When Martin was thirteen years old, his knowledge of 
 God was very limited, and even that little which he had 
 was not very correct. He knew God only as a being of 
 terror. Mathesius says : " That every time he heard the 
 name of Christ mentioned he turned pale, for he had been 
 represented to him as an angry Judge." " This servile 
 fear," says D'Aubigne, " which is so far removed from true 
 religion, perhaps prepared his mind for the glad tidings of 
 the gospel, and for that joy which he afterwards felt, when 
 he learfied to know Christ as meek and lowly of heart." 
 Philip Melancthon, in his life of Luther, says : " As soon 
 as young Martin was old enough to learn, his parents taught 
 3* 
 
LVIII. LUTHER S PERSONAL APPEARANCE. 
 
 him very carefully the knowledge and fear of God, and as 
 was then customary, they also taught him to read and 
 write." The impressions made upon his mind by the ex- 
 imple and instructions of his excellent parents, were never 
 obliterated, the seed of truth which they so carefully sowed, 
 brought forth much fruit, to the honor and glory of God ! 
 Having now passed over the proper childhood of Lu- 
 lher, let us next look at Luther, the youth and the student 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 Luther, the Student. 
 
 In 1497, when Luther was in his 14th year, his father 
 sent him in company with John Reinecke, a lad of his own 
 age, to the high school at Magdeburg. Mclancthon says, 
 " There were at that time pretty good schools in the towns 
 of Saxony — schools in which grammar was correctly 
 taught." The school at Magdeburg was an institution of 
 some celebrity at that time, it was under the supervision 
 of the Franciscans, who were very strict and rigorous in 
 their rules, both with themselves and their pupils. The 
 Franciscans were by their vows devoted to the visiting of 
 the sick, and the burying of the dead. Their grey habits, 
 and their dark scowls, were well calculated to impress the 
 mind with gloom and melancholy. These austere, unre- 
 fined, and iron-hearted men, were perhaps not the best 
 tutors for Luther. The high reputation these men had 
 acquired for the austerity of their rules, and the sanctity 
 of their manners, was no doubt one reason why John 
 Luther sent his son thither. But the situation of Luther 
 was not very pleasant, for he was obliged, according to 
 the customs of that age, to beg his bread from door to 
 door, and what is still worse, he could not even procure a 
 subsistence in this way, for he had frequently to return at 
 
LX. LUTHER S HARD LIFE AT MAGDEBURG. 
 
 night without a mouthful of bread. The pious Mathesius 
 says: "When Luther was at Magdeburg he had, like 
 many other honest, and even tolerably wealthy people's 
 children, to beg his bread by singing his ' Panem propter 
 Deum,' (Bread for God's sake.) That which is to be- 
 come great, must begin small." Thus young Martin ex- 
 perienced hard times at Magdeburg, for he himself informs 
 us, that he was often repulsed from the doors of the rich, 
 and had to return late at night to his cheerless lodgings 
 without his supper. We may well imagine how much 
 the poor youth must have been discouraged under such 
 circumstances! Luther was to be trained for future self- 
 denial, and he had to bear the yoke in his youth. We do 
 not know much about his progress in learning while at 
 Magdeburg. The only advantage he derived from his being 
 at this place, was this, viz.: while he was at Magdeburg, 
 Andrew Proles, a pious and eloquent monk of the order 
 of St. Augustine, was there preaching with great zeal and 
 energy against the corruptions of the church, and the ne- 
 cessity of a reformation in religion. No doubt this cir- 
 cumstance had its influence upon the young student's hon- 
 est heart. D'Aubigne says: "Perhaps these discourses 
 deposited in the soul of the youth the earliest germ of the 
 thoughts which a later period unfolded." This is indeed 
 very probable, and if so, then the unpleasant year he spent 
 at Magdeburg was not without its advantages. Young 
 Luther bore up under his hardships, until he could bear 
 them no longer. In his half-starved condition, and in deep 
 distress of mind, he wrote to his father, informing him 
 
1498. LUTHER GOES TO EISENACH. LXI. 
 
 how he fared. His parents felt deeply for their son, but 
 were not at that time in a condition to assist him with 
 money. They however invited him to come home, which 
 lie did, after having spent about one year at Magdeburg. 
 
 In 1498, when Luther was in his fifteenth year, his pa- 
 rents sent him to the high school at Eisenach. There 
 were two reasons for sending him to Eisenach, the first 
 was, that the grammar school there was very popular, and 
 the second was, Mrs. Luther had relations at Eisenach ; 
 and as John Luther was not yet able to support his son 
 at school entirely, they (the parents) very naturally ex- 
 pected the assistance of those relations in the education of 
 their son. But in this they were sadly disappointed, for 
 their relations were either too poor to assist him, or too 
 heartless to regard the tender ties of consanguinity. At 
 Eisenach poor Martin found out, what thousands since 
 have learned, by painful and bitter experience, that it is a 
 hopeless thing for the poor to depend upon their relations 
 in time of need! Here at Eisenach, as at Magdeburg, 
 poor Martin had again to sing his Panem propter Deum, 
 and thus beg his bread from house to house. Indeed it 
 would seem that at first he even, if possible, fared worse 
 than at Magdeburg, for he informs us that one day in par- 
 ticular he was driven three times from the doors of citizens, 
 and had to go to bed without a mouthful to eat ! The cus- 
 tom of singing for bread is an old usage in Germany, and 
 is still in vogue. When and how it originated we do not 
 know, but it still exists, as we learn from the Rev. B. 
 Kurtz, D. D., of Baltimore, who in 1847 saw and heard 
 
LXII. SINGING FOR BREAD STILL PRACTISED IN GERMANY. 
 
 the poor students singing for bread at Eisenach. Dr. 
 Kurtz says: "When Luther was fifteen years old, we 
 find him begging his bread by the exercise of his vocal 
 powers, singing before the houses of the citizens. This 
 was no unusual occurrence in that age, and was proverb- 
 ially designated as obtaining bread for God's sake. Thus 
 when God intends to qualify an individual for future use- 
 fulness and greatness, he previously schools him in hu- 
 mility. Luther still lives and reigns in this, as well as in 
 many other of the time-honored customs of Germany. 
 Some years since, when the writer stopt to dine at Eisen- 
 ach, under the very shadow of Wartburg, a choir of schol- 
 ars in their long black gowns, came under the window 
 and sang several hymns. On inquiring into the cause, 
 the waiter replied, 'This singing is an ancient practice, 
 (eine alte herkommliche Anstalt,) established by Dr. Mar- 
 tinus Lutherus ; we pay two dollars and a half a year, and 
 for this the poor scholars must sing twice a week before 
 our house, and so they receive their learning.' Many of 
 the most illustrious scholars of Germany have received 
 their education in this manner. Doring, whose edition of 
 Horace was republished in London in 1820, and who was 
 rector of a school at Guben in 1781, complains of having 
 to sing before the houses of the citizens of that town on 
 holidays ; but adds, that the fees made up too considerable 
 a part of his salary for him to discontinue the practice." 
 The situation of young Luther was truly painful. As 
 he had to leave Magdeburg for want of bread, so he no 
 doubt thought he would have to leave Eisenach also. In 
 
LUTHER S DEEP, SOUL-AFFLICTION AT EISENACH. LXIII 
 
 his deep distress he called upon God. Here we may date 
 that mighty conflict of soul, which continued until he was 
 led, in true faith, to the feet of the Redeemer. 
 
 One day in particular, his sufferings seemed to have ar- 
 rived at a crisis; he was out as usual singing for bread, 
 but door after door was closed upon him. He was actu- 
 ally in want; in his deep agony of mind he had wandered 
 he knew not whither — he stood motionless before a house 
 absorbed in deep and painful reflections ! O ! must I, after 
 all my cherished hopes, abandon my studies for want of 
 bread — must I return to Mansfield, as I did from Magde- 
 burg — is there no way for me— Oh God ! in thee do I 
 trust ! Painful, agonizing thoughts ! This was a gloomy 
 hour for young Martin. But even these scenes of afflic- 
 tion were not without advantage to him. The deep in- 
 ward life of Luther's soul was nourished by these calami- 
 ties — he was tried in the furnace. 
 
 "One of Luther's biographers says: "These calamities 
 had a tendency to develop that deep sadness whose seeds 
 had been sown by the austere Franciscans at Magdeburg. 
 Nevertheless, this painful condition was not without its 
 importance to the inward life of Luther. Forsaken by 
 the world, and abandoned to penury and want, grieved 
 and mortified by the cold and unfeeling conduct of those 
 upon whom he depended, under these circumstances his 
 soul would naturally turn to a higher power — he would 
 lift his heart in prayer to him who is the Father of all, 
 and who careth even for the worm that crawls upon the 
 earth. His helplessness amid the tenderness of his youth, 
 
LXIV. LUTHER FINDS A HOME 1498. 
 
 would naturally drive him to the throne of the Eternal ! 
 The agony of mind which he experienced, amid the joy- 
 ful period of youth, had a tendency to urge him to seek 
 the friendship of heaven." 
 
 But God saw that the miner's son must not abandon 
 his studies, he must remain at Eisenach in order to accom- 
 plish the great designs of his providence. The church 
 which was dear to him as the apple of his eye, was now, 
 as it were, weltering in her blood ! She had no cham- 
 pion. The promise had long before been given concern- 
 ing her, that she should become "bright as the sun, fair as 
 the moon, and terrible as an army with banners,"- — that 
 she should arise and shine — that no weapon formed against 
 her should prosper — that after her long, long, and dark 
 night of sorrow, her joy should come at last! And that 
 poor, dejected boy that was now actually destitute of bread 
 in the streets of Eisenach, was to be the honored instru- 
 ment, in the hands of God, of accomplishing this mighty 
 work ! Look up, dejected youth, " the Lord will provide." 
 That God who heareth the young ravens when they cry, 
 and who has numbered the very hairs of your head, will 
 not leave you without a friend and a home ! 
 
 Whilst the painful thoughts of abandoning his studies 
 were wringing his heart with agony, an angel of mercy, 
 in the person of a pious and benevolent lady, appeared, 
 and came to his relief! This was Elizabeth Cotta, the 
 daughter of the Burgomaster of Eilfeld, and the wife of 
 Conrad Cotta, a respectable citizen of Eisenach, who lived 
 in St. George's street. This lady Elizabeth, (not as 
 
IN THE COTTA FAMILY. LXV. 
 
 D'Aubigne calls her Ursula,) in the chronicles of Eisen- 
 ach is called the "pious Shunamite," in remembrance of 
 her who so earnestly entreated the Prophet Elisha to eat 
 bread with her. See II Kings iv. 8. This pious lady it 
 appears was struck with the sweet and melodious voice, 
 and the warm and eloquent prayers of young Martin at 
 church. Melancthon says, "because she took a fancy to 
 his singing, and his hearty prayers at church." He was 
 a "stranger and she took him in, he was hungry and she 
 gave him to eat." She called him into the house, perhaps 
 only to supply his immediate wants ; but on a more inti- 
 mate acquaintance with the interesting youth, he was invi- 
 ted to become an inmate of the family. Luther, of course, 
 joyfully accepted the kind and benevolent invitation, and 
 thenceforth became a member of that interesting family. 
 
 The first great conflict was now over, the storms had 
 subsided, and the heavens were clear and light, he took 
 fresh courage, and went on his way rejoicing. Here in 
 the Cotta family he was happy. He could now pursue 
 his studies with pleasure and delight. He spent three 
 years in this pious family, and no doubt both he, and the 
 family were mutually pleased, and benefited by his resi- 
 dence there. The Cotta family never regretted the kind- 
 ness they showed to the poor scholar. There is some- 
 thing very touching and eloquent in this whole scene, far 
 surpassing the ordinary charities of life. 
 
 It is said by him, who spake as never man spake, of a 
 certain woman who had done a kind act to him, that 
 " wheresoever this Gospel shall be preached throughout 
 
LXVI. LUTHER S PROGRESS IN HIS STUDIES 1499. 
 
 the whole world, this also that she hath done shall be spo- 
 ken of, for a memorial of her." So the kindness of Eliz- 
 abeth Cotta to the poor student will never be forgotten ! 
 No doubt, she was like a lady in England, of whom a cele- 
 brated writer says, " the patting of the little bare feet of 
 the poor children that came to her house were music to 
 her benevolent heart, and the very smell of their clothes 
 reminded her of the breath of heaven." 
 
 Luther remembered the kindness of this family through 
 life, he was not the man to forget a favor, or requite an act 
 of benevolence with ingratitude. Many years afterwards 
 when Luther's fame had reached the remotest corners of 
 Europe, when he had become the most renowned man of 
 his age, and when he was the ruling spirit of the most cele- 
 brated University in the world; a son of Conrad, and Eliz- 
 abeth Cotta is sent to Wittenberg, Luther remembers the 
 kindness of his benefactors, and as some little return of 
 gratitude, he receives their son under his own roof, and at 
 his own table. 
 
 Luther now made rapid progress in his studies, and 
 came up fully to the expectations of all who were in- 
 terested in his education. John Tremonius, (or Tre- 
 bonius,) was then Rector of the High School, and the 
 most distinguished teacher at Eisenach, he was not only as 
 Melancthon says, " a good grammarian," but a gentleman 
 of pretty extensive information, and possessed a kindly and 
 benevolent heart. Under his tuition young Luther made 
 rapid progress in his studies. During his residence at 
 Eisenach, as a relaxation from severer studies Luther 
 turned his attention to poetry and music. It was here he 
 
luther's musical talents. lxvil 
 
 laid the foundation of those splendid musical attainments, 
 which he afterwards acquired. He improved his fine alto 
 voice, he learned to play the German flute, and also per- 
 formed on ihe lute (in German die Laute) a stringed in- 
 strument now almost or entirely gone out of ues. His 
 knowledge and skill in music, not only proved a great 
 source of pleasure to him, but contributed not a little to his 
 future usefulness in furthering the great plans of Provi- 
 dence in reforming the Church. For when in after life the 
 storms of persecution were raging fiercely around him, he 
 found great pleasure in music. And his knowledge and 
 skill in this science proved to be one of his most useful 
 attainments in the great Reformation which he effected. 
 It was his music, as much as anything else, that moved the 
 heart of all Germany. Sir Philip Sydney, once said: 
 " Let me make the songs of a nation, and I care not who 
 makes its laws." Luther made the songs or hymns of 
 Germany, and he also made her tunes. He wrote some 
 of the best hymns in the world, and composed many tunes 
 more than 300 years ago, that all the civilization and re- 
 finement of modern days have not made obsolete, and 
 never will, tunes that will be sung with rapture and delight 
 down to the last period of time. We shall speak of Lu- 
 ther, as a composer of music, and an hymnologist in another 
 place, as we do not wish to break in upon the chronolo- 
 gical arrangement of our narrative.* 
 
 * Luther's musical talents were of the highest order, as an hymnologist 
 and composer he occupies a high position. Ram bach, Waehernagel and 
 other distinguished German scholars have done ample justice to the great 
 Reformer in this department. Dr. Stang gives us an account of all tho 
 
LXVIII. LUTHER GOES TO ERFURT. 1501. 
 
 Luther while at Eisenach also learned the turning busi- 
 ness, perhaps only as a pass-time. As a student, and a 
 cheerful and pleasant companion, he was much beloved by 
 his fellow students. His strong memory, his quick ap- 
 prehension, and his severe application, soon enabled him 
 to out-strip all his fellow-students. His progress was most 
 apparent in the languages, and in the department of belles 
 lettres. Latin and German poetry, and rhetorick seem to 
 nave been his favorite studies. The correctness of his 
 habits, his diligence, and strict obedience to all the rules of 
 the school, soon won the favor of all his instructors. But 
 however rapid his progress, and pleasant his situation in 
 the Cotta family, and however much beloved by his teach- 
 ers, the ties that bound him to Eisenach must all be sev- 
 ered. His father had by this time improved in his world- 
 ly affairs, and as it was the long cherished wish of his 
 
 hymns and music Luther composed, and Prof. Stowe has given an eclec- 
 tic view of the whole subject in the Biblical Repository. But what we 
 consider the best thing on the subject, is Luther's original collection of 
 hymns and psalms, which is now before us. It is called, " Spiritual 
 Songs and Psalms brought together by Dr. M. Luther, 1529 " This 
 book contains nearly all Luther's hymns, and was improved from time to 
 time, in Luther's life time, until it became the famous " Wurtembergis- 
 che Gesang Buch," with which most of our German preachers are 
 well acquainted. The following hymns, are either translated from the 
 Latin, or originally composed by Luther. The excellent funeral hymn, 
 " This body let us now inter," Luther says in his preface to the hymn 
 book, is not his " it is," said he, " an excellent hymn, and the produc- 
 tion of a splendid poet (John Weise) but I don't want the honor of another 
 man's labors." The following are Luther's hymns, viz : 
 
 1. " The Savior of the heathen comes," an Ad ven-t hymn-original. 
 
 2. The hymn "A Solis Ortu," translated thus, 
 
 Christ the Son of Mary, 
 
 Shall be praised to the end of the world, 
 
 As far as the sun, throws his rays, See. 
 
LUTHER GOES TO ERFURT. LXIX 
 
 heart to see his son at a University, he determined to 
 send him to Erfurt. We will now follow Luther, the stu- 
 dent, to Erfurt, the most famous University in all Germany. 
 Erfurt, the scene in which was acted the prelude to the 
 stirring drama, in the eventful life of Luther. Here com- 
 menced that mighty struggle in his own soul which liber- 
 ated him from the thraldom of Rome, and the dominion of 
 sin, and emancipated a degraded and priest-ridden world, 
 from the tyranny and bondage of the " Man of sin.''' The 
 foundation of Luther's splendid education, (as we have 
 seen above,) was laid under the paternal roof, and continued 
 in the humble school of Emelius at Mansfield, say six 
 years, at Magdeburg one year, at Eisenach between three 
 and four years, making eleven years — a pretty good time 
 to prepare for the studies of a University. Luther went 
 to Erfurt in 1501, when he was in his 18th year. He was 
 
 3. Praise be to thee, Lord Jesus Christ — original. 
 That thou did'st man become — Golobet seyst du Jesu Christ, dasz du 
 Mensch geboren bist. 
 4 Vom Himmel hoch da komra ich her, &c. — original. 
 I come from the lofty skies 
 To bring you glad tidings. 
 
 5. Vom Himmel kam der Engel-schaar, Erscheint den Hirten offenbar, 
 &c. — original. 
 
 The angel-host from heaven came 
 
 And appear to the shepherds on the plain, &c. 
 
 6. Der Hymnus, Hostis Herodes — original. 
 
 Was f iirchst die Feind Herodes sehr, 
 Dass uns geborn kommt Christ der Herr 
 Er sucht kein sterblich Konigreich, 
 Der zu uns bringt sein Himmelreich ! 
 
 7. Der Lobgesang Simeons des Altvaters— original. 
 
 8. Christ lag, in Todes-banden, 
 
 Fiir unser Siind, gegeben, — improved by Luther. 
 
LXX. LUTHER GOES TO ERFURT. 
 
 not now however to beg his bread, as he had done at Mag- 
 deburg and Eisenach, his father was now able to support 
 him. But strange to tell even here Luther went through 
 the form, and begged in a more degrading manner than he 
 had ever done, as you will see presently ! The most cele- 
 brated teacher of the scholastic philosophy in all Germany, 
 was Dr. Judocus Trautvetter, he was a native of Eisenach, 
 and rector of the University ; under him Luther was led 
 into all the intricate mazes of the Schoolmen. This man 
 died at Erfurt in 1519, of a broken-heart, because he could 
 not refute his former pupil's ninety-five Theses, and be- 
 cause he saw the absurd system of the schoolmen sinking 
 and could not sustain it. The other most celebrated Pro- 
 fessors at Erfurt were John Gryphius, and John Graven- 
 stein, and one Bigand, this latter gentleman, says Luther, 
 in a letter to the Elector of Saxony, " was a learned and 
 
 9. Jesus Christus unser Heiland 
 Der den Tod uberwand 
 
 1st auferstanden, die Siind hat er gefangen, 
 Kyrie Eleeison! — original. 
 
 10. Der Hymnus, veni Spiritus Creator, 
 
 Komm Gott Schop Heiliger Geist — improved by Luther. 
 
 11. Veni sancte spiritus — translated thus by Luther. 
 
 Komm heiliger Geist Herr Gott, 
 Erfiill mit deiner Gnaden Giit, &c. 
 
 12. Nun bitten wir den Heiligen Geist — original. 
 
 13. Gott der Vater wohn uns bei — original. 
 
 14. The Ten Commandments in /erse by Luther. 
 
 Diess sind die heiligen zehen Gebote. 
 
 15. The Ten Commandments abridged. 
 
 Mensch willst du leben seliglich, 
 
 Und bey Gott bleiben ewiglich — original. 
 
 16. Das Deutsche Patrem, 
 
 Wir glauben all an einen Gott — original. 
 
LUTHER COMPARED WITH CICERO AS AN ORATOR. LXXI. 
 
 pious man, and from him I learned much ; among other 
 things, he first informed me, that John Huss had been in- 
 nocently and unjustly condemned." Luther commenced 
 his studies in good earnest, he had laid a good foundation 
 in the Latin at Eisenach, he was soon able to relish all the 
 beauties of the best Latin writers. He read Cicero, 
 Plautus, Virgil, Livy and others with great care. Cicero 
 he had almost committed to memory. 
 
 Luther was an early riser, and even at this time com- 
 menced his daily labors with prayer. He adopted for his 
 motto, " To have prayed well, is to study well.'' 1 Luther 
 did not content himself, like too many students, by merely 
 reading those great authors as a college task, but he tried 
 to understand them fully, — to catch their spirit, — to make 
 their thoughts his thoughts. Perhaps one of the most for- 
 tunate circumstances in his early life, was the fact that he 
 
 17. Our Lord's Prayer in verse — original. 
 IS. On baptism. 
 
 Christ unser Herr zura Jordan kam — original. 
 
 19. Jesus Christus unser Heiland. 
 
 Der von uns den Zorn Gottes wandt — improved. 
 
 20. A song of praise. 
 
 Gott sey gelobet und gebenedeyet — original. 
 
 21. The 12th Psalm, salvum me lac Domine. 
 
 Ach Gott vom Himmel, sieh darein, 
 
 Oh God from heaven now look down — original. 
 
 22. The 40th Psalm. 
 
 Es spricht der unweisen Mund wohl — original. 
 
 23. The 46th Psalm. 
 
 Deus noster refugium et virtus, 
 
 Ein' veste Burg ist unser Gott. 
 This celebrated national Hymn, we have given an account of under the 
 head of Augsburg Diet, which see. Dr. Stowe says, this hymn was not 
 written as many suppose at the Diet of Worms in 1522. It was written 
 
LXXII. LUTHER COMPARED WITH CICERO AS AN ORATOR. 
 
 made Cicero his model. The reading of Cicero's ora- 
 tions, no doubt, kindled in his soul the first spark of that 
 fire of eloquence which afterwards electrified all Germany, 
 and startled a slumbering world into a more vigorous life ! 
 Not one of all that great master's pupils ever studied and 
 copied Cicero so successfully. Luther was Cicero speak- 
 ing in German. True, his ordinary style does not smell 
 so much of the lamp — it is not so ornate, or so finely 
 elaborated, but while it is deficient in the mere rhetorical 
 graces of the mighty Roman orator, it was more soul- 
 stirring, more powerfully overwhelming ! Never was 
 any language wielded with such tremendous effect, as the 
 German by Luther ! He read the plays of Plautus, and 
 the poems of Virgil with much pleasure. Livy was also 
 a favorite author with him. But most of his time seems 
 to have been taken up with such works as Occam, Bona- 
 
 at Coburg in 1530. We think Dr. Stowe is mistaken as to one fact in 
 the ease, the hymn in question was certainly written in 1530, but not at 
 Coburg, or how could the party of the Elector of Saxony have sung it on 
 their way to Augsburg? We have given a free translation in another 
 place, those who choose can compare it with Mr. Mills' and judge for 
 themselves as to the merits of our translation. 
 
 24. The 67th Psalm. 
 
 Es woll* uns Gott gn'adig seyn — original. 
 Be merciful O Lord to us ! 
 
 25. The 124th Psalm. 
 
 War Gelt nicht mit uns diese Zeit. 
 Should God not at this time be with us. 
 
 26. The 127th Psalm. 
 
 Wohl dem der in Gottesfurcht steht. 
 
 Happy is he who walks with God, or walks in God's fear. 
 
 27. The 130th Psalm. 
 
 Aus tiefer Noth schrei ich zu dir. 
 From deep distress to thee I cry 
 
..XXIII. LUTHER COMPARED WITH CICERO AS AN ORATOR. 
 
 /entura, Scotus and Thomas Aquinas. " Melancthon re- 
 grets that there was at that time nothing taught at Erfurt, 
 out a logic beset with difficulties ; and expresses the 
 Dpinion, that if Luther had met with professors of a dif- 
 ferent character, if he had been taught a milder and more 
 tfanquilizing philosophy, it might have softened and mode- 
 rated the natural vehemence of his character." Perhaps 
 it might, but would the same ends have been accomplished? 
 We think not. Every thing was then taught in strict con- 
 formity with the rules of Aristotle's philosophy. Aristotle 
 was looked upon, even by theologians, as the prince of 
 reasoners, he was considered a perfect model, no other 
 mode of thinking could for a moment be tolerated in any 
 seminary of learning. Luther had to study this false sys- 
 tem, in order to demolish it, and no man that ever lived 
 did more to break down the pagan influence of the mighty 
 
 This hymn and the music both composed by Luther, was sung with 
 thrilling effect at his funeral at Halle. This is one of the best hymns 
 ever written by any man. We do not like Mr. Mills' translation, it is 
 too stiff and unpoetical, and spiritless, the same fault we find with his 
 translation of " Em' vestc Burg ist unser Gott." 
 QS. Das Deutsch Sanctus. 
 
 Isaia dem Propheten das geschah, 
 
 Dasz er im Geist den Hernn sitzen sah — original. 
 
 29. A hymn for children. 
 
 Erhalt uns Herr bey deinem Wort — original. 
 
 30. Da Pacem Domine. 
 
 Give us thy peace O ! Lord — translated 
 Verleih uns Frieden Gnadiglich. 
 
 31. Nun freut euch lieben Christen g* mein. 
 
 Now rejoice dear Christians all. 
 To this hymn Luther composed that soul-thrilling music, called Mon- 
 piouth in our note books. 
 
 39. A hymn of the Church — original. 
 
 Sie ist mir lieb die werthe Magd. 
 
 4 
 
LXXIV. LUTHER STUDIES. 1503. 
 
 Stagyrite than Luther, and for this alone the whole literary 
 world is under lasting obligations to him. Aristotle was 
 studied not in the original Greek, but in Latin, for up to 
 this time Luther knew but very little Greek, and had not 
 studied Hebrew at all* These languages he afterward 
 studied. Luther had excellent opportunities for improving 
 his splendid mind ; few men of his age possessed superior 
 advantages. He had studied Grammar, German and Latin, 
 Geography, History, Rhetoric, Mathematics, Philosophy, 
 physical, mental and moral, (such as it was,) Chronology, 
 Logic, Music, Poetry and Scholastic Divinity. This em- 
 braced nearly every thing that was studied in the fifteenth 
 century, and even in the sixteenth, until Luther taught the 
 world better. 
 
 He was a hard student, he studied late and early, his 
 application was great, and his grasp of intellect immense. 
 His memory was so strong, that it is said of him, that he 
 retained nearly every thing that he read. His public con- 
 
 33. A funeral hymn — original. 
 
 Mitten wir im Leben sind 
 Mit dem Tod umfangen. 
 
 34. The Te Deum laudamus — translated. 
 
 Herr Gott dich loben wir 
 Herr Gott wir danken dir. 
 Jehovah Lord we praise thee, 
 Jehovah Lord we thank thee* 
 
 35. The German Litany. Kyrie Eleeison. 
 
 36. Latina litania correcta. This was a Latin chant of praise. 
 
 37. The celebrated martyr Hymn— original. 
 
 38. Hymnus O lux beata, — translated. 
 
 In all Luther composed and translated about 50 hymns, which was 
 about one- fourth of all the hymns then used in the Church, and either 
 composed or improved most of the tunes. His hymns and tunes assisted 
 vastly in the great work of the Reformation. 
 
LUTHER FINDS THE BIBLE. LXXV. 
 
 troversies prove this faet, especially his debate with De 
 Vio, and Dr. John Eck. He was a great reader, he read 
 every thing as it came in his way ; he was in the habit of 
 visiting the library of the University almost daily, and ex- 
 amining the books it contained. We have no means now 
 of ascertaining the number of books the library of the 
 University contained, the number was no doubt small, and 
 not very valuable at that. It was during one of these visits 
 that Luther met with a curious book, he took it down from 
 the shelf, and wiped the dust from it. It was a large book 
 with a parchment cover, — he opened it, and saw displayed 
 in large red letters the words, " Biblia Sacra" the holy 
 Bible, a book that he had never seen before, yea he had 
 never heard of such a book, although he was then twenty 
 years old, and had been a member of the University near- 
 ly two years ! He was astonished and delighted to find 
 such a treasure, he turned over its pages, and read with 
 deep interest and unspeakable joy ! Here we may well 
 pause a moment, and inquire can it really be possible that 
 Luther had never seen a Bible ? It is even so. The 
 Romanists try hard to get out of this difficulty. Dr. 
 Spalding, in his review of D'Aubigne's History of the 
 Reformation says : " D'Aubigne professes to borrow all 
 this fine history from Mathesius, a disciple and ardent and 
 credulous admirer of Luther, and from M. Adam, another 
 biographer of the roformer. It is a story absurd enough 
 in all conscience, and too clumsily contrived even for a 
 well digested romance. What ! Are we to believe that 
 Luther, at the age of twenty, did not know that there was 
 
LXXVI. LUTHER FINDS THE BIBLE. 
 
 a Bible, until he chanced to discover one in the library at 
 Erfurt? And that he until then piously believed that the 
 whole Scriptures were comprised in that choice selection 
 of gospels and epistles, read on Sunday and festivals in 
 the church service? He, too, a young man of great ta- 
 lent and promise, who had successively attended the schools 
 of Mansfield, Eisenach and Magdeburg, and had already 
 been two years at the University of Erfurt? The thing 
 is utterly incredible, (not to Protestants,) and stamped 
 with absurdity on its very face. Luther must have been 
 singularly stupid, had he remained thus ignorant." We 
 would here beg leave to inform Dr. Spalding, and all the 
 Roman Catholics in the United States, that Luther him- 
 self asserts the fact of his finding the Bible, and of his 
 never having seen one before he was twenty years old. It 
 is not an invented romance of his biographers. If this 
 statement, as made again and again by Luther, is not true 
 then no fact in the history of the Reformation can be es- 
 tablished. But the fact as stated by Luther, receives con- 
 firmation from the state of the papal church before the 
 Reformation, as well as from the testimony of Carlstadt 
 and Mathesius ; the former says, " I was actually made a 
 Doctor of Divinity in the papal church, before I had ever 
 seen a Bible." And the latter declares that he never heard 
 the Ten Commandments, the Symbols, the Lord's Prayer, 
 or Baptism, read from a Roman Catholic pulpit, and he 
 was twenty-five years old when he left the papal church. 
 It is true a few small and imperfect editions of the Bible 
 were oublished in German before Luther's time, for in- 
 
LUTHER FINDS THE BIBLE. LXXVII. 
 
 stance in 1470 there was an edition printed, another in 
 1483, another in 1490. But these editions were very 
 small, and not intended for general use. Princes and no- 
 blemen, and rich institutions, generally bought up the few 
 hundred copies that were printed, and confined them just 
 as the one at Erfurt, or the other that was chained at Wir- 
 tenberg. The fact is, the Roman Catholic Church cannot 
 exist where the Bible is at liberty. Popery and the Bible ! 
 — What a contradiction ! 
 
 But to proceed with Luther's discovery of the Bible, 
 he opened it at I Samuel, and read the first, second and 
 third chapters. How strange, how wonderful ! how sim- 
 ple, yet how sublime the narrative. He had read many 
 thrilling legends of the saints, and many fine pictures 
 drawn by heathen poets, but such a beautiful and touch- 
 ing scene he had never seen! It gave an account of Han- 
 nah—her son Samuel — his birth and dedication to God. 
 It made a deep and powerful impression upon his mind. 
 He returned again and again and read in this wonderful 
 book; even his beloved Cicero, Plautus and Virgil sink 
 into utter insignificance by the side of the Bible. D'Au- 
 bigne says: " the Reformation lay hid in that Bible." 
 Yes, this is true, that long lost and neglected Book was 
 under God, in the hands of Luther, the cause, manner 
 and instrument of the glorious and ever-blessed Refor- 
 mation ! 
 
 The Bible fell into Luther's hands at a favorable junc- 
 ture ; he was then reading law, to gratify his father, and 
 had intended to devote himself to the legal profession. 
 
LXXVIII. LUTHER FINDS THE BIBLE. 
 
 But the finding of the Bible changed his destinies, and the 
 destiny of the world. Without this, the world might 
 have slumbered on another century. Luther loved the 
 Bible, and read it through time and again, and that which 
 made him so vastly superior, as a theologian, to all his 
 antagonists, was the simple fact, that he was well acquain- 
 ted with the Bible, and they were not. Soon after the 
 finding of the Bible, Luther became a candidate for the 
 first honors of the University, viz. for Bachelor of Arts, 
 and in preparing himself for the examination, he applied 
 himself so closely, that he brought a severe spell of sick- 
 ness upon himself, and during this illness he became an 
 awakened sinner. This seems to end his scholastic life. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Luther, the awakened sinner. 
 
 We will now contemplate Luther in his 21st year, as 
 an awakened sinner. And in the first place, notice the 
 means by which he became awakened; second, the state 
 of his mind before his conversion. 
 
 It is a delightful task to trace the mighty workings of 
 divine grace upon the sinner's mind from the first moment 
 the heart is softened and melted into humble contrition, 
 by the truth of God through the Eternal Spirit, — to watch 
 the storms and convulsions of the soul, until it passes, 
 through faith, into the calm and peaceful enjoyment of the 
 light and liberty of the children of God ! As Luther was 
 an extraordinary man, every thing connected with him 
 was extraordinary, but his conversion. But in order to 
 get into the train of moral events, which led to his awak- 
 ening, we must retrace our steps a little, and take a rapid 
 glance at his religious training. His father and mother 
 were pious, and had taught him to pray— they instructed 
 him in religion so far as they understood it — they were very 
 strict disciplinarians, and seem to have been so far suc- 
 cessful in his moral training, as to keep him from the 
 grosser vices of his age. Still he had a wicked and cor- 
 rupt heart, like all other unrenewed sinners ; he learned 
 
LXXX. THE PIOUS OLD MONK AT ERFURT 
 
 some religious truths at home, and some at the school in 
 Mansfield, where he learned the Commandments and the 
 Catechism. At Madgeburg he heard the pious Augustin- 
 ian Monk, Proles, preaching against the corruptions of the 
 church — no doubt Proles taught the corruptions of the 
 human heart, and the necessity of regeneration — -at Eis- 
 enach he was in the pious Cotta family, where he, no 
 doubt, heard something more about true religion — he then 
 found the Bible — he then took sick and expected to die — 
 and had no interest in Christ — no hope of heaven. While 
 in this state, expecting to be called into the awful presence 
 of his Maker, and that too, without an interest in Christ, 
 he became dreadfully alarmed! He fasted, and prayed, 
 and mourned, and wept, but found no comfort. Those 
 that were about him did not understand heart-religion, and 
 of course could not enter into his feelings. There was 
 one old monk at Erfurt who seems to have known Christ 
 by experience, Luther's case was made known to him ; he 
 went to see the young man — he understood his case, and 
 spoke comfort to his troubled soul — he pointed him to 
 Christ as the only Savior. "Be encouraged," says the 
 old monk, "my dear Bachelor, you will not die on this 
 bed ; God will yet make you a great man, and you shall 
 yet comfort many souls, for God sends the cross of afflic- 
 tion early upon those whom he loves, and those who are 
 patient can learn much here." This simple sentence 
 calmed the troubled and desponding mind of Luther. He 
 soon after recovered in body and mind. He was not yet 
 converted, he was only a little calmed. This was in 1503. 
 
1505. THE CAUSES OF LUTHER's AWAKENING. LXXXI. 
 
 After his recovery lie resumed his studies with his usual 
 diligence, and made rapid progress. Yet his mind was 
 not at ease — there was still something wanting. He was 
 more attentive to the duties of religion — he prayed more 
 fervently, and read more and more in the Bible, and saw 
 every day more clearly the importance and necessity of 
 heart-religion— he saw more and more the corruptions of 
 his depraved nature. He however continued on in his 
 studies for two years, i. e. till 1505, when two events oc- 
 curred which led more fully to his conversion. 
 
 The first is the murder of his friend Alexis, the second 
 the thunder-storm which overtook him. In 1505 Luther 
 was made Master of Arts, which honor was at that time 
 equivalent to "Doctor of Philosophy," and gave him the 
 right to lecture on Philosophy publicly. He availed him- 
 self of this right and lectured with applause on Natural 
 Philosophy, and the ethics of Aristotle. But the dry sys- 
 tem of a poor pagan philosopher, and the heartless no- 
 tions of the scholastic divinity, could not satisfy the long- 
 ings of his. ardent soul. He wanted other and more spir- 
 itual food ! He had already seen and felt himself a sin- 
 ner, in the sight of a holy God, and he knew that as such 
 he lay under the wrath of an offended Judge. He knew 
 too, that he must have a personal interest in the blood of 
 Christ or perish eternally ! He was in a state of deep 
 mental depression, when an event occurred which alarmed 
 him still more. It was this : a young man, by the name 
 of Alexis, an intimate friend of his, was murdered in the 
 streets of Erfurt; as soon as Luther heard the report, he 
 
LXXXII. LUTHER BECOMES A MONK. 
 
 ran to the spot, and found that it was true. He became 
 much alarmed, and asked himself the question, "what 
 would become of me, if I were thus suddenly called 
 away ?" After this his convictions of sin increased daily. 
 He tells us himself that he " was seized with dreadful 
 alarms of conscience, and the terrors of the grave." Lu- 
 ther was now studying law, but he soon lost all relish for 
 that branch, and no doubt made up his mind to abandon 
 it, and prepare himself for the church. During the Sum- 
 mer vacation of 1505, he went home (to Mansfield) to 
 visit his parents, and perhaps to inform his father of the 
 change that had taken place in his mind. But whether he 
 and his father had any conversation on the subject, we do 
 not know ; Luther has said nothing about it. At the end 
 of the vacation he returned to Erfurt, and on his way 
 ihither, when he was near the town, he was overtaken by 
 a tremendous thunder storm — he endeavored to reach Er- 
 furt, but did not succeed before the storm burst in upon 
 him in all its terror ! The fierce and terrific storm roared ; 
 the loud thunder came peal after peal, and crash after 
 crash — and the bolts of heaven seemed to fall thick and 
 heavy around him. Luther ran through the raging storm 
 in terror and dread until he came near the walls of the 
 Augustinian monastery, and overpowered he sank down 
 upon his knees, and vowed, if spared, to become a monk ! 
 These two events, viz. the assassination of Alexis and 
 the thunder storm are often confounded with each other, 
 but Melancthon, Mathesius, Selnecker and other early bi- 
 ographers, confirm the view we have given. At all events, 
 
HIS PREVIOUS CONFLICT. LXXXIII. 
 
 these two scenes made a deep impression upon his mind, 
 and he became more dreadfully alarmed than ever. The 
 question was now extorted from his anxious bosom. 
 "What must I do to be saved?" The more he thought 
 about his hopeless situation the worse he felt. As is gen- 
 erally the case with awakened sinners, Luther went about 
 to establish his own righteousness. He must make him- 
 self better — he must prepare himself some way or other 
 for God's favor — he must perform good works — he must 
 mortify the flesh, and thus merit salvation. He longed 
 for holiness of heart, and he knew this could only be 
 found in Christ. But he had made a vow to become a 
 monk ; he will do that — he will leave this wicked and sin- 
 ful world, and enter into a monastery, and there in that 
 sacred retirement he can surely find rest — there among 
 those holy and heavenly-minded men, he can find peace 
 for his troubled soul ! He had often read of the piety and 
 heavenly-mindedness of hermits and monks — often too, 
 when they could find rest no where on earth, they have 
 found it within the sacred solitude of a cell. Luther had 
 a vivid imagination, and no doubt he pictured to himself in 
 strong colors, the nappiness of a monastic life ! 
 
 Poor Luther '. he had yet to learn that true happiness 
 flows, not so much from the condition in which we are 
 placed, as from the state of mind in which w r e are ! How- 
 ever, he determined to become a monk. He can endure 
 the agonies of an awakened mind no longer, he will there- 
 fore at once enter a monastery. The firm resolve is made ; 
 come what will I will become an Augustinian monk. He 
 
LXXXIV. LUTHER S FIRST IMPRESSIONS 
 
 finds some relief even in this resolution, he is now sure 
 of happiness. He did not long consult with flesh and 
 blood — his splendid prospects in life — the high and aspir- 
 ing hopes of his father, must all be blasted. He looked 
 upon the world and all its blushing honors, with contempt! 
 He did not communicate his determination to any person. 
 He was perhaps fearful that great efforts might be made 
 to prevent him from carrying out his resolution, and in 
 what he then thought a matter between him and his Ma- 
 ker, he did not want to be interfered with. Luther invited 
 a number of his most intimate fellow-students to spend an 
 evening with him in a social manner, as was then, and is 
 still customary in German Universities. His friends came, 
 and found Luther as cheerful and lively as ever. The 
 evening passes away with great joy and hilarity, till near 
 the close, when Luther informs them of his determination 
 to become a monk. At first they do not believe him, some 
 think he is only jesting. But his firm manner soon con- 
 vinces them that he is really in earnest. They then ex- 
 postulate and remonstrate, but all to no purpose ; he is 
 immovable. It is not probable that he informed them how 
 soon he intended to enter the monastery. With sad and 
 heavy hearts they separate. The young men to their 
 rooms, and Luther is left alone! We may imagine him 
 there alone, in the silent and gloomy hour of midnight, 
 casting himself upon his knees, and once more taking a 
 final adieu of the world! 
 
 He then takes Yirgil and Plautus, no other books, and 
 nothing else — he wants nothing to remind him of the 
 
IN THE CONVENT. LXXXV. 
 
 world. In the dead of the night he goes to the great gate 
 of the convent with a firm step — he knocks, and is admit- 
 ted. This was on the night of the 17th of July, 1505, 
 (not as D'Aubigne says the 17th of August.) Luther was 
 then in his 22d year. When the great door had been 
 swung shut upon its huge hinges, and the harsh sounds 
 had ceased to reverberate through the dark and dismal 
 vaults and passages of that ancient pile — when all was 
 hushed save the distant echo of the sentinel's measured 
 tread, and the violent beatings of his own heart, Luther 
 cast himself upon his knees and thanked God for his safe 
 deliverance from a wicked and sinful world ! Ah ! thinks 
 the young monk, I shall now find rest and peace — that 
 sweet tranquillity for which I have sighed so long, will 
 surely be found within these sacred walls ! I have now 
 left the world, and now I must be happy. But alas ! 
 poor deluded monk, thou hast taken thy wicked and un- 
 renewed heart, which is the cause of all thy sorrows, with 
 thee. Luther did not then know that there was but one 
 way of salvation either in the world or the convent, and 
 that way was through faith in Jesus Christ. But so it was, 
 the great man had to pass through all the moral machinery 
 of the religion of Rome, in order to test its efficacy, and 
 discovery its insufficiency. If Luther had not done this, 
 the advocates of popery would say, he did not understand 
 their system. 
 
 Luther learned by sad and painful experience, that man 
 is not saved by the deeds of the law, but by faith. 
 
LXXXVI. LUTHER HAS TO BEG BREAD FOR THE MONKS. 
 
 Next morning the news spread through the University, 
 and through all Erfurt, that Martin Luther, the young Doc- 
 tor of Philosophy, the most promising and splendid student 
 in the University, had become a monk ! Every body was 
 astonished — the Professors of the University were mor- 
 tified to think that a set of ignorant and beggarly monks 
 should make such a fine conquest. 
 
 A number of students repaired to the convent to see 
 Luther, but according to the rules of the order, no novitiate 
 could be seen for thirty days, all remonstrance and expos- 
 tulation were therefore at an end. 
 
 Luther immediately wrote to his father, informing him 
 of the important step he had taken. But his father was 
 highly displeased with the measure, and wrote an angry 
 letter to his son; some say he came on himself to Erfurt 
 to reclaim his erring son. He did not become reconciled 
 with Martin for several years. 
 
 The monks were of course delighted with the idea of hav- 
 ing the most talented young man of the University among 
 their number. The young Doctor of Philosophy must 
 now be humbled, he must despise not only the world but 
 his talents and his learning. He must beg bread for us — 
 his pride must be lowered. Thus, those ignorant monks 
 were unconsciously preparing Luther for the mighty work 
 God designed him to accomplish. As the youngest monk, 
 he had to perform all the servile work in the convent. He 
 had to sweep the rooms, wind the clock, keep the doors, 
 and according to the testimony of Walch, he had even to 
 scrub the sewers of the convent ; (Er musste sogar die 
 
luther's acquaintance with the schoolmen, lxxxvii. 
 
 Kloaken des Klosters ausfegen.) And then when he was 
 done with his servile work, he had to take the bag and go 
 through Erfurt and beg bread and cheese, and eggs and 
 meat, and whatever he could get. If he was slow in 
 starting, some well fed and jolly old monk, who was per- 
 haps getting hungry, would cry out, " Cum sacco per civi- 
 tatem" (with your bag through the city !) 
 
 Luther continued this degrading work until the Profes- 
 sors of the University and the citizens generally remon- 
 strated with the Prior of the convent, who after some 
 time interfered in his behalf and he was treated differently. 
 He was permitted to read and study. He turned his first 
 attention to the Church Father, and studied with great care 
 the works of St. Augustine, (whose name he assumed in 
 his new state of existence,) this was the patron saint of 
 their order. The reading of St. Augustine, and his par- 
 tiality for that good man, may perhaps account for his pe- 
 culiar views. In the early part of his life, Luther was 
 strong in his Augustinian views, but we shall show the 
 reader, in the course of our narrative, that the Great Re- 
 former changed his views on the subjects of election, pre- 
 destination, and the freedom of the will, long before he 
 died. The aptness with which he quoted from the writ- 
 ings of St. Augustine, at Marburg and other places, shows 
 how carefully he had studied his works. About this time 
 he also read the works of William Occam, the great Pa- 
 risian doctor, he who stood at the head of the Nominalists. 
 He also read Duns, Scotus, Gerson, and Biel, and Thomas 
 Aquinas. It was no doubt, whilst reading these authors 
 
LXXXVIII. LUTHER S AGONY OF SOUL— READS THE BIBLE. 
 
 that Luther became disgusted with the scholastic theology, 
 as well as the unmeaning mysticism which grows out of 
 it. It must be borne in mind that Luther was an awaken- 
 ed sinner, and was now seeking rest and peace for his 
 soul. No doubt too, the ignorant monks, who knew 
 something of his state of mind, referred him to these 
 several authors, as those who could show him the way of 
 salvation. But he became convinced that neither the 
 fathers, the schoolmen, nor the mystics, could point him to 
 happiness and to peace. Their unmeaning jargon could 
 not satisfy the honest and truth-seeking soul of the learned 
 monk. Still the time he spent in studying the works of 
 these schoolmen and mystics, was not lost, it was all turn- 
 ed to good account ; for the knowledge he thus gained en- 
 abled him more successfully to demolish the whole rotten 
 superstructure of Romanism. 
 
 In the library of the convent there was a Bible, but 
 strange to state, it was actually chained fast ! This is the 
 way Romanism has always treated the Word of God ; it 
 either chains it, or burns it, or buries it in a dead language. 
 To this chained Bible Luther often resorted, and drank 
 from this fountain of eternal truth ! May not this account 
 for his disgust with the schoolmen ? 
 
 As he continued reading the Bible, he became more and 
 nore interested in its truth. During the last few years in 
 he University, he had commenced the study of the Greek 
 anguage, he now also commenced the study of the He- 
 brew. In reading the Bible, he saw and felt the necessity 
 if understanding the languages in which it was originally 
 
LUTHER TRIES TO MERIT SALVATION. LXXXIX 
 
 written. He read the commentary of Nicholas Lyra, and 
 from him got some little insight into the spiritual meaning 
 of God's Word. The Bible now seemed more attractive 
 than ever. He became so deeply absorbed in studying 
 the sacred scriptures, that he neglected the duties of his 
 monastic order. For instance, the rules of his order re- 
 quired him to say so many "pater nosters" every hour, 
 to cross himself so many times in an hour, and to pros- 
 trate himself so often in the day before a crucifix, or be- 
 fore a picture of the Virgin. Some of these duties he 
 had omitted. But he soon became dreadfully alarmed, for 
 he was yet a poor deluded papist, and but for him, we 
 might all now be just what he was ! His conscience 
 lashed him, and he soon returned to his prayers, and all 
 the unmeaning ceremonies and duties his superiors imposed 
 upon him. He discharged all the duties that were required 
 at his hands, in deep sincerity, but all, all was in vain — 
 there was no comfort for him. There was a wound in 
 his heart that all the mummeries of popery could never 
 heal ! There was something wanting, of which as yet, 
 he had no idea. The first comfort he found was in a 
 work of St. Augustine, called the Spirit and the Letter, 
 (De Spiritu et Litera.) From this work he seems to have 
 caught the first faint glimmering of that truth which after- 
 wards led him to the feet of Christ. 
 
 But his mind was very much perplexed and troubled. 
 He now commenced comparing the waitings of the school- 
 men with those of the fathers, and with the Bible. This 
 was one of the most useful labors of his life : for this more 
 
XC. LUTHER TRIES TO MERIT SALVATIOM. 
 
 than anything; else opened his eyes to the enormous errors 
 of the scholastic divinity. So intent was he upon his 
 studies, that he scarcely took time to eat, and it is said 
 that at one period he never went to bed for seven weeks in 
 succession. The little sleep he got was upon his chair ! 
 
 No poor monk ever labored with more sincerity and 
 self-denial. He tried hard to merit salvation, he labored 
 faithfully in accordance with the Religion of Rome, but all 
 to no purpose. He prayed, he watched, he fasted, he 
 mortified his body, and crucified his flesh, until his robust 
 frame was worn down to a mere skeleton, and his once 
 elastic and sprightly mind became dispirited and crushed ! 
 Sad and wan was now that once cheerful and animated 
 countenance ! Those once bright and piercing eyes, were 
 now buried deep in their sockets — his weary limbs were 
 now scarcely able to support his feeble frame ! In the 
 beautiful language of the Bible, "his soul was poured out 
 like water, and there was no health in his bones. " His 
 eyes were filled with weeping, and there was none to wipe 
 away his tears! O! how sad his condition; there he 
 was shut up in his lonely cell, and there was no eye to 
 pity, and no arm to save, at least none that he knew. 
 Methinks, that even now, after the lapse of more than 
 three hundred years, we can still see the disconsolate 
 monk in his cheerless cell at Erfurt, now upon his knees 
 before a crucifix saying his prayers, and crossing himself 
 most devoutly — now groaning in spirit and calling upon 
 the Virgin Mary — now in turn upon all the saints — now 
 casting himself upon the cold flags and most piteously be- 
 
SEES HIS LOST CONDITION. XCI. 
 
 moaning his lost and ruined condition ! Now exclaiming, 
 in the deep and torn agony of his wounded heart, " O ! 
 wretched man that I am,, who shall deliver me from the 
 body of this death." Luther was now fairly under the 
 awakening influences of the Spirit of God. 
 
 He now clearly saw his lost and undone condition, but 
 knew not yet how to escape the death that never dies. 
 Luther in after life frequently refers to this tremendous 
 conflict. He says : " I tormented myself almost to death, 
 to procure for my troubled heart and agitated conscience, 
 peace in the presence of God ; but I was still encompass- 
 ed with thick darkness and could find peace nowhere." 
 And again he says: "If ever a poor monk entered heaven 
 by his monkish merits, certainly I should have obtained 
 an admittance there ; all the monks who knew me will 
 confirm this, and if it had lasted much longer I should 
 have become literally a martyr through watchings, prayers, 
 readings and other labors." 
 
 And again, " Though as a monk I was holy and irre- 
 proachable, my conscience was still filled with trouble and 
 pain. I did not love that holy Being who punishes sin- 
 ners. I felt a secret anger against him ; I hated him.' 
 Here we see the workings of the carnal mind. D'Au- 
 bigne says : " Luther did not find in the tranquility of the 
 cloister, the peace he was in quest of. He wanted an as- 
 surance that he was saved, this was the great want of his 
 soul, without this he could not rest. But the fears that had 
 shaken him in the world, pursued him to his cell, nay 
 more, they increased there, and the least cry of his con- 
 
XCII. THE INSUFFICIENCY 
 
 science seemed to resound beneath the vaulted roofs of the 
 cloister. God had led him thither, that he might learn to 
 know himself, and to despair of his own strength and vir- 
 tues. His conscience enlightened by the divine word, 
 taught him what it was to be holy, but he was filled with 
 terror at finding, neither in his own heart nor in his life, 
 the transcript of that holiness which he contemplated with 
 astonishment in the word of God. Melancholy dis- 
 covery ! and one that is made by every sincere Christian. 
 He found no righteousness within, and none in outward 
 actions. The more ardent Luther's natural character, the 
 more powerful was his secret resistance to that which was 
 good, and the deeper did it plunge him into despair." 
 
 Some twenty years afterwards, in explaining the 38th 
 Psalm, and 21st verse, Luther seems to refer to his own 
 painful experience, where he puts the following language 
 into the mouth of the awakened sinner, " Forsake me not, 
 oh, Lord my God, be not far from me, for I am desolate, 
 alone and forsaken." "God," says Luther, "does not 
 receive any but the forsaken — makes none whole but the 
 sick — opens the eyes of none but the blind — makes none 
 alive but those who are dead — makes none holy but those 
 who are sinners — has compassion on none but those who 
 feel their wretchedness and misery." When Luther was 
 in the heighth of his agony— -when his cup of misery 
 seemed to be full even to the brim — and when he appear- 
 ed to be rapidly verging into despair, the monks became 
 alarmed for his safety. Still they urged him to a more 
 rigid performance of his duties — he must pray more- — fast 
 
1506. OF THE RELIGION OF ROME. XCIII. 
 
 more — do more good works — mortify his body more, and 
 thus appease the wrath of God. This was the religion 
 of Rome then, it is the same now ; for the boast of Rome 
 is "idem semper, ubique," (the same always and every- 
 where.) That religion then as now, knew only one remedy 
 for sin, and that is, works of satisfaction. Luther himself 
 tells us what he did to merit salvation : " I resorted to a 
 thousand methods to appease the reproaches of my heart, 
 I confessed my sins every day, but all to no purpose." 
 With all his popish works, he was getting worse and worse. 
 At last he shut himself up in his cell, and refused all in- 
 tercourse even with his fellow monks, determined, as his 
 Magdeburg biographer says, "to be alone, with himself 
 and the sorrows of his heart." Here in this gloomy soli- 
 tude, shut out from the whole world, and cut off from all 
 human sympathy, he wrestled in dreadful agony alone with 
 his God. Melancthon says, " often at this time, when he 
 reflected upon the wrath of God, he was so overpowered 
 that he became insensible, as though he were dead." This. 
 says the same author, "he told me himself." 
 
 Such was the intense agony of his soul, that at length 
 his powerful mind, and once vigorous body, were both 
 completely overpowered, and he sank down to the floor in 
 despair ! The gates of hell gat hold upon him, and the 
 deep waters of affliction had gone over his head ! There 
 he lay like the smitten oak upon which have fallen the 
 bolts of heaven, in dumb and speechless agony ! The 
 greater part of the ignorant monks did not understand the 
 nature of the mighty struggle that was then agitating Lu- 
 
XCIV. IN HIS DEEP DISTRESS. 
 
 ther's mind. Some of them even ascribed his condition 
 to the influence of the devil ! 
 
 One day Lucas Edenberger, a friend of Luther, came 
 to visit him — he had brought some singers with him, per- 
 haps he had heard of his distressed state of mind. He 
 found the door of the cell shut, Edenberger knocked at the 
 door but received no answer, he then looked in at the key 
 hole, and saw Luther lying on the ground upon his face. 
 He forced open the door, and found him in a state of un- 
 consciousness — they could do nothing with him until they 
 struck up a familiar tune — the sound of singing soon 
 brought him to himself, and he gradually recovered. But 
 the sweet sounds of music could only give him a tempo- 
 rary relief, he needed something more to satisfy his droop 
 ing soul. Still Luther was unconverted, his agony of mind 
 unabated, his sins unpardoned. The arrows of the Al- 
 mighty, yea the barbed arrows of his truth, had sunk deep 
 into the monk's heart, and no cure could be effected until 
 they were extracted. As yet the poor distressed monk 
 had become acquainted with no one who had experienced 
 such a conflict ! About this time, (in 1506,) Luther be- 
 came acquainted with the celebrated John Staupitz ; this 
 was one of the most important events in the history of his 
 life, for it was mainly through this excellent man that he 
 became acquainted with the way of life, and it was through 
 the same prudent and far-sighted individual, that he was 
 brought out of the obscurity of the convent, and that his 
 splendid talents were not lost to the world. Staupitz had 
 himself passed through the same mental conflict, and that 
 
JOHN STAUPITZ, FIRST INTERVIEW WITH LUTHER. XCV 
 
 too, like Luther within the walls of an Augustinian con 
 vent. John Staupitz was an experienced Christian, a pro- 
 found scholar, a sound divine, a gentleman of noble birth, 
 and a theologian of high standing in the church and the 
 world. But he was too timid ever to become a reformer, 
 the glorious reformation of the church was to be the work 
 of his more illustrious protege. Staupitz stood high in the 
 affection of Frederic, the Elector of Saxony, he was pre- 
 sent, as representative of Saxony, at the famous Lateran 
 Council, and was at this time Vicar-General of forty Augus- 
 tinian convents in Germany. It was during one of his official 
 visits, (perhaps in the spring of 1506,) that he became ac- 
 quainted with Luther. As soon as he saw the young monk, 
 he at once suspected the cause of his emaciated and wan 
 countenance — his sunken eye, and his feeble frame — he saw 
 in every feature and lineament of his care-worn face evi- 
 dences of the deep inward struggle of his soul. He inquired 
 into his history and soon became deeply interested in the 
 case of the distressed young monk. And well did he know 
 how to deal with an awakened sinner. He approached the 
 distressed monk in kindness and affection, and gently poured 
 the balm of consolation into his wounded soul ! The sweet 
 and cheering words of the Vicar-General dropped like the 
 dews of heaven upon the troubled heart of Luther. At 
 length peace is to be restored to his distressed soul ! Luther 
 complained to Staupitz of the wickedness of his heart; 
 "When I make a vow," says he, "I cannot keep it on ac- 
 count of the wickedness of my heart." "Oh," replied 
 Staupitz, "I myself have made thousands of vows, and 
 
XCVI. RETURN OF CONVICTION. 1500. 
 
 have not been able to keep them; if God will not be 
 merciful to me, for Christ's sake, and grant me a happy 
 death, I cannot, with all my vows and good works, stand 
 before him, — I must certainly perish." "Look," contin- 
 ued he, "to the wounds of Jesus, to the blood he shed 
 for you, — it is there you can see the mercy of God. In- 
 stead, therefore, of punishing yourself for your faults, cast 
 yourself into the arms of your Redeemer— trust in him— 
 trust in the righteousness of his life — in the expiatory 
 sacrifice of his death; do not shrink from him, God is not 
 against you, it is you who are averse to him. Listen 
 then, to the Son of God, who became man in order that 
 he might assure you of the favor of God." "But," says 
 Luther, "how can I believe in the favor of God, as long 
 as I am not really converted ; must I not be changed before 
 he will receive me?" "No," replied Staupitz, "there is 
 no true repentance but that which begins in the love of 
 God. If you wish to be truly converted, do not practice 
 those mortifications and penances, but love him who first 
 loved you." No wonder that the Roman Catholics call 
 Staupitz a half-way Protestant. If the church of Rome 
 generally had held the doctrines of grace, as here taught 
 by Staupitz, there would have been no reformation neces- 
 sary, at least on that doctrine. 
 
 Luther listened to Staupitz as though he heard a voice 
 from heaven ! New light at once bursts into his darkened 
 mind, joy springs up in his soul; he is better satisfied, 
 but still he is not yet a new creature in Christ Jesus, 
 Luther had as vet not what he wanted, an evidence that 
 
LUTHER S TEMPORARY RELIEF. XCV1T. 
 
 he was a child of God through Christ — he was not yet 
 accepted in the Beloved! The storms and tempests, the 
 convulsions and mighty thunderings of Mount Sinai had 
 subsided, but the melting tones of Calvary had not yet 
 thrilled his soul. Still he became more composed, so 
 much so, that he resumed his studies. He commenced 
 with St. Augustine, and studied him more thoroughly than 
 before. He tried again to fathom the profound mysteries 
 of the early fathers, and to unravel the intricate subtleties 
 of the schoolmen. Staupitz checked him in his fruitless 
 labors and made him a present of a Latin Bible, and told 
 him to study that. He now commenced the study of the 
 Bible in good earnest. He was particularly interested 
 with Paul's Epistles to the Romans and the Galatians. 
 From these he learned, that although his agony of mind 
 was not so great as it had been, yet he was not in a state 
 of justification. The passage, "Therefore being justified 
 by faith, we have peace with God," seemed to perplex 
 him much. He again became alarmed about the safety of 
 his soul. Luther had no doubt been under the impression, 
 that his sins had been pardoned, when the first transient 
 gleam of hope had dawned upon his troubled soul, but 
 like thousands since, he afterwards found that he had been 
 mistaken. 
 
 About this time he was again taken with a severe ill- 
 ness. This was during the second year of his monastic 
 life. He became very ill, he was not expected to live, he 
 himself thought his days were at an end — he found him- 
 
 Ptlf in the very jaws of death, and that too, without a 
 
 5 
 
XCVIII. LUTHER S CONVERSION. 
 
 well-grounded hope of heaven! During this illness, all 
 his former agonies of mind returned with redoubled pow- 
 er — he was ready to sink into despair — there seemed no 
 help for him — he seems to have forgotten all the cheering 
 and heavenly instructions of Staupitz. When Luther was 
 overwhelmed with the dreadful thoughts of his eternal 
 ruin, an old monk entered into his cell and addressed him 
 kindly, he himself had found comfort from the Creed, and 
 he thought he would apply the same simple remedy to the 
 afflicted brother. Calling Luther's attention to the Creed, 
 he uttered the words, "7 believe in the forgiveness of 
 sins," with emphasis and earnestness. "I believe," re- 
 peated Luther, " I believe in the forgiveness of sins." " Ah, 
 but," exclaims the aged and pious monk, "you must not 
 only believe that the sins of David or Hezekiah were for- 
 given, but that your sins are forgiven." " The command- 
 ment of God," says the old monk, "is that we believe in 
 the forgiveness of our sins." " Hear," says the same in- 
 dividual, "what St. Bernard of the 12th century says, in 
 his sermon on the Annunciation, "the testimony which 
 the Holy Ghost applies to thy heart is this, thy sins are 
 forgiven thee." Here faith first seemed to spring up in 
 Luther's mind; his soul was now happy in Christ! He 
 believed, and his sins were forgiven — -it was then that 
 God's eternal truth first flashed into his troubled soul! 
 He became a new man from that hour. He was saved, 
 and as D'Aubigne justly remarks, "he received salvation 
 not from Rome, but from Christ himself," and we might 
 add, he thenceforward belonged, not to Rome, but to 
 
XCIX. 
 
 Christ ! Luther's conversion seems to have been calm 
 and quiet — there seems to have been nothing boisterous in 
 it — he felt happy and joyful in his liberation from sin. 
 From his extraordinary convictions, and his deep agony 
 of soul, and his subsequent happiness, no one can doubt 
 his genuine conversion to God. He could now go on his 
 way rejoicing. God had thus led him by a way that he 
 knew not, and was training him for a mighty work in af- 
 ter years. Luther now read his Bible with pleasure and 
 delight. Soon after his happy change Staupitz, in speak- 
 ing with him about his tremendous conflict, said, "dear 
 Martin, you do not now know how useful these severe trials 
 and temptations will be to you ; God did not send these 
 soul-afflictions upon you for nothing, you will see that 
 God will use you for some great purpose." 
 
 Luther gives us an account of his own conversion in 
 his own simple but powerful language. " However blame- 
 less a life I might lead as a monk, I experienced a most 
 unquiet conscience. I saw myself a vile sinner before 
 God. I saw that I could do nothing to appease him, and 
 I hated the very idea of a just God that punishes sinners. 
 I was well versed in all St. Paul's writings, and in partic- 
 ular, I had a most wonderful desire to understand his Epis- 
 tle to the Romans. But I was puzzled with the expres 
 sion, "Therein is the righteousness of God revealed." 
 My heart rose almost against God with a silent sort of 
 blasphemy, I said, at least in secret, with great murmur- 
 ing and indignation, "was it not enough that wretched 
 man, already ruined by the course of original depravity, 
 should be oppressed with every species of misery, through 
 
C. LUTHER S CONVERSION. 
 
 the condemning power of the commandment, but that even 
 through the gospel, God should threaten us with his anger 
 and justice, and thereby add sorrow to sorrow ? I turned 
 the above mentioned passage over and over my desire to 
 know Paul's meaning was very great. At length while I 
 was meditating day and night on the words, and their 
 connexion which immediately follows, viz: 'The just 
 shall live by faith,' it pleased God to have pity on me, to 
 open my eyes, and show me that the righteousness of 
 God which is here said in the gospel to be revealed from 
 faith to faith, relates to the method by which God in his 
 mercy justifies a sinner through faith, agreeably to what 
 is written, 'the just shall live by faith.' Hence I felt 
 myself to be a new man, and all the Scriptures appeared 
 to have a new face. I ran quickly through them as my 
 memory enabled me. I collected together the leading 
 terms, and I observed in their meaning a strict analogy 
 according to my new views. Thus in many instances 
 the work of God, means that he works in us ; and the 
 power and wisdom of God mean the power and wisdom 
 by which his Spirit operates in the minds of the faithful; and 
 in the same manner are to be understood the patience, the 
 salvation, and the glory of God. The expression, ' Right- 
 eousness of God? now became as sweet to my mind as 
 it had before been hateful, and this very passage of Paul 
 proved to me the entrance into Paradise." 
 
 Having now followed Luther through the first great con- 
 flict, let us next contemplate him as a preacher of the gos- 
 pel, and a pious, holy and consistent follower of Jesus 
 Christ. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 Luther, the Christian Preacher. 
 
 Thus far we have contemplated Luther in the humble 
 sphere of a private individual. True, all the various stages 
 and incidents of his hitherto eventful and checkered life, 
 had their influence and bearing upon his future destiny. 
 We have seen, that the foundations of his moral and in- 
 tellectual education were laid deep and broad. This was 
 necessary in order to qualify him for the successful pro- 
 secution of the great work, which, in the Providence of 
 God, was assigned him. We have already had a glimpse 
 at the first stages of the great Reformation ; for that Refor- 
 mation had its life in Luther's regenerated soul ! His re- 
 ligion was his most useful qualification ; for without a deep 
 and thorough knowledge of his own heart, and without 
 clear and settled views of the plan of salvation, he never 
 could have conducted the church of Christ in safety, 
 through the convulsions of that stormy period. 
 
 But his splendid talents, and his vast fund of human 
 knowledge, were also of great importance; for in the 
 mighty conflict Luther had to grapple with all kinds ot 
 characters, and all sorts of minds, learned and ignorant, 
 talented and stupid. In the hour of her peril Rome hunt- 
 ed up her most talented and learned sons, to defend her 
 against the vigorous and tremendous attacks of Luther. 
 
CII. LUTHER, THE CHRISTIAN PREACHER. 
 
 Never had the church of Rome met with such an enemy, 
 such an extraordinary man — such a moral and literary 
 phenomenon — a man of such talents — such knowledge — 
 such aptness to teach — such eloquence — such invincible 
 courage — such a memory — why, he could quote for hours 
 *he very words of the Prophets, the Apostles — the Church 
 Fathers — the Schoolmen— Aristotle — Cicero— the Decre- 
 tals, in short, everything seemed to be in his head, and 
 at his finger's end. Luther met on the great polemic arena 
 of the 16th century, such an array of learning, and elo- 
 quence, and sophistry, and worldly power, and impudence, 
 as no other man had encountered, and he bravely mowed 
 his way through them, and came out victorious. Tetzel, 
 Eck, Alexander, Wimpina, Prierias, Hochstraten, De Ro- 
 vera, De Vio, Latomus, Henry the VIII, Sir Thomas 
 More, and even Erasmus, the great literary giant of the 
 day, all these seemed but small and weak in the grasp of 
 the sturdy monk. No earthly power could stand before 
 him, for with the iron rod of his tremendous and merciless 
 eloquence, he would beat down and crush all opposition. 
 Let no one think that we put too high an estimate upon 
 the learning and eloquence of Luther, the sequel will show 
 that he cannot well be overrated. 
 
 We now come to that period of his life, where the 
 splendor of his talents begin to appear. Frederic the 
 Wise, Elector of Saxony, according to the fashion of those 
 days, had founded a new University at Wittenberg in 1502. 
 He was determined that this institution should be supplied 
 with the best Professors that could be procured. John 
 
LUTHER, THE PROFESSOR. CIII. 
 
 Von Staupitz, as we have stated above, was one of the 
 most accomplished and learned theologians in Germany, 
 and stood high in the affections of the Elector. As the 
 Elector had every confidence in Staupitz, he entrusted 
 him with the important business of selecting Professors 
 for his new University. And how well he succeeded in 
 carrying out the designs of his Prince, is well known to 
 the world. Such a brilliant constellation of learning, gen- 
 ius and piety, as he brought together at Wittenberg, the 
 world had never seen. Luther had learning and talent 
 enough himself to confer immortal celebrity upon any in- 
 stitution in the world. Staupitz, as Vicar-General of the 
 Augustinians, was well acquainted with Luther, he knew 
 the depth of his piety, the extent of his attainments, and 
 the splendor of his talents. He therefore selected him as 
 Professor of Mental and Nat. Philosophy, (Weltweisheit, 
 und Natmiehre.) Luther felt it his duty to accept the ap- 
 pointment, and immediately repaired to the scene of his 
 future labors. In October 1508, in the 25th year of his 
 age, Luther commenced his splendid career as a public 
 teacher at Wittenberg. At Wittenberg he took up his 
 abode in the Augustinian Convent, for although he was now 
 a Professor in the University, he did not cease to be a 
 monk; and according to the religion of Rome, he could 
 never cease to be a monk. The first duty assigned him, 
 was to read lectures on the Dialectics of Aristotle. His 
 lectures soon attracted attention. It was perhaps during 
 the first year of his residence at Wittenberg, that the vig- 
 orous mind of the young Saxon monk, commenced to 
 
CIV. LUTHER S LECTURES. 
 
 grapple with the false philosophy of the mighty Stagyrite, 
 whose erroneous system had swayed the minds of the 
 whole civilized world for nearly 2000 years. Luther first 
 broke the spell that had so long held the human mind in 
 bondage. If Luther had never done anything more than 
 liberate the christian mind from a pagan system of phi- 
 losophy he would be fully entitled to the gratitude of all 
 Christendom. It is a pity, that none of his early lectures 
 on Aristotle were preserved, we might see from them by 
 what mode of ratiocination he proved the system of the 
 famous Stagyrite wrong, and why he rejected his whole 
 work. Luther soon got tired of lecturing on pagan philos- 
 ophy ; although as a lecturer he soon became very popular 
 and attracted much attention, his lecture room was always 
 crowded, but still he was not in his proper element. This 
 will appear from a letter he addressed to his old friend, 
 John Braun, vicar of Eisenach in 1509. 
 
 "I am, by the grace of God, quite well and pleasantly 
 situated, with the exception that the study of philosophy 
 is exceedingly irksome to me, and from the beginning I 
 was anxious to exchange it for theology ; I mean that the- 
 ology which penetrates into the kernel of the nut, the sub- 
 stance of the wheat, and the marrow of the bones. But 
 God is God ;" Luther's desire was soon gratified, he was 
 appointed Professor of Biblical Theology in March 1509. 
 He was now in his proper element, he now had time to 
 study his beloved Bible. His lectures on the Psalms and 
 he Epistles to the Romans, were received with great ap- 
 plause. In his lectures he followed no master but his 
 
LUTHER S LECTURES. CV. 
 
 Savior, adopted no rules but those suggested by his own 
 judgment. His fame soon spread — students, professors, 
 citizens and strangers all flocked to hear the lectures of 
 this extraordinary young man. Dr. Pollich who attended 
 his lectures was so struck with one of his lectures on the 
 Psalms, that he made the following remark, " this monk 
 will put all Doctors to the rout, he will introduce a new 
 style of doctrine, and will reform the whole church ; for he 
 builds upon the word of Christ, and no one in the world 
 can either resist or overthrow that word, though it should be 
 attacked by all the weapons of philosophers, Sophists, 
 Scotists, Albertists, and Thomists." And how correct the 
 prediction ! Luther's fame spread far and wide, and soon 
 students from all parts of Saxony, began to flock towards 
 Wittenberg. Luther studied hard, he was at it late and 
 early. And every lecture he delivered was more interest- 
 ing than its predecessor — his fearless and independent 
 manner, his eloquence, and above all the truth he taught, 
 won for him the admiration of all who heard him. 
 
 In 1509, Luther became Bachelor of Divinity, he still 
 continued to lecture with great applause. When his re- 
 putation was established as a public lecturer, Staupitz 
 encouraged him to become a preacher, in the proper sense 
 of that term. But being naturally, or perhaps by his edu- 
 cation timid, he for a long time refused, until at last being 
 overcome by the arguments and solicitations of his friend 
 and patron, he reluctantly consented. Luther, like most 
 great men, had as yet no idea of his own tremendous 
 powers. He commenced republishing the gospel of 
 
CVI. LUTHER PREACHES THE GOSPEL IN WITTENBERG. 
 
 Christ, in a small wooden church that stood in the centre 
 of the square in Wittenberg. His preaching produced 
 powerful effects, the people in Wittenberg had never heard 
 such preaching before — his manner, — his doctrines, — his 
 jarnestness, were all different from those of other preachers. 
 3 very body was anxious to hear him, and the little church 
 vhich was only 20 by 30 feet, soon became too small to 
 accommodate his hearers. No wonder the people were 
 interested in his preaching, for the religion he preached 
 was deeply imbedded in, and interwoven with, his very 
 soul — his words flowed from his lips, and fell upon the 
 hearts of his hearers like peals of thunder. In a short 
 time he was elected town-preacher, and then he had a 
 wider range for his pulpit talents. As a preacher, take 
 him all in all, Luther never had a superior, and perhaps 
 never an equal. His voice was manly and sweet, he could 
 raise it or lower it at will, his elocution was faultless — his 
 gestures were easy and graceful — his cadences were natu- 
 ral — his powers of conception were rapid — his imagina- 
 tion vivid— his knowledge of human nature almost in- 
 tuitive, and his knowledge of his subject almost perfect; 
 add to this a deep pathos and an overwhelming flow of 
 feeling, and an eye that would reach into the very soul of 
 his hearer, and you have the finished orator! Nature and 
 art had combined their efforts, and made Martin Luther the 
 greatest orator of ancient or modern days. 
 
 But in order to show the reader that this is not a mere 
 fancy sketch, we will here adduce the testimony of others, 
 and of those too, who cannot be accused of partiality to 
 
LUTHER AS AN ORATOR UNSURPASSED. CVTI. 
 
 the great reformer. All Luther's personal freinds and co- 
 temporaries unite in declaring that his eloquence far sur- 
 passed all other orators of his age, and that it was equal if 
 not superior to that of Greece and Rome in the days of 
 Demosthenes and Cicero. And indeed some of his pro- 
 ductions will compare advantageously with the orations of 
 those two most eloquent men of all antiquity. And judg- 
 ing from the effects of his preaching, we mean the im- 
 mediate — instantaneous effects, he was certainly superior to 
 either. Neither the eloquence of Demosthenes nor Cicero, 
 ever produced such striking effects, as Luther's at Witten- 
 berg; after his return from Wartburg, when fanaticism, 
 under Carlstadt and others, had thrown the whole city into 
 confusion, in one week's time Luther had restored peace 
 and order ! D'Aubigne says, " His expressive counte- 
 nance and dignified demeanor, his clear and sonorous 
 voice charmed his hearers. The deep seriousness that 
 marked the preaching of Luther, and the joy with which 
 the knowledge of the gospel filled his own heart, gave to 
 his eloquence an authority, energy and unction, which 
 none of his predecessors had possessed." Frederick von 
 Schlegel, an apostate Lutheran, and now universally ac- 
 knowledged the most learned man in the Roman Catholic 
 church, says : •' Luther's eloquence was surpassed by few 
 names, in the whole history of literature. He had indeed 
 all those properties, which render a man fit to be a revolu- 
 tionary orator. This revolutionary eloquence, is mani- 
 fested not only in his half political and business writings, 
 such as his address to the nobility of the German nation, 
 
CVIII. LUTHER THE ORATOR. 
 
 but in all his works. In almost all his works, we perceive 
 the marks of a mighty internal conflict. Two worlds ap- 
 pear to be contending for the mastery over the mighty soul 
 of this man, so highly favored of God and nature." 
 
 And as to his intellectual greatness, says the same Ro- 
 man Catholic author, "I think there are few even of his 
 own disciples who appreciate him highly enough. It was 
 i<pon Luther and his soul, that the fate of Europe depend- 
 ed—he was the man of his age, and of his nation." This 
 $ a noble testimony to the merits of an enemy, and stamps 
 Sehlegel, with all his hankering after the honors of Rome, 
 as a great man, and a correct thinker. The great bishop 
 Bossuet, who was himself a splendid orator says, " Luther 
 had a lively and impetuous eloquence, which delighted and 
 captivated his hearers." 
 
 And Lewis Maimbourg, a Jesuit, who ransacked every 
 nook and corner of Germany, and carefully and malicious- 
 ly gathered up every legendary falsehood he could hear 
 from ignorant and prejudiced Roman Catholics, and then 
 published all this trash as authentic truth, even he is com- 
 pelled to admit, and the admission seems to be extorted re- 
 luctantly, that " Luther possessed a quick and penetrat- 
 ing genius, his eyes were piercing and full of fire, his 
 voice was sweet and vehement when once fairly raised." 
 knd J. M. V. Audin, a modern French Jesuit, whom Prof. 
 Stowe, a few years since met in Germany, on the same 
 malicious mission that had taken Maimbourg all over Ger- 
 many, after all his misrepresentation is compelled to say, 
 " Luther was the great preacher of the Reformation, he 
 
LUTHER THE ORATOR. CIX. 
 
 possessed almost all the qualities of a great orator ; an ex- 
 haustless store of thought, an imagination as ready to re- 
 ceive as to convey its impressions, and an inconceivable 
 fluency and a suppleness of style. His voice was clear 
 and sonorous, his eyes beamed with fire, his head was of 
 the antique cast, his hands were beautiful, and his gestures 
 graceful and abounding." And Florimond Raymond, a 
 bitter enemy of all Protestants, says, "Luther was gifted 
 with a ready and lively intelligence, having a retentive 
 memory and speaking his mother-tongue with remarkable 
 fluency, he was surpassed in eloquence by none of his co- 
 temporaries. Addressing his hearers from the pulpit, as 
 if he had been agitated by some powerful passion, and 
 suiting his action to his words, he affected their minds in a 
 surprising manner, and carried them like a torrent whither- 
 soever he -would." 
 
 Keil, one of his admirers, says, " He had a clear lively 
 countenance, and the eye of an eagle, his person was 
 handsome, he was a sociable, amiable, sincere, hospitable, 
 good-humored man, temperate in all things. As soon as 
 he was asked the meaning of a passage in the Scriptures, 
 he was ready with a reply — when he was asked for ad- 
 vice, it was soon felt who was the counsellor." 
 
 Mosellanus says, "in 1519, Luther was s-o lean in con- 
 sequence of hard study, that nearly all his bones could be 
 counted. His learning and acquaintance with the Holy 
 Scriptures are incomparable. He never fails for matter in 
 speaking, but has an uncommon fund of subjects and words 
 
CX. LUTHER VISITS ROME. 1510 
 
 always ready." Mosellanus was a cotemporary with Lu- 
 ther and knew him well. 
 
 In controversy Luther gave no quarters, no field of ac- 
 tion seemed to suit him better, he loved controversy, and 
 his great controversial powers fitted him as much as any 
 thing else, for the great work of the Reformation. No 
 Avonder that with such powers he attracted great attention 
 even before the Reformation. He preached Christ and 
 him crucified from his inmost soul. 
 
 In 1510, (some say 1511,) Staupitz sent Luther to the 
 city of Rome, to settle some difficulties between some 
 contending monasteries in Germany. Luther was highly 
 delighted with the idea of seeing the holy city. In com 
 pany of an Italian monk he started for the eternal city. In 
 the neighborhood of Padua, they stopt in a monastery of 
 Benedictine monks, the convent was rich and they were 
 hospitably entertained. The monks were a set of jolly 
 fellows, who loved good living more than religion. Luther 
 was amazed when he found them eating meat on Friday, 
 and disregarding all the rules of the order — he found also 
 many women about the establishment, and from the plump 
 red faces, and the gouty feet of the inmates, he suspected 
 that they were " lovers of pleasure, more than lovers of 
 God." One night particularly they had a sumptuous feast, 
 the long tables groaned under the weight of the choicest 
 viands, the wine sparkled in the glasses, and the whole 
 brotherhood were rioting in luxury ! Luther's soul sank 
 within him when he saw this, for he had expected to find 
 more piety in Italy than he had^ ever seen in Germany. 
 
LUTHER VISITS ROME. CXI. 
 
 Luther in the honesty of his soul undertook to remonstrate 
 with the monks, but at first they only laughed at him for 
 what they considered his rustic simplicity. But when he 
 continued to reproach them for their wickedness they be- 
 came highly offended, and when he threatened to inform 
 upon them, it is said they actually attempted to poison him. 
 Early next morning he left the sinful brotherhood in dis- 
 gust. He was now exceedingly anxious to see the Holy 
 City, expecting to find a better state of things there. On 
 the fourth day after they left the gluttonous monastery, Lu- 
 ther had the great pleasure of getting the first glimpse of the 
 Eternal City — he was much excited, and cast himself upon 
 the earth exclaiming, " Holy City I salute thee !" and then 
 commenced singing a hymn to the Virgin Mary, and when 
 he entered the city his heart leapt for joy. Poor de- 
 luded monk, thy vision of joy will soon pass away ! Lu- 
 ther expected the very atmosphere of Rome to be holy, 
 but alas ! he was doomed to sad disappointment. He 
 found little piety among the common people, less among 
 the clergy, and still less among the higher dignitaries of 
 the church. He found such a want of common serious- 
 ness — such levity — such profanity, as shocked his very 
 soul ! Luther had a soul that could admire the stupend- 
 ous works of art, but he had no taste for its wickedness. 
 He found, that Rome manufactured religion for other na- 
 tions, and used none herself. In after life he said, " he 
 would not take a thousand dollars for his visit to Rome." 
 He visited all the holy places, and like a good papist, at- 
 tended to all the foolish ceremonies that were required. 
 
CXII. LUTHER, TRULY CONVERTED AT ROME. 1511 
 
 One day he undertook to crawl upon his knees up Pilate's 
 staircase, which was reported to have been miraculously 
 transported from Jerusalem to Rome, but while he was 
 climbing those steps, he thought he heard a voice like thun- 
 der speaking from the depth of his heart, " the just shall 
 live by faith;" he started up from his knees heartily 
 ashamed of the degradation to which his superstition had 
 led him. D'Aubigne says, "this powerful text had a 
 mysterious influence on the life of Luther. It was by 
 means of that word, that God then said, "Let there be 
 light, and there was light." Luther had often studied the 
 Epistle to the Romans, and yet never had justification by 
 faith, as there taught, appeared so clear to him. He now 
 understood that righteousness which alone can stand in the 
 sight of God ; he was now partaker of that perfect obedi- 
 ence of Christ which God imputes freely to the sinner, as 
 he looks in humility to the God-man crucified. This was 
 the decisive epoch in the inward life of Luther. That 
 faith which had saved him from the fear of death, became 
 thenceforward the soul of his theology ; a strong hold in 
 every danger, giving power to his preaching, and strength 
 to his charity, constituting a ground of peace, a motive to 
 service, and a consolation in life and death. 
 
 But this great doctrine of salvation which proceeds from 
 God and not from man, was not only the power of God 
 unto salvation to Luther, it also became the power of God 
 to reform the church. It was the same weapon which the 
 Apostles of Christ had once wielded, and now, after long 
 disuse, it was drawn forth in its original brightness from 
 
LUTHER TRULY CONVERTED AT ROME. CXIII. 
 
 the arsenal of Almighty God ! At the moment when Lu- 
 ther started up from his knees from Pilate's staircase, trans- 
 ported with emotion at the word which St. Paul had ad- 
 dressed to the inhabitants of Rome, the truth, hitherto held 
 captive and fettered in the church, stood up also to fall no 
 more." Luther himself says, "But when by the spirit 
 of God I understood these words— when I learned how 
 the justification of the sinner proceeds from God's mere 
 mercy by the way of faith — then I felt myself born again 
 as a new man, and I entered by an opened door into the 
 paradise of God. From that hour I saw the precious and 
 Holy Scriptures with new eyes. This text was to me the 
 very gate of heaven." It is indeed remarkable, that in the 
 providence of God, Luther had to go to Rome, even to that 
 wicked and corrupted city on seven hills — the mystical 
 Babylon of Scripture, to learn fully and clearly, the doc- 
 trine of justification by faith, but so it was. Even the 
 superstitions of Rome contributed to the glory of God in 
 the liberation of Luther, and through him in the emanci- 
 pation of the church ! Luther was perhaps the first man 
 who came down from Pilate's staircase justified ! 
 
 When he said mass with a becoming solemnity, the 
 Italian priests cried out with impatience, " Hurry, hurry, 
 send our Holy Mother her son back quickly," thus pro- 
 fanely alluding to Transubstantiation. And when he heard 
 the light-minded and profane, and even obsene conversa- 
 tion of the Roman priests, he was surprised beyond mea- 
 sure Can this, thought he, be Rome, surely the Holy 
 Father knows nothing of all this wickedness ! Oh, thought 
 
CXIt r . 
 
 he, the great sanctity of the pope will cover all the sins of 
 the priests. Luther had not yet seen the pope, for his ho- 
 liness was absent from Rome when the German monk en- 
 tered it. And where was he, was he out on a mission of 
 mercy — like his professed Master was he going about do- 
 ing good to the souls and bodies of men ? No, he was out 
 in the field of battle, teaching the poor duke of Farrara t 
 by " apostolic blows and knocks," to respect the peaceful 
 religion of Christ. The chair of St. Peter was then oc- 
 cupied by the warlike Julius II., a man destitute of all 
 piety and virtue. Luther was present at the triumphal 
 procession of pope Julius II., after he had conquered the 
 duke of Farrara in 1511. An immense concourse of peo- 
 ple had gathered to see the military pope ; when Luther 
 saw him in his iron coat of mail, his waving plume, and 
 surrounded by his armed cardinals and warlike priests, he 
 looked on with astonishment, then turned away in disgust 
 exclaiming, " Alas ! alas ! this pope cannot be the Vice- 
 gerent of Jesus Christ." 
 
 Luther spent about a month in Rome, and when he left 
 he was fully convinced that it was any thing else than a 
 holy city. No doubt his visit to Rome had an important 
 influence upon his whole subsequent life — for having lost 
 his respect and veneration for Rome and her priests, he 
 was prepared more fearlessly to examine the high preten- 
 sions of the pope. He returned to Wittenberg, and re- 
 sumed the duties of his office. 
 
 Nothing of importance transpired for sometime, unless 
 it be the fact that Luther was made Doctor of Divinity in 
 
1512. LUTHER SEES THE ERRORS OF THE SCHOOLMAN. CXV 
 
 1512, by Carlstadt, who was then Dean of the University 
 of Wittenberg. Luther was made a Doctor by the urgent 
 solicitations of his friend Staupitz — the Elector of Saxony 
 himself defrayed the expenses.. He was not made Doctor 
 of Sentences, but Doctor of the Bible. 
 
 On being made Doctor he had to take the following oath, 
 viz : "I do swear to the utmost of my ability, that I will 
 defend the gospel as long as I live." How well he lived 
 up to this oath, will be made to appear in the sequel. 
 
 In relation to his doctorate, he said in after life : " I, 
 Doctor Martin Luther, was constrained to become a doc- 
 tor. The papacy endeavored to spot me in the discharge 
 of my duty, but you see what has happened to it, and 
 worse things shall yet befall it. For by the help of God, 
 I am resolved to press on, to force a passage through, and 
 to trample dragons and vipers under foot." 
 
 Luther was now a Doctor, he had sworn to defend the 
 Bible against all errorists whatever. He soon saw that 
 Aristotle, and Thomas Aquinas, and the Bible could not all 
 reign at once ; he plainly saw that if ever the Bible was 
 to govern the religious opinions of mankind, the pagan 
 philosophy and the scholastic divinity of these ruling 
 spirits, must be crushed together. Aristotle ruled the 
 minds of all civilized nations in the department of dialec- 
 tics, and Aquinas in theology. Luther saw that the influ- 
 ence of these authors must be destroyed, and that the 
 prophets and apostles of the Bible must occupy their 
 places. 
 
 He spoke of these authors in a manner that at once 
 
€XVI. EFFECTS OF HIS PREACHING. 
 
 showed his doubts as to their infallibility, and soon met 
 with the opposition of some of his fellow monks, who 
 were great admirers of Aristotle and Aquinas. In a 
 letter to his old friend, John Lange, of Erfurt, he says : 
 
 " Aristotle and the Theologians of the Sentences consti- 
 tute the unprofitable study of this age, I desire nothing 
 more than to lay open before all eyes this false system 
 which has deceived the church, by covering itself with a 
 Greek mask, and to expose its worthlessless before the 
 world. The writings of the prophets and apostles," says 
 he, in another place, " are more certain and sublime than 
 all the sophisms and theology of the schools." 
 
 Luther was constantly engaged in the great work of ren- 
 dering the systems of Aristotle and Aquinas unpopular, 
 and exalting the word of God. He showed his students 
 that the great business of a rational and immortal mind, 
 was not only to be able to lay down a major and minor 
 proposition with logical precision, or to make error appear 
 as truth by a system of technicalities, then miscalled logic, 
 or to find out how many devils could dance at once upon 
 the point of a needle ! — or whether the devil could walk 
 over burning coals barefooted without scorching his feet ! 
 — he taught that the deathless mind ought to be occupied 
 in nobler studies. And he soon succeeded in convincing 
 them that he was right. Aristotle began to sink, and 
 Aquinas lost his hold upon the affections of the thinking 
 community. In the early part of the year 1517, Luther 
 saw these false systems so far destroyed, that he could say, 
 " Aristotle is on the wane, he even now is tottering, — the 
 
EFFECTS OF HIS PREACHING. CXVII. 
 
 lectures on the Sentences, (i. e. on Thomas Aquinas,) are 
 received with distaste, — no professor can hope for hearers 
 unless he teach the scriptural theology." This was cer- 
 tainly going ahead pretty rapidly. He now lectured and 
 preached almost constantly. His lectures and sermons 
 were all full of the spirit of the Bible. The Bible was 
 everything to Luther — he was a Bible preacher most em- 
 phatically — his beloved Bible, as he calls it, was his ruling 
 passion — with his Bible he could prostrate all his enemies. 
 In his preaching, Luther differed vastly from all his cotem- 
 poraries, yea, and all his predecessors, for at least a thous- 
 and years. He imitated no man either in style or man- 
 ner, he had no model, and he needed none. 
 
 Nor was his preaching in vain ; it took effect upon the 
 minds and hearts of many, both students and citizens. 
 Many souls were awakened to the importance of eternal 
 things, even before the Reformation properly commenced. 
 
 In 1515, Luther became acquainted with George Spala- 
 fin, court preacher of the Elector of Saxony, to whom he 
 recommended the reading of John Taulerus, a celebrated 
 Dominican, with whose writings he himself was much 
 pleased, especially his work on homiletics. Bartholomew 
 Bernhard, of Feldkirchen, a splendid young man, then 
 Professor of Aristotle's physics, was among the first to 
 receive Luther's views. Luther put forth some Theses in 
 the name of Feldkirchen, on the ability of the sinner to 
 obey the law, and the freedom of the will. In 1516, there 
 was a public disputation at Wittenberg, under Luther's 
 
CXVIII. PRESS OF BUSINESS. 
 
 eye, between Feldkirchen and Carlstadt, that produced 
 a good deal of excitement. 
 
 The great church at Wittenberg, called "All Saints," had 
 just been completed, it was to be a kind of Roman Catho- 
 lic Pantheon as its name indicates ; the elector wished to 
 have it filled with all manner of holy things. Staupitz 
 was sent to the Netherlands to gather up all kinds of things 
 in that line. During his absence Luther acted as Vicar- 
 General — he had to visit as many of the Augustinian 
 monasteries in Thuringia and Misnia as he could. Luther 
 exhorted the monks every where to read the Bible, and 
 look to Jesus Christ for salvation. This visit had its 
 effect upon Luther's mind, it convinced him of the neces- 
 sity of a different state of things, and it made him per- 
 sonally acquainted with many of the Augustinian monks ; 
 and nearly all the little piety then in the church was found 
 amongst them. Luther gained the affections of nearly 
 all, and when the Reformation did take place these very 
 monks were among the first to rally around their beloved 
 Doctor. Hence this visitation seems to have been one of 
 the links in the great chain of events, in the Providence of 
 God, which led to the overthrow of error and superstition. 
 
 When Luther returned he resumed his labors, as lec- 
 turer and confessor and preacher and Vicar-General — he 
 gives us an account of his labors in his own graphic man- 
 ner, " I require continually two secretaries, for I do scarce- 
 ly any thing else all day than write letters ; I am preacher 
 to the convent, reader of prayers at table, pastor and 
 parish minister, director of studies, Vicar of the Priory 
 
1516. LUTHER AT WITTENBERG DURING THE PLAGUE. CXIX. 
 
 (that is to say Prior ten times over,) inspector of the fish 
 ponds of Litzkau, counsel to the inns of Herzberg at 
 Torgau, lecturer on St. Paul, and commentator of the 
 Psalms! I have scarcely time to say my prayers, or to 
 sing an hymn of devotion, not to mention my struggles 
 with flesh and blood, the devil and the world." This is 
 part of a letter to his old friend Lange dated October 26th, 
 1516. What must have been his labors after the Refor- 
 mation had actually commenced ! 
 
 About this time, i. e. the fall of 1516, the plague broke 
 out in Wittenberg. The whole city was in consternation, 
 most of the professors and students, and many of the citi- 
 zens left the city. Luther stood firm, and attended to his 
 duties — his confidence in God was so great, that although 
 his friends urged him to flee, he refused ; his motto was let 
 come to pass what will " God is God." It seems that he 
 was then, in 1516, writing his commentary of Paul's Epis- 
 tle to the Galatians, one of his most celebrated and useful 
 works ; a work that has been more extensively circulated 
 in England and America, than perhaps any other of his 
 works. When his friend Lange, the Prior of the Augus- 
 tinian convent, urged him to leave Wittenberg in conse- 
 quence of the plague, he wrote thus to him : " I do not 
 know whether the plague will suffer me to finish (my com- 
 ment) on the Epistle to the Galatians. Quick and sudden 
 in its attacks, it makes great havoc, especially among the 
 young. You advise me to flee — but whither shall I flee ? 
 I hope the world will not go to pieces if brother Martin 
 should fall. If the plague spreads, I will send the breth- 
 
OXX. LUTHER PREACHES BEFORE DUKE GEORGE. 1517. 
 
 ren away, in all directions, but for my part, I am placed 
 here ; obedience does not allow me to leave the spot, until 
 he who called me hither, shall call me away." Luther 
 never expected that this letter, which he dates from a cor- 
 ner in the convent at Wittenberg, October 26th, 1516, 
 would go forth to the ends of the earth, and show the 
 world how strong and unshaken his confidence was in God. 
 Yet the Roman Catholics say, Luther was only courageous 
 where there was no danger ! Shame on such base vilifiers 
 of the mighty dead I 
 
 In July, 1517, Duke George of Saxony, requested Stau- 
 pitz to send him an eloquent and learned preacher. Stau- 
 pitz knew of none more eloquent and learned than Luther, 
 and of course sent him with the highest recommendations 
 to that prince. Luther preached at Dresden before duke 
 George and his court, on the 25th of July. His text was 
 Matthew x. 20 — 29. His theme was the unreasonable 
 desires and prayers of men, and the assurance of salvation. 
 Luther as usual preached the truth, as it is in Christ. Duke 
 George became highly offended, and from that day became 
 an inveterate enemy to Luther. But the word was blest 
 to the salvation of a noble lady, Madam de la Sale, con- 
 nected with the court, who died a month afterward rejoic- 
 ing in hope of the glory of God in Christ Jesus. Emser, 
 the duke's secretary, invited Luther to supper in the Ducal 
 palace — Luther went and found a large number of persons 
 present. He was soon attacked by a Master of Arts from 
 Leipsic. Luther never turned his back to an enemy or a 
 friend — -the debate was opened— the Leipsic master lost his 
 
DR. JOHN ECK. CXXI. 
 
 temper, and when Luther cornered him, he said, " Da pas- 
 tum," i. e. give me my fees as a teacher, and I will in- 
 struct you. At this ridiculous reply, says Luther, " We 
 all laughed outright and separated. During the debate a 
 Dominican monk listened at the door, and afterwards de- 
 clared that he wanted to spit into Luther's face, but was 
 restrained by the presence of so many noble persons. 
 Luther returned to Wittenberg and resumed his arduous 
 labors. Sometime after his return from Dresden, Luther 
 put up 95 (he seems to have been fond of that number,) 
 Theses on the freedom of the will. These Theses were 
 founded on the Word of God, and of course could not be 
 refuted. He sent them to Erfurt, and writes to his friend 
 Lange, " Tell the faculty of Theology and all others, that 
 I am ready to come among you and publicly maintain 
 these propositions, either in the University or in the mon- 
 astery." There was no man at Erfurt who felt himself able 
 to cope with Luther. 
 
 Luther next sent those Theses to Dr. John Eck, whom 
 he at that time highly esteemed, and who was one of the 
 most learned and eloquent men of his age. But at that 
 time Luther could not draw his friend out in debate. Eck 
 was evidently not afraid of Luther, for afterwards these 
 two Doctors fought many a hard battle. Eck was perhaps 
 the most learned and adroit public debater that Luther ever 
 had to encounter. 
 
 We have now followed Luther up to 1517, and have 
 given a condensed view of all he did up to that period, 
 much more of course might have been said and has been 
 
CXXII. DR. JOHN ECK. 
 
 said by others. But in what has been said, the reader will 
 see how God prepared Luther for the great Reformation-— 
 every incident in his eventful life seems to have been 
 necessary to qualify him for the great contest. We will 
 now contemplate him as the Reformer. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Luther, the Reformer. The commencement of the Re- 
 formation. 
 
 Luther, as we have seen was busily engaged in the dis- 
 charge of his several duties, as professor and preacher at 
 Wittenberg. He well knew that there were many and 
 grievous errors in the church — he knew that most of the 
 priests were ignorant and vicious, and that the mass of the 
 people were corrupted, but like hundreds of others before 
 him he thought these were evils that could not be remedi- 
 ed — he thought them like thunder-storms unavoidable, and 
 necessary evils. 
 
 He was a pious, a learned and an honest man, and en- 
 deavored in his sphere to do good to his fellow men, and 
 to glorify God. He had experienced the sanctifying pow- 
 er of divine grace in his own soul, and being constrained 
 by the love of Christ, he did all he could to lead others to 
 that Savior, whom he had found. Luther up to this 
 period had no idea of becoming a reformer, the church 
 with all her errors seemed good enough for him. He had 
 no idea, that there could be any church without a Pope. 
 The Pope and the church seemed to him then, as it does 
 now to thousands, one and inseparable. The church was 
 at this time deeply corrupted, yes, rotten to her very core, 
 
CXXIV. LEO X. 
 
 as the reader has seen in the first chapter of this work. 
 Frequent attempts had been made to reform her errors in 
 doctrine and practice, but all efforts seemed entirely use- 
 less. The church got worse and worse from age to age. 
 When honest, pious and conscientious members of the 
 church had the moral courage to express their sentiments 
 freely, the scaffold, or the stake, or at least the dungeon 
 would soon end the dispute. Luther knew all this, and 
 therefore he never dreamed of falling out with the church. 
 
 Leo X., was Pope at this time, he was of an illustrious 
 family, a friend of science, and a patron of the fine arts, 
 but seemed to concern himself very little about religion — 
 indeed he seems to have been quite a decent Pope com- 
 pared with many of his predecessors. One of his own 
 church says, " he never troubled himself about religion. 
 There seemed to be peace and harmony throughout the 
 whole church., Leo was slumbering at the head of the 
 church, more intent upon improving the drama and the 
 music of Italy, than his own morals, and those of his 
 priests. The Pope was very extravagant and prodigal, he 
 gave freely to all his friends and especially his relations, 
 and needed much money to defray the expenses of his 
 court, which was one of the most splendid in Europe ! 
 
 The Pope in order to raise funds, published a bull pro- 
 claiming a general indulgence to all who would pay money 
 for the completion of St. Peter's church at Rome. This 
 was however only a pretext to raise money. This was 
 Hot the first time the Roman Pontiffs raised money in 
 this way ; Urban II., in the eleventh century, first found 
 
INDULGENCES THEIR ORIGIN. CXXV. 
 
 out this means of raising funds for the Roman See. The 
 theory of the Roman Catholic church on this subject, is 
 very ingenious and plausible, provided we admit certain 
 absurd and unbiblical positions. According to the Papal 
 theory, all the good works of the saints, over and above 
 those necessary for their salvation, are deposited together 
 with the infinite merits of Jesus Christ in one inexhausti- 
 ble treasury. The keys of this treasury were committed 
 to St. Peter and to his successors the Popes forever, either 
 of whom may open it when he pleases, and by transfer- 
 ring a portion of this merit to any person, who pays a sum 
 of money, may convey to him the pardon of his own sins, 
 or a release for any one, in whom he may feel interested 
 from the pains of purgatory. And be it remembered, 
 that this is still the doctrine of the papal church ; for 
 she is "idem semper ubique," and has never revoked this, 
 nor any other doctrine, however absurd, which she held 
 at any period of her history. 
 
 Leo X. was in need of large sums of money, and by 
 the advice of his cardinals, he betook himself to this fund. 
 Germany was farmed out to Albert, Archbishop of Mentz. 
 John Tetzel, a Dominican Monk of Leipsic, a bold, dar- 
 ing, vicious and impudent old scoundrel, was engaged by 
 the Archbishop to sell these indulgences. Tetzel was the 
 very man to engage in such a mean business. He was 
 upwards of sixty years old, a large, stout, portly looking 
 fellow, and although over three score years of age, his age 
 had made no alteration upon his plump and rubicund, 
 sleek and pampered face. His voice, we are told, was 
 
;XXVI. JOHN TETZEL. 
 
 strong and silvery, and he was fluent, and possessed con- 
 siderable genius for inventing strange and unheard of stories. 
 As for conscience, he had none, and was entirely destitute 
 of all moral principle. He was truly a shameless and 
 immoral fellow. At Inspruch, however, this old " grey- 
 headed vice," was near losing his worthless life. — He 
 was there convicted of adultery, and was condemned to 
 be put into a sack and cast into the river; and this righteous 
 sentence would certainly have been executed, had not 
 Frederick, the Elector of Saxony, interceded for him, and 
 procured his pardon. We are told that although he was 
 a monk, two of his own children travelled with him ! 
 This is another instance of the moral purity of the Ro- 
 mish priests — a fine comment upon the papal celibacy ! 
 Such was John Tetzel, the pope's agent. He received 80 
 florins a month, and all his expenses paid, and it is said he 
 became very rich. He had been engaged formerly in 
 selling another kind of indulgence, viz. the " Milk and 
 Butter" indulgence, which gave the purchasers, during lent, 
 permission to eat things otherwise prohibited by the 
 church. Tetzel raised money enough, it is said, to build 
 a bridge across the Elbe, at Torgau, and also to rebuild the 
 Dome Church, at Freiburg, that had been burnt down. 
 He was, therefore, acquainted with the business. The in- 
 dulgences he now sold were pieces of paper printed at 
 Rome, and no doubt blessed by the Pope, with the follow- 
 ing inscription : " May our Lord Jesus Christ have mercy 
 on thee, and absolve thee by the merits of his most holy 
 passion ; and I, John Tetzel, by his authority, and that of his 
 
RATES OF INDULGENCES. CXXVII. 
 
 blessed apostles, Peter and Paul, and of the most holy- 
 Pope, granted and committed to me in these parts, do ab* 
 solve thee, first, from all ecclesiastical censures in what- 
 ever manner they have been incurred, then from all thy 
 sins, transgressions and excesses, how enormous soever 
 they may be, even for such as are reserved for the cogni- 
 zance of the Holy See, and as far as the keys of the Holy 
 Church extend. I remit to you all punishment which you 
 deserve in purgatory on their account, and I restore you to 
 the holy sacraments of the Church, to the unity of the 
 faithful, and to that innocence and purity you possessed at 
 baptism, so that when you die, the gates of punishment 
 shall be shut, and the gates of the paradise of delights 
 shall be opened, and if you shall not die at present, this 
 grace shall remain in full force when you are at the point 
 of death. In the name of the Father, the Son and the 
 Holy Ghost. Amen." 
 
 These papers were sold to all who could be induced, in 
 any way or by any means, to buy them. Each sin had 
 its price fixed, although the vender would generally adapt 
 the price of an indulgence to the standing and character 
 of the customer. The following is the valuation of par- 
 dons for some of the different sins of mankind. It is 
 taken from the " Tax Book of the Roman Chancery." 
 One who had taken a false oath, - - $2.16 
 For stealing or robbing, - - - 2.88 
 For incest, ------ 1.80 
 
 For adultery, 2.16 
 
 For procuring abortion, - 1.80 
 
 For delivering a soul from purgatory, - .24 
 
CXXVIII. RECEPTION OF TETZEL. 
 
 There were many other sins taxed, with whos mention 
 we cannot soil our sheets. This was the tax laid upon 
 the common people. For kings, dukes, princes, bish- 
 ops and noblemen, there was a different and much higher 
 scale. The rule of conduct on the part of the Pope and 
 Archbishop, seems to have been to extort all the money 
 they could from the people. In some cases they took as 
 high as two hundred crowns, which at that time was a 
 very large amount of money. Money, money, and noth- 
 ing but money, says a German author, was the beginning, 
 the middle, and the end, of the Roman Catholic Church. 
 And we might add, this is still the ruling and all-governing 
 principle of the Romish hierarchy. 
 
 John Tetzel passed through all Saxony, from city to 
 city, and from village to village, selling his wares. 
 
 When he entered into a city, there was generally as 
 much parade as if a visiter from the other world had made 
 his appearance. The church and convent bells would be 
 rung — the military would turn out — the schools would be 
 dismissed — the citizens, old and young, would turn out — 
 all ordinary business would be suspended. Tetzel would 
 select some favorable location, and would erect a huge red 
 cross, with the Pope's arms displayed upon it — he would 
 then raise his stentorian voice to its highest pitch, like a 
 vendue-crier in a country village, when a large number 
 were gathered around him, he would then commence prais- 
 ing his indulgences. Some of his remarks on those occa- 
 sions have been preserved, and faithfully handed down to 
 us: " This cross/' exclaims Tetzel, " has as much efficacy 
 
TETZEL S INDULGENCES. CXXIX. 
 
 as the cross of Christ ! Draw near, and I will give you 
 letters duly sealed, by which even the sins you may here- 
 after desire to commit, shall all be forgiven. I would not 
 exchange my privileges for those of St. Peter in heaven, 
 for I have saved more souls with my indulgences than he 
 with his prayers ! 
 
 " There is no sin so great that the indulgence cannot re- 
 mit it, and even if any one should, (which is doubtless im- 
 possible,) ravish the Holy Virgin, Mother of God, let him 
 pay, let him only pay largely, and it shall be forgiven him. 
 Even repentance is not indispensable." 
 
 " But more than all this, indulgences save not only the 
 living alone, they also save the dead. Ye priests, ye no- 
 bles, ye tradesmen, ye wives, ye husbands, ye maidens, ye 
 young men, hearken to your departed parents and friends, 
 who cry to you from the bottomless abyss, « We are en- 
 during horrible torments ! a small alms would deliver us, 
 you can give it, and you will not. The very moment that 
 the money clinks against the bottom of the chest, the soul 
 escapes from purgatory and flies free to heaven." * From 
 this expression we have the German couplet 
 
 ie So bald das Geld im Kasten klingt, 
 Die Seele in den Himmel springt^' 
 
 Thrown into English thus : 
 
 As soon as the money doth klink in the chest, 
 The soul flies away to the land of the blest. 
 
 Some say that this very couplet was painted on the great 
 
 chest which Tetzel carried about with him. 
 6* 
 
cxxx. 
 
 Tetzel thus proceeded with his blasphemy, "0 ! sense- 
 less people, and almost like beasts who do not comprehend 
 (know how to value) the grace so richly offered. This 
 day heaven is open on all sides : and do you refuse to en- 
 ter — when then do you intend to come in? This day you 
 may redeem many souls ! Dull and heedless men, with 
 ten groschen you can redeem your father from purga- 
 tory. In the day of judgment my conscience will be clear, 
 but you will be punished the more severely, for having 
 neglected so great a salvation ! I protest, that though you 
 should have but one coat, you ought to strip it off, and sell 
 it, to purchase this grace. Our Lord God no longer deals 
 with us, as God, he has given all power to the pope." 
 And then he would close by crying out three times, at the 
 top of his voice, " Bring your money ! bring your mo- 
 ney ! ! bring your money ! I ! •' This," says Luther, " he 
 uttered with such a dreadful bellowing that one might have 
 thought some wild bull was rushing among the people, 
 and goring them with his horns." 
 
 We are not to suppose that Tetzel was the only one who 
 sold indulgences, there were many others in different parts 
 of Germany, and even in other countries. But there was 
 one by the name of Bartholomew, a Dominican monk, who 
 seems to have out-tetzeled Tetzel himself. This man sold 
 indulgences at Dessau, a large town in Upper Saxony, 
 thirty-seven miles north of Leipsic. This man declared 
 publicly that he had seen the blood of Christ flowing down 
 the great red cross, which he had erected to attract the peo- 
 ple, and those who doubted *he truth of this story were de- 
 
LUTHER FIRST HEARS OF TETZEL. CXXXI. 
 
 nounced, and cursed in the strongest and most unmerciful 
 terms ! There were other sellers of indulgences, but we 
 confine our attention chiefly to Tetzel, because he was un- 
 wittingly the occasion of the Reformation. 
 
 Luther first heard of Tetzel in 1516. Some one told 
 Luther that a man by the name of Tetzel was selling in- 
 dulgences, and at the same time mentioned some of Tet- 
 zel's impious expressions, upon which Luther is said to 
 have exclaimed, " God willing I will make a hole in his 
 drum." In Saxony, the selling of indulgences was not so 
 popular, Frederick and duke George seem not to have ap- 
 proved of so shameful a traffic. Tetzel however, came on 
 to Juterbach and Zerbst, where he made a great noise. 
 Juterbach is about fourteen miles from Wittenberg — many 
 of the people of Wittenberg went thither to see this new 
 thing, and when there, they were induced to purchase in- 
 dulgences. 
 
 " One day Luther was at the confessional in Witten- 
 berg, several residents of the town presented themselves ; 
 they confessed themselves guilty of great irregularities, 
 adultery, licentiousness, usury, unjust gains. Luther re- 
 proved, rebuked and instructed. But what was his aston- 
 ishment when those persons replied, that they did not in- 
 tend to abandon their sins ! The pious monk, shocked at 
 this, declared that since they would not promise to change 
 their habits of life, he would not absolve them. Then it 
 was that these poor creatures appealed to their letters of 
 indulgence, they showed them to Luther, and contended 
 for their efficacy. But Luther replied, that he had nothing 
 
CXXXII. LUTHER IN THE CONFESSIONAL. 
 
 to do with their paper, and he added, " if you do not turn 
 from the evil of your ways, you will all perish." They 
 exclaimed against this, and renewed their application, but 
 the Doctor was immovable. " They must cease to do 
 evil, and learn to do well, or otherwise no absolution." 
 " Have a care," added he, "how you give ear to the in- 
 dulgences ; you have something better to do, than to buy 
 licences which they offer you for paltry pence." Speak- 
 ing on this subject afterwards Luther says, "Many per- 
 sons went to Juterbach and Zerbst to buy indulgences, and 
 as sure as I am a redeemed sinner, I did not know what 
 indulgences were." But in the confessional Luther found 
 out what they were. Those poor dupes who had pre- 
 sented their indulgences to Luther, soon returned to Tetzel 
 with the most bitter complaints against their inexorable con 
 fessor. Tetzel raved and swore eternal vengeance against 
 Luther. He went into the pulpit, and poured out his wrath 
 and the most dreadful maledictions, against any man that 
 would dare to call in question the efficacy of his indulgen- 
 ces. More than this, he had several fires kindled through 
 the day in Juterbach, to signify what he would do, with 
 any man that would oppose him in his business. Whether 
 those same persons ever renewed their application to Lu- 
 ther we do not know, but very likely they did not, for on the 
 following Sabbath, Luther preached on the subject in the 
 church at Wittenberg. Some think this sermon was 
 preached after the 31st of October, 1517. It is not im- 
 portant, whether it was before or after — at all events the 
 sermon was printed and produced a profound sensation. 
 
luther's first published sermon, cxxxiii. 
 
 For the satisfaction of our readers, we here give a trans- 
 lation of Luther's sermon on indulgences, found in Tome 
 I. Jena edition, 1560. It, like most of Luther's earlier 
 sermons, has no text, and is styled, " A sermon concern- 
 ing indulgences, 1517, by Doctor Martin Luther, Augus- 
 tinian." 
 
 " Know ye, in the first place, that some new teachers, 
 such as Mag. Sent., (I suppose the Master of Sentences,) 
 St. Thomas and their followers, have given three parts to 
 repentance ; viz. sorrow, confession, and satisfaction, and 
 although this division is not even according to their opin- 
 ions, found in the Holy Scriptures, nor even in the writings 
 of the old church fathers, yet we will let this go for what 
 it is worth, and speak according to their views. 
 
 " Second. They tell you that indulgences do not take 
 away the first and second parts of repentance, viz. sorrow 
 and confession, only the third part, viz. satisfaction. 
 
 " Third. Satisfaction is further divided into three 
 parts, i. e. prayer, fasting and alms. Prayer includes 
 all kinds of works which properly belong to the soul, such 
 as reading, reflection, hearing, and the like. Fasting in- 
 cludes every thing which belongs to the mortification of the 
 body, as watching, fasting, wearing hard clothes, sleeping 
 on hard beds, &e. Alms includes all kinds of good 
 works, love, compassion and benevolence towards our 
 neighbors. 
 
 " Fourth. It is considered by thera an undoubted 
 fact, that indulgence does take away the works of satis- 
 faction, or destroys the necessity of making satisfac- 
 
CXXXIV. 
 
 tion for sin, if the indulgence of the Pope takes away the 
 guilt of sin, there remains nothing more for us to do. 
 
 " Fifth. It has been the opinion of many, that in- 
 dulgence would even take away more than the good 
 v/orks imposed upon us, (by the Pope,) and even went so 
 far as to suppose indulgence would also take away the 
 punishment which the divine justice demands. 
 
 " Sixth. I leave this their opinion unanswered for 
 this time. But I do say, that they cannot show from 
 any passage of Scripture, that the divine justice requires 
 or demands any punishment or satisfaction of the sinner, 
 other than a true and heart-felt repentance and conversion, 
 with the determination to take up his cross, and practise 
 the good works mentioned above, (works that have not been 
 imposed by any human authority.) For thus the Lord 
 speaks by the prophet Ezekiel, iii. 20. " If the wicked man 
 turn unto me, I will remember his wickedness no more." 
 So too, Christ pardoned Mary Magdalene and others ; now 
 I should like to know who can defend the opposite view, 
 although some of the doctors have imagined it. 
 
 " Seventh. It is true, God does punish sinners some- 
 times according to his justice, or by suffering, brings them 
 to repentance, as we see in the 89th Psalm, 30 to 34. 
 
 " Eighth. Therefore, we are not able to give a name 
 to that supposed punishment — nor can any person know 
 what it is, unless it is the punishment and works referred 
 to above. 
 
 "Ninth. I say that if the Christian Church were this 
 day to declare, that indulgences would take away more 
 
LUTHER S SERMON ON INDULGENCES. CXXXV. 
 
 than the work of satisfaction, yet it would be a thousand 
 times better that no Christian should purchase, or even de- 
 sire to have an indulgence, but the Christian ought rather 
 to suffer the penalty and do the works required. For in- 
 dulgence is, after all, nothing more than a dispensation, (or 
 dispensing with,) good works, and salutary punishment, 
 (or suffering,) which every Christian ought rather to choose 
 than to avoid. It is true indeed, several of the newer doc- 
 tors have found out two kinds of punishment, viz. medi- 
 catinas et satisfactorias, i. e. one to make satisfaction, the 
 other to heal. But we have more liberty to reject such 
 nonsense than they have to imagine it, for all the pain or 
 suffering God imposes upon us is for our improvement. 
 
 " Tenth. The objection, that the penances are too numer- 
 ous, and the works too great for our short life time, and 
 therefore, we must have indulgences, amounts to nothing 
 at all. For God in his holy church will not lay more upon 
 us than we can bear, as Paul says, 1 Cor. x. "he will not 
 suffer us to be tempted above what we can bear," and this 
 tends not a little to the shame of the church, when we 
 blame her for imposing more upon us than we can bear. 
 
 U Eleventh. Even if according to the spiritual law, a 
 mortal sin does require seven years repentance, yet Chris- 
 tianity ought to leave that law undisturbed. * * 
 
 "Twelfth. It is said, I admit, that the sinner with the 
 remaining penance is to be referred either to indulgences, 
 or purgatory, — but there are a great many things said with- 
 out any foundation. 
 
cxxxvi. luther's sermon on indulgences. 
 
 " Thirteenth. It is a great error for any one to supp c 
 he will make satisfaction for his sins, when God is at all 
 times willing to forgive them for nothing, of his own un- 
 speakable grace, and requires nothing more of us, than 
 that we after that lead a holy life. 
 
 "Fourteenth. Indulgence is allowed on account of im- 
 perfect and idle christians, who will not be active in doing 
 good works, and who have charitable impressions. Indul- 
 gence does not require any person to better himself, but 
 indulges and encourages this imperfection. Therefore we 
 should not speak against indulgences, but we ought not to 
 encourage any person to buy them. 
 
 " Fifteenth. It would be far better and safer for the indi- 
 vidual who wishes to give anything towards the building 
 of St. Peter's (Church,) if he would give it without buy- 
 ing indulgence, for it is to be feared the person who buys 
 indulgences gives his money rather for them than for God's 
 sake. 
 
 " Sixteenth. It is a much better work to give to the needy, 
 than to the building of a church. For it is much better to 
 do a good work, than to leave many good works undone. 
 But the object of indulgences is to induce us to leave 
 many good works undone. That you may be properly 
 taught, give me your attention. You should before all 
 things, even before St. Peter's, or indulgences, give to your 
 iestitute neighbor, here in your own town. But if there 
 mould be no person here in your own town destitute, then 
 f you have anything to give, give it to the churches, altars, 
 ornaments, and plate, here in your own town; and if these 
 
luther's sermon on indulgences, cxxxvii. 
 
 need no more, then if you have it to spare, give it to St. 
 Peter's, or where you will. But you must not do this for 
 the sake of indulgences. For St. Paul says, " he that 
 provideth not for his own household, has denied the faith, 
 (in German is no christian,) and is worse than an infidel." 
 And you may take it for granted, that he who tells you 
 otherwise is only deceiving you, and seeks your soul's 
 salvation in your money purse, and depend upon it such 
 an one would rather find pennies in your purse than souls. 
 (This seems to be a hard thrust at Tetzel.) Then you are 
 perhaps ready to say, I will never buy indulgences ! I 
 reply, this is what I have before said ; this is my will, re- 
 quest, desire and advice, that you buy no indulgences. 
 Let those sleeping, lazy christians buy indulgences. You 
 attend to your own business. 
 
 " Seventeenth. Indulgences are not commanded, nor ad- 
 vised, but belong to that class of things which may be per- 
 mitted or allowed. It is therefore no work of obedience 
 nor of merit, it is a mere extract of obedience, (ein Aus- 
 zug des Gehorsams.) Therefore, although we ought to pre- 
 vent no one from purchasing indulgences, yet we ought to 
 apprize all christians of the works and penances which 
 are thereby omitted, and urge them to their duty. 
 
 " Eighteenth. Whether the soul is liberated from the 
 fires of purgatory by indulgences, I do not know, nor do 
 I as yet believe it, although several new doctors affirm it, 
 but it is impossible for them to prove it, nor has the church 
 yet determined that point. Therefore it is far better, and 
 
CXXXVIII. LUTHER S SERMON ON INDULGENCES. 
 
 far more safe for you, to pray for yourself; for your salva- 
 tion will then be more certain. 
 
 " Nineteenth. I have no doubt in my own mind on these 
 points, for they are abundantly founded upon the Holy 
 Scriptures. Therefore you too ought to have no doubts, 
 and let scholastic doctors be scholastics, the whole of them 
 with all their notions, are not able to produce one solid, 
 well founded sermon. 
 
 " Twentieth. Some no doubt will pronounce me a here- 
 tic, for the truth I have now advanced will no doubt be in- 
 jurious to their chests, but I shall pay little attention to 
 such bellowings, inasmuch as this will only be done by 
 such as have dark brains, who have never even smelied 
 the Bible, who have never even read the doctrines of Chris- 
 tianity, who have never understood their own teacher, but 
 who have been led into error by their own laughable and 
 torn notions, for if they would have understood Christian- 
 ity, they would have known that they ought not to abuse 
 any person, unheard and unconvinced. Nevertheless, the 
 Lord give them and us a proper state of mind. Amen." 
 We have given the whole of this sermon, with the ex- 
 ception of two short sentences, which did not appear clear 
 to our mind. The reader will see in this sermon, that 
 Luther had no idea of becoming a Reformer when he wrote 
 it, for he had then a great veneration for the church of 
 Rome. We think there can be no doubt but this sermon 
 was preached after the 95 Theses were made public, and 
 even after Tetzel's first attack upon Luther. 
 
1517. THE DREAM OF THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY. CXXXIX 
 
 Tetzel made a feeble reply to this powerful sermon, but 
 this only made the matter worse. 
 
 We will now relate a very curious dream which the 
 Elector of Saxony had, on the night of the 30th of Octo- 
 ber, 1517— he related it to his brother, duke John, on the 
 morning of the 31st. "Having gone to bed last night, 
 tired and dispirited, I fell asleep soon after saying my 
 prayers, and slept quietly about two hours and an half. I 
 then awoke and continued engaged till midnight with a va- 
 riety of thoughts. I considered how I should keep the 
 festival of All Saints, I prayed for the poor souls in pur- 
 gatory, and besought God to guide me, my counsellors and 
 all my people, into all truth. I fell asleep again; and 
 then dreamt that the Almighty God sent a monk to me, 
 who was the true son of St. Paul. All the saints accom- 
 panied him, according to the command of God, in order to 
 testify to me of him, and to declare that he had not come 
 with any fraudulent design, but that all he did was agree- 
 able to the will of God. They asked me, at the same 
 time, graciously to allow him to write something on the 
 church door of the Castle of Wittenberg; which request 
 I granted by the mouth of the Chancellor. Thereupon 
 the monk went his way, and began to write, but in such 
 large characters, that I could read from Schweinitz, (his 
 country seat,) what he was writing. The pen that he used 
 was so long that its extremity reached even to Rome, 
 wounded the ears of a lion (Leo means a lion) that was 
 couched there, and shook the triple crown upon the pope's 
 head. All the cardinals and princes running hastily to- 
 
CXL. THE DREAM OF THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY. 
 
 wards him, endeavored to support it. You and I brother 
 among the rest attempted to support it ; I put out my arm, 
 but at that moment I awoke, with my arm extended in 
 great alarm, and very angry with the monk who handled 
 his pen so awkwardly. I recovered myself a little, — it 
 was only a dream ! After this I dreamt, that all the princes 
 of the empire, you and I among the rest, were nocking to 
 Rome, trying one after the other to break this pen, but the 
 more we exerted ourselves the stifFer it became ; it resisted 
 as if it had been made of iron ; at length we were tired. 
 I then asked the monk, (for I seemed to be sometimes at 
 Rome, and sometimes at Wittenberg,) where he had ob- 
 tained that pen and why it was so strong ? The pen, re- 
 plied the monk, once belonged to the wing of a goose of 
 Bohemia, a hundred years old. I received it from one of 
 my old school-masters ; its strength is such, that no one can 
 take the pith out of it — and I myself am quite surprised 
 at it ! Suddenly I heard a loud cry ; from the monk's long 
 pen had issued a number of other pens. I awoke the third 
 time and it was day light." If this dream be authentic, it 
 is certainly very remarkable. 
 
 Luther had refused absolution to the holders of in- 
 dulgences in the confessional — he had preached against 
 them, but still Tetzel went on selling all he could. Luther 
 then meditated another form of attack — not against the 
 church of Rome, nor against the pope, nor against the arch- 
 bishop, but against John Tetzel and his shameful traffic. 
 Luther up to this time was a faithful and devoted Roman 
 Catholic, and he thought in opposing Tetzel, he was ac- 
 
LUTHER PUBLISHES HIS NINETY-FIVE THESES. CXLl. 
 
 tually doing the church a good service. As an evidence 
 of this he wrote letters to the bishops of Meissen, Brande- 
 burg and Merseburg, and also to Albert, arch-bishop of 
 Mentz. Luther did not yet know the depth of the cor- 
 ruption of the papal hierarchy — he had no idea at that time 
 that the arch-bishop had an actual interest in this unholy 
 traffic. Some of the bishops to whom he wrote made no 
 reply, others answered him, but in such a way as to have 
 him understand that they considered him on dangerous 
 ground— they told him plainly that in matters of this sort, 
 in which the pope or any of his agents were engaged, they 
 could and would not interfere — they advised Luther to take 
 care how he meddled in such things. Luther had been 
 thinking a good deal about the nature and tendency of in- 
 dulgences. And in the honesty and sincerity of his soul, 
 he had prepared 95 propositions, called Theses, on the 
 subject. These Theses Luther himself nailed to the door 
 of the church at Wittenberg on the 31st of October. This 
 was done at noon not as D'Aubigne says, in the evening 
 of All-Saints day, but at noon on the eve of All-Saints day, 
 i. e. the day before All-Saints day — that day always comes 
 on the first of November. That time was selected by Lu- 
 ther, because thousands of pilgrims were expected the next 
 day to visit the Elector's new church, in which the many 
 and precious relics which Staupitz had collected were to 
 be exhibited. None of Luther's friends seem to have 
 known any thing of his intention to challenge the world to 
 discuss the matter with him — for in accordance with the 
 customs of the day, this was a challenge for every persou 
 
CXLII. 
 
 and any person, to meet him in public debate. Luther 
 perhaps at first only intended to make a University discus- 
 sion out of it. These discussions were very common then. 
 These Theses produced a great excitement. On All- 
 Saint's day the whole conversation was about them. The 
 truth of those bold and daring propositions flashed like 
 lightning upon the minds of men. But as the reader is 
 perhaps anxious to see the Theses we will here trans- 
 cribe a few of them. 
 
 Ninety-Five Theses on Indulgences, by Doctor Martin 
 Luther. 
 
 They were originally written in Latin, we translate 
 from the German found in Luther's works, Jena edition, 
 1560, which has been pronounced the best and most per- 
 fect of all his works. 
 
 1. Our Lord and Master Christ, when he commands us 
 to repent, intends that our whole life, should be one of re- 
 pentance. 
 
 2. Nor can, nor ought this, to be understood of the Sac- 
 rament of penance, i. e. of confession and satisfaction, as 
 administered by the priest. 
 
 3. Nevertheless, he does not here speak of inward re- 
 pentance alone, for inward repentance is of no account, 
 unless it produces all kind of outward mortification of the 
 flesh. 
 
 4. Repentance and sorrow, that is, true penitence, lasts 
 as long as a man is displeased with himself, i. e. until he 
 passes from this into an eternal life. 
 
LUTHER'S THESES. CXLIII. 
 
 5. The pope neither intends, nor can he remit any other 
 punishment than that, which he has imposed, according to 
 his good pleasure, or in conformity to the Canons, i. e. to 
 the papal ordinances. 
 
 6. The pope can forgive no debt, (Schuld vergeben,) but 
 can only declare and confirm the forgiveness which God 
 himself has given, except only in cases that refer to him- 
 self. If he does otherwise, the debts remain unremoved 
 and unforgiven. 
 
 7. God forgives the sins of no one, whom he does not 
 at the same time humble, and who is not willing to obey 
 his confessor. 
 
 8. Canones poenitentiales, i. e. the laws which refer to 
 repentance and confession, are intended only for the living, 
 and not for the dead. 
 
 21. Therefore, the preachers of indulgences are in error 
 when they say that in consequence of the pope's indul- 
 gences, men are liberated from all sin and saved. 
 
 27. Those therefore, preach human folly (Menschen- 
 tand) who say that as soon as the money falls in the chest, 
 the soul is liberated from purgatory. 
 
 32. Those persons who expect to make sure their sal- 
 vation by letters of indulgence, will together with their 
 masters go to the devil. 
 
 33. We must guard carefully against those who tell us 
 that the pope's indulgences are the most precious gifts and 
 graces of God. 
 
 50. We must teach christians, that if the pope knew 
 how the indulgence preachers extorted money from the 
 
cxliv. luther's theses. 
 
 people, he would rather see St. Peter's church burnt to 
 powder, than to see it built up with the skin, the flesh, and 
 the bones of his flock. 
 
 51. We must teach christians that the pope, as is his 
 duty, should give his own money, and if he had to sell St. 
 Peter's church to raise money, to those poor people, who 
 are now robbed of their last copper, by the preachers of 
 indulgences. 
 
 52. To put our trust in indulgences for salvation, is to 
 put our trust in a vain and lying thing, and even if the 
 commissioner (indulgence-monger) or even the pope him- 
 self should pledge his own soul, to make it good. 
 
 53. Those who forbid the preaching of God's word in 
 other churches on account of the preaching of indulgences, 
 are the enemies of Christ, and of the pope. 
 
 54. Injustice is done to the word of God, when as much 
 or even more time is taken up in the church, in preaching 
 indulgences, than the word of God. 
 
 56. The treasures of the church, out of which the pope 
 distributes indulgences, are neither recognized, nor pro- 
 nounced satisfactory by the church of Christ. 
 
 59. St. Lawrence called the poor members of the church, 
 the churches treasures, but he used the word as it was un- 
 derstood in his day. 
 
 62- The proper and true treasure of the church, is the 
 Holy Gospel of the glory and grace of God. 
 
 63. This treasure is for the benefit of the most hostile 
 and the most hated, for it causes the first to be last. 
 
LUTHER S THESES. CXLV. 
 
 64. But indulgences are for the benefit of the most wor 
 thy for it causes the last to be the first. 
 
 65. Therefore the treasures of the gospel are nets, in 
 which in former times the rich and respectable were 
 caught. 
 
 66. But the treasures of indulgences are the nets by 
 which in the present day the riches of the people are 
 caught. 
 
 67. The indulgence which the preachers crack up to be 
 the greatest grace, must of course be esteemed a great fa- 
 vor for it produces great gain and interest. 
 
 68. And yet this indulgence is certainly the very small- 
 est grace, when compared with the grace of God, and the 
 salvation of the cross. 
 
 69. It is the duty of bishops and pastors to receive with 
 all respect the commissioners of indulgences. 
 
 70. But it is much more their duty, to have their eyes 
 and ears open and to see to it, that those commissioners, 
 do not preach their own dreams, instead of the pope's 
 commands. 
 
 71. He who speaks against the pope's indulgences let 
 him be accused and condemned. 
 
 72. But he who speaks against the foolish and impudent 
 speeches of the indulgence preachers, let him be blessed. 
 
 75. To esteem the pope's indulgence so high as to sup* 
 pose that if a person were (which is impossible) even tp 
 defile the Holy Mother of God, yet fye could receive re- 
 mission by those indulgences—is raving madness and folly. 
 
CXLVI. EXCITEMENT OCCASIONED BY LUTHER.' S THESES. 1517. 
 
 76. The pope's indulgences, on the contrary, cannot 
 take away the smallest daily sin, so far as the blame of it 
 is concerned. 
 
 77. To say that St. Peter, if he were now pope, could 
 not give a more perfect indulgence, is blasphemy against 
 St. Peter, and the pope. 
 
 79. To say that the cross, hung about with the pope's 
 arms, is as efficacious as the cross of Christ, is blas- 
 phemy. 
 
 80. The bishops, pastors and theologians, who approve 
 of such words being used before the common people, will 
 have to render an account to God. 
 
 We have omitted a number of Luther's propositions 
 for want of room, but we have given enough to show the 
 spirit and independence of the man. The proclamation 
 of these startling truths, was the tocsin of war. The 
 church became alarmed — the Theses were scattered far 
 and wide, and kindled a fire everywhere, in every city, 
 town and hamlet in Germany. They were carried, as an 
 old writer says, " on the wings of the wind, as though the 
 angels themselves had been the messengers." They 
 found readers and advocates everywhere, and soon became 
 the all absorbing topic of conversation in all quarters. 
 Princes and nobles, learned and unlearned, rich and poor, 
 all became interested in them. Lorence von Bibra, of 
 Wurtzburg, highly approved of Luther's Theses. Even 
 Maximilian, the emperor, looked upon them very favora- 
 bly. The emperor was anxious for a reformation in the 
 church, and he told Frederick, the Wise, to take good care 
 
LUTHER'S LETTERS TO THE POPE AND ARCHBISHOP. CXLVII. 
 
 of the courageous Monk, for says he, " we may yet stand 
 in need of his services." Luther sent his Theses, to- 
 gether with a long and interesting letter, to the Archbishop 
 of Mentz, but his letter and Theses were treated with si- 
 lent contempt by that haughty prince. An evidence this 
 that he did not then consider his Theses a declaration ol 
 war against the church. He also, sometime afterwards, 
 sent his Theses and a very submissive letter to the Pope. 
 His letter to the Archbishop is full of respect for his high 
 office. This letter is dated All- Saints day,i. e. November 
 the 1st, 1517. Luther says, among other things, " Men 
 are carrying throughout the country the papal indulgences, 
 under your grace's name. I will not so much accuse the 
 clamours of the preachers, as the false opinions of the 
 simple people, who when they purchase these indulgen- 
 ces, think themselves sure of salvation. This grieves me 
 to the very heart. Great God ! the poor souls committed 
 to your care, most pious father, are thus led to death and 
 not to life. The awful account your holy reverence will 
 have to render for these souls, increases every day. There- 
 fore I could hold my peace no longer ; for no man can be 
 assured of his salvation by the office of a bishop, unless 
 he have this assurance through the grace of God. The 
 Apostle Paul, in Phil. 2d chapter, admonishes us < to work 
 out our salvation with fear and trembling,' and St. Peter 
 says, ' if the righteous scarcely be saved, where shall the 
 ungodly and the sinner appear ?' Yea, so narrow is the 
 way that leadeth unto life, that God through the holy pro- 
 phets Amos and Zachariah, calls those who are saved, 
 
cxlviii. luther's letters to the pope and archbishop. 
 
 * brands plucked from the eternal burnings,' and Jesus 
 Christ himself in many places says, it is a very difficult 
 thing to be saved. Why then do the preachers of indul- 
 gences lull the people asleep, by preaching up false and ly- 
 ing fables of their own ? Christ himself has nowhere 
 commanded us to preach indulgences, but has enjoined 
 upon us everywhere to preach the gospel." 
 
 Thus the fearless and intrepid monk wrote to the highest 
 ecclesiastical dignitary of Germany. The common peo- 
 ple hailed Luther's Theses as indications of better days — 
 they inspired them with the hope that the tyranny of Rome 
 would not last forever. The people were heartily sick 
 and tired of the outrageous traffic in their own sins — all 
 they wanted was a champion who could embody their ar- 
 guments in writing, and who dared to oppose their cruel 
 and ghostly tax-masters ! This Luther did, and no man 
 that God ever created was better qualified for this work 
 than he — he had every qualification in human perfection. 
 Hence they were read with avidity everywhere, — all the 
 talk everywhere was about Luther and his Theses. He 
 has attacked the church say some — he must be a great man 
 say others — he will surely be burnt exclaims a pious 
 monk, who was well acquainted with the history of John 
 Huss. "That's right intrepid monk," exclaims the em- 
 peror Maximilian. "These Theses," says Frederick the 
 Wise, " are built upon the word of God, and cannot be over- 
 thrown — a great man that Luther, all true what Staupitz 
 says about him — I am glad he is at my beloved Univer- 
 sity — he will raise it to great fame." Thus every one had 
 
ERASMUS. CXLIX. 
 
 some remark to make. Cursed be the man who wrote 
 these heretical Theses, exclaims the Dominican — blessed 
 be the monk of Erfurt, says the Augustinian. 
 
 Erasmus who for near forty years had been the great 
 arbiter of every author's fate^-and whose opinion was con- 
 sidered the end of all argument, on all questions of literary 
 orthodoxy. This great scholar received Luther's Theses. 
 The very first sentence attracted his attention — he reads 
 on — and on to the end — he was highly pleased with the 
 truth. But, as he was exceedingly cautious, and withal 
 timorous and more far-sighted than most of his contempor- 
 aries, he was careful in making known his opinion about 
 them. Still in one of his letters, he says, that he believed 
 " that God had sent Luther to reform the Church." The 
 Elector of Saxony who was a particular friend of Erasmus 
 asked him directly what he thought of the controversy be- 
 tween Luther and the pope, Erasmus replied " that in his 
 opinion Luther was right, but it were to be wished he were 
 more mild in his manner." In one of his letters he says, 
 "the cause of Luther is invidious because he at once 
 attacks the bellies of the monks, and the diadem of the 
 pope." 
 
 In a letter addressed to cardinal Compegio in 1520, 
 Erasmus opens his mind freely concerning Luther, " he 
 possesses great natural talents, and has a genius particu- 
 larly adapted to the explanation of difficult points of liter- 
 ature, and for rekindling the sparks of genuine evangelical 
 doctrine," and adds, "all the most serious and moral are 
 pleased with his writings." These were the opinions of 
 
CL. ERASMUS. 
 
 Erasmus before his controversy with Luther, after that he 
 seems to have changed his opinions. Erasmus himself 
 had assisted in raising the storm by which he was after- 
 wards prostrated — he had himself written against the errors 
 and ignorance of the priests — he had awakened the atten- 
 tion of reflecting men to the enormous abuses of Rome. 
 But this matter fell into other hands, and we might say 
 into abler and more honest and pious hands. 
 
 Erasmus was not the man to encounter opposition, at 
 all events not the opposition of the great ones of the earth— 
 and yet such was the nature of this controversy that he 
 was obliged to take sides. He stood neutral for a long 
 time. 
 
 Tetzel encountered Luther— -but the attack was like that 
 of the ass upon the elephant — next came Dr. John Eck, 
 the most popular debater Rome could muster, he was older 
 than Luther, and had fought many a hard battle of words — 
 he came boldly to the charge — he did not know his man — 
 a few strokes of Luther's merciless and iron-eloquence, 
 laid the Doctor of Ingoldstadt low — then came the accom- 
 plished cardinal Cajetan — he came with mildness, and by 
 blandness intended to disarm the erring monk — but Luther 
 came with the hammer of God's word, and the Italian 
 monk was done. He returned to Rome and told his mas- 
 ter that the affair, which Leo X. had called a squabble be- 
 tween the monks, was a very important thing and must be 
 attended to immediately — next came Miltitz an accom- 
 plished German noblemen— Luther soon unhorsed the val- 
 iant knight — next came all the learned doctors Rome could 
 
ERASMUS URGED TO ATTACK LUTHER. CLI. 
 
 muster, to Worms, to confute Luther — he vanquished all. 
 There was one more great man ; Rome valued his learn- 
 ing and looked upon him as a prodigy, and he was a 
 prodigy, Rome must have his assistance, no man could 
 hitherto stand before him. Rome felt that Erasmus was 
 the only individual that could grapple with Luther. The 
 pope, cardinals, bishops, kings, princes, all, all united in 
 urging the "Great king of letters," to write against Luther. 
 Erasmus had read all Luther's writings, and he saw that 
 it would be no small undertaking to refute him — he knew 
 that his Latin was not the best, but he felt the truth of his 
 ideas. He hesitated a long time — he found at last that 
 Luther was rising so rapidly, that his own glory would 
 soon be eclipsed in the effulgence of Luther's. At length 
 it was reported that the mighty man of Rotterdam was to 
 write against Luther. The church of Rome shouted for 
 joy — victory must be the result. An eloquent writer says, 
 " Of all the champions of Rome, this was the only one 
 who could close in combat with the Augustinian monk, 
 with any prospect of escape from his muscular and pow- 
 erful arm. The pride of learning, popery, and despotism ; 
 armed by the superstitions and terrors of a deceived and 
 infuriated church ; cheered on by the plaudits and promises 
 of earth's greatest dignitaries, with the advantage of all his 
 unequalled fame and influence ; what had he to fear from 
 an anathematized and off-cast heretic, a man cursed of the 
 holy pontiff, the omnipotent vicar of Christ, and hateful to 
 the haughty representative of the Caesars ! Could Luther 
 have hoped for escape with such odds against him ? A 
 
CLII. JOHN TETZEL S ONE HUNDRED 
 
 lone monk, single handed, among whose friends were feeble 
 hearts and weaponless hands, to meet the giant of the times, 
 having the vantage ground and seconded by all the poten- 
 tates of Christendom ; what could have saved him from de- 
 feat and ruin ? But wi»h all this superiority Erasmus 
 hesitated ; his courage was insufficient. Luther had time 
 to fill all Germany with his popular literature, he gained 
 the hearts of the common people. And when at length 
 Erasmus advanced to the encounter, his blows fell on Lu 
 ther as the breeze smites against the mighty Alps ; and the 
 world resounded with laughter at his imbecility." The 
 attack was so contemptible that Luther did not think it 
 worth a reply, until urged by his friends — and when he 
 did reply, the world saw that Erasmus was a small man 
 compared with Luther. 
 
 We have thus briefly noticed Erasmus, we may perhaps 
 refer to him again. We have rather anticipated the thread 
 of our history. We will now return to the Theses of Lu- 
 ther. It is not to be expected that John Tetzel would let 
 the 95 Theses of Luther pass unnoticed. He did not. 
 He went to Frankfort, and Dr. Conrad Wimpina wrote for 
 him 106 Theses, which he put up and promised to defend, 
 and soon after he put up 50 more, making in all 156 The- 
 ses, containing about as many foolish, absurd, and blas- 
 phemous notions, as could well be compressed into that 
 number. We will give the reader a few of those absurd 
 propositions, in order to show, what were the doctrines of 
 the church of Rome in the sixteenth century. And be it 
 remembered by all Protestant readers, that the Romish 
 
AND FIFTY-SIX THESES. CLIII. 
 
 church believes now what she always did, and that John 
 Tetzel was actually made a Doctor of Divinity for having 
 defended these Theses : 
 
 " 46. He who says that the preachers of indulgences err 
 when they proclaim that men are pardoned by the pope's 
 indulgences, is in error 
 
 47. He who says that the pope cannot relieve the suf- 
 ferings of the souls in purgatory, is in error. 
 
 65. He who teaches that any christian who has repent- 
 ed truly and been sorry on account of his sins, can receive 
 complete and entire pardon, without indulgences, is in er 
 ror ! 
 
 75. He who gives to the poor and needy does well, but 
 he who buys indulgences does better. He who teaches 
 the contrary, is in error. 
 
 85. He who says, that those who expect to be saved 
 through indulgences are deceived and belied, even if the 
 pope should pledge the salvation of Iris own soul for their 
 efficacy, is a great errorist !" 
 
 This was the miserable stuff, that Dr. Wimpina and 
 Tetzel brought forward as argument against the powerful 
 reasoning of Luther ! No wonder the people laughed at 
 such champions. The Theses of Dr. Wimpina and Tet- 
 zel rather amused than alarmed Luther. "It seems to 
 me," says he, " at the sound of these invectives, that I 
 hear a great ass braying at me." This it is true may be 
 considered very severe. Luther was a man — he was a 
 wit — and as occasion required it he used his wit to some 
 purpose. 
 
CLIV. DISPUTE AT FRANKFORT. 1518. 
 
 On the 20th of January, 1518, the great disputation was 
 to take place at Frankfort, on the Oder. Tetzel and Wim- 
 pina had drumed up all the Dominican monks in the sur- 
 rounding country, upwards of 300 were present, besides 
 the professors and students of the University, and many 
 citizens. The first series of propositions referred to in- 
 dulgences ; the second to the power of the pope. The 
 following are some of the latter. 
 
 3. Christians must be taught that the pope, according to 
 the greatness of his power, is superior to the universal 
 church and the councils, and that all are bound to obey his 
 decrees. 
 
 4. Christians must be taught that the pope alone has the 
 power to determine the meaning of christian doctrines, 
 that he alone, and no other has the right to determine the 
 meaning of Scripture, and he alone has the power to con- 
 demn the works and words of others. 
 
 5. Christians are to be taught that in matters of faith, 
 and things pertaining to the salvation of the soul, he can- 
 not err. These and others of a like import, were the pro- 
 positions which Tetzel undertook to defend at Frankfort, 
 where he never dreamed of meeting with an opponent. In 
 this he was however mistaken. For John Knipstrow, a 
 student of Frankfort, had read Luther's Theses, and felt 
 and acknowledged their truth and power. He listened to 
 Tetzel's foolish remarks — and when the fat Dominican re- 
 peated again and again, let any man dare to oppose these 
 views — young Knipstrow arose and commenced replying— 
 Tetzel became alarmed — it was evident to all present that 
 
TETZEL BURNS LUTHER S THESES. CLV. 
 
 he had not written the Theses — for bad as they were, he 
 did not seem to understand them. Dr. Wimpina had to 
 take Tetzel's place. Even Dr. Wimpina with all his elo- 
 quence had his hands full— he was frequently cornered, 
 and to save himself and his friend Tetzel the disgrace of 
 an inglorious defeat, he as president of the disputation pro- 
 nounced the debate ended, and John Tetzel the victor, and 
 immediately conferred the degree of D. D. upon the un- 
 worthy and contemptible monk, as a reward for his won- 
 derful and glorious victory ! The poor young student 
 Knipstrow was afterwards rusticated for his offence in re- 
 plying as he did. He was banished to a convent in Po- 
 merania, but afterwards he preached the everlasting gospel 
 in that country, and did much good as a Lutheran preacher. 
 Tetzel had a fire kindled in the evening at Frankfort and 
 placed Luther's sermon and Theses upon it — exclaiming, 
 "The heretic Luther ought thus to be burned alive." 
 D'Aubigne says the second series of Tetzel's Theses 
 marks an important epoch in the history of the Reforma- 
 tion. They changed the ground of the dispute, transfer- 
 ring it from the indulgence market to the halls of the Vati- 
 can — and diverted the attack from Tetzel himself to the 
 pope. For the contemptible trafficer whom Luther had 
 assailed and held powerless in his grasp, they substituted 
 the sacred person of the head of the church. Thencefor- 
 ward the dispute had reference not merely to a discredited 
 traffic, but to Rome itself; and the blow, that a bold monk 
 had aimed against Tetzel's stall, smote and shook to its 
 foundations the throne of the pontifical king. And any 
 
CLVI. PRIERIAS WRITES AGAINST LUTHER. 
 
 man of discernment can see that Luther even up to this 
 time had the highest veneration and respect for the pope 
 and the church over which he presided. When he attacked 
 indulgences, he of course expected the pope and the great 
 doctors of the church to stand by him. Tetzel and Wim- 
 pina compelled him to attack the pope's pretended author- 
 ity, sooner than he would otherwise have done. No doubt 
 in due time Luther would have attacked the pretended 
 authority of the pope, for the Reformation had its origin 
 in the regenerated soul of the Saxon doctor. The new 
 spiritual life of Luther, with his transcendent talents and 
 invincible courage, must have impelled him sooner or later 
 to attack the whole corrupted fabric of the papal church. 
 Leo X. who was more intent upon some fine painting or 
 some exhumed statue, had formerly said, "it is only a 
 squabble among the monks, the best way is to take no no- 
 tice of it," and at another time, "it is a drunken German 
 that has written these Theses, when he is sober he will 
 talk very differently." The pope however now began to 
 think differently — he found no more remittances coming 
 from Germany—- he became alarmed. Sylvester Prierias, 
 master of the pontifical palace, undertook, no doubt at the 
 suggestion of the pope, to reply to Luther. This man 
 published a work in reply to Luther, which he dedicated 
 to pope Leo the X. In this work he speaks in a proud 
 and haughty manner, he did not yet know the man he was 
 attacking — he did not then know he was writing against 
 the most powerful human being God had ever created — a 
 man that had more talents than the whole papal court com- 
 
LUTHER S REPLY TO PRIERIAS. CLVII. 
 
 bined— -and more knowledge than a general council. " I 
 should like to know," says Prierias, " who this German 
 monk is." " I would like to know," says he in contempt, 
 " whether this Martin Luther has indeed an iron snout and 
 a head of brass that cannot be broken?" The work of 
 Prierias was in the form of a dialogue — Prierias was one 
 speaker and Luther the other. The language of the Ro- 
 man courtier is not so refined as we might suppose, " It is 
 the nature of dogs to bite, I should fear thou hast a dog for 
 thy father." This language is more uncouth and scurril- 
 ous than any used by Luther himself. Here is a Roman 
 Catholic sentiment, that ought to be written upon the hearts 
 of all Protestants, especially those milk and water Protest- 
 ants who are always making apologies for Romanists — it 
 is the language of the pope, uttered by his mouth-piece 
 Prierias, " The Roman church the supremacy of whose 
 power i spiritual and temporal, is vested in the pope, can 
 restrain by the secular arm, those who having first re- 
 ceived the faith, afterwards depart from it. The church 
 is under no obligation to employ argument to combat and 
 overcome rebels" These are still the opinions of the pa- 
 pal church. But, thank God, Luther has taught the world 
 a different doctrine ! 
 
 The attack of Prierias was the first that had any show 
 of argument—he gave utterance to many sound truths, 
 mixt however with much error. Luther did not answer 
 him immediately, at first he thought it was the production 
 of Ulrich von Hutten, a celebrated wit of that age, in this 
 however he was mistaken At length he replied — his re- 
 
CLVIII. 
 
 ply was based first on the Scriptures ; secondly, on the 
 church fathers ; he showed clearly that the views of Pri- 
 erias were not in accordance with the Bible or the fathers. 
 Prierias sees and feels his littleness by the side of Lu- 
 ther — Luther was aroused and deeply excited at the so- 
 phistry of the pope's right hand man — he therefore made 
 bare his powerful arm, and with one blow dashed the 
 Italian monk to the earth ! When Luther's reply reached 
 Rome, Prierias no doubt formed a different opinion of the 
 German monk who had a dog for his father — he found out 
 too, that although he had no iron nose, yet his arm was 
 made of steel ! The war was now fairly opened. Luther 
 had his hands full, he had no sooner shaken off one enemy 
 before two or three others were upon him. The Dominican 
 monks every where fulminated against him— he is not fit 
 to live— he ought to be burned — this has always been the 
 argument of ignorance. When bigots cannot refute they 
 must persecute. 
 
 The next that attacked Luther, was Jacob Hochstraten, 
 the Inquisitor General of Cologne. A man who had ac- 
 quired some notoriety by his controversies with the learned 
 and amiable Reuchlin. This man was at the head of the 
 Dominicans, as Staupitz was chief of the Augustinians. 
 Hochstraten spoke very hard against Luther, he echoed the 
 sentiments of the Dominican order, " It is, (said he in the 
 true spirit of an incarnate fiend,) high treason against the 
 church, to suffer such a heretic to live, away with him to 
 the scaffold." Luther soon replied to this popish monster. 
 Luther's reply is dated July 13th, 1518. "God," says 
 
HOCHSTRATEN— MEETING AT HEIDELBERG. CLIX. 
 
 Luther, "has raised up another enemy — but it is only rais- 
 ing up a new enemy out of an old one, viz : he whom I 
 shall by permission call Jacob Hochstraten, the Inquisitor 
 General, who is rightly called the chief of heretics. Who 
 is a heretic, if thou Jacob Hochstraten art not one ? You 
 can, it is true, make a correct proposition, but your con- 
 clusions are always heretical ! Your dialectics are truly 
 wonderful ! Why you make out the church itself hereti- 
 cal ! The sun has never shone upon a more flagrant and 
 shameful heretic than yourself! Therefore do thou, O ! 
 Leo X., thou merciful shepherd and father, send some other 
 heretic catcher after the master of heretics, for if you don't 
 take care he will convert you and your whole church into 
 heretics." 
 
 The full force of this sarcasm will appear when we re- 
 member that the whole weight of Hochstraten' s argument 
 was, that Luther was a heretic and that he ought not to live. 
 Hochstraten never replied to Luther's bitter and cutting sar- 
 casm. 
 
 We shall now follow Luther to the meeting of the Au- 
 gu simians at Heidelberg. Luther set out on foot in com- 
 pany with Urban, who was employed as a servant and 
 guide. He was most affectionately recommended by the 
 elector of Saxony to the count Palatine, Wolfgang, duke of 
 Bavaria, and to the pious bishop of Wurtzburg. Luther 
 was warmly received — and he was happy in the company 
 of his friends. Staupitz was there, and Lange his old 
 preceptor from Erfurt, and a number of other friends. The 
 University of Heidelberg was famous at that day, and ex- 
 
CLX. LUTHER DISPUTES AT HEIDELBERG. 
 
 erted a wide spread and commanding influence over a great 
 part of Germany and France. Luther of course was the 
 great lion of the day — every body was anxious to see and 
 hear the man that had written the ninety -five famous The- 
 ses. There was to be public debating — Luther must be 
 the champion on the part of the Augustinians. Luther 
 put up some Theses, which he called paradoxes, and chal- 
 lenged any or all the professors of Heidelberg to dispute 
 with him. The following are some of his Theses: 
 
 1. The law of God is a salutary rule of life, and yet it 
 cannot keep man in the obtaining of righteousness, but on 
 the contrary impedes him. 
 
 3. Works of men, let them be as fair and good as they 
 may, are yet evidently nothing but mortal sins. 
 
 4. Y/orks that are of God, however unsightly and evil 
 in appearance, have yet an endless efficacy. 
 
 9. To say that works done out of Christ are truly dead 
 works, but not mortal sins, is a dangerous forgetfulness of 
 the fear of God. 
 
 There were a number of others, but these few are suf- 
 ficient to show what he had in view. He had nothing to 
 fear from the professors at Heidelberg, he knew that they 
 were yet under the influence of Aristotle and the School- 
 men. Five doctors undertook to dispute with him. These 
 men had often debated before, but such a powerful man 
 they had never expected to meet. Luther in his answers 
 to their questions, and in replying to their arguments, at- 
 tacked their authors, and clearly showed the combatants 
 that the very authorities they cited knew nothing. It is 
 
LUTHER SENDS HIS THESES TO THE POPE. CLXI. 
 
 said that Luther was unusually mild and playful on this 
 occasion. This was no doubt owing to the courteous and 
 gentlemanly deportment of the other disputants. Four of 
 the doctors retreated as soon as they could with honor. 
 But the fifth, Dr. Niger, hung on and still kept up some 
 show of opposition until at last he was fairly run out of 
 arguments. Luther then made some more bold and start- 
 ling propositions — the young doctor did not know what to 
 say — at last he exclaimed, " If our peasantry heard such 
 things, they would stone you to death," upon which the 
 whole audience burst out into a roar of laughter. Thus 
 ended the controversy at Heidelberg, but not its effects. 
 Luther acquired great honor at this place and did much 
 good. Those interesting young men who listened to Lu- 
 ther's arguments, were led to the knowledge of the truth, 
 viz : Martin Bucer, John Brentz and Ehrhard Snepf. 
 These three young men became powerful coadjutors in the 
 glorious Reformation — they all became professors and au- 
 thors of no mean celebrity. But besides these, many 
 others became impressed with the importance of eternal 
 things. When Luther was ready to return, the count Pal- 
 atine gave him a very nattering letter to the elector of Sax- 
 ony, in which he says, " the skill which Luther exhibited 
 in disputing here, does your Wittenberg University great 
 honor, and he is highly esteemed here by many persons." 
 Luther was much benefited by his journey to Heidel- 
 berg, and encouraged in his work. Soon after his return 
 to Wittenberg, he sent a letter together with his ninety-five 
 Theses, to the pope. It may be proper to observe here 
 
CLXII. LUTHER S LETTERS TO THE POPE. 
 
 that Luther's Theses had not only been grossly misrepre- 
 sented, but (perhaps) honestly misunderstood, he there- 
 fore felt in duty bound to explain them more fully. His 
 explanations he called solutions. In these explanations he 
 is very moderate, yet firm and decided. No doubt his 
 friends Staupitz, Lange and Dr. Judocus, with whom he 
 had spent some time at Heidelberg, urged this upon him. 
 He wrote a letter, therefore, to John Staupitz, the Vicar- 
 General of the Augustinians, and requested him to send it 
 to the pope. He wrote a letter also to the Bishop of 
 Brandenburg, but did not, as D'Aubigne says, forward his 
 letter to the pope through that prelate, but through Stau- 
 pitz, as the original letters will show, which are printed in 
 Luther's Tomes, and are now before me. To Staupitz 
 he says, " I hope, therefore, your reverence will receive 
 my simple writings, and forward them to our pious pope, 
 Leo X., in any way that may be convenient for you, that 
 they may be pleaders and intercessors for me, against the 
 invidious flatterers who are blowing strange things into his 
 ears." 
 
 Luther's letter to the pope is a noble specimen of writ- 
 ing, for fearless, bold and independent thought, it is unsur- 
 passed, among human compositions it has no equal. Lu- 
 ther wrote two letters to the pope, the first on the 22d of 
 May, 1518, and the other on Trinity Sunday, being a week 
 later, as he says, " my writings to Staupitz," perhaps he 
 sent them both together. We will give extracts from 
 both. 
 
luther's letters to the pope. clxiii. 
 
 "Most worthy father in God. — It is now sometime 
 since a new and unheard of doctrine concerning the apos- 
 tolic indulgences began to be preached in these parts ; the 
 learned and ignorant were troubled by it, and many per- 
 sons requested me to give my opinion from the pulpit or 
 in writing about this novelty. At first I kept myself si- 
 lent and neutral, but at last, things came to such a pass, 
 that the pope's holiness was compromised. What could I 
 do ? I thought it my duty neither to approve nor condemn 
 these doctrines, but to open a discussion on this important 
 subject, till such time as the holy church should pronounce 
 upon it. 
 
 " No one presenting himself for a discussion, and my 
 Theses being considered not as matter of debate, but as 
 propositions dogmatically asserted, I find myself obliged 
 to put forth an explanation of them. Deign, therefore, to 
 accept these offerings that I present to you, most clement 
 Bishop. And that all may see that I am not acting pre- 
 sumptuously, I entreat your Holiness to take pen and ink 
 and blot out, or throw into the fire, whatever may dis- 
 please you. I know that Christ needs none of my labors 
 or services, and that he can easily, without my instrumen- 
 tality, make known the good tidings in his church. Not 
 that the denunciations and threats of my enemies alarm 
 me ; quite the contrary. If they were not so wanting in 
 prudence, and lost to shame, no one should hear or know 
 anything about me. I would immure myself in a corner, 
 and there study alone for my own profit. If this matter 
 
CLXIV. LETTER TO THE POPE. 
 
 is not of God, it will not certainly be to my honor, nor to 
 the honor of any man, but will come to naught." 
 
 The second letter, dated May 30th, 1518, runs thus : 
 " I hear, most holy father, that evil reports are circulated 
 concerning me, and that my name is in bad odour with 
 your holiness and your household. The report is that I 
 have attempted to lessen the power of the keys, and the 
 authority of the supreme bishop. I am called heretic, a 
 schismatic, an apostate, and all manner of hard names, yes 
 and I am condemned as an impudent fellow and eve-n a 
 blasphemer. I am obliged to see what astonishes, and 
 hear what alarms me. But I have one great comfort, my 
 conscience does not condemn me, and this is the rock of 
 my joy. But I will pass on to the thing itself, and I hope 
 your holiness will hear me, who am so unskilful in these 
 things, yea, I am but a child, and need instruction. With- 
 in these few days past, commenced the preaching of the 
 apostolical indulgence, or jubilee, and this thing has come 
 to such a pass, that the preachers of indulgences think 
 that they can say what they please under the protection 
 of your holiness' name, (with which they alarm and 
 terrify the people,) and they have got so far that they 
 teach all manner of foolish things, and even ungod- 
 ly, blasphemous and heretical lies, by which they 
 bring shame and contempt upon the spiritual govern- 
 ment. * * * 
 
 And they are not satisfied to speak without shame and 
 pour out their poison, but have published and circulated 
 among the people a little book, in which they establish and 
 
LETTER TO THE POPE. CLXV. 
 
 confirm their heretical and profane lies. And they try to 
 make it the duty of the confessors, by an oath to teach the 
 same things. While every letter of their book stinks of 
 their avarice and selfishness, I will not hold my peace. I 
 speak the truth, and not one of them can defend himself, 
 or can deny my statements, for their book is at hand, but 
 they still go on as the prophet Micah says, chap. iii. 'And 
 I said, hear I pray you, O ! heads of Jacob, and ye princes 
 of the house of Israel : is it not for you to know judg- 
 ment ? Who hate the good and lose the evil, who pluck 
 otf their skin from off them, and their flesh from off their 
 bones. Who also eat the flesh of my people, and flay 
 their skin from off them, and they break their bones, and 
 chop them in pieces. Thus saith the Lord unto the proph- 
 ets, that make my people err, that bite with their teeth, and 
 cry peace. Hear this ye heads of the house of Jacob.' " 
 
 This severe and cutting reproof Luther applied to the 
 heads of the church ! It must have fallen like a clap of 
 thunder upon the pope's ears ! 
 
 He then proceeds, " Nothing is heard in all the taverns 
 but complaints of the avarice of the priests, attacks on the 
 power of the keys. I call all Germany to witness. When 
 I heard these things, my zeal was aroused for the glory of 
 Christ — if I understand my own heart, my young ana 
 warm blood was inflamed. I represented the matter to 
 certain princes of the church, but some laughed at me and 
 others turned a deaf ear. The terror of your name makes 
 all powerless. Thereupon I published this dispute. This 
 then holy father is the action that has been said to set the 
 
CLXVI. LETTER TO THE POPE. 
 
 whole world in a flame. And now what am I to do ? I 
 cannot retract what I have said, and yet I see that this pub- 
 lication draws down upon me on all sides an inexpressible 
 hatred. I have no wish to appear in the great world — for 
 I am unlearned and have but little genius or talents, and 
 am far too inconsiderable for such great matters, more es- 
 pecially in this illustrious age, when Cicero himself, if he 
 were living would be constrained to hide himself in some 
 dark corner. But in order to appease my enemies and 
 satisfy my friends, I here publish my thoughts. I publish 
 them, holy father, that I may dwell the more safely under 
 your protection. All those who desire it may here see, 
 with what simplicity of heart I have petitioned the supreme 
 authority of the church to instruct me, and what respect I 
 have manifested for the power of the keys. If I had not 
 acted with propriety, it would have been impossible that 
 the serene lord Frederick, duke and elector of Saxony 
 who shines foremost among the friends of the apostolic and 
 christian truth, should have endured, that one so dangerous 
 as I am said to be, should continue in his University of 
 Wittenberg. Therefore most holy father, I throw myself 
 at the feet of your holiness and submit myself to you, with 
 all that I have and all that I am. Destroy my cause, or 
 espouse it ; pronounce either for or against me. Take my 
 life or restore it, as you please ; I will receive your voice 
 as that of Christ himself, who presides in and speaks 
 through you. If I have deserved death, I refuse not to die. 
 
 The earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof. May he 
 
 be praised forever and ever. Amen," 
 
EFFORTS OF ROME TO INJURE LUTHER. CLXVII. 
 
 Thus spoke Luther to the pope, in 1518, but afterwards, 
 when he found out that the pope was as bad as the other 
 prelates, he spoke differently. Look at his language to 
 the pope when explaining the Theses : 
 
 " I care little what pleases or displeases the pope. He 
 is a man like other men. There have been many popes 
 who have not only taken up with errors and vices, but 
 things yet more extraordinary. I listen to the pope as 
 pope, that is, when he speaks in the canons, or regulates 
 any matter conjointly with a council, but not when he 
 speaks his own mind." And again, " The pope holds a 
 rod of iron, and thus offers himself to the view of chris- 
 tians, not as a tender father, but as an awful tyrant." 
 Such language had never before been used in reference to 
 the supreme pontiff! 
 
 The letter accompanied by the Theses, and these severe 
 remarks, was dated Trinity Sunday, 1518. 
 
 But Rome had already marked Luther for her victim. 
 The first thing the pope did, was an attempt to deprive 
 Luther of the protection of his friend and patron, the 
 Elector of Saxony. In April, 1518, the Cardinal Raphael 
 de Rovera, wrote a letter to the Elector, in the name of 
 pope. This letter I have not been able to find, but I take 
 it for granted, that such a letter was written, from the Elec- 
 tor's reply which is now before me. The Elector ac- 
 knowledges the receipt of Cardinal Rovera's letter, written 
 April 3d, 1518, and received July 7th, of the same year. 
 The Elector says, in reply to the pope, " that he would 
 never do anything that would in any way injure the holy 
 
CLXV1II. EFFORTS OF ROME TO INJURE LUTHER. 
 
 universal church." But at the same time he says, " 1 
 never did, nor do I now, find myself able to refute Dr. 
 Luther's sermons or writings." Luther had some intima- 
 tion of the contents of this letter, for on the 15th of April, 
 he preached a sermon at Wittenberg. In this sermon he 
 referred to the threatened excommunication of the pope. 
 " No one," says he, " can reconcile the fallen soul to God, 
 but the Lord. No one can separate a man from commu- 
 nion with God, but man himself, and that by his own sins. 
 Blessed is that man who dies under an unjust sentence of 
 excommunication. Whilst, for righteousness' sake, he 
 suffers a cruel judgment from men, he receives from God 
 the crown of everlasting happiness." D'Aubigne says, 
 " Some loudly commended this bold language, others were 
 yet more enraged by it. But Luther did not stand alone ; 
 and though his faith needed no other support than that of 
 God himself, he had called up on all sides a power that 
 protected him from his enemies. The voice of this man 
 had been heard by the whole German nation. From his 
 sermons and writings issued beams of light, which awa- 
 kened and illuminated his cotemporaries. The energy of 
 his faith rushed like streams of fire upon the frozen hearts 
 of men. The life which God had given to this extraordi- 
 nary man, was imparted to the dead body of the church." 
 Luther was now the man of his age, every eye was di- 
 rected towards Wittenberg. Every sermon he preached 
 electrified the nation. The human mind was stirred to its 
 inmost core. The old and time honored ceremonies and 
 errors of the church, were rapidly falling away. Rome 
 
LUTHER SUMMONED TO APPEAR AT ROME. CLXIX. 
 
 had already taken the alarm. The Emperor of the Ro- 
 man empire, Maximilian, was then holding a diet at Augs- 
 burg. The Sultan Selim, the Turkish Emperor, after be- 
 ing successful in his wars in Egypt, Syria and Armenia, it 
 was feared might invade Germany and Hungary. This 
 was one object for which the convention or diet was called ; 
 another was this, the emperor was old and infirm, and he 
 wished to have his grandson, Charles, king of Spain and 
 Naples, installed Emperor of the Roman empire, Fred- 
 erick, of Saxony, was opposed to the election of Charles 
 to this high station. While the emperor and princes were 
 at Augsburg, Luther would of course be the object of 
 many remarks, some in his favor, others against him. 
 Maximilian, in order to win the pope over to his side, 
 wrote a letter to his holiness, urging him to put an end to 
 the disputes which had excited all Germany, and declaring 
 his willingness to carry any measure the pope might pro- 
 pose, into prompt execution. The complaints of Luther's 
 enemies, and the emperor's letter, seemed to have roused 
 the attention of the pope. He found that Luther was no 
 drunken German monk, and that the thing could no longer 
 be tolerated. The Roman Catholic church had never had 
 any difficulty in extirpating her enemies, and of course 
 none was now to be apprehended. Luther was to be 
 treated, as all others who had dared to think for themselves 
 had been, he was not to be reasoned with, but punished. 
 On the 7th of August, 1518, Luther received a summons 
 to appear at Rome. This summons seemed to trouble 
 
 every other person at Wittenberg more than Luther him- 
 8 
 
CLXX. POPE'S INSTRUCTIONS TO LUTHER S BISHOP. 
 
 self. He seemed calm and tranquil amid the raging ston* 
 " God is God," was his motto. All he wanted was to have 
 his case tried in Germany. To Rome his friends would 
 not permit him to go, for they all remembered the fate of 
 John Huss. Spalatin, the elector, and the University, all 
 remonstrated with the pope against Luther's going to Rome. 
 They had no objections to his being tried in Germany before 
 any tribunal, but they did not want him to go to Rome. 
 The letters of Spalatin and the members of the University 
 are now before me, but as we have so many other things 
 to present, we will pass them by. These letters show how 
 high Luther stood in Germany. Cardinal Cajetan was 
 still in Germany trying to excite a war against the Turks, 
 and he no doubt requested to have the settlement of this 
 little difficulty committed to his hands. On the 23d of 
 August, the pope commissioned his legate Cajetan to set- 
 tle the difficulty with Luther. 
 
 This letter we will translate in order to show our read- 
 ers the merciful spirit of popery. " As it has come to our 
 ears that a certain fellow by the name of Martin Luther, a 
 monk of the Order of St. Augustine, has taught some er- 
 rors contrary and injurious to the holy Catholic church ; 
 and as he has published some infamous and scandalous 
 books — and as he is stubborn and disobedient, and will not 
 hear the holy Roman church, which is the mistress of the 
 faith — and as we wished to punish his stupidity and wick- 
 edness in a fatherly manner, we requested our dear brother 
 Jerome, bishop of Asculan, that he would cause the afore- 
 said Martin Luther to appear before him and be examined 
 
pope's instructions to luther's bishop, clxxi. 
 
 on the articles in question, and punish him accordingly. 
 But we have recently been informed that the said Martin 
 Luther has abused our kindness and compassion, and has 
 become more stupid, and that he has become more stub- 
 born and haughty in his evil ways and heresies, and that 
 he has published other errors which have not a little 
 alarmed our mind. Therefore by virtue of our episcopal 
 office, in order to meet these heresies, and prevent the poi- 
 son from spreading — we authorize you by these presence, 
 as soon as you receive this writing without delay to force 
 and compel the said Luther, who has already been declared 
 a heretic by Jerome, bishop of Asculan, to appear before 
 you. And to accomplish this you will call in the aid of 
 our dear son Maximilian, the emperor, and all the poten- 
 tates of Germany, and when you have taken him and got 
 him into your power, you will secure him well until you 
 hear further from us — that he may appear before us, and 
 the Apostolic See. But if he comes before you in a state 
 of penitence and acknowledges his errors, and asks pardon 
 for his wickedness, we authorize you to receive him to the 
 bosom of the church which never closes her arms to any 
 who will return. But if he should persist in his stubborn- 
 ness and resist the civil power, and you should not be able 
 to get possession of his person, we give you power to pro- 
 scribe him in all places in Germany. We give you power 
 to curse him and all his followers, and publicly to excom- 
 municate him — and to call upon all christians to consider 
 him cursed and excommunicated. And in order the more 
 speedily to extirpate this poison, you will excommunicate 
 
CLXXII. THE POPES INTERDICT. 
 
 all the prelates, religionists, orders, universities, communi- 
 ties, counts, dukes and princes, (the emperor Maximilian 
 excepted,) who shall neglect or refuse to seize the said 
 Martin Luther, and his followers, and send them to you 
 under proper custody. But should (which may God for- 
 bid) the above mentioned princes, &c, shelter the said 
 Martin Luther and his followers, or give them publicly or 
 privately, directly or indirectly, aid or advice, we lay an 
 interdict on those princes, &c, with their town boroughs, 
 countries and villages, where the said Martin Luther shall 
 take refuge, as long as he shall remain there, and three 
 days afterwards. As to the laity, if they do not obey your 
 orders, without any delay or hesitation, we declare them 
 reprobate, unable to perform any lawful act — they shall be 
 denied christian burial, and deprived of all feoffs which 
 they may hold either from the Apostolic See, or from any 
 lord whatever.' ' 
 
 This tremendous bull, six months prior to this time, 
 would have thrown all Germany into convulsions ; it would 
 have been considered the greatest calamity that could have 
 fallen upon a poor superstitious and pope-ridden land — but 
 now it fell harmless at the feet of an humble priest at Wit- 
 tenberg. Such had been the change in the public mind in 
 less than one year ! Thus Rome had made bare her strong 
 arm, that arm against which no earthly power had been 
 able to stand for centuries. Luther was to be crushed at 
 once. But the humble monk of Erfurt was protected by 
 an arm stronger than Rome — God was with him, and all 
 the power and ingenuity of Rome could not crush him 
 
MELANCTHON COMPARED WITH LUTHER. CLXXIII. 
 
 The position of Luther at this time is more sublime than 
 that occupied by any other man that ever lived ! It was 
 at this juncture of time that Luther and Melancthon be- 
 came acquainted with each other. This circumstance had 
 a powerful influence upon the Reformation. Melancthon 
 arrived at Wittenberg on the 25th of August, 1518. Luther 
 was at first disappointed when he saw Melancthon, but he 
 soon changed his mind, and ever after looked upon him as 
 the greatest man living. And Melancthon loved Luther 
 with a brother's devotion. In Luther he saw a moral 
 power, and a grasp of intellect that he had never before 
 seen; he says, "if there be any one that I love and em- 
 brace with my whole heart, it is Martin Luther." Such 
 were the feelings of the two greatest men of the sixteenth 
 century. They were both men of extraordinary piety and 
 talents, and although their talents were widely different, 
 they labored together in harmony. Some are under the 
 impression that Melancthon had greater talents and more 
 learning than Luther. But this is not the case, this im- 
 pression has perhaps been made by the Roman Catholics 
 after the Diet at Augsburg in 1530. Melanchton on that 
 occasion seemed more willing than Luther to be reconciled 
 to the Roman church, and this raised him in their estima- 
 tion. The Reformation never would have been brought 
 about without Luther, all other men were only secondary 
 agents in that great work. Luther was the starter of the 
 project, and the ruling spirit as long as he lived, all eyes 
 were directed to him, and when he died there was none to 
 take his place. Luther as we have already seen was bold. 
 
CLXXIV. CAJETAN AND LUTHER. 
 
 daring, impetuous, and energetic. Melancthon was the 
 reverse, fearful, timorous and gentle, almost to a fault. 
 " Luther communicated vigor to Melancthon, Melancthon 
 moderated Luther." They were like the positive and ne- 
 gative agents in electricity, by whose reciprocal action an 
 equilibrium is maintained. If Melancthon had not been 
 at Luther's side, the torrent might have overflowed its 
 banks ; when Luther was not by, Melancthon faltered and 
 gave way even when he ought not. Both were upright, 
 open-hearted and generous ; both full of love for the word 
 of eternal life, and both proclaimed it with a fidelity and 
 devotion, which governed their whole lives. It would be 
 interesting no doubt to the reader to have, in this connexion, 
 a short account of Melancthon, but our limits will not ad • 
 mit a digression. We esteem him a very great man, but 
 inferior to Luther. But to proceed ; early in the fall of 
 1518, Luther received the summons from cardinal Cajetan 
 to appear before him at Augsburg. Luther's friends all 
 became alarmed and tried to prevent his going thither. 
 But as it was the wish of his protector Frederick, duke 
 of Saxony, he felt it his duty to go, let the result be what 
 it might. He feared no man on earth. Cardinal Cajetan 
 was a man in high repute for learning and piety, but he 
 was the Vicar-General of the Dominicans, and was there- 
 fore not the man to settle this difficulty. For the Domini- 
 cans were all opposed to Luther. Luther says afterwards 
 in 1520, in a letter to the pope, "With a single word the 
 difficulty might have been settled at Augsburg, as I had 
 then promised to be silent, if silence were imposed upon 
 
CAJETAN AND LUTHER. CLXXV. 
 
 my enemies, (i. e. the Dominicans,) but this ambitious man 
 was not satisfied with this." The cardinal who was an 
 Italian, had 'such high notions of the pope, that he thought 
 Luther would soon submit, but in this he was mistaken — 
 he thought too that the Germans were a set of ignorant 
 and stupid fellows, but before he was done with Luther he 
 found out his error. He himself was reputed the most 
 learned man at Rome, but he found himself a very small 
 man by the side of Luther. The conference between Ca- 
 jetan and Luther is fully given by D'Aubigne, we will 
 therefore not enter so fully into it. 
 
 Luther started on foot for Augsburg, on the 28th of Sep- 
 tember he reached Weimar, this was the city where the 
 elector of Saxony held his court. Luther spent the Sab- 
 bath here and preached a sermon from Matt, xviii. 1 — 11. 
 Luther then started on foot for Nuremberg, where he bor- 
 rowed a monk's frock from his friend Wenceslaus Link, 
 his own being rather shabby. Two men from Nuremberg, 
 Link and Leonard, an Augustinian monk, accompanied 
 Vither; when about fifteen miles from Augsburg, Luther 
 got very sick, his friends became much alarmed and hired 
 a carriage to take him on. Luther reached Augsburg on 
 the 7th of October. On the 8th, Urban de Serra Longa, 
 one of Cajetan's courtiers, came to sound Luther— but he 
 found that nothing would be done. Luther as yet had no 
 safe conduct, his friends Peutinger, Langemantel Adelmann 
 and Dr. Auerbach, Counsellors at Law, insisted upon his 
 demanding a safe conduct. As the emperor Maximilian 
 was yet in the neighborhood of Augsburg, a safe conduct 
 
CLXXVI. CAJETAN AND LUTHER. 
 
 was obtained, no doubt by the request of Cajetan himself 
 as he then had no doubt at all of bringing Luther to sub- 
 mission very soon. 
 
 On one occasion, Urban de Longa said to Luther, "you 
 imagine no doubt that the elector will take up arms in your 
 favor." " Not at all," says Luther. Then says Urban, 
 " when all forsake you where will you take refuge?" Lu- 
 ther made a Spartan, yea more than a Spartan reply, 
 " Vel sub coelo vel in coelo," (either under heaven, or in 
 heaven.) The poor Italian hypocrite was amazed at such 
 a reply, he was not able to enter into the sublime thoughts 
 of the noble Saxon. On Tuesday the 11th of October, 
 Luther made his appearance before the haughty legate of 
 the pope, who was by virtue of his office then the pope's 
 representative, and the same honor was to be paid to him 
 which belonged to the Roman pontiff himself. He entered 
 the cardinal's palace without fear, he was not the man who 
 was afraid of flesh and blood. The amount of the first 
 meeting was, that the cardinal and Luther disputed about 
 certain points — the cardinal wanted Luther to retract, and 
 Luther declared he would not unless he was convinced 
 from the word of God that he was in error. They met 
 again and again, and before the conferences were over the 
 cardinal found that such another man as Luther he had 
 never met. Luther frequently confounded him, and raised 
 the laugh against his eminence. On this occasion, Luther 
 showed much of his learning and invincible courage. Lu- 
 ther at last got permission to present his views in writing, 
 this he did, but the legate wanted him to recant not to ar- 
 
LUTHER APPEALS TO THE POPE BETTER INFORMED. CLXXVII. 
 
 gue the point. When the legate found he could not influ- 
 ence Luther to recant by threatenings or promises, he dis- 
 missed him with the harsh command that he should never 
 appear before him again until he was willing to recant. 
 Thus ended Luther's first contest with the pope. But the 
 effects of this conference were tremendous, all Germany 
 felt interested in the fate of Luther, all looked for his death, 
 but he had thus far triumphed as to return to Wittenberg. 
 The pope for once was baffled, there was now some hope 
 for human liberty ! This occurrence helped on the Refor- 
 mation very much. 
 
 On the 20th of October, Luther left Augsburg early in 
 the morning, but before he left, he appealed from the pope 
 ill informed, to the pope better informed. He had met the 
 powers of Rome and vanquished them, and his departure 
 assured the cardinal that he would not hold his peace un- 
 til he had shaken the very pillars of the papal throne ! 
 The conference between Luther and Cajetan, gives us a 
 splendid exhibition of the Reformer's talents, and fearless 
 intrepidity. At one time, when the crafty Italian could 
 not maintain his position by argument, he attempted to in- 
 timidate the noble Saxon by his loud and boisterous volu- 
 bility, he raved and stormed for half an hour in the most 
 boisterous manner, so that Luther could not get in a word. 
 Luther saw through the whole trick, and the next time he 
 appeared before the legate, he was determined to pay him 
 in his own coin. The conference had scarcely com- 
 menced when the legate attempted the same game ; but 
 Luther raised his tremendous voice, and paying no atten- 
 8* 
 
I ^XXVIII. LUTHER APPEALS TO THE POPE BETTER INFORMED. 
 
 Hon to anything the legate said, poured such a torrent of 
 words forth, that the haughty Italian was glad to give up 
 that mode of argument ! No wonder Cajetan replied to 
 Link, when he requested the cardinal to renew the con- 
 troversy with Luther, " Ego nolo amplius cum hac bestia 
 loqui, habet enim profundos oculos et mirabiles specula- 
 tions in capite suo." (I do not wish to speak any more 
 with this wild beast, for he has penetrating eyes, and strange 
 thoughts flit across his brains.) Luther, as we stated above, 
 left Augsburg early in the morning of the 20th of Octo- 
 ber. After a fatiguing journey of eleven days, he reached 
 Wittenberg on the 31st of October, just one year after he 
 took the first step in the great work of the Reformation. 
 The joy of the citizens, professors and students at Wit- 
 tenberg, was unbounded. When Luther first went to Wit- 
 tenberg, in 1508, the University contained less than an 
 hundred students, in 1516 it had increased to two hun- 
 dred, but in 1518 the number was nearly eight hundred. 
 This shows the unbounded popularity of Luther; he was 
 indeed the great man of his age ! 
 
 Cajetan, as may well be supposed, was mortified when 
 he found that his plans were frustrated. He immediately 
 wrote to the Elector of Saxony, urging him to send Lu- 
 ther at once to Rome, or to drive him from his dominions. 
 This letter was sent to the Reformer by Frederick, and it 
 induced Luther to send a correct statement of the whole 
 conference at Augsburg. This was a masterly statement, 
 and it made a deep and favorable impression upon the 
 Elector's mind, so much so, that he became more warmly 
 
LUTHER DETERMINES TO LEAVE WITTENBERG. CLXXIX. 
 
 attached to Luther than ever. He immediately wrote to 
 the pope, and informed his holiness that it could not be ex- 
 pected that a man like Luther should retract his opinions, 
 unless he was in error, and that if he was wrong, surely 
 there was learning enough at Rome to refute his errors ; 
 and stated very positively that under existing circum* 
 stances he could not expel him from his dominions, 01 
 send him to Rome. The Lord influenced the heart of this 
 great prince to protect Luther, just at the time he needed 
 his assistance. Luther had now a little leisure to review 
 his conduct during the past year, and to contemplate calm- 
 ly his true position and prospects ! Everything seemed 
 dark and gloomy, and a heart less brave and stout than 
 his would have sunk under such appalling circumstances. 
 But he never shrank from duty, he felt that he must de- 
 fend the truth as it is in Jesus, come what will. Still he 
 saw that at Wittenberg he could not remain, he knew that 
 his remaining at Wittenberg would endanger the peace of 
 his beloved sovereign, perhaps involve him in a war. As 
 to his own life, that never seemed to give him any uneasi- 
 ness. He therefore, made up his mind that he would 
 leave Germany, and go to France, where he might, with 
 many other learned doctors that were then under the cen- 
 sures of Rome, enjoy the liberty for which his soul longed. 
 The University of Paris had appealed to a general coun- 
 cil, Luther had done the same at Augsburg, and he very 
 naturally expected the doctors of Paris to sympathise with 
 him in his difficulties. 
 
CLXXX. ROME IN TROUBLE. 
 
 When Luther communicated his intentions to his fellow 
 professors at Wittenberg, they were filled with deep and 
 heartfelt sorrow ; they of course remonstrated, but in vain, 
 he had made up his mind. Luther had even gone so far, 
 as to inform the congregation at Wittenberg that he in- 
 tended to leave them, and affectionately commended them 
 to the protection of heaven. But before he took his de- 
 parture, he received a letter from his sovereign that he 
 should remain where he was, until further informed. The 
 conference at Augsburg, as may readily be supposed, pro- 
 duced considerable excitement at Rome. What, thought 
 the proud mistress of the world, shall a poor monk of Ger- 
 many defy and baffle all the learning and power of the pope 
 and cardinals ? In every conflict he had come away the 
 conqueror, this was too bad, too humiliating, he must now 
 be crushed at once, his proud spirit must yield — the pope 
 issued a bull, in which the sale of indulgences was recog- 
 nized as being in accordance with the doctrines of the 
 church. This was intended as a death-blow against Lu- 
 ther, but like all the thunders of the Vatican, it fell harm- 
 less at his feet! No earthly power could move him! 
 
 Rome saw her error in appointing De Vio, or Cajetan, 
 who was the chief of the Dominicans, to settle this dif- 
 ficulty. Leo X. became more and more alarmed every 
 day — Luther was gaining strength, and every effort of his 
 mighty mind, made the papal throne totter and shake. 
 
 Charles von Miltitz, a German nobleman, a gentleman 
 of fine talents and polished manners, was sent to Germany 
 early in the year 1519, to reduce the refractory monk. In 
 
THE NOBLE CONDUCT OF THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY. CLXXXI. 
 
 order to conciliate the favor of the elector of Saxony, and 
 thus facilitate his labors, he was commissioned to present 
 that prince a consecrated golden rose, which was considered 
 a mark of the pope's favor. Frederick had for years so- 
 licited this favor, but now when it came in the form of a 
 bribe, he cared but little about it. He was too good and 
 honest a man to be influenced in this way. He positively 
 refused to do anything against Luther. " Convince him that 
 he is wrong," says the noble hearted elector, " and he will 
 retract as he has promised." Luther and Miltitz met at 
 Altenburg. 
 
 It may be proper to state at this point that before the ne- 
 gotiations of Miltitz properly commenced, an event in the 
 providence of God occurred which considerably changed 
 the aspect of things. This was the death of the emperor 
 Maximilian, he expired on the 12th of January, 1519. 
 Frederick, elector of Saxony, thus became by virtue of the 
 Germanic constitution ex-officio emperor of the German 
 empire. This increased the political importance of Fred- 
 erick, and as the pope had other matters in view at the 
 time besides the surpression of heresy, he did not feel dis- 
 posed to fall out with the administrator of the empire. The 
 pope at once relaxed his severe measures, and the Refor- 
 mation gained strength every day. Luther says, referring 
 to this period, " the tempest was hushed and the papal 
 excommunication was thought light of." 
 
 John Tetzel at this time lived at Leipsic; Miltitz sum- 
 moned him to appear before him, and give an account of 
 the shameful manner in which he had spoken of the efficacy 
 
CLXXXII. MILTITZ AND LUTHER. 1519 
 
 of indulgences — this was only a scheme to lull Luther. 
 But Luther was not so easily gulled, he knew his man. 
 And before Miltitz was done with Luther he knew some- 
 thing about him too. 
 
 As Luther entered the room in the house of Spalatin, in 
 Altenburg, Miltitz received him very politely and addressed 
 him thus : " Is it possible that this can be the man, of whom 
 I have heard so much, who has drawn all the world after 
 him, and deprived the pope of some of his most important 
 adherents ? Why Martin, when I heard of your fame, of 
 your learning, at the inns as I travelled, I thought you were 
 some crusty old theologian sitting by the fire side, whereas 
 I find you in the prime and vigor of life. I perceive you 
 are so favored by the people that, had I brought twenty- 
 five thousand armed men, I could not force you to Rome ! 
 But this is not to be thought of, it is for pacific measures I 
 am sent to consult. After we have settled our differences 
 it would be a pleasant thing if you would take it into your 
 head to return with me to Rome. It is a pity you do not 
 know Leo ; your prejudices would melt away before him." 
 Luther replied, "I have no prejudices against the pope, in- 
 dependently of his measures, on the contrary, a most earn- 
 est desire to be at peace with all the world, I have been 
 driven into these broils by mere necessity." 
 
 "Just what I have always said," replied the nobleman, 
 "and what the pope himself thinks. In the beginning of 
 this business, he said to Dr. Eck who complained of you, 
 brother Martin is a man of fine genius." Luther was on 
 his guard, he weighed every word he uttered, yet he was 
 
MILTITZ AND LUTHER. CLXXXIII. 
 
 bo far influenced by the mildness of the courtier as to write 
 a submissive letter to the pope. For this his enemies have 
 reproached him, and branded him as a hypocrite. We 
 will here subjoin Luther's letter to the pope: 
 
 "Most Holy Father! May your holiness condescend 
 to incline your paternal ear, which is that of Christ him- 
 self, towards your poor sheep, and listen with kindness to 
 his bleating ! What shall I do most holy father ! I can- 
 not stand against the torrent of your anger, and I know no 
 way of escape. They require of me, that I should retract. 
 I would be prompt to do so, if that could lead to the result 
 they desire. But the persecutions of my enemies have 
 spread my writings far and wide, and they are too deeply 
 engraven upon the hearts of men to be erased. A retrac- 
 tion would only still more dishonor the church of Rome, 
 and call forth from all a cry of accusation against her. 
 Most holy father, I declare it, in the presence of God, and 
 of all the world, I never have sought, nor will I ever seek, 
 to weaken by force or artifice, the power of the Roman 
 church or of your holiness. I confess that there is noth- 
 ing in heaven or earth that should be preferred above the 
 church, save only Jesus Christ, the Lord of all; therefore 
 your holiness will please not to listen to foul-mouthed 
 slanderers, who say other things of Luther. And I will 
 cheerfully promise your holiness, that I will drop the mat- 
 ter of indulgences and keep silent on that subject, provided 
 my enemies do the same." 
 
 This letter breathes the sentiments of Luther, personally 
 he could have nothing against the pope, and if his enemies, 
 
CLXXXIV. JOHN TETZEL DIES. 
 
 who were all those who sold indulgences, would quit the 
 abominable traffic that had roused his soul into action, 
 would he have any cause to complain ? His point would 
 then be gained. Cajetan and Miltitz were not satisfied 
 with Luther's concessions. This very fact shows that 
 they did not then, in the estimation of the papal party, 
 amount to any thing. The only difficulty now was to get 
 him away from the protection of Frederick, the elector of 
 Saxony. They therefore endeavored to get him to Treves. 
 Miltitz invited him thither on the 3d of May, but Luther 
 being aware of their object refused to go. Miltitz in the 
 end, like his predecessor, accomplished nothing. The only 
 thing he did was to break the heart of poor old Tetzel, 
 whom he visited at Leipsic, and in looking over the account 
 of his indulgence money found him a defaulter to a large 
 amount, and repremanded him so sharply that Tetzel took 
 sick and soon after died, a poor outcast from God and man. 
 It is said of Luther, when he heard of the illness of John 
 Tetzel, that he wrote a kind letter to him, and thus showed 
 the goodness of his heart to his bitterest enemy. It is 
 said by some that he even visited him personally, but there 
 seems to be no proof of this. After the conference with 
 Miltitz, the court of Rome was so much engaged with po- 
 litical matters, that Luther seems to have been forgotten. 
 He continued his labors as preacher and professor at Wit- 
 tenberg. And as he had appealed to Rome for a General 
 Council, we must wait a while to see the result of that ap- 
 peal, and the political fogs which have gathered over Eu- 
 rope must first subside. In the meantime Luther's repu- 
 
THE FAMOUS DISCUSSION AT LEIPSIC. CLXXXV. 
 
 tation spread all over Europe — the fame of the University 
 was getting greater every day. There were at this time 
 eight hundred students at Wittenberg, and the choice stu- 
 dents of Germany. 
 
 We will now direct your attention to the celebrated de- 
 bate of Leipsic. This is perhaps the most famous debate 
 of the sixteenth century, and is exceedingly interesting. 
 Luther himself gave the elector of Saxony a minute and 
 correct account of the whole proceeding. Dr. Eck, a pro- 
 fessor at the University of Ingoldstadt, of high repute for 
 eloquence and sophistry, and a warm advocate of popery. 
 This man had been on terms of friendship with Luther, 
 and as he was considered the most powerful debater of his 
 age, he looked with a jealous eye upon the wide-spread 
 fame of the learned professor of Wittenberg. Eck it would 
 seem had full confidence in the powers of his eloquence 
 to floor any man in Germany ; he had been engaged in 
 many a hard fought scholastic battle and had carried away 
 the prize in Hungary and Lombardy. Luther's rising fame 
 offended the proud orator, and he was determined to meet 
 him in debate, and with him to meet an enemy was to con- 
 quer. Dr. Eck had published his "obelisks," in which he 
 reflected severely upon Luther, who according to the ar- 
 rangements entered into between himself and Miltitz, was 
 not to reply. And it is supposed to have been the desire 
 of Frederick of Saxony, that Luther should keep quiet for 
 a while. But Andrew Bodenstein, or as he is often called 
 Dr. Carlstadt, a man of more impetuosity than judgment, 
 
CLXXXVI. DISCUSSION AT LEIPSIC. 
 
 replied to Dr. Eck's "obelisks," and this led to the con- 
 troversy at Leipsic. Eck did not care much about Carl- 
 stadt, Luther was the man he had in view, Carlstadt seemed 
 too small game for him. Before the preliminaries of the 
 discussion were fully settled, Eck put forth thirteen propo- 
 sitions or Theses, which bore directly upon Luther. Lu- 
 ther wrote to Eck and informed him that he would take up 
 his challenge and meet him at Leipsic. The truce was at 
 an end, for Luther had only promised in his letter to the 
 pope, to be silent on condition that his enemies would do 
 the same. He wrote to duke George, within whose do- 
 minions Leipsic was, for permission to hold this discussion. 
 As the supremacy of the pope was the main subject, the 
 duke who was a warm friend of popery, and as he knew 
 something about Luther's powers of controversy, (for he 
 had had a specimen at Dresden,) he refused his consent. 
 Luther then made up his mind to attend the discussion be- 
 tween Carlstadt and Eck at all events, and conduct himself 
 according to circumstances. Luther was not the man to 
 back out. Duke George was very anxious that the discus- 
 sion between Eck and Carlstadt should go on. But he 
 seems to have feared Luther, and perhaps had been urged 
 on by De Vio and Miltitz, to refuse his consent to the dis- 
 cussion between Luther and Eck. 
 
 On the 24th of June, Luther, Melancthon, Carlstadt, 
 duke Barnim, of Pomerania, who was then a student at 
 Wittenberg, John Lange, Nicholas Amsdorff, and about 
 two hundred students from Wittenberg arrived at Leipsic. 
 EcV and his party had been at Leipsic several days. As 
 
DISCUSSION AT LEIPSIC. CLXXXVII. 
 
 soon as Eck learned that Luther had arrived, he visited the 
 Doctor of Wittenberg, and the conversation that passed 
 between them on this occasion, shows plainly that Eck did 
 not care so much about meeting Carlstadt in debate as Lu- 
 ther. 
 
 The following conversation took place : 
 
 Eck. How is this doctor, I understand you refuse to 
 dispute with me ? 
 
 Luther. How can I, since the duke forbids me ? 
 
 Eck. If I cannot dispute with you, I shall take very lit- 
 tle interest in discussing with Carlstadt — for it is to dis- 
 pute with you that I have come to this place. If I get the 
 duke's consent, will you take the field ? 
 
 Luther. Yes, only get the duke's permission and we will 
 meet. 
 
 Dr. Eck waited upon the duke and urged him to give 
 his consent. "It is proper," said he, " that the arguments 
 should bear upon the principal party — if Luther be un- 
 humbled, every thing is still to be done ; if he is overcome 
 all is at an end." And after Eck assured the duke repeat- 
 edly that he could defend the pope's supremacy against any 
 thing Luther or any other person could say, his consent 
 was obtained. Luther was delighted with the idea of floor- 
 ing Dr. Eck. 
 
 The discussion between Carlstadt and Eck commenced 
 on the 25th of June, 1519. The dispute between them, 
 Luther says, lasted eight days, chiefly on metaphysical 
 points, on the freedom of the will, and its cognate doctrines. 
 In this long debate Carlstadt maintained his positions nobly. 
 
CLXXXVIII. DISCUSSION AT LEIPSIC. 
 
 At length on the 4th of July, Luther and Eck got into close 
 quarters. The excitement in Leipsic was very great, the 
 primacy of the pope was to be discussed in the midst of a 
 Romish and highly excited population, and the pope was 
 according to the agreement of the debaters to be the um- 
 pire. What hope could Luther have of success when the 
 whole population, the duke, the professors, and all were 
 against him ? Eck had formerly boasted of the strength 
 of his memory—he would not agree in the discussion with 
 Carlstadt, that any books should be used — and on a meta- 
 physical subject such as the will and its moral powers, his 
 sophistry would be of great service to him, even if his 
 memory was not so good. But when he got into contact 
 with Luther, on a different subject, where historical and 
 dogmatical facts were required he found it quite different. 
 He had encountered many a learned doctor, but such a doc- 
 tor as Luther he had never met. He found that Luther re- 
 membered more than he had ever read. On one occasion, 
 Eck undertook to establish his position by a quotation from 
 one of the fathers. The fathers, said Luther, are not op- 
 posed to me — they say as I do; and Luther quoted St. Au- 
 gustine and St. Ambrose, so fully, so correctly, and so 
 pointedly, that Eck became alarmed and was driven from 
 his position by his own weapons, in such a manner as at 
 once to convince every intelligent man in the house, that 
 he was not able to cope with the great Doctor of Witten- 
 berg. "Ah," says Eck, "you see the learned Doctor of 
 Wittenberg has entered upon this discussion after having 
 prepared himself well for it. You must excuse me if I 
 
MEANNESS OF DR. ECK. CLXXXIX. 
 
 should not be able to produce so much learning as he." 
 This was a very humiliating confession to come from the 
 ablest debater in the papal church, the great popish bully 
 who had most ardently sought for an opportunity to hum- 
 ble the pride of Luther. The fact is Luther was no better 
 prepared on the subject now under discussion than on any 
 other. Dr. Eck was fairly at his wit's end, he was a used 
 up man, and he never after sought an opportunity to hum- 
 ble the pride of Luther. No wonder he said that Luther 
 had a devil under his gown. When he was fairly floored, 
 and lay as it were at the mercy of his powerful antagonist, 
 and found he could not maintain his position any longer, he 
 resorted to the mean and contemptible expedient of excit- 
 ing the prejudices of the Romish audience against his con- 
 queror, by calling him a Hussite and a Bohemian ! This 
 produced quite an excitement against Luther, but Eck in the 
 end made but little out of it. The subject of the pope's 
 supremacy occupied four days. 
 
 On the 8th of July, they commenced the subject of pur- 
 gatory. Luther at this time himself believed in purgatory, 
 but he denied that the doctrine was taught either in the 
 Bible or by the early fathers. It was while discussing this 
 point that he said of Dr. Eck, "my learned opponent runs 
 over Scripture, as a spider runs over water without touch- 
 ing it." 
 
 On the 11th of July, they came to the doctrine of in- 
 dulgences. Here Eck stood no chance at all. Luther 
 said to Frederick of Saxony, " this part was nothing but 
 child's play." Afterward the doctrines of repentance, 
 
CXC. EFFECTS OF THE LEIPSIC DISCUSSION. 
 
 priests' absolution and satisfactions, were discussed. Lu- 
 ther closed the debate with these words, " Dr. Eck avoids 
 the Holy Scriptures, as the devil flees from before the 
 cross. For my part, I prefer the authority of the word 
 of God." 
 
 This famous discussion lasted twenty-one days, and 
 produced great excitement. This discussion had a great 
 effect upon the progress of the Reformation. As is usual, 
 each party claimed the victory. But Eck himself ac- 
 knowledged that in some points he was prostrated. 
 
 Mosellanus, who was present during the whole discus- 
 sion, and took notes, says, " Eck has obtained the victory 
 in the opinion of those who do not understand the ques- 
 tion, and who have grown grey in scholastic studies, but 
 Luther and Carlstadt remain masters of the field, in the 
 judgment of those who have learning, intelligence and 
 modesty." This discussion awakened the minds of men, 
 as much as any one circumstance that occurred in Lu- 
 ther's life time. Numbers of prominent men were brought 
 over to his views, in consequence of the truths he uttered 
 during the discussion; among others, Duke George, of 
 Anhalt, John Sellarius, Poliander, and Caspar Cruciger, 
 all men who figured conspicuously in the Reformation. 
 These were but a few of Luther's trophies. Soon after 
 the discussion, more than one half of all the students went 
 over from Leipsic to Wittenberg. 
 
 It is also said that this discussion was the means of in- 
 teresting Melancthon, and bringing him out a more decided 
 friend of the Reformation. These were part of the con- 
 
sequences of that lengthened war of words. Soon after 
 this discussion, Dr. Eck hastened to Rome to procure Lu- 
 ther's condemnation. What he had failed to accomplish 
 in debate, i. e. the humbling of Luther, he thought the pope 
 could do, but in this he was mistaken, for Luther was under 
 the protection of a mightier power than the court of Rome. 
 He was fighting the battles of the Lord, against the enemies 
 of his church. 
 
 One circumstance occurred about this time, that must 
 have been painful to Luther's heart, it was this, John Stau- 
 pitz, the warm and long cherished friend of Luther, being 
 old, and it would seem not willing to encounter the gather- 
 ing storm, withdrew from Luther and would not answer 
 his letters. But in this case Luther could say, as in others, 
 "God is God." 
 
 Miltitz who had been watching with deep interest the 
 Leipsic discussion, and who had expected much from the 
 high reputation of Dr. Eck, was of course much disap- 
 pointed with the result. In October of the same year he 
 met Luther at Leibenwerd. Miltitz still thought a recon- 
 ciliation must be effected between Luther and the pope, but 
 finally he gave it up. 
 
 Luther had prostrated all his enemies, there was none 
 able to stand before him, God was with him. It was about 
 this time he published his celebrated commentary on Paul's 
 Epistle to the Galatians — this is one of his most famous 
 works, and shows how much he was taken up with the 
 views of St. Augustine. Subsequently however, he changed 
 his views on this subject. St. Augustine was an absolute 
 
CXCn. STAUPITZ REFUSES TO ANSWER LUTHER S LETTERS. 
 
 predestinarian ; these views Luther abandoned in his riper 
 years. Luther was now thirty six years old, and in con- 
 sequence of hard study was very lean, and had a thin face ; 
 Mosellanus s-ays, "he was so thin that one could almost 
 count his bones." 
 
 We shall now introduce Luther to the emperor Charles V., 
 at the Diet of Worms. This is perhaps the most thril 
 lingly interesting circumstance of his whole eventful life. 
 Here we see Luther in his true character, here we see 
 the great model-man in contact with the highest power? 
 of the earth ! 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Luther, the Champion of the Truth. 
 
 We now come to notice Luther in conflict with the high- 
 est powers of the earth, and if we have admired his noble 
 bearing and his invincible courage in the minor skirmishes 
 in which he has been engaged, we shall admire him still 
 more when we see him grappling with earth's proudest 
 potentates ! 
 
 But before we introduce Luther to the Diet of Worms, 
 we must attend to a few other interesting incidents in the 
 history of his eventful life, which had an important bear- 
 ing upon the Reformation. After the famous discussion 
 at Leipsic, Luther continued his investigations of popery, 
 the light of truth shone brighter and brighter into his mind, 
 he daily saw more and more of the corruptions of the 
 church. He became daily more spiritual in his preaching, 
 his fame increased every day, the students increased in 
 number almost daily, until every house in Wittenberg was 
 full of boarders. It is said that the lectures of Luther and 
 Melancthon were attended by about two thousand hearers, 
 not all students I presume. The following sermons and 
 tracts of Luther were published in 1519 — 20. 1. A Short 
 Guide to Confession. 2, A Sermon on Usury. 3. A 
 
 Sermon on the Sufferings of Christ, advocating the use of 
 9 
 
the cup for the laity. 4. A Sermon on Excommunication. 
 5. A Sermon on Marriage. 6. Instructions respecting 
 certain articles alleged against him by his enemies. 7. A 
 Sermon on Prayer. 8. A Sermon preached at Leipsic. 
 9. Another Sermon on Usury. 10. A Sermon on prepa- 
 ration for Death. 11. An Address to the Christian No- 
 bility of the German Nation. This is the most splendid 
 production of Luther's pen, and for powerful reasoning 
 and real genuine eloquence is not surpassed by any writer 
 of ancient or modern days. We regret exceedingly that 
 our limits will not permit us to translate this powerful ad- 
 dress. This address did perhaps more than anything else 
 to rouse the public mind of Germany. It was a mortal 
 blow at the papal church. And I know of no work whose 
 publication at this time would be a more powerful argu- 
 ment against popery in the United States. It is said that 
 in a few weeks after it was issued, 4,000 copies were sold ! 
 12. A Sermon on the Mass. 13. A Sermon on the free- 
 dom of a Christian man. 14. Exposition of certain arti- 
 cles in the Sermon on the sufferings of Christ, or the Sac- 
 rament of Christ's body. 15. Protest and Appeal. 16. 
 Answer to a paper published under the seal of the official 
 at Stolpen. 17. A Sermon on Good Works — this is a 
 powerfully written sermon. 18. On the Papacy of Rome. 
 J9. On Eck's new Bulls and Lies, 20. Against the Bulls 
 of Anti-Christ. 21. Why the Pope and his Disciples 
 have burnt Dr. Martin Luther's books. 22. Grounds and 
 Reasons of all the Articles which are unjustly condemned 
 by the Romish Bulls. 23. A short exposition of the Holy 
 
LUTHER S WRITINGS. CXCV. 
 
 Lord's Prayer, comprehending both what is expressed 
 and implied. 24. A short form of the Decalogue, the 
 Creed, and the Lord's Prayer. 
 
 These works can all be seen in Luther's Tomes — Tom. 
 1, from page 138 — 370— -making in all about 480 folio 
 pages — the leaf in Luther's Tomes, the Jena edition, count- 
 ing a page. This was Luther's work in about eighteen 
 months' time. This will give the reader a fair idea of the 
 immense labors of Luther. And let it be remembered, 
 that his writing was not as with us, like pouring water from 
 one vessel into another. It was all original with him, he 
 had to strike out new plans and new arguments and on 
 most of his subjects he had no books to refer to. He had 
 to draw upon his own resources. And these writings al- 
 most in endless variety, will be read with as much interest 
 now as they were three hundred years ago. There is 
 nothing stale or obsolete in Luther's writings, and they are 
 as well if not better adapted to the papal controversy in 
 the nineteenth century, than any other works whaterer. 
 Prof. C. E. Stowe, in the Biblical Repository, July 1844, 
 has given a catalogue of Luther's works from Seckendorf 's 
 Appendix. And the reader will be astonished to learn, 
 from the works referred to, that from 1517 to 1546, Mar- 
 tin Luther, in addition to all his other labors, wrote four 
 hundred and fifty-three books, tracts and sermons ! Some 
 of the tracts and sermons it is true were small, but others 
 were quite large. And the amount of learning and know- 
 ledge displayed on the various subjects handled by him 
 has never been surpassed, and perhaps never equalled by 
 
CXCVI. ECK GOES TO ROME. 
 
 any man. His works abound in striking and original ideas, 
 and appear like an immense casket studded with the most 
 brilliant and sparkling gems ! But we are not now writ- 
 ing a eulogy, but a history of Luther. Perhaps we will 
 give Prof. Stowe's catalogue at the end of the volume. 
 
 Soon after the discussion at Leipsic was ended, Dr. Eck 
 hastened to Rome and was joined by De Vio and other 
 enemies of Luther, who all urged Luther's condemnation. 
 All that had tried their hands at argument with Luther 
 found him invincible, there was no debating with him as 
 with other men, every weapon that was raised against him 
 he broke to pieces. There was one argument more to be 
 tried, and that was the thundering anathemas of Rome, but 
 such was the genius of this astonishing man, that when 
 that at last came it had lost its power and fell harmless at 
 his feet. 
 
 We have stated above that the emperor Maximilian was 
 no more. His place had to be supplied. The candidates 
 for this high office were Frederick, the elector of Saxony ; 
 Charles V., king of Spain; Francis I., king of France; 
 and Henry VIII., king of England. The pope was op- 
 posed both to Charles and Francis, they already possessed 
 too much power for him, and he would have preferred 
 Frederick. The imperial crown was offered to Frederick, 
 but he declined, and used his influence in electing Charles 
 V. This magnanimity laid the emperor under great obli- 
 gations to Frederick. He offered him 30,000 crowns but 
 the noble elector refused it. The court of Rome again 
 tried to influence Frederick, elector of Saxony, to with- 
 
1520. ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN NOBILITY. CXCVII. 
 
 draw his protection from Luther. But the steadfast elec- 
 tor refused all overtures. "Convince him that he is in er- 
 ror and he will recant," was his reply to all the pope could 
 say. Luther knew that the pope would condemn him. In 
 June, 1520, his address to the nobility of the German na- 
 tion appeared, this was intended by Luther to break the 
 force of the pope's Bull, it excited the strongest sympathies 
 in his behalf — such was the love for Luther and the enthu- 
 siasm in his favor, that nothing could lessen his influence 
 among his countrymen. On the 15th of June, 1520, the 
 famous Bull against Luther was confirmed by the court of 
 Rome. Luther knew this transaction as soon as the news 
 could be carried to Germany, but it was not officially com- 
 municated to him before October. Caraccioli and Aleander 
 were commissioned to carry this Bull into execution. Dr. 
 Eck came with these high functionaries and acted as their 
 agent. He first published the Bull in Germany. This 
 very fact was one means of weakening the effects of the 
 pope's Bull. Luther attacked the Bull, not as coming 
 from the pope, but as coming from Eck. Dr. Eck expected 
 to meet with marks of favor everywhere in Germany, for 
 the active part he had taken in the condemnation of Lu- 
 ther, but during the eighteen months he had been absent, 
 Luther had effected a mighty revolution in the feelings of 
 the people. Eck and his Bull were everywhere treated 
 with contempt. In September, 1520, Luther appealed to 
 the emperor in a powerful letter, but received no hope from 
 that quarter. The first thing he did after being officially 
 informed of the pope's Bull, was to appeal from the sent- 
 
cxcvm. luther's reply to the pope's bull. 
 
 o\ua of the pontiff to the superior authority of a general 
 council, in this he appeals from his holiness as a rash, ini- 
 quitous, tyrannical judge, as a hardened heretic and apos- 
 tate, as an enemy, as Antichrist, and as an opposer of the 
 sacred Scriptures, and as a proud and blasphemous des- 
 piser of the sacred church of God." 
 
 Soon after, he published two tracts against the pope, in 
 which he turned the whole proceedings of the court of 
 Rome into a ridiculous farce. He calls it Dr. Eck's 
 bull. " How," says he, " can it be possible that so 
 base and unchristian a composition, should be the pro- 
 duction of the holy pontiff, and his learned and pious 
 cardinals ? If indeed, the fact should turn out to be so, if 
 indeed, the bishop of Rome should be actually found to 
 rage against me in such a manner, I must then rejoice that 
 I suffer in so righteous a cause." The fact is, Luther 
 used very severe language, but he was provoked to it, and 
 this he thought was the most successful way of meeting 
 his enemies. He lived in a rude and tumultuous age, and 
 wrote amid the most exciting scenes ; he was belied and 
 slandered, and calumniated, and persecuted in the most 
 outrageous manner, and this had a tendency to sour his 
 disposition, and sharpen his pen. He knew his cause 
 was just, he knew it was the cause of God, and this made 
 him bold, and vigorous, and uncompromising in his at' 
 tacks upon the "man of sin." Luther was not blind to 
 his own faults, nor did he deny that his language was 
 sometimes harsh, and his style rough. He thus apolo- 
 gizes to his friend Spalatin : " I own I am more vehement 
 
LUTHER S APOLOGY FOR HIS HARSHNESS. CXCIX 
 
 than I ought to be ; I have to do with men who blaspheme 
 the truth of the gospel. I have to deal with wolves, with 
 i jose who condemn me unheard ; without admonishing or 
 istructing me, and who boldly utter the most atrocious 
 landers against me, and against the word of God. Even 
 he most insensible soul might be moved to resistance by 
 heir unreasonable conduct; much more I, who am by 
 nature of a quick temper, and have very irritable feelings, 
 and am very apt to exceed the bounds of moderation. I 
 cannot, however, but be surprised, whence this novel taste 
 arose, to call everything spoken against an adversary, abu- 
 sive language. What think you of Christ ? Was he a 
 reviler when he calls the Jews an adulterous and perverse 
 generation, a generation of vipers, hypocrites, and children 
 of the devil ? And of St. Paul, who calls the enemies of 
 the gospel, dogs, and seducers, and children of the devil ? 
 Why does not St. Paul gently soothe the wicked, rather 
 than thunder at this rate ? A mind conscious of truth, 
 cannot with easy indifference, endure the obstinate enemies 
 of truth. I see that all persons demand moderation of 
 me, and especially my adversaries, who show least of it 
 themselves. If I am too warm, I am nevertheless frank 
 and candid, which cannot be said of my enemies." In 
 another letter to Spalatin, he justifies his severe and cut- 
 ting rebukes, thus : " Popery will never be reformed one 
 tittle, by writings that give no offence, that make no attack; 
 — in a word, writings that do not bite. The popes con- 
 sider these very gentle and civil admonitions as a kind of 
 servile cringing, they are content to be feared, and con- 
 
CC. LUTHER BURNS THE POPE'S BULL. 
 
 tinue in their wicked courses, as though they had an abso- 
 lute right to remain incorrigible." And the fact is, no 
 other kind of writing than that employed by Luther, 
 would ever have roused the whole sleeping church into 
 action. No man that ever lived knew better what to 
 write, and how to write ! Every stroke of his pen seem- 
 ed like a spark of lightning, and electrified the heart of 
 Germany ! It is an easy matter for his enemies to speak 
 against his harshness, but where is the writer to be found 
 who ever produced half the effect by milder means. 
 Judging from the tremendous effects of his writing, we 
 must conclude that Martin Luther wrote and spoke in 
 the best way ! 
 
 We now come to notice one of the most bold and daring 
 steps ever taken by any man. A step whose conception 
 and execution, show how intrepid and fearless Luther was. 
 The pope had ordered in the Bull of excommunication, 
 that Luther's writings should be burnt and he himself and 
 all his adherents should be outlawed. The pope had or- 
 dered Luther's writings to be burnt, in order to bring con- 
 tempt upon the Reformer ; Luther was determined to re- 
 turn the compliment and to pay the proud prelate in his 
 own coin. He had formed the daring project of burning 
 the pope's Bull! 
 
 On the 10th of December, he nailed an advertisement 
 to the walls of the University — in this all the professors, 
 doctors and students were invited to attend at the eastern 
 gate, near a large cross that stood there. A great many 
 attended, a pile of wood had been erected, one of the party 
 
LUTHER IN OPEN RUPTURE WITH THE POPE. CCI. 
 
 set fire to the pile, Luther approached the blazing pile and 
 threw into it the Canon Law, the popes' Decretals, the 
 Clementines, the Extravagants of the popes and a portion 
 of the writings of Dr. John Eck and of Emser. When 
 these were reduced to ashes, Luther took the pope's Bull 
 of excommunication, held it up and exclaimed with a loud 
 voice, " Since thou hast afflicted the Lord's holy one, may 
 fire unquenchable afflict and consume thee," and dashed 
 it into the flames. This was indeed a bold and daring step. 
 Luther had an object in view in thus treating the pope and 
 his Bull or brief of excommunication, with contempt. He 
 says, " My enemies by burning my books, may have dis- 
 paraged the truth in the minds of the common people, and 
 occasioned the loss of souls ; for that reason I have burned 
 their books in my turn. Hitherto I have only been jesting 
 with the pope." 
 
 The war between the pope and Luther was now fairly 
 commenced — one year before, the contest would have been 
 an unequal one— -the pope's finger would have crushed not 
 only the poor monk at Wittenberg, but the greatest monarch 
 in Christendom— but the writings of Luther had already 
 paralized the papal arm. Luther by this daring act de- 
 clared himself free and independent of Rome and her 
 bishop. Now there was no retreat for Luther, it must now 
 be seen, whether Luther or the pope, truth or error, right 
 or might will conquer. This step encouraged Luther's 
 friends, but it struck terror and dismay into the hearts of 
 his enemies. The burning of the pope's Bull was Lu- 
 ther's declaration of independence, and to carry out his 
 9* 
 
CCII. LUTHER CALLS IN QUESTION 
 
 principles he had to risk "his life, his fortune and his sac- 
 red honor." After this Luther speaks without reserve of 
 the pope and the errors of popery, he closes in upon the 
 pope in mortal strife ! He now knocks his arguments 
 about the pope's head as he had formerly done about Eck's. 
 "Luther," says Milner, "in order to convince the world 
 that the measure he had just executed, with so much firm- 
 ness and intrepidity, was not a hasty thought, or the ebul- 
 lition of a sudden gust of passion, immediately selected 
 thirty articles from the code of papal laws, as a specimen 
 of the iniquitous contents of the books he had burnt, upon 
 which he wrote short and pointed remarks, and circulated 
 them in the form of a tract." " Let no man," says he, 
 " be so far seduced as to reverence the volumes which I 
 have burnt, on account of their great antiquity or their high 
 titles. Let every one first hear and see what the pope 
 teaches in his own books, and what abominable, poisonous 
 doctrines are to be found among the sacred spiritual laws, 
 and then let him freely judge whether I have done right or 
 not, in burning such writings." 
 
 The following articles were selected among others, viz : 
 
 The pope's books, says Luther, teach 
 
 1. " That the pope has the power to interpret scripture, 
 and teach what he pleases ; and no person is allowed to 
 interpret in a different way." 
 
 2. " The pope does not derive power, and authority, and 
 dignity, from the scriptures, but the scriptures derive pow- 
 er, and authority, and dignity from the pope." 
 
CCIII. 
 
 Luther then affirms, that comparing together the differ- 
 ent parts of canon law, it amounts to nothing less than 
 this, viz : " That the pope is God on earth, above all that 
 is earthly or heavenly, temporal or spiritual; that all 
 things belong to the pope, and that no one must venture 
 to say, what doest thou." Such was now the language 
 of the Reformer, and such were the startling facts which 
 rung from side to side of the German empire. The Ro- 
 man pontiff must have been greatly mortified, when he 
 heard with what contempt his Bull was received in Ger- 
 many. The papal court saw that things were coming to a 
 fearful pass. Shall a poor friendless monk withstand all 
 the thunders of the Vatican ? The pope had commissioned 
 Marino Caraccioli and Jerome Aleander, two of the most 
 learned and accomplished gentlemen of his court, to ope- 
 rate upon Frederick, Elector of Saxony, and the young 
 emperor. Although cardinal Cajetan and Miltitz had fail- 
 ed, they anticipated no difficulty in their mission ; in this, 
 however, they were sadly disappointed. In connexion 
 with the pope's Bull against Luther, we first notice the 
 celebrated German nobleman, Ulric von Hutten ; he pub- 
 lished the Bull with severe and cutting remarks, calculated 
 to lessen the influence of the papal cause. But we shall 
 soon notice him again, and the conspicuous part he played 
 in the great moral drama of the sixteenth century. All 
 Germany was soon awakened ; the sluggish mind of Ger- 
 many was moving. And how could it be otherwise ? In 
 every conflict Luther was master of the field, and he was 
 aided by the keen wit and withering sarcasm rf Ulric von 
 
CCIV. 
 
 Hutten, and by the rude but stirring poetry of Hans Saens, 
 and the pencils of Lucas Cranach and Albert Diirer. 
 
 The celebrated painter, Lucas Cranach, or Kranach, 
 painted a set of pictures, with the title, " Christ's Passion, 
 and Antichrist." Luther composed the inscriptions for 
 these prints, and it is said they produced a powerful effect. 
 The work of the Reformation was rapidly spreading all 
 over Germany. Luther was the moving spirit of the 
 whole land, all eyes were fixed on him ; when any of the 
 friends were discouraged, he would cheer them up. D'Au- 
 bigne says, " Luther thus, like a consummate general, kept 
 a watchful eye upon the face of the battle ; and while 
 fresh combatants were continually rushing forward at his 
 bidding, into the thickest of the fight, he failed not to mark 
 where his followers were beginning to give ground ; 
 nor was he slow to rally them again beneath their adopted 
 standard. His warning voice resounded far and wide. 
 Letter followed letter, in rapid succession. Three print- 
 ing presses were constantly employed in multiplying copies 
 of his various writings ; his sermons passed from hand to 
 hand, through the whole nation — supporting the agitated 
 penitent at the confessional — giving courage to the faltering 
 convert in the cloister — and asserting the claims of evan- 
 gelical truth, even in the abodes of princes." This great 
 man was laboring not for himself, but for others ; he was 
 doing God's work. He might have given up the contest, 
 and pronounced the simple words, "I recant," and he 
 would have been honored and almost idolized at Rome. 
 
 Let us now look into the workings of his own heart. 
 
THE EMPEROR CHARLES V. CCV. 
 
 " I am," says he, " the champion of God's truth, I am a 
 sworn doctor of the Bible, and I will defend my dear 
 Bible." In a letter to Pellican, of Basel, he writes, 
 " Thou doest well to pray for me. I cannot give myself 
 up as I ought to holy exercises ; thou doest well in exhort- 
 ing me to moderation, I feel the need of it, but I am not 
 master of myself; an impulse of I know not what nature, 
 hurries me away. I bear enmity to no man, but I am so 
 beset with enemies myself, that I cannot be sufficiently on 
 my guard, against the seductions of Satan. Pray for 
 me." 
 
 Luther was not only a great man, but a good man. He 
 was enthusiastic, but not fanatical, and he imparted his 
 own enthusiasm to his countrymen. He impressed his 
 own image upon his nation. 
 
 The young emperor was at Aix-la-Chapelle where he 
 received the crown of Charlemagne- — the elector of Sax- 
 ony and all the other princes of the Germanic empire were 
 there to witness the splendid pageant of the coronation- 
 owing to the existence of the plague in Aix-la-Chapelle, 
 the whole body of crowned heads removed to the ancient 
 city of Cologne. Cariccioli and Aleander, the pope's 
 nuncios were there too, and the great Erasmus was there. 
 The object of the nuncios was to work upon the mind of 
 the young emperor. They plied him hard. " We must 
 burn Luther's writings," said Aleander to the emperor. 
 The emperor replied, " if that will be of any service to 
 our ancient religion, let them be burnt." Well but says 
 this wicked agent of the pope, " We must also have an 
 
CCVI. DIET OF WORMS MET. 1521. 
 
 imperial edict sentencing Luther himself to death." The 
 emperor replied to this, "Raised, as I have been so recent- 
 ly, to so lofty a station, I cannot without the advice of my 
 counsellors and the consent of the princes of the empire, 
 strike such a blow as this against a faction so numerous 
 and so powerfully protected. Let us first ascertain what 
 our father, the elector of Saxony, thinks of the matter, we 
 shall then be prepared to give our answer to the pope." 
 Every thing now depends upon the elector of Saxony. 
 
 The two nuncios went to the elector and demanded : 
 1. That Luther's writings should be burnt. 2. That Lu- 
 ther himself should either be punished as a heretic by the 
 elector or be given up to the pope." 
 
 Frederick replied, " This is a matter of too much im- 
 portance to be decided instantly, our determination in re- 
 gard to it shall be duly communicated to you." 
 
 On the 4th of November, Frederick demanded that Lu- 
 ther should be furnished with a safe conduct, and be per- 
 mitted to answer for himself before a tribunal composed 
 of learned, pious, and impartial judges." To this the 
 emperor agreed, and after a good deal of squabbling, the 
 two papal commissioners also gave their consent. The 
 hand of God is here seen in the conduct of the wise and 
 prudent elector of Saxony. Frederick stood by Luther, 
 and without his aid at this period, we cannot see how Lu- 
 ther could possibly have escaped his relentless persecutors. 
 The emperor had no sympathy for any one that would not 
 yield implicit obedience to the pope. He unquestionably 
 
DIET OF WORMS, ITS SPLENDOR. CCVII. 
 
 considered Luther a heretic, and felt it his duty to obey the 
 pope in all things. But God overruled all things for his 
 own glory and honor. The Diet was accordingly appointed 
 on the 6th of January, 1521, at Worms. Nuremberg was 
 the proper place for holding the Diet, but as the plague was 
 then raging there, Worms was selected. This was the first 
 Diet convoked by the young emperor, and it was a splendid 
 gathering — such as Germany had not seen for many a long 
 day! 
 
 Some idea of the vastness and splendor of this Diet may 
 be formed, when we state that there were present one em- 
 peror, one arch-duke, six dukes of kingly rank, twenty-four 
 dukes of high standing, eight margraves, three nuncios, 
 thirty bishops, five royal commissioners, besides learned 
 doctors and counsellors without number. Philip, Land- 
 grave of Hesse, was there with a train of six hundred 
 cavaliers ; if the other princes had trains in any way ap- 
 proaching this, there must have been from twenty to thirty 
 thousand strangers at Worms. Every prince wished to 
 make the most splendid appearance. Charles had agreed 
 at Cologne, that Luther should appear at the Diet, and be 
 heard, this seemed the dictate of common justice. But 
 after the members of the Diet had assembled, the Romish 
 party did not want Luther to appear — they well knew what 
 he was, and even Aleander, the most learned and eloquent 
 man in the papal church, felt himself unequal to the task 
 of refuting Luther. He could talk very boldly and elo- 
 quently in Luther's absence, but in his presence he was 
 mute. The emperor wrote to the elector of Saxony, and 
 
CCVIII. DIET OF WORMS. 
 
 ordered him to bring Luther to the Diet. The cautious 
 elector was afraid that Luther would not be safe, but as the 
 emperor had given the order, it must be done. But the 
 nuncios of the pope were determined if possible to prevent 
 Luther's appearance at Worms. Charles was young, and 
 seems to have been entirely under the influence of the pa- 
 pal priests, he changed his mind again and wrote to the 
 elector, that, " as Luther was already excommunicated by 
 the pope, he must not appear at Worms." Aleander was 
 very busily engaged in procuring the condemnation of Lu- 
 ther, he wrote to Rome and had another Bull of excommu= 
 nication issued against the Reformer. Luther was exceed- 
 ingly anxious to appear before the Diet, and there plead 
 his Savior's cause — he wrote thus to the elector, "I am 
 ready to repair to Worms, I am ready to answer for my- 
 self, for it is not in the spirit of recklessness, nor for the 
 sake of worldly profit, that I have taught the doctrine 
 which is laid to my charge ; I have taught it in obedience 
 to my conscience, and to my oath as a doctor of the holy 
 scriptures. For God's glory have I taught it — for the sal- 
 vation of the christian church — for the good of the Ger- 
 man people — for the rooting out of gross superstition, and 
 grievous abuses — for the cure of innumerable evils — the 
 wiping away of foul disgrace — the overthrow of tyranny, 
 blasphemy and impiety in countless forms." These no- 
 ble sentiments show us the motives which actuated Luther 
 in the great struggle. It was not a mere squabble among 
 the German monks, or a desire to raise one order of monks 
 above the other, as some of Luther's enemies have stated. 
 
GLAPIO, THE EMPEROR S CONFESSOR. CCIX. 
 
 No, he had a higher, a holier and nobler object in view — 
 it was the emancipation of the human mind from the do- 
 minion of sin, and the thraldom of popery ! 
 
 John Glapio, the confessor of the Emperor, was a man 
 who had great influence over the young king of Spain ; 
 the pope gained him over to his side by presents and hon- 
 ors conferred, he was a shrewd and far-sighted fellow, 
 with as large a share of hypocrisy as any princely con- 
 fessor needed. He was appointed by his master and 
 Aleander, to sound the friends of Luther on the subject of 
 a compromise. He applied to George Bruck, sometimes 
 also called Pontanus. Bruck was one of the Elector's 
 confidential friends and counsellors. Glapio had a long 
 interview with Bruck, in which he professed the greatest 
 friendship for Luther, speaking in the highest terms of his 
 talents, and requesting Briick to use his influence to get 
 Luther to retract only what he had said against the pope, 
 in his tract called the "Babylonian Captivity." His ob- 
 ject was to prevent Luther from coming to Worms; the 
 poor ignorant minions of the pope felt their weakness in 
 the hands of Luther, and they were afraid they would have 
 to argue with him. Hence they urged his condemnation, 
 as the best way to refute him. But Pontanus behaved 
 very prudently and cautiously, the wily confessor made 
 nothing out of him. Aleander again used all his influence 
 and power with Charles to prevent Luther from coming to 
 the Diet. On the 13th of February, the eloquent nuncio, 
 Aleander, was permitted to speak in the name of the pope, 
 and if possible to convince the German princes that Lu- 
 
ccx. 
 
 ther was a heretic, and ought to be burnt. It was an im- 
 portant task, and no man in the Romish church was bet- 
 ter qualified to perform it than Aleander. The nuncio 
 spoke for three hours with great eloquence and power ; 
 he made out Luther to be everything that was seditious and 
 treacherous. " But," exclaims Aleander, with a burst of 
 eloquence, " why should I enumerate all the crimes of this 
 audacious monk ? He sins against the dead, for he denies 
 the existence of purgatory ; — he sins against heaven, for he 
 says he would not believe an angel from heaven ; he sins 
 against the church, for he says that all christians are priests ; 
 —he sins against the saints, for he treats their venerable 
 writings with contempt ; — he sins against the councils, for 
 he calls the Council of Constance an assembly of devils ; — 
 he sins against the civil power, for he forbids the punish- 
 ishment of death to be inflicted upon any who have not 
 committed a mortal sin. There are some people who say 
 Luther is a man of piety. I will not impugn his private 
 character, I will only remind this assembly that it is a 
 common thing for the devil to deceive men under the ap- 
 pearance of sanctity." "Luther," says Aleander, "will 
 allow himself to be set right by no one. Long ago the 
 pope summoned him to Rome, but he appeared not. The 
 pope then required him to appear before his legate at Augs- 
 burg, and he did appear there, but not until he had obtain- 
 ed a safe conduct from the emperor, that is to say, when 
 the legate's hands were tied, and the use of his tongue 
 only allowed him." " !" exclaims the orator of popery, 
 turning towards the emperor, " I beseech your imperial 
 
aleander's appeal to the emperor. ccxi. 
 
 majesty, not to do that which would only reflect dishonor 
 on your name. Meddle not with an affair in which the 
 laity have no right to interfere. Discharge the duty that 
 properly devolves upon you. Let Luther's doctrines be 
 proscribed by your authority throughout the empire — let 
 his writings be everywhere committed to the flames — 
 shrink not from the path of justice. There is enough in 
 the errors of Luther to warrant the burning of an hun- 
 dred thousand heretics ! And whom have we to fear ? 
 The multitude ? Their insolence makes them form- 
 idable while the battle is delayed, but when it comes 
 their cowardice will render them contemptible ! What 
 are these Lutherans ? A motley rabble of insolent gram- 
 marians, licentious priests, disorderly monks, ignorant ad- 
 vocates, degraded nobles, misled and perverted plebeians. 
 How greatly superior is the Catholic party in numbers, in 
 intelligence, in power ? An unanimous decree of this il 
 lustrious assembly, will open the eyes of the simple 
 show the unwary their danger, determine the wavering, 
 and strengthen the weak-hearted. But if the axe be not 
 laid to the root of this venomous plant, if the death-blow 
 be not dealt against it — then I behold it covering Christ's 
 heritage with its branches, changing the vineyard of the 
 Lord into a howling wilderness, converting God's king- 
 dom into a haunt of wild beasts, plunging Germany into 
 the same wretched condition of barbarism and desolation 
 to which Asia has been reduced, by the superstition of 
 Mohammed." This oration was calculated to make a 
 powerful impression upon the minds of the princes. 
 
CCXII. SPEECH OF DUKE GEORGE. 
 
 There was not one friend of Luther among all the 
 princes in the house, for Frederick, the Elector of Saxony, 
 was not present, he did not wish to hear his beloved monk 
 abused. Aleander's speech seems to have made a power- 
 ful impression upon the assembly. What would we not 
 give if Luther had been there to reply to this famous ora- 
 tor. But in the presence of Luther, this nuncio would 
 not have spoken as he did, he would have been more 
 guarded. Rome had now been fairly and ably represent- 
 ed ; all the embellishments of rhetoric, and the ingenuity 
 of talent, and all the powers of oratory had been used in 
 her defence. 
 
 Duke George, although no friend to the Reformer, was 
 friendly to a reformation. He made a speech which, al- 
 though it was in one respect on the same side of the house, 
 was the counterpart to that of Aleander. Duke George 
 spoke thus, " The Diet must not lose sight of the griev- 
 ances, of which it has to claim redress of the court of 
 Rome. How numerous are the abuses that have crept into 
 our dominions. The Italian courtiers are daily inventing 
 new regulations to favor the monopoly, the sale, and the leas- 
 ing out of ecclesiastical benefices, a multitude of offences 
 connived at, a scandalous toleration granted to rich offend- 
 ers, while those who have not wherewithal to purchase im- 
 punity are severely punished — shops for the sale of indul- 
 gences opened in every street and square of our cities— 
 the officials of the bishops oppressing men of low degree 
 with penances for blasphemy, or adultery, or drunkeness, 
 or profanation of this or that festival — but never address- 
 
STATE OF MORALS IN THE PAPAL CHURCH. CCXIII. 
 
 ing so much as a rebuke to ecclesiastics, who are guilty of 
 the same crimes, — penances so devised as to betray the 
 penitent into a repetition of the offence, in order that more 
 money may be extracted from him. All shame is laid 
 aside, and one object alone incessantly pursued. Money 
 and evermore money ! Profligacy and avarice go hand in 
 hand. The officials, (i. e. the confessors and acting 
 priests,) summon women to their houses on various pre- 
 tenses, and either by threats or presents endeavor to seduce 
 them, and if the attempt fails, they ruin their reputation. 
 O ! it is the scandal occasioned by the clergy thaf plunges 
 so many poor souls into everlasting perdition ! A thorough 
 reform must be effected. To accomplish such a reform a 
 general council must be assembled." This is hard lan- 
 guage ; as severe as any Luther used, but although duke 
 George did not like Luther on account, it is said, of his 
 Augustinian views, yet he had imperceptibly caught Lu- 
 ther's spirit on this subject. The means which the duke 
 proposed for reforming the church, had been tried in al- 
 most every age, and every new effort only made the mat- 
 ter worse ; Luther was aware of this fact, but the duke was 
 not. Our Roman catholic friends of the present day, who 
 say that no reformation was needed in the sixteenth cen- 
 tury, will do well to refute duke George, and those who 
 thought with him at that time. The speech of duke George 
 produced a deep impression, other members of the Diet 
 stated other grievances. At last to give an expression of 
 their views and feelings, a committee was appointed to take 
 this matter in hand. This committee enumerated one hun* 
 
CCXIV. LUTHER STARTS FOR WORMS. 1521. 
 
 dred and one grievances, which they presented to the em- 
 peror. This unexpected movement saved Luther. The 
 whole assembly now were of opinion that Luther ought 
 not to be condemned without a hearing. The speech of 
 duke George was the means of making many friends for 
 Luther. The emperor now came to the conclusion that 
 Luther must appear and acknowledge himself the author 
 of the books which were ascribed to him. When the 
 pope's nuncio heard this he became dreadfully alarmed, 
 he went to the emperor and addressed him thus, " You 
 say there is to be no disputing with Luther ; but how can 
 we be sure that the genius of this audacious man, the fire 
 that flashes from his eyes, the eloquence of his speech, the 
 mysterious spirit that animates him, will not excite a tu- 
 mult. Already there are many who revere him as a saint, 
 and his image is every where to be seen encircled with rays 
 of glory, like those which surround the heads of the 
 blessed." I quote Pallavicini, from D'Aubigne. This 
 shows what the nuncio feared, viz. the eloquence of Lu- 
 ther. This is perhaps the highest compliment ever an 
 enemy conferred upon Luther ! 
 
 On the 6th of March, 1521, the emperor affixed his sig- 
 nature to Luther's summons. Caspar Sturm was appointed 
 to bring Luther from Wittenberg. On the 24th of March, 
 the herald reached Wittenberg. Luther's friends were 
 much alarmed, but he himself was calm and tranquil. Lu- 
 ther made his arrangements as soon as he could, and on 
 the 2d of April, he was prepared for his journey. Luther 
 was accompanied by Schurff, AmsdorfT, and Suaven, they 
 
1521. LUTHER ENTERS WORMS. CCXV, 
 
 travelled in a waggon with a cover. On his way he past 
 through Leipsic, Naumburg, Weimar, and Erfurt, at this 
 place he was received with marked attention — here he 
 spent the Sabbath, and it being Easter he preached a pow- 
 erful sermon from John xx. 19, 20. When they left Er- 
 furt, Justus Jonas joined the party. Luther took very sick 
 at Eisenach, but soon recovered and continued his journey. 
 The people hailed him every where as he passed along. 
 Some exclaimed they will burn you at Worms — Luther 
 boldly replied, " Though they should kindle a fire, whose 
 flame should reach from Worms to Wittenberg, and rise 
 up to heaven, I would go through it in the name of the 
 Lord, and stand before them — and confess the Lord Jesus 
 Christ." On the 14th of April, Luther reached Frankfort. 
 As he approached Worms, his enemies became more and 
 more alarmed. Consternation was depicted upon the coun- 
 tenances of the papal party, every effort was made to pre- 
 vent his coming to Worms. Aleander the pope's nuncio, 
 Albert the archbishop, and Glapio the emperor's confessor, 
 were dreadfully alarmed, and it was determined among 
 them that another effort should be made to prevent Luther 
 from coming into Worms. They laid a trap for him at 
 Ebernburg, but he was determined to go to Worms. Spala- 
 tin himself, the friend of Luther, became alarmed, and sent 
 him a message that he should not enter into Worms. Lu- 
 ther replied to the messenger, " Go tell your master, that 
 though there should be as many devils at Worms as there 
 are tiles upon the houses, I would enter in!" This shows 
 the true character of the man, and yet a minion of the pope 
 
CCXVI. LUTHER S EXTRAORDINARY PRAYER. 
 
 has the hardihood to say that Luther was only bold and 
 courageous where there was no danger." Where in all 
 the annals of ancient or modern history will you find such 
 courage and intrepidity as Luther displayed on this occa- 
 sion ? 
 
 On the 16th of April, he entered Worms — it is said that 
 two thousand people met him at the city walls and escorted 
 him to his lodgings. His appearance at Worms produced 
 more excitement than the emperor's. Every body, friend 
 and foe, wanted to see the courageous monk. On the 17th 
 of April, Ulric von Pappenheim, the marshal of the em- 
 pire, cited him to appear before the Diet at 4 o'clock in the 
 afternoon. 
 
 Ulric von Hutten wrote to Luther on the 17th of April 
 from Ebernburg, for he was then under the pope's displea- 
 sure and was afraid to go to Worms, but he encouraged 
 Luther by writing thus, " The Lord hear thee in the day 
 of trouble ; the name of the God of Jacob defend thee, and 
 send thee help out of Zion ; grant thee according to thine 
 own heart, and fulfil all thy counsel. Psalms xx. O ! be- 
 loved Luther, my venerated father, fear not, but stand 
 firm — fight valiantly the battles of Christ." Bucer, who 
 was with Hutten at Ebernburg, came to Worms and re- 
 mained with Luther. Before Luther went to the Diet he 
 offered up the following prayer, which was overheard and 
 recorded by his friends, and it is a touching and sublime 
 prayer. We translate this prayer as literally as possible 
 from the original German. " Oh ! God, oh ! God, oh ! thou 
 my God do thou stand by me against the reason and wis- 
 
CCXVII. 
 
 dom of the whole world, do thou do it ! Thou must stand 
 by me, and thou alone ! This is not my work, but thine. 
 I have nothing to do here, before these great lords of the 
 world on my own account. I would gladly pass my days 
 in rest and peace, and be unmolested. But the cause is 
 thine O ! Lord, and it is a righteous and everlasting cause ! 
 But do thou support me, O ! thou faithful and eternal God. 
 I depend on no human aid. Hast not thou called me to 
 this work, and I am certain of it ! Yes, this is thy will ! 
 This is not my doing, I never thought of myself to oppose 
 such great lords. So do thou support me for the sake of 
 thy dear Son Jesus Christ, who shall be my protector, my 
 defence, and my strong tower, through the power, and 
 strength of the Holy Ghost ! Lord where remainest thou ? 
 Thou my God where art thou ? Come, oh come, I am 
 ready to lay down my life with the patience of a lamb, for 
 this is a righteous cause, and it is thy cause. I will never 
 be separated from thee. This I have resolved upon in thy 
 name ; the world shall never force my conscience, and if 
 it were full of devils — and if this body which is the work 
 of thine hands, should be trodden down upon the earth, 
 and be cut to pieces ; for I have thine own word and Spirit 
 for this. Not only the body, but the soul is thine, and will 
 be thine forever. Amen. God help me. Amen," 
 
 This prayer gives us a glimpse into the inmost soul of 
 Luther — it shows us whence he derived his strength. 1$ 
 shows us too, that the Reformation was, not the work of 
 man, but of God. This is a specimen of the moral sub- 
 lime, suet] as is seldom seen ! And this is the kind of faith 
 10 
 
CCXVIII. LUTHER APPEARS BEFORE THE DIET. 
 
 we now need in the church ! This prayer it is said calmed 
 the mind of Luther, At 4 o'clock, the marshal of the em- 
 pire came for Luther— but such was the throng that it was 
 impossible to get along — -they had to take Luther through 
 gardens and allies—the streets were lined with people ; such 
 was the anxiety to see this famous doctor, that many peo- 
 ple were seen on the roofs of the houses ! At last they 
 arrived at the place where the Diet sat, but it seemed im- 
 possible to enter the building, it was so thronged with peo- 
 ple — there were more than five thousand people there. In 
 one of the halls he was met by George Freundsberg, a 
 brave soldier who had fought many a hard battle — this old 
 soldier tapped Luther on the shoulder and exclaimed, "Little 
 monk, little monk, thou art making a march, such as neither 
 I nor any other captain ever went through in the bloodiest 
 battles ! But if thy cause be just, and thou art sure of it, 
 go forward in the name of God, and fear nothing." 
 
 Luther was now ushered into the most august assembly 
 on earth — there was assembled the wealth, the talent and 
 the refinement of all Christendom. There were about two 
 hundred persons immediately connected with the Diet, be- 
 sides thousands whom curiosity had led thither. Luther 
 was, (as may readily be imagined,) at first a little agitated — 
 but he soon recovered from this temporary excitement — it 
 was merely the flush of excited feeling that for a moment 
 fluttered a little warmly and strangely about his heart, and 
 crimsoned his manly countenance! So the iron-nerved 
 warrior when entering the field of battle, may feel a little 
 agitated, and when the first platoon is fired, his courage 
 
LUTHER S COURAGE BEFORE THE DIET. CCXI1C. 
 
 returns. The marshal of the empire whispered in his ear, 
 that he should not speak, until he was asked a question. 
 Luther's appearance in the Diet produced quite a profound 
 sensation — every eye was fixed upon the bold and courage- 
 ous monk. Now let us pause a moment, and contemplate 
 Martin Luther, the son of an humble miner of Mansfeldt, 
 standing before the Roman emperor and the pope's repre- 
 sentatives — God had directed his steps by a strange Provi- 
 dence ! And sustained him in that trying hour ! When 
 the excitement had subsided, Dr. John Eck, (not the fam- 
 ous Doctor Of Ingolstadt,) but the chancellor of the arch- 
 bishop of Treves, stept forward and said, addressing him- 
 self to Luther. " Martin Luther, his sacred majesty has 
 cited you before lvs throne, and requires you to answer 
 these questions." The chancellor then pointing to a bench, 
 on which were piled 20 volumes of books, said, "do you 
 acknowledge those writings to have been written by you." 
 Secondly. " Are you prepared to retract these works, and 
 the propositions they contain, or do you persist in what 
 you have therein advanced." Jerome SchurfT, Luther's 
 advocate, immediately exclaimed in a voice loud enough to 
 be heard in the whole house, "Legantur tituli librorum." 
 "Let the titles of the books be read." This was a mas- 
 ter stroke of legal tact ; SchurfT had heard Aleander's fam- 
 ous speech against Luther in that assembly, he had heard 
 that smooth-tongued nuncio, declaring that Luther was op- 
 posed to good works, yet one of the books now before the 
 assembly was a volume on good works. 
 
ccxx. 
 
 After the chancellor had read the titles, Luther spoke 
 first in German, then in Latin, thus : " Most Gracious Em- 
 peror, Princes and Lords ! Your Imperial Majesty has 
 proposed two questions to me. The first is, whether I 
 acknowledge all the books that bear my name, to be mine ? 
 Second, whether I am willing to defend those which I 
 have written and published, or whether I am willing to re- 
 tract what I have written. I will answer these questions 
 with as much brevity and correctness as I can. In the 
 first place, I must acknowledge the above mentioned books 
 as mine, I can never deny them. But that which follows, 
 viz. whether I will defend or retract every thing I have 
 written ? As this is a question concerning faith and salva- 
 tion, and belongs to the Word of God, which is the most 
 valuable treasure in heaven or on earth, and which we 
 should all with one consent hold in the highest honor. It 
 would therefore be presumptuous and dangerous in me, to 
 act without reflection, I might say less than the circum- 
 stances of the case require, or more than would be in ac- 
 cordance with the truth, which might bring me under the 
 condemnation of what Christ says, viz. "Whosoever shall 
 deny me before men, him will I deny before my Father which 
 is in heaven." Therefore, I ask your imperial majesty 
 time for reflection, (Bedenckzeit,) that I may without detri- 
 ment to the Word of God, or injury to my own soul, give 
 a correct answer to the questions proposed." 
 
 Here the Diet held a short consultation ; soon after the 
 chancellor of the empire, expressing the meaning of the 
 Diet, said, " Inasmuch as you, Martin Luther, should have 
 
1521. GREAT EXCITEMENT AT WORMS. CCXXI. 
 
 known from the imperial summons, why you have been 
 called hither, and as you are not worthy to have any fur- 
 ther indulgence, yet in consequence of the emperor's native 
 benevolence — you have another day for reflection — you 
 are to appear here to-morrow at this hour of the day, upon 
 the condition however, that you bring no written docu- 
 ments, but make your defence verbally." As Luther 
 seemed so mild and calm, it is very likely the pope's min- 
 ions, Aleander and Eck, thought he certainly would recant, 
 the next day. But they found themselves much mistaken ! 
 
 The impression Luther's conduct made upon the lobby 
 members was unfavorable, they were sure he would re- 
 tract. His enemies no doubt thought, ah, where now is 
 the audacious monk, who at a distance could hurl the thun- 
 derbolts at the pope's head, now he quails, he trembles, 
 he will give up ! Not an hour afterwards he wrote a letter 
 to a friend, in which he says, " by the help of Jesus, I will 
 not retract a word." 
 
 On the streets of Worms there was a great commotion. 
 The affairs of the Reformation were taken in hand by the 
 people — some for Luther, some against him ; all arguing 
 and quarreling in the most boisterous manner. His ene- 
 mies triumphing over his anticipated recantation, his 
 friends trembling for his personal safety. The scenes 
 which were exhibited at Worms during that night and next 
 day, shadow forth the general movements of the christian 
 world in after days. This was a kind of epitomized prelude 
 to the great drama of the sixteenth century. 
 
CCXXII. THRILLING SCENE MORAL GRANDEUR. 
 
 On the next day, at 4 o'clock, the imperial herald came 
 for Luther, but owing to the throng of people, and some 
 other business in which the Diet was engaged, Luther did 
 not get into the emperor's presence until 6 o'clock. The 
 magnificent hall was lighted with torches, which added 
 much to the solemnity of the scene ! What a solemn 
 hour ! How instructive ! — the night that had closed in 
 upon the assembly, was emblematical of the night of sin 
 and ignorance that had enshrouded the papal church ; and 
 the glaring light of the torches for the time being imper- 
 fectly prefigured the more brilliant light of the gospel, 
 which was about to reilluminate the world ! Luther had 
 prepared himself for the mighty conflict by prayer and 
 meditation. 
 
 When Luther stood before the emperor, the chancellor 
 Dr. Eck, arose and said, " His imperial majesty on last 
 evening gave you, Martin Luther, time for reflection ; that 
 time is now expired. Inasmuch as you have acknow- 
 ledged yourself to be the author of the books whose titles 
 were read, but as you requested time before you would 
 answer the questions then proposed, although the Diet 
 was not under any obligation to give you the time you 
 asked, because you knew a long time before what would 
 be required of you. Every one should at all times be 
 able to give an account of what he believes. And are you 
 who are so learned a doctor in the scriptures, now silent ? 
 Now therefore, answer the inquiries of his majesty, who 
 has manifested so much indulgence to you. Are you pre- 
 pared to defend all the books which you have acknowledged 
 
luther's speech. ccxxiii 
 
 to be yours, or are you willing to retract any part of 
 them." 
 
 The reader will perceive that these questions are framed 
 with much accuracy — they cannot be evaded. Luther must 
 now come out on the one or the other side. Luther paus- 
 ed a moment, all eyes are upon him ! Will the courage- 
 ous monk now falter 1 Oh, what a moment of intense, 
 of painful anxiety ! The silence is broken, Luther has 
 spoken ; he spoke very calmly and distinctly, and with 
 unusual moderation, but loud enough to be heard by all. 
 
 Luther's Speech before the Diet at Worms. 
 " Most illustrious emperor, and you illustrious princes and 
 noble lords — I appear before you in obedience to your or- 
 ders, at the termination of the time you gave me yesterday, 
 and I implore your majesty, and your illustrious highnesses, 
 by the compassion of God, graciously to hear this cause, 
 which I hope is just and righteous. If by reason of my ig- 
 norance of court usages, I should not address you by your 
 proper titles, I hope you will pardon me, for I am not ac- 
 customed to the formalities of courts, but was raised in a 
 monastery. 
 
 Two questions were yesterday proposed to me by his 
 imperial majesty. The first, whether I was the author of 
 the books whose titles were read ; the second, whether I 
 was willing to defend or retract, any of the doctrines I 
 taught therein. To the first I have given my humble an- 
 swer, clearly and directly ; and upon what I then said I will 
 stand firmly and eternally. If my works have not been 
 mutilated, I and I alone without the aid of any person or 
 
ccxxiv. luther's speech. 
 
 persons, how learned soever am the author of those books 
 As to the second question, I beg of your imperial majesty, 
 and you noble lords, to remember that I have written a num- 
 ber of works, on a variety of subjects. In some of my books 
 I have written on christian faith, and on good works, in 
 such a manner that even my adversaries are compelled to 
 admit that they are useful, innocent, and worthy to be read 
 by all christians. The pope's Bull although it is quick 
 and violent yet makes some of my books innocent, and yet 
 damns the same in a very extraordinary and unnatural 
 manner. Now if I were to retract these, what would I be 
 doing, other than denying what both friends and enemies 
 all admit. I have in the second place in some of my writ- 
 ings attacked the popedom and the papal doctrine, and 
 spoken against those whose scandalous and irregular lives, 
 and evil examples afflict the christian church and are cal- 
 culated to ruin the bodies and souls of men ! No man can 
 deny what experience teaches, all pious souls deplore the 
 state of things which now exists. Is it not true, that the 
 laws of popery, and the human doctrines of the pope, vex 
 and ensnare, and torment the consciences of the pious, — 
 and do not the crying and endless extortions of Rome swal- 
 low up and ingulf the property and wealth of Christendom, 
 and more particularly of this illustrious German nation. 
 Who can deny these things ? And yet the Roman Catho- 
 lic church teaches in her own books and decretals, that any 
 rules or doctrines the pope may teach that do not agree 
 with the gospel, and the opinions of the church fathers, are 
 to be looked upon as erroneous. Now if I were to re- 
 
LUTHER S SPEECH. CCXXV. 
 
 tract, would I not be strengthening this tyranny, and would 
 I not open the windows, and doors, and gates, for such 
 great impieties ; even wider than they now are ? These 
 wicked men would then with irresistible fury bear down 
 all opposition ; they would foam and rage more and more. 
 And the yoke of tyranny which now weighs so heavily 
 upon the common people, would become more intolerable 
 by my recantation. It would then be looked upon as re- 
 ceiving the sanction of his imperial majesty, this august 
 Diet, and of myself! Great God ! what an infamous cloak 
 to cover over every kind of tyranny and audacity, would 
 not I become ! 
 
 " In the third place, I have written some books against 
 private individuals, who undertook to defend and protect 
 or screen, (zu schiitzen,) the tyranny of the Romish 
 church, by endeavoring to corrupt and falsify the blessed 
 doctrines which I taught. I am willing openly to confess, 
 that against such persons I may have been more violent 
 and severe than is consistent with my profession of re- 
 ligion ; for I do not make myself a saint, nor am I dis- 
 puting about the sanctity of my own life, but about the 
 doctrines of Christ. But I cannot even retract these books, 
 because by so doing I would sanction the wickedness and 
 tyranny of my enemies, and they would become more 
 furious against the common people than heretofore ! Yet, 
 as I am not God, but a mere man, I must defend my books, 
 as Jesus Christ defended his doctrine, (John xviii. 23,) be- 
 fore the Jewish high priest, « If I have spoken evil, bear 
 witness against me.' Now, if the Lord Jesus, who knew 
 10* 
 
CCXXVI. LUTHER S SPEECH. 
 
 that he could not err, did not object to the bringing of testi- 
 mony against his doctrine, how much more should not I, 
 who am but dust and ashes, and so prone to err, desire 
 that every one should bring forward what he can against 
 my doctrines. Therefore I implore your most illustrious 
 majesty, and you illustrious princes, all states and condi- 
 tions of men, by the mercies of God, to prove to me from 
 the prophetical and apostolical writings, that I have erred. 
 As soon as I am thus convinced, I will cheerfully and at 
 once, revoke all my errors, and will be the first to commit 
 my books to the flames ! 
 
 " From what I have just said, it will appear clearly and 
 openly that I have sufficiently reflected upon and weighed 
 the danger to which I am exposed, in consequence of the 
 strife and divisions which my teachings have occasioned, 
 of which I was so violently and severely reminded yes- 
 terday. But to me it is a matter of great satisfaction and 
 joy, to see that there are strifes and divisions on account 
 of God's word, for this is the very character of God's 
 word, and has always been its fate, for Christ himself says, 
 'I came not to send peace in the earth, but a sword.* 
 Therefore it becomes us well to remember, that God is 
 wonderful and awful in his counsels and his judgments.-— 
 Let us therefore be mindful, lest in our efforts to put down 
 discords, we be found fighting ignorantly against God's holy 
 word, and bring down upon ourselves a terrible deluge of 
 irresistible calamities, both for time and eternity ! Let us 
 take care, lest the reign of our young and noble prince, the 
 Emperor Charles, on whose imperial majesty, next to 
 
LUTHER REPEATS HIS SPEECH IN LATIN. CCXXVII. 
 
 God, we build such high and flattering hopes, should be a 
 fatal and disastrous one, in its commencement and termi- 
 nation. I might produce instances from the word of God 
 to illustrate this matter, — I might speak of Pharaoh, of the 
 kings of Babylon, or of Israel, who, when they thought 
 by their prudence and foresight to strengthen themselves, 
 always contributed to their own downfall. 'For God 
 taketh the wise in their own craftiness, he removeth the 
 mountains and they know it not.' Therefore we should 
 fear God ; but for the sake of brevity I will say no more on 
 this subject. In speaking thus, I do not suppose that such 
 noble princes have need of my instructions, or my calling 
 such things to their recollection, but I wish to discharge 
 my duty to the German nation, my dear native land. And 
 so I would commend myself to your august majesty, and 
 your illustrious highnesses ; I beseech you in all humility, 
 not to permit yourselves to be influenced against me by 
 my enemies without reason." 
 
 When he had delivered this address in German, he was 
 requested to repeat it in Latin. Frederick von Thun, one 
 of the Elector's counsellors, whom the prudent prince had 
 stationed by the side of Luther, to aid and assist him by 
 his advice, seeing that Luther was a good deal exhausted, 
 said to him, "If you are not able to repeat your speech in 
 Latin, what you have said is enough." But Luther paid 
 no attention to what was said ; after a moment's pause, he 
 commenced, and repeated in Latin what bp had said in 
 German. When he had finished his Latin address, John 
 Eck, the mouthpiece of the Diet, arose in haste, and ad- 
 
CCXXVIII. POWERFUL IMPRESSION MADE UPON THE DIET. 
 
 dressed Luther in a sharp and angry tone, thus : " You 
 have not given a proper answer to the inquiries proposed, 
 you are not to place in a doubtful light the decisions of 
 the councils, nor to dispute about their correctness. You 
 are required to give a clear, pointed and unequivocal an- 
 swer to the question ; will you revoke and retract, or will 
 you not ?" Luther then said loudly and distinctly, " Since 
 your imperial majesty, and you, illustrious princes, require 
 of me a plain, direct and unequivocal answer, I will give 
 one that shall have neither horns, nor teeth, and it is this, 
 unless I am convinced out of the sacred Scriptures, or by 
 other clear and cogent reasons ; (for I believe neither the 
 pope, nor the councils alone, for it is as clear as noon-day 
 that they have both often erred, and have often been op- 
 posed to each other.) If therefore, I am not fully satisfied 
 that the passages I have recited from the word of God, are 
 wrong, and that my conscience is not subject (i. e. under 
 the influence of) the word of God. I neither can nor will 
 retract any thing I have done, because it is neither safe nor 
 prudent to say any thing against one's conscience." Then 
 Luther raised his hands and eyes toward heaven, and ex- 
 claimed with a strong and excited and impressive voice, 
 " Hier stehe ich ; ich kann nicht anders, Gott helfe mir. 
 Amen" Here I stand, I cannot do otherwise, God do 
 thou help me I This was the most interesting period of 
 Luther's life, here was a grand and sublime spectacle, an 
 humble monk by the brilliancy of his talents, and the just- 
 ness of his cause, outshining all the splendors of the Ger- 
 man empire. The vast assembly was thunderstruck, a 
 
POWERFUL IMPRESSION MADE UPON THE DIET. CCXXIX. 
 
 deep impression had been made, the breathing of the Diet 
 had almost been suspended, when the sound of the last 
 word had ceased to reverberate, among the lofty colonnades. 
 The emperor who had been struck dumb with Roman 
 Catholic amazement, at the bold and heretical doctrines of 
 the noble Saxon, exclaimed, " the monk speaks unterrified 
 and with calm courage," (" der Monch redet unerschrocken, 
 mit getrostem Muth.") 
 
 The chancellor then arose and addressed Luther as he 
 had before, and told him that he had not answered as was 
 expected, and that if he would not retract, the emperor and 
 the states of the empire would know how to deal with an 
 obstinate heretic." Luther replied, "May God help me, 
 for I cannot retract." Luther was now permitted to with- 
 draw and the Diet commenced its momentous deliberations. 
 Every one saw and felt that it was a critical moment. "On 
 the yea and nay of this monk perhaps depended the repose 
 of the church, and the world for ages to come. In the de- 
 sire to overawe him, he had been raised on a platform, in 
 sight of a whole nation ; the attempt to give publicity to 
 his defeat, had only served to enhance his victory over his 
 enemies. The partisans of Rome could not patiently sub- 
 mit to this humiliation." Luther was called back, and Dr. 
 Eck, the chancellor of the empire, addressed him thus : 
 " Martin you have not spoken with that humility which 
 becomes your standing. The lines of distinction you have 
 drawn as to your works were unnecessary, for if you had 
 retracted such as contain error, the emperor would not 
 have allowed the others to be burnt. It is absurd to re- 
 
CCXXX. POSITION OF LUTHER. 
 
 quire to be refuted by Scripture when you are reviving 
 heresies condemned by the General Council of Constance. 
 The emperor commands you therefore simply to say yea 
 or nay." " I have no other answer to give," said Luther, 
 "than that I have already given." There stood the un- 
 daunted Saxon monk, firm and unshaken. 
 
 The following beautiful words of the poet may be ap- 
 plied to him on this occasion, very aptly : 
 
 "So fixed by Providence's hands, 
 A rock amid the ocean stands, 
 So bears without a trembling dread 
 The tempest beating on its head, 
 And with its side repels the wave 
 Whose hollow seems a coming grave ; 
 The skies, the deeps are heard to roar, 
 The rock stands settled as before." 
 
 So stood Luther like the great Gibraltar of the moral 
 world ! He was the first man on the earth who for the 
 last thousand years had dared to say, "no," when the 
 church said, "yes." The Roman party was dismayed; 
 the unbending German monk had conquered all the pow- 
 ers of the church and the empire. The virtual language 
 of this great man was, " do your worst." The body you 
 may destroy, but the eternal and the chainless mind you 
 cannot conquer ! The emperor then arose, and the whole 
 Diet followed — the chancellor then said, " The Diet will 
 meet to-morrow morning to hear the emperor's decision." 
 Luther was conducted to his hotel amid a tremendous ex- 
 citement, some reviling and others praising him. Luther 
 
THE ELECTOR'S OPINION OF LUTHER's SPEECH. CCXXXI. 
 
 was perhaps the only man that felt calm — he was in God's 
 hands — and so far as he was concerned it mattered but lit- 
 tle to him how it went. 
 
 Luther had returned to his hotel, his friends were there 
 ready to rejoice with their intrepid champion. The Elec- 
 tor, Frederick of Saxony, was delighted and edified with 
 the noble bearing and courageous conduct of his monk. 
 He sent for Spalatin, who was with Luther, and when the 
 latter came, he said with deep emotion, " Oh, how elegant- 
 ly did not Father Martin speak before the emperor and 
 the states of the empire, all I feared was that he would be- 
 come too impetuous." From that moment the bonds of 
 friendship were drawn more closely between these two 
 great men. The popish party saw and felt that Luther 
 had made a deep impression upon the public mind, and 
 they knew that they had no one who was able to stand be- 
 fore him. Aleander commenced operating upon the mind 
 of the young emperor, who had imbibed early and strong 
 prejudices against the right of private opinion. And the 
 extent of the nuncio's success may perhaps be gathered 
 from the following message, which the emperor caused to 
 be read to the Diet on Friday the 19th of April. " De- 
 scended from the christian emperors of Germany, from 
 the catholic kings of Spain, from the archdukes of Austria, 
 and dukes of Burgundy, who have all distinguished them- 
 selves by supporting the faith of Rome, I am firmly re- 
 solved to tread in the footsteps of my ancestors. A single 
 monk, led astray by his own madness, erects himself 
 against the faith of Christendom. I will sacrifice mvking- 
 
CCXXXII. ROME HAS LOST HER POWER. 
 
 doms, my power, my friends, (a thrust at the Elector of 
 Saxony,) my money, my body and blood, my thoughts and 
 my life, to stay the further progress of this impiety. I 
 am about to dismiss the Augustine Luther, forbidding him 
 to cause the least disturbance among the people. I will 
 then take measures against him and his adherents, as open 
 heretics, by excommunication, interdict, and every means 
 necessary to their destruction." 
 
 This was a strong and decided address, but the day 
 when excommunications and interdicts of popes and kings 
 could throw whole nations into convulsions, had passed 
 away. Luther's preaching, and the publication of some 
 twenty volumes, and his public disputations, and now his 
 noble conduct at Worms, had dispelled much of the moral 
 darkness that had for ages enshrouded the church and the 
 world ! That long, long, dark night of moral darkness, 
 was giving way to rays of divine light, that was now 
 breaking into the world ! The moral heavens were be- 
 ginning to be dotted with the stars of hope — harbingers of 
 a brighter day ! 
 
 Two years before, in this self same ancient city of 
 Worms, such an address from Maximilian to a Diet of the 
 German nation, would have been received with thundering 
 applause, and the poor individual against whom such a 
 moral thunderbolt would have been directed, God help 
 him — he would have been crushed at once, no power on 
 earth could have saved him ! But now how changed the 
 scene, nearly half the princes present heard the emperor's 
 message with displeasure. Even Duke George, the avow- 
 
GREAT MILITARY EXCITEMENT. CCXXXUI 
 
 ed enemy of Luther, opposed it; the Elector, Palatine, 
 and the princes of Bavaria sided with Duke George. The 
 Elector of Brandenburg, and most of the dignitaries of the 
 church, insisted upon a violation of the Emperor's safe-con- 
 duct. This was strongly contested, and ultimately over- 
 ruled. And to the credit of the Emperor be it said, he 
 refused to commit so flagrant a crime ! Perhaps those 
 high and lofty principles of honor, which are said to belong 
 to the Spanish character, got the better of his bigotry. It 
 is even supposed that Charles, towards the close of his 
 life, leaned very strongly towards Protestantism. Much 
 has been written pro and con, on this subject. But al- 
 though we may award to him in his declining years, much 
 self-denial and charity, yet there seems to be little Protes- 
 tantism in monasteries — Charles abdicated his throne, and 
 died in the seclusion of a cloister. His life is exceeding- 
 ly interesting, and has been ably written by Dr. Robertson, 
 to which we would refer the reader, for one of the finest 
 specimens of biography in our language. 
 
 Luther was constantly surrounded by multitudes who 
 flocked to see him, he made many friends, his fame was 
 spreading throughout the German empire. Placards were 
 stuck up in every part of Worms, and anonymous letters 
 poured in upon the Emperor and the members of the Diet 
 daily, threatening vengeance and bloodshed in case Luther 
 should be injured. The Emperor was informed that if it 
 should become necessary, there were 400 noble knights, 
 with 8000 soldiers, both infantry and cavalry, who were 
 ready in a moment to defend the intrepid friend of Germany! 
 
CCXXXIV. GREAT MILITARY EXCITEMENT. 
 
 It was also reported that Francis von Sickingen had as- 
 sembled 400 German knights, who had bound themselves 
 to defend Luther. Ulric von Hutten was at this time in 
 the family of Sickingen. It was probably from this rural 
 retreat, this asylum of the oppressed and persecuted, that 
 he wrote his famous letter to the Emperov. Charles V. In 
 relation to the excitement that existed at this time in 
 Worms, Luther said in after life, "If I had felt dis- 
 posed when at Worms to make disturbance, I might 
 have raised such a rebellion, as would ^have endangered 
 the safety of the emperor himself." After the emperor 
 had expressed his determination to proceed with rigor 
 against Luther, a number of the princes and other members 
 of the Diet, strongly urged the propriety of holding an- 
 other friendly conference with Luther. They thought Lu- 
 ther must and should be convinced of his error. The 
 archbishop of Treves, Joachim, of Brandenburg, Duke 
 George, the bishop of Augsburg, the bishop of Branden- 
 burg, and a number of others, insisted that the emperor 
 should defer his contemplated measures against Luther 
 until after another effort towards a reconciliation should 
 have been made. The emperor consented. There was 
 a gentleman at Worms who was well calculated to make 
 an impression upon Luther's mind, he was famous for his 
 gravity of manners, his deep toned piety, his extensive 
 knowledge of human nature, and his great eloquence. If 
 any man on earth could do anything with Luther, this was 
 the man — his name was Jerome Wehe, or as he is some* 
 times called Wehus — he was chancellor of Baden. The 
 
LUTHER GETS PERMISSION TO RETURN. CCXXXV 
 
 archbishop of Treves had undertaken the task of recon 
 ciling the pope and Luther. This conference took place 
 on Wednesday, the 24th of April, in the residence of the 
 archbishop of Treves. Wehe commenced in a very calm, 
 mild and earnest manner, to reason with Luther, but as 
 the substance of his fair speech was "revoke," " revoke," 
 Luther replied as on a former occasion, "the Bible," "the 
 Bible," and thus ended the matter. The papists saw that 
 they could not argue with Luther ; this fact led one of their 
 party, Cochloeus, to exclaim, " Why did not the emperor, 
 when he cited Luther to Worms, also summon learned 
 men capable of refuting him." Yes, why did he not? 
 Because that was impossible, the most learned men in the 
 whole church of Rome had tried to refute him, but they 
 were not able. The curious reader can see this confer- 
 ence fully treated in D'Aubigne, vol. II. p. 250. 
 
 On Thursday, the 25th, Luther got permission from the 
 emperor to return to Wittenberg. He must return within 
 the space of twenty-one days, and in the mean time was 
 not to disturb the public peace on his way home by preach- 
 ing. Thus ended the famous Diet of Worms. 
 
 On Friday morning, the 26th of April, soon after break- 
 fast, Luther left Worms in the company of his friends, at 
 Oppenheim he was joined by Sturm, the imperial herald. 
 The first day, without any accident, they reached Frank- 
 fort. From Frankfort, he wrote a letter to his worthy 
 friend, Lucas Cranach, the celebrated painter, at Witten- 
 berg. This letter gives us a fair view of Luther's heart, 
 for it was written to a bosom friend. 
 
CCXXXVI. LUTHER LEAVES WORMS. 
 
 " Dear Lucas, my best wishes to you, I commend you 
 to God. I must permit myself to be taken away and con- 
 cealed, I knGW not where — I would rather have suffered 
 death at the hands of the tyrant duke George of Saxony — 
 but I must follow the advice of good friends. I was not 
 looked for at Worms. I supposed his imperial majesty 
 would have collected one or fifty doctors, honestly to refute 
 the monk ! But there was nothing more done than this, 
 viz. Are these books yours? Yes! Will you recant? 
 No ! Then clear out ? ! what blind Germans we are, 
 how childishly we act in permitting the Romanists to ape 
 and to act the fool with us ! 
 
 "My compliments to your dear wife. The Jews must 
 sing their, yo ! yo ! yo ! Our passover too will come, 
 then we will sing hallelujah ! It is necessary for us to keep 
 quiet and suffer a while. ' A little while and ye shall not 
 see me, and again a little while and ye shall see me,' said 
 Christ, I trust I can say the same. If you are not satis- 
 fied with the preaching of the licentiate Feldkerchen, get 
 Amsdorff, he will cheerfully do it. Adieu." 
 
 This letter shows clearly that Luther was aware that he 
 would have to be concealed — no doubt the elector of Sax- 
 ony had Luther prepared for his capture and residence at 
 Wartburg. Some even suppose, nor is the supposition at 
 all improbable that the emperor himself consented to the 
 scheme of secreting Luther ! This was a stroke of royal 
 policy such as is sometimes necessary ! Let any man look 
 at the situation of Charles at this time, and he will see that 
 he could not well do otherwise. He dare not oppose the 
 
luther's letter to the emperor, ccxxxvii. 
 
 pope, and he dare not execute Luther — on the one hand 
 the friendship of the pope was all important in the accom- 
 plishment of his ambitious schemes, and yet without the 
 German princes who were favorable to Luther he could do 
 nothing, Hence it is quite probable that while he was 
 pretending to chastise Luther with one hand, he actually 
 concea°c him with the other. 
 
 Dr. Miiner says, Spalatin communicated this plan of 
 evading the pope's fury to Luther, the evening before he 
 left Worms. 
 
 Next day, the 27th of April, Luther reached Friedberg. 
 From this place we have two famous letters, dated, the one 
 in Latin to the emperor, and the other in German to the 
 princes of the German empire. These are among the 
 most splendid letters he ever wrote, and as they were pub- 
 lished by his friends in the form of tracts, and very exten- 
 sively circulated throughout Germany, they contributed 
 not a little to build up the cause of Christ. Both these 
 letters are long, too long to be transcribed here. But the 
 sentiments they contain are so noble that we must furnish 
 a few specimens. In his letter to the emperor, he says, 
 " God who is the Searcher of all hearts is my witness, that 
 I am willing to obey your imperial majesty in life or death, 
 in glory or in shame, in gain or in loss — this is the delib- 
 erate determination to which I have come, and I make no 
 exception at all, only the word of God." The Bible was 
 everything with Luther. He goes on, "it is contrary to 
 the will of God, that one man should be under subjection 
 to another, in that which belongs to the salvation of the 
 
CCXXXVIII. LUTHER AT HIRSCHFELD. 
 
 soul." "I do not pray for my own person, but for the 
 whole christian church— I plead for my noble and beloved 
 German nation. I have sought nothing but the glory and 
 honor of God, and the welfare of my fellow-men. I have 
 never looked to my own interest, and God grant that I never 
 may — whether my enemies condemn me or not. As Christ 
 my Savior, prayed for his enemies when nailed to the 
 cross, 'Lord forgive them, for they know not what they 
 do,' so I will pray for your imperial majesty, and for all 
 my enemies." What a truly christian spirit! How like 
 his Great Master, did he pray for his enemies ! 
 
 On Tuesday the 30th of April, Luther left Friedberg, 
 and reached Hirschfeld, where he was met by the chan- 
 cellor of the prince and the senate, and escorted with great 
 pomp into the town. 
 
 On Wednesday the first of May, by request of the 
 prince, he preached, and after service moved on to Eisen- 
 ach. What thoughts must have crowded into his soul as 
 he looked around him upon the scenes of his childhood ! It 
 was now twenty years since he had left the school at Eisen- 
 ach. Through what mighty conflicts had he not passed ? 
 What mighty changes had he not seen ? Twenty years 
 before he begged his bread in the streets of Eisenach, 
 now he appears there as the greatest man of his age. 
 Luther's friends call to see him. What had become of 
 the pious Cotta family ? Did they yet live to witness the 
 fame of their protege ? We know not. Luther preached 
 at Eisenach. 
 
EDICT AGAINST LUTHER. CCXXXIX. 
 
 We will now permit Luther to enjoy the scenes of his 
 childhood, and return to Worms, and see what is going 
 on there. After Luther had left Worms the pope's agents 
 Aleander and others, were very busy in having Luther 
 and his followers condemned. On the 25th of May, the 
 edict was signed by Charles, when the greater part of the 
 German princes had left. It was dated May 8th, and is a 
 long and curious document, consisting of not less than fif- 
 teen large folio pages ! We here give a part of this fa- 
 mous edict. 
 
 " The Almighty having confided to us as for the defence 
 of our holy faith, more extensive dominion than he hath 
 given to any of our predecessors, we purpose to employ 
 all our powers to preserve our holy empire from being 
 polluted by any heresy. The Augustine monk, Martin Lu- 
 ther, regardless of our exhortations, has madly attacked 
 the holy church, and attempted to destroy it, by writings 
 full of blasphemy. He has shamefully vilified the unal- 
 terable law. of marriage— he has labored to incite the laity 
 to imbrue their hands in the blood of their priests ; and de- 
 fying all authority, has incessantly excited the people to 
 revolt, schism, war, murder, theft, incendiarism, and the 
 utter destruction of the christian faith." Not a word of 
 this was true, and well did the people know it, this was 
 the reason why this lying edict had no effect. The peo- 
 ple of Germany laughed at it. The Spanish and Italian 
 Romanists, thought it was a very grave and important 
 document, but Luther had taught his countrymen better. 
 But when it did come, it could not find Luther— he was 
 
CCXL. LUTHER AMONG HIS FRIENDS A.T EISENACH. 
 
 safely housed in the castle of Wartburg. Let us now see 
 how Luther got to Wartburg. After spending some time 
 at Eisenach, he started in company with his brother, Jacob 
 Luther, Nicholas AmsdorfF and the driver, for the village 
 of Mohra, where his grandmother lived, and his father's 
 brother, Henry Luther. Counsellor SchurfF, Dr. Justus 
 Jonas and Suaven, who had come with Luther, left him at 
 Eisenach, and set out for Wittenberg. I have no doubt 
 SchurfF and Jonas knew all about the plan of Luther's con- 
 templated abduction. Luther spent the evening very pleas- 
 antly among his relatives. The next day he started, the 
 company had to pass through the forests of Thuringia, in 
 order to reach Waltershausen. As the carriage was passing 
 through a narrow defile, near the close of the day, a short 
 distance from the castle of Altenstein, close by the ruins 
 of an old church, five horsemen suddenly came upon them 
 Jacob Luther, who first saw the horsemen making for the 
 carriage, jumped from the carriage and ran at a furious 
 rate, and never stoped until he reached Waltershausen. 
 Luther in a letter to Spalatin says, " Frater meus equites 
 in tempore videns, a curru se subtraxit et insalutatus 
 Waltershausen pedestris venisse dicitur," i. e. my brother 
 who first saw the horsemen, threw himself from the car- 
 riage, and is said to have reached Waltershausen on foot, 
 without being pursued. One of the horsemen laid hold 
 of the bridle, another took charge of the driver, a third 
 drew Luther in rather a rough manner out of the carriage. 
 AmsdorfF was not molested. Luther was conducted into 
 the forest, clothed in the habits of a knight ; after having 
 
LUTHER A PRISONER AT WARTBURG. CCXLI. 
 
 walked a considerable distance, he was placed upon at 
 horse, and led about in the dark forest for a long - time. At 
 11 o'clock at night, they reached the ancient castle of 
 Wartburg, near Eisenach. It seems the party had bound 
 one of their own number upon a horse, to make it really 
 appear that they had been in pursuit of a fugitive, and that 
 Luther had assisted in taking him. 
 
 The object of this was to deceive any persons they 
 might happen to meet, and perhaps to conceal the charac- 
 ter of their real prisoner from the attendants of the castle. 
 Luther was introduced at the castle as knight George, and 
 was to be considered a state prisoner. The persons who 
 captured Luther were John von Berlepsch, chief keeper 
 of the castle of Wartburg, and his confidential friend 
 Burkhardt Hund, proprietor of the castle of Altenstein, the 
 other three were knighted esquires. Luther was now safe- 
 ly housed from the raging storms of papal fury. Luther 
 called this his Patmos. When the news reached Witten- 
 berg that Luther was carried away, the excitement became 
 great, and rumor with her thousand tongues, was of course 
 not idle, the doleful news spread from one end of Germany 
 to the other. Ulric von Hutten was very much excited, 
 and laid plans for the abduction of Aleander, the pope's 
 nuncio. The war cry resounded far and wide. Even 
 the Romanists, who at first rejoiced, now became alarmed 
 for their own safety. Such were the affections of the 
 people for Luther, that one word of encouragement from 
 the elector of Saxony, would have raised a fearful rebel- 
 lion. " The only way of saving ourselves," says a Ro? 
 It 
 
CCXLII. LUTHER AT WARTBURG. 
 
 manist to the archbishop of Mentz, " is to light our torches 
 and go through the land, until we find Luther, and restore 
 him to the nation that will have him." No one felt more 
 sorrowful than Melancthon, he did not care about living 
 without Luther. O ! how his sensitive soul must have 
 been thrilled with agony when he heard of Luther's fate. 
 But he was soon informed of all the circumstances of the 
 case. Lucas Cranach could now also understand the 
 mysterious letter he received a few days before from Lu- 
 ther. The principal men at Wittenberg soon understood 
 the matter. 
 
 Let us now go back to Wartburg, and look at the con- 
 duct and feelings of Luther in his retirement, — our object 
 is to give a life of Luther, rather than a history of the 
 Reformation. Luther at first felt himself in a narrow 
 place, he had been very active, now he must become indo- 
 lent ; he could look out upon the great world, but could 
 not mingle in its mighty conflicts. He tried to feel con- 
 tented, he tried the chase, he mingled with the hunters, 
 but there was no enjoyment in so unintellectual an em- 
 ployment for him, his soul loathed it — it was too little a 
 business for his mighty mind. One day he went with a 
 company of hunters, when the chase commenced his com- 
 panions were all deeply interested in the chase of a rabbit, 
 he felt no interest. " This reminds me," says he, "of the 
 devil setting his dogs, the bishops and those messengers 
 of anti-Christ, who are sent out to hunt down poor souls." 
 One day a young rabbit was taken in a snare uninjured, 
 Luther plead for its life, it was given him, he took it care- 
 
CCXLIII. 
 
 fully and placed it in a thicket, but the dogs soon followed 
 its scent, and killed it. "Thus," says Luther, "it is with 
 poor souls that have been saved, the pope destroys them." 
 He frequently strolled about in the dense forests, he was 
 very fond of strawberries, and often went out to gather 
 them. At first the confinement did not agree with him, 
 and he got sick, but having procured some medicines from 
 Wittenberg, and taking more exercise, his health was soon 
 restored. He had some books brought from Wittenberg, 
 and commenced reading Hebrew and Greek, and improved 
 himself much in these languages. During the hours of 
 his recreation, he frequently in company with his esquires, 
 (for he had two constantly with him,) visited the neighbor- 
 ing towns as Eisenach, Gotha, Jena and Erfurt, and it is 
 even said that he once visited Wittenberg, and again re- 
 turned to his Patmos. This was the name of the island 
 to which the apostle John was banished. His esquires 
 sometimes had hard work to keep Luther from disputing 
 with those who came in his way. He sometimes seems 
 to have forgotten that he was acting the knight. Yet it was 
 all important his concealment should be kept a profound 
 secret. Luther did not lie buried in the castle of Wart- 
 burg nine months in vain. No ! he could not in any situ- 
 ation of life have done more to promote the Reformation 
 than he did while there. He had time in that calm and 
 quiet spot, to review his past life, to look more narrowly 
 at the doctrines he had taught. His notions on the free- 
 dom of the will, and of salvation by faith alone, without 
 even the use of any means, he had taken more from St. 
 
CCXLIV. LUTHER S CHANGE OF OPINION. 
 
 Augustine, than from the Bible, and he was not far from 
 the horrid doctrines of antinomianism ; a few more disputes 
 of a violent nature, would perhaps have driven even this 
 extraordinary man into such a position that he would have 
 repudiated all church ordinances and ceremonies. But at 
 Wartburg he had time for deeper theological reflection, he 
 examined more fully the meaning of the Bible. His opin- 
 ions on the doctrines of the human will, predestination and 
 election, which he held at the Diet of Augsburg in 1531, 
 were not the notions he had learned from St. Augustine in 
 the early part of his life. Luther always held that we are 
 saved by faith, but he also held that faith is an active 
 operation of our own minds. Luther's change of opinion 
 on these subjects is admitted by all who are acquainted 
 with his works. We must be cautious how we receive the 
 testimony of such men as Milner and D'Aubigne, for how- 
 ever honest and upright, we may consider them, we must 
 bear in mind that they are not of the Lutheran school. 
 Whether they and those of their school are right or wrong, 
 in their peculiar doctrinal views, is nothing here nor there. 
 It must be borne in mind that Luther was educated in the 
 school of St. Augustine ; and especially in the early part 
 of his splendid career, he used the language of St. Augus- 
 tine. When he portrayed the human heart, he drew his 
 figures deep and heavy ; — when writing against Pela- 
 gians, he was not perhaps as logical and nice in his 
 distinctions as he might have been, hence Calvinists claim 
 him as a champion of their school 
 
LUTHER, NO PREDESTINARIAN. CCXLV. 
 
 To prove that Luther's views did undergo a change, we 
 adduce his own remarks made near the close of his life. 
 " I intreat you to read my writings with cool consideration, 
 and even with much pity. I wish you to remember that 
 when I commenced the affair of indulgences, I was a monk, 
 and a most mad papist ; so intoxicated was I, and immersed 
 in papal dogmas, that I would have been ready to assist in 
 murdering any person, who should have uttered a word 
 against the pope. I was always earnest in defending the 
 doctrines which I professed. You will find therefore, in 
 my earlier writings, many things of which I do not now 
 approve." 
 
 In the early days of Luther there was nothing said about 
 predestination. This doctrine was taught by Godschalk in 
 the ninth century ; and Dr. G. Lochman, in his life of Lu- 
 ther says, " From the time of Godschalk to the Reforma- 
 tion, very little was said or written about this subject, there- 
 fore Luther and his cotemporaries made no mention of it 
 in their confession of faith. As soon as Calvin however, 
 revived this doctrine of an absolute predestination, the Lu- 
 therans came forward to oppose it !" 
 
 The late Dr. Endress, of Lancaster, Pa., in a series of 
 articles in the Lutheran Intelligencer, of 1826, has answered 
 the question, "Was Luther an absolute predestinarian," 
 in a very learned and satisfactory manner. As this is a 
 question of no little importance to Lutherans, we will here 
 take the liberty of introducing some of the ideas ad- 
 vanced by Dr. Endress into our work. Dr. Endress was 
 a gentleman of fine talents and considerable learning, and 
 
CCXLVI. LUTHER NO ABSOLUTE PREDESTINARIAN. 
 
 his name and memory are still revered in the Lutheran 
 church, of which he was an ornament. He says, " The 
 question, in fine, whether Luther was, or was not an abso- 
 lute predestinarian, was deemed by the writer of sufficient 
 importance for special examination." And now follows a 
 noble sentiment, a sentiment that ought to be impressed 
 upon every Lutheran minister's heart. "Not by reason 
 of anything like authority in Luther. Christ is my Mas- 
 ter, the Bible my code of religious instruction, in this I 
 shall always be a Lutheran. There is in Luther's works 
 much that I cannot assent to. He was an astonishing 
 phenomenon in the world ; yet he was but a man. The 
 Bible to which Luther recalled the christian world, was not 
 given by man, in it God himself instructs us, and it was 
 given to me as well as to Luther. In reading the Bible, 
 if I misunderstand it, I err because I am not perfect, and 
 my Master is good, and from his fallible servants, requires 
 only faithfulness. But even a doubt, that Luther might 
 have been an absolute predestinarian, I deemed to be an 
 act of injustice, if the doubt could be solved, and Luther 
 acquitted. Should I find him indeed to be a believer in 
 absolute predestination, it would not move my sentiments 
 on the subject, nor should I love the name of Luther the 
 less. Should we love each other the less because we are 
 imperfect and fallible ? That would not be acting in the 
 spirit of humanity, how could it be in the spirit of the 
 gospel? 
 
 "I procured a copy of Luther's works in German, and 
 read them through carefully. I found some few expres- 
 
LUTHER NO ABSOLUTE PREDESTINARIAN. CCXLVII. 
 
 sions, which I thought, a superficial reader might misun- 
 derstand, or a mind warped by party spirit misconstrue. 
 They were written by a man brought up in the papacy, 
 and educated as a monk of the order of St. Augustine, and 
 they were those works (from 1517 — 1528) in which Lu- 
 ther contended against Pelagianism, absolute Universalism, 
 or against murmuring dissatisfactions with the inscrutable 
 Providence of God. While contending with one extreme, 
 his expressions bordered upon the other. But as the light 
 of the gospel grew more distinct in his mind, his modes 
 of expression became more and more chastened. Every- 
 where however, I found his language strong, bold, and ven- 
 turesome. He marches onward to the peak of his senti- 
 ment, not heeding which side might claim him. Still I 
 was not satisfied, I thought perhaps he might have con- 
 fessed in Latin, what he did not think proper to make a 
 matter of vulgar discussion. I procured from the library 
 of one of my ministerial brethren an entire copy of Lu- 
 ther's works both in German and Latin in 24 volumes. I 
 read them through. They gave me full satisfaction, I dis- 
 covered where the cause of the misconception lay. I re- 
 joice that I can now say, that however unguarded some 
 of his early expressions were, they became at last so clear, 
 and plain, and full, that they cannot well be misunderstood ; 
 that in all the matters standing in connexion with the cur- 
 rent doctrine of predestination, touched upon by Luther, 
 he taught, during and after the meridian of his public life, 
 as the great body of the Lutheran church have always con- 
 tinued to teach ; and that in short, he was not a believer in 
 
CCXLVIII. LUTHER NO ABSOLUTE PREDESTINARIAN. 
 
 absolute decrees and irresistible grace, of absolute, uncon- 
 ditional predestination to eternal life and misery." Dr. 
 Endress deduces the following Theses from Luther's works 
 on this subject, viz. 
 
 1. That notwithstanding Luther always spoke of faith, 
 as the gift of God, he did not teach that the grace by which 
 it is communicated is irresistible. 
 
 2. That he plainly, directly and positively declared the 
 possibility of altogether falling from grace. 
 
 3. That he considered the questions about predestina- 
 tion, and the hidden decress of God, subjects of discussion 
 properly for sophists only, and that these questions are 
 not answered in the word of God. 
 
 4. That the terms he uses to designate this doctrine, 
 show his moderation. 
 
 5. That several of the passages of the Holy Scriptures 
 used by the absolute predestinarians, as some of the strong- 
 est supports of their opinions, he altogether disarmed of 
 their force, by his mode of interpreting them. 
 
 6. And finally, that Luther taught nothing more clearly 
 than that Christ died for the sins and for the benefit of all 
 men — of every individual in the world." 
 
 I have read the defence of these Theses, and must say 
 that the learned Doctor has most triumphantly sustained 
 them all. I have brought these views forward at this point, 
 because it is generally supposed Luther commenced a more 
 rigid system of theological investigation while at Wartburg. 
 But neither D'Aubigne, Milner, nor Scott, notice any 
 change in Luther's views. They see nothing but absolute 
 
LUTHER NO ABSOLUTE PREDESTINARIAN. CCXLIX 
 
 predestination in all his writings. Luther loved the doc- 
 trine of free grace, of justification by faith in Christ, he 
 looked upon man as a sinner, a sinner totally depraved, as 
 dead in sin, in a state of utter condemnation, but still he 
 considered him a moral agent. 
 
 In order to prove that Luther did change his views on 
 the subject here referred to, we beg leave to adduce the 
 testimony of Prof. Knapp ; he says in his Theology, page 
 461. "Luther and Melancthon, as well as Calvin and Beza, 
 were at first strong Augustinians, (i. e. predestinarians,) 
 but they afterwards abandoned his (St. Augustine's) doc- 
 trine of predestination, while Calvin and Beza still adhered 
 to it, and made it a doctrine of their church." On the 
 doctrine of the freedom of the will, Prof. Knapp, also says, 
 "Luther with Carlstadt and some others of his coadjutors 
 belonged at first to this high party, (i. e. the party of Au- 
 gustinians,) the former defended this doctrine in his book, 
 'De Servo Arbitrio,' against Erasmus. Afterwards how- 
 ever, his views became much more moderate, and he re- 
 tained but little more of the doctrine of Augustine, than 
 the terms in which it was expressed. He was followed 
 by a large number of the theologians of the Lutheran 
 church." That Luther in the latter part of his life entire- 
 ly rejected the doctrines of unconditional elections and re- 
 probations is most conclusively demonstrated in Schlosseri 
 Lutherus Lutheranus ; and in the very learned work of Dr. 
 Plank, as quoted by Prof. S. S. Schmucker in his Popular 
 
 Theology. Quod vide. 
 11* 
 
CCL. LUTHER NO CALVINIST, OR PREDESTINARIAN. 
 
 We give a quotation from Luther's Haus-Postille, trans- 
 lated by Rev. F. Ruthrauff, of Milton, Pa., on the text in 
 Matt. xx. 16. "For many be called but few chosen." 
 " Some put their own construction on these words and ex- 
 plain them thus : 'many be called,' that is, God tenders his 
 grace to many, 'but few are chosen,' that is, he bestows his 
 grace on few, because few are to be saved. But this is in- 
 deed a wicked interpretation ; for how is it possible for one, 
 entertaining such ideas of the divine character, not to be 
 an enemy of God, whose will alone, according to this 
 view, is wanting in order to his salvation ? Moreover, let 
 this exposition be contrasted with that which a man will 
 cherish after he shall have become acquainted by experi- 
 ence with the Lord Jesus Christ, and it will be found to be 
 nothing more than downright diabolical blasphemy. This 
 passage has therefore an entirely different meaning. Many 
 be called, but few chosen. The gospel is general and pub- 
 lic, and designed for all and every one who will hear and 
 accept it. God requires it to be proclaimed thus generally 
 and publicly, for the very purpose that all and every one 
 may hear, believe and receive it, and be saved. But how 
 do men act? Precisely as is stated in the text, few are 
 chosen, that is, few so demean themselves towards him 
 that God can take pleasure in them. This is what is im- 
 plied in not being chosen in Christ. Those are the cho- 
 sen, those the persons that please God, who hear the gos- 
 pel diligently, believe in Christ, manifest their faith by their 
 good works, and cheerfully submit to the sufferings brought 
 upon them by the faithful practice of their religious duty. 
 
LUTHER NO ABSOLUTE PREDESTINARIAN. OCLI. 
 
 This is the true sense, which can perplex none, and is 
 adapted to the reformation of all, On the other hand, 
 those who believe that God is not anxious for the salvation 
 of all, are in danger either of falling into despondency, or 
 of becoming secure and reckless sinners, living like brutes, 
 and thinking it is already decreed whether we are to be 
 saved or not, why then should we concern ourselves about 
 it. It is God's earnest will and desire from all eternity 
 that all mankind may be saved, and be made partakers 
 of eternal glory J As Ezekiel in the 18th chapter, has 
 plainly declared, " Have I any pleasure at all, that the 
 wicked should die, saith the Lord God, and not that he 
 should return from his ways, and live." If then he de- 
 sires the salvation of every sinner that lives and moves 
 everywhere under the high and wide heavens, why should 
 you, influenced by foolish thoughts suggested by the ene- 
 my, exclude and separate yourself from the grace of 
 God?" 
 
 This is strong testimony against the doctrine of absolute 
 predestination, which has so frequently been charged 
 upon Luther. 
 
 In a letter to a clergyman, one of whose members was 
 perplexed on the subject of election, and who asked Lu- 
 ther's advice, he replied, " Many have perished in the in- 
 dulgence of such curious inquiries, it is a temptation which 
 leads many even to blasphemy. I myself, by giving way 
 to it, have more than once been reduced to the last extrem- 
 ity. We poor mortals, even by faith, can hardly compre- 
 hend a few rays of the divine promises, or receive in prao 
 
cclii. luther's views on god's secret decrees. 
 
 tice. a few sparks of the divine precepts ; and yet, feeble 
 and impure as we are, we rashly attempt to fathom the 
 majesty of God in all its brightness ! 
 
 " Do we not know that his ways are past finding out ? 
 Instead of using in a proper way, the mild light of the 
 promises which is so well adapted to our faculties, we 
 rush forward with the eyes of moles, to view at once the 
 majestic splendors of the Diety ! Is it any wonder then, 
 that his glory should overwhelm us in the attempt to 
 fathom it ? We ought to know that there is such a thing 
 as the secret will of God, but the danger is when we at- 
 tempt to comprehend it. But suppose we could give an 
 accurate account of the judgment of Almighty God in his 
 secret determination, what advantage would accrue to us 
 from such knowledge, beyond what now lies open to us 
 from his promises and precepts ; the former being addressed 
 to our faith, the latter given for our practice ? Tell your 
 friend, if he would have peace of mind, to abstain from 
 such intricate speculations. The subject is incomprehen- 
 sible, and the study of it may drive him to despair and 
 blasphemy. Let him not give way to satan, who would 
 weary him by presenting impossibilities to his mind. Let 
 him exercise faith in the promises and obey the command- 
 ments, and when he shall have discharged these duties 
 well, he will then be able to judge whether he will have 
 any time left for impossibilities. There is no other reme- 
 dy than to neglect such thoughts, and not to give way to 
 them ; though this is a difficult task, because satan suggests 
 the absolute necessity of attending to them. This battle, 
 
LUTHER COMMENCES TO TRANSLATE THE TESTAMENT. CCLIII. 
 
 however, must be fought, and many persons fail in the con- 
 test by not suspecting their thoughts to be the temptations 
 of satan ; whereas these are the very ' fiery darts of the 
 wicked one.' He himself fell from heaven by aiming at 
 a knowledge above his station. Thus also he vanquished 
 Adam, by teaching him to be dissatisfied with his ignor- 
 ance concerning the will of God. Flight is the true wis- 
 dom here, there is no room for Christ to dwell in the 
 heart, as long as reasonings of this kind are uppermost.'' 
 
 We might produce many other passages from Luther's 
 works of a like import, but let these suffice for the pre- 
 sent, to establish our position, that Luther changed his 
 views. 
 
 During Luther's sojourn at the castle of Wartburg, he 
 commenced the translation of the New Testament; this 
 was furthering the Reformation perhaps as rapidly as any 
 thing that could possibly have been done. He commenced 
 this great work at Wartburg, and finished the NeAv Testa- 
 ment the following year at Wittenberg — soon afterwards 
 parts of the Old Testament, and in 1534, the whole Bible 
 was published in German. Thus the great work of the 
 Reformation, was now on a fair footing. The Bible alone 
 will defend the cause of Luther— well did he know this, 
 and hence his great anxiety to have the Bible circulated 
 throughout Germany. If Luther had never done anything 
 else, than furnished his countrymen with a German version 
 of the word of God, he would be entitled to the gratitude 
 of mankind ! For all the nations of Europe soon had 
 Bibles in their native languages. And the German trans- 
 
CCLIV. LUTHER S ENLARGED VIEWS. 
 
 lation by Luther is in itself, a proud monument to his name 
 and memory. It is even now, after the lapse of three hun- 
 dred years, not only the most popular version in the Ger- 
 man language but it is also a standard classical work. 
 
 We will here give the opinions of honest Roman Cath- 
 olic writers, as to the merits of Luther's translation. We 
 quote from Prof. E. C. Stowe's article in the Biblical Re- 
 pository, No. 44, 1844. And here we would in the name 
 of the Lutheran Church in the United States, and in the 
 name of all Protestants, thank Dr. Stowe for his faithful 
 delineation of Luther's character. He is the first English 
 writer who has done the great Reformer full justice ; — not 
 even the most enthusiastic German admirer of Luther has 
 ever estimated his talents, learning and piety, more highly 
 than Prof. Stowe. Look at the following just and beauti- 
 ful picture of Luther's power of speaking and writing : 
 
 " The writings of Luther, as is well known, and has 
 been often repeated, have created the language and litera- 
 ture of modern Germany. Considering the circumstances 
 in which he was placed, and the object which he had in 
 view, though we may justly find fault with many para- 
 graphs he has written, yet taking his treatises as a whole, 
 few of them have ever been surpassed, and some of them 
 have never been equalled. He was the first to appreciate 
 the essential importance of an extended and well sustain- 
 ed system of common school education for the instruction 
 of all the people ; and his eloquent and thrilling appeals 
 to the German nation on this subject, find nothing to excel 
 them amons; the educators of modern times. As a whole, 
 
CHARACTER OF LUTHER's WRITINGS. CCLV. 
 
 his sermons, his commentaries, his popular addresses, his 
 controversial treatises, his hymns, his music, his fables, 
 his letters, are all of a high order of excellence. 
 
 " The German style is wonderfully idiomatic, pointed, 
 piercing, and full of speaking pictures. There is no mark 
 of labor in it, it is visibly a mighty mind and a great heart 
 overflowing like Niagara. His sentences are like fall 
 charges of cannister shot, they hit in all directions, they 
 hit every where, and they hit all the time. It is in his na- 
 tive, the German of his own creation, that his full power 
 is seen and never out of it. As a revolutionary orator, 
 Luther was irresistible. So much coolness and so much 
 fire, so much self-possession and so much excitability, so 
 much logical power and so much exuberance of fancy, so 
 much good sense and such ready wit, with such advant- 
 ages of person and voice have seldom if ever, been found 
 united in one individual. Conceive of the steady, flaming 
 religious fervor of George Whiten eld, united with the per- 
 spicuity to seize and the genius to reproduce, every phase 
 and fleeting form of human character, — the skill to touch, 
 by the right word and the right metaphor, in exactly the 
 right place, every chord of popular emotion — which char- 
 acterized Shakspeare ; all this set off by a muscular frame 
 of fine proportion and manly strength, a fair glowing face, 
 which portrayed every sentiment before it was uttered — a 
 large clear blue eye, that radiated his very soul, (and such 
 a soul !) — a voice powerful as thunder and musical as an 
 organ, and you have some idea of what Luther was as a 
 public speaker." 
 
CCLVI. TESTIMONY OF ENEMIES TO THE 
 
 There is one remark made by Prof. Stowe, that we must 
 introduce here, although not properly in place — and the 
 sentiment is true, and those engaged now in the great pa* 
 pal controversy, would do well to weigh it maturely. " In 
 the revival of the papal controversy at the present day, in 
 the revival of the domineering and blasphemous claims of 
 the mother of harlots and abominations of the earth, no 
 treatises can be found better adapted to meet the exigencies 
 of the times, to repel and annihilate the groundless and ar- 
 rogant pretensions of high church bigotry, than the writ- 
 ings of Luther." It is a fact, that after more than three 
 hundred years' labor and study, Luther's " Address to the 
 nobility of the German nation," has not been surpassed as 
 a powerful and unanswerable argumentation against the 
 usurpations of popery. It ought to be translated and sent 
 to every nook and corner of our land, as the best defence 
 against the inroads of the "Man of Sin." 
 
 But we must proceed with the translation of the Bible, 
 and show the influence that master-stroke had upon the 
 interest of the church. Frederick von Schlegel one of the 
 most learned men in the Roman Catholic church says, 
 " There was one instrument by which the influx of bar- 
 barism was opposed, and a treasure which made up for 
 what had been lost, I mean the German translation (by 
 Luther) of the Bible. It is well known, that all true phil- 
 ologists regard this as the standard and model of classical 
 expressions in the high German language ; and that not 
 only Klopstock, but other writers of high rank, have fash- 
 ioned their style, and selected their plans according to this 
 
EXCELLENCY OF LUTHEr's TRANSLATION. CCLVII. 
 
 version." J. M. V. Audin a devoted and zealous papist, 
 who wrote a life of Luther, the object of which seems to 
 have been to show his brethren who need instruction on 
 this subject, how great, and bad a man Luther was! and 
 has for the nine hundred and ninety-ninth time repeated 
 the slanders and oft refuted tales that have been circulated 
 in Europe about Luther ! Audin says, " the poetic soul 
 finds in Luther's translation of the Bible, evidences of ge- 
 nius, and expressions as natural, beautiful and melodious 
 as in the original languages. Luther's translation some- 
 times renders the primitive phrases with touching simpli- 
 city, invests itself with sublimity and magnificence, and 
 receives all the modifications which he wishes to impart to 
 it. It is simple in the recital of the patriarchs, glowing in 
 the predictions of the prophets, familiar in the gospels, and 
 colloquial in the epistles of St. Peter and St. Paul. The 
 imagery of the original is rendered with undeviating fideli- 
 ty. Add to this the odor of antiquity which the dialect 
 used by Luther exhaled, and which is as pleasing as the 
 peculiar tint that is found in the engravings of the old Ger- 
 man masters. We must not then be astonished at the en- 
 thusiasm which Saxony felt at the appearance of Luther's 
 version. Both Catholic and Protestant regarded it as an 
 honor done to their ancient idiom." 
 
 Every word of the above is true, and the Roman Cath- 
 olic that can in spite of his prejudices pen such sentiments 
 concerning the greatest enemy, his church ever had on earth, 
 must be admired for his candour. But Luther did more 
 than translate the greater part of the New Testament whilst 
 
CCLVIII. LUTHER REPLIES TO THE DOCTORS OF PARIS. 1522. 
 
 at Wartburg. He wrote a work on "Private Confession." 
 This was the first work he wrote at Wartburg, and dedi- 
 cated it to " the inflexible and firm Francis von Sickingen." 
 This work consists of forty large folio pages, and exhibits 
 much deep reflection on the subject. He also wrote his 
 comment on the 119th Psalm. This consists of fourteen 
 large folio pages, and was designed to prepare Germany 
 for the reading of the Bible ; it is a splendid production. 
 He also wrote a comment on the 37th Psalm, consisting 
 of thirty large folio pages. While he was in his Patmos, 
 the celebrated decision of the doctors of Paris was pub- 
 lished, called "Urtheil der Theologen zu Paris iiber die 
 Lehre Dr. Martin Luthers." Of course Luther had to 
 reply. He also wrote a treatise on monastic vows. This 
 he dedicated to his father; he had not yet forgotten how 
 much his father had opposed him in becoming a monk. 
 This dedication is one of the liveliest, half earnest, and 
 half jocose productions of his pen, among other things he 
 says, "Do you still feel a desire to drag me from the 
 monks ? You certainly have a right to do so, for you are 
 still my father. But it is not necessary. God has been 
 ahead of you, and has himself delivered me from it with 
 his almighty hand. What does it matter if I should lay 
 aside the tonsure or the cowl ? Is it the tonsure or the 
 cowl that makes a monk ? I am a monk, and yet I am no 
 monk. I am a new creature not of the pope, but of Christ 
 alone ; and no mere mediator or days-man is my bishop, 
 my abbot, my prior, my lord, my master. Christ alone is 
 my Master and I acknowledge no other." Luther had 
 
SALE OF INDULGENCES AT HALLE. CCLIX. 
 
 never taken such large views of the errors of the papacy, 
 he now sees more corruption in the monasteries than he 
 had ever seen before. 
 
 While Luther was in his Patmos, the sale of indulgen- 
 ces commenced again at Halle. The archbishop of Mentz 
 encouraged the venders of indulgences to resume their 
 long suspended labors. " Do not fear Luther," says the 
 archbishop, " for we have silenced him ; go shear the flock 
 in peace, the monk is fast in prison." But the elector of 
 Mentz was mistaken, Luther was not bound, he was only 
 forging new and more destructive thunderbolts to hurl at 
 the enemies of God and man. Towards the close of his 
 confinement, he wrote his " New Idol of Halle." The 
 archbishop of Mentz some how or other got to hear that 
 Luther was about writing against his traffic ; he became 
 alarmed and sent Capito and Auerbach, two of his minis- 
 ters, to Wittenberg to prevent it. They so far succeeded 
 with the elector of Saxony, that he promised them that 
 Luther should not write on this subject. This was com- 
 municated to Luther, he became excited ; and no incident 
 in his whole life shows the fall character of this extraor- 
 dinary man to better advantage, than his reply to Spalatin. 
 "What!" exclaims Luther, " the elector will not permit 
 me to write on this subject ? And I on my part will not 
 suffer, that the elector shall not allow me to write. If I 
 have stood up against the pope who created your cardinal, 
 (the archbishop was also a cardinal,) is it proper, think 
 you, that I should give up to the thing he created." This 
 work, however, was not then published. Luther delayed 
 
CCLX. luther's bull against the arch-bishop. 
 
 it for sometime, and by the advice of his friends, he per- 
 mitted Melancthon to soften down some of the harsher ex- 
 pressions. But in the mean time he wrote a letter to the 
 proud archbishop ; this letter too, is characteristic of Lu- 
 ther. He had long enough received the moral thunder- 
 bolts of Rome, now he hurls them in his turn; he uses the 
 following language : " I now apprise your highness that 
 if this idol is not removed, it will become my duty, in 
 obedience to God's teaching, publicly to rebuke your high- 
 ness, as I have already rebuked the pope himself. Let 
 not your highness neglect this warning. I shall wait four- 
 teen days for a timely and favorable answer. Given in 
 my wilderness retreat, on Sunday after St. Catharine's day, 
 1521. Martin Luther, Monk. 
 
 The reader will perceive, in the dating of this bull 
 against the archbishop, that Luther in a half comical and 
 half serious manner, imitates the pope. The archbishop 
 was a good deal alarmed, and sent a kind and humble let- 
 ter to Luther. Luther's tract was not published at that 
 time. The winter had now approached — the cold northern 
 blasts were howling mournfully around the elevated castle 
 of Wartburg — the trees were stript of their foliage — the 
 birds had ceased their singing — the dreary and cheerless 
 winter was at the door, and Luther began to long and sigh 
 for the companionship of his Wittenberg friends. He 
 could stay no longer, come what may, he will go to Witten- 
 berg. It was not only the desire he had to see his friends, 
 that prompted him to leave his Patmos, but there were 
 other and more important matters that required, as h» 
 
LUTHER S TEMPTATION. CCLXI. 
 
 thought, such a step. Before however, we permit Luther 
 to leave Wartburg, it may not be out of place to refer to 
 his temptations of the devil. The Roman Catholics, who 
 see the devil's agency in everything in which Luther had 
 a hand, make a great handle of the severe temptation Lu- 
 ther had, when the devil personally appeared before the 
 Reformer, at the castle of Wartburg, when he was trans- 
 lating the New Testament, and when Luther threw the 
 ink-stand at his satanic majesty's head ! Let it be borne 
 in mind, that Luther was brought up a Roman Catholic, 
 and of course in the early part of his life believed all the 
 legends of that superstitious church, about the saints and 
 their trials, temptations and conflicts with the wicked one. 
 He was born too, just at the outskirts of the dark ages ; 
 how could he at once throw off every vestige of supersti- 
 tion ; he had a strong and vivid imagination, and some say 
 he was afflicted with a disease something like apoplexy. 
 Might not the devil that he saw have been something like the 
 gentleman mentioned in Sir Walter Scott's Witchcraft and 
 Demonology, who was visited every day after dinner, by 
 an old hag of a woman with a red cap, who always struck 
 him on the head with her crutch ? After all that has been 
 said on the subject, it appears everything rests upon his 
 " Table Talk," which is not considered very authentic ; at 
 all events, the Table Talk* is not on a par with his written 
 
 Concerning the celebrated book called the "Table Talk" of 
 Luther, we would just remark, that we never considered it of 
 much consequence ; and the views of Dr. Milner and bishop 
 Atterbury have confirmed us in our position. We subjoin their 
 
CCLXII. LUTHER LEAVES WARTBURG. 
 
 documents, and in them I find nothing on the subject of 
 the devil, out of the way, True, Luther talks about the 
 devil opposing him, and about taking the devil by the 
 horns and by the tail, about raining devils, &c. He of 
 course believed in the personality of the devil, but very 
 frequently by the devil he means the pope, for in 
 his opinion the devil and the pope had one object in 
 view. 
 
 Towards the close of October, 1521, Luther started for 
 Wittenberg, he reached it without being detected. It was 
 night when he got there ; he went to the house of Ams- 
 dorfT, the joy was great, but it was not full till Melancthon 
 
 views, after remarking that in a minute and full life of Luther, 
 published at Magdeburg, a kind of eclectic work, a work that 
 has carefully selected every thing important in the history of 
 Luther, no confidence whatever is placed upon the "Table 
 Talk f and in 300 pages it is not once mentioned. Dr. Milner 
 says, "" concerning the well known work called Luther's Table 
 Talk, which though it may contain many amusing, and many 
 good things, has yet been a fruitful source of those absurd sto- 
 ries and extravagant sayings, which have greatly lowered the 
 character of Luther with many superficial readers." I subjoin 
 the remark, of bishop Atterbury : " Luther's Table Talk is a 
 book that has not been received into the canon by the learned. 
 It depends purely on the credit of one von Sparr, that tells a 
 blind story of his finding it in the ruins of an old house, many 
 years after Luther and Aurifaber, the pretended compiler, were 
 dead ! But even if it should be genuine, yet no fair adversary 
 would urge loose table talk against a man in controversy, and 
 build serious inferences upon what perhaps was spoken but in 
 jest It may serve to divert a reader but is not fit to convince 
 him." 
 
CARLSTADT. CCLXI1I 
 
 was there ; — he was sent for — he comes — Luther falls 
 upon his knees and offers up a fervent prayer ! How long 
 Luther remained at Wittenberg we do not know, perhaps 
 a day or two ; but he felt it his duty to return to his dreary 
 prison, and remained there until the 3d of March, 1522. 
 In the mean time, mighty changes and revolutions had 
 taken place. The first was the immature and rash pro- 
 ceedings of Carlstadt ; and the second, the first exhibi- 
 tions of wild fanaticism. This was a stormy period ; the 
 preaching and writings of Luther seemed to have moved 
 the world from its moorings, every thing seemed to be in 
 a state of chaos, the world was in a transition state, pass- 
 ing over from error to truth. Luther had taught the right 
 of private judgment — men then, as ever before and since, 
 were prone to abuse the liberty of conscience. Luther 
 was in no way responsible for the fanaticism of his age, 
 nor did his doctrines lead to such results. Luther was in 
 many things an enthusiast, but no fanatic in anything. 
 Never was there a man on earth more opposed to fanati- 
 cism ; no man did more against it ; he considered fanaticism 
 as coming from the devil, he fought against it, and by the 
 assistance of God he put it down. The Roman Catholics 
 reproach us, as being responsible for all the fanaticism now 
 in the world. But who is responsible for that which exist- 
 ed before Luther's time? Surely not the principles of 
 Protestantism; was not the whole Roman Catholic world 
 one entire mass of fanatics in the time of the crusades ? 
 
 We shall now notice the conduct of Andrew Bodenstein 
 or Carlstadt. He considered himself the chief man at 
 
CCLXIV. CARLSTADT. 
 
 "Wittenberg when Luther was absent. In the absence of 
 Luther he took it upon himself to go on with the Refor- 
 mation at a rapid rate; he had the paintings and crucifixes 
 removed from the church at Wittenberg, and distributed the 
 elements of the Lord's Supper in both kinds. His con- 
 duct alarmed the elector of Saxony, and all the professors 
 at Wittenberg — Melancthon, Amsdorf and others remon- 
 strated, but all in vain-— Carlstadt said he would rather die 
 than give up one point of the Bible. Carlstadt was a man 
 of some talent, a good share of moral courage, and consid- 
 erable learning, but he was deficient both in piety and judg- 
 ment; he was vain and ambitious, and easily carried away 
 by his feelings ; as long as he was under the influence of 
 the great master spirit of the Reformation, his talents and 
 learning could be used for good, but when left to the im- 
 pulse of his own misguided feelings, he seems to have been 
 a poor contemptible character. His thoughtless conduct 
 produced a great excitement at Wittenberg, and indeed 
 throughout all Saxony. It was he who opened the flood- 
 gates of fanaticism, and was well nigh bringing the whole 
 glorious work of the Reformation into dishonor and re- 
 proach. The elector of Saxony became alarmed, he wrote 
 to Wittenberg and to Luther at Wartburg on the subject. 
 In January Luther wrote his famous letter, " Against the 
 innovation of Carlstadt at Wittenberg." This letter shows 
 Luther to have been a man of great prudence and judg- 
 ment. He says, " I cannot always be with you, each one 
 must suffer temptation, and die for himself — he who holds 
 out against sin, hell and the devil, will be saved, and he 
 
CARLSTADT S IMPRUDENCE. CCLXV. 
 
 who does not will be damned ; but no one can stand 
 against satan, unless he is grounded upon Christ. We are 
 all born in sin, we are depraved in Adam's fail to such an 
 extent that we can of ourselves do nothing; as Paul says, 
 'we are all by nature children of wrath,' but Christ has 
 borne our weakness in life and in death. As Christ has 
 done to us, we are to do to others, as he has borne our in- 
 firmities so we are to bear the weakness of our brethren." 
 The innovations at Wittenberg, which consisted in des- 
 troying masses and pictures, and attacking the Lord's Sup- 
 per, and doing other mean things, which are all of no im- 
 portance. "While these things have occupied all your at- 
 tention, faith and love have been entirely overlooked. It 
 would perhaps be well enough to do these things, if we all 
 had faith alike, and all would approve of them, and none 
 would object. But this cannot be, for we cannot all be 
 as learned as Carlstadt, we must therefore bear with the 
 weak. God has given you his pure word, and has favored 
 Wittenberg very highly. Yet there seems to be but little 
 love among you ; how much more ought not those to be 
 borne with, who have never heard the word of God at all ? 
 We ought to bear in mind, that we have many brethren in 
 other parts of the country, these we must endeavor to take 
 with us to heaven also. Your proceedings have very much 
 excited duke George and many others to anger, and yet it 
 is our duty to bear with them, and hope the best of them. 
 You have been too quick in these transactions, you have 
 entered upon this work with fists, I am not at all pleased 
 
 with your conduct, I cannot stand by you in this you 
 12 
 
CCLXVI. LUTHER S PRUDENCE. 
 
 commenced it without me, and you may now do the best 
 you can without me. You have erred, no matter what 
 Caristadt may say. You have ensnared many who had 
 tender consciences, they have attacked the sacrament, torn 
 down pictures, and have out of spite eaten eggs and meat. 
 Believe me, I am well acquainted with the devices of the 
 devil, he has commenced this work in order to bring the 
 word of God into reproach. He has set you upon the 
 trifling work of quarrelling with the sacrament and eating 
 meat and eggs, that you should forget the more important 
 matters of faith and love. The persons who instigated 
 this child's play are seeking their own honor, and the de- 
 vil will reward them in due time. God has given us com- 
 mands, these must be observed, no power on earth has any 
 right to interfere with God's commands, be it pope or 
 bishop. But the popes and bishops have added other 
 commandments. They have appointed priests and monks, 
 and have commanded them not to marry, and have insti- 
 tuted fast days, and in this way they have led thousands 
 of souls to destruction, and in this they have served the 
 devil. Yea the devil has himself done this, as we learn 
 from 1 Tim. iv. ' Giving heed to doctrines of devils, for- 
 bidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats.' 
 No power, ecclesiastical or civil, has a right to alter God's 
 laws." In this letter, Luther charges the people with sin, 
 for doing that which the pope had prohibited, when they 
 did it for no other purpose than to spite the pope, or the 
 weak brethren. This letter no doubt had a good effect 
 upon the people at Wittenberg. But there were still greater 
 
THE FANATICS. CCLXVII. 
 
 aiflv ulties against which Luther had to contend. While 
 he was shut up at Wartburg, the most outrageous spirit of 
 fanaticism broke out in Saxony, that threatened to bring 
 every thing to ruin. "We will now briefly notice this fan- 
 aticism. A fanatic is one who thinks himself under a di- 
 vine influence, one who is, as he thinks, inspired of God, 
 and is unwilling to be instructed from God's word. There 
 are various degrees of fanaticism, from the lowest grade of 
 animal excitement, to the "rapt vision" of the self-con- 
 ceited prophet, who imagines himself immediately inspired 
 of God. Between those two points there are infinite 
 shades and hues of fanaticism. Fanaticism in its various 
 forms always has been, and is now the greatest enemy re- 
 ligion has ever had to contend against ! It has been the 
 curse of the church, and is now the prolific source of un- 
 told evils in our land. We must be careful however, that 
 we do not confound a holy zeal in religion, and a warm 
 and chastened enthusiasm for spiritual worship, with fan- 
 aticism. Fanaticism and enthusiasm are different things. 
 Luther, John Wesley, George Whitefield and Spener, were 
 enthusiasts in religion, but they were no fanatics. A man 
 may be an enthusiast without being fanatical, but you rare- 
 ly see a fanatic who is not an enthusiast. We have some 
 of the finest specimens of fanatics in Germany in the year 
 1522. Luther commenced his work in 1517, by publish- 
 ing his 95 Theses ; during those five years the heart of Ger- 
 many was stirred to its very core ; men who before scarce- 
 ly knew that they were men, had commenced to think for 
 themselves ! Luther's works were sent out with a rapid- 
 
CCLXVIII. PEASANT TUMULTS. 1522. 
 
 ity such as has never been equalled. All the old land- 
 marks were demolished. The mind of all Germany was not 
 unlike Egypt after the waters of the Nile have subsided ; 
 it was like what the older Metaphysicians call a " Tabula 
 rasa," a blank sheet. Between the periods when the pa- 
 pal church lost her influence over the public mind, and 
 when the Protestant religion was fairly established, there 
 was a kind of ecclesiastical hiatus ; this was a frightful 
 chasm ! And it seems impossible, that the Reformation 
 could have been brought about without such a moral and 
 intellectual fissure. Protestantism is no more responsible 
 for this state of things than the papacy. This then was 
 the age of fanaticism ; true it existed long after, but it had 
 its origin in this interim. It is an instructive chapter in 
 the history of religion. 
 
 The fanaticism of this period first broke out in the vil- 
 lage of Zwickau, and what is most remarkable, is this, that 
 Nicholas Hausman, one of the most pious and holy men 
 of that age, was the pastor at that place. Luther says 
 concerning Hausman, "what we preach, he lives. " Yet 
 this good man had to see the glorious work of the Refor- 
 mation well nigh ruined, by his fanatical parishioners. 
 Nicholas Storch, Thomas Miinzer, Mark Stubner, Mark 
 Thomas and others, took it into their heads that the Al- 
 mighty had called them directly from heaven, to finish the 
 work of the Reformation of the church ; they believed 
 themselves inspired by the Holy Ghost and of course 
 needed not instructions, either from God's word or God's 
 ministers. " What is the use," say these men, " of such 
 
1522. PEASANT TUMULTS. CCLXIX. 
 
 close application to the Bible 1 Nothing is heard of but 
 the Bible. Can the Bible preach ? Can that instruct us? 
 If God had intended to instruct us by a book, would he 
 not have given us a Bible direct from heaven ? It is only 
 the Spirit that can enlighten us !" Here we see the foun- 
 dation of fanaticism. Now let us follow up the principles 
 here professed. These men soon had visions and revela- 
 tions from heaven. The angels appeared to them, even 
 God himself talked with them ! 
 
 Storch, who was the chief man among them, in imitation 
 of Christ, selected twelve apostles and seventy disciples ! 
 Joe Smith, the Mormon impostor, did the same — strange 
 that fanaticism should be so uniform in every age of the 
 world ! 
 
 One of the very first matters of doctrine and practice 
 among these fanatics was the rejection of infant baptism, 
 they preached up a new baptism ! These men preached 
 with great animation, they raved and stormed and bellow- 
 ed, until they were exhausted. Their preaching made a 
 deep and powerful impression everywhere. No doubt 
 if many of our ignorant people had heard them they 
 would have thought them good preachers ! The four fan- 
 atics we have mentioned, were all members of the church 
 at Zwickau, of which Hausman was pastor — he nobly 
 withstood these fanatics and drove them from the church ! 
 Fanatical members are sometimes found in our churches, 
 and do much more harm in the churches, than they could 
 possibly do out of them. The sooner persons that will 
 not be governed by the word of God, are out of our 
 
CCLXX. THE COUNTRY IN AN UPROAR. 1522. 
 
 churches the better. When Hausman beat them out with 
 the hammer of God's word, they set up for themselves. 
 They sent a delegation to Wittenberg. They met the pro- 
 fessors of the University and told them that God had sent 
 them to instruct mankind, — "We have special communica- 
 tions," said they, "from God, and we appeal to Dr. Luther !" 
 The professors were amazed ! "Well," says Melancthon 
 to Stubner, "who commissioned you to preach?" Stubner 
 replied, " the Lord our God." Melancthon went on, " have 
 you committed any thing to writing." " No," says Stub- 
 ner, " the Lord our God has forbidden me to do so." 
 
 Luther was written to for his opinion, he immediately 
 replied thus, "Your highness for many years collected m- 
 ligious relics far and wide ; God has heard your prayers 
 and sent you, at no cost or trouble of your own, a whole 
 cross with nails, spears, and scourges — God prosper the 
 new-acquired relic ! Only let youF highness spread out 
 your arms, and endure the piercing of the nails in your 
 flesh. I always expected that satan would send us this 
 plague." I take it for granted the above quotation is cor- 
 rect, as given by D'Aubigne, although I have not been able 
 to find it in Luther's works. Carlstadt was more easily 
 influenced by these prophets, than the other professors- 
 he caught the contagion and became almost as fanatical as 
 the Zwickau prophets — although himself a man of some 
 learning, he began to look with contempt upon all learning. 
 This was the necessary result of the fanaticism of Zwick- 
 au — if God inspires us to know every thing, it must be a 
 Waste of time to study. 
 
LUTHER HASTENS TO VVITTENBEkCr. CCLXXI. 
 
 The University of Wittenberg soon felt the withering 
 influence of fanaticism— the students neglected their stud- 
 ies — even some of the schools were shut up — poor Wit- 
 tenberg thou art brought low enough ! Who was to stop 
 this tide of ruin that was sweeping over the land ? There 
 was but one man in all the world that could do it, that was 
 Luther, all eyes were now directed to Wartburg— Luther, 
 Luther, was the cry. When Luther heard of the state of 
 things he could remain in confinement no longer ; he left 
 Wartburg without the consent of the elector. He wrote a 
 letter to him asking his permission to return ; the elector 
 would not consent. Luther remained a few weeks longer, 
 in the mean time things were growing more desperate at 
 Wittenberg, and the fires of fanaticism were spreading far 
 and wide. Luther left Wartburg and came to his beloved 
 Wittenberg. From Borne, a small town near Leipsic, 
 Luther wrote a letter to the elector to inform him of the 
 step he had taken ; in this letter he says, " Your highness 
 knows full well, or if not, be it known to you now, that I 
 received the gospel, not from man but from heaven. I 
 have sufficiently shown my deference to your highness, in 
 withdrawing from the public gaze for a whole year. Sa- 
 tan knows that it was not from cowardice that I did so. I 
 I would have entered into Worms, though there had 
 been as many devils there, as there were tiles upon the 
 roofs. Now duke George, whom your highness mentions 
 as if to scare me, is much less to be dreaded than a single 
 devil. If what is now passing at Wittenberg were taking 
 place at Leipsic, (duke George's place of residence,) I 
 
CCLXXII. LUTHER S RECEPTION AT WITTENBERG. 
 
 would instantly mount my horse and repair thither. Even 
 though, (your highness will I hope pardon the expression,) 
 it should rain duke Georges for nine days together, and 
 every one should be nine times as fierce as he ! Does he 
 think, that Christ, my Lord, is a man of straw ? Be it 
 known to your highness, that I am going to Wittenberg, 
 under a protection more powerful than that of an elector ! 
 I have no thought of soliciting your highness's protection, 
 and am so far from desiring your protection, that it is rather 
 my purpose to protect your highness ! I write this in 
 haste that you may not feel aggrieved by my coming." 
 
 Luther entered Wittenberg on the 7th of March, 1522, 
 having left Wittenberg on the 4th of April, 1521, being ab- 
 sent not quite a year. Luther was received with open 
 arms ; great was the joy in Wittenberg. The professors, 
 students, citizens all rejoiced. Luther soon became fully 
 acquainted with the state of things — his soul was grieved, 
 but he did not despair ; he believed the word of God quite 
 able to meet all difficulties. Carlstadt had given up his 
 studies; instead of examining the word of God for himself, 
 he went around the town from shop to shop to have the 
 Bible explained by the fanatics ! Luther was to preach 
 on the Sabbath ; the news spread — Luther is to preach — 
 Luther is to preach. At an early hour the great church 
 was crowded to overflowing. He preached for a whole 
 week every day — the impression was powerful — Carlstadt 
 and the prophets soon lost ground by the side of Luther — 
 and yet he never said a word against either — he preached 
 the word. One of his German biographers says : " His 
 
LUTHER MEETS THE FANATICS. CCLXXIII. 
 
 reason overcame the unreasonableness of the fanatics ; his 
 calmness and self-possession conquered their excited fanat- 
 icism ; his prudent and lovely deportment won the affec- 
 tions of the ignorant, and his firmness overwhelmed all 
 his opponents." Never did Luther show his greatness to 
 more advantage, than on this trying occasion. Fanaticism 
 soon began to decline — all the prophets had left before Lu- 
 ther's return. Cellarius, who had been converted to the 
 new doctrine, was the only man of any note that remained 
 in Wittenberg; Carlstadt had not gone with the fanatical 
 prophets in all things. Stubner, when he heard that Lu- 
 ther had returned and had scattered his flock, came on to 
 Wittenberg. Cellarius and Stubner challenged Luther to 
 meet them, and argue the points of difference. Luther 
 knew that so far as the fanatical leaders were concerned, it 
 was of no use — for fanatics then, as now, are deaf to all 
 reason, for their want of reason makes them fanatics— 
 however, Luther agreed to meet them. They accordingly 
 met. Stubner showed Luther how he intended to restore 
 the church, and reform the world. Luther listened atten- 
 tively ; after Stubner had finished, Luther said, " There 
 is nothing in all you have been saying that I can see based 
 upon the Scriptures. It is a mere tissue of fiction." At 
 these words, says D'Aubigne, " Cellarius lost all self-pos- 
 session." "Raising his voice like one out of mind, he 
 trembled from head to foot, and striking the table with his 
 fist, in a violent passion, exclaimed against Luther's speech 
 as an insult offered to a man of God !" Luther now said, 
 " Do you prove your apostleship by miracles?" " We 
 12* 
 
CCLXXIV. TRANSLATION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 
 
 will do so," replied the prophets. "The God whom I 
 I serve," rejoined Luther, "will know how to bridle your 
 gods." Stubner, who had not yet spoken a word, now 
 fixed his eyes in a solemn manner upon Luther, saying, 
 " Martin Luther, hear me, while I declare unto you what 
 is at this moment passing through your soul." " Well," 
 says Luther, "what was I thinking about?" "Why," 
 says Stubner, "you were beginning to see that my doc- 
 trine was true." Luther replied, "No, but I was think- 
 ing about that passage, 'get thou behind me, Satan. ,,; 
 Upon this the prophets lost all self-command, and shouted 
 aloud "the Spirit! the Spirit!! Luther replied by hurl- 
 ing at them one of his withering thunderbolts of contempt ; 
 " I will break the snout of your spirit !" The prophets 
 now stormed more and more. But it was of no use; they 
 had fallen into the right hands ; Luther understood the na- 
 ture even of fanatics. He soon cleared them all out of 
 Wittenberg. In ten days Luther had cleared the way, 
 and had entire possession of the hearts and affections of 
 all. Luther calmed the storms of popular excitement by 
 his prudence and firmness. There is perhaps not another 
 such instance on record ! And yet we are often told Lu- 
 ther was a good man, and a great man, but he was too im- 
 prudent. Away with such slander— Luther was prudent 
 enough ! 
 
 In September, 1522, Luther's translation of the New 
 Testament was published ; 3000 copies were immediately 
 sold ; in eleren years seventeen editions were published 
 at Wittenberg, thirteen at Augsburg, twelve at Basle, 
 
REPLY TO HENRY VIII., KING OF ENGLAND. CCLXXV. 
 
 thirteen at Strasburg, one at Leipsic, one at Grimma, and 
 one at Erfurt — making in all fifty-six editions. Herein 
 lay the mystery of Luther's success — he furnished the 
 people with the Bible, and in that God spoke to them — 
 God's truth was the great agent in carrying on the Refor- 
 mation. Luther only awakened the attention of his coun- 
 trymen to read the word of God. One of the first things 
 that demanded the attention of Luther after the fanaticism 
 was crushed, and the New Testament published, was an 
 attack made upon him by Henry VIII., king of England. 
 This was a treatise on the Seven Sacraments, and the 
 most violent attack that had yet been made upon him. To 
 this he was determined to reply. His friends remonstra- 
 ted, but he would hear nothing about sparing the guilty 
 monarch ; king or no king, he must be answered. The 
 king had treated Luther with much contempt, and the pope 
 had rewarded Henry for his labors by conferring upon him 
 the title of "Defender of the Faith." This, together with 
 the unbounded popularity of the book, seemed to create a 
 necessity for his answering, and answering it very severely. 
 Luther's answer is now before us ; we will give the rea- 
 der a few specimens of his bitter sarcasm, and his keen 
 wit. After making a few introductory remarks, and amus- 
 ing his readers with some droll sayings about the king's 
 knighthood, and his being made the Defender of the Faith, 
 he says : " But there are many who are under the impres- 
 sion that king Henry never wrote this book himself. What 
 do I care who wrote it — whether it was king Harry or 
 king Kutz, or the devil, or all hell ? he who lies is a liar, 
 
CCLXXVI. REPLY TO HENRY VIII., KING OF ENGLAND. 
 
 and therefore I do not fear the author. I will admit that 
 the king may have added a few ells of coarse cloth. 
 
 " I do wish this book were of value enough for me to 
 praise it, for I would like to praise it, that I might put the 
 pope, bishops and all to shame, that a layman, yea, and 
 even a king, should know more than the whole of them, 
 that the scholar should go so far beyond his masters. 
 
 " King Henry, and all the papists together, know no 
 more about faith and good works, than a goose knows 
 about the Psalms !" Then Luther goes on with the re- 
 view thus : " All the arguments of the king consist of 
 three parts : 1. He accuses me of writing against myself. 
 This argument he pushes to the greatest lengths. The 
 fact is, he wanted to make a large book, and had neither 
 the words nor capacity, but he was determined to make a 
 book. How much more becoming would it not have been 
 for the king of England to govern his people, and let those 
 write who could ? Why should an ass, that is accustom- 
 ed only to carry burdens, undertake to read Psalms ? 
 
 " But I suppose the king perhaps thought thus, " Well, 
 Luther is now out of the way ; his books are burnt ; I 
 can now lie as much as I please about him ; he cannot de- 
 fend himself; I will heap falsehoods upon him, and the 
 people will think them all true, and so conclude that I am 
 indeed a great king- — no doubt you can conquer where 
 there are no enemies in the field." Yes, my dear knight, 
 just go on and say what pleases your vanity, but you shall 
 hear that which you will not relish ! I will drive away 
 your lying propensity ! 2. The king accuses me of being 
 
REPLY TO HENRY VIII. KING OF ENGLAND. CCLXXVII. 
 
 actuated by hatred and envy, in writing against the pope, 
 and says I am proud, and conceited, and wise. Well, my 
 dear knight, suppose I am all you say — what has that to 
 do with the matter in hand ? If I am worthless, does that 
 make popery right? If this mode of reasoning is correct 
 then the king of England must be a wise man, because ] 
 hold him for a fool. The king of England impugns my 
 motives ; has he ever seen into my heart ; none but God 
 can do that. Then he accuses me of using harsh and bit- 
 ter language, in writing against the pope ! No language 1 
 ever used is equal in harshness to that of the king him- 
 self. It is true I have written against the pope, but I 
 showed from the prophets, from Christ and his apostles, 
 the errors of popery. But I never lied like the king of 
 England. The fact is, popery is built upon lies — it teaches 
 lies, and must be supported by lying. The third argument 
 of the king is, ancient usages. He quotes in his book but 
 a single passage of Scripture, and that is quoted wrong ! 
 So many persons have for so many ages believed these 
 things, that they must be true. I knew all these things 
 long before the king of England undertook to inform me !" 
 "The king of England," says Luther, "has but little 
 brains." 
 
 But we cannot convey even a tolerable idea of this splen- 
 did production, by giving garbled extracts, and it is too 
 long for insertion here. We have the same opinion of it 
 that Audin expresses when he says, " When Luther has to 
 judge a prevaricating majesty, (king Henry,) at least in his 
 eyes, then his eloquence is splendid. Then is enacted a 
 
cclxxviii. audin's opinion of luther's eloquence. 
 
 drama, in which the Christian believes he is a spectator of 
 the judgment of the dead. There is the judge with the 
 fiery eye, holding the Bible with one hand, and in the other 
 the pen which is to record the sentence. The crowned 
 culprit appears in all the pomp of his royal insignia, of 
 which Luther strips him one by one, first taking the crown, 
 and then the robe, and then the sceptre, and at length the 
 sword of justice. Of the monarch, nothing now remains 
 but a body of clay which has sinned, and all whose ini- 
 quities, even to the most secret thoughts, Luther holds up 
 to the public view. The earthly monarch conceals his 
 face, but he is forced to drink the chalice even to the dregs ; 
 he cries out for mercy, but Luther stirs the wormwood.' ' 
 This bitter reply produced a deep sensation in England ; 
 the king did not expect to be thus handled— he had mis- 
 taken his man. Sir Thomas More, who is held up by the 
 Roman Catholics as a model of piety and wisdom, and 
 taste and refinement, wrote a reply and used language far 
 more scurrilous than Luther had ever used. We must bear 
 in mind that Luther, as well as Sir Thomas More, lived 
 in a rude age, and hence writers of that period are not ex- 
 pected to be as polite and refined as now. The calling of 
 an opponent a swine, or an ass, was not considered any 
 great breach of politeness. The king felt the force of Lu- 
 ther's arguments very keenly' — if Luther had been within 
 his reach, his head would have gone. The king of Eng- 
 land tried hard to have the audacious monk punished. He 
 sent an ambassador to the elector of Saxony, to influence 
 that prince to put a stop to Luther's proceeding. But 
 
LUTHER AT ZWICKAU. CCLXXIX. 
 
 Frederick wisely declined, and referred the king to the 
 approaching council to which Luther had appealed. 
 
 The work of the Reformation was now spreading in 
 every direction ; the writings of Luther, and the New Tes- 
 tament were read everywhere — priests, monks, nuns — men 
 and women, rich and poor, were engaged in reading. But 
 as our object is not so much to give a history of the Re- 
 formation, as of Luther himself, we pass on, referring the 
 reader to D'Aubigne's three volumes. It may not be out 
 of place here to state from D'Aubigne, who quotes Dr. 
 Ranke, the number of publications of Luther. In 1522, 
 Luther had issued 130 publications, and before his death 
 nearly 400 — he himself wrote more than the whole Ro- 
 man Catholic church put together, during his life time ! 
 The Reformation was now working its way among the 
 people — Luther might now sit down quietly, and do noth- 
 ing more to the end of his life, and yet would have been 
 the greatest man of his age. But he had an active mind ; 
 he was not yet done with the fanatics. In the summer of 
 1523, he invaded their territory — he carried the war into 
 the enemy's camp. He visited Zwickau, the birth place 
 of fanaticism, and here took a firm stand against the pro- 
 phets ; but here, for the first time in his life, he was fairly 
 beaten from the ground. The multitude that flocked to 
 hear Luther preach at Zwickau, was so great that no house 
 could accommodate them. He stood upon the balcony of 
 the Town Hall, and it is said, preached to twenty-five 
 thousand hearers. While Luther was speaking with great 
 vehemence, an old woman began to yell in an unearth^ 
 
CCLXXX. DEATH OF POPE LEO X. 
 
 manner. Luther never stopped, but the excitement became 
 so great in the immense crowd, that he found nothing 
 could be done with the fanatics — so he soon after left the 
 town ! Luther visited a number of other places ; he at- 
 tracted great attention wherever he went. The duke him- 
 self, yea, the emperor, or even the pope, would not have 
 excited as much interest as Luther. Luther returned re- 
 freshed, invigorated and encouraged. Luther was all this 
 time under the bans both of the church and the empire. 
 Any person, according to the legal interpretation of eccles- 
 iastical and civil excommunications combined, could be 
 killed by any one with impunity. No one dared to mo- 
 lest him, although he passed through the territory of duke 
 George, who was his mortal enemy. But he had a safe- 
 eonduct from the Almighty, and therefore had nothing to 
 fear. A number of circumstances conspired to destroy 
 *he effects of the pope's excommunication and the emper- 
 or's edict. In December, 1521, while Luther was in the 
 castle of "Wartburg, pope Leo the X. died, and in the ex- 
 citement and intrigue which generally attend the election 
 of a new pope, Luther seejns to have been forgotten. 
 Charles the V., soon after the Diet of Worms, became in- 
 volved in disputes, and actual war, with the king of France ; 
 and in the fray, Luther was permitted to enjoy his liberty. 
 The most courageous thing Charles the V. did against 
 Luther, after he had issued his edict against him, and de- 
 clared that he would hang the first man that would become 
 a Lutheran, was to attend in person the burning of Lu- 
 ther's books at Ghent. This was one wav for a great 
 
LUTHER S PERILOUS SITUATION. CCLXXXI 
 
 monarch to take vengeance on a poor defenceless monk ! 
 Poor Leo, had neglected religion while in health, and he 
 died so suddenly that even the sacraments could not be ad- 
 ministered to him — hence the Romans who always hated 
 his extravagance said, " he won the pontificate like a fox, 
 held it like a lion, and left it like a dog." Cardinal Tor- 
 tosa, an old and pious man who had been tutor to Charles 
 V., was elected pope, and went by the name of Adrian 
 VI. It was generally supposed that Charles' influence 
 elevated his old preceptor to the pontificate. He turned 
 out to be a good and pious pope, perhaps one of the best 
 Rome ever had. But he did not live long, either to do good 
 or harm, he died in September, 1523, having been pope 
 less than two years. In the spring of 1522, the Diet at 
 Nuremberg assembled, and it may be well enough to state 
 here, that this Diet seems to have lasted for several years, 
 for we find it in session in 1526, and often during the in- 
 termediate time. The object of this Diet seems to have 
 been, to put down the Reformer at all hazards — and not to 
 give up until he was crushed. 
 
 During the sessions of this Diet, pope Adrian VI. was 
 represented by cardinal Chieregati, and the emperor by his 
 brother Ferdinand; they, together with many princes and 
 bishops, insisted upon the execution of the Diet of Worms 
 against Luther and his followers. Frederick, the elector 
 of Saxony, was much more alarmed than Luther. Lu- 
 ther's motto was. " God is God, let what will come to 
 pass," the prudent and pious elector's faith was not quite 
 so strong. Things were rapidly approaching a fearful and 
 
CCLXXXII. LUTHER S PERILOUS SITUATION. 
 
 tremendous crisis — every day the vast majority of the 
 members of the Diet, were becoming more clamorous for 
 the blood of Luther. Let him be burnt, says one, as Huss 
 was. Human wisdom and foresight cannot see how Lu- 
 ther is to be saved any longer. " But the foolishness of 
 God, is wiser than the wisdom of man." 
 
 Whilst Luther's life was threatened, news came to 
 Germany that the Turks under the command of Soliman 
 had taken Belgrade, a town in Hungary, and that the hos- 
 tile foe was making rapid advances towards Germany. 
 This news seemed to have altered the state of feeling in 
 the Diet. Luther thought they, is a great enemy to the 
 German empire, but the Turk is a greater one. The Diet 
 then agreed to hand over to the pope and the emperor, a 
 catalogue of one hundred grievances which existed, and 
 which they said must be reformed ! This blasted all the 
 prospects of Luther's enemies, for about eighty of those 
 grievances were also the grievances of which Luther com- 
 plained. Here then, there seemed to be a sympathy es- 
 tablished between Luther and the Diet. The pope's nun- 
 cio, Chieregati, who had no idea of the popularity of the 
 cause of Luther, was very much mortified that Osiander 
 and several other Evangelical preachers, should be permit- 
 ted to preach in Nuremberg, during the sessions of the 
 Diet; he insisted upon having them silenced according to 
 the pope's bull and the emperor's edict, but the Diet would 
 do nothing, at last he said he would take the matter in 
 hand, and in the name of the pope seize them himself, 
 upon which a number of the members of the Diet, declared 
 
THE DIET CONFOUNDED. CCLXXXIII. 
 
 they would take their departure and have no hand in the 
 matter ; this so alarmed the nuncio, that he gave up the 
 bloody project ! Thus God confounded the counsel of the 
 members of the Diet, as he did the tongues of those im- 
 pious men who were building the tower of Babel ! 
 
 When the news of the apathy of the Diet to enforce the 
 Bull of Leo, and the edict of the emperor reached Rome, 
 the pope was alarmed, and astonished, and mortified. On 
 the 5th of October, 1522, pope Adrian VI. wrote a letter 
 to the elector of Saxony, in which, among other things he 
 says, "Dear son, as we have recently been informed of 
 the meeting of the noble German nation in Diet, at Nu- 
 remberg, and as so many princes will be assembled there, 
 it is to be hoped that the common interests of all will not 
 be forgotten, and that the safety and prosperity of the 
 christian faith will receive that attention which its impor- 
 tance demands ; and that plans and means will be set on 
 foot to extricate Christianity from the difficulties into which 
 it has of late fallen. And as you are an Elector of the 
 empire, and an advocate of the holy Roman faith, we hope 
 you will exert yourself to your utmost to sustain our Holy 
 See, and that you will imitate the piety and zeal of your 
 forefathers, in supporting the christian faith." This was 
 just like the nattering letters of Leo. Frederick had no 
 intention of abandoning the christian faith, but he consid- 
 ered the faith of Rome as a very different matter. On 
 the 31st of October, 1522, the emperor Charles addressed 
 a long letter to the pope, in which he says, " When we 
 remember that the Turks, who are the eternal enemies of 
 
CCLXXXIV. DUKE GEORGE ISSUES HIS EDICT. 
 
 Christianity, have taken the strongest posts, and indeed the 
 very keys of Hungary, and have their eyes now upon 
 Germany, your holiness will see the necessity of not be- 
 ing so hard in your demands upon the German nation for 
 the spiritual revenues. Your holiness ought every four 
 years to remit the revenues of Germany." It would ap- 
 pear from this letter, that the pope had complained to the 
 emperor of the delinquency of the Germans in paying the 
 church ! " Your holiness," says Charles, " also reminds 
 us of the shameful Lutheran heresy, which to suppress 
 and to crush we have done all we could. The followers 
 of Luther ought all to be put to the sword." In this let- 
 ter the emperor makes a bargain with the pope, that if he 
 will assist in putting down the Turks, he, the emperor, 
 will afterwards put down the Lutherans. The attack is 
 now no longer directed against Luther, but against his fol- 
 lowers ! 
 
 On All Saints' Day, i. e. November 1st, 1522, duke 
 George issued an edict from Dresden, against the reading 
 of the New Testament translated by Luther. " The New 
 Testament, translated by Dr. Martin Luther, and publish- 
 ed at Wittenberg, with notes and several prints, which are 
 calculated to reflect dishonor upon the pope, and to 
 strengthen the Lutheran doctrine." Now, it is well known 
 that Luther's translation had no pictures and no notes. 
 " I therefore forbid all my subjects from purchasing this 
 book, and we command those who have these books to 
 carry them to the nearest magistrate, and that there be no 
 complaining, the magistrate will refund the amount of 
 
SUBLIME POSITION OF LUTHER. CCLXXXV. 
 
 money each one paid for the book." This foolish plan 
 was the very best to give publicity to Luther's translation, 
 and no doubt duke George's territory was in a short time 
 as well supplied with Testaments as any part of Ger- 
 many. 
 
 Now comes a terrible bull ! Pope Adrian VI., on the 
 25th of November, 1522, issued a severe bull against Lu- 
 ther. In this tremendous bull, all the pent up fury and 
 wrath of disappointed Rome is poured out upon the de- 
 voted head of the poor monk. But like the towering rock 
 upon the mountain's brow, upon whose awful front the 
 storms and lightnings of heaven spend their fury in vain, 
 so Luther stood the shock unmoved ! Humbolt says, that 
 one of the most magnificent scenes he ever witnessed, 
 was when, at a great elevation on the Andes, he could look 
 down upon a thunder-storm at his feet. Thus Luther had at- 
 tained an elevation in the moral world, far above the low 
 contention of this little world of ours ! His was indeed a 
 lofty, a sublime position. The bull of the pope runs thus, 
 after having alluded to the Turks, he says, " As we turn 
 our thoughts from the enemies of the church who are with- 
 out, to those who are within, we are filled with pain, that 
 Martin Luther, (who on account of his crimes, we are 
 sorry to say it, we cannot call son,) a man who has revived 
 the ancient and now again condemned heresies, who has 
 been graciously admonished by the See of Rome, con- 
 demned by the judgment of pious and learned men and 
 universities, and condemned by the edict of our beloved 
 son Charles, Emperor of Germany, and yet he is not only 
 
CCLXXXVI. ALARM OF THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY. 
 
 not punished by those who ought to enforce the edict of 
 the empire, but even encouraged and protected in his 
 wicked ways. And this is not the worst, he has not only 
 the countenance of the common people, but of many no- 
 blemen. * * * Heresies ought to be rooted up before 
 they grow so large ! Whilst the devil, the eternal enemy 
 of mankind, goeth about like a roaring lion in the form of the 
 Turks, do we not see this same devil in the same form — 
 is not the deceiving dragon in our own midst, causing strife 
 and contention in Germany 1 We well recollect when we 
 were yet in Spain, in an humbler situation, we often heard 
 and read of his errors, and the most painful reflection to 
 us is, that these errors should have their origin in the land 
 of our birth — that land that has always been most valiant 
 against heresy." This was a fine appeal to the pride of 
 the Germans. But he next reminds them of the action of 
 the Council of Constance, in condemning John Huss, and 
 Jerome of Prague, and applauds the conduct of the em- 
 peror for executing that abominable sentence. He tells the 
 Diet that the conduct of the Council of Constance, as well 
 as the civil power, met the approbation of God ! This 
 was encouraging the Diet to perpetrate the same awful 
 crime, under the sanction of the pope himself. The elec- 
 tor of Saxony and the friends of Luther were much 
 alarmed, they could see no way clear, but Luther was un- 
 dismayed. Frederick thought the time was now at 
 hand, when he would have to take his sword, and fight the 
 batdes of the Lord. He wrote to Wittenberg, and it would 
 seem, (for we have not been able to find his letter,) he 
 
luther's severe rebukes of the pope, cclxxxvii. 
 
 asked the opinion of the doctors at Wittenberg, whether 
 they thought it would be right to take up the sword. The 
 professors drew up a reply that does honor to the age in 
 which they lived : " No prince," said they, " can under- 
 take a war without the consent of the people, from whose 
 hands he has received his authority. But the people have 
 no heart to fight for the gospel, for they do not believe. 
 Therefore, let not princes take up arms." This letter 
 shows Luther's enlightened spirit to great advantage ; he 
 that is so often called imprudent, unreflecting, rash, impetu- 
 ous, — in the hour of great peril always shows his calm- 
 ness and prudence ! Luther trembled not for himself but 
 for his beloved country ; he feared it would now be torn 
 and rent by internal factions, and perhaps deluged with 
 fraternal blood ; this thought filled his soul with grief. 
 
 On the last day of November, 1522, pope Adrian VI. 
 issued another fearful bull against Luther. This bull was 
 addressed to the bishop of Bamburg. Soon after, Luther 
 replied in a tract, entitled " An address to the people, by 
 Martin Luther, touching the bulls of Pope Adrian VI." 
 " This pope," says Luther, " has done what no pope be- 
 fore him ever did, viz. he applied to the bishop of Bam- 
 burg, and asked him whether his quotation and interpreta- 
 tion of a passage from St. Peter, be correct ? And I ask 
 in the most humble manner, all christians everywhere, to 
 judge between me and the pope — to judge whether Luther 
 or the pope has set up new orders and sects, — also whether 
 Luther or the pope teaches more than the Bible requires ; 
 also whether Luther or the pope deals with false doctrines, 
 
CCLXXXVHI. LUTHER S SEVERE REBUKES OF THE POPE. 
 
 whether Luther or the papists are pure and obedient; also 
 whether Luther or the pope despises kings and princes, 
 and damns to the third, fourth or ninth generation, every- 
 thing which St. Peter means in that text. But thank God, 
 the foolishness and ignorance of the pope and the papists, 
 are rapidly coming to the light. They are now a reproach 
 and a scandal, for they make themselves contemptible in 
 the eyes of all men. Thus Daniel's prediction is about to 
 be fulfilled, (Danl. viii. 25,) ' But he shall be broken with- 
 out hand ;' and as Paul says, 2 Tim. iii. 9, ' But they shall 
 proceed no further, for their folly shall be manifest to all 
 men.' Is it not a sin and a shame, that the pope who 
 pretends to be the teacher of all christians, has nothing more 
 to say than this, « Luther wishes alone to be wise.' A pope 
 should adduce scripture, and be expert in God's word ; he 
 should say, ' here it is in God's word.' ' Luther has writ- 
 ten thus and thus against the word of God.' But he is 
 mute, and only says, * Luther has written against old cus- 
 toms, and long usages, and teachers.' Just as if our faith 
 were grounded upon old customs, long usages, and human 
 teachers ! If old customs and long continued practices are 
 sufficient, why do we not believe with Jews, Turks and 
 Pagans 1 Why do we not side with the devil, who has 
 always been accustomed to d^ evil? If those usages are 
 in themselves sufficient, why does: not the pope point out 
 the ground and reasons of those usages ? Or why should 
 we not be permitted to inquire whether those usages are 
 right, and when they were introduced ? Our God is not 
 nailed ' Custom,' but 'Truth,' and our faith does not cling 
 
LUTHER S CALMNESS. CCLXXXIX. 
 
 to custom, but to the truth itself, which is God. The pope 
 tells you that the truth is suppressed ; this is true. Yes, the 
 truth, like Christ, must sometimes die, and be buried, but 
 it will rise again. The truth has been crushed by popery, 
 as Daniel, (viii. 12,) says, * and it cast the truth to the 
 ground.' But this casting down the truth is now at an 
 end. The truth has been buried long enough, now, how- 
 ever the truth must arise, and crush the lying wonders of 
 popery. Popery with its pranks has become a reproach, 
 the papists have hitherto carried on their knavery secretly 
 and openly ; there was a time when kings and princes re- 
 spected it, but now the meanest are ashamed of it. The 
 saying of Isaiah xxxiii. must be fulfilled, ' Woe to thee 
 that spoilest, and thou wast not spoiled ; and dealest treach- 
 erously, and they dealt not treacherously with thee, when 
 thou shalt cease to spoil, thou shalt be spoiled, and when 
 thou shalt make an end to deal treacherously, they shall 
 deal treacherously with thee.' " Thus spake Martin Lu- 
 ther to the awful head of the church — to the world. In 
 conclusion, he says, "It is a pity that I have had to throw 
 such good German after such miserable, pitiful, kitchen 
 Latin; it is a shame to send such Latin even to the Ger- 
 mans, but everything is very fine, and papal, and monas- 
 tic, and French, or Lavanian." We have translated near- 
 ly all this tract, to show how calm and tranquil Luther 
 was, when the storms of persecution were raging fearfully 
 around him, and when he did not know how soon he 
 
 should be called upon to share the martyr's glorious fame I 
 13 
 
CCXC. POPE ADRIAN VI. DIES. 1523. 
 
 The sanguinary measures of pope Adrian VI. were not 
 carried out, for in September, 1523, he died, and as some 
 think by poison. Some praise him as one of the most 
 pious popes that ever occupied St. Peter's chair, whilst 
 others say he was a very bad man. Whether good or bad, 
 the Italians were glad that he was out of the way. The 
 night after his death a wreath was hung around the door 
 of his family physician with this inscription, " To the lib- 
 erator of his country." Pallavicini, a distinguished Italian 
 historian says, " Adrian VI. was a good priest, but a very 
 ordinary pope." This is no doubt the true state of the case. 
 
 The next pope was Clement VII. He was of the illus- 
 trious family of the Medici, the same as Leo X., and hated 
 the Lutherans with a perfect hatred, but was as inefficient 
 as his predecessor. 
 
 Luther was at Wittenberg faithfully attending to his du- 
 ties, lecturing, preaching, writing books, translating the Old 
 Testament, encouraging his fellow christians. 
 
 In 1524, the Diet of Nuremberg met again. Pope 
 Clement VII. sent cardinal Lorenz von Campeggio, as his 
 nuncio — the elector of Saxony was now to be influenced 
 to sacrifice Luther. But before Campeggio arrived at Nu- 
 remberg, the elector had left, in consequence of the infir- 
 mities ot old age. The cardinal pressed his matter, of 
 carrying out the edict of Worms, but the Diet insisted, as 
 on former occasions, that they must first have a promise 
 from the pope, that there should be some reformation in the 
 church. After much deliberation the Diet came to the fol- 
 lowing conclusions on the 18th of April, 1524 : 
 
1524. DIET OF NUREMBERG. CCXCI. 
 
 I. The Diet promises to see the edict of Worms en- 
 forced, as much as possible, and especially that part which 
 refers to the publication of scandalous books. 
 
 II. The Diet considers it of the utmost importance that 
 there should be a general council held, and that at the next 
 Diet, (to be held at Spire in November,) something more 
 definite be determined on this subject. 
 
 III. Each member of the Diet shall in the mean time 
 examine the books of the new doctrine (viz. Luther's) and 
 appoint learned men, to separate the truth from the error, 
 which they contain. 
 
 IV. At the next Diet (at Spire) the opposers of the Ro- 
 man court, and the ecclesiastical state of Germany, shall 
 be met by certain deputies, and they shall settle this per- 
 plexed matter among themselves. 
 
 V. In reference to the Turks, the Diet will do nothing 
 until after they shall have consulted their subjects. 
 
 These resolutions perhaps more than anything else we 
 could produce, show the influence of Luther's teachings 
 upon the German nation. This was all he wanted. But 
 the cardinal was not pleased with this determination — he 
 made many objections, but all to no purpose, the Diet 
 passed them unanimously. There was another source of 
 annoyance at Nuremberg to the cardinal; the evangelical 
 preachers were permitted to preach, yea and they did 
 preach, even against the pope. On Easter it is said 4,000 
 Lutherans celebrated the Lord's Supper at Nuremberg, by 
 eating bread and drinking wine. The cardinal was out of 
 all humor. When he found he could do nothing with the 
 
CCIlCII. LUT&ER LAYS ASIDE THE MONASTIC DRESS. 
 
 regular German Diet, this wily Italian attempted to get up 
 another Diet, i. e. to select such as he could easily control, 
 and he succeeded to some extent in calling together a Diet 
 at Regensberg the same year, but it did not amount to 
 much. 
 
 This irregular and extraordinary Diet is remarkable for 
 its causing the first division among the German princes. 
 It consisted of the following persons, viz. the arch-duke 
 Ferdinand, William and Lewis, the dukes of Bavaria, the 
 bishops of Trent, Regensberg, Bamberg, Spire, Strasburg, 
 Freisingen, Passau, Basel and Rostnitz, together with car- 
 dinal Campeggio, who was its originator. The articles 
 they drew up are called the "Regensberg League," or 
 "Ratisbon League." The emperor was not pleased with 
 the proceedings of the Regensberg party, and at the Diet 
 of Spires the whole was suppressed. 
 
 In 1524, Luther threw aside the monk's dress, and ap- 
 peared in the pulpit, as a common man or citizen. Luther 
 aid old John Brisger, the prior, were the only inmates of 
 t\ e Augustinian conrent — Luther delivered the keys of the 
 convent to the elector ; the elector returned them to Lu- 
 ther, with the message that the building was his. Here 
 then, he remained and poured light and knowledge upon 
 the dark world around him. In 1524, Erasmus, the great 
 lion of the literary world, instigated by Henry VIII. king 
 of England and others, attacked Luther, although he did it 
 with fear and trembling. Erasmus, when urged to attack 
 Luther, frequently declared that he did not feel himself able 
 to effect anything. His reputation was still high in th* 
 
THE DIATRIBE OF ERASMUS. CCXCIII. 
 
 literary world, and as he was an ambitious and time-serv 
 ing man, always hanging on "princes' favors," he did not 
 wish to go either for or against Luther. No doubt, in his 
 heart he respected Luther as a man, and applauded his 
 conduct as a Reformer. But poor Erasmus ! was entirely 
 destitute of those high and noble moral principles which 
 occupied the bosom of his great rival Luther. If Luther 
 had not lived, Erasmus would perhaps have been consid- 
 ered the greatest man of the sixteenth century. But in the 
 blaze of the sun, all lesser lights are obscured ! 
 
 In the fall of 1524, Erasmus published his celebrated 
 book, called " Diatribe." He was then sixty years of age, 
 and of course not disposed to be contradicted in anything. 
 It is very probable that Erasmus selected the subject of the 
 Will, because in that department he thought his large grasp 
 of intellect could best grapple with the monk, who had as 
 he perhaps thought, studied nothing but the Bible and the 
 antiquated tomes of the fathers. But he was mistaken, 
 Luther's grasp of intellect was far superior to his own ; and 
 he found to his sorrow, that he had selected the very worst 
 subject in the world for his own good. Luther read the 
 mighty production of the great scholar, with feelings ming- 
 led with pity and contempt. "It is," says he, "as if we 
 were to serve up dung and dirt upon silver and golden 
 dishes." At first he determined not to answer it. But the 
 popish party exulted and shouted victory to such an ex- 
 tent that he changed his mind. The cry of the Romish 
 theologians was every where — " where now is your great 
 Luther — he has at last found his match — let him now come 
 
ccxciv. luther's reply to erasmus. 
 
 forward." This was too much for Luther to bear ; he was 
 a man, and had the infirmities of a man, and he knew 
 the weakness of his famous antagonist, and his own 
 strength. He therefore published his reply to Erasmus, 
 "De Servo Arbitrio," (on the bondage of the will.) This 
 book was hailed with joy by the evangelical party, it pro- 
 duced quite a sensation, and from the day of its publication, 
 the sun of Erasmus, even in the literary world, began to 
 decline. In a preface to the reply, Luther says, " Vener- 
 able Erasmus, every body wonders that Luther, contrary 
 to his usual practice, should be so long in replying to your 
 " Diatribe." The people congratulate Erasmus on hav- 
 ing gained a victory ; and they ask, with an air of insult, 
 what, has this Maccabaeus, this sturdy dogmatist at last 
 found an antagonist against whom he dares not open his 
 mouth V The palm of genius and eloquence all concede 
 to you ! 
 
 "You have, I confess, broken my spirit before the battle, 
 and this for two reasons. 1. You have managed your 
 propositions with such astonishing art and steady modera- 
 tion, that I find it impossible to be angry with you. 2. 
 By what fate or fortune it has happened I know not, but 
 certain it is, that you have not said one word new on this 
 important subject. And therefore it may seem superfluous 
 in me now to tread over the same ground again ; especial- 
 ly as P. Melancthon, in his invincible theological tracts, 
 has trampled upon, and absolutely ground to powder every 
 argument you have produced. To be plain, your book in 
 my judgment suffers so exceedingly on being compared 
 
LUTHER S REPLY TO ERASMUS. CCXCV. 
 
 with his, (Melancthon's Loci Theologici,) that I am much 
 grieved for yourself, that you should pollute your most 
 beautiful and ingenious language with such sordid senti- 
 ments. 
 
 "Your extreme backwardness to appear in this contest, 
 convinces me that you yourself were aware of this, and 
 that conscience suggested to you that, whatever might be 
 the force of your eloquence, it would be impossible for 
 you so to disguise your notions, that I should not discover 
 their vanity through every false covering. In conclusion, 
 my Erasmus, permit me to request you to excuse my de- 
 fects in eloquence, as on the other hand, I have to excuse 
 your want of information. God does not bestow all his 
 gifts on one person." From this preface, Erasmus might 
 expeGt, in the body of the work to be handled, in a rough 
 way. Much stress has been put upon the doctrines put 
 forth by Luther in this controversy. 
 
 The discussion involved the actual moral condition of 
 human nature and the means of its recovery. D'Aubigne 
 says on this subject, "The doctrine of God's election as 
 the sole cause of man's salvation, had long been dear to 
 the Reformer." If D'Aubigne means by this that Luther 
 held the doctrine of election, as it was subsequently taught 
 by John Calvin and others of his school, we beg leave to 
 differ from him. Luther never held the fanciful notions 
 of Calvin. 
 
 Dr. A. Maclaine, the translator of Mosheim's Church 
 History, and the everlasting fault finder of the Lutheran 
 church, says, " The doctrine of absolute predestination, 
 
CCXCVI. LUTHER S VIEWS ON THE WILL. 
 
 irresistible grace, and human impotence, were never car- 
 ried to a more excessive length, or maintained with a more 
 virulent obstinacy by any divine, than they were by Mar- 
 tin Luther." Now we know that Luther in the early part 
 of his life, did hold the doctrine of absolute predestination 
 and reprobation, and as for irresistible grace, he says very 
 little about that ; but the utter depravity of human nature 
 he did hold as firmly as any Calvinist can, and the Luth- 
 eran church still holds the impotence of human nature. 
 "The doctrine of absolute predestination," says Prof. 
 Knapp, "was adopted in the sixteenth century by Calvin 
 and Beza, at first (i. e. in the early part of the Reforma- 
 tion,) this doctrine was at least partially believed by Lu- 
 ther and Melancthon." Luther admitted in his controversy 
 at Leipsic, "That God drew to himself and converted 
 adult persons, in such a manner that the powerful impres- 
 sion of his grace was accompanied with a certain corres- 
 pondent action of their will." This is the strongest ex- 
 pression we have been able to find, and this language any 
 Lutheran of the present day might use without believing 
 in absolute predestination or irresistible grace. In the lat- 
 ter part of his life, say from 1522 on, Luther seems to have 
 believed that God ordains to salvation and eternal life those 
 of whom he foresees that they will believe, this is the doc- 
 trine of our church now. It is true, soon after Luther's 
 death some of his followers seem to have mistaken his 
 views, among others Amsdorff and Flacius contended that 
 Luther held the doctrine of predestination, whilst Melanc- 
 thon and George Major opposed their views. Luther 
 
LUTHER BOUND TO NO CREED. CCXCVII. 
 
 never in all his sermons limits the grace of God, but -says 
 over and over again that Christ died for all men. 
 
 Look too at his Confession at Augsburg, in 1530, and 
 at his catechisms, both the greater and smaller, and you 
 find that he is far from teaching the doctrine of absolute 
 predestination and irresistible grace with more virulence 
 than any other divine. Let any man take up Dr. Gill's 
 Body of Divinity, or Turrentin's System of Divinity, or 
 Calvin's Institutes, or any other Calvinistic system, and 
 then let him read Luther's Postill, which contains his doc- 
 trines, and he will find that Dr. Maclaine is mistaken 
 when he says, that no man ever taught absolute predesti- 
 nation with more virulence than Martin Luther. We have 
 made these remarks in connexion with Luther's reply to 
 Erasmus, because Mr. D'Aubigne and Milner, Want to 
 make out, from the strong language of Luther against the 
 semi-Pelagian views of Erasmus, that he taught the doc- 
 trines which they believe. The fact is, Luther was bound 
 to no system, and had no master, not even St. Augustine — 
 the Bible was his creed, and Christ his Master. One re- 
 mark more on this subject : Luther never intended that 
 his "De Servo Arbitrio" should be looked upon as a nice 
 and exact system of Theology — he just dashed from his 
 exuberant mind, the thoughts as they arose from the read- 
 ing of the Diatribe. We have not time to say more now. 
 We must now go back about a year, viz. to the year 1524. 
 And now we shall bring Luther and Carlstadt together 
 again, not as friends, but as enemies. Carlstadt had been 
 one of the Professors at Wittenberg, and was a man of 
 13* 
 
CCXCVIII. CARLSTADT S FANATICISM. 
 
 some knowledge and considerable talent, but was deficient 
 in judgment. As a debater, he had few superiors, We 
 have already seen that during Luther's absence at Wart- 
 burg, Carlstadt took all matters appertaining to the Refor- 
 mation into his own hands. Some think he was actuated 
 by ambition, in his work of abolishing the mass and de- 
 stroying images, rather than by zeal for true piety. How- 
 ever, be this as it may, he was removed from Wittenberg 
 by the force of circumstances — his fanaticism was consid- 
 ered more dangerous than his talents — he had lost all in- 
 fluence and respect. Dr. Milner says, " The previous in- 
 temperate conduct of Carlstadt had so lowered his repu- 
 tation at Wittenberg, that he had found it expedient, if not 
 absolutely necessary, to leave his situation. There was 
 a small congregation at Orlamund, in the Dutchy of Alten- 
 burg, which the elector had* given as a chapel to the Castle 
 church at Wittenberg ; this church Carlstadt claimed by 
 virtue of his having been a pastor in the Castle church at 
 Wittenberg. The people were pleased with Carlstadt; 
 he settled among them, and commenced teaching his pe- 
 culiar views on the Lord's Supper, and the breaking of 
 images. The peasants were making great disturbances at 
 that time in Saxony ; the elector became alarmed, and sent 
 Luther to Orlamund to correct the errors of the people 
 there. On his way thither Luther preached at Jena, and 
 Carlstadt was one of his hearers. Immediately after the 
 sermon, Carlstadt attacked Luther, in the presence of Dr. 
 Gerhard Westerburg, Martin Reinhart, a preacher of Jena, 
 Wolfgang Stein, Prior Binger, who went with Luther, and 
 
CONTROVERSY BETWEEN LUTHER AND CARLSTADT. CCXCIX. 
 
 Andrew Breunitz, together with a number of the citizens 
 of Jena. When Carlstadt was seated opposite Luther at 
 the table, the following conversation took place, viz. We 
 quote from the account of this transaction given by Nich- 
 olas Amsdorff: 
 
 Carlstadt. — Dear Doctor, and you, brethren — I hope you 
 will pardon me for coming hither. Necessity and my in- 
 nocence have compelled me to take this step. For you, 
 Doctor, have this day attacked me in your sermon, and have 
 ranked me with seditious and turbulent persons — with the 
 fanatical spirits, to whom you have attributed things that I 
 never saw. You have thus attributed things to me that 
 are not true, and, as an honest man, you ought not to have 
 done so. It is true I have said, that since the days of the 
 apostles no one has ever taught the truth concerning the 
 sacrament, as I have. But that this is the doctrine of the 
 fanatical spirits of Alstet, I deny ; or that I have anything 
 to do with these fanatics is not true. 
 
 Luther.— -Dear Doctor, I will begin where you left off, and 
 I say you cannot make it appear that I mentioned your 
 name at all ; but since you seem to take it for granted that 
 you have been attacked, then, in God's name, be it so ! 
 You have sent me an impudent letter ; this you should 
 not have done, for I have nothing to do with you. I am 
 astonished that you should take this upon yourself. I am 
 glad I have touched you, and at the same time am sorry ; 
 I am glad because it convinces me that you are one of the 
 fanatical spirits, and sorry that the people should be led 
 astray by you. I have preached against the fanatical spi* 
 
CCC. CONTROVERSY BETWEEN LTJTHER AND CARLSTADT. 
 
 rits, and will do it again. If I have touched you, I can t 
 help it; let it be so. 
 
 Carlstadt.— \, too, will begin where you have left off; 
 I will undertake to show that you have not preached the 
 gospel properly concerning the sacrament, and you have 
 therefore, done me injustice in ranking me with the sedi- 
 tious fanatics. I do protest before these brethren against this. 
 
 Luther. — Dear Doctor, I have read the letter you sent to 
 Thomas from Orlamund, and learned from that, that you 
 are opposed to a spirit of sedition ; how then could I rank 
 you with the fanatical spirits? 
 
 Carlstadt. — Why then, Dear Doctor, did you say in your 
 sermon there is one fanatical spirit that rebels against the 
 government, and another that attacks the sacrament, and 
 breaks images ? 
 
 Luther. — I have named no one, and particularly did I 
 not mention your name. 
 
 Carlstadt. — But I take it upon myself, and am ready to 
 meet you in a public discussion on the subject of the sac- 
 rament. You should have admonished me in a fraternal 
 manner. You say love, love, and yet you preach against 
 an erring brother — what kind of love is that ! 
 
 Luther. — If I have not preached the gospel properly, 
 then I know nothing about it. 
 
 Carlstadt. — Yes, I will show from the sacrament, that 
 instead of preaching Christ, and him crucified, you have 
 preached a Christ of your own imaginary creation. Yes, 
 yo>M have preached against yourself, as I can show from 
 your own books. 
 
LUTHER AND CARLSTADT AT JENA. CCCI. 
 
 Luther. — Dear Doctor, if you are so certain of this, why 
 don't you come out boldly and write against me, that it 
 may be known to all men. Write against me, and do it 
 valiantly ! 
 
 Carlstadt. — I will write against you ; I fear not the 
 light, as you blame me, and I hereby challenge you for a 
 pubiic disputation at Wittenberg or Erfurt, if you will pro- 
 cure me a safe-conduct. 
 
 Luther. — Are you afraid ? have you not a safe-conduct 
 to Wittenberg? 
 
 Carlstadt. — Yes, I have been there, and I was the first 
 man on the ground ; but I know that in a public dispute 
 you will have no mercy on me, nor will I spare you, but 
 I know how you have drawn the people to yourself. 
 
 Luther. — Why, my dear Doctor, you need not fear ; no 
 person will hurt you — only come, come boldly. 
 
 Carlstadt.- — I will expose you, or bring confusion upor* 
 myself. 
 
 Luther.— -It shall be so — your folly shall be exposed. 
 
 Carlstadt. — I will cheerfully bear the shame, that God 
 may be honored. 
 
 Luther. — Your folly will meet you soon enough. I 
 am astonished you should threaten any person with your 
 writings — who fears your writings ? 
 
 Carlstadt. — -Nor do I fear any man, for I know that my 
 doctrines are true, and come from God. 
 
 Luther.' — If your doctrine be from God, why did not 
 your fanaticism break out when you broke the images at 
 Wittenberg 1 
 
CCCII. LUTHER AND CARLSTADT AT JENA. 
 
 Carls tadt. — I am not alone the author of that transac- 
 tion, it was agreed upon by the three councilmen, and 
 some of your own coadjutors ; afterwards they drew in, 
 and left me in the lurch. 
 
 Luther. — I deny that, and appeal to Wittenberg. 
 
 Carlstadt. — And I deny what you say, and will appeal 
 to Wittenberg. 
 
 Luther. — I advise you not to appeal to Wittenberg, you 
 Gon't stand quite as high there as you imagine. 
 
 Carlstadt.- — Nor do you stand as high there as you 
 think. 
 
 [How childish the conduct of Carlstadt, he had just be- 
 fore stated that Luther had drawn all men to him, and was 
 even afraid to go thither without a safe conduct, on account 
 of Luther's popularity.] 
 
 But, says Carlstadt, I comfort myself, that in the day 
 )f judgment when all secrets will be revealed, it will then 
 appear who was right, you or I. 
 
 Luther. — Nonsense ! you are always boasting of the 
 lay of Judgment. I desire nothing but compassion or 
 nercy from God. 
 
 Carlstadt. — Why should I not? There all will fare 
 <like, the great and the small. You bind me hand and 
 foot, and then you strike ! for you have despised my spirit, 
 and said, let him begone. 
 
 Luther. — When did I strike you ? 
 
 Carlstadt. — Did you not bind me, and strike me when 
 you wrote and preached against me, and exerted yourself 
 that I should not be permitted to write and publish. If I 
 
LUTHER AND CARLSTADT AT JENA. CCCIII. 
 
 had been at liberty like yourself to publish, you would 
 have found out to your sorrow, what my spirit would 
 have accomplished. 
 
 [He had a very high opinion of himself, indeed, and had 
 just as much liberty to write and preach as Luther had, 
 until he unfortunately was brought under the influence of 
 the ignorant fanatics of Zwickau, when Luther was at 
 Wartburg.] 
 
 Luther. — Why do you wish now to preach (in Orla- 
 mund) without being regularly called ? Or who invited 
 you to preach there ? 
 
 Carlstadt. — If we are to speak of a human call, I am 
 well aware that my archdeaconship entitles me to this, 
 (living,) and if we are to speak of God's, I know some- 
 thing about that too. 
 
 Luther. — Who commanded you to preach in this living? 
 
 Carlstadt. — If I have erred, you should have admon- 
 ished me in a brotherly manner, and not have come down 
 upon me with clubs from the pulpit. 
 
 Luther. — You have come down upon me with clubs, 
 more than I have upon you. 
 
 Carlstadt. — I have not ! 
 
 Jjuther. — Your own books show it ! 
 
 Carlstadt. — What books ? I have lately written upon 
 the call, perhaps that may be too sharp for some. When 
 did you ever try to convince me of my errors in the pre- 
 sence of witnesses ? 
 
 Luther. — I did in the presence of Melancthon and Po- 
 meranius. 
 
CCCIV. LUTHER AND CARLSTADT AT JENA. 
 
 Carlstadt.- — Where ? 
 
 Luther. — In your own room at Wittenberg. 
 
 Carlstadt. — That is not true ! 
 
 Luther.—We brought you the decisions of the Uni- 
 versity. 
 
 Carlstadt. — You now speak according to your authority, 
 I have never seen any such articles, nor do I know that 
 ever the University preferred any charges of error against 
 me. 
 
 Luther. — Now, my dear Doctor, it is no use for me to 
 say any more, for according to your notions, no matter 
 what I saw, it is not true. 
 
 Carlstadt.— If it be true, may God grant that the devil 
 may tear me to pieces in your presence ! 
 
 Luther paused a while, and then replied, Dear Doctor, 
 I know you well, and know that you have a very high 
 opinion of yourself, that you are a bully, and wish to be 
 considered a great man. But I say I have preached against 
 the fanatical spirit to-day, and will do it again, in spite of 
 all your opposition, for you do go with the fanatical pro- 
 phets. 
 
 To this Carlstadt replied, Yes, when they are right. 
 
 Luther.—- Well, write against me, and do it openly and 
 like a man. 
 
 Carlstadt. — If I thought you were in earnest. 
 
 Luther. — I am in earnest- — you may write against me. 
 
 Carlstadt. — Very well, I shall. 
 
 Luther. — I will give you a gold-piece. 
 
LUTHER AND THE FANATICS AT ORLAMUND. CCCV 
 
 Here Luther gave Carlstadt a gold florin, which was a 
 pledge between them. The two shook hands and parted. 
 Thus ended the contest. 
 
 Soon after, Luther started for Orlamund, but he could do 
 nothing with Carlstadt's congregation ; he had a conference 
 with them, but they would not submit to anything he had 
 to say. Mr. D'Aubigne, who seems to be a warm friend 
 of Carlstadt, don't give all the conversation that took place 
 between Luther and the fanatical church members at Orla- 
 mund. They were a set of ignorant fanatics, and there 
 can be no doubt of it, although on several points they were 
 no doubt correct, and Luther was in error. But in addition 
 to the conversation given by D'Aubigne, I would add the 
 following viz. Luther and the church council had been ar- 
 guing upon a passage from Moses — Luther contended that 
 pictures and images were not idols— -the church council 
 contending that they were. "All images," says one of the 
 members, " are forbidden by Moses." Luther said, there 
 is no such, thing in the Bible. The members replied it is 
 in the Bible, say what you will; upon this bold reply they 
 all clapped their hands together in a frantic manner, and 
 one of the members said, "What does the Bible say?" 
 God says, "I will have my bride naked, I will not even 
 permit her to have a shift on." Upon this Luther sat 
 down and put his hand oyer his face, and after a little re- 
 flection said, " Ah ! listen, that is putting away images ! 
 What fine German that is !" One of the party told the 
 prior of Wittenberg that he had forgotten more than he 
 ever knew ! Luther found he could do nothing with then> 
 
CCCVI. LUTHER IN FAVOR OF COMMON SCHOOLS. 
 
 and left them. And he says, that they did not stone him 
 was all. They told him to be gone in the name of all the 
 devils, and wished that he might break his neck before he 
 reached home. Is it possible that any congregation not 
 under the influence of fanaticism, could treat an eminent 
 servant of God in this way 1 Carlstadt had prejudiced the 
 people against Luther. Soon after Carlstadt was expelled 
 by the elector. Luther had nothing to do with this, al- 
 though the dark and suspicious mind of Carlstadt was un- 
 der the impression that it was Luther's doings. He mea- 
 sured the noble mind of his great rival by his own, if he 
 had had the power, Luther would not have ruled at 
 Wittenberg. He wrote a letter to the church at Orla- 
 mund, entitled "Andrew Bodenstein expelled by Luther." 
 Poor Carlstadt, his career was a checkered one ! In some 
 things, he saw perhaps even further into the word of God 
 than any man living, but his judgment was not sound, and 
 there were too many worldly elements in his composition, 
 for him ever to have been as extensively useful as Luther. 
 Luther returned to Wittenberg and set in afresh, lectur- 
 ing, preaching and writing. In 1524, he published his 
 celebrated appeal to the German nation in behalf of schools 
 This is a splendid production and would do honor to any 
 writer in the nineteenth century. He shows in this ad- 
 dress, why we ought not to have our children educated in 
 monasteries; insists upon having the Bible read in common 
 schools ; that it is the duty of the government to educate 
 the children ; insists upon the importance of studying the 
 languages, as a means of information ; on the importance- 
 
REFORMS THE CHURCH AT WITTENBERG. CCCVII. 
 
 of good school books, he recommends the study of the fine 
 arts, philosophy, history, law and medicine. This address 
 ought to be translated and read by all men. It occupies 
 22 large folio pages, and contains an immense amount of 
 practical and valuable information. The same year 1524, 
 he published his work on merchandizing or traffic. In 
 this he gives rules for honorable trade, he enters deeply 
 into the moral duties of selling and buying, he enters into 
 the "tricks of trade," the evils of usury, the duty of kings 
 or government to make proper regulations for trade, he 
 shows that exorbitant charges are worse than robbery. 
 This work which would make a clever volume, might be 
 read with great advantage by our merchants of the present 
 day. 
 
 The same year he published »■ The Sum of God's Com- 
 mandments." The object of this book was to give the 
 people correct views about the use and abuse of the law 
 of God. This year he also published his work on " The 
 Evils of the Secret Mass." 
 
 During the year 1524, Luther was very busy in making 
 new arrangements in the church at Wittenberg. One thing 
 after the other was attempted, until all the foolish and fan- 
 tastic ceremonies of popery were thrown aside. On 
 Christmas Eve, 1524, the mass was abolished in the church 
 of All-saints at Wittenberg, this was the great model-church 
 of Lutheranism. Seckendorf says, " That there were 
 annually 9901 masses celebrated in the church at Witten- 
 berg, and 35,570 pounds of wax candles were annually 
 consumed. Luther called this the "Sacrilege of Tophet." 
 
CCCVIII. LUTHER ROUSES HIS COUNTRYMEN BY GIVING 1525. 
 
 The work did not go on to perfection at once. The fol- 
 lowing rules were adopted by the church, viz. 1. Canon- 
 ical hours shall be observed, but not on working days, but 
 there shall be no high mass. 2. All childish ceremonies 
 shall be thrown aside, such as burning incense — no salt 
 and water was to be consecrated any more. 3. Sacred 
 music, but no worldly, was to be played upon the organ. 
 4. On Sunday, when there are no communicants in the 
 church, the choir was to sing the Introitum, Kyrie Eleeison, 
 the Credo, the Pater Noster, the Agnus Dei. The high 
 mass was still to be celebrated on important festivals — but 
 they called it an evangelical mass— strange name indeed ! 
 But the Reformers had to be informed properly themselves 
 before they saw things clearly, afterwards everything was 
 abolished. This shows how cautious Luther was in all 
 his proceedings. 
 
 In 1524, Luther published his first collection of hymns, 
 some of them were original, some translations from Latin, 
 and taken from other poets. This was the foundation of 
 the celebrated " Wittenbergsche Gesang Buch,' 5 which 
 was formerly used by the Lutheran church in this country, 
 and is even now frequently found in the families of our 
 old members. This little hymn book contained but eight 
 hymns, but the music or notes accompanied it. We have 
 stated above that Luther himself was a great musician, 
 and no man that ever lived did more to improve church 
 music than he. Luther's pen never rested. Early in the 
 year 1525, he published his "Seven penitential Psalms," 
 with copious notes, and practical remarks. Soon after he 
 
AN ACCOUNT OF THE NETHERLAND MARTYRS. CCCIX. 
 
 published a work called " The History of Henry von 
 Sydphen, who was burned by the enemies of the gospel, 
 at Diedmar, together with the 9th Psalm explained." In 
 this work he also refers to the martyrdom of Caspar 
 Touber, in Vienna, and George Buchferer, in Hungary, 
 and also of John Sydphen, who was martyred in the 
 Netherlands, but he has selected Henry as the most glori- 
 ous martyr. The work is dedicated to the inhabitants of 
 Bremen. Luther had an object in view in everything he 
 did, and as no human being ever had a more intimate 
 knowledge of human nature, and knew better than he 
 how to strike every chord on the human heart. He pub- 
 lished this account to show the fanatics in the first place 
 that men could be real christians, and even become martyrs 
 without following the vagaries of their " spirit ;" in the 
 second place to stir the hearts of real christians ; and in 
 the third place to show the princes, who were wavering in 
 their attachment to Romanism, the horrors of that system. 
 Let it be borne in mind that the excitement at this time 
 was intense. All Germany was convulsed to its very 
 centre ; the dark and portentous storms of persecution 
 were beginning to howl. Amid this commotion Luther 
 flung this tract out upon the raging elements, and it pro- 
 duced the effects he had intended. 
 
 Although Luther seemed shut up at Wittenberg, and en- 
 gaged in the management of a large University, yet he 
 watched with an eagle's eye every movement that took 
 place, and adapted his addresses to the circumstances of 
 the times. Luther commences this thrilling 1 narrative thus : 
 
CCCX. THE MARTYRS OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 " In the year of our Lord, 1522, Henry von Sydphen, 
 who was driven from Antorff by the tyrants, on account 
 of the gospel, came to Bremen, not that he intended to 
 preach there, for he was on his way to Wittenberg. But 
 being importuned by a number of pious people, he agreed 
 to preach on Sunday, before St. Martin's day. The con- 
 gregation were so much pleased with his preaching, that 
 they insisted upon his remaining with them, to which he 
 agreed. The priests of the Dome church, (now a Luther- 
 an church,) and the monks, took the alarm, and sent a 
 communication to the congregation where Henry preached, 
 and objected to his preaching. The members told them 
 they had a good, pious and learned preacher, who explain- 
 ed God's word. The bishop sent two agents to bring him 
 before the spiritual tribunal, and after much controversy 
 with the faithful man, it seems he escaped out of their 
 hands. However he had to quit preaching, but after a 
 while commenced again, and preached with great success. 
 The prior of the Dominican monks did all in his power to 
 prevent his preaching. There were forty-eight men, called 
 the regents of Diedmar, (or Ditmarsen,) who had a kind 
 of civil authority. These simple and ignorant men, were 
 urged on by the prior of the Dominican monks, that they 
 should root out the new heresy. The prior, says Lu- 
 ther, told the regents not to hold any communication with 
 Sydphen, or they would all become heretics before they 
 knew it. As these men sought notoriety, we will publish 
 their names. The ringleaders were Peter Nannen, Peter 
 Swins, John Dolm, Lorentz Danneman, Lewis Danne- 
 

 MARTYRS OF THE REFORMATION. CCCXI. 
 
 man, &c. These men met at the house of Win. Giinter, 
 and there after having determined that they would burn 
 Henry, they devised the best means of taking him. These 
 men collected a mob of 500 peasants. At the ringing of 
 the Ave Maria they all came together, but the great mass 
 of them did not know what for. When they learned the 
 object, many wanted to return, but the leaders encouraged 
 them to remain ; they furnished them with three pipes of 
 Hamburg beer, that they might be the more resolute. At 
 midnight, they came armed to Meldorf. The Jacobin 
 monks furnished them with light and faggots, that Henry 
 could not run away. They had also a priest with them 
 by the name of Hennings Haus, this man has revealed 
 everything. They rushed into the parsonage, smashed 
 everything to pieces, as is the custom with a set of drunken 
 peasants ; they broke cans, kettles, tin pans, and the money 
 they carried off. They rushed upon the pastor and drag- 
 ged him naked into the street. Some cried out, kill him, 
 kill him, while others were for letting him go. After they 
 had satisfied themselves with the pastor, (in whose house 
 Henry was,) they fell upon Henry, took him naked out of 
 bed, beat him, and stabbed him, and tied his hands behind 
 his back, and dragged him naked through the cold. They 
 asked him what he wanted there, he answered them very 
 kindly, so that they were moved to compassion. But they 
 shouted, we must not listen to him long, lest we too should 
 become heretics. As he was naked and barefooted, and it 
 being cold, he was much exhausted, and requested to be 
 placed upon a horse, but they laughed him to scorn ; they 
 
CCCXII. THE PEASANT WAR BREAKS OUT. 
 
 determined to burn him, and after many great sufferings, 
 they dragged him to the stake. When at the stake, one of 
 the party said, ' because this man has spoken against the 
 Mother of God, and against the christian faith, in the name 
 of the Bishop of Bremen, I condemn him to the flames.' 
 Henry answered, ' I am not guilty. But not my will, but 
 thine, O Father, be done, Lord forgive them for they know 
 not what they do !' As often as he began to speak they 
 struck him, some with their fists, some with swords, some 
 with halberts, they then brought a grey monk to him to 
 confess him. He said to the monk, 'have I done you any 
 injury V ' No,' says the monk. ' Well then, I have nothing 
 to confess to you.' The monk retired in confusion. The 
 f re would not burn. For two hours they beat him and 
 siru;k him. At last they bound him to a board, and push- 
 ed him into the fire. They then struck him, and jumped 
 upon him, and trampled him under their feet, until the 
 blood gushed from his mouth and nose, and thus he died." 
 This was one means Luther employed to excite the 
 public mind against Popery— -the scene is a touching one, 
 and well calculated to rouse the indignation of a nation 
 that then hung upon the lips of Luther. It was in the 
 year 1525 too, that the peasant war broke out. This was 
 a furious and terrible war — such as the world has rarely 
 seen. The Roman Catholics have made a great handle 
 of this, as well as of subsequent wars, and attribute them 
 all to the Reformation. This war would have taken place 
 in Germany if Luther had never lived, and in all proba- 
 bility would have been more ruinous. Sartorius, who 
 
LUTHER WRITES AGAINST THE FANATICS. CCCXIII. 
 
 has written the best history of the peasant wars of Ger- 
 many, clearly shows that its origin is to be sought and 
 found in the civil and spiritual bondage under which the 
 German peasantry were groaning for ages. The poor 
 farmers were nothing but slaves to their superiors in 
 church and state. The Roman Catholic church is charge- 
 able for the ignorance and slavery of the German peasants, 
 and consequently for the blood that was shed by the mis- 
 erable fanatics. The tremendous moral volcano that burst 
 forth upon Germany in 1425, began to rumble and mutter 
 in 1502, and Luther, instead of being in any way its au- 
 thor, did perhaps more than any man in the world to put 
 it down. There is no doubt in the world, if Luther had 
 not commenced the Reformation, and by his preaching 
 and writings swallowed up the public attention, the peas- 
 ant war would have broken out five or six years sooner. 
 Those miserable fanatical leaders had no sympathy or fel- 
 lowship with the Reformers. What had they in common? 
 Nothing. The excitement was great in the early part of 
 the winter of 1524, in some parts of Germany — the fanat- 
 ical leaders were rising into notice among the people — 
 Carlstadt, too, was not forgotten. In January, 1525, Lu 
 ther published the first part of his powerful and severe ad- 
 dress "Against the Celestial Prophets," concerning images 
 and the mass, (perhaps it would be more congenial with 
 the spirit of the address to render the word "Himmlischen," 
 heavenly, instead of celestial ; it ought to be " heavenly 
 prophets.") This address is contained in upwards of one 
 
 hundred large folio pages, and is directed mainly against 
 14 
 
CCCXIV. LUTHER WRITES AGAINST THE FANATICS. 
 
 Carlstadt, whom Luther accuses of being a party with the 
 fanatics. Indeed, he accuses Carlstadt of being the prin- 
 cipal fanatic— he remembered the scenes he had witnessed 
 at Orlamund among Carlstadt's disciples. Luther had 
 been accused by some of being envious of the great repu- 
 tation Carlstadt had acquired in Switzerland, whither he 
 had gone after his banishment from Saxony. There is no 
 evidence that Luther ever envied the reputation or honor 
 of any man— his soul was too great for such little things. 
 No, he was fully satisfied in his mind, that if Carlstadt 
 was not the chief fanatic, he had given importance and 
 confidence to that turbulent sect, by countenancing at least 
 some of their errors. If we felt disposed to find fault 
 with any of Luther's writings, we would select this one ; 
 it is entirely too severe and bitter against an erring brother. 
 He calls Carlstadt not only a fanatic and a deceiver, but 
 even a devil — he warns all good Christians against his per- 
 verted spirit. The only apology we can make for Luther's 
 harshness is, that he believed in his heart that Carlstadt 
 was the author of those terrible calamities that were now 
 being poured out upon the country. Luther thought he 
 could see in the riotous conduct of Carlstadt at Wittenberg, 
 in the breaking of images, the premonitory symptoms of 
 the peasant war ; and it was with the full conviction of 
 these things upon his mind, that he wrote against the hea- 
 venly prophets. And more than this, he was bound to 
 vindicate the cause of evangelical piety. The Roman 
 Catholics attributed all this trouble to him and his cause. 
 "This," cried the pope's agents, "is the work of the Re- 
 
LC /HER S MANNER OF DEALING WITH THE FANATICS. CCCXV. 
 
 formation — this is just as we expected. Let people once 
 be permitted to think for themselves, and there is no stop- 
 ping them. Even Erasmus, who ought to have known 
 better, and did know better, said, to please the papal party, 
 "We are now reaping the fruits of your instructions." 
 And hence it became absolutely necessary for Luther to 
 take a bold stand against the popular tumults, just such as 
 he did take. 
 
 In the same year Luther published his "Address to the 
 Christians at Antorf, to guard against the influence of the 
 fanaticism that was everywhere raging around." In this 
 address he says, "We have long been the dupes of most 
 outrageous deception in the Romish church ; we have be- 
 lieved in ghosts or apparitions which we now know were 
 nothing but impositions practised upon us. The gospel 
 has dissipated this gloom. But now since the devil sees 
 that he can do nothing more with his rumbling and pound- 
 ing, he has taken another mode of deception : he now in- 
 fluences his agents to pound and make a noise by a num- 
 ber of new and strange doctrines — there are almost as 
 many sects as heads, each one, no matter how absurd or 
 fanciful his notions, claims to be inspired, and wants to be 
 considered a prophet. As I have had a good deal to do 
 with these fanatics, I will give you an instance that occur- 
 red, to show you the nature of this fanaticism. A fellow 
 came to me, and addressed me thus, " God Almighty has 
 sent me to you." This he said in a broad Bavarian ac- 
 cent. "Well, what do you want?" "You are," says 
 he, " to read to me the books of Moses." Where is the 
 
CCCXVI. FANATICAL OPINIONS. 
 
 evidence that you are sent ? " It is written," says he, "in 
 the gospel of John." I had now enough, and told him 
 the time was too short to read the books of Moses ; he 
 should come some other time. Then he replied, " Yes, 
 my dear brother, may our heavenly Father, who shed his 
 blood for us, lead us all to his Son Jesus Christ." Here 
 you can see the kind of men we have to deal with ; these 
 fanatics know nothing about God or Christ, yet they want 
 to know everything. But let us not be alarmed — the devil 
 must give some signs of life, he must make a racket and a 
 rumpus ; if he can't do it openly in the world, he must do 
 it in the brainless skulls of the fanatics ! Formerly under 
 the pope, the devil had full play, but now he must make a 
 noise in this way. In order that you may be able to guard 
 against the influence of the fanatics, I will give you a few 
 marks by which you may know them. 
 
 1. Each fanatic thinks he has the Holy Ghost. 
 
 2. They believe that the Holy Ghost is nothing more 
 than our own reason and understanding. 
 
 3. They believe that every person has faith. 
 
 4. They do not believe that there is any hell or damna- 
 tion, but that the flesh alone will be condemned. 
 
 5. They believe that every soul will be saved. 
 
 6. Nature teaches that we ought to love our neighbor as 
 aurself. 
 
 7. Evil thoughts do not violate the law of God as long 
 as we do not carry out our evil thoughts. 
 
 8. He who has not the Holy Ghost, has no reason. 
 These are the foolish doctrines they maintain." 
 
LUTHER ADDRESSES THE DELUDED FANATICS. CCCXVII. 
 
 This address is not long, but we have not room to insert 
 it all. The first article of the creed of these fanatics, is 
 the one from which all the other errors spring. For he 
 who is miraculously endowed with the Holy Ghost, knows 
 all things appertaining to religion. This is the great evil 
 of fanaticism in the present day — men become proud and 
 self-willed, and refuse instruction, and after awhile reject 
 even the word of God ; for what need has a man of the 
 written word when he has the Spirit of God to instruct 
 him more rapidly than he can possibly obtain information 
 by the slow process of reading the Bible. Hence, too, 
 their preachers need no instruction. The fanatics of Ger- 
 many had preachers enough — any man that could talk, and 
 had a good deal of brass, could preach. But look at the 
 effects of the fanatical preaching. The whole country 
 was thrown into confusion — the poor deluded people ne- 
 glected the cultivation of their land, and blood followed the 
 infatuated army wherever they went ! This would be the 
 upshot of the fanaticism we have in our land now, if it 
 were not for the true religion we have among us. The 
 little band of fanatics at Zwickau, never had half the learn- 
 ing, wealth and talent of the Mormons, and yet they kind- 
 led a fire in Germany that almost ruined the fairest por- 
 tions of that country. And if Mormonism had started in 
 Spain or Bavaria, it would have kindled the fires of civil 
 discord there ; but in a Christian country like ours, where 
 the pulpit is so ably served, any fanaticism can be kept in 
 check. 
 
CCCXVIII. LUTHER S SEVERITY. 
 
 After Carlstadt had left Orlamund he went to Strasburg, 
 and remained there sometime teaching, and as Luther was 
 informed constantly abusing him, and trying to prejudice 
 the people against him, by reporting that he had been the 
 means of driving him from Saxony. This was not true, 
 and Carlstadt had been so informed again and again. Lu- 
 ther now addressed a letter to the inhabitants of Strasburg, 
 urging them in the most solemn manner to guard themselves 
 against the " Fanaticism of Dr. Carlstadt." In this he 
 says a great many hard things. Soon after Carlstadt left 
 Strasburg. 
 
 In April, 1525, Luther published his work against the 
 peasant tumults, (Tumultus Rusticorum.) He first gives 
 a history of the causes, rise and progress of the civil feuds, 
 then shows the poor deluded peasantry that they are not 
 on the right track to have their burdens removed. Then 
 he breaks out upon them in the most tremendous manner. 
 " No one will pretend to deny, that our rebellious peasantry 
 are in the wrong, they have in the most shameful and out- 
 rageous manner violated their oath of allegiance to their 
 government, which according to the ordinance of God they 
 are bound to obey, though it were a heathen government ; 
 and they have thus loaded themselves with an intolerable 
 burden of sin, and have awakened the hot wrath and sore 
 displeasure of Almighty God ? But they have not only 
 violated their fealty to the government, and disobeyed the 
 laws of God in this respect, but they have plundered, and 
 robbed, and stolen, whatever they could lay their hands 
 upon, just like highway robbers and murderers, who prowl 
 

 around the country and carry on their cruel work of theft 
 and murder. And what is worse than all, they do it under 
 the cloak of religion and pretend to be under the influence 
 of the gospel, while perpetrating these abominable deeds ! 
 "May God have mercy ; and again may God have mercy 
 on those accursed false prophets, who lead those poor and 
 ignorant wretches into such destructive errors ; they will 
 lead to the destruction of the soul, and perhaps the death 
 of the body, as well as the loss of property — for be ye 
 well assured that he who dies in this war, will die a traitor 
 to his God and country — yes they will perish as traitors, 
 thieves, robbers, murderers and blasphemers ! But per- 
 haps you are ready to say, our leaders are our brethren — 
 no they are no christian brethren but wicked devils ! 
 
 " Therefore my dear peasants, desist, listen, be persuad- 
 ed ! In the sight of God, your souls are already damned, 
 and who knows how you may fare in respect to life and 
 property. Your crimes have been so enormous that God 
 cannot long bear with you — it must come to an end sooner 
 or later — and whether you conquer or perish it cannot 
 stand — turn therefore to peace and obedience." 
 
 Thus spake this great man from the fulness of his soul, 
 but the infatuated wretches cried out, "the Spirit, the 
 Spirit," we want no instruction from the Wittenberg pope, 
 and onward they went like sheep to the slaughter. Luther 
 had given them fair warning, but they would not listen. 
 
 The fire of fanaticism now spread from village to vil- 
 lage, until the whole country of Thuringia, Hessia, Saxony, 
 Franconia. and all the country alon£ the Rhine, were in 
 
CCCXX. BATTLE OF MULHAUSEN. 
 
 one tremendous foam of excitement — never perhaps did 
 fanaticism rage more furiously — scenes the most brutal and 
 revolting were daily enacted — scenes that make the "heart- 
 streams curdle and the blood run cold," all, all under the 
 direct influence of the Holy Ghost! 
 
 Thomas Muntzer put himself at the head of an immense 
 army, who flocked to him at Mulhausen, where he resided 
 and ruled the people with a rod of iron. He had instituted 
 a community of goods, and rejected all the ordinances of 
 religion, and taught that it was unlawful to obey civil rulers. 
 The good elector of Saxony was so grieved with these 
 troubles, that he died on the 5th of May, 1525, when his 
 government was actually in danger from the turbulence of 
 many of his subjects. John, his brother, became elector 
 of Saxony after his death. We have not room here to say 
 much in favor of this great and good man. He was faith- 
 ful, pious, humble and conscientious, and a friend to God 
 and man, and this is perhaps the highest encomium we can 
 confer upon him. It is stated by D'Aubigne, that he and 
 Luther never spoke to each other — he saw Luther once 
 soon after the talented monk commenced preaching, and he 
 saw him again at the Diet of Worms, but they never ex- 
 changed words — this is an extraordinary circumstance ! 
 He was the firm and unshaken friend of Luther, but pru- 
 dence dictated that he should deny himself the pleasure of 
 personal intercourse with his illustrious protege, than 
 whom, he well knew the world contained no greater man! 
 
 We shall now rapidly look at the fate of the poor delud- 
 ed fanatics. Philip, Landgrave of Hessia, was the first tp 
 
ATTEMPT TO POISON LUTHER. CCCXXI. 
 
 take up arms against the fanatics— -he was joined by John, 
 the elector's brother, duke George and duke Henry, of 
 Brunswick — the armies of the four dukes formed a junc- 
 tion and moved together towards Mulhausen, where the 
 rebel troops were assembled. Muntzer exhorted them to 
 stand firm — although he had provided no ammunition- 
 here is an instance of fanatical infatuation such as has 
 scarcely ever been seen. Philip did not wish to shed so 
 much blood, he asked to have the leaders given up, and 
 promised the deluded peasants, that he would not injure 
 them ; but they scornfully rejected all overtures. Philip 
 gave orders for the battle to commence, and a tremendous 
 slaughter it was ; when the battle commenced on the part 
 of the government troops, the fanatics instead of fighting, 
 commenced singing the hymn, " Come Holy Spirit." In 
 a short time upwards of 5,000 deluded wretches, accord- 
 ing to Dr. Sartorius, lay dead on the field of battle at Mul- 
 hausen. This battle was fought May 15th, 1525. After- 
 wards three hundred were hung, and Thos. Muntzer, after 
 being imprisoned for a long time and becoming cured of 
 his fanaticism was executed. Philip Melancthon has writ- 
 ten an interesting and lucid life of Muntzer, which is in 
 Luther's works, Tome 3, page 112. 
 
 Thus ended the first war of the peasants. Soon after 
 this war Luther wrote his "Exhortation to Peace," ad- 
 dressed to the peasants. In the summer of 1525, an at- 
 tempt was made to destroy Luther by poisoning him. It 
 seems a Polish Jew, who was a physician, had the pro- 
 mise of 2,000 gold florins if he would poison Luther, he 
 14* 
 
CCCXXII. ATTEMPT TO POISON LUTHER. 
 
 came to Wittenberg for that purpose, but was suspected 
 and seized and taken before a magistrate, but he refused to 
 make any confessions, and by the importunity of Luther, 
 was set at liberty and permitted to leave the town. As the 
 protector of Luther was now dead, the Roman Catholic 
 princes looked confidently for the downfall of the evangel- 
 ical party. Everything seemed to be against Luther — -the 
 Romanists, the peasants, and even some of the evangelical 
 party, thought he had been too severe against the fanatics ; 
 every prospect seemed closed, but he was unmoved amid 
 all the gloom that surrounded him. The Roman Catholic 
 princes with duke George at their head had formed a lea- 
 gue similar to that of Ratisbon, the object of which was 
 to defend the Romish church and enforce the edict of 
 Worms ! Yet Luther stood erect, trusting in God. 
 
CHAPTER VIn. 
 
 Luther, the Father of a Family. 
 
 We now come to the marriage of Luther, a circum- 
 stance which perhaps produced more excitement than any- 
 thing he ever did in his whole life. Catharine von Bora 
 was the daughter of a portionless noble family in Meis- 
 sinia ©r Meissen. At the age of twenty-two she entered 
 the nunnery at Nimptsch, on the Mulda, in Grimma. 
 
 She together with eight other nuns, in the same institu- 
 tion, became convinced of the sinfulness of those rash 
 vows they had made, by reading Luther's works, and in 
 1523, lefuhe abodes of darkness, and came to Wittenberg, 
 Luther interested himself in their behalf, and had them all 
 placed in respectable families. Luther was not insensible 
 to the charms of woman, his soul was formed for friend- 
 ship, but at first he never dreamed of marrying Catharine. 
 There was another liberated nun, Eve von Schonfeld, who 
 had made a deep impression upon his heart, but it seems 
 at that time he had either not made up his mind to marry, or 
 did not see his way clear, or perhaps his affections were not 
 reciprocated. It would seem that Gatharine had a strong 
 affection for Luther, long before he knew it. Luther con- 
 sidered himself her protector, and attempted to contract a 
 respectable marriage for her on two occasions. First, to 
 
CCCXXIV. LUTHER S MARRIAGE. 1526. 
 
 Jerome Baumgartner, a very respectable lawyer, and then 
 to Dr. Glatzer, pastor of the church at Orlamund. But 
 Catharine rejected both, and for the simple reason that 
 she loved Luther himself. This fact was first communi- 
 cated to Luther by Margaret, the amiable wife of Philip 
 Melancthon. Luther was not so well acquainted with the 
 female heart, as with the other departments of human na- 
 ture, or he would have perceived that Catharine loved him. 
 The knowledge of this fact seems to have changed his 
 mind, and he determined, as he says, " to play the devil a 
 trick, and marry Catharine." There were a number of 
 reasons why he should marry. His father urged him to 
 do it,— Melancthon told him he preached one thing and 
 practised another. He was fully convinced that preachers 
 ought to get married — and most of all he was formed for 
 domestic happiness. He therefore got married on the 
 13th of June, 1526. Luther was 42, and Catherine 26; 
 16 years difference in their ages was then not considered 
 a great disparity in Germany. They were married by 
 Dr. John Bugenhagen, whom Luther styled, by way of em- 
 inence, the pa&tor of Wittenberg. The wedding party, ac- 
 cording to the latest German works, consisted of Lucas 
 Cranach, the celebrated painter, and his wife, Dr. Jonas 
 and his wife, Reichenbach and his wife, and a young law- 
 yer of Wittenberg, by the name of Apel. Catharine was 
 a very handsome and talented woman, and seems to have 
 been one of the best of wives. They lived happily together, 
 and the great Reformer never had reason to regret his mar- 
 riage. 
 
DOMESTIC HAPPINESS OF LUTHER. CCCXXV. 
 
 Melancthon, in a Greek letter to Camerarius, says, "As 
 some unfounded reports will probably reach you respect- 
 ing the marriage of Luther, I think it proper to inform you 
 of the real state of the case. On the 13th of June, Lu- 
 ther, to our great surprise, married Catharine von Bora. 
 Some may be astonished that he should have married at 
 this unfavorable juncture of public affairs, so deeply af- 
 fecting to every good man, and thus appear to be unaffect- 
 ed and careless about the distressing events which have 
 occurred amongst us, even when his own reputation suf- 
 fers, at a moment when Germany most requires his talents 
 and influence. This however, is my view of the subject : 
 Luther is a man who has nothing misanthropic about him ; 
 you know his habits. Surely it is no wonderful thing that 
 his great and benevolent soul should be influenced by the 
 softer affections ! I have long had in my possession the 
 most decisive evidences of his piety and love to God." 
 Luther concerned himself very little about the opinions of 
 the worlds— he himself was then forming the opinions of a 
 whole nation. Luther and his Katey lived in the greatest 
 harmony and peace ; God smiled upon this union. Catha- 
 rine loved Luther with all the intensity of woman's affec- 
 tion. She was, according to the united testimony of all 
 who knew her, an interesting woman. She was pious, 
 modest, and unassuming, plain but neat in her dress. She 
 shared the cares and anxieties of her husband, sweetened 
 his enjoyments, and cheered him amid his numerous diffi- 
 culties. Luther says, and it is the testimony every man 
 should be able to bear to his wife, " My Katey comforts 
 
CCCXXVI. LUTHER S PLAYFULNESS. 
 
 me when I am cast down, by reciting passages from the 
 Bible, relieving me from the cares of the house ; in the 
 intervals of leisure she sits by me, working my portrait 
 in embroidery, or reminding me of the friends I have ne- 
 glected in my correspondence, and amuses me by the sim= 
 plieity of her questions." She was truly pious, and it 
 was her piety that made her a fit companion for so good a 
 man. Luther was deeply sensible of the precious gift he 
 had received from God in his wife. Luther writes to a 
 friend one year after his marriage thus, " God be praised 
 for blessing me with such a wife ; she is far more to me 
 than my fondest hopes led me to expect ; I would not give 
 my poverty with my Catharine, for all the treasures of the 
 earth." He was often heard to exclaim, "My Catharine 
 is worth more to me than all the wealth of the Venitians ; 
 she was given to me in answer to prayer ; her virtues are 
 not to be appreciated, and she has been to me a most faith- 
 ful and affectionate wife." What a noble testimony to a 
 virtuous wife ! 
 
 In his letters he was often playful — he styled her his 
 "Lord Katey,' or his " Mrs. Dr.," and most generally, 
 his "Dear and amiable Katey," or his " Dear and most 
 gracious wife." 
 
 At first, Luther was somewhat dejected in consequence 
 of the great excitement his marriage produced, but the 
 sweet enjoyment of connubial felicity, soon dispelled the 
 darkness that hung over his mind. In Catharine he found 
 every thing that heart could wish ; their minds and hearts, 
 their dispositions and feelings harmonized. He was a 
 
CCCXXVII. 
 
 happy husband, and Catharine adored him with an Eastern 
 devotion — she was proud of his splendid talents, and im- 
 mense popularity ; and well she might rejoice in being the 
 wife of the greatest man of his age ! True piety and vir- 
 tue were the chief ornaments of her mind ! She obeyed 
 him implicitly ; his will was her will ; she managed the 
 affairs of the household prudently. Luther acknowledges 
 in his Will, how careful and prudent his wife had been, 
 and how well she had managed his affairs, and committed 
 every thing into her hands. " On one occasion," say his 
 German biographers, "as Luther was examining, critically, 
 the 22d Psalm, he locked himself in his study. His mind 
 was so much absorbed with deep thoughts that he sunk 
 under the great burden — here he remained three days and 
 three nights, without having any communication with any 
 person — his wife did not know what had become of him ; 
 at last she became alarmed, and made inquiry about him ; 
 but she could hear nothing of him. At last she went to 
 the door of his study and found it locked, she became 
 dreadfully alarmed and had the door bursted open, expect- 
 ing nothing else than to find him dead ! But there he sat 
 at his table with the 22d Psalm open before him, so deep- 
 ly absorbed in meditation that he noticed nothing that tran- 
 spired around him. The fire of his eye was dimmed, the 
 animation of his lively countenance had departed. When 
 he was first awakened to a consciousness of his being yet in 
 this world, he was quite displeased with those who had 
 interrupted his revery, but soon became satisfied with the 
 deep solicitude his wife had manifested in his behalf! This 
 
cccxxvm. luther's intense application. 
 
 is an instance of extraordinary abstraction, the subject was 
 indeed well calculated to lead his great soul into the dark 
 shades of forgetfulness ! 
 
 The monk and the nun were good house-keepers, and 
 this is rather surprising, as the one was raised in a monas- 
 tery, the other in a nunnery, but their good sense made up 
 for the want of practical instruction. Luther's benevolence 
 and sociality were largely developed, hence his hospitality 
 was unbounded, his friends could never come too often, and 
 Catharine loved to provide for them, — nothing afforded 
 her more pleasure than to make his friends happy,* hence 
 they were well met. 
 
 Luther in consequence of his immense labors, could not 
 devote much time to the society of his wife, and she had 
 sense enough not to expect it, still he was a man of do- 
 mestic habits ; just look at the following picture he draws, 
 " My house has become a hospital, Hannah is very sick, 
 Katey is near her confinement, little John is teething very 
 hard, the plague has broke out in Wittenberg, Sebald's 
 wife is dead and we have taken his four children into our 
 house— -we are without help, for our hired girl was so full 
 of all mischief that we had to send her away !" This was 
 a trying time ; at another time he says, " I have such con- 
 stant pain in my head that I can neither read nor write — 
 I have taken such a cold that I cannot speak a loud word— 
 my brain is often worn out." He was often obliged to act 
 as nurse, and cook when his wife was sick, but he was al- 
 ways cheerful and happy — his income was small, and he 
 had to live economically. Luther received five hundred 
 
LUTHER BLIND OF ONE EYE. CCCXX1X. 
 
 and forty guilders per annum salary, i. e. about two hun- 
 dred and thirty-six dollars ; this was his entire income at 
 Wittenberg. 
 
 No wonder he could say in his old age, " Old and worn 
 out, weary and spiritless, and now blind of one eye, I long 
 for a little rest and quiet ; and yet I must still write, and 
 preach, and work, and endure, as if I had never done any- 
 thing. I am weary of the world, and it is time the world 
 were weary of me. The parting will be easy, like that 
 of a traveller leaving the inn. I only pray that God will 
 be kind to me in my last hour." But to return to Luther 
 and Catharine. In order to show how much Luther loved 
 his wife, we would give one of his droll and original expres- 
 sions. It is well known how much Luther loved Paul's 
 Epistle to the Galatians ; on one occasion, writing to a 
 friend, he says, " I love Paul's Epistle to the Galatians, I 
 am married to it, — it is my Catharine von Bora !" 
 
 It is stated that Catharine was much dejected on one 
 occasion, by the intelligence that a dear friend had died. 
 She wept, and was much distressed ; Luther consoled her 
 by telling her that God was not dead, and for his part, he 
 would never be dejected as long as God lived. Not long 
 afterwards, when everything looked dark and gloomy in 
 the Church, Luther came home very much cast down. 
 Catharine said nothing, but clothed herself in mourning, 
 and went into his study. Luther looked at her with 
 amazement. "Why, Katey ! who's dead!" She re- 
 plied, "God!" "What! God dead ?— What do you 
 mean, are you beside yourself ?" " Why, dear husband, 
 
CCCXXX. LUTHER S CHILDREN. 
 
 did 3^011 not tell me, that you would never be cast down 
 as long as God lived ?" "Yes." "Well, to-day I saw 
 that you were very much dejected, and I took it for granted 
 that God was dead I" " God bless you, my dear Katey, 
 you have taught me a lesson, — I will never be discouraged 
 again !" Whether this story be true or not, it is a beauti- 
 ful incident. Many more interesting anecdotes of Luther 
 and Catharine are told, but we have not room to repeat 
 them. 
 
 Luther and Catharine were blest with six children, three 
 sons and as many daughters. Of these, four survived their 
 parents. The oldest, named John, studied law, and be- 
 came an eminent counsellor, first in Saxony and afterwards 
 in Prussia. The second son, Martin, became a preacher, 
 but never took charge of a congregation, he died in 1565. 
 The third son, Paul, studied medicine, and became a Pro- 
 fessor at Jena, afterwards he became family physician of 
 Duke John, Elector of Saxony, and professor at Gotha. 
 He was a man of considerable eminence. He was mar- 
 ried to Anna von Warbeck, and was the only one of Lu- 
 ther's sons that ever married ; and through him the family 
 and name of Luther were perpetuated. Some of his de- 
 scendants are still living in Germany. Dr. Reinthaler, of 
 Erfurt, has now under his charge, I think, two of the great 
 Reformer's descendants, who are being educated by the 
 Lutheran Church. Dr. C. R. Demme, pastor of Zion's 
 Church, Philadelphia, has written a pamphlet, giving an 
 account of the geneaology of the Luther family, which 
 may be consulted. 
 
THRILLING SCENE AT THE DEATH BED OF A CHILD. CCCXXXI 
 
 Of the daughters, the first called Elizabeth, died in in- 
 fancy. The second, Magdalena, died in her 13th year. 
 The third, Margaret, lived to be married to George von 
 Kunheim, a lawyer of Prussia. 
 
 Let us now take a closer view of the great Reformer in 
 the domestic circle, here we can see what a man is — here 
 the true character of the man is exhibited without dis- 
 guise — here the great scholar, the statesman, the soldier, 
 is unmasked ; the fictitious drapery is thrown aside, the 
 heart is made bare, and man appears what he is in reality ! 
 Luther in this respect was everything that a man ought to 
 be ; he was a christian and a father ; a more affectionate 
 and tender father never lived, his whole being was wrapt 
 up in his children. When his infant daughter Elizabeth 
 died, at the age of eight months, he was deeply distressed, 
 the great man wept. In a letter to Nicholas Hausman, he 
 says, " I never believed that the parental feelings were so 
 tender !" But afterwards when called to part with an in- 
 teresting daughter, thirteen years old, his affliction was ex- 
 ceedingly great. This is one of the most touching pic- 
 tures in the life of Luther, and shows the tenderness of 
 the father in a strong light. She seems to have been a 
 very interesting and affectionate child, uniting the firmness 
 and perseverance of the father, with the gentleness and 
 delicacy of the mother. When she became very ill, and 
 all hopes of her recovery Avere gone. Luther said, "Dear- 
 ly do I love her, but O ! my God, if it be thy will to take 
 her hence, I resign her without a murmur." Deeply af- 
 fected, he then approached her bed, and taking the hand of 
 
CCCXXXII. THRILLING SCENE AT THE DEATH BED OF A CHILD. 
 
 his dying child, he said with strong emotion, " My dear 
 little daughter, my beloved Magdalena, I know you would 
 willingly remain with your earthly father, but if God calls 
 you, are you not also willing to go to your heavenly fa- 
 ther T* " Yes," replied the dying child, " dear father, just 
 as God pleases." "O !" says Luther, "my dear child, 
 how I love you ! the spirit is willing but the flesh is 
 weak." Luther then took the Bible and read her the pas- 
 sage in Isaiah xxvi. 19. In German it reads thus, " But 
 thy dead shall live, and with their bodies shall they arise ; 
 awake and rejoice ye that rest under the earth, for thy dew 
 is the dew of a green field, but the land of death thou 
 shalt overcome." He then said, " My daughter, enter 
 thou into thy resting place." The dying child then turned 
 her eyes to him, and with touching simplicity said, "Yes, 
 father." 
 
 When her last moments were near, she raised her dy- 
 ing eyes tenderly to her parents, and begged them not to 
 weep for her. "I go," said she, "to my Father in hea- 
 ven," and a sweet smile radiated her dying countenance. 
 Luther burst out in tears, and cast himself upon his knees, 
 and prayed most fervently for the deliverance of his pious 
 child. In a few moments the child died in the arms of 
 her father ! Catharine, unequal to the painful task of wit- 
 nessing this heart-rending scene, stood at a distance. When 
 the child was dead, Luther opened the Bible, and read 
 Rom. xiv. 7, 8, and then exclaimed, " Yes, the will of God 
 be done." Philip Melancthon, who was present, said, 
 1 Parental love is an image of the divine love imprest 
 
PARENTAL LOVE OF LUTHER. CCCXXXIII. 
 
 upon the hearts of men. God does not love the beings he 
 has created, less than parents love their children." 
 
 To the disconsolate mother, Luther said on this trying 
 occasion, " Dear Catharine, remember where she is gone ; 
 ah, she has made a blessed exchange ! The heart no 
 doubt bleeds, it is natural that it should, but the immortal 
 spirit rejoices. Happy are those who die young !" When 
 the funeral took place, some friends said they sympathized 
 with him in his affliction. "Be not sorrowful for me," 
 he replied, " I have sent a saint to heaven; O, may we 
 all die such a death !" Luther's attachment to his wife 
 and children was remarkably strong. On one occasion, 
 after a considerable absence from his family, when he got 
 home he said, " Ah, how my heart yearned for you and 
 my children, when I was sick from home ; I feared I should 
 never see you and our children again. What anguish did 
 this separation cost me." 
 
 Luther loved to play and romp with his children. On 
 one occasion when playing with one of his children that 
 was very lively, he made this remark, "Thou art the in- 
 nocent little simpleton of our Lord, under grace, and not 
 under the law. Thou hast no fear, and no anxiety. We 
 old simpletons eternally torment ourselves by disputes 
 about the word. We are always saying, ' is it true V or 
 * is it possible V or ' how can it be V Children do not 
 doubt, they believe everything. We ought to follow their 
 example for our own salvation, and simply trust the word. 
 But the devil is always throwing something in our 
 way." 
 
CCCXXXIV. PIETY OF LUTHER. 
 
 Luther's family was well ordered before God, he ruled 
 his children with affection. He had seen in his father's 
 house the evils of undue severity in the raising of chil- 
 dren, and he no doubt profited by it. Luther was fond of 
 music and took great pleasure in instructing his children 
 in that delightful art, and many were the happy hours he 
 and his family spent together in the domestic circle. 
 
 Much of course might be written about Luther's domes- 
 tic habits, his disposition, his piety, his manners, his fam- 
 ily government and his dress, but we have not the room to 
 enlarge upon these interesting points. Luther was pious, 
 of this there can be no doubt, his whole splendid life was 
 one of piety. Many, especially among the Roman Cath- 
 olics, admit that he was a man of splendid and extensive 
 acquirements, but will hear nothing of his being a man of 
 piety. In their estimation he was a heretic, and how could 
 he be pious — he had been a monk, and violated his vows — 
 how can the enemy of the pope be pious ? The Roman 
 Catholic priests in this country, now teach their poor ig- 
 norant followers that Luther is in hell — they know better, 
 but such things will help to keep the ignorant in the 
 papal church, and thus they can get paid for their masses, 
 and prayers, and unctions, &c. 
 
 Dr. Spalding, the great western mouth-piece of Rome, 
 says, " Such was Luther before he began the Reformation 
 in 1517 ; how changed alas ! was he after this period. He 
 is no longer the humble monk, the scrupulous priest, the 
 fervent christian, that he was before. Amidst the storm 
 which he had excited, he gradually suffered shipwreck of 
 
PROTESTANTISM LUTHER S APOLOGY. CCCXXXV. 
 
 almost every virtue, and became reckless and depraved, 
 the mere creature of impulse, the child of pride, the vic- 
 tim of violent and degrading passion." 
 
 This is but the echo of that voice which Rome has been 
 uttering for upwards of three hundred years. It would 
 indeed be a hard matter for any man to compress more 
 heartless misrepresentation, and more right-down falsehood 
 into so many lines ! If Luther was reckless and depraved 
 God help the popes and their minions. I suppose accord 
 ing to the moral code of Rome, Luther became unscrupu- 
 lous when he refused absolution to the poor deluded papists 
 who came to him in the confessional with their indulgen- 
 ces — he lost the fervency of his piety when he refused to 
 mumble over 45 Ave Marias on an empty stomach, with as 
 many Pater Nosters — he became reckless when he dared 
 to say "nay" to the mandates of the haughty pontiff — he 
 became depraved when he called in question the power of 
 the church — he became proud when at the Diet of Worms 
 he refused to revoke the truth — and lost his virtue when 
 he got married — and became the creature of impulse when 
 he carried away nearly half the church from the " Man 
 of Sin." But we have not time to stop and refute such 
 puerile slang. Luther needs no apologist — Protestantism 
 is his apology. Look at the seventy millions of Protest- 
 ant christians now on earth — the most intelligent, pious, 
 enterprising and happy — ah ! and the most free and inde- 
 pendent of all the inhabitants in the world. Look at the 
 colleges, seminaries, schools, books, and all the mighty 
 moral machinery that is now moving the world — and ask 
 
CUCXXXVI. PROTESTANTISM LUTHER S APOLOGY. 
 
 who started all this — -the answer is Luther ! Every good 
 man ought to pray to God to send us more such " depraved 
 and reckless" men like Luther! Luther not pious ! Look 
 at his writings, especially his private correspondence, 
 where he breathes out his inmost thoughts into the bosoms 
 of his confidential friends ! This is the department in 
 which we can learn the real sentiments of the man. We 
 have read many, very many of his letters. Yea, perhaps 
 all that have escaped the general decay of three hundred 
 years — from the first he wrote to his old friend John 
 Braum, of Eisleben, April 22d, 1507, to the one he sent to 
 his wife from Eisleben, 1546, a few days before his death. 
 His letters are very numerous, and in all of them, his Mas- 
 ter, Jesus Christ, occupies a prominent part — nearly every 
 letter begins and ends with Christ. Even his business let- 
 ters are full of Christ. No one can read his letters with- 
 out being convinced that Luther lived but to do good, and 
 that his thoughts were continually bent upon doing good. 
 Look too at his Commentaries on the Psalms, on the Gala- 
 tians, the Romans, Genesis, the Minor Prophets, and you 
 see a spirit of enlightened piety running through them all. 
 Look too at the effects his works have produced upon in- 
 dividual minds. John Bunyan found comfort to his troub- 
 led soul by reading Luther's Commentary on the Gala- 
 tians, and says, "I do declare it openly that Dr. Luther'.? 
 Commentary on the Galatians, next to the Bible, is the 
 best book I ever saw for a wounded conscience." And it 
 is well known that John Wesley, the immortal founder of 
 Methodism, was converted by reading Luther's Preface to 
 
LUTHER S INFIRMITIES. CCCXXXVII. 
 
 the Romans. The celebrated John Brentius, of our own 
 church, was converted by reading the Commentary on 
 Galatians. And the same book was instrumental in the 
 conversion of a distinguished Roman Catholic priest by 
 the name of Christopher Grospitch; thousands have gone 
 home to heaven who have been awakened and converted 
 by reading Luther's works. Would God thus bless the 
 writings of a depraved man? 
 
 Luther was a man of prayer. It is said that he spent 
 three hours a day in communion with God ! This was 
 one cause of his success ; it was this that strengthened his 
 faith and gave him such unshaken confidence in God. In 
 prayer he generally leaned with his chest upon the win- 
 dow sill, he stood thus when he prayed for Melancthon. 
 He was plain in his dress, and frugal in his way of living. 
 For weeks together he sometimes ate nothing but bread 
 and butter, and three dried herrings a day. He was fond 
 of home-made beer, and used it at table instead of coffee 
 or tea. He was fond of fruit, and ate little animal food. 
 His dress was plain, but neat, he had fine and costly 
 clothes, and even gold chains and other fashionable orna- 
 ments of that day, but he seldom wore them. These were 
 generally presents. 
 
 Luther was a man of strong passions and perhaps his 
 greatest defect was his propensity to anger — this seems to 
 have been his besetting sin, and caused him many a pang. 
 He was aware of this propensity. But we see nothing of 
 it in his family, it was only when provoked by the unrea- 
 sonableness of wicked men, that his anger sometimes rose 
 15 
 
CCCXXXVIII. LUTHER S INFIRMITIES. 
 
 to a consideraole degree. And as he felt, so he wrote, 
 hence we find some hard and harsh expressions in his 
 works. 
 
 Another infirmity in Luther was a fondness for jesting; 
 this propensity no doubt stood in the way of his own 
 growth in grace, more than in the way of his usefulness in 
 that age. But it must be borne in mind that his humor 
 was natural and neither acquired nor affected. His wit 
 was keen and his sarcasm withering. But still he was a 
 truly converted man, and lived a life of faith in the Son of 
 God. He loved the Lord Jesus and his cause, and was 
 willing to lay down his life for the principles he professed, 
 and died in the triumphs of redeeming grace, as the reader 
 shah see in the proper place. We would say more about 
 Lutner's personal character and his family, but we have 
 not room. 
 
 But we must leave the sacredness of the hearth, how- 
 ever delightful to contemplate, and look at Luther again in 
 the fore front of the moral strife that is raging around him. 
 Amid the mighty conflict, his voice is heard above all 
 others, and his influence felt to the remotest corners of 
 Germany. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Luther, the Writer and unconquerable Victor. 
 
 On the 4th of May, 1526, John, Duke of Saxony, and 
 Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, formed the league of Torgau, 
 as a check upon the Roman Catholic league of Ratisbon. 
 On the 12th of June, of the same year, the Dukes of 
 Brunswick, and of Suneburg, Otto, and Ernst, together 
 with the Duke of Mecklenburg, Henry Wolfgang, of 
 Anhalt, both Counts of Mansfield, and the Free city of 
 Magdeburg, joined the league of Torgau. This was all 
 brought about by the management and personal influence 
 of Luther, and upon this league, as far as human agency 
 was concerned, depended the life of Luther, and the pros- 
 perity of the Reformation. The Diet of Spire met on the 
 1st of May, 1526. In this Diet a demand was formally 
 made to put down the heresy of the church, but met with 
 the opposition of John of Saxony, and Philip of Hesse. 
 After much sharp and angry debate, the Diet passed the 
 following resolutions on the 27th of August, 1526, viz. 1. 
 Germany needs a general reformation in church matters. 
 
 2. The Diet recommend to the emperor, the importance 
 of bringing about a general council as soon as possible. 
 
 3. The edict of Worms may or may not be carried into 
 effect, according to the honest convictions of those con- 
 cerned, as they ran answer to the emperor and to Qod. 
 
CCCXL. DIET OF SPIRES. 
 
 The Romanists were well pleased with these resolu- 
 tions, but they did not perceive the full extent of their 
 meaning. For soon after, Charles got into difficulties with 
 the pope, and actually sent his general, Charles von Bour- 
 bon, with an army to take possession of Rome itself, which 
 he did on the 6th of May, 1527. During these difficulties 
 in Italy, Luther was permitted to push the Reformation 
 forward rapidly in Germany. In the spring of 1527, Lu- 
 ther had a severe spell of sickness, from which he did not 
 expect to recover ; but by the mercy of God he was spared. 
 In the summer of 1527, the plague broke out in Witten- 
 berg, and the University was removed to Jena. Melanc- 
 thon and the other professors went to Jena, but Luther re- 
 mained in Wittenberg, to comfort the sick and dying. 
 Duke John urged Luther also to leave the scenes of dan- 
 ger. But no, he with a noble magnanimity refused to 
 leave his post. God preserved him from all harm. 
 
 It was in the year 1527, that Luther commenced or- 
 daining ministers. He considered that he and his pious 
 coadjutors at Wittenberg, all of whom had been ordained 
 in the papal church, had just as much right to perform 
 the episcopal functions as the pope, or bishops. And so 
 they had ; and those whom they ordained were just as 
 much, if not more, in the unbroken succession, as any or- 
 dained by men who had the name of bishop, without the 
 moral and intellectual qualifications for that holy office 
 
 In 1526 Luther wrote his commentaries of the lesser 
 prophets, and became involved with Zwingle, CEcolampa- 
 dius, and others in the sacramentarian controversy. We 
 
1527. CONTROVERSY ON THE LORD'S SUPPER. CCCXLI. 
 
 do not intend to enter into the merits of this question now. 
 Some thought then that Luther was wrong, others thought 
 he was right, and just so it is now. And after this vexed 
 question has been discussed for more than three hundred 
 years, men know just about as much now on the subject, 
 as they did in Luther's day. For a full, clear and lucid 
 account of the views of the Lutheran Church on the sub- 
 ject of the Lord's Supper, we refer the reader to the con- 
 troversy at Marburg. Luther of course carried on this 
 controversy with great spirit and energy, as he had done 
 all others. Perhaps he was somewhat too bitter, but what 
 he believed, he believed with all the powers of his soul. 
 He was sincere and honest in his views, and no one has a 
 right to claim perfection and infallability at his hands. In 
 1527, he published a curious work entitled, " Can Soldiers 
 be Christians ?" addressed to Assa von Kram, a noble 
 knight. In this work he gives some excellent rules for 
 soldiers, and shows clearly that a man can under proper 
 circumstances, be a soldier and a Christian. Drs. Justus 
 Jonas and Bugenhagen, or Pomeranius, relate a remarka- 
 ble case of temptation and sickness about this time. It 
 appears that Luther became so deeply affected with the 
 state of the Church, that he lost all control of himself, and 
 indeed became unconscious of all things around him, and 
 all thought he would certainly die. The two doctors had 
 some strange notions about it, and thought it was a tempta- 
 tion of the devil, and that he was in the state spoken of by 
 Paul, 2 Cor. xii. 7. It will be recollected that we have 
 already noticed two similar cases of insensibility, one at 
 
CCCXLII. LUTHER VISITS THE CHURCHES IN SAXONY. 1527-28. 
 
 Erfurt, and the other at Wittenberg, when Luther was 
 meditating upon the 22d Psalm. Luther was perhaps 
 subject to a disease of the heart, that had such a strange 
 effect upon him. However in a few days he recovered, 
 and went to work as before, in storming the kingdom of 
 satan. In 1527 he published his Rules of Visitation, or 
 a directory for evangelical pastors. The same year he 
 gave an account of Leonard Keiser, who suffered martyr- 
 dom in Bavaria. He also wrote this year on the " Vows 
 of Celibacy." During the years 1527 and '28, besides 
 some thirty or forty publications, Luther wrote upwards 
 of five hundred large folio pages on the subject of the 
 Lord's Supper alone ! This shows how deeply Luther 
 was interested in this matter. 
 
 It should have been stated above, that in 1526, Luther 
 was induced by some of his friends to write an humble 
 letter to Henry VIII., king of England. In 1528, Luther 
 published a work of great importance to the churches of 
 Saxony; he calls it "Instructions of the Visiters, address- 
 ed to the Pastors of Saxony." This is a kind of rude 
 system of Theology, and treats upon the following sub- 
 jects, viz. 1. Doctrine. 2. The Commandments. 3. 
 Of Prayer. 4. Concerning Affliction. 5. Concerning 
 Baptism. 6. Concerning the Lord's Supper. 7. Con- 
 cerning true penitence, 8. Concerning true Christian Con= 
 fession. 9. Concerning the Satisfaction of Christ for Sin. 
 10. Concerning Church Ordinances. 11. Concerning 
 Marriage. 12. Concerning Free Will. 13. Concerning 
 Freedom of Christians. 14. Concerning the Turks. 15. 
 
1529. LUTHER PUBLISHES HIS CATECHISMS. CCCXLIII. 
 
 Concerning Daily Exercises in the Church. 16. Concern- 
 ing true Christian Excommunication. 17. Concerning 
 the Arrangements (in churches) of Superintendents. 18. 
 Concerning Schools. This is an excellent work, and no 
 doubt had its influence in Germany. Many things in this 
 work might be studied with great advantage by many 
 preachers in this country. This was intended to give the 
 Evangelical church as much uniformity as possible, and i* 
 no doubt had that effect ; and probably gave the first idea 
 of the subsequently famous Confession of Augsburg. Lu- 
 ther and Melancthon had visited the whole electorate in 
 the summer of 1528, and saw the necessity of having a 
 book of this kind circulated among the ignorant people. 
 During this year, too, the church was divided into given 
 districts, and the foundation of the Lutheran church was 
 laid broad and deep, throughout all Saxony. This work 
 gives us a glimpse into the depth of Luthex's wisdom, and 
 the piety of his heart — it sets the standard of morality 
 very high, and urges with the most importunate solicitude 
 upon the pastor, the necessity of preaching Christ and him 
 crucified, to perishing sinners. It was in the year 1529 
 that Luther published his Smaller and Larger Catechisms 
 the first for the children, and the latter for the preachers 
 many of whom he found, during his visits, exceedingly ig 
 norant. If Luther had never done anything more for Ger 
 many than furnish his age with these two books, he would 
 be entitled to the everlasting gratitude of his countrymen. 
 Nothing that Luther, or all the men on earth, could have 
 done at that period, next to the translation and circulation 
 
CCCXLIV. UNION OF THE PROTESTANT PRINCES. 
 
 of the Bible, could possibly have had such an influence 
 upon the great mass of the people. And then the plan oi 
 instruction, too, was so admirably adapted to the wants of 
 the people. Here was the question, and there the answer ; 
 it required no large library, nor fund of knowledge, to learn 
 the whole system of Theology — a child of ordinary ca- 
 pacity could learn it. Luther's Larger Catechism, which 
 was intended as a system of Theology in the Lutheran 
 church, has long since been superseded by other and more 
 systematic works. But the Smaller Catechism is still 
 used, in German and English, by the entire Lutheran 
 church in the United States, as well as in many parts of 
 our church in Germany. The General Synod of the Lu- 
 theran church in the United States, which embraces more 
 than two-thirds of all the Lutherans in this country has 
 published Luther's Smaller Catechism almost unaltered, as 
 it was written by Luther himself in 1529. 
 
 The Diet of Spires met in 152.9. The Roman Catho- 
 lic party here made an effort to rescind the resolutions of 
 the former Diet, which were now considered too favorable 
 to the evangelical party. When the evangelical party found 
 that severe measures, in spite of all they could say and do, 
 would be adopted, they united in handing in a protest 
 against these proceedings. From this they received the 
 name of Protestants. The main item in their protest reads 
 thus: "We declare, that under all circumstances, it be- 
 comes us to protect our subjects in the free exercise of 
 their conscience, and where it is not certain, which 
 is the true church, we must have the liberty to draw our 
 
UNION OF THE PROTESTANT PRINCES. CCCXLV. 
 
 faith and practice from the Word of God!" This is a 
 noble sentiment, worthy the first Protestants ! Let Prot- 
 estants never forget it ! The Diet of Spires ended in noth- 
 ing but a closer union among the Roman Catholics, and 
 the same among the Protestants. Soon after the meeting 
 of the Diet of Spires, the Protestant princes who com- 
 posed what was called the Torgau League, had frequent 
 meetings, in order to unite themselves, and devise means 
 and plans for their more cordial co-operation. The elec- 
 tor John, of Saxony, and Philip of Hesse, had bound 
 themselves each to bring into the field if it were necessa- 
 ry, 28,000 foot soldiers, and 6000 cavalry, making in all 
 34,000 men, and 1,200,000 gold florins, and if the other 
 princes who belonged to the league would have done any- 
 thing like this, they would even then have had nothing to 
 fear from Charles and the pope combined. But the 
 greatest difficulty was, the Protestant princes were not 
 united on doctrinal points. There were, as we have just 
 stated, frequent meetings of the Torgau League, to settle 
 their views. They met at the following places, viz. Ro- 
 bach, then at Saalfeld, then at Smalkald, then at Schwam- 
 bach, then at Nuremburg. The great Reformer of course 
 was consulted in reference to the doctrines and doctrinal 
 articles they were to adopt. He watched with an eagle's 
 eye every movement that was made ; he was the ruling 
 spirit of all Germany, whether present or absent. The 
 Protestant princes had every confidence in the world in 
 Luther. The emperor had appointed the Diet of Augs- 
 burg, and wanted to know definitely what the Protestants 
 15* 
 
CCCXLVI. PHILIP OF HESSE BRINGS LUTHER 
 
 believed, so that he might be able to form a correct opinion 
 of the merits of the case. The Protestant princes, there- 
 fore, requested Luther to draw up a series of articles set- 
 ting forth what he and the other doctors at Wittenberg be- 
 lieved. Luther did so, no doubt submitting everything as 
 he went along to the inspection of Melancthon, and the 
 other doctors at Wittenberg. These seventeen articles 
 were given to the elector of Saxony, at Torgau, in 1529, 
 and hence called the " Torgau Articles." 
 
 These articles, it would seem, had been the theme of 
 frequent discussions among the princes and their preachers, 
 at the different conferences they held. Philip, Land- 
 grave of Hesse, was exceedingly anxious to have all the 
 princes of the league reconciled on all points. The con- 
 troversy on the subject of the Lord's Supper, which 
 had been started by Carlstadt, was taken up by other and 
 abler heads, and had been raging for some time. Philip of 
 Hesse, who thought it was only a difference in words, and 
 could easily be settled, determined to call the doctors of the 
 Reformation, who unfortunately held different opinions, to- 
 gether, and have them adjust their matters in a brotherly 
 and christian manner. He, therefore, invited the doctors 
 to meet on the 2d of October, 1529. This was the origin 
 of the famous controversy of Marburg. This discussion 
 has been variously represented. There are several ver- 
 sions of it. We shall give extracts from Melancthon's 
 account of this interesting dispute. D'Aubigne, in his 
 fourth volume, has given Zwingle's version of it, and 
 has drawn his shades rather too heavily. We shall show 
 
AND ZWINGLE TOGETHER. CCCXLVII. 
 
 that Melancthon touches the matter rather more lightly. 
 The dispute took place on the 2d of October, 1529. The 
 persons present were Zwingle, (Ecolampadius, Bucer and 
 Hedio, Luther, Melancthon, Justus Jonas, Osiander, Brentz 
 andAgricola. These were the invited disputants. There 
 were some fifty or sixty other persons present, who had 
 perhaps been invited by Philip to be mere spectators. 
 Philip Landgrave wished Luther to meet (Ecolampadius, 
 Melancthon and Zwingle privately, in order to talk matters 
 over in a friendly way, and settle the points of disputation, 
 and the manner in which it should be conducted. This 
 was a wise precaution. Luther immediately accused 
 (Ecolampadius of teaching errors on original sin, the doc- 
 trine of the Trinity, and concerning the use of the Word 
 of God, and the Sacraments. Melancthon accused Zwin- 
 gle of the same errors ; but both the accused Reformers 
 denied the charges of heresy, and seem to have exculpated 
 themselves in the eyes of the doctors of Wittenberg. The 
 points of difference by this means were narrowed down to 
 the nature of the Savior's presence in the sacrament. 
 When they met for public debate, Luther commenced by 
 saying, that he thought it was necessary to go over the 
 whole ground of theology. What I have written con- 
 cerning the sacrament, I know to be correct, and 1 am pre- 
 pared to defend it. But if (Ecolampadius and Zwingle 
 have anything to say against the truth, I would like to 
 hear it. 
 
 Zwingle.— -"We have not come here to talk about any- 
 thing but the sacrament, but as soon as we can agree on 
 this point, we will talk about others. 
 
CCCXLVIII. CONTROVERSY AT MARBURG. 
 
 The article of the sacrament was therefore, the mly 
 one handled,, and three arguments were noticed. Zwingle 
 said* 1. In the sixth chapter of John, Christ says, the 
 flesh proiiteth nothing, therefore we are not to understand 
 that there is flesh in the sacrament, for the eating of flesh 
 is of no advantage. 
 
 Luther. — We are not to understand by the words "Ca- 
 ro non prodest quicquam," (the flesh proiiteth nothing,) 
 the flesh of Christ. For Christ had said before (verse 33 
 compared with 35,) that his flesh was the life of the 
 world, he means by the expression " caro non prodest 
 quicquam," the flesh without the Spirit — therefore, the 
 Lord Jesus adds, "Spiritus est qui vivificat," (it is the 
 Spirit which maketh alive,) and intends to say our flesh 
 profiteth nothing; by this we are not to understand good 
 works; it would be a dreadful assertion to say that "the 
 flesh of Christ should be of no profit." But even if we 
 were to admit that Christ in that passage speaks of his 
 flesh, Zwingle could not force his opinion of the sacra- 
 ment from it, because it does not say that Christ's body is 
 not present in the sacrament; as we have already admit- 
 ted, these words may mean Christ's flesh, and may mean 
 that the flesh of Christ is of no profit to those who do 
 not believe. This is the opinion of St. Augustine. The 
 second argument presented by Zwingle was this : the 
 body of Christ, according to the nature of things, could 
 not be in a number of places at one and the same time. 
 Here, says Melancthon, they debated a long time, or ra- 
 ther, he says, they quarrelled a long time on this point. 
 
CONTROVERSY AT MARBURG. CCCXLIX. 
 
 Luther said, the omnipotence of God cannot, yea, it dare 
 not be controlled by natural reason ! Zwingle replied, 
 God surely would not reveal such incomprehensible things 
 to us ! Luther was not pleased with this expression, and 
 said that God had revealed other things in the Bible quite 
 as incomprehensible as the presence of Christ's body in 
 the sacrament. He then referred to the mystery of Christ's 
 Godhead, and said it was far more incomprehensible than 
 this ! But, says Zwingle, how can it be possible that a 
 wicked priest can do such a great thing as to produce the 
 body of Christ? Here Zwingle was on another subject, 
 namely, the transubstantiation of Rome ; this was not Lu- 
 ther's doctrine, for it is abundantly evident that Luther 
 did not at this time, nor had he for a number of years be- 
 fore, believed in the absurd doctrine of the corporeal pre- 
 sence of Christ. 
 
 Luther gave a clear exposition, says Melancthon, on this 
 subject; he said, "This takes place not in consequence of 
 the merits of the priest, but in virtue of Christ's ordinance, 
 because Christ has commanded it, therefore it takes place, 
 we must hold to the power of Christ's word, and the sac- 
 raments — they have an efficacy aside from any merit of 
 the priest, or holiness of the preacher; that efficacy they 
 possess in virtue of their divine appointment. It is an 
 error of the Donatists to deny the power of the sacraments 
 because administered by an unworthy priest." To this 
 excellent explanation, says Melancthon, Zwingle made no 
 reply. 
 
CCCL. CONTROVERSY AT MARBURG. 
 
 The third argument was managed by (Ecolampadius. 
 "Sacraments," said he, "are signs, as such they must re- 
 fer to something else, therefore in the sacraments, the body 
 and blood are not present but are signified by the emblems 
 of bread and wine." Luther admitted that they were 
 signs, but we have no right to make them refer to anything 
 else than Christ pointed out. It is evident that the sacra- 
 ments are signs, for the promises connected with them are 
 signified or pointed out by them, (dasz sie die angehangenen 
 Promissiones bedeuten.) Thus circumcision signifies prin- 
 cipally the promise, " I will have mercy," now if we were 
 to seek another signification and were to leave the chief 
 thing out of question, would we not be doing an unneces- 
 sary work ? Just so in the sacrament, we must follow the 
 word of God, we dare not make it suit our notions. Mel- 
 ancthon further says, " there were many passages read by 
 Zwingle and (Ecolampadius, from the Fathers ; they thought 
 by this means to strengthen their cause, but the passages 
 were foreign to the subject. There was much said by 
 them that had no connexion with the matter in debate, such 
 as that a body must occupy space— -that Christ has a true 
 body, &e." To the passages of the Fathers, Luther replied 
 by giving a number of written quotations to the Landgrave, 
 which clearly taught that the true body and blood of Christ 
 are present in the sacrament. The result of the confer- 
 ence was, to sum it up in a few words, Luther continued 
 firm in his opinion concerning the Lord's presence. Nor 
 would the other party give up their views. Yet they de- 
 sired that Luther should receive them as brethren. This 
 
RESULT OF THE MARBURG DEBATE. CCCLI. 
 
 Dr. Luther could not consent to, and he spoke harshly to 
 them, and expressed his astonishment that they wanted to 
 be his brethren, and yet hold the doctrine they did ; it 
 seemed an evidence to him that they did not prize their 
 own doctrines very highly. They at last however, all 
 signed fourteen articles which Luther, by the request of 
 all, had drawn up. This is an interesting document, but 
 we will give only the fourteenth article in part. " We be- 
 lieve that the sacrament of the altar, is a sacrament of the 
 true body and blood of Christ, and that the spiritual man- 
 ducation (Niessung) of that body and blood is necessary to 
 every christian." This it would seem the opponents of 
 Luther would not agree to. Luther thinking it probable 
 at least that they would not, added the following clause : 
 " And although we cannot at this time agree upon the 
 question, whether the body and blood of Christ are cor- 
 poreally present in the bread and wine, yet each party 
 shall exhibit towards the other, christian charity, so far as 
 conscience will permit, and both parties will pray earnest- 
 ly to God, that He by his Spirit, would direct us to the true 
 doctrine." This met the entire approbation of all parties, 
 and all signed it at once. Many harsh reflections have 
 been cast upon Luther for his treatment of Zwingle on this 
 occasion, because he refused to give him the right hand of 
 fellowship. Now it must be borne in mind, (and we think 
 the account of this conference as given by Melancthon, 
 will confirm what we are about to say,) that the account 
 of this conference as given by D'Aubigne and others of 
 his school, as well as the Roman Catholics, is too highly 
 
CCCLII. LUTHER S CONDUCT TOWARDS ZWINGLE. 
 
 wrought. They make the (dramatis persons) actors too 
 fiery and passionate—- they all seem like a set of French- 
 men in a ball room — -instead of grave, pious, learned doc- 
 tors as they were, they are represented as light minded, 
 witty fellows, who had met for the purpose of showing 
 the Landgrave, how they could catch and puzzle each 
 other ! Melancthon saw nothing of this, to him it seemed 
 a more grave and solemn matter. But is not Luther to 
 blame for refusing to give Zwingle the right hand of fel= 
 lowship. According to our notions of propriety he cer- 
 tainly is to blame, but he lived in a different age and under 
 other circumstances. He had no scruples about receiving 
 him as a man, but as a christian brother, with the opposite 
 views they held he could not. He was conscientious, and 
 surely he had already given the world sufficient evidence 
 of his sincerity— he was no hypocrite, he could act no 
 borrowed part, he honestly considered Zwingle in error, 
 and by giving him the right hand of christian fellowship, 
 he would have acknowledged that Zwingle was right. Let 
 justice be done to this great man. One word more on the 
 subject. Zwingle was born about six weeks after Luther, 
 and was an excellent man, he was a man of learning and 
 eloquence, some of his enthusiastic admirers, even placed 
 him before Luther in the work of the Reformation, and 
 claim a superiority for him in point of learning and piety. 
 Dr. Maclaine says, in a note to Mosheim, "Zwingle in- 
 stead of receiving instruction from Luther was much his 
 superior in learning, capacity and judgment, and was much 
 fitter to be his master than his disciple ! The fact is after 
 
LUTHER, THE FIRST REFORMER. CCCLIII. 
 
 Luther was 40 years old, he had no equal on the face of 
 the earth, and as respects the judgment of Zwingle being 
 superior to Luther ; Zwingle is generally considered 
 deficient in judgment — if he had had a better judgmen/ 
 he would not have perished miserably in the battle of 
 his own creation. At Zurich, Zwingle was a great 
 man; at Wittenberg, he would have stood perhaps at 
 No. 5 or 6. One evidence of this is the fact, that when 
 Carlstadt, who was a small man, even compared with 
 Justus Jonas and Nicholas AmsdorfF, went to Switzer- 
 land his preaching produced almost as much effect there as 
 Luther's had produced at Wittenberg. Now if Zwingle, 
 as Maclaine says, had been superior to Luther, how 
 are we to account for this, for it is well known that Carl- 
 stadt was considered far inferior to Luther by all, but the 
 few fanatics at Orlamund. And as respects his priority in 
 the work of the Reformation, we will adduce the testimony 
 of one who may justly be styled the panegyrist of Zwingle, 
 we mean D'Aubigne, he says, Vol. 2, page 293, of his 
 History of the Reformation, " It is a mistaken notion, to 
 infer that Zwingle's Reformation preceded Luther's. 
 Zwingle may possibly have preached the gospel a year 
 previous to the Theses of Luther, but the gospel was 
 preached by Luther himself four years before those cele- 
 brated propositions. The one and the other was neither 
 the first monk nor the first priest, who taught a purer doc- 
 trine than the scholastic teachers ; but Luther was the first 
 ivho boldly and publicly raised the standard of truth 
 against prevailing error, and invited general attention to 
 
CCCLIV. LUTHER ON THE LORD ? S SUPPER. 
 
 the fundamental doctrine of the gospel, salvation by grace. 
 The great battle of which the signal was given in 1517, 
 (by the publication of the 95 Theses of Luther,) was the 
 true parent of the Reformation, and gave to it both its soul 
 and its form. Luther was the earliest of the Reformers" 
 This ought to settle the question forever, especially as it 
 comes from one of Zwingle's warmest friends and one of 
 Calvin's successors. Let this then suffice on this subject. 
 
 As there has been much said of late about Luther's views 
 on the subject of the Lord's Supper, this would seem to 
 be the proper place to exhibit those views. As a Roman 
 Catholic, Luther of course believed in the doctrine of tran 
 substantiation as held by that church. But after he lost 
 confidence in the system of popery, and had taken the 
 Bible for his creed, he gradually abandoned the papal views 
 on the subject of the Lord's presence in the sacrament, 
 and adopted others. The question then very naturally 
 presents itself, what other views did Luther adopt? We 
 have examined all that Luther ever wrote on the subject, 
 (and that was not a little,) and as far as we are able to un- 
 derstand him, he believed, that the bread and wine used 
 in the sacrament remain unchanged, but that the glori- 
 fied body of Christ is actually present at the celebration 
 of the eucharist, and that Christ's glorified body is actu- 
 ally eaten by every communicant. 
 
 That this was Luther's view, is susceptible of the clear* 
 est historical proof. We have Luther's views in his ser- 
 mons, his controversies, his commentaries, his two cate- 
 chisms, his letters, and in his private conversation, so full 
 
LUTHER ON THE LORDS SUPPER. CCCLV. 
 
 and so often, that it almost seems a work of supereroga- 
 tion to say a word about them. Still as we have promised 
 to let the great Reformer speak in English, hear him on 
 this subject. We have his first views in a sermon 
 preached in 1519, which he calls "A Sermon concerning 
 the most worthy sacrament of the holy and true body 
 (Leichnam) of Christ." This sermon has no text. He 
 .says, " The holy sacrament of the altar, and the holy true 
 body of Christ, has three things which we must under- 
 stand. 1. The sacrament itself, or its outward signs. 2. 
 The meaning of the sacrament. 3. The faith we must 
 have. The sacrament must be outward and visible, it 
 must have a bodily form. The signification must be in- 
 ward and spiritual in the soul of man. The faith must 
 put these both together, and apply them to our use and 
 benefit. 
 
 " The meaning of the sacrament is a communion of all 
 the saints, therefore it is called synaxis, or communio, i. e. 
 fellowship ; and communicate in Latin means to enter in- 
 to this fellowship, or communion, which we express in 
 German thus, to take the sacrament, or to go to the sacra- 
 ment ; and this grows out of the fact, that Christ is one 
 spiritual body with all believers, just as all the inhabitants 
 of a town constitute but one body. Thus all true believers 
 are members of Christ, and of the church, which is a spir- 
 itual and eternal state of God, (i. e. of God's appoint- 
 ment,) and he who is received into this state, is received 
 into the communion of the saints, and is made a member 
 of the spiritual body of Christ. ***** Hence 
 
CCCLVI. LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER. 
 
 he who injures one member of a community, injures the 
 whole, as St. Paul says in 1 Cor. xii 12 — 27, ' For as the 
 body is one, and hath many members, and all the members 
 of that body, being many, are one body, so also is Christ.' 
 Now ye are the body of Christ. We must keep this com- 
 parison between the human body and the church, always 
 in view, if we wish properly to understand the sacrament. 
 We have so many sins to contend with, that we need, not 
 only the assistance of Christ and the church, but it is also 
 necessary that Christ and his saints should intercede with 
 God in our behalf. God gives us this sacrament to strength- 
 en us against sin. God speaks as it were thus to us : be- 
 hold thou art troubled with many sins, take these signs, 
 with these I assure you, that your sins not only afflict you, 
 but also my Son, Jesus Christ, and all his saints in hea- 
 ven and on earth. Therefore be bold and of good courage, 
 for you contend not alone, you are surrounded by a strong 
 help." 
 
 In this last section we see that Luther had not yet di- 
 vested himself of the errors of saint worship. 
 
 With the exception of that which refers to the interces- 
 sion of the saints, and with a very slight modification, the 
 above are the views which Luther continued to hold to the 
 day of his death, as the reader will see from the following 
 additional quotations. In the Visitation Book, as it is call- 
 ed, which was drawn up by Melancthon in 1529, and fully 
 approved and published by Luther, it is said, " Concerning 
 the sacrament of the true body of our dear Lord Jesus 
 Christ, the following points shall be taught by the pas- 
 tors, viz. 
 
 
LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER. CCCLVII. 
 
 They are all to be taught to believe that in the bread 
 and wine the true body and blood of Christ are present, 
 as Christ himself says in Matt. xxvi. 26; Mark xiv. 22; 
 Luke xxii. 19 ; and in 1 Cor. x. 16, Paul says, " The bread 
 which we break, is it not the communion of the body of 
 Christ"? If, as some teach, we are to understand nothing 
 more than a spiritual communion, by the words " com- 
 munion of the body of Christ" then it would be nothing 
 more than a communion of his word and Spirit. 
 
 Thus Paul in 1 Cor. xi. 29, "For he that eateth and 
 drinketh unworthily, eateth and drinketh damnation, (i. e. 
 judgment) to himself, not discerning the Lord's body." If 
 the Lord's body is not present how can it be discerned? 
 
 The pastors ought also to read the ancient church Fath- 
 ers, in order to see what they taught on this subject; so 
 that they may be the better informed themselves, and be 
 able to instruct their hearers. 
 
 St. Hilary says, in his eighth book on the Holy Trini- 
 ty, " We are not to doubt the truth of what Christ says, 
 when he declares that ' this is my body.' " 
 
 We are also to bear in mind, that this great miracle does 
 not take place in consequence, or on account of the 
 merits of the priest, but because Christ has so ordained it; 
 just as the sun rises daily, not on our account, but because 
 God has so ordered it. 
 
 Luther says, in his Larger Catechism, which was in- 
 tended as a system of theology for the uneducated pastors 
 of Saxony, who had gone over from the Romish to the 
 Protestant party, " But what is the sacrament of the altar ? 
 
€CCLVIIL LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER. 
 
 Answer. It is the true body and blood of Christ, in and 
 under the bread and wine, commanded by Christ's word, 
 we christians are to eat and drink. The sacrament is in- 
 deed bread and wine, but not common bread such as we 
 eat at a common table, but bread and wine contained in 
 the word of God, and united therewith. It is the word, 
 (I say,) which makes the sacrament, and causes the bread 
 and wine to be more than mere bread and wine, and makes 
 it the body and blood of Christ, as St. Augustine says, 
 ' When the word comes into contact with the outward em- 
 blems, then they become a sacrament.' With this word 
 you can strengthen your conscience, though an hundred 
 thousand devils, and all the fanatics on earth, should rise 
 up against it, and say, how can bread and wine be the 
 body and blood of Christ ? For I know that all the evil 
 spirits, and all the learned men in the world taken together, 
 do not possess as much wisdom as the Divine Majesty has 
 in his little finger ! Now, here is Christ's word, f take 
 eat, this is my body.' By this we will stand firm, and 
 see who dare make it otherwise, than he who instituted 
 the sacrament." 
 
 But Luther's great work on the sacrament, " That 
 the words of Christ, 'this is my body,' still remain 
 firm against the fanatical spirits," which covers one hun- 
 dred large folio pages, was published in 1527. This is 
 his masterpiece on the subject; it is one of the most vigor- 
 ous and powerfully written productions of his prolific pen. 
 He commences by showing the ingenuity and cunning of 
 the devil in introducing discord and factions into the church. 
 
LUTHER ON THE LORD'S SUPPER. CCCLIX. 
 
 He says the devil caused so many divisions and sects in 
 the church, and by this means so lessened the influence and 
 authority of the Bible, that the Bible at last got to be like 
 a broken net, that it would hold nothing, each one he says, 
 bored for himself a hole in it where he pleased, and turn- 
 ed and twisted it to suit his own opinions — hence the ne- 
 cessity arose for many councils to make new command- 
 ments and ordinances — and hence also arose the common 
 saying, " the Bible is not a sufficient rule of faith, but we 
 must have councils and the commandments of the fathers — 
 the Holy Ghost did not (say they) reveal everything to the 
 apostles, but kept back some things for the fathers — and 
 from this at last the papacy arose." 
 
 When the devil saw the turn matters had taken, he 
 laughed in derision and exclaimed, Now we have conquer- 
 ed — the Bible is false— the strong fort is demolished — the 
 strong weapons are broken to pieces ! Now the christian 
 church can make walls of straw and weapons of hay, i. e. 
 they will now oppose me with the commandments of men. 
 What, exclaims the devil, shall I now do? I will not op- 
 pose these measures, but I will aid in rearing this building 
 of straw, and do all I can to promote union among them. 
 We see from this that Luther did not make any great ac- 
 count of tradition. 
 
 He also blames the devil for introducing the sacramen- 
 tarian controversy. It is, says he, even the very same 
 devil that now stirs up the fanatics to blaspheme the holy 
 sacrament by making mere bread and wine out of the sa- 
 cred elements, they jnake it a mere commemorative feast, 
 
CCCLX. LUTHER ON THE LORD'S SUPPER. 
 
 according to their own fancy, and insist upon' it that the 
 body and blood of Christ are not present, when the words 
 of Christ are as clear as the sun, "this is my body,'''' and 
 these words stand firm and unshaken ! The word of God 
 will stand forever, whilst the errors that spring up by its 
 side will endure but for a season. Therefore, I am not 
 at all alarmed as though this fanaticism would last long; it 
 is too gross an error, and too glaringly opposed to the 
 Bible, to endure any great length of time, as you shall now 
 see. I will therefore, again come out boldly against the 
 devil and his fanatics, not on their account, but for the sake 
 of the ignorant and the weak. I have not the most dis- 
 tant hope of being able to convert a heretical or a fanatical 
 leader — they have blasphemed the word of God, and sin- 
 ned against the Holy Ghost, and as Isaiah says, ch. vi., 
 there is no hope for them. 
 
 Luther protests in the most solemn manner his inno- 
 cence of having aided in any way the fanatics, (for he had 
 been accused of being at the head of the movements of 
 the fanatics,) and says we as good Christians, must have 
 nothing to do with them — Christian union, he says, con- 
 sists in a union of spirit, of faith and sentiment, not a mere 
 outward union. 
 
 But to come to the point, says Luther, " Let us look 
 at the passage Jesus said, "Take eat, this is my body." 
 I have already stated that I would confine myself to this 
 single text, and from this alone I will maintain in defiance 
 of the devil and all his fanatical spirits, that this is strong 
 and powerful enough against all their foul and loose talk. To 
 
LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER. CCCLXL 
 
 the other passages I will attend at the proper time. Here 
 
 then this passage stands clear and distinct. Upon this we 
 
 stand, and believe, and teach, that in the sacrament we do 
 
 most certainly and bodily eat and receive the body of 
 
 Christ, (in German, Dasz man im Abendmahl warhaftig 
 
 und leiblich Christus Leib isset, und zu sich nimt.) But 
 
 how or in what manner this takes place, or how he is in 
 
 the bread, we do not know, nor are we to know it; we are 
 
 to believe God's word, and not to prescribe means and 
 
 ways for him. We see the bread with our eyes, but with 
 
 our ears we hear that the body of Christ is also present. 
 
 This is certainly plain enough. 
 
 Luther next attacks the mode of interpreting this text 
 
 adopted by Zwingle and (Ecolampadius. He denies that 
 
 their mode of interpretation is more reasonable than his. 
 
 When they bring forward the passages generally referred 
 
 to, to refute his position, such as Christ is called a rock, a 
 
 door, a vine, &c, he (Luther,) insists upon it that Christ 
 
 was, and did not merely represent those things. He next 
 
 takes up the objection of (Ecolampadius, that the body of 
 
 Christ is in heaven at the right hand of God, and that it 
 
 cannot be present at the communion. To this objection 
 
 Luther replies, " How do we know, my dear sirs, that a 
 
 body, by the power of God, may not be in heaven and at 
 
 the same time in the communion ? We know that there 
 
 are no bounds to the power of God, and that he often does 
 
 things that we cannot understand, and yet we are bound 
 
 to believe them. Now as God says, " This is my body," 
 
 how am I to calm my mind, unless I admit that he pos 
 16 
 
CCCLXII. LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER. 
 
 sesses the power and the means to make good his word 1 
 And although a body may be invisible in many places, yet 
 God has the power, the means, and the knowledge to make 
 a body visible in many places. This is in accordance 
 with the Scriptures, Rom. iv. 21, "What he had promised, 
 he was able to perform," or as Luther has translated this 
 passage, " What God says, he can do." And in Luke i. 
 37, " With God nothing shall be impossible."' 
 
 Now, as he has said, " This is my body," he can and 
 does make it so. Now you must show that he neither 
 does nor can make good his word— for this is your own 
 darling position, by which you expect to overthrow this 
 world. Now if you cannot maintain your ground we will 
 overturn all your reasoning, and with the words, " This is 
 my body," we will force our passage through ! Defend 
 yourselves, ye valiant knights, for it is high time !" 
 
 Luther then takes a wider and more philosophical range, 
 in which he shows that Christ may as well be present in 
 the sacrament as to be in every other part of the universe. 
 He takes up the objection from the passage, " Christ is 
 seated at the right hand of God," and asks the opposers 
 of his views very triumphantly, what is meant by the right 
 hand of God ? He then shows that God fills immensity, 
 and must necessarily be present in the sacrament. He 
 then illustrates his views with a number of scriptural ex- 
 amples. At the close he tries however, to show that it is 
 only a spiritual eating and drinking, and denies its being 
 such an eating as the people at Capernaum supposed. 
 He also gives the opinions of the earlier church fathers, 
 
LUTHER ON THE LORD'S SUPPER. CCCLXIII. 
 
 such as Tertullian, Irenaeus, Hilary, Cyprian, and Augus- 
 tine. It may not be uninteresting to the reader to know 
 what these fathers say on the subject before us. 
 
 Luther says, Tertullian is the oldest of the fathers, but 
 since the times of the Apostles, none has been equal in his 
 estimation to Augustine. 
 
 Tertullian in his Fourth Book against Marcion, says, 
 " The bread which Christ gave to his disciples, he made 
 his body, when he said, « this is my body,' he meant this 
 is the form of my body. But it could not have been a 
 form, unless it had been a true body." It would seem that 
 Tertullian used the word " figure," which Luther trans- 
 lated into German by the word " Gestalt," (form.) (Eco- 
 lampadius had quoted this same passage to prove his figu- 
 rative presence. To this Luther objects, and says, " But 
 we insist upon it that Tertullian uses the word ' figure' in 
 its true Latin sense. Mathematically it means a form that 
 has length, breadth, thickness, roundness, and color, some- 
 thing which can be seen, felt and handled, as we also say 
 in German concerning the sacrament, that Christ's body is 
 present under the form of bread. The very same thing 
 that we Germans call a form, (Gestalt,) Tertullian calls a 
 ' figure.' 
 
 " In order to understand fully the force of Tertullian's 
 arguments, we must bear in mind what Marcion, against 
 whom he wrote, believed and taught. Marcion taught that 
 Christ had no physical body at all — that the man Christ 
 was a mere phantom, that could neither be felt, touched nor 
 'jonfined." 
 
CCCLXIV. LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER THE FATHERS. 
 
 Again says Luther, " Tertullian in his book against the 
 Jews, refers the passage in Jeremiah xi. 19, ' They said 
 let us cast the wood into his bread,' to the body of Christ. 
 For Christ himself thus explains this text, when he says, 
 * this is my body,' which body the prophet calls bread. I 
 do not contend that Tertullian is correct in his translation 
 of this passage ; for in the Hebrew it reads thus, < Let us 
 tear up the tree with its roots.' The question now, is not 
 concerning the correctness of the translation of Tertullian, 
 but concerning his opinion on the subject in hand. It is 
 certain that by the wood, he understood the cross of Christ, 
 and by the bread, his body." 
 
 The learned comment of Tertullian on this passage, may 
 give us a fair sample of the fallibility of the fathers, and 
 show how little confidence we ought to place upon them. 
 Tertullian is the oldest of the fathers, and therefore if there 
 be any merit in patristic theology, his ought to be the best. 
 
 Luther next quotes Irenaeus, also among the oldest of 
 the fathers, who had to contend with the Valentinians,who 
 among other things denied the resurrection of the body. 
 Among other arguments against this error, he says, " If the 
 body is not to be eternal, why then is it nourished with the 
 body and blood of Christ in the sacrament? Do we eat 
 an eternal food, then we shall live from it eternally. 
 Irenaeus says, ' The bread is not mere common bread after 
 it is named of God, but it is then Eucharistia, (as the an- 
 cients called the sacrament.) But what does this naming 
 or calling to which he refers, mean, other than this saying 
 of Christ, ' this is my body V " Irenaeus here says, it is no 
 
LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER. CCCLXV 
 
 longer according to God's word mere bread, but in addi- 
 tion to the physical bread, there is a heavenly bread pre- 
 sent also. According to Irenaeus there are three things in 
 the sacrament. There is the Vocatio Dei, the calling of 
 God, which is, when he says, « this is my body.' By this 
 naming or designating, says he, the bread becomes Euchar- 
 istia, or a sacrament. Now the bread has a two-fold na- 
 ture, at first it was nothing more than common bread, but 
 now it is both earthly, (physical,) and heavenly, (spir- 
 itual)." 
 
 He next quotes Hilary, who he says, had a very great 
 knowledge of the scriptures. In his Eighth Book against 
 the Arians, he says, " Now if it be true that the wcrd did 
 actually become flesh, and if we do actually in the Lord's 
 Supper receive the word that became flesh, must we not 
 believe that we do receive that flesh which was united with 
 the divinity in the sacrament ? Here Hilary says that we 
 do receive in the sacrament that word which became flesh ; 
 or to speak more plainly, we receive the incarnate word, 
 and therefore Christ remains in us naturally, or with his 
 being and nature, not only spiritually as the visionaries 
 dream. He calls the sacrament 'Sacramentum carnis, 
 nobis communicandae,' i. e. a sacrament of flesh, that is 
 divided among us. And he says further, that Christ is 
 mixed and united with this sacrament not only in a spirit- 
 ual manner, according to the nature of his flesh, together 
 with his eternal nature." 
 
 He also quotes Augustine and Cyprian extensively. *Ve 
 have not room here for more quotations from this exti?* r- 
 
CCCLXVI. LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER. 
 
 dinary production. We have given thus much to show 
 the reader what were Luther's views on the nature of 
 Christ's presence in the sacrament. 
 
 In 1528, Luther published another work, called " Dr. 
 Martin Luther's Confession concerning the Sacrament of 
 Christ." 
 
 In the same year he published a treatise on the necessi- 
 ty of giving both bread and wine to the communicants. 
 He had long since repudiated the absurd doctrine of tran- 
 substantiation, and inculcated his own views with great 
 earnestness. 
 
 As we promised to permit Luther to speak for himself, 
 we will give a few more quotations from his sermons, taken 
 from Dr. Walch's edition of Luther's sermons, called his 
 Kirchen Postill. 
 
 In a sermon preached in 1524, he instructs his hearers 
 thus on the subject : "We hold that in the bread and wine 
 the true body and blood of Christ are present. In the 
 sacrament we have a beautiful delineation of love. In the 
 first place, in the bread, for before the grains of wheat are 
 ground together, each grain constitutes its own body, but 
 when they are ground up, they are all united, and form 
 but one body. The same is true of the wine. Before 
 the grapes are pressed, each grape forms a body, but after 
 the juice is expressed, the whole mass constitutes but one 
 liquid. So we cannot say this flour was in that grain, or 
 this wine in that grape ; for the one substance has crept 
 into the other, and become one bread and one wine. As 
 Paul says, 1 Cor. x. 17, For we being many, are one 
 
MELANCTHON ON THE LORDS SUPPER. CCCLXVII. 
 
 bread, and one body, for we are all partakers of that one 
 bread. We eat the Lord by the faith in the word, which 
 the soul appropriates to itself. In this manner my neigh- 
 bor eats me ; my property, body and life, I give to him, 
 and everything I have; I permit him to have the benefit of 
 all. Thus too, I who am poor and needy, eat my neigh- 
 bor. Thus we are all plaited into one another, so that we 
 help each other, as Christ also helped us. This is eating 
 one another in a spiritual way." 
 
 Without multiplying quotations, this we think is enough 
 to show Luther's views. We have thus given the opinions 
 of the Reformer on this subject, the reader may now put 
 his own construction upon them. We deem it unneces- 
 sary here to express even an opinion as to the correctness 
 of Luther's views. All we have to say is, thus spake 
 Luther. We here subjoin the Tenth Article of the Augs- 
 burg Confession, with Melancthon's comment upon it, 
 from his celebrated Apology, which was translated by Dr. 
 Justus Jonas at Wittenberg, under the immediate inspec- 
 tion of Luther and Melancthon, in 1536. We give the 
 whole article. 
 
 "The Tenth Article is not objected to by our opponents, 
 in which we teach that the true body and blood of our 
 Lord Christ, are actually present in the Supper of Christ, 
 and that they are extended and received with the visible 
 elements of bread and wine, as has been held in the 
 church until this time ; as also the Gregorian canon teaches, 
 and as Cyril says, that Christ is given to us bodily m the 
 Lord's Supper, for thus he speaks : We do not deny that 
 
CCCLXVIII. THE CHURCH QUESTION. 
 
 by faith and a pure love we are united to Christ in a spirit- 
 ual way. But that we according to the flesh, should have 
 no union at all with him, to this we say no, and this is 
 against the scriptures. For who can doubt that Christ is 
 the vine, and we the branches, that we receive nourishmenl 
 and life from him ? Listen what Paul says, We are all 
 one body in Christ, although we are many, yet in him we 
 are one, for we are all partakers of one bread. Do you 
 suppose that we are ignorant of the efficacy of the divine 
 blessing in the Lord's Supper 1 For when the Supper is 
 celebrated, he (God) causes, that by the eating of the flesh 
 and body of Christ, Christ lives in us bodily. Also, it is 
 to be remembered, that Christ does not only dwell in us 
 by a spiritual union, through love, but also by a natural 
 communion, and we speak of the presence of a living 
 body, for we know, as Paul says, that henceforth death 
 shall not reign over him." 
 
 We now come to notice Luther's views on the church 
 question. What does he teach on this important question ? 
 We refer the reader to his most celebrated production, viz : 
 his " Address to the Christian Nobility of the German 
 Nation," published in 1520. This work is written in Lu- 
 ther's best style, and it is indeed a production of revolu- 
 tionary energy, and did more perhaps, to open the eyes 
 of the Germans upon the evils growing out of the peculiar 
 notions men then had about the church and her authority, 
 than any other work ever written by any man, The very 
 title shows the genius of Luther. In this address he 
 strikes at the root of all ecclesiastical abuse, and shows 
 
WHAT IS THE CHURCH I CCCLXIX 
 
 his countrymen the very source of that religious tyranny 
 under which they were groaning, and also shows them the 
 remedy. He says, "The Romanists have surrounded 
 themselves with great adroitness by three walls, behind 
 which they have hitherto defended themselves from all at- 
 tempts at a Reformation, and in consequence of which all 
 Christendom has fallen in a most deplorable manner. 
 
 "In the first place. When they were attacked by the 
 civil authorities, they would say, the civil authority has no 
 jurisdiction over us, for the spiritual authority is superior 
 io the civil. 
 
 "In the second place. When they were attacked with 
 the Bible, they denied that any person could interpret the 
 Bible but the pope. 
 
 " In the third place. When they were threatened with a 
 general council, they said, no one can call a council but the 
 pope. 
 
 "Thus they have taken from us the three rods, that they 
 might go unpunished, and have sat down in security be- 
 hind the three walls, and have given themselves up to the 
 commission of all kinds of villainy, as we now see. 
 
 " May God help us, and give us one of those trumpets 
 used at Jericho, that we may be able to blow down those 
 walls of straw and paper ! 
 
 The first wall is this : — The pope, bishops, priests, 
 
 monks and nuns, constitute the spiritual state. Princes, 
 
 nobles, mechanics and farmers, compose the civil state. 
 
 This is indeed a finely spun theory ; but let no one be 
 
 alarmed at this ; for all christians belong to the spiritual 
 16* 
 
CCCLXX. THE CHURCH QUESTION. 
 
 state, nothing makes us christians but the gospel, baptism 
 and faith. The mere fact that the pope or a bishop may- 
 anoint, smooth down, ordain and consecrate an individual, 
 or his dressing differently from the common people, may 
 make a hypocrite, but will never make a christian. For 
 as Peter says, by baptism, we all become kings and priests 
 unto God; and John says, in Revelations, 'Thou hast made 
 us kings and priests ;' for if we have no higher consecra- 
 tion than that received from the pope or a bishop, we would 
 never become true priests, although we might say mass, 
 preach and absolve. Therefore the consecrating of a 
 bishop is nothing more than if a whole congregation would 
 select one of its members, for they have all equal power, 
 and delegate to him their power or authority. Just as if 
 ten brothers, the sons of a king, who were all equal heirs, 
 were to elect one of their number to govern for them, they 
 would all indeed be kings, although only one was delegated 
 to govern. 
 
 " But to make the matter still more plain. Suppose a 
 number of pious laymen were taken prisoners, and were 
 banished to a wilderness; suppose there were no priest 
 with them who had been consecrated by a bishop, and sup- 
 pose they should all be unanimous in electing one of their 
 number, married or single, and authorize him to baptize, 
 preach, and do all other things belonging to the office of a 
 priest, he would most certainly be just as much a priest as 
 if he had been appointed and consecrated by pope or 
 bishop ! In this manner the christian congregations form- 
 erly appointed their bishops and priests, and this appoint 
 
THE CHURCH QUESTION. CCCLXXI. 
 
 ment was confirmed by other bishops, without that pomp 
 and splendor that now exist. In this same way, St. Au- 
 gustine, St. Ambrose, and St. Cyprian became bishops." 
 
 From the above extract we see that Luther made no 
 great account of the succession ! Thus he cuts off one 
 limb of the churchism of modern days. 
 
 Luther next notices the second wall, which is, that no 
 one but the pope can interpret scripture. And says among 
 other things, that the keys do not belong exclusively to 
 the pope or bishops, but to the whole congregation of true 
 believers. The pope, he says, has neither the spirit nor 
 the faith. To follow the pope would be to deny the faith, 
 and the whole christian church. 
 
 Here Luther lops off another member of the churchism 
 of our day, viz. its organism. He does not make the church 
 a machine ; christians constitute the church, not the means 
 of grace which belong to it, as we shall be able more fully 
 to show in our quotations from his works. 
 
 The third wall, he says, must fall with the other two. 
 
 In his Kirchen Postill,Walch's Edition, page 100, he says, 
 " Therefore he who wishes to find Christ, must first seek 
 the church. How could any one know where Christ and 
 his faith are, if he did not know where his believing ones 
 are? And he who wishes to know anything of Christ, 
 must not put any confidence in himself, nor must he at- 
 tempt to build a bridge to heaven by his own reason, but 
 he must go to the church and ask her. Now, the church 
 is not merely wood and stone, but it is the collective body 
 of t elieving Christians ; to these we must cling, and see 
 
CCCLXXII. THE CHURCH QUESTION. 
 
 how they believe, live and teach ; these certainly have 
 Christ in their midst. For out of the christian church 
 there is no truth, no Christ, no salvation. Hence it fol- 
 lows that it must be uncertain and false, that we are to 
 believe only in the pope or a bishop, and follow them as 
 our masters, for these may, and often do err. But their 
 teachings must be subject to the inspection of the collec- 
 tive body of christians. What they teach must be ex- 
 amined and judged by the congregation, and this judgment 
 must stand, for the church must go before the preachers. 
 This Paul also- teaches in 1 Cor. xiv. 29, 30. But now 
 the pope and his minions have become such tyrants, that 
 they have entirely perverted this christian, divine and 
 Apostolic order, and have introduced such pagan and Py- 
 thagorean customs, that they may say any foolish thing 
 they please, and no one is to judge or correct them, or com- 
 mand them to hold their peace. And in this way they 
 have grieved the Spirit, that we find neither Mary nor 
 Joseph, nor Christ with them." 
 
 On pnge 529, speaking of Christ's sheep, he says, 
 " There are many who are baptized and hear the gospel, 
 and go to the Lord's Supper, and yet are no christians. 
 But by this alone we are to know them ; those only are 
 true christians who have faith in their hearts. But who 
 knows this 1 — You cannot look into my heart, nor I into 
 yours, hence no one knows his sheep but Christ." * * * 
 
 Tims he overthrows Judaism, priestcraft and popery, 
 with its works, and takes from them the power to rule his 
 flock, and in short will not have them to lord it over him- 
 
 
THE CHURCH QUESTION. CCCLXXIII. 
 
 self or his church. He rejects all their judgment concern- 
 ing the church, and tells them that they shall not judge his 
 sheep by outward forms or circumstances, and yet, that he 
 will have and defend his church, even if they know neither 
 him nor his sheep, and reject, cut off, and condemn them. 
 
 He also gives us the marks by which we shall be able 
 to distinguish between the true church of God, and that 
 which has the name of being his church, and is not. He 
 teaches us, " that the church is not such a multitude of peo- 
 ple included within certain systems of outward forms and 
 ceremonies, as were the Jews with the laws of Moses. 
 Nor is it a body of men and women that must be kept to- 
 gether by outward human authority— nor is it at all to be 
 bound by the ordinary succession, or government of the 
 bishops, or their successors, as popery pretends. 
 
 " But the church is a spiritual congregation, that hears the 
 voice of this Shepherd and believes on him, and is governed 
 by him through the Holy Ghost; and outwardly this church 
 can only be known from the fact that she has his word and 
 sacraments ; inwardly however, she knows him (by faith) 
 and he knows her, even without knowing anything of the 
 outward form." 
 
 Again, on page 649, he says, "The true church must be 
 separated from the other heap, (the Romish church,) for it 
 is the command of God and Christ, that we are to have no 
 fellowship with such. Therefore we must separate our- 
 selves from the popish church, notwithstanding she boasts 
 of her church authority and offices, and condemns us as 
 schismatics from the church. And if she (the Romish 
 
CCCLXXIV. THE CHURCH QUESTION. 
 
 church) should excommunicate and persecute us, on ac- 
 count of our preaching and our confessing Christ, then we 
 have the decision of Christ, that she is not the church, 
 and that her offices and authority and whatever she prides 
 herself with, will amount to nothing against us; but on the 
 oilier hand our preaching, and offices, and judgment, and 
 excommunication against her, will be of great-account be- 
 fore God in heaven ! For of this we are certain that the 
 true church is there, where Christ acknowledges his doc- 
 trines, and where the true church is, there is the proper 
 church authority." 
 
 From this it would seem that Luther did not even con- 
 sider the church of Rome a part of the true church of Je- 
 sus Christ, for if it was the duty of all christians to sepa- 
 rate themselves from her, surely she could not then be a 
 part of Christ's church. And if she is now a part of 
 Christ's church she must have improved vastly since Lu- 
 ther's time, which no Protestant will claim for her. 
 
 From what we have now seen of Luther's views of the 
 church, we cannot but recognize a striking resemblance be- 
 tween them and the views of the General Synod of the 
 Evangelical Lutheran church of the United States, as ex- 
 pressed in the Formula which is found in our excellent 
 English Hymn Book, Chapter II., Part I. Sections L, II. 
 and III. 
 
 Sec. I. The true or invisible church is the collective 
 body of all those of every religious denomination in the 
 world, who are in a state of grace. 
 
THE CHURCH QUESTION. CCCLXXV. 
 
 Sec. II. The true church of Christ is a spiritual society, 
 consisting of members whose qualifications are spiritual, 
 and who are associated for spiritual purposes. 
 
 Sec. III. It is a Catholic (or universal) society ; its 
 members not being confined to any particular nation, or 
 religious denomination. 
 
 This then seems to be the true Lutheran ground on this 
 subject. The church it is true, in Luther's estimation was 
 a great interest, but then the pious constituted that church. 
 The church with him was not the priest, the ordinances, 
 and the offices, so much as the spiritual power of its mem- 
 bers. What Dr. D'Aubigne, therefore says, in his able 
 article in the Biblical Repository about Lutheranism and 
 the Reform, refers rather to the immediate followers of 
 Luther, than to the great Reformer himself. And we think 
 the above quotations from Luther's writings fully establish 
 this fact. 
 
 The next important event in the life of Luther, after the 
 conference of Marburg in 1529, is the Diet at Augsburg in 
 1530. The Protestants and Romanists were actively en- 
 gaged in making preparations for that famous Diet. Charles 
 himself, after having decorated his brow with laurels won 
 in Italy and France, was to be there in person ; expectation 
 was high, the papal party confidently looked for the down- 
 fall of the Protestants, the Protestants on the other hand 
 felt confidence in the God of nations. They had strength- 
 ened and fortified each other, they had raised funds for the 
 purpose of carrying on a war if it should become neces- 
 sary. 
 
CCCLXXVI. DIET OF AUGSBURG APPOINTED. 1530. 
 
 The elector John wrote to Luther, and asked him his 
 opinion about defending the rights of conscience with the 
 sword ; Luther returned a prompt and positive answer in 
 the negative. Luther's letter is dated March 6th, 1530. 
 He says : 
 
 " You ask me whether we should defend ourselves by- 
 arms against the Emperor, if he should use force against 
 the gospel. According to the interpretation of law, taking 
 into consideration the fact that the emperor has no right 
 to use coercion, it might be permitted. This is also the 
 opinion of my colleagues. But according to the word of 
 God, it is not proper that a Christian, under any circum- 
 stances, should take up arms against his prince. Chris- 
 tians must suffer even injustice. Even if the «mperor 
 should do wrong, as long as he is permitted to be emperor, 
 he must be obeyed. If subjects were permitted to take 
 up arms against their sovereigns whenever their sovereigns 
 do wrong, all governments would be subverted, because 
 where is there a governor who does not sometimes do 
 wrong? As long as an emperor is emperor, or a duke a 
 duke, no matter what he does, he must be obeyed, even 
 though he were a pagan, and were to violate every pro- 
 mise and oath. Yet, as all government is ordained of 
 God, we must obey." 
 
 These were the sentiments of the noble Reformer. 
 Philip of Hesse was keen for war ; so were some other 
 of the Protestant princes- — but the sentiments of Luther 
 changed their views. They saw and felt the necessity of 
 a closer union among themselves. They succeeded to 
 some extent as we have seen above. 
 
LUTHER STARTS FOR AUGSBURG. CCCLXXVII. 
 
 Ill 1529, at the Diet of Spire, the Protestant princes ap- 
 pealed to the emperor. The emperor appointed a Diet to 
 meet at Augsburg on the 8th of April, 1530. On the 
 14th of March, the elector of Saxony sent to Luther an 
 requested him to draw up a creed or confession of the 
 faith of the Protestants, to be presented to the emperor at 
 the approaching Diet. Luther composed a creed consist- 
 ing of seventeen articles, which are called the Torgau ar- 
 ticles, because they were presented to the elector there. 
 These articles constitute the basis of the far-famed Augs- 
 burg Confession. 
 
 It is said that Justus Jonas and Dr. Bugenhagen assisted 
 Luther in this work, and that they used, as a model, a 
 rough sketch of a creed which had been presented to the 
 Protestants, who were assembled some time before at 
 Schwabach ; hence it is sometimes said, that Schwabach is 
 the birth-place of our noble confession of faith. 
 
 On the 3d of April, 1530, the elector of Saxony, with 
 his splendid retinue, consisting of 160 persons, and the 
 most celebrated Doctors in the world, started foi Augsburg. 
 His knights and personal attendants were all clothed in 
 the costume of the day, each man with his halbert and 
 rich scarlet cloak, and they must have made a magnificent 
 appearance. Luther, Melancthon, Justus Jonas, Spalatin, 
 and Agricola, were the Theologians who accompanied the 
 royal cavalcade. Luther of course was the life and soul 
 of this large and brilliant company. No one was more 
 cheerful than he, yet none was more in danger. It is said 
 that he composed that soul-stirring hymn, "Ein' veste 
 
CCCLXXVIII. LUTHER S HYMN. 
 
 Burg ist unser Gott," for the very purpose of cheering up 
 the pious elector and his suit. This splendid hymn was 
 sung on the way to Augsburg, and at Augsburg, and every 
 time it was sung it cheered up the drooping Protestants. 
 Luther also composed the music, which is, if anything, 
 superior to the words. Let those of our readers who un- 
 derstand German turn to No. 429, of the old Lutheran 
 hymn book, and read that hymn, and remember the cir- 
 cumstances under which it was written — it was written to 
 cheer the downcast hearts of a handful of Christians, who 
 were now on their way to confront the most powerful 
 monarch of his age — when it had not only been rumored 
 that there was danger, but when the elector of Saxony 
 had actually been warned not to go to Augsburg ; but he 
 went with his subjects according to Luther's advice trust- 
 ing in God. There never was a hymn or patriotic song 
 written that was better adapted to accomplish the object 
 contemplated. To give those who cannot read German 
 an idea of this thrilling hymn, we have attempted a trans- 
 lation — it is only an attempt. "We have changed the 
 metre, and have only retained the most prominent ideas 
 and train of thought ; but we repeat it, it must be read in 
 German to be properly appreciated. 
 
 A sure defence our God shall be, 
 In this our need, to him we'll flee ; 
 He will preserve his faithful few 
 When storms and dangers are in view. 
 The enemy of old now raves, 
 To send us all to early graves. 
 
 

 luther's hymn. ccclxxix. 
 
 But all his ravings are in vain, 
 Our souls shall be revived again! 
 By our own might we cannot stand, 
 We are a weak defenceless band, 
 But there is one whose mighty arm 
 Can keep us safe from every harm! 
 And do you ask what is his name ? 
 Jehovah, Jesus, yes ! the same ! 
 He is the God whose power can save, 
 And save us from the threatening grave ! 
 And though the world with devils teemed, 
 And every one a monster seemed, 
 Yet we could all their wrath defy 
 By trusting Him who sits on high. 
 They may destroy our limbs and lives, 
 Our homes, our children and our wives, 
 But still the reign of Christ is sure, 
 It shall from age to age endure ! 
 
 This hymn was sung not only at Augsburg, but in all 
 the Lutheran churches in Saxony, and no doubt gladdened 
 many a desponding heart. On their way to Augsburg, 
 they stopt frequently, and on all suitable occasions Luther 
 preached, and always infused a new courage into them. 
 When they came to Coburg, the elector informed Luther 
 that he could not go any further, but would have to con- 
 tent himself there. Luther remonstrated ; but the elector 
 was firm, and Luther cheerfully obeyed, as he always did 
 where matters of conscience were not concerned. This 
 was a proper step of caution ; various reasons have been 
 assigned for this measure ; some say, the elector was afraid 
 
CCCLXXX. LUTHER AT COBURG. 
 
 of the impetuosity of Luther's temper. There was nothing 
 >o fear from this ; although Luther was a bold, daring and 
 courageous man as ever lived, and although he feared nei- 
 ther men nor devils, yet he was prudent, and knew how 
 to deport himself as well as any man, who went to Augs- 
 burg. No, it was not that the elector feared anything 
 from Luther's intrepidity, but it was because Luther had 
 been condemned at Worms, and was at the very time un- 
 der the bans of the empire and the church, and it would 
 have been an insult to the emperor to bring him into his 
 presence— more than this, Luther's life would not have 
 been safe a moment at Augsburg, for some foreign Roman 
 Catholic might have killed him, for any person was per* 
 mitted to kill him with impunity ! According to the Rom- 
 ish code of law it would have been no sin for any person 
 to kill Luther. The elector had rooms provided for him 
 and left twelve horsemen to guard him, and told him he 
 should be consulted on all matters concerning the church. 
 Luther occupied an old castle, as he had at Eisenach. But 
 the confinement had a bad effect upon his health. At 
 Wartburg he was engaged in translating the New Testa- 
 ment, here he was in translating the Old. On the 2d of 
 May the elector of Saxony, with his splendid suit, en- 
 tered Augsburg. His coming produced quite a sensation, 
 because it was not expected that he would come ; he was 
 among the first who arrived. 
 
 This was the most magnificent Diet that was ever held 
 in Germany. When they were all present it was a bril- 
 liant assembly. Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, had a suit 
 
DIET AT AUGSBURG. CCCLXXXI. 
 
 of one hundred and ninety nobles, the cavalcade of the em- 
 peror consisted of upwards of two thousand — never had 
 there been such an assembly in Germany. Melancthon, 
 in the absence of Luther, was the most brilliant star of at- 
 traction in all this immense mass. The task of preparing 
 the Protestant confession of faith was assigned to him. 
 He had already commenced the noble task at Coburg in 
 connexion with Luther. He had completed his work be- 
 fore the emperor arrived; it was sent to Luther for his ap- 
 proval. Luther examined it and returned this answer, 
 " This is the doctrine I teach, but I cannot tread so softly 
 and gently as Melancthon." Luther had no corrections to 
 make, and why should he, when the very articles he had 
 presented to the elector at Torgau, was the basis of these. 
 Besides this, Melancthon perfectly well understood Lu- 
 ther's views, and would of course write nothing but what 
 he knew Luther would approve. Luther had every con- 
 fidence in the world in Melancthon. Before the emperor 
 arrived, Melancthon revised the confession again, and made 
 some alterations and sent it to Luther again for inspection ; 
 Luther sent this message back, " It was good enough be- 
 fore, and now it is a great deal better." Luther said after- 
 wards that " the whole church in 1500 years had never seen 
 such a work like this, no previous age of the church un- 
 less in the age of the apostles could have prepared such a 
 splendid document." This shows that Luther was not en- 
 vious. He loved and respected Melancthon more than any 
 other man, and Melancthon almost worshipped Luther— *- 
 he thought no such a man as Luther had ever been in the 
 
CCCLXXXII. LUTHER S EMPLOYMENT WHILE AT COBURG. 
 
 world — never perhaps were there two men more attached 
 to each other. The correspondence between these two 
 great men proves how much they loved each other. Me- 
 lancthon was very mild and conciliatory, Luther was stern 
 and uncompromising— Melancthon was fearful and timor- 
 ous, Luther was bold and venturesome — and the only thing 
 in which Melancthon surpassed Luther was in the logical 
 arrangement of facts in his rhetoric, especially in Latin, 
 (in German he is far inferior to Luther,) and perhaps in his 
 knowledge of the Greek language. In every other respect 
 Luther was far superior to him, as he was to every other 
 man at Wittenberg ! 
 
 Melancthon was just the man to embody the views of a 
 whole church. While Melancthon was correcting and re- 
 vising the confession, and endeavoring in his intercourse 
 with the foreign dignitaries to remove the erroneous ideas 
 they had of the Lutherans, Luther was at Coburg, (which 
 he calls his Mount Sinai, and facetiously says he will 
 convert it into Mount Zion,) engaged in writing to his 
 friends, and commenting upon the Books of Daniel, Eze- 
 kiel and the Psalms. Luther wrote some droll letters from 
 Coburg, one to his son Johnny, which is very amusing, and 
 which we would translate if we had room for it. He also 
 wrote a letter to his messmates at Wittenberg, that is ex- 
 ceedingly interesting, but it must be read in the original to 
 be fully appreciated. The scenes that were daily acted at 
 Augsburg were of a very exciting nature. Melancthon was 
 ready on all occasions to make concessions, and had it not 
 been for Luther, perhaps the difficulties in Germany might 
 

 LUTHER S CONFIDENCE IN GOD. CCCLXXXIII. 
 
 even then have been settled. But Luther was, as was 
 agreed to, consulted on all subjects, and never yielded any 
 point. Luther had put his trust not in princes but in God. 
 He wrote a letter to a friend from Coburg, which shows 
 the firmness of his faith in God. "I have," says he, 
 "lately seen two wonders : first I was looking out of my 
 window at night, and saw the stars in the heavens, and 
 God's great beautiful arch over my head, but I could not 
 see any pillars on which the builder had fixed this arch, 
 and yet the heavens fell not, and this arch stood firm. Still 
 there were some who were seeking for the pillars, and were 
 longing to touch and to feel them. And because they could 
 not do this, they stood quivering and trembling as if the 
 heavens would certainly fall, and for no other reason than 
 because they could not see and feel the pillars that held 
 them up. If they could only grasp the pillars, then the 
 heaven would stand fast." Thus Luther illustrated the 
 faith of his own soul and wished to inspirit all others with 
 the same strong confidence in God. From Coburg he 
 poured in letter after letter to Melancthon and others, all 
 tending to encourage them greatly. To Melancthon he 
 says, " I hate from my heart the great anxiety about which 
 you write, it is not the great perils of the cause — it is your 
 own great unbelief that distresses you. It is your philoso- 
 phy and not your theology that plagues you ; what can the 
 devil do more than put us to death. 'Yes,' you reply 
 'but by God's wrath is the truth cast down.' Then let it 
 be cast down by God's wrath, and not by our cowardice — 
 he is our Father and will be the Father of our children." 
 
CCCLXXXIV. THE READING OF THE 
 
 Again, "As to my own salvation, I sometimes have doubts, 
 but as to the groat cause, I never have any. If with such 
 a cause we fall, then Christ falls with us, Christ the Ruler 
 of the universe! And should Christ fall, then would I fai 
 rather fall with him, than stand with the emperor. " 
 
 On the 15th of June, the emperor entered Augsburg 
 with great pomp and splendor, such as had perhaps never 
 been seen by the grave Germans. On the day after his 
 arrival the secretary of the emperor, Valdez, had an inter- 
 view with Melancthon. During this interview Valdez in- 
 formed Melancthon that the Spaniards had the most horri- 
 ble ideas concerning the Lutherans. Melancthon said, 
 " the Lutheran question is not so complicated, and so un- 
 seemly as his majesty fancies. We do not attack the 
 Catholic church — the whole controversy can be narrowed 
 down to these three points, viz. the two kinds in the sac- 
 rament; the marriage of the pastors ; and the abolition of 
 private masses." The emperor was pleased with this, and 
 communicated it to the pope's legate Campeggio — "The two 
 first matters he said might easily be settled, but," says he, 
 "the private masses the church cannot abolish." 
 
 Charles and the pope's legate, and most of the Catho- 
 lic bishops, were exceedingly anxious the matter should 
 be settled without bringing it before the Diet. Finding 
 however, that the matter could not be settled privately, on 
 the 22d of June the emperor ordered both parties, both 
 the Roman Catholic and Protestant, each to prepare a 
 Confession of Faith. The Romanists of course, knew 
 the request, as respected them, amounted to nothing ; they 
 
1531. CONFESSION OF FAITH. CCCLXXXV. 
 
 prepared none. Melancthon had yet some correction to 
 make, and had the whole to transcribe; this kept him very 
 busy to get it ready. On the 23d of June the Protestant 
 princes, the deputies, &c, met at the elector's quarters 
 and signed the Confession. On the 24th it was presented 
 to the Diet, but was not read until the 25th. When the 
 Papists found that a public meeting could not be avoided, 
 they urged the emperor to have the Diet removed to his 
 private chapel. All persons were requested to leave the 
 chapel who were not connected with the Diet. At 3 
 o'clock in the afternoon, June 25, 1530, Chancellors Briick 
 and Bayer stood up before the emperor, the former hold- 
 ing the Latin, the latter the German copy. The emperor 
 required the Latin copy to be read, but Duke John said 
 "We are on German ground, I hope therefore, your ma- 
 jesty will permit us to speak German ;" the emperor con- 
 sented, when Dr. Bayer read this splendid document with 
 a loud voice, so that it was distinctly heard, not only in 
 the chapel, but the immense crowd that had gathered 
 around the chapel also heard it. Thus it was heard by 
 more than could possibly have heard it in the City Hall. 
 During the two hours occupied in reading it, the emperor 
 paid profound attention, so did all who heard it. When 
 the reading was done, the emperor received both copies 
 into his own hands. That very night it was translated 
 into French, Italian, Portuguese and English, and sent off 
 immediately to the pope, the kings of England, France 
 and Portugal, by their several ambassadors. This was a 
 
 glorious day for the Protestant cause — they had declared 
 IT 
 
CCCLXXXVI. REPLY TO AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 
 
 their sentiments before the whole Christian world. Luther 
 was immediately informed of all that was done. He wrote 
 a number of animating letters calculated to encourage the 
 Protestants. The effects produced by the reading of the 
 Confession of Faith were, as might have been expected; 
 the emperor and the Romish princes were determined to 
 put down all heresy in the German empire. Dr. Eck, 
 Luther's former antagonist, and Faber, were employed in 
 writing a refutation; in two weeks they presented their 
 refutation to the emperor, but he returned it with the re- 
 marks that it was too severe and ungenteel, "for the Con- 
 fession," says he, "is a calm, dispassionate and dignified 
 document." They commenced again, and in a few days 
 presented a refutation of 280 leaves ; — the emperor looked 
 over it, and tore out 268 leaves, the 12 leaves remaining 
 he returned to Dr. Eck, and told him to make something 
 decent out of them. At the end of six weeks, after writ- 
 ing it over five times, the emperor received it. 
 
 This refutation was read in the Diet. As soon as it was 
 read the reformers wanted a copy of it, but this was re- 
 fused. They were not to refute this refutation, under 
 pain of the pope's and emperor's displeasure. This was 
 the end of all controversy, and was virtually giving up the 
 question, and saying, we cannot argue the doctrines of re- 
 ligion with you. The Diet then passed a number of reso- 
 lutions against heresy, and the Protestant princes were ac- 
 tually in danger. Melancthon was willing to do almost 
 anything to procure a peace, and if it had not been for Lu- 
 ther, who was tne ruling spirit of the Reformation, per- 
 
FIRMNESS OF THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY. CCCLXXXV 
 
 haps all would have been lost. But Luther's voice waa 
 heard amid the raging storms, "Trust in God," "Trust in 
 God." It is God's cause, and he will and must sustain it. 
 " Fear not those who can kill the body." With these and 
 similar appeals, he encouraged the down-hearted princes. 
 Then they would pray together, and sing Luther's hymn, 
 
 " A strong tower is our God." 
 
 It was determined at the Diet of Augsburg, that the re- 
 formed princes and their subjects should return to the bo- 
 som of the Romish church — that there should be a general 
 council — that the edict of Worms, should be carried out by 
 force if it could not be done otherwise. Things looked 
 more gloomy than ever. The elector of Saxony was 
 threatened with the loss of his titles and possessions, if he 
 would not desist from protecting the Reformer and new 
 religion. The Lutherans protested in vain ; reason, scrip- 
 ture and common sense, were voted down, and the power 
 of Rome took the place of all three ! But the elector, un- 
 der the influence of Luther, was firm as a rock. In No- 
 vember the Diet separated, — the Protestant princes under 
 the full impression that the emperor would attack them 
 soon. 
 
 We must now pass rapidly over the remaining part of 
 Luther's eventful life. Those who wish to see more about 
 the progress of the Reformation than we can give, are re- 
 ferred to D'Aubigne and Scott. 
 
 The Roman Catholic princes formed a new league at 
 Cologne, and the Protestant princes found that they must 
 
CCCLXXXVIII. STATE OF AFFAIRS IN 1531-32. 
 
 also do something for their mutual defence. They held a 
 meeting at Smalkaid on the 27th of February, 1531. Pre- 
 vious to this meeting, the elector of Saxony called upon 
 Luther to prepare another confession of faith ; this was 
 not to be so pacific as the one presented at Augsburg, its 
 object was not the same as that prepared by Melancthon. 
 The idea of a reconciliation with Rome was now aban- 
 doned altogether. Hence Luther was at liberty to use his 
 own language. He prepared a series of articles, and pre- 
 sented them to the Protestant princes at Smalkaid, and 
 hence called the Smalkaid Articles. The correspondence 
 between Luther and the Elector on this subject is very in- 
 teresting ; it is given in full in Luther's Works, Vol. IX. 
 Luther was opposed to the shedding of blood, and succeed- 
 ed in preventing it while he lived. 
 
 Luther was now at Wittenberg, laboring as though noth- 
 ing had occurred ; and indeed nothing had occurred that 
 could in any way disturb the peace and tranquility of his 
 soul. 
 
 In June, 1531, the Protestant princes had another con- 
 ference at Frankfort on the Maine, where they resolved to 
 use force if the emperor would do the same. However 
 the emperor found that he had enough to do with the 
 Turks, who were then in a threatening attitude, and made 
 no war upon the Protestant princes. 
 
 In 1532, the Protestant and Roman Catholic princes 
 held a joint meeting at Nuremberg, and there concluded a 
 treaty of peace, which was very favorable to the progress 
 of the Reformation. Soon after this treaty the pious elec- 
 
 
1534. THE ANABAPTISTS. CCCLX^ r -d. 
 
 tor of Saxony departed this life ; he died on the 16th of 
 August, 1532. Luther preached his funeral sermon from 
 1 Thess. iv. 13 — 18, the same text from which he had 
 seven years before preached two funeral sermons on the 
 death of Frederick the Wise. Luther said, wisdom had 
 died with Frederick, but piety with John ; he was one of 
 the most firm and devoted christians. He was succeeded 
 by his son John Frederick, in the 28th year of his age, 
 who also became a friend of the Protestant cause. 
 
 In 1533 a number of the inhabitants of Leipsic having 
 become convinced of the truth of the Lutheran system of 
 religion, made various efforts to cast off the errors of po- 
 pery, but met with the most determined opposition of Duke 
 George, whose subjects they were. The pious people, 
 when they were denied the liberty to worship God in their 
 own town, according to the dictates of their own con- 
 sciences, repaired to a neighboring village, viz. Holtz- 
 hausen, and there celebrated the Lord's Supper in both 
 kinds. This so enraged the bigoted duke, that he banished 
 seventy citizens from Leipsic ! Luther wrote an interest- 
 ing letter to these persecuted citizens, which produced quite 
 an excitement. He also wrote a letter to duke George, 
 and scared that bigot to the very quick, — he paid him for 
 his old delinquencies ! 
 
 In 1534, Luther had his difficulties with the Anabaptists 
 of the Netherlands. This was only another phase of the 
 fanaticism of Thuringia. John Bekold, a tailor of Leyden, 
 was chosen king of the New Jerusalem, and the infuriated 
 fanatics took possession of the imperial city of Munster 
 
CCCXC. LUDICROUS SCENE. 
 
 They held this city for more than a year, and practised 
 the greatest abominations in it. Several German princes 
 combined, and with the bishop of Munster, put them down 
 by force. Luther wrote a work called " A Refutation of 
 he Munsterites." 
 
 Luther now saw, with gratitude to God, that the church 
 was safe. The Reformation was now rapidly spreading 
 far and wide, and he might now have taken his ease, but 
 he was still active, preaching and writing. The Romish 
 church had now become convinced that no threatening 
 measures could bring the Saxon Reformer and his sup- 
 porters to terms. The pope, Paul III., who had succeed- 
 ed Clement in September, 1534, thought he would try 
 what negotiation could do with Luther. He sent the 
 Bishop of Capo DTstria, Peter Paul Vergerius, to Ger- 
 many, to try his hand at negotiation. He arrived at Wit- 
 tenberg late in the fall, with great pomp and splendor ; he 
 had twenty-one horses and an ass in his retinue. The 
 day after his arrival he sent for Luther. Luther went to 
 his barber and got shaved, and put on his best clothes, and 
 told his barber he wanted to look young, that his enemies 
 might think he had a long time to live; he then put a gold 
 chain around his neck, saying, "This is the way in which 
 we must deal with these foxes." When in his carriage 
 with Bugenhagen, or Pomeranius, he said, laughing, "Here 
 go the pope and cardinal of Germany !" He was intro- 
 duced to the nuncio. The nuncio told him the pope had 
 now made up his mind to have a general council called. 
 Luther replied, it is only a joke, the pope is not serious ; 
 
LUDICROUS SCENE. CCCXCI 
 
 but even if there is a general council, it will only be en- 
 gaged in trifles, such as tonsures and vestments. But 
 says he, call your council, and God willing, I will attend 
 it, though I should be burned. Vergerius then said, where 
 will you have it ? Any place, says Luther ; at Mantua, 
 or Padua, or Florence. Are you willing to meet at Bo- 
 logna? "To whom," says Luther, "does that belong?" 
 " It belongs to the pope," said the nuncio. Luther ex- 
 claimed, "gracious heavens ! has the pope seized that 
 place too? Well, I will even go to that place." The 
 nuncio then asked Luther, " How would you like the pope 
 to visit Wittenberg ?" " Let him come, we should like 
 to see him." "But," says Vergerius, "how would you 
 like him to come, with an army or unattended ?" Luther 
 replied, " Just as he pleases /" The nuncio then asked 
 Luther whether the preachers of Saxony were ordained ? 
 Certainly, says he, pointing to Dr. Bugenhagen, there sits 
 our bishop ! Much conversation passed between them, 
 and this very man, Vergerius, was afterwards converted, 
 anu no doubt his mind was first impressed by the noble 
 conduct of Luther. 
 
 In December, 1535, there was another conference held 
 at Smalkald ; this was attended by the German princes, 
 and ambassadors of Francis I., King of France, and Hen- 
 ry VIIL, King of England. Here it was determined upon 
 that the general council must be held in Germany. Thomas 
 Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, in England, about 
 this time became a follower of Luther. Luther had no 
 great opinion of Henry's Reformation in England, he said 
 
CGCXCII. EFFORT TO MAKE PEACE. 1536. 
 
 it was only removing one pope to make room for another. 
 This idea arose no doubt from the contemptible opinion 
 Luther had of Henry. 
 
 On the 21st of March, L536, Martin Bucer, Capito, of 
 Strasburg, Frecht, of Ulm, Zwick, of Kostnitz, Lycos- 
 thenes and Musculus, of Augsburg, Myconius, of Gotha, 
 and Justus Menius, of Eisenach, came to Wittenberg, for 
 the laudable purpose of healing if possible the breach be- 
 tween the Lutherans and the Zwinglians, in relation to the 
 Lord's Supper. They were so far successful in their mis- 
 sion, that they all signed a kind of common platform, and 
 even celebrated the Lord's Supper together ! 
 
 The Swiss preachers were the only ones that refused to 
 enter into this brotherly union. 
 
 In 1543, Zwingle's works were published in Latin, at 
 Zurich. Some harsh remarks were made against Luther 
 in the preface of that work, that compelled him in 1544, 
 to defend himself. See " Luther und dessen Reforma- 
 tion," page 215. Luther now seemed more willing to 
 fraternize with the Zwinglians than they did with him. 
 
 In 1536, on the 2d of June, the pope issued his bull for 
 a council to be held at Mantua. Soon after, hawever, it 
 was changed to Vicenza. Luther laughed at the pope's 
 duplicity. He said the pope was not in earnest, which 
 was no doubt the fact. Luther well understood the game 
 of the old fox at Rome. Luther says in a letter to a friend, 
 " The pope worries himself with this council, like a cat 
 with her kittens. In Germany he does not wish to hold 
 it, in Mantau he dare not, now it is to be held in Vicenza. 
 
pope's bull for a council. cccxcin. 
 
 This the pope well knows cannot be, nor does he really 
 desire it. There is no place to be found where he wants 
 a council to be held. If a council were to meet that would 
 in the least oppose the will of the pope, the crown and 
 the keys would have to fall to the ground. A free and in- 
 dependent council would be death and hell to the majesty 
 of Rome ! If all matters were stirred up in such a coun- 
 cil, what a tremendous moral stench it would produce ! 
 Of this they are afraid, and therefore put it off on the most 
 trifling pretexts." A few months afterwards the pope pub- 
 lished the important news, that he had appointed five car- 
 dinals and three bishops to reform the abuses of the court 
 at Rome. This also Luther looked at as an Italian trick, 
 for he knew it would not be done. In the mean time the 
 Protestant princes made preparation for the council. The 
 Augsburg Confession, which was looked upon by all Pro- 
 testants as a masterpiece, but which had been prepared 
 with great caution, and whose main object seems to have 
 been to show the Catholic world how near the Protestants 
 came to the church of Rome ; — was not considered suf- 
 ciently strong for the views of the Protestants now. 
 
 In the Augsburg Confession many important matters 
 were not touched ; among others, the power of the pope, 
 and the episcopal functions of the bishops. The Protes- 
 tant princes were determined that they would present an- 
 other creed or confession at a general council ; Luther of 
 course was appointed to prepare this new confession. In 
 
 December, 1536, he commenced it, and in January, 1537, 
 
 17* 
 
CCCXCIV. LUTHER PREPARES ANOTHER CONFESSION. 1537. 
 
 the members of the Smalkaldic League received and ap- 
 proved it at Smalkald ; and the divines assembled there, 
 examined, approved, and signed it. Melancthon, we are 
 told, also prepared a document on this occasion, whether 
 by request or of his own accord, we have not the means 
 of knowing. At the request of the elector of Saxony, 
 Luther also prepared the ground work of a plan for attack- 
 ing the pope, for he, it was agreed upon on all hands, was 
 to attend the council, as the representative of the Univer- 
 sity of Wittenberg. That would have been a sublime 
 spectacle ;— Luther meeting the pope, and the united wis- 
 dom, and learning, and talent, of the whole papal world ! 
 And he would have sustained himself nobly, as he had 
 done on all former occasions. Rome could have mustered 
 no greater men than Luther had already met and van- 
 quished, and well she knew it. It may be proper to re- 
 mark here, that the documents above referred to, consti- 
 tute, together with the former league, the celebrated Smal- 
 kaldic Articles, which occupy so prominent a place in the 
 "Form of Concord." Melancthon had some scruples, it 
 appears, about signing the confession drawn up by Luther ; 
 he was willing to allow the pope more power than Luther 
 thought he ought to have. This is no doubt another rea- 
 son why papists speak so highly of Melancthon. Still 
 Melancthon signed the Smalkaldic Articles. Luther preach- 
 ed two sermons while at Smalkald, on the " Apostles' 
 Creed." When he went thither he was in the enjoyment 
 of good health, but was taken very ill with the gravel. 
 His friends thought he would never recover, but he got 
 
 
1539. DUKE GEORGE DIES. CCCXCV. 
 
 better ; and on the 26th of February he left Smalkald, in 
 one of the elector's carriages, in company with Dr. Bu- 
 genhagen, Spalatin, and Dr. George Sturz, a physician, 
 and came to Tambach, a large village in the mountains of 
 Thuringia, where the salubrious air, and the pure water, 
 afforded him some relief. But on his way home, at Gotha 
 his disease returned with double fury, and it was thought 
 he must certainly die. But by the blessing of God he 
 again recovered, and reached Wittenberg on the 14th of 
 March. 
 
 In 1538, on the 20th of June, the Holy League of the 
 Roman Catholics was formed at Nuremburg. This asso- 
 ciation had an important influence upon the destinies of 
 the Reformation, but it does not fall within our plan to no- 
 tice it. 
 
 In 1539, on the 24th of April, the mortal enemy of Lu- 
 ther, Duke George, died, and was succeeded by his brother 
 Henry, who was a Lutheran. Luther had said frequent- 
 ly, " I will yet live to see the time when Duke George and 
 his house will be no more, and I shall even preach in Leip- 
 sic." He did live to see both. 
 
 In 1540 there was to be a kind of a Diet, called a con- 
 vention, where both parties were to meet, in relation to 
 some business connected with the Avar with the Turks, and 
 the Reformation. It was agreed that Melancthon should 
 attend this convention. It was appointed at Spire, but 
 owing to an epidemic that raged there, it was removed to 
 Hagenau. On his way thither, Melancthon took sick; it 
 was thought he must die. Luther was sent for, he came 
 
CCCXCVI. BAD CONDUCT OF PHILIP OF HESSE BIGAMY. 
 
 in all haste, he found his dear Philip in a state of insensi- 
 bility, he could neither hear, speak nor see. When Lu- 
 ther saw him in this awful condition, he became much ex- 
 cited and exclaimed, " Great God ! how has the devil 
 marred this noble instrument." He then walked towards 
 the window, and prayed most earnestly for his friend; he 
 prayed in faith, for he had some intimation that his prayer 
 was heard, and that Melancthon would not die. — He al- 
 ways prayed in faith ! 
 
 After Luther had prayed, he took Melancthon by the 
 hand and thundered into his ears, "Be of good cheer, 
 Philip, you will not die, therefore don't give way to this 
 spirit of despondency; do not destroy yourself, for God 
 according to his promises has to hear my prayer." Me- 
 lancthon then awoke as from a sleep; Luther made him 
 eat some soup, and he soon recovered. Melancthon af- 
 terwards said, he certainly would have died if Luther had 
 not saved him by his prayers. Luther is said in like 
 manner to have prayed his own wife and his friend My- 
 conius from the very borders of the grave ! It is said that 
 Melancthon's sickness was occasioned by the unbecoming 
 and unchristian conduct of one of the supporters of the 
 Protestant cause, viz. Philip, Landgrave of Hesse. As 
 much has been said on this subject it would be unpardon- 
 able to pass it by unnoticed. It appears that Philip, who 
 was married to a daughter of George, Duke of Saxony, 
 fell in love with Margaret Saal, a maid of honor to his 
 sister Elizabeth; as he was too conscientious to make her 
 his concubine, (although nothing was more common then 
 
luther's conduct vindicated. cccxcvii. 
 
 than for princes of the Romish church to have their con- 
 cubines, and that too, with and by the consent of the 
 pope.) he hastily took it into his head to marry her, and 
 actually obtained the consent of his own wife for that pur- 
 pose. But still he had his scruples as to its propriety. 
 In all such cases it was the universal custom for Princes 
 to apply to the Pope for dispensations, but Philip had bro- 
 ken with the pope, and as the highest civil power was in 
 his own hands, he applied through his chaplain, Dr. Bu- 
 cer, to the Professors at Wittenberg, and they, after inves- 
 tigating the matter fully, came to the conclusion that if it 
 could not be avoided, it was better to marry than to com- 
 mit adultery. We have investigated the matter, and think 
 honestly that Luther erred on this occasion in giving any 
 advice at all on the subject. Still he had his reasons for 
 his conduct. We will here insert a letter from our es- 
 teemed friend, Dr. S. S. Schmucker, Professor of the Lu- 
 theran Seminary at Gettysburg, a gentleman whose lucid 
 and penetrating mind always throws a glare of light on 
 every subject that he discusses. 
 "Dear brother Weiser: 
 
 " You ask my opinion concerning the agency of Luther 
 and Melancthon in countenancing the bigamy of Philip, 
 the Landgrave of Hesse. In reply I remark, the conduct 
 of those two excellent men must be viewed in connection 
 with the circumstances in which it took place ; and even 
 then the accuracy of their counsel cannot be vindicated, 
 although their sincerity in giving it can. It must be re- 
 membered, that they had been educated in the Romish 
 
CCCXCVIII. 
 
 church, where the practice of priestly and episcopal dis- 
 pensations from the laws of God, as well as of the church, 
 was a thing of frequent occurrence, as it is even at this 
 day. In some cases dispensations were granted by the 
 ecclesiastical authorities to perform acts full as sinful even 
 as bigamy ; and these acts Romish casuists are wont to 
 sustain by various arguments. From the influence of 
 early education in these principles, these good men it 
 seems had not fully extricated themselves, although they 
 had cast off their allegiance to Rome, and with it the 
 greater part of her errors. The Landgrave had under a 
 solemn pledge of secrecy communicated to them, as Seck- 
 endorf informs us, such circumstances in relation to his 
 wife, as would in the civil courts have been regarded suf- 
 ficient ground for divorce ; yet he was not willing that 
 they should be published, (nor were they ever given to the 
 public.) He moreover declared that he acted conscien- 
 tiously, and professed to be under the absolute necessity 
 of matrimony, for the reason assigned by Paul, 1 Cor. 
 vii. 2. Under these circumstances, the Reformers first 
 earnestly exhorted the Landgrave to strive for the mastery 
 over himself, and not to give occasion for scandal, as his 
 avowed motives and reasons would not be believed. They 
 declared that as a general rule the laws of the New Tes- 
 tament condemned such a course as he proposed, and they 
 could not approve of it. Yet they closed by saying, that 
 if he found it impossible to contain himself, as adultery 
 would be a greater sin, it might be allowed as a special 
 case, provided it were kept perfectly secret, so that the ex- 
 
LUTHER S CONDUCT VINDICATED. CCCXCIX. 
 
 ample would not encourage others to a similar course ; and 
 even then it must be regarded as a dispensation ! The 
 fact that they enjoined such profound secrecy would seem 
 to Protestants to imply that they had some misgivings as 
 to the accuracy of their consent. Yet it must be remem- 
 bered, thai in the Romish church, where they had learned 
 the doctrine of dispensations, cases calculated to cause 
 public scandal were generally kept secret. Still we in- 
 cline to the opinion, that they both soon regretted it; and 
 Melancthon was so distressed about it, that he had a spell 
 of sickness in consequence. The official documents touch- 
 ing this case were not published till 1G79. The above 
 opinion and statement is at your service, to use as you 
 please in your Life of the great Reformer." 
 
 As a confirmation of the above views of Professor 
 Schmucker and myself, we add a remark on this subject 
 from Dr. Milner : 
 
 " It is by no means necessary to the defence of the Re- 
 formation that we should either apologize for the Land- 
 grave, or assert the unerring wisdom of Luther himself, 
 than whom no man more sincerely disavowed all preten- 
 sions to infallibility ; yet after a careful examination of the 
 documents brought forward, I venture to affirm that they 
 by no means warrant the charges and insinuations which 
 have been founded upon them; and are, in many respects, 
 highly honorable to the Protestant divines, even though we 
 should allow that they would have done better in entering 
 their solemn protest against the whole proceeding, and giv- 
 ing the Landgrave no further advice whatever, which could 
 be at all construed into even an equivocal sanction of it," 
 
cccc. luther's labors in 1539 —42. 
 
 During the years 39, 40, 41, and 42, Luther was ex- 
 ceedingly busy ; he wrote nearly forty works, small and 
 great for the press, besides lecturing in the University, visit- 
 ing, writing letters and preaching. At the same time he 
 neglected not the cultivation of religion in his own soul. 
 Even though he labored more than perhaps any other man 
 ever did, yet he found time to pray from two to four hours 
 every day. He constantly walked with God ! 
 
 Luther was not only a man of great talents and energy 
 and courage, but he was also very humble, and like all 
 truly great men, had a low and unworthy opinion of him- 
 self. Look at a letter he wrote to some Christians in 
 Italy in 1542: "I find in you such and so great gifts of 
 God's grace, that I feel ashamed of myself, who after being 
 so many years conversant in the word of God, am con- 
 scious that I fall far short of the spirit which actuates you. 
 I am sensible that what you in your candor and affection 
 attribute to me I do not deserve. I really am much be- 
 low the opinion you form of me. I am a sinful man, 
 though one whom God has called out of the deepest dark- 
 ness into his marvelous light, and unfit and unworthy as 
 I am of it, has committed to me so great and weighty a 
 ministry." And in all cases when he spoke of himself 
 he expressed the most humble opinions of himself. He 
 acknowledged his faults on all occasions, and always pre- 
 ferred others, or placed them above him in learning and 
 piety. He frequently said he was far inferior to Erasmus 
 and Melancthon, and even Carlstadt, in learning, and he 
 considered Dr. Bugenhagen his superior as a preacher, 
 
 
LUTHER INFERIOR 10 NO MAN OF HIS AGE. CCCCI. 
 
 and yet he never had a superior either in learning or pul- 
 pit talents. Luther was emphatically a Bible man; he 
 loved the Bible; it was the man of his counsel — his lamp 
 and his light. His love for the Bible may be inferred 
 from one of those strong expressions which only Luther 
 could make — he says, " I had almost said, I would rather 
 be in hell with the Bible, than in paradise without it." 
 
 In 1540, Luther had to take up his pen against one who 
 had been his friend, but who in consequence of his want 
 of firmness in his own principles, had written against Lu- 
 ther's views on the Law — this was John Agricola, of Eis- 
 leben. Luther wrote a work against "the Antinomians," 
 and at once demolished Agricola's popularity without even 
 mentioning his name. 
 
 We have not time here to notice the almost endless diets, 
 conferences and conventions, that were held at the differ- 
 ent places, from 1535 to 1545, nor the progress of the 
 Reformation in the different countries of Europe; these 
 things rather belong to the History of the Reformation. 
 Suffice it to say, that before Luther left the stage of action, 
 his labors had wrested nearly half his dominions from the 
 pope. We will here add a few remarks of Thomas Chal- 
 mers, one of the most brilliant orators of the ninetieth cen- 
 tury. This will give us perhaps as vivid an idea of the 
 mighty conflict in which Luther was engaged, as anything 
 else that can be said : 
 
 " The great service for which the Reformers, in their 
 respective countries, deserve the gratitude of posterity, is, 
 not that they shone upon us with any original light of their 
 
CCCCII. THE GRATITUDE WE OWE LUTHER FOR HIS LABORS. 
 
 own, but that they cleared away a most grievous obstruc- 
 tion, which had stood for ages, and intercepted from the 
 eyes of mankind the light of revelation. This they did 
 by asserting in behalf of God, the paramount authority of 
 his word, over the belief and the consciences of men ; and 
 asserting in behalf of man, his right of private judgment 
 on the doctrines which are contained in the oracles of God. 
 This right of private judgment is a right maintained not 
 against the authority of God, but against men who have 
 assumed to themselves the office of being the infallible and 
 ultimate interpreters of his word. It was against this that 
 our reformers went forth, and prevailed. Theirs was a no- 
 ble struggle for the spiritual liberties of the human race, 
 against the papacy of Rome ; and nobly did they acquit 
 themselves of this holy warfare ! At first it was a fearful 
 conflict, when on the one side there was the whole strength 
 of the secular arm, and on the other a few obscure, but de- 
 voted men, whose only weapons were truth and prayer, 
 with suffering constancy. The Reformation by Luther is 
 far the proudest exploit on record, who with naught but a 
 sense of duty, and the energies of his own undaunted soul 
 to sustain him, went forth single-handed against the hosts of 
 a most obdurate corruption that filled all Europe, and had 
 weathered the lapse of many centuries ; who by the might 
 of his own uplifted arm, shook the authority of that high 
 pontificate, which had held the kings and the great ones 
 of the earth in thraldom; who with no other weapons 
 than those of argument and scripture, brought down from 
 its peering altitude, that old spiritual tyranny whose head 
 
1542. LUTHER BEGINS TO FAIL. CCCCIII. 
 
 had reached unto heaven, and which had the entrench- 
 ments of the deepest and strongest prejudices thrown 
 around its base ! When we can trace a result so magnifi- 
 cent as this, to the workings of one solitary individual ; 
 when the breast of Luther was capable of holding the 
 germ or embryo of the greatest revolution which the world 
 ever saw ; when we observe how many kindred spirits 
 caught from his, the fire of that noble inspiration by which 
 it was actuated, and how powerfully the voice which he 
 lifted up in the midst of Germany, was re-echoed to from 
 the distant extremities of Europe by other voices. ! let 
 us not despair of truth's omnipotence." 
 
 But we must now hasten to the close of Luther's splen- 
 did career. In 1541, his health began to decline, his 
 physical energies began to abate, and he felt old age creep- 
 ing upon him rapidly. Although his mental powers were 
 as vigorous as ever, yet he found he could not endure the 
 labors of his formers days. The fact is, both his mental 
 and physical labors were too great for any human being. 
 He thought himself justly entitled to a little repose be- 
 tween the active labors of such an eventful life, and the 
 rest of the grave. But he could find no rest ; he preached 
 and labored, and wrote on to the very last. Although in 
 1545 Luther was only in the 63d year of his age, yet he 
 was fairly broken down. He suffered much from the in- 
 flammation of one of his eyes, whose sight he lost en- 
 tirely. He also had severe pains in the head and limbs, 
 was much troubled with the gravel, and frequently very 
 much cast down. Yet he was a terror to the Roman- 
 
CCCCIV. LYING REPORTS ABOUT LUTHER. 
 
 ists, and no man at Wittenberg could take his place ; he 
 was still the first man in Germany ; his influence was un- 
 bounded ; he was consulted on nearly all subjects, civil 
 and ecclesiastical. The Romanists were exceedingly anx- 
 ious for Luther's death — nothing could have afforded them 
 more satisfaction. In 1545 there was actually a pamph- 
 let published at Naples, giving a minute and circumstantial 
 account of Luther's death. This pamphlet states thaf 
 Luther spent his last moments in drunkenness, and cursing 
 his holiness the pope — that Luther before he died ordered 
 himself to be placed upon the altar, and commanded his 
 followers to worship him as a god — that when he was re- 
 ceiving the sacrament, the consecrated wafer leaped out of 
 his stomach, and remained suspended in the air— that 
 when he was buried there was such a frightful storm, ac- 
 companied with such thunder and lightning, that the peo- 
 ple actually thought the day of judgment was come — that 
 in the morning after his burial the tomb was found empty, 
 and that such a strong stink of brimstone issued from the 
 grave, that no person could go near it ; and that in conse- 
 quence of these marks of God's displeasure, many per- 
 sons repented and turned to the Catholic communion ! 
 Philip, the Landgrave of Hesse, sent Luther a copy of 
 this pamphlet, who of course was much amazed, and pub- 
 lished a large edition of it in German, and one in Italian, 
 adding nothing to it but the following note : " Now I, Mar- 
 tin Luther, doctor, acknowledge and testify, by this present 
 writing, that I received the foregoing angry tale, respecting 
 my death, on the 21st of March, and that I have read i* 
 
1544. TROUBLES AT WITTENBERG. CCCCV. 
 
 with great mirth and jollity, except the blasphemy thai 
 such lies should be attributed to the high, divine Majesty. 
 For the rest, it tickles me to my right knee-pan, and my 
 left heel, that the devil and his crew, the pope and the pa- 
 pists, hate me so heartily. May God convert them from 
 the devil ! But if it be decreed, that my prayer for sin, 
 which is unto death cannot be answered — very well — then 
 God grant that they may speedily fill up the measure of 
 their iniquity, and do nothing more for their comfort and 
 joy than with such books as these." Although Luther's 
 confidence in God was strong, yet there were many things 
 calculated to make his last days bitter. The influence of 
 his doctrines extended far and wide, millions called them- 
 selves his followers, and among them were many who took 
 the liberty for themselves which Luther had taken for him- 
 self — they thought and acted differently — some as might 
 reasonably be expected were not sound in the faith. Ag- 
 ricola for instance and others. The controversy on the 
 sacrament had divided the Reformers, even Melancthon 
 and Luther were well nigh separating — the churches were 
 not careful enough in enforcing the Bible discipline — many 
 congregations in Saxony did not support their pastors pro- 
 perly—the intestine war that was threatening. All these 
 things were calculated to embitter his declining days. In 
 addition to these things, the students of the University were 
 guilty of irregularities which Luther, it would seem, in his 
 old days could not hinder. It appears that the young men 
 of the University were in the habit of contracting secret 
 marriages ; this evil grew out of a too familiar intercourse 
 
CCCCVI. TROUBLE WITH THE LADIES AT WITTENBERG. 
 
 between the students and the daughters of the citizens of 
 Wittenberg. Luther thought students had no business to 
 run after the young ladies, and the fact is, it is a most inju- 
 rious practice and has been the means of blasting the pros- 
 pects of many a promising student. Luther declared in 
 his strong language, " that things had come to such a pass 
 in Wittenberg, that a father could scarcely send his boy to 
 a neighbor's house on an errand, without the risk of having 
 him return a married man." He exhorted, he prayed, he 
 preached, he appealed to the magistrates and to the elector 
 but all his labors seemed to be in vain. He was grieved 
 and highly offended at the familiarity that existed between 
 the students of the University, and the young ladies of 
 Wittenberg. He said on one occasion, that the young 
 ladies went so far as to visit the students at their rooms, 
 this he considered highly unbecoming. It seems Luther 
 had the same troubles to contend with in 1545, which still 
 exist in 1848. 
 
 There was another matter that vexed and tormented him 
 very much. It appears the ladies of Wittenberg were not 
 quite so modest as they should have been, and as Luther 
 wished them to be. The ladies adopted an outrageous 
 fashion of dressing indecently low in the neck, so as to ex- 
 pose themselves in a very unbecoming manner. To this 
 Parisian fashion Luther strongly objected ; he declared that 
 those half-naked females ought to be disciplined ; yea, "such 
 long-necked women," says he, "ought to be turned out of 
 church." "But Luther found, as many others had found 
 before and many have found since, that it is easier to carry 
 
LUTHER LEAVES WITTENBERG RETURNS. CCCCVII. 
 
 a point against any other earthly power than against the 
 power of a lady's fashion, especially if it be an unreason- 
 able and indefensible fashion ! He who had single handed 
 and alone, resisted and defeated the most tremendous power 
 which ever existed on earth, was utterly unable to per- 
 suade or compel the ladies of his own church to cover their 
 bosoms, when it was fashionable to leave them uncovered! 
 Luther considered the reputation and usefulness of the 
 University and Theological Seminary to be in imminent 
 danger from these and like causes." In consequence of 
 these things and his inability to stem these torrents of ini- 
 quity, he threatened to leave Wittenberg forever, and actu- 
 ally carried his threat into execution. Luther left Witten- 
 berg with the full determination never to return; he was 
 perhaps somewhat petulant at this time, as old people often 
 are ; he went to Leipsic, from that place he wrote a letter 
 to his wife, and informed her that he would never return 
 to Wittenberg- — that she should sell all their property in the 
 city and move to Zeulsdorf, to a small farm which was a 
 gift of the elector of Saxony — and requested her to com- 
 municate this information to Melancthon, (he was not on 
 the best terms with Melancthon at this time, on account 
 of his leaning to the views of Zwingle,) and also wished 
 Bugenhagen to bless the congregation in his name, as the 
 last benediction of their old pastor. Great was the con- 
 sternation at Wittenberg — the citizens, the professors and 
 students, all deeply deplored the step Luther had taken. 
 They all united in urging the elector to use all his influence 
 to induce Luther to return. The elector sent his own fam- 
 
CCCCVIII. LUTHER S WILL. 
 
 ily physician, Dr. Ratzenberger, with a pressing letter to 
 Luther, and invited him to meet him (the elector) at Tor- 
 gau, they did meet at Torgau, and Luther promised to re- 
 turn to Wittenberg. But whether the students and fash 
 ionable ladies at Wittenberg, behaved better and became 
 more modest after his return we are not informed. After 
 visiting his friends Scherl, at Leipsic, and Amsdorf, at Zeitz, 
 and prince George of Anhalt, at Merseburg, he returned to 
 Wittenberg, and resumed his labors. 
 
 On the 17th of November, 1545, he finished his Com- 
 mentary on the Book of Genesis, with these remarkable 
 words : *• This is now my dear Genesis ! May our dear 
 Lord God give others the ability to do it better, who may 
 follow me. I can do no better, for I am weak. Pray to 
 God for me, that he would grant me a peaceful and a happy 
 end." Luther now felt that he could not live long, and 
 soon after his return wrote his will, which like every thing 
 that he did, is also extraordinary. 
 
 We will furnish a few extracts of Luther's will. Luth- 
 er's property was as follows, viz. (we obtain this infor- 
 mation from the Madgeburg Life of Luther, of 1834, p 
 245.) 
 
 1. The property at Wachsdorf was worth 1500 gold 
 florins. 
 
 2. The property at Zeulsdorf, (a gift of the elector) 
 was worth 956 guilders. 
 
 3. An orchard and out lot, worth 400 gold florins. 
 
 4. A small house at Wittenberg called the Bude, 300' 
 gold florins. 
 

 LUTHER S WILL. CCCCIX. 
 
 5. The buildings of the old Augustinian Convent, which 
 the elector Frederick gave to Luther — this was sold for 
 3700 gold florins. 
 
 6. One thousand gold florins, which Luther had lent to 
 the count of Mansfeldt. 
 
 7. Silver plate and jewelry, worth 1000 gold florins. 
 
 8. Household furniture, worth about 600 gold florins. 
 Luther's whole estate amounted in all to 9458 guilders. 
 
 A guilder is worth about 40 cents of our money. 
 
 Luther was 450 guilders in debt; this would reduce hisr 
 property to about $4000, a very small estate indeed for a 
 man like Martin Luther. We now copy from Prof. Stowe. 
 " This is all I am worth, and I give it all to my wife for 
 the following reasons, viz. 
 
 1. Because she has always conducted herself towards 
 me lovingly, worthily and beautifully, like a pious, faithful 
 and noble wife, and by the blessing of God, she has borne 
 me and brought up for me five living children, who yet 
 live, and God grant that they may long live. 
 
 2. Because she will pay my debts. 
 
 3. But most of all because I will not have her depen- 
 dent upon her children, but the children dependent on 
 her, that they may love and honor her as God has com- 
 manded. For I see how the devil, by wicked and envious 
 mouths, heats and excites children, even though they be pi- 
 ous, against this command, especially when the mothers are 
 widows, and the sons get wives, and the daughters get 
 husbands, and again, socrus nurum, nurus socrum ; for I 
 
 hold that the mother will be the best guardian for her own 
 IS 
 
CCC0X. LUTHER S WILL. 
 
 children, and will use what little property and goods she 
 may have, not for their disadvantage and injury, but for 
 their good and improvement, since they are her own flesh 
 and blood, and she has borne them under her heart. And 
 if after my death, she should find it necessary or desira- 
 ble to marry again, (for I cannot pretend to set limits to 
 the will or the providence of God,) I trust, and herewith 
 express my confidence, that she will conduct herself to- 
 wards our mutual children as becometh a mother, and will 
 faithfully impart to them the property, and do whatever 
 else is right. 
 
 I also entreat all my good friends to be witnesses for 
 my dear Katey, and help to defend her, should any good- 
 for-nothing monks reprove and slander her, as if she had 
 secretly some personal property, of which she would de- 
 fraud the children ; for I testify there is no personal pro- 
 perty but what I have enumerated above, except the plate 
 and jewelry. When it is seen how much I have built and 
 bought, and what great expense of housekeeping and char- 
 ity I have maintained with my small income, others will 
 be astonished that I am not more in debt. 
 
 Finally, I beg, since in this will or testament I have not 
 used legal forms or words, (and for this I have my reasons,) 
 that every one will let me be the person that I really am, 
 namely, open, and known both in heaven, on earth, and 
 in hell, and let me have respect and authority enough, so 
 that I may be trusted and believed more than any lawyer. 
 For so God, the Father of all mercies, hath entrusted to 
 me, a poor, miserable, condemned sinner, the gospel of 
 
LUTHER S WILL. CCCCXI. 
 
 his dear Son, and therein thus far I have behaved myself 
 truly and faithfully, and it has made much progress in the 
 world through me, and I am honored as a teacher of the 
 truth, notwithstanding the curse of the pope, and the wrath 
 of emperors, kings, princes, priests, and all kinds of devils ; 
 much rather then, let me be believed in this little matter, 
 especially as here is my hand, which is very well known, 
 and I hope it may be enough when it can be said, and 
 proved, that this is the serious and deliberate desire of 
 Dr. Martin Luther, (who is God's lawyer and witness in 
 his gospel,) to be proved by his own hand and seal. 
 
 Martin Luther. 
 The witnesses are Philip Melancthon, John Bugenha- 
 gen, and Caspar Cruciger. Melancthon's signature bears 
 a noble testimony to his affection for the great Reformer, 
 it is thus : " Ego Philippus Melanchthon testor, hanc esse 
 et sententiam et voluntatem, et manum Reverendi Domini 
 Dr. Martini Lutheri, Preceptoris, et Patris nostri carissi- 
 mi." "I, Philip Melancthon, am witness that this is the 
 production and will and hand writing of the Reverend 
 Teacher, Dr. Martin Luther, our very dear father and in- 
 structor." 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Death of Luther. 
 
 We now come to the death of the great Reformer. We 
 will give the account of Justus Jonas, who was present 
 and saw and heard everything he has recorded. 
 
 The counts of Mansfeldt had some difficulties about the 
 ownership of some mines that had become valuable in 
 consequence of the discovery of new beds of ore. As 
 Luther was born in the territory, and as they both had the 
 most unbounded confidence in the judgment and honesty 
 of Luther, they mutually agreed to refer the matter in dis- 
 pute to him. Justus Jonas says, Luther did not generally 
 concern himself about such worldly matters, but as the 
 counts of Mansfeldt were at variance, and lived in an un- 
 happy manner, he felt it his duty as a peace-maker, to 
 yield to their earnest solicitations. Accordingly, on the 
 23d of January, 1546, he left Wittenberg accompanied by 
 his sons and faithful servant. The first day they came to 
 Bitterfeldt, where they remained all night ; next morning 
 at 11, A. M., they arrived at Halle, and spent four days 
 very pleasantly in the family of Dr. Justus Jonas. The 
 party was detained at Halle in consequence of high water. 
 At Halle he preached on the conversion of St. Paul. On 
 the 28th, he and his sons and Dr. Jonas, crossed the river 
 
LUTHER 3 EMPLOYMENT AT EISLEBEN. CCCCXIII. 
 
 with some difficulty and danger. While in the midst of 
 great danger, Luther remarked to Jonas, " Would it not be 
 fine sport for the devil, if Luther and his sons, and Dr. 
 Jonas, were to drown ?" The fatigue of the journey set 
 very hard upon him. At Eisleben he was met by a caval- 
 cade of 130 horsemen, and escorted into the town. When 
 he arrived at the place where he was to remain, he com- 
 plained of being very sick, but after the application of 
 warm cloths to his abdomen, and eating and drinking a 
 little, he got better. From the 29th of January to the 17th 
 ot February inclusive, he was engaged in the business 
 that brought him to Eisleben. In addition to the transac- 
 tion of the business of the counts, he preached four ser- 
 mons, and ordained and consecrated two ministers of the 
 gospel. During this time he talked much about his in- 
 firmities, and declared if he ever got back to Wittenberg, 
 he would rest from his labors. His conversation at the 
 table was very edifying and encouraging. Every evening 
 he was accustomed to retire for secret prayer, at 8 o'clock, 
 and always returned to the company with a cheerful coun- 
 tenance, as though a great burden had been removed from 
 his mind. In his private devotion he generally stood at a 
 window ; this he had done for many years. No matter 
 who was in his company, at or a little before 8 o'clock, he 
 would always retire for three-quarters of an hour and 
 pray. Sometimes his prayers were heard by the com- 
 pany who were in an adjoining room. 
 
 On the 17th of February he was quite unwell, and the 
 counts and his other friends urged him not to leave his 
 
ccccxiv. luther's sickness. 1546. 
 
 room. Still in the evening he was able to appear at the 
 supper table ; and as he had promised to discuss the ques- 
 tion of the recognition of friends in a future state, all were 
 anxious to hear him on that interesting subject. At the 
 supper table we accordingly all requested his opinion, — 
 he said, " What did Adam do ? he had never seen Eve, he 
 was asleep ; when he awoke he did not say, * what art 
 thou V or ' whence comest thou V But he said, thou art 
 flesh of my flesh, and bone of my bone. How did he 
 know that the woman was not made of stone ? It was 
 because he was filled with the Holy Ghost, and had the 
 true knowledge of God. We too, in the future world, will 
 have the same knowledge, being renewed in Christ, and 
 having the same knowledge, we too shall recognize our 
 fathers and mothers and each other, even better than Adam 
 knew Eve." Soon after having said this, he arose from 
 the table and went to his chamber ; his two sons, Paul 
 and Martin, and Mr. Celius, soon followed him. As usual, 
 he went to the window, leaned his chest upon it, and at- 
 tended to his private devotions. John Aurifaber then 
 came into the room, Dr. Luther said to him, I feel a great 
 oppression and sickness about the breast, as I have often 
 felt before. Aurifaber said to him, dear doctor, I have of- 
 ten seen ammonia, (in German Einhorn,) given in such 
 cases, if you wish it I will bring you some. Luther as- 
 sented. The countess had the article, (Einhorn, which 
 was salts of Ammonia.) But before Aurifaber went to the 
 countess for the medicine, he ran to Justus Jonas and 
 Cp&*' f slius had left the room a few minutes before,) 
 
LUTHER S SICKNESS. CCCCXV. 
 
 and informed them that Luther was getting worse. Celius 
 and Jonas hurried to his side, and found him laboring un- 
 der a very severe pain in the chest. They immediately 
 rubbed him with hot cloths, and in a little time he said he 
 felt somewhat better. Just then count Albright and John 
 Aurifaber arrived, the count asked him how he did, to 
 which he replied, "I feel somewhat better." The ammo- 
 nia was then scraped and put into some wine, and in order 
 to convince him that there was no danger in taking it, 
 Conrad von Wolframsdorf, one of the count's counsellors, 
 took a spoonfull of the medicine. This treatment of Lu- 
 ther shows the wretched system of medicine three hun- 
 dred years ago ; to give a man laboring under an acute at- 
 tack of pneumonia nothing but scraped ammonia and wine ! 
 There is a difference of opinion as to the specific disease 
 of which Luther died, and as there was no post mortem 
 examination, it must remain doubtful whether he died of 
 asthma, pneumonia, or cancer of the stomach, (angina 
 pectoris,) it is most generally supposed he died of the last 
 mentioned disease. I was somewhat perplexed to know 
 what Jonas means by the word " Einhorn," until I saw Dr. 
 Stowe's account of Luther's death. He says, "The 
 count then gave Luther some salts of Ammonia, a med- 
 icine then newly discovered." This is no doubt the 
 Einhorn of Dr. Jonas. Luther then took the medicine, 
 after which he lay down and slept calmly and soundly 
 from 9 till 10 o'clock. Dr. Jonas, Rev. Michael Celius, 
 (pastor of Eisleben,) his servant Ambrose, and his two 
 sons Martin and Paul, remained with him, the others retired. 
 
CCCCXVI. LUTHER S SICKNESS. 
 
 Precisely at 10 o'clock he awoke, and seeing us all in 
 the room, he said, are you all here yet, why don't you go 
 to bed ? We replied, no dear doctor, we want to remain 
 with you. He then arose from the couch on which he 
 lay, and went into the adjoining room ; he did not com- 
 plain, but as he passed the sill of the door, he exclaimed, 
 "In manus tuas commendo spiritum meum, redemisti me, 
 Domine Deus veritatis." (Into thy hands I commit my 
 spirit, for thou hast redeemed me, O Lord God of truth.) 
 He now went to bed after shaking hands with each of us, 
 and giving us all a good night, he then said to Dr. Jonas 
 and Celius and the others, " Pray for our Lord Jesus, and 
 for his gospel, that it may go well with him, for the Coun- 
 cil of Trent, (then in session, it commenced in 1545,) 
 and the wicked pope, are raging most furiously against 
 him." The room being warm and comfortable, and the 
 lights burning, he slept calmly until the clock struck one, 
 when he awoke and called his servant Ambrose, and told 
 him to make the fire. Dr. Jonas then asked him how he 
 felt, he exclaimed, " Ah ! my dear Dr. Jonas, I am endur- 
 ing intense pain, and I suppose I shall die here at Eisleben, 
 where I was born and baptized." Jonas replied, "Rev- 
 erend father, God our heavenly Father will aid you, 
 through Christ whom you have preached." He then 
 arose, and without any assistance walked two or three 
 times through the room, complaining of a severe pain in 
 the chest. His body was again rubbed with flannels 
 wrung in hot water, and he again experienced some re- 
 lief. Bat soon after he became very sick, so much so 
 
CCCCXVI1. 
 
 that his friends became alarmed, and sent in haste for count 
 Albright and his wife, the two physicians of Eisleben, viz. 
 Simon Wild, a surgeon, and Dr. Ludwick, a physician, 
 the landlord, (Wirt,) John Albright, the secretary of the 
 town and his wife ; in the course of half an hour they all 
 appeared. The countess brought all sorts of drugs with 
 her, and did all in her power to alleviate his pain, but with- 
 out success. Luther exclaimed, " O ! dear God, I am very 
 sick, and very much oppressed." He then said to his 
 friends, "I shall now die, and remain in Eisleben." Mi- 
 chael Celius then said to him, " Reverend father, call upon 
 our dear Lord Jesus Christ, our great High Priest, our 
 only Mediator, you have done a great work for him, he 
 will have mercy upon us, and you shall yet recover." 
 "No," said Luther, "I feel the cold death-sweat, I shall 
 breathe out my soul, for my distress is increasing." Lu- 
 ther then offered up the following prayer in German, " O ! 
 my heavenly Father, the God and Father of our Lord 
 Jesus Christ, thou God of all consolation, I thank thee 
 that thou hast revealed thy dear Son Jesus Christ to me, I 
 have believed in him, I have confessed and proclaimed 
 him. I have loved and honored him, and that too whilst 
 the wicked pope and the ungodly world have reviled and 
 persecuted him ! I beseech thee, O Lord Jesus, to take 
 my little soul to thyself ! O ! my heavenly Father, al- 
 though I must be torn from this world, yet I am certain I 
 shall forever be happy with thee in heaven, for no one is 
 able to pluck me out of thy hands." 
 
 The expression which we have translated in the above 
 
 18* 
 
CCCCXVIII. LUTHER S DEATH. 
 
 prayer, "little soul," is in German, "Seelchen," the dimin- 
 utive of soul. Luther then said in Latin, « God so loved 
 the world that he gave his Son, &c." John iii. 16, and also 
 quoted part of the 68th Psalm in Latin, (the 20th verse.) 
 They then gave him some more medicine, but he said, " I 
 am going, I shall yield up my soul!" — he exclaimed 
 three times in rapid succession in Latin, "Father into 
 thy hands I commit my spirit." He became calm and 
 quiet. He was rubbed, and shook, and called, but he 
 gave no answer and did not open his eyes — the countess 
 and the physicians bathed his temples, and rubbed his 
 pulse with spirits, but to no purpose — he seemed to be 
 rapidly sinking. Dr. Jonas went near to him and called 
 loudly to him, and said, " Venerable Father do you 
 still hold on to Christ, and the doctrines you have preached, 
 and will you die with these views ? 
 
 " His fading countenance once more brightened, his clear 
 blue eye sparkled with intelligence, and he replied in a dis- 
 tinct and thrilling tone, ' Yes.' He then turned upon his 
 right side, and fell into a gentle sleep, and slept for half an 
 hour, and it was thought he was getting better, but we were 
 all afraid of that sleep and tried to keep him awake by 
 holding the light near his face. Just then Hans Henry, 
 count of Schwartzenburg, and his wife, came in ; soon af- 
 ter the doctor grew very pale, his feet and nose became 
 cold, he then drew a deep, but soft breath, and with that 
 breath he calmly resigned his spirit into the hands of God ! 
 To the truth of this we testify before God," says Justus 
 Jonas. 
 
luther's death. ccccxix. 
 
 Prof. Stowe relates the following beautiful and touching 
 incident, which is no doubt true, although Justus Jonas 
 does not mention it. "Luther's eyes were becoming fixed 
 in their sockets, the glassy hue of death was fast gather- 
 ing on them, when one of the old men in attendance, (per- 
 haps Nicholas Oember,) who had been his companion in 
 childhood, in that awful moment, forgetting entirely the 
 mighty Reformer, and thinking only of the friend of his 
 heart, knelt down by the sofa, and putting his arms across 
 his bosom, and his face to his cheek, exclaimed in the 
 plaintive notes of childhood, " Martin ! dear Martin ! do 
 speak to me once more !" But there was no reply. The 
 mighty spirit had already gone. Before the words were 
 fully uttered, Luther was already with Moses, with Paul, 
 with John, and with Christ ; and in the last only did he 
 find a superior." 
 
 Thus died the greatest man that ever God placed upon 
 our earth, on the 18th day of February, 1546, at the age 
 of 62 years, 3 months and 10 days. 
 
 The death of Luther produced a profound sensation 
 throughout all Germany. He was the friend of man, and 
 the greatest human benefactor the world had ever seen. 
 His funeral, and the solemn and thrillingly interesting 
 scenes connected with it, is a strong proof of the affections 
 of the people for him. No man that ever lived had more 
 friends than Luther. 
 
 It may also be observed that every effort was made to 
 resuscitate him ; Jonas says he was rubbed and placed be- 
 tween feather beds and blankets, but all to no purpose. 
 
CCCCXX. LUTHER S FUNERAL. 
 
 His friends thought it could not be possible that Luther 
 should be dead. Yet so it was ! 
 
 The counts of Mansfeldt were anxious he should be 
 buried at Eisleben, but the elector of Saxony insisted upon 
 having him buried at Wittenberg. The elector of Saxony 
 gave orders for the immediate removal of Luther's body to 
 Wittenberg, and of course promised to defray all expenses, 
 be they great or small. 
 
 On the 19th, his body was placed in a cast leaden coffin, 
 and at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, was carried to St. An- 
 drew's church, in Eisleben, where Dr. Jonas preached to 
 a number of noble gentlemen and ladies, and an immense 
 concourse of citizens, from 1 Thess. iv. 13 — 18. 
 
 He treated I. Of the character and talents of Dr. Luther. 
 II. Of the resurrection and eternal life. III. The warn- 
 ing to the opposers, that the death of Luther would leave 
 an efficacy behind it, to demolish the kingdom of satan. 
 The sermon though not very systematic, is interesting and 
 exciting. The corpse remained in the church during the 
 night, and was watched by ten principal citizens of Eisle- 
 ben. On the morning of the 20th, Michael Celius preached 
 another sermon from Isaiah lvii. l,to a large congregation. 
 Before he was removed from Eisleben, a painter of that 
 town took his portrait; another by the name of Fortenna- 
 gel, from Halle, did the same. On the 20th, between 12 
 and 1 o'clock, the solemn procession commenced moving 
 from Eisleben — the concourse was immense — as the funeral 
 began to move and the solemn funeral dirge was sung, the 
 people all commenced weeping — the excitement became 
 
1546. luther's funeral. ccccxxi. 
 
 very great, and the heaving bosoms and flowing tears of 
 thousands testified how much Luther was beloved ! In 
 the evening at 5 o'clock, the procession arrived at the walls 
 of Halle, after having stopt at the villages through which 
 the funeral had passed ; at every place thousands of the 
 people came to look upon the funeral of the departed friend 
 of Germany. But at Halle, the concourse of citizens be- 
 came so great that the procession could hardly force its 
 way through the immense throng to St. Mary's church. 
 When the funeral got into the church, the silence was in- 
 terrupted by the singing of the hymn composed by Luther 
 himself many years before, (for it was the first hymn he 
 ever composed.) 
 
 "Aus tiefer Noth schrei' ich zu dir, 
 Mein Gott, erhor' mem rufen." 
 
 " From deep distress I call on thee, 
 My God regard my calling." 
 
 This hymn the congregation attempted to sing, but as 
 Jonas says, they rather cried it than sang it, they could not 
 sing for weeping, but frequently burst out aloud in weep- 
 ing. The corpse remained in the church all night, and 
 was watched by a number of citizens — next morning at 6 
 o'clock, the funeral procession started for Wittenberg, fol- 
 lowed by the same weeping multitude, at 12 o'clock the 
 funeral arrived at the walls of Wittenberg, here it was met 
 by an immense multitude of nobles and citizens. Never 
 perhaps was there a greater and more universal burst of 
 grief! There was the disconsolate wife of the noble Re- 
 
CCCCXXII. LUTHER S FUNERAL. 
 
 former — there was his beloved Melancthon — there too was 
 Bugenhagen and all the preachers and professors, the stu- 
 dents and citizens, and many distinguished strangers, both 
 princes and nobles, and all, all overwhelmed with grief. 
 The meeting of Catharine von Bora, and the corpse of her 
 departed husband, is described as a scene of deep and 
 thrilling interest. Mrs. Luther was in a carriage with the 
 principal officers of the town — greater honors could not 
 have been shown to a monarch, than were freely and spon- 
 taneously conferred upon Luther. The funeral procession 
 then moved slowly to the great castle church of Witten- 
 berg. The order of the procession was as follows, viz. 
 
 1. The counts of Mansfeldt, accompanied by forty-five 
 cavaliers. 2. The professors of the University. 3. The 
 students of the University. 4. The honorable town coun- 
 cil. 5. The congregation and citizens. These went be- 
 fore and with singing (as was then the custom) passed 
 through the town. 6. The corpse surrounded by a caval- 
 cade of sixty-five cavaliers and two young counts. 7. 
 Mrs. Luther and several matrons. 8. Then his three sons. 
 
 9. Then his brother Jacob and family from Mansfeldt. 
 
 10. Then two of the Kaufmans, sons of Luther's sister, 
 from Mansfeldt. 11. A number of noblemen and princes 
 who appeared as mourners. 12. Philip Melancthon, 
 Dr. Bugenhagen, Dr. Jonas, Dr. Briick and others of the 
 older doctors. 13. Then an immense concourse of men, 
 women and children. All Wittenberg and the country 
 around for twenty miles seemed to be emptied of its inhab- 
 itants. Such was the throng, that the like had never been 
 
CCCCXXIII. 
 
 seen at Wittenberg — the streets, and lanes, and houses 
 were all full of human beings. With great difficulty the 
 procession got to the church, which was soon crowded to 
 overflowing. Dr. Bugenhagen, the pastor of the congre- 
 gation arose and read his text, (1 Thess. iv. 13.) " But I 
 would not have you to be ignorant, brethren, concerning 
 them which are asleep, that ye sorrow not, even as others 
 that have no hope." After Dr. Bugenhagen had pro- 
 nounced the words of the text he could say no more — lie 
 was completely overwhelmed — he could not utter a word, 
 but burst out in an uncontrollable paroxysm of grief. This 
 opened the sluices of thousands of hearts — the whole con- 
 gregation joined in this deep out-burst of sorrow — the ex- 
 citement reached those who had crowded around the 
 church, and from them it was communicated to those in 
 the streets, until it spread through the whole city— and the 
 whole immense population joined in the bitter lamentation ! 
 This loud and heartfelt weeping continued for several mi- 
 nutes ; after the first gush of feeling the congregation be 
 came composed and the preacher finished his sermon. 
 And a noble specimen of oratory it was. After Dr. Bugen- 
 hagen had finished his discourse by a Latin quotation from 
 Luther, viz. "Pestis eram vivus, moriens tua mors ero 
 papa." "Living I had been the pest of the pope, dying 
 I shall be thy death." Melancthon delivered a funeral 
 oration in Latin to the learned ; both these discourses are 
 given in the 12th Vol. of Luther's works, but we have not 
 room to quote from them. After the singing of a funeral 
 dirge, the coffin was lowered into the grave in the aisle of 
 
CCCCXXIV. LUTHER S FUNERAL. 
 
 the church, very near the pulpit. The vast congregation 
 was then dismissed, with sad and melancholy steps the 
 people returned to their homes, scarcely able, even after 
 what they had just seen, to believe it possible that the no- 
 ble form of Luther should be seen no more in the streets 
 of Wittenberg — how could they realize their great loss ? 
 Luther had been among them for 38 years— he had been 
 the friend and benefactor not only of their city, but of the 
 whole nation — his voice had often thrilled their hearts with 
 joy, but now that voice was hushed in the silence of death ! 
 It was as though the wheels of nature had been deranged. 
 Wittenberg had been raised from an insignificant town to 
 one of the most famous cities in the world. Luther had 
 done this — he was the star of attraction — he was the life 
 and soul of Wittenberg — and although Melancthon and 
 other distinguished men were there, Luther was not. 
 When Luther died the sun of Wittenberg set, and set for- 
 ever ! The glory of Wittenberg even now, after more than 
 three centuries have rolled away, is that Luther labored, 
 and taught, and lies buried there. Many distinguished 
 warriors and statesmen have visited the grave of Luther- 
 Peter the Great, of Russia, and Napoleon, and Frederick 
 the Great, but they were all small men compared with the 
 mighty Reformer. 
 
 Luther is gone, but he "being dead yet speaketh," and 
 will continue to speak until the affairs of this world shall 
 be wound up. Luther did more for the emancipation of 
 the human mind from the thraldom of error and supersti- 
 tion than any man that ever lived ; and it becomes us all 
 
LUTHER'S FUNERAL. CCCCXXV. 
 
 to be thankful to God, that Luther ever lived and labored 
 for our world. In the language of one of his German bio- 
 graphers we can say : 
 
 Dank dir, Unsterblicher ! und jeder danke, 
 
 Dem du so lioch begluckt. 
 
 Dein Name sei uns kostlicher Gedanke 
 
 Wenn andre Wahn und Fessel driickt. 
 
 O ! wehe, wehe dem, der dich verkennet 
 
 Dich der so viel gethan ! 
 
 Wer deinen Namen nicht mit Erfurcht nennet, 
 
 Der ist ein Sclav, kein freier Deutcher Mann ! 
 
 Translation : " Thanks to thee immortal Luther ! let 
 every man thank thee whom God so highly honored. 
 
 Thy name shall be embalmed in our affections, when we 
 think of the oppressions endured by others. 
 
 O ! woe, woe to him who does not acknowledge thee as 
 the individual who has achieved so much for us. 
 
 He who mentions not thy name with reverence is a 
 slave, and no German freeman." 
 
 In the wall opposite the resting place of Luther is a 
 bronze plate with the following inscription : 
 
 Martini Lutheri, sacrjE Theologize Doctoris Cor- 
 pus hoc loco sepultum est, qui anno Christi mdxlvi., 
 xii. Calendas Martii Eislebii in Patria. s. Iff. O. C. V. 
 
 ANN. LXIII. M. II. D. X. 
 
 Melancthon also wrote the following epitaph on Luther: 
 
 Qui Christum docuit pure_, et bona plurima fecit* 
 Lutheri hac urna molliter ossa cubant. 
 
CATALOGUE OF LUTHER'S WRITINGS. 
 
 The works of Luther are very voluminous, and even a 
 cursory glance at them would require a number of vol- 
 umns. In order, however, to give the reader an idea of 
 the immense labors of the great Reformer, and the extent 
 and variety of his acquirements, and the versatility of his 
 talents, we subjoin a list of all his publications. Prof. 
 Stowe has given such a list from the German in the Bibli- 
 cal Repository of July, 1844, and has accompanied it with 
 the following judicious remarks : "One great object I have 
 in view in preparing these articles, is to direct the atten- 
 tion of the many who are now studying the German lan- 
 guage in this country, to the writings of Luther. They 
 are not obsolete, most of them are as good now as ever 
 they were, and admirably adapted to the state of theologi- 
 cal discussion at this time both in England and the United 
 States. To give some idea of the number and variety of 
 topics which engaged his pen, a condensed bill of fare to 
 the student who would feast upon his works, I here sub- 
 join, in chronological order, a select list of his principal 
 German writings. The complete catalogue of all his 
 works, Latin and German, comprises in the appendix to 
 Seckendorf, twenty-four large folio pages, closely printed 
 in double columns." 
 
CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. CCCCXXVII. 
 1517—18. 
 
 1. Sermon on Indulgences and Grace. 2. Defence of 
 the Sermon. 3. The Seven Penitential Psalms, with a 
 Commentary. 4. Exposition of the Lord's Prayer. 5. 
 Sermon on Penitence. 6. Exposition of the 110th Psalm. 
 
 1519. 
 
 7. A brief Guide to Confession. 8. Sermon on Usury. 
 9. Sermon on the Sacrament of the body of Christ, (ad- 
 vocating the use of the cup for the laity.) 10. Sermon on 
 Excommunication. 11. Sermon on Marriage. 12. In- 
 struction respecting certain articles alleged against him by 
 his opponents. 13. Sermon on Prayer and the Procession. 
 14. Sermon preached at the castle in Leipsic. 15. Ser- 
 mon on Preparation for Death. 16. Another Sermon on 
 Usury. 
 
 1520. 
 
 17. Address to the Christian Nobility of the German 
 Nation. 18. Sermon on the Mass. 19. On the Freedom 
 of a Christian man. 20. Exposition of certain articles in 
 the Sermon on the Sacrament of the body of Christ. 21. 
 Protest and Appeal. 22. Answer to a paper published 
 under the seal of the Official at Stolpen. 23. On Good 
 Works. 24. On the Papacy of Rome. 25. On Eck's 
 new Bulls and Lies. 26. Against the Bulls of Anti-Christ. 
 27. Why the Pope and his Disciples have burnt Dr. Mar- 
 tin Luther's Books. 28. Ground and Reason of all the 
 Articles which are unjustly condemned by the Romish 
 Bulls. 29. A short Exposition of the holy Lord's Prayer, 
 
CCCCXXVIII. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER'S WRITINGS. 
 
 before and behind, (that is, what is expressed and implied.) 
 30. A brief Form of the Decalogue, the Creed, and the 
 Lord's Prayer. 
 
 1521. 
 31. Instruction to Penitents respecting the prohibited 
 books of Dr. Martin Luther. 32. Sermon respecting the 
 Kingdom of Christ and the Kingdom of Herod, preached 
 on Three Kings' Day. 33. The Sufferings of Christ and 
 Anti-Christ illustrated in 26 engravings by Cranch, the el- 
 der. 34. Sermon on the worthy receiving of the Sacra- 
 ment of the true body of Christ, preached at Wittenberg 
 before his serene highness, the Prince and Margrave of 
 Bradenburg. 35. Sermon preached at Erfurt on the jour- 
 ney to Worms. 36. Sermon on a three-fold good Life, to 
 instruct the conscience. 37. Instruction how men are 
 rightly and understandingly to be baptized into the Chris- 
 tian Faith. 38 — 41. Four Tracts in answer to Bok and 
 Emser and Murner, in respect to the Leipsic Discussion. 
 
 42. Whether the Pope has power to require Confession. 
 
 43. The 119th Psalm in German, to aid in useful Prayer, 
 and to exalt God's Word against its greatest enemies, the 
 Pope and the Doctrines of Men. 44. The 37th Psalm 
 of David, to teach and comfort a Christian man against the 
 plots of the wicked and malicious Hypocrites. 45. Ger- 
 man Exposition of the 68th Psalm for Easter, Ascension 
 and Pentecost. 46. The Magnifical (Luke i. 46—55,) 
 translated and expounded. 47. Gospel of the Ten Lepers, 
 (Luke xvii. 11 — 19,) translated and expounded. 48. Judg- 
 ment of the Paris Theologians on the doctrine of Dr. Lu- 
 
CATALOGUE OF LUTHER's WRITINGS. CCCCXXIX. 
 
 ther, and Dr. Luther's Anti-Judgment. 49. Dr. Martin 
 Luther's letter to the Diet at Worms, after his departure 
 therefrom, sent from Freidberg. 
 
 1522. 
 
 50. Exhortation to all Christians to keep themselves 
 from Uproar and Rebellion. 51. Eight Sermons preached 
 at Wittenberg, against all violent measures in promoting 
 reformation, (among the most eloquent of all Luther's pro- 
 ductions.) 52. On the Abuses of the Mass. 53. The 
 Bull in Csena Domini of his Holiness the Pope, translated 
 into German by Dr. Luther, with King David's Commen- 
 tary on this Bull in Psalm 10th. 54. Treatise against Dr. 
 Carlstadt's Innovations at Wittenberg. 55. Martin Lu- 
 ther's opinion on receiving the Sacrament in both kinds. 
 56. On shunning the Doctrines of Men. 57. Answer to 
 the Texts quoted to strengthen the Doctrines of Men. 58. 
 Sermon on the Future Coming of Christ. 59. On the Suf- 
 ferings of Christ. 60. Sermon on John xvi. 61. Against 
 the Spiritual State falsely so called of the Pope and Bish- 
 ops. 62. German answer of Martin Luther to the Book 
 of King Henry of England, I fear not the Truth — Lies 
 touch me not. 63. German Translation of the New Tes- 
 tament, with a Preface. 64. Exposition of the Epistles 
 and Gospels which are read in the Church from Advent to 
 Christmas. 65. The same, from Christmas to Sunday af- 
 ter Epiphany. 66. On Married Life. 67. A Christian 
 Sermon preached at Erfurt, for the Reformation of every 
 Christian man. 68. Do. on Faith and Works. 69. Re- 
 
CCCCXXX. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. 
 
 flections and Instructions on Monasteries and all Spiritual 
 Vows. 70. Exhortation, Warning and Retrospection. 71. 
 A Missive to all who are suffering Persecution for the 
 Word of God, comfortingly written by Dr. Martin Luther 
 to the noble and steadfast Harmuth von Cronenberg. 72. 
 To the Bohemian Legislators assembled at Prague. 
 
 1523. 
 
 73. On the Obedience due to the civil Magistrates. 74. 
 On the Order of Divine Service in the Church. 75. On 
 the Order of a common Treasury. 76. Sermon on the 
 Birth of Christ. 77. Explanation of two abominable 
 Figures of the Ass-Pope and Calf-monk, set forth by 
 Melancthon, with Luther's Amen. 78. Exhortation to the 
 German Clergy to abandon false Chastity, and hasten to 
 the right, connubial Chastity. 79. Eeason and Answer 
 why the Nuns may in a godly sort forsake the Nunneries. 
 80. That Jesus Christ was born a Jew. 81. Manual of 
 Baptism in German. 82. Ground and Reason, out of the 
 Scripture, that a Christian Congregation or Church have 
 the right and power to judge of Doctrine, to call their 
 Teachers, and to install and dismiss them. 83. Instruc- 
 tion and Proof that the possession of the Evangelical 
 Doctrine in Word and Deed, and the reception of the Sac- 
 rament in both kinds, cannot with good conscience be dis- 
 pensed with through fear of man. 84. Christ's Indul 
 gence. 85. Poem on the two Martyrs of Christ, who 
 were burnt at Brussels by the Sophists of Louvaine. 86. 
 Letter to the Prebendary of Wittenberg, to put an end to 
 
CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. CCCCXXXI. 
 
 the Disorders in Public Worship. 87. Exhortation to all 
 Christians in Worms to hold fast the Gospel- — Doctrine 
 they had received. 88. To the dear, elect Friends of God, 
 all the Christians in Riga, Reval and Dorpat in Lavonia. 
 
 89. A letter of Comfort to the Christians of Augsburg. 
 
 90. Exposition of the Seventh Chapter of the First Cor- 
 inthians. 91. The Epistle of Peter preached and explained. 
 92. Translation of the Five Books of Moses, with a Pre- 
 face. 93. A Writing of kinds of men who hold them- 
 selves in the Faith, and what that is. 94. An Advice that 
 Princes should not take Arms against the Sovereign on ac- 
 count of Persecution for the Faith. 95. Answer and Sup- 
 plication, on the request of the Elector of Saxony, that he 
 should abstain from severity in writing. 96. A Papal 
 Brief against Luther to the Council of Bamberg, with Lu- 
 ther's Notes. 
 
 1524. 
 97. To the Councillors of all the Cities of Germany, 
 that they should establish and maintain Christian Schools. 
 
 98. A Sermon on the Circumcision, from Luke ii. 21. 
 
 99. A Brief Exposition of John i. 29—34. 100. An ac- 
 count of the manner in which the honorable and virtuous 
 Virgin, Florintina von Oberweimar (or Upper Weimar) 
 made her escape from the Nunnery, through the help of 
 God. 101. A Christian Letter of comfort to the Miiten- 
 bergers, and how they should avenge themselves on their 
 enemies, out of Psalm cxx. 102. Exposition of Psalm 
 cxxvii for the Christians of Riga and Lavonia. 103. The 
 Epistle of Jude and the Second of Peter, preached and 
 
CCCCXXXII. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER's WRITINGS. 
 
 explained. 104. Two Imperial Edicts, inconsistent and 
 contradictory, against Luther, with Luther's Preface and 
 Postcript. 105. A Writing against the blind and mad 
 condemnation of the Seventeen Articles by the miserable 
 and shameful University of Ingolstadt. 106. Advice that 
 Parents should neither force nor hinder the Marriage of 
 their Children, and that Children should not make Matri- 
 montial Engagements without the Consent of their Parents. 
 107. A Writing against the new Idol and old Devil, which 
 is said to be raised at Meissen, (on the canonization of 
 Benno, an old Bishop of Meissen.) 108. A Letter to the 
 Princes Frederick and John of Saxony, on the Rebellious 
 Spirit. 109. Reflection whether we should decide by the 
 Mosaic or the Imperial Code. 110. Reflection whether a 
 man should abstain from Marriage on account of the Pov- 
 erty of his family. 111. On Trade and Usury. 112. 
 On the sum of God's Law, and the use and abuse of the 
 Law, from 1 Tim. i. 3. 113. The Abominations of the 
 Silent Mass. 114. Prefaces to Job, Proverbs and Eccle- 
 siastes. 115. The Psalter in German, after the manner 
 of the Hebrew language. 116. Several Sermons. 117. 
 Luther's Correspondence with Wolfgang of Saalhausen. 
 
 118. On the Use and Profession of Christian Freedom. 
 
 119. To the Chapter of Wittenberg, to put away the Un- 
 godly Ceremonies. 120. To a gentlemen in Austria, in- 
 structed in the Christian Doctrine. 
 
 1525. 
 121. Against the Heavenly Prophets on the Images and 
 Sacraments. 122. Martrydom of B. Henry, burnt in 
 
CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. CCCCXXXIII. 
 
 Diedmar, with an Exposition of Psalm ix. 123. Two 
 Bulls of Pope Clement VII. on the Papal Romish Jubilee, 
 translated into German with a Preface and Notes. 124. 
 A Lecture against Rebels, on 1 Tim. i. 18 — 20. 125. An 
 Address to be read before receiving the Sacrament. 126. 
 A Warning to all the Christians in Strasburg to be on their 
 guard against the Fanaticism of Dr. Carlstadt. 127. An 
 Exhortation to Peace, (to the Swabian Peasants.) 128. 
 Against the Thievish and Murderous Peasants. 129. A 
 Letter respecting the severe Books against the Peasants. 
 130. A dreadful History and Judgment of God on Thomas 
 Muenzer. 131. Two Sermons on the Death of Frederick, 
 Elector of Saxony, from 1 Thess. iv. 13 — 18. 132. Ser- 
 mon on Psalm xxvi. 133. A Christian Exhortation re- 
 specting the externals of Public Worship and Uniformity 
 therein, to the Christians of Lavonia. 134. Exposition 
 of the Epistles and Gospel for the Feast of the Three 
 Kings, and from Advent to Easter. 135. Preface to John 
 Walter's Psalm-tunes set to four Parts. 136. Various 
 sermons. 137. Exhortation to Wolfgang Reissenbusch, 
 to betake himself to the married state. 138. A Letter to 
 Cardinal Albert, Archbishop of Mainz, advising him to get 
 married. 
 
 1526. 
 139. The German Mass and order of Public Worship. 
 
 140. The Papacy and its members depicted and described. 
 
 141. To all the Christians of Reutligen. 142. Against 
 
 CEcolampadius. 143. Sermon on the body and blood of 
 
 Christ, against the Fanatics. 144. The cxii. Psalm of 
 19 
 
CCCCXXXIV. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. 
 
 David, on the wealth, honor and pleasure which the godly 
 use well, and the ungodly abuse. 145. Two Sermons on 
 Acts xv. and xvi. 146. Answer to passages quoted from 
 Scripture in favor of Monastic Vows. 147. The Prophet 
 Habakkuk expounded. 148. A good Sermon of Dr. Lu- 
 ther's on the text, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God. 149. 
 Four comforting Psalms expounded to the Queen of Hun- 
 gary. 150. Instruction and Warning against the right re- 
 bellious and treacherous Council of the whole Clergy of 
 Mainz. 151. Dr. Luther's advice to the Saxon Chancel- 
 lor, Bruck, as to what the Elector should do against the 
 Confederacy in Mainz. 152. Explanation of certain chap- 
 ters in Exodus. 153. Certain Reflections on subjects con- 
 nected with marriage. 
 
 1527. 
 154. That these words, "this is my body," stand fast 
 against the Fanatics. 155. Whether a Man may flee 
 through fear of Death, (written when the plague raged at 
 Wittenberg. 156. Whether Soldiers can be in a condi- 
 tion of Salvation. 157. Sermon on Matt. xi. 25 — 30. 
 
 158. Answer to the King of England's blasphemous Title. 
 
 159. Consolation to the Christians of Halle on the Death 
 of their Preacher. 160. Various sermons. 161. Pre- 
 dictions of John Lichtenberger, in German. 162. Blessed 
 History of Leonard Kaiser, who was burnt in Bavaria for 
 the Gospel's sake. 163. Sermon on Christ's Kingdom 
 and Christian Freedom. 164. Reflections on a case of 
 Matrimony. 185. A faithful Warning and Exhortation 
 to all the pious Christians of Erfurt, to beware of false 
 
CATALOGUE OF LUTHER's WRITINGS. CCCCXXXV. 
 
 doctrines, and hold fast to the true. 166. On the First 
 Book of Moses, with an Instruction how Moses is to be 
 read. 167. Five Reflections of Luther to certain of the 
 Nobility. 
 
 1528. 
 168. On the Lord's Supper. 169. A new Fable of 
 .^Esop, of the Lion and the Ass, lately found and translated 
 into German, (a humorous satire on certain would-be poets.) 
 170. The Prophet Zechariah expounded. 171. On Ana- 
 baptism. 172 and 173. Two Treatises on the Sacrament 
 in both kinds. 174. A beautiful Christian letter of Con- 
 solation to a considerable person in Lower Saxony, who 
 was burdened with various thoughts concerning God's pro- 
 vidence. 175. On the false mendicant Roguery. 176. 
 On the marriage of the worthy priest, S. Klingbeil, to the 
 Bishop of Camin. 177. Exposition of the Decalogue. 
 178. Brief Exhortation to Confession. 
 
 1529. 
 179. On private and stolen letters, together with an ex- 
 position of a Psalm, against George, Duke of Saxony. 
 180. A small Catechism for common pastors and preach- 
 ers. 181. The German Catechism. 182. Sermon on 
 the lies against the Holy Ghost. 183. The Wisdom of 
 Solomon, to Tyrants, translated into German. 184. To 
 the high-born Princess, the Lady Sibyl, Duchess of Sax- 
 ony, on Christian Housekeeping. 185. Sermons to the 
 Suffering, from John xviii. xix. and xx. 186. War Ser- 
 mon against the Turks. 187. A Writing to John, Elector 
 
CCCCXXXVI. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER's WRITINGS. 
 
 of Saxony, respecting defensive war. 188. A Writing of 
 comfort to a person in great Temptation, with the addition 
 of Psalm cxlii. 
 
 1530. 
 189. Admonition to the Clergy assembled at the Diet 
 of Augsburg. 190. Description of a Court Life in Venice. 
 
 191. Certain Fables of iEsop, translated into German. 
 
 192. A Sermon, that men should keep their children at 
 School. 193. A Letter on Translation, (defending his 
 version of Romans iii. 28.) 194. A Warning to his dear 
 Germans. 195. On Marriage. 196. A short and clear 
 Instruction how the secret Revelation of John is to be un- 
 derstood and interpreted, very useful and consoling for 
 those times. 197. The Prophet Daniel, in German. 198. 
 The Prophecy concerning Gog, in Ezekiel xxviii. and 
 xxxix. 199. Select and beautiful passages of the Holy 
 Scriptures, wherewith Dr. Luther comforted himself in 
 great temptations. 200. A Writing to the Landgrave of 
 Hesse. 201. The beautiful cxviii. Psalm. 202. Certain 
 Reflections on controverted Articles laid before the Diet at 
 Augsburg. 203. Answer to Questions proposed to Dr. 
 Luther by two persons of high rank. 204. Martin Lu- 
 ther's Revelation respecting Purgatory, to all Posterity. 
 205. Exposition of Psalms cxvii. and lxxxii. 206. On 
 the Keys. 207. Exhortation to the Sacrament of the 
 Body and Blood of our Lord. 208. Exposition of the 
 cxi. Psalm. 209. Prefaces to the Apocryphal Books of 
 the Old Testament. 210. Instruction to Preachers wheth 
 er they should leave their churches, and give way to the 
 
CATALOGUE OF LUTHER 8 WRITINGS. CCCCXXXVH 
 
 enemies of the Gospel. 211. Brief Exposition of the 
 first twenty-five Psalms. 212. Brief Exposition of the 
 vi. vii. and xvii. chapters of John. 213. Nine Sermons 
 preached at Coburg, during the Diet at Augsburg. 214. 
 A Confession of the Christian Doctrine and Faith, in Sev- 
 enteen Articles. 215. Answer to the clamor of certain 
 Papists against the Seventeen Articles. 216. Fine Chris- 
 tian Thoughts of the holy Fathers and Doctors, that a 
 Christian should bear every cross with patience. 217. 
 Advice to a Pastor how a Jewess should be baptized. 218, 
 Answer to Five Questions proposed by a person of quali- 
 ty on the right use of the Sacraments. 219. On the In- 
 tercession of the Saints. 
 
 1531. 
 220. On the pretended Imperial Edict issued after the 
 Diet of 1530. 221. Letter to Spangler, whether men 
 may resist the Emperor. 222. Letter to a Citizen of Nu- 
 remberg, whether men with a good conscience may enter 
 into combination against the unrighteous and violent at- 
 tempts of the Emperor. 223. To the Citizens of Frau- 
 enstein. 224. Against the Assassins at Dresden. 225. 
 Sermon on the Cross and Sufferings, and how a man 
 should behave himself under them. 226. A Sermon on 
 John xx. respecting Mary Magdalene. 227. Instruction 
 and Warning to the Christians of N., near Freiberg, to re- 
 ceive the Sacrament in both kinds. 228. A writing that 
 Christian Preachers, by their office, are bound to reprove 
 the people for their sins. 229. How Christians should 
 act in affairs of Matrimony. 230. Prefaces to the Psalter, 
 
CCCCXXXVIII. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. 
 
 Jeremiah and the minor Prophets. 231. Summaries oi 
 the Psalms, and Reasons for translating. 232. Sermon on 
 the Destruction of Jerusalem, from Luke xix. 41. 233. 
 Sermon on Angels. 234. A Marriage Sermon from He- 
 brews xiii. 4. 235. Advice as to what a faithful Preacher of 
 the Word should do when his office is despised and he is 
 persecuted. 236. Comfort to an Afflicted person of Quality. 
 
 1532. 
 
 237. Exposition of Matt. v. vi. and vii. 238. Do. of 
 Psalm cxlvii. 239. To the Council and nine Monks of 
 Herford. 240. How the Law and the Gospel may be 
 right solidly distinguished, and what Christ and his King- 
 dom are. 241. Exposition of the Benediction pronounced 
 in the Mass. 242. Letters to the Elector, John of Saxony. 
 243. Letter to Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg, against 
 certain rebellious Spirits. 244. Letters against Sneaks 
 and secret Preachers. 245. Two Sermons at the Fu- 
 neral of John, Elector of Saxony. 246. Letter of Con- 
 solation to a Nobleman. 247. Do. to the expelled Leip- 
 sicers. 248. A Comforting Sermon on the Coming of 
 Christ, and the promised signs of the Last Day. 249. A 
 Prophecy of Dr. Martin Luther, after the death of the 
 Elector John. 
 
 1533. 
 
 250. To the Christians of Oschatz. 251. Answer and 
 Instruction to the Leipsic Protestants, expelled by Duke 
 George. 252. Sermon on Jesus Christ, preached before 
 the Electorial Court of Torgau. 253. Some fine Sermons 
 
CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. CCCCXX A. 
 
 on Christian love, from the first Epistle of John. 254 
 Form of the Christian life, from St. Paul, 1 Tim. i. 255. 
 To the Christians of Frankfort on the Maine. 256. Four 
 Reflections of Luther and his Colleagues on a Council. 
 
 257. To the Council of the Imperial City of Augsburg. 
 
 258. Answer to the Uproar of Duke George, and a Letter 
 of Comfort to the Christians wickedly expelled by him 
 from Leipsic. 259. A little Answer to Duke George's 
 last Book. 260. Three Sermons on good and bad Angels. 
 261. On private Masses and Consecration to the Priest- 
 hood. 262. Letters to a good Friend on a Book respect- 
 ing private Masses. 263. Dr. Martin Luther's Catalogue 
 of all the Books published by him from 1518 to 1533, 
 with a Preface. 
 
 1534. 
 264. Exposition of Psalms Ixv. ci. 265. Reflections 
 to the Elector John Frederick. 266. Four Letters of 
 Comfort to a person in private rank, in bodily and mental 
 distress. , 267. Comfort to a person afflicted with melan- 
 choly and gloom. 268. On the Resurrection from the 
 Dead, 1 Cor. xv. 269. Counsel and Warming to an of 
 fended person to avoid avenging himself. 270. Reflec 
 tions on fleeing from Solitude. 271. Comforting Instruc- 
 tions how we may resist bodily Weakness, Pusillanimity, 
 and other Temptations of the Devil. 272. Prayer for the 
 hour of Death. 273. Preface to the Acts of the Apostles 
 
 1535. 
 274. Reflections whether a Christian who is well in 
 etructed in Divine Truth, can attend idolatrous worship 
 
1CCCXL. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER 9 ® WRITINGS. 
 
 without violating his conscience. S75. Sermons on Bap- 
 tism. 276. Reflections whether It is lawful to marry a 
 deceased wife's sister. 277. Reflections whether the 
 Holy Sacraments in both kinds may be administered in a 
 private house. 278. A simple guide to Prayer for a good 
 friend. 279. Reflections whether a Christian with a 
 good conscience can be present at a consecration of a papal 
 Bishop. 280. A comforting Writing for Christians ban- 
 ished for the sake of the Gospel. 281. The last and earn- 
 est Letter of reproof to Cardinal Albert, Archbishop of 
 Mainz. 282. Reflection ©n two cases of nuptial Deser- 
 tion. 283. Convocation of the free Christian Council. 
 
 1536 , 
 
 284. Marriage Sermon on Ephesians, v. 22—23, 285 
 Instruction that the Spiritual and Temporal Authority 
 should be carefully distinguished 286. Reflections on the 
 Sins of the Elect. 287. Severe Reproof and Warning to 
 the Cardinal Albert, Archbishop of Mainz. 
 
 1537. 
 
 288. Complaint of the Birds to Lutuer against his Ser- 
 vant, W. Siebergen, (a humorous reproof of the Servant 
 for his fondness for ensnaring and caging birds.) 289. 
 Exposition of the Christian Faith, preached at Smalkalden. 
 290. Comforting Letter to a person who was fearful and 
 sad in Sickness. 291. Twenty-one Sermons. 292. Let- 
 ter to Jezeln, a Jew of Rosheim. 
 
CATALOGUE OF LUTHER'S WRITINGS. CCCCXLI 
 1538. 
 
 293. On the Value of History. 294. Articles to be 
 Discussed at the Council of Mantua, and what we on our 
 part can give or take. 295. Letter to a good Friend against 
 the Sabbatarians. 296. Reflections on the Expedition 
 against the Turks. 297. Program against the Epigrams 
 of Lemnius. 298. The three Confessions of the Christian 
 Faith used harmoniously in the Churches. 299. The 
 glorious Mandate of Christ, Go ye into all the World, and 
 preach the Gospel to every creature. 300. The expres- 
 sion of Paul, Christ hath given himself for our Sins, 
 wholesomely and comfortingly explained to all troubled 
 and anxious Consciences. 301. Writing to Count Albert 
 of Mansfield. 
 
 1539. 
 
 302. On the Councils and Churches. 303. Against the 
 Bishop of Magdeburg. 304. Letter to a Pastor respect- 
 ing taking arms against the Emperor, if he should attack 
 the Protestants. 305. To the Council of Nuremberg, res- 
 pecting general and special Absolution. 306. Writing res- 
 pecting Holy Water and the Pope's Agnus Dei. 307. 
 Writing to Margrave Joachim II. of Brandenburg, respect- 
 ing the Order of the Churches. 308. Letters to the Pro- 
 vost of Berlin, respecting certain Ceremonies in Divine 
 Worship. 309. Answer to Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, 
 respecting his Bigamy. 310. Report on Mr. Eisleben's 
 false Doctrine and shameful Conduct, and Answer to his 
 
 insignificant and groundless Complaints against Luther. 
 19* 
 
CCCCXLII. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. 
 1540. 
 
 311. Exhortation to Pastors to preach against Usury. 
 312. Warning to a good Friend not to withdraw himself 
 from the Lord's Supper on account of a Law-suit. 
 
 1541. 
 
 313. Against Hans W.orst. 314. Exhortation to Prayer 
 against the Turks. 315. Thoughts on Religious Peace 
 316. Collation Speech on Transubstantiation. 317. 
 Another Letter to a person of high rank respecting Tran- 
 substantiation. 
 
 1542. 
 
 318. Example of the Consecration of a right Christian 
 Bishop, as it took place at Nuremberg in 1542. 319. 
 Preface to the Latin and German burial Hymns. 320. 
 German translation of Richard's Refutation of the Koran. 
 321. Owl's Looking-glass and Alcoran of the barefaced 
 Monks. 322. Exhortation to Peace, to the Elector John 
 Frederick and Duke Maurice, of Saxony. 323. Letter 
 of Consolation to the widow of Cellarius on her husband's 
 happy Death. 324. Letter to Prince George of Anhalt, 
 respecting the Elevation of the Host. 325. Comfort to 
 pious women who are unfortunate in Child-birth. 326. 
 Lady Music, (a poem.) 327. On the Jews and their Lies. 
 328. Earnest Writing, that a faithful Pastor should not be 
 deposed because he had severely reproved vice. 329. On 
 the Genealogy of Christ. 330. On the last Words of 
 David. 331. Reflections on the re-establishment of the 
 Papal Ceremonies. 332. Earnest Exhortation to Students 
 
CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. CCCCXLIII. 
 
 at Wittenberg, to keep themselves from Prostitutes. 333. 
 Comforting Letter to W. Heinzen, organist at Halle. 334. 
 Exposition of the Epistles and Gospels for a year. 
 
 1544. 
 335. Short Confession respecting the holy sacrament. 
 336. Comforting letter to Jerome Baumgartner's wife, re 
 specting her husband's Imprisonment. 337. Comforting 
 letter to pious parents whose son had died at the Univer- 
 sity. 338. Family Sermons. 
 
 1545. 
 339. On the use of Picture Books in religious instruc ■ 
 tion. 340. Luther to the Elector of Saxony and Land- 
 grave of Hesse, respecting the Imprisonment of the Duke 
 of Brunswick. 341. Representation to the Elector of 
 Saxony, against secret matrimonial engagements. 342. 
 Against the Roman Papacy established by the Devil. 343. 
 An Italian lying Letter, published at Rome, respecting Lu- 
 ther's Death, with Notes. 344. Sermon on the Kingdom 
 of Christ, from Psalm viii. 345. I uther's Dialogue with 
 Dr. George Major. 
 
 1546. 
 346. A little Book for simple Pastors. 347. Letter to 
 the Congregation at Pensa. 348 — 52. Several Sermons. 
 353. Sermon on Matt. xi. 25 — 30, (preached two days 
 before Luther's death — the last he ever preached.) 
 
 FINIS. 
 
Deacidified using the Bookkeeper process. 
 Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide 
 Treatment Date: April 2005 
 
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