WORK OF NEW EN3LAND IN THE FUTURE OF OUR COUNTRY, 
 
 SEEMON 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE THE 
 
 fetttlibe u)i Jtgistatiije §ep3;rtincats 
 
 GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS, 
 
 AlSriSrUAL ELEOTIOlSr, 
 
 WEDNESDAY, Jan. 4, 1865. 
 
 Br A. L. STONE, D. D. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 WRIGHT & POTTER, STATE PRINTERS, 
 No. 4 Spring Lane. 
 1865. 
 
THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND IN THE FUTURE OF OUR COUNTRY. 
 
 A 
 
 SEEMO]^ 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE THE 
 
 feeatik u)i f egtslatibe Jegartnunts 
 
 GOVEENMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS, 
 
 ANNUAL E L E C T I O ISr 
 
 WEDNESDAY, Jan. 4, 1865. 
 
 By a. L. stone, D. D 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 WRIGHT & POTTER, STATE PRINTERS, 
 No. 4 Spring Lane. 
 1865. 
 

Commontoaltfe of ItassatfenMlli 
 
 Senate Chamber, Boston, January 9, 1865. 
 Rev. A. L. Stone : 
 
 Deak Sir, — Pursuant to an Order, unanimously adopted, the under- 
 signed were appointed a Committee to present to you the thanks of the 
 Senate for your able and instructive Discourse, delivered before the 
 Government of the Commonwealth on the 4th inst., and to request a copy 
 of the same for the press. 
 
 Trusting that it will be both agreeable and convenient for you to comply 
 with the request at an early day, 
 
 We remain, 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 HENRY BARSTOW, 
 A. M. IDE, 
 JOSEPH A. POND, 
 
 Committee. 
 
 Boston, January 16, 1865. 
 
 Gentlemen, — I herewith • submit to your disposal the Discourse for 
 which you ask in the name of the Senate, with my grateful acknowledg- 
 ments for the courtesy of that body, and for your own in communicating 
 their wishes. 
 
 Very respectfully yours, 
 
 A. L. STONE. 
 
 Hon. Messrs. Henry Barstow, A. M. Ide, Joseph A. Pond, 
 
 Committee of Senate of Massachusetts. 
 
^ommontotaltl of Hassac^usetts, 
 
 In Senate, January 16, 1865. 
 
 The Committee, to whom was committed the Order in relation to the 
 Election Sermon, preached before the State Government on the 4th inst., 
 hare attended to that duty, and have received a communication from Kev. 
 A. L. Stone, D. D., expressing his acknowledgments for the courtesy of 
 the Senate, accompanied by a copy of the Sermon, and report the accom- 
 panying Order. 
 
 Per order, 
 
 HENEY BARSTOW. 
 
 Concurred. 
 
 Senate, January 17, 1865. 
 S. N. GIFFORD, aerk. 
 
 In Senate, January 16, 1865. 
 
 Ordered, That eight thousand copies of the Election Sermon preached 
 before the Government of the Commonwealth, on the 4th inst., be printed 
 for the use of the Legislature. 
 
SERMON. 
 
 Isaiah, Iviii. 12. 
 
 AND THEY THAT SHALL BE OF THEE SHALL BUILD THE OLD WASTE PLACES: 
 THOU SHALT RAISE UP THE FOUNDATIONS OP MANY GENERATIONS; AND THOU 
 SHALT BE CALLED THE REPAIRER OF THE BREACH, THE RESTORER OF PATHS 
 TO DWELL IN. 
 
 "We cannot to-day, be narrow, and shut our 
 thoughts within the limits of the Commonwealth. 
 The times are educating us all into views and 
 sjTnpathies broad as the land. We stand in these 
 hours on an eminence, and our horizon is the 
 borders of the Republic. We are lifted to the 
 dome of our nationality, and our field of vision 
 stretches to the water-line that marks either ocean 
 shore — the blue of the lakes and the blue of the 
 gulf. 
 
 We cannot name our State, or any State, without 
 thinking at once of our whole country. We are 
 weaned from the idea that a State is complete by 
 itself. It' is one component part of a Federal 
 Government, held to its sisters by a deathless bond. 
 It is a branch of a living and fruitful vine, in which 
 
8 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 alone it has life and fruitfulness. Except it abide 
 in the vine, we may reverently apply the scripture, 
 it "is cast forth as a branch, and is withered; and 
 men gather them and cast them into the fire, and 
 they are burned." 
 
 Let the stars in the heavens break from their 
 constellations, but let not one on our field of blue, 
 part the chain of celestial gravitation and attempt 
 to shine alone. It shall soon become a " wander- 
 ing star," " ffoin": out in the blackness of darkness 
 forever." 
 
 We belong to a nation — a nation living still — 
 fair, and strong, and whole — ^undivided and indi\ds- 
 ible — wearing still on its brow, for all the jealous 
 kingdoms to read, the old familiar inscription, 
 "^ 2^luribus unum^^ — and girding itself anew for 
 the race of the future. 
 
 And the question which I desu'e briefly to discuss 
 to-day, is this : What is the work of Massachusetts 
 and of JVew England in this near future of the 
 whole country? 
 
 We may say, in the first place, that the life of 
 ^ew England cannot be dissevered from the 
 national life. There has been in sonle quarters 
 certam idle and flippant talk in reference to such 
 a readjustment of the national boundaries as should 
 
IN THE FUTURE OF OUR COUNTRY. 9 
 
 leave this old Puritan Commonwealth and her five 
 sisters outside the waEs of the new confederation. 
 But our connection with the Republic is not a 
 matter of territorial contiguity and geographical 
 lines. Let men run border lines as they please; 
 let them frame ordinances of separation; let them 
 build a Tartar wall between us and the great 
 homestead; neither civil nor material barriers can 
 exile us -from the family circle. It were just as 
 possible to separate from the loaf the leaven that 
 made it light and sweet, or from a human life the 
 principles and influences of its early nurture. 
 
 'New England is not a certain limited portion of 
 the national domain — a sharp eastern angle that 
 can be dipt off. No map of the Union gives to the 
 eye her full and proper extent. No engineering 
 art can explore and project her share of our 
 continental heritage. 
 
 Her life is ubiquitous in the nation. From her 
 fountain heart the warm arterial currents have 
 circulated through the whole body and flowed out 
 to the remotest extremities. Her sons have gone 
 forth into every habitable place of the broad land. 
 They have carried with them her enterprise, her 
 intelhgence, her art, her ingenuity, the pure and 
 ordered life of her homes, the tranquil securities 
 
10 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 of her law-abiding communities, her system of com- 
 mon schools, academies and colleges, her reverence 
 for the Sabbath, the memory and the love of her 
 household altars and j^ublic sanctuaries. Their 
 first harvests as they have occupied and opened 
 up virgin soil have been not what the earth yielded 
 to the hand of tillage; they sowed first of all, 
 Puritan ideas — the seeds of 'New England institu- 
 tions; and that which grew earliest beneath their 
 husbandry has been the transplanted life of their 
 o^vn native hills and valleys. Here are indestruc- 
 tible channels which cannot be closed, and through 
 which the fountained abundance of New England's 
 fulness has flowed out and is flowing still across 
 the prairies, and along the central vdlley and 
 through the wilderness and unto the far Pacific 
 coast. New England can no more be divorced 
 from the Union than the maternity of a mother 
 from her children. That maternity is in their 
 form and features; it gives the coloring to cheek 
 andhau'; it looks from their eyes, it speaks from 
 their tongues, it runs in their veins, it beats in their 
 hearts. Kot even by miracle could it be separated 
 from them. 
 
 Separate ^ew England from the Union? Give 
 us back our sons and daughters, more than half a 
 
IN THE FUTURE OP OUR COUNTRY. H 
 
 million of them, from all the homes of the land 
 outside om* borders! Give us. back our millions of 
 capital that have already changed so much of the 
 western wilderness to a smilmg garden; whitened 
 the length of its rivers with the foam of swift 
 steamers, and braided over the land the iron strands 
 of trade and travel; turn back upon us the deep 
 streams of wealth that flow out annually to those 
 granaries of the "West for their cereal stores! 
 Give us back the forceful and fruitful words that 
 have gone forth from her press, her pulpit, her 
 rostrum of public oratory, from every platform and 
 every page on which the eloquent lips of her sons 
 have spoken; words that have quickened and 
 controlled the intellectual life of generations, and 
 guided popular movements in every part of the 
 country; this public speech of 'New England that 
 has gone forth free, and fresh, and ^dtal, as the air 
 of heaven, gather it up and restore it to its authors ; 
 separate it from the popular mind and heart, from 
 the principles and the practice of our homebred 
 millions! Give us back the messengers of a pure 
 Gospel that have gone forth at our sending with 
 large self-sacrifice, to plant the banner of the cross 
 in "western wilds," and bear it on in the very van 
 of our spreading civilization, and with them the 
 
12 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 churches they have built, and the fau Christian order 
 they have reared amid the outlawry of frontier 
 settlements ! Give us back the broad bright river 
 of our charities, that has branched to so many 
 thresholds of suffering through these four tragic 
 3''ears! Give us back the brave blood that has 
 drenched a hundred battle-fields, and reddened the 
 trail of ^ew England feet wherever the armies of 
 the Union have marched! 
 
 "When all this can be done — when the nation will 
 consent to this — then may men talk about "leaving 
 !N'ew England out in the cold." Till then, her 
 place is in the warm hearts of the people — her life 
 mingled with the life of the nation — " one and 
 insej)arable." 
 
 "We have, we may say, in the second place, to 
 Iceejp JSFew England undegenerate. 
 
 The greatness of [jKTew England's influence is not 
 so much m what she does, as in what she is. The 
 two go together. When she works, w^hen she 
 speaks, it is the back-ground of character that 
 lends to both their weight. Just as when an indi- 
 vidual utters his thoughts — it is not so much what 
 he says as who says it. The chief emphasis of 
 words and of deeds comes from the heart of the 
 doer and the speaker. There is no premimn in the 
 
IN THE FUTUEE OF OUR COUNTRY. 13 
 
 sphere of moral power, upon idleness, frivolity, and 
 corruption. Both for men and for communities, if 
 we would have the influence pure and strong, 
 these attributes must first be demonstrated in the 
 character. It is when those who speak in the 
 name of ^ew England can say — " Look at her," 
 that their oratory is beyond tongues of flame and 
 words of fire. We have it in* charge then to guard 
 the purity and nourish the strength of this home- 
 life. The fountain must be full and clear if the 
 streams are to be pure and copious. We must 
 keep the 'New England ideal rounded and perfect 
 in her actual. 
 
 There are some things ^ew England cannot be. 
 She cannot be the granary of the nation — a great 
 agricultural producer. A smgle pranie lot where 
 the horses trot at the plough in one straight furrow 
 of miles before they turn, and where, later, the 
 reapers seem struggling like wrecked mariners in 
 the wide, tawny harvest sea, 
 
 " Eari nantes in gurgite vasto," 
 
 would swallow as a little morsel all the farming 
 life within our borders. She cannot be a grower 
 of tropical fruits and flowers — breathing from red, 
 ripe lips the fragrance of tropical airs, a tiller of 
 
14 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 the vine, the orange, and the oUve, — a nurse of 
 l^ale hivaUds hunyuig from cold coast winds to 
 seek soft bowers and sunny vales. She cannot 
 show m her granite cliffs and rude ravuies the 
 yellow, ghttermg scales to which the greed of all 
 nations should come rushmg and trampling — 
 hewing down her hUls and turning her peaceful 
 wUds back into the bald desolations of old chaos. 
 But she can be the fountain-head of mtelligence 
 for the people, kindling in every little vale and 
 hamlet, for the poorest and humblest, the lights of 
 letters and learning — buUding on favored heights 
 her tall towers of Science, to scatter theu* rays afar, 
 — calling to her classic halls the wisest teachers of 
 the day — shedduig upon all the paths of her chil- 
 dren, from the untiring enginery of her press* the 
 white leaves of daily knowledge and high research, 
 as orchard trees shed the blossoms of spring — as 
 this January sky sheds its snowflakes to-day. She 
 can be the schoolmistress of the land, teaching the 
 alphabet of all good nurture, — leading her pupils 
 up through the great volumes of wisdom, and 
 quarrying out the massive granite of her thoughts 
 for all intellectual builders. 
 
 She can be the mother of art and of invention, so 
 that the right hand of all labor, whether of the 
 
IN THE FUTURE OP OUR COUNTRY. 15 
 
 mind, the shop, or the field, sliall stretcli itself out 
 to her for the most facile implements of its craft. 
 
 She can be the asserter and defender of all 
 himiane and noble principles, so that every cham- 
 pion of truth and freedom, every lover of the right 
 and of his fellow-man, shall draw inspiration from 
 her words and strength from her steadfastness. 
 
 She can especially be the mother and nurse of 
 men. This is her royal staple. The sands of the 
 Cape are barren and rough, and bleak are the 
 Berkshire hills ; but the barren sands and the bleak 
 hills grow men. To train the generations of her 
 sons and daughters is the most peculiar work of 
 'New England within her borders. She does not 
 put her infants out to nurse. Her generous breasts 
 suckle all her babes. She is to take each new-born 
 child of every home, and to solve over it this 
 problem : Given a fresh young life, how to conduct 
 it to the noblest manhood, the purest womanhood! 
 From the cradle to the fullest prime — and onward 
 to the chamber of rest — she is to be to this life 
 in all its physical, mental, and moral culture, the 
 institutions that, from first to last, shall develop, 
 mould, and guard it — the atmosphere that shall fill 
 its lungs, and drape it round about, a wise and 
 faithfid foster-parent. Beyond all the newer and 
 
16 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 more unfm-nished portions of our country, she is to 
 provide within her rocky portals a nursery for the 
 children of the Republic. 
 
 There is one word which, more than any other, 
 holds before our thought the whole JSTew England 
 ideal. It is not only a descriptive, but an inspiring 
 word. It leads us back to the 25i'esence and the 
 heroisms of our dead fathers. There throb in it 
 the stern, strong pulses of martyi* life. It is keyed 
 to the music of our early forest tem2:)les, in which 
 the Pilgrims worshipped God, 
 
 " And the sounding aisles of the dim woods rang 
 To the anthems of the free." 
 
 Oh! that our JS^ew England might be, late and 
 forever, what she was at first — Puritai^! Once 
 a word of reproach, veined with sneering irony, 
 History has written it as our proudest eulogy. 
 To keep it unblotted down the ages is our most 
 sacred trust. 
 
 For this there must be a real, practical, public 
 faith in God. We must believe that he is a God 
 nigh at hand, and not afar off. AYe must not exile 
 him to the seventh heavens — a cold, remote, hazy 
 spectre. There must be with us a reverent sense 
 of his constant presence, and a devout recognition 
 
IN THE FUTURE OF OUR COUKTRY. 17 
 
 of the mingling of his counsel and his hand in all 
 our private and public aifairs. How near he was 
 to our fathers; they walked with hun, and talked 
 with him, and questioned his will at every step of 
 life ! Their eye sought his, their hand touched his 
 in every strait. We must not be afraid to name 
 him, and avouch him, and appeal to him, in our 
 proclamations, and State papers, and legislative 
 acts, and judicial decisions. We ought to be afraid 
 to leave him out, and to withdraw our public life 
 from the shadow of those tutelar sanctities. If ever 
 we cease to be here a God-fearing people ; if we 
 diift away from the faith of a divine, revealed 
 religion, and its rightful control of human affairs; 
 if we give up the Christian Sabbath as an effete 
 institution ; if we discard the Bible as God's code 
 of laws for individuals and for States ; if we disso- 
 ciate politics and religion, breaking up the old" 
 Puritan bridal, which wedded them, and j^ronounced 
 over them this nuptial benediction, "Wliat God 
 hath joined together, let not man put asunder;" 
 if we make our public days of thanksgiving and of 
 humiliation, mere festive holidays, in which we 
 seek our own pleasure rather than to please and 
 propitiate God; if we divorce thus the voice of the 
 State, the com-se of law, the decrees of justice, and 
 
18 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 the popular life, from the word and authority of 
 God, we shall have emptied our old baptismal name 
 of all its significance, — keeping the form but not 
 the life, the shadow not the substance, — and in that 
 hour and in that act the scejitre of jN^ew England's 
 power mil be broken, her crown lost, and her 
 banner that she planted in the wilderness, with 
 its ancient heraldry, " Christo et ecclesice,^^ trail 
 dishonored in the dust. 
 
 Let all of us rather conspire to lift up again the 
 old Puritanic ideal. "It is certam," declares one 
 of the early ^ew England voices, "that civil 
 dominion was but the second motive, religion the 
 primary one, with our ancestors in commg hither. 
 ... It was not so much their design to establish 
 religion for the benefit of the State, as civil govern- 
 ment for the benefit of religion." Another voice, 
 a century earlier, testified that the fathers " came 
 not hither for the world, or for land, or for traffic ; 
 but for religion, and for liberty of conscience in the 
 worship of God, which was their only design." 
 
 This sacred interest was first everywhere. " As 
 near the law of God as they can be," was the 
 instruction of the General Court of Massachusetts, 
 in old time, to its committee appointed to frame 
 laws for the Commonwealth. 
 
IN THE FUTURE OP OUR COUNTRY. 19 
 
 Only in the reproduction and general diffusion 
 of this spirit can we hope to make the 'New 
 England of the past, the New England of the 
 future, a power and a glory in the land. 
 
 Looking forward now and beyond our own 
 confines, we may say, in the third place, that it 
 belongs to us to live in and for the future of the 
 whole country, 
 
 Tliis, too, is one part of our inheritance from a 
 Puritan ancestry. Our fathers were builders for 
 the future. They lived for all the coming ages. 
 They laid deep foundations whereon they hoped 
 ^here might rise, after their day, the walls of a 
 Christian empu^e, to stand until earth's " cloud 
 capt towers " should fall. We are fond of saying, 
 "they builded more grandly than they knew." 
 Perhaps that is true in respect to the jDolitical 
 fabric of which they laid the corner-stone, and 
 the material results that have followed their work. 
 But they had a vision of a spiritual temple that 
 should rise from their humble beginnings, until 
 its dome should span the continent and its arches 
 echo the psalms of meeting and mingling nations. 
 Foundation-work is congenial to the sons of New 
 England. It runs in our blood to be pioneers of 
 a spreading Christian civilization. 
 
20 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 We must look forward, for our past is brief. 
 It is kindling and inspiring, but it is yet fresh 
 and new. We have no calendar of hoary cen- 
 turies, stocked with events and revolutions that 
 have marked off the eras of history, and rich with 
 the spoils of tune. Compared with the life of nations 
 and the courses of history, we began but yester- 
 day. Looking back a glance reaches the start- 
 ing point. More naturally Ave turn our gaze 
 forward, ^ot records, but prophecies, hold our 
 eyes. Untempted to live on the glories of a dead 
 ancestry, we are inspired to do something for 
 om' posterity to commemorate. 
 
 We must look forward, for our ideal is higher 
 than we have reached. We may have been vain 
 and boastful, but none of us can believe that the 
 summit of American greatness has been reached. 
 The magnificent capabilities of the continent and 
 the adaptation of our forms of life to all possible 
 progress on such a theatre, rebuke our com- 
 placency in the past and hold in prospect a 
 sublime goal for which we have yet to gird up 
 our loins and run. 
 
 We must look forward, because revolution 
 leaves us not a finished task, but only a clear 
 track. Give us peace and Adctory to-morrow, 
 
IN THE FUTURE OF OUR COUNTRY. 21 
 
 and it brings us only a vacation from fighting, 
 none from work. Revolution does not create a 
 civilization. It opens the door and ushers it in, if 
 it be prepared. If this revolution of ours succeed 
 fuUy, it will have helped to rid us of some malign 
 forces in the development of American life — at 
 least, of some incarnations of those forces — it will 
 dehver into our hands a nation saved from criun- 
 bling apart; but what this nation shall be and do, 
 what it shall hve for and realize, is a problem 
 that would yet remain. 
 
 ^N'ations must work as God works on the earth, 
 for something yet beyond and unmatured. When 
 they pause and say, this is the limit and con- 
 siunmation of our doing, he will say of each of 
 them, "Cut it down, why cumbereth it the 
 ground?" At every stage of progi'ess they must 
 renew then* devotion to what is incomplete in the 
 divine scheme for man. Casting off all dead and 
 useless appendages, burnmg theu* ships behmd 
 them as they touch new shores of discovery and 
 conquest, they must follow hard after the guiding 
 steps that are tracking man's way to the calm 
 heights of a perfect social state. 
 
 We may ask, then, in the fom'th place, what 
 are the specific tasks to which we are to address 
 
22 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 ourselves in working for the future of the whole 
 country? 
 
 The nearest duty of all is to j)usli this war 
 triumpliantly through. Persistent rebellion is 
 alone responsible for all the blood and treasure 
 it shall yet cost to maintain the suj^remacy of 
 the government. That supremacy can only be 
 jnaintained by showmg its power to be, as well 
 as its right to be, when both are called in ques- 
 tion. Let no sign of wearmess or imi^atience 
 in the protracted struggle come from us, while a 
 rebel banner taints the air. The length of the 
 war has been absolutely indispensable for the full 
 sense of nationality — the unity and authority of 
 the Federal Govermnent, to enter and possess the 
 hearts of the people — for the radical revolutioniz- 
 ing of the old social system of the South — for 
 the education of the masses up to the political 
 and moral issues of the present hour. Let no 
 voice among us call for peace while treason stands 
 erect and defiant. Let no sigh of complaint 
 freight any wind that blows from the ISTovth 
 toward the Capitol. To every fresh call for men 
 let us give quick, consenting response. The 
 armies that have been marching through the 
 summer and autumn from victory to victory, 
 
IN THE FUTURE OF OUR COUNTRY. 23 
 
 must needs find their ranks thinner; and the 
 final strokes are yet to be dehvered. We have 
 to fill the ranks, to stimulate enlisting, to sound 
 the call for volunteers at all the gateways of our 
 hills and in the streets of our towns, to compen- 
 sate the forsaken tasks of labor's thrifty hands, to 
 keep a light on the hearth of the absent soldier's 
 home for his ivife and babes, and bread on the 
 board, and " the wolf from the door." " Fight it 
 through ! " • Let the press emblazon it, morning 
 and evening. Let the ministry of Him who 
 came to send the sword on earth before his 
 reign of peace, give it voice. Let legislation in 
 town and State give it all helpful, practical 
 endorsement. Let the whole heart of ^ew Eng- 
 land give it clear and ringing echo. And here, 
 especially, where the word was first spoken that 
 broke the silent terror of the beginning, let that 
 sound have once more full volmne and cheerful 
 tone : " The sons of Massachusetts, to the rescue ! " 
 We have, of course, a duty of ceaseless vigi- 
 Icmce. The transition periods of a nation's life 
 are perilous crises. They inaugurate the dynasties 
 of moral forces that are to sway the sceptre for 
 a cycle whose diameter no man can calculate. The 
 fortunes of this nation are in transition now. 
 
24 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 "We have reached the Ime, saOing on in the Ship 
 of State, and are crossing it into seas unploughed 
 before. In respect to opinions, morals, pubhc 
 leaders, society and institutions, we are leaving 
 the old and entering npon the new. On the 
 other side of this great chasm that sejoarates our 
 past from our future, our national story is to 
 begin afresh — our annals to open a new volume. 
 Public sentiment is to be reformed, ^ew banners 
 are to float in the van of national progress. We 
 are to take down and rebuild many a shattered 
 line of our walls of empire. We are to legislate 
 and to act upon novel questions, without precedents. 
 What shall we carry on with us? What shall 
 we leave behind? What new elements shall come 
 in to leaven the whole lump — what old elements 
 shall be extirpated or neutralized? What things 
 vital and precious, the legacy of the past, shall be 
 studiously garnered up? What dead weights shall 
 be thrown off? Who will watch to see that no 
 divine gift of the old civilization is dropped out — 
 no seed principle of our earlier liberties and 
 evangelisms blown away or smothered — no ancient 
 guaranties of public faith and honor and popu- 
 lar privilege weakened or forgotten? Who will 
 scrutinize as carefully the forces that harness 
 
IN THE FUTURE OF OUR COUNTRY. 25 
 
 themselves to the onward movement, and make 
 sure that no wanton, profane hand lay hold of the 
 sacred ark of our hopes — that no seed prmciple 
 of mischief be sown where many hands are 
 scattering grain broadcast — that no insidious 
 attempt to twine around our swelling limbs fetters 
 that shall one day cripple our growth and our Tree 
 motion, shall prosper? 
 
 This is precisely the demand that invokes "New 
 England intervention. Her weight in the waver- 
 ing scales of our public destinies is not the weight 
 of numbers, nor of territorial greatness and 
 promise — nor of political predommance. The 
 centre of political power has forever receded from 
 the East. It will visit no more the Atlantic slope 
 of the AUeghanies. It is crossing meridian after 
 meridian, westward still. Let it pass. Our moral 
 sceptre remains. It is open to us still to sway the 
 nation by the force of ideas — to rule through the 
 royalty of principles that can never be discrowned. 
 Let the questions which we have just asked get 
 their clear and authoritative answers in the voice 
 and the attitude of this little sisterhood of com- 
 monwealths, and we rule the confederacy still. 
 But we must look well at the foundation of the 
 principles which we attempt to assert and mam- 
 
 4 
 
26 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 tain. They must have an unquestionable right of 
 supremacy. They must be royal ^^ jure divinoP 
 They must be no temporary policies and expedi- 
 encies, but everlasting facts and laws. They 
 must take hold of what is imperishable — have 
 their roots in the very nature of God, and be 
 linked to the car of His omnijDotent providence. 
 The divineness of government, the supremacy of 
 law, order imperial, human equality, the inalienable 
 rights of man, intelligence, freedom, law and 
 religion, the four immovable pillars of communal 
 peace and perpetuity; standing by these, holding 
 and teaching this faith, jN^ew England will be a 
 power in the Union forever. 
 
 For these principles, then, she must be jealous 
 with an infinite jealousy in watching the country 
 through this jDresent crisis. This is the turn of 
 the fever. There must be no negligence nor 
 slumbering noAV. Every change must be noted. 
 Every pulse must be felt. The slightest aberration 
 is of moment. We must be Argus-eyed, so that 
 no future disaster shall impeach our vigilance in 
 this critical hour. 
 
 Another duty of ours concerns the deliverance 
 of this land from the hondage of the past. That 
 deliverance is not yet complete. For one, I am 
 
IN THE FUTURE OF OUE COUNTRY. 27 
 
 restless and anxious until that consummation 
 come. 
 
 We have been in covenant with a great wrong. 
 We admitted it into partnership with our national 
 life. We awarded it rights and unmunities. It 
 proved itself a fraudulent partner from the begin- , 
 ning, but we were held by the bond. We kept it. 
 There was an inherent incompatibility, but the 
 covenant remained. Through all this time our 
 proper national civilization was not born, but only 
 conceived. Jacob and Esau struggled together 
 in this pregdnital strife — never dissociated — the 
 one clasping the other's heel. 
 
 It was meant that this land should be a home 
 of liberty and justice, for all God's creatures to 
 the end of time; that the rights of man should 
 stand and grow here as the old forests of 
 the wilderness had stood and grown, their roots 
 striking deep downward, their tops branching 
 upward to the open, free heaven, their arms 
 intertwining, and the streams of a continent 
 watering their lusty life. There was to be one 
 land on the face ' of the earth in which political 
 and religious freedom should walk over its length 
 and breadth "without let or threat; one where • 
 there should be on the body and on the soul no 
 
28 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 chain. So our founders builded. So our fathers 
 and mothers suffered, and wi'ought, and prayed. 
 And the new temple of promise rose fair and 
 stately, and its light streamed afar, and many 
 feet, weary and wounded, hastened thither to rest 
 within this secure asylum. But alas, Avhat shrines 
 were built "within! "Was there one to a pure faith? 
 Was there another to equal law? Was there a 
 third to maiden Liberty? But what other fourth 
 shrine is that, grim and dark, crowding these 
 three; what grisly demon sat within, u^surping 
 place in that fair fellowship? 
 
 Alas, for the new hope, and the new nation, 
 and the new world! Alas, for our bright western 
 star, so soon turning wan and dim! 
 
 But God had not joined this compact with evil. 
 His hands were not tied, if ours were. He has a 
 way of annulling covenants with crime. He found 
 the means to shatter our inviolable bond. He 
 sent the earthquake of revolution to shake down 
 the demon shrined in our sacred temple. It stood 
 strong. It had its foundation deep, and had been 
 buttressed with massive masonry.' It was clamped 
 and riveted to the temple walls with many a bolt 
 of iron. But the earthquake was stronger yet. 
 It shook and heaved and wrenched apart till it 
 
IN THE FUTURE OP OUR COUNTRY. 29 
 
 seemed as though the temple itself would fall. 
 Many said, it will fall. It did, indeed, tremble 
 and rock, and its lights were shivered. But it 
 stands yet, with tower and dome catching the 
 light of earliest and latest day; and the dark 
 shrine is overturned. It lies prostrate and in 
 ruins. Its horrid deity is fallen — like Philistia's 
 Dagon before the ark — maimed and broken, with 
 the stump only remaining. Thus is the bond 
 parted. Thus the covenant ceases. And Ave have 
 to watch now that no hand rebuilds that demol- 
 ished shrine; that no malign craft sets up Dagon's 
 stump again in our great temple. Surely, we 
 have felt the curse of this corroding bond long 
 enough. Shall we ever bow our necks to it again? 
 Shall we suffer any man among men, or any fiend 
 from bfelow, to press its poisonous links into our 
 flesh once more? We have the shattered materials 
 of that dark altar to sweep out of the consecrated 
 temple, the last vestige of that horrid idolatry to 
 banish and bury forever. This work is not yet 
 done. It needs finishing. There are those who 
 would knit again the ruptured strands of the old, 
 rent covenant. Men of Ne^Y England, legislators 
 of Massachusetts, suffer this never to be! Here, 
 where the most strenuous voices of the great 
 
30 THE WORK OP NEW ENGLAND 
 
 reformation have been uttered from the begmning, 
 let them still sound forth, full and clear. You 
 will have to watch against cunning, selfishness, 
 and intrigue; against many a nobler sentunent 
 of mistaken generosity and magnanimity, and 
 lingering reverence for the Constitution as it was 
 — and against that foul monster, fouler and more 
 misshapen than Satan saw sitting portress at the 
 gate of hell — ^Pajjty Spirit. I do not feel safe 
 or at peace, while any legal remnant of this 
 accursed thing clings to us. See to it, that this 
 bondage of the past be utterly and forever doomed. 
 Take you care that this incubus of evil never 
 more throne itself upon our national life. 
 
 From this last point, we may rise to a higher 
 and more general affirmation. We must see to it, 
 that the wliole course of this government, 'both in 
 its constitutional law, and in its 'puhlic admin- 
 istration, shall he determined hy, strict right and 
 divine principle. 
 
 Have we or have we not yet learned the 
 lesson, that evil built into the templed life of a 
 people is an element of weakness and coriiiption 
 in the structure? It may seem to the builders a 
 necessity. The whole work may pause as though 
 there could be no further progress without allowing 
 
IN THE FUTURE OF OUR COUNTRY. 31 
 
 the wrong a place. Admitting it^ the walls may go 
 swiftly up, as though vindicating the expediency 
 of the measure, by a success fair and grand — 
 and not else possible. But God has taught us 
 that this demonstration is a delusion and a terrible 
 mistake. The columns so reared have to be taken 
 down again; that is the divine teaching. It is 
 not real progress to build in with evil that the 
 work may go swiftly forward. It goes swiftly to 
 decay. All that -is built upon it is lost labor. It 
 cannot stand. Wliile God reigns, nothing propped 
 with wrong shall remain firm. That crumbling 
 support will one day fail, and the superincumbent 
 pile lean to its fall. K^othing but truth and right 
 will stand. There is not a trumpet tone so loud 
 in all history as that which proclaims it now, that 
 our national disaster is jthe fruit of national crune 
 — the issue of mingling evil with the foundations 
 of the republic. Ai'e we not educated yet into 
 the conviction that we must build altogether in 
 righteousness, if we build for posterity and the 
 golden futm-e? Have we not acquired a con- 
 science yet, in the heart of this American people? 
 Shall we not walk at length by its light, without 
 swerving? 
 
32 THE WOEK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 What is God's idea in a great nation? Merely 
 the better carrying on of commerce and the 
 elaboration of the ait of comfortable living? Is 
 it not that it shall stand the noblest representation 
 of the principles of His own supreme government; 
 nay, the actual vice-regency of his sceptre among 
 men; a temple of concrete justice, in which no 
 right shall suffer harm, and no wrong find a 
 shelter? If in any of its decrees and procedures 
 it contradict his attributes, malign his character 
 and annul his statutes, will he accept it as his 
 ideal, and "WTite upon its front '^^ esto ])erpetuaf ^'' 
 Will He not write that other sentence in the old 
 Hebrew — mene, mene, teHcel, upharsinf 
 
 We are rebuilding here; we must take better 
 care this time. It should seem enough to say that 
 right is right, — but we must add that right is 
 safety, right is perpetuity, light is immortality. 
 Wrong is death and destruction, wrong is treason 
 and disloyalty. We are taking stern measures 
 with rebellion now. But every seeming patriot 
 who consents to any unrighteousness in the recon- 
 structed nation is a more insidious and a more 
 deadly traitor to the Union than any man with arms 
 in his hands in all the rebel hosts. 
 
IN THE FUTURE OP OUR COUNTRY. 33 
 
 In this task of rebuilding, only the most resolute 
 steadfastness, only the most sleepless vigilance will 
 keep evil out. The demand will be incredibly 
 urgent. " Yield here ! " " Give way there ! " 
 " Consent to . this unimportant compromise and 
 embarrassment will be obviated, and all will go 
 smoothly!" The pinch will be the sorest when 
 rebelhon collapses. "With the rebels at our feet 
 suing for terms, we shall remember that they were 
 our brothers. All our generous sensibilities will be 
 moved toward them. Our bowels will yearn over 
 them. "We shall feel that we cannot be hard with 
 them. We shall be put upon our magnanimity. 
 We shall take them by the hand and lift them 
 tenderly up. We shall be inclined to give them 
 more than they would have the face to ask. We 
 shall desu-e to show them that the hand that struck 
 down their parricidal weapons was never a hand of 
 hate, — ^but of grieved and reluctant justice. That 
 will be a perilous hour for the constancy of 
 principle. Then, when any voices ask us in the 
 name and in the spirit of fraternal conciliation to 
 welcome the erring and the conquered back with 
 their old properties and relations, including some 
 remnant of the ancient wrong, or some new 
 vicarious wrong, it will be hard to resist. There 
 
 6 
 
34 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 is, of course, a place and a sphere for compromise. 
 We may yield our interest, Ave may forego 
 advantage, we may waive opinion and preference 
 for peace and hannony; but we have it as the most 
 solemn charge of these years of violence and 
 blood, to yield nothing of righteousness and justice 
 to any demand for any gam so long as the world 
 standeth. 
 
 It is a part of our work which ought to have 
 distinct and fomial mention, to deepen in the hearts 
 of the people the sentiment of the sacredness of 
 government. There has been in the very nature of 
 our institutions a chronic and growing strain upon 
 this sentiment. Everything in this land tends to 
 the elevation of the individual. We teach that 
 each man, standing erect in the unage of his God, 
 is the peer of every other. We provide for the 
 largest training of the individual. He is a graduate 
 of the schools. He is master of tongue and 
 pen. He is a reader of books. He takes at least 
 a daily newspaper; perhaps he posts himself morn- 
 ing and evening upon all the progress of thought 
 and the chronicle of events. He has his opinions. 
 He embraces, it may l^e, some system of social and 
 political philosophy. More frequently he holds to 
 tenets and prejudices, which are his ovni and 
 
IN THE FUTURE OF OUR COUNTRY. 35 
 
 unshared. He is the architect of his own fortunes. 
 Every track is free to him. He may aspire hope- 
 fiiUy in any direction, and cut for himself steps to 
 any eminence of name, and place, and power. He 
 has his own religious training and religious creed, 
 with no State establishment to coerce him into 
 uniformity. He looks up to no man. He is 
 dependent upon no one. He brooks interference 
 from none. 
 
 The nation is bristling all over with these 
 individualities, — as isolated and distinct, and as 
 sharp as the quills of the "fretful porcupine." 
 How can these millions of independent thinkers be 
 made to see alike, feel ahke, and act alike m the 
 matter of the common supremacy of govermnent? 
 The more intelligent and self-rehant they become, 
 the more complete each separate manhood is, the 
 more difficult the problem grows. How can you 
 make any two or more of such constituents take 
 the same yoke and wear it peacefully together? 
 What but anarchy can come of such diverse and 
 resolute elements? 
 
 ^ow if government were something that existed 
 here independently of these self-poised minds, 
 framed for them, laid upon them, with an inherent 
 power to be and to constrain subordination, the 
 
36 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 conditions of the problem were instantly changed. 
 But with all this independence of thought and 
 opmion, each man is himself clothed with political 
 power. He is a sovereign. There is none above 
 him. ■ He is hunself a maker and admuiistrator of 
 laws. Of these millions of sovereigns how will you 
 make one harmonious, self-consistent, and authori- 
 tative sovereignty? 
 
 Government is their creature, not their monarch. 
 How will you teach them to revere what theu- 
 hands have made? They will the government into 
 being. If it doesn't please them they can take it 
 down and set up another. Is it natm*al that they 
 should fall before it and do it homage? All 
 public oflftcials are their servants, whom they have 
 invested with liveries, and to whom they pay wages. 
 Is it to be expected that they should kiss the feet 
 of their servants? They feel that it is their right 
 and their duty to watch, to criticize and to rebuke 
 these public servants ; and in this duty they cheer- 
 fully abound. Is this the way to cultivate reverence 
 and submission? 
 
 How obvious is it that the maintenance of 
 government, and especially the hallowing of its 
 authority over such a constituency of free, intelli- 
 gent, independent, and sovereign minds, is one of 
 
IN THE FUTURE OF OUR COUNTRY. 37 
 
 those problems concerning which there is always 
 the hazard of an ill-omened issue. Disloyalty and 
 treason, and sympathy with both are the logical 
 inference of this inflated sense of the popular 
 relation to the government of the land. 
 
 We need to insist upon the divineness of human 
 government. Our children must be taught it from 
 the cradle, that however constituted, " the powers 
 that be are ordained of God." If men elect, God 
 crowns. If we lead our rulers to the chair of state, 
 God puts the sceptre into their hands. They 
 become then, not our oflicials, but His. They are 
 the servants, not of popular caprice, nor the will of 
 majorities, they are the servants of the Throned 
 Justice, the supreme Right. 
 
 The natural philosophy of government ought 
 to have clearer, more impressive, and more constant 
 explication in all the literature that trains the 
 American mind. Our school books, the press, the 
 rostrum, the pulpit, should discuss with more 
 earnestness and more simplicity, the fundamental 
 principles of that philosophy. 
 
 If men are to dwell together in communities, 
 there must, of course, be social order. The opposite 
 of this is anarchy, chaos. For order there must 
 be law, — equal, impartial, universal law. 
 
38 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 For the supremacy of law there must be adminis- 
 trative authority, — the right and the power to 
 institute and enforce law. 
 
 For the ground of this right, the charter of this 
 authority, we come back again to the will of God, 
 who accepts earthly magistracies as his vicege- 
 rents, and clothes- them with his owm delegated 
 sanctity. 
 
 There is no land under heaven that so needs the 
 popular demonstration and the constant iteration 
 of these truths as ours. And it is but the nearest 
 inference to add, that there is none where the 
 righteousness of the statute and the purity of the 
 magistrate are more closely connected with the 
 sacredness of the government in the popular heart. 
 Civil enactments, whose inspiration is partisan 
 intrigue, or mercenary favoritism — an unjust ruler, 
 setting up the dynasty of his own passions, preju- 
 dices and partialities — a corrupt legislator, writing- 
 in the statute book with unclean hands — a magis- 
 trate swayed by self-interest, and purchasable with 
 gold, — these give pubhc contradiction to their 
 divine paternity, and make contempt of govern- 
 ment and revolt against law the instinct of all 
 noble natures. So far as the popular faith goes, 
 the legitimacy of civil government, as an ordinance 
 
IN THE FUTURE OF OUR COUNTRY. 39 
 
 of Heaven, runs in the channel of purity and 
 equity. For pubhc unpression, the proof of divine 
 authorship halts when the divine likeness fails. If 
 we would keep men's hearts among us loyal to 
 ci\il authority, and help to make the Supremacy of 
 Law inviolable through the land, we have it in 
 solemn charge to guard the avenues to power from 
 all profane approach, and to exercise the functions 
 of office, legislative and executive, in all honesty 
 and good conscience. 
 
 I think it is worthy, also, of a moment's separate 
 plea, that tve utter the sentiments and beliefs of 
 New England in fidl, clear, imequivocal speech. 
 We must hold fast here to our birthright of free 
 thought and free speech. There is nothing that 
 concerns the honor and progress of the nation, or 
 the rights of hmnanity, in reference to which it is 
 not our privilege to inquire, to fomi our conclusions, 
 and to declare them m the hearing of our fellow- 
 men. Every principle, every measure that seeks 
 ascendancy in this land, — every ancient, every fresh 
 founded institution, we have a right to discuss. 
 Whatever subtle leaven would insmuate itself into 
 the life of the nation — whatever comes to us with 
 the imposing front of precedent and authority, and 
 assiunes the prerogative to control our history, we 
 
40 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 may use our sharpest faculties to search out, and 
 to show forth their nature and their claim. The 
 honest thoughts — the deep convictions — ^the intense 
 sympathies of our JS^ew England hearts, frankly 
 and boldly uttered, have been no mean power in the 
 nation in rectifying public sentiment, undermining 
 the security of wrong, and preparing the national 
 mind for generous and radical progress. There 
 have been those who would have laid a finger of 
 iron on 'New England's lips, and silenced her faith- 
 ful witness. But she keeps her birthright yet. 
 Let her guard it well for the future. Let her 
 maintain her right to question, to investigate, to 
 form her opinion upon the wisdom and the morahty 
 of all that coiuts the popular suffrage, not as one 
 ambitious to hold a barren sceptre, but earnest to 
 pour her own copious life into the public veins for 
 the health and vigor of the nation's being. This 
 is one imperial prerogative of ISTew England, one 
 most sacred obligation, to overstep her own bounda- 
 ries with the forceful moral influence of her public 
 testunony against all civil and social wrong; her 
 strong protective plea for every imperilled right. 
 Our numbers are few and our territory small ; we 
 have no Yalley Stream flowing from our hills 
 through the length of the northern continent. But 
 
IN THE FUTURE OP OUR COUNTRY. . 42 
 
 from the pure cool fountains of these moral and 
 intellectual heights we may send forth a ceaseless 
 utterance for truth, right, and liberty, — a deep, 
 broad river, watering all the land. 
 
 There will come upon us soon a call to help 
 repeople and resettle a desolate South. There is 
 one symbol of prophecy upon the brow of which we 
 might write as its most fitting interpretation this 
 word — "Wak. It is that "fourth beast," that 
 Daniel saw in his night vision, ' rising out of the 
 " great sea," — " dreadful, and terrible, and strong, 
 exceedingly; and it had great iron teeth; it 
 devoured and brake in pieces, and stamped the 
 residue, with the feet of it." Under these horrid 
 hoofs, many parts of the South have become a 
 waste more dreary than any untamed wilderness. 
 In the wilderness of savage nature there is nothing 
 suggestive of violence and destruction. But in 
 following the track of an invading army, we walk 
 amid the wreck of what was once fiir and 
 blooming order. 
 
 The fences are gone from the fields once 
 bearing up thrifty tillage and rich harvests. 
 Granaries and barns have sunk into black heaps 
 of coal and cinder. The lone chunney tells where 
 the peaceful cottage rose. A ranker growth of 
 
42 THE WORK OP NEW ENGLAND 
 
 tangled weeds betrays the site of the garden. 
 Rows of. stumps recall the once fruitful orchard. 
 The level fields of the farm have been ridged up 
 with earth-works, and ditched with- rifle-pits. In 
 the once companionable hamlet not a dweller 
 remains. A house or two may yet be standing 
 above the blackened ruins of its fellows, but without 
 doors or window lights, and with wind and storm 
 sweepmg through its dismal chambers. Fragments 
 of household furniture lie scattered around, half 
 embedded in the earth. A school-house or a 
 church at the fork of confluent roads, show in their 
 pierced and shattered walls, how the meeting tides 
 of battle surged around that salient angle. Witliin, 
 the floor has been rudely cleared, for what purpose 
 many a dull stain on the boards gives testimony. 
 The public roads lead you to the bank of bridgeless 
 rivers. There are no vehicles of travel remaining, 
 no miplements of husbandry, no tools of art. ' 'No 
 flocks nor herds wander in the pastures, no beasts 
 of draft or burden wait for the harness. The 
 narrow, curving level keeps the memorial of the 
 railway; but the sleepers are burned, and the iron 
 twisted into rusty contortions. Civilization must 
 begin again with all her tasks repeated, and these 
 melancholy ghosts haunting the scenes of her old 
 
IN THE FUTURE OF OUR COUNTRY. 43 
 
 triumphs. Immense regions at the South, are thus 
 bhghted. The obduracy of rebellion, and rebellion 
 is still obdurate, has brought upon itself this 
 unsparing scourge. 
 
 It seems to me that this tenacity of purpose with 
 the southern leaders and ruling classes, is of God. 
 It wears the aspect of a judicial decree. It is like 
 the hardening of Pharaoh's heart, that the whole 
 southern system of life, labor and society may be 
 drowned together in this red sea — and not a 
 vestige of the old malign civilization of that 
 portion of our country, survive these bloody years. 
 
 Upon such a radical devastation there will come 
 in our new duties, to explore these wastes — to map 
 out the vast territories over which the ploughshare 
 of extermination has been driven — to open up the 
 promise of these fertile and masterless estates to 
 the keen eyes of northern thrift and the hurrying 
 tread of emigrant feet — to Americanize the new 
 busy marches that will soon press, with mightier 
 armies, and with more peaceful weapons those 
 silent fields — and to send thither the seeds of 
 'New England life and institutions, to be scattered 
 broadcast and first of all to occupy the ground. 
 
 There will be also a work, worthy our best 
 endeavors, to bring uj), ennoble and save a degraded 
 
44: THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 remnant of southern population. Here all that is 
 generous and charitable, all that is magnanimous 
 and forgiving in the heart of Kew England, will- 
 have free scoj)e. We shall have to show our former 
 enemies how sincerely and trtdy we can be, and are 
 their friends. We shall have to bless them in 
 spite of their prejudices and all the depressing 
 weight of their old habits. We shall have to show 
 them how much better we can do for them than 
 they have ever done for themselves. We shall need 
 to parcel out for them new estates — to organize for 
 them home industries — to put into their hands the 
 implements of various work — to help them lift a 
 roof-tree over their heads — to inspire them with 
 hope, diligence, economy, and the ambition for self- 
 improvement — to set before them on their OAvn soil, 
 the models of our own sweet and comfortable 
 domestic life — to build school-houses and churches 
 and send them teachers' and preachers, and sift into 
 all their brightning consciousness' the light of 
 letters, the issues of the daily press, and a fresh, 
 healthful, evangelical literature. This grand charity 
 will tax our faith and our self-denial to the utmost 
 for years to come. How many voices will call 
 mournfully to us throughout this bereaved and 
 and desolate South! What fragments of broken 
 
IN THE FUTURE OP OUR COUNTRY. 45 
 
 homes will appeal to us! How many wandering 
 fugitives, not knowing on which side the grave 
 .their kindred are; houseless, friendless, penniless, 
 with tragic memories behind them and no light of 
 hope before, will 'wait our coming to bless them 
 with a shelter and renew for them some faint 
 interest in life. 
 
 Of course the future of the African Bace in this 
 land, is a problem that will press us as it will press 
 the whole country with its urgent and difl&cult 
 conditions. This land that has held them in 
 bondage, will have to give them a home. This 
 nation that has been to them a taskmaster, will have 
 to be a foster-parent and a protector. With their 
 restored manhood, they must have such a start in 
 respect to their material interest, and their social 
 prospects, as well as in all that relates to their 
 intellectual, moral, and religious nurture, that the 
 futm-e shall, if possible, if they enter its open door, 
 grandly overpay their sorrowful past. For this full 
 redem]3tion of the emancij^ated slave, IJ^ew England 
 must by wise and unstinted charities, by generous 
 legislation and by all social magnanimities, do her 
 royal share. 
 
 This is a glance only at the tasks crowduig m 
 upon us in the days that now are and the days that 
 
46 THE WORK OF NEW ENGLAND 
 
 are to come. It covers but a small part of the 
 whole field of our duty to our age and our race. 
 But there is enough in these few specifications to 
 invoke our most strenuous diligence, our loftiest 
 consecration. It rests with us, and those who shall 
 succeed us, to make this JSTew England of oiu"s, — 
 by her pure life and steadfast principle, her just 
 laws, beneficent institutions and stamless morals, 
 her cleai* and commanding utterance for immortal 
 right, her public and private charities, her sense of 
 the grandeur of the ordeal through which this 
 nation and all it involves of hope and promise for 
 man is passing now, and above all her faithful 
 adherence to the original ideal of a Puritan Com- 
 monwealth, walking and talking with God, and 
 holding His will everywhere supreme, — an angel of 
 mercy and guidance to our whole land, for this 
 and for all after times. 
 
 We congratulate the State rather than his Excel- 
 lency that this occasion signals no retirement from 
 the chair of her chief magistracy. It Avas not 
 needed for him, for any comj^letcness of personal 
 or official honor, for the very summit of a just and 
 wide fiime that the people of Massachusetts should 
 once more with such large consent put the rems 
 of her public affairs into those tried and skilful 
 
IN THE FUTURE OF OUR COUNTRY. 47 
 
 hands. She honors herself most by so placing 
 this high trust. She knows, and beyond her 
 borders the central govenment and the nation know, 
 with what prescient forecast, what timely provi- 
 dence, what hopeful courage, w^hat unquenchable 
 loyalty, what indefatigable diligence, and what 
 thoughtful tenderness her administration at home 
 and abroad has been conducted through these dark 
 days of revolution and conflict. Her internal order 
 and prosj^erity, her renow^i in the high places of 
 the field, both the spirit and the comfort of her 
 sons doing brave battle for the sacred flag, her 
 weight in the scale of right on the grave questions 
 of the. hour, are the bright record which justifies 
 the inference that she is governed well. 
 
 If we could spare you, sir, we would give you 
 release from these solemn cares^ and follow you 
 with oiu' commemorative gratitude into the peaceful 
 retirement of private life. But in these stem days 
 of work, when our whole 'New England has so 
 much to do to inaugurate the elect and waiting 
 fiiture, we pile our public burdens upon you once 
 more, and beseech the God of our fathers to 
 give you strength to bear them as worthily in 
 the year to come as in these historic years that 
 have gone. 
 
48 THE WORK OP NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 And may the gentlemen of the Senate, the 
 Council, and the House of Representatives, — called 
 of their fellow citizens to the discharge of duties 
 which would at any time have invoked their best 
 wisdom and highest fidelity, be quickened to discern 
 at what a point they stand in the history and 
 fortunes of the republic, and the lengthening scroll 
 of hiunan progress; and forgetting their own ease 
 and emolument, and rismg above every personal 
 and private interest, give to the care of the State, 
 and the honor and safety of the nation in these 
 troubled times, all their heart, and all their soul, 
 and all their mind, and all their strength ! 
 
 And before the term of official duty which opens 
 for you to-day shall have ran out, may we be called 
 to join, with all the people of the land, in keeping 
 such a day of public thanksgiving to Almighty 
 God as has never gathered our joy and praise in 
 the past, — over a nation saved, united, free, at 
 peace with itself, with all the world and with the 
 Throne of Infinite Justice and Goodness ! 
 
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